The Travels of the Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal [Reprint 2014 ed.] 9780674435889, 9780674435872

Citation preview

HARVARD STUDIES IN ROMANCE LANGUAGES Published under the Direction of the Department of Romance Languages and Literatures V O L U M E XXVI

L E

DROMADAIRE

Avec ses quatre dromadaires Don Pedro dAIfaroubeira Courut le monde et l'admira. II fit ce que j e voudrais faire Si j'avais quatre dromadaires.

T k e Travels οf tke Infante D o m P e d r o of Portugal

F R A N C I S M. R O G E R S

H A R V A R D U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS CAMBRIDGE · M A S S A C H U S E T T S 1 9 6 1

© Copyright, 1961, by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved Distributed in Great Britain by Oxford University Press, London

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 61-8840 Printed in the United States of America

FOR

A R M A N D O DE LACERDA OF C O I M B R A

Teacher, Friend,. . . and Traveler

rerace This book concerns another, a remarkable Spanish fantasy of the very early sixteenth century entitled Book of the Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal Who Traveled Over the Four Parts of the World. Composed by Gomez de Santisteban, one of the twelve who, in the tale, accompanied the prince to see those parts, the narrative has appeared in at least 111 editions across the centuries — 59 in Spanish, the remainder in Portuguese translation. A t first glance the amusing and amazing story is a genuine travel book, although imaginative in the Mandevillian manner and replete with Oriental marvels. I first became acquainted with it in this guise, for, during those crowded years of rearrangement after W o r l d W a r II, while preparing a course on the literature written in Romance languages by early Western travelers to the Orient, I read the lines of Apollinaire which accompany Dufy's drawing of the dromedary. A t that moment, a fellow tutor in John Winthrop House, Samuel Frederick Johnson, now Associate Professor of English at Columbia University, played for me the R C A Victor record of Pierre Bernac singing Apollinaire's verses to Poulenc's music. I became curious to discover how the poet of Le Bestiaire chanced to know of the colorful travels of Dom Pedro as reported in Spanish prose, and, even more, how his knowledge was so specific as to evoke the sonorous Alfarrobeira, scene of the real Pedro's death in 1449 which Gomez de Santisteban never directly mentions. T h e present study is thus a rather lengthy explication de texte. It also constitutes a chapter in the literature of East-West relations. Military-naval service in North Africa had taken me eastward as far as the shores of Tripoli. I became convinced that the study and teaching of Portuguese maritime discoveries and expansion to Africa, the Orient, and Brazil, and the resultant literature — my favorite subjects — must be effected within the broadest possible perspective of Western civilization and the afore-mentioned relations, dissociated

PREFACE

from the narrow confines of a national point of view and of a single foreign language. The Gomez de Santisteban-Apollinaire revelation led me to suspect that a key to an understanding of Portugal's great contribution to mankind might lie hidden within the Libro del Infante don Pedro, which took the imaginary Pedro first to the Moslem countries of the Near East and to the diverse Eastern Christians who dwelt there, then to the farther East, to the Indies of Prester John and the shrine of St. Thomas the Apostle. "And when Prester John dies, no one can become the new Prester through inheritance or through personal power, but only through the grace of God and through the intervention of the holy Apostle, who selects him in the way which we shall now relate. All the ordained priests in the city of Alves, which is called Edicia, draw nigh. And they all go in procession around the Apostle. And as for the one whom it pleases God to be Prester and lord of all the others, the Apostle extends his arm toward him and opens his hand." The ensuing investigation led me in the footsteps of Dom Pedro to Ceuta and Tetuan, and also, in the wake of his imaginary counterpart, to Venice, Turkey, the Holy Land, and Egypt, but, unfortunately, not as yet to the land of Prester John nor to the Christians of St. Thomas. The pursuit of editions of the chapbook by Gomez de Santisteban saw me active in Ecuador, Peru, Brazil, the Canary Islands, Andalusia, and many other places. The results of this activity, most of which was encouraged by enlightened educational administrators who recognized that the expenses they could justifiably pay were being stretched to embrace humanistic research, are reported in the present book. They have a sobering actuality. Our fundamental problem today is still one of effective pacific relations between the West and the non-West. The chapbook, in reality one of many documents of the reformation not of the Church but of Latin-Christian behavior, suggests a disunited Christian West. Lacking the temporal and ecclesiastical leadership it merited and needed, this West dreamed of Christian world unity under a fitting priest-emperor inspired directly by God. By a strange chain of historical and literary circumstances, the real travels of the real Dom Pedro of Portugal, Duke of Coimbra and older brother of Prince

viii

P R E F A C E

Henry the Navigator, served for the presentation of a mighty and eternal theme. The reconstruction of the factual travels, and of their transformation into published legend, was not easy, for documentation was often lacking, or at least was unknown to me. Moreover, I often found it necessary to cross frontiers into academic disciplines not properly mine. Accordingly I am reluctant to thank individuals by name lest I give the impression that they are responsible for my own deficiences. Several, however, are given specific recognition in my text and notes. I do feel constrained to thank Professor Edward Glaser of the University of Michigan for his generosity, extending over many years, in passing on to me relevant fruits of his vast reading in the literatures of Spain, Portugal, and Latin America. In addition, I should like to express my appreciation to the American Philosophical Society and the Harvard Foundation for Advanced Study and Research for financial grants which greatly facilitated the investigation of Pedro's travels; to the many relatives, colleagues, students, friends, and acquaintances who so generously furnished research and other assistance; to the ever generous Mr. Philip Hofer, Curator of Printing and Graphic Arts in the Harvard College Library, for his kindness in permitting reproduction of the woodcut dromedary from Dufy's proof copy of the Bestiaire which is in his possession; and to Miss Ann Louise Coffin, editor, and Mr. Burton Jones, designer, who metamorphosed my typescript into a readable and attractive volume. NOTE. Crusade with capital C indicates one of the classical expeditions to the N e a r East during the period 1095-1291. O t h e r crusades, offensive or defensive, are indicated b y the lower-case c. O r t h o d o x , with capital O , refers to the Eastern Christians w h o , f r o m the R o m a n point of v i e w , became schismatic in 1054. Prior to that time they w e r e orthodox, with lower-case o, in contrast with the "heretical" Nestorians and Monophysites. In citations f r o m early printed books the orthography, capitalization, punctuation, and spacing between w o r d s of the original are retained. T y p o g r a p h i c a l contractions are expanded, however, and " 7 " is changed to "&." Chapters within the present b o o k are referred to b y capital R o m a n numerals (Chapter III). T h o s e of the G o m e z de Santisteban narrative are designated b y small italic numerals (chapter iii).

F. M. R. Harvard University February 13, ιρόι IX

Contents I 11

The Dual Background

ι

Preparations for Departure

20

III

The European Tour

IV

The Travels and the European Imagination

V

31

European Imagination and the Orient

V I The "Book of the Infante Dom Pedro"

93 12 3

VII

Meaning and Authorship of the "Book"

212

VIII

Impact of the "Book" and the Travels

241

Appendix: The Text of the "Book" Across the Centuries 267 Notes

303

Bibliography Index

403

367

59

Illustrations

FRONTISPIECE

The Dromedary. (The woodcut by Raoul D u f y is reproduced by courtesy of S.P.A.D.E.M. by French Reproduction Rights, Inc., and the lines of Guillaume Apollinaire by courtesy of Gallimard, Editeur.)

MAPS

The W o r l d of the Infante Dom Pedro

end papers

Northern Italy

17

GENEALOGICAL

TABLES

T h e Royal Family of Portugal

facing page 2

The Children of John of Gaunt

33

The Houses of Aragon and of Urgel

36

The Family of Duke Philippe of Burgundy

78

T h e Lusignans of Cyprus and the Palaeologi

81

Portuguese Princesses and the Inheritance of Charles V

230

T k e Travels of tke Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal

N u n ' Alvares Pereira 1 3 6 0 - 1 4 3 1 Count of Barcelos to 1 4 0 1 Constable to 1 4 2 2 Count of O u r e m to 1 4 2 2 Count of Arraiolos to 1 4 2 2

Alfonso C o n d e de Gijon y N o r o n a

Afonso, d. 1 4 6 1 Count of Barcelos 1 4 0 1 1st Duke of Braganga 1 4 4 2

Constanga de N o r o n h a

Pedro de Noronha Archbishop of Lisbon

Isabel d. 1 4 6 5 Fernando I 1 4 0 3 - 7 8 Count of Arraiolos 1 4 2 2 M a r q u i s of Vila Vigosa 1 4 5 5 Count of O u r e m 1 4 6 0 Count of Barcelos 1 4 6 1 2 n d Duke of Braganga 1 4 6 1

Afonso, d. 1 4 6 0 Count of O u r e m 1 4 2 2 Marquis of Valenga 1 4 5 1

Juan II King of Castile 1406-54

—

Isabel

Isabel " t h e Catholic" 1 4 5 1 - 1 5 0 4 Q u e e n of Castile 1 4 7 4 - 1 5 0 4

Afonso of Portugal d. 1 5 2 2 Bishop of Evora 1 4 8 5

Fernando II 1 4 3 0 ^ 8 3 3rd Duke of Braganga 1 4 7 8 (married Isabel, daughter of Fernando, Duke of Viseu)

Martinho of Portugal Archbishop of Funchal a n d Primate of the Indies 1 5 3 3

Joäo d. 1 4 8 4

Juana " t h e M a d " 1 4 7 9 Q u e e n of Castile 1 5 0 4

T h e R o y a l F a m i l y of P o r t u g a l

A F O N S O IV King of Portugal 1325-57

PEDRO I King of Portugal 1357-67

FERNANDO I King of Portugal 1367-83

Teresa Lou rent;ο

Ines Pfres

=

Thomas Fitzolan E a r l of A r u n d e l

—

JOAO I King of Portugal 1385-1433

DUARTE 1391-1438 King of Portugal 1433-38

Beatrii

Leonor of A r a g o n d. 1 4 4 5

Branca 1388-89

Afonso 1390-1400

J o a o 1400-42 C o n s t a b l e 1422-42

Diogo Constable 1442-43 1469 I

1555 -06

Beatriz d. 1 5 0 6

Fernando 1433-70 Duke of Viseu

Friedrich III Emperor 1440-93

Leonor 1434-67

Catarina 1436-63

F e r n a n d o II 1452-1516 King of A r a g o n 1479-1516 Regent of Castile 1506-16

Maria 1482-1517

MANUEL I 1469-1521 King of Portugal 1495-1521

J O A O III 1502-57 King of Portugal

Isabel (married F e r n a n d o II, 3rd Duke of B r a g o n c a l

Diogo Duke of Viseu killed 1 4 8 4

Leonor 1458-1525

Afonso 1475-91

Edward III King of England 1327-77

John of G a u n t

—-

Blanche of Lancaster

Philippa of Lancaste.' d. 1 4 1 5

Henry IV King of England 1399-1413

Henrique "the N a v i g a t o r " 1394-1460 Duke of Viseu 1 4 1 5

Isabel 1397-1471

1441 AFONSO V 1432-81 King of Portugal 1438-81

J O A O II ''455-95 King of Portugal 1481-95

Jorge 1481-1550 Duke of Coimbra

Philippe le Bon 1396-1467 Duke of Burgundy 1419-67

(1447) Isabel 1432-55

Pedro 1429-66 .Constable 1443

"Santa" 1452-90

Jaime 1433-59 Cardinal of St. Eustace 1456

Fernando "Santo" 1402-43

1456 Joäo — Charlotte d. 1 4 5 7 ca. 1 4 4 2 - 8 7 Prince of Princess of Antioch 1 4 5 6 Antioch

Filipa 1437-97

Infante D o m ; Pedro 1392-1449 Duke of Coimbra . 1415

Isabel of Urgel

1453 Adolphe = Beatriz of Cleves d. 1 4 6 2 1425-92 Lord of Ravenstein 1 4 6 3

Philippe 1456-1528 Lord of Ravenstein

I

T h e Dual Β ackground V E N T S within Portugal from 1385 to 1415 were quite independent of simultaneous happenings within Central European imperial circles. A newly acclaimed king and his English queen were founding a dynasty, terminating a long struggle with neighboring Castile, and planning an attack on the Moslem Moors of Morocco. Their efforts, supplemented by the heritage of the earlier Reconquest and an advantageous geographical location, led to brilliant technology, African exploration, and the opening of a sea road to the Indies. North and east of the Alps, the King of Hungary, ever defending his realm against the advancing Moslem Turks, was elected Holy Roman Emperor and became involved in widespread intra-Christian friction. The dissension to which he was a party acquired many complexions — schism, heresy, struggle between Pope and ecumenical council, and finally Reformation. For a brief moment these separate worlds converged. The Infante Dom Pedro, product of the one, sallied forth on his travels because of forces at play within the other. His peregrination had considerable impact on both himself and the subsequent course of Portuguese history. His wanderings, and the later career which depended so directly on them, caught the fancy of many non-Lusitanians and resulted in an amusing Spanish book, the Libro del Infante don Pedro. The actual travels of the Infante Dom Pedro therefore stand at a crossroads: two worlds begat them, they in turn contributed to the maritime quest of the Indies and engendered the fictional chapbook. ι

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

The present study treats both the actual and the fictional travels and their respective impacts. Although difficult to divide into neatly separated portions, it does require a dual introduction, detailed and complex, for these travels constitute a complicated subject. © The second half of the fourteenth century was a period of crisis and reorganization for Portugal. The little nation on the Atlantic endeavored to keep free of involvement in the Hundred Years War, although her considerable seaborne commerce with northern Europe naturally caused her to favor England against France and Castile. After an initial vacillation, she steadfastly rendered obedience to the Pope of Rome during the Great Schism. Portugal's first or Burgundian dynasty, which had laid the practical foundation for later maritime discoveries, ended in 1383. The dynasty of Avis, which was to merge this practical experience with the theoretical knowledge rapidly becoming available in Europe and give direction to the maritime discoveries within the over-all strategy of Christendom, came to full power in 1385. The new king, Joäo I, Master of the Order of Avis, had first to crush a Castilian invasion. He then cemented the alliance with England into which his predecessor had entered, going so far as to marry Philippa of Lancaster, daughter of John of Gaunt. The next few years the King and Queen devoted to ending the threat from Castile and to raising a remarkable family. In 1 4 1 1 a "perpetual" peace with the Iberian neighbor was signed. Portugal was free. 1 Eight children were born to Joäo and Philippa. The parents had apparently agreed to give the first-born a Portuguese name if a boy, an English name if a girl, and thereafter to alternate the names regardless of sex, the names to be representative family appellations. The first child, a girl, was born in 1388, the year following the royal marriage. Named Branca after her grandmother of Lancaster, she died shortly thereafter; the second child, Afonso, also died young. Duarte, born in 1391 and named after his great-grandfather Edward III, succeeded his father and reigned from 1433 to 1438. One hour after midnight on the ninth day of December 1392, in the "noble and always loyal city of Lisbon," the second surviving 2

THE DUAL BACKGROUND child came into the world. He was clearly named after his grandfather King Pedro I. Other children followed in rapid succession: Henrique, later to be known to history as "Prince Henry the Navigator," who died in 1460, one half a millennium ago; Isabel, the only daughter to survive, who in 1430 became the Duchess of Burgundy; Joäo, later apostolic administrator of the Order of Santiago and Constable of the Realm, but otherwise unspectacular; and the unfortunate Fernando, fated to die in prison in Fez in 1443. The Avis-Lancastrian marriage proved a happy alliance. Joäo, himself the illegitimate son of Pedro I, had concluded his indiscretions and was ready for domestic fidelity. Philippa's past had prepared her to face her marriage with equanimity and grace. Raised in a liberal family circle in which her stepmother and her father's mistress played a part, she was ready not only to make hers a model Christian home but also, Christianlike, to accept both her husband's ex-mistress and the fruits of their love. Until after the return of the king and his three oldest sons from the expedition to Ceuta of 1415, there is nothing in his career to distinguish young Pedro from his brothers and sister. All the children were presumably subject to the same parental, religious, and educational influences. T h e great chronicler and historian Fernäo Lopes had the following to say of the father: T h i s great and v e r y honored lord, the most excellent of the kings w h o have reigned in Portugal, was ever a v e r y faithful Catholic, so that what most shines in a prince — namely, true faith — was to be found to a v e r y great degree in him, he being particularly devoted to the precious V i r g i n with a singular and deep devotion. In her praise he translated her devout hours into the vernacular, the V i r g i n M a r y and her blessed Son supplying the words f o r them, so that many w h o had formerly had no recollection of them began, as a devotion, to use them in their prayers. H e had great clerics put in the vernacular the Gospels and A c t s of the Apostles and Epistles of St. Paul and other spiritual books of the saints, so that those w h o heard them might be more devout concerning the law of G o d . H e so conducted himself that his deeds were always in conformity with the Christian faith, being v e r y obedient to the high Pastor of the Church, holding in high and sincere reverence its prelates and ministers. This was the king w h o added the cross to the arms of Portugal, because the Order

3

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM

PEDRO

[of Avis] of which he was master has as its arms a green cross on a white field.2 W r i t i n g in a similar and obviously sincere vein, F e r n ä o L o p e s praised Philippa thus: This fortunate queen, just as in her youth she was devout and expert in the divine offices, so after she was married she was the more so, and arranged the offices according to her wishes. She recited the canonical hours in accordance with the rite of Salisbury; and although it was not easy to follow, she was so attentive to the matter that her chaplains and other honest persons received instruction in it through her. Every Friday she used to recite the Psalter, speaking to no one until she had completely finished it; and when she was incapacitated through illness or confined by childbirth, they recited in her presence all the prayers to which she was accustomed, and she listened to them with devotion and without any other interruption. As for fasting, it is unnecessary even to mention it, nor the reading of Holy Scripture in appropriate seasons, for the latter were so well divided that the thoughts of idleness never crossed her mind. She was solicitous of the poor and needy, and generously gave alms to churches and convents. She loved well and faithfully her very noble husband, paying particular attention never to annoy him, attentive also to the education and good upbringing of her children. She never did anything with rancor or hatred, but all her works were accomplished in the spirit of loving G o d and her neighbor. Her manner of conversing was humble, and profitable to many, with no pride in her regal status; her sweet and gracious words were a pleasure for all who heard them. 3 Philippa, it seems generally agreed, did play a limited political role, although politics w a s an affair f o r men. D o m e s t i c and court life constituted her domain, within which she was quite influential. She introduced the customs, and even the language, of the English court. T h e s e were, in part at least, French, and so the boys, before the Ceuta operation, took F r e n c h expressions f o r their personal mottoes — H e n r i q u e " T a l e n t de bien faire," and Pedro the ominous " D e s i r . " Although Philippa wrote her brother H e n r y I V in French, the period during which her marriage and Pedro's visit to E n g l a n d took place w a s that of the final conversion of the English court f r o m F r e n c h to English. T h e r e f o r e the F r e n c h mottoes and the correspondence in F r e n c h p r o b a b l y reflect the cultural ascendancy of F r a n c e and B u r g u n d y at the end of the Middle A g e s rather than any relic of the N o r m a n Conquest. 4

4

THE DUAL

BACKGROUND

Parents who possess a burning faith and a keen sense of duty have clear ideas concerning the upbringing of children, and Joäo and Philippa had every reason to be proud of their offspring. "These Infantes turned out such and so well that of no other king — of Hispania or any more distant land — may one read that he had similar children." 5 N o t only were the youngsters trained to obey their parents, but they were also taught by their father to ride and to hunt — and he was an excellent teacher. He even wrote a book on these subjects, which made such an impression that Duarte wrote a like treatise. T h e strong role of religion in the young princes' education inevitably influenced their views on such broad issues as foreign policy. T h e boys were receptive to two fundamental policies of the period: peace among Christian princes and the crusade against the infidel. T o these ideals they were led both by their home life and religious training and by the spirit of chivalry then very much in the air throughout western Europe — and the Portuguese court was steeped in this tradition of chivalry. It was an age of international jousting.® T h e Arthurian tales were widely known, and the great hero of the wars against Castile, Constable Nun'Älvares Pereira, Joäo I's boon companion and an idol to the boys, was inspired by Galahad. 7 One of the Canary Islands was called Lanzarote, and the names of Tristäo V a z Teixeira, Lanzarote, Nuno Tristäo, Tristäo da Cunha, and other later Portuguese maritime explorers continued the tradition. Further documentary evidence of the extent to which the "matter of Britain" was read is provided by the inventory of K i n g Duarte's library, for among its items are a Book of Tristan, Merlin, and The Book of Galahad.8 A l l children and adolescents must equate the ideals dominant in the instruction imparted to them with the realities which clearly exist around them. B y 1400 chivalry had become a social and recreational phenomenon, a rationalization for display, especially before ladies. Much had happened in Europe since knighthood was in full flower, and the Hundred Years W a r was hardly a chivalric episode. Pernicious nationalism was rapidly coming to the fore, and suggestions of a democratic movement were on the horizon, with monarchs looking elsewhere than to the nobility for the basis of their p o w e r —

5

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM P E D R O

witness Joäo I himself. Etatisme and democracy, not to mention firearms and the concomitant diminution of hand-to-hand combat, were fatally antagonistic to chivalry. However much of the element of chivalry was to be demonstrated at Agincourt, certainly Western knights at Nicopolis (which may have been the first battle of which the four-year-old Pedro heard tell) hastened to discard their chivalric illusions. The Ottoman Turks, who had risen to power at the end of the Crusades, who had overrun Asia Minor and moved across to the Balkans, were not bent on jousting with Christians. The Portuguese princes received a balanced education.9 They heard of such mundane matters as the centralization of the royal power, the rise of a middle class, and the debasement of the currency; simultaneously they read imaginative literature and were fascinated by the glamorous personages and the spectacular social events of their entourage. Among the latter were two marriages which, in the circuitous way in which great events are strangely related, led eventually to Dom Pedro's political downfall and ultimate death, and to his immortalization in Gomez de Santisteban's tale. Joäo I desired to arrange good marriages for his illegitimate older children. Consequently, in Lisbon in 1401 Afonso married Beatriz, daughter of Constable Nun'Älvares, an event complete with jousting and tourneys, all of which must have delighted the hearts of the younger brothers. The marriage of Joäo's daughter Beatriz (Brites) which took place in England on November 26, 1405, entailed complicated financial payments which Portugal found difficult to meet. The young princes and Isabel would have attended the preliminary ceremony in Portugal and witnessed the departure of the bride, accompanied by her older brother Afonso, now the Count of Barcelos by virtue of the title conferred on him by his own newly acquired father-in-law. Beatriz and Thomas Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel, were married at Lambeth by the Archbishop of Canterbury before an illustrious gathering which included the King and Queen of England.10 After the wedding, if he in fact crossed over to England to attend 11 it, Afonso went on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. He traveled overland from Flanders to Venice, where he arrived in August of

6

THE DUAL

BACKGROUND

1406. His warm reception at the hands of the hospitable Venetians and subsequent departure for points east were widely reported in the Venetian chronicles, the society columns of the day. 12 His later stories must have fired the imaginations of the half-brothers, for, if he followed the pattern of most other medieval and modern Latin pilgrims, he communicated to Duarte and Pedro and Henrique his reactions to the unusual Christians in and around the H o l y Sepulcher, coreligionists pungently described four and a half centuries later by the greatest Portuguese novelist as "Catholics like Padre Pinheiro, Greek Orthodox for whom the cross has four arms, Abyssinians and Armenians, Copts descended from those who of yore worshipped Apis the bull at Memphis, Nestorians who come from Chaldea, Georgians who come from the Caspian Sea, Maronites who come from Lebanon — all of them Christians, all ferociously intolerant." 13 O n yet another occasion the boys would have heard exciting news and more details of the H o l y Land. T h e Council of Pisa met from March 25 to August 7, 1409, in an attempt to terminate the schism, and the distinguished Joäo Afonso de Azambuja, Archbishop of Lisbon, headed the Portuguese delegation and, after discharging numerous official duties in Italy, proceeded to the H o l y Land on a pilgrimage. 14 If at all aware of the direction Portuguese royal interests were taking (according to a fifteenth-century source, King Joäo's court was planning the seizure of Ceuta as early as 1409) he could hardly have failed to learn of, if not acquire, the new Latin translation of Ptolemy's Geography, made by the Florentine Jacopo Angelo and dedicated to the short-lived Pope elected at Pisa, Alexander V . During his travels he may even have overheard discussion of another treatise completed on August 12, 1410, the Treatise on the Depiction of the World by Pierre d'Ailly, a year later elevated to the purple by the Pisan Pope. D'Ailly was active at both Pisa and the Council of Constance. It has been suggested that the Franciscan "Confessor of the K i n g " — one of the two theologians in Azambuja's embassy — was Frei Joäo de Xira, later the chaplain of the expedition to Ceuta. 15 Frei Joäo preached a sermon to the fleet in Lagos en route to Africa in which he announced the destination to all hands and proclaimed that they were embarked on a crusade to which a plenary indulgence

7

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

was attached "by virtue of a letter which the Holy Father granted to the King our lord, seeing his holy desire." 16 Thus it is possible that the spiritual arrangements for the crusade were elaborated with Pope Alexander V in Pisa as early as 1409. During the early Avis years a partially English royal family assured Portugal's independence from a powerful Castilian neighbor, and then conceived, planned, mounted, and executed the expedition which captured Ceuta (today a Spanish city) in Africa across the strait from Gibraltar. Whatever the reasons which induced the Portuguese to take the North African emporium, I do not believe it correct to view the 1415 victory as the beginning of Portugal's overseas expansion. Rather, it represented the end, the culmination, of an era. It sealed the Reconquest and was a crowning chivalric achievement. The new Portuguese orientation emerged after Ceuta. Gomez de Santisteban would not have been stimulated to write his narrative on the basis of a Portuguese interest confined to Morocco. And yet the taking of Ceuta captured the European imagination (the so-called Rufus-Chronicle, covering Lübeck, reports that in 1416 King Stephen of Portugal took "Ceps" 1 7 ). However envisaged by the Portuguese, to the general European public it represented an offensive blow against Islam — and such a blow anywhere found ready acceptance — and since no other country in Europe was in a position, or willing, to deliver such a blow, Portugal's thrust across the strait was thus closely integrated, possibly unintentionally, with Christian activity elsewhere. The details of the expedition to Ceuta are well known. King Joäo I, the princes Duarte, Pedro, and Henrique, the Count of Barcelos, Constable Nun'Älvares, and a host of others left Lisbon on the feast of St. James the Greater, one week after Queen Philippa's death, captured the Moroccan port city on August 21, and reembarked for Portugal on September 2. The operation was a masterfully planned amphibious assault on a hostile shore, with detailed planning, preliminary reconnaissance, building of a model of the assault area, cover plan, feints at the actual landing, and even distribution of decorations to the high brass after it was all over. The principal source of information for the attack is the Chronicle of the Taking of Ceuta by the official chronicler Gomes Eanes de

8

THE DUAL

BACKGROUND

Zurara, who succeeded Fernäo Lopes in the post in 1448. Written in 1449 and completed on March 25, 1450, it is not only a historical treatise of capital importance but a magnificent literary work. A monument of Portuguese prose, it has perfect unity, a superb manner of expressing the opposing arguments in the many policy discussions, and splendid descriptions — the preparations prior to departure, the queen's beautiful death, the mental state of the attackers on the eve of the landing, and the dead in Ceuta after the battle. T h e reasons for the Portuguese expedition to Ceuta are hotly debated by historians.18 Economic forces, social pressures, and religious motivations were unquestionably influential. I prefer to accept Zurara's reason, simple, logical, and completely within the historical and cultural context: Duarte, Pedro, and Henrique wanted to be dubbed knights, in the grand manner, on the field of battle — like their great-uncle the Black Prince at Crecy at the age of sixteen. A court official read their thoughts and suggested they take Ceuta — rich, easy to capture—about which he had heard from a servant, and the boys in turn convinced their father. 19 T h e Pope declared the undertaking a "holy crusade," though Zurara unfortunately does not specify which of the three popes. He undoubtedly referred to Alexander V or his successor John XXIII, for Joäo of Portugal was loyal to the Pisan popes. During the long years of planning, virtually all Europe sensed that great events were in the making, although the exact destination was a closely guarded secret. T h e expedition was therefore international — interest, as well as participation in it. Germans took part, as did French and English, and among them were two literary figures. Antoine de La Sale was then about thirty and in the service of Louis II of Anjou; later he was to serve the house of Luxemburg, a member of which, Jacques de Lille, Sire de Fresne, married Catherine de Neufville in 1456. Antoine knew the bride, was greatly distressed when she lost a child, and to console her wrote a book consisting of two narratives. T h e second, based on personal recollections of Ceuta, describes how the mother of Vasco Fernandes de Ataide stoically received the news of his death. (Vasco Fernandes, who was the governor of Henrique's household, his preceptor, and close friend, saved the prince's life and, in so doing, lost his own.) 20 T h e Tyrolean poet Oswald von Wolkenstein, the "last of the

9

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO Minnesingers," also went beyond the seas. A great traveler, he had earlier visited Iberia and acquired a certain competence in its languages. He first knew the emperor-elect Sigismund in 1 4 1 3 and attended the Council of Constance in his service. T h e "King of the Romans" sent Oswald in early 1 4 1 5 as part of an embassy to the kings of Castile and Aragon to arrange for a meeting to discuss their withdrawal from the obedience of anti-Pope Benedict XIII. This embassy may have left Constance as early as March 1415. According to one of his poems written several years later, Oswald accompanied the Portuguese to Ceuta,* and he was thus in Lisbon by July 25 at the latest — and possibly weeks before. As he rejoined Sigismund, when the latter arrived in Perpignan on September 18, he could not have returned from Ceuta to Portugal with the main fleet.21 H o w he returned and what he presumably reported to his master constitute the point of departure of Pedro's travels and therefore of Gomez de Santisteban's book. Information concerning Pedro's deeds during the crusade against Ceuta is difficult to obtain, for the hero of Zurara's chronicle is the Infante Dom Henrique. Henrique is not only the principal personage; he is openly glorified. Pedro is not only not the hero; he is actually belittled and in one instance openly censured. Duarte receives some of the glory; Pedro does not. Zurara states that he received a directive from his lord, King Afonso V , to write an objective story, but the only objectivity apparent is consistency in naming their royal highnesses in the proper order of their birth. 22 There were excellent political reasons for Zurara's failure in midcentury to treat Pedro with consideration in the chronicle of Ceuta. These will be dealt with in full in Chapter I V . In fairness to Zurara, * The following are the significant lines: Von Lizabon in Barbarei, gen Septa, das ich weilend halff gewinnen, da manger stolzer mor so frei von seinem erb muest hinden auss entrinnen. Granaten het ich pas versuecht, wie mich der rote küng noch het empfangen, zu ritterschaft was ich geschuecht, vor meinen kindlin wär ich darinn gangen. [From Lisbon to the Barbary Coast [we sailed], toward Ceuta, which I once upon a time helped to win, where many a proud and free Moor was forced to abandon his heritage. I then beheld Granada, where the Red King received me, for I was skilled in chivalry, which I preferred even to my children.]

IΟ

THE DUAL BACKGROUND however, and in order that confidence in him with regard to other details not be undermined, it should be stressed that the fortunes of war were responsible for the fact that Henrique rather than Pedro played the more glamorous role in the assault. Henrique was captain of the galleys, whereas Pedro commanded the ships (naus). Henrique's force made the initial landing, the Count of Barcelos with him. Pedro, along with the King, was in reserve. Observing how the plan was unfolding, Duarte joined Henrique just as the attack got under way and so came to share in the glory. Consequently, some of the deification of Henrique can be attributed to the plan of attack and therefore to King Joäo's distribution of the commands. It is even possible that the father recognized that Henrique was the greater potential military leader, the more virile of the pair, and the more stable emotionally. T h e only instance where the chronicle of Ceuta provides significant information about Pedro is the episode of the Queen's death. Philippa had hoped to see her husband knight their sons in her presence after the return of the expedition. Realizing, however, that she would not live to see even the departure, she gave swords to the three princes, charging each with the care of a certain group of subjects. T o Pedro this discerning mother significantly entrusted the ladies and maidens: " M y son, inasmuch as since the time of your childhood I have noticed that you have the honor and service of the ladies and maidens close to your heart, something especially to be recommended to knights, and inasmuch as your brother I have charged with the lower classes, I entrust them [the donas and domzellas] to you and ask that you always have them in your care." 23 Faithful to his charge, Pedro at once suggested that his sister Isabel be given the Queen's lands for her support, and the King agreed. Isabel remained true to Pedro's memory and took steps necessary to ensure its perpetuity. Because of the inadequacy of Zurara's chronicle for a true picture of Pedro at Ceuta, it is necessary to work backward from later events in order to arrive at the reputation he acquired in Morocco.

%

Ceuta is significant in Portuguese and world history because it conferred direction and purpose on the lives of Pedro and Henrique. I ζ

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

T h e y were respectively twenty-two and twenty-one at the time, an impressionable age. Just as today the short ferry trip from Algeciras to Ceuta transports one to a new and dazzling world — to Africa and tarbooshes and mosques, to leather goods and Fatima's hand — so in 1415 the very atmosphere of Morocco as well as its geography must have profoundly affected the boys. Duarte's career was planned for him in advance: he was to be king. After sampling war and the Moslem world, Pedro turned to geopolitics. Having sailed over a corner of the Atlantic and glimpsed a new and unknown continent, Henrique turned to maritime exploration and to the subsidization of the research and development which would make such exploration possible. The Christian rulers of Europe in the early fifteenth century had need of officers for their armed forces. The reports emanating from Ceuta called their attention to Duarte, Pedro, and Henrique. Duarte was automatically eliminated. Henrique eliminated himself, for he could envisage a lifetime spent on a rocky barren promontory looking south and southeast.24 Pedro could be tempted. Temptation reached him from Constance. Described by one writer as, "by universal consent the largest, the most influential, and the most splendid gathering that had ever been held in the Middle Ages," 2 5 the council met at Constance, in the Swiss Confederation, between November 5, 1414, and April 22, 1418. On May 29, 1415, it deposed anti-Pope John XXIII. On July 4, Gregory XII, the original Pope of Rome, abdicated. The Aragonese anti-Pope, Benedict XIII, however, remained recalcitrant. The council also found the Bohemian John Hus guilty of heresy and turned him over to the "secular arm," which burned him at the stake on July 6, 1415. Finally, late in 1417 the council elected a new Pope who reigned until 1431 as Pope Martin V . The Latin Church was unified. Sigismund was a prime mover working behind the scenes of the council. He was in Constance during its sessions, but not continually. Son of Emperor Karl I V , Sigismund had been born in 1368. He married Maria, Queen of Hungary, in 1385, and two years later was recognized as her country's king. He reigned for half a century until his death in 1437. Badly defeated at Nicopolis, he was elected King ι 2

THE DUAL

BACKGROUND

of the Romans in 141 o. He sought a satisfactory council, for he wished one legitimate Pope by whom he might be crowned emperor.26 King Joäo I of Portugal accepted John X X I I I after his election in 141 ο and rendered him obedience up to the time of his deposition. A t the end of 1414 or early in 1415 he sent a politically unimportant embassy to Constance: a knight, an archdeacon, and nine others.27 Too busy planning Ceuta to pay much attention to the council, he did keep his Pope abreast of developments. After the taking of Ceuta the Portuguese monarch had important news to proclaim to the world. He sent to Constance a second embassy, far more distinguished from the secular point of view. The composition of the new embassy suggests that immediately after Ceuta Joäo had decided to delegate — or had been persuaded to delegate — the direction of the nation's foreign affairs to his second and third surviving sons. The mission consisted of two great nobles of the court. One was Älvaro Gongalves de Ataide, head of the Infante Dom Pedro's household and veteran of Ceuta. The other was Fernando de Castro, who had succeeded the unfortunate Vasco Fernandes de Ataide as the head of the Infante Dom Henrique's household. Consisting also of two famous doctors of the law, the embassy was received at the council on June 5, 1416, followed at a later date by emissaries from Aragon, Navarre, and Castile.28 The presence in Constance of the head of Pedro's household assumes greater significance in the light of an authorization dated Arraiolos (in the diocese of £vora), January 8, 1417, by which Dom Pedro, using the title he acquired from his father in southern Portugal en route home from Morocco, 29 empowered his governador to enter into marriage negotiations for him with the daughter of any foreign prince.30 Clearly, the Duke of Coimbra envisaged a European role for himself and recognized Constance as the center of influence and negotiation. In spite of his concern for donas and domzellas, however, his marriage remained a problem for years. Oswald may have called Pedro's attention to the geopolitical significance of the Council of Constance. He most certainly would have informed Sigismund of the political sagacity and anti-Moslem proclivities of the second son of the King of Portugal. In brief, daring to base my theory on a few lines of a single poem, I conclude that Os1

3

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

wald von Wolkenstein served as the intermediary who caused Sigismund to tempt Pedro to make a tour of Europe, supplement his political education, and observe for himself the rugged nature of the struggle with the Turks in eastern Europe. Because he succumbed to the temptation Pedro — and Portugal — received an Oriental outlook. The poet wrote that he traveled from Lisbon to Barbary, where he helped to conquer Ceuta. He then wended his way to Granada and was received by its Red King. In other words, Oswald left Ceuta immediately after the victory, landed at an Andalusian port (possibly Malaga in the Kingdom of Granada), and journeyed overland to Perpignan. The Pyrenees formed the locus of a grand convergence. On July 19, 1415, with Hus (but not Hussitism) settled, Sigismund departed from Constance for the meeting which he hoped would settle the problem of Benedict XIII. He traveled through Switzerland and Savoy, avoiding Burgundy, whose Duke he mistrusted.31 He entered Narbonne on August 15 and spent a month there. He was aware of the tension between England and France, and sent envoys to attempt to effect a truce between them. He must have known that at that very moment the Portuguese were preparing to disembark. Proceeding to Perpignan, he was there greeted by the ailing King Fernando of Aragon, who had arrived before the emperor-elect. A little later the anti-Pope arrived. (So states Aschbach, although some sources suggest Benedict was there with Fernando when Sigismund appeared.) 32 In any event, the King of Aragon and his eldest son Alfonso, very soon to succeed him, were won over by the King of the Romans. The anti-Pope, however, would not yield. The conference broke up. Sigismund arrived back in Narbonne on November 7. On November 13, Benedict XIII left Perpignan and retired to the castle of Peniscola, near Valencia. At Narbonne a month later the Iberian countries which eventually constituted Spain, and also Scotland, agreed to terminate their obedience to the anti-Pope and to support the Council of Constance, thus contributing to the ending of the schism. The path of Christian history is tortuous. On October 25, 1415, Agincourt had been fought. Having witnessed a semi-successful *4

T H E

D U A L

B A C K G R O U N D

conclusion to his business in southern France, the suzerain of Christendom betook himself to Paris and London, not returning to Constance until January 27, 1417. He continued to use the Swiss city as his imperial capital after Martin V was crowned on November 22, and finally departed on May 21, 1418. Sigismund presumably had always known the objective of the much-publicized Portuguese military venture of 1415. Joäo of Portugal presumably knew, from Oswald if from no other source, that Sigismund expected to be on the Aragonese border in the late summer and early autumn of 1415. Consequently, it is not surprising to read, in the seventeenth-century Jeronimo de Mascarenhas's history of the city of Ceuta, 33 that Älvaro Gon^alves da Maia, a royal official normally serving in Oporto, went "to King Fernando of Aragon with the news of this victory and offered him the port of Ceuta for his fleets whenever he might wish to undertake any expedition to the coasts of Barbary. The King of Aragon, who was in Perpignan with Pope Benedict as his guest, was awaiting Emperor Sigismund, who also joined them. Although very ill, he received this news with a great display of joy, showering presents on the ambassador from Portugal and manifesting the hospitality due the servant of such a prince and the bearer of such splendid news for Spain." * Zurara tells us that, immediately after the victory and while still in North Africa, King Joäo notified two persons of his great achievement: the alcaide of Tarifa, with whom the Portuguese had had dealings en route to the assault area and from whom they assumed word would spread rapidly to the rest of Castile, and the King of Aragon. The chronicler goes astray, however, concerning the whereabouts of the latter, and he fails to mention Sigismund. Whether Älvaro Gon^alves da Maia and Oswald von Wolkenstein journeyed across Iberia together or separately is unimportant. I prefer to believe that they traveled in company — the former reporting * A el R e y Don Fernando de Aragon fue con la nueva desta victoria Alvaro Gonzales de la M a y a Veedor de hacienda del Porto, offreciendole el de Ceuta para sus armadas quando quisiesse emprender alguna conquista en las Costas de Berberia. E l R e y de Aragon que se hallara en Perpifian con el Papa Benedicto por huesped, i esperando al emperador Segismundo, que tambien alii se junto, aunque notablemente enfermo, recibio esta nueva con grandes demostraciones de Alegria, dando albricias al Embajador de Portugal, i haziendole el hospedaje, que merecia criado de tal Principe, i portador de tan dichosa nueva para Hespafla.

1

5

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM P E D R O

to Fernando, the latter to Sigismund. The poet then accompanied his master as far as Paris, a splendid opportunity for the one to regale the other with tales of valor and competence. In Paris, Oswald was detached from the retinue and sent home, probably to help settle a crisis in the Tyrol. In Constance, on January 22, 1418, Sigismund signed a document conferring on the Infante Dom Pedro, second son of King Joäo of Portugal, the March of Treviso. He followed it up on February 27 with a second document promising Pedro an annual stipend of 20,000 ducats in the event he would come to his court with a view to assuming the responsibilities of the Marquis of Treviso.34 Two considerations caused Sigismund's antagonism to Venice. As King of Hungary he desired an outlet to the Adriatic for his country. He therefore coveted Dalmatia, to which Venice acquired rights in 1409. As future Holy Roman Emperor he was upset by Venice's constant territorial accretions to the north and west of the Adriatic (the republic's basic defensive strategy consisted in strengthening its land defenses in this direction). An actual state of war between Sigismund and Venice existed, with interruptions, from 1409 to 1421. The conflict was particularly unfortunate as Christian interests demanded a joint effort against the Turks. The phase of the struggle with which Pedro was indirectly concerned involved possession of the March of Treviso, an imperial issue. In general, however, the war was waged by Sigismund in his capacity as King of Hungary and involved that kingdom's interests.35 The so-called March of Treviso lies between Verona and Friuli. The name appeared in the twelfth century, possibly earlier. The March has long been famed for its Gemütlichkeit and counts among its devotees Petrarch, Caterina Cornaro, Robert Browning, and Freya Stark. Dante alludes to it in the Divine Comedy: Within that region of the land depraved Of Italy, that lies between Rialto And fountain-heads of Brenta and of Piava. A few lines later he mentions: . . . the present multitude Shut in by Adige and Tagliamento.36 ι 6

EAST

EAST

Innsbruck

jf

ν

ί APPROXIMATE LINE *%/Of TRUCE·ApRlLl/J H-13

1

Π^οτάίτη^ίαίψ O

50 25 5Q Statute Miles

ΙΟΟ

OrtOTuf

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO

A t the time Sigismund was elected King of the Romans ( 1 4 1 0 ) the boundaries of Venice were roughly as follows: the sea from the mouths of the Tagliamento to those of the Adige, the Tagliamento to the east, the Alps to the north, and the Adige to the west and south. B y this date, therefore, the March of Treviso lay completely within Venetian holdings, where it remained until 1797. In November 1 4 1 1 Sigismund's army attacked. Coming in from the east through Friuli, the Hungarians took Seravalle, Motta, Belluno, Feltre, and other places west of Friuli, places in the March. Treviso itself and most of the March, however, did not fall into Hungarian hands. In early 1412 the invaders withdrew toward Udine, perhaps because of sickness. The Venetians fortified the March of Treviso and took the offensive, with the result that by the middle of 1412 Venetians and Hungarians shared Friuli. After an attempt at truce talks, the war recommenced, with Venetian successes in both Friuli and Dalmatia. In October 1412, Sigismund left Hungary to take the field in person; he was joined by several allies. He reached Udine on December 18, and effected gains in Istria. Finally, on April 17, 1413, a five-year truce was signed. Each side was to retain what it had. Sigismund had territory in Istria, in Friuli, and in an arc north of Venice which included Seravalle, Belluno, and Feltre. Venice had Quero and Portogruaro, and of course the city of Treviso. Just how much of the March of Treviso Sigismund possessed under the terms of the truce — that which he so generously offered Prince Pedro — is not at all clear.37 Sigismund was now free to deal with the Great Schism by means of an ecumenical council. He was on the Bodensee in the early spring of 1418 when the five-year truce expired. In the meantime, Sigismund had become involved in an adjacent area, the lands of the Count of Tyrol. On August 3, 1413, this noble —Friedrich "mit der leeren Tasche," he of the empty purse — had independently signed a five-year truce with Venice, the result of Sigismund's influence. Friedrich then befriended anti-Pope John X X I I I at Constance and aroused the Emperor-elect's wrath. The latter's ire was certainly increased by Friedrich's treatment of Oswald von Wolkenstein, sent after the conference of Perpignan presumably to oppose Friedrich and influence the Tyrol to side with Sigismund.38 ι 8

THE DUAL

BACKGROUND

B y early 1418 the outlook in the T y r o l did not appear very propitious for Sigismund. Even the Venetians offered Friedrich assistance in opposing the Emperor-elect. T h e new Pope was also favorably inclined toward Friedrich. Sigismund badly needed a trusted subordinate in the March of Treviso. He could of course do nothing as long as the truce of April 17, 1413 was in effect. He therefore made a move which can only be labeled deceitful in the extreme, so unworthy of his position that no mention of it has crept into the usual historical works which discuss these events: Sigismund endeavored to enlist the help of the brave, competent, and astute Pedro of Portugal.

ι 9

II

Preparations for Departure E D R O was endowed with more sagacity than Sigismund realized. An ardent Christian by education and conviction, he had no interest in becoming embroiled in hostilities with fellow-Christians. This was especially true of the Venetians, with whom his country enjoyed the friendliest of relations. The reception accorded Afonso, Count of Barcelos, in 1406 is evidence of the Luso-Venetian amity, to be confirmed by the enthusiastic hospitality shown Pedro himself. Nor did Pedro wish to fight Tyroleans or even heretical Christian Hussites. His attention focused on the one great enemy of the Faith, Islam, with whom his forebears had contended for centuries. The attractive feature of Sigismund's overtures was the opportunity to observe at first hand the other horn of the Islamic crescent, the Turkish Balkans. A patient man, Pedro bided his time. He did not depart until the late summer of 1425. His exact activities during those years of waiting are not known in detail. He read and reflected. He even wrote an exhaustive philosophical treatise on benefices; an adaptation of the Iberian Seneca's De Beneficiis, it is entitled the Virtuosa Bemfeitoria.1 Pedro's philosophical treatise suggests that its author was interested in Oriental travel in the decade following Ceuta, for it includes a full summary of the life of St. Alexius. Only a short time before, the story of this saint had begun to circulate widely in Portuguese. Pedro's (or his editor's) phrase "land of Syria" to designate the site 2 ο

P R E P A R A T I O N S FOR

DEPARTURE

of Alexius' seventeen-year sojourn in the East echoes the passage in the Portuguese version: "And it pleased God that he arrived at a place named Laodicia [sic]. And from there he set out and went to a city of the land of Syria which was called Edissa [sic]. In that city is the figure of Our Lord Jesus Christ on a canvas, not painted nor made by hand of man." 2 The years between Ceuta and Pedro's departure constituted a period of close family relations. The widower-king had his children ever near him. During this interval only one married, in 1424. The Infante Dom Joäo married his niece Isabel, daughter of the Count of Barcelos. T w o years earlier the bride's maternal grandfather had retired to the monastery of Our Lady of Mount Carmel (0 Carmo) which he had built in Lisbon. He took the religious name of Frei Nuno de Santa Maria. Portugal continued to be active in foreign affairs. The problem of Castile was by no means as settled as the peace of 1411 would suggest, and it is significant that none of the children of King Joäo and Queen Philippa ever married a Castilian. The question of the Canary Islands continued to be a bone of contention. Known to antiquity and rediscovered by Europe at the end of the thirteenth or early in the fourteenth century, the Canaries were inhabited by a native population, the Guanches. Some of the islands had been settled by Normans under the overlordship of Castile at the very beginning of the fifteenth century. Other islands, including the largest, were as yet, however, unoccupied by Christians. Concerning these latter islands, the opinions of Pedro and Henrique would have diverged. Henrique would have appreciated their potentiality as bases for his maritime activity, stepped up by the discovery and colonization during this period of the hitherto unknown and uninhabited islands of Porto Santo and Madeira. Pedro would have argued that the Canary Islands were not worth risking conflict with fellow-Christian Castile. It is significant that in 1425, the year of Pedro's departure — possibly after his departure — Henrique sent an expedition to unconquered Gran Canaria. Headed by Fernando de Castro, who had represented Henrique in Constance a decade earlier, this expedition of 2,500 men and 120 horses (Zurara's figures) accomplished little and returned to the mainland.3 2 I

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO

Pedro may even have questioned the wisdom of continuing the defense of Ceuta, hard pressed after the Portuguese seizure, as King Joäo had always suspected it would be. Pedro did not take part in the royal expedition of 1418 to aid the local garrison. Led by Henrique, named Governor of Ceuta (in absentia) in 1416, the belated mission afforded the young Infante Dom Joäo an opportunity to win his spurs. It ranked as a crusade, for Pope Martin V supported it by bulls issued in Constance on April 4, 1418. 4 From 1418 to 1425 Pedro must have followed European politics very closely, especially Sigismund's relations with Venice and Bohemia. Sigismund lost Seravalle, Pordenone, and other places very quickly, and, during 1419, he lost Cividale, Sacile, and Belluno. He attempted an economic blockade, for the Eastern spice trade to Germany and Hungary in large part passed through Venetian hands. In spite of the elaborate regulations issued by the Emperor-elect, Venice was not alarmed, knowing full well the Central Europeans would not obey them. The war dragged on. In the autumn of 1419, Sigismund took the field against the Turks, having sent emissaries to rulers in Mesopotamia and the Crimea in order to turn them against the Ottomans. At the end of the year, after some successes, Sigismund agreed to a five-year truce with the Turks. In 1424 another truce was arranged, this time for two years. Hostilities with Venice ended in 1421: the republic was in possession of the March of Treviso and the Dalmatian coast. Naturally not satisfied, Sigismund strove to engender support for continued war. On March 26, 1425, he empowered one of his men, Hermann Groten, to stir up trouble with Venice and sought to enlist the aid of the kings of France, England, Denmark-Sweden-Norway, Castile, Portugal, and Aragon. In the year 1426 the truce with the Turks ended, and considerable trouble for Sigismund in southeastern Europe ensued during the next two years. Venice, allied with Florence, fought Milan during the same two years, and, on his European tour, Pedro wisely avoided Milan.5 The other European problem Pedro would have followed with interest and disgust was the aftermath of Hus's execution. The Hussite wars, which lasted until 1436, began officially on March 1, 1420, when 22

P R E P A R A T I O N S FOR

DEPARTURE

Martin V proclaimed a crusade. John Zizka of Trocnov, a great Bohemian hero of the early years, died on October 1 1 , 1424.8 The end of Hungary's war with Venice, Zizka's death, Hermann Groten's role on behalf of Sigismund, and — most important — the knowledge that Sigismund's latest truce with the Turks would terminate in 1426 forced Pedro of Portugal to take action. The thirty-two-year-old Pedro's main purpose in traveling was to gain knowledge and experience in international affairs. His itinerary was designed to achieve this goal and also to accomplish those subsidiary missions which burden every traveler: visits to relatives, delivery of messages, gifts for those remaining at home, and — for the bachelor —- search for the right woman. The wisely planned itinerary is a guide not a taskmaster, and Pedro's was flexible. Originally it had included an excursion to the Holy Land, but, when circumstances dictated otherwise, it permitted a radical modification. While planning his journey, Pedro gave considerable prominence to the standard two- or three-month tour of the Eastern Mediterranean under Venetian conductors. It was the princely thing to do in the fifteenth century, requiring only that one appear in Venice — normally around Ascension Day — for embarcation on a Venetian galley. The traveler would then proceed via Modon, Crete, Rhodes, and Cyprus to Jaffa (port of Jerusalem and today a suburb of Tel Aviv). By special arrangement with Moslem overlord and long-suffering Franciscans on Mount Zion, he would spend ten days or two weeks in Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Hebron, and the Jordan Valley, possibly also Samaria, Nazareth, and the sites at the northern end of the Sea of Galilee. If he had the necessary strength and additional time, he could add the overland trek to Mount Sinai and on to Cairo, effecting the return by ship from Alexandria to the Adriatic. 7 There was a tradition within Pedro's immediate family and entourage of such pilgrimage travel. His English uncle, Henry of Bolingbroke, Earl of Derby, left Venice at the end of December 1392 (he became king in 1399), sailed to Palestine, and returned to Venice three months later. The hospitality shown Henry during his two sojourns in Venice profoundly impressed him. In the letter 2

3

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

to the doge which announced his accession to the throne, he promised to treat with the favor accorded his own subjects all Venetians who might make port in any part of his dominions on land or on the sea.8 Pedro's older half-brother Afonso arrived in Venice in 1406 and proceeded eastward. Four years later the head of Portugal's embassy to Pisa likewise went to Palestine. A t the close of the Council of Constance, Älvaro Gon^alves de Ataide also journeyed to the Holy Land. 9 A more distant relative returned from the Holy Land in the very year Pedro left Portugal. As a result of the union of Kalmar of 1397, Eric of Pomerania came to rule a united Scandinavia. In 1406 the King of Denmark (or Dacia, as the country was known) married English Henry IV's daughter Philippa. In political difficulties, he was with Sigismund in Poland in 1424 and journeyed with him to Hungary. Early in August of that year he passed through Venice en route to Jerusalem and returned to Europe around the first of January. 10 The tradition of the Palestine pilgrimages continued throughout the century and until the Turks took over Syria and Egypt and changed the political complexion of the Near East. In 1421 the Duke of Burgundy's chamberlain Guillebert de Lannoy had undertaken the pilgrimage in the service of Henry V (at the moment King of England and France), in reality acting as a military scout. He left an account of his travels, as did another Burgundian agent, Bertrandon de La Brocquiere, who went east in 1432, returning home across Turkish Asia Minor only a few years after Pedro had fought Turks in Rumania. 11 The next Portuguese nobleman to make the pilgrimage did so at Pedro's expense. Afonso, Count of Ourem, elder son of the earlier pilgrim Afonso of Barcelos, led an embassy in 1436 to render obedience to Pope Eugenius I V , then in Bologna, and to attend the Council of Basel. In the summer of 1437 the count visited the tomb of the Three Wise Men in the Cologne cathedral; then he reportedly went to the Holy Land. Unfortunately, the extant narrative of his travels takes him only as far as Cologne. 12 Pedro had the leisure necessary for the inclusion of the Holy Land in his grand tour; he was in fact absent from Portugal for three 2

4

P R E P A R A T I O N S FOR

DEPARTURE

years. While he was in eastern Europe, he received news of the forthcoming marriage of his brother Duarte to an Aragonese princess, an event scheduled for the September of 1428. Since he had a special interest in this marriage and wished to attend the ceremonies, he was forced to eliminate the Palestine excursion. Pedro was the second son. In the normal course of events his older brother would inherit the throne; and Duarte's son — if there was one — would in turn succeed him. Pedro would share the fate of second sons. Duarte, however, was a bachelor in 1425, and in poor health.13 Pedro set out to complete his education in the full knowledge that, if Duarte should die, he would occupy the throne. In the event Duarte should come to reign, he was as yet unmarried. Even if he married he might not have children. The announcement of Duarte's wedding was therefore of the greatest significance for Pedro. King Joäo, fully aware of Pedro's peculiar position vis-ä-vis the throne, was equally interested in ensuring that Duarte's successor be qualified to rule. He therefore made special financial arrangements to guarantee the success of his second son's journey, for, as Francisco de Santa Maria later so succinctly phrased it, Pedro set out "acompanhado, & assistido de criados, & creditos," accompanied and assisted by his creatures and credits.14 The credits came from a large sum of money Joäo I had deposited in Florence, the interest on which he had later turned over to Pedro. Pedro drew on this money for his travel expenses, used it for public purposes after his return, and bequeathed the capital sum to his children. The history of this money, supported by documents at regular intervals, may be traced across the fifteenth century for a period of sixty years. The Istorie Florentine of Scipione Ammirato shows that in 1409 King Joäo of Portugal attempted to purchase shares in the public debt of Florence ("Monte Comune di Firenze," as it was generally known) to the amount of 20,000 gold florins. From other sources we learn that at that time Joäo had large sums to invest and sent a mission, headed by a bishop, to Italy to make arrangements. In Florence the emissaries invested the 20,000 florins; the following year they went to Venice in an endeavor to make additional investments there.15 It is well known that a grave monetary crisis existed during Joäo's reign, a legacy from the preceding reign of his half-brother Fernando

25

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

I. With prices skyrocketing, Joäo was obviously concerned. He needed financial stability for his international ventures: English alliance, his own marriage, his bastard Beatriz's marriage, and the expedition to Ceuta. The years 1405-1411 seem to have been the period which saw him particularly beset by the financial problem.16 Indeed, the financial burden of his daughter's marriage may have led him to the conclusion that the royal family qua family needed a private account quite apart from public funds, a reserve on which to draw for purely personal expenses such as marriages and pilgrimages, a fund in "hard" currency for use abroad. After he left his sister Beatriz, Afonso of Barcelos was in Augsburg en route from Flanders to Venice. He may have been in touch with its prominent bankers. He may also have explored with Venetian businessmen the possibility of purchasing ducats. It is likely that his father envisaged two reserves, one in Florentine currency for use in European affairs, the other in Venetian currency for use in North Africa and the Near East. The mission to Florence and Venice of 1409-1410 was clearly the embassy to the Council of Pisa. From Venice the head of the embassy journeyed to the Holy Land. He, like the Count of Barcelos, was an important precursor of Pedro the traveler. The financial efforts in Florence of the Azambuja embassy bore fruit, for the money deposited there proved very useful over the years. Having been borne to the banks of the Arno by an ecclesiastic, King Joäo understandably wished this money to be under the surveillance of other trusted priests. After Ceuta, the distinguished Portuguese cleric Dom Gomes Ferreira da Silva, "il Gomezio portoghese," as he was affectionately known in Italy, became custodian of the fund, acting as paymaster for Joäo I, for his son Duarte, and finally for Dom Pedro when he ruled his land as regent. Dom Gomes continued to be a key figure in Luso-Florentine relations for a quarter of a century after the assault across the Strait of Gibraltar. His activities merit close and complete study. By a bull of Pope Martin V , dated November 27, 1419, he became abbot of the Badia Fiorentina, the Benedictine Convento di S. Maria, founded in 978 and located on the Via del Proconsolo near the Bargello. Under his supervision the monastery expanded and acquired a notable library. Dom Gomes, a Camaldolensian, together with his General, 26

P R E P A R A T I O N S FOR

DEPARTURE

Ambrogio Traversari, signed the decree of union between Latins and Greeks announced at the Council of Florence on July 6, 1439. On October 21 of that year Traversari died, and Dom Gomes succeeded him as General. Toward the end of August 1441, the famed Franciscan, Fra Alberto da Sarteano, returned to the Council of Florence from the Near East — with Ethiopian delegates from Jerusalem, with Coptic delegates from Cairo, and with the renegade merchant-traveler Nicolo de' Conti whom he had found in Cairo, most likely because of information given his master Pope Eugenius by Pero Tafur in 1438. 17 Shortly thereafter, Dom Gomes was invited by the "King of Portugal" (sous entendu Regent Pedro) to "reform the monasteries of Portugal," a phrase which could be interpreted as a euphemism for making available to the Portuguese court his knowledge of the East (Near and Far). He returned to his native land and ended his days as Prior of Santa Cruz of Coimbra, Pedro's Coimbra. The date of his death is not certain; he may have been alive as late as 1459.18 Dom Gomes' multiple activities in Florence on behalf of the Portuguese royal family may be judged by the size of two unpublished manuscript volumes of his acts and correspondence preserved in the Laurentian Library. 19 His biography, also unpublished, was written by the Badia's lawyer, Tommaso Salvetti. Dated early 1443, it is dedicated to the Infante Dom Pedro, Duke of Coimbra.20 Well in advance of his departure Pedro had access to the credits in Florence. A document of April 26, 1425, reveals dealings concerning the money with one Andrea di Francesco Cambini, apparently the Florentine banker of the royal house of Portugal.21 (Pedro's cardinal-son Jaime died in the home of the merchant Francesco di Niccolo Cambini in Florence in 1459.) On November 25, 1425, Joäo I issued a safe-conduct which permitted Dom Gomes and his retinue to travel in Portugal.22 Perhaps the king envisaged conversations about the financial and other arrangements of his son's trip. In any event, in his will, dated October 4, 1426, at a time when Pedro was far away, Joäo I formally bequeathed to him what he had already made available to him in Florence: "And to the Infante Dom Pedro, in addition to the lands he already holds: what we gave him in the co?mine of Florence, in the manner in which he has them through

27

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

our letters, and thus to his grown children and grandchildren and other legitimate descendants by direct line." 23 The money in Florence clearly belonged to Pedro, and he used it to finance his travels. It is next heard of on June 16, 1428, when Pedro, in Pisa, arranged to have one of his squires, Gon^alvcs Ferrando, withdraw money from the account.24 Following his return, and after his father's death, Pedro continued to draw on his fund in Italy. For example, in a letter written in Penela in Portugal on November 14, 1435, Pedro authorized Afonso, Count of Ourem, to draw on the sum to defray the expenses of the embassy which the son of the Count of Barcelos was about to lead. In Florence on July 22, 1436, the day on which he and his companions departed for Bologna to see Pope Eugenius, the Count of Ourem acknowledged receipt of 1,200 florins from Anastasio, prior and vicar of the Badia Fiorentina. 25 The money in Florence was destined eventually for Pedro's heirs in accordance with Joäo I's will. Only two of Pedro's children had offspring. One was Beatriz (Brites), who married Adolphe of Cleves, later Lord of Ravenstein, after she fled to Burgundy following the death of her father. In July 1458 this lord's ambassador requested the Signoria of Florence to turn over the money in the Monte Comune due his wife and, ultimately, their son Philippe.26 The other child of Dom Pedro who bore children was Isabel, wife of King Afonso V . As her will reveals, she decided to turn her share over to her spinster sister Filipa, resident in the convent of Odivelas.27 Her husband, however, had other ideas. On January 27, 1460, five years after his queen had died, Afonso V pointed out to the Signoria that seven children inherited the sum of 41,580 florins which his uncle the Infante Dom Pedro had on deposit in the Monte. He named the children and gave their titles: Pedro, administrator of the Order [of Avis]; Jaime, Cardinal of St. Eustace; Joäo, Prince of Antioch; Filipa; Beatriz; Catarina; and his late Queen Isabel. Then, in the name of his and Isabel's two children, Prince Joäo (later Joäo II) and the Infanta Dona Joana ("Santa Joana"), he asked for the 5,940.25 florins that constituted his wife's portion.28 Finally, in 1473 both Afonso V and Prince Joäo wrote letters asking Lorenzo il Magnifico to pay the amount originally due Pedro's daughter Filipa (the king's cousin, the prince's "amita nostra carissima"). Apparently the Medici were 2 8

P R E P A R A T I O N S FOR

DEPARTURE

reluctant to honor the Portuguese investment, which in 1409 consisted of 20,000 florins and which, threescore years later, after having financed Pedro's travels and sundry other projects, amounted, on paper, to double the original sum.29 The traveling companions are more difficult to document than the credits. Whatever the rate of interest and the purchasing power of the florin, the interest on 20,000 florins would not finance a large suite. Therefore, Pedro probably traveled with a small group, possibly a dozen persons: secretaries, valets, and bodyguard. As he made the first portion of his journey by sea, he probably did not take horses. The few names that survive may indicate companions of parts of the journey only. Thus, it is known from a document of July 20, 1454, that Vasco Pires had served as a squire with Pedro in Hungary and other places and had accompanied him when he fought with Sigismund against the Turks in "Ballafia" and "Roxia." 3 0 Zurara's chronicle of the deeds of Count Pedro de Meneses relates that Pedro brought back from Germany one Mateus, a native of Poland who remained in his household and died a hero's death in Morocco. 31 Gongalves Ferrando, the squire who arranged for funds in Pisa, may have been along for a portion of the trip. The two Portuguese, Aires Gomes da Silva and Esteväo Afonso, whom Pedro in Valencia empowered to discuss his marriage, may have been traveling companions, or they could have come directly from Portugal for the specific mission; one historian calls them Pedro's ambassadors, Afonso being his vice-chancellor. 32 Whether the romantic adventurer Älvaro Vasques de Almada, killed with Pedro at Alfarrobeira, and Älvaro Gon9alves de Ataide, the head of his household during and after Ceuta and much later the administrator of his March of Treviso, accompanied the Duke of Coimbra on the tour is not known with certainty. 33 Pedro certainly was furnished escorts by friendly rulers he visited. Chroniclers relate that he arrived near Vienna with a suite of three hundred retainers, that he traveled with four hundred knights from Hungary to Venice, and that from Florence to Rome he was accompanied by a suite of about three hundred horses.34 With plans drawn up, finances and companions arranged, the moment propitious, and the appropriate reading accomplished (on June 12, 1423, he acknowledged receipt of a two-volume work of

29

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO

Avicenna's) 35 Pedro sallied forth in the summer of 1425. As one of his last acts in Portugal he penned a touching letter, dated Lisbon, June 19, 1425, by which he founded a chapel in honor of his mother in the convent of Odivelas, in which Queen Philippa's body had lain for fifteen months before transfer to the pantheon of the early Avis dynasty in Batalha. The tone of the letter, as its discoverer Dr. Rocha Madahil justly observes, is that of a person winding up affairs for a long journey from which he might not return. Its wording suggests filial piety, devotion, and sensitivity.36 A final errand may have been given Pedro by his father: investigate the Duke of Bedford's demand for a new council to succeed the relatively unimportant Council of Siena, which ended on March 7, 1424. On May 1, 1425, child-king Henry V I had sent messages anent this matter to many rulers, including Joäo I of Portugal. 37

3°

III

T k e European Tour U R I N G the years which separated Jean sans Peur's assassination from the Peace of Arras, Burgundy sided with England against France. As Pedro traveled through England and the lands of Burgundy during those very years and had no desire to be enmeshed in conflicts among Christians, and as his mentor Sigismund had been singularly unsuccessful with the French after Agincourt, it seems logical to conclude that the Portuguese prince avoided France. The reference to the "colleges" of Paris in the letter he wrote Duarte from Bruges proves nothing about observations in situ, since the educational system of Paris and of Oxford was widely known in the Middle Ages.1 In the absence of other evidence, I assume that Pedro journeyed by sea, following the approximate itinerary of his sister Isabel, who left Cascais some four years later (on October 17, 1429), stopped off at two ports in Galicia, and arrived at Plymouth on November 29, thence to continue to Sluys for her marriage to Duke Philippe of Burgundy. Sailing across the Bay of Biscay in the summer, Pedro would have had fairer winds and calmer seas. His journey, made very likely in a galley, possibly a Venetian one, may have taken only two weeks.2 ENGLAND

The English chronicles document fully the London sojourn of "Peter Duke of Quymber, sonne to the kyng of Portyngale, and 3

1

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO cosin germain remoued to the k y n g . " T h e y record that he arrived in England about Michaelmas (September 29) and recount an amusing episode which took place in the fourth year of Henry V I ' s reign. On the morrow after the feast of Saints Simon and Jude (that is, on October 29, 1425) a dispute arose between Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Henry V I ' s uncle and his regent for England, and Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester (later Cardinal Beaufort), one of John of Gaunt's illegitimate sons and therefore the young king's great-uncle. It appeared for a moment as if the two sides would come to blows, whereupon the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Duke of Quymber, and others rode between them eight times before bringing them to any reasonable conformity. Pedro thus saw at first hand the evil which can arise from the association of regency with bastardy. 3 Pedro could only have made a favorable impression in England. On April 22, 1427, long after his departure, he was elected one of the twenty-six Knights of the Order of the Garter. T h e ensigns were dispatched to him by Gloucester herald on May 22, and proxy John Lord T y p t o f t installed him on April 22, 1428. His election filled the vacancy created by the death on December 27, 1426, of Sir Thomas Beaufort, youngest son of John of Gaunt and the notorious Katherine Swynford, later Earl of Dorset and Duke of Exeter. Pedro was succeeded by William, Duke of Brunswick, elected in 1450 but not installed. During the early decades of its existence f e w foreigners gained admission to the Order of the Garter: an Aragonese, a Pole, and a f e w Germans, but no Castilians, French, or Italians. The high esteem which the members of the Avis dynasty — from the English viewpoint the Lancastrian dynasty — enjoyed in Lancastrian England is evidenced by the large number of Portuguese elected or appointed Knights and Ladies of the Garter: Philippa of Lancaster, appointed 1378 Joäo I, King of Portugal, elected 1400 to fill the vacancy created by the death of Sir William Arundel, August 1400 Beatriz, Countess of Arundel, appointed 1 4 1 3 Pedro, Duke of Coimbra, elected 1427 Duarte, King of Portugal, elected 1435 to fill the vacancy created by the death of his father, August 14, 1433

3

2

The Children of John of Gaunt

2

= ° t* • Jo« 3 ο η " σ" « σ ·~ ~ ».Ε .
C —

s ο

υ

_^Ο

=

Ό "o • |S 52 = σ υ

ίI ο.°

• ~ II

1 ° 'S ο. ϊ

ο

η

5:1.=

- ΐ°· ο«« ι" Ε ο .£ •» ? "ΐ Ό QdO

• Ο- χ Ε "5

S — "> Ο Ο CO

C

* ο

—

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

Henrique, Duke of Viseu, elected 1442 to fill the vacancy created by the death of Sir Simon Felbrigge, December 3, 1442 Älvaro Vasques de Almada, Count de Avranches [in Normandy], elected 1445 to fill the vacancy created by the death of John Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, May 27, 1444 Afonso V , King of Portugal, elected 1447 to fill the vacancy created by the death of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, February 28, 1447. In the last three elections, and possibly Duarte's as well, we can perhaps detect the influence of the Infante Dom Pedro.4 It seems unlikely that the "Pryncys sone of Portynggale" knighted, possibly a Knight of the Bath, in the Whitehall at Westminster on November 7, 1429 (the day following Henry VI's coronation) was Pedro, for the Duke of Coimbra was not in England at that time. The Portuguese nobleman, described as the son of a prince, not of a king, may have been Afonso, Count of Ourem, who, together with the Infante Dom Fernando, accompanied Isabel to Burgundy for her marriage.5 FLANDERS

Toward the end of December 1425, Pedro sailed from England (possibly Dover) to Ostend. He disembarked on the 21st, and reached Oudenbourg on the 22nd, where he spent the night in the abbey after visiting its coenobium and church. He was met by Willem Haghelin, envoy of the Senate of Bruges, and on Sunday, the 23rd, he entered that city. If I interpret the slightly conflicting evidence of the sources correctly, he made Bruges his headquarters until March. He enjoyed brief excursions to places within the domains of the Duke of Burgundy and even as distant as Cologne. It is conceivable but unlikely that he ranged as far as Denmark to see King Eric. On December 2 3 the Senate of Bruges tendered Pedro a reception. He attended other receptions on Christmas Day, N e w Year's Day, and Twelfth Night. On the feast of the Three Kings (January 6), accompanied by his suite, he met Duke Philippe and participated in a hunting party at the castle of Wynendale. Despite the considerable rain, followed by cold, which afflicted Flanders from December until the middle of February, the round of

34

THE EUROPEAN

TOUR

entertainment continued. January 31 was a gala day. In honor of Pedro the city of Bruges staged a tourney in the Bourg, followed by a supper and a dance.® Relations between Portugal and Flanders, long close, continued so. In the fifteenth century Bruges, with its port of Sluys (l'ficluse), was the center of the Portuguese commercial activity, which in the following century shifted to Antwerp. Extensive communication between Bruges and the Portuguese cities existed. It is therefore not surprising that Pedro selected Bruges as the foreign city from which to address a lengthy letter to his brother Duarte, now associated with his father in the government of the realm. Filled with sage advice, the letter was particularly concerned with remedies for some of the ills of the kingdom, including education. It demonstrates that Pedro had already begun to absorb ideas and wisdom during the early months of his tour, specifically from "men of authority in England and here." Duarte's missives in reply, among them a letter written in Salvaterra on May 1, 1426, and a "Piece of Advice for the Infante Dom Pedro when he went to Hungary," confirm the fact that the royal brothers communicated regularly. 7 Pedro's correspondence with his family in Portugal may have touched on a subject I feel certain he discussed with Duke Philippe: a possible new duchess for Burgundy. Philippe's second wife, Bonne d'Artois, had died on September 17, 1425. He had no children either by her or by his first wife. Marriage would have occupied his mind. Sister Isabel's marriage had been Pedro's concern since the death of their mother in 1415. Philippe's marriage with Isabel took place by proxy on July 25, 1429, and was blessed at Sluys on January 7, 1430 (1429, if one follows the old Year of the Annunciation or Incarnation). If Pedro mentioned Isabel in 1426, Philippe did not act on the suggestion immediately. Instead, he sent an embassy to Aragon to investigate a possible Aragonese bride, another Isabel. T h e ambassadors arrived in Barcelona toward the end of July 1427. T h e interview with King Alfonso V took place on August 9 and 10 in Valencia, where they were accorded the magnanimous hospitality typical of this municipality. Soon thereafter they returned to Burgundy. 8 One wonders w h y the powerful Duke of Burgundy might con35

The Houses of Aragon and of Urgel

£ oi2"

ε

o ^

ο υ

ES Sί ^J > D t—

2

σ>

Ο ο οο

gf ο

i Cifl Ο κ

T H E E U R O P E A N TOUR sider marriage with this Isabel. Politically a matrimonial alliance with her would have proved unprofitable. Isabel was the daughter of Jaime II (the last Count of Urgel, "the Unfortunate," great-grandson of Alfonso I V of Aragon) and of Isabel (the daughter of Pedro I V of Aragon by his fourth wife Sibilia de Fortia). A f t e r the death of Martin I, the Count of Urgel was a leading pretender to the throne. However, the Compromise of Caspe, which settled the question of the succession in 1412, awarded the throne to Fernando the hero of Antequera, a Castilian who claimed it through his mother Leonor, daughter of Pedro I V of Aragon by his third wife Leonor of Sicily. The Count of Urgel, favored by the separatist Catalonians, did not accept the decision. On October 3 1 , 1413, in Balaguer he surrendered to King Fernando's forces. He spent the remainder of his life in prison in the castle of Urena, near Mota del Marques west of Valladolid in Castile. It proved a rather satisfactory life, be it added, for the Count in effect held court there. He died in 1433. Young Isabel's political prospects were of no consequence. Logic might rather have dictated that Duke Philippe seek the hand of Leonor of Aragon, Fernando I's daughter, sister of the reigning Alfonso V "el Magnanimo." Burgundy decided to pursue the Aragonese alliance no further. Late in 1428 he sent an embassy to Portugal to make discreet inquiries concerning Pedro's sister. Jan van E y c k , who may have gone on the earlier mission to Aragon, painted her portrait — unfortunately lost — and the Duke was well pleased. His decision to marry Isabel of Portugal may have been prompted in part by his sister Anne, who had married John, Duke of Bedford, Henry VI's regent for France. A f e w months previously the Infante Dom Pedro had married Isabel of Urgel. T h e year preceding Pedro's marriage Duarte had married Leonor of Aragon. 9 GERMANY

T h e chronicles of the holy city of Cologne report that a son of a king from Portugal visited the city with his retinue in order to worship at the shrine of the Holy Three Kings. T h e date was approximately the feast of St. Matthias (February 24) 1426, for on that day a fashionable society wedding to which he and his group were invited took place. 10

37

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

The date of Pedro's visit to Cologne, where he was honorably received, can only be reconciled with a prolonged sojourn in Flanders on the assumption that he made an excursion to Cologne and returned. The famous shrine in the cathedral caused Pedro to include this German city in his itinerary. Mementos of the history of his religion deeply move the devout Christian endowed with romantic imagination who is not perturbed by the problem of authenticity, a modern preoccupation. The tomb of the Three Wise Men had been venerated in Cologne since 1163. It is still there, in the chapel behind the main altar. What images it would have evoked in Pedro! He would have prepared himself for the visit by careful reading of John of Hildesheim's Legend of the Holy Three Kings, written only fifty years earlier. Reading, he would have meditated on the political heritage of Melchior, Balthazar, and Jasper. He would have felt concern for the plight of the Eastern Christians in his own day, some of whom lived under the cruel lash of the Moslems while others dwelled in isolation in the zone beyond Islam. In Cologne Pedro would have suddenly perceived a Christian ramification to his and Henrique's Ceuta-inspired interest in the East. The connotations of the title Prester John would have fascinated him. He would also have wished to learn more concerning the shrine of the Apostle Thomas. He would have reread Hildesheim's tale countless times, for it established a logical and exact relation among the Three Kings and Thomas and John. After the Ascension, Thomas preached the word of Christ in the three Indies, ruled by the Three Kings, whom he baptized and later made archbishops. They collaborated with him in spreading the Faith, and then Thomas suffered martyrdom. The Three Kings instructed the people to elect a "Patriarch Thomas" to be their lord "in spirytualte" and to elect yet another to be their lord "in temporalte." This latter was called Prester John, and the cause, in the words of the first English edition (1496), is this: "For the thre kynges were preestes and of theyr possessyons they made hym lorde. For there is noo degree so highe as presthode is in all the worlde, nor so worthy. Also he is callyd Prethyr John in worshypp of saynt John the Euangelyste that

38

THE E U R O P E A N TOUR was a preest, the moost specyall chosen and loued of god a l m y g h t y . " 1 1 T h e Three Kings died and were buried. Patriarch Thomas and Prester John carried on. Entered the devil. There followed widespread reversion to false gods. L o y a l subjects removed the bodies of the Three Kings to their respective homelands. Years later St. Helena visited the H o l y Land, thence the Indies, where she reconverted the people. Ever watchful for relics, she found the bodies of Melchior and Balthazar, which the Patriarch and Prester put in her keeping. But the awful Nestorians had carried off the remains of Jasper. In order to retrieve the body of the third king, "a blacke E t h y o p y e w y t h o u t doubte," she was forced to give in exchange the body of St. Thomas, which she had in her possession at that time. Helena brought the three bodies to Santa Sophia in her son's city. A f t e r the Greek schism the bodies ceased to be held in reverence and were given b y the Greek emperor to Eustorgius, w h o took them to Milan. W h e n Milan rebelled against H o l y Roman Emperor Friedrich, the Archbishop of Cologne obtained them and took them to his city on the Rhine. There the Infante D o m Pedro of Portugal visited them in 1426, the Count of Ourem in 1437, and Pero T a f u r in 1438. 12 T h e conclusion of Hildesheim's tale would have attracted the attention of D o m Pedro, for it summarizes the devotion to the Three Kings on the part of Eastern Christians. It delineates the various Eastern sects for the reader, beginning with the Nubiani of Nubia and Arabia, the Soldini of Godolia and Saba, and the Nestorini of Tharsis and the isle of Egriswill. Respectively the original domains of the Three Kings before the Nativity, these places of course echo the 71st Psalm. T h e Nestorians, the story relates, rebelled against Patriarch Thomas and Prester John. W h e n the Tartars invaded their lands, the Nestorians appealed to Prester John. T h e temporal ruler of the Indies failed to heed a dream in which the Three Kings cautioned him not to help the heretics. Instead, he sent to their assistance his son David. David was killed b y the Tartars. T h e Three Kings then appeared to the Tartar emperor and advised peace with Prester John, the son of the one to marry the daughter of the other. A n d so it was done. T h e Nestorians, caught in the middle, became fugitives. D o m Pedro later read more concerning the Tartars, the Nes-

39

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

torians, and Prester John in the Marco Polo manuscript given him in Venice. Pedro's route across Germany is known with considerable precision, thanks to the researches of Father Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos Santos, S.J. He headed directly southeast to Hungary. He passed through Nuremberg, for from Flanders he had sent a messenger ahead to request a safe-conduct. By letter dated March 9, 1426, the Senate of Nuremberg informed Pedro it was pleased to grant him the safe-conduct for the city under its jurisdiction, the courtesy being extended to all his retinue, including messengers sent in advance, together with their goods. On February 4, while still in Bruges, Pedro wrote to "his very dear friend" John, Bishop of Regensburg (Ratisbon), for permission to pass through this city on the Danube. The chronicler Andreas Ratisbonensis notes in his Diarium sexennale that the prince arrived there "in ebdomeda Judica" of 1426, that is, during the week prior to Holy Week, sometime during the period March 17-23. Andreas states that he was en route to see Sigismund, quotes the request from Bruges — replete with the words and phrases Pedro transmitted to Nuremberg, to judge by the latter city's reply — and passes on a most interesting rumor mentioned by no other writer: "It was said that the above-mentioned Pedro, son of the King of Portugal, had killed a certain soldier. Because of this, his father wished to punish him. Due to the intercession of the nobles, however, he was freed and required, as punishment, to travel through foreign lands for three years, at the end of which he might return to his own land." From Regensburg, Pedro proceeded to Vienna. The Kleine Klosterneuburger Chronik reports that on Holy Thursday (March 28) 1426, at the hour of the Maundy, a son of the King of Portugal arrived with a suite of three hundred, adding that he knew no German but did know Latin well. Pedro was put up in an inn in Vienna which it has not been possible to identify. An additional source recalls a ball given in his honor by the citizenry.13 The Portuguese were indeed privileged in being able to roam from one part of Europe to another with such ease. Not long after they visited Flanders and the Rhineland en route to Sigismund, the latter, in an order to Cologne dated in his capital of Ofen (Buda),

40

THE E U R O P E A N TOUR October 18, 1426, forbade any intercourse with the lands of Duke Philippe of Burgundy as well as with Holland, Zeeland, and other places illegally seized by the Duke. 1 4 HUNGARY AND R U M A N I A

Dom Pedro left Flanders for the lands of Sigismund late in the winter of 1426. He arrived in Venice from Hungary in late March or early April of 1428. For exactly two years, therefore, the Portuguese prince served under the orders of the King of the Romans, traveling, observing, and fighting in Hungary and in what we now know as Rumania. Rumania at that time consisted of a group of small states under local rulers busily engaged in shielding Europe from an overland advance of the Ottomans, who were bent on avenging the defeat inflicted on them by the Tartarian Tamerlane at Ankara. T h e front line was the Danube, the prize the broad plain of Walachia which lies south of the Transylvanian Alps and north of the river. Sigismund, occupied on so many fronts, scarcely knew which stood most in need of his personal attention. The two-year truce arranged with the Turks in 1424 had expired. On May 20, 1426, the Walachian Voevod, Dan II, f o r the moment defender of Christianity in the East, was roundly beaten by the Turks and lost his army. Sigismund, in Raab (Jaurinum), received word of the defeat the following month and decided to undertake a campaign to Walachia in support of Dan. It was a veritable crusade, with one of its objectives the removal of a local leader, Radu, who was playing the Turks' game. This fact demonstrates that the struggle between Christian and infidel was religiously far from pure, for local Christian politics played an important role, as elsewhere and ever. Sigismund moved eastward slowly, and in December 1426 was in Brasov (the old Kronstadt, today Orasul Stalin, in the Rumanian mountains). He remained for several months in this area, known as the Burzenland and famous among other things for its castle at Räsnov, the "Rosenauer Burg," slightly southwest of Brasov. 15 In the spring of the following year the Emperor-elect either led or directed from behind the lines the campaign in Walachia, in which denial to the Turks of the Danubian fordes, notably that at Giurgiu,

41

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

figured largely. After some initial successes the campaign turned out badly. B y the summer of 1428 the Turks were masters of Walachia, and Dan came to terms with them. Meantime, Sigismund had withdrawn. His far-flung interests required his presence elsewhere, and he had concluded a three-year truce with the Osmanli.16 Positive documentary proof establishes that a prince of Portugal served in Sigismund's armies in Rumania during the first half of 1427. The prince could only have been Dom Pedro, who presumably accompanied the King of Hungary during the greater part of the eastern campaign of 1426-1428. Eberhard Windecke, Sigismund's contemporary biographer, describes the campaign against the Turks which began in 1426 and lasted an entire year. He adds that the son of the King of Portugal was in the suite of King Sigismund.17 On January 25, 1427, Stephen Rozgonyi, Count of Raab, wrote a letter from Ra$nov. In it he informed an unnamed lady that Sigismund had permitted the "most serene and most illustrious prince, the lord King of Portugal," * and also the Voevod Dan and others, to pass beyond the mountains in order to capture Voevod Radu and further, if the Danube were frozen over, to advance and work havoc in Turkish territory, even unto the Black Sea. The writer concluded by remarking that Sigismund and the Queen had remained in Ra$nov and would soon accompany him back to Bra$ov. 18 The Rumanian scholar Nicolae Iorga inferred that the document concerned a personal local expedition on the part of the Portuguese prince rather than one actually commanded by the King of Hungary. He further conjectured as to whether or not Sigismund's campaign originated with the sudden arrival of Dom Pedro, a prince very anxious to obtain greater gains for Christendom. The distinguished Portuguese writer Jiilio Dantas construed the first of these observations to signify that Pedro had the great honor of commanding the heroic Hungarian nobility. In any event, the letter reveals that Pedro actively campaigned during what must have been a climatically very difficult winter for a native of sunny Lusitania whose baptism of fire had occurred on the shores of Africa. It is difficult to determine the exact capacity in which Pedro fought in eastern Europe. A twenty-two-year-old Marine general * Serenissimum ac Illustrissimum principem dominum regem Portogalie.

42

THE EUROPEAN

TOUR

at Ceuta in 1415, he certainly would not serve as a battalion commander eleven years later. He probably was an "observer." He is depicted as such by Jacopo di Poggio Bracciolini in a passage copied, with one bad blunder, by Domenico Meilini. In his life of Filippo Scolari, called "Pippo Spano," the third son of the great Poggio describes the battle against the Turks near Giurgiu toward the end of 1426 at which the famous Florentine subject of his biography was mortally wounded. Among Spano's men was "Pedro, son of the King of Portugal" ("figliolo del Re di Portogallo," converted to "fratello" by Mellini), who, in order to fulfill a vow, had come to him from the farthest parts of the world with great pomp and circumstance and with eight hundred men-at-arms all clothed in white, each with a red cross on his arms, almost all of whom were killed." The figure of eight hundred represents a substantial increase over that given by other chroniclers and is probably a gross exaggeration. The vow is mysterious, possibly a variation of the homicide rumor which circulated in Regensburg. 19 All the evidence, both direct and indirect, indicates not only that Dom Pedro was with Sigismund in eastern Europe in 1426 and 1427 but that a sojourn with the Emperor-elect was the primary objective of his travels. Assuredly not in need of funds, and hardly desirous of assuming the responsibility of acquiring and holding the March of Treviso, Sigismund's protege probably did not give serious thought to the 1418 overtures. Duarte explicitly states in his moralizing treatise entitled the Leal Conselheiro that his brother went to the kingdom of Hungary "with little idea of returning to this land [of Portugal]," a puzzling remark which suggests there may have been substance to the homicide-vow rumors after all.20 The 1454 document already referred to in connection with Pedro's traveling companions tells of the wars of "Ballafia" and "Roxia," clearly Walachia and Russia. 21 The writings of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini (later Pope Pius II) contain several allusions to Pedro's activities with Sigismund fighting the Turks in eastern Europe. 22 Zurara, in the chronicle of Count Pedro de Meneses, states that Pedro left in 1425 for Germany, where he spent three years with Sigismund. The chronicler adds that Pedro fought the Turks with the Emperor. 23 The Infante Dom Pedro's oldest son, the famed

43

TRAVELS

OF

THE

INFANTE

DOM

PEDRO

Constable, poet, and King of Catalonia, compiled a very exact summary of his father's travels. He made appropriate mention of the sojourn in the East: "Passing through Great Britain and the Gallic and Germanic regions, he arrived in the countries of Hungary, Bohemia [probably an error for Ballafia], and Russia; he stayed for a time warring against the armies of the Grand Turk, and then returning via the marvelous city of Venice and having arrived in the Italic or Hesperian provinces, he heard of and saw unusual and magnificent things." * Antonio Bonfini (a fifteenth-century historian of Hungary) and the early Spanish chroniclers and historians (Pedro Carrillo de Huete and Jeronimo Zurita) and also Diego Monfar y Sors all concur that Pedro was with Sigismund in Hungary and fought the Turks.25 Regardless of the claims of later writers, there exists no evidence that he fought either the heretical Hussites or the heathen Prussians, or that he ever fought alongside, or even met, Eric of Denmark.26 Essentially a peaceful man, Pedro's interests encompassed more than combat with the Turks. His writings attest to the scope of his intellectual interests. It has been affirmed that in Hungary he personally knew Pier Paolo Vergerio, a native of Istria who had accompanied Sigismund to Perpignan and subsequently became secretary to the Emperor-elect. Pedro commissioned the noted orator Vasco Fernandes de Lucena to translate his treatise De ingenuis moribus et liberalibus studiis into Portuguese. Zurara cites Vergerio in both the chronicle of Ceuta and the chronicle of Guinea. On the eastern fringes of Europe, looking toward the Orient, Sigismund naturally became interested in Alexander. Vergerio recommended Arrian to him as the best authority on the Macedonian, and went so far as to translate his account into Latin. Europe of the early decades of printing, however, did not read Arrian but rather the less reliable Quintus Curtius Rufus.27 Fighting, philosophy, and story-telling were surely Pedro's principal pastimes during his travels. In the latter category Sigismund * Aquel que passando la grande bretafia y las galicas y germanicas regiones alas de vngria de boemia & de rosia partes perujno. guerreando contra los exergitos del grand turco por tiempos estvuo. & retornando por la marauillosa gibdat de uenegia. Venido alas ytalicas ο esperias prouincias. Escodrifio & vido las jnsignes & magnificas cosas.21

44

T H E E U R O P E A N TOUR had an extraordinary tale to tell, one which would have instantly aroused the curiosity of the Lusitanian guest. In 1417, Sigismund would have related, a most unusual band of travelers had suddenly appeared in Hungary from out of the East. Speaking a strange language, persecuted by the Moslems, they said they had come from Persia and India. Sigismund gave the gypsies a safe-conduct to proceed to the West. 28 VENICE

T h e campaign with Sigismund in eastern Europe represented the limit of Pedro's tour, the turning point. He now set out on the homeward path. While the reversal suffered by the King of Hungary probably accounted for it, the exact reason for his decision to turn back is not known. T h e prince of Portugal needed no further education in fighting the Turks. He had learned his tactical lessons and had also viewed at first hand the evil consequences for global strategy of dissension among Christians. He could now ponder the role of Portugal. It is possible that Pedro had a peace mission to perform among the Venetians and Florentines on behalf of Sigismund. According to Ammirato, a more basic and human factor entered into his resolution to leave Sigismunde court: he refused to marry the King's daughter. 29 Most likely, news of Duarte's marriage was the decisive factor in his decision. T h e Venetian chronicles and the histories based on them are enthusiastic concerning the Infante Dom Pedro and eloquent in their descriptions of the reception accorded him. Although the several chroniclers emphasize different aspects of the visit and the later writers embellish their accounts of the purely social events, the narratives which I have read support the following synthesis. In March of 1428 Marco Dandolo, the Venetian ambassador to the King of Hungary, reported that the Infante Dom Pedro had left for Venice. T h e Doge (Francesco Foscari) and the Council decided to receive the Portuguese prince and his companions in regal fashion as their guests and at their expense. T h e y sent emissaries to meet the travelers as they neared Venice and escort them to the city. When the combined party arrived at the shore opposite Venice (either Mestre

45

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

or Marghera) it was met by a large number of small boats and conveyed to the city. There the Doge received Dom Pedro on board the Bucintoro, the famed state barge. Pedro enjoyed the usual sightseeing— the treasure in St. Mark's, San Giorgio, Murano — and attended the customary round of receptions and balls. Upon his departure several weeks later he received a precious jewel as a souvenir, and the Doge escorted him to the city limits. As might be expected, the various chronicles disagree on details and are sparing in their dates. That of Antonio Morosini appears the most authoritative; it consists of notes written during Pedro's stay in Venice. This chronicle states that the reception committee of four — Giovanni Giustiniani, Marco Zeno, Giovanni Contarini, and Marco Morosini — departed from Venice on March 25, proceeded to Treviso and on to Conegliano to greet Pedro. It is not clear about the date of Pedro's actual arrival and the reception on the Bucintoro; its text can be interpreted to the effect either that he arrived on Easter Monday, April 5, 1428, and traversed the city with the Doge, or that this ceremony took place after his arrival, but on the date specified. On the other hand, the date of departure, April 22, is unambiguous. Antonio Morosini unwittingly preserved for posterity a detail of Pedro's visit of far more import than his supper menu: "Afterward he visited the N a v y Yard [larsena, i.e., arsenal] and saw the ways and other apparatus. He observed more than sixty ships under construction, not counting those already launched. He inspected the masts and rigging and sails and showed marked interest in the work of the various artisans. He then walked along the shore, went through an isolated section in the 'sexter' of the Castle, and saw many bottoms at anchor offshore above the port." 30 The jewel given Dom Pedro impressed the chroniclers, whose estimates of its value range from 400 to 1,000 gold ducats. T w o other gifts received by Pedro in Venice, not mentioned by them, have proven of infinitely greater significance to the prince, to Portugal, and to mankind. It is true that evidence for them is both late and unconfirmed, yet the gifts are such as Venice would have wished to offer, and a brother of Prince Henry of Portugal to receive, in a century of free exchange of information among Christian allies. In early 1502 in Lisbon the famous German printer Valentim

46

T H E

E U R O P E A N

T O U R

Fernandes published a beautiful volume on the Indies of the East. In addition to his own introductory materials, addressed to King Manuel, he included Portuguese translations of Marco Polo's book, of Poggio Bracciolini's description of the Indies (based on information gathered in Florence from Nicolo de' Conti and delegates to the Council and included as Book I V of his treatise De Varietate Fortunae), and the letter of Girolamo da Santo Stefano dated Tripoli, September i, 1499.31 In the second part of his lengthy introduction to Marco Polo, Valentim Fernandes makes the following statement, pregnant with meaning from several points of view: Concerning this matter I heard in this city of yours, most prudent king, that the Venetians had hidden the present book for many years in their treasure-house. And at the time that the Infante Dom Pedro of glorious memory, your uncle, arrived in Venice, and after the great feasts and honors which were tendered him because of the privileges which they enjoy in your realms, as well as the fact that he merited it, they offered him as a worthy gift the said book about Marco Polo, that he might be guided by it, since he was desirous of seeing and traveling through the world. They say that this book is in the Torre do Tombo. If that is so, who should know it better than Your Royal Highness? * We are not told the language of the composition given Pedro by the proud Venetians. I believe civic pride would have dictated a manuscript of the Venetian recension. Possibly this was the very Polo manuscript included in Duarte's library and described in the inventory as being in the vernacular, in "linguagem," a phrase which does not necessarily mean "Portuguese" but rather "not in Latin." 32 During the first half of the sixteenth century Antonio Galvio, son of the famous chronicler and ambassador Duarte Galväo, made three trips to the East. On the third he became governor of Ternate. His deeds have earned for him the title "Apostle of the Moluccas." He died in Portugal in 1557 and left to his friend and literary heir, * Sobre esto ouui nesta vossa sidade R e y prudentissimo. que ο presente liuro os Venezianos teuerom escondido mujtos annos na casa do seu thesouro. Ε no tempo que ho Jffante dom Pedro de gloriosa memoria vosso tyo chegou a Veneza. Ε despois das grandes festas & honrras que Ihe forom feitas pellas liberdades que elles tem nos vossos regnos. como por ho elle mere^er. Ihe offerejerom em grande presente ο dito liuro de Marco paulo. que se regesse por eile, poys desejaua de veer & andar pello mundo. H o qual liuro dizem que esta na torre do tombo. Ε esto se assy he quem ho sabera melhor que a vossa real Senhoria.

47

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO Francisco de Sousa Tavares, the notes for a treatise on the discoveries. Sousa Tavares published them in Lisbon in 1563. This book contains the only information available relative to the second important gift Pedro received in Venice. It is here quoted in the English of the London edition of 1601: In the ye ere 1428. it is written that Don Peter the king of Portugals eldest sonne was a great traueller. He went into England, France, Almaine, and from thence into the Holy land, and to other places; and came home by Italie, taking Rome & Venice in his way: from whence he brought a map of the world, which had all the parts of the world and earth described. The streight of Magelan was called in it The Dragons taile: The Cape of Bona Speranga, The forefront of Afrike, and so foorth of other places: by which map Don Henry the kings third sonne was much helped and furthered in his discoueries. It was tolde me by Francis de Sosa Tauares, that in the yeere 1528. Don Fernando the kings sonne and heire did shew him a map, which was found in the Studie of Alcobaza, which had beene made 120. yeeres before, which map did set foorth all the nauigation of the East Indies, with the Cape of Bona Speranga, according as our later maps haue described it. Whereby it appeereth, that in ancient time there was as much or more discouered, then now there is.33 T h e language of this statement, as well as its content, is enigmatic.* Pedro is generally supposed to have acquired the map in Venice. T h e wording, however, suggests he obtained it at some unspecified point on his travels. As for the gift itself, a modern Ravenstein has pithily remarked: "This mysterious map has never been discovered and never will b e . " 3 4 T h e same may well apply to the other map. T h e itinerary of Dom Pedro as outlined by Galväo is erroneous in one major aspect. Pedro did not go to the Holy Land; yet, he surely * N o anno de .1428. diz que f o y ο Infante dom Pedro a Inglaterra, Franca, Alemanha a casa sancta, & a outras de aquella banda, tornou por Italia, esteue em Roma, & Veneza, trouxe de lä hum Mapamundo que tinha todo ambito da terra, & ο estreito do Magalhäes se chamaua, Cola do dragam, ο cabo de Boa esperan5a, fronteira de Africa, & que deste padram se ajudara ho Infante dom Anrrique em seu descobrimento, Francisco de sousa tauarez me disse que no anno de .528 ho Infante dom Fernando lhe amostrara huma Mapa que se achara no cartorio Dalcobacja que auia mais de cento & vinte annos que era feito, ο qual tinha toda nauegagam da India, com ho cabo de Boa esperanga, como as dagora, se assi he isto, ja em tempo passado era tanto como agora, ou mais descuberto.

48

THE EUROPEAN

TOUR

intended to journey to the Near East. The sober Antonio Morosini indicates that the prevailing rumors had him en route to the Holy Sepulcher. Valentim Fernandes, who obviously used a Venetian chronicle, reflects the rumors, for he implies that Pedro still intended to see and travel through the world. Pedro was in Venice at the proper season and could easily have boarded a galley and sailed to Jaffa. FLORENCE

The Venetian chronicles agree that Pedro descended from the north to Mestre or Marghera or both. He thus traversed the March of Treviso. He would have had a special interest in the city of Treviso and vice versa. Exactly when he was the object of special attention is difficult to ascertain. The Trevisan chronicle of Andrea Redusio of Quero merely affirms that he arrived in Treviso with three hundred horses en route from the "northern parts" to Venice and Rome. On the other hand a document in the archives of the city refers to a sum of two hundred ducats which the podestä was authorized to send to his corresponding functionary in Seravalle to cover expenses incurred when the "figliuolo del Re di Portogallo" passed through. In addition to showing that Pedro received cordial hospitality in more than one place in his March — another source specifies Sacile — this document raises the question of whether or not he made a special visit to Treviso as he left Venice, for it is dated the day of his departure, April 22, 1428. My conclusion is that the honors were accorded as he came in from Hungary and that when he left Venice on April 22 he headed directly for Ferrara, as most Venetian chronicles state.35 These chronicles disagree on another important detail: Pedro's route following the departure from Venice. Some say he traveled via Malamocco and Chioggia. If correct, Pedro would have missed Padua, and no Portuguese would normally be guilty of such an omission. Antonio Morosini on the other hand declares that the Doge accompanied Pedro as far as Marghera. In this case Padua would have been on his way, and a recurring tradition in later Portuguese writings would gain in verisimilitude. According to these later books,

49

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

Pedro visited the shrine of "Santo Antonio da Lisbona ma di Padova" and brought several relics of the thaumaturge back to Lisbon.36 After Ferrara, Pedro passed through Bologna and continued on to Florence. He made as marked an impression on the Florentines as on the Venetians. Subsequent events suggest that the impression was lasting. Ammirato goes as far as to call him "vn costumatissimo & valoroso caualiere, e il piu leggiadro, e il piu bello della persona, che mai fusse vscito di Spagna," a very well brought up and worthyknight, the most charming and the finest looking that ever sallied forth from Hispania.37 Florence issued a safe-conduct to Dom Pedro. Later found among Poggio's letters, it states the prince was on his way to Rome with a suite of about three hundred horses. The cavalcade probably arrived on April 25 after a very fast journey from Padua via Ferrara and Bologna, for on that day one "Jean de Thomas Giovanni" took part in a joust in Pedro's honor. A knight in the latter's suite won the prize. Pedro was very honorably received, the expenses of his entertainment costing the city more than two thousand florins. He apparently stayed first in the Crown Inn (Albergo della Corona) and then went to the house of Matteo Scolari.38 The stopover in Florence would inevitably have been a high point in these travels. Close business relations between Florence and Portugal had existed for years,39 and the presence of Dom Gomes Ferreira da Silva assured the solidity of political and religious relations as well. Through Dom Gomes' ministrations Pedro would have met the outstanding intellectuals of the city, who would have been primarily churchmen. Indeed, Pedro's religious piety stirred as much admiration as his bravery. Because his military reputation was founded on his crusading activities at the two extremes of the Islamic encirclement of Europe, it was in a real sense of religious inspiration and therefore compounded his reputation as a pious man. The dedication to Pedro of Ambrogio Traversari's unpublished Latin translation of St. John Chrysostome's De Providentia Dei proves the General of the Camaldolensians conversed with the Prince on philosophical and religious subjects. Traversari expressed his gratitude for these meetings and for the visit Pedro made to the Convento di Santa Maria degli Angioli (the Badia).40

50

THE EUROPEAN

TOUR

T h e reconstruction of the travels of the Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal presents many difficulties because of the paucity and conflicting nature of the evidence. T h e use of "may have," "possibly," "evidently," and "inevitably" is forced upon the scholar, however much he may object to such a method in the writings of those endeavoring to support preconceived theses. Y e t it is possible to stay within the available evidence. Pedro's visit to Florence, however, has prompted several writers to give free reign to their imagination and to write of literary and scientific influences which are completely unproven and, moreover, either impossible or unlikely. Thus, if Pedro wrote his Virtuosa Bejtrfeitoria before his departure from Portugal and if, as Guido Battelli maintains, the treatise contains several echoes of Dante, then Battelli could not be correct in concluding that the original inspiration came from a copy of the De Beneficiis its author saw in the library of the Badia and that Pedro became acquainted with the work of Dante in Florence. Battelli also affirms that Pedro became familiar with the original text of Cicero's De Officiis in the Badia. If such is the case, it must be shown that Pedro became interested in translating it — or having Vasco Fernandes de Lucena translate it — after and not before his travels.41 In 1428 Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli was a young man thirty-one years of age. He had received his doctorate only four years earlier, from the University of Padua, and settled in Florence in 1425. T h e solid basis of his connection with the Iberian maritime discoveries consists of the letters of a half-century later, specifically the letter of June 25, 1474 to Fernäo Martins. T h e Toscanelli enthusiasts, however, see his influence in virtually every cartographical or geographical episode of the century. T h e y even suggest he talked with Behaim's "Bartholomew the Florentine" in 1424 and transmitted the information so obtained to Behaim for the 1492 globe. That the great scientist conversed with Nicolo de' Conti in Florence upon the latter's return from the East on August 26, 1441, is probable. That he conversed with Pero T a f u r in Florence in early 1439, as the Castilian adventurer was en route home, is possible. That in 1428 he received a visit from the second son of the famed King of Portugal — a sophisticated crusader and traveler — is unlikely. Florence became a center of concern with Prester John and the Ethiopian Christians,

5

1

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

"Emperor Thomas" and the Indian Christians, Cathay and the Nestorian Christians, and the respective ways thither only with the council which met there between 1439 and 1442. Moreover— and this several recent writers do not seem to understand — princes do not customarily render visits to youthful Doctors of Philosophy.42 ROME

The Venetian documents and the Florentine safe-conduct emphasize the fact that Pedro's immediate objective was Rome. A prince of Portugal would not fail to render homage to the Pope, and Pedro in particular would have many subjects to discuss with His Holiness. He must have arrived in the Eternal City in early May. Regardless of his whereabouts on May 16, on that day in Rome Martin V addressed a bull (or probably a motu proprio) to King Joäo I, authorizing the Portuguese heir-apparent to wear a royal crown and be anointed with the customary solemnity. The document is recognized by the opening statement, which refers to Pedro's visit: "There came before us a beloved son and noble man, Pedro, Duke of Coimbra, second-born [sic] of Your Highness, whom we gladly received and listened to." * The authorization is significant, for in effect it legalizes the association of the heir-apparent in the government of the kingdom. In seeking this permission, were Pedro and his father considering Duarte as beneficiary? Whatever these innermost thoughts, the Portuguese royal family apparently did not avail themselves of the privilege obtained from the Pope, in spite of Duarte's being in fact associated with his father. Therefore, the Bishop of Oporto, a member of Ourem's embassy to Eugenius I V and Basel and later an effective agent of the Pope on a delicate mission to the Golden Horn, obtained a renewal of the privilege from Eugenius.44 After visits to the tombs of the Apostles Peter and Paul, the sites of the martyrdom of early Christians, the relics brought from the Holy Land, and the other mementos which abound in Christian Rome, and after having speculated on the vicissitude of Fortune * Venit ad praesentiam nostram dilectus filius nobilis vir Petrus dux Colimbriensis secundo genitus celcitudinis tuae, quem libenter vidimus, & audivimus."

52

THE EUROPEAN

TOUR

while gazing upon the ruins of the earlier Rome, in anticipation of Tafur, Poggio, and Du Beilay, Pedro presumably traveled up the coast road to the Leghorn-Pisa region, thence to sail to Barcelona. He replenished his finances in Pisa on June 16. ARAGON

The next recorded calling point in Pedro's homeward journey finds him in Catalonia, where he probably journeyed by sea in his desire to avoid crossing French territory. He may have sailed from Pisa, control of which had passed from Milan to Florence in 1406. The newly acquired port silted up, however, as had Sluys in distant Flanders. In 1421 Florence purchased Leghorn, a considerably better port. In 1436 Ourem arrived in Leghorn, as did Duarte's daughter Leonor (accompanied by the same Ourem) in 1452 en route to marry Emperor-elect Friedrich. The Infante Dom Pedro thus could have sailed from Leghorn. 45 The reconstruction of Pedro's journey through Aragon and Castile offers little difficulty. N o major contradictions are encountered in either the chronology or the itinerary. The prince arrived in Barcelona on the 2nd or the 8th of July and spent almost two months in Spain before returning to Portugal. He devoted more than half the time to coastal Aragon, the balance to the trip across the peninsula. In comparison with the apportionment of time in Italy, the length of the sojourn in Aragon is significant. Aragon, like Portugal, had early completed its share of the Reconquest within Iberia. It had taken Majorca in 1229 and Valencia in 1238. Like Portugal, it bordered on the sea. Whereas, however, Portugal looked south and west, Aragon looked east. For two centuries after the reconquest of Valencia Aragon's eastern glance encompassed undertakings of paramount interest to Pedro, and possibly his brother Henrique. Aragon produced Lull. Aragon displaced the Angevins in Sicily and roved the eastern Mediterranean. It became involved in what still remained of the Byzantine Empire: from early in the fourteenth century until 1387 or 1388 the Sicilian duchy of Athens was indirectly dependent on Aragon. 46 Fourteenth-century Aragonese were also active in the Canary Islands for a period of over fifty years (1342-1386). Pedro would

53

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

have been curious about their objectives, Henrique their techniques of accomplishment.47 Both Pedro and Henrique, in the late 1420's, would have exhausted available sources of information concerning the Catalonian expedition of 1346 which set out for the River of Gold, the Senegal. Led by Jaume Ferrer of Barcelona, it apparently rounded Cape Bojador, a feat Henrique's men could not accomplish until 1434. The ultimate fate of the expedition remains unknown. Our knowledge is limited to the legend in the Catalan atlas of 1375, which also includes a picture of Ferrer's vessel: "Don Jaume Ferrer's vessel left for the River of Gold on St. Lawrence's day, that is, August 10, 1346." 48 Catalonian cartography had ranked high for almost a century, ever since Angelino Dulcert made his mappemonde on Majorca in 1339, based on one made in 1325 by the Genoese with the strikingly similar name of Angelino Dalorto. Little wonder that Henrique of Portugal enlisted the services of famous Aragonese cartographers and experts in nautical science. In the light of later history, one might surmise that inquiries and interviews were carried out by Pedro in July of 142 8.49 In Barcelona Pedro was a guest in the house of Juan Fivaller, adjacent to the church of San Justo. The nobles of the Catalonian capital accorded him a royal reception. A solemn religious service was celebrated in his honor in the cathedral.60 Pedro arrived in Valencia on July 24 and had occasion to observe those festivals for which the city was famous. Alfonso V , King of Aragon, also present, did everything possible to render his stay pleasant. T h e y discussed the possibility of Pedro's marrying into the Aragonese royal family at this meeting.51 Fireworks, bullfights, and banquets comprised the principal ingredients of fifteenth-century Valencian fiestas in honor of distinguished municipal guests. The celebrations in honor of Alfonso V on April 15, 1428, and of the Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal on July 27 of the same year have gone down in history as particularly noteworthy. 52 July 27 was only one of several gala days during Pedro's sojourn with the King in Valencia. The entertainment program also included a day of bullfighting in the Mercat or market place on July 25, the

54

THE

EUROPEAN

TOUR

feast of Santiago, and a splendid "collation" on July 29 in the Council Hall. A t the latter the Duke of Coimbra was plied with sweets, fruits, spices, and wines,* the whole costing two hundred and thirteen pounds. The Portuguese would have had a keen interest in the wines, with the knowledge that malmsey was just being produced, or was about to be produced, on Henrique's Madeira. Barring confusion of dates in the documents, yet another celebration took place in the Mercat on August 1. Alfonso V apparently was determined to marry off one of his noble ladies to this elegant prince from the farthest limits of Hispania. On this day, and at the expense of the city, the market place was decorated with white and crimson canvas, and wooden castles were built for the plays (entremeses) performed. The King attended as well as his brother the Infante don Pedro de Aragon. The King's companion was Mosen Ramon Boyl; his brother's, Frey Gilabert de Monsoriu. The Portuguese Pedro's companion was a Portuguese knight. Following the jousting, the King and the two Pedros spent the day riding through the city, lavishly decorated by order of the monarch, and, it seems, at his expense. According to the record, the Portuguese guests were so amazed they confessed they had never seen a city like Valencia. 53 The King of Aragon was most munificent in his entertainment of Dom Pedro, perhaps on borrowed money. Evidence recently published reveals that on July 16, 1428, the Council of the city of Valencia, in response to a royal petition, granted Alfonso V a loan of 20,000 florins, paid to him on July 30. Of the reason for the loan, we know only that the king assured the city it would be doing him a great service, for he badly needed the money " f o r some burning affairs concerning the honor and well-being of his royal crown." 54 The marriage talks produced the desired results, due in large measure, perhaps, to the elaborate mise en scene of the skillful Aragonese monarch. On August 2, in Valencia, Pedro signed a power of attorney authorizing Aires Gomes da Silva and Esteväo Afonso to discuss the matter of his marriage to a noble lady, name unspecified.65 Upset by the knowledge of Duarte's impending marriage to Alfonso of Aragon's sister Leonor, disgusted with the unceasing • Confits de gucre e altres confits, pomes, carabagat, aloses e benjuhi, aygua ros, aygua almescada, vins grech e malvesia, murta.

55

T R A V E L S OF THE I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO feuding among Christian princes witnessed from the Thames to the Danube and with the continued use of the Christian sacrament of matrimony as an instrument of foreign policy, Pedro at this point could well have contemplated marriage with the least political princess he might encounter. Marital felicity and fine children, rather than a foreign entanglement, may have been the object of his desires in the summer of 1428. W i t h peace of mind he could turn his attention to problems which lay beyond the horizon, far beyond the frontiers of adjacent fellow-Christian nations. Just as Sigismund may have regaled Pedro with tales about gypsies, Alfonso the Magnanimous did likewise about Ethiopians, f o r in the preceding year an Ethiopian delegation had visited him in Barcelona. 56 A n d so, as he set out from A r a g o n for home, Pedro would have been dreaming of Christians in Cathay, described b y Marco Polo; Christians in India proper, glorified b y Hildesheim, mentioned b y Polo, and recalled b y the mysterious wandering gypsies; Christians in Ethiopia, discussed b y the K i n g of Aragon. In his imagination he would have perceived a triply Christian ultra-Islamic zone — three Indias, as it were — extending from the River of G o l d all the w a y to Cambalec and the court of the pagan Great Khan. T h e prince from Portugal would be reckoning with the "iron curtain" across eastern Europe, the Near East, and northeast A f r i c a which prevented free intercourse between the Christians of the W e s t and the head of all Christendom on the one side and the distant Ethiopian, Indian, and Cathayan Christians on the other. His problem was h o w to reach the Christians beyond Islam. CASTILE

Pedro's route across Castile can be traced through Aranda de Duero, Penafiel, Valladolid, and Zamora — in other words, down the Duero Valley. K i n g Juan II of Castile chanced to be in Aranda de Duero as Pedro covered the last stage of his journey. T h e Portuguese there paid his respects to his kinsman. T h e t w o men were cousins, for Juan's mother and Pedro's mother were half-sisters (see genealogy entitled T h e Children of John of Gaunt). M u c h later Juan was to become Pedro's nephew b y marriage: the Castilian monarch took as his

56

T H E E U R O P E A N TOUR second wife Isabel, oldest daughter of Pedro's brother the Infante Dom Joäo (see genealogy entitled The Royal Family of Portugal), thus effecting, at a relatively late date, the first marriage alliance between Avis and Castile. Pedro arrived in Aranda de Duero on Tuesday, August 24, 1428. On that day a large party of Castilian grandees — Constable Alvaro de Luna, Admiral Alfonso Enriquez, Diego Gomez de Sandoval Count of Castro, the adelantado Pero Manrique, Pedro Ponce de Leon Lord of Marchena, and perhaps others — sallied forth from Aranda about half a league to meet him. A s soon as they established contact with the Prince's party, they returned to town in order to be with their king. T h e latter then went the distance of one or two crossbow shots from Aranda to meet his cousin, who remained with him for five days, until Saturday, August 28. King Juan displayed great courtesy and did not permit him to dismount at their initial meeting. H e took his meals with Pedro and gave him and his men all necessary articles. When his guests departed, he presented them with jewels, two mules, four horses, and two thousand doblas. Moreover, he provided Pedro with letters f o r all the principal cities and towns of his kingdom through which the Portuguese were to pass to assure their having food, lodging, and other necessities.57 Pedro spent the night of the 2 8th in Roa. T h e following Monday he proceeded to Penafiel. B y coincidence, King Juan I of Navarre, the younger brother of Alfonso of Aragon and the king-consort by virtue of his marriage with Queen Bianca of Navarre, had been with Juan II of Castile shortly before. A f t e r their meeting, Juan of Castile moved on to Aranda de Duero, where Pedro met him. Juan of Navarre proceeded to Penafiel en route to Navarre. Here Pedro, who had just left the other Juan, chanced to encounter him. T h e King of Navarre held fiestas in honor of the Portuguese prince and presented him with two Sicilian horses.68 Pedro was in Valladolid on September 1, in obvious haste to cross Castile. H e may have called on the Count of Urgel in his prison-court. He must have met the Count's daughter Isabel, f o r on September 1 in Valladolid he wrote a letter naming her as his future wife. 59 On September 5, in Zamora, Pedro issued a power of attorney supplementing the one he had signed in Valencia on August 2.60

57

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM P E D R O

Thus, ironically, he concluded the arrangements for his marriage in Castile, but not with a Castilian. N o proof exists of any intellectual or literary relations established by Pedro while in Spain, although an acquaintance with Juan de Mena has been assumed on the basis of the exchange of verses between Portuguese prince and Castilian poet printed in the Cancioneiro geral in ΐ5ΐό. β 1 Pedro returned to Portugal in time to attend the wedding of his brother Duarte with Leonor of Aragon in Coimbra. Henrique was also present and addressed a long letter dated September 22, 1428, describing the whole affair to their father, who unfortunately could not attend. In this letter Henrique stated that on the preceding Friday his brother Pedro had arrived in Aveläs.62 He had been absent from home for slightly less than the three years and four months of eighteenth-century legend.

58

IV

X k e T r a v e l s an d the European Imagination Τ an early date in 1429 Pedro married the Aragonese Isabel of Urgel. Within the same year she bore him a son, the future Constable. In 1432 Isabel was born, and other children followed rapidly. In 1432 the pivotal event in the career of the Infante Dom Pedro occurred: Duarte had a son. And the following year he had a second. The object of Pedro's "Desir" — the throne — thus suddenly became unobtainable. Throughout his travels Pedro played the role of an extremely important personage. Second son of the King of Portugal, a hero, in good health, he may have encouraged the conclusion that he would eventually rule. His successive hosts and hostesses may have labored under the impression they were honoring the next King of Lusitania.1 The Infante Dom Pedro did in fact rule, gloriously and significantly. From the end of 1439 to May of 1447 he ruled in the name of his young nephew Afonso V . In 1441 he arranged the betrothal of the boy-king with his daughter Isabel. Pope Eugenius sent Pedro the necessary dispensation as a token of gratitude for the support Portugal had given him at the time of his troubles with Basel. On May 6, 1447, the first cousins were married. This union produced a daughter in 1452 and the future Joäo II in 1455. The Infante Dom Pedro was ambitious, overweeningly so. He

59

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO became regent b y forcing himself into the government at the expense of Duarte's widow Leonor. Duarte's wife and Pedro's wife were daughters of bitter political rivals. Leonor's father had triumphed in Aragon; he had reigned as Fernando I while Isabel's father languished in prison. Leonor had triumphed in Portugal; she became queen and produced a king while Isabel presided over the provincial society of Coimbra. Moreover, in his will Duarte named Leonor tutor and guardian of her children and ruler (regedor) of the kingdom. A s a potential regent, however, she suffered from two grave defects, her sex and her nationality. T h e Infante Dom Pedro, sophisticated, learned, the idol of the lower classes (according to the later chronicler Rui de P i n a 2 ) , and the oldest brother of the late king, was considered by many, and above all by himself, the logical candidate for the regency, regardless of Duarte's expressed wishes. T h e situation divided court society. T h e anti-Pedro faction was headed b y the elderly Afonso, Count of Barcelos, who also had aspirations, if not for himself, at least for his granddaughter Isabel. T h e aging Barcelos hoped this granddaughter might marry the young Afonso V and naturally did not incline to the proposal that the daughter of his ambitious half brother replace her on the throne. In spite of this opposition, Pedro soon won the regency for himself. Meeting in Lisbon, the Cortes insisted that he govern the realm and be charged with the tutelage of the youthful king. On November i, 1439, Pedro took the oath of office. On December 10 the boy-king turned the power over to him. T h e citizens proposed to erect a statue in honor of Pedro, their hero of the day. But, foreseeing a time when he might lose favor and his statue be razed, he wisely dissuaded them. Whether or not all Europe knew of the friction within Portugal — this slight eclipse of Pedro's reputation — the rest of Iberia certainly did. Ex-Queen Leonor was Aragonese. T h e eastern kingdom and its "Infantes de Aragon" (her brothers) naturally espoused her cause. Politically conscious Pedro therefore espoused that of Juan II of Castile and Constable Älvaro de Luna, Count of Santisteban. During his entire regency Barcelos constantly plagued Pedro, whose name became inextricably associated with that of his illegitimate but legitimized older half brother. A s if to placate the latter, one

60

THE EUROPEAN

IMAGINATION

of Pedro's early acts as regent named him Duke of Bragan9a. (The fact that in 1442 Duarte, Lord of Bragarxja, died without issue made this new honor possible. Pedro gave Lord Duarte's lands and the new title to Afonso.) The dynasty of Braganga, which came to the throne of Portugal in 1640 and provided England with a queen, thus owes its very origin to this action of Dom Pedro. In 1447, Isabel, granddaughter of the new Duke of Braganga, the girl who had not succeeded in marrying the King of Portugal, did marry the King of Castile. Regent Pedro thus linked his own name with those of Barcelos and Juan II. The intrigue out of which Pedro had emerged to power continued. The Count of Barcelos could not be placated, nor could his sons, Afonso, Count of Ourem, and Fernando, Count of Arraiolos. The rivalry seemed to revolve about which of the fathers could bestow most honors on his children. The major goal was the capture of the King's support. In 1446 Afonso V became of age. In accordance with his mandate, Pedro turned the government over to him, only to have the King return it. The rival faction intensified its efforts, and in the following year Afonso V assumed the reins of government and acquired his wife. Pedro withdrew to Coimbra and for two years suffered a mounting tide of accusations. A military hero of international reputation, he had entered domestic politics and was reaping a bitter harvest. His enemies continued to poison the King against him. The most pathetic aspect of these last years was the difficult position in which Henrique found himself. He loved his brother Pedro, yet he owed obedience to his nephew the king. During Duarte's reign Henrique had worked for Leonor. During Pedro's regency he had sided with his brother, who in turn supported maritime exploration. Henrique now attempted discussion of the family differences with Pedro. W e cannot know what transpired between the brothers at these meetings, but future events indicate that Henrique elected the course of loyalty to the king and, consequently, abandonment of Pedro. King Afonso V gradually rendered Pedro's position untenable. Eventually the Duke of Coimbra was maneuvered into a position of outright disobedience and disloyalty and realized his nephew would move against him. He had the choice of fleeing the country or de-

61

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

fending his honor. "May G o d never wish," Pina quotes him as exclaiming, "that I, legitimate son of the king Dom Joäo, who once went forth from his realms with so much honor, being kind to and doing favors for many people in many foreign provinces and lands, should have to travel in my old age through foreign kingdoms and lands, asking for alms with great trouble, and with great taint to my honor." Convinced of the righteousness of his cause, Pedro moved first. With one thousand horse and five thousand foot, and accompanied by his son Jaime, the Count de Avranches, Aires Gomes da Silva, Älvaro Gon9alves de Ataide, Vasco Queimado de Vilalobos, 3 and many other loyal supporters and companions of old, he advanced to the south, carrying banners with the words "Loyalty" and "Justice and Vengeance." He passed through Batalha, Alcobatja, and Rio Maior. He received no message from either his brother Henrique or his daughter, Queen Isabel. They may have shared Pina's opinion that he should never have sortied from Coimbra. On May 16, 1449, Pedro reached Alcoentre where he openly declared himself against the King. As a final example of his increasing emotional instability, he began to manifest a violent temper, which led some of his men to desert. Afonso V meanwhile sallied forth from Santarem. He had assembled an army of 30,000, the largest ever seen up to that time in Portugal. The end came on Tuesday, May 20, at the stream near Alverca called Alfarrobeira. The opposing forces clashed, and Pedro died instantly, "transfixed by an arrow shot at random." 4 Älvaro Vasques also died, and Jaime was captured. Pedro's body lay all day unattended on the battlefield, and for three days following it lay in a hut. With permission of the King it was next moved to the church of Alverca and buried there. Fearful lest it be stolen, Afonso later had it moved from Alverca to the castle of Abrantes. The events following his regency beclouded Pedro's great reputation within Portugal. His activities during the score of years between his return from his travels and his death, however, were of prime significance for his country. He grew in learning and in wisdom. He participated in the administration and government of the realm. 62

THE EUROPEAN

IMAGINATION

He encouraged his brother Henrique in the field of research and development. He maintained his foreign contacts, especially with Burgundy, the Holy Roman Empire, the papacy, Florence, and Castile. Pedro and Henrique complemented one another, each adhering to the course set at Ceuta. Although specific documentation is most often lacking, I conclude from indirect evidence that Henrique was the more preoccupied with immediate objectives (Cape Bojador, Cape Nun, Guinea) and the financial and moral encouragement of the researchers and practical seamen who converted the objectives into reality. Pedro, on the other hand, focused his attention on the ultimate objectives: the Indies, union with the Christians living in them, encirclement and containment of Islam. Henrique's interests led his men, and on two occasions himself, out into the Atlantic, over into Morocco, and down the West African coast. T o Pedro fell the task of accompanying his brother on the international political front, possibly forging ahead and thus giving him direction as well as encouragement. In fine, Henrique was Minister of Defense and Pedro Minister of Foreign Affairs. During the middle 1430's events on both fronts reached a rapid climax. Gil Eanes rounded Cape Bojador in 1434: the curtain of fear was penetrated, and the way cleared for the long succession of explorers whose story is so well known but whose motivations are so ill-comprehended. In 1436, Pedro, not yet regent, financed the embassy of Afonso, Count of Ourem, and took the political plunge into the East via Italy. B y the 1425 expedition to the Canaries, Portugal had challenged Castile's rights to the archipelago. Alfonso Garcia de Santa Maria (Alonso de Cartagena), the ambassador in Portugal of Juan II of Castile, was apparently present when Fernando de Castro and his companions departed (he had been in Portugal from the end of 1421 until early in 1423 and again in 1424). In accordance with instructions received from his sovereign he conferred with King Joäo and Crown Prince Duarte. The conversation undoubtedly turned into a strong protest. Henrique suffered a delay and, from the Portuguese point of view, made the strategic error of asking Juan II for the right to "conquer" the Canaries. Juan of course refused.

03

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM P E D R O

It may appear questionable that a younger son of the King of Portugal would deal independently with foreign monarchs. In general, one should mistrust historians, ancient and modern — above all the fifteenth-century chronicler Zurara — when one observes their attributing official communications to Henrique and not to the king or, at a later date, his regent. On the other hand, it must be remembered that within five years of the original Ceuta operation Henrique became apostolic administrator of the Order of Christ.5 This post gave him status in his own right and undoubtedly permitted him to communicate directly with Rome on certain matters. When Duarte became king, he appealed to the new Pope, Eugenius IV, concerning the Canaries. We know only indirectly how he phrased his request, which induced His Holiness to award the Canaries to Portugal. This concession, made in the third year of his pontificate in a bull whose text is unfortunately lost, forced the Castilians to make the next move. The Castilian embassy to the Council of Basel arrived in 1434 and was incorporated into the council on October 22 of that year. Among others it included the afore-mentioned Alfonso Garcia de Santa Maria, Doctor of Laws and dean at Compostela, and also Luis Alvarez de Paz, Doctor of Laws. By August of 1435 Alfonso Garcia had become Bishop of Burgos. He remained in Basel for several years and actively sided with the Pope against the extremists of the council.® Juan II, agitated by the Pope's concession of the Canaries to Portugal, now asked his eminent jurists in Basel to draw up an argumentation with which to convince Eugenius he had acted improperly with regard to Castile. Because he had been in Portugal in 1425 and therefore was personally familiar with part of the story, Alfonso Garcia found himself performing the actual task of composition. Although written by the Bishop of Burgos in Basel, the document was destined for the use of Luis Alvarez de Paz, who in the meantime had left Basel to become Castile's ambassador to Pope Eugenius. The traditional title of the document is misleading; the case was not pleaded before the Council of Basel, which had no competency in such matters, but before Eugenius.7 Many currents crossed in Bologna, Eugenius' headquarters from April 22, 1436, until the middle of January 1438. Pero Tafur first

64

THE E U R O P E A N I M A G I N A T I O N met him there in the spring of 1436 and may have added his voice to the mounting Castilian opposition to the Pope's Canarian policy. 8 In late July of 1436 the Count of Ourem arrived and, following instructions, assured Pope Eugenius of Portugal's obedience. T h e actual obedience was rendered b y the ubiquitous orator Vasco Fernandes de Lucena. Ourem and companions remained in Bologna until October 11, w h e n they departed for Basel. In August the Ourem embassy attempted to persuade His Holiness to allow the Portuguese to conquer and keep those Canary islands not yet conquered. Eugenius I V agreed, through a bull dated September 15, confirming his previous action, which had led to the labors in Basel. In the meantime the Castilian memorandum was en route f r o m Basel, whence it was dispatched on August 27, 1436. A model of logical presentation and clarity, its major conclusion was that Castile's ambassador to the Pope should seek total revocation of any papal concessions of Canary islands to the Portuguese. T h e case must have been made persuasively, and probably after the Portuguese embassy had departed for Basel. In any event, b y a document dated November 6, 1436, Eugenius I V retreated slightly from his previous position. B y a private letter to K i n g Duarte, entitled Dudum cum ad nos, Eugenius informed him of the contents of the November 6 document and in effect instructed him not to trespass on the rights of the K i n g of Castile. 9 Henrique's technological and scientific interest in the Canaries had closely drawn Portugal into the great cycle of events of the late 1430's and early 1440's which centered on Florence. Here was a world to his brother Pedro's liking. Pedro had visited in Florence and was well-known there. T e n years after his return to Portugal his interests in the Indies, stimulated during his travels, were rekindled b y the events taking place within the Council of Florence. T h e Portuguese in Florence, and possibly elsewhere in Italy, kept their homeland abreast of these happenings. Pedro personified their homeland when he became regent at the end of 1439. T h e flow of information from the Council of Florence (held in Ferrara in 1438 and then transferred to Florence) to the Portugal of Pedro included exciting information about the Orthodox Greeks, threatened and soon to be engulfed b y Islam; about the Maronites,

65

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM P E D R O

for long so faithful to Rome; about Armenians, Syrians, and Copts who dwelled within the Islamic lands of the Near East; about Chaldeans who lived on the flank of Islam which looked farther east; and about Ethiopian, Indian, and Cathayan Christians. Portugal had direct access to the revealing news for two Portuguese bishops were playing prominent roles in these events. Moreover, Gomes Ferreira da Silva, resident in Florence, shared equally favorable positions with Poggio Bracciolini, Biondo Flavio, Cristoforo Landino, and Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli to hear the tales related by the Eastern Christian delegates to the truly ecumenical council, as well as the papal agent Fra Alberto da Sarteano and the Venetian traveler Nicolo de' Conti. 10 And in the very year 1441 none other than Poggio had a specific interest in Portugal: he wrote Alfonso Garcia de Santa Maria concerning manuscripts in the monastery of Alcobaga. 11 Shortly before his death in 1433, King Joäo I had sent Dom Luis do Amaral, Bishop of Viseu, to Basel. The bishop played a very active role in the affairs of the council. He went over to the conciliar side in the quarrel with the papacy. When the council in Basel and the Pope in Italy each sent embassies to woo the Greek emperor, the Bishop of Viseu was designated a member of the council's delegation. He went to Byzantium in 1437 and thereafter continued in the service of the council. Duarte dispatched a new embassy to Basel. Headed by the Count of Ourem, a layman, its ecclesiastical leaders included Dom Antäo Martins de Chaves, Bishop of Oporto. On their arrival in Florence on July 8, 1436, the ambassadors were met by the Bishop of Viseu, who accompanied them to Bologna, thence to Basel. The Bishop of Oporto remained loyal to the Pope, and set out for Constantinople on September 3, 1437, as a member of Eugenius's delegation. He returned to Italy, was elevated to the purple in 1439, and founded the Church of St. Antony of the Portuguese in Rome — Sant'Antonio dei Portoghesi in Roma. 12 He died in 1447, and was buried in the Church of St. John Lateran. The Bishop of Oporto's embassy succeeded in Constantinople: John V I I I Palaeologus and Patriarch Joseph II attended the council in Ferrara and in Florence. The Council of Ferrara-Florence-Rome enlarged the vision of Latin Christendom. This enlargement was effected by direct partici-

66

THE EUROPEAN

IMAGINATION

pation (as in the case of the Portuguese actually on the scene) and by Book I V of Poggio's De Varietate Fortunae. This composite description of the Indies circulated widely in manuscript during the balance of the fifteenth century and produced a broad impact on cartographers, geographers, and even chapbook writers. It was first published in 1492 in a Latin edition appropriately entitled India Recognita, "The Indies Rediscovered." It appeared in Portuguese a decade later. The knowledge and impressions Pedro acquired during his personal peregrination were confirmed by the vista revealed at the council. As regent he naturally approved Henrique's endeavor to open up the all-water route to the Indies, then so much on European consciousness. Pedro did not favor distractions, however. He disapproved of antagonizing Castile over the Canaries. He rejected too deep an entanglement in Morocco, a theater of operations rapidly becoming peripheral. The Moroccan question had come up within the royal family in 1436 and 1437, the period when Pedro's attention was riveted on Bologna and Basel and during which Dom Gomes left Florence on a mission to Portugal. Duarte, Pedro, and Henrique had won their spurs during the 1415 expedition to Ceuta; their brother Joäo had won his during the 1418 return to Ceuta. Young Fernando had not been on the field of honor; moreover he had far fewer material possessions than his elders. King Duarte decided upon a new North African venture: the taking of Tangier. The decision made, the King called the grandees of Portugal into council in Leiria (August 1436). Those opposing the project included the Infante Dom Pedro whose very logical and practical arguments Pina purports to quote in full. He first pointed out his awareness of the differing opinion of Duarte and also of discussion of such an expedition during his absence from Portugal. Pedro next demonstrated that Duarte did not have sufficient funds to support the campaign. He also raised the problem of what disposition Portugal could make of North Africa if and when it was acquired. Portugal could not colonize the area, for the little Christian nation did not have a sufficiently large population. Nor could it even defend the region; to attempt to do so would be to lose a good cape because of a bad hood.* In this exposition Pedro displayed common sense and an excellent *. . . como de quem perdesse boa capa por maao capelo . . .

67

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO

knowledge of tactics as well as strategy, the fruits, perhaps, of his own campaigning in the Maghreb and in the Balkans. His advice to Duarte can by no means be construed as a plea for a Portuguese occupation of North Africa, as some writers have interpreted the evidence. The Duke of Coimbra merely pointed out that the proposed assault would of necessity involve a holding operation beyond Portugal's capabilities.13 Pedro harbored more ambitious projects for his beloved country. Camöes, more than a century later, was to witness the evils which ensued when mere mortals, misled, with passions unbridled, implemented these projects. The poet depicted the results in the figure of the isolationist Old Man of Restelo crying out against the ventures in the distant Orient. If you must go fighting abroad, he argued, look to the foeman at your gate, meaning Morocco. 14 The great Florentine-Portuguese plan fomented by Eugenius and Pedro had been perverted into Latin European imperialism. The West may yet return to the thinking of the Council of Florence. The 1437 expedition to Tangier provided a foreshadowing of the tragedies which lay ahead. Badly led by Henrique, disaster ensued, and the Portuguese were forced to deliver Fernando over to the Moors as a hostage with the understanding that he could be ransomed by the return of Ceuta to its former possessors. Duarte held Cortes at Leiria after the disaster. Pedro subscribed to the view that Ceuta should be given up at once in order to effect his brother's release. The King decided otherwise, and Fernando died in prison in Fez five years later. "I hope Your Blessedness realizes," orated Vasco Fernandes de Lucena in 1485, "that, in addition to the labor, the expense, and the continuous danger to soldiers and leaders alike, actual calamities, in this most glorious war for the Catholic faith, were not wanting within the royal family itself, and at the cost of its very blood." 1 5 On broad issues of national policy Pedro's was the steady hand, the voice of experience. Personal ambition, however, proved his undoing and was duly rewarded at Alfarrobeira. In 1455 Queen Isabel persuaded her husband, greatly pleased by the birth of his son Joäo, to give her father the burial he merited. The King ignored the opposition from the Duke of Bragan^a and his son the Count of Ourem (now also Marquis of Valenga), and brought

68

THE EUROPEAN

IMAGINATION

the body to the Monastery of the Trinity in Lisbon. It was next moved to the Monastery of St. Eligius (Eloi) and finally transferred to Batalha, where it was interred with great pomp in the Chapel of the Founder. The King and Queen were present along with all the great of the realm except the King's brother Fernando and the Marquis of Valenga. Henrique conducted the ceremonies. Queen Isabel, twenty-three years old, soon joined her father in Batalha, for she died at the end of the same year. There were those who insinuated that she had been poisoned by her father's enemies. The tragedy of this worthy queen's life deeply affected her older brother, who penned a composition in prose and poetry concerning it. In Spanish, it is entitled Tragedia de la Insigne Reina Dona Isabel. Its author's own parchment manuscript, beautifully written in gold, is preserved in the Harvard College Library, a treasure from the Fernando Palha Collection. Pedro's memory was thus partially rehabilitated in Portugal within six years of his death. The chroniclers continued Queen Isabel's charitable work and endeavored to treat Pedro fairly. A Latin condensation of Zurara's chronicle of Ceuta was written in about 1460 by the Italian Mateus de Pisano, one of Afonso V's teachers summoned to Portugal by Regent Pedro. As Afonso V's secretary he was commissioned by his master to prepare the Latin version in order that knowledge of the expedition might be more widely known abroad. In the treatise De Bello Septensi Mateus de Pisano copied Zurara's facts in the greatest detail, yet in one respect departed sharply from his source: King Joäo I is his hero, rather than Henrique. He accords the three boys respect and equal consideration, although he recognizes the authority of Duarte, the senior and heir-apparent. Pedro is in no way disparaged, although, unfortunately, and possibly by design, the manuscript used as the basis of the only printed edition of the Latin text omitted information regarding Pedro, while Henrique, not glorified, receives his just due for his valor at Ceuta. Pedro actually comes alive in a thumbnail sketch not found in Zurara: "Pedro, the second-born, devoted himself beginning in his childhood to the study of sacred letters and other fine arts, and he so distinguished himself, even in his youth, by his justice, generosity,

69

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

temperance, and strength that he caused all eyes to be turned on him and gave promise of becoming a great prince. And he did not fail to live up to this promise, as he proved by his life and deeds." 1 6 Of the four chronicles written by Zurara the last two pertain to the deeds in Morocco after Ceuta. The chronicle of Count Pedro de Meneses, begun, in 1458 and completed in 1463, narrates the deeds of the first Captain of Ceuta (that is, the years 1 4 1 5 - 1 4 3 7 ) . The chronicle of Count Duarte de Meneses, illegitimate son of Count Pedro, covers Morocco from 1458 to 1464. Undertaken in 1461, it reached completion after 1468. In the chronicle of Count Pedro, Zurara on several occasions mentions the Infante Dom Pedro (two have already been noted). The chronicler treats the traveler respectfully and concludes the passage on his itinerary by stating that "he returned and received many honors and was known as a very prudent prince, worthy of great responsibility." 1 7 Zurara's treatment of Pedro's travels in the chronicle of Count Duarte amounts to a panegyric of the second son: "Upon the death of this prince [Duarte] his son the Infante Dom Afonso was acclaimed king in that same town on the following Thursday. The Infante Dom Pedro his uncle was there. He was a prince who knew as much as any in the world about the ceremonies appropriate for such occasions because, in addition to his great innate wisdom, he had studied the liberal arts and had traveled outside these kingdoms [Portugal and the Algarve] through the principal parts of Christendom. And he was with those two holy tiaras [Pope and Holy Roman Emperor] by whom it pleased God that the world should be ruled and governed, through the example of those two knives [cutelos and not espadas] which St. Peter presented in that Holy Supper, where Our Lord said to him that there was enough there. In their courts as well as in those of all the other princes he visited he was considered a prince of great knowledge, and he received from them considerable honor. It was this prince who took special care of the acclamation of the king his nephew." 18 B y a curious twist of scholarly fate Afonso V appointed Zurara chronicler-major. He was deeply loyal to Afonso V , from whom he received so many favors that he confessed greater obligation to his monarch than to any other person on earth.19 Moreover, Zurara's

70

THE EUROPEAN

IMAGINATION

first two chronicles — Chronicle of the Taking of Ceuta and Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea — were compiled during the period of Pedro's eclipse, the years immediately following Alfarrobeira. Ceuta and the maritime discoveries captured the imagination of Portugal and the world to a far greater extent than other events of Portuguese history, in particular the later wars in Morocco, and consequently those two chronicles were avidly read. They transmitted their pro-Henrique bias to posterity. The chronicle of Ceuta, known also as Part Three of the Chronicle of Joäo I, was printed as early as 1644.20 In 1837, the age of romantic nationalism, Ferdinand Denis came upon a manuscript of Zurara's chronicle of Guinea. He announced the discovery in his Chroniques chevaleresques of 1839. The Visconde da Carreira and the Visconde de Santarem published the text in Paris in 1841, together with a reproduction of the famous portrait, thought to be of Henrique, which the manuscript contains. Studied, republished, published in English translation by the Hakluyt Society in 1896-1899, restudied and assumed to consist of separate Henrique and Guinea chronicles,21 for over a century it has been the principal basis of Henrique's reputation outside Portugal, and to a considerable extent within Portugal as well. In the Portuguese tradition Pedro has fared poorly. No postage stamps were issued in his honor in 1892. The fifth centenary of his death went unnoticed. The statue which the citizens of Lisbon wished to erect has never been sculptured.

% A man is rarely a hero in his own home. The Portuguese exception is Henrique. Pedro acquired his halo abroad. Europe was predisposed to acquire a Portuguese legendary hero, for Portuguese achievements in the fifteenth century aroused the curiosity and interest of the entire Latin Christian world. Other Christian nations followed the deeds of Portugal with enthusiasm because they were not in a position of rivalry which might beget jealousy and despoil or debase their interest. Before the era of printing, the great chronicles provided the means of disseminating news from abroad. Printed books greatly multiplied both the quantity and the dispersal of information, and 7 ι

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO

Portugal received her fair share of printed publicity. The splendid Latin orations delivered by Portuguese emissaries in Rome at the end of the quattrocento and in the early sixteenth century provide an outstanding example. Printed at once, occasionally in more than one edition, they reported the glories of Portuguese history to the world. As the orators represented kings, the orations, principally obedience orations addressed to newly elected popes, were regal: they extolled kings, rarely princes. Dom Garcia de Meneses, Bishop of Evora, delivered the first of the early printed Latin orations which emanated from Portugal in 1481. Although not an obedience oration, the Bishop declaimed it in the presence of Sixtus IV since it represented a portion of the Portuguese response to a call for a crusade against the Turk. One of the first printed documents to refer to Portugal's overseas expansion in Morocco, it was followed by Vasco Fernandes de Lucena's oration delivered on December 9, 1485, the first printed text to include references to Portuguese maritime discoveries. A synopsis of Portuguese deeds for the Faith and the Church across the centuries, it makes mention of Henrique and his younger brother Fernando. The oration of Dom Fernando de Almeida, Bishop of Ceuta, to Alexander V I in 1493 and those of Diogo Pacheco to Julius II in 1505 and to Leo X in 1514 carried the genre forward to epic heights. The genre received its crown with the Lusiads in 1572. 22 The glories of Portugal quickly took root in the European imagination, especially the fertile imagination of Italy, where news traveled early, quickly, and widely. One offshoot is novella X L V I of the Novellino of Masuccio Salernitano, a collection of fifty stories first printed in Naples in either 1476 or 1477. Novella X L V I , based on the Moroccan campaigns of Afonso V , describes the generosity of the Portuguese King in releasing a captive Arab. The beginning of the tale is remarkable first because it clearly demonstrates that Italy was abreast of current events in Portugal and further that Italy presented these events in a manner singularly free of bias. It refers to the great victories and conquests of earlier kings of Portugal in Morocco ("in the African region against the Arabs") and dismisses their details as too well known to warrant retelling. It proceeds to King Afonso V and, in a statement not wholly free of error, sum-

72

THE EUROPEAN IMAGINATION marizes his campaigns, during the years 1 4 5 8 - 1 4 7 1 , against Alcazarseguer, Arcila, and Tangier. T h e Portuguese deeds in Morocco thus received earlier printed dissemination in literature than in history. 23 A complex of circumstances, including the great checkerboard of international politics, conspired to foster the memory of the Infante Dom Pedro in a number of European intellectual centers, specifically Burgundy, the H o l y Roman Empire, Florence, and Castile. Pedro had created an excellent impression wherever he went. He had reinforced this impression, wittingly or not, b y actions and political point of view during the years after his return, particularly during the period of his regency. Pedro's first contact with Burgundy is at once amusing and prophetic. He attended the reception given in Avis on January 12, 1429, f o r Jan van E y c k and the other ambassadors from Duke Philippe. H e was not present, however, at the signing of the marriage contract in Lisbon on J u l y 24, nor did he attend the marriage-by-proxy at seven o'clock the next morning. T h e King was present at these ceremonies, as were Duarte, Henrique, Joäo, and Fernando, and also the wives of Duarte and Prince Joäo. However, Pedro did attend a party in honor of Isabel given by Duarte on September 26, 1429, accompanied by his duchess who was obviously pregnant (possibly to the chagrin of Duarte's Leonor). T h e game of "challenges" was played. One of the challengers pretended to come from the deserts of India, another from the Terrestrial Paradise, another from the sea, yet another from the land. One even had the seven planets depicted on his costume; he may have represented a space-man. T h e description of the game suggests staging b y the recently returned Pedro. 24 Philippe and Isabel presided over the court of Burgundy for thirtyseven years, usually jointly, if not always blissfully. T h e Portuguese infanta cut a brilliant figure in her European role. Her many activities — political, administrative, economic, literary, and artistic — have only recently gained appreciation. 25 She did not forget Portugal, although she never returned. Indeed, she represented an important link between Portugal and the main stream of European life at a time when Portugal might have adopted a policy of isolationism. She could well have been the primary source of a constant enrichment of Portuguese intellectual life, especially by encouraging and rein73

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM P E D R O

forcing Pedro in the conclusions he had drawn from his travels. Her native Portuguese interest in the cult of the Holy Ghost may have greatly increased due to her husband's devotion (Philippe endowed the Chapel of the Holy Ghost on Mount Zion and wished his heart to be buried there). Isabel could have revived the cult of the Espirito Santo in Portugal in a modified version — compounded by the discussions at the Council of Florence — and thereby furnished Pedro, Henrique, and their successors with theological reinforcement for their goal of carrying the Gospel to all creatures.26 Isabel was in a position to absorb the constantly recurring Burgundian enthusiasm for a crusade in the Near East. Although Guillebert de Lannoy and Bertrandon de La Brocquiere had journeyed east before her time of greatest influence, she must have known them and enjoyed their narratives. She was much in evidence at the Banquet of the Pheasant in 1454 and would have shared in the fervor of that post-Constantinople year. She would have noted with pride that only her beloved Portuguese were in fact engaged in extensive and concrete action against the Islamic menace. In her later years Isabel even had a connection with Alexander of Macedon. She was clearly responsible for the presence in Burgundy of another Vasco de Lucena (or Vasque de Lucene) who in 1455 was known to be studying at the University of Paris and who in 1468 dedicated his French translation of Quintus Curtius Rufus' Deeds of Alexander the Great to the young Duke Charles le Temeraire. 27 Knowledge of the distant Duke of Coimbra lived on in imperial circles, for Pedro was the Marquis of Treviso. Pedro remained apart from the dissension between Sigismund and Venice. He visited his beautiful lands north of Venice in 1428, however, although he must have kept the fact of his appointment a closely guarded secret. Indeed, his attitude, coupled with the general military situation, ultimately caused the appointment to lapse. In 1437, the year of Sigismunde death, the Emperor renounced his own rights to the March and canceled grants to others. Venice and Pedro then entered into negotiations to cancel the Portuguese claim. In 1443, however, during his regency, Pedro dispatched two ambassadors, Joäo Teles and Braz Afonso, to Emperor-elect Friedrich III to obtain confirmation of the original appointment — an out-of-character act attribut-

74

THE

EUROPEAN

IMAGINATION

able to an irascible regent. He received the confirmation by an undated document issued by Friedrich, who had been elected in 1440. Teles remained — possibly at the imperial court, certainly not in Treviso — as acting governor of the March. Braz Afonso returned to Portugal with a letter addressed by Friedrich's secretary to one Dom Lupo of Portugal, Doctor of Laws. 28 Regent Dom Pedro had established contact, fortuitously if unwittingly, with his greatest publicizer, for Friedrich Ill's secretary was Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini. During the Council of FerraraFlorence the future pontiff had espoused the conciliar principle and become the secretary to anti-Pope Felix V. 2 9 The panorama of history is as infinitely complex as man himself. Consider the following chain of events. The Ourem embassy, financed in part if not wholly by Pedro and therefore an executor of one part of his will, visits Amadeus V I I I of Savoy en route from Bologna to Basel. Three years later the "hermit" of Ripaille becomes the antiPope. Piccolomini becomes secretary to the anti-Pope and in 1442 passes to the service of Emperor-elect Friedrich. Pedro communicates with the latter in 1443. In reply Piccolomini addresses a Portuguese nobleman. In 1445 Piccolomini makes his submission to Pope Eugenius. Emperor Friedrich follows suit slightly later. Ordained a priest in February 1447, Piccolomini becomes a bishop within two months. With Alfonso V "el Magnanimo," now in Naples, Piccolomini completes the arrangements for Friedrich's marriage with Alfonso's niece. This niece is Leonor of Portugal, sister of Afonso V , and niece of the Infante Dom Pedro. Piccolomini met the sixteen-year-old bride upon her arrival in Leghorn and escorted her to the bridegroom in Siena. In Rome on March 19, 1452, Pope Nicholas V crowned Friedrich emperor and performed the marriage ceremony. In 1458 Piccolomini became Pope and remembered his Virgil: sum pius Aeneas, raptos qui ex hoste Penates classe veho mecum, fama super aethera notus.* He reigned gloriously until his death in 1464. Whatever strange twist of fate or character led Pedro to establish * I am the pious Aeneas, who carry with me in my fleet our household gods, snatched from the enemy, and I am known in fame in the highest heavens above.

75

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

contact with his March of Treviso via the anti-papal circle of Felix V, Friedrich III, and Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, two fortunate events now took place. On the one hand, the schism was terminated. On the other, the travels of the Infante Dom Pedro kindled Piccolomini's imagination.30 Dom Gomes Ferreira da Silva and, after his departure, the circle of friends associated with the Badia, perpetuated the memory of Pedro in Florence. As already noted, Ambrogio Traversari dedicated a translation to him and the lawyer for the Badia similarly dedicated his biography of Dom Gomes. As for non-Portuguese Iberia, Pedro's political orientation inevitably endeared him to Castile. His marriage, his Canarian policy, and his niece Isabel's marriage with Juan II — the union which produced Queen Isabel "la Catolica" — ensured at least a few years of peace with his neighbor. The example set by his over-all Castilian policy (one of friendly Christian rivalry) endured throughout the period of the maritime discoveries and the overseas expansion of the peninsula, except for a brief deviation under Afonso V which is related to the story of the Infante Dom Pedro only to the extent that it manifests the lack of this politician's restraining hand. A recently discovered piece of advice given by Henrique to Afonso V hints that the uncle was prodding the nephew to attack Malaga, even though it was known that Malaga lay within the Castilian sphere of influence. Clearly the document was written after the period of the regency.31 Europe was appalled by the news of Pedro's death, and especially by the failure to give his mortal remains proper Christian burial. Afonso V himself disseminated the news. Obviously concerned over the direction international public opinion would take, he drew up a document outlining his justification for having killed his uncle, fatherin-law, and tutor. He forwarded the missive to the Pope and to several Christian princes. The reaction went contrary to his expectations, for he was universally blamed. The memory of Pedro preserved in foreign centers at this point became a cult. The strongest reaction came, as might be expected, from Burgundy. Philippe and Isabel sent the Deacon of Vergi as their ambas-

76

THE E U R O P E A N I M A G I N A T I O N

sador to protest to Afonso and to demand decent burial for the deceased and pity for his widow and children. Due to their intervention, the Infante Dom Pedro's son Jaime was freed and went to the court of Burgundy.32 Pedro's son Joäo and daughter Beatriz also took refuge in Burgundy. Aunt Isabel provided well for all three.33 Through the honors showered on them, she ensured the preservation of the memory of their father. Because she occupied a central position in European politics, the cult of Pedro in Florence almost certainly, and possibly also the cult of Pedro in the writings of Pope Pius II, ultimately stemmed from her influence. In spite of Piccolomini's role, however, she would have become less interested in her niece Leonor's marriage. Leonor was the sister of the ruling Afonso V. Isabel of Burgundy was solicitous of the welfare of Pedro's children, not those of Duarte.34 Pedro's other daughters remained in Portugal. Filipa lived withdrawn from the world in the convent of Odivelas, where she died and was buried at the age of sixty. Catarina is, and always has been, surrounded by mystery. She did not enter the main corpus of Portuguese history, possibly because, it has been suggested, of a physical or mental defect. She may have been buried in the tomb of the old monastery of Santa Clara in Coimbra prepared for her mother.35 Little is known about the Duchess of Coimbra. The incunabular edition of the Portuguese translation of Ludolphus de Saxonia's Vita Christi reveals that she was of a deeply religious nature and a patroness of letters, for she commissioned the translation in ΐ445·3β After her husband's death she fled from monastery to monastery within Portugal. In her will, signed Pombal, December 16, 1466, she expressed the desire to be buried with her husband in Batalha. Her wish was fulfilled.37 The subsequent careers of Jaime, Joäo, and Beatriz may be followed in part in the Burgundian chronicles. They enjoyed high social position, as befitted their birth. Joäo, now known as Joäo of Coimbra, attended the Banquet and took the Oath of the Pheasant.38 Duchess Isabel evidenced as much solicitude for her niece as for her nephews. At the time of the marriage of Leonor of Portugal with Friedrich III, the Duchess of Burgundy tried to arrange the marriage of Beatriz with Jean I, Duke of Cleves, her husband's nephew and

77

The Family of Duke Philippe of Burgundy σι ξ 15 ? ε^ Οο (Ν

=Ό •Ο—

S. ε

﫧 Ο —ο W oo> 00

"

ϊ . α·~ ο f 5Ο Ο.Ό

§ -ν Χο οτ σ>ο

νθ>—5ö) Ο«· Q. ΛΊ

α» (Ν η a.tο οοη LΟ T ·— 4>

eSr^v 5 Κ _α>Ο-«CT r ^ -ο β, Τ δ. ο — Q . Ο Ο^ liTO — β) —

Ο -ο σ .» σρΖV ο .

α

a™

[ CO ζ? °

α "7 Μ"ο °

_ο η 5 σ>-

U CN ' 4>

—cο ν -ο £ 1 =Ο ca · ·~ . -Q

:_

_4» CN U

THE EUROPEAN

IMAGINATION

next in line for the Burgundian throne if Philippe le Bon should die childless. Alfonso V of Aragon and Naples, apparently forgetful of the honors he had bestowed on Pedro in 1428, objected strongly, for he recognized that all progeny of the Count of Urgel would oppose him and his line. Duchess Isabel had to be content with Beatriz's marriage to Adolphe, Jean of Cleves's younger brother, w h o became Lord of Ravenstein shortly after. 39 A f t e r her marriage, and the attempt of her husband to collect the money due her and her son Philippe, Beatriz ceases to play a part in our story. N o t so the young Philippe, who later in the century succeeded his father as Lord of Ravenstein. True to the memory of his maternal grandfather, the new Lord fought Turks. Knowledge of his bravado could easily have circulated in the Andalusian circles of the mysterious Gomez de Santisteban by another of the curious sets of circumstances in which the story of the Infante Dom Pedro's travels abounds. Jean d'Auton, chronicler of the reign of Louis XII, provides the details of Philippe's adventures. T h e French king was Philippe's first cousin, and after his accession in 1498 Philippe passed wholeheartedly to the service of France and participated in the intra-Christian Italian campaigns. A t first Governor of the Netherlands, he became Governor of Genoa and Admiral of the N a v y of Naples. In the summer of 1501 he sailed from Genoa to Naples and then on August 16 set forth at the head of a naval raiding expedition. A t Reggio di Calabria he sent a messenger to the Lieutenant General of the King of Spain in Apulia and Calabria, none other than the famous Grand Captain, Gonzalo Fernandez de Cordoba, a favorite of Queen Isabel the Catholic and hero of the final conquest of Granada. T h e Spaniards had other preoccupations, and the French fleet proceeded alone. Its objective was the island of Mytilene (the ancient Lesbos), deep in the Aegean just south of the Dardanelles. T h e assault took place on October 26. Philippe called a halt to it after several days — the Venetians were convenient scapegoats for the lack of success of the expedition — and led his fleet back to Italy. His ship was wrecked in a storm off Cythera. He made his way ashore, was rescued and taken to southern Italy, and eventually returned to Genoa. Jean Lemaire de Beiges mentions the disastrous expedition in his treatise

79

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM P E D R O

on schisms, councils, and Moslems published in 1 5 1 1 . Jehan Thenaud, who passed Cythera in 1512 en route east, alludes to the shipwreck in his Voyage et itineraire de oultre mer printed in Paris probably in the late 1520's. Rabelais incorporates an echo in his Pantagruel.40 The Gran Capitan had led a spectacular assault on Turkish-held Cephalonia at the end of 1500, ten months before the Ravenstein assault on Mytilene. The Spanish chroniclers, when they tell of Ravenstein's sorrowful arrival in Italy after unsuccessful raid and terrible wreck, stress the generosity of the Gran Capitan to him and do not fail to point out that the French expedition was undertaken in an egotistical effort to outshine the Spaniards.41 Although the detailed French and Spanish chronicles were not printed until a later age, knowledge of these daring deeds against Turks could not fail to be widespread within Spain, and specifically in the Sevillian region. Peter Martyr himself would have spread the word, for he stopped off at the newly acquired Cephalonia in the fall of 1501 while en route to Egypt on a mission for Their Catholic Majesties. The only early printed books which allude to these antiTurkish campaigns were the Spanish translation of a great chronicle written by Jacopo Filippo Foresti da Bergamo, Peter Martyr's Legatio Babylonica, and a summary account of the deeds of the Gran Capitan. Mentioning Cephalonia but omitting the Lord of Ravenstein and Mytilene, they were published, the first in Valencia in 1510, the other two in Seville by Jacobo Cromberger in April 1 5 1 1 , and January 1527, respectively.42 Thus, the Lord of Ravenstein proved loyal to the Weltanschauung of his grandfather Dom Pedro. Philippe's uncle, Joäo of Coimbra, unlike his Knights companions of the Pheasant, had much earlier also gone east, there to be sacrificed on the altar of union between Latins and Greeks. He merits the attention of a historical novelist. In 1456 he married Charlotte of Lusignan, heiress apparent to the throne of Jerusalem, Cyprus, and Armenia, and, by virtue thereof, the "Princess of Antioch." She was the granddaughter of King Janus, who ruled from 1398 to 1432. Janus had married Charlotte of Bourbon in 1411 and lost her through death in 1422. Born at the end of the twelfth century, the Latin Kingdom of Cyprus stood a glorious outpost in the defense of Christendom

80

The Lusignans of Cyprus and the Palaeologi

- ? 2 » CO. „, J α. ο Ε Ό C

£

-«> .." ΰ »Ό

Ε 'S -ο «"> ο ο

οο Ετ

σι Ό '•Λ c 3

°ο·

«> E"? u > 2ο

σ ο_»C υ Ο

_ «( >

'

c Ό 4 ° Ι σ>—

Ε _οο 2> «Ό ^ ° ό -ϊ ög'5 ο

-S

σ

ΟΌ 9

M E A N I N G AND

AUTHORSHIP

important of all, it would have made available to the Iberian reading public the Latin chapbook containing, within a single short volume, eight items whose influence appears in almost every chapter of the Libro del Infante don Pedro. Usually catalogued as the Itinerarius of Joannes de Hese because of its first item, the book is actually the first printed collection of traveler's tales concerning the East. It contains the ( i ) Hese itinerary, (2) treatise on the ten nations, (3) Sultan John letter to Pope Pius II, (4) Pius II reply, (5) Prester John letter, (6) Patriarch John report, (7) Tractatus Pulcherrimus, and (8) supplementary Alius Tractatus Gomez de Santisteban could have composed his tale on the basis of his reading in Iberian books except for the Hese collection, which was indispensable. T o obtain it he had to resort to Latin printing beyond the Pyrenees. Sensing, perhaps, that it deserved to figure among Spanish books, he in effect adapted it to the Iberian scene. The Libro del Infante don Pedro is the Hese collection fertilized by the Clavijo narrative. T o date, research has failed to produce evidence of the existence of independent Iberian editions of any of the late-medieval versions of the Prester John letter, nor of the Patriarch John report, nor the Joannes de Hese itinerary, nor Foresti da Bergamo's treatise, nor the treatise on the ten Christian sects. The appearance of the Libro del Infante don Pedro by 1515 eliminated the need for such editions. This single chapbook incorporated features from all of them, with the additional feature of Portugal. © The authorship of the chapbook cannot be ascribed to the anonymous masses, le peuple, ο povo. The Libro del Infante don Pedro, the creation of a single author, is the specific product of other specific books. Attempts to solve the riddle of its authorship become difficult to set aside. Mindful of Ernst Philip Goldschmidt's sobering belief that "this would be a simpler world if people left anonymous texts anonymous instead of thinking up odd proposals for fathering them on a varied assortment of incongruous authors," I nevertheless proffer the following speculation.15 The anonymous author of such a book would have difficulty in 2 3 ι

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

resisting the temptation to inject his name, albeit disguised, somewhere in the narrative. The thoughtful reader, in search of clues to the identity of the author, ponders the significance of the names of certain persons encountered along the way: Bernal Fordas, who owned the ship on which the travelers sailed from Venice to Cyprus; Fray Juan de Carmona, guardian of the Holy Sepulcher and therefore presumably a Franciscan; Fray Esteban de Jerusalen, the abbot of Mount Sinai consecrated by the Patriarch of Jerusalem; and Fray Jeronimo de Seneca, a relative of the Lion King of Hispania. Fray Juan de Carmona is herewith proposed for the role of author. Sixteenth-century historians of Portuguese deeds in the East tell of a complicated situation which developed at the end of 1524, when the new viceroy, aged Dom Vasco da Gama, died in Cochin after very few months in office. In accordance with the procedure prescribed for such an eventuality, the first of three sealed letters was opened. It named Dom Henrique de Meneses to succeed Gama. The new governor, in poor health, died in Cannanore early in 1526. Repetition of the letter-opening ceremony designated the Captain of Malacca, Pero de Mascarenhas, located at the time in distant Malaya. Moreover, he had enemies in India. The inevitable intrigue soon ran its course, and the third letter was opened. It named Lopo Vaz de Sampaio, whom all agreed should govern pending the arrival of Pero de Mascarenhas. Further intrigue ensued. B y the time the legally appointed governor reached India from the Farther East, public opinion was such that Lopo Vaz dared arrest him. The Portuguese communities in India immediately became divided in their obedience. Civil strife was averted when reason finally prevailed. In defiance of Lopo Vaz, the dispute went before a tribunal. A majority of the court voted for Lopo Vaz. Pero de Mascarenhas gracefully withdrew and returned to Lisbon, where he was exonerated of any wrongdoing. Lopo Vaz governed for three years, until the end of 1529. His successor, Nuno da Cunha, returned him to Portugal a prisoner. The figure of a fascinating and curious Dominican priest weaves its way through all these intrigues. Named Fray Juan Caro, he is also known as Claro, Craro, de Aro, Daro, de Hayo, and de Haro (not to be confused with the poet Frei Joäo Claro of Alcobaga). Castan2 3 2

M E A N I N G AND

AUTHORSHIP

heda, Barros, and Couto, the synoptics of Portuguese Oriental history, agree that between Lopo Vaz de Sampaio's assumption of power early in 1526 and Pero de Mascarenhas' arrival to contest his authority early the next year, Fray Juan made a public statement in favor of Lopo Vaz and supplemented it with a sermon on the following day, January 1, 1527. They refer to the friar as a man of letters of the Order of St. Dominic sent by the King of Portugal to preach in India. In his sermon Fray Juan himself pointed to his imminent departure for Portugal and his consequent objectivity concerning the whole matter, and all the more so in view of his friendship with Mascarenhas.16 None of the historians mentions Fray Juan in connection with the vote of the tribunal. The fourth evangelist, however, possibly in error, associates him with the tribunal. Gaspar Correia's account of the naming of the governor does not clarify the position of the Dominican, to whom he seemingly refers on six occasions. On the first, when Sampaio solicits the statement prior to the arrival of Mascarenhas, Correia does not name him but merely describes him as a Preaching Friar of the Order of St. Dominic preaching in Cochin. Correia laconically adds: "On this day the friar received a note — from whom he did not know — warning him straight from G o d to go aboard ship and proceed to Portugal, because if he did not do so, great harm would be done to him; and the friar took the hint, embarked, went to Portugal, and spoke on the Emperor's side concerning the Moluccas, whereupon the King exiled him to Sofala for life, and he died there." Correia next tells of a sermon preached by a Castilian preacher who, contrary to expectations, aligned himself with Sampaio. The wording of the sermon and the placard attacking the friar affixed to the monastery door after its delivery suggest Correia in fact referred to his Dominican. The third reference, a passing one, alludes to the friar who had preached such utterances in a pulpit and house of God. The fourth is more specific and, if we accept the testimony of the other three historians, definitely erroneous: as one of the judges allied with Sampaio Correia lists "Master Joäo Craro, preacher in Cochin, of the Order of St. Dominic, whom the King later exiled to Sofala, where he died, because he became involved in the controversy over the Moluccas, which belonged to the Emperor." Correia

2 3 3

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO

may have been led into error concerning the judges — if he was in error — by the fact that, as the other historians indicate, a Franciscan Frei Joäo d'Alvim participated in the affair, as did a Dominican Frei Luis de Vitoria, listed as a judge by both Couto and Barros. Correia makes his fifth reference to the Dominican in his role as one of the judges, with the additional intelligence that the friar sided with Sampaio and received threatening notes as a result. The sixth and last reveals matter of greater import. Correia describes the education of Diogo Botelho Pereira, who first carried news of the taking of Diu to Portugal. Pereira acquired great skill as pilot, cartographer, and cosmographer "because in Cochin there was a Dominican Preaching Friar, about whom I have already spoken at length in the Lenda of Governor Dom Henrique [de Meneses], and the said friar lectured on and taught the Tratado da Sphera, and under him Diogo Botelho became a master cosmographer. And because this friar on occasion said in conversation that the Moluccas belonged to the Emperor, Lopo Vaz [de Sampaio] ordered him to go to Portugal to his monastery, but not to tell anyone why he issued these orders. Someone, however, told the King of the affair, and therefore the latter exiled him to Sofala, and there he died. From this friar's teaching Diogo Botelho learned much, and with the knowledge of navigation he possessed he made nautical charts and corrected many errors on the Portuguese charts, for which reason he was greatly praised by the pilots." Pursuit of the lead furnished by this statement discloses that in 1525 Fray Juan became very close to the governor and the opinions he expressed had incurred the ill-will of various officials. Correia adds that the friar, whom he does not name but describes only as a Dominican Preaching Friar, was a Castilian and very loquacious and "afterwards went to Portugal and affirmed that the Moluccas belonged to the Emperor, wherefore the King exiled him to Sofala for life, and he died there." 17 In more recent times Sousa Viterbo concerned himself with Fr. Joäo Claro, as he called him. He cited Gaspar Correia, yet recognized the inconsistencies of the Lendas da India. He also published a portion of a letter written in Cochin on January 2, 1527, by Joäo Luis, the constable major of India. The letter refers regretfully to the forth2 34

M E A N I N G AND

AUTHORSHIP

coming departure for Portugal of the "padre pregador mestre Joä Qro." The constable major held the Dominican in high esteem and requested either his return or a comparable successor.18 Sousa Viterbo affirmed that the friar was an Andalusian, a native of Carmona, and that Navarrete had published three of his letters in the Coleccion de los viages. This information, supported by gleanings from modern encyclopedias, enables us to extend our knowledge of the indiscreet Dominican. A native of Carmona, near Seville, he spent several years in Cochin in the 1520's and was returned to Portugal by Lopo Vaz de Sampaio in 1527 on suspicion of indulgence in espionage. He continued his wrongdoing in Portugal. Arrested in 1531 and sentenced under due process of law, he was exiled to Sofala. Navarrete published two letters (not three), written in 1525 and 1526. 19 The first volume, the only one published to date, of Father Silva Rego's monumental history of the missions of the Portuguese padroado in the East supplies additional information about Fray Juan Caro (of Carmona). Citing Henrion, who in turn cites Fontana, Father Silva Rego states that both Fray Juan Caro and Frei Luis de Vitoria were dispatched to India in 1522, along with others. When the Vicar General of India, Padre Sebastiäo Pires, arrived in Cochin, he found Fray Juan in the church there. In a letter dated Cochin, January 10, 1522 (clearly the Year of the Incarnation, in other words, 1523), he commends the Dominican to the King and hints that some measure of material recompense might be in order. A document dated Cochin, February 24, 1523 (1524?), reveals that Fray Juan received a monthly subsistence allowance of 600 reis in return for his labors in preaching to and teaching converts to Christianity.20 His multiple activities inevitably brought Fray Juan Caro in contact with the St. Thomas Christians. A most significant letter addressed to the King of Portugal, written in India apparently in 1524, survives as evidence. Its author, who affixed his signature in Chaldean, was the Armenian bishop Jacome (Jacob) Abuna, sent by the Patriarch of Babylon as the spiritual leader of the St. Thomas Christians on the Malabar Coast. The letter is remarkable for its completely friendly and almost obsequious tone. The abuna, who died in 1549, affirms that, although he does not adhere to the Latin rite — 2 35

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

"eu nom sou enssinado nos custumes dos Papas do custume romano" — yet he feels a strong affinity toward Rome and desires Latin aid in tending his flock. He states that some four years earlier Fray Juan Caro arrived in Malabar — this would seem to date the letter 1526 — and provided him with spiritual direction and certain material services involving the pepper trade as well. Fray Juan apparently created a great and lasting impression on the abuna, for at the end of the letter Jacob mentions him in a statement of objections to a royal proposal. T o the suggestion that certain Portuguese priests should perform the rite of baptism among the St. Thomas Christians, he countered: "if you propose this because it seems to you that I baptize in any other way than that stipulated by Jesus Christ in the Gospel — and I suppose you have been so informed — then you can be assured by Padre Mestre Joan Caro that you are wrong in this matter; and please do not think that I am so ignorant and uninformed in our religion that I do not know the teaching of Holy Scripture (both Old and New Testaments) concerning baptism, even though it may be true that I am not instructed in the rites of popes of the Roman rite." 2 1 One naturally tends to ponder the circumstances which might account for the presence of the Spanish Fray Juan Caro in Portuguese India during the period of the 1520's. The foregoing outline justifies the conclusion that he was a pious priest of broad interests with a reticence to conceal unpopular opinions. Did the King of Portugal later, after his return to Portugal, exile him to Sofala for merely expressing an honest belief that the Moluccas lay within the Spanish sphere of influence? Or was he, as Father Silva Rego has concluded, a secret agent of the King of Spain and Holy Roman Emperor-elect, a spy who may even have joined the Dominican order solely to obtain passage to India? Father Silva Rego cites documents which unquestionably implicate the Dominican in dealings inimical to the best interests of his host country. Related to those published earlier by Armando Cortesäo, they divulge Fray Juan's imprisonment in £vora in the early summer of 1531, the victim of his own machinations. A Spanish prelate, the Bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo, had sent a messenger, one Rodrigo Pardo, to Caro in Portugal, with letters proposing that the Domini-

236

M E A N I N G AND

AUTHORSHIP

can come to Spain to see Charles V . Pardo sold the information to the King of Portugal for five hundred ducats, thus compromising Fray Juan. Like so many others, in all places and ages, Pardo displayed his newly acquired and ill-gotten gain too ostentatiously in his native town of Puerto de Santa Maria. He was arrested and imprisoned in Simancas. A secret interrogation was ordered, with unknown results. Later transferred to the castle of Alcobaga, Fray Juan was there on February 28, 1534, according to a letter of that date from Joäo III to his treasurer the Conde da Castanheira. The missive reveals the King's solicitude for his very important prisoner, who, formally tried and sentenced, faced exile or deportation.22 The final proof of the charges lies in the two letters published by Navarrete, of added significance for what they reveal of the man Juan Caro. Both letters were written from Cochin. The first, dated December 19, 1525, he addressed to his brother-in-law Dr. Ricardo Porras in Seville. Signing himself "Fr. Jhones Caro in theo, magister," he points out that he is among other things a theologian and naturalist, canonist, and "mathematician of the stars." In the first two-thirds of the letter he reveals the purpose of his mission. He came out to India some four years earlier to survey the area and to learn navigational secrets. He earned the high esteem of the King of Portugal and now enjoys an influential position in India. Ambitious, however, he is willing to sell out to the highest bidder. Most of all, he desires a post as adviser and teacher on the staff of the Emperor, advising on geographical and navigational matters and specifically on how the Spaniards can return from the Moluccas to Spain by sailing eastward. He implies the Portuguese superiority over the Spaniards in nautical science and suggests that he, Fray Juan, can remedy the situation. He asks his addressee to inform the Emperor that " I will teach his pilots the art of the astrolabe in a thoroughly efficient manner, for in Spain they are badly acquainted with it, and that I will teach them how to calculate latitude by the Southern Cross, a technique not known by anybody in Spain, and by the North Star and by the sun, rapidly, clearly, infallibly." Fray Juan feels he has a particular call on the Emperor's gratitude, for his protection of Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa and others whom the Portuguese seized in the Moluccas. Indeed, Gonzalo Gomez, who 2 37

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO

accompanied Magellan, is the bearer of the letter. Fray Juan does not incline to renounce his situation in India, however, without definite assurances from Spain that he will obtain his desires. If he cannot have the position he wishes, he will accept the title of bishop from the Archbishop of Seville, or at the very least an honor which will in no way diminish his prestige. The latter portion of the letter assumes a more personal tone. Fray Juan displays his sensitivity to the flora and fauna, the color and sounds, of the East, for he is forwarding to the addressee, by Gonzalo Gomez, a variegated talking parrot from China and also silk cloth. While not wishing to overburden his messenger, he is also sending "some notes signed by me; please read them and carry them out." He concludes his letter by expressing remembrances to relatives in Seville, Cantillana, Lora, Carmona, and elsewhere. He appends instructions as to how best effect a reply. The second letter, addressed to the Emperor himself and dated Cochin, December 29, 1526, bears the signature "Fray Joannes Caro in theologia magister." Although composed in a more elegant and literary style, it retains the specific quality of the first. The writer describes himself as "Frey Juan Caro, andaluz carmones de la orden de Santo Domingo." His opening, not unlike the prologue of the Libro del Infante don Pedro, conforms completely to the underlying philosophy of the actual travels of the factual Dom Pedro: "Nature has conferred on man a burning desire to know things, and we hold in high esteem and, as it were, as objects of divine veneration those who, abhorring illiberal idleness of the body, make an effort through the power of their minds to investigate the secrets of nature by boldly traveling through the world, whence they are able to bestow on their own peoples a finished political well-being which is the product of their long peregrinations and of the diverse customs of men, the marvelous creations of each in each region." He praises the Emperor for his sponsorship of maritime discovery, which has resulted in a friendly meeting of East and West. He then expresses regret at the lack of harmony among Christian princes: "Would to God that other princes who call themselves Christian and are dedicated to peace were so inspired that they might wish to follow up, and with the same enthusiasm, what Your Majesty has so gloriously and happily begun." 238

M E A N I N G AND

AUTHORSHIP

Fray Juan goes on to remind the Emperor of Spain's great indebtedness to the men who sail the ocean seas and suffer in his service. He adroitly veers toward Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa and reminds the monarch of the great suffering this captain endured for the three years he, Fray Juan, knew him in India. The author thus introduces himself into his narrative, for he tried to aid the Spanish captain. He concludes by applying to the Emperor for a position in Seville as a teacher of geography and navigation, with detailed enumeration of his many qualifications. Fray Juan de Carmona took an active part in the thorny relations between Portugal and Spain which concluded with a new line of demarcation, the Tordesillas line of the eastern hemisphere. The settlement, established in 1529, was incorporated in the Treaty of Saragossa. The Canaries question was finally settled, and the Moluccas remained Portuguese. Fray Juan was definitely associated with one ship of Magellan's fleet, the Trinidad. Commanded at the time by Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, it was forced to surrender to the Portuguese in the Moluccas, leaving only the Victoria, under Juan Sebastian del Cano, to return home victorious. Gonzalo Gomez was held in the East until 1526.23 Viewed more broadly, Fray Juan numbered among a group who shifted allegiance as convenient. Magellan was a member, as were Rui Faleiro and others, including Esteväo Gomes (alias Esteban Gomez). Esteväo Gomes, a Portuguese in the service of Spain, was one of Magellan's pilots. He deserted his chief in the Strait of Magellan and returned to Seville in the San Antonio. He later led an expedition to North America in search of a northwest passage. Perhaps Fray Juan had known him, or of him, and had viewed Gomes as a kindred soul. Fray Juan Caro may well have been deeply religious, as his letters suggest, and also profoundly loyal to his native country. He may have sincerely believed that the Moluccas belonged to Spain and seen no offense to faith and good morals in serving and simultaneously betraying the King of Portugal. He obviously admired the superior technical knowledge of the Portuguese, and at the same time he felt constrained to remark in both letters that Charles V was being badly served by the Portuguese in the imperial service. 2

39

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM P E D R O

Sensitive to the charms of the East and sympathetic to the St. Thomas Christians, with one foot in both continental and ultramarine Portugal and the other in Spain, this priest, an ardent traveler for the sake of learning new things, in his youth could have prepared himself for his role in the Orient by extensive reading and by writing the Libro del Infante don Pedro. In the chapter in which he discusses Fray Juan Caro and the installation of Lopo Vaz de Sampaio as governor, Diogo do Couto suddenly turns to the departure from India for Portugal of the Rodrigo de Lima embassy to Ethiopia. Lima himself is present, and Father Francisco Älvares and Zagazabo, the latter acting as the Emperor of Ethiopia's ambassador to King Joäo III of Portugal, Älvares as his ambassador to the Pope. Fray Juan may have met this interesting group of personalities in India, or at least may have heard about them. He may even have traveled to Portugal with them. Had he had a supply with him in the -Indies, he would have given the ambassadors exemplars of his Libro. The travelers enjoyed an exceptionally fast passage, says Couto, and arrived in Lisbon on July 24, (1527). Another certain fact in this series of conjectures is the reference to the Libro del Infante don Pedro contained in the emasculated version of Älvares' narrative published in Lisbon thirteen years later. Fray Juan de Carmona could have known Älvares even before the latter left Portugal in 1515. Aware of the diplomatic relations between Ethiopia and Portugal through circulation of the Spanish Treslado dela carta, he would have been inspired by the chaplain's imminent departure in quest of Prester John to set his pen to paper. I have already suggested that the name of Prester John's capital city in the Libro may be related to the name of Älvares. It is even possible that the author's name was invented to amuse or embarrass Esteväo Gomes. Pending confirmation of an admittedly extravagant theory, I shall continue to regard the authorship of the chapbook as anonymous.

240

VIII

I m p a c t of t k e " B o o k " a n d t k e Travels E D R O plays an insignificant role in the chapbook which bears his august name. He serves as a protagonist who never comes alive. He is merely a name, hardly the true subject of the tale. A lengthy analysis of the real Pedro's real travels merits little place in this study whose major theme centers about the legends of St. Thomas and Prester John. B y a strange vicissitude of history, however, the real Pedro's widespread reputation as a traveler, dating from the early seventeenth century, together with modern recognition of his collaboration in the genesis of Portuguese maritime discoveries owe their existence primarily to the many editions of Gomez de Santisteban's story. Thus, Pedro's factual travels and the chapbook are intimately related. Because of the ill will toward the Infante Dom Pedro engendered by the intrigue of the 1440's and his inglorious demise, Zurara could not have written unbiased history regardless of his intent. Afonso V's chronicler expended his talents on admiration and glorification of Henrique. Although the memory of Pedro acquired official rehabilitation within Portugal by 1455, with the final interment in Batalha, Portuguese historical tradition in the brief interval had undergone an enduring misrepresentation. The tomb and the manuscript dedications in Florence, and the scattered references in the works of Piccolomini, did not suffice to offset the halo conferred on Henrique by the chronicler of Ceuta and of Guinea. When, in 1485, Vasco

241

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO

Fernandes de Lucena renders the royal obedience in the Vatican, Henrique is lauded, but Pedro goes unmentioned, as pattern dictates. In the section devoted to newly discovered places in Book XII of RafFaele Maffei of Volterra's Commentariorum urbanorum libri XXXVIII (Rome, 1506) the name of Henrique heads the list of discoveries, and he is described as a "uir ingenti animo." Similarly, in Vicenza in the following year Henrique opens the first of the six books of Fracanzano da Montalboddo's Paesi Nouamente retrouati. The glorification of the third son is accomplished in Italian, and Pedro is assigned to oblivion. The Infante Dom Pedro was certainly known as a historical entity to Portuguese chroniclers and historians, witness Rui de Pina. As regent of the young Afonso V , he signed many documents. In the historical tradition of the maritime discoveries, however, and especially in the early printed books which disseminated news of them, Pedro never received appropriate recognition. The first printed edition of Zurara's chronicle of Ceuta consecrated Henrique's association with the Descobrimentos. Over a century later Cändido Lusitano went so far as to publish a biography of the prince: Vida do Infante D. Henrique (Lisbon, 1758). A French translation appeared in 1781. In the nineteenth century Abbe Castro e Sousa's resume of Pedro's life and deeds (Lisbon, 1843) could hardly withstand the competition of the discovery and publication of the Paris manuscript of Zurara's Guinea chronicle. Richard Henry Major's Life of Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed the Navigator (London, 1868) and Charles Raymond Beazley's dramatically entitled Prince Henry the Navigator: The Hero of Portugal and of Modern Discovery (published in G. P. Putnam's Heroes of the Nations series in 1895) assured the focus of attention of international scholarship on the third son to the exclusion of the second son. In Portugal the romantic Oliveira Martins, in an effort to stem the tide, wrote of all the children in Os Filhos de D. Joäo I (first published in book form in 1891), yet when his work came to be translated into English, it appeared with the title The Golden Age of Prince Henry the Navigator (London, 1914). In i960 the Portuguese government stimulated global commemoration of the fifth centenary of the death of the Infante Dom Henrique.

242

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " A N D T R A V E L S

The two passages in the 1502 Valentim Fernandes and the 1563 Antonio Galväo volumes furnish the documentary cornerstones of the structure gradually erected by modern scholars in their attempts to evaluate collaboration of Pedro and Henrique in the advance of maritime research and development. These concern the gifts, Polo manuscript and mappemonde, which Pedro received in Venice. Until recently, however, their significance passed relatively unnoticed in Portuguese historical circles. The legend of Pedro's fabulous travels to the seven parts of the world caught the Lusitanian imagination. The real and the legendary Pedro became fused into one. Historiography will probably never entirely free itself of the influence of Gomez de Santisteban. Even Dr. Julio Gon^alves, in his book-length study of Pedro's travels published as recently as 1955, accepts some of the legendary fancies as factual. The infante travels overland from Barcelos to Valladolid, thence to northern Europe, at the outset of the tour. Toward the close of the sixteenth century Duarte Nunes de Leäo firmly established the inevitable fusion. A single monarch ruled Portugal and Spain. Many Portuguese writers employed the Castilian language, and Spaniards cultivated Portuguese themes. Several Spanish editions of the chapbook were already in circulation, and Spanish writers and scholars began to make use of them for their several purposes. Portuguese interest in the narrative would inevitably assume a different orientation. Many sons of Lusus may have viewed it as a subject for exploitation as they chafed under their neighbors' bit, or so imagined their plight. The numerous references to the Lion King of Hispania in the West might play a part in fortifying the national spirit and preparing for the inevitable casting off of the yoke. In those early days of the "captivity" few could have foreseen that the Restoration would eventually be accomplished in the person of the eighth Duke of Bragan9a, descendant of the Duke of Coimbra's mortal enemy, nor would they have detected the inherent irony in casting the Infante don Pedro as an instrument. Later, in the 1630's, Gaspar Dias de Landim was more attuned to political reality. He dedicated his chronicle of Dom Pedro (not published until the end of the nineteenth century) to the future Joäo IV and naturally presented an unfavorable Duke of Coimbra. As his account begins with 2

43

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

the coronation of Afonso V, he can perhaps be forgiven the omission of Pedro's earlier travels.1 In Genealogia verdadera Nunes de Leäo demonstrates the impact of the chapbook. In the continuation of the passage cited in the appendix he also reveals his acquaintance with historical fact: ". . . on that long peregrination of his, during which, with a great show of valor, he aided Emperor Sigismund against Turks and other peoples." Although this latter statement does not depend on Gomez de Santisteban, it contains an error of interpretation: Pedro aided Sigismund exclusively against Turks. Nunes de Leäo's amalgamation of the chapbook's fancies and of both factual and erroneous history reaches far greater extremes in his royal chronicle. This chronicler undertook to rewrite the accounts of the earlier kings of Portugal, possibly to remind the captive Portuguese people of the glories of their past. The first part, covering the various reigns down through that of Fernando I, was published in Lisbon by Pedro Crasbeeck in 1600. The second part, covering Joäo I, Duarte, and Afonso V, appeared in 1643, thirty-five years after the death of Nunes de Leäo and three years after the Restoration.2 In Portuguese, it does not bear the name of its author, known from the 1780 edition. In the section on Joäo I the travels of the Infante Dom Pedro are discussed at length, in the first printed attempt at a complete historical reconstruction of them. As the passage is the probable source of most later accounts of the travels, including those of Faria e Sousa and Caetano de Sousa, down to modern times, it warrants translation in full: Inasmuch as during those years a peace was established which gave every indication of being perpetual, the Infante Dom Pedro, a prince of keen intellect and a bachelor, decided to devote himself to some honorable occupation. He chose to go on a pilgrimage, being desirous not only of visiting the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem and other holy places but also of visiting other lands and conversing with their princes, for he was aware of the extent to which seeing the customs of others increases one's own wisdom. Therefore in the year 1424, with enough fidalgos and servants to care for his person without becoming a bother to him, with considerable money, and with credit for all parts, as was befitting, he departed from the house of his father the king and proceeded on his pilgrimage. And as he was the son of such a famous king and a blood

244

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " AND T R A V E L S relative of all Christian kings, and also in his own right so valorous and of such great prestige — he was thirty-two years of age at the time — he was treated in all parts, Europe as well as Asia and Africa, exactly as were the very kings of those lands. From these kings he received many honors because of his great wisdom, for he was very generous with the peoples among whom he passed, even spending on mere knights and lesser persons not only his own fortune but also what he received as gifts from various princes. Proceeding to the court of the reigning Grand Turk and to that of the Grand Sultan of Babylonia, he received many honors and rewards as presents. From those parts and from others he journeyed to Rome and by Pope Martin V, then reigning, he was received with great honor, for his own sake as well as for being the son of such a king. Among the favors which the Pope granted, of his own volition [motu proprio], was a bull whereby the kings [sic] of Portugal might be crowned and anointed, just like the kings of France and Aragon. And in this bull the Holy Father emphasized with many words the great knowledge and other qualities of the Infante Dom Pedro. From Italy the Infante Dom Pedro went to Germany and Hungary and the Kingdom of Dacia — whose kings were descended from those of Portugal 3 — where (as Aeneas Sylvius, who was later Pope Pius II, relates in the History of Bohemia) with men whom they had assembled, the King of Dacia and he aided Emperor Sigismund. Because of the many services rendered by the Infante which involved the Turks, and also, in Italy, the Venetians [sic!], the Emperor granted him the March of Treviso, which Sigismund acquired with the aid of the Infante [sic!], as may be determined from the actual document, which I saw in the Torre do Tombo and which contains great praises of the Infante. As for the March, it apparently reverted to those who formerly possessed it as a result of the peace treaty between them and the Emperor. From Germany, Pedro journeyed to England, which he was very desirous of seeing, as it was the homeland of his mother, the queen, for which reason he had all the appearance of a native-born Englishman, and he was so considered by everyone. He was received with great honor and much merry-making by King Henry I V [sic]. He was received in the same fashion by the King of Castile, his first cousin, who sallied forth a half a league from Aranda de Duero, where he was at the time, in order to meet him; and he offered him rich presents. From his nephew the King of Navarre, who sallied forth from Penafiel to meet him, he received other presents, such as caparisoned horses of great value. Because of this long peregrination, which lasted four years, the lower classes have come to refer to him as the "Infante who traveled over the seven parts of the world," and concerning him they write many fabulous things which 2

45

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO

were not only not observed but did not in fact exist. The poet Juan de Mena mentions that peregrination in his verses in praise of the Infante. Nunes de Leäo thus established a canon of the travels of the Infante Dom Pedro. It received wide dissemination in the Europa Portuguesa of Manuel de Faria e Sousa (1590-1649). A native of the Minho, this prolific writer and thorough scholar spent the latter part of his life in Madrid, and remained there even after the Portuguese Restoration of 1640. He wrote in Spanish. He refers to Pedro's travels in several works. In his great commentary on the Lusiads he indulges in perspicacious literary criticism of the Gomez de Santisteban narrative. Referring to the chapbook, which he calls a quaderno or "quire," by a Portuguese title (Auto do Infante dom Pedro), but without mention of its author, Faria e Sousa in one comment classifies it with narratives about Charlemagne, the Twelve Peers, the Knights of the Round Table, King Arthur, Bernardo del Carpio, and the Cid. In another comment he discusses the appropriateness of the word Auto and concludes that it means acciones suyas, "his own deeds." He further allots lengthy discussion to the credibility of the narrative. Although he exhibits great caution concerning its acceptance as fact, he does imply that people who have seen but little tend to reject the description of places unknown to them as false. In support of his argument he cites the Peregrinagam of Fernäo Mendes Pinto. He points out that, in any event, Dom Pedro was the Hispanic Ulysses of his age, and he mentions the aid the prince rendered Sigismund in the struggle against Turk and other enemies.4 In the Europa Portuguesa, in Spanish but published posthumously in Lisbon, Faria e Sousa did not manifest the good judgment displayed in his edition of Camöes. Instead, in his account of Pedro's travels, he merely paraphrased, without acknowledgment, the long version written by Nunes de Leäo. There is absolutely no doubt of this, no possibility that a posthumous editor of Nunes de Leäo's Cronicas, published in 1643, employed a manuscript of Faria e Sousa's Europa Portuguesa. Nunes de Leäo cites sources: Pius II's history of Bohemia, the document about Treviso in the Lisbon archives. Faria e Sousa mentions no sources. Everything in Faria e Sousa can be found in Nunes de Leäo. Some material used by the latter, however, does 246

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " A N D T R A V E L S

not appear in Faria e Sousa, the meeting with the King of Navarre, for example. Thus, Dona Carolina renders gross injustice when she designates Faria e Sousa, whom she calls "one of the yarn-spinnersmajor of the history of the fatherland, or perhaps the major," * as the first historian to attach historical value to Gomez de Santisteban's book.5 The attraction of Pedro's travels for the creative writers of the seventeenth century — Antonio de Sousa de Macedo, Dom Francisco Manuel de Melo, Antonio Serräo de Castro, and Tome Pinheiro da Veiga — is discussed in the appendix. The historians, biographers, and religious chroniclers of the period also came under their spell. Under the influence of Nunes de Leäo, Faria e Sousa, and the editions of Gomez de Santisteban which appeared with astonishing rapidity, they were inevitably led astray. One of their number provided a significant accretion to the tale. Frei Francisco Brandäo, a monk of Alcobaga whose life nearly spanned the century (1601-1680), in 1643 published a small volume which concerns Filipa, daughter of Dom Pedro. Published in Lisbon, it is entitled Conselho, e voto da Senhora Dona Felippa, filha do Infante Dom Pedro, sobre as tergarias, & guerras de Castella, com huma breve nottcia desta Princesa. In the manner of the author of the Libro del Infante don Pedro, Brandäo runs the entire scholarly gamut from the sublime to the ridiculous. Not only aware of Sigismund's grant of Treviso to Pedro, he even knows its date — January 22, 1418—-and is cognizant of the fact that Pedro sent Älvaro Gongalves de Ataide to take charge of the March. In other words, Brandäo had repaired to the archives, perhaps at the suggestion of Nunes de Leäo. Although both the latter's Cronicas and the Conselho, e voto were published in the same year, Brandäo knew Nunes de Leäo's work, for he was a censor! As indicated on the page of licenses, he compared the book with the original on March 19, 1643.His own volume of fifty-six pages received approval for circulation on November 9, 1643. Another facet of Frei Francisco's scholarly personality emerges, for the monk completely outstrips Gomez de Santisteban when he describes Pedro's sojourn in Valencia. Here Brandäo sets forth some highly original material. He affirms that Pedro's marriage was arranged * . . . um dos fabulistas-mores da historia patria, ou talvez ο maior. 2

47

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

in the palace of the Bishop of Valencia and that Älvaro Vasques de Almada and Diogo Gongalves Rombo bore witness. In his deep gratitude to the bishop, Brandäo continues, Pedro presented a notable relic to his cathedral, the sudarium, which still remained there when Brandäo wrote. Pedro had obtained the relic in Jerusalem. He wished to take the measurements of the Holy Sepulcher (a not uncommon desire on the part of pilgrims). A Turk in his retinue removed his white taffeta turban, which the Infante unrolled and used as a measuring stick. The Holy Saviour, greatly pleased with Pedro's Christian curiosity, imprinted the picture of His face on the taffeta, just as it is seen on sudaria. "Great was the Infante's consolation," Brandäo concludes, "at this favor from on high; and because it was a gift which he held in the highest esteem, he passed it on to the Valencians on this occasion when his marriage was discussed. Escolano and others mention it." Gaspar Escolano, in the first of his decades on the history of Valencia, does in fact include a "santo sudario" in a fantastically lengthy list of relics in the Iglesia Mayor of Valencia. He also relates how a prince of Portugal obtained it. He does not associate the miracle with the Infante Dom Pedro.8 The writing of history always adjusts to the moment and the milieu. One atmosphere obtained in seventeenth-century Portugal, quite another in eighteenth-century France. In his voluminous Histoire generale de Portugal (1735) La Clede transmits Faria e Sousa's account of Pedro's travels to enlightened Europe, but with certain of his own embellishments. One is his reference to the court of the Sultan of Babylonia as the Persian court. Another is the gratuitous remark appended to the mention of Martin V's bull: "as if it were necessary to get the Pope's permission to do these things." 7 A remarkable publication from eighteenth-century Portugal (recently reprinted) consecrated, as it were, the canon of Pedro's itinerary. Fact and fancy now became inextricably intertwined. A Lisbonese, Dom Antonio Caetano de Sousa (1674-1759), joined the order of Theatines. A diligent historian, he numbered among the earliest members of the Royal Academy of Portuguese History. His great work was the genealogical history of the royal family of Portugal, with accompanying documents. The second volume includes 248

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " A N D

TRAVELS

a long account of the Duke of Coimbra's travels directly derived from Nunes de Leäo.8 The early nineteenth century added a new datum to Dom Pedro scholarship. The exact year of the prince's departure for the court of Hungary had long puzzled writers. Those who interpreted the Treviso grant of January 1418 as a reward for services already rendered the emperor were forced to assign his leaving Portugal to the year 1417. If events of the early twenties required Pedro's presence in Portugal, two separate journeys were imagined. A persistent and reasonably accurate tradition had Pedro depart in 1424. The author of a series of biographical sketches of illustrious Portuguese men and women (Retratos, e elogios dos varöes, e donas, que illustraram a nagao portugueza) published in 1817, based his Pedro itinerary on Caetano de Sousa. At his elbow, however, lay a copy of Gomez de Santisteban containing the statement that Pedro sallied forth one Sunday after Easter. Our romantic author therefore asserts Pedro set out with twelve servants on Sunday, the last day of April 1424. A moment's research does in fact reveal that Easter Sunday of 1424 fell on April 23! 9 Portuguese writers henceforth vacillate considerably in the degree of their incredulity. An article signed J. da C. N. C. in the 1842 volume of the Lisbonese review Panorama (founded five years before by the Society for the Propagation of Useful Information) displays amazing accuracy. About Pedro, Henrique, and Marco Polo, it has Pedro set out in 1425 and remain away for three years, following a substantially correct itinerary. Its author rejects Antonio Galväo's information about maps. This article lends added interest because the 1838 volume contained an article on Pedro and his regency which was reprinted at the end of the 1885 and 1898 Portuguese editions (nos. 107 and 1 1 1 bis) of Gomez de Santisteban. Panorama thus led to the first positive identification within the chapbooks themselves of the subject of the tale.10 Later writers, such as Castro e Sousa, the bibliographer Inocencio da Silva, and many others, repeat the errors of the classical itinerary. Their admixtures of fact and fancy were negligible, however, in 2

49

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

comparison with the reconstruction of Pedro's travels compiled by the arch-combiner of the fantastic and the true. Oliveira Martins, romantic historian, man of letters, and statesman, lived from 1845 to 1894. He first published his study of the children of Joäo I in serial form in the first two volumes of the Revista de Portugal (1889-1890). The definitive edition appeared as an independent book of almost 500 pages. It has been issued in at least six additional Portuguese editions. Chapter I V , "The Travels of the Infante Dom Pedro," proffers an ingenious reconstruction in fifty-four pages based in part on documents published for the first time and in part, the major part, on Gomez de Santisteban. A learned commentary consisting largely of historical digression which rounds out the background accompanies the itinerary. Oliveira Martins believed Gomez de Santisteban, with occasional reservations. He recognized a difference between the Portuguese and Spanish versions but none within the Spanish version. He deemed the latter a translation from the Portuguese. Worse, he relied on the two latest editions readily available — Oporto, 1882, and Madrid, 1873 — primarily on the Portuguese. His conclusions follow. Pedro departed in 1418. He could not have left earlier because of the complications with Castile in 1417 and the expedition to Ceuta in 1418. He could not have left at a later date because of the necessity of arriving in Hungary in early 1419 to receive the grant of the March of Treviso. (The date 1418 on the documents is due to the peculiar Hungarian calendar, one year earlier than the Portuguese.) Twelve other travelers, including Älvaro Vasques de Almada, accompanied him. The travelers went first to Valladolid, where the invaluable interpreter Garci Ramirez joined them. From Castile they journeyed to the court of Sigismund, possibly, if the Spanish "lesson" is followed, directly by sea from Lisbon to Venice. [Oliveira Martins used the Madrid modification of the Andalusian recension!] In Hungary Pedro received his March and immediately joined King Eric of Denmark in fighting the Hussites. Next he fought the Turks. He served some four or five years with the Emperor in Germany. From Europe the group voyaged to Cyprus, thence to the court of Murad II in Patras, on to Constantinople, through Asia Minor, and finally to Cairo. T h e y probably became lost in Armenia and so

250

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " A N D T R A V E L S

returned to the Mediterranean and traveled to Alexandria by sea, although they could have gone overland through Syria to Egypt, visiting Palestine first. This Near Eastern excursion took place in 1425 or 1426. From Cairo the Portuguese visited Palestine. [Here Oliveira Martins favors us with a detailed commentary of some twenty-three pages based primarily on the first volume of Pietro della Valle's Viaggi (Venice, 1661), F. Eugene Roger's La terre saincte (Paris, 1646), and Fr. Pantaleäo de Aveiro's Itinerario (2nd edition, Lisbon, 1596).] From the Holy Land they again set out and headed northeast. Failing, they returned to Egypt, traveled up the Nile, and then over to Mount Sinai. "The chronicler of the journey here mixes the fantastic and the true in various-size doses." From Mount Sinai, Pedro and company travel once again through Egypt and then visit Europe, traversing it all from south to north, studying the colleges in Paris, perhaps even visiting Denmark. They next move on to England, where they arrive in 1425 [sic]. At the end of the year they pass over to Flanders and, after a year or more there, go through Hungary to Venice, where they arrive in the spring of 1428. In Rome in May, they go overland to Castile, and finally arrive in Portugal in September of 1428. This reconstruction by Oliveira Martins has gained acceptance as history among a large number of Portuguese historians and other writers up to the present day. The efforts of Dona Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcelos (1851-1925) to rectify the situation failed largely because her scholarship did not penetrate historical circles. A competent historian of literature and a philologist, she published her first important remarks on the subject in German, and her second study lay entombed in a Spanish Festschrift. In the article on Portuguese literature in Gröber's Grundriss (1894), the noted German wife of a distinguished Portuguese scholar rejected Gomez de Santisteban's tale as a historical source. She did believe, however, that it merited critical attention and suggested that answers to the following questions be sought: Does it contain a grain of truth? Does it report a single event that in all probability ever befell the Infante? Was it really written by one of the traveling companions? Has any writer named Gomez de Santisteban ever existed? Is the Spanish or the Portuguese form of the text the older? When 25 1

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM P E D R O

did the little book first appear? Who cites it? Are there any indications of a dependence on any older Peregrinatio or Itinerarium} In her edition and study of the manuscript of Constable Pedro's Tragedia de la Insigne Reina Dona Isabel, published in the first of two volumes dedicated to Menendez y Pelayo in 1899 and reprinted in a second edition as a separate study in 1922, Dona Carolina elaborated her own reconstruction of Pedro's itinerary and took Oliveira Martins severely to task. Her greatest contribution demonstrated that Oliveira Martins, and of course others before him, had misinterpreted the 1418 documents concerning the grant of the March of Treviso. As she herself pointed out, Sigismund "did not reward services already rendered, but rather attempted to attract the hero of the Ceuta campaign to one of the most exposed bulwarks of the Empire which it was important to defend against heretics, infidels, and barbarians." The ways of scholarship are indeed curious. In a brief allusion to Pedro's travels in The Portuguese Pioneers (1933) Edgar Prestage repeated some of the serious errors found in Oliveira Martins, notably concerning the award of the March in return for services rendered. Yet he dedicated his edition of the Marquis of Santillana's letter to Constable Pedro, published six years before in collaboration with Antonio R. Pastor, to Dona Carolina. Moreover, the two authors cite her two editions of the Tragedia and state that in the second of her excellent editions she made a careful study of the travels of the Infante Dom Pedro. 11 The Infante Dom Pedro's Virtuosa Bemfeitoria was published for the first time in 1910. Later editions appeared in 1940 and 1946. These have diverted the attention of many modern scholars from Pedro's travels to his thought, especially his political and moral philosophy. The Duke of Coimbra has achieved recognition as an intellectual of considerable stature, comparable with his brother Duarte, whose Leal Conselheiro has been available since 1842. Despite this trend, however, the peregrination never sheds its impact. On the one hand, the influence of Gomez de Santisteban and other fanciful accretions to the truth continue to be encountered in Portuguese publications or in books about Portugal, as when Pattee has Pedro fighting Lithuanians, Baumann takes him to Babylon, Syria, Egypt, Hungary, and Venice, and Bradford repeatedly refers to his Near Eastern travels.12 On the other hand, the fruits of sober scholarship by Esteves Pereira,

252

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " A N D

TRAVELS

Alberto Martins de Carvalho, Manuel Heleno, Costa Pimpäo, Charles Nowell, Moreira de Sa, Julio Gongalves, Father Gomes dos Santos, and others now permit greater perception of the real truth and are deeply appreciated by me. Although hinted at in the sixteenth century by Valentim Fernandes and Antonio Galväo, the notion that Pedro collaborated with Henrique in sponsoring maritime discovery and exploration was not developed until the nineteenth century. Ironically, the French scholar Ferdinand Denis, discoverer of the Paris manuscript of Zurara's Guinea chronicle and therefore the indirect promoter of the modern cult of Henrique, first glimpsed Pedro's role. In a statement published in 1846 Denis wrote that Pedro's fame does not extend beyond the frontiers of Portugal, that France is unaware of the part which he can claim to have played in the brilliant achievements of his brother. "As for us," he writes on a later page, "we are firmly convinced that Dom Pedro de Alfarrobeira, that brother of the Infante Dom Henrique whose name so rarely comes up in discussions of geography and the great maritime discoveries, contributed prodigiously — because of his vast knowledge and his statements — to the scientific movement which was about to begin." 1 3 Unwittingly, Denis was responsible for an extremely wide dissemination of Dom Pedro's name in international musical and poetic circles. In his charming little Monde enchante of 1843 he described the undated Valencia edition of Gomez de Santisteban (listed as no. 79 in the appendix) and summarized its contents. Guillaume Apollinaire read Denis' account of the tale, and his imagination was struck by the polysyllables dromadaires and don Pedro (TAlfaroubeira. The poet then interviewed the Moroccan statesman El Mokri at the Hotel Regina in Paris and repaired immediately afterward to the Cafe du Sentier to reveal his reaction to the Orientalism evoked by the interview. The verses on Dom Pedro in the Bestiaire were the result: With his four dromedaries Dom Pedro de Alfarrobeira Wandered and wondered at the world. He did what I would like to do If I had four dromedaries.14 2

53

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

Gustavo Uzielli, the great Italian Toscanelli scholar, read Denis with care and hence realized the importance of Pedro's travels. Uzielli wrote, however, at the time of the fourth centenary of Columbus' great feat. With its Henrique, the Portuguese scholarly public could hardly be expected to share the enthusiasm for a Genoese sailor and a Florentine cosmographer. The year 1892 belonged to Christopher in Italy, Spain, and Chicago. In 1894 the Portuguese countered with Henrique, as numerous postage stamps attest. The role of Pedro in the early phases of the Descobrimentos has been increasingly emphasized by twentieth-century writers. Mindful of the Milione and the map, one can readily theorize that Pedro undertook a mission to collect information, possibly not unlike that of Clavijo to the court of Tamerlane, or of Afonso de Paiva and Pero da Covilhl to Ethiopia and Malabar. There also arises the temptation to oppose Pedro to Henrique, to praise the Duke of Coimbra at the expense of his younger brother, even to depreciate Henrique. With Pedro exalted and Henrique minimized, Zurara, the latter's chronicler, must bear hostile attack. And thus it has evolved. Recent discussions of Pedro and Henrique and their respective roles in the sponsorship of maritime exploration have forcefully raised the issue of the reasons for the Portuguese overseas expansion. A fascinating and vital subject, the question of motivation inevitably assumes religious, political, and social overtones. Passions run high. The following summary statement serves to sketch in the background of the impact of Gomez de Santisteban's narrative on my own thinking. A dominant school in the Portugal of the past three decades and more has been formed by the economic historians, those who see economic forces as a principal determinant of human actions. Antonio Sergio long ago stated the question in beautifully balanced prose. In an article significantly entitled "The two national policies," he wrote: "We may therefore call the two schools the policy of Fixation and the policy of Transportation; the policy of Production and the policy of Circulation; the policy of Agriculture and the policy of Commerce; the nuclear policy and the peripheral policy; the policy of Dom Pedro and the policy of Dom Henrique; the policy of the good cape and the policy of the bad hood." (See page 67 above for the clothing allusion.) 16

254

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " A N D T R A V E L S

Some years later Jose de Braganga recognized that the Discoveries received considerable support from Pedro. He also opposed the brothers, depicting Henrique as representative of the policy of conquest, the idea of creating a Kingdom of the Algarve Beyond the Seas, the medieval chivalric spirit, in opposition to the experimental spirit of the Renaissance which was, to the contrary, oriented toward the opening up of new sea routes, peaceful commerce, and civilizing influences.16 Almost simultaneously the late Dr. Veiga Simöes wrote of Pedro's leaving the homeland as a lord of the Middle Ages to acquire land elsewhere because economic circumstances forced him to, because the land did not yield sufficient to support his establishment. Pedro returned a "modern man" rich in economic experience and possessed of the certainty that the era of immobile wealth represented by land had passed, that immobile wealth was giving way to mobile wealth represented by commercial exchange.17 Theories and theses must stem from correct facts, and backbreaking scholarship must precede the flowing pen. Veiga Simöes's thesis is weakened by his belief, derived from Oliveira Martins' careless research, that Pedro shared Sigismund's designs against Venice, the Emperor's "great commercial plan, based on the economic destruction of Venice." Thorough examination of Pedro's relations with Sigismund and with Venice in the light of available documents provides no confirmation of this notion. Magalhäes Godinho opposes the policy of maritime commercial expansion to the policy of territorial expansion by means of war. The former, he writes, is related to the economic interests of the bourgeoisie, the latter to the politico-financial interests of the nobility. Whatever the difference between economic interests and politicofinancial interests, in his appraisal Pedro represents the former, Henrique the latter.18 The facile opposition of the views of one person to those of another oversimplifies very complex issues. A decision regarding the establishment of a branch of Portugal in the Maghreb did not come easily. Strategic, logistic, and other factors, including the role of the Barbary pirates, required lengthy debate. Pedro's letter from Bruges and the discussions prior to the expedition to Tangier offer ample proof of such debate. Difference of opinion in the course of

255

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO

a policy discussion, however, does not imply fundamental and continuing disagreement in the execution of the decisions reached. Moreover, an able statesman does not necessarily maintain the same views throughout his career. Pedro may have defended certain ideas in the Virtuosa Bemfeitoria (written prior to his travels), as for example the notion that we must prefer the land to our parents. In the light of experience and altered circumstances he could well have abandoned such a view. Diamantino Martins therefore seems to force the facts in his claim that the decision taken at Leiria, after the Tangier disaster, to retain Ceuta and lose Fernando represented a victory for the thesis Pedro had defended in his treatise.19 The opposition of a bourgeoisie-supported Pedro to a nobilitybacked Henrique leads to the passionate debate waged in Portugal regarding the nature of the series of "revolutions" which placed the Master of Avis on the throne in 1385, enabled Pedro to seize the regency in 1439, and gave Afonso V his scepter and his wife in 1447. A greater truth is gradually emerging from the discussion, and the value to historians of the chronicles of Fernäo Lopes and Zurara looms more apparent. Publication of the earliest known text of the Libro del Infante don Pedro, however, should reveal that the chronicler Gomez de Santisteban deserves serious consideration in one fundamental respect. Zurara himself listed five forces which provided the motivation for the overseas expansion in Henrique's day: desire for accurate general information, desire for trade, desire for knowledge of the extent of the enemy's power, the possibility of foreign Christian princes as allies, and desire to baptize souls. T o these the eulogist of Henrique added the inevitable sixth force: the turning of Fortune's wheel.20 Zurara very correctly accepts a multiple motivation. His is a synthesis of the economic motive, the crusade, missionary activity, and a purely intellectual interest in knowledge for its own sake. He also points to the possibility of military alliance with foreign Christian princes. These princes could only be Prester John (Emperor of the Monophysite Ethiopian Christians), the ruler of the Nestorian (?) St. Thomas Christians in South India, and whatever Christian potentates existed in China. A Western European desire for military alliance and doctrinal 256

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " A N D T R A V E L S

union with Eastern Christians living beyond Islam in order to oppose a common front to the waxing Ottoman empire, and desire on the part of the royal family of Portugal to be the instrument of such alliance and union, are generally overlooked in discussions of the Portuguese passage to the Indies. Thus, the pastoral letter of the Portuguese bishops of the mother country, issued in Lisbon on January 16, 1959, states that the most heroic part of Portuguese history "from the very founding of Portugal, was a crusade and a mission: [the Portuguese] departed from Portugal to extend His kingdom, creating Christendom." 21 Gomez de Santisteban, who presumably lived in neighboring Andalusia at precisely the time the Portuguese were planning to enter Ethiopia and were becoming acquainted with the Christians of St. Thomas, was keenly aware of the many motivating forces of the fifteenth century. He coupled the double quest of John and Thomas with the travels of the Infante Dom Pedro. He thereby provided a measure of support, an early sixteenth-century confirmation, for the following general conclusions.

CONCLUSIONS The Portugal of Joäo of Avis and his English wife Philippa of Lancaster was strongly Christian and loyal to the Pope of Rome. The royal princes received training as obedient and respectful children, reflections of an age of waning chivalry. A single disturbance marred the surface of the scene: the presence of Joäo I's ambitious bastard son, older than the legitimate children and resentful of them. The children, unaware of these negative facets of Afonso's character, admired him, and followed his pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 140ό with the utmost enthusiasm. They also took great interest in events at the Council of Pisa and the accounts related by the recently returned Portuguese embassy. In addition to the problem of three popes, they learned of the Latin translation of Ptolemy's Geography, of the announcement of Pierre d'Ailly's Ymago Mundi, and details of Azambuja's pilgrimage to the Holy Land. After lengthy negotiations it became clear that a long-term peace

257

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO with Castile was about to be achieved. Duarte, Pedro, and Henrique, aided and abetted by others in the court who saw opportunities for military glory or commercial gain, projected an operation in the grand medieval manner against Ceuta in Morocco, an expedition to be undertaken for the greater glory of G o d and of Christendom, one designed to dazzle fellow-Latins, so preoccupied by petty internal dissension. T h e young princes also hoped to win their spurs of knighthood. T h e King, having been persuaded, formulated detailed plans and notified Pope John X X I I I , newly elected at Pisa as a third pontiff, of the proposed expedition. Some question existed concerning the legitimacy of John as supreme pontiff. T h e temporal head of Christendom, Emperor-elect Sigismund, was therefore also kept abreast of developments. He, deeply involved in the Council of Constance and the denouement of the Hus affair, sent an observer, his old companion Oswald von Wolkenstein, and he himself managed to be close to the Franco-Aragonese frontier at the time set for the assault. Ceuta fell to the Portuguese on August 21, 1 4 1 5 , and Fernando of Aragon and Emperor Sigismund were so advised by direct messenger. Sigismund also heard detailed accounts from his agent the Minnesinger. A n impressive embassy which the King of Portugal dispatched to Constance some weeks later assured even broader circulation of the splendid tidings. T h e significance of Portugal's achievement and the valor of her princes became common knowledge. Duarte, sickly and fully aware that his future lay within Portugal guiding affairs of state, could not participate in the great excitement of those momentous days. Pedro and Henrique, on the other hand, were dazzled. With a choice of careers open to them, they capitalized for the moment on the newly won victory by including personal representatives within the embassy to the council in Switzerland. Duarte could not afford to allow Africa and the exciting lands beyond to overtax his imagination. Pedro and Henrique knew no such restraint. T h e y had set foot in the mysterious East. T h e y had seen Moslems at first hand and tasted of war, not chivalric combat but bitter inter-religious war. T h e y suddenly comprehended the magnitude of the Christian Reconquest within Iberia and appreciated the difficulties of what they could now judge was a global struggle with 258

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " A N D T R A V E L S

Islam. They could make contributions, they concluded, each in a way peculiar to his temperament. Of inquisitive and technical bent, Henrique decided to use his influence and what wealth he could command to establish a research and development center of African discovery and exploration on Sagres Point and apply its findings through the medium of vessels based on nearby Lagos. Pedro recognized that his more abstract predilections lay in philosophy, political theory, and global strategy. Whereas Henrique wanted to investigate the unknown world, Pedro wished to know the known, meet the great of his day, and fully acquaint himself with all aspects of the Moslem enemy. Unlike his younger brother, Pedro found ladies attractive. True to his dying mother's charge, he felt responsible for the welfare of his only sister. His personal thoughts turned to his own marriage. He dreamed of a brilliant marriage with a great European princess, which would assure his association with the mainstream of Christian achievement. He authorized his representative at Constance to explore this matter. Sigismund, pondering Oswald's words, quickly comprehended Pedro's nature. Brilliant, brave, ambitious, experienced in combat, Pedro could serve him well. The five-year truce between Sigismund's Kingdom of Hungary and the Adriatic Republic of Venice, effected on April 17, 1413, neared expiration. Like other rulers of his day, he lacked leaders for his motley army. On January 22, 1418, he therefore attempted to attract Pedro of Portugal to his service with the offer of the March of Treviso on condition that he occupy it. He supplemented the award with an offer of an annual stipend of 20,000 ducats in return for such services as the prince should render him. Sigismund miscalculated. Pedro observed the lofty purposes of his brother Henrique. He realized that Duarte was sickly and, at twenty-seven, unmarried. His father constantly reminded him that Duarte might never marry, might indeed die young. If he should marry, he might produce no offspring. In fine, Pedro should prepare himself to rule in the event . . . Pedro envisaged a glorious reign, himself a worthy Christian ruler performing his duty to his Faith and Church. The thought of warring against fellow-Christians of the Latin rite filled him with repugnance. 2

59

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM PEDRO Moreover, the Venetians had always maintained friendly relations with Portugal, as evidenced in the treatment accorded the Count of Barcelos. Fighting heretics in Bohemia or elsewhere did not inspire him. His chief concern lay only with the real enemy, Moslems, Moor or Turk. Pedro therefore deferred action. H e read widely and he wrote, also translating, or sponsoring translations. Meanwhile, he awaited the outcome of the struggle with Italians and Hussites before making his decision to join Sigismund. Once the Christian air had cleared, he realized Sigismund would be fully occupied with Turks in the Balkans, and he judged this the propitious moment to make personal contacts and to acquire experience and glory. T h e ugly rumor concerning the reason for his three-year peregrination which circulated in Regensburg was probably untrue, although a v o w may have been involved. Pedro set out in 1425 as the second son of the King of Portugal. In his own mind he could as well have been the first-born. H e conducted himself in the manner of a great lord and had no hesitation in suggesting his sister as a suitable bride for Duke Philippe of Burgundy. His hosts everywhere accepted him as future king and received him accordingly. True to one portion of the spirit behind the 1418 proposals, he served Sigismund and fought the Turks. H e also observed the other wing of Islam and perceived that the fighting in eastern Europe was deadly in earnest. He became increasingly engrossed in the extra-European problems of Christendom, and heard tales of the gypsies from out of the East. During his travels Pedro kept in close touch with his father and royal brothers, especially Duarte and Henrique. T o Duarte he passed on his observations regarding the art of domestic rule, occasionally with tongue in cheek. From Henrique he received requests for assistance: maps, books on the East, experienced cartographers, astronomers, naval architects. While in eastern Europe he received the unwelcome news of Duarte's impending marriage to an Aragonese princess in September of 1428. Pedro set out on his return to Portugal. Duarte, he decided, had succumbed to a political marriage. T h e heir-apparent had allowed himself to become embroiled in European politics at the very time Christian Europe, as Pedro now knew at first hand, was never more torn asunder. Pedro felt strongly that

260

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " AND T R A V E L S

Portugal should remain aloof from the sordid and sorry state of affairs in which the West found itself. Christendom needed one "pure" nation to guard against losing sight of the true enemy, the central problem. Henrique's activities moved in the proper direction. He was reaching out to possible Oriental allies, strengthening European technology, and laying the groundwork for firm economic support based on ever broadening trade. Pedro felt disillusioned and appalled by conditions in Europe — by street brawls between bishops and royal uncles in England, by ostentation at the court of Burgundy, by Sigismund's personal morality. (It is ironic, and prophetic, that he succeeded to the stall of Thomas Beaufort in the Order of the Garter.) He thereupon resolved to forego a pilgrimage from Venice to the Holy Land and return directly home, to assist his younger brother, and to avoid diversions within Europe. As for his own marriage, he would accept a princess of maximum attractiveness combined with least political influence. He was assailed by regret at having sacrificed Isabel to Burgundy but could not undo his error. Continuing in the pose of heir-apparent — although truthfully writing to the senate of Nuremberg and to old friends like the Bishop of Regensburg as the second son — a pose confirmed by the confidence his father implied in the will drawn in Pedro's absence, Pedro gratefully accepted a manuscript of Marco Polo's Description of the World and a mappemonde in Venice. In the former he, and later Henrique, read of the East and of the Eastern Christians scattered throughout that area. On the latter they observed that, contrary to the Ptolemaic geography only recently disseminated in Pisa, Africa had no eastern extension connecting with a peninsula on the farther Asiatic shore and enclosing the Indian Ocean. T o the contrary, it was possible to sail around Africa, up its east coast, and on to the Indies. The statement Pedro had read in John of Hildesheim prior to his visit to the shrine of the Three Kings of Cologne was thus confirmed: the existence of a tide in the Red Sea was not only reasonable but to be expected, for the Red Sea flowed into the outer ocean. Italy particularly impressed Pedro. This country, he concluded, could be of greatest assistance to Portugal and therefore indirectly to the Christian cause. He took little interest in the new "pagan" de20 1

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E D O M P E D R O

lights and was scarcely attracted by the so-called humanism. O n the other hand, he perceived the possibility of applying appropriate portions of the new learning to the Portuguese enterprise. In Aragon, Pedro found three causes for rejoicing. H e met men useful to his brother, heirs of the great Catalonian lore of old. He heard of the Ethiopian embassy of the previous year. H e met a girl who appealed to him, and her rejection by the Burgundian duke who was soon to marry Pedro's sister heightened her attractiveness. Pedro had certain personality and character defects. His personal charm, displayed with ease when the occasion demanded, was tainted by a streak of malevolence. T h e ambition which led him to aspire to the throne was accompanied by a desire to spite the married Duarte, regardless of the affection of the latter for his younger brother. Pedro selected for his bride the daughter of the mortal enemy of Duarte's betrothed's father. B y so doing, Pedro committed an error in judgment which was to cost him his life and very nearly his posthumous reputation. Pedro returned, settled down, married, and raised a family. H e had a son in the first year of his marriage (1429). Duarte, married in the preceding year, had no children. Although the years passed, Pedro might yet reign. H e suffered his second cruel blow in 1432 with the birth of Duarte's son Afonso. Fernando followed in 1433. W i t h the throne thus secure, Pedro would never rule. Duarte's health continued to be frail and his death was an ever-present possibility. Pedro aspired to a significant, resplendent regency. In all sincerity he determined that, if he should become regent, none of the mistakes witnessed in England would find repetition in Portugal. A f t e r his return, as during his travels, Pedro continued to encourage Henrique, always stable and unchanging, in the pursuit of exploration. T h e goal was the rounding of Africa, so down the W e s t African coast the caravels must sail. T h e wind pattern of the North Atlantic Ocean required a return made via a westward sweep. T h e Madeiran islands had thus been discovered even before Pedro set out. N o w , shortly after his return, the Azores had been encountered. Henrique's attention leaned partially toward Atlantic islands, for use as w a y stations and supply depots. Henrique was tempted by the Castilian-held Canary Islands, especially by the islands of that archipelago 2 0 2

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " A N D T R A V E L S

which the Castilians had not yet conquered from the native Guanches. Pedro, however, imposed a restraining hand and tried to impress Henrique with the urgent need of avoiding quarrels with fellowChristians, the one lesson Henrique never succeeded in learning. Florence, too, had profoundly impressed Pedro, and Pedro impressed Florence. Pedro maintained intimate relations with his friends on the Arno. Moreover, he had a private interest in the city: the money left him by his father was invested in its public debt. Dom Gomes Ferreira da Silva kept the investment under close surveillance and reported every important event to the Duke of Coimbra. The Council of Basel was dividing Europe. Portugal, due in part to the pressure Pedro exercised on his brother, the king, remained loyal to the Pope. With his own funds Pedro helped finance a brilliant embassy which in 1436 first journeyed to the Pope, at the time in Bologna. Its purpose was in part the presentation of Portuguese claims in the renewed dispute between Portugal and Castile over the Canaries. The embassy then proceeded to Basel. The lay leader of the embassy concluded his mission with a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. Pedro obtained information on world affairs from his friends and agents in Florence, from the Count of Ourem, and from the two Portuguese bishops who journeyed to the Golden Horn, one from Basel, one from Pope Eugenius, to persuade the Greeks to seek union with the West. These were momentous days for Portugal. The Council of Basel sat in session. A pending rival (yet canonical) council would certainly be concerned with Eastern Christians. The Canaries were the subject of important negotiations. Portugal attempted conquest of Tangier but failed. Duarte died, and, as long foreseen, Pedro became regent. Pedro commenced reigning in the name of his nephew Afonso V at the moment the Council of Florence moved into its ultra-Islamic phase, of major import to the Portuguese royal brothers. In the late summer of 1439 Fra Alberto da Sarteano, O.F.M., had set out on a mission to solicit delegations from Ethiopian, Egyptian, and even, if possible, Indian Christians. He bore twin letters from Eugenius addressed, the one, to "Dearly beloved son in Christ, Thomas, illustrious Emperor of the Indians," the other, to "Dearly beloved son Prester John, illustrious Emperor of the Ethiopians." Exactly two 263

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM P E D R O

years later the Franciscan returned to Florence in the company of an Ethiopian delegation from the Ethiopian monastery in Jerusalem, a Coptic delegation from Cairo, and a renegade Christian whom he had sought out and found in Cairo, one Nicolo de' Conti, a Venetian who had but recently returned from a long sojourn in the farther Indian Ocean area and bristled with information. Pedro, and therefore Henrique, followed these events with avid interest. Indeed, an early act of the new regent recalled "il Gomezio portoghese" home to report at first hand. From these varied sources the Portuguese rulers acquired all available knowledge relevant to Egypt, the Holy Land, Ethiopia, the southern coast of Asia as observed by Nicolo, and even Cathay, for a mysterious delegate of this remote region appeared in Florence. All informants were Christians, and the emphasis fell on the Christians who lived beyond Islam. True to the conviction formed during his European peregrination, Pedro constantly drew on Italian knowledge. He called an Italian to Portugal to serve as tutor to the young Afonso and thus set a precedent for a later generation. Meanwhile, Henrique progressed to ever-surpassing deeds in West Africa, for his men alone were reaching out to the Christians of the East, to the Indies. The 1415 expedition to Ceuta had been in many ways a truly international crusade. The new ventures farther south were a thoroughly Portuguese phenomenon and Zurara's Guinea chronicle a thoroughly Lusitanian document. Regent Pedro gave Henrique every support the government had at its disposal. A pattern was established, a plan, a purpose, formulated: the Portuguese sought Prester John and the shrine of St. Thomas, and, with good fortune, the Christians of Cathay. Simultaneously, Pedro, whose official countenance appeared so noble, preoccupied by lofty ideals, began to deteriorate from within. He secretly envied Henrique's assurance, satisfaction, and lack of personal goals. As a guarantee that his blood, if not his person, would one day rule Portugal as king, he arranged the marriage of his infant daughter Isabel to her first cousin Afonso V . He resorted to other indiscretions which revealed inordinate ambition and exaggerated pride of family. He even lay claim to his March of Treviso and thereby entered into contact with imperial personages so recently tainted by the conciliar

264

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " AND T R A V E L S principle. These events unfolded just as a Florentine was dedicating a biography of Gomezio to him. Pedro gradually emerged as an individual of greater geopolitical sophistication than Henrique, and in general wiser and more erudite, but of lesser moral stature.22 Henrique, who recognized these weaknesses in his brother, saw Pedro as guilty of offending against the royal and chivalric code by marching against his lawful king. Henrique had no choice than to support the nephew against the uncle. Isabel of Burgundy, on the other hand, remained loyal to Pedro. She, like the Duke of Coimbra, felt herself on the margin of Portuguese affairs. Pedro was killed in 1449. Henrique carried on, in part with Italian assistance, but in the absence of Pedro's guiding hand he became embroiled with the Castilians over the Canaries once again and even advised Afonso V to seize Malaga, although it lay within the sphere of influence of Castile. T h e papal bull settling the Canaries question (Romanus pontifex of 1455) reveals, however, that the fraternal objective of Christian Indies still loomed before Henrique's eyes, for the text affirms that it appeared to the prince that "he would best perform his duty to G o d in this matter [exploration], if by his effort and industry that sea [to the south and east] might become navigable as far as to the Indians who are said to worship the name of Christ, and that thus he might be able to enter into relation with them, and to incite them to aid the Christians against the Saracens and other such enemies of the faith." Henrique died in 1460. Despite minor interruptions and distractions, the Portuguese royal family continued its great enterprises. In 1485 Joäo II thought his sailors had almost rounded Africa and were nearing the East African waters and approaching those Eastern Christians of whom his predecessors had heard so much. In fullest confidence, the king instructed his embassy to apprise Pope Innocent V I I I that he, Joäo, and his associates fell heir to "the by no means uncertain hope of exploring the Barbarian Gulf [the Ptolemaic Sinus Barbaricus], where kingdoms and nations of Asiatics, barely known among us and then only by the most meager of information, practice very devoutly the most holy faith of the Saviour." With the Cape rounded, the all-water route to India lay revealed. 23 Valentim Fernandes could think of no greater service to his mon265

T R A V E L S OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM P E D R O

arch than the publication in Portuguese translation of the three best available descriptions of the world over which Manuel now assumed dominion. One was that of Marco Polo. Another was the description of the Indies written by Poggio the Florentine based on the information supplied him by the delegates to Florence and by Nicolo de' Conti. In his introduction the printer-editor disclosed that the old panChristian fervor still persisted in the Portuguese capital: "Oh, what a wonderful thing to find Christians in the other world, Christians, who take as much pleasure in asking after our lands as our men after theirs!" Over a brief span of years Jacobo Cromberger of Seville printed the Libro del Inj ante don Pedro de Portugal, Ambassador Rodrigo de Lima penetrated Ethiopia, and Governor Dom Duarte de Meneses' men opened the tomb of St. Thomas in Mylapore. Christian East and Christian West were temporarily joined in popular literature and in fact. The chapbook presented an accurate portrayal of Pedro. Desirous of seeing the world, and always traveling as a great lord, he occasionally exhibited unfortunate traits of character. He allowed his spokesman on occasion to prevaricate. Greedy, he willingly accepted the donations of his hosts. He was inordinately proud and intensely emotional. Gomez de Santisteban indulged in no contrasts. He never mentioned Henrique's name. Nevertheless, by choosing not to exalt Pedro, he indirectly participated in the universal and justly deserved admiration of Henrique, to whom scholars and the masses down the ages have rendered fitting tribute.

266

APPENDIX

T k e T e x t of tke

?f

Book"

A c r o s s tke Centuries The early printed Prester John letters in Italian and French, the Latin books containing Prester John, Patriarch John, John of Hese, and other popular items, the obedience orations, royal letters, and pure news tracts in Latin, German, and Italian, and the Pierres de Provenga, and Infante don Pedro in Spanish all have one outstanding characteristic in common: their format. They measure roughly five by seven inches and consist of from four to twenty or more leaves. In technical language they are normally quartos in fours about thirteen by eighteen centimeters. In other words, they were inexpensive. They were intended for a mass market and presumably sold widely. Enjoying extensive circulation among persons who could not afford to collect bibliographical treasures — often long dull narratives — they were read avidly and literally used up. They are therefore today collectors' items. Many of these cheap books were reprinted time and again in the vernacular languages. They were hawked by peddlers (chapmen) and are known to us as chapbooks. All countries of Western Europe had their chapbooks, and the same stories were hawked in all countries: Doctor Faustus, Floire and Blanchefleur, John of Paris, Reynard the Fox, the Wandering Jew, the Seven Sages of Rome, and many others. In France this production of the printers' presses was known as litterature du colportage. In Iberia equally descriptive terms were applied: pliegos sueltos, "loose sheets," and literatura de cordel, "string literature." In Iberia as elsewhere the inexpensive folk books enjoyed widespread vogue from the 1490's, if not earlier, until supplanted by cheap newspapers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They

269

APPENDIX

assured the continued diffusion of medieval legends, pious tales, sensational historical events, and new literature specifically written for the medium. They even preserve the names of some of the authors and adaptors, for instance those of the later Spaniards Hilario Santos Alonso and Manuel Jose Martin. Some printing houses specialized in the chapbooks. Included among their number were very reputable establishments which undoubtedly wished to recoup losses incurred with the better books by exploiting a mass market. In order to fill out their products to the desired number of pages the publishers often listed on one of the last pages the other chapbooks available. Later entrepreneurs in Oporto in Portugal took advantage of blank pages not to advertise but to include an added attraction. The Portuguese text of the Infante don Pedro was thus combined with such varied fare as anecdotes of the feminine sex, adventures of Baron Munchausen, Cook's travels, and a historical statement concerning Pedro's regency and death. The title pages of the chapbooks were almost always graced with an illustration, and occasionally there were pictures in the text. The printers kept a supply on hand for insertion as needed, and very often the same picture was employed to illustrate different texts. The late Aubrey F. G . Bell has pointed out that the portrait of Robert le Diable in one Portuguese edition is actually Napoleon III and that Princess Magalona in another is Edward VII's Queen Alexandra! 1 As might be expected, many of the Iberian chapbooks were condemned by Church authorities in various indexes of prohibited books. Maiden Theodora fared particularly badly. She is mentioned nominatim in the Lisbon, 1624, index: "The play [auto~\ or story about the maiden Theodora. And in general any plays, comedies, tragedies, and farces which are dishonest or which portray ecclesiastical persons indecently, or depict any sacrament or sacramental act, or blame or rail against persons who frequent the sacraments and go to church, or insult any order or status approved by the Church." 2 This criterion was most reasonably applied in the case of Theodora. She, not to be confused with Justinian's empress, deserved condemnation. Using pretentious language she participated in a combination which was partly medieval disputation and in part modern quiz show. She synthesized the catechism, astrology, and general medieval natural

270

T E X T ACROSS T H E

CENTURIES

history into a most ridiculous whole. The Libro del Infante don Pedro, clearly written by a sincere priest, was not condemned, for it did not offend. The chapbooks circulated in the Spanish New World at a very early date. Thanks to the researches of Professor Irving Leonard and others, the nature of books read by the conquistadors en route to and in the Americas is well known. Documents reveal that five copies of the Libro del Infante don Pedro were shipped to Mexico and eighty to Tierra Firme in 1586 and three more to Tierra Firme in 1598. Unfortunately, knowledge of the fate of Portuguese books in the Portuguese ultramar is very inadequate. It is known, however, that chapbooks were printed in Rio de Janeiro beginning shortly after 1840. The list given by Inocencio da Silva includes the old stock-in-trades: A donzella Theodora, Roberto do Diabo, Imperatriz Porcina, Joäo de Calais, Corcovados de Setubal, Carlos Magno, Pelle de burro, A virtuosa D. Francisca do Algarve, and others. Don Pedro is not on the list.8 The expressions pliegos sueltos and literatura de cordel connote the method by which the Iberian chapbooks were marketed, although the exact method is a matter of conjecture and dispute. The little books were printed on sheets, each of which was folded twice to make four leaves. A book of twenty-four pages accordingly consisted of three sheets, or "tres pliegos." Some Spanish printers indicated on the title page the number of sheets of which their product consisted, although no Portuguese printer, to my knowledge, did so. The practice was prevalent on popular books in Spain from the end of the sixteenth to the end of the nineteenth centuries in Madrid, Cordova, and elsewhere. It has also been observed in Paris in the first half of the sixteenth century, on sacre rappresentazioni published by Giovanni Baleni in Florence at its end, and on American pamphlets and magazines of the first half of the nineteenth century. Professor Jackson rejects the idea that printed sheet numbers were employed, like the earlier registers, to enable the printer, binder, or purchaser to check the completeness of the volume, and suggests that they were intended to serve as a guide for the pricing of books, especially in Spain. The above-mentioned American examples served to determine the amount of postage due. In Spain the sheet numbers 271

APPENDIX

may also have been related to the tax due on individual copies. In any event, the numbers are an indication of size. The fact that the advertisements contained within the chapbooks categorized the items by the number of sheets seems to prove that the numbers were the key to retail price.4 The Portuguese expression literatura de cordel is explained by verses of Nicolau Tolentino de Almeida written at the end of the eighteenth or beginning of the nineteenth century: T o d o s os Versos leo da Estatua Equestre, Ε todos os famozos Entremezes, Que no Arsenal ao vago caminhante Se vendem a cavallo n'hum barbante.*

In the middle of the eighteenth century the privilege of selling this literature was reserved in Portugal to the blind, who often maintained stalls for their business. On January 7, 1749, King Joäo V issued an edict in favor of an association of the blind, the Irmandade do Menino Jesus dos Homens Cegos, which, according to the second chapter of its statutes, had a monopoly on the sale of "almanacs, stories, narratives, reports, Portuguese and Spanish comedies, plays, and second-hand books." Teofilo Braga, the Portuguese literary historian who has been most attentive to the chapbooks, stated that in his day (last decades of the monarchy) the blind were still selling these books "but also have recourse to complementary labors, such as the sale of newspapers and boxes of matches." 6 Iberian chapbooks, greatly in need of detailed study, are preserved in collections in the Cleveland Public Library, Chicago's Newberry Library, Boston Public Library, Harvard College Library, British Museum, national libraries in Paris, Madrid, and Lisbon, and presumably elsewhere. On a 1955 visit to the colorful Museu de Arte Popular near the Jeronimos and Tower of Belem just west of Lisbon, I was overjoyed to notice on display in a case in the Alentejo-Estremadura room, as manifestations of Portuguese folk art, the following chapbooks: Historia verdadeira da Princeza Magalona, Lisboa Ocidental: Manuel Fernandes da Costa, 1737. * H e read all the verses about the equestrian statue, and all the famous farces which a passer-by in the Arsenal finds offered for sale astride a piece of string.5

272

T E X T ACROSS T H E C E N T U R I E S

Historia verdadeira do grande Roberto, Duque de Normandia, e lmperador de Roma, Lisbon: Francisco Borges de Sousa, 1761. Auto novo, e curioso da Forneira de Aljubarrota, by Diogo da Costa, Lisbon: Herd, de Antonio Pedroso Galräo, 1743. Historia jocosa dos tres corcovados de Setuval, Lisbon: Galhardo e Irmäos, 1842. Malicia das mulheres, Lisbon: Antonio Lino de Oliveira, 1827. Barco da carreira dos tolos, by Jose Daniel Rodrigues da Costa, new edition, Lisbon: Elias Jose da Costa Sanches, 185ο.7

%

N o count has ever been made of all the editions of all Iberian chapbooks. Were one available, it would reveal that the Libro del Infante don Pedro figures among the most popular. Over the years I have seen, or seen unambiguous descriptions of, fifty-nine Spanish and fifty-two Portuguese editions. In addition, I have encountered references to ten other editions — four in Spanish and six in Portuguese — which I reject as unlikely. I believe mention of them has been due to errors of one kind or another. Elsewhere I have published a list of one hundred thirteen of the editions; it discusses the printers, present owners, variant title pages, reasons for rejecting the ten doubtful editions, awareness of the chapbooks on the part of bibliographers, and the mistaken notion that an Itinerario of the Infante Dom Pedro was published in the fifteenth century. The following is a check list of the editions with which I am acquainted;8 it retains the numbering system of the separately published list. A question mark preceding the designation indicates the doubtful editions. An asterisk indicates that I have seen one or more exemplars of the edition, or a microfilm or other photographic reproduction. 1. 2. 3. 4.

* ca. 1515 Spanish (i.e., C). [Seville: Jacobo Cromberger]. ? 1544 Portuguese. ? 1546 Spanish. * 1547 Spanish (i.e., P). Salamanca: Juan de Junta, January 25. 27 3

APPENDIX

4 bis. * 1554 Spanish (i.e., Β). Burgos: Juan de Junta. 5. ? 1554 Portuguese. 6. * 1563 Spanish (i.e., Μ ) . Burgos: Felipe de Junta. 7. 1564 Spanish. Burgos: Felipe de Junta. 8. 1570 Spanish. Saragossa: Juan Millan. 9. * 1580 Spanish. Seville: Alonso de la Barrera. 10. * 1581 Spanish. Valladolid: Diego Fernandez de Cordoba. 11. Barcelona 1595 Spanish. 12. ? Seville 1595 Spanish. 12 bis. 1596 Spanish. Seville: Juan de Leon. 13. * 1602 Portuguese. [Lisbon]: Antonio Älvares (father). 14. 1604 Spanish. Seville: H. de Lara. 15. * 1606 Spanish. Alcala de Henares: Juan Gracian. 16. 1606 Portuguese. 17. * 1622 Spanish. Salamanca: Antonia Ramirez viuda. 18. ? 1624 Spanish. 19. 1626 Spanish. 20. 1639 Spanish. Madrid. 20 bis. 1644 Spanish. Valencia: "Herederos de Crisostomo Garriz, Por Bernardo Nogues." 21. * 1644 Portuguese. Lisbon: Domingos Carneiro. 22. 1646 Portuguese. Lisbon: Antonio Älvares (son). 23. 17th-century Spanish. N.p., n.d. 24. * 17th-century Portuguese. Lisbon, n.d. 25. 1657 Spanish. 26. 1658 Portuguese. 27. * 1664 Portuguese. Lisbon: Domingos Carneiro. 28. * 1669 Spanish. Barcelona: "en la Emprenta de Francisco Cormellas Mercader, por Iacinto Andreu Impressor." 29. 1685 Spanish. Barcelona: Antonio Lacavalleria. 30. 1690 Spanish. 31. * 1690 Portuguese. Lisbon: Domingos Carneiro. 32. * ca. 1690 Spanish. N.p., n.d. 33. 1696 Spanish. Valencia: Francisco Mestre. 34. * 1698 Portuguese. Lisbon: Domingos Carneiro. 35. Barcelona 1700 Spanish. 36. Valladolid 1700 Spanish. 37. ca. 1700 Spanish. Barcelona: Rafael Figuero, n.d. 37 bis. * ca. 1700 Spanish. Barcelona: Juan Forns, n.d. 38. 1713 Portuguese. Lisbon. 39. * 1717 Spanish. Barcelona: Juan Piferrer. 40. 1717 Portuguese. Lisbon: Bernardo Costa. 41. * First Third of 18th Century Spanish. Seville: Francisco de Leefdael, n.d.

274

T E X T A C R O S S THE C E N T U R I E S

42. * ca. 1720 Spanish. Seville: Lucas Martin de Hermosilla, n.d. 43. * 1723 Portuguese. Lisboa Oriental: Oficina Ferreiriana. 44. * First Half of 18th Century Spanish. Valladolid: Alonso del Riego, n.d. 45. ? 1732 Portuguese. 46. * ca. 1735 Spanish. Seville: Jose Antonio de Hermosilla, n.d. 47· * 1737 Spanish. Madrid: Imprenta de la Calle de la Paz. 48. 1738 Portuguese. Lisboa Ocidental: Pedro Ferreira. 49. * 1739 Portuguese. Lisboa Ocidental: Manuel Fernandes da Costa. 50. *i740 Portuguese. Lisboa Ocidental: Manuel Fernandes da Costa. 51. * 1757 Portuguese. Evora: Oficina da Universidade. 52. * 1758 Portuguese A. Lisbon: Francisco Borges de Sousa. 53. * 1758 Portuguese B. Lisbon: Francisco Borges de Sousa. 54. ? 1766 Portuguese. 55. * 1767 Portuguese 20 pp. Lisbon: Francisco Borges de Sousa. 56. * 1767 Portuguese 31 pp. Lisbon: Francisco Borges de Sousa. 57. * 1769 Portuguese. Lisbon: Francisco Borges de Sousa. 58. * Barcelona ca. 1780 Spanish. Barcelona: Bernardo Pia, n.d. 59. Madrid ca. 1780 Spanish. Madrid: Isidro Lopez, n.d. 60. * Third Third of 18th Century Spanish. Cordova: Juan Rodriguez de la Torre, n.d. 61. * 1787 Portuguese. Lisbon: Francisco Borges de Sousa. 62. * 1789 Portuguese. Lisbon: Antonio Gomes. 63. * Lisbon 1790 Portuguese. Lisbon: Francisco Borges de Sousa. 64. * Oporto 1790 Portuguese. Oporto: Antonio Alvares Ribeiro. 65. 1792 Portuguese. Lisbon. 66. 1794 Portuguese. Lisbon: Simäo Tadeu Ferreira. 67. ? Madrid: Ocana ca. 1800 Spanish. 68. * Madrid: Sanz ca. 1800 Spanish. Madrid: Juan Sanz, "en su Imprenta, en la Calle da la Paz," n.d. 68 bis. Valencia ca. 1800 Spanish. Valencia: Laborda, n.d. 69. n.p. ca. 1800 Spanish. N.p., n.d. 70. * 1815 Spanish. Seville: Viuda de Vazquez y Compania. 71. * Cordova ca. 1815 Spanish. Cordova: Rafael Garcia Rodriguez, n.d. 72. * Madrid ca. 1815 Spanish. Madrid: Isidra Ocana, n.d. 73. * 1820 Portuguese. Lisbon: Antonio Lino de Oliveira. 74. 1824 Portuguese. Lisbon. 75. 1826 Portuguese. Lisbon: Oficina da Rua da Procisslo, no. 10. 76. 1827 Portuguese. Lisbon. 76 bis. 1833 Spanish. Barcelona. 77. ? 1839 Portuguese. 78. * 1840 Portuguese. Lisbon: Galhardo e Irmäos. 79. Valencia ca. 1840 Spanish. Valencia, n.d. 80. Valladolid ca. 1840 Spanish. Valladolid: Damaso Santaren, n.d. 275

APPENDIX 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87.

* 1842 Spanish. Barcelona: Herederos de la Viuda Pia. * Lisbon 1842 Portuguese. Lisbon: Matias Jose Marques da Silva. ? Rio de Janeiro 1842 Portuguese. * 1844 Spanish. Madrid: Jose Maria Mares. * Barcelona 1847 Spanish. Barcelona: Herederos de la Viuda Pia. * Madrid 1847 Spanish. Madrid: Jose Maria Mares. 1849 Portuguese. Rio de Janeiro: Tipografia Comercial de Soares & Companhia. 88. * 1850 Portuguese. Lisbon: Matias Jose Marques da Silva. 89. * ca. 1850 Spanish. Cordova: Fausto Garcia Tena, n.d. 89 bis. 1851 Spanish. Madrid: Mares. 90. * 1851 Portuguese. [Oporto]: Sebastiäo Jose Ferreira. 91. 1852 Spanish. Madrid. 92. * 1855 Portuguese. Lisbon: Matias Jose Marques da Silva. 93. * 1858 Spanish. Madrid: Plazuela de la Cebada, no. 96. 94. * 1858 Portuguese. Oporto: Sebastiäo Jose Ferreira. 95. 1859 Portuguese. Rio de Janeiro: N . L. Viana & Filhos. 96. i860 Portuguese. Oporto: Tipografia da Revista. 97. * 1861 Spanish. Carmona: Jose Maria Moreno. 98. * 1861 Portuguese. Lisbon: Matias Jose Marques da Silva. 99. * 1863 Portuguese. Lisbon: Matias Jose Marques da Silva. 100. * 1865 Portuguese. Oporto: Cruz Coutinho. 100 bis. * 1868 Portuguese. Lisbon: Matias Jose Marques da Silva. 101. 1873 Spanish. Madrid: Mares y Compama. 102. * ca. 1873 Spanish. Reus: Casa Vidal, n.d. 103. * 1875 Portuguese A . Oporto: A . R. da Cruz Coutinho. 104. 1875 Portuguese Β. Oporto. 105. * ca. 1880 Spanish. [Madrid]: Despacho, Calle de Juanelo, no. 19, n.d. 106. * 1882 Portuguese. Oporto: J . Ε. da Cruz Coutinho. 107. * 1885 Portuguese. Oporto: Livraria Portuguesa Editora de Joaquim Maria da Costa. 108. 1887 Portuguese. Säo Paulo. 109. * 1892 Portuguese. Oporto: Livraria Portuguesa Editora de Joaquim Maria da Costa. 110. * 1893 Spanish. Madrid: Hernando, Arenal, 1 1 . i n . * ca. 1894 Spanish. Madrid: Sucesores de Hernando, Arenal, 1 1 , n.d. i n bis. * 1898 Portuguese. Oporto: Livraria Portuguesa Editora de Joaquim Maria da Costa. 112. 1902 Portuguese. Oporto: Livraria Portuguesa Editora. W h i c h of these many editions most faithfully reflects the original? A s no original manuscript has ever come to light, the question can

276

T E X T ACROSS T H E

CENTURIES

be answered only b y examination of the printed editions. A manuscript copy, in Spanish, does exist, however. It fills fols. 13-39 MS. Egerton 523 in the British Museum. O f the eighteenth century, it is clearly a transcription of an early seventeenth-century printed edition. Its text is very similar to that of the 1606 Spanish edition. W h e t h e r the tale was initially written in Spanish or Portuguese, in the early sixteenth century or shortly after the middle of the fifteenth, the source of all editions which I have examined with care is the text represented b y C . T h e edition which survives in Cleveland is the most complete. N o other edition contains anything which it does not contain except editorial expansion designed either to elucidate the story or, as in the case of later Spanish editions, to adapt it to changed times and literary traditions. T h e r e is a continuous prog r e s s i o n — or deterioration — in textual development from C onward. Each successive k n o w n edition is based on one or more printed predecessors. N o n e reflects the text of a manuscript or lost printed edition containing anything not to be found in C. T h e text of C does contain omissions, or at least has been made to appear incomplete. T h e omission of the projected excursion to N o r w a y is particularly striking. N o n e of the later editions supplies these missing portions. T h e Portuguese translator of the beginning of the seventeenth century, however, sensed that something was lacking about the Scandinavian trip. W h a t he supplied in lieu of a chapter heading came strictly from his imagination and not from a lost text: " A n d w e left there and journeyed through high mountains and over deserts covered with snow. For several days w e traveled with considerable difficulty. W e went no farther because of the lack of daylight hours and because of the great cold." T h e editor-printers of the 1547, 1554, and 1563 Spanish editions set the pattern for their successors. Indulging in the first textual criticism directed at the fascinating story, they puzzled over its meaning — above all its place names — as m y separately published critical edition with variants makes evident. T h e y also made specific changes in content, possibly in the light of what they considered to be their superior knowledge. Thus, in chapter xii, P, followed b y Β and M , changed Samarqand's (or a suburb of Samarqand's) population from 60,000 to 50,000 souls. Because such figures were small in comparison with 277

APPENDIX Gomez de Santisteban's other statistics, they changed the adjective used to describe the city from "large" to "small." T h e editors of Ρ, B, and Μ not only corrected and interpreted. T h e y also changed the style of the text. T h e y rendered it slightly more pretentious, definitely more pious. St. Catherine becomes the glorious virgin St. Catherine, and Jesus Christ is referred to respectfully as Our Lord or Our Redeemer Jesus Christ. T h e die was cast, and the text of the chapbook was free to evolve. Its evolution within Spain was considerable, even dramatic. In Portugal, on the other hand, the original translation, itself relatively faithful, was maintained over the centuries with quite complete fidelity. T h e Spaniards detected that the author had a hidden purpose, a desire to disseminate a message pertinent to his era. T h e y therefore felt at liberty to adjust his composition to their taste, thereby missing his message completely. T h e Portuguese took the book more literally and therefore more seriously, with disastrous results for their historiography. In studying the evolution of the text I had available before me for detailed comparison the full text of the manuscript and the following editions: Spanish— i, 4, 4 bis, 6, 15, 17, 42, 60, 68, 7 1 , 72, 81, 84, 85, 86, 89, 93, 97, 102, 105, n o , and h i . Portuguese— 13, 21 (two printings), 27 (two printings), 31, 34, 43, 52, 55, 63, 78, 98, 106, and 107. These editions are equitably apportioned to the several centuries and accordingly represent a fair sample. T h e conclusions I draw from them are supported by notes and partial facsimiles of many other editions. The Spanish editions of the last third of the sixteenth century follow closely the earlier ones and introduce a fascinating problem: the number of parts of the world. Most post-sixteenth-century Spanish editions refer to the seven parts of the world. T h e only exceptions are certain editions, discussed below, of the late nineteenth century. These mention five parts or "all around the world." All Portuguese editions refer uniformly to seven parts. T h e earliest Spanish editions (ca. 1 5 1 5 , 1547, 1554, 1563, 1570, and 1 5 8 1 ) , on the other hand, 278

T E X T ACROSS T H E

CENTURIES

refer to four parts. The 1580 Spanish edition does likewise in the text of its first chapter, but the title of the book and the title of the first chapter refer to seven parts! The change from four to seven was effected toward the end of the sixteenth century, possibly due to a printer's error in the 1580 edition. Alonso de la Barrera printed the Libro de los siete sabios de Koma. An exemplar of his 1583 edition may be found with the 1580 Pedro de Portugal in Lima's Biblioteca Nacional. Possibly the compositor was bored by what he deemed to be nonsense and inadvertently substituted seven for four on two occasions in the Pedro.9 In the medieval tradition the world consisted of seven parts (partes in Spanish) or, in accordance with a different reckoning, three parts: Europe, Asia, and Africa. Only after the discovery of the new world in the West did one speak of four parts. In the Mundus Novus Vespucci wrote of having sailed over a fourth part of the globe (from Lisbon's 39/4° N. to 50° S.). Rodrigo de Santaella mentioned all four parts (partes) of the world in his 1503 volume. In 1507 Waldseemüller wrote of the fourth part and proposed that it be called America. Thenceforth for at least a century and a half the world was viewed as consisting of four parts. The narrative of Vincent Le Blanc's travels, published in 1634, took him to the "quatre parties du monde." In the prologue of his Ethiopian history issued in 1660 Baltasar Teles states that Father Jeronimo Lobo had been in the "quatro partes do mundo." 10 Because the first printed edition of Gomez de Santisteban's narrative takes Dom Pedro to the four parts of the world, one may conclude that it was prepared for the press after Columbus' return, possibly after the publication of Santaella's book. Alfonso el Sabio's Siete Partidas was first printed in 1491 in Seville. It popularized the word partidas and so Alonso Gomez de Figueroa's Ale agar imperial (Valencia, 1513) names the four partidas, not partes, and Dom Pedro traveled over them. A constant stream of editions of the Siete Partidas poured forth throughout the sixteenth century. Their title could have played a role in the change in Pedro's destination. In any event, in 1592 the Jesuit historian Juan de Mariana alluded to the existence of an edition of Pedro's travels which took the prince to the seven parts.11 By the end of the century the tradition of seven

279

APPENDIX

parts (partidas in Spanish and subsequently in Portuguese) was firmly established. It was doubtlessly reinforced by the facts that an earlier tradition had already reckoned the parts of the world as seven and that the historical Infante Dom Pedro had roamed at a time when there were seven parts in the world — or three — but not four. Indeed, it is possible that Gomez de Santisteban's original text, if written before 1492, or even before 1503, contained the expression "siete partes." It would have been changed to "siete partidas" with the dissemination of Alfonso el Sabio's treatise, then to "quatro partidas" with the popularization of the Vespucci-Santaella-Waldseemüller terminology, and once again to "siete partidas." This final shift could have been effected for one or all of the following reasons: printer's error, the continuing influence of Alfonso X's book, more correct understanding of the epoch of Pedro's travels, or the mystical significance traditionally attached to the number seven. The transition from partes to partidas may be observed in the titles of other books printed by Jacobo Cromberger. In 1512 Guerino Mesquino undergoes adventures in all parts of the world ("todas las partes del mundo"). Seven years later Enciso's Suma de geographia treats of all the parts and provinces of the world ("todas las partidas & prouincias del mundo"). The use of the noun partidas has confused one Portuguese scholar who writes in English: Diogo Jose Pereira Andrade refers to the "Seven Departures" of the Infante Dom Pedro! 1 2 T o return to the problem of the number, Francisco de Mongon's mention of Dom Pedro's travels to the "siete partidas del mundo" in a book published in Spanish in Lisbon in 1544 is difficult to explain. Possibly Μοηςοη, a native of Madrid who lectured in Portugal, was led by the coupling of partidas with the number seven in Alfonso el Sabio's title to associate seven with the partidas in Gomez de Santisteban's. If so, he anticipated the actions of Spain's publishers by several decades.13 In general, the Spanish editions of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries remained close to the early text. In addition to eliminating obvious errors and redundancies, their editors deemed it prudent to omit in its entirety the puzzling Judgment Day episode at the end of chapter vii. They also omitted the prologue, severely abridged the

280

T E X T ACROSS T H E

CENTURIES

story of the dead elephant at the end of chapter xi, conformed to historical reality by omitting the reference to Castile at the end of chapter xv, and extended the interval between required confession in chapter xviii from fourteen to twenty-four days. Editions numbered 15, 17, 42, and 58 — and also 81 and 85, which are nineteenthcentury projections of 58 — fall into this category. No. 17 suggests a Franciscan influence, for St. Francis is described in chapter xiv as seraphic. No. 42 is in general pompous and ultra-Catholic. It refers to the Amazons as Gentiles, not Christians. Moreover, its dead-elephant episode is less severely abridged than in the other editions of the group. The seventeenth- and eighteenth-century tradition was carried forward into the nineteenth by a few editions, notably 68 and 72. These editions effected a further omission by deleting the name of Fray Juan de Carmona, the guardian of the Holy Sepulcher. No. 72 refers to the tree from which Judas hanged himself, not as a garrobo or algarrobo or algarrobera, but as a sauco. All Spanish editions hitherto discussed are characterized by their division into twenty-one chapters and their constant reference to Pedro's sovereign as the Lion King of Hispania. Because the Moslem ruler of Granada is referred to on two occasions in the early sixteenthcentury editions as the Lion King of Granada, the phrase "Rey Leon de Espana" cannot be dismissed as an editorial or typographical error. In the absence of a King Leo in Iberia, it could only have meant the Lion King of Hispania, in Pedro's century clearly the King of Portugal. This uncommon adjectival use of leon, which also occurs in the place name Sierra Leone (Spanish Sierra Leona, Portuguese Serra Leoa), may perhaps represent a vague reminiscence of the days of an "emperor" of all the Spains, a "rex Legionis et totius Hispanie imperator," and, indeed, among the Spanish Jews in Morocco a version of the ballad of the Cid begins: Delante del rey Leon, dona Ximena una tarde demandando iba justisia por la muerte de su padre.* * One afternoon Dona Jimena went before the Lion King asking for justice for the death of her father.

2 8 I

APPENDIX

Scholars like Entwistle who conclude that Gomez de Santisteban may have been from Leon "if we may judge by his repeated insistence on the Kingdom of Leon" fall rather wide of the mark. Gomez de Santisteban intended no such facile or literal interpretation.14 In the last third of the eighteenth century in Cordova the printer Juan Rodriguez de la Torre produced and placed on the market a rather different version of the Libro del Infante don Pedro (no. 60). This Andalusian recension appeared in two later Cordovan editions, issued respectively by Rodriguez de la Torre's son and grandson, Rafael Garcia Rodriguez and Fausto Garcia Tena (nos. 71 and 89). It was also issued elsewhere in what may have been pirated editions, for example in Seville in 1815 (no. 70) and in Carmona in 1861 (no. 97); the undated Valencian edition (no. 79), known to Denis and, indirectly and at second hand, to Apollinaire, is also undoubtedly a pirated edition.15 The pre-romantic revision is characterized by a new division into ten chapters, corresponding to the old twenty-one as follows: Old i, ii, iii, iv v, vi, vii, viii ix, x, xi xii xiii, xiv xv, xvi, xvii xviii xix xx xxi

New i ii iii iv ν vi vii viii ix χ

Moreover, the Infante Dom Pedro becomes the son of King Pedro I of Portugal, travels over the seven partes (not partidas), and declares himself the vassal of the King of Leon. The title of the chapbook is elongated by the insertion of the phrase, "as far as concerns what happened to him on the journey which he made," and also, in most editions, by the addition of the words, "corrected and 282

TEXT ACROSS THE

CENTURIES

emended in this latest printing." In the several editions of this version Judas hangs himself consistently from a saiico. The revision can best be described as pretentious and puerile. The old narrative loses its charm and its significance. Garci Ramirez "knew many languages," but they are not named. An attempt is made at a description of Norway, "which is a land of many and very beautiful trees, and on them various sylvestrian fruits are to be found, but the country is very somber and dark because in it there are only three hours of daylight and the night lasts twenty-one hours." By rendering Norway a symbol of obscurity the revisionist followed a literary convention already studied by Castro and Buceta.16 Fray Juan de Carmona is not named, and the episode of the Spanish renegade Sultan of Egypt is weakened by an addition: "This is the reason, beloved fellow-countrymen, why you find me in the condition you see me in." The visits to Samarqand — a city which is no longer named ·—• and to Mount Sinai lose their charm. An Amazonian breast is referred to, no longer as teta, but as pecho. The courage of Prester John's priests vis-ä-vis recalcitrant nobles is diminished and confession required only once a month. The significance of the miraculous selection of a new Prester John by the arm of St. Thomas is lost because no longer is the reader reminded that a Prester John does not acquire his title merely through birth or through power but by the grace of God. In a surprising specimen of accuracy, on the other hand, the traveler and his companions are stated to have been abroad for three years and four months. The most disagreeable feature of the Andalusian recension is its style. The salutation of Prester John's letter exemplifies the new tone, nationalistic in many respects: High, powerful, and most Christian King Don Juan, greetings in Our Lord Jesus Christ. I would have you know that our religion is one of grace, for we believe faithfully and sincerely in God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, three distinct persons and one true God. And because I know that you are desirous of knowing in extenso the particularities which there are in my dominions and lands, I declare to you that . . .*

It is possible that the Andalusian text was penned by Hilario Santos Alonso, a prolific writer of the last third of the eighteenth * Alto, Poderoso, y Cristianisimo Rey D. Juan: Salud en Nro. Sr. Jesu Christo: Os 2 8 3

APPENDIX

century. Some of his works are known to have been printed by Rafael Garcia Rodriguez in Cordova. The Andalusian recension of the Dom Pedro tale circulated for less than a century when a Madrid establishment decided to tamper with its text. The first edition of the Madrid modification was issued, if I am not mistaken, by Jose Maria Mares in 1844 (no. 84). He or his successors reissued the new text at least six times (nos. 86, 93, 101, 105, 110, and h i ) . It also appeared in Reus, possibly in a pirated edition (no. 102). The Madrid modification attempts to better the Andalusian recension on the latter's own terms. Retaining the ten chapters, Pedro as the son of King Pedro I, the King of Leon, and the sauco tree, it expands the narrative with "erudition." Thus the great mosque at Mecca is defined as the Kaba, "sustained by four hundred marble columns and illuminated by three hundred silver lamps which burn continuously, and roofed over in part with sheets of gold, with more than one hundred doors of fine wood, and with walls hung with exquisite tapestries." At the outset the author of the new version made the mistake of alluding to a contemporary political situation. The situation changed and later editors were forced to modify the text. As a result, it is possible to observe with confidence the evolution of the chapbook as it moved toward its demise. This portion is introduced by a subtitle within chapter i: "Here begins the narrative of Gomez de Santisteban." Dom Pedro and company leave Valladolid for Lisbon and sail in a Maltese frigate for the Venetian states (the symbolism of the Maltese ship escapes me). Venice is described and the statement made (in 1844 and repeated three years later) that "the city is within the dominions of Italy, to which it formerly belonged, later becoming independent with a republican form of government." By 1858 this information had to be modified by bearing the addition that "today it belongs to the States of Austria" (nos. 93 and 102). In the last decades of the century hago saber, que nuestra Ley es la de Gracia, creyendo fiel, y verdaderamente en Dios Padre, Hijo, y Espiritu Santo, tres personas distintas, y un solo Dios verdadero. Y porque se, que apeteceis saber por estenso las particularidades, que hay en mis Dominios, y Sefiorios, os digo . . .

2 84

T E X T ACROSS T H E C E N T U R I E S

editors were forced to change this accretion to read that "today it once again belongs to the States of Italy" (nos. 105, 110, and 1 1 1 , all printed, apparently, from the same type). As a matter of historical fact the old Venetian Republic came to an end in 1797 and was annexed to Austria in 1815. A short-lived republic set up in 1848 was soon dissolved. Finally in 1866 Venice was incorporated into the Kingdom of Italy. I leave to others the harmonization of these facts with the data in the chapbooks. The publisher of the Reus edition (no. 102) seems unwittingly to have reprinted a text with an anachronism, unless he issued it earlier than its title suggests. The title of the Madrid modification evolved in interesting fashion. In its first phase it caused Dom Pedro, vassal of the King of Leon, to travel over the seven parts (nos. 84 and 86). Thereafter, Pedro, now the vassal of the King of Castile and Leon, traveled over the five parts (no. 93) and, finally, all around the world ("alrededor del mundo," as in nos. 101, 102, 105, no, and h i ) . The latter expression represents a reversion to the 1696 Spanish edition (no. 33), in which Pedro visited all parts of the world ("todas las partidas"). The Spanish reading public was served a steadily deteriorating text across the centuries. Scholars fared particularly badly, for in 1903 Cesareo Fernandez Duro reprinted for them, of all texts, that of 1893 (no. n o ) . Yet he knew of the Paris exemplar of the 1547 edition, described it with care, and recognized it as among the primitive editions.17 The new spirit in Spanish chapbook publication which is demonstrated by the Andalusian recension and Madrid modification of the Pedro de Portugal text is also reflected in a material feature. All these editions bear the designation of the number of sheets (pliegos) on the title page, whereas none of the other editions does. The first edition to carry the designation is therefore no. 60, followed by the Cordovan 71 and 89 and also by the pirated 70 and 97. I have not seen no. 79 but conjecture that it contains the statement "4 pliegos." The first edition of the Madrid modification (no. 84) also indicates the number of sheets, followed by 86, 93, 101, 105, n o , and i n , and also by the pirated no. 102. Spanish editions of the early version in twenty-one chapters which were issued after no. 60, however, do not, as far as I know, carry any sheet numbers. Examples are no. 68 285

APPENDIX

(which may have been printed well before no. 60), 72, 81, and 85. The latter two were published in Barcelona, possibly at that time somewhat remote from the main current of chapbook publishing. The first known Portuguese edition is a translation of the sixteenth-century Spanish text as it circulated in print. Published in Lisbon in 1602, it survives, as far as I am aware, in a single exemplar in the library of Comandante Ernesto de Vilhena in Lisbon, where I examined it all too briefly in 1957 during the III International Colloquium on Luso-Brazilian Studies. Due to Comandante Vilhena's generosity, however, my separately published list of editions of the Libro del Infante don Pedro de Portugal contains a facsimile of the Vilhena exemplar. The 1602 Portuguese text retains the original expression Lion King of Hispania (Rey Leäo de Espanha) but follows the late-sixteenth-century Spanish tradition in having Pedro travel over the seven parts ("sete Partidas") and not the four. It omits the prologue and statement of authorship and merges the fourth and fifth chapters into one. As a result the text consists of twenty chapters. In an effort to confer an appearance of seriousness and accuracy on his document, the Portuguese translator changed several important details in the tale. Garci Ramirez knows a logical group of languages: "Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Chaldean, Turkish, Arabic, Indian [significant addition], and other languages." The relation between Pedro and Juan II of Castile is regularized into a consistent nephew-uncle connection. Troy is converted into Constantinople, and Pedro is not forced to sally forth in person to shop for groceries. En route from Constantinople to Norway the travelers journey through the lands of the Greeks, as in the Spanish, and also of the Macedonians. The confusing passage about the house of St. Mary Salome and St. Mary's house is omitted, so that the travelers proceed directly from the house of Simon the leper to the house of St. Elizabeth (who is not further identified). An explanation is introduced of why one cannot enter Solomon's Temple: "because the Moors have their mosque there and do not allow any Christians to enter." There is no suggestion that Judas hanged himself on an alfarrobeira. Fray Juan de Carmona is not mentioned (his is obviously a Castilian name). The erotic note in the description of the vipers is dropped. The reference to the shrine

286

T E X T ACROSS T H E C E N T U R I E S

of St. Mary of Egypt is more specific: "From there we went to the tomb of St. Mary of Egypt, which is near that part of the River Jordan in some very high and unpopulated mountains; that is where she did her penance, and we stayed there nine days." The parentage of the Christian Sultan of Egypt is transformed into a father, Master Martins, and a mother, Barbuda. The placename Panfibian is most amusingly altered to Pantaliäo. The Portuguese Franciscan Frei Pantaleäo de Aveiro had recently returned from the Near East. The second and third editions of his Itinerario de Terra Sancta were printed, in 1596 and 1600, by Antonio Älvares, the very printer of the 1602 Portuguese edition of the Gomez de Santisteban narrative.18 The inglorious reference to St. Christopher is omitted in the Portuguese, and the traditional explanation of mummies — embalming — is added. The three Indies are labeled India Minor, the Abyssinians, and India Major. Abyssinia thus replaces the Spanish text's Middle India, another significant change. Prester John's patriarchs, reduced in number to two, are not associated with St. Thomas. Lastly, the Oriental monsters of the later chapters are regrouped in more logical fashion. From the point of view of Portuguese under Spanish rule these changes may represent improvements in the text. Clearly the Portuguese translation assiduously avoids any minimization of the Infante Dom Pedro: between the visit to Mecca and the call on the Amazons there is no mention of seeing pygmies; therefore, Pedro is not depicted as unhappy, weeping, and desirous of returning home. Moreover, it carefully eschews theological controversy: it omits the outline of priestly functions in the Judgment Day episode and allows Tamerlane to exclaim of the Christian religion, "I know that it is a good one." Furthermore, it expunges the parallel drawn between the shrine of Mecca and the church of St. John Lateran, and omits the description of the beginning and end of the Oriental liturgy. The translation is, in fact, an abridgement devoid of much of the charm of the original. It is also devoid of its courage: in the Portuguese text the qualifications of a true priest are reduced to humility and chastity. In fine, the 1602 edition — whose colophon affirms that it was printed with the license of the Holy Inquisition—is heavily censored. Although censored and factual, the text of the 1602 edition is 287

APPENDIX quite accurate. T h e next known Portuguese edition introduces changes and egregious errors which are particularly unfortunate as it was destined to become the basis of most later Portuguese editions. In its first chapter the 1644 edition contains a double omission — clearly due to two successive lapses on the part of the printer — which was never supplied in any other Portuguese edition. Whereas the 1602 edition reads (with lines exactly as printed here): . . . Ε tendo determinado de y r a ver todas as partidas do Mundo: sayose hum dia ä tarde cö os seus, estando em Barcellos, q foram sete dias despois de Pascoa, & disselhes. Amigos os q me quiserdes seguir, & ter c5panhia pera y r a saber as sete Partidas do Müdo, q se mouerä em meu coragao, tendo me cöpanhia. Ε entä se lhe offereceräo muy to pera y r cö eile, . . . the 1644 edition (as represented by the exemplar in the Biblioteca Nacional of Rio de Janeiro) reads: . . . Tendo determinado de ir ver as sette partidas do mundo, sahiose hum dia a tarde com os seus estando em Barcellos, que foram sette dias depois de ter companhia para hir saber as partidas do mundo, & entam se lhe offereceram muy tos para hir com elle, . . . Most significantly, the Lion King now becomes the King of Leon (a nonsensical change for a Portuguese to make). From Calvary the travelers went "to the house of Annas, and where Judas gave Christ the kiss of peace," instead of to Mount Olivet, as is mentioned in the 1602 edition. T h e substitution causes the mention of the house of Annas a f e w sentences later to be redundant. T h e dead elephant scene is slightly abridged. Samarqand (Samarcat in the 1602 edition) is misunderstood as Samarea (logically printed Samaria in the 1723 Portuguese edition). A f t e r the selection of a new Prester John, the priests, because of a telescoping on the part of the printer, "go to the altar of St. J o h n " instead of going to St. Thomas' altar singing the Gospel according to St. John. Finally, in Prester John's confirmatory letter the qualifications of a true priest are reduced to humility alone. 288

T E X T ACROSS T H E C E N T U R I E S

Comparison of two exemplars of the 1644 Portuguese edition reveals two completely different typesettings, in fact two different editions. The earlier is clearly the exemplar in the National Library in Rio, whereas that in the John Carter Brown Library represents a later version carelessly modeled after its predecessor. Thus, in another example of telescoping the Providence exemplar's printer in chapter iv inadvertently omitted the clause "and we crossed through the lands of the Greeks and the Macedonians." It was the 1644 text as represented by the Brazilian exemplar which became the standard Portuguese text, subject, of course, to minor modifications across the centuries. The following editions follow it more or less faithfully: nos. 31, 34 (possibly printed from 31's type with corrections), 43, 52 (possibly based on the other 1644 text, for it omits the lands of the Greeks and Macedonians), 55 (the result of a different typesetting from 52, although issued by the same publisher), 63 (Pantaliäo is now Fantaliaö!), 78, 98, 106, and 107. Only the last boldly proposed that King Gradalfe in Prester John's letter be construed as Gudilfredo, none other, apparently, than Godfrey of Bouillon, Tasso's hero! In this long line of reprints, no. 43, of 1723, dares make the major suggestion that the second mention of the house of Annas, and also the statement concerning the chair of Annas, be changed to refer to Ananias. The suggestion is bold but, alas, made in the wrong place. Surely St. Ananias of Damascus belongs with the preceding chapter's mention of him and of St. Paul's baptism. Fortunately, the 1723 emendation concerning Annas was not accepted by later editors. Incidentally, in the 1602 edition the name of Ananias is spelled correctly, but in both 1644 exemplars it is Ananins and in the 1723 edition Ananis. Of the Portuguese editions whose texts I have before me as I write, only that of 1664 remains to be discussed. It defies generalization. Its editor obviously had access to the 1602 text. Consequently he improved the 1644 text in many sound ways: Mount Olivet for the first mention of the house of Annas, Samarcat for Samarea, and Tarso (toward the end of the eleventh Portuguese chapter) for Traso. Moreover, he provided the dead elephant episode of Panfibian (here spelled Pantallaö and inhabited by only 600 persons) in its entirety and changed 1644's Cerico back to 1602's Carleo (the original Span-

289

APPENDIX

ish's Carace). Most important of all, he reverted to the Lion King of Hispania (Rey Leäo Despanha) and had the non-selected priests go to St. Thomas' altar singing St. John's Gospel. W h y he preserved 1644's obvious omissions in chapter i I cannot explain. As if to make matters infinitely complex, there are two versions of the 1664 edition, two different typesettings which probably should be considered two editions. T h e edition represented by the Sorbonne's exemplar is superior. For some mysterious reason the British Museum's edition, which does correct the population of its Pantallau to 600,000, nevertheless reverts to the 1644 text's statement about St. John's altar. T h e London exemplar is defective in yet another respect: fol. 5V and fol. i2 r are interchanged. Regardless of the relative uniqueness of the 1664 edition, all Portuguese versions are essentially the same. T h e y stem from the work of one translator, and the 1602 edition reflects his labors most faithfully. I should like to propose that this translator was the Portuguese grammarian and historian Duarte Nunes de Leäo (ca. 1530-1608). T h e first edition of Nunes de Leäo's Genealogia verdadera de los rey es de Portugal, in Spanish and dedicated to Felipe II (first of the name in Portugal), was published in Lisbon in 1590 by Antonio Alvares. Its author refers to the Infante Dom Pedro as "a gentleman who was illustrious in everything which concerns peace as well as war, and [he] was also very prudent, as one would expect of a person who saw many lands, and the courts of many princes of Europe, Asia, and Africa on that long peregrination of his." Nunes de Leäo was thoroughly acquainted with the Gomez de Santisteban narrative, as he demonstrated in his chronicles of Joäo I and successors (first printed in 1643 by old Antonio Alvares' son) and as is discussed in Chapter VIII. 1 9

T h e Libro del Infante don Pedro appealed to a sober writer like Duarte Nunes de Leäo. It also fascinated "creative" writers in Iberia. Their allusions in Spanish and Portuguese accompany the editions and evolution of the text across the centuries. T h e first allusion in any language occurs in Francisco Alvares' Portuguese volume published in Lisbon in 1540. Writing of kingdoms 290

T E X T

ACROSS

T H E

C E N T U R I E S

neighboring on Prester John's, the chaplain mentions the queendom of the Amazons: "[it is] not — to judge from appearances and from what I was told — like what we used to think it was or what the Book of the Infante Dom Pedro implies it is, for these Amazons (if such they are) all have husbands, usually for the whole year." * The first allusion in Spanish likewise occurs in a volume issued in Lisbon, Mongon's of 1544: "The Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal (as he is commonly called) was so fond of seeing foreign lands that he took along a few companions to see the seven parts of the world, passing through barbarous nations at some risk to his person and his people." As suggested above, the "seven" is probably due to the influence of the expression "siete partidas," widely known from the printed editions of Alfonso el Sabio. The first allusion within Spain manifests the appeal to the literate reading public not only of the Pedro de Portugal but also of the full panoply of books of the type listed in Chapter VII. Fernando de Rojas, author of La Celestina, drew up his last will and testament on April 3, 1541. In it he left his law books to his son Francisco and his collection of romances ("libros de romance") to his wife Leonor Alvarez. He died immediately thereafter, and within three months an inventory of his possessions, including books, was completed. Among the romances are "El Flos Santorum en romance" (Jacobus de Voragine?), "Yten el libro del Viaje de la Tierra Santa" (Bernhard von Breydenbach), "Yten Guarino" (Andrea da Barberino), "Yten el Ytenelario" (Ludovico de Varthema), and "Yten Joan de Mandavilla" (Sir John Mandeville). No Pedro de Portugal appears on the list. In the inventory of the widow Leonor's possessions, however, drawn up in 1546, there appears, among other books, the "Libro del ynfante don Pedro de Portugal." 20 Portuguese themes naturally enjoyed considerable vogue in Spain during the period of the Spanish Captivity of Portugal (1580-1640). A pre-existing work on a Portuguese prince by a Spaniard in the *. . . & dizem que nas cabegas destes reinos de Damute guorage contra ho sul he ho reino das amazonas: & nam segundo me parece & me contarom como nos deziamos ou nos diz ho liuro do infante dom Pedro: porque estas amazonas (se estas sam) todas tem maridos geralmente todo ho anno . . .

29I

APPENDIX

Spanish language was ready-made for widespread dissemination. It was particularly suitable for citation by Spanish authors not a little amused by their Lusitanian subjects, for it presented a slightly ridiculous Portuguese prince, a grocery-buying, sentimental Pedro with saudades for the homeland but too proud to return. At least eight Spanish editions of the Pedro de Portugal were printed during the sixty years of Spain's rule of Portugal. Many Spaniards exhibited a thorough acquaintance with them. The first writer does so in rather hilarious fashion. Alonso de la Barrera of Seville issued an edition of Gomez de Santisteban in 1580. In the same year he also published an edition of the poetry of Garcilaso de la Vega (1503-1536), with annotations by Fernando de Herr era (1536-1599). Some of Herrera's remarks were answered in a work entitled Observaciones del Licenciado Prete Jacopin. The comments of this Prester Jack, probably Juan Fernandez de Velasco, were in turn countered by Herrera himself. These two sets of comments were not published until 1870. In the Contestation de Fernando de Herrera the annotator refers to Dom Pedro on three occasions. In the first he mentions Pedro's interpreter in such a way as to suggest he was of the opinion Garci Ramirez authored the chapbook. In the second he classifies the Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal as an ignoramus — a not untruthful characterization of the traveler as depicted in the chapbook — and in the third he derives Prete Jacopin's knowledge of languages from the fact that Prete learned them in the company of the Infante Dom Pedro traveling over the seven parts tied, like a large basket, to one of the dromedaries.21 Serious historians of the period took pleasure in embellishing their writings with references to the Gomez de Santisteban narrative. Father Juan de Mariana dignified Dom Pedro by referring in the language of Cicero to the travels over the seven parts of the world. Three years later the Augustinian Fray Jeronimo Roman included in the second edition of his Republics of the World a new section on the "Republic of the Tartars." Writing at a time when scholars possessed the means of disentangling reality from dream, he summarizes the St. Thomas story, quotes widely from Otto of Freising — Otto had been in print since 1515 — and cites Marco Polo,

292

T E X T ACROSS T H E C E N T U R I E S

Joäo de Barros, and others. He also attempts to clarify the mystery of the location of Prester John's empire, which he identifies with that of the Great Khan. He interprets Prester John's title as signifying "Precioso" and thereby betrays the influence, possibly indirect, of Damiäo de Gois' sound ideas. Coming to the Portuguese era in the East, Roman of course rejects the notion that the Emperor of Ethiopia was Prester John. As an example of the publicity Prester John enjoyed at this time he mentions the Libro del Infante don Pedro. He sagely states that, although it is full of lies, it does have a certain basis in truth. He quickly adds that it disseminated information about Prester John which was obscure and of little account. In other words, for Fray Jeronimo the little book was truthful to the extent that it localized Prester John's domains exclusively within Asia and never mentioned Ethiopia. Only the Portuguese editions defined Middle India as the land of the Abyssinians. After Don Quijote de la Mancha returned from his descent into the depths of the Cave of Montesinos he regaled Sancho and the guide with what he had seen: knights and ladies held under Merlin's spell and, in a procession not unlike that of the Grail in Chretien's Contes del Graal, the peerless Dulcinea del Toboso herself. In an affirmation of loyalty to Dulcinea addressed to one of her damsels, Don Quijote stated that he had taken an oath "to take no rest but to roam the seven parts of the world more faithfully than did the Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal until I shall have freed her from this spell." Cervantes' acquaintance with the literature disseminated via the pliegos sueltos must have been as great as any in all the Spains. He could hardly have avoided reading Gomez de Santisteban. Nevertheless, this reference in Part T w o (1615) of the Quijote may well reflect nothing more than a widespread proverbial reference to Pedro's travels. The next reference is not only proverbial but conflationary: it attributes to the Portuguese prince an episode in the Alexander legend. The Cavallero Venturoso of Juan Valladares de Valdelomar (1553— 1618?) was ready for publication in 1617 although not published until 1902. At a certain point the knight wished to travel rapidly. As a result one could conclude that "on that occasion he had wished to mount, not a nag, which moved slowly, but rather one of the griffins 2

93

APPENDIX

on which they say the Infante Dom Pedro traveled over the seven parts of the world." Although the historical Dom Pedro, "the great Duke of Coimbra, governor of this kingdom," plays a prominent part in Tirso de Molina's play El Vergonzoso en Palacio, first published in 1624, there is no mention of his travels except possibly in the line "a marvel in war and peace": Oiga Vueselencia: Dias ha que habra tenido entera y larga noticia de la historia lastimosa del gran Duque de Coimbra, gobernador deste reino, en guerra y paz maravilla.*

In Gongora, however, there is one definite allusion to Pedro's chapbook peregrination and another attributed to him in early editions of the poems. In the romance which begins "Hanme dicho, hermanas," published in the 1627 edition, the reader is provided an outline of the cosmographical learning of the protagonist, who is the poet himself: D e la Cosmografia Passo pocas millas, Aunque o y o al Infante Las siete partidas.t

The other allusion occurs in the romance "Recibi vuestro billete." N o longer believed to have been written by Gongora, this poem first appeared in the 1630 Delicias del Parnaso. Its opening lines mention the partidas: Recebi vuestro villete dama de los ojos negros, con mil donaires cerrado, y con mil ansias abierto. E n fe de los treinta escudos que en vuestro renglon tercero vienen en vn alma mia dissimulados y embueltos. * Listen, Your Excellency, it must be days since you received a complete and long notice about the sad story of the great Duke of Coimbra, governor of this kingdom, a marvel in war and peace. t He traveled only a few miles through Cosmography, although he heard about the seven parts from the Infante.

294

T E X T

ACROSS

T H E

C E N T U R I E S

O s embio esse inuentario de las partidas que tengo, que es c o m o si os embiara las del Infante don P e d r o . *

In 1634 the Cartas filologicas of Francisco Cascales (1564?-!642) were published in Murcia. The first epistle of the second decade contains an autobiographical passage which concerns the author's youth and does not fail to allude to the chapbook: "I, who have traveled over the seven parts of the Infante Dom Pedro." The third letter in the third decade enumerates, in a different context, the four parts of the world: Asia, Africa, Europe, and America. The word partidas supplants partes. Four years after the publication of the Cascales letters Gil Gonzalez de Ävila's life of King Enrique III of Castile appeared. It includes a chapter on the Portuguese warrior Dom Martim Eanes de Barbuda, who had been a knight of the Order of Avis, passed over to Castile upon the death of Fernando I and acclamation of Joäo I, served Juan I and Enrique III, became "Maestre de la Religion de Alcantara," and was killed in 1394 fighting the Moors in Granada. Gonzalez de Avila was not unmindful of the reference to this same Martin Yanez in Gomez de Santisteban's history, accepted its information as fact, added to it from his imagination, and wrote: "The story of the Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal states that Master don Martin had a bastard son who was taken prisoner in the battle [in which his father had been killed], was carried off to Constantinople, and through various circumstances came to be Sultan of Babylonia." The chronicler failed to perceive that his memory betrayed him into committing an anachronism, the substitution of Constantinople for Fez. After the restoration of Portugal as an independent monarchy and the acclamation of the Duke of Bragan£a as Joäo IV, Spanish authors continued alluding to Pedro and the seven parts. Thus, in El Diablo Cojuelo of Velez de Guevara, first published in 1641, the student * I received your billet-doux, oh, lady with the black eyes, sealed with a thousand witticisms and opened with a thousand anxieties. In witness of the thirty escudos which are entered in your third line, dissimulated and disguised in a "Dear Heart," I send you this inventory of the "parts" [items in an expense account or bill] which I possess, which is as if I sent you those of the Infante Dom Pedro. 2

95

APPENDIX

presents Dom Pedro's method of traveling over the seven parts of the world as a model worthy of emulation. Quevedo's reference, on the other hand, may be less a reminiscence of Dom Pedro than a conventional geographical notion reinforced by Alfonso el Sabio's title: Y son tantas las partidas Que en su billete se encierran, Que teniendo siete el mundo, Tiene su papel setenta.*

In 1646, the year following Quevedo's death, the Vida y hechos de Estebanillo Gonzalez revealed one Spanish writer's comprehension of the manner in which the legendary Pedro financed his travels: "Being of the opinion that that was a relaxed life and that I could see the seven parts of the world at someone else's expense, as did the Infante of Portugal, I did not wish to be coaxed nor did I want them to ask me what I desired." Spanish interest in Dom Pedro now tapers off. The Portuguese had won their War of Independence and gave every evidence that they were to be taken seriously by their neighbors. They clearly did not appreciate snide remarks about the very prince who established the dynasty occupying their throne. The Libro del Infante don Pedro continued to be printed in Spain, however, although at a considerably diminished rate as the eighteenth century wore on. That interest in chapbook chivalry never ceased completely is revealed by an item in two leaves printed in Barcelona in the Catalan language in 1753. The leaflet contains the following poetical enumeration: Per mes que ha ja registrat llibres de sabiduria, com son: la historia de Pierris y Magalona, molt linda; Partinobles, Carlo-magno, que contan grans valentias; la Donzella Theodor, que antes de ser endevina lo que los homens faran y quant duraran sus vidas; D. Pere de Portugal, * And so numerous are the "parts" which are enclosed in your billet-doux that, if the world has seven, your paper contains seventy.

296

TEXT

ACROSS THE

CENTURIES

llibre de beilas noticias; lo dels Set Sabis de Roma, VOliveros de Castilla, com y tambe las historias de Roldan y de Florigas, . . . que tots son llibres de molta doctrina.*

Allusions to the Don Pedro continued in the nineteenth century and even, in distant Mexico, in the twentieth. In Escenas Andaluzas, of 1847, Serafin Estebanez Calderon (1799-1867) includes a section on physiology and jokes about cigars ("Fisiologia y Chistes del Cigarro") in which the protagonist states that "I know more events and happenings than Dom Pedro of Portugal, who traveled over the seven parts of the world, and I have more answers and riddles than the maiden Theodora." T h e contemporary Mexican novelist Artemio de Valle-Arizpe rounds out a list headed by Μοηςοη in 1544. In El canillitas he takes Felix Vargas on a long series of perambulations that began upon his departure from Mexico City. In a geographical passage which concludes with a reference to Peter Martyr, he neatly fuses the competing traditions of seven and four partidas ( " H e visited the seven parts of the Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal, who in fact traveled over only the four") and two sentences later employs partes in contrast with his earlier partidas ( " H e arrived in all parts, through the grace of G o d and of the gigantic St. Christopher"). T h e proverbial reference to Pedro is still to be noted in the mother-county. A s late as 1947 the historian Antonio Ballesteros Beretta, writing of Sir John Mandeville in an essay on the genesis of the maritime discoveries, described the fabulous Englishman as an "intrepid traveler who visits, if not the seven parts of the world, as they used to say of the Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal, at least enormous portions of the planet." 22 * No matter how much it has registered books of wisdom, as, for example, the story of Pierre and the very beautiful Maguelonne; Partinobles and Charlemagne, which recount great feats; the Maiden Theodora, who divines what men will do before they do them and how long their lives will last; Dom Pedro of Portugal, a book of splendid items; that of the Seven Sages of Rome, the Oliver of Castile, and also the stories of Roland and of Florigas . . . all of which are books of considerable learning.

297

APPENDIX

As Spanish writers of the period of the Philippine domination employed Gomez de Santisteban to enjoy a little joke at the expense of the Portuguese, one Portuguese did precisely the reverse. Antonio de Sousa de Macedo wrote his Flores de Espana, Excelencias de Portugal in Spanish to ensure wide circulation. It was published in Lisbon in 1631. Its author spares no effort to demonstrate that Lisbon is the greatest city in the world. None of the greatest — Constantinople, Rome, Venice, and on for twenty-two additional names ranging from England to the farthest East — could be compared with it, even including "all those mentioned in the journey of the Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal, to wit, Troy, which it states has about three hundred thousands inhabitants, Asian with about two hundred thousand, Pasiban with six hundred thousand, and Albes nine hundred thousand (if the narrative is true)." Sousa de Macedo clearly used a Spanish edition, for he refers to Troy and not Constantinople. He probably used one of the early seventeenth century. Both the 1606 and 1622 printings contain the spelling Pasiban in place of Panfibian. Dom Francisco Manuel de Melo (1609-1666) spent considerable time in Spain and wrote many works in Spanish. His use of Gomez de Santisteban is a witty blend of the Spanish manner and Portuguese pride. This should not surprise us, for Dom Francisco was the great-grandson of Duarte Nunes de Leäo. His poems were published in Lyons in 1665 in a volume dedicated to a new Infante Dom Pedro, later King Pedro II. In the dedication the author points out that his poems are divided into nine parts ("repartidas en Nueue Partes") not so much in imitation of the nine Muses as to make many parts (partidas) of his works, "in order that the world may understand that, if ancient Portugal had an Infante Dom Pedro of the Seven Parts, modern Portugal has another Infante Dom Pedro of the Nine." The parts are of course named for the Muses. In the fifth, " A (Janfonha de Euterpe," the eleventh letter is addressed to the author himself. Its fifth stanza is virtually untranslatable: N a ö sendo ο Infante D o m Pedro das partidas, nunca trato; ou que de muito partido, do partir, naö f a f o cazo.* #

Not being the Infante Dom Pedro, I never treat of the "parts" . . .

298

T E X T

ACROSS

T H E

C E N T U R I E S

In the sixth part, " A Viola de Talia," Romance X X X I I is entitled "Dibuxo de Pena." A word portrait of a Dona Breitis, it describes her face in the twelfth stanza: Ο Rostro liuro he de caixa, cujas partidas gentis, naö vio ό Infante Dom Pedro, em quanto andou por a hy.*

Manuel de Melo's was not the only coupling of the two princes named Pedro. On December 16, 1663, the Academia dos Singulares, one of the literary academies for which the age was famous, met to celebrate the improvement in the Infante Dom Pedro's health. In the proceedings, published in 1665, are two romances which play with the word partidas. The first, by Pedro de Valejo, is in Spanish and exhorts the prince to combat the Ottoman Turkish menace of his day: Y agora que el Othomano, tan tyrano, y tan soberbio, barbaro aspira al dominio de los Christianos Imperios. Saiga, Senor, vuestro brago a esgrimir el fuerte azero, que quien sabe domar toros, mejor sabra veneer perros. Parti Senor, a partir los Turcos de medio a medio, que no son malas partidas para vn Infante D. P E D R O . f

The verses by Antonio Serräo de Castro sound a similar note. The Parcae may now desist from their labors. The prince's life will be as the phoenix's, or Nestor's. Compared with Pedro, Methusaleh lived only a short while. And then, in a juxtaposition of the older Pedro's travels and a renewal of the Crusade theme, the poet continues: * H e r face is a cash book, whose gentle parts the Infante D o m Pedro never saw when he traveled there. t A n d now that the Ottoman, so tyrannical and so proud a barbarian, aspires to dominion over the Christian empires, set in motion, oh, lord, your arm, in order to brandish strong steel, for whoever knows how to subdue bulls will all the better know how to conquer dogs. Leave, oh, lord, and divide the T u r k s right down the middle, which would not be bad parting f o r an Infante Dom Pedro.

299

APPENDIX T o d a s as sete partidas, que andou hum Pedro em redondo, hade render este P E D R O , desde hum polo a outro polo. Porque nelle as profecias espero f a f ä o seu ponto, que restaure a Casa sancta, a pezar do T u r c o , & Mouro.*

In the Fastigimia, published in 1911, Tome Pinheiro da Veiga, a contemporary of Dom Francisco Manuel de Melo, discusses the authenticity of the reports he presents. They do not have as much authority, he affirms, as the narratives of Thucydides, Marc Antony, Caesar, or Monsieur de Montluc, but just as much as those of Fernäo Mendes Pinto and the Franciscan Pantaleäo. Pinheiro da Veiga then lists a series of works which includes the descriptions of Marco Polo, the seven partidas of the Infante Dom Pedro, and the embassy to the Great Tamerlane (Clavijo). He points out that these derive their authenticity either from the antiquity of the periods mentioned or the remoteness of the places, none of which can now be verified. His own tales, on the other hand, represent what the eye has seen and the hand touched. At the end of the eighteenth century, editions of Gomez de Santisteban appeared in Portuguese almost every other year, on occasion twice in one year. Their frequency explains the references to the fifteenth-century Dom Pedro so common in the writings of the period. Occasionally these references are semi-serious. Thus, by versifying the speech in which Regent Pedro refused to permit the erection of a statue, Pedro Antonio Correia Gargäo (1724-1772) subtly outlined his views concerning the nature of the civil authority. Antonio Diniz da Cruz e Silva died in 1799. In the composition of his Hyssope, first published in London three years later, he had recourse to the literatura de cordel. At the end of Canto III he writes: Ο Bastos, neste instante, homem versado N a lifaö de Florinda, e Charlos Magno. * All seven parts over which one Pedro traveled from West to East this Pedro has to conquer from one pole to the other, so that in him the prophecies — I do hope — may be fulfilled and he may restore the Sacred Shrine, in spite of Turk or Moor.

3OO

TEXT

ACROSS

THE

CENTURIES

Toward the end of the fifth canto he returns to the chapbooks: A l e m disto, cursado tinha as Classes; Ε a todas estas cousas ajuntava U m a profunda erudi^aö, bebida N o s Autos de Reinaldo, e Valdevinos, Ε do Infante D o m Pedro nas partidas, Florisel de Niquea, e outros livros D a andante, da immortal Cavallaria.*

Filinto Elisio, as Francisco Manuel do Nascimento (1734-1819) was known, translated La Fontaine's fables. "Jupiter et les Tonnerres" begins: Olhando Jove, urn dia, as nossas culpas, Diz, la do alto dos ares: "Povoemos, D e hospedes novos as partidas do Örbe . . ." t

At this point the poet realized that "Les cantons de l'Univers" of the original French was a much better turned phrase than his "partidas do 0rbe." His charming apology occurs in a footnote: "For as long as I am able to remember the Auto of the Infante Dom Pedro, who traveled over the seven partidas of the world, I shall never employ any other word in place of it." Filinto may have been acquainted with the 1787, Oporto 1790, or 1794 edition, all of which label the chapbook an acto. An earlier Portuguese edition had referred to it as an auto (no. 24). The romantic novelist Camilo Castelo Branco (1825-1890) could not resist mention of the Libro del Infante don Pedro. In a folksy colloquy in A Queda d'um Anjo (1866) the husband reads the chapbook to his wife for the twentieth time. Translation destroys its style: "Oh, husband, haven't you yet finished reading those missals? "Those aren't missals, woman. Don't you take the name of my classics in vain. "The wife did not understand this, and asked him to read for * In this particular, Bastos is a man well Charlemagne . . . Moreover, he had been to profound erudition obtained from the tracts the Infante Dom Pedro in his parts, Florisel errant and immortal knighthood.

versed in lessons from Florinda and school, and to all of this he added a about Reinaldo and Valdevinos, and of Nicea, and other books about the

t One day, Jupiter, beholding our faults, exclaims, up there on high: "Let us people with new guests the parts of the earth . . ."

3OI

A P P E N D I X

the twentieth time the Seven Parts of Dom Pedro. And the good husband read to her for the twentieth time the Seven Parts, because they were written in real Portuguese. There was a good life for you! A Paradise before which God forgot to place the angel with the flaming sword to forbid entrance!" * Allusions to Dom Pedro continue in Portugal as in Spain. In a rambling bibliographical essay published in 1894, Antonio Francisco Barata employs the proverb and then questions it: "I do not recall, my traveling-companions, whether we have already been in Goa or not. Like the Infante Dom Pedro we have traveled over the seven parts of the world, Gomez de Santisteban's legendary division, unharmonizable with geography, which in those times knew only four." The contemporary writer Aquilino Ribeiro is familiar with the folhetos de cordel, the Historia da Imperatriz Porcina, the Duque de Mantua, and others. In a volume written a decade ago he combines references to these chapbooks with a penetrating summation of Western Europe's quest of Prester John. "This tragi-comedy of Abyssinia," he writes in the dedication of his book, "with its imperial imposture, its Christian myth (most holy illusions of almost all the kings of the dynasty of Avis), and the intrepid courage of our people, has always fascinated me." The title of Aquilino Ribeiro's volume is Portugueses das Sete Partidas. It was followed in November 1958 by the publication of a revised edition of Fernando Namora's novel As Sete Partidas do Mundo. The Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal, Duke of Coimbra, aroused the imagination of his own age and that of Francisco Älvares and has ever since influenced the imaginative.23 * — ό homem, ainda näo acabaste de ler estes missaes? — Isto näo säo missaes, rapariga. N ä o estejas a profanar os meus classicos. A esposa näo entendia isto, e pedia-lhe que lhe lesse pela vigesima vez as Sete partidas de D. Pedro. Ε ο bom marido lia-lhe pela vigesima vez as Sete partidas, porque estavam escriptas em portuguez de lei. V i d a para invejar! paraiso em que Deus se esqueceu de mandar ο anjo do montante de fogo vedar a entrada!

302

Notes

Notes C H A P T E R I. T H E D U A L B A C K G R O U N D 1. The general Portuguese background is provided by the chronicler Fernäo Lopes (ca. 1380-ca. 1460). His chronicle of King Pedro 1 covers the years 1357-1367 and that of King Fernando I the years 1367-1383. His chronicle of King Joäo I is in two parts, covering the periods 1383— 1385 and 1385-1411 respectively. These chronicles are available in several editions, listed, along with editions of other source materials, in Maria Adelaide Valle Cintra, Bibliografia de textos medievais Portugueses (Lisbon, i960). The details of the English alliance and marriage are given in Peter E. Russell, The English Intervention in Spain & Portugal in the Time of Edward III & Richard II (Oxford, 1955). More general accounts of the period may be found in the relevant portions of Η. V . Livermore, A History of Portugal (Cambridge, England, 1947), and Charles E. Nowell, A History of Portugal (New York, 1952), and in Livermore's chapter on the history of Portugal in the volume he edited entitled Portugal and Brazil·. An Introduction (Oxford, 1953). 2. Fernäo Lopes, chronicle of Joäo I, Part II, prologue. All English translations are my own unless specifically credited to others. 3. Ibid., chap, xcvii. For the rite of Salisbury, see also Gomes Eanes de Zurara, Cronica da Tomada de Ceuta, ed. Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira (Lisbon, 1915), p. 142. 4. Francisco da Fonseca Benevides, Rainhas de Portugal (2 vols., Lisbon, 1878-79), I, 247-248; James Hamilton Wylie, History of England under Henry the Fourth (4 vols., London, 1884-98), II, 331-332; V . M. Shillington and A. B. Wallis Chapman, The Commercial Relations of England and Portugal (London, 1907), p. 18. A. Gon^alves Rodrigues stresses the necessity the Portuguese were under of learning English: " A lingua portuguesa em Inglaterra nos seculos X V I I e XVIII," Biblos, X X V I I (1951), 43-76, at p. 44. A letter in French to Henry IV signed "vostre entiere et loyal suer p[hilippa] de p[ortugal]" is published in Frederico Francisco da la Figaniere, Catalogo dos manuscriptos portuguezes existentes no Museu Britannic ο (Lisbon, 1853), pp. 12 οι 2 2, republished in Conde de Vila Franca, D. Joäo lea αΙΙϊαηςα ingleza (Lisbon, 1884), pp. 255-256. For the final conversion of the English court from the use of French to that of English, see Albert C. Baugh, A History of the English Language, 2nd ed. (New York, 1957), chap. 6, "The Re-establishment of English, 1200-1500." The boys' mottoes were adopted before the expedition to Ceuta: Zurara, Cronica da Tomada de Ceuta, ed. Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira, chap, xxxvi, and Luis T . de Sampaio, "Os desafios do Duque Joäo de Bourbon," Revista de Historia, Lisbon, VII (1918), 97-108, at p. 103. For additional information and documentation on Philippa's role, see William J. Entwistle and Peter E. Russell, " A Rainha D. Felipa e a sua Corte," Congresso do Mundo Portugues: Publicagöes, II (Lisbon, 1940), 317-346. 5. Fernäo Lopes, chronicle of Joäo I, Part II, chap, cxlvii.

305

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R I 6. Edgar Prestage, ed., Chivalry (London, 1928); chap, vi, "The Chivalry of Portugal," is by the editor. Portuguese participation in the international jousting of the period is immortalized in the episode of the Twelve of England in the Lusiadas of Camöes, for which see Wilhelm Storck's note in his translation of Camöes, Sämmtliche Gedichte (6 vols., Paderborn, 1880-85), V , 489-491, and Α. de Magalhäes Basto, Poeira dos Arquivos (Oporto, 1935), pp. 55-88, entitled "Cavalarias dos Doze de Inglaterra." For other Portuguese participation, see Enguerran de Monstrelet, Chronique, ed. L. Douet-D'Arcq (6 vols., Paris, 1857-62), III, 61-62, i.e. Book I, chap, cxxxvi; Jean Le Fevre, Seigneur de Saint-Remy, Chronique, ed. Franfois Morand (2 vols., Paris, 1876-81), I, 205-211; Visconde de Santarem, Quadro elementar das relagöes politicas e diplomaticas de Portugal com as diversas potencias do mundo, III (Paris, 1843), 41; C. R. du Bocage, "O cartel de desafio do duque de Bourbon aos infantes D. Pedro e D. Henrique," Revista de Historia, Lisbon, V I (1917), 47-61, at pp. 53-55; Luis Τ . de Sampaio, "Desafios," pp. 98-99, 101; and James Hamilton Wylie, The Reign of Henry the Fifth (3 vols., Cambridge, England, 1914-29), I, 439-440. For the episode involving Pedro and Henrique, see Joseph Louis Ripault Desormeaux, Histoire de la maison de Bourbon (5 vols., Paris, 1772-88), I, 429-430; Pedro de Tovar (i.e., Conde de Tovar), "Um desafio aos Infantes D. Pedro e D. Henrique (1414-1415)," Revista de Historia, Lisbon, V (1916), 278-281; Bocage, "Cartel de desafio"; Tovar, "O desafio aos infantes D. Pedro e D. Henrique," Revista de Historia, Lisbon, V I (1917), 249-262; Sampaio, "Desafios"; Fortunato de Almeida, Historia de Portugal (6 vols., Coimbra, 1922-29), II, 23; Mario de Albuquerque, Ο Significado das Navegagöes e outros ensaios (Lisbon, 1930), p. 64; Tovar, Catälogo dos manuscritos Portugueses ou relatives a Portugal existentes no Museu Britanico (Lisbon, 1932), pp. 26-27. 7. For Nun'Älvares and Galahad, see Coronica do condestabre de purtugall Nuno aluarez Pereyra (Lisbon, 1526), chap. iv. For Pope Benedict XV's decree of beautification of Nun'Älvares in 1918, see Father Valerio A. Cordeiro, Vida do Beato Nuno Alvarez Pereira (Lisbon, 1919), pp. 229-234. 8. The inventory is published in Antonio Caetano de Sousa, Provas da Historia Genealogica da Casa Real Portugueza (6 vols., Lisbon, 1739-48), I, 544-546; King Duarte, Leal Conselheiro, ed. J. I. Roquete (Paris, 1842), pp. xx-xxii; Inocencio Francisco da Silva, "Memoria acerca da bibliotheca de el-rei D. Duarte," Ο Panorama: Jornal litterario e instructivo, XI (1854), 315—317; Teofilo Braga, Historia da Universidade de Coimbra (4 vols., Lisbon, 1892-1902), I, 209-228; Leal Conselheiro, ed. Joseph M. Piel (Lisbon, 1942), pp. 414-416; Gomes Eanes de Zurara, Cronica dos Feitos de Guine, ed. Antonio J. Dias Dinis, O.F.M. (2 vols., Lisbon, 1949), I, 44-46. Duarte's library merits comparison with those of King Martin I of Aragon and Carlos, Prince of Viana (King of Navarre from 1442 to 1461); see J. Masso Torrents, "Inventari dels bens mobles del rey Marti d'Arago," Revue Hispanique, XII (1905), 413590, and Paul Raymond, "La bibliotheque de Don Carlos, Prince de Viane," Bibliotheque de Fficole des Chartes, 19th year, Tome IV, 4th series (1858), 483-487. For a valuable study of late-medieval libraries, see Pearl Kibre, "The Intellectual Interests Reflected in the Libraries of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries," Journal of the History of Ideas, VII (1946), 257-297; although it

306

THE DUAL

BACKGROUND

takes cognizance of the libraries of Martin I and Carlos, it does not mention Duarte's, nor indeed any other Portuguese library. 9. Ironically the Infante Dom Pedro later in life was responsible for the final codification of the rules of chivalry, included as Title LXIII, "Dos Cavalleiros, como, e per quern devem seer feitos, e desfeitos," in the Ordenagöes afonsinas. See Ordenagoens do Senhor Rey D. Affonso V (5 vols., Coimbra, 1792), I, 360-376. 10. Fernäo Lopes touches on the marriage of Beatriz in the chronicle of Joäo I, Part II, chap, cciii, his last chapter. See Jose Soares da Silva, Memorias para a historia de Portugal, que comprehendem ο governo delrey D. Joaö ο 1. (4 vols., Lisbon, 1730-34), I, 246-250, and IV, 76-83; Figaniere, Catalogo, pp. 60-71; Santarem, Quadro elementar, X I V , 2nd ed. (Lisbon, 1865), pp. 153— 158; Wylie, History of England under Henry the Fourth, II, 334-338; Pedro de Azevedo, ed., Documentos das Chancelarias Reais anteriores a 1531 relatives a Marrocos (2 vols., Lisbon, 191J-34), I, 549-551; Armando Marques Guedes, A alianga inglesa (Notas de historia diplomdtica) 1383-1943, new ed. (Lisbon, 1943), pp. 100-101. For the Earl of Arundel and the Order of the Garter, of which he had been elected a Knight in 1400, see Edmund H. Fellowes, The Knights of the Garter 1348-1939·. With a complete list of the Stall-Plates in St. George's Chapel (London, 1939), p. 62; see p. 107 for the appointment as a Lady of the Garter in 1413. 11. According to Luis Chaves, "O seculo do Tosäo-de-Ouro em Portugal. Primeira parte: Aspectos historicos," Arqueologia e Historia, IX (1930), 7-39, at p. 16, the Count of Barcelos accompanied Beatriz to Flanders, passing through Bruges. All the evidence points to Afonso's presence in England. 12. For the Venetian chronicles, see Auguste Prost, "Les chroniques venitiennes," Revue des Questions historiques, X X X I (1882), 512-555, and X X X I V (1883), 199-224, and Freddy Thiriet, "Les chroniques venitiennes de la Marcienne et leur importance pour l'histoire de la Romanie Greco-Venitienne," Melanges d'Archeologie et d'Histoire, L X V I (1954), 241-292. Specifically for Afonso's visit, see the chronicle of Antonio Morosini in 2 vols, in the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice: "MS. italiano, classe 7.», codici 2048-2049 (collocazione 8331-8332)," at Vol. I, pp. 505-507, where the Count of Barcelos is called "miser azifos." This MS. is an official copy, made in the 1880's, of the original MS., also in 2 vols., in the Austrian National Library, Vienna, nos. 6586 and 6587 (Fosc. 234-235), in which Barcelos is mentioned at fols. 198A and 198B (i.e., Vol. I, fols. i48v and i49 r )· Antonio Morosini lived in the latter part of the fourteenth and the early fifteenth centuries. His chronicle, written in the Venetian dialect, is in two parts. The first, or chronicle proper, covers Venetian history from the founding of the city down to 1403-1404. The second part, or "journal" (Diario), covers 1404-143 3 and reflects its author's personal observations; it constitutes three quarters of the entire work. Vol. I of the original MS. (in Vienna) consists of 270 fols. and goes to 1416. Vol. II, of 291 fols., covers 1416-1433. An original folio numbering running continuously through the two volumes is such that, when a double page is opened out, the folio number is given on the left page (or verso of one leaf) and applies also to the right page (or recto of the following leaf). Modern scholars who refer to this

307

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

I

MS. add the designation " A " for the left-hand page number and " B " for the right-hand page number. The MS. also contains a conventional leaf numbering which uses "recto" and "verso," each volume being numbered separately. The two volumes in Venice are likewise separated at the year 1416. Each volume is bound in two parts. The pages, and not the leaves, are numbered, each volume being paged separately. Vol. I consists of 1,052 pages, Vol. II of 1,569 pages. There are marginal references to the two systems of numbering in the Vienna MS. Unfortunately the chronicle of Antonio Morosini has never been published in toto. The only edition, done for the Societe de l'Histoire de France, contains those extracts which are significant for the history of France, especially for the history of St. Joan of Arc: Germain Lefevre-Pontalis and Leon Dorez, eds. and tr., Chronique d'Antonio Morosini: Extraits relatifs ä Vhistoire de France (4 vols., Paris, 1898-1902). Vol. I V contains a study of the chronicle and its MSS. The published extracts do not include either the portion covering the visit of Barcelos in 140ό nor that concerning the visit of Dom Pedro in 1428 (see note III-30 below). They do contain, however, a discussion of the capture of Ceuta by the Portuguese in 1415, including mention of Barcelos and of the fact that he had earlier visited Venice: "e tra i altry suo portadose molto bem el fiol so bastardo de qual dito re de Portogalo, per nome clamado miser [Azifos], per avanty vegnudo in Veniexia, andando per vixitar el Sancto Sepurclo, e fatoly per la dogal Signoria molto notabel honor" (II, 64). For another chronicle which mentions the 1406 visit, see Marino Sanudo "the younger," Vitae Ducum Venetorum (in Italian), in Lodovico Antonio Muratori, ed., Kerum Italicarum Scriptores (25 vols., Milan, 1723-51), X X I I (1733), elms. 401-1252, at elm. 835. For a document of Oct. 5, 1410, which mentions the reception Venice extended to Afonso, see Visconde de Lagoa, "Estimulo economico da conquista de Ceuta," Congresso do Mundo Portugues: Publicagöes, Vol. III, Tome I (Lisbon, 1940), 55-77. This document was earlier known to and cited by M. Margaret Newett, Canon Pietro Casola's Pilgrimage to Jerusalem In the Year 14g 4 (Manchester, 1907), p. 47. On pp. 46-47 Miss Newett discusses the reception accorded Afonso in Venice and gives details of his pilgrimage, together with references to the Senato Miste as follows: "xlvii. p. 75, 6th August, 1406; p. 65, 26th August, 1406; and p. 74^, 6th August, 1406." For still earlier historians acquainted with Afonso's visit, see Paolo Morosini, Historia della Citta e Republica di Venetia (Venice, 1637), p. 382; Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna, Delle Inscrizioni Veneziane (6 vols., Venice, 1824-53), VI, 73; Giuseppe Canestrini, "Intorno alle relazioni commercial! de' Fiorentini co' Portoghesi avanti e dopo la scoperta del Capo di Buona Speranza," Archivio Storico Italiano, Appendix, III (1846), 93-110, at p. 98; and Samuele Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia (10 vols., Venice, 1853-61), IV, 52. For Afonso's passage through Ferrara in January 1408, on his return from Jerusalem, see Nicolae Iorga, Notes et extraits pour servir a Vhistoire des croisades au XV Steele (Vols. IV-VI, Bucharest, 1915-16), IV, 12. (See note II—34 below for the first three volumes of this study.) For detailed discussion of a visit to Treviso of a natural son of the King of Portugal, including mention of an excursion to Hungary and even Poland and of the visit to the Holy

308

THE DUAL

BACKGROUND

Land, see Andrea Redusio of Quero (Andreas de Redusiis de Quero), Chronicon Tarvisinum, in Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, XIX (1731), elms. 733-866, at elms. 805-806. The details concerning the pagan who returned with Afonso from the Holy Land to Treviso are particularly significant. 13. E f a de Queiroz, A Reliquia (Oporto, 1887), p. 143. The passage is on p. 110 of Vol. V I of Obras (Oporto, 1947). Published translation by Aubrey F. G. Bell, modified. 14. Antonio de Macedo, S.J., Lusitania infulata et purpurata seu pontificibus et cardinalibus illustrata (Paris, 1663), pp. 137-138; Antonio Pereira de Figueiredo, Portuguezes nos Concilios Geraes (Lisbon, 1787), pp. 39-40; Joäo Baptista da Silva Lopes, Memorias para a historia ecclesiastica do bispado do Algarve (Lisbon, 1848), pp. 237-238; Santarem, Quadro elementar, IX (Lisbon, 1864), 402; Fortunate de Almeida, Historia da Igreja em Portugal (4 vols, in 8, Coimbra, 1910-24), II, 458-460; and Virginia Rau, A Casa dos Contos (Coimbra, 1951), p. 45. 15. Pereira de Figueiredo, Portuguezes nos Concilios Geraes, p. 40, and Fortunato de Almeida, Historia da Igreja em Portugal, II, 459. For another identification of this theologian, see Soares da Silva, Memorias, II, 561-568, 936. 16. Zurara, chronicle of Ceuta, chap. Iii, i.e., p. 161 of the 1915 ed. In view of the discussion of indulgences in Chap. V I below, the full text in Portuguese is important: " E porem husamdo de meu officio, uos rrequeiro e rrogo a todos quamtos aqui presemtes sooes, que comsirees bem em uossas comgiemcias quaaesquer peccados, malles, ou erros, que tenhaaes cometidos, e que pe9aaes ao Senhor Deos perdam delles com todo corafom e uoomtade, e fa^aaes delles penitem^ia, auemdo firme proposito de uos guardar de pecar daqui em diamte. Polla quail cousa serees assolltos de culpa e pena, per uirtude de huua letera que ο samto Padre outorgou a elRey nosso senhor ueemdo seu samto deseio." See also Zurara, chap. Ixxi, i.e., p. 202 of the 1915 ed., where the expression "samta cruzada" is employed. Charles-Martial de Witte, O.S.B., was unable to find this bull and therefore cited Zurara: "Les bulks pontificates et l'expansion portugaise au X V e siecle," Revue d'Histoire Ecclesiastique, X L V I I I (1953), 683-718; X L I X (1954). 438-461; LI (1956), 413-453, 809-836; LIII (1958), 5-46, 443-471; at XLVIII, 688. Some of the conclusions of this study, also issued as a separate volume (Louvain, 1958), have not been well received in Portugal; see the review by Antonio Brasio, C.S.Sp., in Studia, no. 2 (July 1958), 3 1 3 - 3 1 8 · 17. Die Chroniken der niedersächsischen Städte: Lübeck (5 vols, in 6, Leipzig, 1884-1914), III, 78. By some modern non-Portuguese writers the Portuguese conquest of Ceuta is regarded as a minor and local event in the history of a minor country. Thus Irvine Gray, on p. 7 of his English translation of Antoine de La Sale's Le Petit Jehan de Saintre (London, 1931), refers to it as a "toy crusade." 18. See, for example, Visconde de Lagoa, "Estimulo economico," and Joäo Franco Machado, "Portugal: Historia dos Descobrimentos (1939-1941)," Revista Portuguesa de Historia, II (1943), 335-346, especially p. 340. Bailey W . Diffie, Prelude to Empire: Portugal Overseas Before Henry the Navigator (Lincoln, Nebraska, i960), pp. 84-87, presents an excellent summary of general Iberian politics prior to the expedition.

309

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

I

19. For a superb commentary on the princes' desire to be knighted on the field of honor, see Francisco de Santa Maria, Ο ceo aberto na terra·. Historia das sagradas congregagöes dos Conegos Seculares de S. Jorge em Alga de Venesa, & de S. Joaö Evangelista em Portugal (Lisbon, 1697), p. 428: ". . . elles queriäo merecer na campanha; porque näo ignoraväo a grande distancia, que vai de ser devedor das honras, a ser acredor dellas. Quern as alcanna obrando acgöes illustres, he justo acredor de quem lhas fafäo: quem as logra pelos meyos do favor, da lisonja, do caso, ou da fortuna, deve-as a quem lhas faz. Para ο primeiro sao paga, que recebe: para ο segundo saö divida, que contrahe: & se este as logra com mayor dita: aquelle, sem comparafäo, com mayor gloria." 20. Fernand Desonay, Antoine de La Sale, aventureux et pedagogue·. Essai de biographie critique (Liege and Paris, 1940), pp. 41-47, no, 136, 161-163. The text of La Sale's Du Reconfort de Madame de Fresne is available in Joseph Neve, Antoine de La Salle: Sa Vie et ses Ouvrages d'apres des documents inedits (Paris and Brussels, 1903), pp. 101-155. A Portuguese translation has been made by General Carlos du Bocage: Consolagöes dirigidas a Catharina de Neufville, Senhora de Fresne (Lisbon, 1933). La Sale himself admits he could not recall the names of either Vasco Fernandes de Ataide or his mother. He was writing long after the event and clearly did not have the text of Zurara's Ceuta chronicle before him. 21. For the facts concerning Wolkenstein, see Arthur, Graf von Wolkenstein-Rodenegg, Oswald von Wolkenstein (Innsbruck, 1930); Otto Mann, "Oswald von Wolkenstein und die Fremde," Deutschkundliches: Friedrich Panzer zum 60. Geburtstage überreicht von Heidelberger Fachgenossen, ed. Hans Teske (Heidelberg, 1930), pp. 44-60; Conrad H. Lester, Ζur literarischen Bedeutung Oswalds von Wolkenstein (Vienna, 1949). The biography as reconstructed by these modern scholars differs markedly from the errors disseminated by Beda Weber: Oswald von Wolkenstein und Friedrich mit der leeren Tasche (Innsbruck, 1850). The latter study followed by three years Weber's edition of the poems: Die Gedichte Oswalds von Wolkenstein (Innsbruck, 1847). Weber thoroughly confused later writers, for example, Eustace J. Kitts, Pope John the Twenty-Third and Master John Hus of Bohemia (London, 1910), p. 188. A remark by Weber (p. 126 of the 1850 book) concerning Oswald and the Amadis de Gaula was refuted by Ludwig Braunfels, Kritischer Versuch über den Roman Amadis von Gallien (Leipzig, 1876), p. 188; see also p. 189. Anton Noggler first pieced together the facts about Oswald and Ceuta: "Eine unbekannte Reise Oswalds von Wolkenstein," Zeitschrift des Ferdinandeums für Tirol und Vorarlberg, Innsbruck, 3rd series, X X V I I (1883), 3-70. Nevertheless, Linda Villari, who was acquainted with Noggler's research, continued to follow Weber in part: Oswald von Wolkenstein: A Memoir of the Last Minnesinger of Tirol (London, 1901); see especially pp. 34, 36, 37. Johannes Schrott published Oswald's poems in modern German: Gedichte Oswald's von Wolkenstein, des letzten Minnesängers (Stuttgart, 1886). For the original German, see Josef Schatz and Oswald Koller, eds., Oswald von Wolkenstein: Geistliche und weltliche Lieder, ein- und mehrstimmig (Vienna, 1902). A second edition of the text of the poems was edited by Schatz: Die Gedichte Oswalds von Wolkenstein (Göttingen, 1904). For a literary and philo3 10

THE DUAL

BACKGROUND

sophical analysis of the poems, see Fritz Martini, "Dichtung und Wirklichkeit bei Oswald von Wolkenstein," Dichtung und Volkstum, XXXIX (1938), 390411. For knowledge of Oswald among Portuguese scholars, see Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcelos, ed., Cancioneiro da Ajuda (2 vols., Halle a. S., 1904), II, 695, n. 4, and Antonio G. Matoso, Erros de historia: Reposta α um critico (Lisbon, 1944), pp. 227, 728. T h e poem on Ceuta is in Schatz, ed., Gedichte, p. 249, i.e., verses 11-20 of no. 109. I reprinted it on p. 62 of The Obedience of a King of Portugal (Minneapolis, 1958). 22. For Henrique as the principal personage, see Zurara, chronicle of Ceuta, ed. Esteves Pereira, pp. 11, 46, 73, 77, n o , 122, 142, 149, 152, 165, 177, 186, 187, 195, 202, 205, 211, 254, 264, 267, 275, and chaps, lxi, lxv, lxvi, lxxviii, lxxix ff. For his glorification, see pp. 219 (and chap, lxxx generally), 221, 227, 230, 231, 236. For belittling of Pedro, see pp. 111, 127, 128, 134, 170, 171, and chap. lxix. For censure of him, see p. 146. For glorification of Duarte, see p. 2 jo. For Zurara's directive, see p. 227. 23. Ibid., p. 128. 24. Long ago Sophus Ruge wrote of offers reaching Henrique after Ceuta from Pope, Emperor-elect, and the kings of Castile and England: Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen (Berlin, 1881), pp. 82-83. Ruge is here accepting the statement in chap, vi of Zurara's chronicle of Guinea and the note supplied by the 1841 editors on p. 40 (see note II—3 below). Mario de Albuquerque, Significado das Navegagöes, p. 207, also accepts Zurara and his editors on this point. T h e bibliography concerning Henrique and his support of maritime discovery is enormous and is increasing with the i960 commemoration of the fifth centenary of his death. Recent popular accounts in English are Hans Baumann, The Barque of the Brothers: A Tale of the Days of Henry the Navigator, tr. Isabel and Florence McHugh (New York, 1958), and Gilbert Renault (i.e., "Remy"), The Caravels of Christ, tr. Richmond Hill (New York, 1959). T h e latter has the usual errors concerning Pedro, e.g., p. 82. A very late comer is Ernie Bradford, A Wind from the North: The Life of Henry the Navigator (New York, i960). 23. Kitts, Pope John the Twenty-Third, p. 252. 26. There is, to my knowledge, no biography of Sigismund in English other than the brief essay by Archibald Main, The Emperor Sigismund (Oxford and London, 1903). The standard German biography is over a century old: Joseph Aschbach, Geschichte Kaiser Sigmund's (4 vols., Hamburg, 183845)· 27. For Joäo I's acceptance of Pope John XXIII, see Aschbach, II, 218, and Witte, XLVIII, 689, n. 4. For his first embassy to Constance, see Pereira de Figueiredo, p. 41. 28. Aschbach, II, 218; Fortunato de Almeida, Historia da Igreja em Portugal, II, 460-463; and Heinrich Finke et al., eds., Acta Concilii Constanciensis (4 vols., Münster i. W . , 1896-1928), II (1923), 298, 300. Father Jose de Castro, Portugal em Roma (2 vols., Lisbon, 1939), II, 342, erred in following Pereira de Figueiredo concerning this embassy. 29. T h e letter dated Oct. 23, 1415, in which Pedro and Henrique replied to the chivalric challenge of the Duke of Bourbon (see note 1-6 above) is the 3 ι

1

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

I

earliest document known to contain Pedro's new title of Duke of Coimbra. 30. For the marriage authorization, see J. Caro, Aus der Kanzlei Kaiser Sigismunds: Urkundliche Beiträge zur Geschichte des Constanzer Concils (Vienna, 1879), pp. 8, 167-168, 173-175. Caro's work is reprinted from Archiv für österreichische Geschichte, LIX (1879), 1-175. 31. Wilhelm Gierth, Die Vermittlungsversuche Kaiser Sigmunds zwischen Frankreich und England im Jahre 1416 (Halle a. S., 1895), p. 10. For the exact itinerary, see Aschbach, II, 137-139, and Wilhelm Altmann, Die Urkunden Kaiser Sigmunds (1410-1437) (2 vols., Innsbruck, 1896-1900), I, 122-125. 32. Aschbach, II, 140-141; Altmann, I, 126; Jeronimo de Mascarenhas, Historia de la Ciudad de Ceuta . . . escrita em 1648, ed. Afonso de Dornelas (Lisbon, 1918), p. 97. 33. Jeronimo de Mascarenhas, pp. 97-98. 34. The documents are summarized in Altmann, I, 202 (no. 2838), and I, 213 (no. 3017), respectively. Father Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos Santos, S.J., has recently furnished exact indications of their location in the StaatsArchiv; see "O Infante D. Pedro na Äustria-Hungria," Broteria, LXVIII (Jan.June 1959), 17-37, at p. 22, notes 4, 5. The earlier document, that is, the original award of the March of Treviso, has been known to Portuguese historians for centuries, although not necessarily fully understood by them. See, for example, Duarte Nunes de Leäo, Cronicas delRey Dom loam de gloriosa memoria ο I. deste nome, e dos reys de Portugal ο X. e α dos reys D. Duarte, e D. Ajfonso ο V. (Lisbon: Antonio Älvares [son], 1643), p. 382, where he states he saw the document in the Torre do Tombo (see p. 245 of my text); Antonio Caetano de Sousa, Historia Genealogica da Casa Real Portugueza (12 vols., Lisbon, 1735-38), II, 74; Abbe A. D. de Castro e Sousa, Resumo historico da vida, acgöes, morte, e jazigo do Infante D. Pedro, Duque de Coimbra, Regente do Reino de Portugal na menoridade d'ElRei D. Ajfonso 5.0 (Lisbon, 1843), p. 9, where he gives the call number in the Torre do Tombo ("Casa da Coroa, gaveta 17, ma?o 6, n.° 1"); J. P. de Oliveira Martins, Os Filhos de D. Joäo 1 (Lisbon, 1891), p. 379. Oliveira Martins, whose work, as I note on pp. 250 ff., must be used with the greatest caution, reprinted the second document (Filhos, pp. 380-381) from a copy made in Vienna in 1872. See also Otto Schiff, König Sigmunds italienische Politik bis zur Romfahrt (1410-1431) (Frankfurt a. M., 1909), pp. 70, 72. Sidney Painter, A History of the Middle Ages 284-1500 (New York, 1953), p. 398, states the emperors valued highly their right to bestow a vacant fief on whomever they pleased and cites Sigismund's grant of the Margravate of Brandenburg to Friedrich of Hohenzollern as the most important example of such an award. I should rank high on the list the same emperor's award to Pedro of Portugal. 35. W. T . Waugh, A History of Europe from ι$η8 to 1494, 3rd ed. (London, 1949), pp. 161, 414, 447. 36. Paradiso, ix, 25-27, 43-44, Longfellow translation. For the March, see also Enciclopedia Italiana, X X X I V , 288; Adriano Augusto Michieli, Storia di Treviso (Florence, 1938), p. 94; Freya Stark, Traveller's Prelude (London, 1950), p. 32; Isobel Wylie Hutchison, " A Stroll to Venice," National Geographic Magazine, C:3 (Sept. 1951), 378-410, at p. 402. 37. For additional information on the history of the March of Treviso

3

12

P R E P A R A T I O N S FOR

DEPARTURE

and for Sigismund's Venetian war of 1411-1413, see Giambatista Verci, Storia delta Marca Trivigiana e Veronese (20 vols., Venice, 1786-91), X V I , j-72, and XIX, 45-94; Aschbach, I, chap, xvii; Heinrich Leo, Histoire d'ltalie, tr. M. Dochez (3 vols., Paris, 1844), I, 549-550, 562-563; Michieli, pp. 87-88, 90-91, 1 1 3 - 1 1 4 . For the boundaries of Venice in 1410, see Kitts, Pope John the Twenty-Third, p. 148. The text of the 1413 truce is in Verci, XIX, pp. 64-66 of the documents, i.e., No. MMCX, and also in Monumenta Spectantia Historiam Slavorum Meridionalium, Zagreb, XII (1882), 104-105. For all these events Oliveira Martins should be used with great care, or preferably not at all. 38. For Sigismund, Friedrich, and the Tyrol, see Aschbach, II, chap, xx, and Josef Egger, Geschichte Tirols von den ältesten 2,eiten bis in die Neuzeit (3 vols., Innsbruck, 1872-80), I, 472, 493-494. C H A P T E R II. P R E P A R A T I O N S F O R D E P A R T U R E ι. The Virtuosa Bemfeitoria has been published in three editions: ed. Jose Pereira de Sampaio (Bruno), Oporto, 1910; ed. Joaquim Costa, Oporto, 1940; ed. Joaquim Costa, Oporto, 1946. The publication by Joaquim Costa entitled Ο Infante D. Pedro e a "Virtuosa BeTnfeitoria": Analise duma grande figura moral da historia portuguesa (Oporto, 1940) is apparently a reprint of the introduction of the 1940 edition without indication of this fact. T w o studies of the Virtuosa Bemfeitoria have recently appeared: Robert Ricard, "L'Infant D. Pedro de Portugal et Ό Livro da Virtuosa Bemfeitoria,'" Bulletin des Stüdes Portugaises et de Unstitut Franqais au Portugal, new series, X V I I (1953), 1-65, and Maria Antonia de Oliveira Braga, Os beneficios honrosos na "Virtuosa Be^eiteria" do Infante D. Pedro (Oporto, 1955). The latter is reprinted from Studium Generale, II (1955). See also Alberto Martins de Carvalho, Ο livro da Virtuosa Bemfeitoria (esbogo de estudo) (Coimbra, 1925), reprinted from Arquivo de Historia e Bibliografia, I (1925). This journal was printed but never published; a few reprints of its valuable studies are in existence, however. For the date of composition of the Virtuosa BeTnfeitoria, see Joaquim de Carvalho, "Cultura filosofica e scientifica," in Damiäo Peres and Eleuterio Cerdeira, eds., Historia de Portugal (8 vols., Barcelos, 1928-37), IV (1932), 475-528, at p. 517; Alvaro Julio da Costa Pimpäo, Historia da Literatura Portuguesa, Vol. I, covering the i2th-i5th centuries (Coimbra, 1947), pp. 215-216, 239-240; and Ricard, pp. 17-18. 2. The St. Alexius story is in Book III, chap, xiv, of the Virtuosa Bemfeitoria. See note 4 to my review of Joseph H. D. Allen, Jr., Two Old Portuguese Versions of the Life of Saint Alexis (Urbana, III., 1953), in Speculum, X X I X (1954), 251-254. The passage on Edessa is on pp. 46, 57 of Allen's edition. 3. Gomes Eanes de Zurara, Chronica do descobrimento e conquista de Guine, eds. Visconde da Carreira and Visconde de Santarem (Paris, 1841), chap. Ixxix. This is the first edition of the Paris MS. of the chronicle. It was translated into English by Charles Raymond Beazley and Edgar Prestage, The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea (2 vols., London, 189699). The 1949 edition by Antonio J. Dias Dinis, O.F.M., is a reprinting of the

3 ι 3

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

II

1841 edition. That by Jose de Braganga, Crönica do descobrimento e conquista da Guine (2 vols., Oporto, 1937), is in modernized Portuguese. Zurara's chronicle of Guinea also exists in the so-called Valentim Fernandes MS. of Munich: Ο Manuscrito "Valentim Fernandes," ed. Antonio Baiäo (Lisbon, 1940). In this version the Fernando de Castro expedition is mentioned in chap. 45. In both the Paris and Munich MSS. the year is given as 1424. For justification of the date 1425, see note IV-7 below. For a comparison of the Paris and Munich MSS., see Joaquim Barradas de Carvalho, " A mentalidade, ο tempo e os grupos sociais (Um exemplo portugues da epoca das descobertas: Gomes Eanes de Zurara e Valentim Fernandes)," Revista de Histöria, Säo Paulo, VII (July-Dec. 1953), 37-68. The erroneous notion that a Joäo de Castro led an expedition to the Canaries in 1415 under orders from the Infante Dom Henrique is ultimately due to Diogo Gomes; see Ο Manuscrito "Valentim Fernandes", p. 187. 4. Witte, XLVIII, 690-691. 5. For Sigismund's wars from 1418 to 1426, see Aschbach, II, 355, 404412; III, 196; IV, 49. For Groten, see Altmann, no. 6244. 6. For the Bohemian point of view on Hus and the wars, see the two volumes by Count Lützow: The Life & Times of Master John Hus (London and New York, 1909) and The Hussite Wars (London and New York, 1914). For a recent study, see Frederick G. Heymann, John Zizka and the Hussite Revolution (Princeton, 1955). 7. For an excellent discussion of the fifteenth-century pilgrimages, see the introduction in M. Margaret Newett, Canon Pietro Casola's Pilgrimage, and also the two delightful volumes by Hilda F. M. Prescott: Jerusalem Journey. Pilgrimage to the Holy Land in the Fifteenth Century (London, 1954) and Once to Sinai·. The further pilgrimage of Friar Felix Fabri (London, 1957). Together they constitute a retelling of Fabri's pilgrimage in the early 1480's. The second volume was reprinted in New York in 1958. The first volume had been issued much earlier in the United States: Friar Felix at Large: A Fifteenth-century Pilgrimage to the Holy Land (New Haven, 1950). For an earlier listing of illustrious persons who traveled beyond the seas, including Afonso, Count of Barcelos, see J. Delaville le Roulx, La France en Orient au XlVe Steele: Expeditions du Marechal Boucicaut (2 vols., Paris, 1886), I, 160. 8. For Henry of Bolingbroke's travels, see Rawdon Brown, Uarchivio di Venezia con riguardo speciale alia storia inglese (Venice and Turin, 1865), pp. 173-176; Lucy Toulmin Smith, ed., Expeditions to Prussia and the Holy Land made by Henry Earl of Derby (afterwards King Henry IV.) In the Years 1390-1 and 1392-3 (London, 1894), passim·, M. Margaret Newett, Casola's Pilgrimage, pp. 33-35; Jules Sottas, Les messageries maritimes de Venise aux XIVe & XV» siecles (Paris, 1938), pp. 146-147. For the letter to the doge, see Brown, p. 180, where he quotes the Commemoriali, num. IX, facc. 93. 9. For Ataide's pilgrimage, see Luis de Bivar Guerra, Inventories e Sequestros das Casas de Tavora e Atouguia em 11^9 (Lisbon, 1954), p. 278. 10. For Eric, see Odorico Rinaldi, Annates ecclesiastici (15 vols., Lucca, 1747-56), IX, 23; Aschbach, III, 184-185, 190-193; Altmann, nos. 5139, 5668, 5694-96, 5795, 5804-06, 5823A, 5894, 6019, 6139, 6167; Marino Sanudo, Vitae

3

1

4

P R E P A R A T I O N S FOR

DEPARTURE

Ducum Venetorum, elms. 975, 977; Germain Lefevre-Pontalis and Leon Dorez, Chronique d'Antonio Morosini, IV, 86. 11. Charles Potvin, ed., Oeuvres de Ghillebert de Lannoy, voyageur, diplomate et moraliste (Louvain, 1878); Charles Schefer, ed., Le Voyage dOutremer de Bertrandon de La Broquiere (Paris, 1892). 12. The narrative of the Ourem embassy is in Caetano de Sousa, Provas, V (1746), 573-630. In the new edition it is in Tomo V, II Parte (1952), pp. 237-306. For Ourem's journey to the Holy Land, see Rui de Pina, Chronica do Senhor Rey D. Duarte, in Jose Correia da Serra et al., eds., Collecgaö de livros ineditos de historia portugueza (5 vols., Lisbon, 1790-1824), I, 59-194, at pp. 97-98, i.e., chap. viii. 13. Julio Dantas, " A neurastenia do rei D. Duarte," Archivo de Medicina Legal, III (1930), 13-18. He had earlier discussed this subject in Outros Tempos (Lisbon, 1909), pp. 9-24. 14. Francisco de Santa Maria, Ceo aberto na terra, p. 429. 15. Scipione Ammirato, DelP Istorie Florentine . . . Libri venti·. Dal principio de IIa cittä Infino αΙΓ anno MCCCCXXXI11I (Florence, 1600), Book XVII, covering the years 1403-1409; Gustavo Uzielli, La vita e i tempi di Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli (Rome, 1894 — Raccolta, Part V , Vol. I), p. 136. For the Monte Comune, see Gertrude R. B. Richards, ed., Florentine Merchants in the Age of the Medici: Letters and Documents from the Selfridge Collection of Medici Manuscripts (Cambridge, Mass., 1932), pp. 309-310; Florence Edler [Mrs. Raymond De Roover], Glossary of Medieval Terms of Business: Italian Series 1200-1600 (Cambridge, Mass., 1934), p. 189; Ferdinand Schevill, History of Florence from the Founding of the City through the Renaissance (New York, 1936), p. 346; Raymond De Roover, "II trattato di fra Santi Rucellai sul cambio, il monte comune e il monte delle doti," Archivio Storico Italiano, CXI (1953), 3-41, at pp. 14, 19. 16. Livermore, History of Portugal, p. 182; Rau, Casa dos Contos, pp. 174. 365· 17. In the Lowell Institute Lectures delivered in the Boston Public Library during March i960, and entitled "Geo-Theo-Politics in the Age of Discovery: The Lesson of Early Printed Books," I discussed in detail the relations among Pero Tafur, Pope Eugenius IV, Fra Alberto da Sarteano, Nicolo de' Conti, the Coptic, Ethiopian, and Cathayan delegates to the Council of FerraraFlorence-Rome, and Poggio Bracciolini. I originally undertook the study in order to shed light on the nature and source of the information concerning the Christian Indies (Ethiopia, India, and Cathay) available in Florence during the regency of the Infante Dom Pedro. I expect that the lectures will be published shortly in book form, probably with the title The Dream of Christian Indies. I condensed my theories in a lecture in Portuguese delivered to the Academia de Letras da Bahia in August 1959. Published by the University of Bahia in i960 as No. V - 1 1 of its publication series, it is entitled Ο Sonho de Unidade entre Cristäos Ocidentais e Orientais no Seculo XV. 18. For Gomes Ferreira da Silva, see Joaquim de Carvalho, "Gomes de Lisboa e ο averroista Nicoletto Vernia," in his Estudos sobre a Cultura Portuguesa do seculo XV, Vol. I (Coimbra, 1949), 269-282, at pp. 276-277; Rudolf

3 ι5

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R II Blum, La biblioteca della Badia Fiorentina e i codici di Antonio Corbinelli (Vatican City, 1951), pp. 4-24; Witte, XLVIII, 706-707, with many references. The studies by Guido Battelli must be used with caution, as must the modern Portuguese studies which depend on them. See, in particular, Battelli, "Due celebri monaci portoghesi in Firenze nella prima metä del Quattrocento: L'Abate Gomes e Velasco di Portogallo," Archivio Storico Italiano, X C V I (1938), 218-227, a n d "L'Abate Don Gomes Ferreira da Silva e i portoghesi a Firenze nella prima metä del quattrocento," in Relazioni storiche fra l'Italia e il Portogallo: Memorie e documenti (Rome, 1940), pp. 149163, and also Mario Martins, S.J., Landes e Cantigas Espirituais de Mestre Andre Dias (Roriz-Negrelos, 1951), p. 15, and Carlos de Passos, "Relaföes historicas luso-italianas," Anais da Academia Portuguesa da Historia, 2nd series, VII (1956), 143-240, at pp. 167-168. In the eighteenth century Caetano de Sousa was uncertain of his facts concerning Dom Gomes; see Historia Genealogica, X, 526. Battelli, "Due lettere inedite dell' Abate Gomes a Cosimo de' Medici," Biblos, X V I (1940), 651-654, gives the date of death as April 20, 1459, thus following Nicolau de Santa Maria, Chronica da Ordern dos Conegos Regrantes do Patriarcha S. Agostinho (2 vols., Lisbon, 1668), II, 259. For Gomes' activity as a reformer, see Dom Philibert Schmitz, Histoire de l'Ordre de saint Benoit (7 vols., Maredsous, 1942-56), III, 167, 240; Witte, "Bulles pontificales," XLVIII, 707; and Joseph Gill, S.J., The Council of Florence (Cambridge, 1959), p. 346. 19. Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana, Ashburnham 1792, Vols. I and II. There is a microfilm of these manuscript volumes, and a set of enlargements from the microfilm, in an excellent film library in Lisbon; see Boletim da Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa (Anexa ao Institute Superior de Estudos Ultramarines), no. 2 (1955), p. 119. The Harvard College Library also has a microfilm. See also note IV-15 below. 20. Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana, Ashburnham 885: B. Gometij Vita Autore Thoma Saluetto, 14 fols. (last blank). The beginning of fol. i r , in red, is the dedication: "Glorioso principi Petro Colimbrie duci. Ac regnorum portugaliae algarbieque Regenti iustissimo. Thomas Saluettus florentinus. Legum doctor minimus eiusdem principatus. Deuotissimus seruitor. Sal. pi. Dicit." At the end of the text: "Ex norentia Millesimo quadringentesimo quadragesimo secundo. Die quarta Mensis februarij. Finis adest huius operis. Deo gratias Amen." For a MS. in the Badia in the 18th century, see p. cccci of the life of Traversari by Lorenzo Mehus in Ambrogio Traversari, Latinae Epistolae (Florence, 1759), pp. cxlv-ccccxxxvi. For the two volumes of the Gomes Ferreira da Silva correspondence and for the Salvetti MS., see Relazione alia Camera dei Deputati e disegno di legge per I'acquisto di codici appartenenti alia Biblioteca Ashburnham descritti nelV annesso catalogo (Rome, 1884), pp. 79, 42, i.e., nos. 1716, 816, the numbers in the original collection. 21. Francesco Cambiagi, ed., Serto di documenti attenenti alle Reali Case di Savoja e di Braganza Per le Auspicatissime Nozze di Sua A. R. la Principessa Pia di Savoja con Sua Maesta Don Luigi I. Re di Portogallo (Florence, 1862), note to Doc. XXIII. Unfortunately, only 100 exemplars of this valuable collection were printed. I have used the one in the Princeton University Library. The volume was known in Portugal to Teixeira de Carvalho, who

316

P R E P A R A T I O N S FOR

DEPARTURE

cites it on p. 431 of "Historie de uma area de pedra e de uma madeixa de cabelos loiros," Atlantida, V (ca. 1917), 419-433. Beiard da Fonseca recently used the exemplar in Vila Vi?osa; see note IV-15. 22. Battelli, "L'Abate Don Gomes," p. 159. Listed in Jolo Martins da Silva Marques, ed., Descobrimentos Portugueses: Documentos para a sua historia (Vol. I and Supplement, Lisbon, 1944), Supplement, p. 476, i.e., no. 722. Volume II of this collection, entitled Descobrimentos Portugueses: Ο Algarve e os descobrimentos, edited by Alberto Iria, was published in Lisbon in 1956 in two tomes paged continuously. 23. Chronica delrey D. loam. I. de boa memoria, e dos reys de Portugal ο decimo (3 vols., called parts, Lisbon: Antonio Älvares [son], 1644), III (Zurara's chronicle of Ceuta), 300. The entire will covers pp. 299-307. It is reprinted in Soares da Silva, Memorias, I, 285-299. Caetano de Sousa, Provas, I, 356-363, also reprinted the will from the 1644 volume, omitting the word "cartas" in the section on Pedro and adding that he had seen it in the Torre do Tombo in drawer 16 of the wills of the kings. Jose de Seabra da Silva, ed., Deducgäo chronologica, e analytica (3 vols., Lisbon, 1767-68), III, 127-133, i.e., No. L I V , reprints the will from Caetano de Sousa. Silva Marques, Supplement, p. 477, i.e., no. 729, quotes the portion of the Pedro section which concerns the Monte Comune. 24. Cambiagi, Doc. XXIII, dated by the editor June 16, 1428, and Antonio de Portugal de Faria, Portugal e Italia: Elenco de manuscriptos portuguezes ou referentes a Portugal existentes nas Bibliothecas de Italia, precedido de um supplemento geral ao "Ensaio de Diccionario Bibliographico" (Leghorn, 1898), pp. 304-307. Battelli, "L'Abate Don Gomes," p. 153, and "O Infante Dom Pedro, Duque de Coimbra, em Floren^a," Portucale, XIII (1940), 153X 54, was misled because he did not convert the 1429 of the Pisan calendar to 1428; he apparently did not realize that the document had been published at least twice before. 25. The receipt of July 22, 1436, is in Battelli, "L'Abate Don Gomes," p. 154, and is listed in Silva Marques, Supplement, p. 497, i.e., no. 821. This receipt refers to the authorization of Nov. 14, 1435. A. de Magalhäes Basto, "Um documento inedito relativo äs viagens do Infante D. Pedro, Duque de Coimbra," Patria: Revista portuguesa de cultura, I (1931), 73-75, presents a document dated Feb. 20, 1433, which states that the Prince borrowed from the exchange in Florence ("tirou emprestados do cämbio de Floren^a") 10,000 or more ducats when he traveled to Germany and elsewhere ("foi a Alemanha e andou fora da terra") with the idea of increasing his estate ("acrescentamento de seu estado"). Magalhäes Basto interprets the document to mean that, after having served Sigismund and earned his annual stipend, Pedro had to have recourse to the bankers in Florence. The money in Florence is mentioned in many other documents. See, for example, Silva Marques, Supplement, no. 985. 26. Cambiagi, Doc. X X X V . 27. Queen Isabel's will is in Caetano de Sousa, Provas, II, 51-58; see in particular p. 52. 28. Cambiagi, Doc. X X X V I . 29. Cambiagi, Doc. X X X V I I I and note. For the financial difficulties of the

3 ι7

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

II

Medici at the end of the fifteenth century, see Raymond De Roover, The Medici Bank: Its Organization, Management, Operations, and Decline (New York and London, 1948), pp. 56-57, 64-65, and L. F. Marks, "La crisi finanziaria a Firenze dal 1494 al 1502," Archivio Storico ltaliano, CXII (1954), 30. Francisco Marques de Sousa Viterbo, "Um companheiro do infante D. Pedro ο das sete partidas," Revista Militär, Lisbon, L I V (1902), 641-649. The offprint of this article is entitled Ο Infante D. Pedro, ο das Sete Partidas (Lisbon, 1902). 31. Zurara, Chronica do Conde Dom Pedro de Menezes, in Correia da Serra, Collecgaö, II (1792), 205-635, at p. 618. 32. See p. 55. The historian referred to is Diego Monfar y Sors, Historia de los Condes de Urgel (2 vols., Barcelona, 1853), II, 617. 33. Much nonsense has been written about Älvaro Vasques de Almada. See, for example, the section on him in Pedro Jose de Figueiredo, Retratos, e elogios dos varöes, e donas, que illustraram α ηαςαο portugueza em virtudes, letras, armas, e artes, assim nacionaes, como estranhos, tanto antigos, como modernos (2 vols., Lisbon, 1817-22). He is mentioned among other places in Zurara, chronicle of Guinea, Paris text, chap, v, and chronicle of Pedro de Meneses, Book II, chap, xxxiii. Nicolae Iorga, Tara latina cea mat depärtatä in Europa: Portugalia (Bucharest, 1928), p. 117, expresses the belief he was with Pedro in Eastern Europe. 34. Hartmann Joseph Zeibig, ed., "Die kleine Klosterneuburger Chronik. (1322 bis 1428.): Zugleich Nr. I der 'Monumenta Claustroneoburgensia,'" Archiv für Kunde österreichischer Geschichts-Quellen, VII (1851), 227-268, at p. 250; Nicolae Iorga, Notes et extraits pour servir ä l'histoire des croisades au XVe siecle (3 vols., Paris, 1899-1902), I, 452, and II, 237. The latter study was reprinted from Revue de Γ Orient latin, IV ( 1 8 9 6 ) - V I I I (1900-01); see note I-12 above for three additional volumes. 35. Julio Dantas, "O arquivo do cabido de Lisboa," Anais das Bibliotecas e Arquivos de Portugal, I (1914-15), 76-81, at p. 81. 36. Antonio Gomes da Rocha Madahil, Ineditos e disperses do Infante D. Pedro, Duque de Coimbra e Regente do Reino. I. Α Instituigäo da capela de D. Filipa no convento de Odivelas (Lisbon, 1934), a reprint from the short-lived Lisbon review Feira da Ladra. In his review of the 1946 edition of the Virtuosa Bemfeitoria, Luis Afonso alludes to Rocha Madahil's publication: Biblos, XXIII (1947), 597-606, at p. 600. For concessions made by the Infante Dom Pedro to Älvaro Gongalves de Ataide on June 15, 1425, in Lisbon, see Anselmo Braamcamp Freire, Brasöes da Sala de Sintra, 2nd ed. (3 vols., Coimbra, 192130), I, 81. 37. For the proposed new council, see Waugh, p. 192. C H A P T E R III. T H E E U R O P E A N T O U R i. For this letter, see p. 35 and note III-7. Julio Gon9alves, Ο Infante D. Pedro, as "Sete Partidas" e α Genese dos Descobrimentos (Lisbon, 1955), p. 177 and map preceding p. 169, for reasons which are made clear in my Chapter VIII below, has Pedro travel overland across France to northern 318

THE EUROPEAN

TOUR

Europe. The reference to the Gallic regions in Constable Pedro's Tragedia (see p. 44 of my text) probably signifies Flanders and Burgundy. One cannot adduce the reference to teachers in Paris and Oxford in the Virtuosa Bemfeitoria (see chap, xxii, i.e., p. 135 of the 1946 ed.) as evidence that Pedro visited these places if he composed the treatise before his departure. Diamantino Martins, "Ecos da vida portuguesa do sec. X V , " Broteria, X X V I I I (Jan.-June !939)> 150—154, at p. 154, discusses the few allusions to foreign lands in the Virtuosa Bemfeitoria. 2. For Isabel's route, see Joaquim de Vasconcelos, ed., "Voyage de Jehan Van-Eyck (Viaje de Juan Van-Eyck) 1428-1430," Revista de Guimaräes, X I V (1897), 5-45, 145-160, at pp. 28-29, and Baroness Amaury de Lagrange, "Itineraire d'Isabelle de Portugal, Duchesse de Bourgogne et Comtesse de Flandre," Annales du Comite Flamand de France, XLII (1938), xxix, 191 pp., at pp. 3-4. The itinerary published by Leo van Puyvelde errs in details: "De Reis van Jan van Eyck naar Portugal," Koninklijke Vlaamsche Academie voor Taal- en Letterkunde·. Verslagen en Mededeelingen (Jan.-Feb. 1940), pp. 17-27, at p. 24. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcelos and Teofilo Braga agree Pedro went by ship from Portugal to England: "Geschichte der portugiesischen Litteratur," in Gustav Gröber, ed., Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, II. Band, 2. Abteilung (Strassburg, 1897), pp. 129-382, at p. 248. (The actual date of the two fascicles which comprise this study is 1894; Braga's collaboration is confined to pp. 344-379.) For the notion of a two-week trip and the nature of the galleys, see Peter E. Russell, "Gales portuguesas ao servigo de Ricardo II de Inglaterra (1385-89)," Revista da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, 2nd series, X V I I I (1953), 61-73, a t P· 65. 3. These statements represent my conclusions after careful comparison and evaluation of A. H. Thomas and I. D. Thornley, eds., The Great Chronicle of London (London, 1938), pp. 136-137; James Gairdner, ed., The Historical Collections of a Citizen of London in the Fifteenth Century (London, 1876), pp. 158-160; John Silvester Davies, ed., An English Chronicle of the Reigns of Richard II., Henry IV., Henry Vand Henry VI. written before the year 14J1 (London, 1856), p. 53; Edward Hall, Hall's Chronicle·, Containing the history of England, during the reign of Henry the Fourth, and the succeeding monarchs, to the end of the reign of Henry the Eighth . . . carefully collated with the editions of 1548 and 1^0 (London, 1809), p. 128, the source of my quotation; Richard Grafton, Grafton's Chronicle, or, History of England (2 vols., London, 1809), I, 560; Raphael Holinshed, Holinshed's Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland (6 vols., London, 1807-08), III, 144; John Stow, The Annates of England (London, 1592), pp. 593-594; John Stow, The Summarie of Englishe Chronicles (London, 1567), fols. r 12V—113·"; John Stow, The Chronicles of England, from Brute vnto this present yeare of Christ. 1580 (London, 1580), pp. 627-628; John Stow, The Abridgement or Summarie of the English Chronicle (London, 1607), p. 200. Emanuel Sueyro long ago read Stow and told of Pedro in England: Anales de Flandes (2 vols., Antwerp, 1624), II, 217. See also Thomas Allen, The History and Antiquities of London, Westminster, Southwark, and Parts Adjacent (5 vols., London, 1839, 1837), I, 152153, completely misinterpreted by Oliveira Martins, p. 126, and Francisco

3

1

9

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

III

Miranda da Costa Lobo, "Dolorosa tragedia dos inclitos infantes, filhos de D. Joäo I," Ο Institute, CHI (1944), J-104, at p. 37. In his chapter entitled "The Travels of Prince Peter," Father Sidney R . Welch, Europe's Discovery of South Africa (Cape T o w n and Johannesburg, 1935), p. 100, uses J. S. Davies, Stow, and Allen, and succeeds in having Pedro in London in the correct year; for Welch's work in general, however, see Charles R. Boxer, "S. R. Welch and His History of the Portuguese in Africa, 1495-1806," Journal of African History, I (i960), 55-63. Additional English sources which discuss Pedro's visit are Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas, Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council of England (7 vols., London, 1834-37), HI» 178; Frederick Devon, ed., Issues of the Exchequer: Being a collection of payments made out of his majesty's revenue, from King Henry 111. to King Henry VI. inclusive (London, 1837), pp. cxviii, cxxi, 394-395, 404-405; J. S. Brewer and Richard Howlett, eds., Monumenta Franciscana (2 vols., London, 1858-82), I, 527, and II, 168; and Shillington and Chapman, p. 18. Because of the numerous references to Pedro's sojourn in England to be found in the chronicles and other sources, his visit is mentioned by many writers on specialized subjects, e.g., Richard Thompson, Chronicles of London Bridge: By an antiquary (London, 1827), p. 235; Κ . H. Vickers, Humphrey Duke of Gloucester·. A Biography (London, 1907), pp. 172, 175; Lewis Bostock Radford, Henry Beaufort: Bishop, Chancellor, Cardinal (London, 1908), p. 134; and Mabel E. Christie, Henry VI (Boston and New York, 1922), p. 43. 4. Elias Ashmole, The Institutions, Laws & Ceremonies Of the most Noble Order of the Garter (London, 1672); John Buswell, An historical account of the Knights of the Most Noble Order of the Garter From its first institution In the Year MCCCL, To the Present Time (London, 1757); George Frederick Beltz, Memorials of the Order of the Garter from its foundation to the present time with Biographical Notices of the Knights in the reigns of Edward 111. and Richard II. (London, 1841); W . H. St. John Hope, The Stall Plates of the Knights of the Order of the Garter 1348-1485 (Westminster, 1901); and Edmund H. Fellowes, Knights of the Garter. Richard Henry Major long ago provided the Portuguese with the correct facts concerning Pedro's election to the Order of the Garter: The Life of Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed the Navigator (London, 1868), p. 62, duly noted by Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira on p. xxvii of his edition of Marco Paulo . . . conforme α impressäo de Valentim Fernandes, feita em Lisboa em i$02 (Lisbon, 1922). Braamcamp Freire did not realize in 1910 that Afonso V was a Knight of the Garter: Critica e Historia: Estudos, Vol. I (Lisbon, 1910), p. 176. 5. For the Portuguese prince, see James Gairdner, ed., Historical Collections, pp. 164-165. Substantially the same statement appears in John Anstis, Observations Introductory to an Historical Essay upon the Knighthood of the Bath (London, 1725), p. 28 of the "Collection of Authorities," Document No. XLIII. Other writers mention the Knights of the Bath but omit reference to the Portuguese: Robert Fabyan, The Newe Cronycles of Englande and of Fraunce (London, 1516), fol. clxxxviii v (1811 ed., p. 599); Stow, Annales, pp. 599-600; Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas and Edward Tyrrell, eds., A Chronicle of London from 1089 to 1483 (London, 1827), p. 118; Sir Nicholas Harris

320

THE EUROPEAN

TOUR

Nicolas, History of the Orders of Knighthood of The British Empire; of the Order of the Guelphs of Hanover; and of the Medals, Clasps, and Crosses, conferred for naval and military services (4 vols., London, 1842), III, 16, vii; and Charles Lethbridge Kingsford, ed., Chronicles of London (Oxford, 1905), pp. 96, 133. Possibly these writers see no connection between the knighting of a Portuguese on Nov. 7 and the creation of Knights of the Bath on Nov. 6. For Isabel's companions, see Joaquim de Vasconcelos, ed., "Voyage de Jehan Van-Eyck," pp. 26-27, 32-33, and J. Cardoso Gon^alves, "O casamento de Isabel de Portugal com Filipe-o-Bom, Duque de Borgonha, e a fundafäo da ordern militar do Tosäo-de-Ouro," Arqueologia e Historia, IX (1930), 81138, at p. 101. The "king's brother's son of Portugal," reported to have been in Nuremberg at the end of April of 1430 and described as a young gentleman, was probably the Count of Ourem returning the long way home from the wedding. See Dietrich Kerler, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Sigmund: Dritte Abtheilung 142-1-1431 (Gotha, 1887 — Deutsche Reichstagsakten, Vol. IX), pp. 406, 425, 431. 6. For the documentation concerning Pedro's sojourn in Flanders, see Emile Vanden Bussche, "Memoires sur les relations qui existerent autrefois entre les Flamands de Flandre — particulierement ceux de Bruges — et les Portugals," La Flandre·. Revue des Monuments d'Histoire et d'Antiquites, IV (1872-73), 32-56, 117-148, 247-285; V (1873-74), 103-118, 167-186, 303-318; V I (1874-75), 187-196; VIII (1876), 217-250; X V I (1885), 277-296; at V , 170-171. See also Oliveira Martins, Filhos, pp. 128-130, where the statement that Pedro was in Ghent in April, after Easter, is clearly erroneous. The portions of Vanden Bussche's study in Vols. IV and V , together with some "documents justificatifs" not published in La Flandre, were published apart as Flandre et Portugal (Bruges, 1874, 242 pp.). Pedro's visit was apparently well planned, even to financial arrangements: Joaquim de Vasconcelos, Albrecht Dürer e a sua influencia na Peninsula, 2nd ed. (Coimbra, 1929), p. 101. Sueyro, Anales, II, 215, mentions the rain and cold. 7. For the letter from Bruges, see Artur Moreira de Sa, " A 'Carta de Bruges' do Infante D. Pedro," Biblos, X X V I I I (1952), 33-54. The quotation is on p. 52. For discussion of portions of the letter which present Pedro's ideas on a university, see Joaquim de Carvalho, " A proposito da atribui^äo do Secreto de los secretos de Astrologia ao infante D. Henrique," in Estudos sobre a Cultura Portuguesa do seculo XV, I, 283-361, at pp. 314-318. For ideas in the letter concerning the Portuguese in Ceuta, see David Lopes, " A expansäo em Marrocos," in Antonio Baiäo et al., eds., Historia da Expansäo Portuguesa no Mundo (3 vols., Lisbon, 1937-40), I, 129-210, at p. 139, and Costa Pimpäo, Historia, I, 222. On the missives from Duarte to Pedro, see Francisco Elias de Tejada Spinola, Las doctrinas politicas en Portugal (edad media) (Madrid, etc., 1943), pp. 103, 113. Duarte's advice to his departing brother is incorporated in the Leal Conselheiro, chap, xxiv; see p. 86, n. 6, of Piel's edition. 8. For the possible Aragonese bride, see Marguerite Devigne, Van Eyck (Brussels and Paris, 1926), pp. 32-33, 182; Joaquim de Vasconcelos, Albrecht Dürer, p. 2; Cardoso Gon?alves, "Casamento," pp. 91-94. 3 2 ι

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R I I I 9. For the notion that Anne may have had a voice in Philippe le Bon's choice, see C. Looten, "Isabelle de Portugal, duchesse de Bourgogne et comtesse de Flandre (1397-1471)," Revue de Litterature Comparee, XVIII (1938), 5-22, at p. 7. Other writers share my view that in Burgundy Pedro discussed the marriage of his sister Isabel with Philippe le Bon, e.g., J. Ernesto Martinez Ferrando, Tragedia del Insigne Condestable Don Pedro de Portugal (Madrid, 1942), p. 52. 10. Die Cronica van der hilliger Stat van Coellen (Cologne, 1499), fol. ccxcvii r ; Die Chroniken der niederrheinischen Städte: Coin (3 vols., Leipzig, 1875-77), II» 156. The idea of checking chronicles of Cologne was given me by a letter dated May 6, 1943, from the late Dr. Alberto da Veiga Simöes to Dr. Antonio Gomes da Rocha Madahil which the latter was kind enough to show me. 11. My analysis of the Hildesheim tale is based on a microfilm of Heere begynnyth the lyfe of the thre kynges of Coleyn (Westminster: Wynkyn de Wörde, 1496). This edition is no. 5572 in A. W. Pollard et al., A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, & Ireland And of English Books Printed Abroad 1475-1640 (London, 1926 — hereinafter "STC"). It is not listed in Margaret Bingham Stillwell, Incunabula in American Libraries (New York, 1940 — hereinafter "Stillwell"). The tale was first printed in German following Die Neue Ehe (Augsburg: Anton Sorg, Oct. 7, 1476). This edition is Stillwell Ε n . It is also no. 9248 in the Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke (Leipzig, 1925 ff. — hereinafter " G W " ) . 12. Pero Tafur, Andangas e viajes, ed. Marcos Jimenez de la Espada (Madrid, 1874), p. 242. 13. For the Nuremberg document, see Luciano Cordeiro, "Annotagoes historicas — textos e traduc9Öes: I," Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, X V I (1897), 671-697, at pp. 675-676, entitled "1426 — Margo — 9, Ο Infante Dom Pedro em viagem, Carta do senado de Nuremberga." For the Regensburg visit, see Andreas Ratisbonensis (Andreas von Regensburg), Sämtliche Werke, ed. Georg Leidinger (Munich, 1903), pp. 332-333. Father Gomes dos Santos cites the Diarium sexennale in an earlier edition; he obviously does not accept the rumor concerning the killing, for he does not mention it in "O Infante D. Pedro na Äustria-Hungria." The statement nevertheless merits citation in Latin: "Dicebatur, quod dictus Petrus filius regis Portugalie quendam militem occiderit. Ob hoc pater suus volens in eum proferre sentenciam intercessione procerum fuit liberatus et tali pene subiectus, quod tribus annis terras alienas peragraret, quibus transactis in terram propriam posset redire." For the visit to Vienna, see Zeibig, ed., "Die kleine Klosterneuburger Chronik," p. 250; J. E. Schlager, Wiener-Skizzen aus dem Mittelalter·. Neue Folge (Vienna, 1839), pp. 77-78; Heinrich Zimmermann, Albert Starzer, et al., eds., Geschichte der Stadt Wien: Herausgegeben vom Alterthumsvereine zu Wien (Vienna), II (1900-1905), 236, and III (1907), 680. 14. Bruno Kuske, ed., Quellen zur Geschichte des Kölner Handels und Verkehrs im Mittelalter (4 vols., Bonn, 1923, 1917-34), I, 248. 15. For the castle, see Das Burzenland, Vol. IV, Part I (Kronstadt, 1929), ΡΡ· 73~77 and tables 17-20. I should like to thank my colleague Professor Robert Lee Wolff for assistance in visualizing fifteenth-century Rumania.

322

THE EUROPEAN

TOUR

16. For Sigismunde Rumanian campaign of 1426-1428, see Docsachi Hurmuzachki, Documente privitore la Historia Romanilor (Bucharest), Vol. VIII (1894), p. 4, No. X, and Vol. X V , Part I ( 1 9 1 1 ) , pp. 14-15, Nos. XVII, XVIII; Nicolae Iorga, Acte si Fragmente cu privire la istoria rominilor (3 vols., Bucharest, 1895-97), 80-82; Altmann, II, 44-74; Iorga, Notes et extraits, I, 435, 452; Iorga, Studn istorice asupra Chiliei si Cetätü-Albe (Bucharest, 1899), pp. 84-85; Iorga, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches (5 vols., Gotha, 190813), I, 391-392; Schiff, pp. 100, 117-118; Iorga, "Un prince portugais croise en Valachie au XV-e siecle," Revue Historique du sud-est europeen, III (1926), 8-13; and Iorga, Histoire des Roumains et de la Romanite Orientale (4 vols, in 5, Bucharest, 1937), IV, 26-33. lorga's "Prince portugais" is a French translation of "Un print portughez cruciat in Tara Romäneascä a secolului al XV-lea," Academia Romano.·. Memoriile Sectiunii Istorice, 3rd series, V (1926), 333337-

17. Eberhard Windecke, Das Leben König Sigmunds, ed. Dr. von Hagen, 2nd ed. (Leipzig, 1899), pp. 160-161. This is a modern German translation. I have not seen Wilhelm Altmann's edition of the original: Eberhart Windeckes Denkwürdigkeiten zur Geschichte des Zeitalters Kaiser Sigmunds (Berlin, 1893). The Pedro passage, on p. 246, is cited by Father Gomes dos Santos. A statement on p. xviii of the 1899 edition is severely critical of Altmann's edition. Aschbach, III, 272, mentions Windecke's allusion to a Portuguese prince and names him. Pedro's sojourn in eastern Europe is mentioned by Iorga in several works: Notes et extraits, I, 452; Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, I, 391; "Prince portugais"; Histoire des Roumains, IV, 29; Tara latinä, p. 117; and "Les decouvertes portugaises et la Croisade," in Congresso do Mundo Portugues: Publicagöes, Vol. III, Tome I, pp. 47-53. It is studied in detail by Gomes dos Santos, "O Infante D. Pedro na Äustria-Hungria." 18. Iorga, "Prince portugais." 19. For Julio Dantas' observations, see his article "O infante D. Pedro nas guerras da Hungria," in the newspaper Ο Primeiro de Janeiro, Oporto, Dec. 15, 1938. Dantas wrote a second article for another Oporto newspaper several years later: "O infante D. Pedro na historia romena," Ο Comercio do Porto, Feb. 14, 1943. I am most grateful to Dr. Rocha Madahil for having allowed me to use the exemplars of these articles and many other Pedro items which he has fondly gathered over the years. Other modern Portuguese writers have picked up lorga's references to Pedro in eastern Europe, especially those in the 1926 article, e.g., Manuel Heleno, Subsidies para ο estudo da regencia de D. Pedro, duque de Covmbra (Lisbon, 1933), p. 13; Alberto da Veiga Simoes, "O Infante D. Henrique: Ο seu tempo e a sua acfäo," in Baiäo et al., Historia da Expansäo Portuguesa, I, 311-356; Mario Gongalves Viana, As viagens terrestres dos Portugueses (Oporto, 1945), pp. 155-157; Carlos de Passos, " R e l a t e s historicas lusoitalianas," pp. 167-168. For the battle under Pippo Spano, see Jacopo di Poggio Bracciolini's biography as translated into Italian by Bastiano Fortini in F. Polidori, ed., "Due Vite di Filippo Scolari, detto Pippo Spano," Archivio Storico Italiano, IV, ist part (1843), 117-184, at pp. 183-184; Domenico Mellini, Vita di Filippo Scolari, volgarmente chiamato Pippo Spano (Florence, 1570), p. 62. 3 2 3

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

III

20. Duarte, Leal Conselheiro, ed. Piel, p. 177, i.e., chap. xliv. See also the end of chap, xxiii for another reference to Pedro's departure. In note 4 on p. 86 of his edition Piel, in the wake of Oliveira Martins, states that Pedro set forth in 1418. On p. xiv of his edition of Pedro's translation of Cicero's De Officiis, Piel corrects the date to 1425: Livro dos Oficios de Marco Tullio deer am (Coimbra, 1948). 21. See note II-30 above. The "Lord of Ballaquie" is mentioned by Antoine de La Sale in he Petit Jehan de Saintre along with other Oriental rulers: eds. Pierre Champion and Fernand Desonay (Paris, 1926), p. 305. 22. For Pope Pius II's references to Pedro, see Chapter IV. 23. Zurara, Chronica do Conde Dom Pedro de Menezes, p. 527; see also p. 580. 24. Constable Pedro, Tragedia de la insigne reyna Ysabel, "prosa prima." For the rest of this passage, see note III-36 below. For this MS., see p. 69 of my text. The importance of this passage for the reconstruction of the Infante Dom Pedro's itinerary was emphasized in the Catalogue de la bibliotheque de Μ. Fernando Palha (4 vols., Lisbon, 1896), II, 26-27, i.e., no. 784. Indeed, the compiler of the catalogue calls attention to the fantasies of Oliveira Martins and states that, once published, the MS. will put an end to them. It was edited by Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcelos in 1899 and in a second edition in 1922, but the prediction has not been fulfilled: "Uma obra inedita do Condestavel D. Pedro de Portugal," in Homenaje ά Menendez y Pelayo (2 vols., Madrid, 1899), I, 637-732, and Condestavel D. Pedro de Portugal: Tragedia de la Insigne Reina Dona Isabel, 2nd ed. (Coimbra, 1922). In his analysis of the passage, Gomes dos Santos, "O Infante D. Pedro na Äustria-Hungria," p. 17, n. 2, makes the unlikely suggestion that rosia may stand for "Rasia, para significar Rascia, e näo Russia." I assume he refers to Raca in eastern Yugoslavia. The fourteenth-century Irish pilgrim Symon Semeonis refers to the King of Rassia: Itinerarium Symonis Semeonis Ab Hybernia Ad Terram Sanctam, ed. Mario Esposito (Dublin, i960), p. 39. 25. Antonio Bonfini, Rerum Vngaricarum Decades Quatuor (Basel, 1568), p. 418, lines 31-40, and p. 642, lines 15-22, i.e., Decade III, Book III. For this work, completed in 1495, Bonfini certainly used Pope Pius II, Historia Bohemica, first published in Rome in 1475, and possibly also a MS. of his De Viris Illustribus, not published until 1842 (in Stuttgart). See also Cronica del Halconero de Juan II, Pedro Carrillo de Huete (hasta ahora inedita), ed. Juan de Mata Carriazo (Madrid, 1946), chap, xi; Jeronimo Zurita, Anales de la Corona de Aragon (6 vols., Saragossa, 1610), III, fol. 181 v , i.e., Book XIII, chap, xlv; and Monfar y Sors, Historia de los Condes de Orgel, II, 617. 26. For Pedro and the Bohemians, see, for example, Odorico Rinaldi, Annales ecclesiastici, VIII, 609 (where the reference should be "1425. XII."), and IX, 23; Rinaldi, Index universalis (3 vols., Lucca, 1757-59), III, 103; Franz Palacky, Geschichte von Böhmen (5 vols, in 10, Prague, 1836-67), 111:2, 420, n. 409; Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, ed., Antologia de Poetas Liricos Castellanos (14 vols., Madrid, 1890-1916), VII, p. cvii; Marques de Jacome Correia, Historia da descoberta das ilhas (Coimbra, 1926), p. 41; Julio Gon^alves, Ο Infante D. Pedro, p. 192; and Gomes dos Santos, "O Infante D. Pedro na Äustria-Hungria," p. 25. For the source of this error concerning Pedro and 3 24

THE EUROPEAN

TOUR

the Bohemians, see note IV-J3 below. For Pedro and the Prussians, see Charles Raymond Beazley, Prince Henry the Navigator: The Hero of Portugal and of Modern Discovery 1394-1460 A.D., new ed. (London, 1923), p. 136 (this book was first published in 1895). For Pedro and Eric of Denmark, see, for example, Fernando de Meneses (2nd Count of Ericeira), Vida e acqoens d'elrey Dom Joäo I. (Lisbon, 1677), p. 401; Achille Pellizzari, Portogallo e Italia nel secolo XVI (Naples, 1914), p. 44; and Sofus Larsen, "Danmark og Portugal i det isde Aarhundrede," Aarb0ger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, 3rd series, IX (1919), 236-312, at pp. 256-257. 27. For Vergerio and Pedro, see Jole M. Ruggieri Scudieri, "Primi contatti letterari fra Italia e Portogallo fino a Sa de Miranda," in Relazioni storiche fra Vltalia e il Portogallo, pp. 91-112, at p. 93; p. xviii of Piel's edition of Pedro's translation of Cicero's De Officii*·, and Joaquim de Carvalho, "Sobre a erudifäo de Gomes Eanes de Zurara (Notas em torno de alguns plagios deste Cronista)," in his Estudos sobre a Cultura Portuguesa do seculo XV, Vol. I, 1-241, at p. 158. In his edition of Vergerio's Epistolario (Rome, 1934), Leonardo Smith dates the letter to Sigismund recommending Arrian as "1433-7 ( ' ) " reprints its text (pp. 379-384). The letter is reprinted in George Cary, The Medieval Alexander, ed. D. J. A. Ross (Cambridge, 1956), pp. 375-377. 28. Walter Starkie, In Sara's Tents (London, 1953), pp. 28-29; Symon Semeonis, Itinerarium, ed. Mario Esposito, pp. 7-8, 45. Symon encountered gypsies on Crete in 1323, which is, according to his editor (p. 8), "the earliest certain date in the history of the Gypsies on their road to Europe." 29. For the peace mission, see Gomes dos Santos, "O Infante D. Pedro na Äustria-Hungria," p. 36. For the marriage with Sigismund's daughter, see Ammirato, Istorie Florentine, p. 713c, and Uzielli, Vita, pp. 137, 141. 30. Antonio Morosini, Venetian chronicle, Vienna MS., fols. 480A-481A (i.e., Vol. I, fols. 1 5 6 ^ 1 5 7 * ) , and Venice MS., Vol. II, pp. 859-865. The first Portuguese to cite this chronicle was, to the best of my knowledge, Joaquim Leitäo, on p. 466 of " A mascara de Veneza," Boletim da Segunda Classe da Academia das Ciencias de Lisboa, X X (1926-29), Part II, pp. 461472. In his edition of II Milione of Marco Polo (Florence, 1928), p. cxlviii, Luigi Foscolo Benedetto refers to the Pedro passage in the Venice MS. He is in turn quoted by King Manuel II of Portugal in the catalogue of his library: Early Portuguese Books 1489-1600 in the Library of His Majesty the King of Portugal (3 vols., London, 1929-35), I, 125. Julio Gonjalves, Ο Infante D. Pedro, includes facsimiles of the three pages of the Vienna MS. plus an additional page (presumably fol. 479B). Inserted after p. 313, these facsimiles are unfortunately in the wrong order (1, 3, 2, 4). On pp. 309-313 is a transcription of the Morosini text and on pp. 219-223 a Portuguese translation. For a reprint of the latter, see note III-42 below. Julio Gongalves is thus the first writer to publish this important document. Camillo Manfroni in 191 ο published extracts from the Venice MS. covering events of the period of Pedro's visit but not the section on Pedro: "La marina veneziana alia difesa di Salonico 1423-1430," Nuovo Archivio Veneto, X X (1910), 5-68, at pp. 42 ff. During my visit to the Biblioteca Marciana in July 1955, I read descriptions of Pedro's visit in the following MSS. in addition to the Morosini chronicle: ( 1 ) Gasparo Zancaruolo, "MS. italiano, classe η.Λ, codici 1274-1275 (collo-

325

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

III

cazione 9274-9275)," 2 vols, (an eighteenth-century copy of the original in the Biblioteca Brera in Milan), at Vol. II, fol. 616; (2) Zorzi Dolfin, "MS. italiano, classe 7,a, codice 794 (collocazione 8503)" (an early sixteenth-century MS.), fol. 342 (also numbered fol. 231); (3) "Manoscritto italiano, classe settima, codice anonimo 2034 (collocazione 8834)," fol. 388 r . The manuscript Venetian chronicle in the Riant collection in the Harvard College Library discusses Pedro on fols. 177-178. For this MS., see L. de Germon and L. Polain, Catalogue de la bibliotheque de feu M. Le Comte Riant (2 parts in 3 vols., 1896-99), Part II, I, no. 12, and Seymour de Ricci and W . J. Wilson, Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the United States and Canada (3 vols., New York, 1935-40), I, 1001. Iorga, Notes et extraits, I, 452, used two MSS. which he designated as follows: "Chr. de Vienne, fol. 135 v " and "Diarii, fol. 56 v ." These references obviously signify the Venetian chronicle covering 1410-33 in the Imperial Library, Vienna, no. 6208 * (cf. Iorga, I, 219), and the Diarii veneti dal 1412 al 1442 in the same library, a Foscarini MS. in Latin, no. 6205 (cf. Iorga, I, 348). Iorga could not use the chronicle of Antonio Morosini, for both MSS. were on loan to Lefevre-Pontalis so that he could make his edition (cf. Iorga, I, 383).

The only Venetian chronicle printed in its entirety, that of Marino Sanudo, tells of Pedro's visit on elm. 999. This passage, short as it is, was reprinted by Oliveira Martins, Filhos, p. 132, with no less than forty errors. It was translated into Portuguese by the Conde de Tovar, Portugal e Veneza na IdadeMedia (ate 149s) (Coimbra, 1933), pp. 35-36. Neither of these relatively recent writers apparently realized that Sanudo had been picked up in Portugal in the early nineteenth century, without having been mentioned by name, however. Frei Fortunato de Säo Boaventura (ca. 1778-1844) wrote during the last eight years of his life a work entitled Litteratos portuguezes na Italia, ou Collecgäo de subsidies para se escrever a historia litteraria de Portugal, que dispunha e ordenava F[ret\. F\ortunato~]. M[onge]. C[isterdense]., a study of 496 pp. in-folio which has lain in MS. See Inocencio Francisco da Silva et al., Diccionario Bibliographico Portuguez (22 vols., Lisbon, 1858-1923), II, 309315, and IX, 236-238; Abilio Augusto da Fonseca Pinto, "Um inedito de Frei Fortunato," Ο Instituto, X X I V (1877), 171-184, and X X V (1878), 90-96, 129138, 184-192, 220-229; Antonio de Portugal de Faria, Portugal e Italia: Elenco, pp. 11, 24-25, 35-55; and Portugal de Faria, Portugal e Italia: Litteratos portuguezes na Italia . . . (Leghorn, 1905). Book II, chap, ii, of Frei Fortunato's work is on Pedro's travels in Italy from Venice to Rome. This section has been published by Fonseca Pinto, X X I V , 175-177; Portugal de Faria, Elenco, pp. 36-37; and Portugal de Faria, Litteratos, pp. 65-67. Pedro's Venetian sojourn was thus widely disseminated in the chronicles. Many later writers, fascinated by the glamor of the civic entertainment, retell the story, e.g., Paolo Morosini, Historia, p. 425; N. Erizzo, "Sulle ambasciate e sugli ambasciatori Veneti in Portogallo," Atti delV Ateneo Veneto, 2nd series, I (1864), 485-487, at p. 485; William Carew Hazlitt, The Venetian Republic: Its Rise, its Growth, and its Fall, 421-1797, 3rd ed. (2 vols., London, 1900), II, 753, and 4th ed. (2 vols., London, 1915), II, 942; and Götz, Freiherr von Pölnitz, Venedig (Munich, 1951), pp. 287-288.

326

THE EUROPEAN

TOUR

For very recent statements of the probable impact on Pedro of his stay in Venice, see L.-H. Parias, ed., Histoire universelle des explorations (4 vols., Paris, 1955-56), II, 28-29, and Richard Hennig, Terrae Incognitae: Eine Zusammenstellung und kritische Bewertung der wichtigsten vorcolumbischen Entdeckungsreisen an Hand der darüber vorliegenden Originalberichte, 2nd ed. (4 vols., Leiden, 1944-56), IV, 24-25. 31. Valentim Fernandes, ed., Marco paulo. Ho liuro de Nycolao veneto. Ο trallado da carta de huum genoues das ditas terras (Lisbon, 1502), reprinted by Esteves Pereira in 1922 (see note III-4 above). I have discussed the 1502 volume in detail in "Valentim Fernandes, Rodrigo de Santaella, and the Recognition of the Antilles as Opposite-India,'" Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, L X X V (1957), 279-309. Oliveira Martins, Filhos, p. 132, reprinted the Pedro passage from Valentim Fernandes with his customary carelessness. Thus he printed regresse instead of regesse\ For a reminiscence of Pedro's Venetian visit contained in the Latin oration addressed by Pietro Pasqualigo to King Manuel on August 20, 1501, and printed in Venice four months later, see Donald Weinstein, Ambassador from Venice: Pietro Pasqualigo in Lisbon, / 50/ (Minneapolis, i960), pp. 48, 66. 32. For the inventory of Duarte's library, see note 1-8 above. For a remotely possible connection between the Polo MS. said to have been brought to Lisbon by Pedro and the so-called " H e b r e w " book in the paineis ascribed to N u n o Gon?alves, see note IV-15. 33. Antonio Galväo, Tratado . . . dos diuersos & desuayrados caminhos . . . (Lisbon, 1563), fol. 18 r ; The Discoveries of the World from their first originall vnto the yeere of our Lord / j j j . . . , ed. Richard Hakluyt (London, 1601), pp. 23-24. 34. Ernest George Ravenstein, Martin Behaim: His life and his globe (London, 1908), p. 38. 35. Andrea Redusio of Quero, Chronicon Tarvisinum, elm. 866. Julio Gonfalves, Ο Infante D. Pedro, p. 203, reprints the relevant extract and also quotes the document dated April 22, 1428. O n p. 225 he cites the source for the reception in Sacile, "MS. It. VII, 164. (seculo XVIII) da Marciana de Veneza," a MS. I did not consult. 36. For the notion that Pedro visited Chioggia —• to which he could easily have made an excursion, returning to Venice -— see Vincenzo Bellemo, La cosmografia e le scoperte geografiche nel secolo XV e i viaggi di Nicolo de'' Conti (Padua, 1908), pp. 3-4, where he cites "Serie dei Podesta di Chioggia, Venezia 1767, p. 48, nota." For Pedro in Padua, see Frei Luis de Cacegas et al., Historia de S. Domingos, particular do reino e conquistas de Portugal (4 vols., Lisbon, 1623-1733), I, fol. 3 3 1 r ; Jorge Cardoso, Agiologio Lusitano (4 vols., Lisbon, 1652-1744), III (1666), 678 ("hum peda?o do Casco, inda com cabello do circilo") (see I, 410, for Pedro's travels); Pedro Jose de Figueiredo, Retratos, e elogios·, Castro e Sousa, Resumo historico, p. 10. T h e passage in Castro e Sousa, copied by J. D. d'Oliveira Travassos, " O Infante D. Pedro, Duque de Coimbra," Archivo Pittoresco, Lisbon, II (1858-59), 233-235, was picked up by Eduardo Freire de Oliveira, Elementos para a historia do municipio de Lisboa: i.a parte (17 vols., 1882-1911), II, 550, who states that a relic brought back by Pedro was undoubtedly the relic referred to in an account book of

32 7

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

III

1562-63: 2$000 were paid to the little boys who went as angels in front of the relic and to the musicians who played on the vigil and on St. Anthony's day (June 13). Constable Pedro's reference to his father's touching sacred relics in the city of "Querino" occurs in the continuation of the passage in the Tragedia quoted on my p. 44: "& llegando [sic] ala fibdat de querino ["qrino" in the original] tanjo [sic] las sacras reliquias reportando honor & grandissima gloria de todos los principes & reynos que vido." See also Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcelos, Condestavel D. Pedro de Portugal: Tragedia, p. 40. This "Querino" is of course Quirinus, that is, Romulus. Pedro, therefore, according to his son, touched relics in Rome. The son, who should have known, makes no mention of Padua, much less of bringing relics back from St. Anthony's shrine. For the importance of the Padua relics said to have been brought to Portugal by Pedro for recent theories concerning the paineis ascribed to Nuno Gonfalves, see note IV-15. 37. Scipione Ammirato, Istorie Florentine, p. 713, i.e., Book XIX, under the year 1428. 38. Iorga, Notes et extraits, II, 237. The safe-conduct is in the Biblioteca Laurenziana in Florence, Pluteo L X X X X , Sup. Cod. X X X I V , p. 214, No. CXLIII, and is published in Angelo Maria Bandini, Catalogus codicum latinorum Bibliothecae Medicaeae Laurentianae (4 vols., Florence, 1774-77), IH> elm. 506. It is mentioned in Portugal de Faria, Portugal e Italia·. Elenco, p. 262. For Pedro's places of residence, see Domenico di Lionardo Boninsegni (13841465), Storie della citta di Firenze DalF Anno 1410. al 1460. Scritti nelli stessi tempi che accaddono (Florence, 1637), p. 30. 39. For examples of these relations, which continued after Pedro's return, see the following documents in Silva Marques, Descobrimentos Portugueses·. I, 396-398 (i.e., no. 310), and Supplement, pp. 307 (no. 190), 326 (no. 208). See also Pietro Amat di S. Filippo, "Delle navigazioni e scoperte marittime degl' italiani nelP Africa occidentale lungo i secoli XIII, X I V e X V , " Bollettino della Societä Geografica Italiana, 2nd series, V (1880), 59-77, 125-145, at pp. 7 2 ~73·

40. The translation, with dedication, is in two MSS. in the Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence: Plut. XIX, Cod. 25, and Plut. L X X X I X , Sup. 30; see Bandini, I, elms. 565-566, and III, elm. 298, respectively. For the dedication, see Lorenzo Mehus' life of Traversari, pp. ccclxxxix-cccxc, and Guido Battelli, "Una dedica inedita di Ambrogio Traversari all' Infante Don Pedro di Portogallo, Duca di Coimbra," La Rinascita, Florence, II (1939), 613-616. The latter contains a photograph of the dedicatory page of Plut. XIX, Cod. 25, together with a transcription of the Latin text of the entire dedication. For a discussion of the existence in different MSS. of more than one dedicatee — in this case Ren6 of Anjou, King of Naples and Sicily, as well as Pedro, Duke of Coimbra — see Cardinal Giovanni Mercati, Ultimi contributi alia storia degli umanisti (2 vols., Vatican City, 1939), I, 65-66. As long ago as 1791 Manuel do Cenaculo Vilas Boas mentioned the two Florentine dedications to Pedro, that of Traversari and that of Tommaso Salvetti: Cuidados literarios (Lisbon, 1791), pp. 219-220. He knew of them through Mehus.

328

THE EUROPEAN

TOUR

41. See Guido Battelli, " L a corrispondenza del Poliziano col re Don Giovanni II di Portogallo," La Rinascita, II (1939), 280-298. See also his "L'Abate Don Gomes" and " O Infante Dom Pedro, Duque de Coimbra, em Florenfa." T h e Livro dos Oficios was dedicated to King Duarte. It was therefore completed during the period 1433-38. It seems reasonable to suppose, with Piel (pp. xiii-xiv of his edition of Pedro's translation of Cicero), however, that the Duke of Coimbra's original interest in Cicero was stimulated by Alfonso Garcia de Santa Maria in Portugal before he set out on his travels. See also Francisco Cantera Burgos, Alvar Garcia de Santa Maria y su familia de converses: Historia de la Juderia de Burgos y de sus converses mas egregios (Madrid, 1952), pp. 419, 459, and Witte, "Bulles pontificales," X L V I I I , 701. 42. For the belief that Toscanelli met Pedro, see Gustavo Uzielli, Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli: Iniziatore della scoperta d'America (Florence, 1892), p. 76; Uzielli, Vita, pp. 141, 145, 149, 547; Uzielli, "Colloquio avvenuto in Firenze nel Luglio 1459 fra gli ambasciatori del Portogallo e Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli," Memorie della Societa Geografica Italiana, V I I I (1898), 138-154, at pp. 138-140; Sidney Welch, Europe's Discovery of South Africa, pp. 102, 155; German Arciniegas, Amerigo and the New World: The Life if Times of Amerigo Vespucci, tr. Harriet de Onis ( N e w York, 1955), pp. 112, 201 (see also the original edition, Amerigo y el Nuevo Mundo, Mexico City and Buenos Aires, 1955, pp. 133, 230); Julio Gon^alves, Ο Infante D. Pedro, p. 236; and Mario Domingues, Ο Infante D. Henrique: Ο homen e a sua epoca, evocagao historica (Lisbon, 1957), p. 146. T h e author of the latter work made full use of the book of Jiilio Gon^alves. Thus, on pp. 138-141 he reprints Gongalves's Portuguese translation of the section on Pedro in the Antonio Morosini chronicle. For the suggestion that Toscanelli conversed with Bartholomew the Florentine, see Paul Herrmann, Zeigt mir Adams Testament: Wagnis und Abenteuer der Entdeckungen (Hamburg, 1956), p. 36, which is p. 18 of the American edition, The Great Age of Discovery, tr. Arnold J . Pomerans ( N e w York, 1958). 43. T h e bull is published in Soares da Silva, Memorias, I V , 148-149, i.e., document no. 21, and is summarized in Santarem, Quadro elementar, IX, 437. It is dated " X V I I . Calen' Junii Pontificatus nostri anno undecimo." Major, Life of Prince Henry of Portugal, p. 61, and Uzielli, Vita, p. 137, misinterpreted the Latin and dated the bull June 16, 1428. In view of the reception in Portugal of Father de Witte's remarks about the concept of motu proprio in "Bulles pontificales," LIII, 456 (see note I-16 above), it is well to observe that the 1428 document does not contain the phrase. See, however, p. 245 of my text. Spelled "motu propio," the phrase does appear in a document dated Lisbon, April 21, 1456, in which Afonso V approved the last will and testament of his late Queen Isabel; see Caetano de Sousa, Provas, II, 56. 44. Rui de Pina, chronicle of King Duarte, p. 98, i.e., chap, viii; Soares da Silva, Memorias, I, 317. Frei Francisco Brandäo, Conselho, e voto da Senhora Dona Felippa, filha do Infante Dom Pedro, sobre as terqarias, & guerras de Castella, com huma breve noticia desta Princesa (Lisbon, 1643), pp. 18-19, states that he saw both the Martin V bull and that of Eugenius I V in the Torre do Tombo. He states that the latter is dated Oct. 23, 1436.

329

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

III

4j. For Leonor's itinerary, see Luciano Cordeiro, Portuguezes for α de Portugal: Oma Sobrinha do Infante, lmperatriz da Allemanha e Rainha da Hungria (Lisbon, 1894), ΡΡ· Ι 33 _Ι 34· He uses the Historia Desponsationis Friderici 111. cum Eleonora Lusitanica of Nikolaus Lanckmann von Valckenstein, published in Rerum Germanicarum Scriptores varii, 3rd ed. (3 vols., Strassburg, 1717), II, 51-80, and reprinted in Caetano de Sousa, Provas, I, 601633. 46. Kenneth M. Setton, Catalan Domination of Athens 1311-1388 (Cambridge, Mass., 1948). 47. Gonial de Reparaz (son), Catalunya a les mars: Navegants, mercaders i cartografs Catalans de l'edat mitjana i del renaixement (Barcelona, 1930), especially chap, ix, "Els Catalans a la Mar Tenebrosa." 48. For the text of the legend, see Charles Raymond Beazley, The Dawn of Modern Geography (3 vols., London, 1897-1906), III, 429, and Buenaventura Bonnet y Reveron, "Las expediciones a las Canarias en el siglo X I V , " Revista de Indias, Madrid, V (1944), 577-610, and V I (1945), 7-31, 189-220, 389-418, at VI, 29. For reproductions of the relevant portion of the atlas, see Beazley, Dawn, III, facing p. 429, and Damiäo Peres, Historia dos descobrimentos Portugueses (Oporto, 1943), Plate V, both of whom show only one page (of the Northwest African coast). George Η. T . Kimble, Geography in the Middle Ages (London, 1938), Plate VII, shows the double page of northern Africa, Iberia, and the western Mediterranean, as does Charles de La Ronciere, La decouverte de PAfrique au moyen age (3 vols., Cairo, 1924-27), I, Plate XI. A complete reproduction of the atlas in 12 plates is included in Choix de documents geographiques conserves a la Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris (Paris, 1883). Rüge, Geschichte, facing p. 78, has a reproduction of the entire map in one plate, with a transparent overlay containing a German translation of the legends. For recent general discussion, see Raymond Mauny, Les navigations medievales sur les cotes sahariennes anterieures a la decouverte portugaise {1434) (Lisbon, i960). 49. For a large reproduction of the Dalorto map, see Alberto Magnaghi, La carta nautica costruita nel 132; da Angelino Dalorto (Florence, 1898). For a discussion of the Dulcert map, see Ε. T . Hamy, "La mappemonde d'Angelino Dulcert, de Majorque (1339)," Bulletin de Geographie Historique et Descriptive, Annee 1886 (1887), 354-366. The 2nd ed., with a magnificent reproduction of the map, was published as a separate volume (Paris, 1903). For a recent discussion of Dalorto and/or Dulcert, see Gonial de Reparaz (son), "Les Sciences geographiques et astronomiques au XIV e siecle dans le Nord-Est de la Peninsule Iberique et leur origine," Archives Internationales d'Histoire des Sciences, III (1948), 434-465, at pp. 453-457. For Henrique and Aragonese technicians, see Duarte Leite, "Lendas na historia da navegafäo astronomica em Portugal," Biblos, X X V I (1950), 413-430, at pp. 415-417. Very recently Giuseppe Caraci has argued against Catalan elements in the Dulcert map in his Italiani e Catalani nella primitiva cartografia nautica medievale (Rome, 1959). 50. Monfar y Sors, II, 617; Martinez Ferrando, Tragedia, p. 41. 51. Zurita, III, fol. I8I v , i.e., Book XIII, chap, xlv; Nunes de Leäo, Cronicas (1643), p. 387, i.e., chap, ci of chronicle of Joäo I; Monfar y Sors, II, 617. 330

THE EUROPEAN

TOUR

52. Francisco de A. Carreres y de Calatayud, Las fiestas valencianas y su expresion poetica (siglos XVI-XVIH) (Madrid, 1949), p. 20. 53. Salvador Carreres Zacares, Ensayo de una bibliografia de libros de fiestas celebradas en Valencia y su antiguo Reino (Valencia, 1925), pp. 69-70, and pp. 1 1 0 - 1 1 1 of the documents. 54. Francisco Sevillano Colom, "Prestamos de la Ciudad de Valencia a los reyes Alfonso V y Juan II (1426-1472)," Estudios Medievales, I (1951), 85—131, at p. 100. 55. See p. 29 and note II—32. See also Caetano de Sousa, Provas, I 404-405; Santarem, Quadro elementar, I (Paris, 1842), 300; and Martinez Ferrando, Tragedia, pp. 41-42. See also a recent and excellent study of great importance for many of the topics treated in my book: Antonio Domingues de Sousa Costa, O.F.M., Ο Infante D. Henrique na Expansäo Portuguesa: Do inicio do reinado de D. Duarte ate a morte do Infante Santo (Braga, i960 — reprinted from Itinerarium, V , 1959, 419-568), pp. 16, 139. 56. The source of our knowledge concerning the meeting of the Ethiopians with Alfonso V in Valencia in 1427 is a MS. of the Angelo translation of Ptolemy's Geography, together with maps, preserved in the public library of Nancy. The MS. contains annotations written in 1427 by Guillaume Fillatre, who, like his friend and teacher Pierre d'Ailly, was a churchman-cosmographer prominent in the effort to terminate the Great Schism of the West. He was made "Cardinal of St. Mark" in 1411 by anti-Pope John XXIII. The relevant annotation precedes the 4th map of Africa. Because of the significance of the text for Chapter V , I copy it in its entirety from pp. 148-149 of Raymond Thomassy, "De Guillaume Fillastre considere comme geographer Ä propos d'un manuscrit de la Geographie de Ptolemee," Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie, Paris, 2nd series, X V I I (1842), 144-155: Quarta Africe tabula, tota pene ad austrum et ultra Egiptum, continet Getuliam, Libiam interiorem, Ethiopiam junctam Egipto, Nubiam, Indiam inferiorem que ad Ethiopiam vergit et ipsam Ethiopiam, que sunt sub zodiaco et omnes Ethiopes eciam ultra lineam equinoccialem, in tota latitudine zodiaci. E t in istis India et Ethiopia est terra presbyteri Johannis christiani, qui dicitur regnare super 72 reges, quorum 12 sunt infideles, reliqui christiani, sed diversorum rituum et sectarum. Ultra equinoccialem pauca est cognicio, nisi quod ibi est amplissima regio Agisimba, que sub ista tabula comprenditur et Signatur in fine ad austrum. Istius presbiteri Johannis duo ambassiatores, unus christianus et alter infidelis, hoc

anno domini millesimo quadringetesimo [sic] vicesimo septimo, quo hae tabulae

descriptae fuerunt, venerunt ad regem Aragonum Alfonsum, quos vidit cum rege in Valencia dominus cardinalis de Fuxo, legatus Sedis apostolicae ad dictum regem, et dixerunt ei quia venirent ad papain Martinum quintum quem Christianus reputabat Christi vicarium. Haec dictus cardinalis Papae retulit, me cardinali Santi-Marci presente, qui has fee [sic] describi tabulas ex graeco exemplari.

This information about the Christian Indies beyond Islam was thus very much on the European mind in 1427. Pedro may even have heard echoes during his visit in the papal curia in the spring of 1428. For the Fillatre text, see also Visconde de Santarem, Recherches sur la priorite de la decouverte des pays situes sur la cote occidentale d'Afrique, au-delä du cap Bojador, et sur les progres de la science geographique, apres les naviga-

3 31

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

III

e

tions des Portugals, au XV siecle (Paris, 1842), pp. 322-324; Constantin Marinescu, "Le Pretre Jean. Son Pays. Explication de son Nom," Bulletin de la Section Historique de ΓA cademie Roumaine, X (1923), 73-112, at p. 99 (p. 27 of the reprint); La Ronciere, Decouverte, II, 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 and Plate X X X V (reproduction of the the 4th map of Africa in the Nancy MS. but not of the Fillätre annotation); and Armando Cortesäo and Henry Thomas, Carta das novas que vieram a el Rei nosso Senhor do descobrimento do preste Joäo (Lisbon, 1521): Texto original e estudo cr'ttico com varies documentos ineditos (Lisbon, 1938), p. 17. 57. Lorenzo Galindez de Carvajal, ed., Cronica del serenissimo rey don Juan el segundo deste nombre (Logrono, 1517), fol. xcv T ; Pedro Carrillo de Huete, Cronica del Halconero de Juan II, chaps, xi-xiii; and Refundicion de la Cronica del Halconero por el Obispo Don Lope Barrientos (hasta ahora inedita), ed. Juan de Mata Carriazo (Madrid, 1946), chap, xxxiii. For these chroniclers, see the recent study by Franco Meregalli: Cronisti e viaggiatori castigliani del quattrocento (1400-1414) (Milan-Varese, 1957). 58. Galindez de Carvajal, Cronica, fol. xcv v ; Esteban de Garibay y Zamalloa, Compendio historial de las chronicus y universal historia de todos los reynos d'Espana (4 vols., Antwerp, 1571), III, Book XXVIII, chap, iii, under 1428. 59. Caetano de Sousa, Provas, I, 405-406; Santarem, Quadro elementar, I, 301; Monfar y Sors, II, 617. 60. Caetano de Sousa, Provas, I, 406; Santarem, Quadro elementar, I, 301. For document dated Saragossa, March 7, 1429, by which Alfonso V provided money for Isabel's journey to her betrothed in Portugal, see Francisca Vendrell de Millas, ed., El Cancionero de Palacio (Manuscrito n.° 594)·. Edicion critica con estudio preliminar y notas (Barcelona, 1945), Document III of appendix. 61. Garcia de Resende, ed., Cancioneiro geral (Lisbon, 1516), fol. lxxiiv, m quoted in part on pp. 88-89 y text. A facsimile edition of the Cancioneiro geral was sponsored by Archer M. Huntington (New York, 1904). Christian Friedrich Bellermann, writing in an age when the authorship of the De contempto m del mundo was ascribed to the Infante Dom Pedro (see pp. 88-89 y text), stated categorically that the traveler met Mena during his travels in Spain: Die alten Liederbücher der Portugiesen oder Beiträge zur Geschichte der portugiesischen Poesie vom dreizehnten bis zum Anfang des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1840), p. 28. See also, for Mena and Pedro, Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel, Juan de Mena: Poeta del prerrenacimiento espanol (Mexico City, 1950), pp. 325, 458. 62. The letter is published in Soares da Silva, Memorias, I, 470-476, and in Caetano de Sousa, Provas, VI, 350-353. Rocha Madahil, Ineditos e disperses, p. 5, mentions a document signed by Pedro in Coimbra on Oct. 26, 1428. C H A P T E R IV. T H E T R A V E L S A N D T H E EUROPEAN IMAGINATION i. For Pedro's state of mind during the travels, see Ricard, "L'Infant D. Pedro de Portugal," p. 53.

3 32

THE EUROPEAN

IMAGINATION

2. The history of fifteenth-century Portugal in this and later chapters is based essentially on the chronicles of Zurara and Rui de Pina as modified by published documents with which I am acquainted, for example, those discussed by Father de Witte. In addition to those of his chronicles already mentioned, the former also wrote a Chronica do Conde D. Duarte de Menezes, in Correia da Serra, Collecgaö, III (1793), 1-385. In addition to his chronicle of King Duarte, Pina also wrote chronicles of Kings Afonso V and Joäo II: Chronica do Senhor Rey D. Affonso V., in Correia da Serra, Collecgaö, I, 195-626, and Chronica d'ElRey Dom ]oaö II., in Correia da Serra, Collecgaö, II, 1-204. Rui de Pina's chronicles must be used with considerable caution, for they are often erroneous in detail, as Father Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos Santos, S.J., has warned: "Do valor historico de Rui de Pina," Broteria, X V (July-Dec. 1932), 121-139. 3. For Vilalobos, see Bibliografia Geral Portuguesa: Seculo XV (2 vols., Lisbon, 1941-42), II, 625. 4. The phrase is Pope Pius II's. See p. 85. 5. In May 1956 Father Antonio Brasio discovered the documents of Pope Martin V , dated May 25, 1420, which support this statement. See Witte, LIII, 470, and Brasio's review, p. 315. See also Brasio's A Acgao Missionaria no Periode Henriquino (Lisbon, 1958), pp. 60-70; on p. 47 is the usual erroneous statement of the travels of the Infante Dom Pedro. 6. For the Castilians at Basel, see Johannes Haller, ed., Concilium Basiliense: Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte des Concils von Basel (8 vols., Basel, 1896-1936), III, 232, 472, 474, and Noel Valois, Le pape et le concile (1418-1450) (2 vols., Paris 1909), I, 393. 7. Silva Marques, Descobrimentos Portugueses, Vol. I, nos. 281, 282, publishes a Latin text and Portuguese translation of this document together with a complete discussion of the various versions of the text. The work by Alfredo Pimenta to which he refers on p. 294, As Ilhas dos Agores: Esbogo de sintese historica (Lisbon, 1943), has been included in part as chap, xxii of Pimenta's ldade-Media: Problemas & Solugoens (Lisbon, 1946). In the Allegationes Alfonso Garcia states specifically that he was in Portugal in 1425 when a fleet sailed to the Canaries. I believe this document is more trustworthy than the Zurara MSS. concerning the date of the Fernando de Castro expedition; see note II-3 above. For discussion of the 1435 argumentation, see Manuel Paulo Merea, "Como se sustentaram os direitos de Portugal sobre as Canarias," in his Estudos de histöria do direito (Coimbra, 1923), pp. 137-149; and Jose Antonio Maravall, El concepto de Espana en la edad media (Madrid, 1954), pp. 55, 293, 299, 343, and elsewhere; and Witte, XLVIII, 703-704. For a study of the literary milieu of Alfonso Garcia, see Juan Marichal, La Voluntad del Estilo: Teoria e historia del ensayismo hispanico (Barcelona, 1957), chap, i, "El proceso articulador del siglo X V : De Cartagena a Pulgar." 8. Tafur, p. 17. The statement is on p. 30 of the translation by Malcolm Letts (London, 1926). 9. My reconstruction of these complicated events represents an attempt to synthesize and harmonize the statements of Florentino Perez Embid and Father de Witte with what I know of traditional Portuguese history. For the former's views, see his Los Descubrimientos en el Atlantico y la rivalidad

3 3 3

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

IV

Castellano-Portuguesa hasta el tratado de Tordesillas (Seville, 1948). The inevitable Portuguese rejoinder was written by Antonio Älvaro Doria, same title (Braga, 19J1), a pamphlet of 24 pp. in Portuguese, no. 22 in the series "Edigöes 'Bracara Augusta.'" 10. See note II-17 above. 11. Poggio Bracciolini, Epistolae, ed. Tommaso Tonelli (3 vols., Florence, 1832-61), II, 236-238, i.e., Liber VIII, Epistola X X I V , entitled "Poggius pi. sal. dicit Alfonso suo" and dated at the end "Florentiae die X X Septembris 1441." Remigio Sabbadini, Le scoperte dei codici latini e greci ne' secoli XIV e XV (2 vols., Florence 1905-14), I, 92, 107, identifies the addressee as "Alfonso di S. Maria vescovo di Burgos," an identification accepted by Joaquim de Carvalho, "Sobre a erudifäo de Gomes Eanes de Zurara," p. 39. (This study was also published in Biblos, X X V , 1949, 1-160; see p. 26.) In the letter Poggio states that one Valascus recently reported to him that Alfonso had found the complete text of Aulus Gellius' Nodes Atticae in the monastery of Alcobafa (Altobassi). He requests a carefully made copy such that none of the Greek (sic) letters would be missing. He also asks that Alfonso make another search to see what pagan books are in the monastery, with special reference to Cicero. The Valascus to whom he refers must be the monk "Velasco di Portogallo" whose biography is included in the Lives by Vespasiano da Bisticci. According to Battelli, "Due celebri monaci portoghesi," p. 224, he died in 1453. His full name was "Lupus Valasci de Serpa" and he was a Doctor of Laws. For the Lives I use the edition edited by Paolo d'Ancona and Erhard Aeschlimann: Vite di uomini illustri del secolo XV (Milan, 19J1), which contains 113 lives. The Lives (totaling 103) were first published in Cardinal Angelo Mai, ed., Spicilegium romanum (10 vols., Rome, 1839-44), I, 1-682. 12. For Sant'Antonio dei Portoghesi in Roma, see Jose de Castro, Portugal em Roma, I, 20-44, and especially Miguel d'Almeida Paile, Santo Antonio dos Portugueses em Roma (2 vols., Lisbon, 1951-52), passim. For a guidebook of the church, see Sant'Antonio dei Portoghesi in Roma (Rome, 1931), published by the Istituto Portoghese in Roma. I spent several delightful hours in the church and institute in October of 1955 and am most grateful to the rector, Msgr. Antunes Borges, for his hospitality and kindness. 13. See pp. 254-256. See also Rodrigues Cavalheiro, "Falemos do Infante Santo," Ocidente, Lisbon, X X V (July-Dec. 1948), 128-130. Jose Hermano Saraiva does not accept the views attributed to Pedro by Pina: "Uma carta do Infante D. Henrique e ο problema das causas da expansäo portuguesa no norte de Africa," Ethnos, Lisbon, III (1948), 319-345. For further discussion, see Eduardo Alexandre Borges Nunes, " O parecer do Infante D. Joäo sobre a ida a Tanger," Broteria, L X V I (Jan.-June 1958), 269-287. 14. Luis de Camöes, Os Lusiadas (Lisbon, 1572), fols. 77 v -79 r , i.e., IV, xciv-civ. I prefer to cite from the so-called " E e " edition of which there are two exemplars in the Harvard College Library. I normally employ the facsimile edition edited by Jose Maria Rodrigues (Lisbon, 1921). 15. Rogers, Obedience, p. 44. See also Father Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos Santos, S.J., "D. Duarte e as Responsabilidades de Tanger 1436-1438," Broteria, XII (Jan.-June 1931), 29-34, I 4 7 _ I 5 7 ' 291-302, 367-376, and XIII

3 34

THE EUROPEAN

IMAGINATION

( J u l y - D e c . 1931), 19-27, 1 6 1 - 1 7 3 ; in this study the author quotes at length f r o m the two manuscript Ashburnham volumes mentioned in note II-19 above. A new edition, brought somewhat up to date, was published in Lisbon in i960. It contains an appendix of documents; pp. 83 and 84 contain the text of Pedro's advice to Duarte before the expedition as contained in a document in the T o r r e do T o m b o (Gaveta 2, m a f o 7, n.° 2). T h e text of the latter document is also on pp. 829-832 of Father Antonio da Silva Rego, ed., As Gavetas da Torre do Tombo, V o l . I ( G a v . I—II) (Lisbon, i960). I purposely remain aloof f r o m the continuing discussion concerning the identification of the principal personages in the polyptych (or two tryptychs) ascribed to N u n o G o n f a l v e s and now in Lisbon's National Museum of A n cient A r t . One theory holds that Regent Pedro had them painted to commemorate the tragedy of Tangier: Jose Hermano Saraiva, " U m a carta do Infante D. Henrique," pp. 336-337. F o r recent undocumented but highly interesting conjectures which involve Pedro, his travels, his children (including Älvaro, Bishop of Silves, proposed as an illegitimate son of Dom Pedro), and the chapel in San Miniato, see Antonio Belard da Fonseca, Ο Misterio dos Paineis: Ο Cardeal Dom Jahne de Portugal (Lisbon, 1957), Ο Misterio dos Paineis: Ο "Judeu", ο seu livro e a Critica (Lisbon, 1958), and Ο Misterio dos Paineis: As Personagens e a Armaria (Lisbon, 1959) (suggestion that the central figure is Cardinal Jaime, the relic a part of the cranium of St. Anthony brought f r o m Padua to Lisbon b y Pedro). See also Armando Vieira Santos, " N o v o s aspectos do problema dos paineis de Säo Vicente de Fora," Gazeta Musical e de Todas as Artes, Lisbon, no. 83 (Feb. 19J8), 26-27; Adriano de Gusmäo, "Breves objecföes ao livro Ο Misterio dos Paineis," Gazeta Musical, no. 84 (March 1958), 45-46; Fernando Castelo Branco, " U m a Carta," Gazeta Musical, no. 87 (June 1958), 106-107; Adriano de Gusmäo, " U m a Carta," Gazeta Musical, no. 87 (June 1958), 107 (suggestion that the book in the Panel of the Relic may be the Marco Polo volume brought from Venice to Lisbon by Pedro); and Irisalva de Nobrega Moita, "Ainda ο Problema dos Paineis," Gazeta Musical, no. 93 (Dec. 1958), 188, 198-199. F o r a summary of earlier scholarship and foreshadowings of later theories see Adriano de Gusmäo, Nuno Gongalves (Lisbon, 1957 — Colec^äo Saber), especially pp. 29, 37, 163. A very recent and challenging theory proposes that the right-center panel depicts the Infante Dom Pedro giving up the regency in 1446 and at the same time justifying the actions of his government ("Painel da Justificafäo") and that the left-center panel portrays Afonso V simultaneously assuming the reins of government by being sworn in ("Painel do Juramento"): Vitorino Magalhäes Godinho, " O s paineis de N u n o Gongalves: Caminhos de pesquisa e hipoteses de trabalho," Gazeta Musical, no. 87 (June 1958), 104-106, reprinted, with additions in notes, in Revista de Historia, Säo Paulo, X V I I I (Jan.-June 1959), 149-154. Magalhäes Godinho had earlier published his views on the opinions concerning the expedition to Tangier in the second volume of his Documentos sobre α expansäo portuguesa (3 vols., Lisbon, 1943-56). 16. Mateus de Pisano, De Bello Septensi, in Correia da Serra, Collecgaö, I, 1-57, at p. 17; Portuguese translation b y Roberto Correia Pinto, Livro da

335

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

IV

Guerra de Ceuta (Lisbon, 1915), p. 12. The MS. is in the King Manuel II library — now in Vila Vifosa — and is the first item described in his catalogue. 17. Zurara, Chronica do Conde Dom Pedro de Menezes, p. 527. 18. Zurara, Chronica do Conde D. Duarte de Menezes, p. 83. 19. Zurara, Chronica do Conde Dom Pedro de Menezes, p. 214. 20. As already indicated in notes I-34 and II—2 3, in the first years of the newly independent Portugal the Lisbonese printer Antonio Älvares (son) issued the chronicles of Joäo I, Duarte, and Afonso V by Duarte Nunes de Leäo in a single volume (1643) and the two parts of the chronicle of Joäo I by Fernäo Lopes and the chronicle of Ceuta by Zurara in three volumes (1644). 21. Ferdinand Denis, Chroniques chevaleresques de l'Espagne et du Portugal, suivies du Τ isserand de Segovie, drame du XVIIe Steele (2 vols., Paris, 1839), II, 43-44. For editions of the chronicle, see notes 1-8 and II—3 above. The first volume of Father Dias Dinis' edition is an introductory study of the text which takes cognizance of the controversies of recent years. A recent study is Margarida Barradas de Carvalho, "L'ideologie religieuse dans la 'Cronica dos Feitos de Guine' de Gomes Eanes de Zurara," Bulletin des Etudes Portugaises et de Vlnstitut Frangais au Portugal, new series, X I X (1955— 56), 34-63. 22. The Garcia de Meneses oration was printed in Rome in 1481 (Stillwell G 86). The two fifteenth-century printed editions of the Lucena oration are discussed in detail in Rogers, Obedience. The Almeida oration was printed at once, probably in Rome by Johann Besicken and Sigismundus Mayer in 1493 (Stillwell A 463). Both Pacheco orations were also printed immediately after delivery, probably in Rome in the very year of their delivery; the 1505 oration appeared in two editions. 23. The first edition is not in Stillwell. It is no. 10884 Ludwig Hain, Repertorium Bibliographicum (2 vols., Stuttgart and Paris, 1826-38). I have used Alfredo Mauro's edition (Bari, 1940). For a recent study, see Giorgio Petrocchi, "Per l'edizione critica del 'Novellino' di Masuccio," Studi di Filologia Italiana, X (1952), 37-82. I have called attention to this dissemination of knowledge of Portuguese deeds in "Portugal's Literary Relations With the Outside World," Yearbook of Comparative and General Literature, I V (1955), 26-30. Giuseppe Carlo Rossi has just studied the texts in question in "Portugal imaginario e Portugal verdadeiro do seculo X V em novelistas italianos," Revista da Universidade de Coimbra, X I X ; the reprint, dated i960, has 15 pp. 24. See Joaquim de Vasconcelos, "Voyage de Jehan Van-Eyck," p. 14, for the January reception; p. 20 for the July events; and pp. 20-24 f ° r the September party. For the conclusion that Pedro did not attend the July 24 signing, see Joaquim de Vasconcelos, Albrecht Dürer, pp. 102-103. 25. See, for example, Constantin Marinescu, "Philippe le Bon, Due de Bourgogne, et la Croisade," Part I (1419-53), Actes du Vle Congres international d'etudes byzantines, Paris, 27 juillet-2 aoüt 1948, Vol. I (Paris, 1950), 147-168, at pp. 149-152. Part II (1453-67) is published in Bulletin des Etudes Portugaises et de Vlnstitut Frangais au Portugal, new series, XIII (1949), 3-28. Dr. Charity Cannon Willard (Mrs. Sumner Willard) is currently preparing a book-length study of the world of Isabel of Portugal, Duchess of Burgundy;

336

THE EUROPEAN

IMAGINATION

she has been most helpful and generous in assisting me with the Burgundian sections of my book. 26. Jaime Cortesäo devotes considerable space to the cult of the Holy Ghost in Os Descobrimentos Portugueses, currently appearing in Lisbon in monthly fascicles, eventually to form 2 vols. The cult passed to the Azores, thence to New England and California. Anna H. Gayton has studied its manifestations in the latter state. See her "Luso-Califomian culture and its research needs," in Alexander Marchant, ed., Proceedings of the [ist] International Colloquium on huso-Brazilian Studies, Washington, October 15-20, 1950 (Nashville, Tenn., 1953), pp. 81-86, where she gives references to her earlier studies, and "The Festa do Espirito Santo in three cultural settings," in Actas do III Coloquio Internacional de Estudos Luso-Brasileiros, Lisboa, '957> Vol. I (Lisbon, 1959), p. 182. 27. The first printed edition of this Quinte curse de la vie et gestes dalexandre le grant was issued in Paris by Antoine Verard ca. 1500; Stillwell C 890. A study of this book has been submitted to the Department of Romance Languages and Literatures of Harvard University as an honors thesis for the A.B. degree: Judith Davies, "Alexander the Great and the Expansion of Europe: A Study of Quintus Curtius as translated by Vasco de Lucena" (Cambridge, Mass., 1959, typewritten). Miss Davies takes cognizance of such studies as Charles Samaran, "Vasco de Lucena a la cour de Bourgogne (documents inedits)," Bulletin des fctudes Portugaises et de Vlnstitut Frangais au Portugal, new series, V (1938), 13-26; Robert Bossuat, "Vasque de Lucene, traducteur de Quinte-Curce (1468)," Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance: Travaux & Documents, VIII (1946), 197-245; Bossuat, "Les Sources du Quinte-Curce de Vasque de Lucene," in Melanges dedies ä la memoire de Felix Grat, Vol. I (Paris, 1946), pp. 345-356; and Danielle Guerne, "Le 'Traite des faiz et haules prouesses de Cyrus' par Vasque de Lucene d'apes Xenophon," Ecole Nationale des Chartes: Positions des theses soutenues par les eleves de la promotion de ipsj (Paris, 1957), pp. 79-82. 28. Riccardo Predelli et al., / Libri Commemoriali della Republica di Venezia: Regesti (8 vols., Venice, 1876-1914), IV, 212-213, 295, 297, i.e., Book XIII, nos. 25, 284, 292; Oliveira Martins, Filhos, pp. 379, 381—385; Conde de Tovar, Portugal e Veneza na Idade-Media, pp. 37-39. 29. The letter is in Aeneae Sylvii Piccolominei Senensis, qui post adeptum pontificatum Pius eius nominis secundus appellatus est, opera quae extant omnia (Basel, 1571), p. 506. See also Oliveira Martins, Filhos, p. 91. The addressee of the letter was probably the monk Velasco di Portogallo; see note I V - 1 1 above. 30. See pp. 84-86 of my text. 31. Ängelo Pereira, ed., Conselho do Inj ante Dom Henrique a seu sobrinho el-rei Dom Afonso V (Lisbon, 1958). 32. Santarem, Quadro elementar, III, xxxiii, 82-86. 33. For the exciting suggestion that these three and Duchess Isabel were the subjects, hitherto unidentified, of four portraits attributed to Roger Van der Weyden, see Jose Cortez, "Infantes de Avis retratados por Van der Weyden?" Belas Artes: Revista e Boletim da Academia Nacional de Belas Artes, Lisbon, 2nd series, no. 4 (1952), 8-14; no. 5 (1953), 36-43; no. 6 (1953),

3 37

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

IV

23-27; and no. 8 (1955), 13-18. He does not discuss the "Portrait of a Lady" in the National Gallery of Art in Washington: Huntington Cairns and John Walker, eds., Masterpieces of Painting from the National Gallery of Art (New York, 1944), pp. 86-87. A very recent article by Cortez is "Dom Joäo de Coimbra: Retrato por Rogier van der Wey den," Coloquio: Revista de Artes e Letras, no. 7 (Feb. i960), 9-12. 34. I thus disagree with Alfredo Gändara, Isabel, Filha de el-rei D. Joäo I: Frolongamento Historico de Joanna d'Arc (Lisbon, 1954), p. 56. 35. See the last will and testament of Queen Isabel (daughter of the Infante Dom Pedro), Caetano de Sousa, Provas, II, 52; Cambiagi, Serto di documenti, No. X X X V I ; Teixeira de Carvalho, "Historia de uma area de pedra"; and Anselmo Braamcamp Freire, "O tumulo da viuva do infante D. Pedro, ο Regente," Revista de Historia, Lisbon, VII (1918), 241-243, and VIII (1919), 153-154. It is of interest to observe that Pedro's wife Isabel had the following brothers and sisters: Juan, Leonor, Beatriz, Felipa, and Catalina. For her own children she would hardly have used the name Leonor, possessed by her rival, Duarte's wife. She did use Joäo, Beatriz, Filipa, and Catarina, however, and her own name, Isabel, and also Pedro and Jaime, two good Urgel names. 36. See Ludolphus de Saxonia, Ο Livro de Vita Christi em lingoagem portugues Edigäo fac-similar e critica do incumbulo de 1495, cotejado com os apografos, ed. Augusto Magne, S.J., Vol. I (Rio de Janeiro, 1957), pp. xi-xii. The original edition is Stillwell L 324. The colophon of the first part (fol. clxxxv r ) contains the statement that the translation was done at Duchess Isabel's bidding. For a study of the translation, see chap, viii, " A verslo portuguesa da 'Vita Christi' e os seus problemas," in Mario Martins, S.J., Estudos de literatura medieval (Braga, 1956). 37. For the date of Duchess Isabel's will, see Braamcamp Freire, "Tumulo," p. 243, where he gives a reference to its location in the Torre do Tombo. 38. See, for example, Olivier de La Marche, Memoir es, eds. Henri Beaune and J. d'Arbaumont (4 vols., Paris, 1883-88), II, 378, and Mathieu d'Escouchy, Chronique, ed. G. du Fresne de Beaucourt (3 vols., Paris, 1863-64), II, 168 (text of Joäo's oath). Monstrelet covers the years 1400-44 and is continued by Escouchy, who covers the years 1444-61. 39. Zurita, Anales, III, fol. 322. 40. Jean d'Auton, Chroniques de Louis XII, ed. R. de Maulde La Claviere (4 vols., Paris, 1889-95), Π, 149-204; Jean Lemaire de Beiges, Le traictie intitule de la difference des scismes et des Concilles de leglise . . . M.v.Centz. et.xi. (I use the exemplar in the Harvard College Library believed to have been printed in Paris in 1513, fol. k.i. r ); Jehan Thenaud, Voyage et itineraire, reprinted by Ch. Schefer in Vol. V of the Recueil de voyages et de documents . . . (Paris, 1884), p. 18; Rabelais, Book II, chap. ix. 41. Antonio Rodriguez Villa, ed., Cronicas del Gran Capitan (Madrid, 1908), pp. 98-99, 322-323, 499, and Gerald de Gaury, The Grand Captain Gonzalo de Cordoba (London, etc., 1955), pp. 66-67. 42. Jacopo Filippo Foresti da Bergamo, Suma de to das las Cronicas del mundo, tr. Narcis Vinoles (Valencia, 1510); Pietro Martire d'Anghiera, Opera. Legatio babilonica. Occeanea decas. Poemata. (Seville, 1 5 1 1 ) — s e e p. 223 of my text for a second issue — and Hernan Perez del Pulgar (?), Breue

338

THE EUROPEAN

IMAGINATION

parte de las hazanas del excelente nombrado Gran Capitan (Seville, 1527). The Legatio babilonica has recently been reprinted: Una Embajada de los Reyes Catolicos a Egipto (Segiin la "Legatio Babylonica" y el "Opus Epistolarum" de Pedro Märtir de Angeria): Traduction, prologo y notas de Luis Garcia y Garcia (Valladolid, 1947). The Breue parte is reprinted in Rodriguez Villa, ed., Cronicas del Gran Capitan, pp. 555-589; see pp. 558 and 583 for Cephalonia. It is significant that in his Alcagar imperial (see note App.-11 below) Alonso Gomez de Figueroa on two occasions lists Cephalonia as one of the places he, Figueroa, visited, but, in this panegyric of the Grand Captain, he fails to mention his hero's association with the island. 43. The story of King Janus is in Monstrelet, Chronique, ed. L. DouetD'Arcq, IV, 257-269. See also Aziz Suryal Atiya, The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages (London, 1938), p. 473, and Atiya, "The Crusades: Old Ideas and New Conceptions," Journal of World History, II (1954), 469-475, at pp. 473-474. For the Lusignan family of Cyprus, see Karl Herquet, Charlotta von Lusignan und Caterina Cornaro, Königinnen von Cypern (Regensburg, etc., 1870), especially p. 86 for Janus' release), and Louis, Comte de Mas Latrie, "Genealogie des rois de Chypre de la famille de Lusignan," Archivio Veneto, X X I (1881), 309-359. In my review of Antonio Jose Saraiva, Historia da Cultura em Portugal, Vol. I (Lisbon, 1950), published in Hispanic Review, XXIII (1955), 153-155, I endeavored to present the correct dates concerning Joäo's marriage into the Lusignan family. 44. There is no evidence that the Order of the Golden Fleece was created in honor of Isabel. The statutes of the Order specifically state that it was created out of the very great and perfect love which Philippe had for the noble State and Order of Chivalry. The establishment of the Order was chivalric, not romantic or political. See Felix Mottart, La Toison dOr d'Espagpe (Brussels, 1907), p. 23, and Otto Cartellieri, Am Hofe der Herzöge von Burgund (Basel, 1926), p. 60. Indeed, no Portuguese was named to the Order until Joäo in 1456. 45. For the departure, see Georges Chastellain, Oeuvres, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove (8 vols., Brussels, 1863-66), III, 121-125. For Joäo in Cyprus, see Pope Pius II, Historia rerum ubique gestarum (Venice, 1477), verso of leaf whose signature is "1," i.e., chap, xcvii of the editions divided into chapters; Samuel Guichenon, Histoire genealogique de la royale maison de Savoye (3 vols., Lyons, 1660), I, 537; E.-G. Rey, Les families d'outre-mer de Du Cange (Paris, 1869), pp. 94-95, 213; Francesco Cerone, "La politica Orientale di Alfonso di Aragona," Archivio Storico per le Province Napoletane, X X V I I (1902), 3-93, 380-456, 555-634, 774-852, and X X V I I I (1903), 154-212, at XXVII, 445-447; Sp. Lambros, " 'Ο Κωνσταντίνος Παλαιολόγο? ώς crufiryos ev rrj Ιστορία και τοις θρνλοις," Neos Έλληνομνημων, IV (1907), 41?—466, at pp. 465—466; Gustave Schlumberger, Le siege, la prise et le sac de Constantinople par les Turcs en 1453, 6th ed. (Paris, 1922), p. 15; Marinescu, "Philippe le Bon, Due de Bourgogne, et la Croisade," Part II, p. 15; and Doros Alastos, Cyprus in History: A Survey of 5,000 Years (London, 1955), p. 211. In the chain Lambros-Schlumberger-Marinescu, it is amusing to see the Infante Dom Pedro, Duke of Coimbra and Regent, referred to as "άντφασιλίως," "anti-roi Pierre de Portugal." 46. Battelli, "L'Abate Don Gomes," p. 153.

3 39

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

IV

47. The text is given in Silva Marques, Descobrimentos Portugueses, Vol. I, nos. 401 and 402, the latter being a Portuguese translation. It is also printed in Frances Gardiner Davenport, ed., European Treaties Bearing on the History of the United States and Its Dependencies to 1648 (Washington, D.C., 1917), pp. 13-26, in Latin and in English translation. Both editors give references to other editions. 48. Silva Marques, Vol. I, no. 414. Bishop Älvaro's life was included in Bisticci's Vite; see note I V - i 1 above. 49. Pope Pius II, Commentaries, tr. Florence Alden Gragg, in Smith College Studies in History, Vol. XXII, nos. 1-2 (Oct. 1936-Jan. 1937), p. 79. 50. For Jaime's death, see p. 27 and also Cambiagi, Serto di documenti, p. 223. The exact day of his passing is a matter of dispute. Poliziano's epitaph states he lived 25 years, 11 months, and 10 days, and died in 1459. Uzielli, "Colloquio," p. 143, accepts the date August 27, 1459, as does Ludwig Pastor, The History of the Popes (40 vols., London, 1891-1953), II, 457, where details of Jaime's elevation to the purple are given. 51. See note I V - 1 1 above for Bisticci's Lives. The lives of Jaime, of Älvaro, Bishop of Silves, and of Velasco di Portogallo were reprinted in Vol. II of Henrique Trindade Coelho and Guido Battelli, eds., Documentos para ο estudo das relagoes culturaes entre Portugal e Italia (4 vols., Florence, 193435)·

52. See Pius II, De Viris lllustribus, pp. 44-45. 53. See note III—26 above. The passage in the History of the Bohemians, incidentally the first printed reference to the travels of the Infante Dom Pedro with which I am familiar, occurs on the verso of the 36th leaf of the editio princeps of the Historia Bohemica (Rome, January 10, 1475). In later editions, divided into chapters, this is in the middle of chap, xliiii. The first edition, however, is not divided into chapters nor even into paragraphs. It is divided into five books, the passage occurring in Book III. The Eric-Pedro statement is the second of two parenthetical remarks inserted in an account of Zizka's activities; it is immediately followed by mention of the siege "ad Lutenburgensium Morauie oppidum." In the original it reads as follows: "Eodem quoque tempore Ericus Rex Dacie: et infans Petrus regis Portugalie Germanus. Iacobi cardinalis sancti Eustachii excellentis et clarissimi uiri pater: Imperatorem accedentes: ambo rei militaris peritissimi exercitum eius et copiis et auxiliis auxere." The passage is hardly reliable, for it states that Pedro is the brother of the King of Portugal. Moreover, its insertion in an account of Zizka, who died in 1424, demonstrates untrustworthy chronology. Franz Palacky was disturbed by the dating. Knowing from Andreas Ratisbonensis' Diarium sexennale (see note III—13 above) that Pedro had been in Regensburg in March of 1426, Palacky accepted the date of 1426 for the siege of the castle, which he identified as Lundenburg and which Gomes dos Santos further identified as the present-day Bfeclav in Czechoslovakia on the Austrian border. Gomes dos Santos implies that Julio Gonfalves confused Lundenburg with the "Castelo de Ludenberg, na Moravia," whereas it was Pope Pius II who initiated the confusion, if there was confusion. T o sum up, the passage can hardly be used as the cornerstone of the thesis that Pedro fought Bohemian heretics. It tells us merely that

340

THE EUROPEAN

IMAGINATION

at one time or another during those years (1424-1426) both Eric and Pedro were in Sigismund's army. It was known at an early date in the Spanish language, for Hernan Nunez de Toledo's translation appeared in Seville in 1509 entitled La historia de Bohemia en romance·, in this translation the statement occurs on fol. xxiiiv, in Book III. 54. The Europa is Part II of the Cosmographia and was published in Venice in 1501. Part I is the Asia, i.e., the Historia rerum ubique gestarum, and was published in this second edition in Venice in 1503. Part III is the Historia Bohemica, published in this edition in Venice in 1503. I have not seen this edition of the three parts of the Cosmographia but, rather, have used the next edition: Cosmographia Pit Papae in Asiae & Europae eleganti descriptione (Paris, 1509), fol. 128. The Pedro passage is on fol. ccxc of the Liber Cronicarum, which is Stillwell S 281. 55. Cataldo Siculo, Poemata. Epistole. (2 parts, Lisbon, 1500); Stillwell C 244. Stillwell's is an incomplete reference, however. See Bibliografia Geral Portuguesa: Seculo XV, I, 264-271. For the Castro argumentum, see Caetano de Sousa, Provas, VI, 397-398. The Cataldo poem covers pp. 399-455 and has 122 fewer lines at the end of Book IV than the version printed by Valentim Fernandes. For Cataldo Siculo, see Prospero Peragallo, "Cenni intorno alia colonia italiana in Portogallo nei Secoli X I V , X V e X V I , " Miscellanea di Storia ltaliana, Turin, 3rd series, IX (1904), 379-462, at pp. 400-401; Guido Battelli, "Parisio Cataldo Siculo," Ο Institute, L X X I X (1930), 189-202; and Ruggieri Scudieri, "Primi contatti," p. 95. 56. Antonio R. Pastor and Edgar Prestage, eds., Letter of the Marquis of Santillana to Don Peter, Constable of Portugal (Oxford, 1927). 57. For a recent study of the Catalonia of this period, see Jaime Vicens Vives, Cataluna α mediados del siglo XV, tr. Enrique Borras Cubells (Barcelona, 1956). 58. J. Ernesto Martinez Ferrando, Pere de Portugal "Rei dels Catalans" vist a traves dels registres de la seva Cancelleria (Barcelona, 1936); Martinez Ferrando, Tragedia del Insigne Condestable Don Pedro de Portugal; Jose Gudiol Ricart and Juan Ainaud de Lasarte, Huguet (Barcelona, 1948), pp. 81-88; Jaime Vicens Vives, Juan II de Aragon (1398-1479)·. Monarquta y revolution en la Espana del siglo XV (Barcelona, 1953), pp. 280-296; and Vicens Vives, El Segle XV: Els Trastämares (Barcelona, 1956), pp. 181-183. 59. Constable Pedro, Coplas . . . De contempto del mundo. Stillwell Ρ 216. In some exemplars a leaf printed only on its verso precedes the normal 34 leaves. It contains a prologue by "Anthon durrea" addressed to the Archbishop of Saragossa. Because of this hint, bibliographers ascribe the volume to either Juan or Pablo Hurus of Saragossa and date it ca. 1490. See Bibliografia Geral Portuguesa: Seculo XV, II, 579-589, and the appendix of my List of Editions of the Libro del Infante don Pedro de Portugal (Lisbon, 1959 — Companhia de Diamantes de Angola, Publicaföes Culturais: 47). The reprinting of the Coplas covers fols. lxxiii r -lxxix v of the Cancioneiro geral, reprinted in turn in Soares da Silva, Memorias, IV, 465-506. The authorship was clarified by Jose M. Octavio de Toledo, "El Duque de Coimbra y su hijo el Condestable D. Pedro," Revista Occidental, Lisbon, ist year, Vol. II (1875), 295-315.

34

1

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

IV

60. Teofilo Braga, Cctmöes·. A obra lyrica e epica (Oporto, 1911), p. 514; and Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcelos, Condestavel D. Pedro de Portugal: Tragedia, p. 43. For preservation of the Infante Dom Pedro's memory by the continuation of the Cronica Geral de Espanha de 1344, see the edition of this chronicle by Luis Filipe Lindley Cintra (2 vols., Lisbon, 1951-54), I, cdii-cdiv (n. 233). 61. Marino Sanudo, Vitae Ducum Venetorum, elm. 999; Vittorio Imbriani, La novellaja fiorentina: Fiabe e novelline Stenografate in Firenze dal dettato popolare, 2nd ed. (Leghorn, 1877), pp. 527-535; and Gherardo Nerucci, Sessanta Novelle Popolari Montalesi (circondario di Pistoia), 2nd ed. (Florence, 1891), pp. 225-232. 62. Giovanni Sabadino degli Arienti, Novelle Porretane (Bologna 1483). Not in Stillwell, this ist ed. is G W 2327. I have used the Bari, 1914, edition edited by Giovanni Gambarin. The Arienti tale and its nineteenth-century descendant were known to Uzielli, Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli·. Iniziatore, pp. 130-133, and La vita e i tempi, p. 137; to Cesareo Fernandez Duro, Viajes del Infante D. Pedro de Portugal en el siglo XV con indicacion de los de una religiosa espanola por las regiones Orientales mil anos antes [Etheria] (Madrid, 1903—Annex to Vol. X L V of Boletin de la Real Sociedad Geografica), p. 29; and to Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes de la Novela (4 vols., Madrid, 1905-15), I, cdviii. All three scholars accept an influence of the real travels of the real Dom Pedro. 63. For early French editions, see Jacques-Charles Brunet, Manuel du libraire et de Vamateur de livres, 5th ed. (8 vols., Paris, 1860-80), IV, elms. 643-648, and Hain, nos. 10488-10493. For the dissemination of the tale, see A. H. Schutz, Vernacular Books in Parisian Private Libraries of the Sixteenth Century According to the Notarial Inventories (Chapel Hill, N. C., 1955), pp. 63-64. The early Spanish editions were completed in Burgos on July 26, 1519, and in Seville on Dec. 10, 1519; see Antonio Palau y Dulcet, Manual del librero hispano-americano, ist ed. (7 vols., Barcelona, 1923-27), VI, 112. The Pierre de Provence has been edited for modern readers of Middle French by Adolphe Biedermann: La belle Maguelonne (Paris and Halle, 1913). It has been translated into modern French by G. Michaut: L'Histoire de Pierre de Provence et de la belle Maguelonne (Paris, 1926). For the copy in Philippe le Bon's library and the possibility of Burgundian authorship, see Werner Söderhjelm, "Pierre de Provence et la belle Maguelone," Memoires de la Societe Neo-Philologique de Helsingfors, VII (1924), 5-49, at p. 36. For the relation of the Pierre de Provence to Sabadino degli Arienti's tale, see Giuseppe Rua, Novelle del "Mambriano" del Cieco da Ferrara (Turin, 1888), pp. 134-136; Veit Warbeck, tr., Die schöne Magelone, ed. Johannes Bolte (Weimar, 1894), pp. xiv-xv; and Vittorio Rossi, 11 Quattrocento, 4th ed. (Milan, 1949), p. 205. CHAPTER V. EUROPEAN IMAGINATION AND T H E ORIENT i. For the Latin text I use Silviae vel potius Aetheriae peregrinatio ad loca sancta (Itinerarium Egeriae), ed. W . Heraeus, 3rd ed. (Heidelberg, 1929).

34

2

I M A G I N A T I O N AND T H E

ORIENT

I quote from the English translation of M. L. McClure and C. L. Feltoe, The Pilgrimage of Etheria (London and New York, ca. 1919), pp 30-31. 2. Eusebius Pamphili, Ecclesiastical History, tr. Roy J. Deferrari (2 vols., New York, 1953-55), I, 77, i.e., Book I, chap. 13. 3. I list studies of St. Thomas in note V-37 below. When in Ortona on Holy Thursday i960, I acquired an informative booklet: Eligio Cuccionitti, ed., Ortona nella Storia e nella Religione (Ortona, 1949). I was shown the shrine by Monsignor Dr. Pietro Di Fulvio, who saved the relics from German fury at the end of 1943. 4. Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades (3 vols., Cambridge, 1951-54), and Marshall W . Baldwin, ed., The First Hundred Years (Philadelphia, 1955), which is Vol. I of A History of the Crusades, editor-in-chief Kenneth M. Setton. For reasons which will soon be understandable, I use the first printed edition of Otto of Freising: Kerum ab origine mundi ad ipsius vsque temper a gestarum, Libri Octo (Strassburg, 1515). The passage quoted is in Book VII, chap. xxx. An English translation by Charles Christopher Mierow was published in New York in 1928. 5. For the text of the Acts of Thomas I use Bernhard Pick, tr., The Apocryphal Acts of Paul, Peter, John, Andrew and Thomas (Chicago, 1909). The three opinions quoted are respectively in Alfons Väth, S.J., Oer hl. Thomas der Apostel Indiens: Eine Untersuchung über den historischen Gehalt der Thomas-Legende, 2nd ed. (Aachen, 1925), p. 4; F. Crawford Burkitt, Early Eastern Christianity: St. Margaret's Lectures, 1904, on the Syriac-speaking Church (London, 1904), pp. 193-194; F. A. D'Cruz, St. Thomas, The Apostle, in India·. An Investigation based on the latest researches in connection with the Time-honoured Tradition regarding St. Thomas in Southern India, 2nd ed. (Madras, 1929), p. 42. For the relation of the Acts of Thomas to the recently discovered and much discussed "Gospel of Thomas," see Robert M. Grant et al., The Secret Sayings of Jesus (Garden City, N.Y., i960), p. 67, and Jean Doresse, The Secret Books of the Egyptian Gnostics, tr. Philip Mairet (New York, i960), pp. 95, 340, and 347. Doresse does not seem to believe in South Indian activity on the part of St. Thomas; see pp. 339-340. 6. Bibliotheca mundi Vincentii Burgundi: Speculum quadruplex, naturale, doctrinale, morale, historiale (4 vols., Douai, 1624), IV (i.e., the historiale), 344-346. The Speculum historiale went through many fifteenth-century editions. See, for example, Stillwell, V 253-258. The earliest immediately available to me are V 254 (Strassburg, ca. 1473) in the New Bedford, Massachusetts, Public Library, and V 255 (Augsburg, ca. 1474) in the Harvard College Library. In V 254 the St. Thomas story is in Part One, Book X, chaps, lxi-lxvi, and in V 255 in Part One, Book VIII, chaps, lxi-lxvi. In the 1624 edition it is in Book IX, chaps, lxi-lxvi. For the Legenda Aurea I quote from Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend, tr. Granger Ryan and Helmut Ripperger (2 vols, paged continuously, London, etc., 1941), pp. 39-46. Spanish and Portuguese editions are in urgent need of thorough study, and also of comparison with other books entitled Flos Sanctorum. An edition of Voragine's Legenda Aurea was issued in Spain in the fifteenth century, probably in Burgos by Juan de Burgos. A Portuguese

343

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

V

adaptation was completed in Lisbon by Hermäo de Campos and Roberto Rabelo on March 25, 1513, no. 443 in Antonio Joaquim Anselmo, Bibliografia das obras impressas em Portugal no seculo XVI (Lisbon, 1926). (Anselmo was also printed in Anais das Bibliotecas e Arquivos, II: 5 through VII: 25-28.) In this edition " A vida de sam thome apostollo" is on fols. XII r -XIII v . Anselmo no. 530, completed in Lisbon by Joäo Pedro Buonhomini on August 17, 1513, and entitled Este he ο liuro & legenda que fala de todolos feytos & payxoöes dos santos martires. em lingoagem portugues, does not contain the life of St. Thomas the Apostle. Its authorship should probably be ascribed to Jean Gerson. The exemplar listed by Anselmo as in the Biblioteca da Ajuda has now been transferred to Vila Vifosa. There is another exemplar in the Oliveira Lima Collection at the Catholic University of America; see Ruth Ε. V. Holmes, comp., Bibliographical and Historical Description of the Rarest Books in the Oliveira Lima collection at the Catholic University of America (Washington, D.C., 1926), no. 2. A third exemplar is owned by Mr. Philip Hofer. For an evaluation of the Portuguese Flos Sanctorum (Anselmo 443) in the light of Voragine's text, see Mario Martins, S.J., "O Natal no Flos Sanctorum de 1513," Broteria, L X X (Jan.-June i960), 28-33. For a listing of 173 fifteenth-century editions of the Legenda Aurea, 97 in Latin, the rest in vernacular translations, see Robert Francis Seybolt, "Fifteenth-Century Editions of the Legenda Aurea," Speculum, X X I (1946), 327338. For a discussion showing that the Legenda Aurea appeared in more fifteenth-century editions than the Bible and Peter Comestor's Historia, see the same author's "The Legenda Aurea, Bible, and Historia Scholastica," Speculum, XXI, 339-342. Seybolt's demonstration is supported by Schutz, Vernacular Books, p. 55. 7. St. Gregory of Tours, De gloria martyrum, libri duo (Cologne, 1583), pp. 40-42. Most of the text has been translated into English, with detailed commentary, by Bishop A. E. Medlycott, India and the Apostle Thomas: An inquiry, with a critical analysis of the Acta Thomae (London, 1905), pp. 71-80. Herbert Thurston, S.J., "Saint Thomas the Apostle," The Catholic Encyclopedia, X I V (1912), 658-659, states that Bishop Medlycott's book is uncritical in tone, an opinion repeated in the latest edition of Butler's Lives of the Saints: Complete edition, eds. Herbert Thurston, S.J., and Donald Attwater (4 vols., New York, 1956). 8. Benjamin Thorpe, ed. and tr., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, according to the several original authorities (2 vols., London, 1861), I, 150-152, and II, 66.

9. The Patriarch John report is included in Friedrich Zarncke, "Der Priester Johannes: Erste Abhandlung, enthaltend Capitel I, II and III," Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Classe der Königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, VII (1879), 827-1030, at pp. 837-843. (The reprint is also dated 1879; see note V-28 below.) The Odo of Rheims letter is included on pp. 845-846. The identification of the Phison is discussed in A. C. Perumalil, S.J., The Apostles in India: Fact or fiction? (Patna, ca. 1952), P· 3 2 · . The Patriarch John report had been known, in MS., to Santarem; see his Recherches sur la priorite, p. 323.

344

I M A G I N A T I O N AND T H E

ORIENT

ίο. Zarncke, "Priester Johannes I," pp. 847-848. The English translation I present is my modification of that printed in Edward Luther Stevenson, Genoese World Map 7437 (New York, 1912), p. 42, and is very close to Mierow's. The Zarncke text and that of the editto princeps (see note V - 4 above) are substantially the same. 11. For summaries of this scholarship, and of speculation concerning the origin of the title "Prester John," see Charles E. Nowell, "The Historical Prester John," Speculum, X X V I I I (19J3), 435-445, and Vsevolod Slessarev, Prester John·. The Letter and the Legend (Minneapolis, 1959). See also the recent article by Father Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos Santos, " A 'Carta do Preste Joäo' das indias e seu reflexo nos descobrimentos do Infante D. Henrique," Broteria, L X X I (July-Dec. 1960), 218-244; on pp. 226-235 is a Portuguese translation of the fifteenth-century French edition published in facsimile by Slessarev. My own conclusions concerning the Prester John legend coincide most closely, as will be evident throughout the rest of this book, with the views of Leonardo Olschki. The most recent statements of the latter's opinions with which I am acquainted are contained in The Myth of Felt (Berkeley, Calif., 1949) and in UAsia di Marco Polo: Introduzione alia lettura e alio studio del Milione (Florence, 1957). An English translation of the latter has been made by John A. Scott: Marco Polo's Asia (Berkeley and Los Angeles, i960). I am also in hearty agreement with the conclusions concerning the projection of wish-dreams into a spatial Beyond expressed by Karl F. Helleiner on the last page of his excellent article "Prester John's Letter: A Mediaeval Utopia," The Phoenix: The Journal of the Classical Association of Canada, XIII (1959), 47-58. Additional light on the genesis of Prester John can be expected from the new article now being prepared for the Encyclopaedia Britannica by Father Georges Florovsky, Professor of Eastern Church History at Harvard University. 12. Early printed books must always be considered in their proper chronological place, as, for example, St. Thomas More, Libellus vere aureus nec minus salutaris quam festiuus de optimo reip. statu, deque noua Insula Vtopia (Louvain, 1516). 13. Zarncke, "Priester Johannes I," pp. 909-924. 14. See the chapter entitled "The Land of Prester John," in Lands Beyond, by L. Sprague De Camp and Willy Ley (New York and Toronto, 1952), in particular p. 156. 15. Perumalil, Apostles in India, pp. 131-132, and Malcolm Letts, "Prester John: Sources and Illustrations," Notes and Queries, C L X X X V I I I (Jan.-June 1945), 178-180, 204-207, 246-248, 266-268, and C L X X X I X (July-Dec. 1945), 4-7, at C L X X X V I I I , 180, 204. 16. P. H. Reaney, A Dictionary of British Surnames (London, 1958), p. 259. For this reference and for many other scholarly favors I am indebted to Professor James B. Wadsworth of the Pennsylvania State University. 17. Poggio Bracciolini, India Recognita, ed. Cristoforo da Bollate (Milan, 1492), fol. [aviii] v , i.e., end of first section. 18. For Monte Corvino, see Christopher Dawson, ed., The Mongol Mission: Narratives and letters of the Franciscan missionaries in Mongolia and China in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (London and New York, 1955),

345

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

V

p. 224. For the Vivaldi, see Francis M. Rogers, "The Vivaldi Expedition," Seventy-Third Annual Report of the Dante Society (Cambridge, Mass., 1955), pp. 31-45. 19. The Book of Ser Marco Polo, ed. Henry Yule, 3rd ed. (2 vols., London, 1903), II, 341, 353-354. Yule's notes on St. Thomas and Mylapore are most informative. For Conti's statement, see Tafur, Andangas, p. no. 20. For Odoric, see Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, 2nd ed. (4 vols., London, 1913-16), Vol. II. The quotation is from pp. 141-142. Odoric's narrative was first published in 1513: Odorichus de rebus incognitis (Pesaro, 1513). An exemplar, acquired in Rome in 1515, is in the Biblioteca Colombina in Seville; see Archer M. Huntington, ed., Catalogue of the Library of Ferdinand Columbus·. Reproduced in facsimile from the Unique Manuscript in the Columbine Library of Seville (New York, 1905), no. 2438, and Servando Arboli y Faraudo, Simon de la Rosa y Lopez, et al., Biblioteca Colombina: Catalogo de sus libros impresos (7 vols., Seville and Madrid, 1888-1948), V , 216. For Jordanus, see his Mirabilia Descripta: The Wonders of the East, tr. Henry Yule (London, 1863), pp. 23, 55. See also Angelo Mercati, ed., Monumenta Vaticana veterem dioecesim columbensem [Quilon] et eiusdem primum episcopum lordanum Catalani Ord. Praed. respicientia (Rome, 1923). For the Latin text and a French translation of Jordanus' narrative, see Mirabilia Descripta: Les merveilles de l'Asie, ed. Henri Cordier (Paris, 1925). 21. Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, 2nd ed., III, 249-250. 22. I use the modernized English version of MS. Egerton 1982 published by Malcolm Letts in the first of his two volumes entitled Mandeville,s Travels: Texts and translations (2 vols., London, 1953). The passage quoted is on pp. 123-124. See note 2 to p. 123 for a listing of different versions of the miracles effected by the Apostle's remains. For St. Isidore of Seville, see his De Ortu et Obitu Patrum, in Migne, Patrologia Latina, L X X X I I I (1862), elms. 13 οι 56, at elm. 152, i.e., chap, lxxiv. For the Martyrology, see Martyrologium Romanum: Editio V Taurinensis (Turin, 1949), p. 389, and The Roman Martyrology In accordance with the Reforms of Pope Pius X In which are to be found the eulogies of the Saints and Blessed approved by the Sacred Congregation of Rites up to the present time: An English translation (London, !937). P· 349· 23. For the Catalan atlas, see note III—48 above. 24. For the Ethiopians in Jerusalem, see Enrico Cerulli, Etiopi in Palestina: Storia della comunita etiopica di Gerusalemme (2 vols., Rome, 1943-47). F ° r knowledge circulating in Egypt concerning the Ethiopians, see Sir Denison Ross, "Prester John and the Empire of Ethiopia," in Arthur Percival Newton, ed., Travel and Travellers of the Middle Ages (New York, 1926), pp. 174194, at pp. 185, 192. For Jordanus, see Mirabilia Descripta, ed. Yule, p. 42. For the Dulcert map, see note III-49 above. 2j. The reference in Luke is XXII, 38. For the two swords and Caesaropapism, see the recent summary by John B. Morrall: Political Thought in Medieval Times (London, 1958). 26. I use Harvard's photostatic copy of the Cy apres sensuyuent les nouuelles de la terre de prestre iehan in the Pierpont Morgan Library in New

346

I M A G I N A T I O N AND T H E

ORIENT

York. It is ascribed to Jean Bouyer and Pierre Bellescullee of Poitiers and dated 1491. See Curt F. Biihler, " A Pretre Jean from Poitiers," Papers of The Bibliographical Society of America, X L V I (1952), 151-154. This edition has only eight references to Thomas. The edition reprinted by Fernand Fleuret, "La Lettre de Pretre-Jean, Pseudo-Roi d'Abyssinie," Mercure de France, CCLXVIII (May 15-June 15, 1936), 294-318, contains an additional reference when Prester John mentions the fact he holds court on the annual feasts, "et sainct Thomas presche aux gens." 27. For editions of Hildesheim, see note III—11 above. 28. I use the Hese text included in the Harvard exemplar of the Latin chapbook in 20 fols. printed in Paris by Robert Gourmont for Olivier Senant and variously dated from "ca. 1498" to "after 1505" (Hain-Copinger 8536 and Stillwell Η 136). The Hain-Copinger number refers to W . A. Copinger, Supplement to Hain's Repertorium Bibliographicum (2 parts in 3 vols., London, 1895-1902), Part I. The Hese narrative is available in Gustav Oppert, Der Presbyter Johannes in Sage und. Geschichte, 2nd ed. (Berlin, 1870), pp. 180-193, and in Friedrich Zarncke, "Der Priester Johannes: Zweite Abhandlung, enthaltend Capitel IV, V und VI," Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Classe der Königlich Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, VIII (1883), 1-186, at pp. 162171. (The reprint is dated 1876; see note V-9 above.) The first edition of the Hese itinerary is the Latin chapbook in 12 fols. believed to have been printed in Cologne by Johann Guldenschaff in ca. 1490 (Copinger 2951, Stillwell Η 130). The Copinger reference is to Part II of his supplement to Hain. For additional editions of the Hese narrative, see note VII-14 below. 29. Jacopo Filippo Foresti da Bergamo, O.E.S.A., Supplementum Chronicarum, 2nd ed. (Brescia, 1485), fols. 356v—358r; Stillwell J 186. For the Tractatus Pulcherrimus, I use the Latin chapbook mentioned in the preceding note (Stillwell Η 136). The text of the tract is also available in Zarncke, "Der Priester Johannes II," pp. 171-179. The first edition of the Tractatus Pulcherrimus is the Latin chapbook in 12 fols. which begins with the Prester John letter and is believed to have been printed in Cologne by Cornells de Zierikzee ca. 1499 (Copinger 3366). Not listed in Stillwell, it is now represented by an exemplar in the Library of Congress. In my Lowell Institute Lectures I discuss in detail the evolution of the text of this treatise and attempt to trace its appearance in Latin chapbooks together with that of the Prester John letter, Patriarch John report, Hese itinerary, and other items. 30. Roberto Levillier, "Mundus Novus: A Carta de Vespucio que Revolucionou a Geografia," Revista de Historia, Säo Paulo, X V I (Jan.-June 1958), 103-148, at pp. 113, 124. 31. Calcoen: Dit is die reyse die een man self bescreuen heuer die seylde mit .Ixx. scepen wt die riuier van lisboen in poertegael na Calcoen in Indien enn geschiede int iaer .xv. C. enn een . . . (Antwerp? 1504?). I quote from the facsimile (of British Museum exemplar) and translation by J. Ph. Berjeau (London, 1874). The narrative has long been known to Portuguese scholars. See, for example, A. C. Teixeira de Aragäo, "Vasco da Gama e a Vidigueira: Estudo historico," Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, V I (1886),

347

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

V

542-701 (reprint is dated 1887). On pp. 590-601 are the Flemish text and a Portuguese translation. 32. Emmanuel Neeffs, Un voyage au XVe Steele: Recit de Vexpedition en Orient du Grand-Facteur de Portugal et de Jean Aerts de Malines 14811484 (Louvain, 1873), "Extrait de la Revue Catholique. — Tome 9 e , nouvelle serie. For Miss Prescott's volumes, see note II—7 above. The full Latin text of Friar Felix's narrative was edited by Conrad Dietrich Hassler: Evagatorium in Terrae Sanctae, Arabiae et Egypti peregrinationem (3 vols., Stuttgart, 1843-49). An English translation of most of Hassler's text was made by Aubrey Stewart: The Book of the Wanderings of Brother Felix Fabri (Circa 14801483 A.D.) (2 vols., London, 1892-93). Joos van Ghistele, who merits detailed study, dictated in Flemish to his chaplain-companion, Ambrosius Zeebout, a narrative of their voyage of the early 1480's. The book was published in Ghent in 1557, 2nd ed. 1563, 3rd ed. 1572. See Ferdinand Denis, "Ghistele ou Ghistale (Josse van)," Nouvelle Biographie Generale, XX (1858), elm. 407. There may have been earlier editions. Pierre-Herman Dopp, ed., Tratte d'Emmanuel Piloti sur le Passage en Terre Sainte (1420) (Louvain and Paris, 1958), p. 249, lists the first ed. as Louvain, 1503. He also cites a French translation of 1564 and an edition in modern Dutch, Antwerp, 1936. For another and utterly fantastic traveler's tale of the second half of the fifteenth century, see L. Delisle, "Une lettre du bätard d'Orleans, acquise pour le Musee Conde," Comptes rendus de ΓAcademie des Inscriptions et BellesLettres, 4th series, X X V I I (Paris, 1899), 375-394, at pp. 393-394; Charles de La Ronciere, Histoire de la Marine Frangaise (6 vols., Paris, 1899-1932), II, 395-397; and Jaime Cortesäo, Descobrimentos Portugueses, I, 217. Printed probably in 1494 these French Nouvelles admirables were reprinted in fidouard Founder, ed., Varietes historiques et litteraires (10 vols., Paris, 1855-63), V (1856), 159-172. 33. Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India (4 vols., Coimbra, 1858-64), I, 739 (Vol. I of the Harvard set is dated 1922), and Jose Ramos-Coelho, ed., Alguns documentos do Archivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo äcerca das navegagöes e conquistas portuguezas (Lisbon, 1892), p. 194. 34. Perumalil, The Apostles in India, p. 64. See also Father Antonio da Silva Rego, Historia das Missöes do Padroado Portugues do Oriente·. India, Vol. I (1500-42) (Lisbon, 1949), pp. 411-426. I am deeply indebted to Father E. R. Hambye, S.J., of Kurseong, Ν. E. Ry., India, for further information contained in a letter dated October 23, i960: "In 1953, His Eminence Cardinal Tisserant brought to India a specially made reliquary containing the right cubitus of the skeleton kept in Ortona, and this was solemnly enshrined in a new sanctuary built for the purpose at Cranganore. It is a Papal shrine, and entrusted to the Syrian Carmelites of the Immaculate Conception. T o add a personal note, I was present at the ceremony that marked the official presentation of this relic at Cranganore (Kulunganur in the local language, Malayalam). Last beginning of July, I was visiting again Mylapore, and once more I saw the reliquary [a different reliquary, of silver, probably of the second half of the seventeenth century] with my own eyes."

348

I M A G I N A T I O N AND T H E

ORIENT

35. The Christian Topography of Cosmas, an Egyptian Monk, tr. J . W . McCrindle (London, 1897), Ρ· I ! 936. Donald Attwater, The Christian Churches of the East (2 vols., Milwaukee, Wis., 1948), II, 193. 37. In addition to studies of St. Thomas and his Christians already cited, I have consulted Alexandre Brou, S.J., "L'£vangelisation de l'lnde au Moyen Age," Etudes·. Publiees par des Peres de la Compagnie de Jesus, L X X X V I 1 (1901), 577-605; H. Hosten, S.J., "St. Thomas and San Thome, Mylapore," Journal & Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, new series, X I X (1923), 153-236; Father Joseph C. Panjikaran, Christianity in Malabar with special reference to the St. Thomas Christians of the Syro-Malabar rite (Rome, 1926 — Orientalia Christiana, Vol. V I - i , no. 23); Paul Thomas, Christians and Christianity in India and Pakistan: A general Survey of the Progress of Christianity in India from Apostolic Times to the present day (London, 1954); Bishop L. W . Brown, The Indian Christians of St Thomas·. An account of the ancient Syrian church of Malabar (Cambridge, 1956); Cardinal Eugene Tisserant, Eastern Christianity in India: A History of the Syro-Malabar Church from the earliest time to the present day, tr. E. R. Hambye, S.J. (Westminster, Md., 1957); and Father Cyril Korolevsky, Living Languages in Catholic Worship: An Historical Inquiry, tr. Donald Attwater (Westminster, Md., 1957). I also recommend for its pictorial interest F. A. Plattner et al., Christian India (New York, 1957). It goes without saying that many modern Indian scholars do not accept the tradition of St. Thomas in South India; see, for a recent example, K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, A History of South India from Prehistoric Times to the Fall of Vijayanagar, 2nd ed. (Madras: Oxford University Press, 1958), p. 429. Although Prester John was inseparably coupled with St. Thomas at the time of his projection into the West through the medium of the letter, modern scholarship, ever specialized, has torn them asunder. In addition to works on Prester John already cited, I have consulted the following studies not mentioned in Nowell, "The Historical Prester John": Teofilo Braga, As lendas Christas (Oporto, 1892); Francisco Miranda da Costa Lobo, " A verdade e a lenda de Prestes Joäo," Ο Institute, CIV (1944), 1-50; Renato Lefevre, "Riflessi etiopici nella cultura europea del Medioevo e del Rinascimento," Annali Lateranensi: Pubblicazione del Pontificio Museo Missionario Etnologico, VIII (1944), 9-89, IX (1945), 331-444, and X I (1947), 255-342; and Jose Maria Pou y Marti, O.F.M., "La leyenda del Preste Juan entre los Franciscanos de la Edad Media," Antonianum·. Periodicum Philosophico-Theologicum Trimestre, Rome, X X (1945), 65-96. 38. The text of the Carta das nouas is reprinted in Armando Cortesäo and Henry Thomas, Carta das novas. It is reproduced in facsimile and translated into English in Henry Thomas and Armando Cortesäo, The Discovery of Abyssinia by the Portuguese in 1520: A Facsimile of the Relation Entitled Carta das novas que vieram a el Rey nosso Senhor do descobrimento do preste Joham [Lisboa 1521] (London, 1938). Father Francisco Älvares wrote up his own account of the Rodrigo de Lima embassy, a portion of which was published: Ho Preste J ο am das indias: Verdadera [sic] informaqam das terras do

349

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

V

Preste Joam (Lisbon, 1540). For the views of Damiäo de Gois on the title Prester John, see my "Valentim Fernandes," p. 285. 39. Neither this list nor that in Chapter VII pretends to be complete. I wish to express my appreciation to F. J. Norton of the University Library, Cambridge, England, for his generosity in sharing with me his thorough knowledge of early books printed in Spain, especially for having given me the correct title of the Treslado dela carta, supported my conclusion that the 1521 Spanish Mandeville is probably the first, and called my attention to the Martin Fernandez de Figueroa item (see p. 223), an exemplar of which is in the Palha Collection of the Harvard College Library. 40. Camöes, Lusiadas, fol. i8ov, i.e., X, cxx, 1. Cortesäo and Thomas, Carta das novas, p. 74, first made me aware of the theological implications of the first Portuguese contact with India and Ethiopia. 41. I first stated these ideas in my communication entitled "Union Between Latin and Eastern Christians and the Overseas Expansion of the Portuguese: A Thematic Study of the Libro del Inj ante don Pedro de Portugal," presented to the III International Colloquium on Luso-Brazilian Studies, Lisbon, September 1957. For the ritual situation within Iberia, see Archdale A. King, Liturgies of the Primatial Sees (Milwaukee, Wis., 1957). 42. For a chronological recapitulation of the early Iberian books which concerned the East, see pp. 221-226. The Ordenagöes afonsinas were first published in the eighteenth century; see note I-9 above. For the Ordenagöes manuelinas, see Anselmo, no. 534. 43. Professor Edward M. Wilson of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, kindly called Mr. Norton's attention to my List of Editions of the Libro del Infante don Pedro de Portugal, in which I dated the Cleveland edition about 1520 in accordance with the conclusion contained in Caroline B. Bourland, "More about The Travels of Don Pedro," More Books: The Bulletin of the Boston Public Library, X I X (1944), 152, an article which is a sequel to her study, "The Marvellous Travels of Don Pedro," More Books, X V I I I (1943), 319-322. Mr. Norton examined carefully made photographs of this edition and on October 10, i960, wrote me as follows: "I am glad to be able to say that the types and the ornamental material used in the book prove conclusively that it was printed at Seville by Jacobo Cromberger. On the same evidence I can say confidently that it was printed not before I J I I and not after 1516. (The types show a modification introduced in 1510 and have not yet undergone another change which occurred in 1516: one of the border pieces to the title is in a considerably more deteriorated state than in November 1510, and 1511 is probably a little too early for it.) A good round date, which I suspect would be closely accurate, would be circa 1515." In the next paragraph Mr. Norton supplied me with the following information, which Senor Rodriguez-Mofiino subsequently gave me permission to publish: "Don Antonio Rodriguez-Mofiino of Madrid has a transcript of selections made by Bartolome Jose Gallardo from the Abecedario of the Biblioteca Colombina. This contains the entry 'Petri de Portogal, infantis: Viaje a Jerusalen, en Catalan, ba. [Colon's abbreviation for Barcelona]. 1506. 14481.' The Abecedario also gives in its due place the opening 'Parti don Pedro del regne de Portogal ab tota la compagnia.' (Colon's transcriptions of

350

C O M M E N T A R Y ON T H E

"BOOK"

Catalan tend to be inaccurate, though it is clear that he could read it.) . . . Viaje a Jerusalen is probably Colon's own short title for the index and does not necessarily mean that the Catalan title took a different form from the Castilian." It has proved impossible to find an exemplar of this book. If it is an edition, or version, of the Libro del Infante don Pedro de Portugal, my theory of authorship in Chapter VII must be rejected. It is possible, however, that the 1506 book concerns another Infante Dom Pedro of Portugal (1187-1258), the third son of King Sancho I. In early life this adventurous Pedro served the King of Leon, fought in Morocco, and brought to Portugal the remains of five Franciscans, the "Holy Martyrs of Morocco." He inherited the County of Urgel from his wife, and in 1230 exchanged it for the Kingdom of the Balearics, which he held as a fief under Jaime I of Aragon. As King of the Balearics, he journeyed to the Near East in 1236. It may have been this prince who presented the sudarium to the Iglesia Mayor of Valencia; see Chapter VIII, including note 6. C H A P T E R VI. T H E "BOOK OF T H E I N F A N T E DOM P E D R O " 1. Francesco Suriano, O.F.M., Treatise on the Holy Land, tr. Theophilus Bellorini, O.F.M., and Eugene Hoade, O.F.M. (Jerusalem, 1949 — Publications of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum: 8), Book I, chap. i. The first edition is Opera noua chiamata Jtinerario de Hierusalem (Venice, 1524). 2. For the prose historical work, see Pedro Afonso, Nobiliario de D. Pedro, Conde de Bracelos, Hijo del Rey D. Dionis de Portugal, ed. Joäo Baptista Lavanha (Rome, 1640). The text is in Portuguese. A Spanish translation by Manuel de Faria e Sousa was published in Madrid in 1646. For the statement of Vilas Boas, see his Cuidados literarios, p. 25, and the appendix to my List of Editions of the Libro del Infante don Pedro de Portugal. 3. Ramon Lull, The Book of the Lover and the Beloved, tr. E. Allison Peers (London, 1923), pp. 86-87. 4. Carl Selmer, "The Lisbon 'Vita Sancti Brandani Abbatis': A Hitherto Unknown Navigatio-Text and Translation from Old French into Latin," Traditio, XIII (1957), 313-344, at p. 323; Carl Selmer, ed., Navigatio Sancti Brendani Abbatis from Early Latin Manuscripts (Notre Dame, Ind., 1959), p. 9. 5. Carlo M. Cipolla, Money, Prices, and Civilization in the Mediterranean World: Fifth to seventeenth century (Princeton, N.J., 1956), pp. 21, 25, 62. 6. Francisco Älvares, Ho Preste Joam das indias, chap. ciii. Bartolome de Las Casas, O.P., Diario de α bordo de Cristobal Colon: Primer viaje (Barcelona, 1957), under date of Nov. 2, 1492. Samuel Eliot Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea (2 vols., Boston, 1942), I, 338. Henry H. Hart, Sea Road to the Indies·. An account of the voyages and exploits of the Portuguese navigators, together with the life and times of Dom Vasco da Gonna . . . (New York, 1950), p. 109. 7. Geoffrey Chaucer, Works, ed. F. N . Robinson, 2nd ed. (Boston, >957)' P· 17> i-e., general prologue of the Canterbury Tales. 8. Baron de Belabre, Rhodes of the Knights (Oxford, 1908), pp. 19, 61, 85. Suriano, Treatise, Book I, chap, xviii, and Book II, chap. xlv.

35

1

NOTES TO C H A P T E R VI 9. For the 1485 embassy, see Rogers, Obedience. 10. For the Tractatus de decern nationibus & sectis christianorum, I use the Latin chapbook in 20 fols. mentioned in note V-28 above (Stillwell Η 136). T h e first edition of the Tractatus de decern nationibus is the Latin chapbook in 12 fols. also mentioned in note V-28 (Stillwell Η 130). 11. For another late-medieval reference to the Patras in Lycia, see Heinrich Hawickhorst, "Über die Geographie bei Andrea de' Magnabotti," Romanische Forschungen, XIII (1902), 689-784, at p. 744. 12. I use the reprint of the Breve relagäo of Joäo Bermudes included in Collecgao de opusculos reimpressos relatives ά historia das navegagdes, viagens e conquistas dos Portuguezes, Vol. I (Lisbon, 1875). T h e mention of Eylale belale is on p. 6, i.e., chap. ii. 13. For the reaching out of Christian Europe, including Portugal, to the north and northwest as well as to other points of the compass, see my review of Hjalmar R. Holand, Explorations In America Before Columbus (New York, 1956), in the William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, X I V (1957), 432-441, at pp. 439-441. T h e Damiäo de Gois treatise is Fides, Religio, Moresque Aethiopum sub Imperio Pretiosi loannis {quem vulgo Presbyterum loannem vocant) degentium . . . Deploratio Lappianae gentis (Louvain, 1540). In an unauthorized earlier publication Gois had also discussed the Lapps: Legatio Magni Indorum Imperatoris Presbyteri loannis, ad Emanuelem Lusitaniae Regem, Anno Domini. M. D. XIII. (Antwerp, 1532). T h e relations of Gois with Poland have recently been studied by my colleague Wiktor Weintraub, "Humanista portugalski w Polsce X V I wieku," Odbitka ζ Wyd. Polskiego Towarzystwa Historycznego na Obczyinie "Teki historyczne," London, IX (1958); the reprint has 5 pages. 14. Niccolo da Poggibonsi, O.F.M., A Voyage beyond the Seas (13461350), tr. Theophilus Bellorini, O.F.M., and Eugene Hoade, O.F.M. (Jerusalem, 1945—Publications of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum: 2, Part II), chap, cxcviii. The Italian text was also published in the same year: Libro d'Oltramare (1346-1350), ed. B. Bagatti, O.F.M. (Jerusalem, 1945 — Publications of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum: 2, Part I). For the editions of 1500 and ensuing years, see Girolamo Golubovich, O.F.M., Biblioteca BioBibliografica della Terra Santa e dell'Oriente Francescano (5 vols., Quaracchi, 1906-27), V , 24. La Brocquiere's statement is in Voyage dOutremer, ed. Schefer, pp. 54-55. 15. I use The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela: Critical text, translation and commentary by Marcus Nathan Adler (London, 1907). 16. Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, Historia del gran Tamorlan e itinerario y enarracion del viage, y relacion de la Embaxada que Ruy Gongalez de Clavijo le hizo, por mandado del muy poderoso Senor, Rey Don Henrique el Tercero de Castilla, ed. Gonzalo Argote de Molina (Seville, 1582). A slightly different text was published in 1943: Embajada a Tamorlan·. Estudio y edicion de un manuscrito del siglo XV por Francisco Lopez Estrada (Madrid, 1943)· 17. Suriano, Treatise, Book II, chap. ix. 18. For the history of indulgences in the Holy Land, see the introduction of the 1945 English edition of Poggibonsi's Voyage; Atanasio Lopez,

352

C O M M E N T A R Y ON T H E

"BOOK"

O.F.M., "Antiguo Catalogo de Indulgencias concedidas a los que visitaren los Santos Lugares de Palestina," Archivo Ibero-Americano, IX (1918), 458-461; and Fadrique Enriquez de Rivera, Este libro es de el viaje que hize a lerusalem. de todas las cosas que en el me pasaron. desde que sali de mi casa de Bornos. miercoles 24 de Nouiembre de 518. hasta 20 de Otubre de 520 que entre en Seuilla (Seville, 1606), fols. 8yv-g$v. See also note I—16 above. The principal guidebooks on which I relied when I visited the Holy Land in 1955 were Barnabe Meistermann, O.F.M., Guide de Terre Sainte, 3rd ed. (Paris, 1936), and Eugene Hoade, O.F.M., Guide to the Holy Land (Jerusalem, 1946). 19. Kahlil Gibran, Jesus, the Son of Man: His Words and His Deeds as Told and Recorded by Those Who Knew Him (New York, 1928), p. 7, and Nagel's Travel Guides: Israel (Paris, etc., 1954), p. 87. 20. B. Harris Cowper, tr., The Apocryphal Gospels and other documents relating to the history of Christ, 5th ed. (London, 1881), pp. 59-60, i.e., chap. XX. 21. Leonhard Lemmens, O.F.M., Die Franziskaner im Hl. Lande. 1. Teil. Die Franziskaner auf dem Sion (1336-1551) (Münster in Westf., 1919). There is a 2nd ed., 1925, which I have not seen. A news item which appeared in the Pilot, Boston, Mass., June 25, i960, stated that the "Franciscan monastery on Mount Zion in the New City of Jerusalem was restored officially to the Roman Catholic order by the Israeli government on Whitsunday (Pentecost). It had been badly damaged and had to be evacuated by the Franciscans in 1948 during the Arab-Israeli war." 22. For an excellent illustrated study, see Kenneth John Conant, "The Original Buildings at the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem," Speculum, X X X I (1956), 1-48. 23. Poggibonsi, Voyage, tr. Bellorini and Hoade, chap. xix. 24. Mario Schiff, La bibliotheque du Marquis de Santillane (Paris, 1905), p. 385, describes Ramon Lull's Els cent noms de Deu. 25. Nicolas Antonio, Bibliotheca hispana nova, 2nd ed. (2 vols., Madrid, 1788), I, 684, lists Juan del Encina, Tribagia, 0 via sagra de Hierusalem (Rome, 1521). I know of no extant exemplar of this edition. Several later editions are listed by bibliographers. I use the edition included on fols. i S f - i t f * of Enriquez de Rivera's Viaje; see note VI-18 above. For the earlier traveler, see Description of the Holy Land by John of Würzburg. (A.D. 1160-1170), tr. Aubrey Stewart (London, 1890), pp. 23-24. 26. Theodor Auracher, ed., Der Pseudo-Turpin in altfranzösischer Uebersetzung (Munich, 1876), p. 49. 27. Ludovico de Varthema's narrative was published two years after his return: Itinerario de Ludouico de Varthema Bolognese nello Egypto, nella Surria, nella Arabia deserta & felice, nella Persia, nella India, & nella Ethiopia (Rome, 1510). The first Portuguese translation, by Vincenzo Spinelli, appeared only in 1949. The Spanish translation first appeared four centuries earlier: Jtinerario del venerable varon micer Luis patricio romano, tr. Cristobal de Arcos (Seville, 1520). 28. The list is included in the Status descriptivus almae seraphicae provinciae seu custodiae et missionis Terrae Sanctae anno domini MCMLl·. lussu 35 3

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

VI

et auctoritate Rev.mi Patris Hyacinthi M. Faccio totius Terrae Sanctae custodis, noviter editus et ad diem (3 Aprilis 19s1) productus (Jerusalem, 1951). On p. 44 "Fr. Joannes Carmessoni, Minister," is listed for 1363-72; a note explains he was from the diocese of Bologna. On p. 45 a "Fr. Joannes, Cust. T.S.," is listed for 1528-1532. There is no mention of a Fr. Juan de Carmona in Raphael M. Huber, 0.F.M., Conv., A Documented History of the Franciscan Order (1182-1517) (Milwaukee, Wis., 1944). On p. 727 is the statement that the Province of Bologna included the Custody of Parma (i.e., Parma, Cremona, Piacenza, Bobbio). 29. Madelena Saez Pomes, "Exilados de Armenia en los dominios de Pedro IV de Aragon," Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragon: Seccion de Zaragoza, II (1946), 417-424. 30. Odell Shepard, The Lore of the Unicom (Boston and New York, 1930), pp. 119, 60, and also Richard Ettinghausen, The Unicom (Washington, 1950), p. 150; Edward Webbe, The Rare and most wonderfull things which Edw. Webbe an Englishman borne, hath seene and passed in his troublesome trauailes, in the Cities of lerusalem, Damasko, Bethlehem and Galely: and in the landes of Iewrie, Egypt, Grecia, Russia, and Prester lohn (London, 1590), fol. [15] r. The Webbe book is STC 25152. I use the facsimile reprint "produced under the superintendence of Edmund Wm. Ashbee," Vol. I (London, 1868-72), no. 10. 31. For the ark, see Malcolm Letts, "The Ark on Mount Ararat," Notes and Queries, CXCI (July-Dec. 1946), 140-141. 32. See page 295 of the appendix, and Fernao Lopes, chronicle of Joäo 1, Part II, chaps, liii, liv. Carmelo Vinas y Mey remembered the Spaniard from Villanueva de la Serena whom Dom Pedro met in Egypt: "De la Edad Media a la Moderna: El Cantabrico y el Estrecho de Gibraltar en la Historia politica espanola," Hispania: Revista Espanola de Historia, No. I (1940), 52-70; No. II (1941), 53-79; No. IV (1941), 64-101; and No. V (1941), 41-105; at V, 98. 33. I quote from my wife's remarkable memory. She learned the ballad in the Spanish program of a New York City high school. 34. Cowper, Apocryphal Gospels, 5th ed., p. 191, i.e., chap. xxiv. 35. The quotations in Spanish from Clavijo are from the Argote de Molina edition of 1582, those in English from the Le Strange translation: Embassy to Tamerlane 1403-1406 (New York and London, 1928). The original Spanish quotations are from fols. 43' (Mecer), 4i r (puertas del fierro), 44r (three examples of "fizieronle reuerencia"), and 23v and 53v (guadamacir, the spelling guadalmexir occurring on pp. 83 and 191 of the Lopez Estrada edition of 1943). The description of the enclosed orchard is on fol. 40r. The English quotations are from Le Strange, pp. 204 (Iron Gates), 221 ("my son"), and 287 (poultry). In this edition the orchard is described on p. 230. For Symon Semeonis, see note III—24 above; and for Ludolphus de Suchen, see note VI-42 below. 36. Rodrigo de Santaella, ed., Cosmographia breue introductoria enel libro de Marco paulo . . . [etc.] (Seville, 1503), and Martin Fernandez de Enciso, Suma de geographia (Seville, 1519). See pp. 223 and 225 of my text for complete descriptions. For the "Tarsae regnum," see Ivar Hallberg, L'Extreme

354

C O M M E N T A R Y ON T H E

"BOOK"

Orient dans la litterature et la cartographie de VOccident des XIIIe, XI Ve et XVe siecles: Etude sur l'histoire de la geographie (Göteborg, 1906), pp. 515-517· 37. Theoderich's Description of the Holy Places. (Circa 1172 A.D.), tr. Aubrey Stewart (London, 1891), p. 54. 38. For Odoric's and Marignolli's statements, see Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, 2nd ed., II, 142, and III, 249, respectively. 39. Jose Maria de Azcarate, "El tema iconografico del salvaje," Archivo Espanol de Arte, X X I (1948), 81-99; see Plate III. 40. The first edition of Bernhard von Breydenbach's narrative is Sanctarum peregrinationum in montem Syon ad venerandum Christi sepulcrum in Jerusalem. atque in montem Synai ad diuam virginem et martirem Katherinam opusculum (Mainz, i486); Stillwell Β 1058. For my purposes I use the Spanish translation by Martin Martinez de Ampies: Viaje dela tierra sancta (Saragossa, 1498); Stillwell Β 1065. 41. Alexandre Dumas, Impressions de voyage: Quinze jours au Sinai (Paris, n.d., 80 pp. — Oeuvres completes, Vol. X ) , pp. 46-47 (pp. 173-174 of the new ed., Paris, 1868), and Pierre Loti, Le desert, 34th ed. (Paris, 1895), pp. 44-45. Dumas' narrative is spurious, for he never visited Egypt; see A. Craig Bell, Alexandre Dumas·. A Biography and Study (London, etc., 1950), p. 399. 42. Ludolphus de Suchen's narrative appeared in German in 1477: Weg zu dem heiligen Grab (Augsburg, 1477); Stillwell L 329. It also appeared in several early Latin editions, for example, Stillwell L 326-328. I use the Liber ludolphi de itinere ad terram sanctam believed to have been printed in Gouda by Gerardus Leeu 1483-85 (Stillwell L 328). An English translation by Aubrey Stewart was published in London in 1895. 43. As I have not yet visited Mount Sinai, I am forced to rely on guidebook descriptions: Barnabe Meistermann, O.F.M., Guide du Nil au Jourdain par le Sinai et Petra (Paris, 1909), and H. L. Rabino, Le monastere de SainteCatherine du Mont Sinai (Cairo, 1938). I also use Donald Attwater's discussion of "The Church of Sinai" in his Christian Churches of the East, II, 115-118. On pp. 139-141 Meistermann includes a list of former pilgrims to Sinai. Under the years 1424-25 appears "Pierre de Portugal, due de Co'imbre"! On p. 141, under 1578, he lists the young king of Portugal, Dom Sebastiäo, who withdrew to Mount Sinai after his defeat at El-Ksar el-Kebir in Morocco. Fact and fiction have now come full circle with Pierre Benoit's novel Le Pretre Jean (Paris, 1952). 44. Three different editions of Hans Tucher's Reise in das gelobte Land were published in 1482, two in Augsburg (Stillwell Τ 442 and Τ 443) and one in Nuremberg. I used the Harvard exemplar of the latter (not in Stillwell). 45. Felix Fabri, Book of the Wanderings, tr. Stewart, II, 601. 46. The John-Pius exchange is thus in both Stillwell Η 130 and Η 136; see note V-28 above. My quotation is from Η 136. 47· Anonymous Spanish Franciscan, Libro del Conosgimiento de todos los reynos & tierras & senorios que son por el mundo, ed. Marcos Jimenez de la Espada (Madrid, 1877), p. 71. This book was reprinted from Boletin de la

355

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

VI

Sociedad Geografica de Madrid, II (1877), 7-66, 97-141, 185-210, 533-714. 48. For this portion of the Cantino map I use the facsimile which accompanies Henry Harrisse, Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages au Nouveaumonde (Paris, 1883). 49. Francisco Lopez Estrada discusses the Amazons in other fifteenthcentury Spanish texts on pp. ccxxxix-ccxl of his edition of Clavijo. 50. Enriquez de Rivera, Viaje, fol. 99v: "Su Baptismo es, herrarlos con fuego en el rostro. Para lo qual traen vna autoridad de san loan Baptista, que dixo hablando de Christo; Esse os baptizara en Espiritu Sancto, y fuego." Cf. Matthew, III, 11, and Luke, III, 16. 51. I quote from the Latin chapbook which begins with the Hese itinerary, i.e., Stillwell Η 136. 52. St. Isidore of Seville, De Ortu et Obitu Patrum, elms. 152-153, i.e., chap. lxxv. I use Father Perumalil's translation, Apostles in India, p. 97. 53. Luis Weckmann, "The Middle Ages in the Conquest of America," Speculum, X X V I (1951), 130-141, at p. 138. 54. Valerie Pirie, The Triple Crown: An account of the papal conclaves from the fifteenth century to the present day (New York, 1936), p. 1 1 . 55. William Telfer, "Episcopal Succession In Egypt," Journal of Ecclesiastical History, III (1952), 1-13, at p. 10. 56. Kenneth M. Setton, " ' T h e Emperor John VIII Slept Here . . . , ' " Speculum, X X X I I I (1958), 222-228. 57. Actually it was a Spaniard, Martin de Rada, O.E.S.A., who first expressed in writing the identification of Cathay with China. See Charles R. Boxer, tr., South China in the Sixteenth Century. Being the narratives of Galeote Pereira, Fr. Gaspar da Cruz, O.P., Fr. Martin de Rada, O.E.S.A. (1550-157;) (London, 1953), pp. lxxv-lxxvi, 260. 58. Charles S. Singleton, "Stars Over Eden," Seventy-Fifth Annual Report of the Dante Society (Cambridge, Mass., 1957), pp. 1-18. 59. William J. Bouwsma, Concordia Mundi·. The Career and Thought of Guillaume Postel (1510-1581) (Cambridge, Mass., 1957), pp. 44, 45, 206. Postel clearly merits study in the light of the simultaneous expansion of the Portuguese in Africa and the East and the books which sent them thither. 60. I quote Father Perumalil's translation, Apostles in India, p. 40; see also pp. 82-83, I 3 2 · 61. De Camp and Ley, Lands Beyond, p. 138. 62. For bibliography, see Leonardo Olschki, Marco Polo's Precursors (Baltimore, 1943), p. 2, and also his L'Asia di Marco Polo, p. 26 (likewise p. 26 of the English translation). 63. Pliny, Natural History, ed. H. Rackham (10 vols., Cambridge, Mass., 1938 ff. — The Loeb Classical Library), II, 522, i.e., Book VII, ii, 26; Iliad, III, 6. 64. Andre Isard, Le centaure dans la legende et dans l'art (Lyons, 1939), pp. 45-46. 65. Jaime Cortesäo, A Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha (Rio de Janeiro, 1943)- pp· 325-326. 66. Ch.-V. Langlois, La Vie en France au Moyen Äge du XIIe au milieu du XIVe siecle (4 vols., Paris, 1926-28), III (1927), 44-70, entitled "Les

356

M E A N I N G AND

AUTHORSHIP

Merveilles du Pretre Jean"; see especially pp. 60, 63, 65. Vol. Ill of Langlois' study is entitled La connaissance de la nature et du monde d'apres des ecrits frangais ä Vusage des laics. Malcolm Letts, "Prester John: A fourteenth-century manuscript at Cambridge," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, X X I X (1947), 19-26; see especially pp. 22-24. 67. Jean Danielou, S.J., Les saints "paiens" de l'Ancien Testament (Paris, 1956), pp. 85-86. 68. Letts, "Prester John: Sources and Illustrations," p. 246. A directly relevant reference is 2 Kings, XI, 4. 69. Obviously I cannot quite agree with Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science (6 vols., New York, 1923-41), II, 241, that the author of the original Prester John letter "is unable to conceive of Prester John except as a feudal overlord with the usual kings, dukes and counts, archbishops, bishops and abbots under him." Thorndike's chap, xlvii, covering pp. 236-245, is entitled "Prester John and the Marvels of India." C H A P T E R VII. M E A N I N G A N D A U T H O R S H I P OF T H E " B O O K " 1. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcelos and Teofilo Braga, "Geschichte der portugiesischen Litteratur," p. 247; Ferdinand Denis, "Gomez de SantoEstevam," Nouvelle Biographie Generale, X X I (1858), elms. 152-154, at elm. 154; Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes de la Novela, I, cdxi; Sofus Larsen, The Discovery of North America twenty years before Columbus (Copenhagen and London, 1925), p. 26; William J. Entwistle, "The Spanish Mandevilles," Modern Language Review, X V I I (1922), 251-257, at pp. 255, 256; and Rafael Benitez Claros, ed., Libro de las cosas maravillosas de Marco Polo [7477]: Lo publica la Sociedad de Bibliofilos Espanoles (Madrid, 1947), p. xxi. The Larsen study is an English version of his "Danmark og Portugal i det i5de Aarhundrede." Carlos Pereyra, La conquista de las rutas oceanic as (Madrid, 1940), p. 45, has affirmed that the Libro del Infante don Pedro is a variant of Mandeville's book. His view has also appeared in French: La conquete des routes oceaniques: D'Henri le Navigateur a Magellan, tr. Robert Ricard (Paris, 1925), p. 29. 2. For the Nestorian, see Sir E. A. Wallis Budge, tr., The Monks of Küblai Khan Emperor of China, or, The history of the life and travels of Rabban Säwmä, envoy and plenipotentiary of the Mongol Khans to the Kings of Europe, and Markos who as Mar Yahbh-Allähä III became Patriarch of the Nestorian Church in Asia (London, 1928), chap. vii. For Joseph the Indian, see Fracanzano da Montalboddo, comp., Paesi Nouamente retrouati. Et Nouo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio Florentino intitulato (Vicenza, 1507), chap, lxxviii (in Book III) and chaps, exxix-exlii (in Book V I ) . For Matthew the Armenian, see Damiäo de Gois, Legatio Magni Indorum Imperatoris Presbyteri loannis. T w o books on Manjiro were published in the United States in 1956: Hisakazu Kaneko, Manjiro: The Man Who Discovered America (Boston, 1956), and Emily V . Warinner, Voyager to Destiny. The amazing adventures of Man3 57

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

VII

jiro, the man who changed worlds twice (Indianapolis and New York, 1956). 3. For an admirable recent statement on Las Casas, see Lewis Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians·. A Study in Race Prejudice in the Modern World (London, 1959; Chicago, 1959). 4. Dati balanced his Italian verse adaptation of Columbus' letter on his first voyage with two poems descriptive of the wonders of the real East, about which Columbus reported disappointingly little. They are entitled Tractate del maximo Prete Janni, Pontifice & Imperadore dell' India et della Ethiopia and Secondo cantare dell' India. The former was issued in at least four known editions at the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century and the latter in at least one edition. I have edited the texts of the two poems, and studied the printed editions in which they have appeared, in "The Songs of the Indies by Giuliano Dati," my communication to the International Congress of the History of the Discoveries, Lisbon, September i960. 5. The first edition of the Guerino il Meschino was published in Padua in 1473; Stillwell A 513. The Wellesley College Library possesses an exemplar. 6. Manuel's letter of October 1, 1510, to Louis XII is printed in Claude de Seyssel, Histoire de Louys XII, Roy de France (Paris, 1615), pp. 362-364. His Epistola . . . De Victoriis habitis in India & Malacha and Epistola . . . De Victoriis nuper in Affrica habitis have been widely reprinted. The Italian verse version of the latter, printed on two leaves, is entitled La Victoria de lo Serenissimo et inuictissimo Emanuele Re de Portugallo. &c. hauta nouamente contra Mori: & la presa de Azomor & de Almedina & altre terre nel regno de Marrochia. Jn Rima. I have edited its text in "Victory at Azemmour," Miscelanea de Estudos a Joaquim de Carvalho, Figueira da Foz, no. 5 (i960), 445-456. See also Huntington, Catalogue, no. 2610, and Arboli y Faraudo et al., Biblioteca Colombina·. Catalogo, VII, 162-163. 7. For early editions of the Golden Legend, see note V-6 above. 8. Garcia de Resende, Cancioneiro geral, fol. lviiir; Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcelos, Condestavel D. Pedro de Portugal: Tragedia, p. 43. 9. Galindez de Carvajal, Cronica del serenissimo rey don Juan el segundo, fol. xcv v . 10. I reprint the Encina stanza from Enriquez de Rivera, Viaje, fols. 200v-207r. I believe the Encina poem and its author's pilgrimage to the Holy Land need considerable further investigation. The poet could have written his verses on the basis of the Enriquez de Rivera journal! 11. The Tafur MS. was known to Ambrosio de Morales, who used its description of St. Dominic's tomb in Bologna; see Tafur, Andangas, ed. Jimenez de la Espada, p. 563. The echoes in Clavijo are as follows in the Argote de Molina edition of 1582: fols. j i r (Prester John), 51* (Christian India), and 58r (Christians in Samarqand). In the Le Strange translation these passages are on pp. 255, 256, and 288 respectively. 12. Buenaventura Bonnet y Reveron, "Las Canarias y el primer libro de Geografia medieval, escrito por un fraile espafiol en 1350," Revista de Historia [now Revista de Historia Canarioi\, La Laguna de Tenerife, X (1944), 205-227. 13. Hayton (Prince of Gorigos), La Flor de las Ystorias de Orient, ed. Wesley Robertson Long (Chicago, 1934), p. 58. The MS. containing the Prester John letter is item 189 in Georges Heil-

358

M E A N I N G AND

AUTHORSHIP

brun, Paris, Catalogue no. 15. It is now owned by Dr. Curt F. Bühler, Keeper of Printed Books of the Pierpont Morgan Library, who kindly lent it to me for study. The letter is incomplete, terminating abruptly in the description of the annual visits to the tomb of St. Daniel. In view of the Portuguese Constable Pedro's reign in Catalonia (14641466) as well as of other Portuguese-Catalonian relations, a thorough study of books on the Orient in the Catalan language needs to be made. It should include the 1481 edition of Quintus Curtius and the 1506 Voyage to Jerusalem (see note V - 4 3 ) as well as the Prester John letter. 14. See notes V-28, V-29, and V I - 1 0 above. I have seen seven different early editions of this collection: Stillwell Η 131, Η 133, Η 134» Η 135, Η 132, Η 136, and the edition printed in Deventer by Jacobus de Breda in 1504. 15. Ernst Philip Goldschmidt, Medieval Texts and Their First Appearance in Print (London, 1943). p. 30. 16. Fernäo Lopes de Castanheda, Historia do descobrimento & conquista da Jndia pelos Portugueses, Book V I I (Coimbra, 1554), p. xxiij, i.e., Book VII, chap, xiiii; Joäo de Barros, Quarta decada da Asia, ed. Joäo Baptista Lavanha (Madrid, 1615), p. 21, i.e., Fourth Decade, Book I, chap, vii; and Diogo do Couto, Decada Quarta da Asia (Lisbon, 1602), fol. 18, i.e., Fourth Decade, Book I, chap. x. For the other Joäo Claro, see Mario Martins, S.J., Vida e obra de Frei Joäo Claro . . . Doctor Parisiensis e professor universitdrio (Coimbra, 1956). B y an extraordinary coincidence, Pero T a f u r was acquainted in Constantinople with a sea captain from Seville named Juan Caro: Andangas, ed. Jimenez de la Espada, pp. 138, 157. 17. The six references are Gaspar Correia, Lendas da India, III, 102-104, 133-134, 143, 212, 215, 661. The reference in the Lenda of Dom Henrique de Meneses is II, 924-925. As for Correia's possible error concerning the judges, Francisco de Andrade, Cronica do muyto alto e muito poderoso rey destes reynos de Portugal dom Ιοάο ο III. deste nome (Lisbon, 1613), Part II, chap, xxvii, follows Correia and lists Joäo Claro, O.P., as a judge named by Lopo Vaz. Frei Luis de Cacegas, Historia de S. Domingos, III (1678), p. 306, merely echoes Castanheda and Couto in citing the presence of two Dominicans in Goa around 1527: Frei Luis de Vitoria and Frei Joäo de Hayo, or de Haro. 18. Francisco Marques de Sousa Viterbo, Trabalbos Nauticos dos Portuguezes nos seculos XVI e XVII (2 vols., Lisbon, 1898-1900), I, 70-71. He published the letter in its entirety in Ο fabrico da polvora em Portugal·. Notas e documentos para a sua historia (Lisbon, 1896), pp. 18-20. This latter study was reprinted from Revista Militär, X L V I I I . 19. Espasa-Calpe: Enciclopedia Vniversal Illustrada, X I (1912), 1212, and Grande Enciclopedia Portugesa e Brasileira, V (1939-40), 981. The two letters are in Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, Colecciön de los viages y descubrimientos, que hicieron por mar los Espanoles desde fines del siglo XV ( 5 vols., Madrid, 1825-37), I V , 372-377, i.e., No. X X X I X . 20. Silva Rego, Historia: India, I, 275-276, 390, 393, 394; Mathieu Richard Auguste Henrion, Histoire generale des missions catholiques depuis le XIIIe siecle jusqu'ä nos jours (2 tomes in 4 parts, Paris, 1847), I, 448, i.e., Book I,

3 59

N O T E S TO C H A P T E R

VII

chap, xli; and Vincentius Maria Fontana, O.P., Monumenta dominicana breviter in synopsim collecta (Rome, 1675), an. 1522. I have not seen Fontana's book. The letter and document are in Father Antonio da Silva Rego. Documentagao para a Historia das Missöes do Padroado Portugues do Oriente: India (11 vols, to date, Lisbon, 1947-55), I, 440, and II, 5-6. 21. Jacome Abuna's letter is in Silva Rego, Documentagäo: India, II, 352356. 22. Silva Rego, Historia: India, I, 277, and Armando Cortesäo, Cartografia e cartografos Portugueses dos seculos XV e XVI (Contribüigäo para um estudo complete) (2 vols., Lisbon, 1935), II, 21-25. The royal letter is in Jeremiah Denis Matthias Ford, ed., Letters of John III, King of Portugal, 1521-iwi (Cambridge, Mass., 1931), pp. 163-164, i.e., no. 118; it is reprinted and discussed in Cortesäo, Cartografia, II, 416-417. 23. The document published by Navarrete next following the Fray Juan Caro letters contains the declarations made in Valladolid in the summer of 1527 by Espinosa and others concerning the fate of the Trinidad, the events in the Moluccas, and their return home. N o mention is made of Fray Juan's role in Cochin. C H A P T E R VIII. I M P A C T OF T H E " B O O K " A N D T H E T R A V E L S 1. Gaspar Dias de Landim, Ο Infante D. Pedro: Chronica inedita (3 vols., Lisbon, 1892-94). 2. For the 1643 volume and the companion set of three volumes issued the following year by the same printer, see notes I-34, II-23, IV-20 above. This same Antonio Älvares (son) also printed the 1646 Portuguese edition of the Libro del Infante don Pedro, no. 22 on the list in the appendix. It was Antonio Älvares (father) who printed the first Portuguese edition of the Gomez de Santisteban narrative twelve years after he had issued the Genealogia verdadera of Nunes de Leäo. Between the Genealogia and the Pedro he issued his two editions of Frei Pantaleäo de Aveiro's Itinerario (see p. 287 and note App.-i8). 3. Eric of Pomerania's great-aunt, Margaret, who was responsible for the union of Kalmar, was the great-great-great-granddaughter of a Portuguese princess, Berengaria, wife of Waldemar II of Denmark. See Caetano de Sousa, Historia Genealogica, II, 73. 4. Manuel de Faria e Sousa, Lusiadas de Luis de Camoens . . . comentadas (4 vols, in 2, Madrid, 1639), comments on I, xx, and VIII, xxxvii. 5. I use what is labeled the 2nd ed.: Manuel de Faria e Sousa, Europa Portuguesa (3 vols., Lisbon, 1678-80), II, 324-325, i.e., Tome II, Part III, chap, i, par. 158. Dona Carolina's stricture is in Condestavel D. Pedro de Portugal: Tragedia, pp. 44-45. 6. Brandäo, Conselho, e voto, pp. 17-20; Gaspar Escolano, Decada primer a de la historia de la insigne, y Coronada Ciudad y Key no da Valencia (2 vols., Valencia, 1610-11), I, elms. 906-907, i.e., Book V , chap. iii. For a suggested identification of the donor of the sudarium, see note V-43 above. 7. Nicolas de La Clede, Histoire generale de Portugal (8 vols., Paris, 1735), III, 187-188, 196.

360

I M P A C T OF " B O O K " AND T R A V E L S 8. Caetano de Sousa, Historia Genealogien, II, 72-74. 9. Pedro Jose de Figueiredo, Retratos, e elogios, Vol. I. 10. J. da C. N. C., "Dos infantes D. Pedro e D. Henrique e do celebre viajante Marco Paulo," Ο Panorama, 2nd series, I (1842), 421-422, and anonymous, "Quadros de Historia portugueza. V. Regencia do infante D. Pedro. Batalha d'Alfarroubeira. 1439 a 1449," Ο Panorama, II (1838), 41-43. 11. Edgar Prestage, The Portuguese Pioneers (London, 1933), p. 16; Pastor and Prestage, Letter, p. 59. 12. Richard Pattee, Portugal and the Portuguese World (Milwaukee, Wis., 1957), p. 71; Hans Baumann, Barque of the Brothers, p. 54; and Ernie Bradford, A Wind from the North, pp. 60, 115, 118, 161, 211. See my p. 24 for Eric of Pomerania's visit to Poland in 1424, the probable origin of the notion that Pedro was in northeastern Europe. 13. Ferdinand Denis, Portugal (Paris, 1846), pp. 53-54, 133. 14. See note App.-15 below. The poem was published in Apollinaire's Le Bestiaire, ou Cortege dOrphee, illustrated by Raoul Dufy (Paris, 1911). English translation, unpublished, by Samuel Frederick Johnson. 15. Antonio Sergio, "As duas politicas nacionais," Lusitania, III (1925-26), 63-73, 227-238, at pp. 66-67. Sergio recently returned to Pedro and the policy of fixation in Ensaios, Vol. VIII (Lisbon, 1958), pp. 164-165. 16. P. xli of Jose de Bragan^a's edition of Zurara's chronicle of Guinea. 17. Veiga Simöes, "Ο Infante D. Henrique," p. 355 and passim. See also Eduardo d'Oliveira Franca, Ο Poder Real em Portugal e as Origens do Absolutismo (Säo Paulo, 1946), pp. 301-302. 18. Vitorino Magalhäes Godinho, Α Expansäo Quatrocentista Portuguesa: Problemas das origens e da linha de evolugäo (Lisbon, 1944), pp. 97-98. 19. Virtuosa Bemfeitoria, Book V , chap, vii; Diamantino Martins, "Recordaföes de familia do Infante Dom Pedro," Broteria, X X V I I (July-Dec. 1938), 361-367, at p. 362. 20. Zurara, chronicle of Guinea (Paris MS.), chap. vii. 21. "Carta pastoral do episcopado metropolitano," Nottcias de Portugal, Lisbon, Ano XII, No. 612 (Jan. 24, 1959), at pp. 6-7. 22. The late Colonel Faria de Morais twice refers to Pedro as "meio principe e meio viläo": "Dona Isabel de Portugal, Duquesa de Borgonha," Boletim do Arquivo Historico Militär, X X V I I I (1958), 9-96, at pp. 53, 65. 23. Recently adduced evidence, if correctly interpreted, suggests that Portuguese vessels were active off the east coast of Africa between the Bartolomeu Dias voyage and that of Gama. See Shihäb al-DIn Ahmad Ibn Mäjid, Tri neizvestnye lotsii Akhmada Ibn Madzhida arabskogo lotsmana Vasko daGamy ν unikal'noi rukopisi Instituta vostokovedeniia AN SSSR, ed. T . A. Shumovskii (Moscow, 1957); review of the preceding by Jean Aubin in Studia, no. 1 (Jan. 1958), 316-318; and Costa Brochado, Ο Piloto Arabe de Vasco da Gama (Lisbon, 1959). The Shumovskii volume contains both the Arabic text and Russian translation of Ibn Mäjid's three navigational treatises. The Brochado book includes a Portuguese translation, by the art historian Myron Malkiel-Jirmounsky, of the relevant portions of the book published in Moscow. Disagreement concerning the interpretation of the Ibn Mäjid text contained

361

NOTES

TO

CHAPTER

VIII

in the Costa Brochado volume has already been expressed; see A. Sousa Gomes, Vasco da Gama näo teve predecessor (Lisbon, i960, 16 pp.)· Moreover, a translation of the complete Russian volume has been made by MalkielJirmounsky and published by the Executive Committee of the Commemorations of the Fifth Centenary of the Death of the Infante D. Henrique: Tres Roteiros Desconhecidos de Ahmad Ibn-Mädjid, ο piloto ärabe de Vasco da Gama (Lisbon, i960). Unfortunately, a new author's preface was provided for the Portuguese edition. As a result, the Portuguese-reading public is not aware of the extent of the anti-Western sentiments expressed at the end of the original Russian preface, although Costa Brochado does call attention to the "modern and specious anti-colonial theses" on p. 9 of his 1959 volume. For additional information on Gama's pilot, see T . A. Shumovskii (in Portuguese: Chumovsky), " A identificafäo do piloto arabe de Vasco da Gama," tr. Malkiel-Jirmounsky, Ocidente, LIX (July-Sept, i960), 67-75. APPENDIX. T H E T E X T OF T H E " B O O K " ACROSS T H E C E N T U R I E S 1. Aubrey F. G. Bell, Portuguese Literature (Oxford, 1922), p. 340. See also Teofilo Braga, "Sobre as estampas ou gravuras dos livros populäres portuguezes," Portugalia: Materiaes para ο estudo do povo portuguez, I (1902), 497-512, and Aquilino Ribeiro, "As primeiras gravuras em livros portugueses," Anais das Bibliotecas e Arquivos, 2nd ser., II (1921), 284-291. 2. Baltasar Älvares, ed., Index Auctorum damnatae memoriae, Tum etiam librorum . . . (Lisbon, 1624), p. 96. 3. For the Don Pedro in the New World, see my List of Editions, pp. 32 (with n. 35), 63. 4. William A. Jackson, "Printed Quire and Sheet Numbers," Harvard Library Bulletin, VIII (1954), 96-102; Jackson, "Printed Quire and Sheet Numbers, II: Italian Examples," Harvard Library Bulletin, VIII, 363-364; Francis M. Rogers, "Spanish Examples," pp. 364-367; and Earle E. Coleman, "American Examples," pp. 367-374. 5. Nicolau Tolentino de Almeida, Obras poeticas (2 vols., Lisbon, 1801), I, 124. See also Carlos Rizzini, Ο livro, ο jornal e a tipografia no Brasil 15001822 com um breve estudo geral sobre α informagäo (Rio de Janeiro, Säo Paulo, and Porto Alegre, 1946), p. 104. The expression "de cordel" is still alive, as, for example, in the title of Santana Quintinha, Histörias de Cordel e uma Advertencia (Lisbon, ca. 1956). It is used to confer an air of modesty, of minimization of one's writing, like "subsidios" in the titles of scholarly works. 6. For the 1749 edict and the statutes, see J. Ribeiro Guimaräes, "Os cegos e as noticias," in his Summario de varia historia (5 vols., Lisbon, 1872-75), IV, 57-58. Braga's study is "Os livros populäres portuguezes (folhas-volantes ou litteratura de cordel)," Era Nova: Revista do Movimento Contemporaneo, Lisbon, 1880-81, pp. 3-19, 49-62, reprinted in his book Ο povo portuguez nos seus costumes, crengas e tradigöes (2 vols., Lisbon, 1885), II, 448-494. On pp. 1 1 - 1 2 , 62 of Era Nova are sections omitted on the corresponding pages of Povo (460 and 494), and on pp. 488-489, 491-492 of Povo are sections not 362

T E X T ACROSS T H E

CENTURIES

included on the corresponding pages of Era Nova (59 and 6 1 ) . T h e quotation is from Povo, II, 450. 7. Pierre Brochon, Le livre de colportage en France depuis le XVIe siecle: Sa litterature, ses lecteurs (Paris, 1954), p. 144, states that the library of the Musee National des Arts et Traditions Populaires in Paris is collecting chapbooks. 8. For my published list, see note IV-59 above. T h e list includes 112 editions, numbered 1 through 112. A f t e r the book was in page proof, I learned of a new edition, described in an addendum and numbered 37 bis. A f t e r the book was published, Vol. X I I (1959) of the 2nd ed. of Palau y Dulcet's Manual appeared; it adds four additional editions, numbered 20 bis, 68 bis, 76 bis, and 89 bis. M y attendance at the International Congress of the History of the Discoveries resulted in acquaintance with three others: 4 bis, 100 bis, and 1 1 1 bis. A kind letter, dated November 6, i960, from Antonio Rodriguez-Monino informed me of yet another, numbered 12 bis: " E l ano pasado se vendio en Londres un ejemplar del libro del Infante Don Pedro, de la edicion de Sevilla, J . de Leon, 1596. (16 hojas, titulo de letra gotica)." 9. I have described the Lima volumes and discussed the number of parts of the world in " T h e Infante Don Pedro de Portugal in Lima," Fenix: Revista de la Biblioteca Nacional, Lima, X (1954), 188-202. M y colleague Dr. Francisco Marquez Villanueva has recently discussed the number seven in " E l 'Numero Septenario' de Sebastian de Horozco," Anales de la Universidad Hispalense, X I X (1959), 89-109. H e reprints the text of Horozco's book, printed in Burgos by Juan de Junta in 1552. 10. For Waldseemüller, I use the Cosmographiae introductio (Saint-Die, April 25, 1507) as published in facsimile by Franz von Wieser: Die Cosmographiae Introductio des Martin Waldseemüller (Ilacomilus) in Faksimiledruck (Strassburg, 1907). See also Charles George Herbermann, ed., The Cosmographiae Introductio of Martin Waldseemüller in facsimile: Followed by the Four Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci with their Translation into English, to which are added Waldseemüller's Two World Maps of /507 ( N e w York, 1907). T h e L e Blanc and Teles books are Histoire geografique et memorable de Vassiete de la terre vniverselle . . . Ensemble les Voyages & peregrinations de Vincent Blanc de Marseille, faides aux quatres parties du monde . . . (Aix, 1634), and Baltasar Teles, ed., Historia geral de Ethiopia a Alta, ou Preste loam, e do que nella obraram os padres da Companhia de lesus: composta na mesma Ethiopia, pelo Padre Manoel d'Almeyda (Coimbra, 1660). 1 1 . Juan de Mariana, S.J., Historiae de rebus Hispaniae libri XXV (Toledo, 1592), p. 958, i.e., Book X X , chap. xvi. I have not seen the original of the Alcagar imperial, which is no. 103969 in the 2nd ed. of Palau y Dulcet. It was reprinted by Luis Garcia-Abrines, Madrid, 1951, and has been discussed by Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel on pp. 397-398 of "La vision de trasmundo en las literatures hispanicas," which is an appendix to Howard Rollin Patch, El otro mundo en la literatura medieval, tr. Jorge Hernandez Campos (Mexico City and Buenos Aires, 1956). 12. Diogo Jose Pereira Andrade, The Portuguese and Prester John of Abyssinia (Bastora, Portuguese India, 1940), p. 10.

363

NOTES

TO

APPENDIX

13. Francisco de Μοηςοη, Libro primero del espejo del principe christiano (Lisbon, 1544), fol. clv v . 14. I have discussed the title "rey leon" in my review of Josephine Waters Bennett, The Rediscovery of Sir John Mandeville (New York, 1954), in Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, L X X I I I (1955), 40J-410. The Entwistle reference is to William J . Entwistle, "The Spanish Mandevilles." ι j . I have discussed the genesis of Apollinaire's poem in "The Four Dromedaries of the Infante Dom Pedro: One of Guillaume Apollinaire's Sources," Boletim do Instituto Histörico da Ilha Terceira, X I V (1956), 39-72 (in English and in Portuguese). This paper constituted my communication to the II International Colloquium on Luso-Brazilian Studies, Säo Paulo, September 1954. In brief, Apollinaire read, not Gomez de Santisteban, but Ferdinand Denis, Le monde enchante·. Cosmographie et histoire naturelle fantastiques du moyen age (Paris, 1843), bibliography under letter H. See p. 253 of my text. 16. Americo Castro, "Noruega, simbolo de la oscuridad," Revista de Filologia Espanola, V I (1919), 184-186, and Erasmo Buceta, "Mas sobre 'Noruega, simbolo de la oscuridad,'" Revista de Filologia Espanola, V I I (1920), 378-381.

17. Fernandez Duro, Viajes del Infante D. Pedro de Portugal. The Spanish text is on pp. 48-108 (even-numbered pages only). The 1547 edition is described on p. 13. 18. Anselmo, nos. 40, 50. I use the 7th edition, edited by Antonio Baiäo: Itinerario da Terra Sancta, e suas particularidades (Coimbra, 1927). 19. The quotation is from Duarte Nunes de Leäo, Genealogia verdadera de los reyes de Portugal con sus elogios y summario de sus vidas (Lisbon: Antonio Älvares [father], 1590), fol. 42. For the 1643 chronicles, see notes I-34 and IV-20 above. 20. For the Rojas will, see Fernando del Valle Lersundi, "Testamento de Fernando de Rojas, autor de 'La Celestina,'" Revista de Filologia Espanola, X V I (1929), 366-388. For his widow's possessions, see the article by my colleague Professor Stephen Gilman entitled " N e w Data on Fernando de Rojas," to be published in Romanische Forschungen. 21. Jose Maria Asensio, ed., Fernando de Herrera: Controversia sobre sus Anotaciones ά las obras de Garcilaso de la Vega (Seville, 1870). For the references to Pedro, see pp. 68, 93-94, 119. 22. Jeronimo Roman, O.E.S.A., Republicas del mundo, 2nd ed. (3 vols., Salamanca, 159J), III, fol. 209*.

Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, El Ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha (2 vols., Madrid, 1605-15), Vol. II, chap, xxiii. The commentators have written many incorrect things concerning this passage. I have mentioned some of their better suggestions in " T h e Infante Don Pedro de Portugal in Lima." I modify the Samuel Putnam translation. Juan Valladares de Valdelomar, Cavalier ο Venturoso: Primer a parte, eds. Adolfo Bonilla y San Martin and M. Serrano y Sanz (Madrid, 1902), pp. 33-34. Tirso de Molina, El Vergonzoso en Palacio, in Obras, Vol. I, ed. Americo Castro (Madrid, 1910), pp. 136-137. Luis de Gongora y Argote, Obras en verso del Homero espanol, ed. Juan

364

T E X T ACROSS T H E

CENTURIES

Lopez de Vicuna (Madrid, 1627), fol. i a f . I give the text of "Recebi vuestro villete" as printed in Todas las obras de Don Luis de Gongora en varies poemas, ed. Gonzalo de Hoces y Cordoba (Madrid, 1633), fol. 132··. For modern opinion concerning the latter poem, see Gongora, Obras completas, eds. Juan Mille y Gimenez and Isabel Mille y Gimenez (Madrid, 1943), pp. 1132, 1161. Francisco Cascales, Cartas filologicas, ed. Justo Garcia Soriano (3 vols., Madrid, 1930-41), II, 10-11, and III, 42. See also Justo Garcia Soriano, El humanista Francisco Cascales (Madrid, 1924), pp. 16, 60. Gil Gonzalez de Avila, Historia de la vida y hechos del rey don Henrique tercero de Castilla (Madrid, 1638), p. 103. See also p. 180 of my text. Luis Velez de Guevara, El Diablo Cojuelo, ed. Francisco Rodriguez Marin (Madrid, 1918), p. 91. Francisco de Quevedo, Obras, Vol. III, ed. Florencio Janer (Madrid, 1877), p. 197. Esteban Gonzalez, La vida y hechos de Estebanillo Gonzalez, hombre de buen humor, compuesta por el mismo, ed. Juan Mille y Gimenez (2 vols., Madrid, 1934), I, 184. The Barcelona, 1753, publication is no. 2392 in Mariano Aguilo y Fuster, Catalogo de obras en lengua catalana impresas desde 1414 hasta i860 (Madrid, 1923)· Serafin Estebanez Calderon, Escenas Andaluzas. I use the Madrid, 1883, edition, p. 363. Artemio de Valle-Arizpe, El canillitas, 4th ed. (Mexico, 1947), p. 189. Antonio Ballesteros Beretta, "Genesis del descubrimiento," in the Historia de America y de los pueblos americanos edited by himself, Vol. Ill (Barcelona, 1947). PP· 1-493. at p. 394. 23. Antonio de Sousa de Macedo, Flores de Espana, Excelencias de Portugal, Part One (Lisbon, 1631), fol. i6r. Dom Francisco Manuel de Melo, Obras metricas, 3 parts in 1 vol. (Lyons, 1665), Part I, ist page of dedication; Part II, p. 113; and Part II, p. 219. For the Pedro de Vale jo and Serräo de Castro romances, see Academias dos Singular es de Lisboa, dedicadas a Apollo: Primeira parte (Lisbon, 1665), pp. 136, 137. Tome Pinheiro da Veiga, Fastigimia, ed. Jose Pereira de Sampaio (Oporto, 1911), p. 178. Pedro Antonio Correia Garfäo, Obras poeticas e oratorias, ed. J. A. de Azevedo Castro (Rome, 1888), pp. 220-223. Teofilo Braga, Poetas Palacianos do Seculo XV (Oporto, 1871), p. 156, states Correia Garfäo wrote the poem to protest against contemporary Bragan^a despotism, only to find himself incarcerated by the Marquis of Pombal. Antonio Dinis da Cruz e Silva, Hyssope: Poema heroi-comico (London, 1802), pp. 33, 67. There is a critical edition, fully annotated by Jose Ramos Coelho (Lisbon, 1879), and a French translation by J.-Fr. Boissonade (2nd ed., Paris, 1867). Filinto Elisio, Obras completas ( 1 1 vols., Paris, 1817-19), VI, 361. Camilo Castelo Branco, A Que da d'um Anjo (Lisbon, 1866), p. 79.

365

NOTES

TO

APPENDIX

Antonio Francisco Barata, Viagens na minha livraria (2 parts in 1 vol., Barcelos, 1894), Part II, p. 82. Aquilino Ribeiro, Portugueses das Sete Partidas (viajantes, aventureiros, trocatintas) (Lisbon, ca. 1950). Fernando Namora, As Sete Partidas do Mundo, 2nd ed. (Lisbon, 1958). In the introduction to his new edition of Dom Pedro's letters (Boletim da Biblioteca da Universidade de Coimbra, XXIII, 455), Belisario Pimenta mentions a historical novel about the Duke of Coimbra which I have not read: A. M. da Cunha e Sa, Ο Ultimo Cavalleiro: Romance historico (Lisbon, 1879).

366

BiLlilography

Bibliography (Items mentioned in the Notes are here listed by short title only, with a reference to the first note in which they appear. A few other items not mentioned in the Notes are listed in full; in many cases relevant pages in these studies are cited. The early Iberian books listed on pp. 111-226 are not repeated here unless they are discussed in a note. Iberian authors are listed, in unorthodox but convenient fashion, under the last component of their names.) Academias dos Singulares de Lisboa, dedicadas a Apollo: Primeira parte. App.-23. Actas do III Coloquio International de Estudos Luso-Brasileiros, Vol. I. IV-26. Afonso, Count of Ourem. Narrative of embassy to Bologna and Basel. II-12.

Afonso, Luis. Review of Infante Dom Pedro, Virtuosa Bemfeitoria, 3rd ed. II-36. Alastos, Doros. Cyprus in History. IV-45. Albuquerque, Mario de. Significado das Navegagöes. 1-6. Allen, Joseph H. D., Jr. Two Old Portuguese Versions of the Life of Saint Alexis. II-2. Allen, Thomas. History and Antiquities of London. Ill—3. Almeida, Chaves de. "Os velhos do Restelo," Ο Mundo Portuguese I (1934), 103-109. Almeida, Fernando de. Obedience oration to Pope Alexander VI. IV-22. Almeida, Fortunato de. Historia da Igreja em Portugal. I-14. Historia de Portugal. 1-6. Almeida, Manuel de. See Teles, Baltasar. Almeida, Nicolau Tolentino de. Obras poeticas. App.-5. Almeida, Virginia de Castro e. Historia das viagens, vida e morte do grande infante dom Pedro. Lisbon, 1941. (A pamphlet of 14 pp.) Altmann, Wilhelm. Urkunden Kaiser Sigmunds. I-31. Älvares, Baltasar, ed. Index Auctorum damnatae memoriae. App.-2. Älvares, Father Francisco. Ho Preste Joam das indias. V-38. Ammirato, Scipione. Istorie Fiorentine. II-15. Amora, Antonio Soares. El-Rei Dom Duarte e ο "Leal Conselheiro." Säo Paulo, 1948. See pp. 34-38. Ancona, Alessandro d', ed. Poemetti Popolari Italiani. Bologna, 1889. See pp. 393-429. Andrade, Diogo Jose Pereira. The Portuguese and Prester John of Abyssinia. App-12. Andrade, Francisco de. Cronica do muyto alto e muito poderoso rey . . . dom Ioäo ο III. VII-17. Andreas Ratisbonensis. Diarium sexennale. Ill—13. Anghiera, Pietro Martire d'. Opera. Legatio babilonica. Occeanea decas. Poemata. IV-42. Una Embajada de los Reyes Catolicos a Egipto, ed. and tr. Luis Garcia y Garcia. IV-42.

369

BIBLIOGRAPHY Anonymous. Calcoen. V - 3 1 . Calcoen: A Dutch narrative of the second voyage of Vasco da Gama to Calicut, tr. J. Ph. Berjeau. V - 3 1 . Carta das nouas que vier am a el Rey nosso Senhor do descobrimento do preste Joham. V-38. —•——La historia de la linda Magalona. Seville, December 10, 1519. IV-63. Nouvelles admirables. V-32. Pierre de Provence in Spanish. Burgos, July 26, 1519. IV-63. "Quadros de Historia portugueza." VIII-10. "Santo Esteväo (Gomes de)," Grande Enciclopedia Portuguesa e Brasileira, X X V I I , 331-332. "Um principe portugues que combateu em territorio Tcheque," Arquivo Nacional, Lisbon, 1:15 (Apr. 22, 1932), p. 11. Venetian chronicle. MS. no. 2034 in Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice. Ill—30. Victoria de lo Serenissimo et inuictissimo Emanuele Re de Portugallo. VII-6. Anonymous Spanish Franciscan. Libro del Conosqimiento, ed. Jimenez de la Espada. VI-47. Anselmo, Antonio Joaquim. Bibliografia das obras impressas em Portugal no seculo XVI. V-6. Anstis, John. Observations Introductory to an Historical Essay upon the Knighthood of the Bath. Ill—5. Antonio, Nicolas. Bibliotheca hispana nova, 2nd ed. VI-25. Bibliotheca hispana vetus. 2 vols. Rome, 1696. See II, 160-161. In the 2nd ed. (2 vols., Madrid, 1788), this is II, 243-244. Apollinaire, Guillaume. Le Bestiaire. VIII-14. Aragäo, A. C. Teixeira de. "Vasco da Gama e a Vidigueira." V - 3 1 . Arciniegas, German. Amerigo and the New World, tr. Harriet de Onis. III-42. Amerigo y el Nuevo Mundo. III—42. Arienti, Giovanni Sabadino degli. Novelle Porretane. IV-62. Le Porretane, ed. Giovanni Gambarin. IV-62. Arruda, Manuel Monteiro Velho, ed. Colecgäo de documentos relativos ao descobrimento e povoamento dos Agöres. Ponta Delgada, 1932. See p. 41. Aschbach, Joseph. Geschichte Kaiser Sigmunde. I-26. Asensio, Jose Maria, ed. Fernando de Herrera: Controversia sobre sus Anotaciones ά las obras de Garcilaso de la Vega. A p p - 2 1 . Ashmole, Elias. Institutions, Laws & Ceremonies Of the most Noble Order of the Garter. Ill—4. Atiya, Aziz Suryal. The Crusade in the Later Middle Ages. IV-43. "The Crusades: Old Ideas and New Conceptions." IV-43. Attwater, Donald. Christian Churches of the East. V-36. Aubin, Jean. Review of Ibn Mäjid, Tri neizvestnye lotsii. VIII-23. Auracher, Theodor, ed. Der Pseudo-Turpin in altfranzösischer Uebersetzung. VI-26. Auton, Jean d'. Chroniques de Louis XII, ed. R. de Maulde La Claviere. IV-40. Aveiro, Pantaleäo de, O.F.M. Itinerario de Terra Sancta, 2nd ed. A p p - 1 8 .

370

BIBLIOGRAPHY Itinerario da Terra Sancta, 3rd ed. A p p - 1 8 . Itinerario da Terra Sancta, 7th ed., ed. Antonio Baiäo. Αρρ.-ι8. Avila, Gil Gonzalez de. Historia de la vida y hechos del rey don Henrique tercero de Castilla. App.-2 2. Azcarate, Jose Maria de. "El tema iconografico del salvaje." VI-39. Azevedo, Pedro de, ed. Documentos das Chancelarias Reais anteriores a 1531 relativos a Marrocos. I-10. Azurara. See Zurara. Baiäo, Antonio, et al. Historia da Expansao Portuguesa no Mundo. III—7. ed. Itinerärios da India α Portugal por terra. Coimbra, 1923. See p. v. ed. Ο Manuscrito "Valentim Fernandes." II—3. Baldwin, Marshall W., ed. The First Hundred Years. V-4. Ballesteros Beretta, Antonio. "Genesis del descubrimiento." App.-22. ed. Historia de America y de los pueblos americanos. App-22. Bandini, Angelo Maria. Catalogus codicum latinorum Bibliothecae Mediceae Laurentianae. III—38. Barata, Antonio Francisco. Viagens na minha livraria. App-23. Barberino, Andrea da. Guerino il Meschino. VII-5. Barrientos, Lope. Refundicion de la Cronica del Halconero. III-57. Barros, Joäo de. Quarta decada da Asia, ed. Joäo Baptista Lavanha. VII-16. Basto, A. de Magalhäes. "Um documento inedito relativo äs viagens do Infante D. Pedro." II-25. Poeira dos Arquivos. 1-6. Battelli, Guido. "L'Abate Don Gomes Ferreira da Silva." II—18. "Corrispondenza del Poliziano col re Don Giovanni II di Portogallo." III-41. "Due celebri monaci portoghesi in Firenze." II—18. "Due lettere inedite dell'Abate Gomes a Cosimo de' Medici." II—18. "O Infante Dom Pedro, Duque de Coimbra, em Florenga." II-24. "Parisio Cataldo Siculo." IV-55. "Una dedica inedita di Ambrogio Traversari all' Infante Don Pedro di Portogallo." III-40. Baugh, Albert C. History of the English Language, 2nd ed. I-4. Baumann, Hans. Barque of the Brothers. I-24. Beauvais, Vincent of. Bibliotheca mundi. V-6. Speculum historiale. V-6. Beazley, Charles Raymond. Dawn of Modern Geography. III-48. "Prince Henry of Portugal and his Political, Commercial, and Colonizing Work," American Historical Review, XVII ( 1 9 1 1 - 1 2 ) , 252-267. "Prince Henry of Portugal and the African Crusade of the Fifteenth Century," American Historical Review, X V I ( 1 9 1 0 - 1 1 ) , 11-23. Prince Henry the Navigator. Ill—26. Behaim, Martin. See Ravenstein, Ernest George. Belabre, Baron de. Rhodes of the Knights. VI-8. Beiges, Jean Lemaire de. Traictie intitule de la difference des scismes et des Concilles. IV-40. Bell, A. Craig. Alexandre Dumas. VI-41.

37 ι

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bell, Aubrey F. G. Portuguese Literature. App.-i. Bellemo, Vincenzo. La cosmografia e le scoperte geografiche nel secolo XV. III-36. Bellermann, Christian Friedrich. Die alten Liederbücher der Portugiesen. III-61. Beltz, George Frederick. Memorials of the Order of the Garter. III—4. Benevides, Francisco da Fonseca. Rainhas de Portugal. I-4. Bennett, Josephine Waters. Rediscovery of Sir John Mandeville. Αρρ.-ΐφ Benoit, Pierre. Le Pretre Jean. VI-43. Bensaiide, Joaquim. V astronomie nautique au Portugal ά Γέρο que des grandes decouvertes. Bern, 1912. See pp. 277-278. As origens do piano das Indias: Resposta ao artigo do excelent'tssimo Sr. Dr. Duarte Leite. Paris, 1930, 24 pp. Origine du plan des Indes·. Etudes sur Phistoire des decouvertes maritimes. Coimbra, 1929, 148 pp. See pp. 27-28 and passim. Bergamo, Jacopo Filippo Foresti da, O.E.S.A. Supplementum Chronicarum, 2nd ed. V-29. Spanish translation: IV-42. Bertrand, Louis, and Sir Charles Petrie. The History of Spain, 2nd ed. New York, 1952. See chap, xix, "The Conquest of the New World, or the last Crusade." Bibliografia Geral Portuguesa: Seculo XV. IV-3. Biedermann, Adolphe, ed. La belle Maguelonne. IV-63. Bisticci, Vespasiano da. Vite di uomini illustri del secolo XV. IV-11. Blum, Rudolf. Biblioteca della Badia Fiorentina. II-18. Bocage, C. R. du. "Cartel de desafio." 1-6. Böhme, Max. Die grossen Reisesammlungen des 16. Jahrhunderts und ihre Bedeutung. Strassburg, 1904. See pp. 3-11. Boletim da Filmoteca Ultramarina Portuguesa. II—19. Bonfini, Antonio. Rerum Vngaricarum Decades Quatuor. III-25. Boninsegni, Domenico di Lionardo. Storie della citta di Firenze DalV Anno 14.10. al 1460. III-38. Bonnet, Buenaventura. See Reveron, Buenaventura Bonnet y. Bossuat, Robert. "Les Sources du Quinte-Curce de Vasque de Lucene." IV-27. "Vasque de Lucene, traducteur de Quinte-Curce." IV-27. Boulting, William. Aeneas Silvius (Enea Silvio de' Piccolomini — Pius 11.): Orator, Man of Letters, Statesman, and Pope. London, 1908. Bourland, Caroline B. "The Marvellous Travels of Don Pedro." V-43. "More about The Travels of Don Pedro." V-43. Bouwsma, William J. Concordia Mundi: The Career and Thought of Guillaume Post el. VI-59. Boxer, Charles R., tr. South China in the Sixteenth Century. VI-57. "S. R. Welch and His History of the Portuguese in Africa." Ill—3. Bradford, Ernie. A Wind from the North. I-24. Braga, Maria Antonia de Oliveira. Os beneficios honrosos na "Virtuosa Benfeitoria" do Infante D. Pedro. II-i. Braga, Teofilo. Camdes. IV-60. Curso de Historia da Litteratura Portugueza. Lisbon, 1885. See p. 260.

3 72

BIBLIOGRAPHY Historia da litteratura portugueza: Introducqao. Oporto, 1870. See pp. 214-215. Historia da poesia popular portugueza. Oporto, 1867. See p. 194. Historia da Universidade de Coimbra. 1-8. Historia das novellas portuguezas de cavalleria. Oporto, 1873. See pp. 187-188. As lendas christäs. V-37. "Os livros populäres portuguezes." App.-6. Poetas Palacianos do Seculo XV. App-23. Ο povo portuguez. App.-6. "Sobre as estampas ou gravuras dos livros populäres portuguezes." App.-i. Brandäo, Frei Antonio Monorchia Lusytana, Vol. IV. Lisbon, 1725. See p. 198. Brandäo, Frei Francisco. Conselho, e voto da Senhora Dona Felippa. Ill—44. Monorchia Lusytana, Vol. V . Lisbon, 1650. See fol. 22όΓ. Brasio, Antonio, C.S.Sp. Acgäo Missionäria no Periode Henriquino. IV-5. Review of Witte, "Bulles pontificales." I—ιό. Braudel, Fernand. "Au Portugal: Avant et apres les grandes decouvertes," Annales·. Economies, Societes, Civilisations, Paris, IV (1949), 192-197. Braunfels, Ludwig. Kritischer Versuch über den Roman Amadis von Gallien. 1 - 2 I.

Brazäo, Eduardo. Em Demanda do Cataio: A viagem de Bento de Goes ä China (/603-/607). Lisbon, 1954. See pp. 13-15. Brewer, J. S., and Richard Howlett, eds. Monumenta Franciscana. Ill—3. Breydenbach, Bernhard von. Sanctorum peregrinationum . . . opusculum. VI-40. — Viaje dela tierra sancta, tr. Martin Martinez de Ampies. VI-40. Brochado, Costa. Ο Piloto Ärabe de Vasco da Gama. VIII-23. Brochon, Pierre. Le livre de colportage en France depuis le XVIe siecle. App.- 7 . Brou, Alexandre, S.J. "L'Evangelisation de l'Inde au Moyen Äge." V-37. Brown, Bishop L. W . The Indian Christians of St Thomas. V-37. Brown, Rawdon. Uarchivio di Venezia. II—8. Brunet, Jacques-Charles. Manuel du libraire. IV-63. Buceta, Erasmo. "Mas sobre 'Noruega, simbolo de la oscuridad.'" App-16. Budge, Sir E. A. Wallis, tr. The Monks of Kübläi Khan. VII-2. Bühler, Curt F. " A Pretre Jean from Poitiers." V-26. Burgos, Francisco Cantera. Alvar Garcia de Santa Maria. Ill—41. Burkitt, F. Crawford. Early Eastern Christianity. V-5. Burzenland, Das. Ill—15. Bussche, Emile Vanden. Flandre et Portugal. Ill—6. "Memoires sur les relations qui existerent autrefois entre les Flamands de Flandre et les Portugals." III-6. Buswell, John. Historical account of the Knights of the Most Noble Order of the Garter. III-4. Butler's Lives of the Saints: Complete edition, eds. Thurston and Attwater. V-7.

373

BIBLIOGRAPHY C., J . da C. N . "Dos infantes D. Pedro e D. Henrique e do celebre viajante Marco Paulo." VIII-io. Cacegas, Frei Luis de, et al. Historia de S. Domingos. III-36. Caddeo, Rinaldo, ed. Le navigazioni atlantiche di Alvise Da Mosto, Antoniotto Usodimare e Niccoloso da Recco. Milan, 1956. See pp. 39-41. Cairns, Huntington, and John Walker, eds. Masterpieces of Painting from the National Gallery of Art. IV-33. Calatayud, Francisco de A . Carreres y de. Fiestas valencianas. Ill—5 2. Calderon, Serafin Estebanez. Escenas Andaluzas. App.-2 2. Cambiagi, Francesco, ed. Serto di documenti. II—21. Camöes, Luis de. Os Lusiadas. IV-14. Os Lusiadas de Luis de Camöes·. Reimpressäo "fac-similada" da verdadeira l.a edigäo, ed. Jose Maria Rodrigues. IV-14. The Lusiad, or, Portugals Historicall Poem, tr. Sir Richard Fanshawe. London, 1655. Campos, Jose Moreira. Da Fantasia a Realidade. II. Ο Infante D. Henrique e os Descobrimentos dos Portugueses. Lisbon, 19J7. See pp. 54-56. Cancioneiro geral. See Resende, Garcia de. Canestrini, Giuseppe. "Intorno alle relazioni commerciali de' Fiorentini co' Portoghesi." I-12. Caraci, Giuseppe. Italiani e Catalani nella primitiva cartografia nautica medievale. III-49. Cardoso, Jorge, Agiologio Lusitano. Ill—36. Caro, J. Aus der Kanzlei Kaiser Sigismunds. I-30. "Carta pastoral do episcopado metropolitano." VIII-21. Cartellieri, Otto. Am Hofe der Herzöge von Burgund. IV-44. Carvajal, Lorenzo Galindez de, ed. Cronica del serenissimo rey don Juan el segundo deste nombre. III-57. Carvalho, Alberto Martins de. Ο livro da Virtuosa Bemfeitoria. II—1. Carvalho, Francisco Freire de. Primeiro ensaio sobre historia litteraria de Portugal. Lisbon, 1845. See p. 303. Carvalho, Joaquim de. " A proposito da atribui^äo do Secreto de los secretos." III-7. "Cultura filosofica e scientifica." II-i. Estudos sobre α Cultura Portuguesa do seculo XV, Vol. 1. II—18. "Gomes de Lisboa e ο averroista Nicoletto Vernia." II—18. "Sobre a erudifäo de Gomes Eanes de Zurara." III—27 and I V - 1 1 . Carvalho, Joaquim Barradas de. " A mentalidade, ο tempo e os grupos sociais." Carvalho, Margarida Barradas de. "L'ideologie religieuse dans la 'Cronica dos Feitos de Guine."' I V - 2 1 . Carvalho, Teixeira de. "Historia de uma area de pedra." II-21. Cary, George. The Medieval Alexander. III-27. Cascales, Francisco. Cartas filologicas, ed. Justo Garcia Soriano. A p p - 2 2 . Castanheda, Fernäo Lopes de. Historia do descobrimento & conquista da Jndia pelos Portugueses, Book VII. VII-16. Castelo Branco, Camilo. A Queda d'um Anjo. A p p - 2 3 . Castelo Branco, Fernando. "Uma Carta." I V - 1 5 .

374

BIBLIOGRAPHY Castro, Americo. "Noruega, simbolo de la oscuridad." App.-i6. Castro, Henrique Jose de. D. Pedro, regente de Portugal na menoridade de D. Affonso V: Tragedia. An unpublished tragedy. See Inocencio da Silva, Diccionario, III, 185. Castro, Joäo Baptista de. Mappa de Portugal antigo, e moderno, 2nd ed. 3 vols. Lisbon, 1762-63. See I, 393—395. Castro, Jose de. Portugal em Roma. I-28. Cavalheiro, Rodrigues. "Ainda ο Infante das 'Sete Partidas,' " Ocidente, Lisbon, X X X V I (Jan-June 1949), 140-141. "Falemos do Infante Santo." IV-13. Cerone, Francesco. "La politica Orientale di Alfonso di Aragona." IV-4J. Cerulli, Enrico. Etiopi in Palestina. V-24. Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de. El Ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mane ha. App-22. Chagas, Manuel Pinheiro. Os descobrimentos portuguezes e os de Colombo: Tentativa de coordenagäo historica. Lisbon, 1892. See pp. 103-104, 106, 110, 181. Diccionario Popular. 16 vols, in 8. Lisbon, 1876-90. See IX, 243. Historia de Portugal popular e illustrada, 3rd ed. 12 vols. Lisbon, 18991907. See II, 72. Portuguezes illustres. Lisbon, 1869. See pp. 23-25. Chastellain, Georges. Oeuvres, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove. IV-45. Chaucer, Geoffrey. Works, ed. F. N. Robinson. VI-7. Chaves, Luis. "O seculo do Tosäo-de-Ouro." I - 1 1 . Choix de documents geographiques conserves ä la Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris. III-48. Christie, Mabel E. Henry VI. Ill—3. Chronica delrey D. loam. I. 3 vols. II-23. Chroniken der niederrheinischen Städte: Cöln. III-io. Chroniken der niedersächsischen Städte·. Lübeck. I-17. Chumovsky, Τ . A. See Shumovskii, Τ . A. Cicero. De Officiis. See Pedro, Infante Dom, tr., Livro dos Oficios. Cicogna, Emmanuele Antonio. Delle Inscrizioni Veneziane. I-12. Cidade, Hernani. Ligöes de cultura e literatura portuguesas. /? volume — (seculos XV, XVI e XVII), 3rd ed. Coimbra, 1951. See p. 66. Cintra, Luis Filipe Lindley, ed. Crönica Geral de Espanha de 1344. IV-60. Cintra, Maria Adelaide Valle. Bibliografia de textos medievais Portugueses. I - i . Cipolla, Carlo M. Money, Prices, and Civilization in the Mediterranean World. VI-5. Claros, Rafael Benitez, ed. Libro de las cosas maravillosas de Marco Polo. V I I - i . Clavijo, Ruy Gonzalez de. Embajada a Tamorlan, ed. Lopez Estrada. VI-16. Embassy to Tamerlane, tr. Guy Le Strange. VI-35. Historia del gran Tamorlan, ed. Argote de Molina. VI-16. Coelho, Henrique Trindade, and Guido Battelli, eds. Documentos para ο estudo das relagöes culturaes entre Portugal e Italia. IV-51. Coleman, Earle E. "Printed Quire and Sheet Numbers, II: American Examples." App.- 4 .

375

BIBLIOGRAPHY Collecgäo de opusculos reimpressos relativos ά historia das navegagöes, viagens e conquistas dos Portuguezes. VI-12. Collina, Abondio. Considerazioni istoriche . . . sopra Vorigine della bussola nautica Neil' Europa, e nelV Asia. Faenza, 1748. See pp. 76-84, 164-165. Colom, Francisco Sevillano. "Prestamos de la Ciudad de Valencia a los reyes Alfonso V y Juan II." III-j 4 . Conant, Kenneth John. "The Original Buildings at the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem." VI-22. Copinger, W . A . Supplement to Hain's Repertorium Bibliographicum. V-28. Cordeiro, Antonio, S.J. Historia Insulana das ilhas a Portugal sugeytas no Oceano Occidental. Lisbon, 1717. See p. 97. Cordeiro, Luciano. "Annotaföes historicas." Ill—13. Portuguezes fora de Portugal: Uma Sobrinha do Infante. III-45. Cordeiro, Father Valerio A. Vida do Beato Nuno Alvarez Pereira. I-7. Coronica do condestabre. I-7. Correia, Gaspar. Lendas da India. V-33. Correia, Marques de Jacome. Historia da descoberta das ilhas. III-26. Cortesäo, Armando. Cartografia e eartografos Portugueses dos seculos XV e XVI. VII-22. and Henry Thomas. Carta das novas. III-56. Cortesäo, Jaime. A Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha. VI-65. Os Descobrimentos Portugueses. IV-26. "Los Portugueses," in Antonio Ballesteros Beretta, ed., Historia de America y de los pueblos americanos, Vol. Ill, 495-766. See p. 536. "Teoria geral dos descobrimentos portugueses," in Congresso do Mundo Portugues: Publicagöes, Vol. III, Tome I, 11-46. Also published in Seara Nova, no. 679 (Aug. 17, 1940), pp. 35-44. Cortez, Jose. "Dom Joäo de Coimbra." IV-33. "Infantes de Avis retratados por Van der Weyden?" IV-33. Cosmas Indicopleustes. Christian Topography, tr. J. W . McCrindle. V-35. Costa, Antonio Domingues de Sousa, O.F.M. Ο Infante D. Henrique na Expansao Portuguesa. III-55. Costa, Hipolito Jose da. Historia da Portugal. 3 vols. London, 1809. See I, 262-263. Costa, Joaquim. Ο Infante D. Pedro e a "Virtuosa Bemfeitoria." II—1. Couto, Diogo do. Decada Quarta da Asia. VII-16. Cowper, B. Harris, tr. Apocryphal Gospels, 5th ed. VI-20. Crino, Sebastiano. Come fu scoperta ΓAmerica: A proposito della identificazione della carta originale di Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli la cut copia servt di guida a Cristoforo Colombo per il viaggio verso il nuovo mondo. Milan, 1943. See p. xii. Cronica van der hilliger Stat van Coellen. III-10. Cruz, F. A. D'. St. Thomas, The Apostle, in India. V-5. Cuccionitti, Eligio, ed. Ortona nella Storia e nella Religione. V-3. Curtius Rufus, Quintus. De la vie et gestes dalexandre le grant, tr. Vasco de Lucena. IV-27. Danielou, Jean, S.J. Les saints "pdiens" de l'Ancien Testament. VI-67.

376

BIBLIOGRAPHY Dantas, Julio. "O arquivo do cabido de Lisboa." II—35. "O infante D. Pedro na historia romena." Ill—19. "O infante D. Pedro nas guerras da Hungria." Ill—19. "Neurastenia do rei D. Duarte." II—13. Outros Tempos. II-13. Dati, Giuliano. Tractate del maxima Prete Janni, Pontifice & Imperadore dell' India et della Ethiopia. VII-4. Secondo cantare dell' India. VII-4. Davenport, Frances Gardiner, ed. European Treaties. IV-47. Davies, John Silvester, ed. An English Chronicle. Ill—3. Davies, Judith. Alexander the Great and the Expansion of Europe. IV-27. Dawson, Christopher, ed. Mongol Mission. V-18. De Camp, L. Sprague, and Willy Ley. Lands Beyond. V-14. Delisle, L. "Une lettre du batard d'Orleans, acquise pour le Musee Conde." V-32. Denis, Ferdinand. Chroniques chevaleresques de I'Espagne et du Portugal. IV-21. "Ghistele ou Ghistale (Josse van)." V-32. "Gomez de Santo-Estevam," V I I - i . Le monde enchante. App-15. Portugal. VIII-13. Resume de l'histoire litteraire du Portugal, suivi du resume de l'histoire litteraire du Bresil. Paris, 1826. See p. 253. Desonay, Fernand. Antoine de La Sale, aventureux et pedagogue. I-20. Desormeaux, Joseph Louis Ripault. Histoire de la maison de Bourbon. 1-6. Devigne, Marguerite. Van Eyck. III-8. Devon, Frederick, ed. Issues of the Exchequer. Ill—3. Diffie, Bailey W . Prelude to Empire. I-18. Doesborowe, John of. Of the neive landes and of ye people founde by the messengers of the kynge of portyngale named Emanuel. Of the .x. dyuers nacyons crystened. Of pope Johnn and his landes and of the costely keyes and wonders molodyes that in that lande is. Antwerp? 1511? Dolfin, Zorzi. Venetian chronicle. MS. in Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice. III-30. Domingues, Mario. Ο Infante D. Henrique. III-42. Doresse, Jean. Secret Books of the Egyptian Gnostics. V - j . Doria, Antonio Älvaro. Los Descubrimientos en el Atlantico y la rivalidad Castellano-Portuguesa. IV-9. Duarte (King of Portugal). Leal Conselheiro. 1-8. Duarte, Teofilo. "Duas politicas: Portugal agrario ou Portugal colonial?" Ο Mundo Portugues, I (1934), 31-36. Dulcet, Antonio Palau y. Manual del librero hispano-americano, ist ed. IV-63. 2nd ed.: App.-8. Dumas, Alexandre. Impressions de voyage: Quinze jours au Sinai. VI-41. Duro, Cesareo Fernandez. Viajes del Infante D. Pedro de Portugal. IV-62. Edler, Florence. Glossary of Medieval Terms of Business. II-15. Egger, Josef. Geschichte Tirols. I—38.

377

BIBLIOGRAPHY Elisio, Filinto. Obras completas. App-23. Embid, Florentino Perez. Los Descubrimientos en el Atläntico y la rivalidad Castellano-Portuguesa. IV-9. Encina, Juan del. Tribagia, ο via sagra de Hierusalem. Rome, 1521. V I - z j . Enciso, Martin Fernandez de. Suma de geographia. VI-36. Entwistle, William J. "The Spanish Mandevilles." V I I - i . and Peter E. Russell. " A Rainha D. Felipa e a sua Corte." I-4. Erizzo, N . "Sülle ambasciate e sugli ambasciatori Veneti in Portogallo." III-30. Escolano, Gaspar. Decada primera de la historia de la insigne, y Coronada Ciudad y Reyno de Valencia. VIII-6. Escouchy, Mathieu d'. Chronique, ed. G. du Fresne de Beaucourt. IV-38. Etheria. Peregrinatio ad loca sancta, ed. W . Heraeus. V - i . Pilgrimage, tr. M. L. McClure and C. L. Feltoe. V - i . Ettinghausen, Richard. The Unicorn. VI-30. Eusebius Pamphili. Ecclesiastical History, tr. Roy J. Deferrari. V-2. Fabri, Felix, O.P. Book of the Wanderings, tr. Aubrey Stewart. V-32. Evagatorium, ed. Conrad Dietrich Hassler. V-32. Fabyan, Robert. The Ν ewe Crony cles of Englande and of Fraunce. Ill—5. Faraudo, Servando Arboli y, Simon de la Rosa y Lopez, et al. Biblioteca Colombina: Catalogo de sus libros impresos. V-20. Faria, Antonio de Portugal de. Portugal e Italia·. Elenco de manuscriptos. II-24. Portugal e Italia·. Litteratos portuguezes na Italia. III-30. Farinelli, Arturo. Grillparzer und Lope de Vega. Berlin, 1894. See p. 49. Fellowes, Edmund H. Knights of the Garter. I-io. Fernandes, Valentim, ed. Marco paulo . . . Ill—31. Fernandez, Luis Suarez. "El Atlantico y el Mediterraneo en los objetivos politicos de la Casa de Trastamara," Revista Portuguesa de Historia, V (1950,287-307. Ferrando, J. Ernesto Martinez. Pere de Portugal "Rei dels Catalans." IV-58. Tragedia del Insigne Condestable Don Pedro de Portugal. Ill—9. Ferrarin, A . R. Storia del Portogallo. Milan, 1940. See chap, iv, "Le spezie e il sogno," and pp. 67-73. Figaniere, Frederico Francisco de la. Catalogo dos manuscriptos portuguezes existentes no Museu Britannico. I-4. Figueiredo, Antonio Pereira de. Elogios dos reis de Portugal. Lisbon, 1785. See p. 135. Portuguezes nos Concilios Geraes. I-14. Figueiredo, Jose Anastasio de. Nova historia da militar ordern de Malta, e dos senhores gräo-priores della, em Portugal. 3 vols. Lisbon, 1800. See III, 60. Figueiredo, Pedro Jose de. Retratos, e elogios. II—3 3. Figueroa, Alonso Gomez de. Alcagar imperial. A p p . - n . Figueroa, Martin Fernandez de. Conquista delas indias de Persia & Arabia. . V-39· . Finke, Heinrich, et al., eds. Acta Concilii Constanciensis. I-28. Fleuret, Fernand. "La Lettre de Pretre-Jean, Pseudo-Roi d'Abyssinie." V-26. Fonseca, Antonio Belard da. Ο Misterio dos Paineis. 3 vols. IV-15.

378

BIBLIOGRAPHY Fonseca, Branquinho da, ed. As grandes viagens portuguesas: Primeira serie. Lisbon, ca. 1940. See p. 14. Fontana, Vincentius Maria, O.P. Monumenta dominicana. VII-20. Ford, Jeremiah Denis Matthias, ed. Letters of John III, King of Portugal. VII-22. Fournier, Edouard, ed. Varietes historiques et litter aires. V-32. Franca, Eduardo d'Oliveira. Ο Poder Real em Portugal e as Origens do Absolutismo. VIII-17. Franco, Salvador Garcia. La Legua Näutica en la Edad Media. Madrid, 1957. See p. 186. Freire, Anselmo Braamcamp. Brasöes da Sala de Sintra. II-36. Critica e Historia: Estudos. III—4. "Ο tumulo da viuva do infante D. Pedro, ο Regente." IV-35. Freire, Francisco Jose. See Lusitano, Cändido. Freising, Otto of. Rerum ab origine Ttmndi ad ipsius vsque tempora gestarum, Libri Octo. V-4. The Two Cities, tr. Charles Christopher Mierow. V-4. Freitas, Jordäo Α. de. Ο 2." Visconde de Santarem e os seus atlas geographicos. Lisbon, 1909. See pp. 89-90. Frutuoso, Gaspar. Saudades da Terra: Livro 111 (llha de S. Maria). Ponta Delgada, 1922. See p. 1. Fuster, Mariano Aguilo y. Catalogo de obras en lengua catalana impresas desde 14J4 hasta i860. App-22. Gairdner, James, ed. Historical Collections of a Citizen of London. Ill—3. Galväo, Antonio. Tratado. III-33. Discoveries of the World. III-33. Gändara, Alfredo. Isabel, Filha de el-rei D. Joäo I. IV-34. Gar?äo, Pedro Antonio Correia. Obras poetic as e oratorias. App-23. Gaury, Gerald de. The Grand Captain Gonzalo de Cordoba. IV-41. Gayangos, Pascual de. Libros de caballertas, con un discurso preliminar y un catalogo razonado. Madrid, 1857. Gayton, Anna H. "Luso-Californian culture and its research needs." IV-26. "The Festa do Espirito Santo in three cultural settings." IV-26. Germon, L. de, and L. Polain. Catalogue de la bibliotheque de feu M. Le Comte Riant. III-30. Gerson, Jean. Este he ο liuro & legenda. V-6, i.e., Anselmo no. 530. Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke. ΙΙΙ-ιι. Ghistele, Joos van. Τ voyage. V-32. Gibran, Kahlil. Jesus, the Son of Man. VI-19. Gierth, Wilhelm. Vermittlungsversuche Kaiser Sigmunds. I-31. Gill, Joseph, S.J. The Council of Florence. II—18. Gilman, Stephen. "New Data on Fernando de Rojas." App-20. Glaser, Edward. Estudios hispano-portugueses: Relaciones literarias del Siglo de Oro. Valencia, 1957. Godinho, Vitorino Magalhäes. Comemoraföes e Historia (A Descoberta da Guine). Lisbon, 1947. See pp. 35-44.

379

BIBLIOGRAPHY " Ο comercio portugues com a Africa Ocidental ate 1520," Mundo Literario, Lisbon, nos. 21-24 (Sept. 28 — Oct. 19, 1946). See no. 21, pp. 7-8. "Creation et dynamisme economique du monde atlantique (1420-1670)," Annates: Economies, Societes, Civilisations, Paris, V (1950), 32-36. "Os descobrimentos e a ενοΐιιςδο da economia mundial: Da comunidade urbana ao estado mercantilista," Revista do Porto: Publicagäo Quinzenal de Arte e Cultura, Ano I, no. 2 (Nov. 15, 1940), 24-25; no. 3 (Nov. 30, 1940), 37-38; and no. 4 (Dec. 20, 1940), 48-52. Documentos sobre α expansäo portuguesa. I V - 1 5 . Α Expansäo Quatrocentista Portuguesa. VIII-18. "Fontes quatrocentistas para a geografia e economia do Saara e Guine," Revista de Historia, Säo Paulo, V I (Jan-June 1953), 47-65. " A historiografia portuguesa: O r i e n t a t e s - Problemas - Perspectives,' " Revista de Historia, Säo Paulo, X (Jan.-June 1955), 3-21. "Os paineis de Nuno Gon^alves." I V - 1 5 . Gois, Damiäo de. Fides, Religio, Moresque Aethiopum. V I - 1 3 . Legatio Magni Indorum Imperatoris Presbyteri Ioannis. V I - 1 3 . Golden Legend. See Voragine, Jacobus de. Goldschmidt, Ernst Philip. Medieval Texts and Their First Appearance in Print. V I I - 1 5 . Golubovich, Girolamo, O.F.M. Biblioteca Bio-Bibliografica della Terra Santa. VI-14. Gomes, A. Sousa. Vasco da Gama nao teve predecessor. VIII-23. Gonfalves, J. Cardoso. "Casamento de Isabel de Portugal com Filipe-o-Bom." ΠΙ-5.

Gonfalves, Julio. "Da expansäo geogräfica portuguesa: Notas criticas," Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, L X X V I I (1959), 3-14. "De Portugal e da Armoriada Bruges," ibid., L X X I V (1956), 3-26. Filosofia da Historia Maritima Portuguesa: Sobre uma hermeneutica dos descobrimentos (notas criticas). Lisbon, 1954. Ο Inj ante D. Pedro. Ill—1. " O Infante D. Pedro e a Expansäo Geogräfica Portuguesa," Ocidente, L I X (i960), 1 3 1 - 1 3 5 . "As 'Mostras' Italianas de 1254-1454-1954: I — Veneza morta e viva," Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, L X X I I (1954), 375-381. Idem:"II — Descobrimentos e navega^öes no paläcio da Signoria de Florenga," ibid., L X X I I I (1955), 15-22. Idem: "III — Raridades biblio-cartogräficas no castelo Sforza de Miläo," ibid., L X X I I I (1955), 193-199. "Novas 'Mostras' Italianas da Universitaria de Pavia a Laurenziana de Florenfa," ibid., L X X V I (1958), 267-278. Pelos descobrimentos da Guine visava ο Inf ante ο caminho da India?·. Tese e discussäo de Congresso. Lisbon, 1947. See pp. 1 0 - 1 1 . Os Portugueses e ο Mar das tndias. Lisbon, 1947. See pp. 355-360. Review of Jose Moreira Campos, Da Fantasia a Realidade. II, in Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, L X X V I (1958), 76-80. Gongora y Argote, Luis de. Obras completas, eds. Juan Mille y Gimenez and Isabel Mille y Gimenez. App.-22.

380

BIBLIOGRAPHY Obras en verso del Homero espanol, ed. Juan Lopez de Vicuna. A p p 22.

Todas las obras, ed. Gonzalo de Hoces y Cordoba. App.-22. Gonnard, Rene. La Conquete Portugaise: Decouvreurs et Economistes. Paris, 1947. See p. 71. Gonzalez, Esteban. La vida y hechos de Estebanillo Gonzalez. App.-2 2. Grafton, Richard. Grafton's Chronicle. Ill—3. Grant, Robert M., et al. Secret Sayings of Jesus. V-5. Gregory, William. Chronicle of London. See Gairdner, James, ed., Historical Collections of a Citizen of London. Gregory of Tours, St. De gloria martyrum, libri duo. V-7. Gröber, Gustav, ed. Grundriss der romanischen Philologie. III-2. Guedes, Armando Marques. ΑΙϊαηςα inglesa. I-io. Guerne, Danielle. "Le 'Traite des faiz et haultes prouesses de Cyrus' par Vasque de Lucene d'apres Xenophon." IV-27. Guerra, Luis de Bivar. Inventärios e Sequestros. II—9. Guevara, Luis Velez de. El Diablo Cojuelo, ed. Francisco Rodriguez Marin. App-22. Guichenon, Samuel. Histoire genealogique de la royale maison de Savoye. IV-45. Guimaräes, J. Ribeiro. Summario de varia historia. App.-6. Gusmäo, Adriano de. "Breves objec£Öes." IV-15. Nuno Gongalves. IV-15. "Uma Carta." IV-15. G W . See Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke. Hain, Ludwig. Repertorium Bibliographicum. IV-23. Hall, Edward. Hall's Chronicle. III-3. Hallberg, Ivar. L'Extreme Orient dans la litterature et la cartographie de VOccident des Χ///«, XIV* et XV' siecles. VI- 3 0. Haller, Johannes, ed. Concilium Basiiiense. IV-6. Hamy, Ε. T . "Mappemonde d'Angelino Dulcert, de Majorque (1339)." III—49. Hanke, Lewis. Aristotle and the American Indians. VII-3. Harrisse, Henry. Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages au Nouveau-monde. VI-48. Hart, Henry H. Sea Road to the Indies. VI-6. Hawickhorst, Heinrich. "Über die Geographie bei Andrea de' Magnabotti." VI-ιι. Hayton (Prince of Gorigos). La Flor de las Ystorias de Orient, ed. Wesley Robertson Long. VII-13. Hazlitt, William Carew. Venetian Republic. III-30. Heilbrun, Georges. Catalogue no. 1j. VII-13. Heleno, Manuel. Subsidies para ο estudo da regencia de D. Pedro. III-19. Helleiner, Karl F. "Prester John's Letter: A Mediaeval Utopia." V - 1 1 . Hennig, Richard. Terrae Incognitae, 2nd ed. Ill—30. Henrion, Mathieu Richard Auguste. Histoire generale des missions catholiques. VII-20. Herbermann, Charles George, ed. The Cosmographiae Introductio of Martin Waldseemüller in facsimile. App.-io. 381

BIBLIOGRAPHY Herquet, Karl. Charlotta von Lusignan und Caterina Comoro, Königinnen von Cypern. IV-43. Herrmann, Paul. Zeigt mir Adams Testament. Ill—42. Hese, Joannes de. Jtinerarius. V-28. Heymann, Frederick G. John Zizka and the Hussite Revolution. II-6. Hildesheim, Johannes de. Heere begynnyth the lyfe of the thre kynges of Coleyn. Ill—11. Legend of the Holy Three Kings, in German. Ill—11. Hoade, Eugene, O.F.M. Guide to the Holy Land. VI-18. Holand, Hjalmar R. Explorations In America Before Columbus. VI-13. Holinshed, Raphael. Holinshed's Chronicles. Ill—3. Holmes, Ruth Ε. V., comp. Bibliographical and Historical Description of the Rarest Books in the Oliveira Lima collection. V-6. Holstein, D. Francisco de Borja Pedro Maria Antonio de Sousa. A escola de Sagres e as tradigöes do Infante D. Henrique. Lisbon, 1877. See pp. 12, 34. Holstein, D. Francisco de Sousa e. "O Infante D. Pedro," in his Litteratura & Historia: Ensaios de critica litteraria e historica (Lisbon, 1929), pp. 173— I

75·

Hope, W . H. St. John. Stall Plates of the Knights of the Order of the Garter. III-4. Hosten, Η., S.J. "St. Thomas and San Thome, Mylapore." V-37. Huber, Raphael M., O.F.M.Conv. A Documented History of the Franciscan Order (1182-1517). VI-28. Huete, Pedro Carrillo de. Cronica del Halconero de Juan II. III-25. Huntington, Archer M., ed. Catalogue of the Library of Ferdinand Columbus. V-20. Hurmuzachki, Docsachi. Documente privitore la Historia Romanilor. Ill—16. Hutchison, Isobel Wylie. "Stroll to Venice." I—36. Ibn Mäjid, Shihäb al-Din Ahmad. Tres Roteiros Desconhecidos, tr. Myron Malkiel-Jirmounsky. VIII-23. Tri neizvestnye lotsii. VIII-23. Imbriani, Vittorio. Novellaja fiorentina. IV-61. Iorga, Nicolae. Acte si fragmente. Ill—16. "Decouvertes portugaises et la Croisade." III-17. Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches. III—16. Histoire des Roumains. III-16. Notes et extraits. I-12 and II-34. "Prince portugais croise en Valachie." Ill—16. "Print portughez." III-16. Studii istorice asupra Chiliei si Cetätü-Albe. III—16. Tara latinä cea mai depärtatä in Europa: Portugalia. II—33. Iria, Alberto, ed. Descobrimentos Portugueses. II-22. Isard, Andre. Le centaure dans la legende et dans Part. VI-64. Isidore of Seville, St. De Ortu et Obitu Patrum. V-22. Jackson, William A. "Printed Quire and Sheet Numbers." App-4. 382

BIBLIOGRAPHY "Printed Quire and Sheet Numbers, II: Italian Examples." A p p - 4 . Kaneko, Hisakazu. Manjiro·. The Man Who Discovered America. V I I - 2 . Kerler, Dietrich, ed. Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Sigmund. III—5. Kibre, Pearl. "Intellectual Interests Reflected in the Libraries of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries." 1-8. Kimble, George Η . T . Geography in the Middle Ages. Ill—48. King, Archdale A . Liturgies of the Primatial Sees. V - 4 1 . Kingsford, Charles Lethbridge, ed. Chronicles of London. Ill—5. Kitts, Eustace J. Pope John the Twenty-Third. I—21. Korolevsky, Father Cyril. Living Languages in Catholic Worship. V - 3 7 . Kretschmer, Konrad. Die Entdeckung Amerika^ in ihrer Bedeutung für die Geschichte des Weltbildes. Berlin, 1892. See p. 182. Kuske, Bruno, ed. Quellen zur Geschichte des Kölner Handels. III—14. L a Brocquiere, Bertrandon de. See Schefer, Charles. L a Clede, Nicolas de. Histoire generale de Portugal. V I I I - 7 . Lagoa, Visconde de. "Estimulo economico." I - 1 2 . Lagrange, Baroness A m a u r y de. "Itineraire d'Isabelle de Portugal." III—2. L a Marche, Olivier de. Memoires, eds. Henri Beaune and J. d'Arbaumont. IV-38. Larnbros, Sp. " Ό Κωνσταντίνος Παλαιολόγος." I V - 4 J . Landim, Gaspar Dias de. Ο Infante D. Pedro: Chronica inedita. V I I I - 1 . Langlois, Ch.-V. La Vie en France au Moyen Age. V I - 6 6 . Lannoy, Guillebert de. See Potvin, Charles. Lapa, M. Rodrigues. Ligöes de Literatura Portuguesa: Epoca medieval, 3rd ed. Coimbra, 1952. See pp. 326-327. L a Ronciere, Charles de. Dicouverte de PAfrique au moyen age. III—48. Histoire de la Marine Frangaise. V - 3 2 . Larsen, Sofus. "Danmark og Portugal i det i j d e Aarhundrede." III—26. Discovery of North America twenty years before Columbus. VII-1. L a Sale, Antoine de. Consolagöes, tr. Carlos du Bocage. I-20. Little John of Saintre, tr. Irvine Gray. I—17. Petit Jehan de Saintre, eds. Pierre Champion and Fernand Desonav. III-21. Las Casas, Bartolome de, O.P. Diario de a bordo de Cristobal Colon. V I - 6 . Leäo, Duarte Nunes de. Cronicas delRey Dom loam . . . e α dos reys D. Duarte, e D. Affonso ο V. I - 3 4 . Cronicas del rey Dom Joaö de gloriosa memoria, ο I. deste nome, e dos reys de Portugal ο X . , e as dos reys D. Duarte, e D. Affonso ο V. 2 vols. Lisbon, 1780. Genealogia verdadera de los rey es de Portugal. A p p - 1 9 . Primeira parte das chronicas dos reis de Portugal. Lisbon, 1600. L e Blanc, Vincent. Histoire geografique. A p p . - i o . L e Fevre, Jean, Chronique. 1-6. Lefevre, Renato. "Riflessi etiopici nella cultura europea del Medioevo e del Rinascimento." V - 3 7 .

383

BIBLIOGRAPHY Lefevre-Pontalis, Germain, and Leon Dorez, eds. and tr. Chronique d'Antonio Morosini: Extraits relatifs a l'histoire de France. I-12. Le Gentil, Georges. La Litterature Portugaise. Paris, 1935. See pp. 13-14. Leitäo, Joaquim. "Mascara de Veneza." III-30. Leite, Duarte. Acerca da "Cronica dos Feitos de Guinee." Lisbon, 1941. See pp. 118, 201-205. Coisas de varia historia. Lisbon, 1941. See pp. 173-180. Historia dos Descobrimentos: Colectänea de esparsos, ed. Vitorino Magalhäes Godinho. Currently appearing in Lisbon in fascicles. See pp. 23-271 "Lendas na historia da navegafäo astronomica em Portugal." III-49. Lemmens, Leonhard, O.F.M. Die Franziskaner im Hl. Lande. I. Teil. VI-21. Leo, Heinrich. Histoire d'Italie, tr. M. Dochez. I-37. Lersundi, Fernando del Valle. "Testamento de Fernando de Rojas." App.-2o. Lester, Conrad H. Zur literarischen Bedeutung Oswalds von Wolkenstein. 1-21.

Letts, Malcolm. "The Ark on Mount Ararat." VI-31. "Prester John: A fourteenth-century manuscript at Cambridge." VI-66. "Prester John: Sources and Illustrations." V - 1 5 . Levillier, Roberto. "Mundus Novus: A Carta de Vespiicio que Revolucionou a Geografia." V-30. Livermore, Η. V . History of Portugal. I - i . , ed. Portugal and Brazil. I - i . Lobo, Francisco Miranda da Costa. Α acgäo diplomatica dos Portugueses nos seculos XV e XVI, destinada ä realizagäo de descobertas e conquistas. Lisbon, 1937. See p. 10. "Dolorosa tragedia dos inclitos infantes, filhos de D. Joäo I." Ill—3. " A verdade e a lenda de Prestes Joäo." V-37. Lobo, Francisco Rodrigues. Corte na Aldea, e noites de inverno. Lisbon, 1649. See pp. 39-40. Lombardi, Achille. Relazioni politiche fra i re del Portogallo e Firenze nella prima meta del quattrocento. Rome, 1902. See p. 8. Lopes, David. " A expansäo em Marrocos." Ill—7. Lopes, Fernäo. Chronicles. I - i . Lopes, Joäo Baptista da Silva. Memorias para a historia ecclesiastica do bispado do Algarve. I-14. Lopez, Atanasio, O.F.M. "Antiguo Catalogo de Indulgencias." VI-18. Loti, Pierre. Le desert. VI-41. Lucena, Vasco Fernandes de. See Rogers, Francis M., Obedience. Ludolphus de Saxonia. Liuro de uita christi, tr. Fr. Bernardo de Alcobafa and Fr. Nicolau Vieira. IV-36. Ο Livro de Vita Christi, ed. Augusto Magne, S.J. IV-36. Ludolphus de Suchen. Weg zu dem heiligen Grab. VI-42. Liber ludolphi de itinere ad terram sanctam. VI-42. Ludolph von Suchern's Description of the Holy Land, and of the Way Thither, tr. Aubrey Stewart. VI-42. Lull, Ramon. Book of the Lover and the Beloved, tr. E. Allison Peers. VI-3. Lusitano, Candido. Vida do Infante D. Henrique. Lisbon, 1758.

384

BIBLIOGRAPHY Vie de l'Infant Dom Henri de Portugal, Auteur des premieres decouvertes qui ont ouvert aux Europeens la route des Indes, tr. Abbe de Cournand. Lisbon and Paris, 1781. Lützow, Count. Hussite Wars. II—6. Life & Times of Master John Hus. II—6. Macedo, Antonio de, S.J. Lusitania infulata et purpurata. I—14. Macedo, Antonio de Sousa de. Flores de Espana, Excelencias de Portugal, Part One. App.-2 3. Macedo, Lino de. A Obra do Infante. Vila Franca de Xira, 1894. See pp. 32, 4 2 - 44· Machado, Diogo Barbosa. Bibliotheca Lusitana. 4 vols. Lisbon, 1741-59. See II, 386-387, and III, 542-545. Machado, Joäo Franco. "Portugal: Histöria dos Descobrimentos (1939-1941)." I-18. Machado, Jose Pedro. "Infante D. Pedro," Servigos bibliograficos da Livraria Portugalia, 2nd series, no. 125 (Apr. 1-30, 1953), p. 8. Madahil, Antonio Gomes da Rocha. Ineditos e disperses do Infante D. Pedro. II-36. Maffei, Raffaele, of Volterra. Commentariorum urbanorum libri XXXVHI. Rome, 1506. See Book XII. Magnaghi, Alberto. Carta nautica costruita nel da Angelino Dalorto. III-49. Mai, Cardinal Angelo, ed. Spicilegium romanum. I V - 1 1 . Maia, Carlos Roma Machado de Faria e. "As viagens dos portugueses na Africa e na Asia: Relafäo cronologica das suas principals viagens terrestres, antigas e modernas," Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, L I (1933), 26-40. See p. 37. Main, Archibald. Emperor Sigismund. I-26. Major, Richard Henry. Life of Prince Henry of Portugal. Ill—4. Malkiel, Maria Rosa Lida de. Juan de Mena. Ill—61. "La vision de trasmundo en las literaturas hispanicas." A p p . - u . Mandeville, Sir John. Mandeville's Travels·. Texts and translations, ed. Malcolm Letts. V-22. Manfroni, Camillo. "La marina veneziana alia difesa di Salonico 142 3-1430." III-30. Mann, Otto. "Oswald von Wolkenstein." I-21. Manuel I (King of Portugal). Epistola . . . De Victoriis habitis in India & Malacha. VII-6. Epistola . . . De Victoriis nuper in Affrica habitis. VII-6. Letter to Louis XII of France, dated Almeirim, Oct. 1, 1510. VII-6. Manuel II (King of Portugal). Early Portuguese Books 1489-1600 in the Library of His Majesty the King of Portugal. Ill—30. Maravall, Jose Antonio. El concepto de Espana en la edad media. IV-7. Merchant, Alexander, ed. Proceedings of the [ist] International Colloquium on Luso-Brazilian Studies. IV-26. Mariana, Juan de, S.J. Historiae de rebus Hispaniae libri X X F . A p p . - n . Marichal, Juan. Voluntad del Estilo. IV-7.

385

BIBLIOGRAPHY Marinescu, Constantin. "Philippe le Bon, Due de Bourgogne, et la Croisade." IV-25. "Pretre Jean. Son Pays. Explication de son Nom." III-56. Mariz, Pedro de. Dialogos de varia historia. Coimbra, 1594. See fols. 147* if. Dialogos de varia historia. Coimbra, 1597. See fol. 142v. Marjay, Frederic, ed. Dom Henrique the Navigator, tr. George F. W . Dykes. Lisbon, i960. Contains sections on Dom Pedro at the court of Sigismund by Costa Brochado and Father Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos Santos. Marques, Joäo Martins da Silva, ed. Descobrimentos Portugueses. II-22. Marquez, Francisco. See Villanueva, Francisco Marquez. Martha, M. Cardoso. " O Livro do Infante D. Pedro (Carta a Pedro F. Thomaz)," "Figueira," Litteratura, Sciencia e Arte: Boletim do Grupo "Studium" e da Bibliotheca Publica Municipal da Figueira da Foz, 4th series, nos. 10 and 11 (Oct.-Nov. 1912), 161. Marti, Jose Maria Pou y, O.F.M. "La leyenda del Preste Juan entre los Franciscanos de la Edad Media." V-37. Martini, Fritz. "Dichtung und Wirklichkeit bei Oswald von Wolkenstein." I - 2 1.

Martins, Diamantino. "Ecos da vida portuguesa do sec. X V . " III—1. "Recordagöes de familia do Infante Dom Pedro." VIII-19. Martins, Jose F. Ferreira. "Cristianismo na India — Ο apostolo Säo Tome esteve na cidade de Goa e noutras partes da India," Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, L X X I V (1956), 166-170. Martins, J. P. de Oliveira. "Os Filhos de D. Joäo I," Revista de Portugal, I (1889), 41, 129, 299, 492, 544, 694 ff., and II (1890), 103, J92, 351, 433, 614 ff. Filhos de D. Joäo I. I—34. The Golden Age of Prince Henry the Navigator, tr. Jas. Johnston Abraham and W m . Edward Reynolds. London, 1914. Portugal nos mores, 2nd ed. Lisbon, 1902. See p. 7. Martins, Mario, S.J. Estudos de literatura medieval. IV-36. Laudes e Cantigas Espirituais de Mestre Andre Dias. II—18. " O Natal no Flos Sanctorum de 1513." V-6. Vida e obra de Frei Joäo Claro. VII-16. Martyr, Peter. See Anghiera, Pietro Martire d'. Martyrologium Romanum: Editio V Taurinensis. V-22. Mascarenhas, Jeronimo de. Historia de la Ciudad de Ceuta, ed. Afonso de Dornelas. I—32. Mas Latrie, Louis, Comte de. "Genealogie des rois de Chypre de la famille de Lusignan." IV-43. Masuccio Salernitano. II Novellino. IV-23. II Novellino, ed. Alfredo Mauro. IV-23. Matoso, Antonio G. Erros de Historia. I-21. Mauny, Raymond. Navigations medievales. III—48. Mauricio, Domingos. See Santos, Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos. Medlycott, Α . E. India and the Apostle Thomas. V - 7 . Mehus, Lorenzo. "Vita Ambrosii Traversarii Generalis Camaldulensium." II-20.

386

BIBLIOGRAPHY Meistermann, Barnabe, O.F.M. Guide de Terre Sainte, 3rd ed. V I - 1 8 . Guide du Nil au Jourdain par le Sinai et Petra. VI-43. Meilini, Domenico. Vita di Filippo Scolari. III—19. Melo, Dom Francisco Manuel de. Ο bras metricas. App.-2 3. Mendelssohn, Sidney. South African Bibliography. 2 vols. London, 1910. See I, xxvii. Mendorfs, Α. P. Lopes de. " A litteratura portugueza nos seculos X V I e X V I I : Introduc9äo," Annaes das Sciencias e Lettras, publicados debaixo dos auspicios da Academia Real das Sciencias: Sciencias moraes e politicas, e beilas lettras, Lisbon, I (1857), 1-44. See p. 29. Meneses, Fernando de. Vida e acgoens d'elrey Dom Joäo I. III—26. Meneses, Garcia de. Oration. IV-22. Mercati, Angelo, ed. Monumenta Vaticana veterem dioecesim columbensem . . . respicientia. V-20. Mercati, Cardinal Giovanni. Ultimi contributi alia storia degli umanisti. III-40. Merea, Manuel Paulo. Estudos de historia do direito. IV-7. "As teorias politicas medievaes no 'Tratado da Virtuosa Bemfeitoria,'" Revista de Historia, VIII (1919), 5-21. Republished in his Estudos de historia do direito, pp. 183-227. Meregalli, Franco. Cronisti e viaggiatori castigliani del quattrocento. III-57. Mesquita, Marcelino. Ο Regente: Tragedia em 12 quadros. Lisbon, 1897. A play· Mey, Carmelo Vinas y. "De la Edad Media a la Moderna: El Cantabrico y el Estrecho de Gibraltar en la Historia politica espaüola." VI-32. Michaut, G., tr. VHistoire de Pierre de Provence. IV-63. Michieli, Adriano Augusto. Storia di Treviso. I—36. Millas, Francisca Vendrell de, ed. El Cancionero de Palacio. III-60. Moita, Irisalva de Nobrega. "Ainda ο Problema dos Paineis." I V - 1 5 . Molina, Tirso de. El Vergonzoso en Palacio. App.-22. Μοηςοη, Francisco de. Libro primero del espejo del principe christiano. App.-i3. Monstrelet, Enguerran de. Chronique, ed. L. Douet-D'Arcq. 1-6. Montalboddo, Fracanzano da, comp. Paesi Nouamente retrouati. VII-2. Monumenta Spectantia Historiam Slavorum Meridionalium. I-37. Morais, Faria de. "Dona Isabel de Borgonha, Duquesa de Borgonha." VIII-22. More, St. Thomas. Libellus . . . de . . . Vtopia. V - 1 2 . Morison, Samuel Eliot. Admiral of the Ocean Sea. VI-6. Morosini, Antonio. Venetian chronicle. MS. in Austrian National Library, Vienna. I-12. Venetian chronicle. MS. in Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice. I-12.

See also Lefevre-Pontalis, Germain, and Leon Dorez. Morosini, Paolo. Historia della Cittä e Republica di Venetia. I-12. Morrall, John B. Political Thought in Medieval Times. V-25. Mota, Avelino Teixeira da. " A Descoberta da Guine," Boletim Cultural da Guine Portuguesa, I (1946), 11-68, 273-326, 457-509. See pp. 312-314. Mottart, Felix. La Toison d'Or d'Espagne. IV-44.

387

BIBLIOGRAPHY Muratori, Lodovico Antonio, ed. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. I-12. Ν., E. Review of Infante Dom Pedro, Virtuosa Bemfeitoria, 2nd ed., in Ocidente, Lisbon, X I (Oct.-Dec. 1940), 146-147. Nagel's Travel Guides: Israel. V I - 1 9 . Namora, Fernando. As Sete Partidas do Mundo. A p p - 2 3 . Nascimento, Francisco Manuel do. See Elisio, Filinto. Navarrete, Martin Fernandez de. Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos. VII-19. Neeffs, Emmanuel. Un voyage au XVe siecle . . . de Jean Aerts de Malines. V73,. Nemesio, Vitorino. Vida e obra do Infante D. Henrique. Lisbon, 1959. Nerucci, Gherardo, Sessanta Novelle Popolari Montalesi. I V - 6 1 . Neufville, Jacques Lequien de la. Histoire generale de Portugal. 2 vols. Paris, 1700. See I, 377. Neve, Joseph. Antoine de La Salle: Sa Vie et ses Ouvrages. I-20. Newett, M. Margaret. Canon Pietro Casola's Pilgrimage. I-12. Newton, Arthur Percival, ed. Travel and Travellers of the Middle Ages. V-24. Nicolas, Sir Nicholas Harris. History of the Orders of Knighthood. Ill—5. Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council of England. Ill—3. and Edward Tyrrell, eds. Chronicle of London from 1089 to 1483. III-J.

Noggler, Anton. "Eine unbekannte Reise Oswalds von Wolkenstein." I-21. Nowell, Charles E. "Henry the Navigator and his Brother Dom Pedro," Hispanic American Historical Review, X X V I I I (1948), 62-67. "The Historical Prester John." V - 1 1 . History of Portugal. I-i. Nunes, Eduardo Alexandre Borges. " O parecer do Infante D. Joäo sobre a ida a Tanger." I V - 1 3 . Nyessen, Dionysio. "The Portuguese on the Indian Ocean," Ocidente, Lisbon, X X I V (Sept.-Dec. 1944), 5-17. Oliveira, Eduardo Freire de. Elementos para a historia do municipio de Lisboa: /." parte. Ill—36. Olschki, Leonardo. UAsia di Marco Polo. V - 1 1 . Marco Polo's Precursors. VI-62. The Myth of Felt. V - n . Oppert, Gustav. Der Presbyter Johannes in Sage und Geschichte, 2nd ed. V-28. Ordenagoens do Senhor Rey D. Affonso V. I-9. Otto of Freising. See Freising, Otto of. Pacheco, Diogo. Obedience oration to Pope Julius II. IV-22. Obedience oration to Pope Leo X . IV-22. Paile, Miguel d'Almeida. Santo Antonio dos Portugueses em Roma. I V - 1 2 . Painter, Sidney. History of the Middle Ages. I-34. Palacky, Franz. Geschichte von Böhmen. III—26.

388

BIBLIOGRAPHY Palha, Fernando. Catalogue de la bibliotheque de Μ. Fernando Palha. Ill—24. Panjikaran, Father Joseph C. Christianity in Malabar. V-37. Parias, L.-H., ed. Histoire universelle des explorations. III-30. Passos, Carlos de. "Relajöes historicas luso-italianas." II—18. Pastor, Antonio R., and Edgar Prestage, eds. Letter of the Marquis of Santillana to Don Peter, Constable of Portugal. I V - j 6. Pastor, Ludwig. History of the Popes. I V - j o . Patch, Howard Rollin. El otro mundo en la literatura medieval. App.-i 1. Pattee, Richard. Portugal and the Portuguese World. VIII-12. Pedro Afonso. Nobiliario de D. Pedro, ed. Joäo Baptista Lavanha. VI-2. Nobiliario del Conde de Barcelos Don Pedro, tr. Manuel de Faria e Sousa. VI-2. Pedro, Infante Dom, tr. Livro dos Oficios de Marco Tullio Ciceram, ed. Joseph M. Piel. III-20. Virtuosa Bemfeitoria. II-1. Pedro, Constable. Coplas . . . De contempto del mundo. IV-59. Tragedia de la insigne reyna Ysabel. In MS. Ill—24. Pelayo, Marcelino Menendez y, ed. Antologia de Poetas Ltricos Castellanos. III-26.

Ort genes de la Novela. IV-62. Homenaje ά Menendez y Pelayo. Ill—24. Pellizzari, Achille. Portogallo e Italia nel secolo XVI. Ill—26. Peragallo, Prospero. "Cenni intorno alia colonia italiana in Portogallo." I V - 5 J . Pereira, Ängelo, ed. Conselho do Infante Dom Henrique a seu sobrinho el-rei Dom Afonso V. I V - 3 1 . Pereira, Francisco Maria Esteves, ed. Marco Paulo. III-4. Peres, Damiäo. Historia de Portugal: Palestras na Emissora Nacional. 2 vols. Oporto, 1951. See II, 72-73. Historia dos descobrimentos Portugueses, 1943. Ill—48. Historia dos Descobrimentos Portugueses. Lisbon, 1959. and Eleuterio Cerdeira. Historia de Portugal. II—1. Peres, Domingo Garcia. Catälogo razonado biogräfico y bibliogräfico de los autores Portugueses que escribieron en castellano. Madrid, 1890. Pereyra, Carlos. La conquete des routes oceaniques, tr. Robert Ricard. V I I - i . La conquista de las rut as oceanic as. V I I - 1 . Perumalil, A . C., S.J., The Apostles in India. V-9. Petrocchi, Giorgio. "Per l'edizione critica del 'Novellino' di Masuccio." IV-23. Piccolomini, Aeneas Sylvius. See Pius II, Pope. Pick, Bernhard, tr. The Apocryphal Acts of Paul, Peter, John, Andrew and Thomas. V - 5 . Piloti, Emmanuel. Tratte sur le Passage en Terre Sainte. V-32. Pimenta, Alfredo. Idade-Media. IV-7. Ilhas dos Agores. IV-7. Pimenta, Belisario. "Alguns manucritos da Biblioteca Municipal," Arquivo Coimbräo (Boletim da Biblioteca Municipal), Coimbra, I (1923-24), 179182, and II (1930-31), 193-194. I have not seen the continuation. , ed. As cartas do Infante D. Pedro a Camara de Coimbra (1429-1448). Coimbra, 1923. Reprinted from Arquivo de Historia e Bibliografia, Vol. I.

389

BIBLIOGRAPHY Reprinted once again in Boletim da Biblioteca da Universidade de Coimbra, XXIII (1958), 453-532; see note App-23. Pimpäo, Älvaro Julio da Costa. Historia da Literatur a Portuguesct, Vol. I. II-1. Pina, Luis de. "As conquistas historico-naturais dos portugueses nos descobrimentos," Congresso do Mundo Portugues: Publicagöes, Vol. V , Tome III (Lisbon, 1940), 213-269. See pp. 225-227. "Os Portugueses e ο conhecimento cientifico da Etiopia," Anais da Faculdade de Ciencias do Porto, XXIII (1938), 105-114. See p. 105. Pina, Rui de. Chronica do Senhor Rey D. Duarte. II-12. Chronica do Senhor Rey D. Affonso V. IV-2. Chronica d'ElRey Dom Joaö II. IV-2. Pinto, Abilio Augusto da Fonseca. "Um inedito de Frei Fortunato." III—30. Pinto, Americo Cortez. Da famosa arte da imprimissäo: Da imprensa em Portugal äs cruzadas d'alem-mar. Lisbon, 1948. See p. 102. Pirie, Valerie. The Triple Crown: An account of the papal conclaves. VI-54. Pisano, Mateus de. De Bello Septensi. IV-16. Livro da Guerra de Ceuta, tr. Roberto Correia Pinto. IV-16. Pius II, Pope. Commentaries, tr. Florence Alden Gragg. IV-49. Cosmographia. IV-54. De Viris Illustribus. Ill—25. La historia de Bohemia en romance, tr. Hernan Nunez de Toledo. IV-53. Historia Bohemica. Ill—25. Historia rerum ubique gestarum. IV-45. Opera quae extant omnia. IV-29. Plattner, F. Α., et al. Christian India. V-37. Pliny. Natural History, ed. H. Rackham. VI-63. Po, Guido. "La collaborazione italo-portoghese alle grandi esplorazioni geografiche ed alia cartografia nautica," in Relazioni storiche fra Γ Italia e il Portogallo, pp. 261-322. See pp. 273, 276. See also Sebastiano Crino, Come fu scoperta VAmerica, p. xii. Poggibonsi, Niccolo da, O.F.M. Libro d'Oltramare (1346-1350), ed. B. Bagatti. VI-14. A Voyage beyond the Seas (1346-1350), tr. Bellorini and Hoade. VI-14. Poggio Bracciolini. Epistolae, ed. Tommaso Tonelli. I V - 1 1 . India Recognita, ed. Cristoforo da Bollate. V - 1 7 . Poggio Bracciolini, Jacopo di. Vita di Messer Filippo Scolari. III—19. Pollard, A. W., et al. Short-Title Catalogue. Ill—11. Pölnitz, Götz, Freiherr von. Venedig. III—30. Polo, Marco. The Book of Ser Marco Polo, ed. Henry Yule. V-19. II Milione, ed. Luigi Foscolo Benedetto. III-30. Pomes, Madelena Saez. "Exilados de Armenia en los dominios de Pedro IV de Aragon." VI-29. Pordenone, Odoric of, O.F.M. Odorichus de rebus incognitis. V-20. Potvin, Charles, ed. Oeuvres de Ghillebert de Lannoy. II—11. Poulenc, Francis, and Guillaume Apollinaire. Le bestiaire ou Cortege

390

B I B L I O G R A P H Y

cTOrphee·. Poemes de Guillaume Apollinaire, Musique de Francis Paris, 1920. Predelli, Riccardo, et al. I Libri Commemoriali della Republica di

Poulenc. Venezia.

IV-28.

Prescott, Hilda F. M. Friar Felix at Large. II—7. Jerusalem Journey. II—7. Once to Sinai. II—7. Prestage, Edgar, ed. Chivalry. 1-6. Portuguese Pioneers. VIII-11. Prester John. Cy apres sensuyuent les nouuelles de la terre de prestre V - 2 6.

Joannis presbiteri . . . Epistola. V-2 9. Prost, Auguste. "Chroniques venitiennes." I-12. Pulgar, Hernan Perez del (?). Breue parte de las hazanas del excelente brado Gran Capitan. IV-42. Puyvelde, Leo van. "Reis van Jan van Eyck naar Portugal." Ill—2.

iehan.

nom-

Queiroz, Ega de. A Reliquia. I—13. Quevedo, Francisco de. Ο bras, Vol. III, ed. Florencio Janer. App.-22. Quintinha, Santana. Historias de Cordel e uma Advertencia. App-5. Rabino, H. L. Le monastere de Sainte-Catherine du Mont Sinai. VI-43. Radford, Lewis Bostock. Henry Beaufort. Ill—3. Ramalho, Americo da Costa. "Um manuscrito desconhecido de Ό Livro da Virtuosa Bemfeitoria,'" Boletim de Filologia, Lisbon, IX (1948), 278-284. Ramos-Coelho, Jose, ed. Alguns documentos do Archivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo. V-33. Randies, W . G. L. "Notes on the Genesis of the Discoveries," Studia, no. 5 ( J a n . I 9 6 0 ) , 20-46.

Rau, Virginia. Casa dos Contos. I—14. Ravenstein, Ernest George. Martin Behaim. III-34. Raymond, Paul. "Bibliotheque de Don Carlos." 1-8. Reaney, P. H. Dictionary of British Surnames. V-16. Redusio, Andrea, of Quero. Chronicon Tarvisinum. I-12. Rego, Father Antonio da Silva. Documentagäo para a Historia das Missöes do Padroado Portugues do Oriente: India. VII-20. ed. As Gavetas da Torre do Tombo. I V - I J . Historia das Missöes do Padroado Portugues do Oriente·. India, Vol. I. V - 3 4 . Reis, Francisco Sotero dos. Curso de litteratura portugueza e brazileira. 5 vols. M a r a n h ä o , 1 8 6 6 - 7 3 . S e e I, 1 7 7 .

Relazione

Biblioteca

. . e disegno

Ashburnham.

di legge per Vacquisto di codici

appartenenti

II-20.

alia

Relazioni storiche fra Vltalia e il Portogallo. II—18. Renault, Gilbert. Caravels of Christ. I-24. Reparaz, Gon£al de (son). Catalunya a les mars. HI-47. "Portugueses e italianos na epoca das descobertas," Seara Nova, no. 128 ( S e p t . 1 3 , 1 9 2 8 ) , pp. 1 4 3 - 1 4 6 .

391

BIBLIOGRAPHY "Sciences geographiques et astronomiques au X I V e siecle." Ill—49. Kerum Germanicarum Scriptores varii. III-4J. Resende, Garcia de, ed. Cancioneiro geral. Ill—61. Cancioneiro geral, a facsimile ed. sponsored by Archer M. Huntington. III-61. Retratos, e elogios. See Figueiredo, Pedro Jose de. Revelli, Paolo. Cristoforo Colombo e la scuola cartografica genovese. Genoa, 1937. See p. 292. Reveron, Buenaventura Bonnet y. "Las Canarias y el primer libro de Geografia medieval." VII-12. "Expediciones a las Canarias en el siglo X I V . " Ill—48. Rey, E.-G. Les families d'outre-mer de Du Cange. IV-45. Ribeiro, Aquilino. Portugueses das Sete Partidas. App.-2 3· "As primeiras gravuras em livros portugueses." App.-i. Ribeiro, Joäo Pedro, Dissertagöes chronologicas e criticas. 5 vols. Lisbon, 1810-36. See II, 385-397. Ribeiro, Orlando. "Originalidade da expansäo portuguesa," Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, L X X I V (1956), 127-139. Ricard, Robert. "L'Infant D. Pedro de Portugal et Ό Livro da Virtuosa Bemfeitoria.'" II—1. Ricart, Jose Gudiol, and Juan Ainaud de Lasarte. Huguet. IV-j8. Ricci, Seymour de, and W . J. Wilson. Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts. III-30. Richards, Gertrude R. B. Florentine Merchants in the Age of the Medici. II-15. Rinaldi, Odorico. Annales ecclesiastici. II-10. Index universalis. III-26. Rios, Jose Amador de los. Historia crttica de la literatura espanola. 7 vols. Madrid, 1861-65. See VII, 71. Rivara, Joaquim Heliodoro da Cunha. Catalogo dos manuscriptos da bibliotheca publica eborense. 4 vols. Lisbon, 1850-71. See II, 149. Rivera, Fadrique Enriquez de. Este libro es de el viaje que hize a lerusalem. VI-18. Rizzini, Carlos. Ο livro, ο jornal e a tipografia no Brasil. Αρρ.-5· Rodrigues, A. Gon^alves. " A lingua portuguesa em Inglaterra nos seculos X V I I e XVIII." I-4. Roger, F. Eugene. La terre saincte. Paris, 1646. Rogers, Francis M. "The Four Dromedaries of the Infante Dom Pedro." App.15· "Geo-Theo-Politics in the Age of Discovery" (Lowell Institute Lectures). II-17. "Grant No. 60 — Reserve Fund (1951), $280. The travels of the Infante Dom Pedro, Duke of Coimbra," Year Book of the American Philosophical Society 19^2, pp. 243-245. Summarized by J [ose]. A[gostinho], in a note entitled "As viagens do Infante D. Pedro, duque de Coimbra," Boletim do Institute Historico da Ilha Terceira, X I (1953), 289-290. "The Infante Don Pedro de Portugal in Lima." App.~9. List of Editions of the Libro del Infante don Pedro de Portugal. IV-59.

392

BIBLIOGRAPHY Obedience of a King of Portugal. 1-21. "Portugal's Literary Relations With the Outside World." IV-23. "Printed Quire and Sheet Numbers, II: Spanish Examples." App.-4· Review of Joseph H. D. Allen, Jr., Two Old Portuguese Versions of the Life of Saint Alexis. II—2. Review of Josephine Waters Bennett, Rediscovery of Sir John Mandeville. A p p - 1 4 . Review of Julio Gon?alves, Filosofia da Historia Maritima Portuguesa, in ISIS: An international review devoted to the history of science and its cultural influences, X L V I (195J), 59-61. Reprinted in Anais do Club Militär Naval, Lisbon, L X X X V (1955), 155-160. Published in Portuguese translation in Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, LXXIII (1955), 89-91. Review of Hjalmar R. Holand, Explorations In America Before Columbus. VI-13. Review of Antonio Jose Saraiva, Historia da Cultura em Portugal, Vol. I. IV-43. "Songs of the Indies by Giuliano Dati." VII-4. Ο Sonho de XJnidade entre Cristäos Ocidentais e Orientais no Seculo XV. II-17. "Union Between Latin and Eastern Christians and the Overseas Expansion of the Portuguese." V-41. "Valentim Fernandes, Rodrigo de Santaella, and the Recognition of the Antilles as Opposite-India.'" Ill—31. "Victory at Azemmour." VII-6. "Vivaldi Expedition." V - 1 8 . ed. Gomez de Santisteban, Libro del Infante don Pedro de Portugal. Lisbon, 1961. Roman, Jeronimo, O.E.S.A. Republicas del mundo, 2nd ed. App-22. Roman Martyrology. V-22. Romanin, Samuele. Storia documentata di Venezia. I—12. Roover, Raymond De. The Medici Bank. II-29. "Trattato di fra Santi Rucellai sul cambio, il monte comune e il monte delle doti." II-15. Ross, Sir Denison. "Prester John and the Empire of Ethiopia." V-24. Rossi, Giuseppe Carlo. "Portugal imaginario e Portugal verdadeiro do seculo X V . " IV-23. Rossi, Vittorio. II Quattrocento. IV-63. Rossini, G. Conti. "Portogallo ed Etiopia," in Relazioni storiche fra I'ltalia e il Portogallo, pp. 323-359. See p. 325. Roulx, J. Delaville le. France en Orient. II—7. Rousseau, Josue. L'histoire de Portugal et des Algarves. Amsterdam, 1714. See P· 5*7· Rua, Giuseppe. Novelle del "Mambriano" del Cieco da Ferrara. IV-63. Rüge, Sophus. Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen. I-24. Runciman, Steven. History of the Crusades. V-4. Russell, Peter E. English Intervention in Spain & Portugal in the Time of Edward III & Richard IL I-i.

393

BIBLIOGRAPHY "Gales portuguesas ao servifo de Ricardo II." III-2. Rymer, Thomas, comp. Foedera, Conventiones, Literae, Et Cujuscunque Generis acta publica, inter reges Angliae, 2nd ed. 20 vols. London, 1726-35. See X, 405-406. Sa, A. M. da Cunha e. Ο Ultimo Cavalleiro. App-23. Sa, Artur Moreira de. "Alguns documentos referentes ao Infante D. Pedro," Revista da Faculdade de Letras de Lisboa, 2nd series, XXII (1956), 5-69. " A 'Carta de Bruges' do Infante D. Pedro." III-7. "O Infante D. Pedro e a Critica Historica," Revista da Faculdade de Letras de Lisboa, 2nd series, X V I (1950), 117-136. Review of Joseph M. Piel's edition of the Infante Dom Pedro's translation of Cicero, De Officiis, in Revista da Faculdade de Letras de Lisboa, 2nd series, X V (1949), 256-259. Sabbadini, Remigio. Scoperte dei codici latini e greet. I V - 1 1 . Salvetti, Tommaso. Life of Gomes Ferreira da Silva. In MS. II-20. Samaran, Charles. "Vasco de Lucena a la cour de Bourgogne." IV-27. Sampaio, Luis T . de. "Desafios do Duque Joäo de Bourbon." I-4. Sanceau, Elaine. Henry the Navigator: The Story of a Great Prince and His Times. New York, 1947. See pp. 116-117, I 2 I > 2 3^· S. Filippo, Pietro Amat di. "Delle navigazioni e scoperte marittime degl' italiani." Ill—39. Santaella, Rodrigo de, ed. Cosmo graphia breue introductoria enel libro de Marco paulo . . . VI-36. Santa Maria, Francisco de. Anno historico. 3 vols. Lisbon, 1744. See II, 105. Ceo aberto na terra. I-19. Santa Maria, Nicolau de. Chronica da Ordern dos Conegos Regrantes. II—18. Sanf Antonio dei Portoghesi in Roma. IV-12. Santarem, Manuel Francisco de Barros, 2.0 Visconde de. Essai sur Vhistoire de la cosmographie et de la cartographie pendant le moyen-age, et sur les progres de la geographie apres les grandes decouvertes du XVe siecle. 3 vols. Paris, 1849-52. See III, lix. Estudos de cartographia antiga. 1 vols. Lisbon, 1919-20. See I, 97. "Note sur la Mappemonde du cosmographe Fra-Mauro," Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie, Paris, 3rd series, V (1846), 251-252. Reprinted in Opusculos e Esparsos, II, 441. Opusculos e Esparsos, ed. Jordäo Α. de Freitas. 2 vols. Lisbon, 1910. See II, 441. Quadro elementar. 1-6. Recherches sur la priorite de la decouverte des pays situes sur la cote occidentale d'Afrique. Ill—56. Santillana, Marquis of. See Pastor, Antonio R., and Edgar Prestage. Santos, Antonio Ribeiro dos. "Da Possibilidade e verosimilhan9a da Demarcacpäo do Estreito de Magalhäes no Mappa do Infante D. Pedro," Historia e Memorias da Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa, Tome V , Part I (1817), 115-135. See p. 132. "Memoria: Sobre dois antigos Mappas Geograficos do Infante D. Pedro, e do Cartorio de Alcobafa," Memorias de litteratura portugueza, publicadas

394

BIBLIOGRAPHY pela Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa, Tome VIII, Part II (1814), 275-304. Santos, Armando Vieira. "Novos aspectos do problema dos paineis." IV-15. Santos, Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos, S.J. " A 'Carta do Preste Joäo' das indias." V - n . "D. Duarte e as Responsabilidades de Tanger." IV-15. "Do valor historico de Rui de Pina." IV-2. "O Infante D. Pedro na Äustria-Hungria." I-34. Sanudo, Marino, "the younger." Vitae Ducum Venetorum. I-12. Säo Boaventura, Frei Fortunato de. Litteratos portuguezes na Italia. Ill—30. Saraiva, Antonio Jose. Historia da Cultura em Portugal, Vol. I. IV-43. Saraiva, Jose Hermano. "Uma carta do Infante D. Henrique." IV-13. Sarmiento, Martin, O.S.B. Memorias para la historia de la poesia, y poetas espanoles. Madrid, 1775. See pp. 372-373, 380. Sastri, K. A. Nilakanta. History of South India. V-37. Schaefer, Heinrich. Geschichte von Portugal. 5 vols. Hamburg, 1836-54. See II, 458-459. Schatz, Josef. Gedichte Oswalds von Wolkenstein. I-21. and Oswald Koller, ed. Oswald von Wolkenstein: Geistliche und weltliche Lieder. I-21. Schedel, Hartmann. Liber Cronicarum. IV-54. Schefer, Charles, ed. Voyage dOutremer de Bertrandon de La Broquiere. II—11. Schevill, Ferdinand. History of Florence. II—15. Schiff, Mario. La bibliotheque du Marquis de Santillane. VI-24. Schiff, Otto. König Sigmunds italienische Politik. I-34. Schlager, J. E. Wiener-Skizzen aus dem Mittelalter. III—13. Schlumberger, Gustave. Le siege, la prise et le sac de Constantinople. IV-45. Schmitz, Philibert, O.S.B. Histoire de POrdre de saint Benoit. II—18. Schrott, Johannes, tr. Gedichte Oswald's von Wolkenstein. I-21. Schutz, Α. H. Vernacular Books in Parisian Private Libraries. IV-63. Scudieri, Jole M. Ruggieri. "Primi contatti letterari fra Italia e Portogallo." III-27. Selmer, Carl. "The Lisbon 'Vita Sancti Brandani Abbatis.'" VI-4. ed. Navigatio Sancti Brendani Abbatis. VI-4. Semeonis, Symon. Itinerarium, ed. Mario Esposito. Ill—24. Seneca. De Beneficiis. See Pedro, Infante Dom, Virtuosa Bemfeitoria. Sergio, Antonio. " A Conquista de Ceuta (Ensaios de interpretafäo näo romantica do texto de Azurara)," in Ensaios, Vol. I, 2nd ed. (Coimbra, 1949), 307-329. "As duas politicas nacionais." VIII-15. Ensaios. 8 vols. Lisbon and Coimbra, 1919-58. "Repercussöes de uma hipotese: Ceuta, as navega^es e a genese de Portugal," in Ensaios, Vol. IV (Lisbon, 1934), 229-275. Serra, Jose Correia da, et al., eds. Collecgaö de livros ine dito s. II—12. Serräo, Joel. Ο caräcter social da revolugäo de 1383. Lisbon, 1946. Setton, Kenneth Μ. Catalan Domination of Athens. III-46. " 'The Emperor John VIII Slept Here. . " VI-56. editor-in-chief. History of the Crusades. V-4.

395

BIBLIOGRAPHY Severac, Jordanus of, O.P. Mirabilia Descripta: Les merveilles de l'Asie, ed.

Henri Cordier. V-20.

Mirabilia Descripta·. The Wonders of the East, tr. Henry Yule. V-20. Seybolt, Robert Francis. "Fifteenth-Century Editions of the Legenda Aurea." V-6. "The Legenda Aurea, Bible, and Historia Scholastica." V-6. Seyssel, Claude de. Histoire de Louys XII. VII-6. Shepard, Odell. Lore of the Unicorn. VI-30. Shillington, V. Μ., and A. B. Wallis Chapman. Commercial Relations of England and Portugal. I-4. Shumovskii, T . A. "A identificafäo do piloto arabe de Vasco da Gama." VIII23· Siculo, Cataldo. Poemata. Epistole. IV-5J. Silva, Antonio Dinis da Cruz e. Hyssope: Poema heroi-comico. App.-2 3· Le Goupillon (0 Hyssope)·. Poeme heroi-comique, tr. J.-Fr. Boissonade, 2nd ed. App.-23· Ο Hyssope: Edigäo critica, ed. Jose Ramos-Coelho. App-23. Silva, Gomes Ferreira da. Correspondence. In MS. II-20. Silva, Inocencio Francisco da. "Memoria acerca da bibliotheca de el-rei D. Duarte." 1-8. et al. Diccionario Bibliographico Portuguez. III-30. Silva, Jose de Seabra da, ed. Deducgäo chronologica, e analytica. II—23. Silva, Jose Soares da. Memorias para a historia de Portugal, que comprehendem ο governo delrey D. ]οαδ ο I. I-io. Silveira, Luis. "Panegirico do Infante D. Pedro," Ocidente, Lisbon, XXIV (Sept-Dec. 1944), 205-217. Simöes, Alberto da Veiga. "La Flandre, le Portugal et les debuts du capitalisme moderne," Revue Economique Internationale, III (1932), 249-298. 2nd ed. of reprint: Brussels and Paris, 1933. Historia do Infante D. Pedro. Mentioned in his article "O Infante D. Henrique," pp. 329, 347, this study did not appear prior to its author's death in 1954. "O Infante D. Henrique." Ill-19. Simon, Kurt. Spanien und Portugal als See- und Kolonialmächte. Hamburg, 1913. See pp. 2, 5. Singleton, Charles S. "Stars Over Eden." VI-58. Included in Dante Studies 2: Journey to Beatrice (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), pp. 141-158. Slessarev, Vsevolod. Prester John: The Letter and the Legend. V-11. Smith, Lucy Toulmin, ed. Expeditions to Prussia and the Holy Land made by Henry Earl of Derby. II—8. Söderhjelm, Werner. "Pierre de Provence et la belle Maguelonne." IV-63. Soriano, Justo Garcia. El humanista Francisco Cascales. App.-22. Sors, Diego Monfar y . Historia de los Condes de Urgel. II—3 2. Sottas, Jules. Messageries maritimes de Venise. II-8. Sousa, Abbe A. D. de Castro e. Resumo historico da vida, acgöes, morte, e jazigo do Infante D. Pedro. I—34. Sousa, Antonio Caetano de. Historia Genealogica da Casa Real Portugueza. I-34. New ed., 13 vols, in 14, Coimbra, 1946-55.

396

BIBLIOGRAPHY Provas da Historia Genealogica da Casa Real Portugueza. 1-8. New ed., 6 vols, in 12, Coimbra, 1946-54. Sousa, Manuel de Faria e. Epitome de las historias portuguesas: Primero i Segundo Tomo. Divididos en quatro Partes. Madrid, 1628, See pp. 46446J, 478. Europa Portuguesa. VIII-5. Historia del Reyno de Portugal, new ed. Brussels, 1730. See pp. 242, 249. Lusiadas de Luis de Camoens . . . comentadas. VIII-4. Sousa, T . O. Marcondes de. " A carta nautica de 1424 da Biblioteca da Universidade de Minnesota e ο suposto descobrimento pre-colombiano da America," Revista de Historia, Säo Paulo, X I I (Jan.-June 1956), 291-312. See p. 302. Spears, John R . Master Mariners. London, 1912. See p. 63. Spinola, Francisco Elias de Tejada. Doctrinas politicas en Portugal (edad media). III—7. "Ideologia e Utopia no 'Livro da Virtuosa Benfeitoria,'" Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia, III (1947), 5-19. A satira politica em Portugal durante 0 seculo XV, tr. Fernando de Aguiar. Lisbon, 1945. Stark, Freya. Traveller's Prelude. I—36. Starkie, Walter. In Sara's Tents. III-28. Status descriptivus almae seraphicae provinciae seu custodiae et missionis Terrae Sanctae, new ed. VI-28. STC. See Pollard, A. W . , et al, Short-Title Catalogue. Stevenson, Edward Luther. Genoese World Map 1457. V-10. Stillwell, Margaret Bingham. Incunabula in American Libraries. III—11. Storck, Wilhelm, tr. Collected works of Camöes. 1-6. Stow, John. Abridgement or Summarie of the English Chronicle. Ill—3. Annales. Ill—3. Chronicles of England. Ill—3. Summarie of Englishe Chronicles. Ill—3. Sueyro, Emanuel. Anales de Flandes. III—3. Suriano, Francesco, O.F.M. Opera noua chiamata Jtinerario de Hierusalem. VI-i. Treatise on the Holy Land, tr. Bellorini and Hoade. V I - i . Tafur, Pero. Andangas e viajes, ed. Jimenez de la Espada. Ill—12. Travels and Adventures 1435-1439, tr. Malcolm Letts. IV-8. Tejada, Francisco Elias de. See Spinola, Francisco Elias de Tejada. Teles, Baltasar, ed. Historia geral de Ethiopia a Alta . . . pelo Padre Manoel d'Almeyda. App.-io. Telfer, William. "Episcopal Succession In Egypt." VI-55. Tellez, Gabriel. See Molina, Tirso de. Teza, E . "Trifoglio. I: Un viaggio fantastico, in portoghese," Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, XI (1887), 289-297. Thenaud, Jehan. Voyage et itineraire de oultre mer. IV-40. Theoderich. Description of the Holy Places, tr. Aubrey Stewart, VI-37.

397

BIBLIOGRAPHY Thiriet, Freddy. "Chroniques venitiennes." I—12. Thomas, A. H., and I. D. Thornley, eds. Great Chronicle of London. Ill—3. Thomas, Henry, and Armando Corteslo. The Discovery of Abyssinia by the Portuguese in 1520. V-38. Thomas, Paul. Christians and Christianity in India and Pakistan. V-37. Thomas the Apostle, St. Acts. See Pick, Bernhard. Thomassy, Raymond. "De Guillaume Fillastre considere comme geographe." III-56. Thompson, Richard. Chronicles of London Bridge. Ill—3. Thorndike, Lynn. History of Magic and Experimental Science. VI-69. Thorpe, Benjamin, ed. and tr. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. V-8. Thurston, Herbert, S.J. "Saint Thomas the Apostle." V-7. Ticknor, George. History of Spanish Literature, 3rd American ed. 3 vols. Boston, 1866. See I, 344. Tisserant, Cardinal Eugene. Eastern Christianity in India. V-37. Toledo, Jose M. Octavio de. "El Duque de Coimbra y su hijo el Condestable D. Pedro." IV-59. Tomas, Anibal Fernandes. Cartas Bibliographicas. Coimbra, 1876. See pp. 3343· Torrents, J. Masso. "Inventari dels bens mobles del rey Marti d'Arago." 1-8. Toscanelli: Notes et Documents Concernant les rapports entre l'Amerique et ritalie, Tome I, no. 1 (Jan. 1893). On inside front cover: "Articles a paraitre dans le courant de l'annee 1893: . . . Uzielli Gustave et Carmi Marie, Le prince Pierre d'Alfarrobeira, son histoire, ses voyages, sa legende.'''' I have never seen this study of Dom Pedro. Tovar, Pedro de (i.e., Conde de Tovar). Catälogo dos manuscritos Portugueses ou relatives a Portugal existentes no Museu Britanico. 1-6. "O desafio aos infantes D. Pedro e D. Henrique." 1-6. Portugal e Veneza na Idade-Media. Ill—30. "Um desafio aos Infantes D. Pedro e D. Henrique (1414-1415)." 1-6. Tractatus de decern nationibus & sectis christianorum. VI-10. Tractatus Pulcherrimus. V-29. Travassos, J. D. d'Oliveira. "O Infante D. Pedro, Duque de Coimbra." Ill—36. Traversari, Ambrogio. Latinae Epistolae. II-20. Treslado dela carta . . . V-39. Tucher, Hans. Reise in das gelobte Land. VI-44. Tudela, Benjamin of. Itinerary, ed. and tr. Marcus Nathan Adler. VI-15. Urban, Marquis de Fortia d', and M. Mielle. Histoire generale de Portugal. 9 vols. Paris, 1829. See IV, 152-153. Uzielli, Gustavo. "Colloquio avvenuto in Firenze nel Luglio 1459." III-42. Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli: Iniziatore della scoperta d'America. Ill—42. "Le quatrieme continent avant la decouverte de l'Amerique," Toscanelli: Notes et Documents, Tome I, no. 1 (Jan. 1893), 26-27. La vita e i tempi di Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli. II—15. Valckenstein, Nikolaus Lanckmann von. Historia Desponsationis III. III-45.

398

Friderici

BIBLIOGRAPHY Valdelomar, Juan Valladares de. Cavallero Venturoso: Primera parte. App.22.

Valle, Pietro della. Viaggi. 4 vols. Venice, 1661-63. Valle-Arizpe, Artemio. El canillitas. App-22. Valois, Noel. Le pape et le concile. IV-6. Varthema, Ludovico de. ltinerario. VI-27. Jtinerario, tr. Cristobal de Arcos. VI-27. ltinerario (Primeira tradugao Portuguesa). VI-27. Vasconcelos, Carolina Michaelis de, ed. Cancioneiro da Ajuda. I-21. , ed. Condestävel D. Pedro de Portugal: Tragedia de la Insigne Reina Dona lsabel. III—24. "Historia da litteratura portugueza," tr. Alfonso Hinckner, Ο lnstituto, X L V I I (1900), 225-230, 356-366. See p. 358. "O Judeu errante em Portugal," Revista Lusitana, I (1887-89), 34-44. See p. 37. "Literatura antiga portuguesa," in Biblioteca Internacional de Obras Celebres, VII (1913), 3081-3100. See p. 3097. "Portugiesische Litteratur: 1891-94," Kritischer Jahresbericht über die Fortschritte der Romanischen Philologie, IV (1895-96), Part II, 187-238. See pp. 203-204. , ed. "Uma obra inedita do Condestävel D. Pedro." III—24. and Teofilo Braga. "Geschichte der portugiesischen Litteratur." III—2. Vasconcelos, Joaquim de. Albrecht Dürer. III—6. , ed. "Voyage de Jehan Van-Eyck." III-2. Vasconcelos, M. R. d'Almeida e. "O Duque de Coimbra: Regente do reino," Ο lnstituto, III (1855), 301-303, 316-319. Väth, Alfons, S.J. Der hl. Thomas der Apostel Indiens. V-5. Veiga, Tome Pinheiro da. Fastigimia. App-23. Verci, Giambatista. Storia della Marca Trivigiana. I-37. Vergerio, Pier Paolo. Epistolario, ed. Leonardo Smith. III-27. Verlinden, Charles. "Deux aspects de l'expansion commerciale du Portugal au moyen age (Harfleur au X I V e siecle. Middlebourg au X I V e et au X V e )," Revista Portuguesa de Historia, IV (1949), 169-209. "Italian Influence in Iberian Colonization," Hispanic American Historical Review, XXXIII (1953), 199-211. "Navigateurs, marchands et colons Italiens au service de la decouverte

et de la colonisation portugaise sous Henri le Navigateur," Le Moyen Age: Revue d'Histoire et de Philologie, Brussels, L X I V (1958), 467-497. "Le probleme de l'expansion commerciale portugaise au moyen age," Biblos, XXIII (1947), 453-467. Viana, Mario Gon^alves. Viagens terrestres dos Portugueses. Ill—19. Vickers, Κ. H. Humphrey Duke of Gloucester. Ill—3. Vidal, E. A. "Factos do seculo X V , 1438-49," Archivo Pittoresco, X (1867), 142-143, 171-172, 178-179, 190-192. See p. 143. Vieira, Afonso Lopes. Nova demanda do Graal. Lisbon, 1942. See pp. 105-146, " A fe e ο imperio." Vignaud, Henry. Toscanelli and Columbus: The Letter and Chart of Toscanelli. New York and London, 1902. See p. 23.

399

BIBLIOGRAPHY Vila Franca, Conde de. D. Joäo lea αΙΙίαηςα ingleza. I-4. Vilas Boas, Manuel do Cenaculo. Cuidados literarios. III-40. Villa, Antonio Rodriguez, ed. Cronicas del Gran Capitan. IV-41. Villanueva, Francisco Marquez. " E l 'Numero Septenario' de Sebastian de Horozco." Αρρ.-ς». Villari, Linda. Oswald von Wolkenstein. I - 2 1 . Vincent of Beauvais. See Beauvais, Vincent of. Viterbo, Francisco Marques de Sousa. "D. Isabel de Portugal, duqueza de Borgonha: Notas documentaes para a sua biographia e para a historia das relaföes entre Portugal e a corte de Borgonha," Archivo Historico Portuguez, III (1905), 81-106. "D. Leonor de Portugal, Imperatriz da Allemanha: Notas documentaes para ο estudo biographico d'esta princesa e para a historia das r e l a t e s da corte de Portugal com a casa d'Austria," Archivo Historico Portuguez, V I I (1909), 432-440, and V I I I (1910), 34-46.

Ο fabrico da polvora em Portugal. VII-18. Ο Infante D. Pedro, ο das Sete Partidas. II-30. A livraria real especialmente no reinado de D. Manuel. Lisbon, 1901. Reprinted from Historia e Memorias da Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa, nov. ser., Classe de Sciencias Moraes, etc., Tome IX, Part I. Trabalhos Nauticos dos Portuguezes nos seculos XVI e XVII. VII-18. " U m companheiro do infante D. Pedro." II-30. "Uma expedifäo portugueza as Canarias em 1440," Archivo Historico Portuguez, I (1903), 340-348. Vives, Jaime Vicens. Cataluna α mediados del siglo XV. I V - J 7 . Juan II de Aragon. IV-58. El Segle XV: Els Trastamares. I V - j 8 . Voigt, Georg. Enea Silvio de' Piccolomini, als Papst Pius der Zweite, und sein Zeitalter. 3 vols. Berlin, 1856-63. Voragine, Jacobus de. Golden Legend, tr. Granger Ryan and Helmut Ripperger. V-6. Ho flos sanctorum em lingoajem portugues. V-6, i.e., Anselmo no. 443. Leyenda de los sanctos. V-6. Waldseemüller, Martin. Cosmographiae introductio. App.-io. Warbeck, Veit, tr. Die schöne Magelone, ed. Johannes Bolte. IV-63. Warinner, Emily V . Voyager to Destiny: The amazing adventures of Manjiro. VII-2. Waugh, W . T . History of Europe from 13η8 to 1494. I—35. Webbe, Edward. The Rare and most wonderfull things which Edw. Webbe an Englishman borne, hath seene and passed in his troublesome trauailes. VI-30. Weber, Beda, ed. Die Gedichte Oswalds von Wolkenstein. I-21. Oswald von Wolkenstein und Friedrich mit der leeren Tasche. I-21. Weckmann, Luis. "The Middle Ages in the Conquest of America." VI-53. Weinstein, Donald. Ambassador from Venice. Ill—31. Weintraub, Wiktor. "Humanista portugalski w Polsce X V I wieku." V I - 1 3 . Welch, Father Sidney R. Europe's Discovery of South Africa. Ill—3. 4OO

BIBLIOGRAPHY Wieser, Franz von, ed. Die Cosmographiae lntroductio des Martin Waldseemüller (llacomilus) in Faksimiledruck. App.-io. Windecke, Eberhard. Eberhart Windeckes Denkwürdigkeiten zur Geschichte des Zeitalters Kaiser Sigmunds. III—17. Das Leben König Sigmunds. III—17. Witte, Charles-Martial de, O.S.B. "Bulles pontificates et l'expansion portugaise au XV « siecle." I-16. Wolkenstein-Rodenegg, Artur, Graf von. Oswald von Wolkenstein. I-21. Würzburg, John of. Description of the Holy Land, tr. Aubrey Stewart. VI-25. Wylie, James Hamilton. History of England under Henry the Fourth. I-4. Reign of Henry the Fifth. 1-6. Yule, Henry. Cathay and the Way Thither, 2nd ed. V-20. Zacares, Salvador Carreres. Ensayo de una bibliograf'ta de libros de celebradas en Valencia. III-53. Zamalloa, Esteban de Garibay y. Compendio historial. Ill—58. Zancaruolo, Gasparo. Venetian chronicle. MS. in Biblioteca Nazionale ciana, Venice. Ill—30. Zarncke, Friedrich. "Der Priester Johannes: Erste Abhandlung." V-9. "Der Priester Johannes: Zweite Abhandlung." V-28. Zeibig, Hartmann Joseph, ed. "Die kleine Klosterneuburger Chronik." Zimmermann, Heinrich, Albert Starzer, et al., eds. Geschichte der Stadt

fiestas Mar-

II—34. Wien.

III-13.

Zurara, Gomes Eanes de. Chronicle of Ceuta. II—23. Cronica da Tomada de Ceuta, ed. Esteves Pereira. I-3. Chronica do descobrimento e conquista de Guine, ed. Visconde da Carreira and Visconde de Santarem. II—3. The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea, tr. Charles Raymond Beazley and Edgar Prestage. II—3. Cronica do descobrimento e conquista da Guine, ed. Jose de Bragan?a. II-3. Cronica dos Feitos de Guine, ed. Antonio J. Dias Dinis, O.F.M. 1-8. Chronica do Conde Dom Pedro de Menezes. II—31. Chronica do Conde D. Duarte de Menezes. IV-2. Zurita, Jeronimo. Anales de la Corona de Aragon. III-25. Zurla, Placido. Di Marco Polo e degli altri Viaggiatori Veneziani piü illustri dissertazioni. 2 vols. Venice, 1818-19. See II, appendix.

40 I

I n dex

Index Abban, 95 Abbasids, 165 Abgar, King, 94 Abraham, 185; tomb of, 175 Abrantes, 62 Absalom, 169 Abyssinia. See Ethiopia Acre, 147, 158 Adam, 205; tomb of, 131, 175 Adam, Philippe Villiers de L'Isle, 158 Adana, 178 Adige River, 16, 18 Adolphe of Cleves, Lord of Ravenstein, 28, 79 Adrianople, 161 Aducen, 148 Aerts, Jan, 112-114, 174, 179, 199, 200, 229 Afonso, Count of Barcelos, 3, 6, 8, 1 1 , 20, 21, 26, 28, 60, 68, 83, 86, 121, 155, 2j7, 260; Duke of Braganja, 61; journey to Holy Land, 6, 24, 155, 257 Afonso, Count of Ourem, 28, 34, 39, 52, 53, 61, 6j, 66, 69, 75, 83, 84, 86, 87, 155, 160, 263; journey to Holy Land, 24, 263; Marquis of Valeria, 68 Afonso V , King of Portugal, 10, 28, 59, 60, 61, 62, 68, 69, 70, 72, 75, 76, 77, 83, 85, 86, 87, 163, 241, 242, 244, 256, 262, 263, 264, 265; Knight of the Garter, 34

Afonso (son of Joäo II of Portugal), 86 Afonso, Braz, 74, 75 Afonso, Esteväo, 29, JJ "Africa" (North Africa), 111 Agincourt, battle of, 6, 14, 31 Agnes of Lusignan, 82, 160 Ailly, Pierre d', 7, 257, 331 Ain Karem, 93, 113, 173, 175 Albanopolis. See Derbent Albes. See Alves Albeth, 125, 154, 199. See also Alves; Edessa Alcantara, Order of, 180, 295

Alcazarseguer, 73, 87 Alcobaga, 48, 62, 66, 232, 237, 247 Alcoentre, 62 Alexander of Macedon, 44, 74, 93, 102, 103, 107, 108, no, 115, 118, 121, 194, 293; Liber de proeliis, 117, 193 Alexander (emperor),96 Alexander III, Pope, 100, 166 Alexander VI, Pope, 72, 108 Alexander V (anti-Pope), 7, 8, 9 Alexandra, Queen of England, 270 Alexandretta, 178 Alexandria, 23, 92, 115, 116, 173, 188, 204, 251; Patriarch of, 190 Alexius, St., 20, 21 Alfarrobeira, 29, 62, 68, 71, 87, 89, 177, 220, 221, 227, 253 Alfonso X "el Sabio," King of Castile: Siete Partidas, 121, 220, 226, 279, 280, 291, 296 Alfonso IV, King of Aragon, 37 Alfonso V , King of Aragon, 14, 35, 37, 54-56, J7, 75, 79, 87, 213 Alfred, King of England, 96 Algarve, 70, 194, 211, 255 Algeciras, 12 Almada, Alvaro Vasques de, 29, 62, 248, 250; Knight of the Garter, 34 Almeida, Fernando de, 72 Almeida, Dom Francisco de, 115 Almeida, Nicolau Tolentino de, 272 Almeirim, 218 Alonso, Hilario Santos, 270, 283 Alvares, Antonio (father), 287, 290 Alvares, Antonio (son), 290 Alvares, Father Francisco, 117, 157, 158, 196, 199, 220, 240, 290, 302 Alvarez, Leonor, 291 Alvaro, Bishop of Silves, 83, 335 Alverca, 62 Alves, 146, 148, 149, 199, 200, 240, 298. See also Albeth; Edessa Alvim, Joäo d', O.F.M., 234 Alvin, 147

405

INDEX Amadeus VIII, Duke of Savoy. See Felix V (anti-Pope) Amadis de Gaula, 310 Amaral, Luis do, Bishop of Viseu, 66, 263 Amazons, 110, 143-144, 184, 196-197, 198, 281, 283, 287, 291 Amman, 174 Ammirato, Scipione, 25, 45, 50 Amu Darya. See Oxus River Anania, 129, 165. See also Ananias, St. Ananias (courier), 94 Ananias, St., 165, 166, 167, 289 Anastasio, 28 Andalusia, 79, 177, 217, 228, 229, 257 Andaman Islands, 186 Angelo, Jacopo, 7, 331 Anghiera, Pietro Martire d', 297; Legatio Babylonica, 80, 118, 121, 221, 227; Libretto, 118 Angola, Companhia de Diamantes de, 341 Ankara, battle of, 41 Anna (prophetess), 173 Annas, 130, 171, 288, 289 Anne, St., 131, 173, 174 Anne of Burgundy, 37 Anonymous Spanish Franciscan, 119, 194, 228 Anthony, St., yo, 335 Antichrist, 149, 151 Anti-India. See Antilla Antilla, 121 Antioch, Patriarch of, 116 Antioch, Prince of. See Joäo of Coimbra Antioch, Princess of. See Charlotte of Lusignan Antony, St.: monastery of, 113; rule of, 190 Antwerp, 35; book printing in, 1 1 1 , 112, 117, 119 Apocryphal Gospels, 167, 180, 184, 220; Acts of Thomas, 95, 96, 209; Arabic Gospel of the Infancy, 184; Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, 167; Passion of St. Bartholomew, 206 Apollinaire, Guillaume, 253, 282 Apulia, 79 Aqaba, 114 Arabia, 39, 109, 114, 139, 194; Arabia Deserta, 159 Arabic language, 126, 157, 159, 286 Arabs, 129, 141, 165, 177, 189 4 0

ό

Aragon, 10, 13, 22, 35, 37, 53-56, 156, 158, 160, 178, 229, 245, 262 Aramaic language, 157 Aranda de Duero, 56, 57, 245 Ararat, Mount, 178, 182 Arcila, 73 Arienti, Giovanni Sabadino degli, 90, 91, 229 Armenia, 100, 132, 133, 178, 179, 185, !93. '94. '99. 25° Armenian language, 126, 159 Armenians, 7, 66, 228 Arnabo, 131, 176 Arraiolos, 13 Arras, Peace of, 31 Arrian, 44 Artabor, 131 Arthur, King, 102, 103, 107, 219, 246 Arthurian literature, 5, 103 Arundel, Sir William, 32 Asian, 135, 181, 298 Assyrians, 100, 105, 114 Astrolabe, 237 Aswan, 181 Ataide, Älvaro Gon^alves de, 13, 24, 29, 62, 247 Ataide, Vasco Fernandes de, 9, 13 Athens, Sicilian duchy of, 53 Augsburg, 26 Augustine, St.: City of God, 93, 98, 186 Ausonia, 144, 145, 198 Austria, 84, 284, 285 Aveiro, Pantaleäo de, O.F.M., 251, 287, 300 Aveläs, 58 Avicenna, 30 Avignon, 105 Avila, Gil Gonzalez de, 295 Avis, 73: dynasty of, 2, 8, 30, 32, 57, 107, 302; Order of, 2, 4, 28, 86, 87, 256, 295 Avranches, Count de. See Almada, Alvaro Vasques de Azambuja, Joäo Afonso de, Archbishop of Lisbon, 7, 24, 25, 26, 257 Azevedo, Luis de, 227 Azores: discovery of, 262 Azurara. See Zurara Babel, Tower of, 102, 152 Babylon (ancient), 102, 116, 164, 180, 209, 252. See also Baghdad Babylon (Cairo), 133, 134, 180, 194, 200. See also Cairo

INDEX Babylonia, 128, 152, 165, 176, 199; Grand Babylon, 128; Grand Sultan of Babylonia, 128, 245, 248, 295 Babylonian Captivity of papacy, 107 Babylonian language, 126, 159 Baghdad, 194; called "Babylon," 116, 164; Patriarch of, 116, 235 Balaguer, 37 Baldaque (Baghdad), 141, 194, 209 Baldovinetti, Alesso, 82 Balearic Islands, 351 Baleni, Giovanni, 271 Balkans, 6, 20, 68, 182, 260 Balkh, 182 Ballafia. See Walachia Ballesteros Beretta, Antonio, 297 Balm, 109, 138, ij2, 184, 200 Balsam. See Balm Bantu languages, 157 Barata, Antonio Francisco, 302 Barbarian Gulf (Sinus Barbaricus), 265 Barbary, ion, 14, 15, 194, 255 Barberino, Andrea da: Guerino il Meschino, 118, 119, 121, 217, 227, 280, 291 Barbuda, Martin Yafiez de la, 134, 180, 287, 295 Barcelona, 35, 53, 54, 56, 160; book printing in, 118, 119, 286, 296; Constable Pedro in, 87, 88 Barcelos, 125, 155, 243 Barcelos, Count of. See Afonso, Count of Barcelos Barrera, Alonso de la, 279, 292 Barros, Joäo de, 233, 293 Bartholomew, St., 96, 97, n o , 199, 206 Bartholomew the Florentine, 51 Basel, Council of, 24, 52, 59, 64, 65, 66, 67, 75, 263 Basil, St.: rule of, 190 Batalha, 30, 62, 77, 87, 241; Chapel of the Founder, 69 Bath, Order of the, 34 Baudewyn, Jan, 114 Bayard, Chevalier, 218 Bayezid I, Sultan of Turkey, 162 Beatriz (illeg. daughter of Joäo I of Portugal), 3, 6, 26; Lady of the Garter, 32 Beatriz (daughter of the Infante Dom Pedro), 28, 77, 79 Beatriz (daughter of Nun'Alvares Pereira), 6

Beaufort, Henry, Bishop of Winchester, 32 Beaufort, John, Duke of Somerset, 34 Beaufort, Sir Thomas, 32, 261 Beauvais, Vincent of: Speculum historiale, 96, 199 Beazley, Charles Raymond, 242 Bedouins, 159, 165 Behaim, Martin, j i , 181 Beiern, Portugal, 192, 272 Beiges, Jean Lemaire de, 79 Belluno, 18, 22 Benedict XIII (anti-Pope), 10, 12, 14, i j Benjamin, Tribe of, 145, 198 Bergamo, Jacopo Filippo Foresti da, O.E.S.A., 80, 110, 119, 226, 231 Berghes, Henri de, Bishop of Cambrai, "3 Bermudes, Joäo, 163 Bernac, Pierre, vii Bernard, St.: preaches Second Crusade, 94 Bethany, 113, 172 Bethlehem, 23, 93, 113, 129, 166, 167, 168, 174; Grotto of the Nativity, 166, 168 Bible: 71st Psalm, 39; Vetus latina, 205 Bib los, Bishop of, 100, 217 Biondo Flavio, 66 Bisticci, Vespasiano da, 84 Black Prince, 9 Bianca, Queen of Navarre, 57 Blanche of Lancaster, 2 Bohemia, 22, 44, 85, 260. See also Hus, John; Hussitism Bojador, Cape, 54, 63, 83 Bologna, 24, 28, 50, 64, 65, 66, 67, 75, 263; book printing in, 90, 163 Bonaventure, St.: quoted by Suriano, 175 Boniface VIII, Pope, 167 Bonne d'Artois, Duchess of Burgundy, 35. Bonder, Pierre, 229 Borges, Msgr. Antunes, 334 Bor ja, Rodrigo. See Alexander VI, Pope Boston, Massachusetts: Public Library, 272,315 Botticelli, Sandro, 83 Bouillon, Godfrey of, 219, 289 Boyl, Mosen Ramon, 55 Bracciolini, Poggio. See Poggio Bracciolini Braga, Teofilo, 89, 272

407

INDEX Bragan 2 3 ' , 269 John, Pope. See Pope John John XXIII, Pope, 203 John X X I I I (anti-Pope), 7, 9, 12, 13, 18, 258, 33' John VIII Palaeologus, Emperor, 66, 82, 179, 204 John of Gaunt, 2, 32, 56 John, Bishop of Regensburg, 40, 261 John, Duke of Bedford, 30, 37 John, Prester. See Prester John John, Sultan, 194, 231 Johnson, Samuel Frederick, 361 Jordan, Hashemite Kingdom of, 167, 170, 171, 174 Jordan River, 129, 132, 166, 173, 287; valley of, 23, 175 Jordanus Catalani. See Severac, Jordanus of, O.P. Josaphat, 169, 176; Valley of, 129, 169, 171, 175, 176, 177, 183 Joseph, St., 129, 168 Joseph II, Patriarch of Constantinople, 66

Joseph the Indian, 112, 214 Joseph's granaries, 113, 131, 176 Juan I, King of Castile, 295 Juan II, King of Castile, j6, 57, 60, 63, 64, 65, 76, 87, 125, 126, 147, 156, 228, 245, 286 Juan I, King of Navarre, 57, 87, 245, 247 Juana the Mad, Queen of Castile, 229 Juda, Tribe of, 145, 198 Judas, 130, 132, 177, 220, 281, 283, 286, 288 Judea, 39. See also Jewry Judgment Day, 129, 153, 169, 280, 287 Julius II, Pope, 72 Justinian, Emperor, 189, 270 Kalmar, Union of, 24 Karl IV, Emperor, 12 Karshi, 182 Kerala, 103 Khan, Great, 56, 293 Kilwa, 202

Klosterneuburg, 40 Kronstadt. See Brajov La Brocquiere, Bertrandon de, 24, 74, 161, 162, 164, 229 La Clede, Nicolas de, 248 La Fontaine, Jean de, 301 Lagos, 7, 259 Langarote, 5 Landim, Gaspar Dias de, 243 Landino, Cristoforo, 66 Lannoy, Guillebert de, 24, 74, 229 Lanzarote, Canary Islands, 5 Laodicea, 21 Lapis, 112, 199 Lapland, 163 La Sale, Antoine de, 9 Latin language, 47, 117, 118, 119, 120, 206, 269, 286, 292; Pedro's knowledge of, 40 Lawrence, St., 82 Lazarus, 172 League (unit of length), 127, 132, 135, 137, 138, 150, 159 Leah: tomb of, 175 Leäo, Duarte Nunes de, 243, 246, 249, 298; Cronicas, 244, 246, 247; Genealogia verdadera, 244, 290; Primeira parte das chronic as, 244 Lebanon, 7, 100; cedars, 175 Le Blanc, Vincent, 279 Leghorn, 53, 75, 160 Leiria, 67; Cortes, 68, 256 Leo X , Pope, 72, 218 Leon, Kingdom of, 158, 160, 211, 282, 284, 285, 288, 351 Leon, Fray Luis de, 171 Leon, Pedro Ponce de, Lord of Marchena, 57 Leonard, Irving, 271 Leonor of Portugal, Empress, 53, 75, 77, 84, 160, 229 Leonor of Aragon, Queen of Portugal, 2 5, 37, 55, 58, 60, 73, 86 Lesbos. See Mytilene Le Verrier, Jean, 229 Liber de proeliis. See Alexander of Macedon Libro del Conosgimiento. See Anonymous Spanish Franciscan Lima: Biblioteca Nacional, 279 Lima, Rodrigo de: embassy to Ethiopia, 117, 199, 240, 266,

415

INDEX Lincolnshire, 103 Lion King of Hispania, 126, 127, 128, 13°, '33. '34. "36, 137. 138, 139. H 2 . 143, "44. '47. ' 5 ° , 153. l 6 ° . 180, 192, 196, 243, 281, 286, 288, 290 Lisbon: Academy of Portuguese History, 248; Arsenal, 272; Biblioteca Nacional, 272; book printing in, 46, 48, 86, 117, 122, 163, 240, 242, 244, 246, 247, 251, 280, 286, 290, 291, 298; Carmo, 21; Casa dos Bicos, 181; Cortes, 60; monastery of St. Eligius, 69; monastery of the Trinity, 69; statue in honor of Pedro, 60, 71, 300; Torre do Tombo, 47. 245> 246 Lithuanians, 252 Liver Sea, 110 Livorno. See Leghorn Lobo, Jeronimo, S.J., 279 London, 6, 15, 31, 34; book printing in, 48, 105, 242, 300; British Museum, 272, 277, 290 Lopes, Fernäo, 3, 4, 9, 180, 256 Lora, 238 Lorenzo il Magnifico, 28 Lot, 138, 185, 186 Loti, Pierre, 189 Louis XII, King of France, 79, 218 Louis II of Anjou, 9 Lübeck, 8 Luca, 146, 198, 199 Lucena, Vasco de (Vasque de Lucene), 74, " 8 Lucena, Vasco Fernandes de, 44, 51, 65, 68, 72, 202, 242 Lucius, Pope, 217 Ludolphus de Suchen, 118, 184, 189, 190, >93 Luis, Joäo, 234 Luke, St., 108 Lull, Ramon, 53, IJJ, 157 Luna, Alvaro de, 57, 60 Lupo of Portugal, Dom, 75, 334, 337, 34° Lusitano, Cändido, 242 Luther, Martin, 216 Luxemburg, House of, 9 Lycia, 161, 182 Lyons, 207; book printing in, 92, 298 Ma'bar, 104, 105, 186. See also Coromandel coast Macedo, Antonio de Sousa de, 247, 298

4ι6

Macedonia, 286, 289. See also Alexander of Macedon Madagascar, 115 Madahil, Antonio Gomes da Rocha, 30, 3 " . 323 Madeira, 21, 55, 262 Madras, 103 Madrid, 156, 246, 280; Biblioteca Nacional, 123, 272; book printing in, 250, 271 Maffei, Raffaele, of Volterra, 242 Magdalene, Mary, 131, 172, 173 Magellan, Ferdinand, 238, 239; Strait of, 48, 2 39 Maghreb, 68, 255 Magi. See Wise Men, Three Maia, Alvaro Goncjalves da, 15 Major, Richard Henry, 242 Majorca, 53, 54, 157 Malabar coast, 93, 103, 104, 112, 114, 115, 120, 181, 235, 236, 254 Malacca, 112, 115, 218, 232 Malaga, 14, 76, 265 Malamocco, 49 Malaya, 232 Male and Female Islands, 196 Malines. See Aerts, Jan Malta, 158, 284 Mamluks, 106, 107, 160, 180 Mandeville, Sir John, 103, IOJ, 114, 115, 118, 119, 121, 197, 199, 204, 212, 228, 291, 297 Mandua, 126, 161 Manetti, Antonio, 82 Manjiro, 214 Manrique, Pero, 57 Mantua, 161 Mantua, Paolo da, O.F.M., 161 Manuel I Comnenus, Emperor, 101 Manuel II Palaeologus, Emperor, 82 Manuel I, King of Portugal, 47, 86, 115, 118, 121, 192, 194, 218, 266; letters, 1 1 1 , 118 Mares, Jose Maria, 284 Margalho, Pedro, 118 Marghera, 46, 49, 160 Maria, Queen of Hungary, 12 Mariana, Juan de, S.J., 279, 292 Marie of Burgundy, 229 Marignolli, Giovanni de', O.F.M., 103, 105, 186 Mark, St., 156, 204 Marmora, Sea of, 161, 220

INDEX Maronites, 7, 6 j , 228 Martha, 172 Martin V , Pope, 12, 19, 22, 23, 26, 52, 245, 248 Martin I, King of Aragon, 37, 306 Martin, Manuel Jose, 270 Martins, Fernäo (recipient of Toscanelli's letter), 51 Martins, Fernäo (Gama's interpreter), '57 Martins, J. P. de Oliveira, 242, 250, 251, 252> 2 55 Martyr, Peter. See Anghiera, Pietro Martire d' Martyrology, Roman, 105, 173, 188, 199, 209 Mary, Blessed Virgin: Assumption, 149, 169, 204; feast of, 149; Dormition, 169, 191; Girdle, 149, 165, 169, 204; Nativity, 174; feast of, 152; tomb, 129, 169 Mary (sister of Lazarus), 172 Mary of Egypt, St., 133, 173, 180, 287 Mary Salome, St., 131, 173, 286 Mascarenhas, Pero de, 232, 233 Masuccio Salernitano, 72, 229 Matariya, El, 113, 168, 180, 181; Garden of Balm, 184 Mateus (a Pole), 29 Matthew, St., 110, 199 Matthew the Armenian, 214 Mauricio, Domingos. See Santos, Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos Maximilian, Emperor, 229 Maximin, Emperor, 188 Mecca, 141, 142, 154, 194, 195, 284, 287 Mechlin. See Aerts, Jan Medes, 96, 100 Media, 194, 206 Medici, 28 Medina, 114, 194 Medlycott, A . E., Bishop of Tricomia, 96 Melo, Dom Francisco Manuel de, 247, 298, 299, 300 Mena, Juan de, 58, 88, 89, 227, 246 Menendez y Pelayo, Marcelino. See Pelayo, Marcelino Menendez y Meneses, Count Duarte de, 70 Meneses, Dom Duarte de (Governor General of Portuguese India), 115, 266 Meneses, Garcia de, 72, 118 Meneses, Dom Henrique de, 232, 234 Meneses, Count Pedro de, 70

Meser, 182 Meshed, 182 Mesopotamia, 22, 102, ioj, 157, 194 Mestre, 45, 49, 160 Mexico, 271, 297 Milan, 22, 39, 53; Poldo Pezzoli Museum, 83 Mirabilia, Eastern, 93, 95, 121, 213 Mirapolis, IOJ; Mirapor, 105. See also Mylapore Misdai, King, 9J Missionary activity, 99, 103, 111, 116, 157. 256, 257 Modon, 23 Mohammed (Prophet), 141, 142, 194 Mohammed I, Sultan of Turkey, 162 Mohammed II, Sultan of T u r k e y , 161 Mokri, El, 253 Molina, Tirso de, 294 Moluccas, 47, 233, 234, 236, 237, 239 Μοηςοη, Francisco de, 280, 291, 297 Mongols, 103, 178. See also Persia, IIKhans Monoculi, 110, 207 Monophysites, 99, 100, 106, 116, 159, 189, 213 Monsoriu, Frey Gilabert de, 55 Monsters, 93, 98, 226, 287. See also Centaurs; Cynocephali; Giants; Griffins; Monoculi; Pygmies; Skiapods Montalboddo, Fracanzano da, 118, 242 Monte Corvino, Giovanni da, O.F.M., 103, 104, ι ιό Montecroce, Ricoldo da. See Ricoldo da Montecroce Montes Claros, 141, 194, 195 Montluc, Blaise de, 300 Moors, i, 68, 89, 92, 134, 135, 141, 146, 159, 182, 227, 260, 280, 295, 300 More, St. Thomas, 101, 184 Morocco, i, 8, 11, 12, 13, 29, 63, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 218, 258, 281. See also Maghreb Morosini, Antonio, 46, 49 Morosini, Marco, 46 Moses, 124, 131, 140, 176, 187, 191, 206 Mosul, 116 Mota del Marques, 37 Motta, 18 Motu proprio, 52, 245 Mozarabs, 120, 201 Mummies, 139, 187, 287 Munchausen, Baron, 270

417

INDEX Munich: Staatsbibliothek, 123 Murad I, Sultan of Turkey, 162 Murad II, Sultan of Turkey, 135, 162,

182,

161,

2J0

Murcia, 157; book printing in, 295 Musa paradisiaca (apple of Paradise), " 3 ι '47. ' 5 ° . 2 0 0 Music, 126, 158 Mylapore, 103, IOJ, 106, 112, 115, 117, 120, 213, 221, 266, 348. See also Mirapolis Mynibar, 186 Mytilene, 79, 80 Namora, Fernando, 302 Naples, 75, 79, 91, 217; book printing in, 72 Napoleon III, 270 Narbonne, 14 Nascimento, Francisco Manuel do. See Elisio, Filinto Nasrids, 220 Nationalism, 5, 216 Navarre, 13, 158, 160. See also Juan I, King of Navarre Nazareth, 23, 93, U3, 129, 145, 167 Nazi, 94, 170, 216 Nebi Moussa, 176 Nebo, Mount, 176 Nestorians, 7, 39, 52, 56, 66, 99, 100, 102, 103,

104,

105,

106,

116,

157,

159,

205,

213 . Neufville, Catherine de, 9 N e w Bedford, Massachusetts: Public Library, 343 N e w World, 120, 200, 216, 220, 271, 279 Nicholas V , Pope, 75, 76, 163; Romanus pontifex, 83, 265 Nicopolis, battle of, 6, 12 Nicosia, 82, 126, 160 Nile River, 98, 168, 205, 251 Nineveh, 135, 182 Noah's ark, 132, 133, 179 Normans, 21, 229 Noronha, Pedro de, Archbishop of Lisbon, 83 Noronha, Pedro de (son of the preceding), 160 North Africa, 15, 26, 67, 68, 211 Norton, F . J., 122, 350 N o r w a y , 22, 127, 163, 277, 283, 286 Nowell, Charles E., 253 Nubia, 39, 106, 109, 194

41 8

Nun, Cape, 63, 83 Nuremberg, 40, 261; book printing in, 85 Nuremberg chronicle. See Schedel, Hartmann Obedience orations, 72, HI, 118, 269 Odivelas, 28, 30, 77 Odo of Reims, Abbot of Saint-Remy, 98 Odoric, Friar. See Pordenone, Odoric of Of the newe landes. See Doesborowe, John of Ofen, 40 Oliveira Martins, J . P. de. See Martins, J . P. de Oliveira Oliueros de castilla y artus dalgarbe, 187, 2 97 Olivet, Mount (Mount of Olives), 130, 169,

171,

174,

185,

288,

289

One-Eyed. See Monoculi Ophir, 185 Oporto, 15, 155; book printing in, 270,

250,

301

Oporto, Bishop of. See Chaves, Antäo Martins de Orajul Stalin. See Brajov Ordenagöes afonsinas, 122, 307 Ordenagöes manuelinas, 122 Orkhan, Sultan of Turkey, 162 Orlando, 103, 297 Orthodox Christians, 7, 65, 80, 82, 99, 100,

159,

161,

163,

189,

228

Ortona a Mare, 94, 115, 220, 348 Osman, Sultan of T u r k e y , 162 Ostend, 34 Ostriches, 184 Otto of Freising. See Freising, Otto of Oudenbourg, 34 Ourem, Count of. See Afonso, Count of Ourem Oxford, 31 Oxus River, 182 Pacheco, Diogo, 72, 1 1 1 Padroado, Portuguese, 235 Padua, 49, 50; University of, 51 Paiva, Afonso de, 157, 158, 254 Palestine, 23, 24, 25, 113, 121, 169,

181,

190,

199,

221,

167,

251

Palha, Fernando: Collection, 69, 350 Pamphylia, 182 Panfibian, 135, 181, 182, 287, 289, 298 Pangim, 115 Pantaleäo. See Aveiro, Pantaleäo de

168,

INDEX Pantaliäo, 287, 289, 290 Paradise, Terrestrial, 73, n o , 135, 150, 198, 199, 20J

Pardo, Rodrigo, 236, 237 Paris, 15, 16, 31, 251; Bibliotheque N a tionale, 123, 272, 285; book printing in, 71, 80, 117, 251, 271; Cafe du Sentier, 253; Hotel Regina, 253; University o f , 74, 290 Paris, John of, 269 Parrot, Friedrich, 179 Parrots, 150, 183, 238 Parsifal, 103 Parthia, 94, 194 Parts of the world, 109, 124, 125, 127, i j o , 154, 171, 207, 220, 220, 278-280, 285, 280, 291, 295, 297

Pasiban. See Panfibian Pasqualigo, Pietro, 118 Patras, 126, 161, 182, 250 Patriarch of St. Thomas, 102, 108, 109, 152, 210. See also Patriarch Thomas Patriarch Thomas, 38, 39, 108, 109. See also Patriarch of St. Thomas Paul, St., 3, 52, 129, 289 Paz, Luis Alvarez de, 64 Peace among Christian princes, 5 Pedro Afonso ("Conde Dom Pedro"), 155 Pedro I, King of Portugal, 3, 155, 282, 284

Pedro, Infante D o m (1187-1258), 351 Pedro, Infante Dom (1392-1449): Duke of Coimbra, 13; Knight of the Garter, 32; Marquis of Treviso, 16, 74, 245; Virtuosa Bemfeitoria, 20, 51, 252, 256; passim Pedro, Constable, 28, 59, 87, 155, 252, 359; Constable, 86; Coplas, 88, 226; Tragedia de la Insigne Reina Dona Isabel, 44, 69, 88, 252 Pedro II, King of Portugal, 298, 299 Pedro I V , King of Aragon, 37 Pedro of Aragon (son of Fernando I of Aragon), 55 Peiping: Archbishop o f , 104. See also Cambalec Pelayo, Marcelino Menendez y , 212, 252 Pefiafiel, 56, 57, 87, 245 Penela, 28 Pefiiscola, 14 Pereira, Diogo Botelho, 234 Pereira, Francisco Maria Esteves, 252

Pereira, Nun'Alvares, 5, 6, 8, 21, 86 Perona, 134, 181 Perpignan, 10, 14, 15, 18, 44 Perry, Commodore Matthew Calbraith, 214

Persia, 45, 100, 103, 104, 114, 115, 116, 157, 194, 206, 248; Il-Khans, 107 Persian G u l f , 114 Perumalil, A . C., S.J., 102, 206 Peter, St., 52, 70, 108, 131, 175; in Gallicantu,174 Petrarch, 16 Pharan, 190 Pharaoh, 176; wife, 177 Pheasant, Banquet of the, 74, 77, 80, 87 Philadelphia. See Amman Philippa of Lancaster, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 21, 30, 56, 202, 245, 257; death, 8, 9, 1 1 , 259; Lady of the Garter, 32 Philippa (daughter of Henry I V of England), 24 Philippe the Handsome, King of Castile, Philippe le Bon, Duke of Burgundy, 24, 3 ' , 34, 35, 37, 4 · , 73, 74, 7 6 , 77, 79, 82, 92, 260, 262

Philippe, Lord of Ravenstein, 28, 79, 80, 218 Phison River, 97, 98, 135, 150, 181, 184, 205

Phoenix, 299 Phogor, Mount, 1 1 4 Piave River, 16 Piccolomini, Aeneas Sylvius. See Pius II, Pope Pierre I, King of Jerusalem, Cyprus, and Armenia, 178 Pierre de Provence et la Belle Maguelonne,

91-92; 119, 122, 228, 269, 270,

296

Pilate, Pontius, 201 Pilean, 126, 159 Piloti, Emmanuel, 348 Pimpäo, Alvaro Jiilio da Costa, 253 Pina, Rui de, 60, 62, 67, 86, 242 Pinto, Fernäo Mendes: Peregrinagam, 246, 300

Pires, Ines, 3 Pires, Father Sebastiäo, 235 Pires, Vasco, 29 Pisa, 28, 29, 53; Council o f , 7, 8, 9, 24, 26, 257, 258, 261

Pisano, Mateus de, 69, 264 4 1 9

INDEX Pius II, Pope, 43, 75, 76, 77, 84, 117, 121, 194, 221, 231, 241; De Duobus Amantibus, 119, 121; De Viris lllustribus, 84; Europa, 62, 8j, 86; Historia Bohemica, 85, 119, 226, 245, 246; Historia rerum ubique gestarum, 82 Pliegos sueltos. See Chapbooks Pliny the Elder, 93, 207 Plutarch, 118 Plymouth, England, 31 Poggibonsi, Niccolo da, O.F.M., 118, 163, 164, 167, 168, 170, 175, 181, 229 Poggio Bracciolini (1380-1459), 43, 50, 53, 66, 106: India Recognita (Book IV of De Varietate Fortunae), 47, 67, 110, 117, 119, i2i, 181, 185, 196, 20ό, 226, 266 Poggio Bracciolini, Jacopo di (1441-78), 43 Poland, 24, 29 Poliziano, Giovanni M., 82 Pollaiolo, Antonio, 82 Polo, Marco, 40, 47, 56, 103, 104, 118, 119, 121, 178, 185, 186, 196, 202, 226, 2 43, 249> 254< 261, 266, 292, 335 Pombal, 77 Ponces, 148, 201, 205. See also Skiapods Pope John (Prester John), 108, no, 211, 227 Pope of Rome, 2, 56, 63, 70, 109, 197, 202, 213, 215, 257 Pordenone, 22 Pordenone, Odoric of, O.F.M., 103, 104, 117, 186 Porras, Ricardo, 237 Porretta, La, 90 Portogruaro, 18 Porto Santo, 21 Portugal: Grand Factor of, 1 1 2 - 1 1 4 ; passim Portuguese language, 119 Postel, Guillaume, 216 Poulenc, Francis, vii Prato, 204 Prester John; passim Prestrejohan, John, 103 Prettyjohn (surname), 103 Promised Land, 145, 176, 178 Protestantism: rise of, 120 Providence, Rhode Island: John Carter Brown Library, 289 Prussians, 44 Pseudo-Turpin, 175 4 2 Ο

Ptolemy, Claudius: Geography, 7, 93, 219, 2J7, 201, 265, 331 Puerto de Santa Maria, 237 Purgatory, 166; Island of, n o Pygmies, no, 141, 142, 159, 195, 205, 207, 287 Quarantine, Mount of the, 176. See also Indulgences Qubeiba. See Emmaus Queiroz, Ega de, 7 Querino, 328 Quero, 18, 49 Quevedo, Francisco de, 296 Quiloa. See Kilwa Quilon, 104, 105, 112, 114, 181; Bishop of, 105. See also Columbo Quirinus, 328 Raab, 41, 42 Rabelais, 80 Radu (Balkan Voevod), 41, 42 Rages, 96 Raithu. See T o r Ramirez, Garci, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, I 33> '34, "35, «36, 137» '39, "43. ! 44, "46, iJ4, IJ7. "59, IÖ0> I 0 2 , i 6 9, W 2 183, 193, '97, i9, 2 5°, 283, 286, 292 Rascia, 324 Rajnov, 41, 42 Ratisbon. See Regensburg Ravenstein, Ernest George, 48 Ravenstein, Lord of. See Adolphe of Cleves; Philippe Rebecca: tomb of, 175 Rechten weg ausz zu faren von Liszbona gen Kallakuth, i n , 118 Reconquest, 1, 53, 258 Red Sea, 107, 153, 261 Reformation, 1, 216, 220 Regensburg, 40, 43, 260 Reggio di Calabria, 79 Renaissance, 103, 108, 216, 217, 255 Resende, Garcia de: Cancioneiro geral, 58, 88, 215, 227 Restoration (of Portugal's independence, 1640), 243, 244, 246, 29s Retratos, e elogios, 249 "Rey leon de Espafia." See Lion King of Hispania Reynard the Fox, 269 Reyse van Lissebone, 118

INDEX Rhodes, 23, 124, 127, IJ8, 159, 161, 162; language of, 126, 158, 159 Ribandar, 115 Ribeiro, Aquilino, 163, 302 Ricoldo da Montecroce, O.P., 118, 119 Rio de Janeiro, 271; Biblioteca Nacional, 288, 289

Rio Maior, 62 Ripaille, 75 Rites: Byzantine, 202; Dominican, 202; Mozarabic, 201; Roman, 120, 201, 236; of Salisbury, 4, 202 River of Gold. See Senegal River Rivera, Fadrique Enriquez de, 167, 168, 1 7 2 , 1 7 4 , 1 8 3 , 190, 1 9 7 , 204

Roa, 57 Robbia, Luca Delia, 82 Robert le Diable, 270, 271 Roboin, Grand, 141, 142, 193, 202 Rocha Madahil, Antonio Gomes da. See Madahil, Antonio Gomes da Rocha Rodriguez, Rafael Garcia, 282, 284 Rodriguez-Mofiino, Antonio, 3J0, 363 Roger, Eugene, 251 Rojas, Fernando de, 291 Roman, Jeronimo, O.E.S.A., 292, 293 Romanus pontifex. See Nicholas V , Pope Rombo, Diogo Gonjalves, 248 Rome, 29, 48, 49, 50, 52, 72, 75, 83, 96, 97, 98, 1 1 2 , 1 1 6 , 1 7 5 , 199, 202, 2 1 3 , 2 1 7 ,

218, 245, 2JI, 298; book printing in, 85, 242; Coliseum, 195; ruins of, 53; sack of, 216; Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, 203; Sant'Antonio dei Portoghesi, 66; St. John Lateran, 66, 142, 195, 287; synonymous with Catholic Church, 64, 66, 107, 189, 190, 236. See also Pope of Rome Romulus, 328 Rosenauer Burg, 41 Rossellino, Antonio, 82 Roxia. See Russia Rozgonyi, Stephen, Count of Raab, 42 Rufus-Chronicle, 8 Rumania, 24, 41-44 Ruse, Island of, 114 Russia, 29, 43, 44. See also U.S.S.R. Ruysbroek, Willem van, O.F.M., 103 Sä, Artur Moreira de, 253 Saba, 39, 109, 139, 185, 186 Sacile, 22, 49 Sagres, 12, 259

Sala, 138, 184 Salvaterra, 35 Salvetti, Tommaso, 27, 76, 265 Samaria, 23, 288, 289 Samarqand, 135, I6J, 182, 183, 184, 196, 200, 228, 277, 283, 288, 289; Metropolitan of, 102 Samiard brothers, 100 Sampaio, Lopo Vaz de, 232, 233, 234, Sandoval, Diego Gomez de, Count of Castro, 57 Sandy Sea, 110. See also Gravelly Sea Santaella, Rodrigo Fernandez de, 119, 1 2 1 , 185, 186, 196, 220, 226, 279, 280

Santa Maria, Alfonso Garcia de, 63, 64, 66 Santarem, 62 Santiago, Order of, 3 Santillana, Marquis de, 86, 252 Santisteban, Gomez de: Andalusian recension of Libro, 155, 157, 250, 282284, 285; Madrid modification, 157, 250, 284-285

Santos, Domingos Mauricio Gomes dos, S.J., 40, 253 Sanudo, Marino, the Younger, 89 Saracens, 158, 265 Saragossa, 88, 119; Treaty of, 239 Sarah: tomb of, 175 Sarteano, Alberto da, O.F.M., 27, 66, 263, 264

Sarum. See Rite of Salisbury Saul, 139, 187 Savoy, 14 Scandinavia, 24, 277 Schedel, Hartmann, 85, 86, 229 Schism of the West, Great, 2, 7, 14, 18, 76, 107, 3 3 1

Scio. See Chios Scolari, Filippo, 43 Scolari, Matteo, 50 Scotland, 14 Sebastian, Pedro Cubero, 212 Seleucia-Ctesiphon, 116 Semeonis, Symon, 184 Seneca: De Beneficiis, 20, JI, 192 Seneca, Friar Jeronimo de, 139, 191, 192, 232 Senegal River, 54, j 6 Sequeira, Diogo Lopes de, 115 Seravalle, 18, 22, 49 Sergio, Antonio, 254

42 I

INDEX Serpa, Lupus Valasci da. See Lupo of Portugal, Dom Seth, 175 Seven Sages of Rome, 269, 279, 297 Severac, Jordanus of, O.P., 103, IOJ, 106; Wonders of the East, 104 Seville, 177, 235, 237, 239; Archbishop of, 238; Biblioteca Colombina, 218; book printing in, 80, 85, 92, 118, 119, 121, 122, 2ij, 216, 219, 221, 226, 266, 279, 282, 292 Sheba. See Saba Sheep, Fat-tailed, 148, 184, 201, 202, 205, 207 Sibilia de Fortia, 37 Sicily: Angevins in, 53 Siculo, Cataldo, 86, 194 Siena, 75: Council of, 30 Sierra Leone, 281 Sigismund, Emperor, 1, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 29, 31, 40, 4145. 5 6 , 74, 84, 85, 158, 213, 244, 245, 246, 247, 249, 250, 252, 255, 258, 259, 260, 261; King of the Romans, 13, 18 Silva, Aires Gomes da, 29, 55, 62 Silva, Antonio Dinis da Cruz e, 300 Silva, Gomes Ferreira da, 26, 27, 50, 66, 67, 76, 263, 264, 265; General of the Camaldolensians, 27; Prior of Santa Cruz of Coimbra, 27 Silva, Inocencio Francisco da, 249, 271 Simancas, 237 Simöes, Alberto da Veiga, 255, 322 Simon the leper, 130, 172, 286 Sinai, Mount, 23, 109, 113, 134, 139-141, 154, 164, 169, 181, 187-193, 213, 232, 251, 283; Burning Bush, 187, 188, 189; Djebel Katherin, 187, 188, 189, 191; Djebel Moüsa, 170, 187, 188, 189, 192, .193 Sintra: Pena Palace, 192 Sixtus IV, Pope, 72 Skiapods, 201, 205, 207. See also Ponces Slavic Christians, 189 Sluys, 31, 35, J3 Sobranga, 134, 181 Socotra, 104, 116, 196 Sodom, 138, 185; sodomy, 185 Sofala, 233, 234, 235, 236 Soldini, 39 Solinus, 93 Solomon, 185, 193 Sonterra, 143

42 2

Sors, Diego Monfar y, 29, 44 Sousa, Abbe A. D. de Castro e, 242, 249 Sousa, Antonio Caetano de, 86, 244, 248, 249 Sousa, Manuel de Faria e, 244, 246, 247, 248 Spanish Captivity of Portugal, 243, 291, 292 Spanish language, 118, 119, 120, 243 Spano, Pippo. See Scolari, Filippo Spires: book printing in, 117 Springer, Balthasar, 118 Stefano, Girolamo da Santo, 47, 103, 119, 121, 226 Stephen (a king of Portugal!), 8 Steve (an Indian ruler), IOJ Stones, River of, 144, 145, 197, 198 Strabo, 93 Strassburg: book printing in, 117 Suriano, Francesco, O.F.M., 154, 158, 159, 161, 165, j77, 184, 185, 187, 191 Susa, 209; Archmetropolitan of, 102 Sweden, 22 Swynford, Katherine, 3, 32 Syria, 20, 21, 24, 169, 177, 221, 251, 252 Syriac language, 95, 159 Syrian Christians, 66, 96, 189; East Syrian liturgy, 116, 159 Tabetebolale, 127, 162 Tabor, Mount, 131, 175, 176, 187 Tabriz, 182 Tafur, Pero, 27, 39, j i , 53, 64, 104, 161, 162, 173, 175, 177, 184, 190, 228 Tagliamento River, 16, 18 Tamerlane, 41, 103, 124, 135, 136, 179, 182, 183, 184, 196, 197, 200, 213, 228, 254, 287 Tangier, 67, 68, 73, 25J, 256, 263 Tarifa: Alcaide, i j Tarsa, 138, 185 Tarso, 289 Tarsus, 178,185 Tartars, 39, 292 Tavares, Francisco de Sousa, 48 Teheran, 182 Teixeira, Tristäo Vaz, j Tel Aviv, 23 Teles, Baltasar, 279 Teles, Joäo, 74, 75 Tena, Fausto Garcia, 282 Tenedos, 162

119, 192, 165, 205,

INDEX Termez, 182 Ternate, 47 Tetuan, viii Thaddeus, St., 94 Tharsis, 39, 109, 185 Thenaud, Jehan, 80 Theoderich, 186 Theodora, Maiden, 270, 271, 296, 297 Theodore (informant of St. Gregory of Tours), 96 Thomas, "Emperor," 52, 263 Thomas, Patriarch. See Patriarch Thomas Thomas, St. (Apostle): miracles at his shrine, 96, 97, 98, 104, 105, 106, 108, 109, 112, 114, 203, 283; St. Thomas Christians, 52, 56, 66, 93, 97, 101, 103, 104, U2, 114, I I J , 116, 120, 205, 213, 229, 235, 236, 240, 256, 257, 263 Thomas (an Armenian), 11 5 Three Kings. See Wise Men, Three Tibet, 163. See also Dalai Lama Tierra Firme, 271 Tigrida, 193, 202 Tigris River, 100, n o , 116, 147, 150, 205 Titimissem, 106 Tlemcen, 134, 158; Tlemcenese language, 126, ι j9 Toledo, 120 T o r , 190 Tordesillas: Treaty o f , 239 Torna, 135 Torre, Juan Rodriguez de la, 282 Torres, Luis de, 157 Toscanelli, Paolo dal Pozzo, 51, 66, 157, 2 54 Tractatus de decern nationibus & sectis christianorum, 161, 201, 231 Tractatus Pulcherrimus, n o , 117, 216, 226, 231 Trade, 103, 106, h i , 256, 261 Tramyssene. See Tlemcen Transoxiana, 165, 182, 184 Traso. See Tarso Traversari, Ambrogio, 27, jo, 76 Treatise on the Pontificate of Prester John. See Tractatus Pulcherrimus Treatise on the Ten Nations and Sects of Christians. See Tractatus de decern nationibus Φ sectis christianorum Trebizond, 182 Tremezem. See Tlemcen Trent, Council of, 166, 210 Treslado dela carta, 119, 240, 350

Treviso, 18, 46, 49; March of, 16, 18, 19, 22 , 2 9, 43. 49. 74. 75. 76, 84, 85, 92, 2 45> 24 2 5 2 . 2 59. Tripoli (Lebanon), 47 Tripoli (Libya), vii Tristäo, Nuno, j Tritonish, 126, 159 T r o y , 124, 127, 162, 220, 286, 298 Tucher, Hans, 118, 193 Tudela, Benjamin of, 119, 164, 185, 209 Turk, Grand, 44, 126, 161, 169, 245 Turkey, 94, 126, 161, 162, 182 Turkish language, 126, 158, 159, 286 Turks, Ottoman; passim Turks, Seljuk, 94, 100 Turlock, California, 116 T y p t o f t , John Lord, 32 T y r o l , 9, 16, 18, 19 Udine, 18 Unicorn, n o , 113, 121, 132, 133, 138, 140, 142, 178, 179 Unity, Christian, 99, 161, 210, 216, 238, 256, 2J7, 263 U r of the Chaldees, 165 Urefia, 37 Urfa. See Edessa Urgel, County of, 351 Urrian, 128, i6y U.S.S.R., 216. See also Russia Utopia, 101, 199, 201, 208, 2 i j Uzielli, Gustavo, 254 Valascus of Portugal. See Lupo of Portugal, Dom Valdelomar, Juan Valladares de, 293 Valejo, Pedro de, 299 Valencia, 14, 29, 35, 53, 54, j j , 57, 247, 248, 351; book printing in, 80, n o , 119, 2 53. 2 79. 2 § 2 Valladolid, 37, j6, 57, 125, 126, 156, 243, 250, 284 Valle, Pietro della, 251 Valle-Arizpe, Artemio, 297 Varangian Guard, 163 Varthema, Ludovico de, i n , 118, 119, 121, 122, 177, 194, 195, 228, 291 Vasconcelos, Carolina Michaelis de, 89, 212, 227, 247, 2JI Vasconcelos, Joaquim de, 251 Vega, Garcilaso de la, 292 Veiga, Tome Pinheiro da, 247, 300 4 2

3

INDEX Veiga Simöes, Alberto da. See Simöes, Alberto da Veiga Velasco, Juan Fernandez de, 292 Velasco of Portugal. See Lupo of Portugal, Dom Velez de Guevara, Luis. See Guevara, Luis Velez de Venice, :6, 18, 22, 23, 24, 25, 29, 40, 41, 44, 45-49. 74. 85, 126, 160, 177, 232, 243. 25°> 25>. 252> 255> 2J9, 284, 285, 298; Afonso, Count of Barcelos, in, 6, 24; Arsenal, 46; book printing in, 118, 251; Bucintoro, 46; Ducat, 26, 84, 129, 130, 131, 156, 259; St. Mark's, 46, 113, 179; Venetian chronicles, 7, 45, 46, 49 Venier, Antonio, Doge of Venice, 24 Vergerio, Pier Paolo, 44 Vergi, Deacon of, 76 Verona, 16 Veronica, St., 173 Vespasian, Story of the Noble, 215 Vespucci, Amerigo, m , 121, 220, 279, 280 Vicente, Gil, 215, 216 Vienna, 29, 40 Vilalobos, Vasco Queimado de, 62 Vilas Boas, Manuel do Cenaculo, Bishop of Beja, 155 Vilhena, Comandante Ernesto de, 286 Villanueva de la Serena, 134, 180 Vincent, St., 82 Vincent of Beauvais. See Beauvais, Vincent of Vinoles, Narcis, 119 Virgil: Aeneid quoted, 75 Viri Galilaei, 131, 174 Viseu, Bishop of. See Amaral, Luis do Viterbo, 100 Vitoria, Luis de, O.P., 234, 235 Vivaldi brothers (Ugolino and Vadino), 104

4 2 4

Voragine, Jacobus de, 96, 117, 119, 169, 173, 186, 204, 220, 291 Walachia, 29, 41, 42, 43 Waldseemüller, Martin, 279, 280 Wandering Jew, 114, 269 Webbe, Edward, 179, 204 Wild Men, 110, ι8ό Willard, Charity Cannon, 336 William, Duke of Brunswick, 32 Wise Men, Three, 24, 34, 37-39, 93, 101, 109, no, 114, 261 Wolkenstein, Oswald von, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 258, 259 Würzburg, John of, 172 Wynendale, 34 Xira, Frei Joäo de, 7 Zacharias (prophet), 132, 176 Zachary, St. (father of St. John the Baptist), 169, 173, 176, 177 Zagazabo, 240 Zamora, 56, 57 Zarncke, Friedrich, 98, 101, 208, 209 Zebedee, 173 Zeeland, 41 Zeno, Marco, 46 Zion, Mount, 23, 74, 169, 171, 174, 176, 183; Cenacle, 170 Zizka, John, 23, 340 Zurara, Gomes Eanes de, 64, 241, 254; chronicle of Ceuta, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 15, 44, 69, 71, 242; chronicle of Count Duarte de Meneses, 70, 108; chronicle of Count Pedro de Meneses, 29, 43, 70; chronicle of Guinea, 21, 44, 71, 242, 253, 256, 264