The trial of the Templars in the Papal State and the Abruzzi 8821005259, 9788821005251

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EDIZIONE ANASTATICA Anno 2009

Tip. Cardoni s.a.s. - Roma

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STUDI E TESTI 303

ANNE GILMOUR-BRYSON

THE

TRIAL IN

OF

THE

AND

THE

PAPAL

THE

TEMPLARS STATE

ARRUZZI

CITTÀ DEL VATICANO Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana 1982

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ISBN 88-210-0525-9 Tipografia Istituto Salesiano Pio XI - S.G.S. - Roma Piazza S'. M. Ausiliatrice, 54 - Tel. 78.27.819

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To John Briickmann, Department of History, Glendon College, York University, Toronto

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PREFACE

Father Mariano D'Alatri suggested that I edit this manuscript, the last Templar trial to remain unedited. Many persons have helped make this edition possible. 1 would like to thank first of all Don Alfonso Stickler, Prefect of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, for permitting this trial finally to be published, Dott. A. Paravicini Bagliani and Jean Coste for their advice on the edition of this text, Dotts. L. Cacciaglia and M. Ceresa for their bibliographic information, Monsignore Martino Giusti, Prefect of the A rchivio Segreto Vaticano, for allowing me such generous access to the manuscript, and Monsignor Charles Burns for his constant encouragement and assistance. The difficult problem of attempting to find reference material on the persons mentioned throughout this trial was aided especially by the R.P. Clement Schmidt, archivist of the Franciscan Order, and the R.P. Rojo, archivist of the Augustinian Order at the Curia augustiniana, Rome. Anthony Luttrell, Malta, provided a great deal of advice and valuable information on Templar properties taken over by the Order of St. John ofJerusalem and geographical difficulties posed by this material. Among those professors who have been particularly helpful throughout the editing process, I wish to thank: Jànos Bak, University of British Colombia, Robert Benson, University of California at Los Angeles, Leonard Boyle, Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, Toronto, John Briickmann, Glendon College of York University, Toronto, Giles Constable, Dumbarton Oaks, Serge Lusignan and Hugues S booner, Institut d'études médiévales, Université de Montréal. Among those libraries or archives which I would like to thank are: the directors and staff of the Archives and Library of the Sovereign Order of Malta, Archives nationales, Paris, Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Bibliothèque de ITnstitut d'études médiévales, Montréal, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, Library of the Pontifical Institue of Medieval Studies, Toronto, Robarts Library of the University of Toronto, Widener Library, Harvard. I would also like to thank David Bryson and Linda Rutchinski for preparing the map of Templar properties and those places in which sessions of the tribunal took place.

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I am extremely grateful to Bernard Derval and the Centre de Calcul, Université de Montréal for their expert assistance in the computerisation of this material, Professor James Savary, Glendon College, Toronto, Walter Graham and Peter Hess of the Computer Centre, York University, for adapting this material to their system and enabling final corrections to be made, David and Mary Bryson for the photographs made from the microfilm without which this edition would never have been possible. I am very grateful to the Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Ministère de Véducation supérieure du Gouvernement de Québec for the generous financial help they provided. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

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Introduction

I

ORDER OF THE TEMPLE

THE HISTORY

The Order of the Temple, oldest of the military orders, was founded in Jerusalem in 1118/1119 by Hugues de Payens from Champagne.1 In 1128 , at the Council of Troyes, the Order received official status and the approval of its Rule, later amended and completed by various additions.2 The statutes constitute the best source of information on the daily life and functions of the three groups of regular members: the knights, priests, and sergeants or serving brethren.3 The Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem had been founded a little earlier, but adopted a military function only later.4 Its vocation was more complex: religious, military, medical. In contrast, the original objective of the Templars was considerably more circumscribed: to assure, through its army of soldier-monks, the protection of pilgrims on the dangerous roads of the Holy Land. From 1128 onward, the Templar Order expanded rapidly in almost all Latin Christian countries.5 Popes, kings and nobles endowed it considerably with privileges 1 Barber, "Origins of the Order of the Temple"; Cousin, "Débuts de l'ordre des Templiers"; William of Tyre, Historia rerum, liber XI, cap. vii; Vitry, Hierosolymitanae, cap. 65, p.l 15. 2 Hefele-Leclercq, Histoire des conciles, V, part 1, pp.668-9. Several editions of the Rule exist: Curzon, Règle is the one commonly used. 3 No scholarly work exists on the Templars' daily life. On the organisation of the Order in Italy, see Caravita, Concorezzo, pp. 106-8; for Spain, Forey, Corona de Aragon, pp.263-93. See also the popular work by Bordonove, Vie quotidienne des Templiers', Melville, Templiers. 4 Riley-Smith, Knights of St. John and works of Delaville le Roulx given in the bibliography, 5 A number of cartularies and special studies exist for different regions. For Italy, consult the bibliography infra under: Accame, Bini, Colombo, Guerrieri, Nasalli Rocca, Tommasi and Tonino. Hospitaller cartularies often furnish much additional information. Early Templar documents are in D'Albon, Cartulaire général.

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10

The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States and donations.6 The financial condition of the Order throughout its existence cannot be estimated precisely; it seems, nevertheless, that its wealth equalled about half or two-thirds that of the Cistercian Order.7 There is scarcely more certainty about the exact number of its members at any time; the figures estimated by modern historians for 1307 vary from five to twenty thousand.8 The renown of the Templars came principally from their active part in the military operations and the defence of the Holy Land where the fortresses they constructed played an important role in military strategy.9 The banking function which the Order assumed for various popes and kings, and in a wider fashion for a number of persons who wished to send funds to the Holy Land, was most important; for example, the Temple in Paris served as depository for the royal treasury of France at various periods from the end of the twelfth century until 1295 and again after 1303.10 This financial role caused the Order to acquire an exaggerated reputation of wealth which no doubt played an important part in the catastrophe which destroyed it at the beginning of the fourteenth century. In 1291 with the fall of Acre, last Christian bastion in the Holy Land, the Order lost its principal reason for existence. Many of the Templars who survived this bloody defeat took refuge on the island of Cyprus. Some returned to France or to other countries in which the Order had possessions. In 1297 Jacques de Molay was elected grand master after an election closely contested by Hugues de Pairaud an important witness in the Paris trials.11 In 1303 the Temple again began to administer the finances of King Philip IV of France. The military defeat of 1291 had certainly discredited 6

Papal bulls prior to 1255 in favour of the Temple are in Hiestand, Papsturkunden. Mollat, Papes, p.383, gives this estimate. See other figures in Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, p.297; Bligny, L'Église et les ordres religieux, p.457; Halphen, Philippe IV et Clément V, p.53; Lea, Inquisition, III, pp.250-L 8 Langlois, Histoire de France, III, p. 177, gives 15,000 members in 1307; Lea, Inquisition, III, pp.250-1 discusses varying estimates of members of the Order in 1307. Melville, Templiers, p.297, estimates 500 commanderies in France with 4,000 members; Schottmüller, Untergang, I, pp.236, 695, suggests 20,000 members at the time of the suppression. 9 See Lambert, Architecture; Pernoud, Templiers, pp.34-46, 10 Delisle, Mémoire; Borrelli de Serres, Recherches, III, Trésor royal; Picquet, Banquiers; Yavier, Philippe le Bel, pp.75-7; Strayer, Reign, pp.81, 143-7, 172, 174-5. 11 On Jacques de Molay, see Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae Domus Militiae Templi, pp.295-359; see also Barber, "James of Molay"; Hillgarth, Ramon Lull, p.92. For a discussion of the grand master's interrogations, see Viollet, "Interrogatoires". Persons not mentioned in the text are not included in the index. For further notes concerning persons also mentioned in the introduction, consult these names in the index. All notes which discuss them are listed following references to them in the text. 7

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Order of the Temple: the History

11

the Temple in the opinion of the public. Materially and psychologically, the Order found itself in an extremely precarious situation. Nevertheless, it does not seem that the Templars had suffered any particular problems with the king of France, nor with the popes from Boniface VIII to Clement V. Until the last moment, papal bulls and royal letters were no more favourable or unfavourable toward the Temple than toward the Hospital. The suppression of the Temple in 1312 is most difficult to understand. It perplexed such contemporaries as Geffroi de Paris who wrote in 1314-15: "I do not know if it was by right or wrong/ That the Templars, without doubt/ Were all captured by the Kingdom of France."12 Historians agree with most contemporary chroniclers that Philip the Fair was the instigator of the affair. The royal motives, however, are far from clear, particularly in view of the fact that until the evening of the spectacular arrest on 13 October 1307 the king did not seem to harbour any animosity toward the Order.13 The three hypotheses usually advanced to explain the king's attitude and conduct are founded principally in the personality, not very well understood even now, of Philip the Fair: his fanaticism, his covetousness, his concept of the lay state.14 His fanaticism or his moral intransigence may be invoked to support the view that Philip the Fair was sincerely convinced that the Order was contaminated by heresy. His greed, or more simply his perpetual need for funds, suggest a financial motive.15 Always at the limit of his resources, Philip might have expected to find in the suppression of the Templar Order a means to improve his financial position, either because he believed in the existence of the legendary treasure or because he hoped to expropriate the Temple's possessions.16 Finally, certain scholars believe that the Order might have seemed to constitute a threat to a monarch so thoroughly imbued with a spirit of his own "national" supremacy. Considered one by one, these hypotheses cannot objectively be sustained; given their reduced number, and because they were scattered I2

" Chronique métrique, lines 3417-21. Continuatio Chronici, p.360. 14 See Brachet, Pathologie mentale, pp.443-54; Favier, Philippe le Bel, pp.2-12 et passim-, Wood, Philip the Fair, p. 11 et passim-, Hillgarth, Ramon Lull, pp.62, 109-13; Strayer, Reign, pp.3-5, 12-15, 290, 310. See also the discussion of Philip the Fair, Clement V and the Templars in Pierre Dubois, De recuperatione (ed. Diotti), pp.20-46. 15 See Borrelli De Serres, Trésor royal, and Variations monétaires-, Favier, Philippe le Bel, pp. 137-205 et passim-, Le Blanc, Traité historique. 16 See Barber, Trial, pp.45-71 et passim; Lizerand, Dossier, pp.i-xiii. For the king's questions to the masters of theology, ibid., pp.56-68. 13

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

throughout France, the Templars did not pose a real threat to royal power, and if this preoccupation had motivitated Philip's actions, it should have been mentioned in the declarations of the king and his councillors or in the writings of the royal propagandists.17 The proposition that the king's motives were entirely financial is scarcely more defensible: Philip could hardly have been ignorant of the fact that the Church would never permit donations given for the aid of the Holy Land to be handed over to a temporal lord.18 It is true that Philip's financial position was difficult, but it does not seem to have been improved by his seizure of the Order, although he may have genuinely believed that it would be.19 Finally, even though one must accept that there is a certain foundation for Philip the Fair's reputation for piety and for a desire to defend religious orthodoxy, it is scarcely plausible that a measure of such importance could have been inspired, in a king with such a highly developed sense of state, by preoccupations of this order alone. If neither one nor all these motives together can be considered satisfactory, is it not reasonable to look for the final explanation on the side of the monarch's affirmation of the temporal over the spiritual? Profiting from the discredit which tainted all crusading Orders after the defeat of 1291, helped by the spirit of jealousy which the stories of riches produced particularly among the bishops and the secular clergy, making use of the rumours and suspicions brought about by the clandestine practices in the Order,20 Philip the Fair's action must be examined in an essentially political perspective: the expression of "nationalism", a face to face demonstration with the papacy, notably in the context of the threatened trial of Boniface VIII.21 Finally, one may detect a widespread operation of camouflage destined to distract public opinion, which Philip the Fair was one of the first to use for political purposes, from the difficulties of the kingdom. 17 A number of the most important documents concerning the arrest and trials are edited in Lizerand, Dossier. On Philip the Fair's lawyers or counselors, see Favier, Philippe le Bel, pp.20-35 et passim; Holtzmann, Wilhelm von Nogaret; Peguès, Lawyers; Strayer, Reign, pp.36-99. See Barber, "Propaganda", for a discussion of the king's skillful use of this weapon. 18 See Lizerand, Dossier, pp.60-2. 19 Strayer, Reign, p. 154. 20 The best sources concerning these rumours are the contemporary chronicles. See Wildermann, Beurteilung. For a discussion of other contemporary opinion, see Hillgarth, Ramon Lull, pp.92-3. On clandestinity, see Rule no. 67 and Statutes nos. 387, 418. 21 On Boniface's trial, see Barber, Trial, pp. 108-9; Dupuy, Différend; Digard, Saint-Siège; Lizerand, Clément V. The most recent studies are in Favier, Philippe le Bel, pp.250-8. Hillgarth, Ramon Lull, pp.90-1, 94-5, 101-5; Strayer, Reign, pp.287-93.

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Trials: the Inquisition

13

The motives of the pope are more difficult to explain. Certainly, at the outset, he protested vehemently to the king because Philip had laid hands on the members of a religious order. This protest, however, was purely formal and seems to have been made principally to be sure that control of the affair did not completely escape him. From the time of his bull Pastoralis praeeminentiae of 22 November 1307, the pope demanded that all Christian princes arrest the Templars and sequester their possessions in the pope's name.22 An analysis of royal and papal actions throughout the period of the Templars' arrest and trials indicates that in general the pope seems to have accommodated royal desires; at the same time however, Clement was greatly preoccupied with the trial of Boniface VIII as a heretic. It is perfectly plausible that the pope was convinced of the Order's guilt, especially after the interrogations which he heard in Poitiers in 1308.23 Moreover, the pontiff never manifested any intention to expropriate the temporal goods of the Order for the papacy. Finally, it is not possible to know whether, in undertaking the double inquiry against the Order and against its members, he wished to establish their innocence or their guilt. Clement V, like others, including the king of France himself, may have been affected by the many criticisms and sombre suspicions which stained the reputation of the Templar Order.

TRIALS INVOLVING THE ORDER: THE INQUISITION

Whatever the truth may be about these motives and their validity, the collection of documents which survives describes the carrying out of a series of Inquisitorial trials which lasted from the autumn of 1307 until 1311.24. Tribunals of the Inquisition could hear cases involving exempt persons like the Templars. Serious suspicion or rumour was sufficient to begin proceedings which, unlike those under civil jurisdiction, suspended many of the safeguards which were usually part of the judicial process. Names of the accusers need not be divulged; neither was it necessary to al22 Text in Rymer, Foedera (3rd edition), I, part 2, pp.99-100. Clement V's letter to the king protesting the arrest of the Templars was published by Boutaric, "Clément V", pp.333-5. 23 See infra, pp. 18-19. On Clement V's motives, see Hillgarth, Ramon Lull, p.292. 24 See list of trials, infra, p.55-6.

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

low the prisoner legal counsel nor to permit a defence. Any person who presented himself to defend the accused ran the risk of facing a charge himself as & fautor or defender of heresy. The inquisitors used nuntii, duly sworn messengers, to execute their orders and to publish citations, and at least two sworn notaries in each case to write down the trial record. The aid of secular persons to help with the inquiry or to find the heretics was frequently invoked also. The official court record took the form of a copy of the original minutes taken down in haste during the trial. Each copy bore notarial attestations at the end of each separate portion of the document. Testimony was not recorded verbatim; it was simply necessary to express the ideas of the witness as faithfully as possible. Only material considered pertinent was included in the record. One peremptory or three ordinary citations summoned witnesses to appear. During the fixed period of time, the witness could appear voluntarily; if he did not, he was cited as contumacious and at the end of the period, ordinarily one year, excommunicated. A variable number of sessions took place, often in a convent, the episcopal palace, or the residence of one of the inquisitors, in the presence of at least two witnesses, clerics or laymen who did not usually testify but were present only to insure that the correct procedure was followed. Judgment was rendered by the inquisitors although sentence was given by the bishop in the prisoner's own diocese.25 Outside France the arrest of the Templars asked for by the pope in Pastoralis praeeminentiae proceeded slowly. Numerous papal letters issued throughout the period of the inquiries mention the existence of members of the Order still at liberty. It was necessary to await the promulgation, 12 August 1308, of the bull Faciens miserie ordiam, and of these which followed later that month, in order to find a description of all the matters which caused the order of arrest and the request to the episcopal authorities to begin their inquiries.26 During the meetings of the Council of Vienne27 25 The principal source used for this note was Tanon, Tribunaux', consult also, Gui, Pratica, passim,', the Dictionnaire du droit canonique, V, "Inquisition", pp. 1418-26; VI, "jugement", pp.219-23; VI, "sentence", pp.953-62; the Dictionnaire apologétique de la foi, II, article by Guiraud, cols. 823-90; and his Inquisition médiévale', Lea, Inquisition, 3 vols.. A considerable number of notes to the text concern the functioning or practices of the Inquisition. Many useful works are to be found in the bibliographies of the Inquisition by Berkhout and Russell, and Grundmann, see bibliography infra. 26 Reg. Clem. V, nos, 3402-3515, 3584-5. On the episcopal trials, see Barber, Trial, pp. 105-8; Lizerand, Dossier,.pp.vììì-ìx. 27 On the Council of Vienne, see Leder, Vienne', Müller, Konzil; Baluze, Vitae Paparum, ed. Mollat, IV vols., completed by information in Boutade, "Clément V".

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Trials: the Inquisition

15

various commissions were set up to examine the documents on the Templar matter. Their work finished, Clement V promulgated the bull Vox in excelso on 22 March 1312;28 the suppression of the Order by apostolic provision.29 In May of the same year the bull Ad providam accorded all the Temple's possessions, with certain important exceptions, to the Order of St. John of Jerusalem.30 At the same time Considerantes dudum commanded that the prisoners be judged by provincial councils, with the exception of several dignitaries of the Order whose judgment was reserved to the pope himself.31 Dudum in generali concilio of December 1312 entrusted the final decision in this matter to three cardinals.32 On 18 March 1314 the four principal Templars were condemned to perpetual reclusión. After having heard the sentence, the grand master Jacques de Molay retracted his confession, as did the provincial master of Normandy. Both were then turned over to secular justice, and on the king's order they were burned at the stake that same evening.33 In order to understand one Templar trial, it is necessary to be acquainted with the others in the series. Though not all the documents have come down to us, a sufficient number remains to follow the sequence of events reasonably well. Details supplied by one of them can sometimes be verified by complementary data to be found in another trial. The surviving manuscripts contain the depositions of about nine hundred Templars. The comparison of one with another is facilitated by the fact that the bull Faciens misericordiam of 12 August 1308, sent to bishops, archbishops and princes throughout Latin Christendom, was accompanied by a list of 127 articles of accusation to be used in the forthcoming trials.34 Any interpretation of these results is complicated by the fact that the first royal instructions in France, sent out in 1307, specifically mentioned the use of torture

28 The bull of suppression is not in the registers. See Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, pp.312-19; Gilmour-Bryson, "Vox in excelso". 29 "... non per modum diffinitivae sententiae sed per modum provisionis seu ordinationis apostolicae prefatum Templi ordinem....": Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, p.319. 30 " Ad providam, Reg. Clem. V, nos. 7885-6. 31 ' Considerantes dudum, ibid., no, 8784. 32 Dudum in generali concilio, ibid., no. 10337, entrusts the dignitaries to three cardinals. See also Leder, Vienne, p. 142. 33 Geffroi de Paris (or the author of the chronicle attributed to him) affirms (lines 563570) that he was present on this occasion; see also Barber, Trial, pp.240-2. 34 The articles of accusation are discussed infra, pp. 16-17. See also the applicable notes to the text which discuss various features of these articles.

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

on persons who refused to confess: "Après ce il metront les persones souz boenne et seüre garde singulerement et cescun par soi et enquerront de eus premièrement et puis apeleront les commissaires de l'inquisiteur et examineront diligemment la vérité par gehine, se mestier est, et se il confessent la vérité ils escriveront leur deposicions, tesmoings apelés." Papal letters also insisted on its use: "... inquisitores ipsi... per questiones et alios modos légitimes ... elicere veritatem...." {Reg, Clem. V, no. 6576, 6 August 1310). "... ab eis de predictis veritatis plenitudinem certiorem reinquirere et eos tormentis et questionibus, quibus et prout expedire noveritis ... tortori tradendas...." (ibid., no. 6717, 30 March 1311).35 Finally, it is difficult to establish the number of depositions which contain admissions of guilt, on which rest the affirmations of those historians who consider the suppression of the Order as just; the royal instructions suggested that only admissions of guilt be written down; the papal letters demanded that only those depositions given by guilty persons be transmitted to him. Much of the testimony of the innocent may be completely unknown to us, although we do have reasonably complete records from the trials in Cyprus and England in which very few persons confessed.

THE ARTICLES OF ACCUSATION

The 127 articles of accusation used in the trial edited here36 as well as in many others, were reduced to 77 in England, but the main lines of inquiry remained the same. From the first royal instructions of 22 September 1307 until the last trial in 1311 the most serious accusations were the following: 35 Lizerand, Dossier, pp.24-6. Episcopal instructions are similar: "Item, si hec non proficiant, comminetur eis de tormentis etiam gravibus et ostendantur eis, sed non cito ad tormenta ponantur; et si non proficiat comminacio, procedi poterit indiciis precedentibus ad questiones et aliqua tormenta, sed primo levia, ad alia, ut racionis fuerit, processuri. Per tortorem clericum ydoneum et modo debito et non excessivo procedatur." text in Lizerand, Dossier, p.142. The problem of the effect of torture on the testimony is analysed by Lea, Inquisition, III, passim, and his work, Torture, pp.84-5. See also Barber, Trial, passim. 36 ' The only manuscript extant is Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Castel Sant'Angelo, Armadio D-207. The articles of accusation are given infra, pp.74-84. Text of those used in the English trials Wilkins, Concilia Magnae, II, pp.328-401, passim.

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Various Trials

17

1. That the members denied Christ, God, the Virgin or the saints during a secret ceremony. 2. That the members committed a variety of sacrilegious acts upon the cross or the image of Christ. 3. That the members practised obscene kisses. 4. That the members encouraged and permitted the practice of sodomy. 5. That the priests of the Order did not consecrate the Host. 6. That the members did not believe in the sacraments (accusation added in 1308). 7. That the members practised various sorts of idolatry. 8. That the grand master, or other dignitaries, absolved brethren from their sins (accusation added in 1308). A careful reading of all 127 articles brings to light their repetitive nature; the same question was often asked under various forms.37 Moreover, several articles had nothing to do with heresy; they concerned questions relative to practices within the Order which were not necessarily reprehensible.

VARIOUS TRIALS

The first trial, one of the largest and perhaps the most important, took place in Paris from 19 October to 24 November 1307.38 It was here that the first avowals of guilt, very serious for the future of the Order, were made, notably in the depositions of the grand master and other important members.39 All but five of 138 prisoners admitted guilt, principally through the denial of Christ or the commission of sacrilegious acts40. A comparison of this trial with the confessions given before the papal com-

87 On repetitive articles, note numbers 29 and 109, 24 and 110, 36, 37 and 106; almost seventy questions do not really concern heresy; see Gilmour-Bryson, "Heresy". 38 Text in Michelet, Procès, II, pp.275-420. See also Barber, Trial, passim. 39 Some of the testimony is reproduced in Lizerand, Dossier, pp.30-45. 40 The total of 138 includes only those who gave full testimony; it may bq. increased if one considers also persons who appeared without testifying in full in the prescribed form.

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

missions at Paris in 1310 does elicit some interesting contradictions.41 Nevertheless, the first Paris trial did contain a great amount of guilty testimony. Since it is impossible to evaluate the effect of torture on these confessions or to know whether or not other depositions of innocent persons were deliberately suppressed, it remains exceedingly difficult to separate truth from falsehood. The second most important trial, at least among those in 1307 and 1308, was that held at Poitiers from 28 June until 2 July 1308. Shottmüller published the testimony of thirty-three persons; nine others may be found in Finke.42 Thirty of the original depositions are missing.43 The special importance of this trial stems from the fact that the accused appeared before the pope or before a group of cardinals; the large number of confessions in this series may well have convinced Clement V of the fundamental guilt of the Order. The frankness of this document is somewhat startling for the use of torture is often mentioned. The formula used, even though it tends to minimise the role of this sort of persuasion is eloquent: "... in duris tormentis, quia nolebat confiteri ea, que postea confessus est propter verecundiam...."44 The manuscript edited by Finke contains a group of depositions which were particularly serious. Some new information is to be found within them; witness number 43, a knight, stated that the custom of wearing the sash or belt originated with Bernard de Clairvaux. Number 45, a serving brother, revealed that the idol which he saw was allegedly the head of the first grand master Hugues de Payens. He maintained also that he had been brought before the king before the arrests of the others. Number 46 mentioned severe punishments inflicted on members who refused to carry out shameful practices. He even affirmed that some Templars were assassinated on the instructions of various dignitaries of the Order.40 In judging the value of the evidence given in this important trial, it is to be noted that in order to be considered guilty it was sufficient to confess to only one or two of the accusations. Idolatry was rarely men-

41 See Lavocat, Procès, pp.325-51; Raynouard, pp.73, 138-41, 230-3. Gmelin, Schuld oder Unschuld published 20 tables resuming testimony in Paris (1307 and 1310-11) and Poitiers (1308); for a review of this work, see Hagermayer, "Procès". 42 Schottmüller, Untergang, II, pp.9-71; Finke, Papsttum, 11, pp.329-40. 43 Reg. Clem. V, nos. 3402, 3584, give the number of Templars interrogated at Poitiers as 72. 44 Text in Schottmüller, Untergang, II, p.65. 45 Texts in Finke, Papsttum, II, pp.323-3, 335, 337-8 (witnesses nos. 43, 45, 46).

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Various Trials

19

tioned; only seven witnesses discussed it. A contrast appeared between illicit practices which apparently took place at or shortly after the reception ceremony, and the beliefs of these individuals, their life in the Order, from that moment on and at the time of the trial. A number of trials of lesser importance were carried on at the inquisitorial or episcopal level in France in 1307 and 1308.46 Unfortunately, both in Prutz and in the only manuscript extant for most of these trials the testimonies appear in a highly abridged form which does not include the answers to all the questions.47 These interrogations took place in Bigorre, Bayeux, Caen, Cahors, Carcassonne, Chaumont, Clermont, Renneville and Troyes, resulting in confessions of guilt from three-quarters of the members and protestations of innocence from the others.48 The trial, or trials, in Provence, which are known mainly from secondary sources, concerned 48 members of the Order.49 Lavocat and Lea maintain that the prisoners were tortured and executed, but the proof is lacking.30 Finke published the fragmentary testimony of other prisoners, many from Provence.01 No certain information exists as to the place or date of these interrogations. In 1310 and 1311 provincial councils took place in France, Provence, Italy, Spain, Germany and England.52 The Council of Sens, under the direction of Archbishop Philippe de Marigny, was particularly important. It handed down a death sentence against 54 Templars considered to have relapsed either because they had retracted earlier confessions of guilt, or because they insisted that they were innocent.53 They were burned at the 46

Many of them published in Prutz, Entwicklung, pp.324-64. Paris, Arch. Nat.J-413, is almost as fully abridged as Prutz. 48 The usual sources for the trials are Bayeux: Prutz, Entwicklung, p.325; Bigorre: ibid., pp.324-5; Caen: ibid., p.326; Finke, Papsttum, II, pp.313-16; Dupuy, Traitiez, p.89; Cahors: Prutz, Entwicklung, II, p.326; Finke, Papsttum, II, pp.316-21; Carcassonne: ibid, pp.321-4; Chaumont: Prutz, Entwicklung, p.327; Clermont: ibid., pp.327-34; Renneville, at Pont à l'Arche: ibid., pp.334-5, and Dupuy, Traitiez, p.90 (The spelling of Henneville in Barber, Trial is incorrect. The manuscript, Paris, Arch. Nat. J-13, 23 gives Renneville); Troyes: Prutz, Entwicklung, p.335. 49 See Bouché, Histoire chronologique, II, pp.328-33; Nostradamus, Histoire et chronique, p.322; Raynouard, Monumens, pp. 199-200. I am presently analysing all the testimony. Names, places and statistics on this data will be published by Hachette, Paris, in Le temps et les hommes, 1982-3. 50 Lavocat, Procès, pp. 157-8; Lea, Inquisition, III, pp.304-5. 51 Finke, Papsttum, II, pp.342-78. 52 On the missing documents from various Councils, see Lavocat, Procès, p.318. 33 On the Council of Sens, see Labbé, Sacrosancta Concilia, XI, part 2, cols. 1535-6. 47

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

stake on 10 May 1310 on the outskirts of Paris. These executions put a definitive end to the attempt to defend the Order undertaken by Petrus de Bononia and 559 other brethren earlier that year.54 The papal commission, the largest inquiry, held its sessions in Paris from 1309 to 1311.55 During the course of these interrogations several witnesses who had been questioned earlier in various places spoke of the torture they had undergone.56 The contradictions between the testimonies of some of these prisoners and their earlier declarations cast doubt on the truth of some of the depositions. The Iberian trials have not béen fully edited.57 In Lérida, the thirtytwo witnesses interrogated insisted on the innocence of the Order.58 In the same way, the three prisoners in Navarre affirmed their innocence.59 The trial held at Barcelona heard eight Templars who declared their innocence and that of the Order in general.60 The Templars who took part in the trial at Narbonne came from Mas-Dieu in Roussillon; it would seem that these individuals were not tortured and that they proclaimed their innocence.61 Only two judicial actions remain for Castile and Portugal. In Salamanca in 1310 the Templars were all acquitted as were the 28 examined at Oresne in Portugal.62 The various trials which took place in England, in Scotland or in Ireland gave rise to results which are comparable to those in the Hispanic kingdoms or in Cyprus, and are completely different from those in

Names are given in Renouard, Monumens, pp. 109-11. See also Barber, Trial, pp. 154-61. On Philippe de Marigny, see Favier, Un conseiller, p. 131. On the concept of the relapsed heretic, see Valois, "Jean de Pouilli". 54 The defense brief is published in Lizerand, Dossier, pp. 176-88; see also Barber, Trial, pp. 122-53. 55 Text: Michelet, Procès, I, II, pp.275-420; see also supra, notes 39, 40. Barber, Lea and Lavocat devote a large part of their works to this trial. See the bibliography infra. 56 As an example of the sort of testimony which proves the use of torture, see Lizerand, Dossier, pp. 154-8. On contradictory testimony, see Renouard, Monumens, pp.223-8. 57 On the Templars' trials in Spain, see Finke, Papsttum, II, passim and Acta Aragonensia, passim; Mercati, "Interrogatorio"; Lea., Inquisition, III, pp.310-17; Mariana, Historia General, I, pp.883-5; Forey, Corona de Aragón, pp.356-64; Javierre Mur, "Proceso contra el Temple en Castilla". 58 Text: Finke, Papsttum, II, pp.364-78. 59 /^., II, pp.378-9. 60 Text: Mercati, "Interrogatorio". 61 Raynouard, Mormmms, pp.257-8. 62 Barber, Trial, p.213; Lea, Inquisition, III, pp.310-13, p.317.

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Various Trials

21

France.63 It would seem that the conditions under which these prisoners were detained was considerably less severe than those in France, at least at the beginning. 101 Templars were examined from one to four times each between 1309 and 1311. A number of persons who did not belong to the Order testified as well. Some of these other persons who were interrogated in 1310, unlike most of those in 1309, did give testimony which incriminated the Templar Order; most of their information was clearly hearsay or rumour and very little specific detail emerged.64 The members of the Order, on the other hand, continued to affirm their innocence, though there was evidently some confusion between the powers of absolution possessed by the preceptors or other dignitaries and those possessed by priests themselves.65 The members finally asked to be reconciled with the Church after having admitted that the Order had been severely discredited. The trials which were held in Scotland and Ireland concerned only seventeen Templars, plus various other persons, and added no new evidence. It was not until June 1311 that the series of interrogations in England finally produced three confessions of guilt: one apostate who had already been excommunicated for contumacy, a Templar who had previously denied all guilt, a priest of the Order who admitted to the denial of Christ while insisting that it was, in fact, a test of obedience. Finally, after years of investigation, the process of the reconciliation of the English Templars with the Church began. The prisoners admitted their errors concerning the sacrament of penance, abjured any heresy, and once again requested forgiveness. The trial held in Cyprus in May and June 1310 was one of the most important of the whole series.66 76 Templars and 56 other persons were questioned. The elevated rank of many of these members of the Order, their experience in different countries, their presence at the headquarters

63 The general opinion of historians who have studied this question is that torture was used in most French trials, in Barcelona, in the trial in the Papal State and the Abruzzi, in Brindisi, and at Florence-Lucca, but little if at all in England or in Cyprus. On the confessions, see Strayer, Reign, pp.291-2. 64 The texts of the English, Scottish and Irish trials are in Wiikins, Concilia Magnae, II, pp.328-401; Dugdale, Monasticon, VI, part 2, pp.844-8; Schottmülier, Untergang, II, pp.75102. See also Perkins, "The History of the Knights Templars in England" (unpublished thesis: Harvard); Parker, Knights Templars; Powicke and Cheney, Councils and Synods, II, pp. 12651313. 65 On this confusion, see Lea "The Absolution Formula". 66 Text: Schottmülier, Untergang, II, pp. 143-400; Hill, Cyprus, II, pp.271-3.

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

22

in Cyprus, contribute to the importance of this document. The detailed answers they gave to many questions help to shed light on the less complete testimony found in the records of many other trials. The first witness was the marshal of the Order, Ayme de Osiliers.67 According to him, the kiss, which is the subject of several articles of accusation, existed only in the form of a kiss on the mouth at the moment of the reception ceremony. His testimony can be resumed in his declaration: "... quare non fuerunt errores in dicto ordine."68 Odo de Villareto, de Valdric, or de Vaudric, who is often mentioned in the manuscript edited here as grand preceptor of Apulia and of the Abruzzi region,69 testified that the members were forbidden to discuss the reception ceremony merely as a test of their obedience to the rules. Like the others, he affirmed that those who confessed guilt elsewhere did so against God and their conscience. Nicolaus de Moncuccho or Monte Cuccho, illegitimate brother of lacobus de Monte Cuccho, the grand preceptor cited in the trial of the Templars in the Papal State and the Abruzzi, was designated here as a knight.70 He affirmed that he had been received into the Order by his brother at Asti (Asta). He admitted to the existence of no errors whatever. The spirit and conviction of this group of men can be summed up in the words of the twentieth witness: "Et dixit, quod non credit, quod sit in mundo religio aliqua, que magis crucem honoret et revereatur, quam fecit religio et fratres militie Templi."71 Just as in the English trials, the first group of witnesses who did not belong to the Order made depositions which were definitely favourable to it.72 Eleven of them had been in particularly close contact with the Templars, priests who lived among them for many years. They had heard their confessions, served them communion and seen them fight and die in battle against the infidel.73 They testified that the Templars were as good Chris-

67

' Schottmüller, Untergang, II, pp. 166-7, 219-23. Ibid., p.222, and the testimony of De Valdric, ibid., p.227. 69 This individual is also mentioned at Brindisi, text: ibid., pp. 108-39, Testimony in Cyprus, ibid, pp.168, 225-8. /0 lacobus de Monte Cuccho is cited as acting preceptor (fulfilling this office according to all testimony), of most of the regions concerned by this trial. For the testimony of his brother, see Schottmüller, Untergang, II, pp. 198-9, 341-3. 71 M.,p.275. 72 References n.64. 73 Schottmüller, Untergang, II, p. 155. 68

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Various Trials

23

dans as, if not better than, any other men.74 Several of these individuals agreed that the Rule, chapter meetings and receptions were secret, without being able to explain why such clandestinity existed. Several stated that the Order practised both charity and hospitality regularly. Those priests who testified confirmed that the words of consecration were normally spoken in masses offered by priests of the Order.75 Only one testimony in Cyprus differed from the others, that of the last witness, the prior of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem.76 He had heard it said, but he did not state by whom, that the Templars did not believe in the sacraments, and he thought they had been ordered not to believe in them. He made a series of observations, founded on rumours and hearsay, concerning the practice of lay absolution in the Order, the absence of charity and hospitality, and the illicit fashion through which the Order enriched itself. Since the manuscript edited here contains the trial of the Templars in parts of the Papal State and the Abruzzi,77 it is necessary to pay close attention to the other proceedings held in Italy. The trial at Ravenna may be compared to some of those in Spain. The progression of events can be seen clearly, in spite of the absence of some of the documents, in the excellent book by Caravita/8 In 1311, seven local Templars were examined plus at least six others, five from Bologna and one from Faenza. According to the seventeenth century Historiarum Ravennatum of Rubeus, the only source for some of the information, disputes took place between the Franciscans and Dominicans present; the former considered the Templars innocent, the latter guilty.79 Rubeus also affirmed that the Council convoked to judge the Templars pronounced on the validity of testimony elicited through torture: 'Tntelligi innocentes debere, qui metu tormentorum confessi fuissent, si deinde earn confessionem revocassent: aut revocare, huiusmodi tormentorum metu, ne inverentur nova, non fuissent ausi: dum tamen id constaterei".80 All the prisoners were, without exception, absolved. The

74

Ibid., pp.378-90 (nos. 35, 37 and 48). Ibid., pp.234-6, 257, 323. 76 Ibid., pp.398-9. 77 ' See infra, pp.28-49. 78 ' Caravita, Concorrezzo, pp.265-307 et passim. 79 In addition to Caravita, see Rossi (Rubeus), Historiarum Ravennatum, liber VI (ed. 1590), pp.521-6; Caravita, Concorrezo, pp. 148-52. 80 ' Rossi, Historiarum Ravennatum, ibid., p.525. 75

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

24

trial at Brindisi in 1310 was less important and concerned only two persons.81 There are, however, certain points in common between this testimony and that of the document edited here.82 The two witnesses described a long series of illicit acts, including the worship of a cat. One of them reinforced testimony heard in Cyprus on the existence of relics, in the form of a head, worshipped by members of the Order as sacred objects. According to Raynouard, there was a trial in Fano in the Marches of Ancona during which only one member of the Order was interrogated; he declared himself innocent.83 One is scarcely better informed about the trial or trials in Sicily which seem to have concerned six Templars.85 The Italian trial which offers the closest similarity with that edited here is the trial at Florence-Lucca in 1310 and 1311.85 The number of witnesses was almost the same, six rather than seven, and all the prisoners confessed, while the complete list of accusations was used in both. Some differences should be noted nevertheless; although none of the brethren in either trial was a knight, three of the Tuscans held the title of preceptor. One Templar, interrogated in the Papal State, was a priest. There are frequent references in the Tuscan trial to individuals who figure in the trial edited here: notably lacobus de Monte Cuccho, and the grand preceptor Blancus. Several properties of the Order are mentioned in both documents.86 A Templar called Petrus Valentini appears in both of them, but without enough information to make it sure that the references concern the same person. A résumé of the first deposition, that of Egidius, preceptor of Florence, can help to evaluate those to be found in the text below.87 The witness made a wide variety of avowals of guilt. According to him, the denial took place during the ceremony of reception. He had heard that idols existed overseas, and there too it was taught that Christ was a false prophet. He had seen persons spit and trample upon the cross in various

81

Text: Schottmiiller, Untergang, ll, pp. 105-40. Eg., a reception which took place at Barletta and the mention of Odo de Valdric: Schottmüller, Untergang, II, pp.113, 125. 83 At this trial nineteen other persons were questioned as well, Raynouard, Monumens, p.273. 84 Ibid., pp.280-4. 85 Text in Bini, Tempieri, pp.460-501, and Loiseleur, Doctrine secrete, pp. 172-212. The manuscript is in the Biblioteca Vaticana, MS. Vat. Lat. 4011. 86 Bini, Tempieri, pp.460-501, et passim. Both documents contain references to Piacenza, Bologna and Castell'alquatro. 87 Bini, Tempieri, pp.461-7. 82

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Various Trials

25

places on different occasions. He had seen obscene kisses given between Templars, brethren who urinated on the cross, illicit acts practised by lacobus de Monte Cuccho himself.88 The other depositions do not differ greatly from that given by Egidius. Two witnesses confirmed that lacobus de Monte Cuccho did take part in sacrilegious activities. One of them described a cat which he insists he saw in Bologna. The last to testify stated that laymen could attend chapter meetings when a ceremony of reception did not take place on the same occasion. A comparison of the testimony given in these two trials indicates that the Tuscan witnesses confessed to about twice as many illicit acts as did those in the other trial. If one considers only the most grave allegations against the Order, it still appears just as clearly that more confessions of guilt were made in Tuscany. At the end of the document, the notary included an important piece of information; he signalled the existence of another interrogation concerning seven more Templars who had been tortured. Their testimony was not included in the Tuscan document because, since these men had not spent a sufficient time in the Order and carried out exclusively agricultural tasks, they were not privy to the secrets of the Order. At the end of this note, the author affirmed that the depositions he did include were given freely without any sort of coercion.89 Force was, therefore, used in at least some cases, that is for those who did not confess spontaneously. Moreover, this statement confirmed that at least in some trials only the testimony of cooperative witnesses was sent to the pope. In order to complete this brief summary of the trials as a whole, it is necessary to mention these places where the lack of documents does not allow a precise estimate of the events or of the numbers of witnesses. In Lorraine, Duke Thibaut is presumed to have ordered the execution of a large number of Templars.90 In Germany, members of the Order were not very numerous, perhaps because of the importance of the Teutonic Knights. Councils to inquire into the Templars were held, nevertheless, at Magdeburg and Mainz.91 The first of these acquitted three members of the Or88

lacobus does not appear before the inquisitors in trial edited here. "... Supradictas autem attestationes, depositiones et confessiones suprascripti fratres per nos examinati, dixerunt, recognoverunt et constanter affirmaverunt per nos iterato examinati sine coactione aliqua vel tor mentis....": Bini, Tempieri, p.501. 90 Lea, Inquisition, III, pp.301-2. 91 Ibid., pp.302-4; Lavocat, Procès, p.320; Labbé, Sacrosancta Concilia, XI, col. 1536 (Mainz), 1535-6 (Sens); Raynouard, Monumens p.268; Serarius, Moguntiacarum, pp.638-9 (Germany). 89

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

der. The second acquitted thirty-seven Templars and questioned eleven other witnesses. It should be noted, however, that several Templars seem to have been executed earlier by the archbishop of Magdeburg92.

CONCLUSION

Even a brief discussion of the trials in general leads to several conclusions. The absence of complete primary sources allows us to consider only some of the trial records. Royal and papal instructions ordered that only confessions of guilt be transmitted. Since, therefore, the depositions of the innocent were not normally sent to the pope they did not figure among those considered by the commission at the Council of Vienne. Several trials by their size, or because of the testimony given, were more important than others: the two great trials in Paris, the interrogations before the pope or the cardinals in Poitiers, the trials in Cyprus and in England. The varying answers given to the articles of accusation may be divided into two groups: those of the Templars in England and Cyprus, for example, who insisted on their innocence; and the others, such as those in France, who confessed to one or more of the fundamental allegations. The explanation of this important difference seems to lie in the use of torture in France and probably in at least some of the Italian trials which probably contributed to the large number of confessions in those countries. Where torture was not used, at Ravenna or in Cyprus or for the most part in England, there were almost no confessions.93 The important role played by the king of France can be seen in the results of the French trials; a royal representative attended almost all of the sessions held during the first Paris trial and all of the confessions were made in his presence. Where the French king had little or no influence, in Cyprus, in Spain or in England, the number of confessions was much lower. Clement V's part in the suppression of the Temple is still not entirely clear. His actions must be seen in the light of the pressure brought to bear by Philip the Fair in the matter of the posthu92 93

Lea, Inquisition y III, p.303-4; Leder, Vienne, p.34. See supra, n.64.

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Conclusion

27

mous trial for heresy of Boniface VIII. Whatever the pope's personal opinion on the destruction of the Order, the trials were held in accordance with the regulations set forth for the Inquisition.94 A considerable effort was made by the French Templars to defend their Order, an effort which ended after the executions resulting from the Council of Sens. The English defence effort transformed itself finally into a willingness to confess only to matters of secondary importance: lay absolution, the right to confess to priests of the Order, clandestine practices. The English Templars were finally reconciled with the Church. The effect of Philip the Fair's attack on the Temple was felt most fully in his own realm, and even there probably only a minority of the members of the Order ever came to trial. The number of Templars questioned elsewhere is greatly inferior to even the most modest estimates of their members at that time. Trials such as those held at Brindisi or in the Papal States and the Abruzzi questioned so few Templars that the documents leave the impression that the inquiry was carried out largely as a formal exercise.

94

' Tanon, Tribunaux, passim.

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II

THE TRIAL IN THE PAPAL STATES AND THE ABRUZZI

The trial in parts of the Papal State and the Abruzzi was one of the least important of the series of Templar trials.1 It contained the testimony of only seven Templars, one priest of the Order and six serving brethren. The results of this inquiry probably had no influence on the Council of Vienne. With the exception of the inquisitor Pandulfus de Sabello,2 the bishops and cardinals, and some of the individuals summoned to be present during the sessions of the tribunal, the personages found in it were not notable. It was, nevertheless, extremely valuable. Schottmüller, who published an abridged version of it, expressed his opinion of the desirability of publishing a complete edition: "... I was forced to publish an excerpt, but I hope that soon the whole [manuscript] will be found again and can be published; considering its special character, it would certainly deserve a special monograph in order to separate the subjective from the objective [elements]."3 Silvestrelli, who wrote an excellent study based on the information on Templar and Hospitaller properties cited in this manuscript, considered that the repetitive nature of this document greatly reduced its interest.4 In fact, this trial distinguished itself from the others by the complete way in which all the events from beginning to end were described in the document. During the entire period from September-October 1309 to July 1310 minute details of the activities of the nuntii, notaries and inquisitors were set down in the manuscript. Most other similar documents furnish only complete or abridged versions of the testimony. Frequently, they do not contain any information on the many activities which took place outside the courtroom. Here, on the contrary, it is possible to follow the inquisitors and their retinue step by step: their travels, the many sessions at 1 See list of trials infra, p.55-6. Note that only words which actually occur in the text are listed in the index. References to the trials discussed here are not given. 2 See infra, intro. n.II 15. 3 Schottmüller, Untergang, II, p.404. This author did not publish the full text because the manuscript was mislaid when he returned to complete his transcription. 4 Silvestrelli, "Chiese", p.493 n.3.

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Trial in the Papal States

29

which no witnesses appeared, the public readings of citations, the posting of the edict on churches and public buildings. This gives an exact view of the way in which the inquiry was carried out, as well as the names of individuals who played even a small role in the proceedings. This detailed record can be most useful in the study of other trials for which such evidence is missing. This trial is also important because it is rich in information concerning the region touched by the inquiry. Twenty-two churches and seven convents or monasteries are mentioned. Among the 283 persons found in the document are 21 Dominicans, 19 Franciscans, 5 Augustinians, 9 members of the Order of St. William, 2 Hospitallers, 5 canons regular of the Premonstratensian Order, 10 Benedictines, 2 Cistercians, 19 abbots, priors or sub-priors, 23 clerics identified as presbyter or sub-presbyter, 10 vicars, frequently associated with the 7 bishops or with the grand preceptors of The Templar Order, 2 cardinal bishops, 4 popes, and various other lay or ecclesiastical persons called to be silent witnesses at the hearings. The trial required the services of 23 nuntii and 13 notaries.5 The text improves our otherwise slight knowledge of the Templars in this part of Italy. The seven witnesses interrogated furnish the names of 50 other members of the Order, most of them otherwise unknown. They identify a number of the grand preceptors of the Temple in Italy. The testimony indicates that one grand preceptor controlled Lombardy, the Patrimony of St. Peter in Tuscia, the Marches of Ancona, Sardinia, Rome and Hungary. Another was responsible for Apulia and the Abruzzi and most probably Sicily. On certain occasions, according to the testimony of Templar witnesses, these preceptors had vicars or lieutenants under them. They speak of 30 different Templar possessions in central Italy. Our knowledge of these properties, here as elsewhere, is still incomplete, largely because the archives of the Order have mostly disappeared. The various trials, if fully edited, would furnish precious information on Templar properties in the countries involved. Finally, this trial, which took place principally in the Papal State under the direction of a faithful servant of the pontiff, may serve as an example of a model inquisitorial trial of its period. We have already discussed the results of the other trials at Brindisi, Ravenna, Tuscany, as well as the scanty information available concerning the Templar trials in the Kingdom of Naples, in Sicily, and in the Marches 5

The numbers concern those persons mentioned in this trial. Some individuals, nuntius and notary for example, belong to more than one group.

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

of Ancona. For part of central Italy, the responsibility to inquire about the Templars was delegated to the inquisitors Pandulfus de Sabello and lacobus, Bishop of Sutri.6 According to the papal bull of 12 August 1308 confiding this task to them, Isnardus7 Patriarch of Thebes should have shared the responsibility with them,8 but it seems that he was fully occupied elsewhere at this time.9 The region in which the inquiries were to take place covers parts of the Papal State, which itself included central Italy between Lombardy, the Adriatic, the Kingdom of Naples, Tuscany and the Mediterranean.10 The territory which surrounds Rome and extends from Orvieto in the North to Terracina in the South, with the Mediterranean on the West, and the dioceses of Todi, Amelia, Narni, Rieti, Marsi, Sora and Aquila on the East was later referred to as as the Latium.11 The phrase, Patrimonium beati Petri in Tuscia reproduced frequently in the document, normally refers to that part of the Papal State to be found north of Rome between Aquapendente or Radicofano and Ceprano.12 The other geographic regions covered by this trial include Rome, Campania (Campagna romana) and Marittima and the Duchy of Spoleto.13 Although no reason for such a decision is given, the Abruzzi, which like Apulia14 was a province of the Kingdom of Naples, is included in the territorial competence of the inquisitors.

* Reg. Clem. V, no. 3513. 7 Reg. Clem. V, no. 3450 (no. 51) to Isnardus, and no. 3513 (no. 114) to the three potential inquisitors. 8 See Loenertz, "Athènes et Néopatras-Regestes et documents", passim. 9 Reg. Clem. V, nos. 3577, 3591, 5454, 6040. 10 See Partner, Papal State and Lands of St. Peter, Toubert, Structures', Waley, Papal State and the works of Antonelli, Calisse and Fabre in the bibliography. Map infra, p.267. 11 On the Latium in the middle ages, see Battelli, Rat. Dec. Latium (including the excellent map), and Toubert, Structures. 12 ' See Antonelli, Vicende della dominazione pontificia. 13 On the Campagna romana, see Falco, "I comuni" and "L'amministrazione papale"; Kehr, Italia Pontificia, II, pp.75-175; Fabre-Duchesne, Liber Censuum, I, p. 12; Toubert, Structures, II, pp.945-50. On the Marittima, the coastal part of the Campagna romana, see Calisse, "Costituzione del Patrimonio", p.7. For geographic details, consult Miglorini, Lazio, pp.3-7, 30-1. The exact geographical composition of the duchy of Spoleto changed according to the period, see Mollat, Liber Censuum, III, note to page 80; see also Reydellet-Guttinger, Administration pontificale. 14 Apulia was one of the original provinces of the Order of the Temple, see Statute 87 written prior to 1187. On the Templars of this region, consult Guerrieri, Templari.

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The Inquisitors

31

THE INQUISITORS

Pandulfus de Sabello played a preponderant role in the conduct and organisation of the inquiry, much greater than that of his colleague the bishop of Sutri. Pandulfus's career officially began about 1291, the date when he was named provost of the church of St. Martin de Tours in Chablis.15 At the same time he became a papal chaplain, and in 1303 an apostolic notary. After 1309 he was frequently away from Avignon and the papal court, and several times asked for permission to live in Rome.16 He played an important role in diplomatic missions undertaken for the Emperor Henry VII to several Roman families.17 His importance may be seen in the more than one hundred references to him in various papal registers between 1291 and 1327, with the titles of index, conservator, executor, particularly in matters touching prebends.18 He was a member of the papal commission formed in September 1318 to prepare the canonisation of Thomas Aquinas.19 In 1325 he was named administrator of the diocese of Ostia. He died in 1328. The Savelli family had been renowned in Rome and the region for at least one hundred years; the popes Honorius III and IV belonged to it. Others became senators or occupied important posts in the governments of various Italian towns and cities.20 This family possessed a considerable number of properties in the country around Rome. The two branches of the clan were settled primarily in and about Ariccia and Palombara. They owned important properties in places named in the document edited here: Albano, Castelgandolfo, a castle at Castel Fajóla (Castrum Paiole) near Pa-

15 Koudelka, "Cappella", passim-, the references in the index of Moroni, Dizionario] Littà, Famiglie, Vili, supplement 2, p.511. 16 Reg. Clem. V, nos. 3333, 9641; see also Koudelka, "Cappella", p. 139. 17 ' Ibid] see also Guillemain, Cour pontificale, pp.316-17; Theseider, Storia di Roma, X, passim. 18 Koudelka, "Cappella", p. 139. 19, Ibid., p. 141; Guillemain, Cour pontificale, pp.316-17. On his career, see Niiske, "Personae", pp. 175-6. 20 See Litta, Famiglie, VIII, supplement 2, pp.506-11 ; Ratti, Della famiglia Sforza, pp.297347; Theseider, Storia di Roma, X, passim] Reg. Hon, IV, pp.xix-xx.

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lombara, another at Tivoli, and others in Rome itself, one of them on the Aventine near the the important Templar church of S. Maria sull'Aventino.21 They had founded several monasteries, including S. Paolo at Albano and S. Giovanni in Argentella, mentioned in the text edited below.22 The sessions of the tribunal often took place in towns in which the Savelli family owned property, notably: Fajóla, Palombara Sabina, Tivoli, Albano, and Rome on the Aventine. This close correlation between the Savelli, the places chosen for the hearings in this inquiry and the choice of persons called as witnesses, can scarcely be the result of pure chance. It is to be noted that eight nuntii were familiares of Pandulfus: Andreas, Benedictus, Fabianus, Gerius, Gerardus, Pirroctus, Processus and Rictius. Dominus Matheus de Cavellutis, a very frequent witness at the trials, was one of Pandulfus's chaplains. The notary Silvester de Albano was associated with him as chaplain of the church of St. Martin de Tours in Chablis. Two more witnesses lohannes, and the doctor Nicolaus de Tibure who appears frequently at the sessions, are also described as familiares of this inquisitor. The other inquisitor, lacobus Bishop of Sutri, is much less well-known. He was elected to that office on 16 May 1290; his successor took his place in 1325. lacobus was nominated by Benedict XI as his vicar in Rome in December 1303, the bull speaking of his " ... vita laudibili, fide probata, scientia et circumspectione...."23 The manuscript identifies only one individual, the notary lohannes de Vassano, as afamiliaris of the bishop.

CHRONOLOGY

The beginning of the manuscript is missing; the precise date of the 21 ' The origin of this church is very old but documents are missing. It was a Benedictine monastery from the tenth to the eleventh century. By the thirteenth century it was one of the most important churches in Rome. The Hospitallers received it and it still belongs to the Sovereign Order of Malta. See Armellini, Chiese, II, p.719; Biasiotti, "Priorato", p.3; Falco, Catologo, p.436; Zippel, Biasiotti, "Ricordi", passim-, Tommasi, "L'Ordine dei Templari", p.25 n.3. 22 ' On many of the properties mentioned, see Paravicini Bagliani, Testamenti, index and the references in text notes X 30,35. 23 Reg. Ben. XI, index; Reg. Nie. IV, nos. 2709-13; Reg. Clem. V, nos. 3419, 3450, 3513, 3515,3631,6293,9358.

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Chronology

33

commencement of the inquiry is, therefore, not known. The first meeting documented took place in the Premonstratensian monastery of SS. Bonifatio ed Alessio in Rome, in September or October 1309.24 The document comes to an end at Palombara Sabina (Castrum Palumbarie) in the month of July 1310.25 After a series of formal actions which occupied most of September or October and November, two nuntii were sent to the papal prison in Viterbo on 20 December 1309 to speak to the five Templars imprisoned there: Petrus Valentini, Gerardus de Placentia, Guillelmus de Verduno, a priest, Henricus de Balneoregio and Vivolus de Sancto Justino. These emissaries explained to the prisoners that they had been cited to appear before the inquisitors in-the bishop's palace in Viterbo. They were also asked if they wished to defend the Order. The prisoners did not wish to undertake the defence and did not appear on 29 December, the day for which they were convoked. After a pause of two months and some fruitless inquiries in the Duchy of Spoleto, in April 1310 the inquisitors were installed in the Benedictine monastery of S. Maria di Gollemaggio at Aquila in the Abruzzi. They questioned eleven persons, members of other religious orders, about the possible presence of Templars in the area and about who might be able to give them information on the existence of members of the Order or of their properties. No one seemed to know anything either about the Templars or about their properties. According to various studies, nevertheless, the Order of the Temple began to implant itself in Italy shortly after the Council of Troyes in 1128. The earliest records date from 1135 at Milan and 1138 at Lucca and Rome.26 Still in the Abruzzi at Penne (Penna), on 22 April 1310, the inquisitors sent emissaries to the two Templars imprisoned there. Like those at Viterbo, these men also refused to appear before the tribunal and did not wish to defend the Order. Six days later Ceccus de Lardano, one of the two prisoners, came, nevertheless, to testify in the bishop's palace: his deposition was the first of this trial. Then, on 11 May, Andreas Armanni de Monte Oderisio, detained one knows not where,

24 The manuscript is badly damaged in the two places in which this date is mentioned: infra, text note o p.66. The Concordanza fra le nuove e le antiche collocazioni (Archivio Segreto Vaticano), I, p.284, indicates: "... iste rotulus qui nunc constat 56 (sic) membranis est mutilus in principio, quia aliquae membranae dissutae fuerunt et deperditae. Et ideo initium et data desunt...." 25 See text note X 35. 26 " No modem scholarly work on the Templars in Italy exists. See the various articles mentioned: supra, n. I 5.

3

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

testified at Chieti 37 km southeast of Penne. After his testimony, the inquisitors returned to Rome briefly, then decided to return to Viterbo since, according to them, there were no more Templars to be examined in the Abruzzi; this statement, however, is not credible. On 28 May two other nuntii went to the prison in Viterbo in order to cite the prisoners once again and to order them to appear. Of the five persons in custody there in December only four were now listed: Henricus de Balneoregio was never mentioned again. The prisoners still refused to present themselves before the court or to defend the Order in general. In spite of his previous refusals, the priest Guillelmus appeared before the inquisitors at Viterbo on 7 June, Gerardus de Placentia 8 June, Petrus Valentin! 9 June, Vivolus de Sancto lustino 10 June. These witnesses were re-examined between 17 June and 21 June, at which time they confirmed their previous depositions. The commission left Viterbo in July in order to undertake its investigation in Campagna romana and Marittima. At Velletri they questioned seven clerics or members of other religious orders without obtaining any information on the Templars of the area. They also interrogated the bishop of Segni to no avail. There also, on 17 July 1310, they questioned four clerics with the same lack of result found in Velletri. On 27 July, at Palombara, they heard the last witness, Gualterius de Neapoli. The manuscript ends here. It is not possible to know whether there were, in fact, other membranes which followed those we have. In any event, the last membrane, number 57, concludes with the usual attestation of the four notaries concerned.

THE SEVEN TEMPLAR WITNESSES

1. Brother Ceccus Nicolai Ragonis de Tannano, serviens, testified 28 April 1310 in the episcopal palace at Penne: infra, pp. 131-44. 2. Brother Andreas Armanni de Monte Oderisio, diocese of Chieti, serviens, testified 11 May 1310 in the episcopal palace at Chieti: infra, pp.146-50. 3. Brother Guillelmus de Verduno, presbyter, testified in the episcopal palace at Viterbo on 7 June 1310: infra, pp. 173-86. 4. Brother Gerardus de Placentia, serviens, testified on 8 June 1310 in the episcopal palace at Viterbo: infra, pp. 188-98.

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Testimony

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5. Brother Petrus Valentini, serviens, testified in the episcopal palace at Viterbo on 9 June 1310: infra, pp.201-12. 6. Brother Vivolus de villa Sancti lustini, county of Perugia, serviens, testified in the episcopal palace at Viterbo on 10 June 1310: infra, pp.21423. 7. Brother Gualterius lohannis de Neapoli, serviens, testified in Palatio Rocche at Palombara Sabina, July 27 1310, infra, pp.250-60.

THE TESTIMONY

3. CECCUS NICOLAI RAGONIS DE DANNANO, SERVIENS

He testified on 28 April 1309 in the episcopal palace of Penne. He explained, as do others later, that the regions of Apulia and the Abruzzi were governed by the same grand preceptor and listed the names of several who had held this office since he was received into the Order.27 The ceremony of reception had taken place at the Lateran palace in Rome. Ceccus mentioned the presence of Petrus de Bononia, procurator of the Order before the Roman Curia and its principal defender in Paris in 131028. During the reception no illicit acts took place. Three or four years later Ceccus was sent as a messenger to Torremaggiore in Apulia with letters for the grand preceptor of Apulia and the Abruzzi. The grand preceptor was absent when Ceccus arrived and died on his way home. Some time later, Petrus Ultramontanus, the newly nominated grand preceptor, called Ceccus to him and said: "Vidisti adhuc thesaurum Templi quern habemus hie?"29 After receiving a negative response, the grand preceptor invited him to come and see for himself. These two men, accompanied by Guillelmus Ultramontanus, entered a secret place where Ceccus was shown a certain quantity of ecclesiastical objects and ornaments. The grand preceptor, 27 All the names of grand preceptors cited by the witnesses may be found in the index under the regions concerned and under O.M.T. 28 See supra, p.20. 29 ' Quotes from Cecchus, infra, pp. 133-4.

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

head bared, kneeling, hands joined, showed Ceccus an idol which he removed from a case to be found there. The idol was made of metal: "... cuius forma erat ad similitudinem unius pueri erecti stands, et statura ipsius ydoli erat quasi cubitalis." The grand preceptor explained to Ceccus that he had been received in a place where he could not be shown the idol. He was then asked to adore it: "Recommenda te isti et roga istum quod det tibi sanitatem et denarios et equos et amorem Domini tui, et non adores ilium nec credas illum qui stat pictus in ecclesia." Ceccus thought that this was only a farce and refused to cooperate, but the grand preceptor and Guillelmus threatened him with drawn swords, saying: "Nisi sic facias ut tibi diximus et nos fecimus, non recedes vivus de loco isto." Ceccus, "timore mortis", then revered and adored the idol. This act seems to imply the denial of Christ which had been demanded of him. At the reception of Andreas and Rubinus in Barletta in Apulia, at which Ceccus was present, no illicit acts took place. But after this first legitimate ceremony, Andreas was led apart to a private room. He who had departed happy returned in a state of sadness. The same event happened to Rubinus: "... rediit flens qui ante vultu ylari intraverat...." Concerning the question of lay absolution, Ceccus stated that Petrus Ultramontanus had said several times to various members of the Order that he could absolve them even though he was a layman. Ceccus testified, nevertheless, as did the others generally, that he believed in all the sacraments of Church. According to him, it was always others who forced members to carry out illicit acts who lacked faith in the sacraments. His testimony on this point, similar to that given elsewhere, was always composed of hearsay evidence; morevoer, he implicated a Templar already dead.30 In order to avoid repetition, during this discussion of the first testimony offered, it is necessary to include some more general details which apply to some of the other witnesses as well. The men involved in this trial, with the exception of the priest Guillelmus, were relatively ignorant, theologically speaking; most of them stated that they knew nothing about accusation number 20 to the effect that priests of the Order omitted the words of consecration during mass. According to Rule 9 of the Order, attendance at mass was obligatory. It is, therefore, scarcely credible that a Templar would never have heard a mass offered by a priest of the Order. On the 30

One must await a definitive list of all the prisoners in all the trials before making an analysis of all testimony. It is noticeable, nevertheless, that prisoners frequently implicated members who did not testify in that particular trial.

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Testimony other hand, it is possible that on small, rural properties Templars attended the parish church rather than a Templar chapel. Testimony received in Cyprus indicates that the Order was short of chaplains in the East and in consequence had to use secular priests or those from other religious orders; several witnesses in that trial are priests who served the Temple as chaplains for a certain period. Their probable ignorance of Latin and their lack of education might explain the inability of several of these serving brethren to confirm or deny this particular allegation. These same factors, moreover, are perhaps at the basis of the confusion concerning lay absolution.31 Among these witnesses here, the priest was too knowledgeable to have believed in this theological absurdity. The serving brethren Petrus and Gerardus did not believe it either. Three others admitted the existence of this practice. As in the English trial, there seems to have been a confusion between sins which should be confessed to a priest, and faults of discipline against the Rule, legitimately dealt with in chapter meetings. Statute 542 indicates that these faults should be pardoned by the chaplain but a chaplain was not always present. The preceptor, then, began to pardon offences against the Rule, just as the father superior did in other orders. Several Statutes explain the penance to be undergone for faults aginst the Rule. Gualterius, like others elsewhere, thought that the Templar Order possessed a special privilege accorded by the Holy See to absolve new members from all their previous sins. This absolution was always accompanied by penance; in the case of Gualterius, to fast on bread and water each Saturday of his life. Ceccus admitted that it was necessary to swear not to leave the Order for another. Statute 676 states that the permission of the superior is required in order to do this. The members were forbidden to enter an Order less strict than their own. The practice of sodomy was very severely punished by Statute 418 which indicates immediate dismissal for this sin. Ceccus had never heard that sodomy was licit. Andreas believed that it was practised, but had no formal proof. Two other witnesses insisted that sodomy was presented as licit to them, but they knew of no one who practised it. Gerardus had heard that the vicar of the grand preceptor committed this sin with Brother Manfredus de Balneoregio. Ceccus, like most other witnesses, received a cord or sash upon his entry into the Order. This article is mentioned in Statute 138: "... une sainturete petite

31

' See supra, p.21.

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

38

que il doivent ceindre sur la chemise." He denied the allegation that this cord had any connection with the adoration of an idol. Gualterius insisted that the cord had touched a relic. This confusion between relics and idols can be found in various trials.32 Ceccus, like the others, affirmed that the cord was: "... pro afflictione nostre carnis et in reverenda nostri Domini Dei."33 It is evident that the Templars present at this trial in particular had only limited knowledge of practices carried out in the Order elsewhere. They had never been overseas; they had not even travelled outside Italy.34 They could testify only about their own ceremony of reception, and perhaps one or two others. They had never read the Rule; they would, in any case, probably have been unable to read it. Statute 326 forbade them to possess a copy.35 It should have been read to them before or during reception.36 If one considers the length of this document including the Statutes, about 300 printed pages, it is scarcely probable that the presiding officer read the rules in their entirety. These witnesses were unable to answer when they were asked questions relating to practices of the Order in other lands. Ceccus, Andreas, and Gualterius were apostates. All of them left the Order within a few months, or years, of service. They specified that they had left because of the illicit practices. In the various trials the testimony of such persons was usually unfavourable to the Order. Most of the brethren believed that the errors of conduct were introduced after the founding of the Order and its subsequent approval by the Holy See. Ceccus and two others agreed that the grand master and the visitor did not order the commission of any improper acts. Guillelmus went even farther and stated that practices commanded by dignitaries of the Order were licit and honest. He seemed to suggest that those responsible were not officers

32

Consult the testimony from Brindisi in Schottmüller, Untergang, II, p. 136: ... ipse vidit duo capita ornata de argento, quorum unum dicebatur sánete Euphemie...." 33 Infra, p. 139; see also Statutes 138, 680. 34 Testimony given in Cyprus, Paris or England show that certain members served in several different countries and houses of the Order. Those men testifying here have not had this sort of experience. 35 Statute 326: "Nul frere ne doit tenir retrais ne regle, se ne les tient par le congié dou couvent; quar par le couvent ont esté desfendus et furent desfendus a tenir as freres, por ce que les escuiers les troverent aucune fois et les lisoient, et nos establissemens se descovroient as gens dou siecle, laquel chose peust estre damages de nostre relegion. Et por ce que tel chose ne peust avenir le couvent establit que nus frere ne les tenist, nul frere se il ne fust bailli, tel qui le peust tenir por l'office de la ballie." 36 Rule 11: "Legatur igitur regula in ejus presencia...."

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Testimony

39

of the Order. The articles of accusation group together the two concepts of charity and hospitality as carried out in the Order. In fact, as almost ail the witnesses declared during the Cyprus trial: "... elimosine fiebant de relevo tabule et de carnibus. De hospitalité respondit, quod ordo non tenebatur hospitalitem servare...."37. Rule 62 and Statute 94 concern the obligation to practise charity by nourishing the poor but they do not discuss hospitality.

2, ANDREAS ARMANNI DE MONTE ODERISIO, DIOCESIS OF CHIETÎ, SERVIENS

The second witness testified on 11 May 1310 in the episcopal palace at Chieti in the Abruzzi. He had been received into the Order in Barletta in Apulia. He made it clear that he had been married before becoming a Templar and that he had received permission from his wife to enter the Order, which he left between eight and nine months later. His information was thus necessarily limited. He began, like all the witnesses, with the list of grand preceptors. He was received during the pontificate of Boniface VIII, that is between 1294 and 1303; the grand preceptor who presided over this ceremony was Petrus Peraverde Ultramontanus. The secret ceremony which immediately followed the licit one took place in the presence of the grand preceptor, and some other brethren whose names he did not remember. He denied Christ, spat near the cross and trampled upon it, following the instructions of Petrus who also told him that Christ was a false prophet, crucified for his sins. Neither he nor Andreas should have faith in salvation by Christ. In contrast with many other witnesses, this one confirmed the practice of obscene kisses: "... osculatus fuit dictum fratrem Petrum, et alios fratres qui cum eo ad dictum locum intraverunt, in ano, et ipse frater Petrus, receptor ipsius fratris Andree, et alii predicti fratres, eundem fratrem Andream osculati fuerunt in ano."38 When he answered questions on the subject of idolatry, it is, nevertheless, an idol different from the one seen by 37 38

Schottmüller, Untergang, II, p.320. Quotes from Andreas infra, pp. 149-50.

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

Ceccus which the witness described: "... dictus frater Petrus ostendit sibi unum ydolum stature cubitalis habens tria capita." The other brethren adored and venerated the idol as God. The witness was told that this idol furnished all riches to the Order, that it was the great god who could save them. Like many others, Andreas did not know what god this idol represented. Gualterius who testified later, stated that Albertus told him that the idol, which Gualterius had never seen, was the great god adored by the Saracens. On the question of sodomy, Andreas testified only by hearsay. He had heard that the grand preceptor who received him, and other preceptors, as well as the grand preceptors of the Order, had: "... pueros quibus se carnaliter commiscebant." One allegation frequently put to the witnesses concerned the practice of holding meetings by night. Andreas, like most of the others, indicated dawn as the normal time. The Rule specified activities which took place at almost every moment of the day; dawn was perhaps the only time when all the members were available. The second allegation concerning meetings held in the Order related to their clandestinity. This practice, attested to by almost all witnesses in all the trials, was set forth in Statute 387 which stipulates: "... Et le frere chapelain ... il se doivent prendre garde ententivement que nul home, se il ne fust frere do Temple, ne le puisse oïr quant il tienent lor chapistre." The reason behind the secrecy may have stemmed from the brethren's obligation to confess their sins and faults before the group, and eventually to denounce the faults of others, practices which justified the security of a closed meeting. This custom is common to most religious orders; in most cases chapter meetings take place in the presence of members only. Those responsible for the decision to hold meetings in private might have done so because of the nature of matters discussed there, financial or otherwise.

3. GUILLELMUS DE VERDUNO, PRESBYTER

The third witness testified in the episcopal palace at Viterbo on 7 June 1310. Because he was educated, questions were put to him in Latin rather than in translation as they were to the others. Guillelmus's ceremony of reception had been conducted by the grand preceptor Huguitio de Vercellis, now dead. These proceedings had taken

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Testimony

41

place without the commission of any illicit acts. Later two brethren, Dominicus de Corneto and Guillelmus de Pedemontis, menaced him with their swords and commanded him to deny Christ, an order to which he capitulated. In contrast, he firmly and obstinately refused to trample upon the cross. Dominicus de Corneto and Guillelmus de Pedemontis then made the shape of a cross on the floor out of pieces of straw. The witness finally agrued to trample this representation of the cross but maintained that he did not profane the true cross which he kept in his heart. Guillelmus de Verduno stated that he was received with the ritual kiss on the mouth; he knew nothing about the supposed practice of illicit kisses. One reception ceremony which he saw, that of Petrus Rose, took place with the doors open, contrary to the usual custom. Even though the previously mentioned Guillelmus and Dominicus told him that Templars could legitimately have carnal relations with each other; he never did so. He had heard of an idol which he had not seen. Concerning the prohibition against confession to priests who were not members of the Order, Guillelmus testified that this was respected in as far as it was possible. It was, on the other hand, possible to confess to other priests in the absence of chaplains of the Order. This witness's testimony did situate illicit practices in the principal house of the Order in Italy at S. Maria sull'Aventino in Rome. Finally, like most others, this witness insisted that he himself had no power to correct errors in the Order.

4. GERARDUS DE PLACENTIA, SERVIENS

The manuscript gives the incorrect name Guillelmus here for this witness; his name is clearly given as Gerardus in every other reference to him in this text. He was received in the house of S. Maria at Piacenza, twentyfour years earlier; the grand preceptor who received him was Blancus. His reception took place with no untoward incidents. He attended one other which was equally correct. Later on, the grand preceptor Blancus took him aside, with three other Templars, in the room of the house in which he had been received. It was explained to him that he must do that done by all other brethren: deny Christ and cease to have faith in him because he was a false prophet, crucified for his sins. Along with a certain Petrus who had

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

been received with him, he accomplished the aforesaid illicit acts because of the threats made against them. When Gerardus received the order to spit and trample upon the cross, he refused and left the room. Petrus, on the other hand, did carry out the requests to do so through fear. In réponse to questions of a sexual nature, the witness affirmed that Blancus told him it was not a sin for brethren to have carnal relations with each other. He corroborated this statement by the affirmation that lacobus de Bononia, vicar of Monte Cuccho, committed sodomy with Manfredus de Balneoregio. In this fourth deposition, the idol was once again described differently: it was made of wood, with one face rather than three heads. In spite of the thorough searches ordered by the king of France no idol was ever found, if one ignores two heads which seem to have been relics brought back from the Holy Land. Gerardus, like many others, declared that a Templar could confess to a Carmelite priest if there was no chaplain of the Order available. On this point, Vivolus, the sixth witness, had received permission to confess to any type of priest if he wished to do so. Statute 269 states, on the other hand, that no brother should confess to anyone other than a chaplain of the Order, since he had, by virtue of a papal privilege, more power to absolve than an archbishop.39 In the receptions which this witness saw, the sashes or cords had not touched idols. These cords, which were part of the regular habit, were to be worn day and night; many witnesses described them as a sort of chastity belt. This witness declared that the Order did perform its obligation of hospitality faithfully, but he was not able to judge whether the practice might be described as: "... ut debebant". His answer to questions 121 to 123 may signify that he had spent several years in prison. He answered the question about the grand master's confession saying: "... postquam istud negotium fuit inchoatum per dominum papam et regem Francie contra Templarios fuit in carcere detentus ut Templarius de mandato domini pape."40

39 This privilege is probably the bull Omne datum optimum (1139); text in Hiestand, Papsturkunden, pp.204-10. 40 ' Infra, pp. 196-8.

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Testimony

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5. PETRUS VALENTIN I, SERVIENS

This witness testified in the episcopal palace at Viterbo on 9 June 1310. He had been received into the Order by Blancus in the house of S. Maria sulf Aventino in Rome at the time of Pope Nicholas III, that is between 1277 and 1280. According to him, Blancus governed Lombardy, Tuscany, Rome, the Patrimony of Saint Peter in Tuscany, Campagna romana and Marittima, the Marches and Sardinia. Like the others Petrus had to deny Christ under the threats of the man who received him. He refused to spit on the cross. The witness described a series of other reception ceremonies concerning a number of other persons. In most cases the new member agreed to perform various illicit acts, with the exception of a certain Dominicus de Corneto who persisted in refusing to comply with these requests. Another Templar, Guillelmus Cernerius, grand preceptor in the Patrimony of Saint Peter in Tuscia, ordered certain illicit acts to be performed during ceremonies held at S. Maria in Capita near Bagnoregio. None of the witnesses in this trial, in contrast to their Tuscan brethren, saw a cat, nor assisted at the adoration of a cat. Petrus, like the others in this document, never saw brethren hold meetings on Good Friday in order to perform illicit acts. He knew nothing either about the alleged practice of obscene kisses. He did, on the other hand, see the idol or head three times. On each occasion the brethren present venerated and worshipped it. This deposition, like many others, demonstrates that the Templars were not supposed to discuss their reception ceremony with anyone save, in some testimony, other members of the Order. In fact, Statutes 418 and 550 limit this proscription to those persons outside the group. It is possible that there was some confusion between the discussion of the ceremony and the revelation of personal information which might have been disclosed through the practice of asking potentially incriminating questions of postulants before their reception. A regulation that the Rule might not be divulged would seem to have been senseless since it contained nothing whatever which could be considered illicit.

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

6. VIVOLUS DE VILLA SANCTIIUSTINI, COMITATU PERUSCINI, SERVIENS

On the next day 10 June the sixth witness testified. He stated that he was received by Huguitio de Vercellis at Castell'araldo nine years earlier. Vivolus was the only witness in this trial to insist that he had not received an order to deny God or Christ. On the day of his entry into the Order, Georgius, vicar of Huguitio, took him aside and ordered him, under threat, to spit and trample upon the cross. This same person told him to kiss him: "... in ano et umbilico seu ventre nudo." Vivolus consented only to kiss him on the bare stomach.41 When the inquisitors asked him questions concerning the secrets within the Order, the witness responded: "... se nescire quia de secretis dicti ordinis parvum sciebat quia erat vilis conditionis in dicto ordine et ad negotia rustica deputatus." He attended two other receptions at S. Maria sull'Aventino: that of Albertus presided over by Huguitio, and that of Guillelmus Lombardus led by Albertinus, vicar of Monte Cuccho. In these ceremonies only kisses on the mouth were given. Vivolus did not know whether there were idols elsewhere in the Order. He had seen one at Castell'araldo, a white head with the face of a man. As far as the question concerning the prohibition to discuss the secrets of the Order under penalty of death or imprisonment was concerned, the witness answered that he had simply been told not to discuss his reception. He stated later that Templars might confess to other priests in case of necessity. He had, nevertheless, confessed his sins to a priest of the Order. Before his entry into the Order, he was a familiaris of the preceptor of S. Bevignata in Perugia. He had seen a chapter meeting at S. Maria di Carbonara in Viterbo presided over by Guillelmus Cernerius. Several other preceptors were also present at this meeting which began at dawn and continued until it was time for mass. Since Templars normally attended one office before daybreak and another two hours later, about 4 and 6 o'clock in summer, it might have seemed appropriate to hold chapter meetings between these two offices. As far as the origin of the errors in the Order is concerned, Vivolus responded: "... quod credit quod scandala sint generata in cordibus regum et principum et aliorum christianorum postquam ista inceperunt pati fieri."

41

Quotes from Vivolus, infra, pp.216-22.

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Testimony

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7. GUALTERIUSiOHANNIS DE NEAPOLI, SERVIENS

The last testimony given in this trial was obtained at Palombara Sabina near Rome on 27 July 1310.42 Gualterius had been received into the Order at 1300 at the house in Castell'araldo, along with Vivolus, at least according to this witness. Vivolus, however, did not testify that they had been received together, but that he had been received in company with Petrus de Valentia and others whose names he did not divulge. The main information given by these two persons concerning the person presiding over the original ceremony and the place in which it was held coincide. In the case of Vivolus, the illicit acts were ordered by Georgius, vicar of Huguitio. In the case of Gualterius, they had been commanded by Albertus, preceptor of Castelfaraldo. Three days after the first legitimate ceremony Gualterius performed the denial of Christ; Albertus told him that he should not believe in Christ since he was a false prophet. On another occasion, lacobus de Monte Cuccho is reported to have said to the new members: "... quod quilibet eorum faceret et diceret quecumque per preceptores et maiores ipsorum eis mandabantur et dicentur..."43, an order which may have simply meant that they must obey the rules and their superiors in the Order. Among the illicit acts which he had committed, Gualterius confessed that he spat near the cross. He admitted that he thought the Order had the right to absolve postulants of all their sins prior to reception. On the subject of obscene kisses, Gualterius stated that: "... frater Albertus incontinenti dixit dicto fratri Gualterio quod eum oscularetur in ore et ipse osculatus fuit eum, ... et statim elevatis pannis, ostendit sibi ventrum suum nudum mandans sibi quod deoscularetur eum in ventre nudo, dicens sibi quod sic faciunt in invicem omnes qui recipiebantur ad dictum ordinem...." Gualterius refused to comply with this order, and Albertus, who feared that the residents of CasteU'araldo might overhear these proceedings, did not insist any further. This witness stated that he had been threatened with gaol if he discussed secret affairs. Later in his testimony, he clarified this point saying that Huguitio de Vercellis and lacobus de Monte Cuccho had simply ordered members not to reveal details of their receptions, without, nevertheless, mentioning any particular punish-

42

" The sessions took place in a property of the Savelli family. ' Quotes from Gualterius, infra, pp.252-4.

45

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46

The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

ment for so doing. Gualterius left the Order after only three years. The end of the manuscript comes after the usual formulae by the four notaries concerned.

CONCLUSION

From a legal point of view, this trial of the Templars in parts of the Papal State and the Abruzzi seems to have taken place in a completely legitimate fashion. Sentences of interdict, contumacy and excommunication were handed down according to normal principles in such cases. A bishop participated with the papal inquisitor. There was always a larger than adequate number of witnesses present according to the requirements of canon law. The inquisitors and their retinue visited many of the larger towns in the area under their jurisdiction. The terms of the various edicts and citations against the Order and its members were read in public and posted in a wide variety of places. The notaries and the nuntii were chosen and instructed according to the rules. All persons who testified did so under oath. They returned to confirm their previous depositions after the prescribed delay. There is no proof that torture was used, nor would it have been illicit to do so in such matters.44 In spite of all this and considering the length of time the proceedings lasted, the number of fruitless sessions held, and the distance travelled, the result seems meagre indeed. If one treats these seven depositions as a whole, some conclusions are possible. Leaving aside the question of guilt or innocence for the moment, much information is given by these witnesses. Their references to other Templars present help to estimate the approximate number of persons in several houses of the Order, and help to establish at least a partial list of their properties in the area. From all the evidence given, the actual number of Templars in the region was considerably greater than the seven who testified. They possessed almost thirty houses or churches, even if we include only those mentioned by these seven men, and many more if we in44

Tanon, Tribunaux, passim.

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Testimony

47

elude properties mentioned elsewhere.45 The inquisitors, therefore, interrogated only a small minority of Templars in this part of Italy. One cannot say that these persons constitute a balanced sample of members of the Order since three of them were apostates, almost half. There was no knight among them. None of them belonged to a known or important family. Other Templars, perhaps including those members with more power or influence, must have escaped pursuit. It is impossible to ignore the possibility that the inquisitors examined other witnesses who did not confess. We have already seen that in Florence-Lucca trial depositions of persons who did not confess were not included in the official document.46 To return to the vexing problem of potential guilt or innocence: those confessions concerning the commission of illicit acts always stated that they were accomplished under threat. One must not exclude, nevertheless, the possibility that the witness invented these threats to mitigate his conduct. On this point, it is impossible to find any satisfactory proof. It is also possible that the descriptions of illicit acts were invented also since confession was the only way to bring the interrogation to an end. A reading of this testimony does not give the impression that these men were confirmed heretics. One very important point which distinguishes the Templars from members of heretical sects is the fact that the errors or sacrilegious acts described were only carried out once, usually at reception or subsequently. From then on, these persons led lives comparable to those led by persons in any religious order. Finally, the individuals who ordered these illicit acts frequently allowed postulants to refuse to carry them out, a fact which seems to indicate a certain lack of conviction on the part of those responsible which would scarcely have been the case with committed heretics. If one wishes to consider these men as typical representatives of Italian Templars between 1300 and 1307, one must regard them, with the exception of Guillelmus the priest, only as representative of serving brethren at this time. It is unfortunate that this trial does not furnish the testimony of a knight in order to compare his information with that of the others. These men did not possess a great deal of information about their Order, its history, the practices of members elsewhere, events which took place overseas and so on. With the exception of Guillelmus, they were rather ignorant of

45

References in n.I 5 supra. ' Supra, p. 25.

46

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48

The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

theological matters. Precise information such as that gained from the testimony given in Cyprus is not available here. Concerning heresy, the principal allegation against the Order, it is remarkable that not one witness persevered in the profession of any heretical belief. Among all the Templars in the various countries in which they were tried, not one went to his death professing any unorthodox creed. Those who were executed died, on the contrary, proclaiming their orthodox Christian beliefs.4' What, then, did these men seem to be, if it cannot be demonstrated that they were heretics? Most were peasants and spent their time carrying out jobs described by one of them as "negotia rustica". His condition is qualified as "vilis". Elsewhere he called himself "agricola". All affirmed usual Christian beliefs. Without proof on the question of the use of torture, it is exceedingly difficult to evaluate their testimony. A majority of those who have studied this question has presumed that it was used.48 As we have seen, papal bulls called for torture in each case where a witness refused to confess. There was no reason, particularly in papal territory, not to use it if needed. One may accept or reject the confessions of guilt. If one accepts them, one agrees that the prisoners committed acts of blasphemy, or acts construed as heretical, on the order of someone else, the person who received novices or some other Templar. No motive is ever given for the commission of these acts. Some members of the Order elsewhere insisted that it was simply a foolish joke or trick indulged in by some Templars. Others suggested that the orders to perform incomprehensible acts were intended as a test of obedience. Often, when Templars later confessed such acts, the penances received were minimal for sins of that gravity. Is it possible that the confessors, especially those who were not members of the Order, did not consider this peculiar initiation ceremony as a heretical gesture? The suggestion has also been advanced that the order to deny Christ was made

4 On this point, see the Continuatio Chronici, 377-8: "... tamquam relapsos in haeresim, tradi curiae saeculari quod tunc permittunt canonicae sanctiones; eis hujuscemodi sic relapsis, qui titulo clericalis militiae fuerant adscripti vel in sacris ordinibus constituti, primitus ab episcopo degradatis, quod et factum est. Tunc itaque quinquaginta novem (sic) Templarii foras civitatem Parisius, in campis videlicet ab abbatia monialium, incendio fuerunt exstincti. Qui tamen omnes, nullo excepto nil omnino finaliter de impositis sibi criminibus cognoverunt (note, or better recognoverunt), sed constanter et perseveranter in abnegatione communi perstiterunt, dicentes semper sine causa morti se traditos et injuste: quod quidem multi de populo non absque multa admiratione stuporeque vehementi conspicere nullatenus potuerunt." See also Strayer, Reign, pp.291-2. 48 On torture, see supra, pp. 15-16.

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Testimony

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in order to detect those persons who might give in to similar demands made by the infidel were they to be captured. Such a hypothesis seems scarcely plausible. If one does not accept the truth of these confessions, it is still necessary to study them because prisoners do not confess to all the allegations; all the answers were not invented to satisfy the inquisitors. These other responses are often rich in details concerning various aspects of life in the Order. The same witness who may have invented the description of an act which seems to make him a heretic answered other questions honestly. If one reads this testimony it is possible to detect the thoughts and beliefs of these individuals, their conception of the Templar Order. We have here a part of a puzzle, and like everything which is not complete, it must be added to other pieces in order to have a wider view of Italian Templars, and to yet other pieces in order to complete the picture of Templars everywhere at this time.49 Though this trial involves only a small number of witnesses, the amount of information it gives on the Templar Order in Lombardy, Emilia, part of the Papal State, Apulia and the Abruzzi, the supplementary data provided by witnesses from outside the Order, and the meticulous and detailed fashion with which this trial was carried out, make it a document of value.

4

See Gilmour-Bryson, "Coding of the Testimony of prisoners", for a possible method of comparison of testimony in different trials with the help of the computer. (To appear in book form in Le temps et les hommes, Hachette, 1982-3.

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Ill

THE MANUSCRIPT

The manuscript edited here exists in the form of a parchment 25 to 26 centimetres wide and 33.75 metres long.1 It is composed of 57 membranes sewn together with string. When I first saw it, in 1976, the parchment had been folded and refolded in the style of an accordion, which made a number of lines illegible in those places where the folds occurred. After a restoration of the manuscript in 1977-78, it was sewn together once again and remains in rotulus. Several membranes are numbered in a contemporary hand; others have been numbered much later.2 Since two numbers (7 and 8) are missing and two numbers (14 and 31) are repeated twice the final number of 57 is correct.3 The original beginning of the manuscript is missing; it is impossible to know how much, material preceded membrane 1, at which the text now commences. The papal bull Faciens misericordiam mentioned in the text is not present and was presumably part of a lost initial membrane or membranes. Of those membranes which remain, 1 to 9 are in very poor condition.4 A previous and unsuccessful attempt at restoration, dampness, l

' Unique manuscript in Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Archivio di Castel Sani*Angelo, Armadio D-207. The description in the Concordanza fra le nuove e le antiche collocazioni indicates dimensions of 39.20 by 0.265 metres. Schottmüiler. Untergang, II, p.404, erred in giving 48 metres. The right and left margins are about 2 cm in width. The parchment is ruled at a distance of about 4 to 6 mm. Sections of the manuscript are reproduced infra, following p.262. 2 ' It is not possible to see any numbers on membranes 1 to 3. 4 has a small 'vi' in ink, 5 has nothing visible, 6 has a small 'vii' in ink, 9 bears 'viii', 10 has 'x.x.' in handwriting similar to that of the membrane. From 14b onward the numbers are modern, written in pencil. ^ Manuscript numbers go from 1, one assumes, to 7, then 9 to 14 which is repeated twice, as is the number 31. 4 * 1 to 9 signify, in reality, 1 to 7. Different portions of all these membranes are practically illegible. Various small portions of parchment are missing from membrane 1 ; membrane 2 is missing a portion of 24 cm in length, 1 to 13.5 cm in width. A previous break results in a missing piece of 18 cm in width, 1 to 12 cm in length. Membrane 3 is missing a section 50 cm in length, 2 to 3 cm in width. Membrane 4 is missing a piece 16 cm in length, .5 to 3.5 cm in width. 5 is missing a piece 13 cm long .5 to 3.5 in width, another 10 cm in length, .5 to 3.5 cm in width, yet another 13 cm in length, .5 to 3 cm in width. Membrane 6 is so badly damaged that lacunae cannot be measured accurately. Membrane 11 contains a seriously damaged por-

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Manuscript

51

breaks now repaired, faded ink, and some holes, make this portion difficult to read. It is, however, possible to decipher some letters in almost every line; quite often, an entire word can be made out. Once I realised the help the computer could bring to the re-establishement of at least some of this damaged early portion of text, I decided to undertake a partial transcription of it.5 A computer concordance to the rest of the text provided the means to find the formulaic material in ifiany of the otherwise largely illegible lines.6 This portion is still too fragmentary to be considered satisfactory, but it offers, nevertheless, much data which would otherwise be lost if it had been omitted. It is equally impossible to know whether other membranes ever existed after number 57, the present end of the manuscript. The inquiry had been completed in Rome, in the Patrimony of St. Peter in Tuscia, Marittima and the Campagna romana, the Duchy of Spoleto, and in the Abruzzi, those areas named in the papal bull which had ordered the inquiry. The drawn notary signa appear regularly either after their attestations on membranes 11, 14a, 14b, 27, 47 and 53, or on the border between two membranes. It appears that they may be missing between membranes 4 and 5 but the damaged condition makes certitude impossible. These seals are reproduced infra following p. 262. The notaries' handwriting could be described as normal cursive style usual to the papal chancellery at this time.

tion from line 43 to the end. Lines 6-32 on the right side of membrane 12 are badly damaged, as are lines 32 to 60, 5 to 10 cm in width. The 12 lines at the beginning of membrane 14b are in poor condition. The formulaic nature of the text here makes its reestablishment possible. Membrane 57 has been damaged on the right side in a section 23 cm long and 1 to 6 cm wide. 5 See Gilmour-Bryson, "Reconstitution", "Transcription". 6 The highly repetitive nature of this trial document permitted the use of the computer to help determine the appropriate presently illegible words. The computer word list made on a sample of text containing 25,000 words demonstrates a repetition rate of 9.36. In a commentary of Ockham, of the same size, the repetition rate was only 6.6. See Lusignan, "Informatique et analyse".

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

52

METHOD OF TEXT EDITION

The criteria followed in the preparation of this text are substantially those suggested by the International Commission of Diplomatics.71 wished to reproduce the document as faithfully as possible and have therefore used the original spelling, except in the few cases of evident error which are always indicated in note. The frequent usual variants in orthography to be found in texts of this period have been signalled in note only when they might cause confusion, e.g. "reddire" for "redire", or when the spelling is incorrect, e.g. "cubitatis" for "cubitalis". Numerous words more commonly written as one are sometimes separated in two, e.g. "id circo", "in continenti", "in scire", "ne scire", "non nulli". Others more often written as two words appear sometimes in the text as one, e.g. "siqui" in various forms and "pretimore". The expected confusion between V and ^p', ^g* and 'ci' 'cti' and 'ti', ^ and V, 'ngn* and ^n*, 'nt* and "net", as well as the addition or omission of ^ at the beginning or within words may be found. Occasional doubling of consonants or omission of one consonant which should be doubled appear. Examples of variant spelling appear below. In almost all cases the usual spelling also appears in the text: "Adiuntum" appears for "adiunctum", "aducti" for "adducti", "afligentem", for "affligentem", "amonere" for "ammonere", "aposui" for "apposui", "apropinquare" for "appropinquare", "assummi", "assumpi", "assupmi" for "assumi", "commedere" for "comedere", "cominati" for "comminati", "comoditas" for "commoditas", "examminare" for "examinare", "genibus" and "genubus, "iuxiones" for "iussiones". "perenptorio", "perhenptorio" "perhontorio" for "peremptorio", "redactus" for "reddactus". Capital letters are used at random in this manuscript; I have endeavoured to make their use systematic. Punctuation, practised in different and sometimes inconsistent fashion by the three notaries who wrote the text, has been normalised. The notaries followed the usual practice of repeating the last word of one membrane on the succeeding membrane; these words have not been included in the text or the notes. In such a work, the index is frequently a most valuable portion of the

7

fonti".

See "Normalisation"; Pratesi, "Una questione di metodo"; Petrucci, "Edizione delle

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Method of Text Edition

53

edition. I have therefore furnished an index listing all references to all persons and places occurring in the text. The subject matter itself will be found in the chronological tables below. Entries in the index will be found in Latin, reduced to one form in the case of variants, followed by the modern name in italics and in some cases by reference to the introduction. In order to facilitate finding complete references to works cited in the notes, short forms of titles are used there, complete details will be found in the Bibliography for all works cited.

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CHRONOLOGY OF TRIALS AND PROVINCIAL COUNCILS DISCUSSED IN THE TEXT OR FOR WHICH SOME EVIDENCE REMAINS

Trial

Year

Persons

Paris Bigorre Bayeux Caen Chaumont Renneville (Pont de l'Arche) Troyes Nîmes Poitiers Carcassonne Cahors Provence Salamanca (Tarragona) Portugal Ravenna Germany Clermont Paris, papal commission England, Scotland, Ireland Patrimony of St. Peter Marches of Ancona Navarre Cesena Lérida Sens Senlis Sicily, Lucelia or S. Maria Mas-Dieu Cyprus Brindisi

1307 1307-8 1307 1307 1307 1307 1307 1307-11 1308 1308 1308 1308-10 1308-11 1308-11 1308-11 1308-11 1309 1309-11 1309-11 1309-10 ? 1310 ? 1310 1310 1310 1310 1310 1310 1310

138 6 6 13 2 13 2-3 45 72 6 51 48-9 30 28 7 37-44 68 229 118 7 1 3 2 32 54 executed 9 executed 6 25 76 2

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56

The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

Trial

Year

Florence-Lucca Barcelona

1310-11 1311

Persons 6 8

These figures do not represent in any way a definitive total. Some individuals testified in more than one trial. Many figures come from lists of names which cannot be verified as the trial records are missing. Figures differ in various sources.

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TABLE OF EVENTS

THE PAPAL STATES

Rome

1309

[p.65] Autumn (September or October), in the monastery of SS. Bonifatio ed Alessio: Beginning of the inquiry against the Templars and against the grand preceptor. [pp.69-84] In the Templar church of S. Maria sull'Aventino: First citations of the grand preceptor and the Order of the Temple. Edicts were posted on various churches and public buildings. Persons who did not appear within the stated time period would be cited for contumacy, [p.84] 12 November: Continuation of selection of notaries and nuntii.

Viterbo (Viterbium)

[p.86] 20 December, in the episcopal palace: Selection of other nuntii, citations and the posting of edicts, [p.91]: The inquisitors sent two nuntii to the episcopal prison at Viterbo to order the Templar prisoners confined there to present themselves before the tribunal and to ask whether or not they wished to present a defence, [p.92]: The messengers spoke to the prisoners. [pp.94-9] 29-30 December: Pronouncement of peremptory citation, interlocutory sentence, declaration of contumacy against witnesses who failed to appear; the tribunal awaited the appearance of witnesses; notarial attestations.

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58 ACTS IN THE DUCHY OF SPOLETO

Assisi (Asisium)

1310

[pp. 100-08] 25 February-1 March, in the monastery of S. Petri, O.S.B.: Nomination and election of nuntii, reading and publication of apostolic letters, repetition of citations, posting of edicts.

Gubbio (Eugubium)

[pp. 108-14] 3-7 March, in the palace of S. Croce (the episcopal palace): The inquisitors awaited witnesses who did not appear, pronounced public citations and interlocutory sentences; notarial attestations.

ACTS IN THE ABRUZZI

L'Aquila

[pp. 115-17] 3 April, in the episcopal palace of S. Maria di Colle Maio, O.S.B.: The inquisitors asked for information on the presence of Templars in the region. Eleven persons who did not belong to the Order were questioned. [p. 117] 5 April: Various persons were cited to appear the following day in the public square to hear the citation of the edict, [pp. 117-24] 6-13 April: Public meeting in the cathedral square to hear the edict and the apostolic letters; posting of edicts. Proclamation of peremptory and interlocutory sentences, declaration of contumacy. Other citations were pronounced against the grand preceptor and the Order.

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Table of Events

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Penne (Penna)

[pp. 124-7] 16-22 April, in the episcopal palace: Two messengers were sent to two imprisoned Templars to cite them to appear and to ask whether or not they wished to defend the Order. Before the tribunal, the two prisoners declined to undertake a defence, nor did they wish to appear. [p. 128] 23 April: The edict was read in public followed by the proclamation of an interlocutory sentence. [p. 130] 28 April: The court convened to hear the depositions at Penne. [p. 130] 28 April: First witness, Ceccus Nicolay Ragonis de Tannano, serving brother of the Templar Order, who took the required oath before testifying. [pp. 131-44]: Testimony of this witness received at the Lateran Palace (Rome) including confession of idolatry, denial of Christ, clandestinity of receptions, method of acquisition of goods in the Order, charity, and the information that he had left the Order because of improper practices, [p. 143]: Résumé of his testimony on the most important points, [p. 144]: Standard confirmation by the witness of his previous testimony.

Chieti (Theate)

[p. 145] 11 May: Second witness, Andreas Armanni de Monte Oderisio, serving brother, who took the oath as above, [pp. 146-56]: Testimony concerning his reception in Barletta (Barulum), having been told that Christ was a false prophet, denial of Christ, having spat on the cross, lay absolution, obscene kisses, sodomy committed by others, idolatry, menaces by preceptors to force commission of idolatry, clandestinity of meetings; statement that he too had left the Order because of improper practices, [p. 155]: Résumé of his testimony concerning important facts, [pp. 156-7]: Standard declaration and confirmation of previous deposition, [pp.157-8]: Notarial attestations.

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60

THE PAPAL STATES

Rome

[p. 159] 23 May, in the Templar church of S. Maria sull'Aventino: Reading and publication of apostolic letters and posting of the edict.

Viterbo (Viterbium)

[p. 163] 28 May, in the episcopal palace: Two messengers were sent to the episcopal prison to cite the Templars imprisoned there. They, defenders of the Order, or other interested persons, were ordered to appear within a fixed period of time. [pp. 164-5] 29 May: Response of the messengers that the prisoners neither wished to appear nor to defend the Order. [pp. 165-71] 30 May-5 June: Citations, posting of edicts and other legal procedures. [p. 172] 7 June: Third witness, Guillelmus de Verduno, priest of the Order, sworn as before, [pp. 172-86]: Testimony including confession of the denial of Christ, having spat and trampled on the cross, threats by other members of the Order to force the accomplishment of illicit acts, denial of the practice of lay absolution or of failure to consecrate the Host, confession that sodomy was permitted though no evidence that it was performed, idolatry, clandestinity, confession of sins to a papal confessor, commission of illicit acts in Rome in S. Maria sull'Aventino, [p. 186]: Affirmation that the deposition was given voluntarily without coercion. [p. 187] 8 June: Fourth witness, Gerardus de Placentia, serving brother, sworn as before, [pp. 188-98]: Testimony concerning his reception at S. Maria del Tempio (Piacenza), confession of the denial of Christ, threats by preceptors, having spat on the cross, clandestinity, admission that it was said that sodomy was not a sin, hearsay testimony on sodomy, threats which forced commission of idolatry; statement that the king of France and the pope initiated the investigation of the Order of the Temple, [p. 198]: Declaration that the deposition was made spontaneously. [p.200] 9 June: Fifth witness, Petrus Valentini, serving brother, sworn as before, [pp.201-12]: Testimony concerning reception at S. Maria

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sull'Aventino, having spat and trampled on the cross, idolatry, mention of the king of France and the pope as instigators of the trials, clandestinity of chapter meetings, origin of errors, [p.212]: Declaration of spontaneity of deposition. [p.213] 10 June: Sixth witness, Vivolus de villa S. fustini, comitatu Peruscii (Perugia), serving brother, sworn as above, [pp.213-23]: Testimony concerning his reception at Castell'araldo (Castrum Araldi), affirmation that denial of Christ did not exist in the Order, having spat and trampled on the crucifix, declaration that witness's humble position and agricultural tasks precluded his knowledge of events in the Order, obscene kisses, permission to commit sodomy, clandestinity, idolatry, death threats against witness, prohibition to speak of reception ceremony, rule regarding sacramental confession, such a confession made to a priest of the Order. [p.220]: Résumé of errors committed by the witness, [pp.220-1]: Charity in the Order, means of Templar expansion, [pp. 222-3]: Origin of the scandal within the Christian world, pope as instigator of the inquiry, [p.223]: Declaration of spontaneous, voluntary testimony. [pp.223-4] 17 June: Confirmation by Guillelmus de Verduno of his previous deposition which was read literally and not translated, [p.224] 18 June: Confirmation of deposition by Gerardus de Placentia. [p.225]: Confirmation of deposition by Petrus Valentini. [p.225] 19 June: Confirmation of deposition by Vivolus de comitatu Peruscii. [pp.226-7] 21 June: Notarial attestations of the act.

ACTS IN MARITTIMA AND CAMPAGNA ROMANA

Albano (Albanum)

[p.228] 3 July 1310, in the church of S. Pietro: Election of a nuntius. [pp.228-34]: Reading and publication of apostolic letters, public citation of edict, posting of edicts; 8-10 July, in the monastery of S. Paolo: Further posting of edicts, fixing of a delay for the appearance of witnesses before the tribunal.

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62

Velletri (Velletrum)

[pp.235-39] 16 July (in text as 16 May), in the episcopal palace: The tribunal awaits the previously cited witnesses; they will wait until the following day; those who do not appear will be cited as contumacious. 17 July: Proclamation of interlocutory sentence and one of contumacy. [pp.240-1] 17 July (correct in text): Hearing of seven non-Templar witnesses. [p.242]: Declaration of the inquisitors that since no one came to testify, and no Templar was captured in Marittima and the Campagna romana, the tribunal would move to Segni.

Segni (Signia)

[p.242] 17 July, in domibus Ecclesie romane: Questions put to the Bishop of Segni concerning the possible presence of Templars in that city or in the Campagna romana. Declaration by the bishop that there were no Templars nor defenders of the Order in the region, tpp.243-4]: 4 non-Templar witnesses were questioned on the same subject, [p.244]: Confirmation of the foregoing depositions and oaths of witnesses. [p.245] 18 July, in the cathedral church: Notice of departure of the inquisitors, because of the negative result of their inquiries, for Castel Fajóla.

Castel Fajóla (Castrum Paiole)

[pp.245-6] 20 July: Declaration by inquisitors to the castellanus that they were going to Tivoli. Any witnesses who appear should follow them there.

Tivoli (Tibur)

[pp.246-7] 21 July, in domibus Pandulfus de Sabello: Declaration by

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Table of Events

63

inquisitors that they were leaving for Palombara Sabina. Any persons presenting themselves in Castel Fajóla were to follow them there. Notarial attestations.

Palombara (Castrum Palumbarie)

[p.248] 27 July, in palatio Rocche: Seventh and last witness, Gualterius lohannis de Neapoli, serving brother, sworn as before, [pp.250-60]: Testimony concerning clandestinity of reception, denial of Christ, denial of having trampled on the cross, ignorance about possible consecration of the Host or lack of it, lay absolution, obscene kisses. Refusal of this witness to accomplish certain improper acts, legality of sodomy between members, idolatry, threats to witness by members of the Order, imprisonment of those who refused to comply, practices surrounding confession in the Order, affirmation by witness that he had left the Order, Templar charitable practices, clandestinity of chapter meetings. Affirmation that the king of France and the pope instigated the trials, illicit deeds in the Order seen from the outside, [p. 260]: Declaration of the spontaneity of deposition, [pp. 261-2]: Notarial attestations and end of manuscript.

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SYMBOLS USED IN THE TEXT

[ ( {

] ) )

m.no.

§

indicate a word, or one or more letters, unreadable in the text. indicate a word needlessly repeated by the scribe. indicate a word, intervention or addition by the editor to supply a missing word or indicate a feature of the text such as a seal. in boldface in the left margin indicates the beginning of a membrane. The numbers used are those presently found on the rotulus itself. indicates the beginning of a paragraph in the manuscript accompanied by a symbol in the text.

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PART ONE

Rome

b [a ad inquirendumc in Urbis et Patrimonii1 beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Apprutiid, Campanie6 et Maritime] partibusf contra ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani et magnum2 preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis [partibus constitutum, superg] certis criminibus et articulis3 in licteris apostolicis4 super hoc eis directis, et pro hiis nominaverunt, [e]Ieger[un]t et [deput]averunt in eorum et dicte inquisitionis notarium et scribam Petrum Thebaldi5 de Tibure, commictentes ei ut ipsam inquisitionem et acta omnia necessaria et fac[ientia] ad [ean]de[m] scribere et publicare possit et debeat fideliter ut tenetur, rogantes ipsos notarios per eos assumptos huius[modi] inquisitionis acta una cum aliis notariis per eos assumptis ad pre[dictam inquisitionem peragendum, omnia et singula11 apud acta in for-

a ' The manuscript begins here though it is evident that at least one membrane is missing: supra, pp.50-1. There is an illegible space of 4.5 cm at the beginning of this line. b ' The manuscript is badly damaged here but largely readable; it is torn on the left side. c Cf. p.67. d Text: Appruntum, Apprutium, Apprutum, Aprutium, Aprutum. e " Appears once in text as Canpania and is otherwise abbreviated. From membrane 48 onward is given as Campania in full. f ' Formula repeats throughout text. g - Cf. p.67. h - Cf. p.85.

1

" Supra p.30. On the regions and dignitaries concerned: supra, pp.28-32. 3 The articles of accusation are reproduced infra, pp. 74-84. 4 The texts of Faciens misericordiam and the letters to the inquisitors are in the Reg. Clem. V, nos. 3402-3515, 3584-5 (12 August 1308), for this triai: nos. 3402, 3419, 3513, 3515. At least one was transcribed in the missing opening membranes: infra, pp. 102-3. 5 Petrus Thebaldi de Tibure (Tivoli), first of the four notaries responsible for the writing down of the document to be mentioned, was apparently cappellanus in Viterbo in 1303 and canon of S. Lorenzo (in Viterbo) in 1318: Bussi, Istoria, p. 182; M. Signorelli, Palazzo papale, p,60; G. Signorelli, Viterbo, p.310. 2

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

66

mam publicum redigere. Qui1] Petrus Tebaldi notarius, in presentia dictorum dominorum inquisitorum6 existens, [iuravid] ad sancta Dei evangelia, corporaliter tacto libro, fideliter scribere et in publicam for mam redigere inquisitionern et acta omnia ipsi inquisition[i] necessaria, et omnia alia et singula facere et exercere bona fide et [abjsque fraude [aliqua quek] ad inquisitionern eandem et officium ei commissum extiterint peragenda. Actum in loco monasterii Sanctorum Bonifatii et Alexii7 de Urbe ordinis Premonstratensis, presentibus magistro Ugolino1 canonico de Chableis8, presbytero N[ico]lao archipresbytero Montisfalconis, Pagoncelio lom hannis [ ] de Sutrio testibus9 ad hec vocatis et rogatis. § In nomine Domini amen. Anno nativitatis eiusdem millesimo CCCVIIII0, indictione VII, pontificatus domini Clementis10 pape quinti [anno eius quarto11], mensis s[eptem]b[ris0] die [.,]a, in presentia mei Petri Thebaldi de Tybure notarii et scribe venerabilis patris domini lacobi11 Dei gratia Sutrini episcopi et magistri Pandulfi12 [de Sabello] inquisitorum predictorum. Supradicti domini lacobus S[utr]inus ep[iscopus] et magister Pandulfus de Sabello domini pape notarius, inquisitores [a] Sede ApostoL

Line illegible because of deterioration along the fold, Cf p.68 et passim. *Cfpp,68-9. 1 Text also: Hugolino. m The illegible portion is 4 cm in length. R Cf p.86 et passim. 0 ' The state of the manuscript here and membrane 1 line 31 leaves doubt as to whether the month is September or October. 6 See the inquisitors discussed in the notes after the first mention of their names, and supra, pp.28-32. Mentions of "domini inquisitores", not accompanied by the names, do not appear in the index. 7 A Premonstratensian abbey from 1231-1426 when it passed to the Order of Saint Jerome. 8 Hugolino de Bucchiniano, canon of Chablis (diocese of Langres), silent witness at several sessions of the tribunal. A Hugo de Bougegniaco was a canon of Chablis in 1330: Longnon, Fouillés, III, p.21. s These witnesses did not testify but are present to fulfil requirements for trials of the Inquisition. 10 No satisfactory biography of Clement V exists. See the Regestum Clementis papae V; Guillemain, Cour pontificale-, Lizerand, Clément V-, Mollat, Papes; Renan, Bertrand de Got. 11 lacobus Bishop of Sutri: supra, p.32. 12 Pandulfus de Sabello: supra, pp.31-2.

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Rome

67

lica deputat[i] [spec]ialiter [a]d inquirend[um] in [Urbis], Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Aprutii, [Campanie et Maritime partibusp] contra ofdinem militie Templi, necnon contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus [constitutum. Convocatis et coadunatis q ] presentibus magistro Ugolino canonico de Chableis, presbytero Nicolao archipresbytero [et piuribus aliisr] testibus ad hec vocatis et rogatis, [In presentía mei] Petri [Thebaldi] de Tybure et lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio13 notariorum et scribarum supradictorum [inquisitorum. Ipsi domini nominaverunt, e]legerunt, assumpserunt et deputaverunt omni modo [et iure8] quibus melius potuerunt [nuntios ad omnia auctoritate1] apostolica facienda contra supradictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem [ordinis11 predictum et alios] omnes qui ex eisdem tanguntur et tangi possunt. Silicet, [in presentía scribarum dominorunT] inquisitorum predictorum, supradicti domini lacobus Sutrinus e[piscopus] et magister Pan[dulfus de Sabello nominaverunt, elegerunt, assumpserunt et elegerunt in nuntiosw Testam, Stefaninum, Guilielmoctum, Laputium et] Iohannem [dictum PicardunT] familiares dicti magistri Pandulfi [de Sabello. y a b ] lakectus2 [ ] ut omnia quo ad [ ] iuxiones, monitiones edictorum [appositiones sive affixiones, pro parte ipsorum inquisitorum agant et referantc], faciant fideliter et omnia exerceant que [iux]ta commissum eis officium et cuilibet eorum per ipsos dominos inquisitores vel alip

Cf. p.65 et passim. Between lines 20-24 of membrane 1 the manuscript is illegible; at least five lines are missing. r Cf. p.88 et passim. s Cf. pp.86,100, 228. The illegible portion is 12 cm in length. u ' The illegible portion is 12.5 cm in length. v " Cf. p.85. w - Cf. pp.65-66, 85, 228. x ' Cf. names on p.68. y The illegible portion is 10.25 cm in length. z Text also'. lachectus and laccheptus. a ' The illegible portion is 20 cm in length. b ' The manuscript was torn in two here but the two portions fit together perfectly. c -Cf. pp.87,101. q

u ' lohannes Silvestri de Balneoregio (Bagnoregio), a leading notary in the trial, possibly the notarius apostolicus of 1286: Reg. Hon. IV, no. 348.

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68

The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

quem ex eis, iniuncta, commissa et mandata seu precepta fuerint, quorum et cuiuslibet ipsorum relation! predicti domini inquisitores adhibere intendunt et volunt in predictis et quolibet predictorum (dare) plenam fidem. Qui Testa, Stefaninus, Guilielmoctus, Laputius, lohannes14 dictus Picardus et Iakectusd, nunctii nominati et electi per supradictos dominos inquisitores, in eorum presentia existenftes] et dictum officium acceptantes, eodem die et loco et coram testibus et notariis supradictis, iuraverunt ad sancta Dei evangelia, tacto libro6, fideliter et bona fide absque fraude aliqua, citationes et relationes [edictorum] appensione[s] referre, et omnia alia ad que assumpti sunt, et eis et eorum cuilibet commictentur seu etiam mandabantur per dictos dominos inquisitores vel alium ex eis, super inquisitione predicta vel ad ipsam [in]quisitionem facere, agere et referre. [Di]e XIIIP mensis [....]brisf, in loco monasterii Sanct[orum] Bonifatii et Alexii de Urbe ordinis Premonstratensis, in presentia mei Petri Thebaldi de Tybure [et] lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio notariorum et scribarum supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum Sutrini episcopi et magistri Pandulfi de Sabello. Guertius nunctius nominatus, electus per predictos dominos inquisitores, in eorum presentia existens et dictum officium acceptans, iuravit ad sancta Dei evangelia, tacto libro, fideliter et bona fide absque fraude aliqua, citationes seu relationes, edictorum appensiones seu affixiones referre, et omn[ia et singula], una cum aliis notariis suprascriptis assumptus est, et ei commictentur seu etiam mandabuntur per dictos dominos inquisitores [vel] alterum [eorum] vel ad ipsam permanentiam facere, agere et referre. Act[um in loco monasterii Sanctorum] Bonifatii et Alfexii de Urbe ordinis Premonstratensis, presentibus] domino lohanne de Guallatis15 de

d ' A short space exists between lakectus and nunctiis; a half-circle in ink joins lakectus to the end of the word Testalines above. e " Illegible notes in left margin. Marginal notes in the text which appear only in notes here are in a hand other than that of the scribe. f ' September or October.

14 lohannes dictus Picardus (Picardie in France); possibly the lohannes familiaris of Pandulfus given supra, p.67. 15 lohannes de Guallatis, described as "iuris peritus" and as from Bagnoregio: infra, pp.88, 99; apparently canon of S. Teodoro in Rome, rector in spiritualibus of the duchy of Spoleto in January 1302: Reg. Bon. VIII, no. 5084.

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Rome

69

s Urbe presbytero [ ] test[ibus] roga[tis. h magistri Pandulfi] de Sabello. In presentía mei Petri Thebaldi de Tybure notarli et scribe [dictorum inquisitorum episcopi Sutrini et magistri1] Pandulfi de Sabello. Johannes Silvestri de Balneoregio notarius suprascriptus, in presentía [supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, iurav]it^ ad sancta Dei evangelia, tacto libro, fideliter scribere et in formam publ[icam] redigere, et omnia alia et singula facere, et exercere bona fide et [absque fraude aliquak] que ad [eius officium] exftitjefrint1] fideliter peragenda. § Actum in supradicto [monasterio Sanctorum] Bonifatii et Alex[ii], presentibus domino Petro Rubeo canonico Lateranensi16, Andrea de Felicibus canonico Sánete Marie in T[ranstiberim17], magistro Ugolino canonico de Chableis et Pandulfo de Ferraría [ad hoc] convocatis et rogatis m test[ibus "Actum in loco0] Sánete Ma[rie] de Aven[tino18] de Urbe, in presentía mei lohannis [Silvestri] de Balneoregio et Petri Thebaldi de Tibure notariorum [et scribarum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum. Convocatisp] et cohadunatis in dicto loco, de mandato [dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, auctoritate apostolica9] qua fungimur, [... cit]averunt atque

g

' The condition of the manuscript worsens from here until the end of this membrane. The illegible portion is 11 cm in length. 1 Cf. p.66 et passim. J Cf. p.66 et passim. k C/. p.66 et passim. ] Cfp.99. m " 1.3 lines are illegible. At least one notarial signum {reproduced infra, following ^.262) is visible here. n On the right side, a section ofparchment is missing 12 cm wide and 13 cm long from lines 1-14. 0 Cf. p.66 et passim. p ' The illegible portion is 10 cm in length. q Cf. p. 103 et passim. h

16

Notaries named Rubens appear in the acts of SS. Bonifatio ed Alessio on the Aventine in Rome: Monaci, Regesto, p. 150. Petrus was a Lateran canon in 1310 and 1322: Reg. Clem. V, no. 6574; Reg. Jean XXII, no. 15388. 17 An Andreas de Felicibus, Franciscan, appears infra, p.88; an Andreas Francisci de Felicibus notarius of 1324 is given in Monaci, Regesto, p. 151. 18 On the Templar church of S. Maria sull'Aventino in Rome, supra, p.32 n.21.

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

70

[vocaveruntr] dictum ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, et legitimara personam [cuiuscumque] conditionis aut status extiterint qui evocari deberent, et eum et eos defendere vellent s qfuatenus die ] apud locum Sánete Marie de [Aventino] de Urbe u [ '] per [ipsam] inquisitionem eandem [...] mandatum [ ] et ad v omnia alia peragenda et incumbentia ut est iuris. [ dictum] ordinem w x et magnum preceptorem [dicti ordinis ] diligentius [ ] domini y inquisitores fe[cerunt] per formam et [modum premissos ]. Quia inspecta lict[erarum eis transmissarum2] forma, et attento [favore] et privilegio quibus3 [dictum negotium per iura fulcitur, et aliis causisb] legitimis que eos [moverunt], ipsi deliberaverunt suprascriptumc [modum vocandid] perhentorie, [et in scripto] loco et in supradictis locis appendi seu affigi facere cartas sive membranas dicte citationis continentes edictum, et supradict[um] terminum per eos prefixum, et locum ad comparendum assignatum in presenti negotio esse sufficientem et existere congruen[tem]. Et in [cont]inen[ti] Guertiuse nuntius iur[atus] dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, cartam sive membranam diete citationis continentem edictum, dictorum dominorum [inquisitorum] sigillorum munimine roboratam, affixit in hostiis diete ecclesie Sánete Marie de Avfentino] coram dictis dominis [in]quisitoribus et dieta multitudine et me lobanne Silvestri [et] Petro Tebaldi [njotariis et testibus suprascriptis. § Facta fuit dicta citatio per publice citationis edictum coram dicta multitudine et coram hiis pre[dictis] testibus, sili[cet] domino Andrea de Felici-

1

Cf. p.89. " The right side of the manuscript is illegible for a distance of 14 cm; 2 lines are totally illegible. t ' The illegible portion is 10.5 cm in length. u " The illegible portion is 12 cm in length. ^ i.5 lines are illegible. w " The illegible portion is 20 cm in length. x ' The illegible portion is 7 lines in length. y Cf. pp.91,162, 233, 236. z Cf. pp.91,103,120. ^ A portion ofparchment is missing on the right side of the manuscript over a distance of 13.5 cm. h -Cf. pp.91,103,120,236. c An illegible marginal note exists on the left side of the manuscript. á -Cf. pp.91,120, 233. e ' This name seems to be written Guertius later on. s

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Rome

71

bus canonico Sánete Marie in Tr[anstiberim], presbytero lohanne canonico [Sancti] Nicola[i] [in carcere] Tulianfo] rectoribus Romane fraternitatis, domino Nicolao de Theate lectore Roman[i] s[tu]dii, domino lacobo Romano in Urbe causidico, et domino I[o]h[anne] Tus[culanof] domini lacobatii, domino Petro Rubeo canonico Lateranensi et pluribus aliis religiosis et discretis viris» § Die XVIIa mensis predicti, in loco Sánete Marie de Aventino, Testa nuntius iuratus retulit dictis dominis inquisitoribus ibi pro tribunali sedentibus, iuxta mandatum predictum se die XVI [dicti menjsis affixisse cartas sive membranas predicte citationis continentes edictum in hostiis basilice princip[alis ..... Sánete] Marie [de Min]erva, dictorum dominorum inquisitorum sigillorum munimine roboratas. § Eodem die et loco, Guertius nuntius iuratus retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, se d[ie ...] dicti mensis iuxta mandatum predictum affixisse cartas sive membranas continentes dicte citationis edictum [in] hostiis basilicarum Salvatoris nostri Lateranensis et Sánete Marie Maioris, (palatiig) auditorii domini U[rbe], Sánete [. ] in Urbe et Sánete Marie de A[ventino], ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum sigillorum mun[imine ro]borat[a]s. § Eodem die et loco, Guilielmoctus nuntius iuratus dictorum dominorum inquisitorum retul[it] d[ictis domin]is [inquisitoribus] se, die XVIa dicti mensis, iuxta mandatum affixisse cartas [sive mem]branas continentes dicte citationis edictum in hostiis [p]al[at]ii Capitoliti] et Sánete Marie [in Ara Coeli19]. § Eodem die et loco, acta sunt predicta, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et Pe[tri Thebaldi] predictorum, et pres[entibus et]iam fratre Bonifatio20 et fratre C[o]rrado21 ordinis Premonstratensis et [ .....h].

f

Or Tus[cia]. - Cf. pp. 105-6. h ' The illegible portion is 7 cm in length.

g

19

Probably S. Maria de Aracoeli, church on the Capitoline hill. A Bonifatius was prior of the Premonstratensian monastery of SS. Bonifatio ed Alessio in 1315: text in Nerini, Templo, appendix, p.492. 21 A Corradus was abbot of SS. Bonifatio ed Alessio in 1315: text, ibid., p.266. 20

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72

The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

§ Die XXVIIIIa mensis supradicti, post nonam, [in] loco suprascripto Sánete Marie de Ave[ntino, in presentía] lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio et Petri Tebaldi de Tibure notariorum et scr[ibarum dictorum dominorUm l inquisitorum, ]. Quia nullus comparuit pro parte predictorum [ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani et magni preceptoril] dicti ordinis in dictis partibus constituti, nec aliquis qui eorum abs[entiam et] contumaciam excusare[t] comparere curavit, licet ipsorum contumac[iam] de [iure accusarek] possent, [et ipsos contumaces re]putare de benignitate et equitate canonica tamen, [et propter magnitudinem negotii], eos[dem] et eorum quemlibet, in diem sequentem bora vesperarum [se] velie [expectare dixerunt, et etiam comminati sunt se], die [....] dicti mensis post horam vesperarum [ipsius diei], si non com[paruerint omnes predicò vocati vel citati processuros] con[tra] eos[dem] et quemlibet eorum [non comparentium] in 1 dicto loco Sánete Marie de Aventino de U[rbe Actum in locom] Sancii Bonifatii et Alexii de Urbe ordinis n [Premonstratensis 0 Quia predicti ordo et magnus preceptor dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutus, et frater lacobus de Montecucco qui pre magno preceptore in illis partibus dicitur se gessisse, et alii perhemtorie precitati per nostrum publice citationis edictum , per se nec per aliquam personam ydoneam atque legitimam comparere curarunt, nec aliquis comparuit qui eorum nomine seu alterius eorundem absentiam seu contumaciam aliqualiter excusaret, seu pro eis vel eorum altero verbum defensionis seu excusatiop nis aliquod faceret ] pro eis vel eorum altero, [ id circo,] Dei nomine [invocato], post v[esperas], bora [congrua expectata qua] potuimus [et de]buimus, in hiis [scriptis pronuntiamus et declaramus

'■ The manuscript is badly stained here and was once torn in two at this point, however, only a small section on the right is missing. The illegible portion contains 8,5 lines. Cf. p.95 et passim. k ' For the remainder of the sentence cf. p.95. 1 There may be an illegible portion of 5 cm after Urbe, but, alternatively, it may be the last word in the sentence. m ' Cf. p.66 et passim. n ' The illegible portion is 9 cm in length unless the line ends here. From here on, except when the exception is noted, drawn notarial signa appear at the point where two membranes are sewn together. 0 For the appropriate formulae to complete this paragraph, cf. p.96. p ' The first lines of this membrane are illegible. The ink is very pale, the parchment seriously deteriorated and brown. From the mid-portion onward, the parchment is badly stained and dark violet in colour.

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Rome

73

dictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem]q dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum et eorum [quemlibet contumaces et pro contumacibus] reputamos; [ac non obstante absentia] predictorum ordinis [et magni preceptoris, in] hiis scriptis [pronuntiamus per nos prout de iure] procedendum fore in ipsa et super ipsa inquisitione [ ....] tarn ad testium receptionem quam ad omnia alia peragenda et in[cum]b[entia ut est iuris, secundum formam] licterarum apostolicarum nobis super inquisitione huiusmodi [directarum]. § Die XXX suprascripta, in dicto loco Sánete Marie [de Aventino, domini episcopus Sutrinus et magisterr Panjdulfus de Sabello, intendentes procedere ad receptionem et aud[itionem tes]tium [contra ordinem et magnum] preceptorem dicti ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani in illis partibus constitutum superius prelibatos [quo ad] contumaciam, quia nec infra terminum, nec in termino, nec ad hue post [terminum] aliquis [venit qui] eorum nomine qui ipsorum absentiam excusaret vel verbo defensionis seu [excusationis aliquod] face[ret] pro eisdem vel aliquo e[orun]dem, lics terarum [apostolicarum ] erat suprascriptio talis: 22 § Articuli super inquisitione facienda contra ordinem militie Templi [et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis], de volúntate et assensu et mandato dicti magistri Pandulfi ibidem presentis, [ domini1] prefati Sutrinus episcopus et magister Pandulfus de Sabello, [nobis lohanni Silvestri de Balneoregio] et Petro Tebaldi de Tibure notariis et scribis ipsorum [ mandaverunt utu] ipsius lictere continentiam et tenorem apud acta dicte inquisitionis [per manum] nostrum poneremus et in formam publicam redigeremus, intendentes [ad receptionem etv no]minationem testium proce-

q

" Illegible marginal notes exist on the left side. On the completion of this paragraph, cf pp.69,108. s ' The illegible portion is 6.5 cm in length. l ' The illegible portion is 5 cm in length. u The illegible portion is 8 cm in length. v Cf. p. 129 et passim. r

22

The versions of these articles in Paris, Archives Nationales, y. 413, 24, those published in Michelet, Procès, II, pp.90-6, Schottmüller, Untergang, II, pp.119-23, 149-51, contain frequent variants in word order or word use with respect to the present text; these are not all quoted here but will be studied in a forthcoming article by the present editor.

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74

The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

dere iuxta formam [articulorum in ipsa licteraw] con[ten]torum sicut eis [vi]debi[tur expejdire. Cuius lictere et articulix in ea [contend] tenor [ta]lis est:

"Isti sunt [art]iculi super quibus inquir[etur] contra ordinem militie Templi [lerosolimitani7]:"

§ [I] Primo quod licet assererent ordinem sánete fuisse institutum et [a] Sede [Apostolica [a]pproba[tum, tamen in] receptione fratrum died ordinis [et quan]do[que post, servabantur et] fiebant ab [ipsis] fratribus [que sequuntur]: videlicet quod quilibet in [receptione sua et quandoque post, vel quam cito ad hec commoditatem recipientes habere] poterant, ab[nega]bat23 [Christum aliquando crucifixum, et quandoque] lesum, [et quandoque Deum, et aliquandoque Beatam Virginem], et quandoque [omnes sanctos et sanctas Dei, inductus24 seu monitus per illos qui eum recipiebant]. § [II] Item, quod [communiter25 fratres hoc faciebant]. § [III] Item, quod maior pars. § [IIII] Item, quod [edam post ipsam receptionem26] aliquando. § [V] Item, quod dicebant [et domatizabant2 receptores illis quos reci-

"■Cf.p.73. x ' One might have expected to see lictere et articuli in the plural y ' The 127 articles of accusation follow: supra, text pp.16-17. Missing words have been supplied from the manuscript and editions named supra, text n.l 22. Although this portion of the manuscript is badly damaged, enough letters remain to see that these articles are the same as those used elsewhere with certain minor orthographic variants. z For: dogmatizabant. 23 The denial of Christ was the fundamental accusation in all the trials and the one to which the majority of witnesses confessed. 24 The responsibility for the commission of this act really lay with the person who commanded that it be accomplished. 25 A difference was frequently made in the questions between all the members, most of them, or some of them. It is rare that the answers were as precise as the questions. 26 In certain trials, this one for example, the illicit acts were described as having taken place in a second ceremony after a legitimate ceremony of reception.

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piebant Christum non esse verum Deum27, vel quandoque] lesum, v«l quandoque [crucif]ix[um]. § VI Item, quod dicebant ipsi illis quos recipiebant [ipsum] fluisse falsum prophetam]. § VII Item, ipsum non fuisse passum pro redemptione h[umani] g[eneris nec crucifixum sed] pro sceleribus suis28. § V[III] Item, quod nec receptores nec recepti habebant [s]pem [salvationis] hab[ende per] lesum, et hec dicebant illis quos recipiebant vel equipollentia. § VI[III] Item, quod faciebant illos quos recipiebant spuere super cru[cem29 seu super] sig[num vel sculpturam] crucis et ymaginem Christi, licet interdum qui [recipie]bant[ur] spuerjent] iuxta. § [X] Item, quod ipsam crucem pedibus conculcarti] quando[que] mandabant. § [XI] Item, quod eandem crucem ipsi fratres recepti [quandoque conculcabant]. § [XII] Item, quod mingebant et conculcabant interdum et alios mingere faciebant super ipsam crucem, [et hoc] in die veneris sancta ali[quot]iens faciebant. § [XIII Item, quod non]nulli eorurn ipsa die [vel alia] sept[imane sánete pro conculcatione et minsione convenire] consueverunt. § [XIIII Item, quod adora]bant quemdam catum30 [sibi in ipsa congregatione apparentem quandoque]. § [XV Item, quod hec] faciebant [in vituperium Christi et] fidei orthodoxe. § [XVI Item, quod non] credebant sacramentum altaris31. § [XVII Item, quod aliqui ex eis].

27

This accusation was one of the most serious alleged against the Templars. This article too was one of the most potentially grave put to the witnesses. 29 The articles from 8 to 13 concerned a series of acts of blasphemy performed on the cross or the image of Christ. Many witnesses in various trials admitted only to spitting near, but not on, the cross or image. Relatively fewer admitted to having trampled upon the cross. 30 Few witnesses in the aggregate admitted to having worshipped a cat, see supra, p.25. This accusation was frequently used in contemporary heresy or witchcraft trials. 31 This article was one of those which attempted to prove the existence of deep-seated heresy in the Order. Few prisoners admitted to any lack of belief in the articles of the faith or in the value of the sacraments. These persons, nevertheless, frequently asserted that others lacked such beliefs. 28

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§ [XVIII Item, quod maior pars]. § [XVIIII Item, quod nec alia ecclesie sacramenta]. § [XX Item, quod sacerdotes ordinis verba per que32 conficitur corpus Christi non] dicebant in c[anone misse]. § [XXI Item, quod aliqui ex eis]. § [XXII Item, quod maior pars]. § XXIII Item, quod h[ec] receptores eorum sibi iniungebant. § XXIIII [Item, quod] credebant et sic dicebatur eis quod magnus magister a peccatis33 poterat eos abs[o]lvere. § XXV Item, quod visitatores34. § XXVI Item, quod preceptores quorum multi erant layci. § XXVII Item, quod hec faciebant de facto. § XXVIII Item, quod aliqui eorum. § XXVIIII Item, quod magnus magister ordinis predict! hoc fuit de se confessus35 in presentía magnarum personarum antequam esset captus. § XXXb Item, quod in receptione fratrum dicti ordinis vel circa interdum recipiens [et] receptus aliquando [se] deosculabantur36 in ore, in umbilico seu (in) ventre nudo et in ano seu spina dorsi37. § XXXI Item, aliquando in umbilico. § XXXII Item, aliquando in fine spine dorsi. § XXXIII Item, aliquando in virga virili.

a ' There are several dark stains in the middle and at the end of this membrane; one can, nevertheless, read almost all the text. b ' Margin small: VI

32 This allegation was beyond the theological competence of many of the witnesses. Others denied that it was true. 33 Confusion or error in the area of lay absolution was the only misdeed to which the English Templars confessed in any numbers. See supra, p.21. 34 The visitor, originally called commander as well, was responsible for a Templar province: Statute 88. 35 This article, like several others, represented a demand for information more than an accusation of heresy. 36 The articles of accusation did not distinguish here between the licit and normal ritual kiss on the mouth at reception, and the illicit kisses sometimes described in the testimony and mentioned in accusations 30-3. Although not described at all in the Latin Rule, the later Statute 678: "Et celui qui le fait frere le doit lever sus et baise en la bouche: et est usé que le frere chapelain le faire aussi," does discuss it. 37 ' Many witnesses did not confess to the performance of illicit kisses. Those who did, almost never stated that the act took place more than once.

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§ XXXIIII Item, quod in receptione ilia faciebant iurare illos quos recipiebant quod ordinem non exirent38. § XXXV Item, quod habebant eos statim pro profexis39. § XXXVI Item, quod receptiones ipsas clandestine40 faciebant. § XXXVIIo Item, quod nullis presentibus nisi fratribus dicti ordinis. § XXXVIII Item, quod propter hoc contra dictum ordinem vehemens suspictio a longnis temporibus laboravit. § XXXVIIII Item, quod communiter habebatur. § XL Item, quod fratribus quos recipiebant dicebant quod ad invicem poterant unus cum al[ioJ comtmisceri] carnaliter41. § XLI Item, quod hoc licitum erat eis facere. § XLII Item, quod debebant hec facere ad invicem et pati. § XLIII Item, quod hec facere non erat eis peccatum. § XLIIII0 Item, quod hec faciebant ipsi vel plures eorum. § XLV Item, quod aliqui eorum. § XLVI Item, quod ipsi fratres per singulas provintias habebant ydola, videlicet capita, quorum aliqua habebant tres facies, et aliqua unam, et aliqua craneum humanum habebant. § XLVII Item, quod ilia ydola42 vel illud ydolum adòrabant et specialiter in eorum magnis capitulis et congreg[ationibus]. § XLV[III] Item, quod venerabantur. § XLVIIÎI Item, quod ut deum. § L Item, quod ut salvatorem suum. § LI Item, quod aliqui eorum. § LII Item, quod [ma]ior pars illorum qui erant in capitulis.

38 This accusation had nothing to do with heresy and was part of the regulations of the Order from an early date. See Statute 676: "... que jamais ceste religion ne lairés por plus fort ne por plus foibles, ne por pior ne por meillor, se vos ne le faciès par le congié dou Maistre et dou covent qui ont le pooir." 39 The Latin Rule, article 11, did indicate a period of probation which does not figure in the later Statute 677 which described immediate profession. 40 The custom of holding closed reception ceremonies is attested to by witnesses in all the trials, a practice which contributed to the rumours which circulated concerning the Templar Order. The fact that receptions were usually held during chapter meetins would be sufficient reason to warrent secrecy. 41 The accusation of sodomy was frequently used in contemporary heresy trials. Few Templars overall confessed with any precision on this subject. 42 ' There were relatively few confessions of idolatry if all the trials are examined. See supra, p. 17-19, 25; Raynouard, Monumens, pp.286-304. The trial in Florence-Lucca, and this one, offered the most frequent testimony on the subject.

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§ LIII Item, quod dicebant quod illud capud poterat eos salvare. § LIIII Item, quod divites facere. § LV Item, quod omnes divitias ordinis dabat [eis]. § LVI Item, quod facit arbores florere. § LVII Item, quod terram germinare. § LVIII Item, quod aliquod capud ydolorum predictorum cingebant seu tangebant cordulis quibus se ipsos cingebant43 circa camisiam seu carnem. § LVIIII Item, quod in sui receptione singulis fratribus dicte cordule44 tradebantur vel alie longitudinis [earum]. § LX Item, quod in veneratione ydoli hec faciebant. § LXI Item, quod iniungebatur eis quod dictis cordulis ut premictitur se cingerent, et continue port[a]rent, et hec faciebant etiam de nocte. § LXI I Item, quod communiter fratres dicti ordinis modis predictis recipiebantur. § LXIII Item, quod ubique. § LXIIII Item, quod pro maiori parte. § LXV Item, quod qui nolebant predicta in sui receptione vel post facere interfliciejbantur45 vel carceri mancipabantur. § LXVI Item, quod aliqui ex eis. § LXVII0 Item, quod maior pars. § LXVIII0 Item, quod iniungebatur eis per sacramentum ne predicta revelarent46, § LXVIIII Item, quod sub pena mortis vel carceris. § LXX Item, quod neque modum receptionis47 eorum revelarent. § LXXI Item, quod nec de predictis inter se loqui48 audebant.

43

Prisoners rarely confessed that the sash had touched an idol; see supra, pp.21-2. The sash or cord is described in Statute 138: "... et une sainturete petite que il doivent ceindre sur la chemise. Et ensi doivent gésir tuit li frere dou Temple...." See also Statute 680. 45, It was rare that anyone admitted that members of the Order were imprisoned or executed for such a reason. It was evident in various trials that members refused to carry out illicit demands without incurring any penalty. 46 * This article is not sufficiently precise in itself. It is completed by articles 60-2. 47 The only references to this sort of silence in the Rule concerned the order not to discuss matters mentioned in chapter meetings or elections, see Statutes 223, 225, 390, 550. 48 Several Templars affirmed that they received the command not to discuss their reception ceremony outside the Order. Others stated that they were not to discuss it even within it. No valid reason was given for these affirmations. 44

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§ LXXII Item, quod si qui reperiebanturc quod revelarent morte vel carcere affligebantur. § [LXXIII] Item, quod iniungebatur eis quod non confiterentur49 [a]li[qui]bus [ni]sti] fratribus d[i]cti ordinis. § LXXIIII Item, quod fratres dicti ordinis scientes dictos errores corrigere neglexerunt50. § LXXV Item, quod Sánete matri Ecclesie nuntiare51 neglexerunt. § LXXVI Item, quod non recesserunt52 ab observantia predictorum errorum [et] comm[unione] predictorum fratrum licet facu[ltatem] habuissent recedendi et predicta faciendi. § LXXVII Item, quod predicta fiebant et servabantur ultra mare53 in locis in quibus magister g[eneralis et] conventus dicti ordinis pro tempore sunt morati. § LXXVIII Item, quod aliquando predicta abnegatio Christi fiebat in presentía magistri et conv[entus predictorum]. § LXXVIIII Item, quod predicta fiebant et servabantur in Cipro. § LXX[X] Item, quod similiter citra mare in omnibus regnis et locis aliis in quibus fieba[nt] recepciones] fratrum predictorum. § LXXXI Item, quod predicta servabantur in toto ordine generaliter et communiter.

c Michelet, Procès, p,93: capiebantur; Schottmüller, Untergang, I!, p.121: recipiebantur, p,151\ reperiebantur.

49 Some Templars stated that they were only to confess to priests of the Order. The majority, however, explained that members could confess to priests of other denominations, particularly Carmelites. Several priests outside the Order affirmed that they had confessed Templars. Statute 269 declares: "Les freres chapelains doivent oyr les confessions des freres; ne nul frere ne se doit confesser a autre part fors que a lui par que il puisse avoir le frere chapelain sans congié." According to Statute 272, the chaplain could not absolve the members from various grave sins which must be confessed to a bishop, archbishop or patriarch. Statute 354, on the other hand, accorded permission to the members to confess to other priests when necessary. 50, Those persons who answered this allegation said for the most part that they did not possess the power to correct errors in the Order. All those interrogated in Cyprus, all but three in England, those in Spain, insisted that there were no errors to correct, supra, pp.20-3. 51 Everywhere, prisoners declared that they did not inform the Church of errors or illicit practices. Several of them had confessed to priests within or without the Order. 52 Most witnesses stated that they did not leave the Order for a variety of reasons. In certain trials, such as this one, about half of them had already done so. 58 Most witnesses here did not have any information on Templar practices elsewhere. Testimony given in Cyprus was in favour of the Order. See supra, pp.21-2.

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§ LXXXII Item, quod ex observantia generali54 et longa. § LXXXIII Item, quod de consuetudine antiqua. § LXXXIIII Item, quod ex ordinatione sive statuto ordinis predicti. § LXXXV Item, quod predicte observantie, consuetudines, ordinationes et statuta in toto ordine ultra mare [et citra] mare fiebant et servabantur. § LXXXVI Item, quod predicta erant de puntis ordinis introduct[i]s per errores eorum post [appr]obationem Sedis Apostolice. § LXXXVIId Item, quod receptiones fratrum dicti ordinis fiebant communiter modis predictis in toto ordine supradicto. § LXXXVIII0 Item, quod magister generalis55 dicti ordinis predicta sic servari et fieri iniungebat. § LXXXVIIII0 Item, quod visitatores. § LXXXX0 Item, quod preceptores. § LXXXXI0 Item, quod alii maiores dicti ordinis. § LXXXXII Item, quod ipsi mett observabant h[ec et] domatizabant fieri et servari. § LXXXXIII0 Item, quod aliqui eorum. § LXXXXIIII0 Item, quod alium modum recipiendi in dicto ordine fratres non servabant. § LXXXXV Item, quod non est memoria alicuius de ordine qui vivat quod suis temporibus modus alius observatus fuerit. § LXXXXVI Item, quod predictum receptionis modum et supradicta alia non servantes et servare nolentes, magister generalis, visitatores, preceptores et alii maiores6 dicti ordinis in hoc potestatem habentes, graviter puniebant quando querela56 deferebatur ad eos.

d " The text from Cyprus stops at article 87: Schottmüller, Utitergang, II, p.151; the text from Brindisi gives them all', ibid., pp.119-23. e Michelet, Procès, I, p.94: magistri.

54 Most frequently, the efforts of the inquisitors to discover the origin of illicit acts were fruitless. 55 " This article, and nos. 24, 27-8, 76, 78, 107-8, 109, 112-13 concern the grand master, the preceptors or the dignitaries rather than the witness himself. 56 This article is similar to nos. 68-72.

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§ LXXXXVII0 Item, quod elemosine57 in dicto ordine non fiebant ut debebant nec hospitalitas58 servabatur. § LXXXXVIII0 Item, quod non reputabatur peccatum in dicto ordine per fax vel nefax iura acquirere aliena59. § LXXXXVIIII0 Item, quod iuramentum60 prestabatur ab eis augmentum et questum dicti ordinis quibuscumque modis possent per fax aut [ne]fax procurare. § C Item, quod non reputabatur peccatum61 propter hoc degeraref. § CI Item, quod clam62 consueverunt tenere sua capitula. § GII Item, quod clam quia in primo sompno63 vel prima vigilia noctis. § CIII Item, quod clam quia expulsa tota familia de domo, et clausuris domus, ut omnes de familia illis noctibus quibus tenent capitula iacerent extra. § CIIII Item, quod clam quia sic se [in]cludunt ad tenendum capitula ut ianuas omnes domus et ecclesie in quibus tenent capitulum firmant adeo firmiter quod nullus sit vel esse possit accessus ad eos nec iuxta, ut possit quicumque videre vel audire de factis vel dictis eorum. § [C]V Item, quod clam adeo quod soient ponere excubiam supra [tjectum64 domus vel ec[clesie in quibus] tenent capitulum ad providendum ne quis l[oc]um in quo [tenent capitul]um [appro]pin[quet].

f Schottmüller, Untergang, II, 123: deierare, and text infra, p.184. Latham, Medieval Word List, p. 136: "degero-dejero-ío commit perjury". g ' This membrane is badly damaged and stained', supra,.

57 Most witnesses everywhere affirmed that those in the Order performed acts of charity as specified in Rules 12, 29, and Statutes 153, 188-9, 347, 370-1. 58 The usual response was that the Order was not bound by an obligation to offer hospitality, but frequently did so. See Statutes 151, 292, 374. 59 Few Templars conceded that the Order acquired possessions in an illicit fashion. Some non-Templar witnesses alleged this, nevertheless, supra, p.23. 60 Few confessed to this allegation. 61 Almost every Templar affirmed that he feared the commission of sins. Frequent hearsay evidence was offered on this point. 62 The normal practice of holding secret chapter meetings is discussed in Statutes 225, 390, 550. 63 Most Templars stated that meetings took place at dawn. 64 From all evidence, guards were not usually placed on the roof.

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§ CVI Item, quod similem clandestinitatem65 observ[ant] et ob[serv]are [conjsueverunt ut plurimum in recipiendo [fra]tres. § C[V]II Item, quod error hic viget et viguit in ordine longo tempore quod ipsi tenent [o]pinionem [et tenu]erunt retroactis temporibus quod magnus magister possit absolvere66 [fra]tres a peccatis eorum. § CVIII0 Item, quod maior error viget et viguit quod ipsi tenent [et te]nuer[unt] retroactis [temporibus quod magnus] magister possit absolvere fratres ordinis a peccatis etiam non confe[xatis, que confiteri propter aliquam eru]bescenciam aut timorem penitentie iniungende vel infligende obm[iserunt]. § [CVIIII] Item, quod magnus magister hos predictos errores confessus est ante captionem sponte coram fide dignis clericis et laycis. § [CX] Item, quod presentibus maioribus preceptoribus sui ordinis. § CXI Item, quod predictos errores tenent [et ten]uerunt [nec tantum hoc oppinantes et tenentes de magno magistro sed] de ceteris preceptoribus et primatibus ordinis visitatoribus [maxime]. § CX[II] Item, quod quicquid magnus magister maxime cum conventu suo faciebat, ordinabat aut statuebat totus ordo [tenere] et observare habebat et etiam observabat. § CXIII Item, quod hec potestas67 sibi competebat et in [eo] resed[erat ab antiquo]. § CXIIII Item, quod tanto tempore duraverunt supradicti pravi [modi et] errores quod ordo [in] personis potuit renovari semel bis vel pluries [a] tempore introductorum seu observatorum predictorum [er]r[orum]. § CXV Item, quod renovatih omnes vel quasi [due] partes ordinis scientes dictos errores corrigere neglexerunt. § CXVI Item, quod Sánete matri Ecclesie nuntiare neglexerunt. § GXVII Item, quod non recesserunt ab observantia predictorum er-

h

The Paris original (Archives Nationales J. 413. 24) and Schottmüller, II, p.123, read renovad; Michelet, /, p.95, has renuati.

65

Although brothers were received in secret, many witnesses insisted that this custom had nothing to do with illicit acts, see supra, p.22, and text n.140. 66 See text n.I 33. 67 On the powers of the grand master see the Rule and the Statutes.

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rorum et co[mmun]ione dictorum fratrum licet facultatem habuissent recedendi [et] predicta faciendi. § CXVIII0 Item, quod multi fratres de [dicto] ordine propter feditates et errores eiusdem ordinis exierunt68, non nulli ad [relijgionem aliam [transeúntes, et nonnulli in seculo remanentes]. § CXVIIII Item, quod propter predicta et singula g[ran]da scandala contra dictum ordinem sunt exorta in cordibus sublimium per[son]arum etiam regum et principum69 et fere totius populi Christiani genera[ta]. § CXX Item, quod predicta omnia et singula sunt nota et manifesta70 inter fratres dicti ordinis. § CXXI Item, quod de hiis et vox pub[lica]71, oppinio communis et fama72 tarn inter fratres dicti ordinis quam e[xtra]. § CXXII Item, quod de maiori parte pre[dictorum]. § CXXIII Item, quod de aliquibus. § CXXIIII Item, quod magnus magister ord[inis], visitator et magnus preceptor Cipri et Normandie, Pictavie et quam plures alii preceptores et non nulli alii fratres dicti ordinis, premissa confessi73 [fuerunt] tam in indicio quam extra [cor]am sollenibus personis et in pluribus locis etiam publias. § CXXV Item, quod multi fratres dicti ordinis [tam] milites quam sacerdotes, alii etiam in presentía domini nostri pape et dominorum cardinalium, predicta vel magnam partem dictorum errorum fuerunt confexi. § CXXVI Item, quod per iuramenta prestiti1 ab eisdem.

!

For: prestita.

68 Few Templars confirmed that many others had left the Order because of error. Those who had departed from it did give this reason for their act, nevertheless. 69 The king of France, with the cooperation of the pope, was usually given as responsible for the ordering of the trials. 70 Testimony differed widely in various trials on this point: those in which most witnesses declared themselves innocent offered no proof in response to this question. Other persons elsewhere insisted that the illicit acts were well-known in the Order. 71 Many witnesses affirmed that suspicion and rumour existed because of clandestine practices. Some insisted that those outside the Order were not suspicious. 72 Public knowledge or scandal was the first requirement to institute such an inquiry into heresy. 73 Most prisoners learned of the other confessions only after their arrest. Those who refused to confess often stated that those who did so confessed from fear of torture or from its use.

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§ CXXVII Item, quod etiam in pleno consistorio recognoverunt predicta. § Acta sunt predicta omnia, did suprascripta, in dicto loco Sánete (Sánete) Marie de Aventino, in presentia mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio et Petri Tebaldi de Tibure notariorum et scribarum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam domino Andrea74 de Boccamatiisk, domino lacobo domini Toflomei1] de Comité, fratre Gerardo de Tuderto, fratre lacobo de Rodio [or]dinis Predicatorum75, domino Andrea76 de Felicibus canonico Sánete Marie in Transtiber[im], presbytero Nicolao archipresbytero Montisfalci, An[ag]nine [diócesis], clericis et cappellanis supradicti domini Pandulfi, fratre Fatio77 canonico regulari Sanctorum Bonifatii et Alexii de Urbe, fratre Benedicto78 canonico regulari Sancti Bonifatii de U[rbe] ordinis Premonstratensis, et multis aliis ad hec testibus vocatis et rogatis. § Die XII mensis novembris, in presentia mei lohfannis Si]lve[stri] et Petri Tebaldi de Tibure notariorum et scribarum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum. [Ipsi] domini lacobus Sutrinus episcopus et magister Pandulfus de Sabello domini pape notarius, inquisitores, non recedentes a nominatione, electione et assumptione dictorum aliorum notariorum immo eos volentes in officio permanere, nominaverunt, elegerunt, assumpserunt, deputaverunt in eorum et diete inquisitionis notarium et scribam una cum aliis notariis per eos ad predicta deputatis et assumptis, et deputandis et

j ' Schottmüller, Untergang, II, pp.406-19, cites several lines from the manuscript edited here without indicating where text is omitted. He commits several errors of transcription. k ' Various contemporary papal registers refer to: Beccamatiis, Bocamagii, Boccamaii, Boccamatii, Boccamatiis, Buccamatiis. 1 ' Possibly Tolomei but the name does not recur.

74

A dominus Andreas de Bocchamatiis is mentioned in 1330: Kaeppeli, Acta, p.279. Concerning the role of the Dominicans as witnesses at Inquisitorial trials, see Tanon, Tribunaux, p.350. 76 See text n.I 17. 77 le. Bonifatius; supra, text n.I 20. 78 This Premonstratensian brother is not mentioned by Monaci, Regesto, or Nerini, Templo. 75

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assumpm[e]ndis lohannem de Vassano79 clericum et familiarem supradicti domini episcopi Sutrini in n[o]tarium, commictentes [ei] ut ipsam [inquisitionem et acta] omnia necessaria et facientia ad eandem s[cri]bere et [publicare] possit et debeat fideliter ut tenetur, rogantes nichilominus eorum [omnes] huiusm[odi] inquis[itionis] acta et omnia et singula apud acta in for mam publicam redigere. Q[ui] lohannes, in pres[entia] dictorum dominorum inquisitorum existens, iura[vit] ad sancta Dei evangelia, tacto libro, fideliter scribere inquisitionem et acta omnia [predicte] inquisitio[nis in formam publicam redigere"1] et omnia alia et singula facere [et exercere bona fide] et referre absque fraude aliqua ad inquisitionem [eandem, et que ad officium ei commissum extiterint] per[a]gen[da] et fieri [publicum instrumentum. Acta sunt predicta in presentía"] supradicti magistri Pandulfi de Sab[ello], present[ibus etiam] fratre Bonifatio canonico regulari Sanctorum Bonifatii et Alexii de U[r]be, presbytero Nicolao archipresbytero [Montis]falci et Silvestro de Albano80 clerico et cappellano supradicti magistri Pandulfi de Sabello testibus ad hec vocatis et rogatis0. rn

' On the completion of this portion, cf. pp.65-6. Cf. p.97 et passim. ^ acta, vocata et rogata in Schottmüller, p.406. n

79 ' lohannes Mathei Pandulphi de Vassano, probably from Bassano di Sutrì, familiaris of the Bishop of Sutri and a leading notary in the trial. 80 Silvester de Albano, notary much involved in the trial; familiaris of Pandulfus de Sabello: infra, p.99. In 1330 he was a canon of St. Martin de Tours at Chablis where Pandulfus was Provost: Longnon, Fouillés, III, p.21.

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PARTTWO

Viterbo m.61 "Infrascripta sunt acta in Patrimonio beati Petri in Tuscia in civitateb Viterbii eiusdem Patrimonii"

§ [In nomine] Domini amen. Anno nativitatis eiusdem M0CCCVIIII0, indictione VII, pontificatus domini dementis pape quinti1 [anno eius quinto0], die XX mensis decembris, in civitate Viterbii in Patrimonio beati Petri in Tuscia constitu[to], in palatio episcopatus eiusdem civitatis. Venerabilis pater dominus lacobus Dei gratia Sutrinus episcopus et magister Pandulfus de Sabello prepositus de Chableis in ecclesia Sancii Martini Turonensis2 domini pape notarius, ad inquirendum a Sede Apostolica deputati contra ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani in Urbis, Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Aprutii, Campanie et Maritime partibus, necnon contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, non revocando alios quos supra elegerant set volentes eos in suo nominatos officio permanere, nominaverunt, assumpserunt et deputaverunt omni modo et iure quibus melius possunt: § Andream de Palummaria, Pirroctumd, Cerium6 de Senis, Fabianum a

" Membrane 6 is badly damaged but more readable than membrane 5. ' Margin small: V[III]. c ' Cf. p.93 et passim. d Text also: Pirocto. e ' The name of this nuntius, familiaris of Pandulfus seems to be written as Guertius elsewhere.

b

L

"quarto" in Schottmüller, Untergang, II, p.406 although "quinto" is necessary after November 14 or 15 1309. 2 Church at Chablis which depended on the abbey of St. Martin de Tours.

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de Palummaria, G[era]rdum, Benedictum, Processum, Rictium [...] familiares prefati magistri Pandulfi de Sabello et quemlibet eomm nuntios, citatores et relatores, edictorum appensores sive affixores, super inquisitione per eos auctoritate apostolica facienda contra predictos orci i ne m et magnum preceptorem in supradictis partibus eis decretis constitutum, iuxta commissionem et mandatum apostolicum eis super hoc traditum, et alios omnes que ex ei[s]dem tanguntur et tangni possunt, [mandantes et commictentes eis et cui]libet [eorum] citationes, relationes, mandata, iussiones et monitiones edictorum appenfsiones] sive affixiones pro parte ipsorum inquisitorum agant et référant et faciant fideliter, et omnia exerceant que circa commissum eis officium et cuilibet ipsorum, per ipsos dominos inquisitores vel alterum ex eis, iniuncta, commissa et mandata seu precepta fuer[in]t, quorum et cuiuslibet eorum relation! se [adhibere] velie dixerunt et dare plenam fidem. § Qui nuntii, nominati, electi et assumpti per supradictos dominos inquisitores et in eorum presentía existentes et dictum officium acceptantes, iuraverunt ad sancta Dei evangelia, corporaliter tacto libro, absque fraude aliqua, citationes, mandata, iuxiones, monitiones edictorum appensiones sive affixiones facere, dicere, referre et omnia et singula fideliter agere que super ipsa inquisitione et ad earn pertinentia, eis seu altero eorum, per ipsos dominos inquisitores seu eorum alterum commictentur et mandabuntur. Actum, in loco et die suprascriptis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio, Petri Tebaldi de Tibure et lohannis de Vassano notariorum et scribarum supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, et (et) presentibus etiam domino lohanne Guallati, domino Matheo3 de Cavellutisf cappellano supradicti magistri Pandulfi de Sabello, magistro Vito4 notario venerabilis patris domini Petri5 Viterbiensis et Tuscanensis episcopi, ma-

f

Text also: Gavellutis, Guavillotis.

3

Matheus de Caveliutis, present at 24 sessions of the tribunal; apparently confirmed as cantor of St. Pierre de Lille in 1322: Reg. Jean XXII, no. 16014, 4 ' Possibly Vitus Bartholomei notary of Bishop Petrus at Viterbo in 1293, 1296 and still notary in 1323: Rat Dec. Tuscia, II, p. 180; M. Signorelli, Palazzo papale, p.65; Bussi, Istoria, p.417. 5 Petrus Romanucci, Bishop of Viterbo from 1288-1303 in Eubel, Hierarchia, 1, p.532; Petrus Capocci according to Gams, Episcoporum, pp.736-7; cf. note to Reg. Clem. V, no. 7902. Fíe was clearly alive in 1310 according to G. Signorelli, Viterbo, p.326.

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88

gistro Nicolao medico de Tibure6, domino Leonardo Romanutii et pluribus aliis testibus. § Mensis decembris die XXa, in palatio episcopatus civitatis Viterbiensis Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia. § Convocatis et cohadunatis in dicto loco de mandato venerabilis patris domini lacobi Dei gratia Sutrini episcopi et magistri Pandulphi de Sabello prepositi de Chableis in ecclesia Sancti Martini Turonensis domini pape notarii, a Sede Apostolica deputatorum ad inquirendum contra ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani in Urbis, Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Aprutii, Campanie et Maritime partibus, necnon contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus, [et presentibus] nobili viro domino Manfredo de V[ico] alme Urbis prefecto7, providis et sapientibus viris domino lohanne de [Gua]llati[s] de Balneo[regio] p[eriti]s civitatis g Viterbiensis, et Octo de [ in] c[ivit]ate pre[dic]ta [ ] aliis canonicis ecclesie cathedralis Vi[terbiensis], et magistro [ et magna multitudineh] ipsorum clericorum, i[u]dicum et notariorum et [scr]ibarum et discretarum persona[rum], et [spec]ialit[er presentibus] lacobo de Castro [Araldi1, k [p]rovidente viro [ ?] magistri Pandulfi [ ] Locrie priore Sancti ] [ ], fratre Andrea de Felicibus guardiano loci [fratrum Minorum m n ], magistro Io[hanne ] Romano, domino Leonardo8 [ ] 0 p de Urbe, [ ] et quam pluribus aliis testi[bus ].

g

" The illegible portion is 6.5 cm in length. Cf. similar expressions on p. 102 et passim. '■ Since this is the only reference to this person in the text it is not possible to be sure that Araldi is correct. J The illegible portion is 26 cm in length. k The illegible portion is 5 cm in length. 1 The illegible portion is 3.5 cm in length. m The illegible portion is 2.5 cm in length. n ' The illegible portion is 10 cm in length. 0 The illegible portion is 12.5 cm in length. p The illegible portion is 10 cm in length. h

6 Nicolaus de Tibure (Tivoli), doctor, the most frequent witness, at 15 sessions, after Matheus de Cavellutis. 7 Manfredus de Vico: see Calisse, "Prefetti di Vico", pp. 1-136. 8 Possibly Leonardus Romanutii: supra, p.88.

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Viterbo

m

gì

[ dominus lacobus SJutrinus e[piscopus] et m[a]gister [Pan]d[ul]fus de Sabello, [volentes iuxta''] formam dictarum licterarum ad inquisitionem eandem procedere] in Patrimonio beati Petri in Tuscia et deinde in partibus superius nominatis, contra dictum ordinem, necnon contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, super articulis [eis] sub bulla transmissis, per presens publicum citationis (citationis) edictum, auctoritate apostolica qua fungimur in hac parte, citaverunt atque vocaverunt dictos ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani, necnon magnum preceptorem prefati ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, et fratrem lacobum de Monte C[u]ccor qu[i] pro magno preceptore in illis partibus dicitur se gessisse, et legitimam personam pro eis et eorum quolibet, et quoscumque alios cuiuscumque s[tatus aut] conditionis extite[rint qui] evocari deberent, quatenus ad diem vicesimum mensis decembris instantis [ quem terminum eis et cuilibet eorum pros] primo, secundo et tertio termino perhemtorio assignam[us], veniant et [compa]re[ant] in civitate Vit[erbiensi ], in palatio episcopatus [ipsius civitatis Viterbiensis], coram eis responsuri diete eorum inquisitioni, et ad procedendum in ipsa quo ad omnia peragenda et incumbentia ut e[s]t iuris. Alioquin ex tunc contra ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis [partjibus constitutum, super articulis eis a Sede Apostolica sub bulla transmissis, et super aliis de quibus [vi]debitur expedire, auctoritate apostolica secundum formam mandati apostolici super hoc eisdem traditi, inquirent in dicto Patrimonio diligenter veritatem, eorum et cuiuslibet eorum absentia seu contumacia non obstante. Et ne ipsi ignorantiam inquisitionis et presentís citationis edicti pretendere possint, et sic ad dictorum citatorum n[o]titiam valeat pervenire, cartas sive membranas presentís citationis continentes edictum, ac ipsorum" inquisitorum sigillorum munimine roboratas, in ecclesiarum cathedralium Viterbiensis et Tuscanensis, in ec-

q

Cf. p. 104 et passim. ' Text also: Monte Cuccho in one or two words. s Cf. p. 104 et passim. ^ From here to the end of the document the condition of the parchment is normal, with the exception of some dark violet patches. u Margin small: Villi. r

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

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clesiarum Sánete Marie de Carbonaria9, Sancti Benedicti10 de Burlegio, Sánete Marie11 de Castro Araldi, Sancti Sabini12 prope civitatem Tuscanensem, Sancti Mathei prope castrum Corneti13, Sancti lulii prope Civitatem Vetulam14 et Sancti Blasii de Vetralla15 dicti ordinis, et palatiorum eorum Viterbiensis et Tuscanensis civitatum et castrorum Corneti et Vetralle eiusdem Viterbiensis et Tuscanensis diócesis, necnon ecclesie cathedralis Balneoregensis16, ecclesie Sánete Marie in Capita17 dicti ordinis, palatii communis dicte civitatis et palatii curie generalis in castro Montisflasconis Balneoregensis diócesis, ubi per curam rectoris et capitane! (in Patrimonio) generalis in Patrimonio beati Petri in Tuscia per Romanam Ecclesiam iura redduntur, necnon ecclesie cathedralis Urbevetane et palatii communis dicte civitatis, et ecclesie Sancti Marchi17b dicti ordinis prope ipsam civitatem, ecclesie cathedralis Sutrine et ecclesie Sánete Marie de Valentano dicti ordinis Castrensis diócesis, per ipsorum iuratos nuntios vel alios seu alium ex eis appendi et affigi hostiis vel super liminaribus mandarunt, quorum

9

S. Maria di Carbonara, Templar church in Viterbo: Silvestrelli, "Chiese", p.498. S. Benedetto di Burleo, Templar church somewhere south of Montefiascone: Silvestrelli, "Chiese", pp.503-4; appendix, pp. 174-5. Hospitaller preceptory by 1373: Luttrell, "Preceptories", p. 109. 11 S. María di Castell'araldo, Templar church and preceptory north of Tuscania: detailed discussion ibid, pp.112-3 et passim, 12 S. Savino near Tuscania, Templar church and preceptory: detailed discussion ibid, pp. 106-10 et passim. 18 S. Matteo at Tarquinia (Corneto), Templar church: Silvestrelli "Chiese", p.500; Hospital appears to have hela church of S. Matteo in 1373: Paris, B.N. ms. Latin 5155, f,48v. See also Guerri, Registrum, p.213; Silvestrelli, Castelli, I, p. 14. 14 ' S. Giulio in Civitavecchia, Templar church, passed to Hospital before 1442: Valletta, National Library of Malta, Archives of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, codex 355, f.240. It was ruined by 1356 according to Silvestrelli, Castelli, II, p.387 n.l 1. 15, S. Blasii de Vetralla, Templar church, held by Hospital on 22 April 1420: Valletta, National Library of Malta, Archives of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, codex 344, f.l65v. See also G. SignorelH, Viterbo, p.389 n.l3 which affirms the existence of this church between 1313 and 1344, Silvestrelli, Castelli, II, p.722 in which the date of construction of this church is given as the mid XIV century. î6 Citations were routinely placed on all cathedral churches in the area covered by the inquiry. 17 S. Maria in Capita, Templar church near Bagnoregio: Silvestrelli, "Chiese", pp.49899. The Hospitallers held this church until 1766: Silvestrelli, Castelli, II, p.753. Accoraing to the Reg, Jean XXII, no. 15832, the pope requested that the Hospitallers return the church to the bishop of Balneoregio in 1322. î7h ' Further information from Francesco Tommasi states that this church is slightly north of Orvieto. It too passed to the Hospital. 10

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91

et cuiuslibet ipsorum relationi se scire et credere velie dixerunt. Supradictum autem citationis edictum predicti domini inquisitores fecerunt per formam et modum premissos. Quia inspecta licterarum eis transmissarum forma, et attento favore et privilegio quibus dictum negotium per iura fulcitur, et aliis causis legitimis que eos moverunt, ipsi deliberaverunt suprascriptum modum vocandi perhentorie et in scripto loco et in supradictis locis appendi sive affigi facere cartas sive membranas presentís citationis continentes edictum, et supradictos terminum per eos prefixum et locum ad comparendum assignatum in presenti negotio esse sufficientem et existere congruentem. § Propositum autem fuit dictum edictum publice citationis in civitate Viterbii dicti Patrimonii apud palatium episcopatus ipsius civitatis Viterbiensis, anno Domini M0CCCVIIII0, indictione VIIa, pontificatus domini Clementis pape quinti, mensis decembris die XXa. § Die XXIa mensis decembris, in palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio et Petri Thebaldi de Tibure notariorum et scribarum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam domino lohanne Guallati et magistro Vito notario domini episcopi Viterbiensis et pluribus aliis testibus. Supradicti domini inquisitores mandaverunt et commiserunt Guertio et lakecto et cuilibet eorum nuntiis iuratis ipsorum ut personaliter accédant ad maltam sive carcerem18 Viterbiensem officii inquisitionis heretice pravitatis, in quo, de mandato domìni pape, sub fida custodia detinentur frater Petrus Valentini, frater Gerardus de Placentia19, frater Guillelmus presbyter de Verduno, frater Henricus de Balneoregio20, frater Vivolus de Sancto lustino21, dicti ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani fratres, et predictis fratribus et cuilibet eo18 On the origin of the word "malta" for the papal prison in Viterbo, see Biscaro, "Malta"; della Tuccia, Cronache e statuti, p.621. 19 ' Templars at Piacenza, Tononi, "Templari", "Ancora i Templari' ; Accame, Notizie, pp.31, 68-70. For a correction of previous errors, see Nasalli-Rocca, "Introduzione". The chronicle Tria Piacentina gives more precise information than most other contemporary chronicles. Supplementary data is given in Caravita, Concorrezo, pp. 104-5 et passim, and Tarlazzi, Monumenti, Appendice, IL 20 This Templar witness does not testify later and nothing is known of his fate. 21 This Templar church was a Benedictine abbey before being given to the Templars by Gregory IX in 1237. It was one of the most important of their properties in the priory of Rome and Umbria. The Hospitallers received it in 1312. For full details on this property and its transfer, see Tommasi, "L'Ordine dei Templari", passim. See also, Valletta, National Library of Malta, Archives of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, codex 375,/288 sq., inventory of 1453-66, which lists a possession of this name in the county of Perugia. It does not figure in the Liber Prioratus, inventory of 1333-34, but does appear in. Valletta^ National library of Malta, Archives of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, codex 322,/255v. in 1383.

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rum dicant, publicent et exponant et notificent quomodo ipsi domini inquisitores per publicum eorum citationis edictum citaverunt et vocaverunt in palatio episcopatus Viterbii, auctoritate apostolica eis in hac parte commissa, ordinem militie Templi et magnum preceptorem in illis partibus constitutum, et fratrem lacobum de Monte Cucco qui pro magno preceptore in illis partibus dicitur se gessisse, et legitimam personam pro eis et eorum quolibet, et quoscumque alios qui evocari deberent, ut ad diem lune XXVIIIIm mensis decembris instantis, in palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis, veniant et compareant coram eis responsuri inquisitioni quam faciunt [con]tr[a] eos de Apostolice Sedis mandato, et ad procedendum in ipsa quo ad omnia peragenda et incumbentia ut est iuris. Et si ipsi fratres vel eorum alter volunt comparere pro dictis ordine vel magno preceptore vel fratre lacobo de Monte Cucco, vel volunt pro dictis citatis vel eorum altero aliquid defensionis [verbum] dicere et proponere coram ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, quod in dicto termino compareant coram ipsis cum ipsi domini sint parati eos admictere prout de iure debebunt. § Die XXIIa mensis decembris, in dicto palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri, Petri Thebaldi de Tibure et lohannis de Vassano notariorum et scribarum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam domino Matheo de Cavellutis de Urbe et Processo de Bochiniano. Supradicti Guertius et lakectus nuntii iurati retulerunt ipsis dominis inquisitoribus pro tribunali in dicto palatio sedentibus, se beri die XXIa dicti mensis ad dictos fratres personaliter accessisse, et eis et cuilibet eorum ex parte dictorum dominorum inquisitorum dixisse, exposuisse, publicasse [et] notificasse omnia et singula supradicta prout eis commissum et mandatum fuit per dominos inquisitores predictos, et dictos fratres respondisse se pro dictis citatis no[lle] comparere. § Die XXIIa mensis decembris, in palatio episcopatus supradicti, in presentia mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus etiam domino lohanne Guallati, Silvestro de Albano et magistro Nicolao medico de Tibure testibus. Gerius et lakectus nuntii iurati retulerunt ipsis dominis inquisitoribus in dicto palatio pro tribunali sedentibus, se die XXa dicti mensis iuxta mandatum in edicto contentum affigisse cartas continentes dicte citationis edictum, in palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis per eos propositum, in hostiis ecclesie cathedralis Viterbiensis et etiam palatii communis eiusdem civitatis. § Die suprascriptis et in loco et in presentia mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. Processus nuntius iuratus dictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, se

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93

die XXIa dicti mensis appendisse seu affixisse cartam sive membranam continentem diete citationis edictum in hostiis ecclesie Sánete Marie de Carbonaria dicti ordinis miiitie Templi iuxta mandatum supradictum. § Die suprascripto et loco, in presentía mei Petri Thebaldi de Tybure notarli suprascripti. Predicti domini inquisitores, in forma aliorum proximo nunctiorum iuratorum, elegerunt et assumpserunt in eorum nunctium Gregorium de Civitate Castelli qui coram eis iuravit ut alii nunctii iurati. § In nomine Domini amen. Anno nativitatis eiusdem M0CCCX0 indictione VIIIa, pontificatus domini Clementis pape quinti anno eius quinto, die XXVIIII0 mensis decembris, in palatio suprascripto, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus etiam domino lacobo vicario venerabilis patris domini Petri Dei gratia Viterbiensis et Tuscanensis episcopi, domino lohanne Guallati, magistro Vito de Viterbio notario et pluribus aliis testibus. lakeetus nuntius iuratus supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus in dicto palatio pro tribunali sedentibus, se die lune XXIIa mensis decembris instantis appendisse et affigisse cartas sive membranas predictum publice citationis continentes edictum in hostiis palatii curie generalis Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia ubi per curiam generalem in dicto Patrimonio iura redduntur, et in hostiis ecclesie Sánete Marie in Capita dicti ordinis Balneoregensis diócesis, et die XXIIIo dicti mensis in hostiis ecclesie cathedralis Balneoregensis et palatii communis eiusdem civitatis iuxta mandatum per supradictos dominos inquisitores in eorum citationis edicto factum. § Die et in loco suprascriptis et in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. Guertius nuntius iuratus retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus in dicto palatio pro tribunali sedentibus, se die XXIIa dicti mensis affigisse cartam continentem diete citationis edictum in hostiis ecclesie dicti ordinis de castro Valentani Castrensis diócesis iuxta mandatum supradictum. § Die et in loco suprascriptis et in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. Benedictus nuntius iuratus dictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus in dicto palatio pro tribunali sedentibus, se die XXIIa dicti mensis decembris affixisse cartas sive membranas continentes dicte citationis edictum in hostiis ecclesie cathedralis Urbevetane civitatis et palatii communis eiusdem civitatis, et die XXIIIa dicti mensis in hostiis ecclesie Sancti Marchi dicti ordinis Urbevetane diócesis iuxta mandatum supradictum. § Die et in loco suprascriptis et in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et

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aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. Guilielmoctus nuntius iuratus supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus in dicto palatio episcopatus pro tribunali sedentibus, se die XXIIIa mensis predicti affigisse cartas sive membranas supradicte citationis continentes edictum in hostiis ecclesie Sancii Benedicti de Burlegio et ecclesie Sánete Marie de Castro Araldi dicti ordinis Viterbiensis diócesis iuxta mandatum suprascriptum. § Die et in loco suprascriptis et in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. lohannes Piccardus nuntius iuratus dictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus in dicto palatio pro tribunali sedentibus, se die XXIIa dicti mensis affigisse cartas sive membranas supradicte citationis continentes edictum in hostiis palatii communis Vetralle, et ecclesie Sancti Blasii de dieta terra prefati ordinis Viterbiensis et Tuscanensis diócesis, et die XXIIIa dicti mensis in hostiis ecclesie Sancti lulii dicti ordinis prope Civitatem Vetulam et ecclesie Sánete Marie eiusdem ordinis de dieta terra, et die XXIIIIa dicti mensis in hostiis ecclesie Sancti Mathei de Corneto dicti ordinis et palatii communis eorum in Castro, et die XXVIIa dicti mensis in hostiis ecclesie cathedralis civitatis Tuscanensis et palatii communis eiusdem civitatis, et Sancti Sabini dicti ordinis prope ipsam civitatem Tuscanensem iuxta mandatum suprascriptum. § Die et in loco suprascriptis et in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri dev Balneoregio et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. Gerius et Gregorius nuntii iurati retulerunt (ipsis) ipsis dominis inquisitoribus in dicto palatio pro tribunali sedentibus, se die XXIIIo dicti mensis affigisse cartam sive membranam diete citationis continentem edictum in hostiis ecclesie cathedralis Sutrine iuxta mandatum suprascriptum. § In nomine Domini amen. Anno22 Domini MC0CCX0, indictione VIIIa, pontificatus domini Clementis pape quinti anno eius quinto, die XXVIIII0 mensis decembris, in palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio, Petri Tebaldi de Tybure et lohannis de Vassano notariorum et scribarum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam domino lohanne Guallati, domino Matheo de Cavellutis, Silvestro de Albano et presentibus aliis testibus. Prefati domini v

' Margin small: X.X.

22 According to papal usage in the fourteenth century December 25 was the first day of the new year; this date then is in 1309 according to the modern calendar.

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inquisitores, in dicto palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis pro tribunali sedentes ad audiendum et recipiendum representationem et comparitionem ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani, et magni preceptoris dicti ordinis in illis partibus constituti, et fratris lacobi de Monte Cucco qui pro magno preceptore in dictis partibus dicitur se gessisse, et aliorum per publicum eorum citationis edictum citatorum, pro primo, secundo et tertio termino perhemtorio eis (et) cuilibet eorum assignato ad diem odiernum XXVIIIIm mensis predicti, si quam vellent facere pro ultima die dicti termini perhemtorii eis et cuilibet eorum assignati, expectaverunt supradicta hora, die XXVIIII0 dicti mensis a mane usque ad vesperas et post vesperas per horam et ad horam iuridicam qua congrue potuerunt et debuerunt predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, et dictum fratrem lacobum de Montecucco qui pro magno preceptore in illis partibus dicitur se gessisse, et legitimam personam pro eis et eorum nomine vel alterius eorum. Coram quibus nullus predictorum comparuit responsuri diete eorum inquisitioni vel qui verbum excusationis vel defensionis faceret pro eisdem vel altero eorundem. Et quia nullus comparuit pro parte predictorum ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani et magni preceptoris eiusdem ordinis in illis partibus constituti, et predicti fratris lacobi de Montecucco, nec aliquis qui eorum absentiam et contumaciam excusaret comparere curavit, licet ipsorum contumaciam ex officio de iure possent accusare ac ipsos contumaces reputare, de benignitate et equitate canonica tamen, et propter magnitudinem negotii, eosdem et eorum quemlibet in diem sequentem hora vesperarum se velie expectare dixerunt, et etiam comminati sunt se, sequenti die penultima dicti mensis, post horam vesperarum ipsius diei, si non comparuerint omnes predicti vocati vel citati vel aliqui ex eis processuros contra eosdem non comparentes et quemlibet eorum non comparentiurn prout de iure fuerit procedendum e^melius possunt. § Die XXXa penultima dicti mensis decembris, in dicto palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis, supradicti domini inquisitores in dicto palatio pro tribunali sedentes in scriptis protulerunt interlocutoriam23 infrascriptam: § "Nos lacobus Dei. et Apostolice Sedis grada Sutrinus episcopus et magister Pandulfus de Sabello prepositus de Chableis in ecclesia Sancti Martini Turonensis domini pape notarius, ad inquirendum contra ordi-

23

p.383.

The use of torture necessitated an interlocutory judgment, see Tanon, Tribunaux,

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nem militie Templi lerosolimitani in Urbis, Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Aprutii, Campanie et Maritime partibus, et contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, per Sedem Apostolicam specialiter deputati, in dicto palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis pro tribunali sedentes, ante vesperas, hora congrua. Quia predict! ordo et magnus preceptor dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutus, et frater lacobus de Montecucco qui pro magno preceptore in illis partibus dicitur se gessisse, et alii perhemtorie precitati per nostrum publice citationis edictum, propositum in dicta civitate Viterbii in termino perhemtorio qui fuit heri die XXVIIIP mensis decembris instantis, nec in dictum terminum in predicto citationis edicto contentum, per se nec per aliquam personam ydoneam atque legitimam comparere curarunt, nec aliquis comparuit qui eorum nomine seu alterius eorundem absentiam seu contumaciam aliqualiter excusaret, seu pro eis vel eorum altero verbum defensionis seu excusationis aliquod faceret pro eisdem vel altero eorundem, quos propter magnitudinem negotii et de benignitate et equitate canonica, in odiernum diem hora vesperarum duximus expectandos. "Et quia hodie predicta hora nec post ipsam horam, ipse ordo, nec magnus preceptor, nec dictus fráter lacobus de Montecucco, nec aliqua legitima persona pro eis vel eorum altero coram nobis comparuit, nec aliquis venit qui eorum nomine vel alterius eorum absentiam seu contumaciam excusaret, seu [pro] eis vel eorum altero verbum defensionis seu excusationis aliquod faceret pro eisdem vel altero eorundem: id circo, Dei nomine invocato, post dictam horam vesperarum et dictam expectationem usque ad [horam] qua congrue potuimus et debuimus, in hiis scriptis pronuntiamus et declaramus dictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, et fratrem lacobum de Montecucco qui pro magno preceptore in illis partibus dicitur se gessisse, et eorum quemlibet, contumaces esse, et ipsos et eorum quemlibetw pro contumacibus reputamus. Ac non obstante absentia predictorum ordinis et magni preceptoris et fratris lacobi de Montecucco24, in hiis scriptis pronuntiamus per nos procedendum fore in dicto Patrimonio, in ipsa et super ipsa inquisitione ad w

Margin, in another hand: pronuntiamus contumaces ordinem militie Templi.

24 The grand preceptor's absence is not explained: Bull 7183 of Clement V situates him in Poitiers, June 9 1307, where he witnessed a signature by Jacques de Molay. He is referred to as : "... discretis viris fratre lacobo de Monteacuto preceptore domorum militie Templi in Lombardia et predicti domini pape cubiculario...." Information received from Francisco Tommasi of Perugia states that lacobus was in Perugia in 1304 as cubicularius of Benedict XI.

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m

97

quam eos per nostre citationis edictum in palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis j jx vocavimus, tam ad testium receptionem quam ad omnia alia peragenda et incumbentia ut est iuris, secundum formam licterarum apostolicarum super inquisitione huiusmodi directarum. Et ad cautelam, non recedentes a pronuntiatione nostra suprascripta set in illa omnímodo persistentes, vocamus et citamus supradictos ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani, et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis, et fratrem lacobum de Montecucco qui pro magno preceptore in illis partibus dicitur se gessisse, et legitimam personam pro eis et eorum quolibet, ut continue et omni die et omni bora per se vel legitimam personam pro eis, et cuiuslibet eorum nomine, compareant coram nobis in palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis vel in quocumque loco alio eiusdem Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia fuerimus, visuri et audituri iuramenta testium quos, super inquisitione quam contra dictum ordinem, et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, et fratrem lacobum de Montecucco qui pro magno preceptore in illis partibus dicitur se gessisse, facimus, de Apostolice Sedis mandato, examinare intendimus et examinabimus super articulis nobis sub bulla a domino nostro summo pontífice transmissis et aliis de quibus nobis videbitur expedire/' § Acta sunt predicta, in palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio, Petri Tebaldi de Tybure et lohannis de Vassano notariorum et scribarum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam domino lacobo vicario venerabilis patris domini Petri Dei gratia Viterbiensis et Tuscanensis episcopi, domino lohanne Guallati, domino Matheo de Cavellutis cappellano supradicti magistri Pandulfi de

x " The modem numbers, in pencil, begin here in the upper left margin. The third quarter of this membrane is badly damaged, fortunately in a section with little script.

His name does not figure in some lists of papal chamberlains, nevertheless. On lacobus as chamberlain, see Colombo, "I Gerosolimitani", pp.218, 220 and references to him in Tommasi, "L'Ordine dei Templari", p. 19 n. 133-4, p.25 n.5. A reference to the master of the Templars in "Ongaria et Schiavonia" (the Templar preceptor of Rome was also preceptor of Hungary and Siavonia, see, for example, Smicklas, Codex diplomáticos, VII, p.98, doc. 79), in Predelli, Libri commemoriali, I, no. 366, in April 1308, might indicate that he was out of Italy at that time. Innumerable Templars did not appear at the trials, in any case. On his natural brother Nicolaus, see Schottmülier, Untergang, II, pp. 198-9. Petrus de Montecuccho, named in the Ravenna trial, is not identified as a relation of lacobus, see Caravita, Concorrezo, pp.146, 154 et passim. The Templar Raymond de Monteaguto in the Cyprus trial is a Catalan, see Schottmülier, Untergang, II, pp.214, 362-4.

7

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Sabello, magistro Nicolao de Tibure medico, Gerio de Senis (et) Pirocto familiaribus dicti magistri Pandulfi de Sabello, et pluribus aliis testibus ad hec vocatis et rogatis. Et ego lohannes Silvestri de Balneoregio Apostolice Sedis auctoritate notarios et nunc notarios et scriba sopradictorom dominorom inqoisitorom, predictis omnibos et singolis preterqoam receptionem Gregorii de Civitate Castelli, ona com aliis notariis dictorom dominorom soprascriptis interfoi, et ea ona com predictis aliis notariis roga tos scribere, de ipsorom dominorom inqoisitorom mandato et rogato scripsi et in hanc poblicam for mam redegi preterqoam receptionem mei lohannis in no[tariom], et receptionem nontiorom et ioramentom ipsorom, et receptionem dicti Gregorii in nontiom post ipsam meam receptionem, et ioramentom meo nique, Petros Thebaldi mano soa scripsit. Singnom predicti (signomy) lohannis notarii. Et ego Petros Thebaldi de Tybore Dei et prefectore dignitatis gratia scriniarios públicos et none notarios et scriba dictorom dominorom inqoisitorom, sopradictis omnibos et singolis scriptis et publicatis per suprascriptom lohannem Silvestri de Balneoregio notarium, in quibus suprascripsit me interfoisse ona com eo et aliis notariis soprascriptis qoos scripsit interfuisse, interfoi et ea vidi, legi et adscultavi, et ipsa omnia et singola dico et fateor esse vera ut scripta sunt per suprascriptum lohannem Silvestri de Balneoregio notarium, et ad certitodinem predictorom omnium et singulorum me sobscripsi meomqoe signom solitum apposoi; (signum) etz receptionem Gregorii nonctii iurati suprascripti, propria mano suprascripsi. Et ego lohannes Mathei Pandolphi de Vassano alme Urbis illustris prefetti auctoritate iodex ordinarios e[t] notarios públicos et none notarios et scriba sopradictorom dominorom inqoisitorom, sopradictis omnibos et singolis scriptis et publicatis per suprascriptum lohannem Silvestri de Balneoregio notarium, in quibus sopra scripsit me interfoisse una cum eo et aliis notariis soprascriptis qoos scripsit interfoisse, interfoi et ea vidi, legi et ascoltavi, et ea omnia et singola dico et fateor esse vera ut scripta sont per suprascriptum lohannem Silvestri de Balneoregio notarium, et ad certitodinem predictorom omnium et singulorum me sobscripsi meomqoe signum solitum apposoi, (signom) y z

' See the reproduction of the drawn notarial signa infra. The words et suprascripti belong after adscultavi.

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§ In nomine Domini amen. Anno nativitatis eiusdem millesimo CCC0X0, indictione VIIIa, mense ianuarii, die secunda, pontificatus domini Clementis pape quin[ti] ipsius [anno quinto], in palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis, in presentía mei Petri Thebaldi de Tybure notarii et scribe supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum Sutrini episcopi et magistri Pandulfi de Sabello. Predictus venerabilis vir dominus Pandulfus de Sabello nunc recedens a nominatione, electione et assumpsione aliorum predictorum notariorum, immo eos volens in dicto officio permanere, pro se et vice, et nomine dicti domini Sutrini episcopi absentis25 qui certis [die]bus ut dicebat Sutrium redierat, elegit, assumpsit et deputavit in suum et dicti domini Sutrini episcopi et diete inquisitionis [notarium] et scribam, una cum aliis notariis per eos ad predicta deputatis et assumptis, Silvestrem de Albano familiarem dicti magistri Pandulfi, commictens ei ut ipsam inquisitionem et acta omnia necessaria et facientia ad eandem scribere et publicare possit et debeat fideliter ut tenetur, rogans eum ut huiusmodi inquisitionis acta et omnia et singula conscribat [et publicet] et in publicam formam redigat. Qui Silvester, in dicti domini inquisitoris presentia existons, iuravit ad sancta Dei evangelia, tacto libro, fideliter scribere inquisitionem et acta omnia ipsi inquisitioni necessaria, et omnia et singula agere et exercere bona fide, et sine fraude qu[e] ad inquisitionem eandem et officium sibi commissum extiterint fideliter peragenda et sibi fuerint commissa et iniuncta. Actum in suprascripto palatio episcopatus Viterbiensis, et presentibus etiam domino Ioanne Guallati iuris perito, magistro Nicolao [m]edi[co de] Tybure et Pirrocto familiare dicti domini magistri Pandulfi de Sabello et pluribus aliis testibusa ad hec specialiter vocatis et rogatis. Et ego Petrus Thebaldi de Tybure Dei et prefecture dignitatis grafia scriniarius publicus et nunc notarius et scriba supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, predicte receptioni dicti Silvestri in notarium et eius iuramento interfui, predicta omnia et singula, dicti domini inquisitoris mandato et rogatu scripsi et publicavi et in hanc publicam scripturam redegi, meumque solitum signum aposui. (signum) a

' Text: testis.

25 In the case of the absence of one inquisitor, he could delegate his powers to the other: Tanon, Tribunaux, p.346.

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PART THREE

Duchy of Spoleto m. 12 § "Infra sunt acta in ducatu Spoletano"

§ In nomine Domini amen. Anno nativitatis eiusdem M0CC0CX0, indictione Vili, pontificatus domini Clementis pape quinti, die XXVa mensis februarii, in ciyitate Asisinatis, in [aula monasterii] Sancti Petri ordinis sancti Benedicti, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio. Venerabilis pater dominus lacobus Dei gratia Sutrinus episcopus et magister Pandulfus de Sabello prepositus de Chableis in ecclesia Sancti Martini Turonensis domini pape notarius, inquisitores ad inquirendum a Sede Apostolica specialiter deputati contra ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani in Urbis, Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Aprutii, Campanie et Maritime partibus, et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, non revocando alios eorum nuntios quos supra elegerant, set volentes eos in suo nominatos officio permanere, nominaverunt, assumxerunt (sic) et deputaverunt omnímodo et iure quibus melius possunt: § Petrutium lacobi Leonardelli de Urbe familiarem dicti magistri Pandulfi, Nicolutiam1, Vannem2 Nicolai de Valle Montonis, Vannem3 de Clusioa et quemlibet eorum nuntios, citatores et relatores, edictorum appositores sive affixoresb super inquisitione auctoritate apostolica, facienda a " This list of notaries and nuntii appears with a vertical line drawn on the right. There is a space between the names and the four lines -written in an extremely small hand on the right of this line. b The eleven words from et to affixores appear in a square bordered by a line in ink on the right of the notaries' names.

1 Nicoiutia seems to be the name of a separate nuntius here although infra, p. 114, it is the second name of Petrutius. 2 ' Another notary Nicholaus Vannis appears in 1349 in Gesta Eugubinorum, p.93. 3 Vannes canon of Chiusi, see the Rat. Dec. Tuscia, II, 160, no. 2688 in 1302-3.

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contra predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem in supradictis partibus eis decretis, iuxta commissionem et mandatum apostolicum eis super hoc tradit[um], et alios omnes qui ex eisdem tanguntur et tangni possunt, mandantes et commictentes [ei]s et cuilibet eorum ut citationes, relationes, mandata, iussiones et monitiones, edictorum appositiones sive affixiones pro parte ipsorum inquisitorum agant et référant, et faciant fideliter, et omnia exerce[ant], que circa commissum eis officium et cuilibet ipsorum per ipsos dominos inquisitores vel alterum ex eis, [iniunctac] commissa, ma[ndata] s[eu prece]pta fuer[int] quorum et cuiuslibet eorum [relationi se adhibere velie dixerunt etd] dare plenam fidem. § eQui nuntii, nominati, electi et assumpti per supradictos dominos inquisitores, in eorum presentía existentes et dictum officium acceptantes, iu[raverunt ad sancta Dei evangelia, corporaliter tacto] libro, absque fraude aliqua, citationes, ma[ndata, iussiones, monitiones, edictorum appositiones seu affixiones] facere, dicere, et agere, et referre, [....] et ad earn pertinentia eis seu altero eorum per [ipsos dominos inquisitores seu alter eorumf] commictentur et mandabuntur. Actum in loco et die predictis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio notarii suprascripti, [et] presentibus etiam domino Matheo de Cavellutis, Nicolao magistri Philippi de Cora et pluribus aliis ad hec testibus. § In nomine Domini amen. Anno nativitatis eiusdem, millesimo C0CCX0, indictione VIIIa, pontificatus domini Clementis pape quinti anno eius quinto, mense februarii, die XXVa, in ducatu Spoletano in civitate Asisinatis dicti ducatus, et in aula monasterii Sancti Petri ordinis sancii Benedicti eiusdem civitatis, in presentía mei lohannis notarii de Vassano et lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio*ff, Petri Thebaldi de Tybure et Silvestri de Albano notariorum et scribarum venerabìlis patris domini lacobi Dei gratia Sutrini episcopi et domini magistri Pandulphi de Sabello prepositi de Chableis in ecclesia Sancti Martini Turonensis domini pape notarii, ad inquirendum a Sede Apostolica deputatorum in Urbis et Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Apprutii, Campanie et Maritime

c

Cf. pp.68,87. - Cf. p.87. e ' The parchment is in particularly poor condition from here to line 31. No more large stains appear until membrane 56. f Cf. p.87 et passim. ^ Previous five words appear in margin. d

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102

The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

partibus contra ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani et contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum. Convocatis et coadunatis in aula dicti monasterii Sancti Petri de mandato predictorum dominorum inquisitorum, nobili viro domino Patio de Orto capitaneo dicte civitatis Asisinatis et próvido et sapienti viro domino Raynaldo de Cascia vicario nobilis viri domini Andree de Sancto Elpidio potestatis civitatis predicte, et nonnullis aliis iudicibus et officialibus dictorum dominorum capitanei et potestatis, necnon capitulo, religiosis et clero dicte civitatis, et magna multitudine et discreta religiosorum clericorum, iudicum et notariorum et aliarum discretarum personarum, et specialiter presentibus venerabile patre domino Thebaldo4 Dei gratia episcopo Asisinati, domino Huberto domini pape in spiritualibus in ducatu Spoletano vicario, fratre Andrea5 de Eugubio heretice pravitatis inquisitore in provincia Sancti Francisci, domino Victorfino6] abbate monasterii supradicti Sancti Petri ordinis sancti Benedicti, domino Philippe de Monte Martano vicario supradicti domini episcopi Asisinatis, domino Guidone priore, domino Petro de Bictono, domino Francisco domini lacobi, canonicis Asisinatis, domino lacobo domini Thadei ludicis, magistro lohanne Allegrantis notario de Asisio, fratre lacobo de Burgo ordinis Minorum, magistro Mugolino de Bucchiniano canonico de Chableis, domino Matheo de Gavellutis de Urbe, et quam pluribus et plurimis religiosis, clericis et aliis discretis viris testibus. Prefati domini inquisitores mandaverunt et commiserunt lohanni Silvestri de Balneoregio notario et scribe ipsorum quod de verbo ad verbum legeret et publicaret heteras que directe sunt eis per sanctissimum patrem et dominum dominum Clementem divina providentia papam quintum. Que quidem lictere sunt vera bulla plumbea ipsius domini pape, búllate, non vitiate nec in aliqua parte ipsarum corrupte, que sic incipiunt: "Clemens episcopus7 servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri episcopo 4 Previously bishop of Castellamare di Stabia, then of Terracina, appointed bishop of Assisi in 1291, serving until his death in 1313. 5 Rector of the Patrimony of St. Peter in Tuscany, rector in spiritualibus of Marittima and the Campagna romana, canon of Châlons sur Marne, see indices to the Reg. Ben. XI, Reg. Bon. Vili, Reg. Clement V. This person is more probably the Andreas, inquisitor in provincia S. Francisci in 1298, in Wadding, Annales Minorum, V, doc. 398, III. 6 See De Giovanni, Ampliamento di Assisi, pp. 12, 16, 18. 7 These words form the incipit of bulls 3419, 3513 of Clement V sent to PanduJfus de Sabello and lacobus, Bishop of Sutri; no. 3450 was sent to Isnardus Archbishop of Thebes, papal vicar in Rome and Sutri and various other bishops of the region, see supra, p.29. Several bishops do come to the sessions, see the index.

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Sutrino et dilecto filio magistro Pandulpho de Sabello prepósito de Chableis in ecclesia Sancti Martini Turonensis notario nostro, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Faciens misericordiam cum servo suo Dei filius Dominas lesus Christus ad hoc nos voluit in specula eminenti apostolatus assupmi ut gerentes licet immeriti vices eius in terris in cunctis nostris actibus et processibus ipsius vestigia quantum patitur humana fragilitas immite mur. Sane dudum," etc.. Tenor autem ipsarum licterarum per omnia per predictum lohannem de Balneoregio supra in principio actorum huiusmodi de verbo ad verbum est conscriptus, Quas vero licteras et ipsarum tenorem de verbo ad verbum dictus lohannes Silvestri de Balneoregio notarius, de mandato supradictorum dominorum inquisìtorum, coram dicta multitudine dictorum religiosorum, clericorum et aliorum virorum discretorum, de mandato ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum congregatorum in dieta aula monasterii Sancti Petri, die predicto XXVo februarii, legit alta voce, recitavit et publicavit, et de lectura, recitatione et pubiicatione ipsarum licterarum mandaverunt ipsi domini inquisitores per me lohannem de Vassano eundemque8 lohannem Silvestri de Balneoregio, Petrum Thebaldi de Tybure et Silvestrum de Albano notarios et scribas ipsorum confici publicum instrumentum. § Post quam quidem lecturam licterarum, recitationem et publicationern ipsarum coram ipsa multitudine gentium, dictus dominus magister Pandulphus de Sabello, de volúntate, assensu et commiss[ione] ac mandato dicti domini lacobi episcopi Sutrini ibidem presentís et citationem infrascriptam facientis, citavit predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem et legit et recitavit contra eosdem ordinem et magnum preceptorem ipsius citationis edictum infrascriptum in forma et modo qui sequitur. Quia predicti domini inquisitores infrascriptum citationis et vocationis edictum facere voluerunt per modum et formam que sequitur. Quia inspecta dictarum licterarum eis transmissarum forma, et attento favore et privilegio quibus dictum negotium per iura fulcitur et aliis causis legitimis que eos movent, ipsi deliberaverunt infrascriptum modum vocandi perhenptorie in infrascripto loco et in infrascriptis locis appendendi seu affigendi cartas sive membranas presentís citationis continentes edictum, et infrascriptum terminum per eos prefixum et locum ad comparendum assignatum in presenti negotio esse sufficientem et existere congruentem. Cuius edicti tenor talis est:

g

Text: eundem que.

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§ "In nomine Domini amen. Nos lacobus Dei et Apostolice Sedis gratia Sutrinus episcopus et magister Pandulphus de Sabello prepositus de Chableis in ecclesia Sancti Martini Turonensis domini pape notarius, ad inquirendum a Sede Apostolica deputati in Urbis et Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Apprutii, Campanie et Maritime partibus contra ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani, necnon contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, super quibusdam criminibus [et] articulis heresim8 notorie sapientibus prout in licteris apostolicis nobis transmissis plenius continentur. Volentes iuxta formam dictarum licterarum ad inquisitionem eandem procedere nunc in ducatu Spoletano contra dictum ordinem, nec non contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in supradictis partibus constitutum, ac contra fautores, receptatores et defensores fratrum dicti ordinis vel etiam dicti magni preceptoris, cuiuscumque status, conditionis aut ordinis existant, etiam si civitas, castrum, villa vel quevis alia universitas extiterit, ecclesiastica vel etiam secularis, per m

j3

presens publicum citationis edictum, auctoritate apostolica qua fungimur, citamus atque vocamus publice ipsum ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani, necnon predictum magnum preceptorem prefati ordinis in dictis partibus constitutum, et fratrem lacobum de Monte Cuccho qui pro magno preceptore in dictis partibus dicitur se gesisseh, necnon fautores, receptatores et defensores fratrum dicti ordinis vel dicti magni preceptoris vel prefati fratris lacobi, cuiuscumque status, conditionis aut ordinis existant, etiam si civitas, castrum, villa vel quevis alia universitas ecclesiastica vel etiam secularis existât, et legitimam personam pro eis et eorum quolibet, et quoscumque alios cuiuscumque conditionis aut status existiterint1 qui evocari deberent quatenus die VIa mensis martii proxime sequentis, quem terminum eis et cuilibet eorum pro primo, secundo et tertio perhenptorio termino assignamus, veniant et compareant in civitate Eugubina dicti ducatus Spoletani, in palatio episcopatus ecclesie cathedralis diete civitatis Eugubine coram nobis responsuri dicte nostre inquisitioni, et ad procedendum in ipsa quo ad omnia alia peragenda et incumbentia ut est iuris.

h " While this word appears to be written here, and on infra, p.113, gesisse and not gessisse, two "s' may be superimposed. 1 For. extiterint.

8

See Gilmour-Bryson, "Heresy".

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"Alioquin ex tunc contra dictum ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in dictis partibus constitutum, super articulis nobis sub bulla transmissis, et super aliis de quibus nobis videbitur expedire, necnon contra fautores, receptatores et defensores precitatos, auctoritate apostolica, secundum formam mandati super hoc nobis traditi, inquiremus in dicto ducatu Spoletano diligentius veritatem, eorum et cuiuslibet eorum absentia seu contumacia non obstante. Et ne ipsi ignorantiam prefate nostre inquisitionis et presentís citationis edicti pretendere possint, et sic ad dictorum citatorum notitiam valeat pervenire, cartas sive membranas presentís citationis continentes edictum, ac nostrorum sigillorum munimine roboratas, in ecclesiarum cathedralium civitatum ducatus Spoletani predicò, et ecclesiarum Sanctorum Benvengiatej 9, fustini10 et Paterniani11 dicti ordinis militie Templi, necnon ecclesie Sancii Francisci Asisinatis, et palatii auditorii in Asisio ducis et rectoris, per Romanam Ecclesiam in ducatu Spoletano predicto ubi iura redduntur, per nostros iuratos nuntios vel aliquem vel aliquos ipsorum, appendi vel affigi hostiis seu super liminaribus mandamus, que citationis edictum suo quasi sonoro preconio et patulo inditiok publicabunt. "In super, omnes civitates, castra, loca, communitates, universitates et collegia ecclesiastica vel etiam secularia, et singulares personas cuiuscumque status, conditionis aut ordinis existant, pro prima, secunda et tertia canonica monitione monemus. Ne nostris iuratis nuntiis vel alicui ipsorum deferentibus vel deferenti predictum citationis edictum ad loca predicta vel aliquod ipsorum, in eundo stando aut ad nos reddeundo, vel in appositione dicti edicti in hostiis ecclesiarum et locorum predictorum, directe vel indirecte, publice vel occulte, per se vel alium seu alios, quoquomodo im-

J

Text also: Bevengiate. " The published version of the Reg. Clem. V., no. 3584, incorrectly gives "iudicio".

k

Church built in Perugia between 1256 and 1262 by a Templar, Bonvicino, chamberlain of Gregory IX and Innocent IV: Dizionario Biografico, pp.471-2 and Tommasi, "L'Ordine dei Templari",This property passed to the Hospital in 1312, see Tommasi, ibid, p.22. 10 S. Giustino, Templar church in diocese of Perugia. It apparently passed to the Hospital by 1383 (S. lustini d'Arno comitatus Perusii: Valletta, National Library of Malta, Archives of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, codex 322,f.255v). 11 No information on this church exists. Silvestrelli, "Chiese", p.499, notes that the Templars possessed another church of this name at Ceprano which also does not appear in other documents.

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pedimentum prestare présumant. Alioquin ut impedimentis verisimilibus nunc occurramus, ex nunc prout ex tunc, in civitates, castra, loca, communita tes, universitates et collegia ecclesiastica vel etiam seculafia, contrafacientia interdicti, et in singulares personas contra similiter Pacientes, tanquam nostram inquisitionem impedientes, predicta monitione premissa, excommunicationis sententias sedentes pro tribunali proferimus in hiis scriptis. Et in inquisitione predicta nichilominus procedemus de appensione dicti edicti vel impedimentis, si prestarentur ab aliquo in predictis, nuntiorum nostrorum iuratorum deferentium vel deferentis cartam sive membranam presentís citationis continentem edictum, et cuilibet eorum dabimus plenam fidem." Actum, lectum, publicatum, propositum et datum in civitate Asisinatis dicti ducatus, in aula palatii monasterii Sancti Petri ordinis sancti Benedict! de dicta civitate Asisinatis, anno Domini M0 CC0C Xo, indictione VIII, pontificatus domini dementis pape quinti anno eius quinto, mense februarii, die XXVa, in cuius civitatis Asisinatis loco nobis episcopo Sutrino et magistro Pandulfo de Sabello predictis visum fuit expedire huiusmodi nostrum publice citationis edictum, in ipso ducatu Spoletano, esse faciendum. Acta sunt predicta, in presentía mei lohannis de Vassano, lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio, Petri Thebaldi de Tybure et Silvestri de Albano, notariorurn et scribarum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum et testium supradictorum. § Die penultimo predict! mensis februarii12, in palatio supradicti monasterii Sancti Petri de Asisio, in presentía mei lohannis de Vassano predict! et aliorum notariorum supradictorum ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam domino lacobo Codarone13 de Asisio et magistro Nicholao medico de Tybure testibus. Gregorius et Gulielmoctus nuntii iurati dictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulerunt ipsis dominis inquisitoribus pro tribunali sedentibus in loco predicto, (se) de mandato ipsorum apposuisse seu affigisse cartas sive membranas continentes predicte publice citationis edictum, dictorum dominorum sigillorum munimine roboratas, die XXV dicti mensis februarii in hostiis ecclesiarum cathedralis civitatis predicte Asisinatis et Sancti Francisci eiusdem civitatis, et in hostiis palatii auditorii in dieta civitate ducis et rectoris ubi per Romanam Ecclesiam in ducatu Spoletano predicto iura redduntur. 12

27 February 1310. Possibly the "... quondam magister lacobus Codoronus alias dictus Carderellus de Asisio": Reg. Clem V, no. 9873. 13

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§ Eodem die et in loco predicto, in presentía mei lohannis de Vassano et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. Vannes de Valle Montonis et Vannes de Clusio nuntii iurati supradictorum dominomm inquisitorum retulerunt ipsis dominis inquisitoribus in loco predicto pro tribunali sedentibus, se de mandato ipsorum apposuisse seu affigisse cartas sive membranas continentes suprascriptum publice citationis edictum, sigillorum ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum munimine roboratas, die XXVa died mensis februarii in hostiis ecclesiarum Sanctorum Bevengiate et lustini dyocesis Peruscine dicti ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani, et in hostiis cathedralis maioris ecclesie Peruscine prout habuerunt ab ipsis dominis in mandatis. § Eodem die et loco, in presentía mei lohannis de Vassano et aliorum notariorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus venerabile patre domino fratre Thebaldo Dei gratia episcopo Asisinati, domino Philippo de Monte Martano vicario dicti domini episcopi, domino lacobo14 de Casalibus domini pape tesaurario, nunc in Peruscio commorante pro custodia tesauri eiusdem domini pape, domino Petro canonico Peruscino et pluribus aliis testibus. Laputius nuntius iuratus supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus pro tribunali sedentibus, se de mandato ipsorum appendisse seu affigisse cartas sive membranas continentes predictum publice citationis edictum, sigillorum dictorum dominorum munimine roboratas, die XXVa mensis februarii predicti in hostiis ecclesie cathedralis civitatis Fulginatis, et die XXVIa eiusdem mensis in hostiis ecclesie cathedralis civitatis Spoletane prout a dictis dominis habuit in commissionem et mandatum. § Die primo mensis martii, in suprascripto palatio monasterii Sancti Petri, in presentía mei lohannis de Vassano et aliorum notariorum suprascriptorum, presentibus etiam magistro Hugolino de Bucchiniano canonico de Chableis et domino Matheo de Cavellutis de Urbe testibus. laccheptus (sic) nuntius iuratus predictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus pro tribunali sedentibus, se die XXVIa mensis februarii proxime preteriti apposuisse seu affigisse cartas sive membranas suprascriptum publice citationis continentes edictum, sigillorum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum munimine roboratas, in hostiis ecclesie cathedralis civitatis Nucerine, et die ultimo dicti mensis februarii in hostiis ecclesie

14

Papal treasurer, chaplain of Benedict XI, deacon of St-Severin in Bordeaux: indices to the Reg. Ben. XI, Reg. Clem. V.

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Sancii Pat(e)rniani14b Nucerine dyocesis dicti ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani iuxta mandatum et commissionem sibi factam per dominos inquisitores iamdictos. § Die IIIa mensis martii suprascripti, in palatio Sánete Crucis de Eugubio, in presentia mei lohannis de Vassano, lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio, Petri Thebaldi de Tybure et Silvestri de Albano notariorum et scribarum supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam venerabile patre domino Francisco15 Dei gratia Eugubino episcopo, domino Nicholao abbate Sancti Petri16 de Eugubio ordinis sancii Benedict!, domino Abrunamonte de Serra17, domino Bruno de Gabrielli[s], Raynerio domini Saxi18 et multa alia discreta multitudine nobilium et discretorum virorum de Eugubio. Predict! domini inquisitores dixerunt se venisse Eugubium hodie, die predicto tertio dicti mensis martii, ad expectandum ante terminum, infra terminum, et in termino, ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani, et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in ducatu Spoletano et aliis partibus eis decretis constitutum, et fratrem lacobum de Monte Cuccho qui pro magno preceptore in illis partibus dicitur ultimo se gessisse, nec non fautores, receptatores et defensores fratrum, preceptoris magni et fratris lacobi predictorum, citatos per eorum publice citationis edictum, et comparitionem ipsorum citatos per ipsos dominos inquisitores per propositum per eos primo publice citationis edictum in civitate Asisinatis, ut die VIo dicti mensis martii in civitate Eugubina, in palatio episcopatus eiusdem civitatis, coram eis comparere deberent ad respondendum inquisitioni quam auctoritate apostolica super articulis eis sub bulla transmissis, contra dictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis et alios precitatos faciunt et facere intendunt, et ad procedendum in ipsa quo ad omnia alia peragenda et incumbentia ut est iuris. In quo quidem termino1 1 Text, terminum. Information received from Francesco Tommasi of Perugia states that this church is the actual parish church in Perticano, commune of Sassoferrato. It passed to the Hospital. See Tommasi, "L'Ordine dei Templari", p.22. 15 Cathedral prior then bishop of Gubbio 1302-1305 according to Cappelletti, Chiese, V, pp.454-7, Gams, Episcoporum, and Eubel, Hierarchia; 1302-26 in Pesci, Vescovi, pp.73-7. The Reg. Clem. V., no. 917, states him to be dead in 1306. 16 " See Lubin, Abbatiarum, I, p. 123; Kehr, Italia Pontificia IV, p.87. 17 Abrunamonte de Serra was captain of Orvieto in 1307: Manente, Historie, liber 1, p. 179. Serra was one of the castri of Gubbio. 18 ' On Raynerius Saxi of Gubbio: Annales Urbevetani, p. 178.

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com aritionis P predictorum ordinis et magni preceptoris et aliorum precitatorum, ipsi domini inquisitores [er]unt in dicto loco palatii episcopatus Eugubini ad quern predicò ordo et magnus preceptor et alii precitati sunt vocati et citati per dominos inquisitores prefatos. § Die IIIIa mensis martii supradicti, in palatio ecclesie Sánete Crucis de Eugubio supranominato, in presentía mei lohannis de Vassano supradicti et aliorum notariorum et scribarum supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam domino lohanne archipresbytero Sancti Petri de Albano, fratre Francisco19 priore ecclesie Sánete Crucis de Eugubio predicte et magistro Nicholao medico de Tybure testibus. Rictius de Padua nuntius iuratus supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus pro tribunali sedentibus, se die XXVIIa penultimi mensis februarii proxime preteriti appendisse seu affigisse cartam sive membranam suprascriptum publice citationis continentem edictum, sigillorum ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum munimine roboratam, in hostiis cathedralis ecclesie cìvitatis Eugubine predicte, iuxta mandatum et commissionem sibi factam per dominos inquisitores predictos. § Die VIa supradicti mensis martii, in civitate Eugubina, in palatio episcopatus civitatis eiusdem ducatus Spoletani predicò, in presentía mei lohannis de Vassano, lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio, Petri Thebaldi de Tybure et Silvestri de Albano notariorum et scribarum supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum. Supradicti domini inquisitores, in dicto palatio episcopatus civitatis Eugubine dicti ducatus, hora congrua, pro tribunali sedentes ad audiendum et recipiendum representationem et comparitionem ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani, et magni preceptoris dicti ordinis in partibus ipsis dominis inquisitoribus decretis constituti, et fratris lacobi de Monte Cuccho qui pro magno preceptore in dictis partibus dicitur se gessisse, nec non fautorum, receptatorum et defensorum fratrum dicti ordinis vel dicti magni preceptoris vel prefati fratris lacobi, cuiuscumque status, conditionis aut ordinis existant, etiam si civitas, castrum, villa vel quevis alia universitas ecclesiastica vel etiam secularis existât, per publicum

m - Actual membranes 12 and 13 of manuscript, both numbered in pencil XIV, appear here as XlVa, XlVb.

19 Possibly an erroneous reference to Franciscus, Bishop of Gubbio, see text n.III 15 supra, who had been prior of the cathedral from 1298-1302: Mazzatinti, Archivi, V, p. 144, fase. XXXV; Reg. Bon. Vili, no. 4835; Fumi, Registri, appendix, I, doc. Ill, 2; prior from 14 March to 14 May 1319.

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eorum citationis edictum citatorum pro primo, secundo et tertio perhentorie termino eis et cuilibet eorum assignato ad diem hodiernum VIm mensis martii instantis, si quam vellent facere pro ultima et in ultima die dicti termini eis et cuilibet eorum assignati, expectaverunt supradicta die VIa dicti mensis martii a mane usque ad vesperas per horam et ad horam iuridicam qua congrue potuerunt et debuerunt predictos citatos et quemlibet ipsorum, et legitimam personam pro eis et eorum nomine vel altero eorundem. Coram quibus nullus predictorum comparuit qui se coram ipsis dominis inquisitoribus representaret seu aliqualiter comparerei responsuri dicte eorum inquisitioni, facta prius publica proclamatione hodie die VIa dicti mensis martii, de mane per laccheptum et de sero post vesperas per Gerium de Senis nuntios iuratos ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum, de mandato ipsorum in dicto palatio episcopatus Eugubii ubi dicti domini inquisitores pro tribunali sedebant ad expectandum representationem et comparitionem predictorum citatorum, alta voce, prima, secunda et tertia, si dicti ordo, magnus preceptor, frater lacobus de Montecuccho et alii precitati erant ibi et comparere volebant, et si aliquis esset qui vellet comparere pro eis vel altero eorundem vel eis seu altero eorum excusare vel defende re vellet. Et nullo eorum coram eis comparente, nec aìiquo alio qui se pro eis vel altero eorum vellet presentare seu eos vel alterum eorum aliqualiter defendere vellet, licet ex officio de iure potuissent eorum absentiam et contumaciam accusare et ipsos contumaces reputare, de benignitate et equitate canonica tamen, et propter magnitudinem negotii, eosdem et eorum quemlibet, in diem sequentem ante horam tertie, se velie expectare dixerunt ac etiam comminati sunt se, sequenti die VIIa dicti mensis, post horam predictam tertie ipsius diei, si non comparuerint omnes predicti vel aliqui eorum vocali et citati processuros contra eosdem non comparentes et quemlibet eorum non comparentium prout de iure fuerit procedendum et melius possunt. § Acta sunt predicta, die et loco suprascriptis, presentibus domino Deotefece20 priore ecclesie cathedralis Eugubine, domino Hubaldo priore Insule21 Eugubine dyocesis, domino îohanne archipresbytero Sancti Petri de Albano, domino Matheo de Cavellutis de Urbe, magistro Nicholao medico de Tybure et multis aliis discretis et probis viris testibus.

20

Deotefece was prior of Gubbio 1303-1310: Mazzatinti, Archivi, p.Ì44. There seems to have been a Benedictine monastery at Insula, diocese of Gubbio according to Eubel, Hierarchia, I, p.242. 21

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§ Die VIIa mensis martii supradicti, in palatio episcopatus civitatis Eugubii ducatus Spoletani. Suprascripti domini inquisitores pro tribunali sedentes in scriptis infrascriptam interlocutoriam protulerunt: "In nomine Domini amen. Nos lacobus Dei et Apostolice Sedis gratia Sutrinus episcopus et magister Pandulphus de Sabello prepositus de Chableis in ecclesia Sancti Martini Turonensis domini pape notarius, ad inquirendum contra ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani in Urbis et Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Apprutii, Campanie et Maritime partibus, et contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, per Sedem Apostolicam deputati, in dicto palatio episcopatus Eugubini ibi ad comparendum coram nobis locum assignavimus citatis in nostre citationis edicto quod in civitate Asisii dicti ducatus proposuimus, pro tribunali sedentes, ante tertiam, hora congrua. Quia predicti ordo, magnus preceptor dicti ordinis in dictis partibus constitutus, et frater lacobus de Montecuccho qui pro magno preceptore in dictis partibus dicitur se gessisse, necnon fautores, receptatores et defensores predictorum fratrum dicti ordinis, magni preceptoris, et fratris lacobi de Monte Cuccho, cuiuscumque status, conditionis aut ordinis existant, etiam si civitas, castrum, villa vel quevis alia universitas ecclesiastica vel secularis existât, perhentorie citati ad diem VIm mensis martii predicti per nostrum publico citationis edictum per nos in ducatu Spoletano in civitate Asisii propositum, in predicto termino perhentorio, nec infra dictum terminum in predicto citationis edicto contentura, nec post, per se nec per aliquam personam ydoneam atque legitimara comparere curarunt, vel aliquis qui eorum nomine seu alicuius eorundem absentiam seu contumaciam aliqualiter excusaret, seu pro eis vel eorum altero verbum defensionis seu excusationis aliquod faceret pro eisdem vel aliquo eorundem, licet propter hoc ipsorum contumaciam, ex officio de iure, heri die predicta sexta dicti mensis, accusare potuissemus et eos contumaces reputare, tamen propter magnitudìnem negotii et de benignitate et equitate canonica, in hodiernum diem VIIm dicti mensis, eosdem et quemlibet eorum, hodie bora tertie duximus expectandos. "Et quia hodie bora predicta nec post ipsam horam, ipse ordo nec magnus preceptor nec dictus frater lacobus de Monte Cuccho, nec alii citati, nec alia persona pro eis legitima vel eorum altero coram nobis comparere curavit, nec aliquis venit qui eorum nomine vel alterius eorundem absentiam seu contumaciam excusaret, seu pro eis vel eorum altero verbum defensionis seu excusationis aliquod faceret pro eisdem vel altero eorundem, facta [prius], mandato nostro, publica proclamatione per lohannem Silves-

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tri de Balneoregio notarium nostrum ihfrascriptum et Gerium de Senis nostrum iuratum nuntium, dicto die VIIo dicti mensis martii, in dicto palatio episcopatus Eugubini, hora predicta tertie, alta voce, prima, secunda et tertia. "Si dicti ordo, magnus preceptor, frater lacobus de Monte Cuccho et alii precitati erant ibi, vel si aliquis pro dictis ordine, magno preceptore, fratre lacobo de Monte Cuccho, et fautoribus, receptatoribus et defensoribus fratrum et magni preceptoris dicti ordinis coram nobis comparere vellet et eos vel alterum eorum aliqualiter defendere. Et nullo pro eis seu aliquo eorum comparente, Dei nomine invocato, post dictam horam tertie et dictam expectationem, in hiis scriptis pronuntiamus et declaramus dictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in dictis partibus constitutum, et fratrem lacobum de Monte Cuccho qui pro magno preceptore in dictis partibus dicitur se gessisse, et fautores, receptatores et defensores fratrum dicti ordinis vel dicti magni preceptoris vel prefati fratris lacobi, cuiuscumque status, conditionis aut ordinis existant, etiam si civitas, castrum, villa vel quevis alia universitas ecclesiastica vel etiam secularis existât, et eorum quemlibet, contumaces esse ac ipsos et eorum quemlibet pro contumacibus reputamus. "Et non obstante absentia ipsorum, in hiis scriptis pronuntiamus per nos procedendum fore, in dicto ducatu Spoletano et in quocumque loco eiusdem ducatus Spoletani fuerimus, in ipsa et super ipsa inquisitione tarn ad testium receptionem quam ad omnia alia peragenda et incumbentia ut est iuris, secundum formam licterarum apostolicarum super inquisitione premissa huiusmodi directarum. Et ad cautelam, non recedentes a pronuntiatione nostra prefata set in ilia omnimodo persistentes, vocamus, requirimus et citamus supradictos ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani, et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis, et fratrem lacobum de Monte Cuccho qui pro magno preceptore in dictis partibus dicitur se gessisse, et fautores, m 14b

rece

platores el defensores fratrum et magni preceptoris supradicti ordinis in illis partibus constituti iam citatos11 et per nos contumaces reputatos, et legitimam personam pro eis et eorum quolibet; et continue et omni die et omni hora diei, per se vel legitimam personam pro eis et quolibet eorum, compareant coram nobis in palatio Sánete Crucis de Eugubio in ipso palatio [quo cum] familia habitamus, et in quocumque alio loco eiusdem ducatus fuerimus, visuri et audituri iuramenta testium quos, super inquisitione

n

' Margin small: a.

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quam contra eos in dicto ducatu Spoletano facimus, de Apostolice [Sedis] mandato, examminare intendimus et examminabimus super articulis nobis sub [bu]lla transmissis et al(i)as de quibus nobis videbitur expedire. "Et ne predicò magnus pre[ceptor], et frater lacobus de Monte Cuccho qui in illis partibus pro magno preceptore ordinis fratrum dicitur se gesisse, de ipsorum valeant contumacia gloriaci, in eos et quemlibet eorum, prefata contumacia [existent]e, pro tribunali sedentes, in hiis scriptis excommunicationis sententia[m], Dei nomine invocato, proferimus ac etiam promulgamus, mandantes ipsum magnum preceptorem et dictum fratrem lacobum de Monte Cuccho tanquam excommunicatos ab omnibus artius evitaci. Sententiam autem excommunicationis vel interdicti ferre contra fautores, receptatores et defensores fratrum et magni preceptoris died ordinis, et died fratris lacobi de Monte Cuccho, etiam si civitas, castrum, villa vel quevis alia universitas ecclesiastica vel etiam secularis [exis]tat, distulimus de benignitate maiori ut cogitent salubrius ad ecclesie et nostra mandata reddire, reservantes nobis potestatem ipsas excommunicationis et interdicti sententias contra eos ferendi propter predictam contumaciam quandocumque nobis placuerit et videbitur expedire/' Acta sunt predicta omnia et singula, die et loco suprascriptis, in presentía mei lohannis de Vassano, lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio, Petri Thebaldi de Tybure et Silvestri de Albano notariorum et scribarum supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam domino Deotefece priore ecclesie cathedralis Eugubine, domino Hubaldo priore Insule Eugubine diócesis, dominis Petro et Alleuritio canonicis ecclesie cathedralis Eugubine, magistro Hugolino de Bucchiniano canonico de Chableis, domino Matheo de Cavellutis de Urbe, domino Abrunamonte de Serra, domino Bruno de Tebaldo de Eugubio et multis aliis providis et discretis tam clericis quam laycis testibus. Sub anno domini millesimo CGC0 Xo, indictione Vili, pontificatus domini Clementis pape quinti anno eius quinto. Et ego lohannes Mathei Pandulphi de Vassano alme Urbis illustris prefect! auctoritate iudex ordinarius et riotarius p[ublicus] et nunc notarius et scriba supradictorum dorninorum inquisitorum, supradictis omnibus et singulis preterquam reception! Petrutii Nicolutie lacobi Leonardelli de Urbe, Vannis Nicole de Valle Montonis, et Vannis de Clusio nuntiorum iuratorum ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum que scripte sunt per lohannem Silvestri de Balneoregio notarium suprascriptum, una cum [aliis] notar[iis] dictorum dominorum suprascriptis in[terfui], et una cum predictis notariis rogatus scribere, de ipsorum dominorum [inquisitorum

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mandato], predicta me[um] solitum signum signavi, (signum) § Et ego lohannes Silvestri de Balneoregio Apostolice Sedis auctoritate notarios et nunc supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, supradictis omnibus et singulis scriptis et publicatis per suprascriptum lohannem de Vassano notarium, in quibus suprascripsit me interfuisse una cum eo et aliis notariis suprascriptis, quos scripsit interfuisse, interfui et ea vidi, legi et ascoltavi, et ipsa omnia et singula dico et fateor esse vera ut scripta sunt per suprascriptum lohannem de Vassano notarium, et ad certitudinem predictorum omnium et singulorum me subscripsi et consuetum meum signum posui; et receptionem Petrutii Nicolo tie22, Vannis Nicolay et Vannis de Clusio in nuntios et sacramenta ipsorum, manu propria suprascripsi. Signum predicti mei (signum) lohannis notarii. Ego Petrus Thebaidi de Tybure Dei et prefecture dignitatis gratia scriniarius públicos et nunc notarius et scriba supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, supradictis omnibus et singulis scriptis et publicatis per suprascriptum lohannem de Vassano notarium, in quibus suprascripsit me interfuisse una cum eo et aliis notariis suprascriptis, quos scripsit interfuisse, interfui et ea vidi, legi et ascoltavi, et ipsa omnia et singula dico et fateor esse vera ut scripta sunt per suprascriptum lohannem de Vassano notarium, et ad certitudinem predictorum omnium et singulorum me subscripsi meumque solitum signum apposui. (signum) Et ego Silvester de Albano alme Urbis prefecture auctoritate notarius et nunc notarius et scriba supradictorum dominorum m[qui]sitorum, supradictis omnibus et singulis scriptis et publicatis per suprascriptum lohannem de Vassano notarium, in qu[ibus] scripsit interfuisse una [cum eo] et aliis notariis suprascriptis, quos scripsit [me] interfuisse, interfui et ea vidi, legi et ascoltavi, et ipsa omnia [et] singula dico [et] fateor esse vera [ut scrip]ta sunt per suprascriptum lohannem de Vassano notarium, et ad certitudinem predictorum omnium et singulorum me subscripsi meoque signo solito signavi. (signum) 22

See text n.III 1.

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PART FOUR

L'Aquila

§ In nomine Domini amen. Anno nativitatis eiusdem M0CCC Xo, indictione VIIIa, pontificatus domini Clementis pape quinti anno eius quinto, die IIIa mensis aprilis, in Apruto, in palatio episcopatus Sánete Marie de Colle Maio1 de Aquila ipso Apruto constituto, in presentía mei Iohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio, Petri Tebaldi de Tibure, lohannis de Vassano et Silvestri de Albano notariorum et scribarum infrascriptorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam magistro Nicolao de Tibure medico, domino Matheo de Cavellutis de Urbe et pluribus aliis testibus. Venerabilis pater dominus lacobus Dei gratia Sutrinus episcopus et magister Pandulfus de Sabello prepositus de Chableis in ecclesia Sancii Martini Turonensis domini pape notarius, inquisitores ad inquirendum contra ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani et magnum preceptorem dictì ordinis in Urbis, Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Aprutii, Campanie et Maritime partibus constitutum, a Sede Apostolica specialiter deputati. Volentes habere informationem2 ante propositionem eorum publice citationis edicti contra predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in Aprutio, si dictus ordo habet aliquam vel aliquas ecclesiam vel ecclesias in Aprutio, et si est aliquis per quem possent de dictis ecclesiis informari, deliberaverunt recipere infrascriptos testes qui iuraverunt ad Sancta Dei evangelia, corporaliter tacto libro, super interrogationibus infrascriptis dicere meram et plenam veritatem. § In primis, si ordo militie Templi lerosolimitani et fratres dicti ordinis aliquam ecclesiam vel ecclesias habent in Aprutio. § Item, si infrascripti testes vel aliquis ipsorum sciunt vel scit aliquem vel aiiquos per quem vel quos dicti domini inquisitores possint piene informari si predicti ordo et fratres habent aliquam vel aliquas ecclesiam vel ecclesias in dicto Aprutio. § Frater Raynaldus de lesse Theatine diócesis ordinis sancti Benedicti

11 2

der.

This monastery in l'Aquila was founded by Celestine V, consecrated in 1288. In this and other Templar trials the inquisitors also question non-members of the Or-

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fratris Petri de Morrone3 testis, iuratus dicere veritatem, et interrogatus si ordo militie Templi lerosolimitani et fratres dicti ordinis aliquam ecclesiam vel ecclesias habent in Aprutio, dixit se nescire. § Item, interrogatus si scit aliquem vel aliquos per quern vel quos dicti domini inquisitores possint piene informari si predict! ordo et fratres habent aliquam vel aliquas ecclesiam vel ecclesias in dicto Apruto, dixit se nescire. § Frater Matheus de Tocco dicti ordinis Theatine diócesis testis. § Frater Lucas de Bugnano dicti ordinis Valvensis diócesis testis. § Frater Gentilis de Sermona dicti ordinis Valvensis diócesis testis. § Frater Lucas4 de Aquila preceptor Hospitalis Sancti lohannis lerosolimitani in Aquila et Sermona testis. § Frater Marzolinus ordinis Hospitalis Sancti lohannis residens in loco dicti ordinis in Aquila testis. § Frater Antonius de Francavilla5 ordinis Minorum custos Marsicanus testis. § Frater Andreas de Aquila ordinis Minorum guardianus loci dicti ordinis in Aquila testis. § Frater Nicolaus de Aquila ordinis Predicatorum conventualis loci dicti ordinis de Aquila testis. § Frater Lombardus de Aquila ordinis Predicatorum prior loci dicti ordinis in Aquila testis. § Frater Petrus de Aquila6 ordinis sancti Augustini7 seu Heremitarum testis. § Frater Thomas de Aquila8 dicti ordinis testis. Supradicti testes et quilibet ipsorum iurati dicere veritatem et interrogati quilibet ipsorum, separatim et secreto et sigillatim, super hiis de quibus interrogatus fuit suprascriptus frater Raynaldus testis, et in forma et modo

3

le. the Celestine Order founded by Pope Celestine V (Pietro di Morrone). The Hospitallers Lucas de Aquila, preceptor of Aquila and Sulmona, and Marzolinus, are apparently otherwise unknown. 5 There was a Franciscan convent in Francavilla sul mare, see Eubel, Bullarium Franciscanum, p.593. 6 Research on the Augustinians mentioned here was undertaken at the Curia Augustiniana in Rome. Unfortunately, little information exists on members before 1357. Their monastery in Aquila may be found in Herrera, Alphabetum Augustinianum, p.722. 7 On the Augustinian Order in the Abruzzi, see Trinchieri, "Ordine di sant'Agostino". 8 The Registrum Generalatus of Gregorius de Arimino does mention a Thomas of Aquila, vicar of the Father General of the Order, prior of a convent in Naples, but in 1357-58. 4

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in qua et quo fuit dictus frater Raynaldus interrogatus, dixit se nichil scire de predictis. § Die Va mensis aprilis, in loco supradicto et in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus etiam fratre Lombardo et fratre Nicolao de Aquila ordinis Predicatorum, magistro Nicolao de Tibure et pluribus aliis testibus. Supradicti domini inquisitores commiserunt et mandaverunt Rictio et Benedicto eorum iuratis nuntiis quod requirant et citent ex parte ipsorum venerabilem patrem dominum Bartholomeum9 Dei gratia episcopum Aquilanum et nobilem virum dominum Franciscum de civitate Neapoletana capitaneum Aquile quod ipse dominus episcopus cum clero et populo dicte civitatis quem requiri faciat, et ipse dominus capitaneus cum iudicibus et notariis civitatis prefate quos similiter requiri faciat, eras die VIa dicti mensis in tertiam convenire esse debeant in platea maiori diete civitatis ante fores ecclesie chathedralis ad audiendum publice citationis edictum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum quod proponere et facere intendunt in dieta civitate et in Aprutio contra ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in Aprutio seu in illis partibus eis decretis constitutum. § Item, commiserunt et mandaverunt dicti domini inquisitores predictis eorum nuntiis iuratis quod citent et requirant ex parte ipsorum fratres Minores, Predicatores, Heremitos et alios religiosos dicte civitatis Aquile quod die et bora predictis convenire et esse debeant in supradicto loco ad audiendum propositionem, publicationem et factionem edicti publice citationis predicte. § Die VIa mensis predicti, et in loco predicto, et in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus etiam magistro Nicolao medico de Tibure, Barzellino Philippi et pluribus aliis testibus. Supradicti Rictius et Benedictus nuntii iurati retulerunt dictis dominis inquisitoribus, se die suprascripta requisivisse et citasse supradictos dominos, episcopum, capitaneum, religiosos suprascriptos ut eis commissum et mandatum fuit. § Mense aprilis, die VIa, in civitate Aquile de Aprutio, in platea maiori et publica dicte civitatis ante fores ecclesie chathedralis. § Convocatis et choadunatis in dieta platea maiori civitate Aquile de mandato supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, nobili viro domino

9

Bishop of l'Aquila 1303-1312 or 1313; died at the Council of Vienne in 1312.

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Francisco de civitate Neapoletana capitaneo civitatis Aquile, necnon capitulo ecclesie chathedralis dicte civitatis, et viris religiosis et clero civitatis prefate Aquile, et magna multitudine et discreta religiosorum, clericorum, iudicum et notariorum, et aliarum discretarum personarum, et etiam populi, et specialiter presentibus venerabile patre domino Bartholomeo Dei gratia episcopo Aquilano, nobili viro domino Bernardo de Rodio de Aquila, domino Nicolao10 archipresbytero Aquilano, domino Thoma preposilo de Baczano, domino Thoma11 abbate de Colle Brenzo12, domino Nicolao archipresbytero de Corno de Aquila, fratre Lombardo ordinis Predicatorum priore loci dicti ordinis de Aquila, fratre Andrea ordinis Minorum guardiano loci dicti ordinis de Aquila, fratre Francisco ordinis sancii Augustini priore loci dicti ordinis de Aquila, fratre lacobo priore monasterii Sánete Marie de Colle Maio, domino lacobo de Poppleto indice, nobili viro Matheo de Sancto Victorino de Aquila notario, Pace de Tannano notario, Francisco de Colle Pinzono, Alfario nunciatore de Aquila, notario Spangnuoloa, notario Biasio de Aquila13 et multis aliis clericis, religiosis et laycis diete civitatis Aquile testibus. § Prefati domini inquisitores mandaverunt et commiserunt lohanni de Vassano notario et scribe ipsorum quod de verbo ad verbum legeret et publicare! heteras que directe sunt eis per sanctissimum patrem et dominum nostrum dominum Clementem divina providentia papam quintum. Que quidem lictere sunt vera bulla plumbea ipsius domini pape, búllate, non vitiate nec in aliqua parte sui corrupte. Que lictere sic incipiunt: "Clemens episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabili fratri episcopo Sutrino et dilecto filio magistro Pandulfo de Sabello prepósito de Chableis in ecclesia Sancti Martini Turonensis notario nostro, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Faciens misericordiam cum servo suo Dei filius Dominus lesus Christus ad hoc nos voluit in specula eminenti apostolatus assummi ut gerentes licet immeriti vices eius in terris," etc.. Conclusio autem

a

For: spagnolo.

10 This archpresbyter from Aquila may be one of the two others with somewhat different names or titles, see the index infra. 11 A different abbot held this office at least until December 1303: Reg. Ben. XIf no. 171. 12 S. Silvester de Collebrizone de Aquila: Reg. Ben. XI, index; S. Silvester de Collebrincono: Reg. Jean XXII, index; S. Silvester de Collebrintono: Savini, Septem dioceses, index. 13 Possibly a Franciscan brother in Aquila in 1334: Reg. Ben. XII, no. 2395.

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ipsarum licterarum sic dicit: "Discretioni vestre de quorum circumspectione specialem fiduciam gerimus, de fratrum nostrorum consilio5 per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus ad Urbis et Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Aprutii, Campanie et Maritime partes personaliter accedatis et per publice citationis edictum per vos faciendum in locis de quibus vobis visum fuerit expedire, vocatis qui fuerint evocandi super articulis quos vobis sub bulla nostra inclusos transmictimus et super aliis de quibus prudentie vestre videbitur expedire, inquiratis hac auctoritate nostra contra dictum ordinem, necnon contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum cum diligentia veritatem," etc,; continetur etiam in dieta conclusione dictarum licterarum hec clausula sic dicens: "Necnon fautores, receptatores et defensores fratrum qui a vobis citati vel vocati ut premictitur coram vobis non comparuerint, eos insuper qui predictam vestram inquisitionem, directe vel indirecte, publice vel occulte, per se vel alium seu alios vel alias quoquomodo presumsexerint impedire, per censuram ecclesiasticam appellatione postposita conpescatis". Data autem ipsarum licterarum sic dicit: "Data Pictavis, IIo idus augusti, pontificatus nostri anno tertio."14 Quas quidem Heteras et tenorem ipsarum de verbo ad verbum dictus lohannes de Vassano notarius suprascriptus, de mandato supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, coram dicta multitudine dictorum religiosorum, clericorum et aliorum virorum discretorum, et populi, de mandato dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, in dieta platea maiori civitatis Aquile, die predicto VIo dicti mensis aprilis congregatis, legit, recitavit et publicavit, et de lectura, recitatione et publicatione ipsarum licterarum, mandaverunt per me lohannem Silvestri de Balneoregio, dictum lohannem de Vassano, Petrum Tebaldi de Tibure et Silvestrum de Albano notarios et scribas ip^orum dominorum inquisitorum fieri publicum instrumentum. § Post quam quidem lecturam, recitationem et publicationem dictarum licterarum coram ipsa multitudine gentium, dictus dominus episcopus Sutrinus, de volúntate, assensu et commissione ac mandato dicti magistri Pandulfi ibidem presentís et citationem infrascriptam facientis, citavit predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem et legit et recitavit contra predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis citationis edictum infrascriptum in forma et modo qui sequitur. Quia predict! domini inquisi-

H These two words conclude the bull Faciens misericordiam, Reg, Clem, V., no. 3402, This version is the one sent to Pandulfus, ibid., 3419.

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tores infrascriptum citationis et notationis edictum facere voluerunt per modum et formam que sequitur. Quia inspecta dictarum licterarum eis transmissarum forma, et attento favore et privilegio quibus dictum negotium per iura fulcitur et aliis causis legitimis que eos movent, ipsi deliberaverunt infrascriptum modum vocandi perhemptorie in infrascripto loco et in infrascriptis locis appendendi seu affigendi cartas sive membranas presentís citationis continentes edictum, et infrascriptos terminum per eos prefixum et locum ad comparendum assignatum in presenti negotio esse sufficientem et existere congruentem. Cuius edicti tenor talis est: § "In nomine Domini amen. Nos lacobus Dei et Apostolice Sedis gratia Sutrinus episcopus et magister Pandulfus de Sabello prepositus de Chableis in ecclesia Sancii Martini Turonensis domini pape notarius, ad inquirendum a Sede Apostolica deputati in Urbis et Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Aprutii, Campanie et Maritime partibusb contra ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani, necnon contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, super quibusdam criminibus et articulis heresim notorie sapientibus prout in licteris apostolicis nobis transmissis plenius continentur. Volentes iuxta formam dictarum licterarum ad inquisitionem eandem procedere in Aprutio contra dictum ordinem, necnon contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in ipso Aprutio seu in illis partibus constitutum, per presens publice nostre citationis edictum, auctoritate apostolica qua fugnimurc, secundum formam mandati apostolici ad nos directi, citamus atque vocamus ipsos ordinem militie Templi, necnon dictum magnum preceptorem prefati ordinis in dicto Aprutio seu in illis partibus constitutum, et legitimam personam pro eis et eorum quolibet et quoscumque alios cuiuscumque conditionis aut status extiterint qui evocari deberent et qui eos defendere vellent, quatenus die XXIIa mensis aprilis instantis, quem terminum eis et cuilibet eorum pro primo, secundo et IIIo termino perhemtorio assignamus, veniant et compareant in civitate Pennensi de Aprutio, in palati© episcopatus eiusdem civitatis coram nobis responsuri dicte nostre inquisitioni, et ad procedendum in ipsa et ad singulos actus eius, et quo ad omnia peragenda et incumbentia ut est iuris. Alioquin ex tunc contra dictum ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in dicto Aprutio seu in illis partibus constitutum,

b

' Previous three words appear in margin. ' For: fungimur.

c

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super articulis nobis transmissis sub bulla et super aliis de quibus nobis videbitur expedire, auctoritate apostolica secundum formam mandati apostolici super hoc nobis traditi, inquiremus in dicto Aprutio diligentius veritatem, eorum et cuiuslibet eorum absentia seu contumacia non obstante. Et ne ipsi ingnorantiam prefate nostre inquisitionis et presentís citationis edicti pretendere possint, et sic ad dictorum citatorum notitiam valeat pervenire, cartas sive membranas presentís citationis continentes edictum, ac nostrorum sigillorum munimine roboratas, in ecclesiarum cathedralium civitatum Aprutii, silicet Aquilensis, Pennensis et Ad[rie]nsis, Aprutine, Theatine, Valvensis et Marsicane, ecclesiarum dicti ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani que essent in dicto Apruto constitute, et ecclesie Sánete Marie de Colle Maio ordinis sancii Benedicti de Aquila, et palatii regii in Aquila ubi ius redditur, per nostros iuratos nuntios vel aliquos seu aliquem ipsorum, appendi seu affigi hostiis seu super liminaribus mandamus, que citationis edictum suo quasi sonoro preconio et patulo inditio publicabunt. Nomina vero ecclesiarum dicti ordinis militie Templi in Aprutio non exprimimus in huiusmodi nostro mandato pro eo quod inquisitione facta super hoc et prehabita, invenire hucusque nequivimus dictum ordinem in dicto Aprutio aliquas vel aliquam ecclesias vel ecclesiam haberi." § Actum, lectum, publicatum, propositum, factum et datum apud civitatem Aquile in maiori et publica platea diete civitatis ante fores ecclesie cathedralis, anno Domini M0CCCX, indictione VIIIa, pontificatus domini Clementis pape quinti anno eius quinto, mense aprilis, die sexto, in cuius Aquile civitatis loco nobis episcopo Sutrino et magistro Pandulfo de Sabello visum fuit expedire huiusmodi nostrum publice citationis edictum in ipso Aprutio esse faciendum. Acta sunt predicta, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio, Petri Tebaldi de Tybure, lohannis de Vassano et Silvestri de Albano notariorum et scribarum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum et testium predictorum. § Die VIo mensis aprilis, in civitate Aquile, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio, Petri Tebaldi de Tibure, lohannis de Vassano et Silvestri de Albano notariorum et scribarum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam Locio de Bunda, Angelo domini Bartholomei de Aquila et multis aliis testibus. lakeetus nuntius iuratus supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, iuxta mandatum per dictos dominos inquisitores supra ei factum, appendit et affixit cartam sive membranam continentem supradicte citationis edictum in hostiis ecclesie chathedralis civitatis Aquilensis.

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§ Eodem die etd in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus etiam Francisco Petri Egidii de Aquila, Thomassio Symeonis de Sermona et multis aliis testibus supradictis. lakectus nuntius iuratus dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, iuxta mandatum ei factum supra per supradictos dominos inquisitores, appendit et affixit cartam sive membranam continentem supradicte citationis edictum in hostiis palatii regii de Aquila ubi ius redditur. § Die suprascripta et in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum supradictorum, et presentibus etiam fratre lohanne de Rocca Silvestri et fratre lacobo de Rocca Morici conversis monasterii Sánete Marie de Colle Maio de Aquila ordinis sancti Benedicti et pluribus aliis testibus. Supradictus lakectus nuntius iuratus supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, iuxta mandatum ei factum supra per dictos dominos inquisitores, appendit et affixit cartam sive membranam continentem diete publice citationis edictum in hostiis ecclesie monasterii Sánete Marie de Colle Maio ordinis sancti Benedicti de Aquila. § Die XIIIo mensis aprilis, in palatio monasterii Sánete Marie de Colle Maio de Aquila, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio et aliorum notariorum suprascriptorum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam domino Matheo de Cavellutis de Urbe, magistro Nicholao de Tibure medico et pluribus aliis testibus. Vannes de Valle Montonis nuntius iuratus dictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, se die martis séptimo mensis aprilis predicti appendisse et affigisse cartam sive membranam diete publice citationis continentem edictum contra prefatos ordinem et magnum preceptorem in hostiis ecclesie chathedralis Marsicane iuxta (iuxta) mandatum supra factum per ipsos dominos inquisitores. § Die supradictis et loco et in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. Dictus Vannes de Valle Montonis nuntius iuratus dictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, se die VIIIo mensis aprilis predicti appendisse et affigisse cartam sive membranam diete publice citationis continentem edictum contra prefatos ordinem et magnum preceptorem in hostiis ecclesie chathedralis Valvensis iuxta mandatum per supradictos inquisitores supra factum, et de supradictis appensionibus factis per dictum Vannem constituit instrumentum manu Nicolai de Cora.

d

" Margin small: III.

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§ Die ei loco suprascriptis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Baineoregio et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. Dictus Vannes de Valle Montonis nuntius iuratus dictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, se die VIIIP mensis aprilis appendisse et affigisse cartam sive membranam diete publice citationis continentem edictum contra prefatos ordinem et magnum preceptorem in hostiis ecclesie chathedralis Theatine iuxta mandatum per dictos dominos inquisitores supra factum, de qua appensione patet publicum instrumentum manu Nicolai Phiiippi notarii de Cora. §kDie et loco predictis et in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio et aliorum notariorum et testium predictorum. Dictus Vannes nuntius iuratus dictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, se die Xa dicti mensis aprilis appendisse et affigisse cartam sive membranam diete publice citationis continentem edictum contra prefatos ordinem et magnum preceptorem in hostiis ecclesie Sancti Nicolai de [...,]11[....] dicti ordinis militie Templi Theatine diócesis iuxta mandatum per dictos dominos inquisitores supra factum, de qua appensione patet publicum instrumentum manu Nicolai Phiiippi publici notarii de Cora. § Die et loco supradictis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. Dictus Vannes nuntius iuratus supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, se die XIa dicti mensis aprilis appendisse et affigisse cartam sive membranam diete publice citationis continentem [e]dictum contra predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem in hostiis ecclesie Sancti Salvatoris de Dinari Theatine diócesis dicti ordinis militie Templi iuxta mandatum per dictos dominos inquisitores supra factum, de qua appensione patet publicum instrumentum manu Nicolai Phiiippi publici no[tarii] de Cora. § Die XVIo mensis aprilis, in palatio episcopatus civitatis Pennensis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio et aliorum notariorum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus etiam domino Matheo de Cavellutis de Urbe, magistro Nicolao medico de Tybure, Barzellino Phiiippi et pluribus aliis testibus. Rictius de Padua et Guilielmoctus nuntii iurati supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulerunt ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, se die VIIIo mensis aprilis appendisse et affigisse cartam sive membranam diete publice citationis edictum continentem in hostiis ecclesie chathedralis civitatis Pennensis iuxta mandatum per supradictos dominos inquisitores factum. § Die et loco suprascriptis et in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Bai-

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neoregio et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. Supradicti Rictius et Guilielmoctus nuntii iurati predictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulerunt prefatis dominis inquisitoribus, se die nono dicti mensis aprilis appendisse et affigisse cartam sive membranam continentem dicte publice citationis edictum contra predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem in hostiis ecclesie cathedralis civitatis Adriensis iuxta mandatum [ei]s per supradictos dominos inquisitores factum. § Die et loco supradictis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. Supradicti Rictius et Guilielmoctus nuntii iurati dictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulerunt ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, se die Xo dicti mensis aprilis appendisse et affigisse cartam sive membranam continentem diete publice citationis edictum contra prefatos ordinem et magnum preceptorem in hostiis ecclesie cathedralis Aprutine iuxta mandatum per supradictos dominos inquisitores eis factum. § Die XXIIa mensis aprilis, in palatio episcopatus civitatis Pennensis, in presentia mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus etiam domino Pandulfo domini Rogerii, domino Thomassio domini Mathei canonicis Pennensis et pluribus aliis testibus. lakeetus nuntius iuratus dictorum dominorum inquisitorum retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, se die sexto (die) mensis aprilis apposuisse et appendisse cartas sive membranas continentes predicte publice citationis edictum contra predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem in hostiis ecclesie cathedralis civitatis Aquilensis, et ecclesie Sánete Marie de Colle Maio de Aquila ordinis sancti Benedicti, et palatii regii in Aquila ubi ius redditur iuxta mandatum per dictos dominos inquisitores eis supra factum. § Die XXIIa mensis aprilis, in civitate Pennensi de Apruto in palatio episcopatus eiusdem civitatis, in presentia mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus etiam domino Petro Rubio canonico Lateranensi, domino Matheo de Cavellutis de Urbe et pluribus aliis testibus. Dicti domini inquisitores sedentes pro tribunali in dicto palatio episcopatus civitatis Pennensis, de mane ante horam misse expectaverunt representationem et comparitionem ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani, et magni preceptoris dicti ordinis, et legitime persone pro eis [et] eorum quolibet, et quorumeumque aliorum cuiuscumque conditionis aut status extiterint qui evocari deberent et qui eos defendere vellent, citatorum pro primo, secundo et tertio perhentorie termino ad odiernum diem XXIIm mensis instantis aprilis, ut

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in dicto palatio episcopatus Pennensis comparere deberent responsuri inquisitioni quam dicti domini inquisitores, de mandato apostolico, faciunt contra eos. Commictentes et mandantes Gregorio nuntio eorum iurato quod in dicto palatio episcopatus Pennensis publice et alta voce proclamet si magnus preceptor predictus vel aliquis pro ipso et predicto ordine erat ibi et comparere volebant seu volebat pro eis vel aliquo eorum coram ipsis dominis inquisitoribus ad respondendum dicte eorum inquisitioni, et ad procedendum in ipsa et ad singulos actus eius, et quo ad omnia6 peragenda et incumbentia ut est iuris. Qui Gregorius, iuxta commissionem et mandatum ei supra factum, alta voce, primo, secundo et tertio, proclamavit predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis et legitimam personam pro eis [iuxta] supra commissum et mandatum suum, in presentía dictorum dominorum inquisitorum et mei lohannis Silvestri notarii de Balneoregio et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. § Die et loco suprascriptis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum. Predicti domini inquisitores commiserunt et mandaverunt Gregorio et Petrutio lacobelli eorum iuratis nuntiis quod accédant personaliter ad fratrem Ceccum Nicolay Ragonis de Lan?ano servientem ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani et Gualterium de civitate Neapoletana qui dicitur fuisse15 de ordine militie Templi. Qui Gualterius et frater Ceccus ut Templari! capti beri die16 XXIo dicti mensis aprilis aducti fuerunt et presentati coram ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, et capti detinentur nunc de mandato ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum in carcere episcopatus Pennensis et eis et cuilibet eorum, ex parte dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, dicant, publicent et exponant quod ipsi domini inquisitores citaverunt ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis et legitimam personam pro eis, ut hodie die XXIIa dicti mensis aprilis veniant et compareant coram eis in palatio episcopatus civitatis Pennensis responsuri diete eorum inquisitioni, et ad procedendum in ipsa prout in dicto citationis edicto continentur; unde si ipsi vel alter eorum volunt comparere pro dictis ordine et magno preceptore et e

Margin small: 11II.

15 16

France.

The inquisitors seem unsure at this point whether or not this witness was a Templar. These men had been captured eighteen months after the arrest of the Templars in

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eos defendere parati sunt audire eos quantum de iure fuerint audiendi. Qui Gregorius et Petrutius, nuntii ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum, iurati extinguiré commissionem et mandatum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum, accesserunt ad dictos fratrem Ceccum et Gualterium, et in presentía mei lohannis de Balneoregio et aliorum notariorum et testium predictorum, dixerunt et notificaverunt eis quod ipsis supra imposita et mandata fuerunt per dominos inquisitores prefatos. Qui Gualterius et frater Ceccus in continenti responderunt ipsis nuntiis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum et testium suprascriptorum, quod nec ipsi nec alter eorum volebat comparere pro dictis ordine et magno preceptore vel eorum altero, nec eos aliqualiter defendere vel excusare ab hiis et de hiis de quibus inquirunt contra eosdem ordinem et magnum preceptorem. § Die XXIIo mensis aprilis predicti, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio et aliorum notariorum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus etiam domino Pandulfo domini Rogerii, domino Thomassio domini Mathei canonicis Pennensis et pluribus aliis testibus. Dicti Gregorius et Petrutius nuntii iurati retulerunt ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, se hodie die predicta dixisse et notificasse predictis fratri Cecco et Gualterio que eis per supradictos dominos inquisitores supra commissa fuerunt. § Die et loco suprascriptis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum et scribarum dictorum dominorum in[qui]sitorum. Supradicti domini inquisitores, in dicto palatio episcopatus civitatis Pennensis dicti Aprutii, de mane ante missam, pro tribunali sedentes ad audiendum et recipiendum representationem et comparitionem ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani, et magni preceptoris dicti ordinis in illis partibus constituti, et legitime persone pro eis et eorum quolibet, et quorumcumque aliorum cuiuscumque conditionis aut status extiterint qui evocari deberent et qui eos defendere vellent, per publice eorum citationis edictum citatorum pro primo, secundo et tertio perhentorie eis et cuilibet eorum assignat© ad diem odiernum XXI Im mensis aprilis instantis, si quam vellent facere in termino eis et cuilibet eorum assignat©, expectaverunt supradicta die XXIIa dicti mensis aprilis de mane usque ad vesperas et horam iuridicam qua congrue potuerunt et debuerunt predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, et legitimam personam pro eis et quolibet eorum, et quoscumque alios cuiuscumque conditionis aut status extiterint qui evocari deberent et qui eos defendere vellent. Coram quibus nullus predictorum comparuit qui se coram ipsis dominis re-

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presentare! seu etiam aliqualiter comparerei responsuri diete eorum inquisitioni, facta prius publice proclamatione hodie die predicta XXIIa mensis predictì, de mane ante missam et de sero post vesperas, per Gregorium nuntium iuratum ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum, de mandato ipsorum, in dicto palatio episcopatus diete civitatis Pennensis ubi dicti domini inquisitores pro tribunali sedebant ad expectandum representationem et comparitionem predictorum citatorum, alta voce prima, secunda, tertia, si dicti ordo et magnus preceptor vel aliquis pro eis vel eorum altero comparere volebat vel eos seu alterum eorum excusare et defendere vellet; et requisáis etiam, de mandato dictorum dominorum inquisitorum predictis fratre Cecco Nicolay de Laudano et Gualterio si comparère volebant ad defendendum dictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem, per supradictos Gregorium et Petrutium lacobelli nuntios iuratos ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum. Qui frater Ceccus et Gualterius responderunt ipsis nuntiis quod non ut hec omnia in actis diete inquisitionis apparent. Et quia dictus magnus preceptor non comparuit nec aliquis pro ipso vel predicto ordine qui ipsorum absentiam excusaret seu defensionis verbum proponeret pro eisdem coram ipsis dominis inquisitoribus, licet ex officio de iure potuissent eorum absentiam seu contumaciam accusare et ipsos contumaces reputare, de benignitate et equitate canonica tamen, et propter magnitudinem negotii, eosdem et quemlibet eorum, in diem sequentem post nonam ante vesperas expectare se velie dixerunt, et etiam comminati sunt se, sequenti die XXIIIa dicti mensis, post horam predictam ipsius diei, si non comparuerint omnes predicti vel aliqui eorum vocali et citati processuros contra eosdem non compárenles et quemlibet eorum non comparentium prout de iure fuerit procedendum et melius possunt. § Acta sunt predicta, die et in loco supradictis, in presentia mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus etiam domino Pandulfo domini Rogerii, et domino Thomassio domini Mathei canonicis Pennensis, et magistro Ugolino de Bocchiniano canonico de Chableis, domino Matheo de Cavellutis, domino Petro archidiácono Pennensi, magistro Nicolao de Tibure, Barzellino Philipp!, Leonardello condam Francisci de Urbe et multis aliis testibus ad hec vocatis et rogatis. § Die XXIIIo mensis aprilis, post nonam, in civitate Penne in palatio episcopatus eiusdem civitatis, in presentia mei lóhannis Silvestri de Bah neoregio et aliorum notariorum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus etiam domino Pandulfo domini Rogerii,

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domino Matheo diacono, canonicis Pennensis et pluribus aliis téstibus. Dicti domini inquisitores commiserunt et mandaverunt Gregorio eorum iurato nuntio quod alta voce publice proclamet et citet si dictus preceptor magnus vult comparere vel aliquis pro ipso vel predicto ordine coram dominis inquisitoribus predictis compareat et se presentet ad respondendum inquisitioni quam faciunt contra eos, alioquin ad pronuntia[tionem] contumacie et alias procédèrent contra eos. Qui Gregorius predictam proclamationem fecit ut sibi commissum fuit et sic retulit ipsis dominis inquisitoribus se fecisse. § Die et loco predictis, supradicti domini inquisitores ibidem pro tribunali sedentes infrascrip[tam] interlocutoriam protul[erunt]: § "In nomine Domini amen. Nos lacobus Dei et Apostolice Sedi[s] gratia Sutrinus episcopus et magister Pandulfus de Sabello prepositus de Chableis in ecclesia Sancti Martini Turonensis domini pape notarius, ad inquirendum contra ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani in Urbis et Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Aprutii, Campanie et Maritime partibus, et contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, per Sedem Apostolicam specialiter deputati, in dicto palatio episcopatus Pennensis ubi ad comparendum coram nobis locum assignavimus ordini et magno preceptori predictis et aliis citatis in nostre citationis edicto quod in civitate Aquile dicti Aprutii proposuimus, pro tribunali sedentes, post nonam ante vesperas, hora congrua. "Quia predirti ordo et magnus preceptor in dicto Aprutio seu in illis partibus constitutus et legitima persona pro eis vel altero eorum et qui eos defendere vellet perhentorie citati ad diem XXIIm mensis aprilis instantis, per nostrum publice citationis edictum per nos in dieta civitate Aquilensi in dicto Aprutio propositum, in dicto termino perhentorio nec infra dictum terminum in predicte citationis edicto contentum nec post, per se nec per aliquam personam ydoneam atque legitimam comparere curarunt, vel aliquis pro eis vel eorum altero comparuit qui eorum nomine seu alicuius eorundem absentiam seu contumaciam aliqualiter excusaret, seu pro eis vel eorum altero verbum defensionis seu excusationis aliquod faceret pro eisdem vel eorum altero: id circo, Dei nomine invocato, post dictam horam vesperarum, in hiis scriptis pronuntiamus et declaramus dictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in dicto Aprutio et in illis partibus constitutum, et eorum quemlibet, contumacem seu contumaces esse, et eos

f

' Margin small: V.

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et eorum quemlibet pro contumacibus reputamus. Et non obstante absentia ipsorum, in hiis scriptis pronuntiamus per nos procedendum fore in eorum contumaciam in dicto Aprutio et in quocumque loco eiusdem Aprutii fuerimus, in ipsa et super ipsa inquisitione tam ad testium receptionem quam ad omnia alia peragenda et incumbentia ut est iuris, secundum formara licterarum apostolicarum nobis super inquisitione premissa huiusmodi directarum. §"Et ad cautelara, non recedentes a pronuntiatione nostra prefata set in illa omnímodo persistentes, vocamus, requirimus et citamus supradictos ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, et legitimara personam pro eis et omnes alios qui evocari deberent et qui eos defendere vellent, iam citatos et per nos iam contumaces reputatos, ut continue et omni die et omni hora diei, per se vel legitimara personam pro eis et quolibet eorum, compareant coram nobis in dicto palatio episcopatus Pennensis et in quocumque alio loco eiusdem Aprutii fuerimus, visuri et audituri iuramenta testium quos, super inquisitione quam contra eos in dicto Aprutio facimus de Apostolice Sedis mandato, examinare intendimus et examinabimus super articulis nobis sub bulla a domino nostro summo pontífice domino Clemente divina providentia papa quinto transmissis, et aliis de quibus nobis videbitur expedire." § Acta sunt predicta, die et in loco suprascriptis, in presentía mei lohannis Silvestri et aliorum notariorum dictorum dominorum inquisitorum suprascriptorum, et presentibus etiam domino Pandulfo domini Rogerii, domino Matheo Guillelmi Egidii, domino Paulo Abrunamontis, ser Thomassio domini Mathei et ser Thomassio domini Manentis canonicis Pennensis, magistro Ugolino de Bochiniano canonico de Chableis, domino Petro Rúbeo canonico Lateranensi, domino Matheo de Cavellutis et multis aliis testibus ad hec vocatis et rogatis. § In nomine Domini amen. Infrascripta sunt dicta et depositiones testium receptorum, iuratorum, interrogatorum et examinatorum in Aprutio per venerabilem patrem dominum lacobum Dei gratia Sutrinum episcopum ac venerabilem virum dominum Pandulfum de Sabello prepositura de Chableis in ecclesia Sancti Martini Turonensis domini pape notarium, inquisitores a Sede Apostolica specialiter deputatos ad inquirendum in Urbis, Patrimonii beati Petri in Tuscia, ducatus Spoletani, Aprutii, Campanie et Maritime partibus contra ordinem militie Templi lerosolimitani et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum super inquisitione et articulis contra dictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem ipsis do-

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minis inquisitoribus a Sede Apostolica sub bulla transmissis, super quibus contra eosdem ordinem et magnum preceptorem predictis dominis inquisitoribus per eandem Sedem Apostolicam mandatur inquiri. Sub anno domini M0CCCX0, indictione VIIIa, pontificatus domini Clementis pape quinti anno eius quinto, et scripte et publícate per me lohannem Silvestri de Balneoregio et alios notariosg et scribas per suprascriptos dominos inquisitores assumptos et deputatos ad huiusmodi inquisitionem et acta ipsius conscribenda et publicanda. § Die XXVIIaI mensis aprilis, in civitate Pennensi in palatio episcopatus eiusdem civitatis, in presentia mei lohannis Silvestri de Balneoregio, Petri Tebaldi de Tibure, lohannis de Vassano et Silvestri de Albano notariorum et scribarum supradictorum dominorum inquisitorum, et presentibus etiam fratre Odone de Colle Alto ordinis Predicatorum, fratre lohanne de dieta civitate Pennensi dicti ordinis et multis aliish testibus ad hec presentibus. Supradicti domini inquisitores deliberaverunt ex eorum officio recipere in testem fratrem Ceccurn Nicolay Ragonis de Laudano Theatine diócesis fratrem servientem dicti ordinis militie Templi lerosolimitani, super inquisitione que fit per eos, de Apostolice Sedis mandato, contra dictum ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in Apprutio et in illis aliis partibus eis decretis constitutum, in eorum presentia, in dicto palatio episcopatus civitatis Pennensis, dictum fratrem Ceccum existentem. Dicti domini inquisitores ibidem pro tribunali sedentes licet per eorum publiée citationis edictum citaverint predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem ad respondendum eorum inquisitioni quam contra eos iuxta mandatum apostolicum faciunt, ad (ad) procedendum in ipsa et ad singulos actus eius et eos exigente iustítia pronuntiaverint contumaces1, ad cautelam tame n, de ipsorum mandato, facta publica proclamatione in dicto palatio episcopatus Pennensis per lohannem de Vassano publicum notarium et scribam ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum, si quis pro dictis ordine et magno preceptore volebat comparere ad videndum et audiendum sacramentum dicti fratris Cechi, et nullo pro dictis ordine et magno preceptore comparente, prefati domini inquisitores receperunt sacramentum a dicto fratre Cecco de dicenda piena et mera veritate super articulis super quibus dicti domini inquisitores inquirunt contra prefatos ordinem et magnum

g

' Margin, in another hand: primus testis. " Margin, in another hand: primus testis frater Ceccus serviens ordinis Templi. 1 Previous six words appear in margin. h

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Penne: 1st Witness Ceccus

13Î

preceptorem, et quoiibet ipsorum articulorum, et super omnibus aliis de quibus a dictis dominis inquisitoribus interrogabitur1' prout ipsorum dominorum inquisitorum providentie videbitur expedire. Quod iuramentum et sub forma predicta dictus frater Ceccus prestitit et fecit. Et post prestationem dicti iuramenti, interrogatus et examinatus per ipsos dominos inquisitores diligenter de mera et piena ventate dicenda super inquisitione que fit contra predictos ordinem et magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in dicto Aprutio seu in illis partibus constitutum, super omnibus articulis contra eos a Sede Apostolica transrnissis, et aliis de quibus ipsis dominis inquisitoribus visum est expedire sibi particulariter lectis et in lingua vulgari18 expositis, tarn contra dictum ordinem quam contra magnum preceptorem dicti ordinis in illis partibus constitutum, dixit sponte19 et deposuit super articulis et interrogationibus infrascriptis prout inferius continetur. Et primo: Interrogatus per ipsos dominos inquisitores qui fuerunt et sunt magni seu magnus preceptor20 in partibus eis decretis, dixit et deposuit quod unus magnus preceptor confuerat esse in tota Apulea21 et Aprutio, et in dieta preceptoria prefuerat frater Petrus Ultramontanus22 pro magno preceptore, qui ut audivit dici mortuus est nunc; aut, ut dictus frater Ceccus dici audivit, esset et est magnus preceptor in dieta provintia Apulee et Aprutii frater Odo23 de Valdris quern dixit se non congnoscere. Item, interrogatus, dixit et deposuit quod alia preceptoria erat Roma, Maritima, Campania, Patrimonium beati Petri in Tuscia, Lombardia, Marchia Anconitana et ducatus Spoletanus ut credit, et tempore quo ipse fuit receptus ad dictum ordinem, erat magnus preceptor in dictis proxime par-

17

' It is not known whether or not the witness was first asked to abjure heresy as usual. The questions were translated for the serving brothers; only the priest, Guillelmus, answered questions put to him in Latin. 19 It was usual for the witness to affirm that his testimony had been given freely and not under constraint of any kind. 20 This preliminary question concerning the names of grand preceptors in the region is the only one which was not part of the usual list of accusations; it may have been included here since there is a certain confusion on the subject. 21 On the Templars in Apulia, see Guerrieri, Templan. 22 Later described as Petrus Peraverde, infra, p. 146, 155. 23 ' Supra, p.22. 18

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tibus frater Uguictic^ 24 de Vercellis25 qui eum ad dictum ordinem recipit; post cuius mortem fuit factus magnus preceptor in dictis partibus frater lacobus de Montecucco quern dixit se vidisse tempore domini Benedicti pape XT in Peruscio26. § Item, interrogatus super primo articulo dicte inquisitionis qui sic incipit: "Primo quod licet assererent ordinem sánete fuisse institutum et a Sede Apostolica approbatum, tamen in receptione fratrum dicti ordinis, etc.," dixit et deposuit quod in receptione sua quando receptus fuit Rome in camera fratris Uguiczionis quam habebat in palatio Lateranensi iuxta sanctum sanctorum, in qua per dictum fratrem Uguiczionem, presentibus fratribus Moro27 et Petro28 de Bononia qui erat procurator dicti ordinis in curia Romana, receptus fuit ad dictum ordinem, non fecit abnegationes in articulo contentas vel aliquam ipsarum, nec inductus seu ammonitus fuit ipsas abnegationes vel aliquam ipsarum facere per dictos receptores, nec per dictum preceptorem fratrem Uguiczionem et dictos fratres Petrum de Bononia et Morum facte fuerunt dicte abnegationes vel aliqua ipsarum. Dixit tamen quod predictus frater Uguiczio, sicut magnus preceptor dicti ordinis in Romanis partibus et in Lombardia et aliis partibus de quibus supra dixit, post tempus trium vel quattuor annorum post receptionem ipsius fratris Cecchi, misit eum cum licteris suis clausis, quarum licterarum tenorem dixit se ingnorasse tunc, et nunc etiam ingnorare, ad magnum preceptorem provintie Apulee et Aprutii29, quam tunc propter absentiam dicti magni preceptoris qui tunc preerat in Apulea et ultra mare inerat et eius mortem in mari cum rediret, non potuit presentare set expectavit in dicta Apulea donee novus creatus in dicta Apulea magnus preceptor advenit. Que lictere fratri Petro Ultramontani dicti ordinis novo j

- Text also: Huguictio, Huguitio, Uguicio, Uguiczio.

24

Templar and papal chamberlain which justified his room in the Lateran Palace: Theiner, Codex S.S., I, no. 564, in 1302. See also, Pinzi, Viterbo, III, p.22; Luttrell, "Preceptories", p. 105; Silvestrelli, "Chiese", p.6; infra, text n.VI 31. 25 " The Templars had a property at Vercelli: Caravita, Concorezzo, map. 26 Pope in 1303 and 1304. 27 ' Caravita, Concorezzo, p. 135 et passim mentions a Templar called Mauro from Piacenza. 28 ' This man was one of the seven Templars who undertook the defense of the Order in Paris in 1310. See Lizerand, Dossier, pp. 176-88; Michelet, Procès, I, pp. 164-9. Nothing is known of his fate. The Liber Prioratos, foi 4v, 5r, does mention a person of this name in connection with the Hospitaller properties of S. Maria di Raserio and S. Maria di Carbonara. In other countries, Templars often entered the Hospitaller Order after suppression of their own. 29 ' This statement confirms that Apulia and the Abruzzi had one preceptor.

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magno preceptori in Apulea et Aprutio fuerunt presentate per preceptorem Baruli30 dicti ordinis eiusdem provintie. Qui frater Petrus Ultramontanus preceptor magnus Apulee et Ap[rut]ii post alicuius temporis spatium, secunda die post festum nativitatis Domini, in loco seu mansione Turris Maioris31 de Capitanata32 dicti ordinis, eidem ordini concesse per dominum Bonifatium papam VIIIm, vocavit eundem fratrem Cecchum dicens ei: "Vidisti adhuc thesaurum Templi quem habemus hic?" Qui frater Ceccus respondit: "Non," et tunc dictus magnus preceptor dixit applaudendo sibi: "Veni et ostendam tibi," et introduxit dictum fratrem Ceccum ad quendam locum fortem et secretum; et cum dicto preceptore intravit frater Guillelmus Ultramontanus, et clauserunt ianuam dicti loci, et ostendit sibi multa iocalia ecclesiastica et arma; et demum dictus preceptor aperuit quandam cassam existentem in dicto loco ad partem sinixtram sicut intravit ad dictum locum iuxta quandam coacramk, et flexis genubus, capite discoperto et manibus iu{n)ctis, ostendit sibi quodam1 ydolum quod ut sibi videtur erat de metallo, cuius forma erat ad similitudinem unius pueri erecti stands et statura ipsius ydoli erat quasi cubitalis33. Et dixit eidem fratri Cecco: "Tu fuisti receptus per fratres Uguiczio[nem], Morum et Petrum de Bononia in loco ubi non potuerunt tibi ostendere nec dicere ista, set, Ceche, facias quod nos facimus;" et ipse Ceccus respondit: "Quid vultis quod faciam?" Qui preceptor dixit: "Recommenda te isti et roga istum quod det tibi sanitatem et denarios et equos et amorem Domini tui et non adores ilium nec credas ilium qui stat pictus in ecclesia." Et ipse Ceccus credit quod diceret de Christo crucifixo erat depictus in ecclesia; ipse vero frater Ceccus respondit

k 1

cloaca: Lexicon Latinitatis Medii Aevi lugoslaviae, Í, p.235. For: quoddam.

30

Barletta, chief Templar house in Apulia: Guerrieri, Templari, p.37. The Order established itself there before 1158 and led the province of Apulia from that city. Supplementary information on Barletta may be seen in Mollat, Liber Censuum, I, p.32. 31 " References to the Templar property of Torremaggiore may be found in Bevere, "Documenti", pp.405-6; Guerrieri, Templari, p.23; Pauli, Codice Diplomatico, II, pp.59-60. The Templars seem to have received it about 1271 or 1272 from the Benedictine Order: Reg. Bon. VIII, no. 264 in 1295 and no. 3514 in 1300. 32 On the Templars in Capitanata, see Guerrieri, Templari, p.23, and Kehr, Italia Pontificia, IX, pp. 143-4. 33 " A measure usually equal to the length of the forearm.

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The Trial of the Templars in the Papal States

sub ridens: "Non faciaml Quid est hoc quodm dicitis?", et dictus preceptor et prefatus frater Guillelmus evaginatis glaudiis eidem fratri Cecco dixerunt: "Nisi sic facias ut tibi diximus et nos fecimus, non recedes vivus de loco isto/' Et tunc dictus frater Ceccus, timore mortis, dictam ymaginem seu ydolum adoravit et fecit ei reverentiam eandem sicut dictus preceptor fecerat et eidem dixerat. Et in continenti post predicta, dicti preceptor et frater Guillelmus receperu(n)t eum ad osculum oris et dixerunt sibi: "A modo fecisti sicut facere debet valens homo." Dixit etiam quod ante quam ipse supradictum ydolum vidisset et adorasset, interfuit receptioni fratris Andree qui fuit receptus in Barulo, cuius reception! dixit se interfuisse, et fere sedecim fratres, et Rubini qui etiam in dicto loco receptus fuit, forsan post receptionem dicti fratris Andree circa sex menses, cuius receptioni ipse frater Ceccus dixit se interfuisse, et fere novem alteros fratres dicti ordinis; non vidit fieri dictas abnegationes vel alteram ipsarum seu aliquam per dictos fratres Andream vel Robinum vel alterum eorum, nec vidit seu audivit per eos qui dictos fratres Andream et Robinum receperunt vel aliquem ipsorum ipsum fratrem Andream et R[o]binum inducti et ammoneri ad dictas abnegationes seu aliquam ipsarum faciendas. Dixit tamen quod postquam frater Andreas fecerat profexionem presentibus fratribus dicti ordinis, qui erant fere sedecim, et receperat habitum dicti ordinis, in continenti per duos de dictis fratribus, quorum unus vocabitur frater Riczardus Gallicus alter vero erat Burgundus, cuius nominis dixit se non recordari, fuit introductus in unam cameram privatam et steterunt ibi aliquam diu, et redeuntibus ad alios fratres qui expectabant eum in camera ubi receptus fuit, rediit dictus frater Andreas flens qui ante vuitu y lari intraverat; nec ab ipso quem postea interrogaverit scire potuit quare flens rediret; dictus etiam frater Robinus postquam fecerat profexionem presentibus fratribus dicti ordinis qui erant fere novem, et receperat habitum dicti ordinis, per duos de dictis fratribus, quorum unus vocabatur frater Alexius et nominis alterius dixit se non recordari, fuit introductus in unam cameram privatam et steterunt ibi aliquam diu, et redeuntibus ad alios fratres qui expectabant eum in camera ubi receptus fuit, rediit flens qui ante vultu y lari intraverat; quare tamen fleret ingnorat et aliud super contends in dicto articulo contra dictum ordinem, et prefatos

m

n.UI n.

' Margin: b. Six membranes from here on have small letters in the upper left margin. See text

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Penne: 1st Witness Ceccus

ÎB5

fratrem Uguiczionem, et fratrem ìacobum de Monte Cucco, et alios magnos preceptores in dictis partibus ut predixit, dixit se nescire. § Item, interrogatus super IIo articulo dicte inquisitionis qui sic incipit: "Item, quod communiter fratres hoc faciebant," etc., dixit et deposuit se nichil aliud scire, nisi quantum dixit supra in depositione sua super primo articulo. Et idem dixit super IIIo et IVo articulis inquisitionis prefate. § ítem, interrogatus super quinto articulo inquisitionis prefate qui incipit: "Item, quod dicebant et domatizabant illos quos recipiebant," etc., et super VIo, VIIo et VIIIo articulis inquisitionis predicte, dixit et deposuit se tantum scire de contends in ipsis articulis et quolibet eorum, primo sibi particulariter et distinte lectis et vulgarizatis, quod postquam ipse fuit receptus et transmissus cum licteris in Apuleam per fratrem Uguiczionem qui recepit eundem, frater Petrus preceptor magnus A pu lee, presente fratre Guillelmo, dixit eidem in quadam camera ubi fecerunt eum ydolum adorare, dixerunt sibi quod nec crederei nec adoraret illum qui depignitur in ecclesia; et dictus frater Ceccus credit quod dicerent de crucifixo sicut plenius deposuit super primo articulo; et credit quod illi qui dixerunt sibi dicta verba et fecerunt eum facere predicta non haberent spem salvationis habende per lesum. Ipse tamen licet predicta inductus fecerit propter meturn; tunc habuit et habet spem salvationis habende per lesum. § Item, interrogatus super Villi0 articulo dicte inquisitionis qui incipit: "Item, quod faciebant illos quos recipiebant spuere super crucem," etc., et super Xo, XIo et XIIo articulis diete inquisitionis et quolibet eorum secreto et sigillatim, dixit se nichil scire de contentis in ipsis articulis. § Item, interrogatus super XÎII0 articulo inquisitionis prefate, qui incipit: "Item, quod non nulli eorum ipsa die," etc., et super XIIIÏ0 articulo inquisitionis predicte secreto et sigillatim et quolibet eorum, dixit se nichil scire de contentis in ipsis articulis. § Item, interrogatus super XVo articulo inquisitionis prefate qui incipit: "Item, quod hec faciebant in vituperium Christi," etc., dixit et deposuit quod frater Petrus preceptor Apulee et Aprutii et frater Guilielmus predicti qui fecerunt eum adorare ydolum supradictum dixerunt sibi quod non crederet nec adoraret illum qui depignitur in ecclesia; credens quod dicerent de crucifixo fecerunt predicta in vituperium Christi et fidei orthodoxe, et aliud dixit se nescire de hiis que in dicto articulo continentur. § Item, interrogatus super XVIo articulo dicte inquisitionis qui incipit: "Item, quod non credebant sacramentum altaris," etc., et super XVIIo,