The Syntax of Sophocles 9004065997, 9789004065994

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THE SYNTAX OF SOPHOCLES

MNEMOSYNE BIBLIOTHECA CLASSICA BATAVA COLLEGERUNT A. D. LEEMAN · H. W. PLEKET · W.

J.

VERDENIUS

BIBLIOTHECAE FASCICULOS EDENDOS CURAVIT W.

J.

VERDENIUS, HOMERUSLAAN 53, ZEJST

SUPPLEMENTUM SEPTUAGESIMUM QUINTUM A. C. MOORHOUSE

THE SYNTAX OF SOPHOCLES

LUGDUNI BATAVORUM

E.

J. BRILL MCMLXXXII

THE SYNTAX OF SOPHOCLES BY

A. C. MOORHOUSE

LEIDEN

E.

J. BRILL 1982

By the same author Writing and the Alphabet The Triumph of the Alphabet Studies in the Greek Negatives

Moorhouse, A. C. - The syntax of Sophocles / A. C. Moorhouse. - Lugduni Batavorum : Brill. - (Mnemosyne ; suppl. 75) UDC 807.5 ISBN

90 04 06599 7

Copyright 1982 by E. j. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this book may ht reproduced or translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche or any other means without wn'tttn permission from the publisher PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

ToM. M.

CONTENTS Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

x111

I. Number and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1

A. Number..................................

1

1. Singular. - 2. Dual. - 3. Plural in nouns: motive for plurality. - 4. Other motives for plurality. - 5. Plural in pronouns, etc. - 6. Reference to the Chorus. - 7. Plural in adjectives.

B. Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

12

8. Masculine. - 9. Feminine. - 10. Neuter.

II. Case Usage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

16

1. Basis of description. - 2. Oblique cases: frequency. - 3. Adverbal case use. - 4. Adnominal case use. - 5. Other case use.

III. Nominative and Vocative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

21

A. Nominative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

21

1. Introduction. - 2. Absolute uses, including nominativus pendens and nominative in apposition. - 3. The naming function of the nominative. - 4. Use in exclamation. - 5. Use in address. 6. Use in co-ordinated address.

B. Vocative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

26

7. Use with and without w(1w). - 8. Some cases where w is required. - 9. Other patterns of use or omission of w. - 10. Participle in address. - 11. Vocative of adjective in predicative ust", with participle or with finite verb. - 12. ouw~. - 13. Arcx~, O10(1tou~. - 14. Co-ordinated address. - 15. Use of non-personal nouns as vocatives. - 16. Exclamatory use of the vocative; w with the imperative.

IV. Accusative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Introduction. - 2. Accusati\'e of the ot~jl'ct. - 3. Accusative of the external object. - 4. AccusatiVt' with rnmpound verbs. 5. Accusative as secondary rnmplement of verbal phrasl'. 6. Accusative with compound verbs (nomino-verbal stern). 7. Accusative with verbal acljective. - 8. Accusative with passive verb. - 9. Internal accusative. - 10. Doubk a(Tusatives. 11. Accusative of the whole and part. - 12. Adverbial accusative (adjectives and pronouns). - 13. Adverbial accusative (nouns). 14. Accusative of respect. - 15. An-usative of t'xtent (time and place). - 16. Accusative of l'nd of motion. - 17. An-usative in apposition to the sentence. - 18. An-usative absolute. - 19. Sorn!' independent uses. - 20. Thl' accusative in so-rnlled prolqisis.

33

VIII

CONTENTS

V. Genitive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

50

1. Introduction

A. Adnominal and derived uses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

51

2. Introduction. - 3. Possessive-pertinentive use. - 4. Objective use. - 5. Genitive of definition. - 6. Genitive of quality. 7. With compound (including hypostasized) adjectives. - 8. Genitive of value; of price; of exchange.

B. Partitive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

56

9. Introduction, and independent use. - 10. The partitive with non-verbal association. - 11. Of time and place. - 12. Adverbal use: introduction. - 13. With verbs of sharing. - 14. With verbs of tasting, making trial, beginning. - 15. With verbs of enjoying, benefiting from. - 16. With verbs of touching, seizing. - 17. With verbs of meeting, acquiring, hitting, missing. - 18. With verbs of approaching. 19. With verbs of desiring, aiming at. - 20. With verbs of filling, being full, having abundance. - 21 With verbs of smelling, having scent. - 22. With verbs of hearing, perceiving. - 23. With verbs of remembering, forgetting; caring for. - 24. With verbs of ruling, controlling.

C. Ablatival. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

66

25. Introduction. - 26. With verbs of motion. - 27. With verbs of being born, etc. - 28. With verbs of learning. - 29. With verbs of taking away, removing; receiving from. - 30. With verbs of separating from, depriving; lacking; stopping, ceasing from; delivering, escaping from. - 31. With negative compound adjectives. - 32. Genitive of comparison.

D. Further uses.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

70

33. Introduction. - 34. Genitive of cause. - 35. Genitive of exclamation. - 36. Genitive of relation: introduction. - 37. (i) With verbs of saying and hearing. - 38. (ii) With verbs of accusing or punishing, of the crime. - 39. (iii) With EXW, of state or condition. - 40. (iv) In more general use. - 41. Genitive of the agent. 42. Genitive absolute. - 43. Double genitives.

VI. Dative .................... .

79

1. Introduction

A. Dative proper ............ .

80

2. Final-directive use. - 3. With verbs of giving, taking away, etc. - 4. With verbs of meeting, approaching, retiring. - 5. With verbs of obeying, addressing. - 6. With verbs showing attitude or feeling towards. - 7. With verbs of ordering, advising; and of leading. 8. Dative of possession. - 9. Dative of advantage or disadvantage, of interest. - 10. Ethic dative. - 11. Dativus iudicantis. - 12 Dative of the agent.

B. Locative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13. Of place. - 14. Ofrespect. - 15. Of time.

86

CONTENTS ·

IX

C. Instrumental-comitative.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

88

16. Of the instrument or means. - 17. Of the cause or reason. 18. Comitative, of accompaniment, association, likeness. 19. Modal, of accompanying cirrnmslances.

VII. Prepositions and Preverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

93

1. Introduction. - 2. ixµtpL - '.{. ixvix. - 4. ixvi:L - 5. ix1t6. - 6. llLix. 7. d,. - 8. iv. -9. ix, i~. - 10. i1tL - 11. xixi:ix. - 12. µti:ix. - U. 7t1Xp jTjpqt q>LA&t xw 11ouc; OfJ.Otp'tELII ( cf. OT 366 with au11). P. 997 oµ.o(ouc; -.ore; &p(a'tOLp 'the dust of Thebes received him together with his horses ... '.

oc

§ 19. Modal, of accompanying circumstances

The modal use describes the circumstances which accompany the action: most often the substantive is abstract. A. 1033 1tpoc; 'touo' OA.WAE 80t11cxa(µ. 7tE(qt ... xA&L11011 fooc; 1t&q>0t11't0tL (aoq>(qt = aoq>wc;). lb. 1085 8uµ.ci> 'in anger'. E. 233* &u11o(qt 'with good feeling'. OT 52 op11L8L cx1a( 'with good omen'. lb. 51 &aq>cxAdqt ... cx116p8wao11 1t6AL11 'restore the city in security': &aq>. applies to its future state (proleptically), not to the act of restoring. Also P. 1465 xcx( µ.' tu1tAo(qt 1t€µ.q,011 'send me on my way with fair course' (cf. with these /l. 1, 418 at xcxxli IXLa!) dxo11 'I bore you to suffer misfortune'). Certain nouns are so used freely also in prose authors, and without

DATIVE

91

prepos1t1ons: o(xn, E. 70; ~Li, A. 1176; axoAfl, An. 390; aLyfl, OT 341; A6yC\), E. 63 A6yC\) µa:tT}V 611flaxwr0t~ 'dying according to vain report'; OC 369 A6yC\) axo1rouaL 'considering reflectively, according to reason'; tPYC\>, P. 532. OT 883* XEpalv ~ A6yC\) 'in deed or word' (X- = EPYC\>)Other uses are parallel to the internal (cognate) accusative. T. 168 ~ijv OtAU1t:T)"tC\) ~LC\). E. 650 ~wacxv Ot~AOt~EL ~LC\). T. 544 \IOGOU\l"tt 1t:OAAa -rflOE -rfl \IOGC\) (if not causal, § 17 above). Some other possible examples have nouns undetermined by adjectives, coupled with verbs of similar sense. So two with q:,6~C\) with a verb offearing. oc 1625 wan 1t:av-rcx~ op6L0t~ [ a-rijaOtL q:,6~C\) oda0t11-r0t~ ... -rpLXOt~: q:,6~C\> can alternatively be causal, linked with a-rijcratt. T. 176 wa6' ... lx1t:T}01Xv EfLE [ q:,6~C\>, q:,LAatL, -rcxp~ouacxv Ef fLE XP~ µivm ... (or similarly, q:,6~C\> may go with EX1t:T}01Xv-the nature of the fear (in the dclause) is then made definite and introduced by -r0tp~oucr0t11). If q:,6~C\> in these two uses is modal, it can avoid a charge of tautology because of the presence of different nuances of fright, alarm, etc.; thus, for example, q:,6~o~ is found not rarely coupled with oio~ (Hdt. 4, 115, 2 etc.). But we may come nearer to tautology in two other examples. An. 427 y6maw l~ci,µw~E\I (cf. A. 317 l~c;>µw~E\I o1µwya~ Auypa~. ib. 579). OT 65 wa-r' oux U1t:VC\) y' Euoov-ra µ' l~EyELpE-rE 'in me you are not waking up one who is slumbering in sleep'. On this Jebb suggests that a modal dative is more forcible than a cognate accus., which seems incapable of proof. Rather, u1t:11. EUO. as a fuller phrase has more force (and YE stresses the whole phrase: Denniston 582): it is not, of course, 'one who is inactive, not through sleep' (but for some other reason). Also with concrete nouns. An. 716 u1t:-rtoL~ ... aiAµcxaw 110tu-rLAAE-r0tL 'sails with benches upturned'. lb. 1144* µoAEtv x0t60tpcr(C\> 1t:oo( 'come with' (or 'on') 'healing foot' (of Dionysus): 'foot' might be used here with the instrumental sense of what brings him. P. 1377 1t:po~ -ra Tpo(Ot~ 1t:E0t0t xcxl "tO\I 'A-rpiw~ ... ulov -r.w P. 1238 (t1tTj 'repeat'); -µ.Lµ.v~axw OT 1133 'remind'. Hence of motion backwards: -€.pxoµ.cxL P. 621; -oxwxtuw E. 732 'hold back' a chariot; -voa-.w fr. 314, 160.

§ 4. dni

av-.( occurs

with the genitive only. Schwyzer 443 is uncertain whether the genitive is pertinentive or ablatival, but the latter should be rejected. If the derivation as locative of a noun is correct (Frisk, Et. Wb. ), the former is the right solution (cf. the genitive with xcxpw, and perhaps EXCX'tL). The presumed original meaning 'in the face of, facing' is lacking in Soph. in the preposition, and generally rare: for the preverb see below. Regularly as 'in place of: OT 1418 A&A&t1t'tCXL µ.oiivo~ a. aoii cpuAcx~. With contrasted adjectives or nouns: A. 1020 8oiiAO~ a. &Atu8€.pou cpcxv&(~. T. 148 a. 1tcxp8€.vou jUV~. OT 455 1t'tWXO~ a. 1tAOuafou. So too after Cw 'assure the safety of A. 1128 (Brunel 136). Another possible example is -µat0tiv: T. 196 'to yixp 1to8ouv txata'toi; lxµat0tiv 0€Awv [ oux /xv µt0tI'to, where Exµ0t8E1'v 'to 1to8ouv is explained by Mazon (Rev. Phil. 1951, 8 f.) as 'to satisfy his desire by learning'; comparison is made with t~OtL'touµatL 'beg off, deliver by prayer' A. Ag. 662, lxac;>~w Pers. 451. Linked with these is the intensive use, which sometimes may differ only slightly (if at all?) from that of the simplex: -µatv0avw 'learn fully'; ·OLOIX T. 987; ·Ot'tLµaCw oc 1378; ·Epw P. 329 'speak out, freely'; -ovuo(Cw ib. 382; ·AW~WµatL P. 330; -oµµat-rw fr. 710 'give sight to'; ·Oatxpuw P. 278; -~OU'tU1tOU'tatL(leg. -a80tL) Inach. fr. 1, 37 (P. Oxy. 2369; Carden 65). So coupled with other preverbs: -atvtup(axuv P. 991; •E1ttu,coµ0t1 ib. 668; •E1toµ~pw 'rain on' fr. 524, 4; -tq>ltµatL A. 795; -1tpo-r1µw An. 913. Sophocles' special fondness for EX· compounds with non-concrete sense has been often noted, and sometimes seen as a mannerism, adding nothing more than dignity (see Pearson on fr. 524, 4; Wilamowitz on E. H.F. 155; Schmid-Stiihlin 1, 2, 487 n. 3); but for opposite view see E. Tsitsoni, Untersuchungen der EX· Verbal-Komposita bei Sophokles (Kallmiinz, 1963): ix- marking a climax, especially in rhesis; or having metrical value, or making for closer unity. § 10. en{ l1t( is used with all three oblique cases. The genitive use is partitive, primarily of place on or in which, with verbs both of rest and of motion. P. 613 VT)O'OU "tijao' tq>' fii; VIXLEL; ib. 516* t1t' EUO''tOAOU vtwi; 1tOpEU0'0tLµ' av 'travel

112

PREPOSITIONS AND PREVERBS

on, in, a ship' (the prep. is indifferent to closer specification of the relation); OT 802 fol 1tWALXTj~ IX1t~\1Tj~ iµ~E~w~; ib. 1049 i1t' &ypwv ... Et '(he is talking to the prisoners) with his departure in view, as intending to depart'. An. 792* (you corrupt men's minds) l1tt Aw~qt 'for their harm'. lb. 322 l1t' dtp-yupC\) '(betraying yourself) for silver'. These uses should probably be linked with the finaldirective use of the dative proper (Ch. 6 § 2), as is argued by J. Gonda, Mnemosyne 1957, 1 ff.: it would be a blending of that unaccompanied dative use, and of i1t( with the accus. of the goal. A further local sense develops the (hostile) meaning against: OT 507* l1t' CXU't~ 1tnp6eaa' ~A9t x6pcx 'the winged maiden came against him'. OC 14 72 7\xu 't~O' l1t' dtvopt ... ~(ou 'ttAtU't~. Fr. 401 auoi; µt"'(ta'tO\I xpijµ' i1t' O!viwi; -yucxti; dtvrjxt 'let loose a monstrous boar against the land ofO.'. P. 1139* t(p' 71µr11 xcxx' lµ~acx'to. With reference to time, there is a rare use: OC 688* cx!tv i1t' i)µcx'tt ... 1teo(w11 lmvfot'tCXt 'ever day after day (the water) flows over the plain'. Cf. Hom. Od. 14, 105 cx!d ... l1t' i)µcx'tt. Probably contracted for i)µcx'tt l1t' i)µcx'tt, with l1t( used of succession. l1t( with the accusative is based on two separate uses, that of the goal (attained, or aimed at) and that of extent. Of place: A. 48 i1tt 'ttpµ' CX(pLXt'tO; 'did he reach his goal?'. OT 761 dt-ypoui; a(pt 1ttµqicxt xdt1tt 1t0tµ11(w11 voµcxi; (l1t( with both nouns). P. 626 eIµ' i1tt vcxuv 'go aboard ship'. Of other objects: An. 366* 'tO'tt µtv xcxx611, cxAA.o't' i1t' lcr9Aov tp1tu 'he comes, now to an evil, now to a good result'. OT 265 l1tt 1tcx11't' ot(p(eoµcxt 'I shall try all means'. E.

114

PREPOSITIONS AND PREVERBS

1000 l1tl fLT)OE\I tpXt'tOtL 'comes to nothing, fails completely'. Of persons as goal, to win, fetch, etc.: T. 503* l1tl 't 1tOAu~~Aep ~(ep 'the much-admired life' (cf. Kamerbeek ad Joe.), ib. 518. E. 302 6 cruv ruvcxL~i -rat; fLCXXott; 1tOL01>fL&Vot; 'fighting his battles (i.e. any which he fights) with the aid of women'. With abstract nouns: E. 1384 'tijt; ouaat~dcxt;. An. 943* -rriv tuat~(lltv. Fr. 188.1 11 ouaxAullt. A. 1334 11 ~(ex (similarly with ~Lilt E. 256), A. 1335 't'rjV 0£x71v (also An. 538, 1270, E. 1042), An. 1195 ci).~8ullt (also ib. 1193, OT 369, T. 398), A. 1357 cxpt~, OC 116 71u).ci~ullt (also E. 994), A. 157* 6 q186vot; (also OT 382). (But also without article tuai~ullt, E. 250*, 968, OC 189. o(x71 P. 1036, T. 347. ~tilt P. 601. q186vot; OC 1234, etc.). § 15. With proper nouns

Proper nouns are not normally in need of specification, being specific enough themselves. Names of persons are regularly anarthrous: thus the name of Ajax, A. 4, 19, 73, 201, 335, etc.; of Oedipus, OT40, 914,947, An. 2, 167. Tragedy lacks the familiar and popular use of the article with such nouns (cf. Gildersleeve, Syntax 2, 229). But the article occurs when attributes are added to the noun (and then properly belongs to the attributes): A. 206 6 ouvot; fLt"(lltt; WfLOXpllt't'rjt; Atlltt; 'Ajax the terrible, etc.', ib. 216 6 xAuvt; vuxnpot; Atlltt;, ib. 1223 -rov a-rpllt'tTjAci-r71v 'A"(lltfL&fLVOvcx. OTB 6 1taaL XAUVOt; Olo(1t01Jt;. E.8011 Ot>CJ'tTj\lOt; 'HAtX'tpllt. An. 31 't0\I IX"(llt8ov Kpfov'tllt, Notice exceptionally A. lOl 1tlltLt; 6 -rou Allttp-rfou (-rou occasioned by the use of 6 in the phrase?) but ib. 1 w 1tcxt Alltp-rfou, 380* -rixvov Alltp-rfou, P. 402 * -r4"> Alltp-rfou. Names of gods are similarly treated and are usually anarthrous. So Ztut;: An. 304 &t1ttp foxu Ztut; E't' l~ EfLOU at~lltt;, T. 399 ta'tW fLt"(lltt; Ztut;, etc. With attributes the article is usually present: T. 275 6 -rwv cx1tciv-rwv Ztut; 1tot't'rjp '0At>fL1tLOt;, fr. 684.4 0 1tllt"(Xpot't'rjt; Z.: but also A. 492 1tp6t; -r' lq1ta-r(ou 6L6t;. In the genitive, depending on an articular substantive (Gildersleeve 2,232): P. 802 -rov -rou 6Lt; 1tllttOllt (but contrast ib. 1415). Other divine names with article and attribute: Apollo, OC 1091 *, T. 208*: Athena, OC 706*, 1070*: Ares, OT 190*, OC 1046*: Hades, A. 1194*, T. 501: Erinys,

PRONOUNS

147

E. 489*. There are a few rare cases with the article and the simple noun:

OT 498* ci).),.' 6 µEv ouv Ztu~ IS t' 'A1t6Uwv ~UVEtO(, An. 519 IS r' "AtOT)~. ib. 777, fr. 298. Also twice 6 0$0~ E. 35, OT 788 (the name is by origin an epithet, 'the Shining One'). With names of towns the article is usually absent. So for Tpo(ex A. 459, P. 112, 915, 941, 1341, etc. Exceptionally P. 1392 t'TjV Tpo(exv. Also ib. 113 (but there repeating Tpo(exv of 112, so anaphoric). For 0TJ~T), -ext (without article) An. 733, 988, OC 919, 1305, 1325, etc. But OT 1380 [v yt text~ e,,~exL~, oc 616 textaL e,,~exL~. With attributes: E. 4 to 7texAexLOV "Apyo~. 9 MuxT}Vex~ tdt~ 7tOAuxpuaou~. P. 1346 t'TjV 7tOAU 'tOt 'trjc; WX,TJc; xp0tuI 'man, in whose life the influence of chance is supreme' (cf. Thucydides 4.18.3 'tO 'trjc; WX,TJc;). E. 261 'toe !J.TJ'tp6c; 'relations with my mother', ib. 92 'tOt 7t1X\I\IUX,LOWV 'the events of my night vigils'. 649 8cxpau 'tO 'tOUOE r' dtvop6c; 'have no fear concerning me' ('t6 either accus. of respect, or object of the verb).

oc

§ 17. Further use, with ad.fectives, and with participles

The article can introduce an adjective in apposition to a personal pronoun. (Gildersleeve 2,279). E. 282 l-yw o' ... 11 ouaµopoc; (v.l. without article), ib. 304 l-yw o' ... 11 'twxMµevo~ 1t0tt~ 60E 1tpoaEWt1tEt, 1tiinp: but the context is quite different, the person is clearly identified by his name and by 1t0tu;, and lSot means 'here', announcing the speaker's presence. But note T. 1238 ot\/Tjp 60' totxt\l ou \IEµttv ... , where dtv. 6ot with third person verb refers to Hyllus who is thus indirectly addressed, and is directly addressed in the following sentence (with aE). Cf. P. 910. It is possible that (6) a.\/Tjp 6ot takes a third person verb regardless of whether it refers to the speaker, to one addressed, or to a third party). More often the use is adjectival, used with a.vrip (with and without the article). T. 1256 'tEAEtJ'tTj 'tOUOE ,,ivopo~ UG't(X'tTj 'my final end'. P. 1036 0Atfo8t ... 'tO\I «VOpOt ,6vot. OT 534 cpO\IEU~ W\I 'tOUOE

w~

156

PRONOUNS

'to:v8po~ lµtpavw~ [ ATia'tTl~ 't' t\lOtpjT)~ 't1l~ iµiJ~ wpaw(oo~ 'being plainly my slayer, and evident thief of my crown' (here followed by iµ6~, cf. OC 1329). An. 1034 &v8po~ 'toiiot, P. 1375, OC 649. With awµa: OC 355 µavttta ... & 'tOiio' lxp11a871 awµat'tO~ 'the oracles which were uttered about me' (followed by µoL). But Bot with o:vfip can refer also to another person who is present, OC 630, 1428; while P. 910, T. 1238 (see above) refer to the person addressed, with indignant tone. In addition, Bot is used with meaning close to iµ6~. E. 353 'twv8£ y6wv, ib. 1133 Xtpotv 't0tLv8£, OT 811 'tT}aO£ xup6~. § 24.

OVTO~

In a number of uses ou'to~ shows similarity to Bot, and it is found coupled with Bot without distinction of 'nearness' or 'remoteness', as has been seen above(§ 22). Note further E. 274 'tOtU'tTJV ... 'tcilO£ cruyxoLµwµiV7Jv 'her ( = Clytaemnestra) lying with him ( = Aegisthus)'. lb. 371 £1 au µEv µa8oL~ [ 'tO~ (i.e. MyoL~) 'tTja0£ XPTJa80tL, 'tOL~ 8E aor~ OtU'tTJ 7tiXAL\I 'if you would learn to profit by her advice, and she by yours' ('t7JaO£ and OtU'tTJ both refer to Chrysothemis). T. 476 'tOtU'tTJ~ ... 477 'tT}aO£ (both refer to lole). OU'tO~ refers to what is present (deictic): A. 661 'tOU'tO ... owp7Jµa, of the sword that Ajax holds. T. 242 au'taL OE ... 'toii 1to't' dai xai 'tLV£~; 'these women, to whom do they belong, and who are they?'. E. 675 µT) 'tOtU'tTJ~ xAu£ 'do not listen to her'. lb. 1474 aii'tTJ 1tiA0t~ aoii 'she is here, near you'. OU'tO~ is also anaphoric: A. 119 'tOu'tou ... 'to:v8p6~, of Ajax who has just left the stage. lb. 1214* ou'to~, again of Ajax, named in the previous clause. An. 296 'tOU'tO XOtt 1t6Au~ [ 1top8£L, 't6o' av8p~ i~av(a't7JaL\I o6µwv 'this' (i.e. 'money', subject of previous sentence) 'ruins cities, this drives men from their homes'. OT 562 6 µavtL~ ou'to~ (referred to in 556). E. 301 6 1tavt' IX\IOtAXL~ ou'to~. Also, but less often, introductory to what follows: P. 232 ta8L 'tOii'to 1tpw'tov, oiivtxa [ "EH71vi~ iaµtv 'know this first, that we are Greeks' (followed by 'tOii'to yixp ~ouAEL µa8ttv 'for this is what you wish to learn', with 'tOii'to anaphoric). An. 61 iwottv XPTJ 'tOii'to µEv ... ll'tL .... OT 584, 1005. Regularly as antecedent to a relative. OC 135 7 a'toA~ 'tatu't~ q>Opttv, [ &~ WV oaxpuu~ Elaopwv 'to wear this dress, at sight of which you now weep'. T. 495 a 't' ... owpa XPTJ 1tpoaapµ6a0tL, [ XOtt 'tOtii't' an~ 'that you may take the gifts which it is proper to give in return'. OT69, T. 419. To introduce a new arrival (for which Bot is more usual). E. 1431 OU'tO~ lx 1tpo0ta't(ou xwptt 'here he comes from the suburb' (but Dain after Hermann separates OU'tO~ from this clause: in any case, the proximity is not so close here as with Bot above). Coupled with lxttvo~ in recognition:

PRONOUNS

157

fr. 314, 96 'tOtU't' ta't' lxd\lOt 'tw11 ~ow11 'ta ~TJflOt'tOt 'these are the tracks of the cattle' (for which search has been made). E. 1115. The connection with the second person is seen in the vocative use in peremptory or impatient address. Coupled with au: OT 532 OU'tOc; au, 1twc; Otup' ~A9tc;; 'you there, what boldness brought you here?' lb. 1121 ou'tOc; au, 1tpfo~u, otup6 µot (f!WIIU ~A€.1tw11 'you there, old man, look at me and tell me ... '. Followed by a€.: A. 71 ou'tOc;, ai ... 1tpoaµ0Ad11 xatAw 'Ho there, I call you to approach' (spoken by Athena). lb. 89 w ou"tOc;, At0t11, otu'ttp611 at 1tpoaXOtAW 'Ho, there, Ajax, I summon you a second time'. lb. 1047. Without the personal pronoun, OC 1627 w ou'toc; ou'toc;, Olo£1touc;, 't( µ€.Uoµt11 xwptt11; 'Ho there, Oedipus, why are we slow in going?' (spoken by a divine voice). (Cf. Svennung, Anredejormen 208 ff.: the tone is often excited and colloquial: also Stevens 102). Adverbial XOtt 'tOtU'tOt linked with an appositional phrase ( especially participial). E. 614 l]'tlc; 'tOlOtU'tOt 'tTjll uxouaOtll u~platll, [ XOtL 'tOtU'tOt 't'IJAlXOU'tOc; 'she who has so abused her mother, and that too at such an age as she is!': the origin will have been as an internal accusative (so here, 'tOtU'tOt u~plat11 't'IJAlX. ouaat), or as object of a verb to be understood (e.g. l1to(7Jat). An. 322 ( oiixou11 't6 1 ' tp1011 'tOU'tO 1t0t7Ja0tc; 7tO'tt 'at any rate (I am) not the doer of the deed') XOtL 'tOtU't' l1t' dtp-yupC\) ,t 't~II ~ux~v 1tpooouc; 'yes you are, and on top of that one that sells himself for money'. OT 37. For 'tOU'tO, 't0tU't0t adverbial 'for this reason', see Chapter 4 § 12. Introductory 'tOU'tO µ€.11. A. 670 'tOU'tO µiv lll(f!Oa'tl~dc; I xuµwVEc; lxxwpouatll tU>Cap7tC\) 9€.ptl · [ l~(a't0t't0tl OE .... 'tOU'tO is in nominative apposition to the sentence, used as a r_einforcement for the particle: the effect is to stress that both this and that occurred. Also OC 440, 'tOu'to µ€.11 ... oi: An. 165 'tOU'tO µ€.11 ... 'tOU't' 0tu8tc;: OT 603 'tOU'tO µ€.11 ... 'tOU't' ixAAo: P. 1345 'tOU'tO µ€.11 ... tt'tOt.

§ 25. bceivoc; (l)xtt110c; refers to what is more distant. So of the past: OC 1195 au o' tlc; lxtt\lOt, µ~ 'ta vuv, dt1toax67tu [ ... 7tTJfLOt'tOt 'consider those former distresses, not the present ones'. T. 1091 uµdc; OE xtrvot o~ x0t8fo"t0t8', ot 1tou ... 'you are those (arms, etc.) who, of old ... '. It is used in contrast with other pronouns: so with /Sot, E. 784 Ot7tTjAA0t,fLOtl (fl6~ou [ 1tpoc; ~ao' EXtL\/0\) u 'I have been freed from fear coming from her and him' (i.e. the supposedly dead Orestes). An. 1312. Coupled with l-yw: OT 714, 1020. With au: P. 115. With ~µttc;: T. 1272. With possess. adj. lµ6c;: OC 606 't0tµa xdtxt(11W11 7tlXfXX. It is appropriate for reference to those who are dead: E. 269-70 (of Agamemnon, in contrast with Aegisthus), ib. 924-5, OT 959, An. 170. Rarely, as a straight anaphoric pronoun: A. 755.

158

PRONOUNS

As already stated, linked with ISot and ou'toc; in recognition or presentation: An. 384 fio' fo't' &XtLVT}, E. 1115 'tOU't' lxtiv' ~OT} acxipic; (if punctuated after acxipic;, but see Jebb ad loc.), ib. 1178, OC 138 ISo' lxtivoc; iyw. The function of lxtivoc; in all these cases is to point back to earlier reference or implication. As antecedent to a relative (but lxtivoc; has its full demonstrative force): OT 1054 votic; &Xti\10\1 IS\l'tL\I' cxp"t(wc; I µoA&i\l tipLiµta8cx; 't6YO' OU'tOt; Aiyu; (v.l. 't6v 8') 'have you in mind that man whom we lately summoned to come? is it he that this man speaks of?' The use of 't6YOt to refer to the same person must recall the coupling just noticed: the effect is the same as if to ask fo8' /So' lxtivoc;;. The reading 't6v 8' gives less dramatic sense, ' ... and the one that this man speaks of. E. 2 wv lxtiv' t1ta't( aoL [ 1tcxp6v'tL Atuaam, wv 1tp68uµoc; fia8' 'now you can see before your eyes those sights, which you always desired' (lxti\lCX = ilia, of what is well-known, often referred to). lb. 278, OT 1454. Referring forward, to a following clause: P. 310 lxtivo o' ouotlc; ... 8iAu, [ awacx( µ' le; ol'xouc; 'but this no one is willing to do, to take me safely home'. lxtivo is more forceful than 't6ot would be, making a contrast with forms of help which Philoctetes has been offered (food, clothing, etc.) A. 94 lxtiv6 µoL ippa.aov, to introduce a following question: as Jebb remarks, lxtivo points to an abrupt change of subject.

ad

§ 26. Combination of article and demonstrative

The article may be used (as in Classical) or omitted (as in Epic: Chantraine 170) with all three demonstratives when used adjectivally. No doubt metre had influence on the choice. More often than not it is omitted. Thus with article: niaot 'tT}t; -yijc; OC 915, 1287, but more often without it, 'tTJGOt -yijc; T. 801, OT54, 210*, 1043, E. 71, P. 528,577,989, OC294, 462,862, 871; -yijc; niaot OT 104, 236, 353, 418, 1223, OC 1087*. A check of OT 1-500 provides examples of adjectival /Sot and ou'toc; (none of lxtivoc;) in the following numbers: arthrous, 6; anarthrous, 32.

E. Indefinite

ttt;

§ 27. Use and position

Indefinite 'tLt; is used both as pronoun and as adjective. The following uses call for comment. 'tLt; may be used where the identity of a person is known, but it is preferred not to state it. T. 35 'tOv ixvopcx ... AOt'tptuO\l'ta. 't(i) 'my husband, in service to a certain master'. A. 1138 'tL\IL = aoL (spoken with menace), similarly

159

PRONOUNS

An. 751. But accompanying a name it can have a scornful implication: P. 442 8tpat'tT)~ 'tL~ TJV 'there was one Thersites'. As substitute for the first person, used with the deliberative subjunctive in the third person. A. 403 • 1tot 'tt~ ouv cpuy"{l; ( followed by first person 1tot ... µtvw; OC 170* (where 'tt~ stands for first person plural). 'tt~ also stands individually, for any one of a group of persons: 'any' = 'each and every'. A. 417 • -.oii-.6 'tt~ cppovwv ta'tW 'let any one in his senses know this'. (But ib. 504 'totcxii-.' lptt 'tt~ 'thus someone will say'). A. 965 o! xcxxol yvwµcxLat 't0t)"0t8ov xtpotv [ EXOV'tt~ oux focxat, 1tpiv 'tt~ EX~l1tupov predicative, u~(~ and fo(x. attributive). § 9. Repetition of adjectives The repetition in the same clause of adjectives with polyptoton (as the repetition of other parts of speech) is developed as a stylistic means of acquiring emphasis. This begins with passages in which the adjectives have their normal, individual application. A. 1283 cxu-.o,; "'Ex-.opo,; µ.6vo,;

170

ADJECTIVES AND ADVERBS

µ6vou ... TJA8' t110tvt(o,; (each man is a single fighter, on his own). lb. 620* IX!pLAot 7totp' cxip(AOL,; £7ttCJt ... 'AtptCootL,; (the adjj. represent the two ways of stating the situation-the attitude of the Atreidae, and the result produced). E. 742 wp8ou8' •.. op8o,; l~ op8w11 o(ippw11 'upright, in his upright car'. oc 1109 011aµ6po11 yt ouaµopot (sc. axi'j1t'tpot !pW"t6,;). In an extended use, where one adjective serves mainly or wholly to support and stress another, redundancy of meaning enters, and the device may 'degenerate into a mannerism' (see Denniston on E. El. 337: he contrasts from this point of view S. E. 742 and E. Bacch. 1073 op8~ o' l,; op8011 ot18€p' ta'tTjpt~t'to, with redundant op8611). A. 267 xot110,; l11 xot11otat A111ttfo8ott ~vw11 'to share grief in common with friends': Jebb notes the stress on mutual sympathy. lb. 467 ~µ1ttaw11 µ6110,; µ611ot,; (of Ajax) 'attacking them (the Trojans) alone': Ajax would be alone, but can this be said of his opponents? Jebb comments that µ6vot,; means there will be no other Greeks present; this sense, of course, is conveyed by µ6110,;, not µ611ot,;, so that one must suppose that he regards µ6vot,; as strictly redundant and as underlining µ6vo,;. Another possibility is, that Ajax would fight them in a series of single combats (thus making the passage a plural version of ib. 1283 µ6vo,; µ611011 ... l110tvt(o,;); but this version makes a less bold image for Ajax to picture to himself. OT 479• µtAEO,; µEA£~ 1tooi XTJPEUWII. An. 1266* 11fo,; vi~ ~11 µ6p~ ... t8otVE,;. T. 613 ipotVELII 8to1',; [ 8u'ti'jpot XotLII~ XotL\1011 l11 7tE7tAW!J.ot'tL: but here there is also an underlying ironic sense in Xott11611, since Heracles would be a novel kind of sacrificer, as killing himself. Repetition without polyptoton occurs rarely: fr. 753 ~otpu,; ~otpu,; ~IIOLXO,;, w ~€11ot, ~otpu,;. OT 1330* (if XotX~tµo,; ouot(,; 'neither does any of the immortals escape from you'. Fr. 887. 2 adds a

ADJECTIVES AND ADVERBS

171

possible example. The force of the adj. approximates to that of a participle, but without indication of aspect and time, so it is specially suitable for timeless or repeated action. Cf. A. Pr. 904° (1t6Atµoc;) ix1topcx 1t6ptµoc;. Forms in --roe; are specially numerous (cf. C. E. Bishop, 'Verbals in --roe; in Sophocles', A.JP. 13, 1892, 171 ff., 328 ff., 449 ff.). Though they are often passive in meaning, the distinction between 'active' and 'passive', lexically convenient as it is, is not formally expressed, and either sense, or both, may be present in forms made from transitives; there are also forms made from intransitives. T. 520° iiµq,(1tAtx-rot 'intertwining'; ib. 1200 IXCJ't&IIOtX'tOOtL ~(qt. lb. 619 't'OU't'WV xapa [ 't'tµvuv icpEt't'O 't' 9tAOV't'L µri wxwv: the present here (in place of a possible aorist) seems to signify 'to proceed to cut my head off (in certain events), it is not a simple order 'cut my head off. An. 96 Ea µE ... 1t0t8EtV 't'O ouvov 't'OU't'O. E. 697 OIJVOtt't' /xv ouo' /xv !crxuwv cpu,EtV, lb. 285 OUOE yap XAOtUO'OtL 1tapa I 't'00'6VOE ... : the aorist implying completion of grief Qebb). An. 1102 ooxEt 1tapuxa8Etv; (ooxd per emend., •Et~ codd.) 'does it seem right ( to you) that l should yield?'. (The difficulty with ooxEt~ is that the personal use meaning 'think to do, intend' is used of action intended by the subject himself.) lb. 1173 u9viiaw· o[ OE ,WV't'E~ at't'LOL 9aVEtv: the aorist does not refer explicitly to the past. E. 1338 0t1t7JAAax8at o' dtxµri (sc. µaxpwv Mywv) 'to have done with' (finally). (b) Temporal meaning (relative to the time of the governing verb) occurs after verbs of saying and thinking. Aspect is of course also present at the same time, just as it would be in the indicative uses for which this infin. is a substitute (and similarly is absent from the future). The prest. infin. can have past reference as well as present, as equivalent to an imperfect: A. 1097 fi oo 9tptfo9a.L XIX'tL 'tOiio' lx9£ovL 'I pray the gods to send them neither fruit of the earth ... , but vow that they will be wasted by their present fate or one still more bitter'. It is possible here to link the use of the two tenses of the infin. with different senses of tuxoµc,.t: (i) 'to pray that something may happen' (prest. cxvLiva.t), (ii) 'to vow that something will happen' (fut. q>9tpda9a.t): so Stahl 200, and the blending of the two uses would suit Sophoclean usage. Oedipus would pass from a prayer to a confident prophesy of disaster. Alternatively, the future is explained like that after ouva.µc,.L (P. 1394 above): such a use might be favoured, in order to contrast with the present reference of 'tC\) 1t6'tµci, 'tC\) viiv.

210

THE TENSES

§ 32. Participle: introduction

The participle is concerned especially with the expression of aspect; but temporal use (referring to relative time) may also occur. These two features reflect the participle's dual nature, as both a nominal and a verbal element; where time is thus indicated, the participle can be seen as substituting for a finite form. In essence, the participle is indifferent to time, but for contextual reasons the prest. and perf. participles are found especially associated with (relative) contemporary time, and the aorist with past time (Schwyzer 298 f.; A. Oguse, Recherches sur le participe circonstanciel en grec ancien ( 1962)). § 33. Present participle

oc 428 ot YE 'tOV q>uacxv-r' lµi [ ... 7tCX'tp(oocr0t ... £L7t£ 'I anointed the tunic, applying what he had told me'. With aor. imper.: P. 226 µTJ µ' llxvci> [ OELO'Otvtti; ix1tA0tyijt' CX7tTJ'(pLwµivov, ib. 1262 £~£A8', exµ£(~~ tlX0'0£ ... O'tty0ti;, OT649 m8ou 8£ATj0'0t,; ff>POVTJO'Ot,; t£ 'consent, show readiness and good sense'. With aor. subj.: E. 59 t( yiip µt Aumr tou8', l>tOtV A6rci> 80tvwv [ tpyOLO'L aw8w;. With aor. opt.: T. 1251 OU ycxp !XV 7t0t£ [ XOtXO,; ff'Ot\1£LTjV O'OL YE 1tLO't£1>0'0t,;. With aor. infin.: E. 74 O'OL o' ~OTJ, yipov, [ to O'OV µtAfo8w ~IXvtL ff>POUpT}O'OtL xpfoi;. With fut. indic.: E. 974 A6ywv ... £UXAU0tv ... cr0tutfl t£ x&µot 1tpocr~0tAtti; mLcr8tfo' lµoL With prest. imper.: T. 1265 0tiptt' 01t0too(, ... 8iµtvoL auyyvwµoO'l>VTJV. The use is well seen with verbs indicating haste (ingressive): OT 861 1tiµ~w tOtXl>VOtO'Ot, A. 1164 tOtX,I>~ 0'7t£UO'OV, OT 1074 ~t~TjX£V ... ~OtO'Ot. With this compare the use of the supplementary part. with A0tv8iivw, wrxixvw, xupw: when these leading verbs are in tenses other than prest. and imperf., and principally in the aorist or historic prest., the attached aor. part. is coincident in time (Goodwin §§ 144, -6). E. 1403 ff>poup7Jcroucr' 1>7twi; [ AiyLa8oi; ~µ&,; µ~ Aix8t1 µoAwv fow. lb. 745 A0tv8iivu (historic) crtTJATJV iixp0tv [ 7t0tLO'OtPOUpTJO'Ot,; tl>XOL. T. 695 wrxixvw (historic) p(~0tcr0t. (Contrast OC 1349 £1 ... µ~ 'wrx0tv' 0tutov otupo 1tpo0"1ttµ~0ti; lµot [ 07Jcrtui; . . . 'if it were not (now) the case that Theseus sent him to me ... '. lb. 119* 1tou xupd ixt6moi; au8t(i;; 'where is it that he has rushed?'. E. 1176, P. 30). Purely aspectual use of the aor. part. has also been seen above in the periphrastic verb forms £1µ(, y(yvoµ0tL plus aor. part. (§ 29 (b)). But it would be going too far to claim that the circumstantial aor. part. always indicates nothing but the aspectual nuance. Where two consecutive actions are described, it is regularly the first (the earlier) which is expres-

THE TENSES

213

sed by the aor. part., and the second by the finite verb (and usually with the part. preceding); and it is only to be expected that the part. acquired a relative temporal sense from this association (cf. Funk 174 f.). Note the series of events at A. 23 7 * ff.: xptou~ a.11EAw11 wii µt11 xEcpaA7111 .. . pmut 8tp(aa~. 'tOII o' ... pui:ftpa AIX~WII 'TCIXtEL ... XIXXIX OEllll«~WII p~µIX'tlX. Hence two types of use can be seen. (a) Temporal sense absent, or weak ( majority of cases): P. 619 1:oui:w11 xcxpa [ 1:iµ11m icpE'l'i:o ,:~ 8€)..0111:t µ71 wxw11 'he bade any of them who wished, to cut off his head, ifhe should fail' ( = t! µ71 wxot). E. 295 ~o~ 1C1Xp1Xa'tciaa: 'TC. inceptive. lb. 570 µ7J11(aaaa ... XIX'tdx' 'Axawu~: µ. inceptive. lb. 737 0~11 Ot' W'tWII XtAIXOOII ivadaa~ 8oar~ [ 'TCWAOt~ otwxu: lva. punctual, of the sudden shout, contrasted with otwxu (durative). A. 1109 ,:6voE ... t!~ 't!Xcp!X~ iyw [ 8~aw Otxa(w~. OU 'tO 0011 odaa~ ai:6µa: OE(aa~ inceptive, 'not admitting any fear'. lb. 1410 rcai:po~ ... 8ryw11 rcAwpix~ auv lµoi i:cxao' lmxoucpt~t: 8tywv punctual 'lay your hands on him', lmxoucpt~E durative 'support'. (b) Temporal sense in evidence (cf. Fraenkel on A. Ag. 395* OtWXEt rcar~ l>pvtv, rc6Au rcp6ai:ptµµa 8d~, and ib. 785). E. 628 rcpo~ opr7111 lxcpipu, µE8Efocx µot [ )..£yuv a XPiJ~otµt 'you are possessed with anger, though you granted to me to say what I wished': the opt. XPiJ~otµt requires µE8Efo1X to be taken as a historic tense (Goodwin§ 190). A. 1183 a.p~yEi:', fo,:' lyw µ6)..w [ i:cxcpou µEATJ8Ei~ 't~OE 'give aid until I return after seeing to his burial'. An. 1031 Eu aot cppo~aa~ Eu Aiyw 'because I have formed kindly thoughts towards you, I speak for your good'. A. 676 urc\/0~ [ AUEL 'TCEO~aa~, ouo' a.ti AIX~W\I EXEt 'sleep sets loose after shackling, and does not always keep possession after taking it'. lb. 390 rcw~ &11 1:011 a!µuAW'tlX'tO\I ... OAfoa~ ... 'tEAO~ 8cx110tµt xaui:6~; 'would that I might kill the crafty one ... before finally dying myself: the force of the predication falls on the part., not on the finite verb, and it is the priority of oAfoaa~ for which the prayer is made. Similarly OC 1509 8£)..w rc6Atv ... µ71 q>Euaa~ 8a11E'l'11 'I wish not to deceive the city before I die'; ib. 1347, P. 541. The resultant ambiguity of the aor. part. need not cause surprise. Just as this part., when temporal, sometimes refers to (relative) present time and sometimes to earlier time, so the prest. part. can refer both to present and to earlier time (the latter when equivalent to imperf. indic.): see § 33 above.

o~a~ ...

CHAPTER TWELVE

THE MOODS A. The Indicative

§ 1. Introduction

In general the indicative, when not modified by IXV, is the mood used in assertion of what is factual, or in question anticipating such assertion: it is Modus der Wirklichkeit (Schwyzer 307). It is unmarked, lacking the specialization and subjective modifications found in the other moods. None the less, even without IX\/ there are uses which come near to, or overstep, the border of actuality. § 2. Special uses not modified by

av

(i) The imperfect of verbs of necessity, propriety, possibility, etc. is used in relation to an action which did not occur, or is not occurring: thus EOEL aE 1tcxpEt'VOtt 'you ought to have been present (but were not)'. The state of necessity etc. is in this way expressed without regard to the unreality of the action itself. P. 418 -.ouaOE yap µri ,rjv EOEt 'they ought not to be alive'. OT 1368 xpE(aawv yixp fia9cx µT)x1h' wv iJ ,wv wipA6c; 'it would be better for you to be dead than alive and blind'. oc 342 ouc; µtv dxoc; fiv 7t0\IEL\I "t£LOta8t, E. 643 1XX01Jt, 792 id., P. 832 l'8t (bis), OC 106 f. tn (bis). But it must be noted that xa'tpt (a formulaic use) and l'8t, tn have no alternative aorist form available, and their exclusion would reduce the number of uses to 5. (2) aorist, 29 (to which might be added two negative exx. with aor. subj., OC 86, E. 649). (b) Men to men (as Kieckers)

Soph. (OC) Aesch. (Ch.) Eur. (Med.)

prrst. imper.

aor. imper.

72

47 17 30

2:1

59

I would amend the figures for S. OC as follows. (1) prest., 97 (of which 13 are negatived). 8 exx. have forms of tiµ( and oioa, with no corresponding aorist: removal of these reduces the figure to 89. (2) aorist, 48 (to which might be added 14 negative exx., with aor. subj.). Bakker' s explanation ( 126 f.) is that principally the present contains an element of continuation, of close link with the context or situation: it would refer to an action which is expected, also to one which is required to begin at once, but not to one which can be performed at any time and left to the discretion of the addressee. The reverse of this requires the aorist: here what is ordered would be less immediately bound up with the present

THE MOODS

219

circumstances, and so not ordered to be at once performed; or, there would be no pressure on the person addressed, to whom the decision is left when to perform the action. If this is so, it is plain that the aorist is more suitable in general for an imper. spoken to a deity. We may compare the findings of earlier workers. J. A. Scott, Class. Phil. 11, 1907, 324 ff., had found the aorist used where supplication is made with appeal to the gods, in the interest of the speaker, and the present in advice or warning. For L. A. Post, in 'Dramatic Uses of the Greek Imperative', A.JP. 59, 1938, 31 ff., the aorist occurs where the one receiving the order must himself act or decide, and the present normally in advising or urging, and where the speaker is assumed to be in control. An. 86 orµot, XOt'tlXUOIX 'go and denounce the deed' says Antigone, concessively and defiantly: it is of a single act and non-durative, but closely arising out of the revelation of lsmene's attitude. OC 21 x6~, 't'O µatv8ixvm [ 1t6H' 0tlaxpov ouoiv. See further under Conditional Clauses (Ch. 16 §§ 1, 4).

w~

D. The Optative

§ 13. Introduction The optative in principal clauses has according to the convenient traditional view two basic uses, expressing potentiality (with, or rarely in Classical without ixv), and wish (cupitive, without ixv). Negatives are ou with potential, µiJ with cupitive. The uses sometimes overlap, both with each other, and with the prospective and voluntative subij. But that there is good formal ground, at any rate in Attic, for making the separation of potentiality and wish is shown by the distinctive associated use both of the modal particle and of the negatives. Attic introduced rigidity both in the

THE MOODS

229

separation of subjunctive and optative, and in that of the two kinds of optative (see Hahn, Subjunctive and Optative, 57, with fn. 106). At the Homeric stage the situation is more fluid: not only the potential optative appears with and without iiv (xev), but the same is claimed for the optative of wish (so Slotty and Hahn, supported by Calboli, Lustrum 1966, 244 f.; Schwyzer 330, 9, a). The aspectual distinction of present and aorist is observed in the optative as in the subjunctive; time distinction is absent except for cases of the oblique optative in place of indicative in indirect speech and question.

§ 14. Potential Use

(i) The unmodified potential use (without iiv) was always relatively infrequent: in Homer it was less used than the unmodified subjunctive (prospective). But a number of examples seem well established for Tragedy. Slotty, Der Gebrauch des Konjunktivs und Optativs, 140 f., claims as many as 62 cases in Attic with unanimous support of MSS, of which 9 are in Tragedy: A. Ch. 595, Ag. 606, 1163, Supp. 727; S. An. 605, OC 1419, fr. 106; E. IT 1055, Andr. 929. To these he would add some others, including 4 from Tragedy: E. Hipp. 1186, Hel. 769, IA 523, 1210. However, his unwillingness to accept emendation is well known (see the remarks of Wackernagel 1,230 f.), and his treatment of individual passages can also be open to question. Two special categories have been claimed for Tragedy, with meaning (highly hypothetical) not far apart: questions with 'tit; of a rhetorical type, equivalent to a denial, and relative clauses of the type oux fo9' 61twt;, fo9' 67twc; (interrog. ), oux EO"'tLV lSa'tLt; ... : Jebb, OC 170 App., Barrett, E. Hipp. 1186. Of the first type is An. 605* 'te.ll.V, Zeii, OUIJ«O'tv 'ttt; &vopwv U1tEp~IXO'tlX X1X'ta.axo1; 'who could possibly restrain?', i.e. 'none could'. Cf. A. Ch. 595* &U' U1ttp'toAµov avopoc; cpp6vriµix 'ttt; AtjOL; Also fr. 106 'tLt; OTJ 1t0't' OA~OV Tl µlrixv 9EiTJ ~po-.wv ... ; (edd. have proposed iiv for OTJ, or read µir' civ). The second type (cf. A. Ag. 620 oux fo9' 61twc; At~ix1µL -.dt q,euofj xixAa.) is not in Soph., but OC 1172 should be borne in mind (see below). Other examples, all interrogative in Soph., would if accepted fall outside these categories, and editors have preferred an alternative reading or emendation. oc 170 1tot 'tLt; cppov-.(ooc; 0.9oL; (-OL L, -n A). This is deliberative, with 'ttt; used of first person; the question is a real one, looking for an answer, and on this ground Jebb would prefer t?.9n. The other cases are also in real questions. P. 895 'tL OTJ'tlX op~µ' EjW ... ; (ofj-.' ,iv edd.). OC 1418 1twc; ydtp ixu91c; ixu 1ta.Atv a'tpa.-.euµ' 6tjoLµL ... ; (iiv for ixu edd.).

230

THE MOODS

lb. 1172 xat 'tLt; 1to't' ta't(v, /Sv 1 ' l-yw ~i~aLµ( 'tL;: this has the opt. in a relative clause, but may be treated here rather than below (rel. clauses, § 16 (i)), where the categories are different. In this editors have accepted the text. Jebb (App.) apparently takes the question as not a real one, but in fact it is: Theseus asks the identity of the man under discussion, Polyneices, 'Who is the man, with whom I am to find some fault?'. It is an expansion of a simple 't(va ~i~aLµ( 'tL;. Similarly some examples of fo9' IS1twt; ... ; occur in a real question which is not an equivalent of 'there is no way in which ... ': thus E. Ale. 52 ta't' ouv IS1twt; "AAxT)a'tLt; it; -yrjpat; µ6AoL;, which elicits the reply oux ta'tL. One must conclude that there is not sufficient reason to restrict the use of the optative to questions of a remote nature, as Jebb proposes. Slotty has been able to show that the unmodified potential opt. is found in different dialects and periods, and is not simply an imitation of Homer. (ii) The potential use with ,iv is regular. The sense includes a range of futures, and also present (especially in request, and in general statement), but not present unreal (of what might be happening, but is not). Compare the gnomic use of prest. indic. for general statement. It might be argued that the general use of the optative arises from future reference, since there is a gnomic use of fut. indic.; but that use retains association with the future. In Attic the original timelessness of the optative has been restricted. OC 431 EL7tOLt; ,iv 'you may perhaps say': forsitan dixeris, anticipating a possible argument. OT 937 'tixxa [ ijoow µiv, 1twt; o' oux iiv; OELVci>

THE INFINITIVE

239

AEjELII 'I am near the awful thing, to saying it'. oc 50 µ11 µ' Tj ).€ 1w11. Such coupling is relatively frequent, especially in introducing direct speech (Kieckers, l.F. 30, 145; 35, 34 ff.): here it is not so used, but direct speech follows in the next sentence. lxw11. Intransitive use, of continuous action; colloquial, so in Aristoph. Fr. 314, 127 (lchneutae) 1:( 1tott ~IXXXEUO'tt,; lxw11; 'why do you keep on with your wild behaviour?'. &rw11. oc 1342 WO''t' Ell o6µotO't 'tOLO't aor,; O''t~O'W a' &rw11: cf. ib. 910 also with tO''tTjfLt, and fl. 2, 558 O'tijO't o' &rw11. P. 481 EfL~IXAOU µ' 01ttl 9€Att,; &rw11, ib. 488. Aix~w11. OC 475 016,; "(E 11tixpa,; 11to1t6XC() µix).).ciJ Aix~w11 (yt per emend.: ~IXAWII v.l.) '(crown the bowl) with fresh-cut wool of a young lamb'. Aix~w11 is largely redundant. § 6. The participle expressing the leading idea

The participle, despite its syntactical subordination, can carry the principal predication in its sentence (as has already been seen in some cases: so T. 1120 above). Kuhner-Gerth 2, 98; Oguse 198 ff.; A. Cavallin, 'Zurn Verhaltnis zwischen regierenden Verbum und Participium conjunctum', Eranos 1946, 280 ff. Certain features which are often present, deserve comment. In iambic verse a principal verb whose semantic content is relatively small, tends to occupy the unemphatic position of line-final, while the part. is as near the start as is possible. Such a principal verb may be little more than a syntactical 'filler', in the category of verbs of going, saying, doing. The contextual relationship of the part. to the main clause falls under three main heads. (a) Causal. An. 294 ... 'tOU'tO\I,; leE1ttO''t1XfLIXt XIXAW,; [ 1t1XpTj"(fLEIIO\I,; µta9otatll t1pya.a9ixt 'ta.OE 'I know full well that it was because they were bribed that they did this'. OT 1000 ~ yap 'ta.O' OXIIWII xtult11 ~a9' dt1t61t'tOAt,;; T. 187 XIXt 'tOU 1:60' OtO''tWII ~ et11W11 µix8w11 AE"(tt,;; E. 577, 995, 1100, An. 381, 628, 632, OT 537. (b) Temporal. A. 108-10 ('I do not wish him to die yet' .-'Until you have done what ... ? ')-1tpt11 &11 ot9tt,; 1tpo,; xfo11' e.pxEto\l O''t&"(Tj,; [ ... l,LIJ.O''tt"(t 1tpW'tO\I YW'tlX qiowtx9t!,; 8cx11t1 'not until he has first been bound to a pillar ... and had his back lashed crimson before he dies'. Commentators have remarked on supposed illogicality ( or perhaps rather tautology) in 8a.11t1, as if Ajax says that Odysseus must not die until he dies; but this is to misinterpret the force of the two partt. Cf. oc 1509 xix( a' vw 0t1hlx' 0t!p-fiam ooxw 'lest I spoil the whole plan by which I expect to catch him'; also OT 1055 ('t6v s.v.l.), OC 35, fr. 314, 138. This evidence is sufficient to show that 't -forms as relatives are not being used by Soph. in the Homeric manner, nor with close reference to their demonstr. source. § 7. Case attraction of the relative

The relative pronoun can be attracted into the case of its antecedent, thus effecting a closer union of the rel. and the principal clauses. Most often the case proper to the rel. itself would be the accus., and attraction is into gen. or dat. (Kuhner-Gerth 2, 407). E. 763 µt-yta't"Ot mXV'tWV WV om,m' lrw XOtXwv, r. 241 -yuVOtixwv wv op~, ib. 680 lrw r~P wv o 8-fip µt ... [ ... 1tpouOtO~Ot'tO [ 1t0tpTjXOt 8taµwv ouolv'. An. 691 A6-yot~ 'tOtoU'tOt~ 0~ au µ~ 'ttPTI xAuwv. Not infrequently the antecedent is not expressed: A. 115 q,doou µ7JO&V WV7ttp EWO&L~ ( for 'tOU'tWV &1ttp). T. 1121 OUO&V ~VtTjµ' WV au 7totXtAAU~, ib. 1194 ~v oI~ xptJCu~ q,(Awv. oc 1412 £7tOttVO~ ov xoµCCt'tOV [ 'toiio' &vopo~ oI~ 1tovtt'tov ( oI~ 1tov. 'by reason of the services which you perform'). Attraction from gen. into accus. need not be accepted at An. 546 µ7Jo' & µ~ '8t-yt~ [ 1totoii atOtU'tTj~ 'do not claim to belong to you, that in which you had no part' (the alternative is, an accus. governed by 8t-y-ycivw (elsewhere with gen. in Soph. ): cf. Ch. 5 § 16 for such an accus. ). Attraction from dat. to gen. (cf. Kuhner-Gerth 2, 409, n. 4) would appear at E. 1128 w~ a' &1t' lhlowv [ oux wV7ttp le£1ttµ1tov datoiecxµTJv, if the reading is maintained: 'how contrary to my hopes-not those with which (0tia1ttp) I despatched you-have I received you back' (see also Ch. 7 § 5 on this passage). Distinguish the type where the rel. clause, with ofo~, has no verb: T. 444 1tW~ o' OU x,hlp~ (sc. "Epw~ &v &pxot) ot~ r' lµoii; 'why should Love not rule another, such as I?'. This attraction, unlike the preceding examples, is also Epic (Chantraine 237). A relative adverb shows attraction parallel to that of a pronoun. T. 701 lx Ot -yij~, l>8tv [ 1tpouxu't', «VOt~fouat ... 'bubble up out of the earth, on which it lay' (l>8tv for fl). § 8. 'Attraction' of the antecedent

In other examples the antecedent shows the same case as the relative pronoun, but not that appropriate to the principal clause. This type

270

RELATIVE CLAUSES

receives the titles of attraction of the antecedent, and of attractio inversa, when it is seen from a logical standpoint as a direct opposite of the attraction of the relative. But the names, though convenient, are not entirely fitting (Humbert 85; E. Adelaide Hahn, 'Relative and Antecedent', T.A. P.A. 1964, 111 ff., especially 126 ff.). In the favoured form of sentence the antecedent is initial, and preceding the relative clause which itself precedes the principal clause; the case used is accus. or nom. T. 283 't&ooe o' tAOtL, ( AU't~pto\l Awq>71µ0t, 'tno' uµtv q>p. per conj. for Au1t71µ0t) 'I shall tell you, friends, the way in which I have a means of deliverance and relief'. There is well-known difficulty with the reading AU1t71µ0t, for which Awq>71µ0t Oebb) makes an acceptable substitute; but for the present purpose that may be disregarded. Our concern is with 'tTIOt, and for this the translation 'I shall tell you the way in which ... ' conceals a difficulty (to which Longo draws attention): we should expect' 'tTIOt to refer to the manner of the telling, not to what is told. Jebb was aware of this difficulty but his solution is artificial ('the story will follow the course-i.e. will exhibit the line of thought-by which the remedy has been found'). The answer is rather, that 'tTIOt is by attraction for 't6ot, 'I shall tell you this, in what way ... '. This is a bolder use, as replacing a pronominal with an adverbial function.

§ 10. Articular antecedent or demonstrative in the relative clause The antecedent incorporated in a relative clause normally has no article; the rel. clause itself provides sufficient definition. So in all the passages with incorporated antecedent quoted above(§ 8) the article is absent: e.g. OT 68 Tj\l o' tu aX01tW\I tuptaXO\I tOtaL\I µ6\/Tj\l, I 'tOtU'tTj\l £1tp0t~Ot. However, rare examples of the article occur (Kuhner-Gerth 2, 420). An. 404 'tOtU'tTj\l y' LOW\/ 8ij Ae.yw;. The idea of such stress is seen still more plainly at OC 907 wv o' ouamp OtU'tO~ 'tou~ 116µou~ tlaijA9' f'.xwv, [ 'tOU'totat xoux ixAAotatv ixpµoa8~at't0tt: in addition to 'tou~, note oua1ttp and 'tOU't. xoux ixU. In such use the article has something of its old demonstrative function. But T. 1209 is not an example: ... wv f'.xw 1t0ttw11to11 [ x0tl µoiivov 10t'tijp0t 'twv lµwv X(Aov, q>(Aov 'that which is in no way dear, was dear' ( text so kept by Dain, Radermacher). The article is here attached, not to the antecedent of

272

RELATIVE CLAUSES

the rel. clause, but to its predicate; the point in its use is to generalize the substantive use of cpO,ov (note too the use of µ7Jo0tµa, not ou-). Antigone says that what cannot be classed as belonging in general (or abstract) terms to 'to cp(Aov, was in fact cp(Aov in the particular situation she goes on to describe (lnt6n yt x.'t.A.). Jebb makes the curious error of transferring the general notion (ideal, in his term) from the rel. clause to the particular occasion (to which the second, and anarthrous, cp£Aov applies): 'the article is unendurable here, making her say, in effect, that her former duty was not the ideal of what is pleasant'. For the use of the article with a predicate, see Gildersleeve 2, 326 f. An apparent use of a demonstrative following, and in agreement with, 0~ is found (but disputed) at T. 136* & XOtL at 'tlX\I IX\IOtXCX'tO ... 'concealing herself where none should see her, she cried out ... '. Is -(oot oblique for final subj. -(on? ( 1) The use of the opt. in a final relative clause in Attic would be unexpected; it is however possible in Epic (Od. 15, 458 IXTIEAOV ~XEV 0~ cxndAm), and the passage in question occurs in pijcrt~ (and note ~Pt>Xci'to, xAociE (905), with absence of augment). (2) Further, is it in any case misleading to rely on comparison with the use of the relative stem o~, as is commonly intended? Granted that o~ and its obvious derivatives do not lend themselves to a final use with the opt. in Attic, should we not rather look for analogy of fv9oc with l'voc? Though l'voc may have the same source as o~, its form does not make this clear, and so make it necessarily drawn into its constructional field: while the origin of fv9oc is obscure (Frisk, s. vv.; Monteil 376 ff., 386). fv9oc and l'voc are both used as relative (and also as demonstrative, if this is allowed for Yvoc: Monteil 377 f.) local adverbs with the meaning 'where' ('there'): the use oHvoc final with the opt. is of course regular from Homer on. What more natural than that Soph. should innovate and give fv9oc (already used with the fut. in local/final sense) the same opt. construction? The final clause in T. 903 would then be parallel to that in 902 01tw~ ... cxV'tci>7J. I prefer this explanation. (3)Jebb ad Joe. (App. 197; cf. Goodwin, App. VI, 411 f.) takes as originally deliberative, supposing as start of the construction oux oioEv, oux EXEL 01tou with subj.: but it is difficult to make the transfer to a much less specifically connected introduction such as xpu~occr' tOCt>'tTJV. P. 281 opWV'tO( ... ixvopoc o' ouoiv' EV't01tOV, [ oux OO''tt~ cxpxfomv, ouo' OO''tt~ v6crou [ xaµvov'tt O't>AAIX~OL'tO 'seeing no one about who could assist, nor who could aid me in the sickness that caused distress'. The context is one of secondary tenses; it is also in pijcrt~ (and note forms ~aAAov 289, Eilptaxov 283). Here the closeness to a deliberative form is more convincing (so Jebb). On the other hand, a potential use without ixv could recommend itself by reason of the similarity of the phrase used here (( oux) opwV'toc ouoiv' OO''tt~ ... ) to oux EO"'ttv ocr'tt~ ... , with which the unmodified opt. occurs in Tragedy (cf. Ch. 12 §§ 14, 16). Cf. ib. 694* EXWV ... ouoi 'ttv' lrxwpwv ... 1tocp' ci> cr't6vov ... &1toXAocucrELEV 'having none of the natives in whose presence he might lament', 699* XOC'tEt>VIXO'ELEV.

276

RELATIVE CLAUSES

§ 14. Consecutive use of the relative Consecutive use with o~ takes the indic. An. 220 oux fottv outw µwpo~ o~ 9cxvE1'v lp~ 'no man is so foolish as to desire death'. lb. 691, OC 1352, fr. 935, 3 (oii per emend.) Optative use may occur in clauses of a final/consec. type, where the result is also something aimed at: P. 281 etc. (quoted in § 13). More specifically, ofo~ and oao~ introduce consec. clauses when correlative with tOLoiito~, toaoiito~ (Monteil 194 ff.). oio~ with indic.: OC 1402 'tOLOU'tO\I ( oooii 'ttAo~) ofov ouot cpwvijacx( 'tL\IL [ e.1ta9' ltcx(pwv ( actual statement of result, 'such that it is impossible to tell'). With infin.: OT 1296 9foµcx ... toLOiitov oiov xcxt awyoiivt' t1tOLXtLO'IXL ( of the natural consequence). Possibly also with consec. infin. (and in a similar context) T. 672 toLOiitov lx~i~TJXEV oiov, T)V cppacrw, [ jU\IIXtXE~, uµrv, 9cxiiµ' &vO.mcrtO\I µcx9Et\l (AIX~Et\l v.l.): this may be taken as equivalent to WO''tE uµ&~ (assumed from uµIv) µcx9tt\l IXU'tO 9cxiiµ' &viA1t. ( or with AIX~Etv, when 9cxiiµcx becomes subject of the infin. ). But there is really no objection to understanding fotcxL, or EivcxL, with oiov 9cxiiµ' &viA1t. 'such as will be a marvel', and µcx9t'tv is then epexegetic: such 'omission' of the copula cannot be judged 'extremely harsh' Qebb). With ocro~: OT 1191 * t£~ &viJp 1tAfov ta~ tuocxLµov(cx~ cpipu T) tocroiitov ocrov ooxt'tv ... ; 'what man wins more of happiness than just so much as to have its semblance?'. oc 152 ocr' E1tELX.tv µ€v, d xcxl µ~ ~>.fou,;, cppovd,; o' oµw,; [ OLQt v6a auvta'tL\I 'though you are blind, yet you are aware

CONDITIONAL CLAUSES

283

what a plague possesses the city'. E. 547, OT 408. Here (with prest. indic. in the protasis), as Jebb remarks, d xai admits the existence of the condition, but 'denies that it is an obstacle'. But this is not always true, and the condition can be seen as an extreme case, the existence of which is not necessarily granted. Thus (with prest. indic.) T. 1218 d xoti µcxxpdt xa:pt' fotiv, ipyixa9iJattlXL 'even if the favour is a truly large one, it shall be granted'. With opt. in the protasis: OT 851 (§ 4 above). In such cases the use is analogous to that expected of XIXt d: An. 234 xd to µT)OEV letpw, cppEUOO~ l~ 1t6ALV AotXELV (cf. µfi with supplementary participle after verbs of knowing, § 8(c) below). OT 1455, OC 656, P. 1329 (with oioot, fo8t). OT 462 i;i