The structure and history of Japanese : from Yamatokotoba to Nihongo 0582068045, 0582068053

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LONGMAN LINGUISTICS LIBRARY General editors R. H. ROBINS, University o f London GEOFFREY HORROCKS, University of Cambridge DAVID DENISON, University o f Manchester

For a complete list of books in the series, see page v.

The Structure and History of Japanese From Yamatokotoba to Nihongo

Lone Takeuchi

LONGMAN London and New York

Pearson Education Limited,

Edinburgh Gate, Harlow, Essex CM20 2JE, United Kingdom and Associated Companies throughout the world. Published in the United States o f America by Pearson Education Inc. New York © Pearson Education Limited 1999 The right of Lone Takeuchi to be identified as the author of this Work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved; no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without either the prior written permission of the Publishers or a licence permitting restricted copying in the United Kingdom issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd., 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1P 9HE. First published 1999 ISBN 0-582-06804-5 CSD ISBN 0-582-06805-3 PPR Visit our world wide web site at http://www.awl-he.com British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

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LONGMAN LINGUISTICS LIBRARY General Editors R. H. ROBINS

University of London GEOFFREY HORROCKS

University of Cambridge DAVID DEN ISON

University o f Manchester Introduction to Text Linguistics ROBERT DE BEAUGRANDE an d WOLFGANG DRESSLER

Psycholinguistics Language, Mind and World DANNY D. STEINBERG

Principles of Pragmatics GEOFFREY N. LEECH

Generative Grammar GEOFFREY HORROCKS

An Introduction to Bilingualism CHARLOTTE HOFFMANN

Linguistic Theory ROBERT DE BEAUGRANDE

Verb and Noun Number in English A Functional Explanation WALLIS REID

A History of American English J. L. DILLARD

Historical Linguistics Problems and Perspectives CHARLES JONES (ed.) Aspect in the English Verb Process and Result in Language YISHAI TOBIN

English Historical Syntax DAVID DENISON

The English Verb Second Edition

The Meaning of Syntax A Study in the Adjectives of English

F. R. PALMER

CONNOR FERRIS

Pidgin and Creole Languages

Latin American Spanish

SUZANNE ROMAINE

JOHN LIPSKI

General Linguistics An Introductory Survey Fourth Edition R. H. ROBINS

A History of English Phonology CHARLES JONES

Generative and Non-linear Phonology JACQUES DURAND

Modality and the English Modals Second Edition F. R. PALMER

Dialects in English Studies in Grammatical Variation PETER TRUDGILL (e d .)

A Linguistic History of Italian MARTIN MAIDEN

The History of Linguistics All e d it e d b y g iu lio l e p s c h y Volume I: The Eastern Traditions of Linguistics Volume II: Classical and Medieval Linguistics Volume III: Renaissance and Early Modern Linguistics Volume IV: Nineteenth Century Linguistics ANNA MORPURGO DAVIES

To come: Volume V The Twentieth Century

A Short History of Linguistics Fourth Edition

Modern Arabic Structures, Functions and Varieties

Grammar and Grammarians in the Early Middle Ages

CLIVE HOLES

VIVIEN LAW

Frontiers of Phonology Atoms, Structures and Derivations JACQUES DURAND and FRANCIS KATAMBA (eds)

Greek A History of the Language and its Speakers

R. H. ROBINS

GEOFFREY HORROCKS

The New Comparative Syntax An Introduction to the Celtic Languages

LILIANE HAEGEMAN (ed.)

PAUL RUSSELL

The Structure and History of Japanese Causatives and Causation A Universal-typological perspective JAE JUNG SONG

LONE TAKEUCHI

Contents

Preface Chronological divisions in Japanese language history Transliteration conventions Key to abbreviations and symbols List o f texts Acknowledgements Maps 1 Language in Japanese culture 1.0 Which Japanese? 1.1 The Japanese Islands in early history 1.2 Languages in contact: the Korean Peninsula and the Japanese Islands 1.2.1 The genetic affiliations of Japanese 1.3 Establishing the Chinese-Japanese diglossia 1.3.1 The development of Arana 1.4 Waka and Japanese views of language 1.5 The vernacular prestige language and the Heian nativist revival 1.6 Linguistic variety: centre and periphery 1.6.1 Edo —the long road towards a new prestige vernacular 1.7 Language and the legitimizing power: Confticianism and nativism 1.7.1 Achievements of the Edo grammarians 1.8 Dutch learning 1.9 Modernization and language modernization 1.9.1 Ryukyu: standardization seen fromthe periphery 1.10 Japanese (nihongo) as a prestige language 2

Phonology 2.0 Introduction 2.1 Lexical strata and their characteristics 2.2 Quantity and pitch accent 2.2.1 Morae and moraic structures 2.2.2 Morae and syllables

xi xii xiii xv xvii xix xx-xxiii 1 1 2 3 5 6 10 12 16 22 24 27 31 31 33 37 39 41 41 41 43 43 45

viii

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

2.3

2.4 2.5 2.6 3

4

The general accent rule and lexical accent 2.3.1 Compounds and compound accent rules 2.3.1.1 Semantic constraints on compound rules and rendaku Phrasal accent and intonation Innovation in accent systems 2.5.1 Current accentual innovations in MJ Japanese accent systems - typology and history

46 47 49 50 51 52 53

Indexicality 3.0 Keigo ‘polite language’ 3.0. 1Predicate morphology of speech styles 3.0. 2 Verbs of giving and the nominal hierarchy 3.0. 3 Pronouns 3.0. 4 Demonstratives 3.0.4.1 Directional demonstratives and personal reference 3.0. 5 Title and number 3.1 Classification of nouns 3.1.1 Numeral classifiers

57 57 60 61 64 66

Predicatestructures 4.0 Predicate structure and clause structure 4.1 Minimal predicates 4.1.1 Maximal predicates 4.1.2 Grammaticalization 4.2 Serial verb constructions 4.2.1 Modal auxiliaries 4.2.2 MJ inflectional paradigms 4.3 Adjectives as a word class 4.3.1 The copula 4.3.2 Other predicate nominals 4.4 The -te iru construction 4.5 Conspectus of CJ verb morphology 4.5.1 OJ verb morphology and its reconstruction 4.5.2 CJ tense 4.5.3 CJ aspect 4.5.4 CJ tense-mood categories in narratives 4.5.4.1 Modem narrative categories? 4.6 Directionality in MJ: -te kuru, -te iku 4.6.1 Directionality in OJ-CJ 4.7 The reanalysis of the OJ-CJ anterior conjunctor -te 4.7.1 Innovative anterior constructions in CJ 4.7.2 Post-CJ developments: perfect > progressive 4.7.2.1 Aspectdistinctions in modem dialects 4.7.2.2 Ryukyu reflexes of OJ-CJinnovations 4.8 Post-CJ developments in verb inflectional paradigms 4.8.1 The MJ potential form 4.9 The MJ innovation of predicate-final copula 4.9.1 A historical perspective on copula-last predicates

72 72 73 75 76 77 79 80 81 82 84 86 89 93 95 97 101 103 104 105 108 109 112 113 115 117 118 120 122

66 67 69 70

CONTENTS

IX

5 Topic, focus and case 5.0 Introduction 5.1 Topic and focus 5.1.1 Adjuncts without case or pragmatic particles 5.1.2 Dislocation 5.1.3 Multiple topics 5.2 The pragmatic particles wa and mo 5.2.1 Locative particles kara and made 5.2.2 The notion of subject 5.2.3 Between pragmatics and case 5.3 Governed and circumstantial adjuncts 5.3.1 Syntactic neutralization of case inside complex noun phrases 5.3.2 Case and the syntax of numerals 5.4 Valence and semantic specifications of adjuncts 5.4.1 Verbs of emotion 5.4.2 Locative verbs 5.4.2.1 Actional locative rfe 5.4.3 Intransitive verbs 5.4.4 sum ‘do’ 5.4.4.1 Verbal nouns and sum 5.4.4.2 sum ‘do’ and yam ‘do’ 5.4.5 Passive 5.4.6 Causative 5.5 Divalent stative predicates 5.6 Historical perspectives 5.6.1 OJ-CJ ga and no 5.6.2 ga and no in Kyushu and Ryukyu dialects 5.6.3 Governed case relations in OJ-CJ 5.6.4 Locative case formations in OJ-CJ 5.6.5 re-augmentation and the circumstantial case relations 5.7 The OJ-CJ focus-type sentences 5.7.1 Case and focus in OJ-CJ and beyond 5.7.1.1 Case and focus in Ryukyu 5.8 The historical development of the copula ( 5 i 9 J a p a n e s e adjectival morphology 5.9.1 Demonstratives, focus, case, copula and adjectival morphology

126 126 126 128 129 132 133 136 138 139 139

6 Sentence structures 6.0 Clause structure and interclausal cohesion 6.0.1 Interclausal cohesion . , -6.0.2 Accent and predicate structure i 6.1/ Morphophonology of the anterior /e-form and its derived auxiliaries 6.1.1 Non-anterior -(r)u and anterior -ta 6.1.2 -(r)u and -ta in narratives 6.1.3 Modal functions of -ta and -te 6.1.4 The clause conjunctors -i as opposed to -te

185 185 185 186

140 141 142 143 145 146 146 147 148 151 152 154 156 158 158 161 162 164 166 169 171 174 175 177 180

188 189 190 191 192

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

X

6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6

The conditionals -to, -ba and -tara Adnominal clauses 6.3.1 -te no clauses 6.3.2 -r(u) and -ta in adnominal clauses The distinction between no and koto 6.4.1 ^-complements and the question of direct-indirect speech S no da 6.5.1 S node and S kara Historical perspectives: some CJ sentence structures 6.6.1 Complement structures in OJ 6.6.2 From case particle to clause particle 6.6.3 Narrated discourse in CJ

194 195 197 198 198 199 203 204 206 206 207 209

7 A summary of historical developments

213

Glossary List o f references Index

217 221 242

Preface

Comparing the histories of the English and Japanese languages, Basil Hall Cham­ berlain (1850-1935), an Englishman and the first professor in linguistics at Tokyo University, once noted how by contrast to the completely altered physiognomy of English, Japanese, while repeating itself, had to a remarkable degree stuck to its own grammatical typological mould: ‘The spirit of its grammatical system is the same now as it was twelve hundred years ago, although the material elements of the conjugation are much changed’ (Chamberlain 1889:225). One can certainly query details in such a view, yet it does, probably inadvertently, point to the particular position of interest which Japanese might hold for historical linguistics. Here we have a language whose grammatical structures are different from the major West­ ern European languages that dominate diachronic language studies, which is very well attested and thereby allows us to trace the course of (near) cycles (structural reproduction) of morphosyntactic structures, often in a way that shows the motiva­ tion behind the innovations. Any account of Japanese must necessarily build on the varieties of the language which have been subjected to serious study and in which Japanese identity is rooted, namely Yamatokotoba comprising Old Japanese (OJ) of the eighth century and Classical Japanese (CJ), the written language of the late ninth to the twelfth centuries, and Modem Japanese (MJ), the particular variant defined as the speech of well-educated speakers in the Tokyo area, promoted by NHK and in the teaching of Japanese. The present volume proposes to combine an account of the major grammatical structures of OJ-CJ and MJ with the more daring venture, to trace a selection of innovative grammatical developments and to sketch or suggest several others, introducing modem dialect and Ryukyu data, even if only in modest measure. The scope is narrowly limited to the historical period of Japanese with very few detours into the tempting wilderness of prehistory and proto-languages. On that basis, it has seemed defensible to limit the chapter on phonology to metrical and tonal matters, lexical and morphosyntactic aspects of accent etc., which tend to be omitted in introductory grammars of the language, but which bear more directly on what is discussed in the other chapters. Also elsewhere, limitations of space have inevitably led to foreshortenings of discussion and omissions of certain topics, some of which are, however, well covered elsewhere. The exposition is intended to follow the progress of the student of Japanese. The historical account of the position of language in Japanese culture in Chapter 1 is

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

Xll

written so as to fit into a general introduction to Japanese culture. Chapters 2 to 3 as well as the first half of Chapters 4 to 6 aim to bring together in a systematic manner, structures studied during the first and second years of Japanese language university courses. Linguistic terminology is introduced here. The latter part of each of Chapters 4 to 6 (§4.5—§4.9.1, §5.6-§5.9.1, §6.6-§6.6.3) describes OJ-CJ and provides a perspective on major historical developments. These sections are more demanding and require a degree of competence in CJ or a general linguistic knowledge. Some readers may prefer to read Chapter 7, which presents the briefest of summaries of the historical developments dealt with in the previous chapters, before going on to read the more detailed historical sections. Chronological divisions in Japanese language history

It is common in Japanese historical linguistics to divide the history of the language into five major periods largely corresponding to those of political history (e.g. Kaiser 199 la: 18): language period

Japanese term

political period

date

OJ LOJ MdJ

Old Japanese Late Old Japanese Middle Japanese

zyoodai tyuuko tyuusei

-794 794-1191

EMJ MJ

Early Modem Japanese Modern Japanese

kinsei kindailgendai

Nara Period and before Heian Kamakura / Y oshino/ Muromachi/Azuchi Edo Meiji and after

1192-1602 1603-1867 1868-

The periodization used here reflects the morphological textual evidence and major regional varieties. It is schematized in the following chart. A broken line indicates a living, develop­ ing language variety, a dotted line an influential tradition; in either case, a close pattern indicates an intense manifestation. 700

800

900

1000

O J------ kanbun kundoku CJ-------------Azuma

1100

1200

1300

1400

1500

1600

1700

1800

1900

post-CJ Kam igata-------------- Kinki ----------------- E d o ------------Modem Japanese

Old Japanese and Classical Japanese represent the mid-Honshu tradition. Morpho­ logical characteristics of OJ were carried over into the tradition of ‘reading’ of Chinese texts (kanbun kundoku). CJ, which continued to have paramount influence as a written prestige language, is broadly identical to Late Old Japanese (tyuuko) in the commonly used periodization. The Post-Classical period is characterized by a slow, often seemingly inconsistent modification of CJ by innovative colloquial/ dialectal, as well as kanbun features. Around 1600 two vigorous colloquial regional varieties appear: a western (mid-Honshu) Kamigata-Kinki (centred around Osaka and Kyoto) and an eastern Edo-T5kyo. Note that Kinki is preferred to the more or less synonymous term Kansai.

Transliteration conventions

Personal names, titles of books and articles, and geographical names (except the most common ones) are transcribed in the Hepburn Romanization, for which the general guideline is to pronounce consonants as in English, vowels as in Italian. Japanese terminology, glosses and text examples in Modem Japanese are ren­ dered in the Yale system (cf. Martin 1975). According with MJ orthography, the direct object particle is transliterated by otherwise obsolete wo. The following lists MJ monomoraic open syllables: a ka go sa za ta da na ha ba pa ma ya ra wa

i ki gi si zi ti

u ku g“ su zu tu

ni nu hi hu bi bu Pi pu mi mu yu ri ru

e ke ge se ze te de ne he be pe me re

0 ko go so zo to do no ho bo po mo yo ro (wo)

kya gya sya zya tya

kyu gyu syu zyu tyu

kyo gyo syo zyo tyo

nya hya bya pya mya

nyu nyo hyu hyo byu byo pyu pyo myu myo

rya

ryu

ryo

CJ-Middle Japanese examples are transliterated on the basis of the historically correct orthography of the tenth century (rekisi kanazukai). The major differences from MJ include distinct voiced dental zV and dV; the consonant in MJ hVsequences is usually thought to have been a bilabial fricative in CJ, here rendered by /, which had developed from a stop p; CJ i wi yi -fi, e we ye -fe, o wo -fo, and u -fu merge during the CJ period. When nothing else is mentioned, premodem accent forms are quoted from Martin 1987. Concerning the OJ phonological system and the reconstruction of ProtoJapanese, see Miller 1967, Whitman 1985, Martin 1987. For the sake of readability, the particular OJ syllables are rendered by superscript numbers, as follows: OJ

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

XIV

A-type syllables by superscript1, and B-type syllables by superscript2. A-type and B-type syllables merged in CJ. CJ

Ca

Ci

a

i ki1 gi' si ti ni fi' bi‘ mi' ri yi wi

Cu

Ce

u kn gu su tu nu

e ke1 ge' se te ne fe' be' me' re ye we

Co

OJ kgS-

tnfbmr-

yW-

ka ga sa ta na fa ba ma ra ya wa

kf

gi2

fi2 bi2 mi2

fiu

bu mu ru yu

ke2 ge2

fe2 be2 me2

o ko‘ go' so' to’ no' fo' bo1 mo1 ro' yo'

ko2 go2 so2 to2 no2 fo2 bo2 mo2 ro2 yo2

wo

The account, particularly of the OJ data, should be read bearing in mind also that limits on space sometimes make it impossible to do full justice to the philological complexities. Dialect data are quoted in the original transcription, at times modified to IPA, e.g. c > ts, post-nucleus nasal /N/ > n, etc. Chinese names are given in Pinyin. Other conventions

The term sinogram has been adopted to refer to Chinese Characters alias kanji (following Mair 1994). This has the advantage of lifting the familiar kanji out of the Japanese sphere into the larger sphere of Sinitic culture where they rightly belong in a historical account. Most examples illustrating grammatical points are taken from actual texts with the reference given in an abbreviated form in parentheses. Some examples are made up. I would like to acknowledge my indebtedness to the rich Japanese liter­ ature about ghosts and witches, a girl called Hanako, and many amazing mothers. Speakers and interlocutors in general are referred to as ‘he’. Made-up examples without an explicit subject are whenever feasible translated with a first person subject ‘I’ in English.

Key to abbreviations and sym bols

* ** [] 0

/

+ /

A ABL ACT LOC ALL APPEA ASSUMP ATTR C CAUS CJEC COM COND CONJ COP DEF DES1D DO EV1D EXALT EXCL

indicates a form which is unattested but is assumed to exist or to have existed indicates a hypothetical form whose existence is denied expression of doubtful acceptability delimits an adnominal clause Zero place of accent/syllable boundary used in names and titles (Hepburn Romanization) syllable boundary between a nasal and a vowel or a glide morpheme boundary in variation with, e.g. A/B underlining to indicate the traditional OJ reading of one or more semantograms develops into, e.g. A > B adjective ablative (‘direction from’) particle actional locative allative (‘direction towards’) particle appearance (CJ meri) assumption attributive form consonant causative conjectural comitative particle conditional conjunctional form copula definition A to iu B desiderative direct object particle evidential (past) exalted exclamative

xvi

F FIN FIN LOC FOC FP FUT GEN GM H H% Heike Higher HORT HUM IMP IMPERF INF INSTR INT 10 IM IRR L L% LMC LOC Lower MS MYS N NECES NEG NEG C NEG NEC NOM NP NPST P AS PA C PASS PAST PERF PFV PJ PLUR POL POT PREF PRES C

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

Falling tone final nucleus form final locative focus final particle future genitive Genji monogatari High tone phonological phrase boundary High tone Heike monogatari exalted referent hortative humble imperative form imperfective aspect inferential instrumental intent indirect object particle Ise monogatari irrealis Low tone phonological phrase boundary Low tone Late Middle Chinese locative humble referent Makura no soshi Man'yoshu noun necessitive negative negative conjectural negative necessitive nominaliser noun phrase non-past present assumptive past conjectural passive past perfect aspect perfective aspect Phonaesthetic Japanese plural formal(/polite) potential indexical prefix present conjectural

KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

PROH PURP QU QUOT REP REPR RESULT RPST S sg SJ Skt. SP SUB TE TM V VN VP WJ YJ

XVI1

prohibitive purposive question (focus) particle quotation particle reportative (=hearsay) representative resultative recent past sentence/clause singular Sino-Japanese Sanskrit sentence particle subject particle anterior conjunctional (=gerund) Taketori monogatari verb/vowel verbal noun verb phrase Western Japanese Yamato Japanese

Unless otherwise noted, texts from which examples sentences are taken, are identi­ fied by the first word of the title. List of premodern texts referred to in examples, with their (estimated) date of origin.

Kojiki Nihongi (=Nihon shoki) Man 'yoshu Senmyo (imperial edicts) from Shoku nihongi Kokinshu Taketori monogatari Ise monogatari Yamato monogatari Utsubo monogatari Ochikubo monogatari Makura no soshi Genji monogatari Jojin ajari no haha-shu Hokke byakuza kikigakisyd Konjaku monogatari Torikaebaya Uji shui monogatari Gukanshd Kokon chomonju Shasekishu Heike monogatari

712 720 until 759 697-791 905 between 920-60 after 920 second half of tenth century late tenth century late tenth century c. 1000 1008 c. 1070 1110 1124 c. 1190 1216 1219 1254 1283 thirteenth century

xviii Tsurezuregusa Chokushu hyakujd seikisho Chuka jakubolcu shisho Gyokujinsho Saru no soshi Isoho monogatari Amakusa-bon Heike monogatari Ukiyoburo

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

c. 1330 c. 1500 1533 1563 late sixteenth century 1593 1592-93 1809

Acknow ledgem ents

The writing of this volume could not have been undertaken in London, had it not been for the excellent Japanese linguistics section in the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, acquired through the good offices of the late Brian Hickman. I would like to thank Bill Garrard for scrutinizing the manuscript and giving valuable advice on both form and contents, Setsuko Kuga Cornish for discussing several points of grammar, Bjarke Frellesvig for pointing out inconsistencies in the periodization, Aika Kumazawa for checking the Japanese examples in a near-final draft, Hanna Takeuchi for improving my English style, and Koji Takeuchi for answering innumerable questions and for checking the final draft. I am grateful to Elizabeth Mann and the editors of the series for their advice and encouragement, and to Verina Pettigrew and the editorial staff of Longman for their expert handling of a difficult manuscript. The book is dedicated to the memory of my grandmother, my aunt, my nurse and my mother. Lone Takeuchi

Map 1 Northeast Asia in the first millennium

ad

Map 2

Present-day Japan

Map 3

Ryukyu Islands

Map 4

The Chubu isoglosses West (incl. Kinki)

1

East (incl. Kanto)

1. imperative

mi-yolmi-i

mi-ro

‘look!’

2. negative

se-nu/se-n

si-nai

‘do not do’

3. conjunctional form of adjectives

hiro-olhiru-u naru

hiro-ku naru

‘become wide’

4. copula

zya/ya

da

5. anterior forms of u -athematice verbs

haroota/haruta

haratta

‘paid’ (haraw-)

Chapter 1

Language in Japanese culture

1.0

Which Japanese?

Japanese is used here in the broadest possible sense as the language, in all its manifestations, of the main culture on the Japanese Islands in historical times. Such a definition, it must be said, is alien to Japanese tradition (Kamei 1970, 1974). Rather, just as Japanese speakers have a choice between several nouns of self­ reference, e.g. watakusi, watasi, zibun, boku, etc., they have, at least at certain points in history, had a choice between more terms in reference to their language or their favourite linguistic mode. Arguably, their choice of one rather than the other term would characterize their ideological outlook as much as their choice of self­ reference might define them socially. The oldest term is yamatokotoba from yamato no kotoba or yamato no koto no ha ‘words/language of Yamato’, where Yamato refers to the area around the eighthcentury capital Nara. It is in the very nature of the early literary tradition that yamatokotoba was or became associated with poetic diction and poetry, e.g. in juxtaposition to Chinese poetry in yamato koto no ha wo mo, morokosi no uta wo mo ‘both the language of Yamato and the poetry of China’ (Genji monogatari, Kiritsubo, around 1010). Nineteenth-century Western sources define yamatokotoba as ‘Japanese language, court language’ (Hepburn 1886) or as an old standard comparable to High German (Hoffmann 1868). yamatokotoba in the sense of indi­ genous Japanese vocabulary is a recent usage. By the thirteenth century, the same man who in his poetics spoke of yamatokotoba as opposed to Chinese and Sanskrit, would use two different terms in his historical treatise, nihonkoku no kotoba/hinomoto no kuni no kotoba and fClR§ wago/yamatokotoba, which since that genre required the use of sinograms, have indeterminable readings (Jien, c. 1220, cf. §1.4). Given that the term hinomoto no kuni no kotoba ‘the language of the land of the rising sun’ reflects the Chinese geographical perspective, it is only natural that it should be used in politico-historical and Buddhist discourse associated with China. It is, however, not clear whether it refers to particular prose styles or to Japanese in general, although later usage confirms the latter sense: the Portuguese missionaries used nifon no cotoba in their vernacular version of the epic Heike monogatari (1600); nippon no kotoba - ‘the Japanese language’ (Hepburn’s Japanese-English dictionary, first edn in 1867); nihon no kotoba or nippon no kotoba (Fukuzawa Yukichi, Monji no

2

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

oshie, 1873). Note that all retain the complex noun phrase structure with the genitive particle no, rather than opting for the Modem Japanese compound form nihon-go. The scholars of the nativist movement of National Learning (kokugaku) of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries naturally resisted the sinocentric perspective of nihon/nippon using instead kuni/koku- ‘nation, country, land, province’ to coin terms denoting things Japanese in contrast to things Chinese. These were written by means of sinograms with an indigenous Japanese reading attached, e.g. kunitubumi ‘national literature’, ®IESIful or fJjlH g § mikunikotoba ‘honourable na­ tional language’, or IH SI rI mikunikotoba ‘august ancestral national language’. These terms did not refer to Japanese as an inclusive historical concept, since the kokugaku scholars distinguished sharply between the (ideal) language of the past, the object of their scholarship, and the contemporary vernaculars, satobigoto or sato no kotoba ‘language of the (home) village’ (cf. §1.7). This tradition of ideological nomenclature posed something of a dilemma for the educationalists in the nineteenth century. It is interesting to note that it was only after a broad consensus had been reached on the linguistic norm to be propagated, that the term for it, kokugo ‘national language’, was agreed and launched in the first decade of the twentieth century (cf. §1.9). Kokugo belongs to a group of eighteenthcentury (or earlier) coinages in which koku- ‘national’ is substituted for older terms with wa- ‘Yamato/Japanese’, e.g. wa-ka ‘Japanese poetry’ alternating with kok-ka (Kamei 1970). Initially, kokugo did not gain wider use as a variant of wago, and when it did become more common, in the nineteenth century, it was used to denote the language of any country or province, not Japanese specifically, cf. its entry in the third edition of Hepburn’s dictionary (1886). At least until around 1910, kokugo could still be used in both general (‘national language’) and logophoric (‘our National Language (=Japanese)’) senses (e.g. Mori Ogai 1908:155, 165). The traditional dichotomy can be said to continue in the post-war trend for kokugo to refer to Japanese as a school subject or as the object of philological scholarship, while nihongo/nippongo is used of Japanese as the object of linguistic studies and in international contexts in general. 1.1

The Japanese Islands in early history

The Japanese Islands enter history in the form of a multiplicity of smaller political units, chiefdoms or ‘kingdoms’, observed through the eyes of the people of the dominant Chinese culture(s). The earliest mentioning is of the Wa (Ch. Wo) people who are said to live on islands across the sea from Luolang, the Chinese garrison in the north of the Korean Peninsula (Han Shu (The history o f Han) about ad 82). According to Hou Han Shu (The history o f the Later Han) compiled about 445), the Chinese emperor Guangwu presented a seal and a ribbon to the Wa ruler of Na, thought to have been located in north Kyushu. As it turns out, a seal bearing the inscription ‘the king of Na of Wa of Han’, which appears to be authentic, has been discovered at Shikanoshima in Fukuoka Prefecture in Kyushu (Imamura 1996:223). Over the next centuries Yamatai (Ch. Yematai, cf. Miller 1967:18ffi), presum­ ably one of the hundred Wa ‘kingdoms’ mentioned earlier, gained hegemony over (some of) the others. The well known description of Yamatai and its intriguing ruler Himiko (Ch. Pimihu) includes one recognizable sociolinguistic observation: ‘When the lowly meet men of importance on the road, they stop and withdraw to the roadside. In conveying messages to them or addressing them, they either squat

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

3

or kneel with both hands on the ground. This is the way they show respect. When responding, they say “ah”, which corresponds to the affirmative “yes’” ( Wei Zhi (History o f the kingdom o f Wei, c. ad 297, in Tsunoda et al. 1964). It has been suggested that this ‘ah’, written with a sinogram I® which has the Early Middle Chinese (pre-seventh century Chinese standard) value ?i or 7t (Pulleyblank 1991) represents a variant form of the adjective OJ yo- ‘is good’, cf. MJ variation yo-i/i-i ‘good’ (Miller 1967:19f.). The linguistic information is limited to a few names and titles in the Chinese record (Miller 1967:1 Iff.), i.e. enough to establish the ‘Japaneseness’ of this language, but insufficient to settle the ongoing discussion of whether Yamatai was situated in Kyushu or Kinki. 1.2 Languages in contact: the Korean Peninsula and the Japanese Islands

The Japanese Islands before Yamatai are linguistically uncharted territory. The palaeolithic culture dubbed Jomon culture because of the characteristic decorative cord marks (zyoomon) on its ceramic vessels dates back to 12,000 years ago and was distributed throughout Japan including Hokkaido and the Ryukyu Islands as far as Okinawa (Imamura 1996:199). It is regarded as belonging to the palaeolithic cultures in North-East Asia by virtue of the characteristic wedge-shaped microblade stone utensils, and perhaps pottery as well (cf. Zhushchikhovskaya 1997, on finds in Amur River basin, Primorskiy Kray (west of Hokkaido), and Sakhalin). Fluctu­ ating regional varieties of Jomon culture exist throughout the period (until approx. 1000 bc ), broadly speaking between the Kanto area and the two areas west and north-east of it, but there is no evidence that innovative developments spread from any one area (Barnes 1993:59). While regional cultural variation might suggest linguistic diversity, the linguistic situation of Jomon Japan remains a subject of speculation, apart from the Tohoku-centred culture in the Latest Jomon Period being associated with the Ainu (=historic Emishi/Ezo) (Kidder 1993:79, cf. also Imamura: 1996:160, 199ff.) and possibly other peoples of Palaeoasiatic stock, as examinations of skulls and skeleton remains suggest (Pietrusewsky 1994:421, Barnes 1993:75-7). There exists archaeological evidence for at least 5,000 years of contact between peoples on the Korean Peninsula and west Japan, beginning with the distribution of specific tools or pottery, such as Sobata pottery found in Kyushu and the Chulmun (‘comb-pattern’) pottery of the Tongsam-dong shell mound in Pusan (approx. 3000 bc ) (Pearson 1976, Inoue 1993:270). Towards 500 bc contact with the Asian Con­ tinent, and in particular, with the Korean Peninsula, led to the introduction of rice cultivation and the establishment of a fully agricultural society, Yayoi culture. Indications are that rice cultivation reached Kyushu from the Korean Peninsula, as the earliest imprints of rice have been found in layers with (Yusu) pottery types common to Kyushu and the Korean Peninsula (fifth to third centuries bc ), but competing (direct) routes from China cannot be ruled out (Imamura 1996:217f.). Kyushu seems also to be the earliest recipient of continental bronzes and iron utensils, etc. The large scale of Yayoi technological advances - spinning and weav­ ing, bronze-casting etc. - suggests immigration from the continent: how large is the subject of debate. The dominant view is that Yayoi culture was accompanied by a significant influx of racially and perhaps linguistically distinct people with closer physiological affinity to the present-day Japanese than the Jomon people (Barnes

4

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

1993:171). Alternatively, the physiological differences between Jomon and Yayoi are ascribed to other factors, e.g. nutrition (Kidder 1993:79, see also Imamura 1996:149, 151, 155, 216). As for the process of propagation itself, the rapidity with which rice cultivation spread to northernmost Honshu (Sunazawa, Aomori) in merely three centuries suggests (immigration eastwards from Kyushu (Imamura 1996:137, 207f.). Yet even assuming an immigration of ‘Yayoi people(s)’, there are no means to determine the linguistic affiliations of any ‘Yayoi language(s)’ from the contin­ ent. What does seem plausible is that the advance of Yayoi culture had a ‘unifying’ linguistic effect, perhaps propelling as far as T5hoku a linguistic variety with traits originating in the linguistc situation in Kyushu, whether a continental or a local prestige language, or a lingua franca. The developments during the proto-historical period between the third and the seventh century almost certainly had important linguistic implications. The location of the major polity seems to have shifted from northern Kyushu to the area around modem Osaka and Nara (broadly speaking Yamato) perhaps in the late third cen­ tury, when the findings of Kinki pottery in Kyushu signal a reversal of the erstwhile flow of innovations emanating eastwards from Kyushu, coinciding with the first large-scale keyhole-shaped burial mounds south of Nara (Imamura 1996:194). This shift has been linked to the collapse of the Han dynasty in China (Piggott 1997:22, 36, quoting Iwasaki Takuya). Archaeological evidence from that time of a direct route in trade between the Korean peninsula and the mid-Honshu region via ports at the Japan Sea (Piggott 1997:29, footnote 57), also points to the hegemony of the wider area of Yamato. It seems reasonable to surmise that this trade route is early evidence of what Piggott (1997:149f.) has termed the expanded core area, a northsouth band in mid-Honshu stretching between Hokuriku and central Kinki, whose chieftains appear to have been counted on as particularly close allies by the Great King (or ‘emperor’) in Yamato in the seventh century. In a linguistic perspective, it is noteworthy that this mid-Honshu band with a south-west extension into Shikoku, almost duplicates the present-day distribution of such an old and manifestly stable feature as the so-called Ky5to-type accent system (see §2.6). Regardless of whether the contacts between the Japanese Islands and the Korean Peninsula are conjectured in terms of (mainly) military conquests (in one or the other direction) or in terms of trade (cf. Ledyard 1975; Okazaki 1993), the major line of cultural and perhaps linguistic influences undoubtedly ran in a north-south band from the Puyo tribes in Manchuria, along the western part of the Korean Peninsula (made up at the time of the kingdoms of Koguryo to the north, and Paekche to the south), and the small federation of Kaya (perhaps identical to Mimana in Japanese records) along the south coast. Koguryo which was originally based on a military alliance by Puyo tribes in the Yalu River Basin in the third century, seized the opportunity to conquer the Chinese garrison Luolang (near present-day Pyongyang), Daifang to its south, and Liaodong in north China, as the Western Jin dynasty (265-316) neared its collapse (Okazaki 1993:298), and the establishment of the kingdom of Paekche in the south-west of the peninsula in 359 is usually seen as another instance of Puyo expansion, which may have brought dislocation to the area. There were also repeated waves of immigrants from the continent. The earli­ est mention of immigration of named groups of people from the continent appears in Kojiki (Records o f Ancient matters 712) and Nihon shoki (Chronicles o f Japan 720) during emperor Ojin’s reign (approx, ad 400) (Lewin 1962), which according to one scholarly view saw a new Yamato ruling power (Brown 1993:128). Both

i

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

5

Aya and Hata traced their ancestors to north Chinese groups (Lewin 1962:27ff., 38-40), both of which had presumably taken refuge in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula perhaps several centuries before. While the scribe Wani, who according to tradition arrived from Paekche a couple of decades before, remains an anecdotal figure, Aya, and to a lesser extent Hata, had real impact both as scribes (hubito) in the administration and as a military force to be reckoned with at least until the seventh century. Their settlements showed a spread beyond the central provinces with Hata settlements as far east as Azuma (=modem (parts of) Chubu and Kanto regions) and Kyushu. That is, immigrants participated in the efforts by Yamato to control the peripheral regions of Azuma or Kyushu. At the beginning of the seventh century, the leaders in Yamato may have been forced by the situation on the continent to embark on a process of rapid political and ideological consolidation which in the short term meant embracing Chinese culture and Classical Chinese wholeheartedly. The introduction of the Chinese calendar and the promulgation of the 17 Article Constitution (Jushichijo kenpo) (604) written in Chinese, was followed later by the land reforms during the Taika Era (645) and the code Taiho ritsuryo (701), all of which, incidentally, are thought to have been largely the work of the Japanese themselves. While these reforms may or may not have been instrumental in staving off an invasion from the newly unified Korean state of Silla in 668 in the wake of the establishment of the Tang dynasty in 618, they planted Classical Chinese firmly as the written prestige language by which political authority and government were maintained, a situation continued by and large into the modem era. 1.2.1

The genetic affiliations of Japanese

The genetic affiliations of Japanese fall outside the purview of the present account, and the following remarks are intended simply as a guide to the major directions of recent research. Until around 1980 research tended to be macro-level comparisons with Altaic and Austronesian languages and discussion as to how the perceived northern (Altaic) and the southern (Austronesian) strains in Japanese should be reconciled (cf. accounts in Lewin 1976; Murayama 1976; Miller 1980). Apart from positing lexical cognate sets between which sound correspondences obtain, morphological comparisons with Altaic languages have included case particles (Murayama 1957) and the more problematical derivative verb morphology (Miller 1971a, 1980). The strongest case for the Austronesian affiliation has been put by Murayama (1973) following the work of Polivanov (1974) from the 1920s, but the prevalent recent view is rather more sceptical (Vovin 1994). It is often conveniently assumed, perhaps as the least unlikely hypothesis, that Japanese in this widest (controversial) perspective is an Altaic language on an Austronesian substratum (Lewin 1976:406). Meanwhile, a picture of the Korean Peninsula and the Japanese Islands as a linguistic area shaped by sustained close language contact is gradually emerging. The last couple of decades have seen significant research activity in the reconstruc­ tion of individual languages, both Old Japanese and Middle Korean (e.g. Unger 1975; Martin 1987), and more generally, focus on the connections with past and present languages on the Korean Peninsula and the area to its north (Manchuria) for which there is archaeological evidence (Pearson 1976). Lee (1961) showed that of the fragments of the Puyo (Koguryo) language(s) which survive in the place-names

6

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

mentioned in the Korean chronicle Samguk sagi (History o f the Three Kingdoms, 1145), 34 out of altogether 80 items, including several numerals, compare with Japanese. Consequently Proto-Japanese and Puyo (Koguryo) are considered a firstorder subgroup of Proto-Puyo-Han, where the Han subgroup includes the languages of Paekche, Silla and Kaya which developed into Middle Korean and eventually Modem Korean. The scarcity of data makes it difficult to dispel suspicions of possible borrowing, cf. the borrowing of the Chinese numerals into Japanese. Another comparison has been between the only two languages for which extens­ ive data and reconstructions exist: OJ > Modem Japanese, and Middle Korean of the fifteenth century > Modem Korean. The pioneering list of 320 cognates between Modem Korean and Modern Japanese (Martin 1968) has largely been vindicated by historical research. By integrating the (morpho)phonological developments of the reconstructed languages of Old Japanese and Middle Korean, Whitman (1985) has demonstrated how in several cases one language holds the answers to problems of reconstmction of the other. Recent interesting proposals concerning verb mor­ phology (Martin 1991; 1995) will have to be conferred with Whitman’s reconstruc­ tions. Since Middle Korean is usually considered a development of the language of the Silla kingdom, whose links with the Japanese Islands were less close, it has been suggested in order to explain the success of the OJ-Middle Korean compar­ ison, that the languages of Koguryo and perhaps Paekche, both vanquished by Silla during the seventh century, in that process actually influenced the development of the Silla language into Middle Korean (and in turn Modem Korean) (Unger 1990:554). The difficulty of explaining the contrast between the relative scarcity of lexical cognates between Japanese and Korean and the abundance of (morpho-)syntactic and semantic similarities remains. Abstracting from actual linguistic comparisons, Chew (1989) presents the case for early (Post-Yayoi) ‘Korean-Japanese’ language contact mediated by Chinese. Speaking in terms of language change externally induced by trade rather than by conquest, Chew assumes that linguistic diversity the exact nature of which is unknown - was a feature of the many small polities in the area from the Yayoi period, and that the need for trade in North-East Asia prompted the emergence of lingua franca(s), which were perhaps already shaped by ‘Korean’ typological features when introduced to the Japanese setting. The lingua franca which eventually won out, i.e. Old Japanese, spread as a language of trade at least as far east as the Kantb area, taking on local linguistic features. 1.3

Establishing the Chinese-Japanese diglossia

It is difficult to draw firm conclusions about the position of (Chinese) writing on the Japanese Islands from the scattered archaeological evidence. Sinograms on coins, etc., may have been perceived as mere decoration. The earliest find of a coin is from the first century ad (Seeley 1991:9); swords and mirrors with inscriptions in Chinese date from the third centuries and earlier (Seeley 1991:10-12), most, if not all, probably of continental origin. The written (as opposed to inscribed) sinogram on an um in Katabe (Mie Prefecture) dating from the first half of the fourth century is the earliest indication of the writing of sinograms in Japan (The Japan Founda­ tion Newsletter, May 1996). The earliest material so far indicating an understanding of the function of writing is an inscription of 115 sinograms on a sword from

LANGUAGE [N JAPANESE CULTURE

7

Inariyama tumulus in Saitama Prefecture (Seeley 1991:20ff.; Murayama and Miller 1979), which can be dated to 471 or 531. Several features point to this inscription as the work of immigrant scholars from the Korean peninsula, e.g. some phonograms (cf. below) are found in later Japanese records in quotations from Korean sources; the method of dating placing 4* ‘in’ (tyuu) after the name of the month, i.e. reflecting Korean and Japanese word order rather than Chinese prepositional usage, also points to Korean influences. Mokkan (wooden tablets) represent a new form of written evidence, which has begun to come to light since the 1960s’ construction boom (Sato M. 1995). By 1995 more than a hundred thousand mokkan had been found in ditches and other places favourable to the preservation of the wood, distributed from the administrative centres of the Heijo Palace site near Nara or Dazaifu in Kyushu to small adminis­ trative units such as Taga Castle in present-day Miyagi Prefecture. This unmediated evidence of the extent and scale of written communication and literacy from the mid seventh century into the ninth century makes the eighth century estimate of 70 families of scribes look very plausible indeed (cf. Lewin 1962:179). The custom of using mokkan as writing material was probably adopted from China, although in Japan mokkan were not joined to write longer texts. Their small size, most are 30 cm by 3 Cm, made them ideal for everyday informal communications: there are requests from government officials for provisions to which they were entitled under government regulations; unearthed along the main streets of the capital (Heijo-kyo, close to Nara) are notices concerning lost property, e.g. a monk appealing for information about his dappled horse, etc. Such notices are written in Chinese and were apparently stuck in the ground along the road, which must mean that a fair number of literate passers-by could be expected. A complete personnel file of government officials, consisting of thirteen thousand mokkan each with a name, location, age, duty and an evaluation of performance has been unearthed close to the ministry of ceremonial. Tax regulations stipulated that consignments of goods sent from the provinces to the capital must be tagged with the name of the kind of goods, the province, district, village, householder and date. The names of goods were written in a uni­ form manner throughout all provinces (Sat5 M. 1995:106), thus providing us with a first-hand demonstration of early uses of sinograms in Japan. A straightforward semantic association between sound expression in Japanese and the sinogram used in Chinese to represent the denotation is the more common method, i.e. ‘abalone’ lawabil (OJ afabi') : IS. Perhaps from initially being a stipulation by the tax col­ lectors or another authority, this relation IS: /awabi/ ‘abalone’ became an accepted convention in literate society, and in due course similar conventions were established between large numbers of sinograms and Japanese lexemes. Lack of knowledge of Chinese and/or of the subject-matter dealt with may lead to other principles being applied. For instance, ayu ‘sweetfish’, whose lifespan is one year, was written with two sinograms I f 4/ ‘year-fish’ used descriptively. Sinograms (or as in the case of ‘sweetfish’, occasionally a combination of sinograms) representing a conventional relation between a denotation and a sound-expression, are called logograms or semantograms. Note that in such conventional pairing of a Japanese lexeme with one or more sinograms (termed kun-yomi in MJ), the ‘user-friendly’ phonetic information embedded in the majority of sinograms when used in communication in Chinese is lost, e.g. the phonetic element 13 LMC pa:w ‘wrap’ of IS (LMC phaiw ) ‘abalone’ is used in (near-)homonyms, /S, LMC p''a:w ‘foam’ (J. awa),

8

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

fifi LMCp''a:w' ‘crossbow, catapult’ (J. isiyumi), LMCpHa:w ‘kitchen’, given here in the Late Middle Chinese (LMC) reconstruction from Pulleyblank 1991. The crucial feature in making Chinese script ‘manageable’, is thereby annulled. Names of commodities not on the official list of goods could be written in various ways, e.g. ‘shark’ might be represented logographically by IK, the sinogram for ‘shark’ in Chinese, presumably to be read same2 in Old Japanese. However, not everyone might know (or expect the addressee to know) the sinogram for ‘shark’, in which case it might be preferable to write ‘shark’ using sinograms to represent OJ syllables, one for each syllable, e.g. {4 for sa and for me2, thus OJ sa-me2 {43fc ‘shark’. The denotation of a phonetically used sinogram is irrelevant, e.g. ^ is otherwise used to represent the lexeme ‘rice’, (4 ‘second in command’. Sinograms used phonetically are termed phonograms or alternatively, man.yoogana, because of the extensive use of phonograms in the poetry anthology, Man ’voshu (Collection o f a myriad leaves, after 759). The phonetic use of sinograms continued the Buddhist tradition developed in the early centuries of the common era, rendering non-Chinese names and phonetic loans from Indie languages, e.g. Skt. dharma, Early Middle Chinese HUH dat mat/me, LMC that ma:, J. daruma (e.g. Pulleyblank 1983). In its early stages, this phonetic usage may have been based on auditory perceptions of phonetic closeness between a syllable in Sanskrit or a later Indie vernacular and a Chinese syllable (=morpheme). The sinogram conventionally used to write the Chinese morpheme in question (there may have been more possibilities in cases of homophony) would then be used to render the syllable of the Indian loan-word in Chinese, but elsewhere the same sinogram would retain its traditional function as a logogram. Although in theory any sinogram could be used as a phonogram, in practice a core of commonly employed sinograms made up what could be termed ‘sinographic syllabaries’. There are no explicit statements about what basis phonetic similarity was decided on in Japan, e.g. whether on a form of Chinese or Sino-Korean, but the recurrence of the same phonograms in both Korean and Japanese makes it likely that there was a degree of interlinguistic transfer from the context of one language to another, as need arose. Alternatively, phonograms could have been selected from particular texts with many Chinese phonograms, e.g. Buddhist incantations, dharani (J. darani) (cf. §1.4), cf. the fact that more than 10 per cent of the phonograms used in the sutra Kongojo darani-kyo (686) are also used as phonograms in Kojiki and Nihon shoki (Tsukishima 1981:36ff.). In practice, more than one phonogram was in use to represent one OJ syllable, cf. OJ same2 ‘shark’ could be written in several ways, e.g. 4 ::^ or ( 4 ^ or f4@ or or or etc. At least into the eighth century, this system was still receptive to innovations from within the sphere of Chinese. Thus, the emergence of the new Chinese prestige dialect of the Tang dynasty (the vernacular of the capital Chang.an) during the seventh century prompted the launch of a new set of phonograms used in Nihon shoki (Ono 1953a). Set against the many technicalities of writing in early Japan, the establishment of the diglossia (symbiosis) of written Chinese and Japanese between c. 650 (the date of the earliest mokkan written with Japanese constituent order (Kotani 1986)) and 800, has received less attention. The point of departure was obviously texts in Chinese, which it was apparently common practice to read (aloud) in Japanese, thereby obscuring the distinction between Chinese and Japanese. In fact, the term kanbun ‘Chinese text’ retains this ambiguity, encompassing texts written in Chinese,

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

9

as well as any written or spoken Japanese renderings in which the (original) Chi­ nese in some way ‘reverberates’. Reading in Japanese involved relatively straight­ forward transpositions of Chinese Verb-Object order into Japanese Object-Verb order, etc., and this reading practice may actually explain why we find Japanese word order, e.g. ‘do-humbly’ j ± $ rather than Chinese ‘humbly-do’ ^ { ± , espe­ cially in Kojiki, whose hybrid kanbun style has been described as written to be read in Japanese (Nakada 1979a:49). At times subtle decisions were needed to decide semantic equivalence, etc. The effect over a period of time of such readings was to establish for the whole range of the lexicon the conventions of representation holding between a sinogram and one or more Japanese lexemes. By all accounts, this process must have been well advanced in 692 when Emperor Tenmu ordered the compilation of a dictionary Niina or Shinji (New Characters (i.e. new read­ ings^)), which has, however, not been transmitted. The preface to Kojiki (712) offers some insight into the methods of the early chroniclers. First, the court attendant Hieda no Are, renowned, it seems, for his visual memory and talent for rearranging the Chinese constituent order into a fluent Japanese rendering (Seeley 1991:42-3), was ordered to learn some already existing chronicles written in Chinese, which needed scrutinizing. The next question was how the new chronicle should be written. In retrospect, this was perhaps the hour of destiny for Japanese script. The Kojiki Preface mentions that the possibility of writing the entire chronicle in phonograms was considered, but the idea rejected because it would make the account too long (Philippi 1968:43). In the event, the compilers decided on a (somewhat hybridized) Chinese prose with personal names, occasional difficult or memorable words (cf. (13).a and (13).b in §3.0.3), and above all poems, rendered entirely in phonograms. It might well be that the Kojiki com­ pilers were merely deciding in accordance with an emerging consensus on diglossia. Judging from the types of early texts written in Japanese, senmyoo (imperial edicts), norito (rituals), and (some) waka (poetry in Japanese), the general percep­ tion seems to have been that utterances which must be reproduced/transmitted as originally uttered to be ‘efficient’/serve their purpose, ought to be written in Japanese (see § 1.4). Man ’yoshu, in spite of its immense diversity - or, some may argue - orthographical anarchy in the poems, continued this diglossia with prose headnotes in Chinese. Importantly, the use of Japanese was sanctioned officially in Kojiki and Nihon shoki, as indeed Hitomaro’s eulogizing poetry on the deaths of Emperor Tenmu (686) and Prince Kusakabe (689) must have been. Quite likely there existed a common desire among influential courtiers, bureaucrats and buddhist clergy in the Yamato state, to devise precise and effective ways of writing the vernacular. Although that idea was not unique to Japan (cf. idu in Korea), the ingenuity and the persistence with which it was developed overtook all earlier models (see §1.3.1). The commitment and skills needed to analyse the phonological system of the ver­ nacular, to systematize phonograms and to use them consistently were obviously in place, cf. above all, the evidence that the phonograms used in Nihon shoki must be interpreted in relation to the pronunciation of the Tang vernacular (the kan.on layer of Sino-Japanese), which had only recently been established as the Chinese prestige dialect. It would in theory have been possible to write the whole of Kojiki or Nihon shoki in Japanese using phonograms, but perhaps the forces of the Chinese cultural paradigm and of the vested interest that the already large consolidated bureaucracy had in the old system were too strong.

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

10

The above-mentioned oral tradition of memorization in Japanese of the Chinese text left the ‘clean copy’ manuscripts of Chinese texts we know from the eighth century. From around 800, however, manuscripts appear provided with Japanese glosses as well as diacritics (so-called kunteri) to indicate syntactic order and gram­ matical particles. This tradition is termed the kanbun kundoku tradition. On the basis of its eighth-century OJ features, such as subject marker i, complementizer -(a)ku, etc. shared with Senmyo and Norito, it is surmised that this kind of written ‘reading’/translation of Chinese texts incorporated the language of the old oral tradition (Nakada 1979a:60). Note that by the clear differentiation between gram­ matical elements (e.g. particles and auxiliaries) indicated by phonograms/kunten, and lexical elements rendered by sinograms - principles on which (modem) Japanese prose (kanamajiribun) still builds - Senmyo orthography and early kunten can be said to be the product of the earliest linguistic analysis of Japanese. 1.3.1

The development of k a n a

Between Man ’ydshu and the first anthology of poetry compiled at the order of the emperor, Kokin wakashu (or Koldnshu) from 905, lies a span of 150 years, known as the Dark Ages (ankoku zidai), from which almost no Japanese texts have been transmitted. Yet it was during this period that those sinograms commonly used as phonograms were transformed into the distinctive and easily written syllabic graph­ emes we know as kana. Going by the available evidence the development of kana seems to have been driven by the needs of contemporary governance and Buddhist ideology rather than by the zest for individual, often female, aesthetic expression in diaries (nikki) or romances (monogatari) in Japanese vernacular prose (wabun), none of which survives - if they ever existed - from the ninth century. The devel­ opment towards kana probably began as early as 750 along two basically different paths. One was abbreviation of the sinograms traditionally used as phonograms, the so-called katakana, e.g. /ta/ from # . The other was simplification, e.g. /a/ 3b from 5$:, a natural outcome of one character being joined to the next in the cursive writing of vernacular Japanese. This is the so-called hiragana or onnade ‘womanhand’, to use a contemporary term. Several measures to simplify phonograms were put to use in the process (Tsukishima 1981:66): (i) the use of only one or perhaps two sinograms to render one Japanese syllable; (ii) selecting sinograms written with few strokes; (iii) doing away with indication of voicing of consonants, i.e. using the same phonogram to render both /ka/ and /ga/ etc., except when for select purposes in glosses, dakuten/nigoriten ‘voicing dots’ were used. Katakana were used to write glosses, notes and commentaries to Buddhist scrip­ tures and Chinese Classics, i.e. they were bound to another mode of expression. Hiragana were used in everyday communication in the vernacular and in poetry. The functional divide between the two has since been redefined several times, always with katakana as the peripheral or marked system (cf. italics) associated with cultural-linguistic innovation, e.g. for writing Western loanwords or highlight­ ing distinctive or marginally acceptable speech from onomatopoetic words to non­ native Japanese competence. By contrast, hiragana has been used to render the core vocabulary, the core indigenous genres (Tsukishima 1968:178-9). Another system­ atic difference became more pronounced after the initial period. Katakana were systematized within a couple of centuries in such a way that one distinctive syllable was rendered by one distinctive grapheme. However, hiragana retained, or perhaps

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

11

rather redeveloped almost open classes of syllabic graphemes (many going back to OJ phonograms) to render one and the same syllable, thereby providing infinite possiblities of graphic stylistic effects. In sum, while there is little indication that kana were developed with an ambition to create a literary prose style, once kana were in place, the scene was set for a flowering of Japanese letters in the combined logographic-syllabic writing in its characteristic contemporary literary version (wabun), writing in kana interspersed with a few simple sinograms to be read as logograms. Quite likely, the development of a written Japanese vernacular, and crucially of the syllabic writing, followed the common pattern of nearly all of the written vernaculars east of the Pamirs (with exception of the sinographically inspired scripts Tangut, Khitan, Jurchen, Vietnamese) in being a direct result of the Buddhist mis­ sionary enterprise (Mair 1994:722). The less complicated syllabic structures of Japanese as well as the later timing of the Japanese development may explain why the phonographic script and the development of a written vernacular were more successful for Japanese than Korean. The fact that the consolidation of the Yamato tradition in the seventh-eighth centuries coincided with the momentous Buddhist activities on the Asian continent, no doubt is another factor: Chinese monks such as Xuan-tsang (J. Sanzo)(596-664), travelled to India and translated from Indie lan­ guages; Central Asia saw ‘the second vernacular revolution’ during which Buddhist texts appeared in the indigenous vernaculars of both Indo-European and Turkic languages (Mair 1994:716—17, Nattier 1990); the introduction of extensive Bud­ dhist esoteric texts into China, e.g. Darani-shu-kyo (Ch. Tuoluonijijing) in 625 or Dainichi-kyd (Ch. Darijing) in 716, sparked off the study of Siddham (J. Sittari), the Indian script in which they were written (van Gulik 1950:47ff.). In Japan monks from all over Asia gathered in Yamato during the eighth century, making it a stronghold of Buddhist learning and teaching, among them Bodaisenna from India and his companion Bussetsu from Annam, who is credited with one of the oldest (now lost) treatises on the Siddham alphabet (Karakusu 1928:7). Besides, there were Japanese monks who had direct experience of Buddhist movements on the continent. Thus, the shift of Chinese standard from the pre-Sui standard before 589 to the Tang standard based on the Chang.an (capital of the Tang dynasty) vernacu­ lar after 600 (Pulleyblank 1991) was reflected in Japan: the correct recitation of a sutra would be based on one or the other standard depending on the circumstances of the transmission of the sutra. In due course, these two traditions came to be associated with two strata of Chinese loanwords (SJ words) in Japanese, the socalled go.on (Ch. Wu) and kan.on, respectively. There appears to be no direct evidence of early Buddhist influence. The closest we come are the syllable inventories, a spin-off from the study of Siddham dating from the centuries after the development of kana. The study of the relationship between Siddham (sittan) letters and sounds was an important Buddhist scholarly discipline (sittangaku) pursued in Japan as a kind of contrastive study, which has provided information about the pronunciation of contemporary Japanese, e.g. the pronunciation of an initial affricate [ts] in the syllables usually transcribed with an initial /s/ (Mabuchi 1959). Sittangaku derives its significance from the esoteric Buddhist tradition in which a direct relationship is posed between (the perception of) the Buddhist Law and the mantras or darani, whether recited sounds or letters contemplated in silence (cf. the traditional lack of distinctive terminology for letter as opposed to speech-sound). It is thought that the deity or the cosmic concept, with

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

12

which each sound/letter is associated, is manifested in its sonic/written form (Wheelock 1989). Hence, in order for a darani to be effective, each sound must be pronounced correctly in accordance with the Indie tradition. The founder of esoteric Shingon Buddhism in Japan, Kukai (774-835), expounded the relationship between the Sanskrit/Indic sounds and their cosmological significance: ‘In the esoteric sense, the five great elements stand for the five syllables, the five Buddhas, and all the other deities in the congregation as large as the ocean’ (Shoji jisso gi (The meaning o f sound, word and reality), Hakeda 1972:240). The most popular syllable inventory in the form of a poem in which each dis­ tinctive syllabic grapheme (ignoring the distinction between syllables with voiced and voiceless stops and fricatives) occurs once, is Iroha-uta: iro fa

nifofedo

/ tirinuru wo

/ wa ga yo

colour-TOP be fragrant-coNC / scatter-PERF-ATTR-but / i -gen world

tare so

/ tune naramu

/ uwi no

okuyama

/ kefu

who-FOC / permanent cop -cjec / with karma-GEN deep mountain / today

koete

/ asaki

yume mi-zi

/ wefi mo sezu

cross-TE / shallow-ATTR dream see-NEG.cjEC / being-drunk-too do-NEG

‘Although their colour is full, they scatter, but then who in our world is here forever, the deep mountains o f karma I cross over today never to see a shallow dream, without being drunk’ Among the seven extant copies of Iroha-uta in Buddhist texts or dictionaries dating from 1079 to c. 1200 (Tsukishima 1968:602ff.), the earliest in Saishdo-kyo ongi, a glossary to the Suvar aprabhasa uttamardja sutra, also contains the earliest state­ ment of the constraint on the morphophonological rule usually termed rendaku (‘sequential voicing’), which only received its second (partial) formulation in Lyman’s Law in 1894 (Miller 1989b, cf. §2.3.1.1). The attribution of Iroha-uta to Kukai goes back to the eleventh-twelfth centuries, but the fact that /we/ /fe/ and /e/, but not /ye/, are distinguished in this poem bringing the total number of syllables to 47, means that it is more likely to originate after 950, when /ye/ and /e/ merged. Another systematization still in use, gozyuu onzu (the chart of 50 syllables), dis­ plays the syllables in the order of the Indie alphabets, the axes of the chart ingeni­ ously presenting an indirect analysis into the initial and the nucleus (=rhyme/coda) of the syllable as in the Chinese rhyme-tables (Miller 1975a). The earliest existing specimen is in Kujaku-kyo ongi (Glosses to the Peacock Sutra, early eleventh century) where it serves as a key to glosses. 1.4

Waka and Japanese views of language

It is no exaggeration that Japanese linguistic identity at least until the nineteenth century is inextricably linked to Japanese poetry, waka. Empowerment by waka runs like a red thread through Japanese literature. In the earliest statement on Japanese poetry, the Japanese prose preface to the first imperial anthology of poetry Kokinshu (905), the historical development of waka is one of decline from the origin of poetry, when Susanoo-no-mikoto, the sun-goddess Amaterasu’s fierce brother, laid down the five-seven syllabic/moraic metre (siti-go-tyoo) of waka, through the reigns of the early emperors when form combined with fullness and

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

13

naturalness of content to enhance harmony, to the contemporary era of decline. The essence was, however, the opening lines of the preface with its plant imagery of ‘word-leaves’, which seems once and for all to have settled the question of the etymology of kotoba as koto no fa ‘leaves of words’: Japanese poetry has the human heart as seed and myriads o f words as leaves. It comes into being when men use the seen and the heard to give voice to feelings aroused by the innumerable events in their lives. The song o f the warbler among the blossoms, the voice o f the frog dwelling in the water - these teach us that every living creature sings (transl. by McCullough 1985) (Japanese poetry (yamato uta)). As direct encounters with Chinese became rarer in the ninth century and later (cf. §1.5), Chinese culture seems to have become a mirror in which the Japanese liked to reflect and measure themselves, and inside anecdotes, they measured up well, above all in poetry. The author of Tosa nikki (A diary from Tosa, c. 935) Ki no Tsurayuki (c. 872-945), one of the compilers of Kokinshu, mentions the famous farewell poem of one early envoy to China, Abe no Nakamaro (698-770) {Kokinshu 406), commenting on the universally moving quality of waka: The people o f that country (;.e. China) presumably could not understand [Nakamaro’s poem] just by listening to it, but when they had someone who was conversant in the language here (i.e. Japanese) tell them the meaning o f the words writing them in sinograms (otoko-mozi ‘men’s letters’), they praised it exceedingly. Although the languages o f China and this country are different, the light o f the moon, as probably also the heart o f men, is the same. Again on anecdotal evidence, another envoy to China, Kibi no Makibi (693-775), was so clever that the Chinese felt compelled to keep him isolated in a high building, yet in the end he defeated his Chinese opponents in Chinese poetry, go and poetic riddles (Kibi daijin nitto emaki (Minister Kibi’s journey to China)). Nakamaro and Makibi had fictional counterparts in the heroes of romantic narrat­ ives (monogatari), who evidently embody the Japanese dream of supremacy over the distant prestige culture of China, impressing Chinese audiences with their po­ etry (the linguistic logistics of the encounters is not spelt out) winning the favour of the Chinese emperor and the heart of the empress. Interestingly, we also find here some of the earliest stereotypes of the Chinese ways of communication, e.g. ‘speak­ ing frankly’ (CJ wagamama ni mawosu), ‘without adornment’ (CJ tukurofu koto naku), and above all, the ‘incisive’ or ‘(too) clever’ (CJ sakasi) speech of the Chinese (Hamamatsu chunagon monogatari, mid-eleventh century). In fact, this last characterization may well go back to the poetic metalanguage as in the preface of a late-tenth-century poetry collection: 1In the Central Land o f the Reed Plains [old name fo r Japan] the language is superior, beautiful and pliant (namamekasiku tawoyaka naru kotoba), while inferior to that o f China in clever and astute character (sakasiku kasikoki koto).. . . In the Land o f the Rising Sun shining for ten thousand generations, we maintain the power o f the words (kotodama wo tamotu)’ (Kamo no Yasunori-jo-shu). This stereotype has persisted. Around 1800 the renowned kokugaku scholar, Motoori Norinaga, notes that the Chinese are ‘astute at heart’ (hito no kokoro sakasi) and that they ‘argue in detail and persuade deftly’ (komaka ni ageturai, yozama ni toki

14

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

naseru). Norinaga shows a characteristic Japanese ambivalent attitude to Chinese rhetoric: he wishes to impress on his disciples the necessity to read the Chinese Classics in order to get to know ‘the other party’, but at the same time evidently feels that a word of caution is needed lest they be convinced by what they read (Tamakatsuma (The beautiful basket), 1793-1801, publ. 1812, Morokoshibumi wo mo yomubeki koto). In 1934 the author Tanizaki Jun’ichiro echoed the same view in a less ambivalent manner, noting that the Japanese delegates lose out to the eloquence (benzetu) of the Chinese in the League of Nations: the Japanese national character is ‘not to be talkative’ (o-syaberi de nai), and that the Japanese tradition­ ally hold eloquence in contempt (Bunshodokuhon (Reader on style)). We shall probably never know whether those who first wrote waka with phonograms had the example of darani in mind, but the existence of eighth-century Buddhist poems, Bussokuseki no uta (Poems o f the Buddha’s Footprint Stone) (Miller 1975b), allows for an early association between the two (Miller 1977). What does seem certain is that the perception of waka and darani as equally powerful modes of language in which words and action fuse, developed between the eighth century and the beginning of the thirteenth century. A pivotal indigenous concept in that development was kotodama, a term famously compromised in the nineteenth and early twentieth century nationalistic ideology, and some would con­ tend (e.g. Miller 1977), not entirely successfully rehabilitated - even if deprived of its status as a unique Japanese emblem - in its anthropological interpretation as akin to Polynesian mana (Konishi 1984). It is common to translate kotodama as ‘spirit of words’. This, however, ignores the finer semantic points: firstly, OJ kofo2 (cf. katar-u ‘tell’) denotes something that is enunciated or can be enunciated/told, hence its alternative translation ‘matter, fact’. That is, OJ ko2to2 has, perhaps accid­ entally, the same semantic double ‘word/fact’ as kotodama-, the second element -dama < tama taken to denote ‘spirit’, may be cognate with tama ‘jewel, precious stone’ - they have the same accent (type 2.3), cf. the fact that precious stones were believed to have magic power (Miller 1975b: 144—6; Miller 1977:267). Eighthcentury occurrences of kotodama suggest a ritualistic function based on the idea of a powerful oneness of words and events released on enunciation (kotoage): enun­ ciation is the actualization of what is enunciated. A successful kotoage brings good fortune (saki'faf-u ‘bring good fortune’ (cf. MJ saiwai ‘fortunately’)) (Miller 1977:276, 294). It has also been pointed out that kotodama is associated with geographical designations rather than persons, e.g. kotodama appears explicitly as a blessed feature of Yamato, as opposed to China (cf. the detailed discussion in Miller 1977), in the following excerpt from a poem by Yamanoue no Okura (660c. 733) written to wish an envoy to China a safe journey: Since the age of the gods kami2yo2yori it has been recounted: ifi'tute kuraku the heaven-beholding so'rami'tu yamato2 no2 kuni fa land of Yamato, the land of imperial deities’ sume'kami2 no2 stem majesty, itukusiki' kuni ko2to2dama no2 is a land where the spirit of words blooms, sake'ru kuni to2 it is recounted to the next generation katari tugi2. . . (Man ’ydshu 894)

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

15

Failure to produce a (correct) kotoage, on the other hand, could be fatal, as in the story of the mythical hero Yamatotakeru no mikoto, whose luck fails him after he misses the opportunity to control a local deity by kotoage. That words on occasion have the power to work not just good, but also bad fortune is, as I see it, made explicit in the Yamato mytho-historical tradition, in the meeting between emperor Yuryaku with a deity, who introduces himself as working ‘good fortune with one word, bad fortune with one word’ (Philippi 1968:360f.). The interpretation of this episode as the divine authorization of the emperor’s enunciations, perhaps senmyoo ‘imperial edicts’ in particular, as being imbued with kotodama qualities, is sup­ ported by the name of this deity being given as Kotosaka no kami ‘god of word/ action splitting’(?) or Fitokotonusi in Kojiki, and his manifestation as Yuryaku’s mirror image suggesting their (ritual) oneness. In fact, the name Kotosaka no kami fits in with the cluster of OJ-CJ words with the sequence sak-, all of which appear associated with powerful language, notably the quality of both Japanese kotodama/ kotoage and - albeit slightly later - Chinese language usage (cf. Kamo no Yasunorijo-shu above). Conceivably, sak-u ‘split (> be(come) effective?)’, saka-si ‘shrewd, clever (=effective)’ (both with Low initial register) and sakifaf-u ‘flourish’ (High initial register) (see §2.6) were conflated in early Japanese, led on perhaps by the idea of ‘bursting into bloom’ implied in sakifaf-u or sak-u ‘bloom’. There are two noteworthy aspects of these early instances of kotodama and kotoage. Reference seems always to be to enunciation, i.e. articulation as such, cf. kotodama is (an effect of) katari tugi ‘telling from generation to generation’, etc. While it seems likely that kotoage always formed part of a ritual, kotoage did not always take a form definable as poetry (e.g. Man'ydshu 3254), nor were all waka instances of kotoage, although both in kotoage and waka of the eight century, correct enunciation was of the greatest importance. However, as the development of kana eased the writing of the vernacular, it may have become more common to compose waka without even reading the poem aloud before committing it to writ­ ing. Attention was thereby directed to the written waka, which thanks to kana the reader could easily retrieve in its original correct form. The possibility certainly exists that a more general association of kotodama with waka poems (in their written form) was furthered by the development of accurate phonographic writing of waka, cf. the above quotation from the poetry anthology of the daughter of Kamo no Yasunori (cf. Kindaichi 1992:242). There is evidence that the Buddhist tradition influenced views of waka. Within the influential medieval tradition of Buddhist-Shinto syncretism (honzi suizyaku), local Japanese deities, kami, came to be regarded as ‘traces’ of Buddhas (‘origins’), manifested in Japan in order to help the Japanese attain enlightenment. In due course Buddhas and kami were regarded as on equal terms. Similarly, according to universalist strains of Buddhist thought on language, all languages were regarded as equal in furthering religious insight (Mair 1994), a view voiced in Japan as early as around 800 in Todaiji fujumon-ko (Suggestions for preachings and recitations o f Todaiji) (Nakada 1979b, line 141). Vernaculars such as Japanese, the language of the kami, were on a par with the Indie language of the historical Buddha as a means to enlightenment, and this parity applied a fortiori to the powerful linguistic modes of waka and darani. Accordingly the act of kami bestowing waka on the Japanese, as held in the Kokinshu tradition, took on a new significance. By the second half of the twelfth century, there seems to have existed an interpretation of kotodama in increasingly general terms, as an inherent feature of each word of yamatokotoba,

16

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

by which was probably meant the contemporary poetical language, bestowed by the gods and transmitted by the ancestors (Kiyosuke ason-shii, quoted by Kindaichi 1992:243). Perhaps the first to voice the view of equality between darani and waka was Jien (1155-1225) (in Shugyokushu (A collection o f gleanings ofpearls) 5034), the Chief Abbot of the Enryakuji Temple, the main temple of the Tendai sect situated on Mount Hiei, the seat of an intertwined Buddhist-Shinto establishment. Jien compares darani and waka to cases of synonymy, like yumi and taras i ‘bow’ they are two words for the same thing, which means that yamatokotoba in the form of waka is as effective for entering the Buddhist Way as the sutras in the Indie language in which the True Words (singon) of the Buddha were uttered (Takeuchi 1996). By emphasizing the similarities between the Japanese sounds/letters (kana) and those of Siddam, in particular the direct association of each grapheme with a distinct sound and a cosmological meaning, he is led to a negative comparison with Chinese script (cf. §1.5). In fact, as far as the Buddhist tradition is concerned, Jien is explicit in his resistance to the Chinese prestige language in general: to him Chinese texts are at best irrelevant, mere translations into a type of writing less like the original than kana. Jien’s equation of waka with darani was echoed by Muju (1226-1312), who explicitly considered the transcendent function of waka and darani as universal, i.e. all languages - to Muju, as to everyone else in Japan at the time, that meant Sanskrit (bongo), Japanese, and Chinese - have the same capacity to induce reli­ gious awakening, and he draws on the Buddhist tradition in his argument: ‘The Zen master Ichigyo says in his commentary to the Great Light Sutra (J. Dainichi-kyo, Skt. Mahavairocana sutra) the languages of everywhere are darani. If Buddha appeared in our country, he would simply use the language of Wakoku (i.e. Japan) to make a darani’ (Shasekishu (Collection o f Sand and Pebbles) 1283). In the popular medieval Buddhist tradition, the idea of the waka as a catalyst for religious enlightenment had an enormous appeal. It incorporated the old poetical tradition, e.g. in the No text Kakitsubata (Iris), which echoes an episode from Ise monogatari (tenth century), the poet Ariwara no Narihira is revealed as a bodhisattva, who offers waka as a mode to help all sentient beings, including irises, to gain salvation. The idea of the extraordinary power of waka, even when the purpose was secular, pervaded narrative traditions at least into the seventeenth century. This tradition confirmed waka or more widely lyrical discourse as the most effective rhetorical mode not least by stressing its egalitarian aspect as the property of everyone in Japanese society, courtiers and wood-cutters alike, e.g. the story of the wood-cutter who had his axe taken from him by a forester, only to get it back when he produced a waka expressing his desperation over the loss (Kohon setsuwashu 18, eleventh century). 1.5

The vernacular prestige language and the Heian nativist revival

For want of any early accounts of the linguistic situation in Japan, we might assume that OJ and CJ simply represent local dialects of seventh-eighth centuries Nara and tenth—eleventh centuries Kyoto, respectively. This is a convenient, but probably simplistic view which underestimates their origins within a scenario of establishing centralized rule. A more credible hypothesis must bring together the historical and the dialectal evidence (see §7). Archaeological and historical research has shown

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

17

that the mytho-historical tradition in the form we know, was probably produced during the seventh century in mid-Honshu, termed the expanded core area by Piggott (1997). However, as mentioned above, the gradual consolidation of that region as the dominating one began much earlier and appears to have been shaped by the mid-Honshu trade-route to the Korean Peninsula in the third century and by close direct contact with the peninsula in the form of repeated waves of immigrants until the fall of Paekche in 663. By that time, Azuma (broadly speaking the region east of mid-Honshu) judging by the attention it receives in the historical texts, had become the most powerful peripheral region and hence a prime target for the Yamato rulers, e.g. the Nakatomi-Fujiwara clan’s take-over of land in Hitachi Province (modem Chiba prefecture) (Piggott 1997; Aoki M. 1997). The above scenario warrants two conjectures on the linguistic situation in the protohistorical period: (a) mid-Honshu’s early, sustained direct contacts with the Korean Peninsula suggest that the defining linguistic features of that region are perhaps to be sought in early Korean Peninsular-Japanese Islands language con­ tacts, and the archaeological evidence from the Yayoi period until the third century suggests that any Japanese input into such a lingua franca or particular vernacular would most likely be of Kyushu origin; (b) the mid-Honshu/Yamato-Azuma polit­ ical tension probably had a linguistic dimension, cf. the fact that the eastern border area of mid-Honshu in the seventh century, the provinces of Owari, Mino and Echizen, largely coincides with the modern East-West dialect border (see §1.6, on the bundle of Chubu isoglosses). At the same time, the attempt by the mid-Honshu rulers to control Azuma, and even more so, the later (mainly Post-CJ) reverse attempts by Azuma to control mid-Honshu, produced a situation between the two regions, and in particular, their political centres, of linguistic give and take. That is to say, the idea of a one-way flow of influence from the capital to Azuma is simplistic, as will be argued in later chapters. Given this political and linguistic background, it is hardly surprising that what we know from OJ sources about the distribution of dialects and of attitudes towards them mostly concerns Azuma, whose contemporary eastern border probably was somewhere in present-day north Kanto. For instance, in the earliest explicit view on dialects from a Buddhist treatise written in Chinese from around 800, the mission­ ary zeal is definitely directed towards the east: ‘Those who preach the True Teaching in the various countries do not have difficulty with language. . . . In this country there is the dialect (hoogen) o f the Hairy People [presumably Emisi=Ainu\, that o f Hida [present day Gifu Prefec­ ture■], that o f the North East [ Tdhoku]. When for instance addressing people from Hida one preaches and speaks to them in the Hida dialect. It is like translation and interpreting (hon.yaku tuuzi)’ (Todaiii fuiumon-ko, Nakada 1979b, lines 142-3, cf. Tokugawa 1994:36). There is evangelical optimism here: monks, knowledgeable be it in Ainu or Hidadialect, would preach in the local vernacular the True Teaching which they pre­ sumably had read in the language they all conveniently shared, i.e. Chinese. The implication appears to be that the dialect (pace Ainu) differences were substantial, and that the emerging OJ-CJ prestige language had not yet been consolidated as a lingua franca in the eastern periphery. Man ’yoshu, the major source of OJ, gives an overall impression of linguistic uniformity. Even the peripatetic life style of many of the Man yoshu poets does not

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

18

seem to have left linguistic traces in their poetry. The decision to allow dialectal poetry, the anonymous Azuma uta (poems from Azuma) and sakimori no uta (poems o f the frontier guards), was probably taken in view of Azuma’s political and military importance (cf. e.g. Brown 1993:15Iff.): sakimori were soldiers from Azuma despatched to Kyushu during the eighth century to defend the country from attacks from the Korean Peninsula. However, did it represent a recognition, an acceptance into the wider Yamato tradition, or a symbolic annexation of Azuma? There would seem to be a hint of the latter, if as suggested (by Fukuda (1965), cf. Tokugawa 1977), the Azuma poems were modified to a less radical dialectal form. Azuma poems were excluded after the first imperial anthology Kokinshu in 905, where in any case dialect features had become negligible. It is clear that the consolidation of mid-Honshu rule and of the prestige dialect of the capital brought with it a marked shift in attitudes towards dialects: where there had been a measure of recognition of dialects, albeit perhaps opportunistic, in the eight and ninth centuries, this turned to disdain among the literate circles of the capital during the tenth century. The following poem from about 1010 is fairly typical: aduma nite Azuma-Loc-TE

/ yasinafaretaru bring up - pass- pefr - attr

/ sitadamite koso tongue-twist-TE-FOCUS

/ fito no ko fa person-GEN child-TOP

/ mono fa ifikere things-TOP say-Evro

Persons brought up in Azuma do have a tongue-twisting manner o f saying things! (Shuishu 413 (Collection o f gleanings)) By then, a short journey by ox carriage from the capital was enough to reach localities where locals’ speech to the ears of court ladies, sounded like ‘birds twittering’ (Sei Shonagon in Makura no soshi). The new attitude was perhaps amplified by an acquired Chinese sensibility. The popular bird metaphor tori no saezuri is likely to be a caique from Chinese, used by the Chinese poet Bo Juyi (772-846) - a favourite with the Japanese - who used it, when demoted to a post in the provinces in Jiangzhou, to describe the speech of the local people (Pollack 1983:370, on CJ safezur- cf. Miller 1967:286). The Heian Period (794-1185) is associated above all with the vernacular Japanese prose (waburi) that developed in conjunction with waka, i.e. an expansion of the Japanese side of the Chinese-Japanese diglossia. It was also during this period that the Chinese cultural legacy, and by the same token, Chinese vocabulary on a large scale entered the Japanese vernacular, simultaneously shaping and being shaped by the nativist cultural revival. In particular, the Chinese-Japanese diglossia shifted in favour of Japanese taking over religious discourse. The ninth century saw a large-scale nativization of caiques and various stylistic figures, above all witnessed in Kokinshu (905). It has been shown (Konishi 1978), that this canon of ‘quintessential Japanese’ beauty may indeed be just that - even if its characteristic conceptual attitude of ‘obliquity’ historically is the outcome of adapting the poetry of the Six Dynasties in China (as represented by the anthology Wenxuan (J. Monzen)). Konishi shows in great detail that the course of adaptation was not from Chinese poetry straight into Japanese poetry, but that the selection of poetic topoi, definition and refinement of style, happened over more than half a century (810-870s) during which Japanese poets practised Chinese poetry intensely,

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

19

as witnessed in three anthologies compiled in less than fifteen years (Ryounshu (A collection from above the clouds, 814), Bunka shiireishu (Collection o f glories and graces, 818), Keikokushu (Collection o f national polity, 827). Nativization was therefore a three-step process: (i) accessing the Chinese original text; (ii) defining style and poetic topoi by composing in Chinese; (iii) adaptation to the target lan­ guage. In linguistic terms, the new attitude of ‘obliquity’ in Kokinshu established favourite rhetorical devices, such as disjunctive questions, yume ka ututu ka ‘is it dream or reality?’, and many caiques, poetic and otherwise, aoyagi no ito ‘threads of willow’, oi ku ‘old age comes’; and fixed expressions of doubt or wonder, e.g. -ka-to-zo miru, ayamaretari ‘is mistaken’, nitari ‘resembles’. This process of ad­ aptation coincided with a weakening of Chinese influence: discontinuation of envoys to China in 833; modification and circumvention of the examination system in Chinese modelled on the Tang Code of China, as the old custom of hereditary office returned; serious study of Chinese being left to specialist scholars. The prose headnotes to poetry and the early prose genres (uta monogatari, nikki and monogatari) in the vernacular, which evolved in close relation with poetry, were essentially dominated by the same stylistic ideals. They were mainly written in kana (hiragana) with a sprinkling of simple sinograms, e.g. li| ‘mountain’ or A ‘person’, etc. The number of nativized Chinese/SJ phonetic loans was probably still rather small, caiques or loan translations being preferred. Sometimes where a Sino-Japanese reading was intended, people would write the sinogram(s) without any indication of pronunciation, perhaps because a SJ rendering (‘reading’) had not yet gained currency and the use of kana might therefore be misleading, e.g. A KYAU ‘capital’ or 0 s 3 NIKKI ‘diary’ (Komatsu 1972). The continuous intake throughout the Heian Period of SJ loan-words is reflected in their increasing ratios in texts, e.g. 12.2 per cent in Makura no soshi (approx. 1,000) (less in most other contemporary texts) compared to 22.06 per cent in Heike monogatari (after 1200) (Sato 1981:17). The waka diction of Kokinshu became the core of female literary education. It was a matter not taken lightly as can be seen from the anecdote in Sei Shonagon’s Makura no soshi (The Pillow Book, c. 1000) about Emperor Murakami who tested one of his consorts on her reputedly superior command of the poems in the twenty volumes of Kokinshu by asking her about each and every poem (about 1100 in all) (Morris 1971:37-9). Daughters of emperors, courtiers, scholars and provincial offi­ cials were also, it seems, free to study Chinese poetry and Chinese Classics, should they wish to, or should their fathers wish them to do so. For officials and lower ranked courtiers, from whose ranks “career” court ladies were drawn, the potential gains in putting efforts into educating their daughters in Chinese must have been obvious at a time when the discreet adaptation of a snippet of Chinese culture was very much in vogue. The court lady-storyteller Murasaki Shikibu (c. 1000), to whom Genji monogatari (The Tale o f Genji) is attributed, was taught Chinese by her father, as was her literary rival Sei Shonagon (cf. Bowring 1982:131). Women also acted as patrons or could indeed take a more active part in the cultural and linguistic nativization than the standard perception of Heian women has it. The process of nativization obviously included the compilation of dictionaries, translations from Chinese, and eventually creation of original works in Japanese. Kinshi (905-38), the favourite daughter of Emperor Daigo, ordered the renowned poet of Japanese and Chinese poetry, Minamoto no Shitago (911-83), to compile the comprehensive dictionary of ‘Japanese names’, Wamyo (ruiju)sho (c. 931-37),

20

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

which became one of the most influential Chinese-Japanese dictionaries for cen­ turies (Karow 1951). Sinograms mostly representing nouns from more than 290 Chinese sources were extracted and explained, and the Japanese translation (given in phonograms) together with an indication of the Chinese pronunciation concluded the entry. The Chinese system of indicating tones by means of dots (syooten) at the four corners around a grapheme (whether a sinogram or a kana) was adopted. Like most other dictionaries at the time, Wamyoshd is semantically ordered beginning with the section ‘heaven and earth’ (tenti) and ‘man and morality’ (zinri), in its larger twenty-book version containing more than 3,350 entries. In 984 Shitago’s disciple, Minamoto no Tamenori (7-1011), compiled a collec­ tion of Buddhist texts for the imperial princess Sonshi. Sanboe (The three jewels with illustrations) was probably intended as a devotional text for Sonshi, who had become a nun at the age of twenty. Each of the three parts deals with one of the Three Jewels (bup-poo-soo), the Buddha (butu) represented by the jataka tales (of Buddha’s previous lives), the Buddhist Law (hoo) by stories of miracles, and the Buddhist Clergy (soo) by accounts of major Buddhist rituals in Japan. Interestingly, each of the existing, rather late, manuscripts of this text transmits the text in a completely distinct form: one version is in Chinese, two others are hiragana and katakana versions, the latter of which has a substantial amount of sinograms (wakan konkoobun). It seems likely that the manuscripts reflect a process of compilation essentially similar to the drawn-out nativization in Kokinshu described above: first, selecting from original Chinese texts, next, deciding on an appropriate Japanese rendering, which naturally had to be done in several steps, each giving rise to a manuscript which could, if necessary, serve a purpose. Such (broadly) parallel Chinese and Japanese versions of texts were probably very much the order of the day as areas of Chinese and Buddhist cultural legacy were nativized. The example of Emperor Murakami’s daughter Senshi (964-1035) shows how a woman in special circumstances could span the divide between Japanese and Chinese writing. As a priestess at the Kamo Shrine, a position she held for 57 years, Senshi was constrained by devotional taboos concerning Buddhism - taking vows was certainly out of the question. Her poetry collection, Hosshin wakashu (‘Collec­ tion of Japanese poems for the awakening of faith’) contains a cycle of poems, each of which is composed on the theme of a quotation from the Lotus Sutra (J. Hoke­ kyo, Skt. Saddharma-pimdarika-sutra) quoted in the Chinese. It would appear that Senshi was the first to put into practice the view that waka was a means of attaining salvation equal to the recitation of darani or sutras (cf. §1.4) (Kamens 1990:42—3, 70). The anthology has a preface in Chinese generally accepted to be by Senshi, so her linguistic competence in Chinese seems beyond doubt and she must have read at least parts of the Lotus Sutra. She may also have heard the sutra recited in Japanese (yomi ni zyu-su/yomi ni dokuzyu-su), a tradition which appears to go back to the eleventh century (cf. Konjaku monogatari 12.34, 14.13). According to one later source, a Japanese translation of the Lotus Sutra (J. kanagald Hokekyo) was presented at a service in 1009 by the mother of Emperor Ichijo (cf. Nakada 1988). However, all four existing manuscripts of kanagaki Hokekyo date from after 1200.

Parallel Chinese-Japanese texts like Senshi’s are also found in Wakan roeishu (Collection for chanting o f Japanese and Chinese verse, c. 1013) compiled by the poet and arbiter of taste Fujiwara no Kinto (966-1041). It is hard to tell just how groundbreaking Kinto’s work was. Many of the snippets of Chinese poetry ren­

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

21

dered in Japanese by him may already have been widely known in contemporary literary circles. His selection reflects Japanese taste, 354 items out of 588 were by Japanese poets, and of the 234 poems by Chinese poets, 139 were by one poet, Bo Juyi (cf. above). Kinto may simply have collected the most obvious and popular quotations for easy reference. In any case, many of these poems found their way into the wabun literature, and later quotes occur interwoven in the poetic passages of No texts (yookyoku), etc. Chinese legends were anthologized in a similar way, e.g. Kara monogatari (Stories from China). By the early eleventh century, a fount of knowledge about the Chinese tradition was no longer confined to the circles of Chinese scholars, but alive within the Japanese tradition. Around 1100 a written style had developed, which in its most rule-bound form, wakan konkoo-bun ‘mixed Japanese-Chinese style’, was characterized by lexemes being written by sinograms (mostly SJ loanwords), all grammatical elements by kana, e.g. Konjaku monogatari (Tales o f Present and Past). This style, which in principle is the direct precursor of the present day kanamajiri-bun, was found in a range of variations and was typical of all Buddhist genres, sermons, anecdotes (setsuwa) and sutra translations, e.g. kanagaki Hokkekyo, and Buddhist derived genres such as epics (gunki monogatari), e.g. Heike monogatari, from the twelfth century onwards. The Buddhist character of these genres meant that they tended to be written with katakana rather than hiragana. In fact, the existence of katakana manuscripts of the Buddhist essay Hojoki (An account o f my square hut) or of No texts (e.g. those attributed to the No playwright Zeami (1363-1443)), which today are regarded as quintessential Japanese texts, indicates that their authors and their contemporaries saw them as products of the foreign prestige culture, viz. that No players were affiliated with Buddhist temples. Note also that these texts contain some of the most memorable passages of Japanese: in larger structures reminiscent of Western poetry, a yamatokotoba diction and frequent poetic resonance in rhythm (five-seven syllabic metre) is attenuated by syntactic stylistic features of Chinese, particularly parallelisms (tuiku) and an economical use of Sino-Japanese lexemes, e.g. the opening passage of Hdjoki, where the only SJ word is the central concept MJ muzyoo (Skt. anitya) ‘transience’. By and large, documents relating to the maintenance of political authority, legal codes, historical treatises, etc., continued to be the domain of Chinese style(s). This is not to say that there was no resistance to Chinese, but those who used Japanese style, Jien (cf. §1.3) or Kitabatake Chikafusa (1293-1354) (Jinno Shdtdki (An account o f our divine sovereigns and true royal line), 1343), did not write with the authorization of the rulers. Jien pioneered the use of Japanese (in fact, a relaxed wakan konkobun) in historico-political discourse in Gukansho (1219). This must have been controversial, and so were his reasons. Where the ignorance of Chinese among ‘women and children’ was a standard excuse to write in Japanese, Jien considered that ignorance so deep and widespread that he needed to use yamatokotoba to address ‘even priests and laymen’ (soo mo zoku mo). Jien claims that yamatokotoba is a superior means of communication because its immediate intelligibility (presumably when written with kana or when read aloud), invests it with meaning, e.g. expressive adverbs such as hatato ‘with a slap, suddenly’ or muzuto ‘with a dash, forcibly’, which although written with kana are ‘loaded’ (fukaku komoritari) with meaning to the Japanese. He uses the expression mimi tikasi ‘easy to understand’, lit. ‘close to the ears’, a caique from Chinese (from Mencius) occurring in the Chinese Preface to Kokinshu (Miller 1987:755), in

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

22

the sense of a quality which secures lasting fame for a waka poet. Interestingly, the same expression is found in the Portuguese missionaries’ Doctrina Christan (1592), where it also indicates a positive quality of Japanese as opposed to Chinese. In line with his views on Sanskrit (cf. §1.4), Jien challenges the view that the essentially morphemic writing of Chinese, i.e. the sinograms, is inherently superior in trans­ mitting meaning to Japanese speakers. The fact that the sinograms are difficult to learn, makes yamatokotoba written (partly) with kana all the more attractive to an author who wishes to persuade a wide audience of his views. From a modern vantage point, Jien can be said to be the first advocate of script reform. In the event, however, he like Chikafusa embraced a politically lost cause, and his challenge to the Chinese style did not have far-reaching consequences. 1.6

Linguistic variety: centre and periphery

When after 1185 the political power shifted to military rulers from Azuma, the Minamoto, the Hojo and the Ashikaga, this did not pose an immediate threat to the position of the spoken vernacular or to the written style of the capital, by then widely acknowledged as a standard. For instance, one can observe how the learned courtier-monk Yoshida Kenk5 (c. 1283-c. 1352) who had visited Azuma and did not shy away from commending customs of these provinces, appreciated the holy man Gyoren in spite o f his ‘distorted speech’ (kowe utiyugamu), i.e. his dialect, in this memorable locus classicus on the subtleties of the reluctant refusal: ‘The holy man Gyoren o f the Hiden-in, whose lay name was Miura, was an incomparable soldier. Once a man from his native place came and, in the course o f the conversation, remarked, “You can trust what a man from the east \Azuma] says. People from the capital are good at making promises, but they ’re not to be trusted. ” The holy man answered, “I can see why you might think so, but having lived in the capital for a long time and become thoroughly acquainted with the people, I don’t think they are any worse by nature. They are so gentle and warm-hearted that they cannot bear to refuse outright whatever anyone may ask o f them. Because they are incapable o f speaking out their thoughts, they consent help­ lessly to every request. It is not that they intentionally deceive others, but most o f them are poor and cannot do as they would like. It often happens then, quite predictably, that they fa il to carry out their promises. People from the east, though I am one o f them myself, lack such gentleness in their hearts or sympathy for others, they are brusque through and through, and say ‘No’from the start so as to discourage requests. Their prosperity makes people trust them. ” Such was his explanation. This holy man spoke with a provincial accent. His voice was harsh and I doubt that he had much understanding o f the fine points of the sacred teachings. But this one utterance attracted me to him, and I felt that his having been chosen from among many priests as abbot o f the temple must have been due to this warm side o f his nature, and that this quality was sufficient recommendation for the man’ (Essays in Idleness, 141, transl. by Donald Keene 1967 (=Tsurezuregusa, about 1330-32)). Nevertheless, over the next couple of centuries, we encounter more assertive atti­ tudes especially among dialect speakers. Some Buddhist monks openly advocated

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

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the use of the dialects when preaching, which was in a sense continuing good Buddhist practice (cf. §1.3). The headstrong religious leader Nichiren (1222-82) even managed to reverse the traditional perceptions by his choice of value-laden terms, inakakotoba (provincial speech) as opposed to kyoonamari (corrupted speech of the capital) (Tokugawa 1994:38). There was also the occasional acknowledge­ ment that (Azuma) dialects might influence the vernacular of the capital, in effect linking language to political power: the new military ruler, Ashikaga Takauji (130558) from Azuma reputedly created a fad for the first person form ore ‘I’ (Katakoto (Linguistic splinters), approx. 1650). It fell to the Zen sect monks and other scholars collecting and commenting on works written in Chinese in so-called syoomono/syoomotu to lead the eastern dialects out of obscurity during the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries. Zen Buddhism had brought renewed direct contact with China on a scale not seen for centuries. The Chinese Zen (Ch. Chan) monks are known to have championed the use of vernaculars, and just as in the eighth century, the Japanese Zen monks probably followed their continental colleagues. For instance, the vernacular com­ mentaries to Chinese texts might have been inspired by the contemporary contin­ ental practice of using Chinese written vernaculars for that purpose (cf. Gardner 1991). The frequency of Azuma dialectal features in syoomono can be partially explained by the military rulers’ patronage of Zen, which established Kamakura (south-west of present day Yokohama) as an important centre of Zen-leaming. Thus, from the thirteenth-fourteenth centuries, there is a gradual increase in Azuma dialectal morphophonological and morphological features in syoomono written by easterners. A survey of such texts from 1471 to the late seventeenth century defines the following Azuma dialectal features compared to the Kinki form: -ku adverbial form of adjectives, e.g. taka-ku : taka-u (> takoo); da : -dyalya, final form of the copula; -tta past of CJ /:stem verbs, e.g. it-ta : yuu-ta ‘said’ of CJ if-u ‘say’; -b ei: -besi modal verbal suffix; -nai : -nu/-n negative verbal suffix; -ro : -yo imperative suffix; generalization of e/i in the CJ thematic verbs, e.g. CJ kaku > MJ kakeru ‘hang’ or CJ otu > MJ otiru ‘fall’; -kara causal clause conjunctor; shifts from consonant to /-verb stem conjugation kar-u > kari-ru ‘borrow’, tar-u > tari-ru ‘suffice’ (Tanaka 1983:250). The modem distribution of the bundle of Chubu isoglosses first described by the National Language Research Council (Kokugo Chosa Iinkai) in 1906 is shown in Map 4 (xxiii). Evidence from OJ imperative forms etc., makes it likely that a Kinai-Azuma dialect division goes back to the earliest historical period or probably even earlier (cf. Miller 1967:163ff.). Even today the two major urban centres in Kinki and Kanto are reflected in a closely similar distribution of modern isoglosses, e.g. Kanto syaberu : Kinki sukoppu ‘shovel’, Kantd tyuusyazyoo : Kinki mootaapuuru ‘parking zone’ (Sanada 1989:113ff.). The alternative term, the east-west divide (toozai tairitu), ignores that several old features, e.g. imperative forms and not least accent patterns, and more recent isoglosses such as copula, show shared features of east Japan and areas west of Kinki, especially (some) Kyushu dialects. The difficulty of reconciling these two major trends, the east-west divide and the Kinki-centred distributions is one of the major questions for Japanese historical dialectology. At the same time the language of the capital undoubtedly functioned as a linguistic standard, which was understood by most people in the provinces. This must be the reason why the Portuguese missionaries chose to describe that language and not the Kyushu dialects of the people among whom they carried out their missionary work

24

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

(Tokugawa 1994). The brief description of the dialect situation in the grammar Arte da Lingoa de Iapam, published in 1608 as a tool to help in the missionary work, echoes the predominant view of those in the capital: the pure and uncorrupted language is that of the courtiers in the capital and more widely the pronunciation and accent of the five Kinai (=Kinki) provinces (Yamashiro, Yamato, Kawachi, Izumi, and Settsu) and the two provinces Wakasa and Echizen by the Japan Sea. Similarly, its companion dictionary Vocabulario da Lingoa de Iapam from 1603 has 32,800 entries, only about 450 of which are Kyushu dialect words. The observa­ tion that ‘the language of persons belonging to the middle strata (tyuuhin) and above in all provinces is without mistakes, their pronunciation is harmonious and intelligible’ (Butsurui shoko (Names o f all things) 1775, Tokugawa 1994:40) seems to drive home the above point - with the added notion of sociolinguistic statification. Quite likely a regional variety modelled on one of the central prestige dialects (Kamigata or later Edo) coexisted in most communities with the local dialect(s). It is in the encyclopedic dictionary Toga (The Eastern Erya, 1719) by the his­ torian Arai Hakuseki (1657-1725), based partly on the Chinese tradition of the dictionary Erya, partly probably on information obtained from the Italian mission­ ary Sidotti and the Nagasaki interpreters of Dutch (cf. §1.8), that we find an under­ standing of linguistic change and language contact and of how political power can induce linguistic innovation (cf. Lewin 1966). According to Hakuseki, the condi­ tions of all languages are essentially identical. Languages change in time, and all modem languages (kingen) go back to older forms (kogen). All languages, modem and old, show diversity: areal ones (hoogen) and stylistic ones, i.e. the opposition between ‘refined’ ( ga) and ‘vulgar’ (zoku). Ga is largely a quality of ’good/rich people’ (yoki hito), whereas zoku is characteristic of ‘despicable/poor people’ (iyasiki hito), but importantly, the definitions of these categories, too, are subject to change: what is ‘vulgar’ may become ‘refined’ and vice versa. To illustrate this last point, Hakuseki reports that the poet Matsunaga Teitoku (1571-1653) commented around 1630 to Hakuseki’s teacher, the philosopher Kinoshita Jun’an, that the speech of people in the capital had changed since his childhood under what he identified as the influence of the dialect (hoo-on) of Mikawa (east of present-day Nagoya), the home province of the new Tokugawa rulers (cf. Tokugawa 1994:38). Hakuseki, himself an easterner, draws the clearsighted conclusion that the vernacular of the capital must or may well have have been influenced by Azuma dialects (Aduma no hooon) even in the previous centuries of Ashikaga rale (Arai 1975:109-11) (cf. §4.7.2.1). 1.6.1

Edo - the long road towards a new prestige vernacular

After the establishment in 1601 of Edo (present-day T5kyo) as the political centre, people from all over the country flocked there: the ruling Tokugawa family and their retainers from Mikawa Province; artisans, merchants, artists, actors, courtesans and prostitutes from the old capital, together with many others drawn from local communities. The population was further boosted by the introduction of a system of rale which required vassal lords from all over Japan to live intermittently with large retinues in Edo. The result was a period of complex and drawn-out linguistic contact above all with Kyoto and Osaka dialects. It is a measure of just how close the competition between Kamigata (Premodem term for Kinki) and Edo dialects continued to be, that even after 1868 when the emperor and the court moved to

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T5kyo, it was not a foregone conclusion that the privilege of defining the linguistic standard to be taught in Japanese schools should go to Tokyo. Edo-kotoba!Tokyo language has been aptly described as having Kanto dialects for mother and Kamigata-kotoba for father (Tanaka 1983:294). In other words, Edo-kotoba of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was formed by a superstratum of the prestige dialect around Kyoto acting on a substratum of local Kanto (Azuma) dialects, as the result of which Tokyo nowadays stands out as something of an aberration on the linguistic map, as can be demonstrated by dialectal mapping such as Table 1.1 illustrating the words for ‘two days after tomorrow’ and ‘three days after tomorrow’. The west-east pattern is here defined as Kinki and the area west of Kinki as opposed to Tohoku, the actual dialectal borderline running north-south somewhere in the modem Chubu area. Although situated squarely within the east­ ern dialect area, Tokyo stands out by using Kinki siasatte for ‘two days after tomorrow’ (first occurrence in Edo text in 1780), while the Kanto area uses the same Kinki word in the sense of ‘three days after tomorrow’. table l.i The distribution of the words for ‘the day after tomorrow’, ‘two days after tomorrow’ and ‘three days after tomorrow’ (after Tanaka 1983:299).

‘the day after tomorrow’

‘two days after tomorrow’

‘three days after tomorrow’

Tohoku

asatte

yanoasatte

Kanto Tokyo (Yamanote) Kinki

asatte asatte asatte

yanoasatte siasatte siasatte

yanoyanoasattel yayanoasatte siasatte yanoasatte goasatte

Many other words in T5kyo are shared with Kinki dialects, e.g. kemuri ‘smoke’, uroko ‘fish scales’, nuka ‘rice bran’ and tuyu ‘rainy season’, but the lexicon reflects diversity: some lexical items are shared with Kanto dialects, such as kakasi ‘scare­ crow’, toomorokosi ‘maize’, kakato ‘heel’, suppai ‘sour’, others more generally with East Japanese, such as nasu ‘eggplant’, toge ‘thorn’, syoppai ‘salty’ or okkanai ‘scary’, iru ‘exist, be (animate subject)’, although some of these are in variation with Kinki words, e.g. worn ‘be, exist’, siokarai ‘salty’ or kowai ‘scary’ (Tanaka 1983:297). Printing techniques, although known in Japan since the eighth century, were for centuries used only by special groups for a few chosen purposes (cf. Kornicki 1998:112ff): the printing of one million charms (Hyakumanto darani after 764) (Hickman 1975); Go-zan printing (The Five Mountains (go-zan) referred to the five major Zen temples) of Zen texts in the fifteenth century; the movable type printing of Japanese classics (Saga-bon), e.g. no texts, Ise monogatari, etc. around 1600; and finally, the Christian printing press in Amakusa in Kyushu. In the decades after 1600 this definitively changed. Literacy had become less unusual among com­ moners, and printers established themselves in Kyoto and Osaka, and increasingly in Edo. There is, however, little evidence from the seventeenth century of the features identified with Edo-kotoba. Apparently the language of Kamigata continued to have an overwhelming impact until the 1760s and 1770s when typical Edo features begin to occur in texts (Tanaka 1983:255ff., cf. Azuma features in §1.6).

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Although so-called ‘polite language’ (keigo) was next to absent in local Kanto dialects as well as in the Early Edo sociolect of local footmen (roppoo-kotoba) (Tanaka 1983:199ff.), it reached perhaps unprecedented levels of complexity in Edo. A succinct illustration of this drawn up by the modem kabuki-actor Nakamura Shikaku (1960) exemplifies how people in various professions in Edo might say ‘When did you come to Edo?’: samurai: priest, physician: (well-off) townsman: his wife: courtesan (yuuzyo): high-rank courtesan: geisha: artisan: rice-cake roaster:

itu itu itu itu itu itu itu itu itu

edo edo edo edo edo edo edo edo edo

e mairareta? e gozaimasita? e oide nasaremasita? e okosi de gozarimasita? e yasyansita? e gozansita? e kinasansita? e oide naseemasita? e gozarassyarimasita?

itu ‘when’, e ‘to’, -ta Past auxiliary. This sample suggests some important sociolinguistic trends that are supported by actual Edo data. The artisan’s naseemasita is lexically identical to the well-off townsman’s nasaremasita, but instead of the latter’s passive form -are- in com­ bination the exalted verb nasar-u ‘to do (exalted)’ - essentially a Kamigata feature - the artisan truncates nasaimasita to naseemasita in a way that still characterizes local Kanto dialects. The speech of courtesans and geisha, who until the end of the Edo Period were trained from early childhood, contained many distinctive features derived from Kamigata, which the townsman’s wife is not quite up to, e.g. -ns- as in iya dansu ‘I don’t want to’ or koti gozanse ‘come here!’. The townsman’s wife uses forms with the exalted existential verb gozaru common to priests, physicians and probably other persons who would address larger audiences. As for the ricecake roaster, he seems keen to join as many exalted elements together as possible! In the absence of a paramount prestige vernacular the local dialects were perhaps relatively free to develop during the Edo period (Tokugawa 1994:38). This does not, of course, mean that the concept of elegant vernacular (:miyabigoto) vanished. Indeed from the middle of the eighteenth century, as the prestige of Edo-kotoba increased, it began to take over as the elegant norm. By then the true Edoite (edokko) was as self-assured as anyone from the old capital (Kyoto) had been a couple of centuries before, cf. the views of the author of popular fiction Shikitei Sanba (1776-1822): ‘People speak about the corrupted Kanto accent (Kantoo-namari), but this is not to say that all people from Kanto speak with a corrupted accent. The proof is that the high and refined (kooki) have a particularly correct way with words (kotobazukai) and their pronunciation (kowazama) is so exceedingly clear that people in other provinces cannot match them. The speech o f low and coarse persons has many shortenings and truncations and the pronunciation inevitably becomes unclear (namu ‘become unclear’). Moreover, in a large city where people from all provinces gather, people become acquainted with the dialects o f the sixty-odd provinces and as they get used to hearing them they imitate them when speaking and mix the accents (gengo/kotoba) o f all the provinces all the time. [. . . ] Thus, their [accent] is not what one could call the True Edo Accent

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

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(sin no Edo-kotoba) and it is a mistake seriously to consider it uncornipted Edo accent. It is, one must understand, provincial accent blended with Edo-accent, muddled pronunciation and corrupted speech. Even if a couple were both born in Edo, their parents were without fail born somewhere else. For this reason, the True Edo-Breed (sin no Edo-san) is very rare. Only high and refined people who have lived in Edo and succeeded from one generation to another for generations consecutively since the beginning o f the country can be called the True EdoBreed. For that reason, the language (gengyo (=MJ gengo)) o f the refined fami­ lies is clear and without the slightest corruption; what is commonly termed Edo corrupted accent is, one should understand from this, confined to the low and base .. . ’ (Shikitei Sanba, Shiiuhachi kuse (Forty-eight nasty habits) 1812—18, in Tanaka 1983:275-6). Tanaka (1983) contends that the existing evidence points to the language of edu­ cated Edo townsmen, rather than the samurai, as the direct precursor for educated Tokyo language in the Meiji Period which for all practical purposes was promoted as the Standard Language from around 1900 (cf. §1.9). Three major sociolinguistic influences on the language of educated townsmen towards the end of the Edo period have been identified: (i) the language of courtesans and geisha, which figures prominently in contemporary literature, influenced women’s language in general; (ii) the formal yet unadorned style used by actors or lecturers speaking on popular religious themes, etc.; (iii) the linguistic interaction between the samurai population and their local servants and others, may well be the most important factor, although its nature and extent remains rather vague as the samurai sociolect is not well documented. It is common to describe the linguistic situation in Tokyo after 1868 in terms of two dialects/sociolects: that of Yamanote in the areas immediately around and to the west and north-west of the Imperial Palace, and that of Shitamachi (downtown) in the commercial centres to the east and south-east, which was more slowly and only superficially influenced by the superstratum of the Kamigata dialects (cf. present-day ‘macho’ beranmee speech). This dialectal distribution continued even after the dramatic shifts in population following the Meiji Restoration (Tanaka 1983:156). Immigration from the regions and the urbanization of the adjoining rural areas have been important factors in the shaping of innovations (sin-hoogen ‘new dialects’), particularly after the Second World War. 1.7 Language and the legitimizing power: Confucianism and Nativism

It has been noted that philosophers of various schools of thought and popular authors in the late seventeenth century and the eighteenth century were gripped by a deep concern for authenticity of expression/discourse (Sakai 1991). Indeed the success of popular authors could depend on their skill at producing dialogue in a sociolinguistically perfect rendering, and the kana orthography was stretched by imaginative use of diacritics, e.g. a superscript dot added (by Shikitei Sanba) to the g-column kana to indicate a velar nasal characteristic of Edo as opposed to an oral velar found in Kamigata. Although it is difficult to trace lines of influence beyond individual schools of thought, the very fact that one of the earliest philologist-philosophers, Keichu

28

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

(1640-1701), was a Shingon monk whose work drew on the medieval Buddhist trend of thought that enunciation is the basis for true understanding/knowledge, could well mean that the Edo concern for authenticity continued an already estab­ lished tradition. In other words, the Japanese tradition never lost sight of the primacy of the spoken language. Keichu put the study of the language of the past on a sound philological track with his magnum opus Wajishdransho (Correct gleanings and excerpts o f Japanese characters) from 1695, which aimed at ‘putting right what has become mixed up’ (midaretaru wo tadasu) in the orthography between the earliest kana texts and his own time. Inspecting early texts (the latest being Kokinshu (905)) and dictionaries such as Wamyosho, Keichu established the proper historical distinctions in the sound system of these texts before the early mergers of a-gyo, ha-gyd and wa-gyo, e.g. OJ wiru ‘sit’ as distinct from iru ‘shoot’. While Japanese philologists and literati of the first classicist period around 1200 had been aware of developments since OJ-CJ, the poet Fujiwara no Teika (1162-1241) had chosen to propose a new systematic use of the OJ graphemes wo and o, which it is thought, depended on the tone assigned to each syllable in the contemporary vernacular of the capital, wo for High tone, o for Low tone. Keichu’s results later led to the establishment of the rekisi kanazukai (historically correct orthography) practised until the end of the Second World War and even today by traditionalists. Keichu naturally harks back to the tradition of Sittangaku as summed up by his teacher, Jogon (1639-1702): ‘the voice/sound is the letter, the letter is the reality/grasping the truth’ (kowelsyoo soku zi, zi soku zissoo) (Tsukishima 1984:363) and to quota­ tions from sutras or sutra commentaries. Within the Japanese tradition, he quotes Muju for the view that waka have the same function as darani (Keichu zenshu 10:114) (cf. §1.3) - hence the importance of transmitting the correct ortho­ graphy and pronunciation of waka. He then promptly puts this tradition into practice by explaining lroha-uta as a darani taking account of the meaning (configuration) of each syllable. As he notes, mistaking a sound or a letter when reciting or writing a poem destroys its effect - it is like committing an offence (Hisamatsu 1963:122; Tsukishima 1984:364). Chinese philosophers had come to place the utmost importance on knowing, being able to understand, the language of the past, primarily the Chinese Classics. It was assumed that the guiding moral and social principles that enable one to steer one’s course in the Present are to be found in the Past in the Classics. This meant that the ideals of the texts could not be applied correctly, if they were not under­ stood properly. The quest for the language of the Chinese Classics was then the quest for social and political control, a matter of some urgency in seventeenthcentury Japan, where the Tokugawa ruler needed to establish authority and stabilize a society which for centuries had seen repeated successful challenges to authority. The Confucian scholar Ogyu Sorai (1666-1728) is the first in Japan to highlight the problem of the correct understanding of the Chinese Classics. In Sorai’s view, the relationship between language, on the one hand, and the social and cultural institu­ tions (mono in Sorai’s terms) expounded in the Chinese Classics, on the other, is one of mutual presupposition. In order to understand a text properly, one must internalize the reality of both its verbal and non-verbal aspects, as described by the Chinese philosopher Zhu Xi (1130-1200): ‘Generally, when one looks at books, one must first read them until one is familiar with them, one must bring it about that it is as if the words all come

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from one’s own mouth. Then one must continue to reflect subtly and bring it about that it is as if the meanings all come from one’s own heart. Only then can one get the point’ (quoted from Harbsmeier 1998:33). This, strictly speaking, is possible only at the very moment of enunciation, when the full context of the speech situation is available. The written text does not provide this totality, and as language changes with time, understanding, and thereby internalization, becomes difficult and eventually impossible. It is the task of the philosopher-cuw-philologist to recreate or at least approximate the original situ­ ation. Although this would seem by definition an impossible task, it was not ruled out. The minimal requirement was that a translation should approximate the form and meaning of the original utterance. The practical means Sorai chose to go about it, were revolutionary for his time. Obviously he rejected any notational devices or reading practices, including the mechanical syntactic transposition from Chinese to Japanese constituent order, the wooden hybrid of Chinese and Japanese (xvakun), etc., which merely brought an illusion of the Chinese text being like Japanese. A text written in Chinese should be read as such, and Sorai encouraged the study of contemporary Chinese which allowed at least an approximate Chinese pronunci­ ation. Furthermore, the ideal of creating in the contemporary reader the same understanding which the text had given rise to when first uttered, led to a view of translation, radical for its time: if necessary, the Chinese text should be translated into its immediate, closest approximation in a Japanese vernacular (sato no kotoba or koko no hoogen). It is interesting to note that Sorai acknowledges his debt to the Chinese interpreters in Nagasaki (kiyoo no gaku is his term) in areas such as reading texts directly in Chinese and translating into a vernacular Japanese (Sorai, Yakubun sentei p. 28) (cf. §1.8). Sorai’s ideas were essentially universal and implied that the Japanese Classics could be understood in the same way, as every text necessarily went back to one enunciation, i.e. one voice. Although Sorai’s influence may not be traceable in explicit acknowledgements, it seems quite likely that his views were taken on board by the kokugaku scholars and even by the few and less known Sittangaku scholars such as the monk Jiun (1718-1804) (Kato 1938:313). Jiun had set himself the aim of understanding the historical Buddha’s true teaching (syoohooritu), reconstruct­ ing his enunciations so to speak, in the same way as Sorai did the Chinese Classics. However, Sittangaku in Japan, as indeed in China, had never progressed beyond interpreting the syllables of darani and the grasp of Sanskrit morphosyntax did not go much further than Keichu’s observations that Sanskrit and Japanese (as opposed to Chinese) share the constituent order, nominal (object) (tai in Keichu’s terminol­ ogy) preceding verbal (yoo), e.g. tuki mi- ‘moon-see’. Undeterred, Jiun amassed all available source materials in Japan and managed to arrive at an understanding of Sanskrit declensions, conjugations and Sandhi rules. His Bongaku shinryo (Bridge to Sanskrit Studies, c. 1766) in one thousand (sic) books remains unpublished and has been claimed as the first systematic exposition of Sanskrit morpho-syntax ex­ tracted from earlier sources in China and Japan (van Gulik 1960:133). In the thought of Kamo no Mabuchi (1697-1769) one finds echoes of both the medieval waka tradition and more recent ideas, such as Sorai’s. According to Mabuchi, there had been no disparity between knowing and doing in the ideal society of antiquity before the representation of speech by writing, sinograms in particular, had disturbed the spontaneously generated sentiments/behaviour of the

30

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

Ancient Japanese (Sakai 1991:239). Only in the earliest poetry of Man’yoshu was this ideal still alive, and Mabuchi considered that the old spirit/ideal could be regained by internalizing, i.e. composing poetry in Man’yoshu style. Mabuchi’s negative view of Chinese linguistic influence was voiced beyond the circles of kokugaku scholars. For instance, the comprehensive dialect dictionary compiled by the haiku poet Koshigaya Gozan (1717—87), explains contemporary linguistic diversity by casting Chinese as a destructive innovative force: the language of the cities tends to have fewer (phonetic) corruptions, yet city people tend to forget the old (zyooko) usage as they are ‘corrupted by the sounds and speech (ongo) of China (Kando)’ (Butsurui shoko (Names o f all things), 1775). The most astute philologist in the kokugaku movement, Motoori Norinaga (1730— 1801), established philological landmarks in the process of promoting the Japanese Classics as an alternative ideal to the Chinese Classics. From 1764 for 34 years, he devoted himself to the study of antiquity in order to restore a ‘direct voice’ to Kojiki (cf. §1.3), inspired perhaps by Sorai’s thought on enunciation and internal­ ization (cf. Kojiki-den 1-2, 4; Sakai 1991:256). Norinaga’s Kojiki-den thus represents a reconstruction of a text written in hybrid Classical Chinese to its purportedly original Japanese form completely rendered in (kata)kana. In the preface to Norinaga’s other major innovative philological work Kokinshii tokagami (A long view on the Kokinshii, written before 1793) Norinaga compares the translation of a ‘distant’ (dead) language, such as inisie no miyabigoto ‘the refined language of old’ of the first imperial anthology of Kokinshu (905) into a modem vernacular (satobigoto), in fact, the vernacular of contemporary KySto, to the function of a telescope (toomegane) or spectacles (megane): both draw a distant object close for inspection. His intention as stated in the preface is to convey the emotions of the original directly to those of his contemporaries who are ignorant of Classical Japan­ ese. In practice, Norinaga’s translation offers a mixture of long-winded paraphrase and precise renderings of obsolete features of the Classical language, e.g. focus marking (kakarimusubi), see §5.7. Norinaga considered the preoccupation of many of his contemporaries with abso­ lute etymologies or origins (e.g. Yamazaki Ansai (1618-82), Ooms 1985:237ff.), as misguided. In both Kojiki-den and Tokagami his aim was to discover the authentic voice of a particular text by inductive methods: ‘Generally speaking you must try to grasp the intention o f ancient people’s usage o f a word as it occurs rather than seek fo r its original meaning. Once you understand the intention behind its use, you can do without understanding the original meaning. . . . It may sound reasonable first to inquire into the core o f a thing (moto) and only afterwards to talk o f its tip (sue). However, this approach does not work with everything. In some cases, you should start with the tip and later try to inquire into the core. Usually it is difficult to grasp the original meaning o f an ancient word. What you regard as the original meaning is often not right, and your guess in most cases fails to get the correct answer. Therefore, in studies o f language, the search fo r the original meaning must be put aside. Instead, you should concentrate on knowing how certain words were used, even if you have no knowledge o f their original meaning’ (from Sakai 1991:269f., Tamakatsuma, Koto no shika iu moto no i wo shiramahoshiku suru koto).

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1.7.1 Achievements of the Edo grammarians The essentially discourse-oriented view of language may well have helped the kokugaku scholars to rediscover several morphosyntactic phenomena of Classical Japanese/yamatokotoba, e.g. the essentially pragmatically determined CJ focus sen­ tence types (kakarimusubi) demonstrated by Motoori Norinaga or the setting up of verbal paradigms (see Sakai 1991:269f.). The latter in turn provided a formal criterion for defining kotoba, which in the studies of the rhetoricians of linked poetry in the previous centuries had been a residual category, i.e. what was left after (mono no) na generally referring to nouns and teniwoha grammatical elements had been defined (Furuta & Tsukishima 1972, 162ffi; Maes 1982). Furthermore, using terms borrowed from Chinese tradition, a distinction was made between a syntactically nominal or verbal function (tai and yoo, respectively). By the end of the eighteenth century the study of grammar had become a discip­ line in its own right, and some of the most outstanding achievements were made by independent spirits outside the kokugaku schools. Norinaga’s contemporary Fujitani Nariakira (1738-79) among other things captured the morpho-syntactic basis of word classes elegantly in a figurative metalanguage, essentially decking the nouns na in yosoi ‘dress’ (i.e. verbs, adjectives including na-adjectives), with kazasi ‘hair­ pin’ (i.e. pronouns, adverbs, conjunctions, exclamatives), and ayui ‘leggings’ (i.e. particles, verbal suffixes) (Ayuisho 1778; cf. Sakai 1991:270). Despite differences in the morphological realization, the word classes of Chinese and Japanese, i.e. of language, were generally assumed to be universal categories. Suzuki Akira (1764-1837) attributed the word classes in Chinese to the mind only, i.e. they have no morphological expression (Bedell 1968:11 Iff.). Thus, the funda­ mental faculty for language was thought to be the same for Chinese and Japanese, only according to the kokugaku scholars, the linguistic manifestations of the Japanese language were superior (cf. Eschbach-Szabo 1991). 1.8

Dutch Learning

It was the privilege of trade granted to the Dutch after 1639 which for more than two centuries made the term rangaku ‘Dutch Learning’ synonymous with the study of technology and science (as mediated by the study of the Dutch language). The limited trade with Flolland as well as China and Korea was conducted from the small island of Dejima off Nagasaki in Kyushu, and government {bakufu) control extended to the interpreters (tuuzi) who were government officials in hereditary posts and organized in a guild in order that their activities could be easily mon­ itored. In due course restrictions on information were tempered with the lifting of the ban on Western books in 1721 and the establishment in 1811 of the government Office of Translation of Barbarian Texts (Bansho wage goyd). The appeal of rangaku was broad, in particular in Chinese medicine which notably was the discipline in which scholars of all schools and literary figures alike were educated, and anatomical tables were among the first works to be translated. The impact of rangaku on the established branches of philosophy and philology was probably slight. Of course, scholars of rangaku pointed out the advantages of the alphabet (Twine 1983:117), but Kamo no Mabuchi’s brief acknowledgement of similarities between the Siddham and the ‘Dutch’ alphabets, concluding with a

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broadside at sinograms (Dumoulin 1939:176-7; Unger 1990:401f.), seems little more than despondent posturing. By comparison, there is at least a spark of intel­ lectual excitement - even if a little bemused - as Norinaga perceives how the studies of Japanese and those of Dutch may interrelate in his account of a meeting one of his disciples had with a Dutch person (orandazin) in Nagasaki. During a conversation about phonetics Norinaga’s disciple made the Dutchman (if that is what he was) recite the Japanese syllabary chart (gozyuu onzu). Coming to the wacolumn in the chart, the Dutchman, put a distinct ‘u’ r7 in front of i, u, e and o, i.e. presumably pronouncing [wi, wu, we, wo]. Asked why, he said that it was simply in analogy (narai) with wa the first syllable of the wa-column, and besides, that there was such a distinction with and without ‘u’ in his language. Norinaga’s disciple was thrilled, apparently recognizing the reasoning from kokugaku hypo­ theses concerning reconstructions of fama-orthography (kanazukai) (Tamakatsuma, Goju ren’on wo Orandabito ni tonaesasetaru koto). The greatest achievement of the language scholars of rangaku was probably their well-considered approach to translation. Sugita Genpaku (1733-1817), himself a physician, was was one of the translators of the Dutch version (1734) of Anatomische Tabellen (written by Johan Adam Kuluns, 1722), Kaitai shinron (published in 1774). He appears to have been more conscious than any before him of the meth­ odology of translation as seen from the following excerpt: "... we placed the greatest importance on making things readily understandable by reference to established (Chinese) medicine. For this reason, we wanted to rely as much as possible on the use o f Classical Chinese terms, but because there are many differences between the way things are named in China and in the West, we found it difficult to apply a uniform approach. We realized that after all we were laying the foundations in this area, and therefore settled on a policy that was aimed at ease o f understanding: we applied various methods, such as wordby-word substitution by Japanese terms (hon’yaku), transliteration o f the ori­ ginal Dutch terms (taiyaku), and literal (chokuyaku) or free translation (giyaku) o f Dutch elements into Chinese compounds. After much changing and working on the translation day and night, we finally completed the task. .. after 4 years, having produced 11 versions o f the manuscript' (Ranto kotohajime (1815), from Kaiser 1991b:52). The point here is that the task of transferring the language of medicine in Japan from the sphere of the Chinese language/style to that of Western languages is most easily achieved by making use, as far as possible, of what is familiar, i.e. using loan translations, whether a Yamoto Japanese word such as hone to render ‘beenderen’ (Genpaku: hon’yaku), or a Sino-Japanese word such as nankotu to render ‘kraakbeen’ (cartilage), or, only when that is not feasible, phonetic loans such as kiriiru to render ‘klier' (E. ‘gland’) (op. cit., p. 53). The largest Japanese edition of the influential Dutch—French dictionary, Francois Halma, Woordenboek der Nederduitsche en Fransche Talen (1717) commonly known as Nagasaki Haruma (published in 1855), took several decades of Dutch-Japanese cooperation to finish. It contains about 45,000 words and about 50,000 short phrases. Obviously the compilers of such comprehensive dictionaries faced the problem of coining new words, either making them up on their own, in particular making use of the flexible nature of Sino-Japanese compound formation, or redefining already existing words. Dozens of new loan translations which have stayed in the language

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33

are noted to make their first appearance in Nagasaki Haruma, e.g. byooin ‘hos­ pital’, densen ‘contagion’, siryoku ‘eye-sight, vision’, buntai ‘style’, saibansyo ‘court’, kaikyuu ‘class’, koibito ‘lover’, seppun ‘kiss’, byoodoo ‘equality’, ziyuu ‘freedom’, zyooki ‘steam’, hokkyoku ‘North Pole’, nankyoku ‘South Pole’, doosi ‘verb’, etc. At the same time, the cross-fertilization in the area of new coinages among lexicographers, educationalists and translators in China and Japan at the time, may well have been more widespread than has been thought (cf. Sat5 T. 1986). Nagasaki Haruma also pioneered the convention of writing the Western (=Dutch) words in katakana and Japanese glosses in hiragana or sinograms, later adopted into Standard Japanese orthography. The compilers aimed to convey the essential meaning (hon’i) of the Dutch words regardless of the stylistic level of the Japanese gloss (i.e. whether it belonged to a vulgar or a refined style), and de aru was used as the phrase final form of the copula. The result is an unconvoluted and to a modem reader rather familiar style, e.g.: kare wa Arisutoteresu wo sinkoo suru

hito de atta

he-TOP Aristotle-DO belief do-NPST person cop be-PAST ‘He was a person who believed in Aristotle’

The less publicly recognized position of Dutch learning as well as the abrupt swing from Dutch to English in the 1850s when Bansho wage goyo by now renamed Bansho shirabedokoro (later to become Tokyo University), established English and within a decade, French, Russian and German, meant that the achievements of Dutch Learning have tended to be overshadowed by those of Meiji reformers. 1.9

Modernization and language modernization

The Japanese linguistic identity in the Edo Period belonged to the Past, i.e. what was shared was the old poetic language yamatokotoba, while the many contempor­ ary vernaculars (sato no kotoba) were considered divisive, not uniting (Sakai 1991). With the political renewal of the Meiji Restoration in 1867, this would no longer do. The encounter with the West challenged the Japanese to look to the present and future, linguistically and otherwise, and the vision of the modem state developed after 1867 embraced the idea of a linguistic standard that could accommodate the encounter with Western technology and culture, that is, with which modernization could be achieved. But which standard? Accustomed through centuries to link Chinese prestige ideologies to the prestige language of China, the Japanese were alert to the place of language in the West. Their initial, undoubtedly exaggerated (cf. Mori Ogai 1908), observation that there existed a greater variety of dialects and written styles in Japan than in European countries, in a sense confirmed the traditional Edo perceptions, and may have disposed many Japanese to the seemingly radical, yet essentially traditional propositions for reform tried out in the 1870s and 1880s, such as those suggested by Mori Arinori (1847-89), who was appointed Japan’s first minister of education in 1885. In 1872 as a student in America, he requested the opinion of professor of linguistics at Yale University, William D. Whitney, con­ cerning the adoption in Japan of a regularized ‘simplified English’ as a written language. Speaking on behalf of ‘a large number of Japanese gentlemen’ Mori

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argues that ‘if we would keep pace with the age we must adopt a copious and expanding European language’ . . . ‘if we do not adopt a language like that of the English, which is quite predominating in Asia, as well as elsewhere in the commer­ cial world, the progress of Japanese civilization is evidently impossible’. He is scathing in his critique of the contemporary Japanese writing system(s) and also regards the spoken language as ‘too poor to be made, by a phonetic alphabet, sufficiently useful as a written language . . .’ (Kato & Maruyama 1991:316ff.). Whitney was, however, sceptical. Note that while Mori Arinori’s view has often been ridiculed (cf. Unger 1996 for a summary), it makes perfect sense when regarded as a perhaps unconscious attempt to retain the time-honoured linguistic paradigm of the Chinese-Japanese diglossia, substituting Classical Chinese with English, the language of the new prestigious technological ideology and governance. Also, Mori Arinori was not alone in his views. The linguist Ueda Kazutoshi(/Mannen) (1867—1937) is reported to have harboured similar thoughts when young (Tokugawa 1994:403), which is doubly interesting in view of his later career. After modem language studies in Berlin, Leipzig and Paris (1890-94) Ueda became the first Japanese professor in linguistics at Tokyo University. In the wave of nationalistic confidence following the Sino-Japanese war he became active in the drive for a national language. Indeed it was Ueda who definitively launched the term kokugo (Kokugo no tame (For a National Language)) (1895, publicly in 1908): ‘The National Language is the fence (i.e. guard) of the imperial house; the National Language is the merciful mother of the people’ (kokugo wa hanpei nari, kokugo wa kokumin no zibo nari) (Tokugawa 1994). Ueda therefore encompasses the shift from the early Meiji view which looked back to the tradition of Chinese-Japanese diglossia, to the late Meiji view which regarded the establishment of a Japanese prestige language from within (as the major Western powers had) as the way forward, and which took an increas­ ingly hostile view of the linguistic influence of foreign prestige cultures. One won­ ders if there was any Western input into the discussion of a possible adoption of English in early Meiji years. The contribution of Joseph Edkins (1873), a member of the British Royal Oriental Society residing in Beijing, certainly missed the point that the contemporary Japanese educators and politicians were motivated less by elitism than popular enlightenment, when he advocated a two-tier sociolinguistic structure, consisting of an ‘improved’ (sic) Japanese, e.g. with prepositions and a general adherence to English syntax, in use by ordinary people, and English taught only to a small male elite who would be fully bilingual. An, as it turned out, unsuccessful petition (1866) to abandon sinograms altogether presented to the shogun by Maejima Hisoka, who was later to establish the Japanese postal services, inaugurated two decades of serious debate on script reform. There were three basic, different propositions: (1) limit the number of sinograms; (2) abolish sinograms and use kana only; (3) adopt the Latin script (roomazilromaji). Debate was lively as all three positions allowed for any number of views as to the range of areas over which a reform should be implemented. It was not until around 1887 that the point was hammered out that any radical script reforms must necessarily be matched with equally radical reforms of style. The most prominent proponent of the position (1), which in the event won, was the educationalist Fukuzawa Yukichi (1835-1901), an adept coiner of new SinoJapanese compounds, e.g. kyoosoo ‘competition’, who had started his studies in rangaku. In 1873 Fukuzawa tried his hand on a piece of practical pedagogy, a

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primer of Japanese (Monji no oshie (The teaching o f letters, 1873) using less than one thousand sinograms. While this book represented a departure from the tradi­ tional method of starting out by reading actual texts, his choice of Literary Japanese (■bungo) was fatally traditional. For a while the two other proposals stirred more interest. The kana movement started off with a couple of spirited ventures: the launching by Maejima Hisoka of Mainichi Hiragana Shinbun (Hiragana Daily) intended to enlighten those ignorant of sinograms of current affairs and to persuade the more knowledgeable of the feasibility of the kana orthography. However, demand was slack, and publication ceased within the same year (1873). Shimizu Usaburo, who had studied all the five languages taught at the Bansho shirabedokoro in the 1860s, published in 1874 a translation from the German of a science primer (Monowari no hashigo) written entirely in kana, importantly in a colloquial style written with spaces between phrases. However, proponents of kana - the Kana Club (Kana kuwai) established in 1882 had more than ten thousand members by 1882 - disagreed on details, in particular on whether to base a kana orthography on phonetic principles or take historical orthography as guidelines, e.g. the morphemes which were pronounced kool[ko:] in Tokyo were written differently in the histor­ ical orthography: kau, e.g. ‘thus’, k(u)wau, e.g. ‘wide’, kafu, e.g. ‘promontory’, kofu, e.g. ‘threat’ (Seeley 1991:154). In the first issue (1874) of Meirokusha, a forum to discuss educational and other reforms, the philosopher and educationalist Nishi Amane (1829-97) took up the case for using ‘Western letters’ (yoozi), i.e. the Latin alphabet, to write Japanese. According to Nishi, the discrepancy between the written and the spoken language was such that ‘what is written simply cannot be said, and what is said cannot be written’: the introduction of the Latin alphabet would be the most effective means of achieving a universal literacy. Nishi claimed that the adoption of the Latin alphabet would make for an immediate understanding of a wide array of texts; Western loanwords, especially technical terms, could be rendered directly and thereby enter the language more naturally (Nishi himself uses saiensu ‘science’, aatu ‘art’, riteratyua ‘literature’, moraru ‘moral’, etc.). Crucially, Nishi failed to do justice to the significance of vernacular style. Although he envisaged that the phonetic me­ dium of the Latin script would render necessary the adoption of a more vernacular ‘speakable’ style without abstruse SJ compounds, he chose examples from CJderived Literary Japanese (bungo), e.g. yorosisi (MJ yorosii) ‘good’, to illustrate the roomazi orthography. Nishi’s essay therefore is also a demonstration of how inextricably writing was associated with non-vernacular style(s) in the minds of the Meiji educationalists. B. H. Chamberlain, who was one of the founding members of the club (Romajikai) proposing the Latin alphabet (J. roomazi), may have been more aware of the con­ nection between script and style than Nishi. Even so, in 1884 in a paper read to the Asiatic Society of Japan, he stated: ‘The introduction of the Roman alphabet into general use must, if it takes place, influence style very deeply’ (Chamberlain 1985:107), i.e. Chamberlain, too, took the introduction of romaji to be followed by a reform of style as the natural course of events. By 1887, however, he had appar­ ently reached a different conclusion, when he urged to the Romajikai that attention should be given to the establishing of an acceptable all-purpose colloquial style, without which roomazi could not lead to ease of reading. This was more true than ever: the last couple of decades had seen thousands of new coinages of SinoJapanese compounds (preferred to phonetic loans), which were difficult to understand

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without sinograms, cf. 20,772 entries as compared to 35,618 entries in the first (1867) and the third (1886) edition of Hepburn’s Japanese-English dictionary, respectively (Kaiser 1994). Chamberlain’s lecture whose title was genbun.itti ‘agree­ ment between speech {gen) and writing (bun)’ was published in Rdmaji zasshi the same year. However, by then script reform movements were about to be overtaken by events on the literary front (Twine 1983, 1978). The subsequent genbun.itti movement was on the whole a literary movement where various stylistic approx­ imations to vernacular language were tried out. The first to venture to put these ideas into practice was Chamberlain’s colleague from Tokyo Imperial University, Mozume Takami, who rewrote in a colloquial style 21 samples of classical works (Twine 1978:342). The following year (1887) saw the publication of Ukigumo (Drifting clouds), Japan’s first modem novel written in a colloquial style depicting young educated Japanese in Meiji Tokyo’s modern(izing) society. The stylistic inspiration was the celebrated essay Shosetsu shinzui (The essence o f the novel, 1885/6), in which the author and critic Tsubouchi Shoyo (1859-1936) called for modem novels with realistic description and the use of colloquial style. Reformists received a setback in the nationalist conservative climate which followed the pro­ mulgation of the Imperial Edict of Education (kyooiku tyokugo) in 1890, but when the master of style among contemporary novelists Ozaki Koyo (1867-1903) decided to try his hand at genbun.itti, the polished style of his novel Tajo takon (Passions and Griefs, 1896) seems to have convincingly demonstrated that the colloquial style in the right hands could be a superior literary tool. It is estimated that the proportion of novels written in colloquial style reached 78 per cent in 1905, and was universal by 1908. It was not until after the promulgation of the Imperial Edict on Education (1890) that Monbusho (Ministry of Education) established central control over education. The National Language committee (Kokugo Chosa Iinkai) was set up by Monbusho in 1902 to consider how to apply genbun.itti in school text books. Kanbun (Chinese style) and the derived Japanese styles (sooroobun) only gradually gave way to colloquial styles in text books, in composition classes, and more widely, in society. Colloquial style in newspaper editorials was introduced in 1926. Official docu­ ments of ministeries other than Monbusho were written in kanbun until after the draft of the New Constitution in 1946. Meanwhile the script reforms proved con­ troversial. Among the regulations intended to be used at the primary level were: ‘. . . the setting-up of a limited number of kana signs as standard; restricting the number of different characters taught in primary schools to about 1200; and finally, changing the complicated and cumbersome system of kana usage for Sino-Japanese items from a historical system to one based on pronunciation’ (Seeley 1991:143). Many regarded the last point as an inconsistent measure, pointing out that it was potentially confusing to retain the historical kana orthography in the indigenous YJ lexicon. This would mean that, for instance, a YJ word pronounced /kjoo/ ‘today’ was to be written ke-fu (“LT, while the homophonous Sino-Japanese word ‘capital’ would be written ki-yo-u c5 T . In 1908 during a reconsideration of the question, the author Mori Ogai (1862-1922) spoke out in favour of striking a balance between a historical and phonetically based orthography which would preserve the cultural continuity. He maintained that a pedagogical teaching of orthography start­ ing from easy core vocabulary would go a long way to teach the basics to the whole people (Mori 1908). Although the language educationalists on the committee had favoured a phonetic kana orthography, reforms were effectively rescinded.

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

37

At long last in 1946 the time came for the reformists in the National Language Research Council (Kokugo Chosa Iinkai) (cf. Unger 1996). Not only had conserv­ ative language policies been compromised by the nationalists and militarists, script reform and democracy naturally made for a powerful argument: the various reforms all worked to increase the accessibility of the written language to the people, which was a prerequisite for a well functioning democracy. Bearing in mind the decades of deliberations on minor amendments which preceded - not to mention those to come - the speed of action in 1946 is remarkable: in November the list of 1,850 Sinograms for Present (Daily) Use (tooyoo kanzi) as well as the recommendation for Modern Kana Usage (gendai kanazukai) were in place. Tooyoo kanzi were to be taught in school and government departments were obliged to use only these char­ acters in official documents. In 1959 after the end of the occupation, the discussion on the advantages or disadvantages of restrictions on numbers broke loose again, sparked off by a reform in the use of okurigana mainly to indicate grammat­ ical verbal endings. The rest is LDP (Liberal Democratic Party) party politics (cf. Gottlieb 1994). In 1981 a slightly larger list of 1945 sinograms (zyooyoo kanzi (Sinograms for General Use)) was agreed and the word, restriction (seigen), as applying to their use, was substituted by guide (meyasu). It is anyone’s guess if the computer age and the generally less restrained use of the katakana words, i.e. foreign (=English) loan words will bring future script reforms on more radical lines. 1.9.1

Ryukyu: standardization seen from the periphery

The process of language standardization after 1868 was undoubtedly most painfully felt in the peripheral areas of Japan, and perhaps in particular on the Ryukyu Islands. Here the phonological and grammatical differences to the central Honshu dialects were(/are?) such that had linguistic division been cemented by a national border, we would surely have reckoned with more than one language. It has been estimated by Hattori (1954) using a modified glottochronological method (measur­ ing divergence in core vocabulary) that modem Kyoto dialect and Shuri dialect on Okinawa Island may have diverged about 1450-1500 years ago, cf. the conjecture put forth by Chamberlain (1895) of a pre-OJ split, although (intermittent) contact with the mainland continued, as is apparent from repeated waves of loan-words (Nakamoto 1983:15ff). In 1429, the Ryukyu kingdom (Ryukyu dcho) was founded after one of the chiefdoms around Shuri on Okinawa Island established itself as a primus inter pares. The king of Ryukyu wisely recognized the sovereignty of both China and Japan sending envoys with tributes to both countries. In 1607, the Ryukyu Kingdom was annexed by the Satsuma fief in south Kyushu. However, due to the strict regulations of trade in Japan at the time, it was only by maintaining a fagade of independence for Ryukyu that Satsuma could profit from its foreign trade. The Meiji Restoration put an end to the last token of independence, forcing the Ryukyu king to abdicate in 1879. The Ryukyu sociolinguistic situation was/is a quite complex four-tiered structure distinguishing between two widely used regional varieties, Satsuma (south Kyushu) dialect and central Honshu dialect(s) ( [yanatoogutpi] and [jamatoonokutooba] in Hokama 1981). Furthermore, Shuri and later Naha dialects, which are very close, functioned as the lingua franca in which islanders from different dialect groups

38

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

within Ryukyu would communicate. Finally, each of the four main groups of islands had a regional dialect used between people of the same island groups. Local schools for the children of the gentry had been set up in 1824-35, but the Meiji-Taisho eras as elsewhere in Japan (including the territories of Taiwan and Korea) saw dramatic developments in education, even if perhaps not matched by levels in actual literacy (cf. Shimamura 1993; Unger 1996): in 1879 little more than two thousand pupils were taught in 119 traditional local schools, in 1890 14 per cent of children went to school compared to more than 90 per cent in 1920. Prospective teachers at the Institute of Training in Conversation (Kaiwa Denshujo), essentially a college of teaching set up in 1881, were taught to read and write the written standard(s) of the mainland from a textbook Okinawa taiwa, which consisted of simple everyday dialogue in ‘tookyoogo’ with a parallel Okinawan translation. The initial success of this teaching is likely to have been rather limited: a contemporary survey canvassing the opinions of the pupils of the Prefectural Middle School (Kenritsu Itchu) on ‘improvements’ to the customs of Okinawa, shows that 74 per cent pupils were in favour of cutting the topknot and adopting western hairstyle; however, only 28 per cent favoured encouraging boys, let alone girls, to study, and an even smaller number, 15 per cent, thought that ‘improving language’ (gengo no kairyoo) was relevant. Okinawa-go jiten (iOkinawa Language Dictionary, 1896) was written with the purpose of correcting the dialect(s) okinawa-go into what it terms hutuugo (lit. ‘universally current lan­ guage’), a locally used term more or less equivalent to regional standard, which in this dictionary is distinguished from the centrally promoted kokugo ‘the national language’. A decade later, the eminent Okinawan linguist and philologist, Iha Fuyu (1876-1947), having concluded his studies in Tokyo, began to publish in the local journal of education (Okinawa Kyoiku) studies of the phonetics and phonology of Ryukyu dialects, lending his expertise to various practical matters, e.g. tables of sound correspondences between Ryukyu dialects and hutuugo. Iha went on to make his imprint on all areas of Ryukyu linguistic and literary studies, collecting dictionaries, commenting on the collection of Old Okinawan poetry Omorosdshi from the fifteenth century and collecting songs of the south-western islands of Yaeyama, etc. After spates of enthusiasm for the Japanese nation after the Sino-Japanese war (1895) and the Russo-Japanese war (1904-5), Ryukyu backing for hutuugo was soon turned to defiance when in 1907 The Ministry of Education decreed the use of hoogen-huda, publicly displayed records of points subtracted for the pupils’ use of dialects. These punitive marks were included in the mark for behaviour, and pupils might even be disqualified from graduating simply because they had used dialect forms at school. The periodical relaxations of regulations stopped in 1935 when the official prefectural notices adopted an uncompromising nationalistic tone equating the use of hyoozyungo ‘standard language’, which had replaced hutuugo, directly with the proper national spirit in wartime. Hyoozyungo was to be used in all public speeches, etc. In some schools it was ordered that the dialect be completely sup­ pressed at school and at home. Against this background, the concluding remark of a 1940 official notice not to let down dialects sounds hollow. That year some rather innocuous remarks by the leader of the folk-craft movement, Yanagi Soetsu (1889-1961), to Okinawan newspapers sparked off a heated debate on Ryukyu dialects (hoogen ronsoo). However, neither Yanagi’s rather romantic opposition to (linguistic) centralization policies of the government, nor Iha Fuyu’s warning against

LANGUAGE IN JAPANESE CULTURE

39

coercion, let alone complete suppression of the dialects, seems to have carried much influence at the time. The term kyootuugo ‘shared/common language’, defined as any form of Japanese that has currency or is understood throughout the country, was devised in 1949 at the National Language Research Institute (Kokuritsu Kokugo Kenkyujo) and intended to signal a reorientation in language policy. By then, however, many of the earlier enforced linguistic practices, such as using the central dialect in public speeches, had already become common practice. Radio broadcasting (established 1942, resumed in 1950) and television (established 1959 as far south as Okinawa, in 1967 on Miyako shoto and Yaeyama) have since brought the central vernacular to the farthest comers of Japan. A recent survey (Nagata 1990:139) describes the speech of the young generation as kyootuugo with some characterics of the local dialect, etc. 1.10

Japanese (nihongo ) as a prestige language

The fate of Japanese in the twentieth century provides a fine illustration of the correlation between culture and language as defined by Henry Kahane: ‘The inter­ nationally dominant position of a culture leads to a powerful expansion of the language, with its reverse correlate: the very expansion of the language contributes to the prestige of the culture behind’ (Kahane 1986:498). Today several million people worldwide have learnt or are learning Japanese as a second language, of their own volition. However, the twentieth century began with a very different scenario in the various Japanese annexations, colonies and dominions: Taiwan (1885), southern Sakhalin (Karafuto) (1905), South Manchuria (Kantoshu) (1905), Korea (1910), and the Southern Islands (Nan’yo 1915/1914), cf. Kawamura (1994). The way education policies were implemented in Taiwan and Korea by gradual assimilation to the Japanese educational system was more or less the same (Tsurumi 1984): an initial period of flexibility concerning the teaching of the native language and Japanese; segregation between Japanese and Taiwanese/Korean children; emphasis on equal opportunity for boys and girls, and across traditional class bar­ riers; reluctance to establish institutions beyond the primary school level for nonJapanese; integration of the Japanese and Taiwanese/Korean schools after 1920, although entrance of Taiwanese/Korean children into the better equipped Japanese schools was often undercut by biased assessment of competence in Japanese. As the assimilation in Taiwan progressed during the twenties, teaching in Clas­ sical Chinese was neglected without any local protests. In Korea, other things being equal, enthusiasm for education and modernization of the nation had already been gaining ground when the country became a Japanese protectorate in 1905. The task of assimilation was therefore difficult in spite of the initial accommodating policy (Tsurumi 1984:27-8): between 1906 and 1910 Japanese was taught on a par with Korean in the four-year primary school. Korean protestations were countered with reference to European children learning foreign languages without losing their na­ tional identity (Inaba 1986:139) - an argument seemingly forgotten later. After the annexation in 1910, Japanese was no longer referred to as nitigo (Kor. ilpone), but as kokugo ‘the national language’, and so it remained until 1945 (Inaba 1986:140). All subjects apart from Korean (chdsengo) and Chinese (kanbun) were taught in Japanese from the very first year, although special allowances continued for various private schools until 1929 (Tsurumi 1984:28). After 1937 kokugo was regarded as

40

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

an indispensable attribute of all loyal subjects, cf. the policy in Ryukyu. In the 1938 Edict on Education, Korean was dropped as a compulsory subject, and pressure was put on school headmasters to relinquish petitions for setting Korean up as a optional subject. In 1941 Korean disappeared altogether from the curriculum. It is estimated that by 1944 about 37 per cent of Koreans spoke Japanese, including some just graduated from one or two week courses (Inaba 1986:142). In 1961 after a void of 16 years Japanese was established as a subject at a couple of private universities in South Korea, and after the normalization of relations between Japan and South Korea in 1965, language schools sprang up as interest grew. In 1972 Japanese was added as a second language option in High School. Cries of ‘re-colonization’ followed, but the South Korean president - himself Japanese-educated - took a pragmatic line, arguing that learning Japanese did not make a Korean into a Japanese, what mattered was the independent Korean spirit (Inaba 1986:136). By 1975 114,000 High School students opted for Japanese as their second foreign language (cf. German 177,000, French 63,000, Chinese 4,700; Inaba 1986:144). Importantly, Japanese has become an established university sub­ ject at 55 out of 406 universities (14 per cent) including Seoul University and Yonsei University (1984). In 1992, 45,066 foreign students were studying at Japanese higher institutions of learning (China 19,625; South Korea 9,843; Taiwan 6,072; Malaysia 1,742; USA 1,257; Indonesia 1,032; Thailand 898; Philippines 477; Hong Kong 455; Bangla­ desh 423; others 3,242) (Wagakuni no bunkyo shisaku 1992:500), and at the same time altogether 63,000 persons were studying Japanese as a second language at 882 institutions in Japan. Worldwide according to an estimate by The Japanese Foreign Ministry 980,000 persons enrolled in courses in 1990 (op. cit., p. 511). Both these numbers show an increase between 2.5 and 3 times within ten years. The failure of the military force and the success of the economic force of Japan in the twentieth century reads like Aesop’s fable of The Wind and The Sun. Even if English is likely to remain Japan’s lingua franca with the outer world in the foreseeable future, Japanese itself has emerged as a prestige language, the ultimate proof of which must be that Japan has achieved a two-way linguistic and cultural contact with China. In other words, Japan is reaping the benefits which go with technological and economic superiority, namely a high regard for its cultural accomplishments, including its language.

I

Chapter 2

Phonology

2.0

Introduction

The popular perception of Japanese phonology as simple and unproblematic ignores its metrical and tonal structure as introduced in the present chapter. The topics covered have been chosen for their relevance to the grammatical structure and the development of the language as a whole. What does it mean to define Japanese as a pitch accent language as opposed to a stress accent language like English? How does MJ tonal structure (accent, J. akusento) interact with morphosyntactic and semantic phenomena? How are accentual innovations implemented? The chapter con­ cludes with a brief discussion of the typology and history of dialectal tone systems. A comprehensive account of MJ phonetics and phonology is found in Vance (1987). MJ phonology, or parts of it, have also been treated in most major theoret­ ical frameworks, viz. Bloch (1950), Wenck (1966), McCawley (1968), Shapiro (1973), Lovins (1975), Haraguchi (1977), Poser (1984, 1990), Frellesvig (1989), and Yoshida (1990). A concise statement on MJ accent is furnished by Akinaga (1958), the most comprehensive treatment on Japanese phonology past and present, by Martin (1987). 2.1

Lexical strata and their characteristics

First, the notion of lexical strata must be considered briefly. As in most other languages, lexical strata in Japanese are artefacts of cultural and/or economicopolitical dominance, whose imprint happens to be so spectacular because of the typological diversity of the languages involved (Backhouse 1984a, 1984b). Also, uniquely in Japanese, awareness of the strata is sustained by the orthographical underpinning: YJ moiphemes written by means of hiragana (all grammatical morphemes) and/or sinograms; PJ by hiragana/katakana; SJ by sinograms; WJ by katakana (cf. Seeley 1991). Each stratum is customarily referred to by the language of provenance of the words involved, cf. (1): (1) stratum YJ Yamato Japanese PJ phonaesthetic Japanese SJ Sino-Japanese WJ Western Japanese

example hana ’ ‘flower’, etc. ha’rahara ‘fluttering’, etc. happyoo ‘announcement’, etc. hanba’agu ‘hamburger’, etc.

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

42

The notion of strata is a complex one. There are extensive correlations between word classes and strata, cf. the fact that the vast majority of SJ and WJ words are nouns. Also, depending on the stratum to which they belong, morphemes (minimal linguistic units) show distinct variation in their phonological form in combination with other morphemes (cf. Martin 1952). The field of phonology dealing with such rule-bound variation is called morphophonology. Thus, word initial hana’ has the allomorph (variant form) -bana word-medially, for instance, in ike'bana in (2) combining with a nominal form of the verb ike '-ru ‘arrange flowers’, just as sumoo and -zumoo in osi’zumoo (os-u ‘push’) are allomorphs exemplifying the same voiced alternation (rendaku, cf. §2.3.1.1). (2) hana’ sumoo

‘flower’ ike’bana ‘sumo’ osi’zumoo

‘flower arrangement’ ‘sumo fought by pushing’

A SJ bound morpheme like the first element of happyoo ‘announcement’, -hatu ‘departure’, e.g. rokuzi-hatu ‘six-o’clock-departure’, has a more complicated allomorphy: the right-hand columns in (3)a-(3)b provide an analysis into the con­ stituent morphemes of each word. The manifestation of the allomorphic variants tu : p : k in hatu-lhap-lhak-, is clearly determined by the initial consonant of the following morpheme. The allomorphy in (3)b is specific to SJ morphemes, such as hatu, when occurring in non-initial position: h of hatu shows variation with p depending on what precedes, cf. syuppatu ‘departure’ and hanpatu ‘repulsion’ ver­ sus h in bakuhatu ‘explosion’. + indicates morpheme boundary. (3 )a haturei happyoo hakkoo

hatu + rei ‘proclamation’ ‘announcement’ hatu + hyoo hatu + koo ‘publication’

(3)b syuppatu ‘departure’ hanpatu ‘repulsion’ bakuhatu ‘explosion’

syutu + hatu han + hatu baku + hatu

‘move forward’ + ‘command’ ‘move forward’ + ‘appear’ ‘move forward’ + ‘performance’ ‘move out’ + ‘move forward’ ‘move against’ + ‘move forward’ ‘explode’ + ‘move forward’

WJ words are typically treated as morphologically opaque and show no segmental allomorphy in compounds, e.g. hanba ’agu ‘hamburger’ and miitohanba ’agu ‘meat hamburger’, while **iniitobanba’agu is unacceptable. Finally, PJ ha 'rahara ‘flutter­ ing’ might be grouped with ba’rabara (to) ‘disorderly’ andp a ’rapara ‘scattering’. In some, but far from all, reduplicated formations, the consonants b, d, g, z contrast with hip, t, k, s, respectively, or to be precise, the phonological features distinguish­ ing the two series (i.e. voicing and/or tenseness), directly constitute a morpheme denoting strength or intensity, e.g. ka’takata denotes a less loud clattering sound than ga'tagata, etc. Such a direct relation between features of expression form, viz. the voiced feature of the obstruents b, d, g, z, and of semantic contents, viz. ‘intensity’, is termed iconic. Etymology is usually considered as secondary to grammatical characterization in deciding strata. Some loanwords from Chinese (cf. Miyake 1997) and even some from Western languages can be said to have made it into the YJ stratum in MJ, e.g. tera’ ‘temple’ from Korean (cf. Miller 1967:239), kaisya ‘company’ from Chinese and ka’ruta ‘playing cards’ from Portuguese, since all show the voiceless/voiced variation, tld or k/g, common to historical YJ words, e.g. yama’dera ‘mountain

PHONOLOGY

43

temple’, hokenga ’isya ‘insurance company’ or utaga 'ruta ‘card-game with poems’. Also in other respects, morphemes or derivations can acquire features of the core stratum. For instance, truncation of WJ words sometimes results in a distinction between a free and a bound allomorph, e.g. sandoi’tti > sa'ndo ‘sandwich’ as opposed to bound -san in hamusan ‘ham sandwich’ (Ito 1990:221), cf. YJ hu’ne vs. bound huna- ‘boat’ in hunayoi ‘sea sickness’. 2.2 Quantity and pitch accent

The use of the term, pitch accent language, in reference to MJ is intended to provide a contrast to stress accent languages such as English (Beckman 1986). MJ resembles English in that only one syllable inside a phonological phrase is prom­ inent, but the means of achieving prominence differ. In stress accent languages, prominence is realized by intensity on the accented syllable as well as quantitative and qualitative modifications in both the accented syllable and the adjacent ones, e.g. the English pronunciation of [iki'bamo] ‘ikebana’. By contrast, MJ pitch accent cues prominence exclusively by pitch, e.g. ike’bana [ikebana] ‘ikebana’. The accented mora (cf. below), viz. ke - marked by an apostrophe (CV') here - will have associated a High tone followed by a Low tone, realized phonetically as a peak of pitch on that vowel nucleus with a subsequent dip of the pitch contour. The quantitative and qualitative modifications are insignificant. In fact, the duration of accented vowels has been found to be on average five milliseconds longer than unaccented ones, a perceptually negligible, albeit consistent phonetic difference (Kuriyagawa & Sawashima 1985). It is important to distinguish between (place of) accent (locus, according to Martin 1987) as a systematic distinctive phenomenon, and the phonetic realization of accent. For instance, Narada dialect (Yamanashi prefecture) allows exactly the same systematic accent distinctions as MJ (see §2.3), but realizes them in a phonetically different manner, namely by a Low tone followed by a High tone (Mochizuki N. 1951). 2.2.1

Morae and moraic structures

MJ has a stable temporal structure, in which temporal units, morae (haku), are generally considered basic. MJ morae are divided into syllabic morae which can bear a High tone, and non-syllabic morae, which can not, cf. (4)a and (4)b, respec­ tively (Kubozono 1989). The relevant segments are given in bold. (4)a

V CV CyV

o ’ ‘tail’, e ’ ‘picture’ ko ‘child’, wa’ ‘ring’ tya ‘tea’

(4)b

(C(y)V)V (V)N (V)Q(CV)

ko’o ‘thus’, ko’i ‘love’, hyo’o ‘leopard’ ‘hail’ o'n ‘kindness’, pa it ‘bread’ tyo’tto ‘just’, tye’kku ‘result’, hassei ‘phonation’

Syllabic morae contain a nucleus or peak of sonority (V). The degree of sonority correlates with loudness (measurable as intensity) of sounds said with the same length, stress and pitch. The result is a sonority hierarchy of sounds, presented here in terms of decreasing sonority with the relevant MJ phonemes (distinctive

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

44

phonological units) in parentheses: open (=low) vowels (a o e) > close (=high) vowels (u i) > nasals (m n (medial -g- [rj])) > voiced fricatives (z, and perhaps the alveolar flap r) > voiceless fricatives (s h) > voiced stops (b d g) > voiceless stops (p t k). Non-syllabic morae are defined by a relatively low sonority and their phonetic realization is largely determined by features of the adjacent segments. Thus, non-syllabic V must be either equally sonorant, i.e. identical to, or the least sonorant vowel l\l, viz. /ii, ee, uu, oo, aa/ (long vowels) or /ei, ui, oi, ai/, respec­ tively. In MJ, /ei/ and /ee/ have for all practical purposes merged as [e:]. The nonsyllabic obstruent assimilates to the adjacent obstruent of the following mora, cf. the allomorphy of hatu in (3) above. The phonetic description of the non-syllabic nasal goes back to Hattori (1930), cf. also Vance (1987): it closely assimilates to what it follows in details of place of articulation as in (5)a, and degree of stricture as in (5)b: anpi anzen ankoku

/np/ Inzl Ink/

[mp] [nz] [Dk]

Inti /ns/ In.yl /n.V/

[ntpi] si ’nti si ’nsi IMI sin.yoo Dj ] s i’n.i PI

‘safety’ ‘safe’ ‘dark(ness)’ ‘divine knowledge’ ‘gentleman’ ‘trust’ ‘true intention’

When followed by a pause, a nasalized version of the preceding vowel is common, e.g. hort [hoo] ‘book’, while the more careful pronunciation has been described as a uvular nasal [hoN], Compared to the pre-nucleus nasal, allophones of the nonsyllabic moraic nasal appear consistently to be not just quantitatively longer, but also qualitatively distinct, in fact, having a phonetically more unusual or marked actualization. This systematic feature is, however, challenged by the ongoing lenition of voiced stops whereby intervocalic /g/ is actualized not as a nasal stop, but as a nasal spirant (velar, as indicated, or palatal), e.g. sa 'gi [sayi] ‘fraud’, i.e. its actualiza­ tion is very close indeed to that of the moraic nasal, heavily lenited under the influence of the surrounding vowels, e.g. sa ’n.i [say:i] ‘approval’ or sa ’ngi [sayiyi] ‘state councillor’. Under these circumstances, the present innovative trend to actu­ alize the prenucleus nasal /g/ as an oral velar [y] or [g], e.g. sa ’gi, possibly has the double effect of avoiding a merger that might affect syllabification, and indeed upholding the systematic regularity of nasality features. It would be interesting to know whether there exists general correlation in dialects, between the phonetic realization of the prenucleus oral velar /g/ and the post-nucleus nasal as a velar nasal /io[g], cf. Osaka dialect (Tronnier 1996). Concerning other aspects of MJ /g/ , see Vance 1987 and Shibatani 1990:17Iff. Sequences of non-syllabic morae are marginal, e.g. kootta ‘freeze + PAST’, or rondonkko ‘Londoner’ derived from rondon ‘London’ and -kko ‘someone bom in _’. Even if indicated as ‘overlong’ in writing, it is not entirely clear whether they are pronounced accordingly, cf. the elimination of potential ‘overlong’ syllables in the process of nativization of WJ words, e.g. English [tjein3] : MJ tye’nzi ‘change’, not **tyeenzi. The cognitive status of the mora seems indisputable. Most MJ speakers intuit­ ively seem to consider that each mora constitutes a distinct primary unit of dura­ tion, an intuition which is, of course, backed by the writing system, where one mora

PHONOLOGY

45

is rendered by one grapheme (kana) (except CyV, which uses two). This does not mean phonetic isochrony of morae in its strictest form, i.e. the short duration of an inherently short consonant such as the alveolar flap /r/ is not compensated for by longer duration of the following vowel, [a'] after r in /ra/ as opposed to [a] after for instance t in /ta/ etc. (Beckman 1982). There is, however, some evidence that inside stretches of several morae, the duration of morae is relatively constant as a multiple of the number of morae (Hoequist 1983b; Sato 1993). Furthermore, the rules which act to preserve the metrical structure of MJ can be seen to justify mora as a phonological unit: (i) the intersyllabic relation between a non-syllabic nasal and the following mora is stable in the sense that even in front of a vowel, the nasal as a rule manifests its distinct phonetic value, e.g. sa ’n.i [say:i] ‘approval’. Resyllabification, e.g. English Japan.ese > Japa.nese, whereby a post-vocalic nasal in the underived noun, cf. n in Japan, becomes associated with the onset of the following syllable - which in MJ would mean a reduction of the morae by one seems to be ruled out in favour of occasional nasal-accretion in front of a non-high back vowel in the following mora, e.g. SJ variants an.on/annon ‘peace, quiet’ or WJ rainna’ppu /rain.a’ppu ‘line-up (in baseball)’. That is, the number of morae remains the same. Cf. the historical process (renzyoo) of nasal accretion before a glide, e.g. innen < CJ in.yen ‘karma’, tenno’o < CJ ten.wau ‘emperor (of Japan)’, (ii) the phonetic realization of the vowel combination, iu as juu, is derived by palatal glide (onset) formation and compensatory lengthening (cf. Poser 1988), thus retaining the number of morae, e.g. i(w)-u [juu] ‘say’, cf. also premodem eu > MJ yoo as in euro(p)pa (seventeenth century) > MJ yooroppa ‘Europe’ (concerning the historical development, see Shevelov & Chew 1969). 2.2.2

Morae and syllables

The relevance of larger metrical structures, such as syllables or combinations (tem­ plates) of morae/syllables, as well as morphological structure in general, has loomed large in recent theoretical linguistic debate (for a summary of the debate, see Nagano-Madsen 1992). Its starting point was the well-known analysis by McCawley (1968), which accommodated morae within a syllabic framework and created the succinct statements on MJ which have successfully resisted later shifts in theoret­ ical stances, viz. the formulation of the general accent rule as ‘place accent on the syllable containing the third from the last mora', e.g. do'rama ‘drama’ and doramati’kku ‘dramatic’, evidence that MJ is a ‘mora-counting syllable language' (McCawley 1968:134); or the characterization of the possible MJ accent classes of nouns as n + 1 accent classes where n is the number of syllables. To take disyllabic nouns as an example: a noun may be accented on the first syllable, e.g. ho’n.ya ‘bookstore’; on the second syllable, e.g. on.na’ ‘woman’; or it may be unaccented ton.bo ‘dragonfly’ (op. cit. p. 170). The arguments for syllables are quite diverse. Evidence from speech-errors shows that confounded elements consistently occur in the same position as defined in relation to adjacent segments, e.g. **beityuu Icaikei for beityuu ka ’nkei ‘China-US relations’ can be explained as an error in a post-nucleus segment, i for n. By comparison, errors confounding light (monomoraic) and heavy (bimoraic) syllables are not observed (Kubozono 1986:227-8). Speech-errors seem therefore to justify syllables, or perhaps templates of combinations of morae, as phonological units. As an example of the latter, a bisyllabic template appears to be the determining factor

46

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

in the shortening - (still?) mostly manifested in colloquial speech - of sequences of identical open vowels VV inside a (-)CVX.CVV structure (where X stands for any non-syllabic mora), e.g. benkyoo/benkyo ‘study’, sense ’elsense' ‘teacher’, tyo ’otyool tyo’otyo ‘butterfly’, konpyu’utaa/konpyu’uta ‘computer’, ningyoo/ningyo ‘doll’. The bimoraic stmcture of the antepenultimate syllable would appear to be the decisive condition here, as CV.CVV sequences - which represents a rare(r) template, absent for instance in truncated WJ word formations (Ito 1990:237, note 29) - are never shortened, e.g. ryokoo ‘travel’, syo’doo ‘calligraphy’, bure’zaa ‘blazer’. There are no simple rules for syllabification of vowel sequences, on which accent assignment depends. Other things being equal, the correct accent assignment in vowel sequences is problematic, because phonetic or morphological conditions alternate sometimes unpredictably even in relatively straightforward sequences, such as Vi which by and large are interpreted as heavy (bimoraic) nuclei/syllables. For instance, if a deverbal noun of an accented verb, which according to the rel­ evant accent rule is assigned High tone on the last nucleus, viz. yom i' ga huka 7 ‘indepth interpretation’ (y o ’mu ‘read’), ends in a CF/'-scquence, the High tone is associated with V rather than i, e.g. omo 7 (onto \w)-u ‘think’), e.g. onto 7 ga itarazu ‘not well thought through’. Still, morphological considerations can sometimes over­ rule this trend. For instance, in nouns ending in English -ism, e.g. hiroi’zumu ‘heroism’ and heburai’zumu ‘hebraism’, one would have expected accent retraction to the vowel preceding i, cf. iziigo'ingu ‘easygoing’. Instead, the ism-nouns appear to be analysed as compounds —rather uncharacteristically for WJ nouns - consist­ ing of a bound morph and -izumu, and as such accented on the first syllable of the second element, e.g. hiro+i’zumu, huas+i’zumu ‘fascism’, in accordance with the general compound accent rule (cf. §2.3.1). 2.3

The general accent rule and lexical accent

Just as penultimate stress represents a productive English accent pattern, e.g. the English word ikebana, MJ use a simple rule to assign accent to unfamiliar nouns, whether they are Western loanwords, words which have fallen out of use, unfamil­ iar place names, etc. According to this general accent placement rule, the accent, actualized as a High tone in MJ, is assigned to the antepenultimate mom (the third mora from the end), e.g. do’rama ‘drama’, sunoodoro'ppu ‘snowdrop’, hoomu’ran ‘home run’, and mayone’ezu ‘mayonnaise’, unless that mora is non-syllabic, in which case the accent is retracted one mora to the left (i.e. to the syllable nucleus), e.g. marutitya ’nneru ‘multichannel’, iziigo’ingu ‘easygoing’, ku'uraa ‘cooler’, and erebe’etaa ‘elevator’. There is a reverse trend to indicate familiarity or epistemic closeness by means of unaccentedness, cf. the fact that WJ words often become unaccented or show variation between unaccented and accented forms when they undergo truncation in the process of nativization, e.g. rimootokontoro ’oru > rimokon ‘remote control’ and baate'ndaa > baaten/ba'aten ‘bartender’. General pragmatic correlations may also be a determining factor: initial accent is common with words which often form part of pragmatic focus (cf. §5.1), e.g. interrogative do’ko ‘where’ as opposed to deictic demonstratives koko ‘here’, soko ‘there’ and asoko ‘over there’ (cf. §3.0.3), which are, however, initial accented when used as interjections, e.g. ko ’re or ko ’ra ‘hey!’; initial accent is also the rule with girls’ names, e.g. na ’tu(ko) < natu ‘summer’ including the bimoraic hyperchoristic formation, e.g. na’a-tyan/na’t-tyan < na’tu,

PHONOLOGY

47

etc. Conceivably, the opposition between accentedness and unaccentedness repres­ ents a broad iconic correlation, focus vs. non-focus, address vs. referential, remote and indifferent vs. close and specific, respectively. In the majority of core YJ nouns, however, accent is not rule-bound, but consti­ tutes an unpredictable lexical feature. In other words, it must be learnt for each MJ noun whether it is accented or unaccented, and if accented, to which syllable accent is assigned. YJ nouns exhibit the maximal number of accent distinctions, as shown in (6): (6) 1 mora/syllable

2 morae/syllables

3 morae/syllables

ha ’ ‘tooth’

ne’ko

‘cat’

ha

inu’ buta

‘dog’ ‘P'g’

i'noti koko’ro otoko’ kodomo

‘leaf’

‘life’ ‘heart’* ‘man’ ‘child’

* Representing a rare accent pattern among MJ nouns, koko 'ro has final accented or unaccented variants. The High tone associated with the final mora of otoko in otoko ’ga (where ga is the subject/focus particle) means that ko coincides with a peak of pitch followed by a dip of pitch on the focus particle ga. This distinct peak of pitch is absent in unaccented kodomo ga (cf. §2.4). In some cases there seems to be a connection between accent, metrical form and lexical stratum. For instance, SJ (bimorphemic) nouns which happen to share the canonical YJ form of (C)VCV, are consistently accented on the initial syllable perhaps as a way of indicating their peripheral character, e.g. r i’s i ‘interest (on loan)’, g e ’ba ‘dismounting’, syo’ka ‘early summer’, ti ’ri ‘geography’, etc. Excepted are a few nouns whose second mora is an unaccenting derivational suffix, e.g. -ka ‘artist’ in ga-ka ‘painter’, syo-ka ‘calligrapher’, and old Buddhist loanwords, e.g. tie’ ‘wisdom’, zyuzu’ ‘praying beads’, desi’ ‘disciple’, gaki’ ‘hungry ghost’, yoso ’ ‘Other (place)’, whose final accent may historically be derived from earlier initial accented CV'CV forms by the general historical shift of accent to the right, cf. §2.6 (Martin 1987:248; Okumura 1990:349ffi). The existence of only two accent classes of verbs, accented or unaccented, e.g. ka'(w)-u ‘raise (cattle)’ vs. ka(w)-u ‘buy’ or i ’r-u ‘shoot with bow and arrows’ vs. i-ru ‘be/exist’, etc., means that all the information needed in a lexical entry for a verb is an indication whether or not it is accented. Accentuation has, however, a cohesive function inside complex predicates, since accent and accentuation rules associated with distinct syntactic-semantic groups of morphemes signal a higher or lesser degree of cohesion with the head verb or the wider syntactic structure, cf. §6.0.2. 2.3.1

Compounds and compound accent rules

The lexically distinctive function of the accent is evident in such minimal sets as ha'na ‘girl’s name’, hana’ ‘flower’ and hana ‘nose’. Yet it is difficult to maintain that differentiation of homonyms is the essential function of the accent in view of the fact that accent distinguishes fewer than 9 per cent of 417 homophones and that more than half of all words in standard modem dictionaries are unaccented. The

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

48

main function of accent is better understood as an aid to the coding/decoding of morphosyntactic-semantic structure. The compound accent rules and rendaku (‘sequential voicing’) whereby voice­ less obstruents are realized as voiced after morpheme boundary inside a compound, both have concatenative function, i.e. they join morphemes closer together. Also both are realized on the second element, whose phonological features determine the application or not of a rule in the first place. The general rules for simple com­ pounds consisting of two elements only, vary depending on whether the second element is short (one or two morae) or long (three or more morae) (e.g. McCawley 1968; Haraguchi 1977; Higurashi 1983; Poser 1984; and particularly Kubozono 1987). The case of 3 morae second elements is simple, e.g. (7): (7) ha ’ + migaki soo + se ’nkyo onna ’ + koko ’ro yama' + otoko'

‘tooth’ + ‘brush’ ‘general’ + ‘election’ ‘woman’ + ‘heart’ ‘mountain’ + ‘man’

hami 'gaki soose 'nkyo onnago 'koro yamao 'toko

‘toothpaste’ ‘general election’ ‘woman’s heart’ ‘mountaineer’

It has been argued that analysing the second element into two-moraic footstructures (indicated by parentheses below) accounts most comprehensively for the facts of the 4+ morae nouns. Details apart, compounds whose second element is neither unaccented nor final accented, tend to retain the placement of the accent of the simplex norm, e.g. kuizu(+)ko’ntesuto ‘quiz contest’ < ku'izu + ko'ntesuto or bizin(+)konku’uru ‘beauty context’ < bizin/bi’zin ‘beauty’ and konku’uru ‘contest’. Unaccented or final accented elements have the accent on (the first mora of) the rightmost non-final foot, e.g. minami(+)a 'merika ‘South America’ < minami ‘south’ +(ame)(rika), or syakai(+)zyo 'oken ‘social condition < sya ’kai ‘society’ + zyo 'oken ‘condition’ (from Kubozono 1997). The most obvious exceptions are found among long WJ words, where there is variation with the form resulting from applying the general accent rule (see § 2.3), e.g. tomato{+)(ke’tya)(ppu) ‘tomato ketchup’/ tomatoketya’ppu, or hea{+)(to’ni)(kku) ‘hair tonic’/heatoni’kku, respectively. Compounds with a short second element are less regular. The following general­ izations are the best available: (i) the initial accent of the second element is retained in the compound, e.g. (8): (8) yukizo’ra saiba 'si

‘snowy sky’ unaccented com­ pound, e.g. (15): (15) yomi ageru yomi naosu tori modosu tori ageru

< yo ’mu + ageru < yo 'mu + nao ’su < to ’ru + modo ’su < to’ru + ageru

‘read out’ ‘read (over) again’ ‘win back’ ‘take up’

Finally, compounds with an accented long (3+ morae) first element were sometimes accented on the first element, e.g. omo ’i-kir-u ‘make up one’s mind’, kaza ’ri-tateru ‘adorn’, etc. During the twentieth century, the verbs of (ii) and the ‘long’ com­ pounds have increasingly become subsumed into (i), i.e. yielding a verb compound rule which uniformly places the accent on the second element, just like the general compound noun rule. A survey of 1019 YJ compound verbs, 888 of which with accented first element, spoken by 19 speakers aged between five and seventy,

PHONOLOGY

53

demonstrated: (i) a wide gap between old and young speakers, two young inform­ ants retaining 2 per cent unaccented forms and one older speaker as much as 91 per cent; (ii) the innovative trend increased with the length of the compound, most dramatically between three and four morae compounds; (iii) Yamanote females showed relatively more innovative forms (Aizawa 1992). Another study of deverbal nouns showed that four-morae nouns derived from accented verbs were signific­ antly more likely to innovate, i.e. be unaccented, than three-morae nouns (Aizawa 1991). Another ongoing innovation concerns the resyllabification and accent shift of ethematic verbs, e.g. kotae ’-ru/kota[i]ru ‘answer’ with penultimate accent in vari­ ation with innovative kota’e-ru ‘answer’ with antepenultimate accent. Still in its incipient stage, the progress of this innovation is yet to be comprehensively studied. Tentatively, it can be summed up in terms of (several) parameters, more or less susceptible to innovation (A > B reads ‘A is more susceptible to innovation than B’): (i) verbs with 3+ morae stem > bimoraic verbs , e.g. kotae ’-ru/kota’e-ru ‘answer’ or kangae’ru/kanga’eru ‘think’ vs. tae’-ru ‘endure’, cf. also compounds, e.g. ii kae'-rutii ka’e-ru ‘say in other words’ (unaccented kae-ru ‘change’); (ii) deverbal noun > verb, e.g. oboe’/ obo’e ‘memory’ vs. oboe’-ru ‘remember’; (iii) stem final sequences of descending sonority (-ae), e.g. kotae ’-rutkota’e-ru ‘answer’ > sequences with almost equal sonority (-oe), e.g. oboe’-ru ‘remember’, or with ascending sonority (-ie), e.g. sobie’-ru ‘tower’; (iv) frequent verb > infrequent verb, e.g. kotae’-ml kota’e-ru ‘answer’ vs. infrequent kitae’-ru ‘forge’ with penultimate accentuation only. 2.6

Japanese accent systems - typology and history

The Japanese dialects exhibit various degrees of tonal systematic complexity or tonality (McCawley 1978a, 1978b; Martin 1987). On the lowest level are dialects without accentual distinctions, often with phrases uniformly actualized by a single tune. These are situated in a band through central Kyushu, and in an area stretching from northeast Kanto to around Sendai in Tohoku. Next, southwest Kyushu, e.g. Kagoshima, and many Ryukyu dialects, e.g. Shuri dialect (Okinawa), distinguish between two classes of phrasal tunes. The accent placement rules work in terms of number of morae counted from the end of the phonological phrase, e.g. of the two accent-classes in Kagoshima, A-type has a High tone on the penultimate mora followed by a Low tone, e.g. to ’ri ‘bird’, tori ma ’de, etc. as opposed to B-type with phrase-final High Tone, e.g. saru’ ‘monkey’, saru made’. Thirdly, the MJ (Tokyo) system, which is characteristic of most dialects east of Nagoya, as well as the Chugoku area as far west as north-east Kyushu, was described in §2.3. Finally, the area in between, around Kinki and the Inland Sea, e.g. Kyoto dialect, shows the most complicated tonality, distinguishing between High and Low initial register on top of the distinctive lexical accent locus known from MJ. Note that several pro­ ductive accent rules, e.g. the general accent rule (cf. §2.2), are shared by a range of dialects, which may otherwise differ phonologically. If the lexemes of a representative morphological category, such as the disyllabic nouns, in several Japanese dialects are subdivided according to accent (and register) class, the result is a number of distinct correspondences among dialects, in this case, five (plus several more or less exceptional rest groups), as indicated in Table 2.1. These in turn largely correspond to the five main classes of disyllabic nouns found

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

54 table

2.1

Accentual classes o f disyllabic nouns. Kyoto

Myogisho

soko ga H L

soko soko ga HH HH H

HH-H

oto ga H L i ro ga L H

oto HL i ro HL

oto ga HL i ro ga HL

*HH-L> HL-L

hune L H ame L F

hune ga L H ame ga L H L

LH-H

class

gloss

Tokyo

Kagoshima

2.1

‘bottom’

soko soko ga LH L H

soko HL

2.2

‘sound’

oto LH

oto ga LH L

oto HL

2.3

‘colour’

i ro LH

i ro ga LH L

iro LH

2.4

‘boat’

2.5

‘rain’

hune hune ga HL HL ame ame ga H L H L

hune hune ga L H L H ame ame ga L H L H

LL-L

LH-L

H = High, L = Low, F = Fall, ga is the subject particle

marked by dots (syooten) in dictionaries, such as Ruiju myogisho (from around 1100) (cf. e.g. Komatsu 1971; Mochizuki 1974). A dot in the lower left-hand comer (hyoosyoo) is interpreted as Low, one in the upper left-hand comer (zyoosyoo) as High. The dialect of Ibukijima (Kagawa prefecture) is the only modern dialect to exhibit all five distinct accent classes of disyllabic nouns (cf. Martin 1987), but the well-documented Kyoto accent, too, shows a stable system, its changes over nine centuries being limited to the merger of classes 2.2 and 2.3 during the fourteenth century (Sakurai 1984). The gradual ‘amplifying’ of the distinction between classes 2.4 and 2.5 observable in post-CJ, is usually thought to be due to the standard of the notation or of the sources, and possibly, also to changes in the phonetic actualiza­ tion of the distinction. The other tonally simpler dialects both to the east and west of Kinki are historically a blank slate. In order to reconcile these facts, we need a plausible framework to explain innovations in the accent systems, and a well established historical setting - preferably both. If it is assumed that the complex mid-Honshu system represents the original system from which all modem dialects have developed, only a phonetically ‘natural’ explanation can satisfactorily explain why identical developments occurred independently in Chugoku and Chubu. One attempt inspired by research into accent systems in African languages, evolves on the idea of low register as pre-accented, i.e. in effect, stipulating an underlying High tone in front of the word form of Low register words. The development from Heian/Kinki type accent to MJ/Kant5-Chugoku is then conceived as a move of the accent locus one mora to the right (McCawley 1978a, 1978b); an attempt to show such an accent shift ‘in action’ is furnished by Kindaichi (1975 (1954)). The opposite conjecture that Kinki(/mid-Honshu) systems represent an innovation of Tokyo-type dialects, has been proposed on the basis inter alia of reinterpretation (in effect, a reversal) of the accent dots in Ruiju myogisho and the accentuation of compound nouns (Ramsey 1979, 1982; critique by Vovin 1997). A third way is to reckon with register and accent (locus) as distinct phenomena in phonological terms (Martin 1987). The systematic Old Kyoto distinction be­ tween High and Low register is also reflected in the two phrasal tunes in westsouthwest Kyushu (e.g. Kagoshima) and parts of Ryukyu; Oita dialect (2.1/2, 2.3,

PHONOLOGY

55

2.4/5) on the boundary to the Honshu dialects also keeps Low and High register classes apart. In other words, the register distinction seems particularly well en­ trenched in the areas that show OJ-CJ morpho-syntactic features and are associated with cultural innovation since the Yayoi period (see Chapter 7), although the exist­ ence of Tohoku dialects (2.1/2 as opposed to 2.3/4/5), e.g. in Akita prefecture, must also be accounted for. The particular significance of register is evident in several Ryukyu dialects in which the old Low Register is associated with vowel length in the initial syllable, e.g. in some disyllabic nouns belonging to the classes identified as Old Ky5to Low register, e.g. Shuri dialect yaadu (2.4 (MJ yado)) ‘lodging’, kaagi (2.5 (MJ kage)) ‘shadow’ (Hattori 1967). This evidence suggests that at least some 2.4 and 2.5 nouns could be reconstructed with Low initial syllables with long vowels (Martin 1987:177ff.; Shimabukuro 1997), although the question remains how to explain the group of 2.4 and 2.5 nouns with short vowel, e.g. MJ ine (2.4) ‘rice’ or MJ ame (2.5) ‘rain’ (see Matsumori 1996). There is also philological evidence for vowel length in some of the ‘unusual’ Old Ky5to accent classes (Martin 1987:247ff); cf. also a proposal concerning voiced initial obstruents as a possible derivation of class 2.5 (Vovin 1997). It cannot be ruled out that similar evidence from Honshu dialects might be more abundant than usually reckoned perhaps masked by the sparing use of phonetic transcription in dialect studies. Taisha-machi (Izumo, Shimane prefecture) serves as a case in point. Disyllabic nouns in this dialect were described by Okumura (1981) as standing out from neighbouring Tokyo-type dialects by having a distinct actualization of class 2.5 nouns with final close vowel (including a few with non-close final vowel, as well as a few nouns of classes 2.3 or 2.4). This dialect has an otherwise consistent accen­ tual split depending on whether the final vowel is a close (=high) vowel or not, as indicated in (16). The syllable in parentheses represents a particle: (16)

2.1

2.2

2.3

2.4

CVCV(close)

LH/LL(H)

LH/LL(H)

kuti ‘mouth’

isi ‘stone’

LH/LL(H) or LH(L) asi ‘leg’

LH/LL(H) HL/HL(L) or LH(L) matu saru ‘pine’ ‘monkey’ sake ‘salmon’

LH/LH(L) ike ‘pond’

LH/LH(L) LH/LH(L) soto ame ‘outside’ ‘rain’

CVCV(other)

LH/LH(H) LH/LH(H) kaze kita ‘wind’ ‘north’

2.5

Interestingly in relation to the Ryukyu evidence, Hiroto (1986), a native speaker of the dialect, defines the CVCV form of the class 2.5 nouns in question as a ‘school pronunciation’, the proper dialectal pronunciation being with a long initial vowel, e.g. hiiru (MJ hint) ‘leech’ with a tone structure HLL, by which is probably intended a sequence of Fall-Low. When we take into account that Taisha-machi dialect maintains the register distinction (classes 2.1/2 are distinguished from 2.3/4/ 5) in nouns with final open vowel as shown above, it means that this dialect, in spite of its segmentally conditioned accent placement typical of the region, emerges like a geographically isolated ‘island’ which has preserved the rudimentaries of the dialects on the early cultural axis Kytishu-Ryukyu and mid-Honshu, of which it

56

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

might well have been an important part. Hiroto (1986), however, regards it as the last bastion in Chugoku to fall to Tokyo-type accent shift. Conceivably, corres­ pondences like these could prove crucial in a reconstruction of Proto-Japanese. Another general typological feature concerns the dialect-specific definitions of which segments can carry an accent and which cannot. The overall generalization seems to be that only the most tonal dialects in Kinki and around the Inland Sea allow post-nucleus elements to bear accent, e.g. Low register nen 'do ‘clay’, where the High tone is realized on the post-nucleus nasal. Furthermore, there exist broad correlations between the phonological status of high vowels i and u and accent classes (cf. Akinaga 1966, quoted in Martin 1987:146f.), as phonetically speaking, the low sonority of high vowels tends to divert accent, sometimes even causing accentual splits (e.g. Haraguchi 1984; Shibata 1988:340ff., cf. Taisha-machi above). The distinctions between the four syllables of voiced dental obstruents (so-called yotugana), e.g. /fudi/ ‘wisteria’, /fuzi/ ‘Mt. Fuji’, /kudu/ ‘rubbish’ and /kuzu/ ‘arrowroot’, seem to constitute a convenient scale. Dialects that show complete or nearly complete neutralization of yotugana, affrication of voiced dental obstruents followed by a high vowel, are more likely to have accent placement rules that are sensitive to vowel height, e.g. Tohoku, Noto Peninsula and Matsue (Shimane), as well as in some Ryukyu dialects. Such dialects are known as zuuzuu-ben. Other dialects show a two-way distinction merging di and zi, on the one hand, and du and zu, on the other. This is the case of MJ, where furthermore u in /zyu/ and i in /zi/ tend to merge into [i], e.g. zyu'gyoo [d^iqjoo]/ [d^iqjoo] ‘class’, and devoiced /si/ and /syu/ are in effect neutralized (Beckman & Shoji 1984), for a phonological interpretation, see Shapiro 1973). Devoicing of vowels between voiceless obstruents, i.e. articulation with a relatively open glottis, is also reported to be more prominent in dialects with neutralization of yotugana, e.g. Tohoku, Kanto, Noto peninsula, Toyama, Shimane and Kyushu (cf. Kindaichi 1958). Yotugana are maintained only in Kyushu (except Kumamoto and north Kyushu), south Shikoku, and south Kii Peninsula. The relationship between devoicing and accent in MJ has received considerable attention. Other things being equal, accented syllables are reported to be less often devoiced than unaccented ones. Alternatively, it has been argued that devoicing causes the accent to be shifted to an adjacent syllable, but whether to the right or to the left has turned out to be difficult to predict (Vance 1987). Meanwhile, it seems possible to infer the locus of the accent by the overall pitch contour surrounding the stretch of devoicing (Hattori 1991). This may represent a widespread innovative trend in the relationship between devoicing and prosody.

Chapter 3

Indexicality

3.0

Keigo 'polite language'

Keigo ‘polite language’ is often presented as a rigid system of linguistic ‘propriety’ to which speakers must conform, for instance in textbooks, keigo is explained as a means of showing ‘respect’, and its usage is accounted for in prescriptive terms. Some see a link here to the nationalist tradition in the 1930s—40s, when keigo was regarded as an emblem of the moral high ground, or to the more recent nihonjinron which insists on keigo as a unique linguistic, i.e. national, trait (Miller 1971b). Perhaps this ideological background is, partly at least, responsible for the general underplaying of individual, strategic considerations behind keigo, although these are surely at the core of the system. A speaker deciding on the appropriate linguistic style is motivated principally by what he wishes to achieve with his utterance and is likely to make the best of keigo, as he sees it, even improving on its ‘rules’ in order to serve his purpose. Indeed, without this individualistic drive, it is unlikely that we would have the characteristic quick turnover of keigo expressions (cf. Miller 1971 b:643ff.). A change of scholarly outlook does appear to be under way (cf. Okamoto 1997) and may eventually bring in-depth studies of keigo of indi­ vidual speakers, such as has been attempted for, for instance, Javanese (Errington 1988). Keigo is at the same time a vehicle of semantic-referential meaning (a means of speaking of) and a means of interaction (a means of speaking to) (Errington 1988:15). Languages may express this relation differently. The use of the English first and second person pronouns, for instance, merely requires the determining of the par­ ticipant roles in the speech situation, i.e. speaker, hearer or non-participant. Categor­ ies such as these, which code contextual features whose referential value shifts from one occasion to another or depending on who is speaking, are termed referen­ tial deictic categories. Japanese, it is well known, anchors any linguistic interaction in social relationships: i.e. the social deixis of Japanese speech styles (keigo) encodes social significances. This means that in order for the speaker to decide on an appropriate linguistic coding, e.g. to refer to himself, he must assess the status of the referents of the grammatical participants of his utterance, above all the subject and object, their mutual status, their status in relation to himself, and to his interlocutor(s). Referential deixis and social deixis are subsumed in the term, indexicality (cf. Silverstein 1976b). The use of tu/vous in French, where tu is said to

58

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

be conditioned by social solidarity, illustrates an indexical phenomenon. However, the complexities of Japanese make it more similar to other East and South-East Asian languages, e.g. Javanese. The most important parameters in assessing status in Japanese have been defined as:

(1) social status (Higher > Lower), age (older > younger), seniority (senior > junior), sex (male > female) and depth of acquaintance (distant > close) (Martin 1964) These factors do not form a hierarchy in the sense that one factor automatically carries greater weight than others. In the straightforward case where the subject refers to the hearer, the larger the number of marked factors (left of > in (1)) that characterize the hearer vis-a-vis the speaker, the stronger the case for explicit exalted form(s) of reference. In practice, the speaker’s choice of speech style will, however, depend on his attitudes to the use of social deixis and may fluctuate according to his particular strategy in the given situation. The result is considerable variation among speakers. It is common in Japanese to distinguish between two kinds of indexical expres­ sions: (i) those conditioned by the relationship between the referents of grammat­ ical constituents, subject and object(s), participating in the event, and their relation to the interlocutors. They are said to belong on the reference axis (exaltation); (ii) those which characterize the speech situation in general, i.e. the relationship between the interlocutors, the formality of the situation, etc. They belong on the address axis (politeness) (Harada 1976) and may have nonreferential value only. Inside a predicate, e.g. (2), expressions pertaining to the reference axis, such as the exalted verb form o-yomi ni nar-, are coded directly in or following the head verb, while the connection of the formal element to the speech situation accounts for its (almost) predicate-final placement, e.g. des-: (2) sensei wa o-yomi-ni nar-ana-katta yoo desu teacher-WA PREF-read EXALT-NEG-PAST-appearance-POL ‘The professor apparently did not read (it)’

As mentioned, appropriate choice of indexical expressions assumes a constant weigh­ ing of relative social status and distance between speaker, interlocutors and referent(s). In this communicative triangle, the speaker is the only absolute con­ stant, i.e. the only obligatory member of the speaker’s ‘in-group’ (uti) (cf. Wetzel 1994), and as such the pivotal factor in determining the occurrence of the three major indexical predicate types: (i) those whose subject cannot refer to speaker or speaker’s in-group, exalted; (ii) those whose subject can only refer to speaker or speaker’s in-group, humble', (iii) those which are not constrained by these groupaffiliations neutral or plain. The basic morphological dichotomy is between marked forms, exalted, e.g. o-yomi ni nar-u, or humble, e.g. o-yomi itas-u ((i) and (ii)), on the one hand, and the plain forms of a Zero-morpheme, e.g. yom-u ‘read’ (iii), on the other. The relatively few derogatory verbs, e.g. sidekas-u ‘do’ or siyagar-u ‘do’, can be said to form a subgroup of (i). The system of indexical forms is complicated by the fact that various referential denotations have different paradigms, e.g. ‘mother’ (cf. mother, mummy, mum in English) and ‘be’ in example (3). Because of this variability the term speech style(s) as a translation for keigo might be more appropriate than ‘speech register’, which

tNDEXICALITY

59

suggests rigid paradigms. Simplifying matters somewhat, in a sentence such as ‘where is mother?’, the denotation ‘be’ exhibits a tripartite paradigm, exalted irassyaru, humble or-u and plain i-ru, which can be ‘paired’ with four (or more) MJ nouns denoting ‘mother’, o-lcaa-sama, o-kaa-san, o-kaa-tyan, and mama. Depending on the social relationship of the speaker (SP), the referent of the subject (REF), e.g. ‘mother’, and the hearer (HEA), several indexical configurations of ‘mother’ and ‘be/exist’ are possible. The speaker has to decide his relative closeness to the referent and the hearer, which broadly defines his in-group (uti) and out-group (soto) in a given situation. (3) ‘mother’ o-kaa-sama o-kaa-san o-kaa-tyan o-kaa-tyama mama haha

‘be (at)/exist’

IN-GROUP

OUT-GROUP

irassyaru SP iru/irassyaru(‘?) SP-HEA/SP iru SP-REF-HEA

REF-HEA REF/REF-HEA

oru

HEA

SP-REF

The relative character of the in-group and out-group distinction means that none of the above elements is unambiguously translatable as ‘mother’ in relation to one or the other of the discourse participants: okaasama can refer to the hearer’s mother ‘your mother’, or to the mother of a third person, whom the speaker considers to be close(r) to the hearer (than to himself), i.e. ‘X’s/his/her/their mother’, haha usually refers to the speaker’s mother when the hearer belongs to the speaker’s out-group, while okaasan is conditioned by a communal feeling between the speaker and hearer, e.g. siblings talking about their mother, to whom they are socially equidist­ ant. However, okaasan can also be used to refer to the hearer’s mother or someone else’s mother with a plain or an exalted predicate form, as appropriate, to express relative closeness. Within the in-group of the family, the same term, okaasan, mama, or okaatyan, is used to address mother and is also likely to be used by mother referring to herself. The referent of Higher status to which the event of a humble predicate relates can only be defined loosely as non-subject (Kuno 1987b). For instance, in kopii-dai wa watasi ga tyokusetu kaikei ni o-harai-simasu ‘I will pay the copying fee directly to the cashier’, the humble predicate is appropriately interpreted as directed towards the hearer in the speech situation, not explicitly referred to in the sentence, rather than the indirect object kaikei ni ‘to the cashier’ (from Matsumoto 1997b:736). That is, the term, object-honorific (Harada 1976), as an alternative term to humble, is too narrowly syntactic. At its most general, a humble predicate denotes a control­ lable event of the kind that within a given pragmatic context can reasonably be expected to receive the approval or consent of a Higher, who may be defined only on the address axis, e.g. as an interlocutor {op. cit., p. 725). Incidentally, this pragmatic definition of humble in MJ fits well with the etymology of the post-CJ sooroo ‘be’ derived from CJ safuraf-u/saburaf-u ‘serve’ (cognate of samurai ‘war­ rior’). Persistent use of humble predicates can sound ingratiating to an individual hearer, e.g. moosiage-ru ‘say (to Higher)’ or o-kaesi itas-u ‘return (something to Higher)’, o-moti su-ru ‘hold (for Higher)’, but formal situations, e.g. addressing a large audience, tend to require humble and hyper-exalted expressions, and this may account for the common reinterpretations of those as formal, e.g. formal or-u ‘be/

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exist’ < CJ humble wor-i, the hyper-polite gozaimas-u ‘be/exist’ < goza(r)i-mas-u < Post-CJ exalted go-za-aru, -(;) mas-< CJ mawirase-‘give to Higher’. In spite of the lack of stable person categories forming neat paradigmatic corres­ pondences as in Latin or German, Japanese speech style vocabularies do have a function similar to agreement in Latin, l.p. sg. (ego) amo, 2.p. sg. (tu) amas, etc. That is, Japanese speech styles, too, are about syntactic coherence, prescribing indexical consistency between predicate and (at least) subject expressions, e.g. both must be broadly definable as exalted, etc. (cf. Wlodarczyk 1996, ch. 9). In other words, speech styles represent a means of distinguishing between two or more possible referents in the discourse, hence a means of preventing vagueness. 3.0.1

Predicate morphology of speech styles

Morphologically, stylistic deixis in Japanese spans all word classes and the full range of lexical suppletion, affixation, and morphological derivations. Verbs form indexical paradigm-like clines, differentiated by degree of exaltation, which as mentioned, can have a variable number of members depending on whether the verb has a core or peripheral denotation. (4) contrasts yom-u ‘read’ and its morpholo­ gical derivation, to the semantic core verb mi-ru ‘see’ characterized by lexical suppletion: ‘read’ o-yomi-ni nar-u o-yomi da yom-are-ru humble o-yomi su-ru o-yomi itas-u plain yom-u exalted

‘see’ go-ran ni nar-u mi-rare-ru haiken su-ru haiken itas-u mi-ru

MJ largely follows trends observed in other languages in extending already exist­ ing grammatical constructions to indexical function. Thus, the exalted function is extended from predicate constructions which characterize the event as involitional or stative, cf. the passive yom-are-ru, the mutative o-yomi ni nar-u, and the copula o-yomi da (cf. Lewin 1969b), while humble function appears to require dynamic volitional formative verbs, viz. su-ru ‘do’ in o-yomi suru, and itas-u ‘do (humble)’ in o-yomi itas-u (cf. Quinn 1994a:248). Lexical suppletion found in the semantic core areas of being, moving, giving, communication, eating, etc., is illustrated in (5): (5) exalted irassyar-u

humble

mair-u or-u sasiage-ru kudasar-u moosiage-ru ossyar-u mesiagar-u itadak-u nasar-u itas-u

denotation

plain

‘come’ ‘go’ ‘be/exist’ ‘give, bestow’ ‘say’ ‘eat’ ‘drink’ ‘do’

kuru, ik-u, i-ru yar-u i(w)-u tabe-ru, nom-u su-ru

The neutralization of semantic distinctions of two or more plain verbs in a single exalted verb is another cross-linguistic feature, recurrent in Japanese, e.g. irassyaru neutralizes the distinctions between ku’ru ‘come’, ik-u ‘go’ and i-ru ‘be/exist’ (Harada 1976:508), just as did the CJ exalted verbs ofas-u or ofasimas-u. Most MJ

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suppletive verbs are reflexes of formations productive at earlier stages of the lan­ guage, e.g. irassyar-u from irase, a causative deverbal noun of CJ ir-u ‘enter’ followed by ar-u ‘be/exist’ (twelfth century and later); mes-u < *mi-as-u cognate with mi-ru ‘see’ represents an exalted derivative pattern predating OJ. By compar­ ison, the regular morphological expressions are recent: the appearance of o-V ni nar-u in the 1860s gave rise to a chain of innovations, lowering o-VN dat-desu on the cline of exaltation, in turn making o-VN aru obsolete. Likewise, the humble expression o-VN itas-u (1890s), followed by o-VN su-ru, rapidly superseded o-VN moos-u. The fact that the prefix, YJ o-/SJ go-, is common to exalted and humble predicate forms alike, supports an analysis of indexical predicate forms into two separate signs, e.g. in o-_ ni nar-u or o-_ itas-u, where _ stands for the verbal noun/ conjunctional form: o-/go- indicates indexical markedness as such, and the pre­ dicative element, nar-u or itas-u, specifies the particular exalted or humble value. Interestingly, when prefixed to nouns, o-tgo- is mostly, or at least most product­ ively, employed inside the broad syntactic-semantic associations, which are not unlike agreement. That is in the associations of a body part or an action noun with a Higher referent (i.e. non-speaker - most often the hearer), e.g. o-karada ni o-ki wo tukete ‘take care!’ (karada ‘body’, ki ‘spirit’), or go-kyooryoku no o-kage de ‘thanks to your co-operation’ (kyooryoku ‘co-operation’, kage ‘shade, backing’), o-nii-sant-sama ‘your brother’. There seems, in fact, to be a trend away from using o-tgo- in address/reference to Higher human referents per se: o-tgo- is used with only a handful of nouns whose referent is Higher, but not (necessarily) associated with another Higher referent, e.g. (o-)isya ‘physician, doctor’ or o-nii-san ‘(speak­ er’s) older brother’; o- has fallen into disuse with female names, e.g. o-masa, etc. In the lexical area of domesticity, food, kitchen utensils, child-rearing, etc., o-tgo- has a connotation, which ranges from interpersonally neutral to polite or formal de­ pending on the lexeme, in opposition to the markedly informal expressions without prefixation, e.g. o-niku ‘meat’ : niku ‘meat’ or o-tya ‘tea’ : tya ‘tea’; in some cases o- is obligatory, e.g. o-mutu : **mutu ‘nappy’. Historically, this usage goes back to medieval court ladies’ language (nyooboo kotoba) (cf. Miller 197lb:639ff.; Kamei 1992). 3.0.2

Verbs of giving and the nominal hierarchy

Verbs denoting events of giving are deictically centred in such a way that different lexical verbs must be used for the speaker’s giving to someone, and for someone else’s giving to the speaker. Thus, yar-u is deictically centred on the referent of the subject, and kure-ru is centred on the referent of the indirect object, i.e. boku ‘I’, in both the following examples, boku wa taroo ni o-kane wo yatta ‘I gave money to Taro’ and taroo wa boku ni o-kane wo kureta ‘Taro gave money to me’ (Kuno 1976; Kuno & Kaburaki 1977). The deictic centre is determined along the same considerations of relative distance as indexical expressions elsewhere. Thus, an event in which the speaker participates must necessarily be centred on the speaker as in the above examples. If the speaker is not a participant in the event of giving, the hearer may dominate the deictic centre, unless the person with whom the hearer is interacting is relatively closer to the speaker, e.g. a family member, in which case the referent of the speaker’s in-group becomes the deictic centre. (6)a and (6)b illustrate the case of the hearer as centre:

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62

(6)a (6) b

taroo ni o-kane wo yatta? ‘did you give money to Taro?’ Taroo-io money-DO give out -group - past taroo wa anata ni o-kane wo kureta no? Taroo-WA you-io money-DO give in - group - past- nom ‘so did Taro give you money?’

When there is no reference to any of the interlocutors, the speaker has the option of adopting the viewpoint of one or the other of the participants in the event. For instance, taroo wa hanako ni okane wo yatta or taroo wa hanako ni okane wo kureta are both translatable as ‘Taro gave money to Hanako’, but yatta in the former is subject-centred, i.e. adopts Taro’s point of view, while kureta in the latter is (indirect) object-centred on Hanako, whose point of view is adopted. The deictic centre must be consistent within a complex sentence, e.g. taroo wa hanako ga hon wo kureta no de, hanako ni okane wo yatta ‘because Hanako gave him a book, he gave some money to Hanako’ where kureru in the subordinate clause centres on the indirect object and yarn of the superordinate clause on the subject, both having Taro as their referent. By contrast, **taroo wa hanako ga hon wo yatta no de, hanako ni okane wo yatta ‘Taro gave Hanako some money, because Hanako gave Taro a book’, is unacceptable, because the subordinate clause is centred on Hanako as subject of yatta, while the superordinate clause is centred on Taro in the same syntactic function (from Kuno 1976). In other words, a MJ speaker describing an act of giving identifies with one of the participants in the event he or she describes, either by regular pragmatic con­ straint or by his or her own choice as determined by the pragmatic conditions. It has been pointed out by Kuno (1976:373-4) that adopting a person’s viewpoint, i.e. using that person as the deictic centre, is akin to a show of sympathy for that person, the technical term for which is empathy (kyookan). That is, the speaker establishes an empathetic viewpoint for what he or she wishes to communicate. The above conditions for selecting the noun whose referent must or is likely to domin­ ate empathy, can be set up as a nominal hierarchy with the speaker at the top, and indefinite inanimate nouns, at the bottom, as shown in (7): (7) speaker ‘I’ > speaker’s in-group > hearer > definite animate (e.g. a character in a narrative, who dominates/can dominate the narrative perspective) > definite animate (someone who does not dominate the narrative perspective) > indefinite animate > inanimate The inanimate reference at the bottom of this hierarchy is probably only relevant in the more comprehensive nominal hierarchies which appear to condition other gram­ matical phenomena, e.g. topic selection (§5.1), nominal morphological categories/ types (§3.1), or the nominal hierarchy determining the occurrence of the case par­ ticles no and ga in OJ-CJ and present-day Ryukyu and (some) Kyushu dialects (§§5.6.1—5.6.2). In fact, the general agreement between these nominal hierarchies is remarkable. Any minor differences between them are ignored in the following. In combination with other verbs, MJ verbs of giving indicate indexically marked transfer of actions. This is the so-called benefactive construction. The most obvious cases are with ditransitive (two object) verbs which readily accept a beneficiary adjunct, e.g. hanas-u ‘speak to’ in obaatyan ni hanasite ageru ‘do grandmother the favour of telling her’, extending to combinations with other verbs, e.g. ik-u ‘go’ and subject-centred age-ru ‘give to Equal’ in (8), tukur-u ‘make’ and object-centred

INDEXICALITY

63

kure-ru ‘give to Equal’ in (9), or sin-u ‘die’ and mora(w)-u ‘receive from Equal’ in (10) . The actional transfer of -te mora(w)- in (10) is a circumscribed version of the object-centred construction, in the sense that there is a hint, often more theoretical than real, that the action is instigated by the referent at the deictic centre. In (10), this is brought out clearly: the speaker in effect instigates the event by uttering a wish that it may be carried out by someone else, viz. ‘the general of the enemy’, cf. the fact that the other object-centred benefactive verbs are unacceptable with the desiderative, e.g. (9) **tukutte kuretai ‘I wish she would do me the favour of making . . . ’. (8) o-baa-tyan ni

kono wain wo motte itte

age-nasai

grandma (informal)-io this wine-Do take-TE go-TE give-iMP ‘Do grandma the favour of bringing her this w ine!’

(9) okaasan wa tenpura wo tukutte kureta mother-WA tempura-DO make-TE give-PAST ‘Mother made tempura (for me/us)’

(10) teki no

taisyoo ni sinde mora-ita-i

enemy-GEN general-io die-TE receive-DESiD-NPST ‘I wish the general o f the enemy would die!’

The circumscribed benefactive constructions, V-te morau and V-te itadaku, as well as the desiderative V-te hosii ‘wish for someone to do V’, trigger a change in case marking, as the actional instigator, who is coreferential with the beneficiary of the event and dominates empathy, is understood as the topic of the sentence, while the semantic agent is encoded by ni (cf. §5.2.1), e.g. watakusi and sensei, respectively in watakusi wa sensei ni maegaki wo kaite itadaita ‘the professor wrote a preface for me (=my book)’, as opposed to plain sensei ga maegaki wo kaita ‘the professor wrote the preface’. The major syntactic tests for subjecthood (cf. §5.2.2) appear to be inconclusive here. In the benefactive version of the exalted predicate construc­ tion o-VN da, particularly if supported by the potential form inside a request as in (11) , subject-exaltation is arguably referred to sensei (ni), not watakusi: (11) watakusi wa sensei ni maegaki wo o-kaki

itadakemasen ka

i -wa

professor-io preface-DO PREF-write receive-POT-POL-NEG-QU ‘Would the professor(=you) do me the favour o f writing the preface?’

By contrast, the analogous exalted verbal predicate, o- VN ni nar-u, makes for a less felicitous construction, cf. H**watakusi wa sensei ni maegaki wo o-kaki ni natte itadakemasen ka. One may speculate that such fluctuation of acceptability is to be expected in a construction which might end up as a regular exalted auxiliary in the future, cf. the CJ exalted auxiliary verb tamaf-u which originated as a full verb ‘deign to’. To sum up: in each of the benefactive constructions, the action denoted by the predicate is conceived as an actional transfer of a favour with the particular indexical value specified by the verb of giving. The referent of the noun which dominates empathy must be placed higher on the nominal hierarchy. There are three possible directions of actional transfer: subject-centred (i); object-centred (ii); circumscribed (iii), and within each group, differentiations on the basis of the social status of the participants:

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64

(i) from speaker (in-group) > Lower/Equal > Equal to out-group: V-te yar-u V-te age-ru

> Higher V-te sasiage-ru

(ii) from out-group < Lower/Equal to speaker (in-group)* V-te kure ’-ru

< Higher V-te kudasa’r-u

(iii) from out-group to speaker, action brought about by speaker

< Equal V-te mora(w)-u

< Higher V-te itadak-u

* In both cases, the beneficiary noun phrase is marked by ni or no tame' ni ‘for the sake o f’. The relatively close concatenation of the verbs in these constructions is clear, for instance, from the lack of ellipsis in answers to yes-no questions, e.g. sensei ni kaite itadaita kai ‘did the professor write it for you?’: hai, kaite itadaita ‘yes, she did write it for me’, cf. **kaita/**itadaita (cf. McCawley & Momoi 1986 on V-te hosii). 3.0.3

Pronouns

There is no lack of MJ lexemes glossed by English personal pronouns ‘I’ and ‘you’: watakusi, watasi, atasi, boku, ore, etc. ‘I’; anata, anta, kimi, omae/omee, temael temee, etc. ‘you’, together with the demonstratives (see §3.0.4). However, they stand out precisely because of their overall resemblance to other nouns with human referents. Syntactically, they allow an adnominal clause just like other nouns, e.g. kanasii watakusi ‘sad me!’, and morphologically, they do not form regular para­ digms. Like other animate nouns with definite referents, they require explicit ex­ pression of number. They do not, however, allow a focused plural interpretation, e.g. kimi ‘you (sg.)’, not **‘you (plur.)’, kimi-tati ‘you (plur.)’, not **‘you and the others’, and only in the boastful or roguish ore-sama ‘I’ (male referents), or bokutyan ‘I’ used in (self-)reference to little boys, do pronouns occur with a title suffix. Perhaps the truly distinctive feature of the MJ pronouns is the extent to which they are conditioned by the gender of the speaker, cf. the fact that morphological gender-specificity is not typical of Japanese address and reference expressions, cf. §3.0.5. (12) shows expressions of ‘I’ (whose referent is the speaker) set up on a simplified scale of formality (after Harada 1976:511, suppl. by Bunkacho 1995). Although ‘imperial’ undisputedly constituted a distinct indexical category in pre­ modem Japanese, the use of the formal imperial tin used by the emperor only, appears waning and has not been included. (12) speaker: very formal formal average colloquial

male

female

watakusi zibun, watasi boku ore, wasi

watakusi watakusi watasi atasi

Note the systematic slant: male speakers have a larger variety of informal forms at their disposal; female speakers use fewer and more formal forms in a wider range of situations. In fact, the pronouns seem to tie in with other elements on the address axis, which partake in a similarly slanted male-female usage, first and foremost

INDEXICALITY

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sentence particles, including the formal copula des- (cf. §4.3.3) and the polite prefix, as illustrated in the parallel sentences, (13)a uttered by a woman displays these features in contrast to the informal style of (13)b uttered by a man: (13)a

nan to iu

go-rippa na

kata des-yoo

what-DEF PREF-handsome-ATTR person(EXALT)-POL/cop-cjEC [Izanami:] ‘What a handsome m an!’

(13) b nan to iu kirei na

syoozyo da-roo

what-DEF beautifiil-ATTR maiden cop -cjec

[Izanagi:] ‘What a beautiful maiden!’ (Kojiki monogatari) (13) a-(13)b represent a twentieth-century rendering of two utterances, putatively the oldest transmitted prose in Japanese, exchanged between the gods Izanami and Izanagi about to be united in marriage. The distinctive speech styles of the modem version are, however, a far cry from the original OJ sentences, which are identical (and hard to interpret), but for the words wotoko ‘man’ and wotome ‘maid’ (iana-ni-ya-si e wotoko wo and ana-ni-ya-si e wotome wo in MJ notation) (Kojiki, cf. §1.3). In spite of its label, ‘reflexive’, zibun was chosen in 1995 by 18 per cent of more than 1,000 male speakers - 24 per cent of 20-29 year-olds - as their favourite term of self-reference in a formal setting, while a mere 1.8 per cent of female speakers chose it (Bunkacho 1995:19). That is, the use of zibun is often primarily condi­ tioned pragmatically by means of deictic perspective, rather than anaphorically as a reflexive, by syntactic coreferentiality with a dominating subject (Iida 1997:180ff.), cf. e.g. Sugamoto 1989, Hinds 1986, for early recognition of zibun's pragmatic function. Details apart, Iida builds on the notion of the speaker’s empathy as de­ veloped by Kuno (cf. §3.0.2). zibun can refer to the speaker or to the referent dominating the narrative perspective, often but not always a clausal subject, when that referent is also the receiver of the speaker’s empathy, hence the term logopboric (Herlofsky 1990). In a typical anaphoric usage when coreferential with a third person, zibun can be shown to contrast with kare ‘he’: e.g. yamada wa [zibun wo nikunde iru] onna to kekkon site simatta ‘Yamada ended up marrying a woman [who hated him]’. With the antecedent of zibun being the subject of the superordin­ ate clause yamada, this sentence is said to represent an empathetic, internalized account of the distancing objective description in yamada wa, [kare wo nikunde iru] onna to kekkon site simatta with kare ‘he’ (from Kuno 1987a:254). Similarly, zibun can be used to refer to the hearer/subject in situations where the speaker empathetically probes into the interlocutor’s discourse about himself (cf. Herlofsky 1990:50, fh. 5): (14) kimi wa, [[zibun wo mitomete you-WA

kureru]

mono ni wa,

self-DO acknowledge-TE favour-NPST one-io-WA

sore dake no

koto wo yaru\ seikaku da

that-much-GEN thing-Do do

character-cop-NPST

‘It is your character [to do the utmost for someone [who (does you a favour and) acknowledges you (zibun)]}' (Kigyo no himitsu) (14) fulfils both the anaphoric and the empathetic requirements for zibun: the ante­ cedent is at the same time the subject of the dominating clause kimi ‘you’, and the centre of speaker empathy, viz. the use of kure-ru ‘give to someone in speaker’s

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in-group’, here centred on the interlocutor=zi7>i ‘companion(s)’ > MJ tomodati ‘ffiend(s)’; CJ kimi ‘lord’, kimi-tati > kindati ‘sons of lords’ > ‘son(s) of lords’ (obsolete); ko ‘child’ ko-domo ‘children’ > MJ ‘child(ren)’, cf. the demonstrative koti-ra, too, may represent a formal plural (§3.0.3). It is a basic condition on the use of suffixal plurals in Japanese that the noun to which they attach is definable to the interlocutors. Proper names form so-called focused plurals with clearly defined core person(s), e.g. mitio-kun-ra ‘Michio and (the) others’. Although premodem Japanese did allow inanimate plural reference, e.g. koto’-domo ‘matters’, under conditions not entirely clear, the construction with adnominal deictic plurals in MJ, e.g. kore’-ra no hon ‘these books’, is probably recent and perhaps patterned after English demonstrative constructions. Plural forma­ tion by reduplication, by contrast, denotes a diffuse extended mass, e.g. hito-bito ‘people’ as opposed to (sono) hito-tati ‘those people’, and extends to inanimate nouns, e.g. kuni-guni ‘countries’, tokoro-dokoro ‘here and there’. 3.1

Classification of nouns

It is noteworthy that the above nominal morphosyntactic categories, although usu­ ally only noted for their indexical features, in their distribution broadly reflect overall relevant linguistic distinctions (cf. Silverstein 1976a). This is most easily seen in relation to the nominal hierarchy, reproduced here as (18): (18) speaker ‘I’ > speaker’s in-group > hearer > definite animate (e.g. a charac­ ter in a narrative, who dominates/can dominate the narrative perspective) > definite animate (someone who does not dominate the narrative perspective) > indefinite animate > inanimate Among animate nouns, lack of semantic gender and/or incompatibility with title suffix characterize(s) the nouns highest in the nominal hierarchy, e.g. zibun, ore, boku, atasi all ‘I’, omae, kimi ‘you’, dare ‘who?’, and lack of title haha ‘my mother’, etc. The referents of these (apart from dare) are encompassed by the regular pragmatic constraints concerning empathy and tend to be selected as topic, etc. Other animate nouns with definite or, at least, specific reference, show con­ siderable variation, from gender specific nouns with possible title suffix to nouns

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without gender specification with or without title or exalted affixation, as shown in (19). This variability has semantic and pragmatic correlations, e.g. they are typically divided up in diverse ways by the pragmatic conditions determining ga or no in various Kyushu-Ryukyu dialects as well as in premodem Japanese (see §§5.6.1-5.6.2). exalted formal anim gender plural title suffix suffix prefix prefix + /(-) + + + -/+

(19)

(a) o-kaa-san ‘m other’ o-nii-san ‘elder brother’ + (b) personal names imooto ‘little sister’ musuko ‘son’, danna ‘m aster’ + (c) syuzin ‘husband’, mekake ‘concubine’ + (d) tanaka ‘Tanaka’, kanrinin ‘caretaker’, gakusei ‘student’, gaizin ‘foreigner’ + (e) ko ‘child’ + (f) kotira ‘someone here’, donata ‘w ho?’, mina ‘all’ + (g) tomodati ‘friend’ + (h) isya ‘physician’ (i) sensei ‘teacher’, yuuzin ‘friend’ + koibito ‘lover’, anata ‘you’

+

- /+

-/+

+

-/+

-/+

-/+

-/+

- /+

-/+ -/+

—

—

-/+

—

-/+

“

-

-

-/+ -/+

-

-/+

-

-

-/+

Further down the hierarchy, animate nouns with reduplicated plurals and frequent indefinite reference, e.g. hito ‘other, people’, kata ‘direction, exalted person’, do not (easily?) function as topics in a participant-oriented passive construction (cf. §5.4.5). If inanimate, e.g. tokoro ‘place’, kuni ‘country’, te ‘arm’, they are often specified by means of association, i.e. denoting an attribute of a definite animate noun (with the indexical prefix go-/o- when the animate referent is exalted), e.g. okuni ‘your country’. This also applies to non-reduplicating nouns denoting body parts or actions, e.g. sensei no go-kyooryoku ‘co-operation of the professor’ as opposed to gakusei no kyooryoku ‘co-operation of the students’. Finally, although not indicated in (19), there seem to be two more subgroups of inanimate nouns, which possibly form a cline depending on the ease with which they can be prag­ matically associated. Nouns with referents pertaining to domestic daily life are characterized by the use of o-lgo- in a general polite function, e.g. o-huro ‘bath’, otya ‘tea’, o-tenki ‘(fine) weather’, sometimes with obligatory prefix, e.g. o-mutu ‘nappy’, whereas those less easily associated with human affairs do not as a rule take o-lgo-, e.g. mado ‘window’, sakura ‘cherry blossoms’, kumo ‘cloud’. 3.1.1

Numeral classifiers

The Japanese classifier system relates to the previous sections in as much as classi­ fier systems typically occur in languages which lack obligatory plural expressions - in fact, it is an East-Asian linguistic areal feature. Morphologically, numeral classifiers are syntagms of an often bound classifier morpheme attached to a numeral morpheme or the interrogative morpheme nan(i) ‘what’, e.g. nan ‘how

INDEXICALITY

71

many’ + -hiki ‘classifier for smaller animals’ > nanbiki ‘how many (animals)?’, iti ‘one’ + -hiki > ippiki’ ‘one (animal)’, etc., used as enumerating expressions (concerning morphophonology, see Martin 1975:768ff.). Numeral classifiers are further defined as being able to co-occur with a noun denoting the referent whose number is counted, and secondly, as denoting ‘a natural unit of the referent, whose (usually but not necessarily inherent) characteristics dictate the choice’ (Downing 1996:16f.). The latter two criteria serve to exclude counters such as -kal-niti ‘day’, which disallows co-occurrence with the noun that is counted, e.g. **hi mikka ga tatta ‘three days passed’, and measures, e.g. meetoru ‘meter’, guramu ‘gram’, etc., which do not denote inherent properties of their referent. The taxonomy of more than 150 classifiers, of which only a fraction are com­ monly used in the spoken language, although rather more in writing (Downing 1996), is based on transparent semantic features. Among the classifiers used for animate nouns, only two can have human referents: plain -nin with the irregular forms hitori ‘one person’ and hutari ‘two persons’, and formal or exalted -mei, e.g. iti-mei ‘one person’, etc., cf. the combining title morpheme(s), o-hitori-samal-san, etc., vs. iti-mei-sama/**-san, etc. Gods have a special classifier -hasira cognate with hasira ‘pillar’. The classification of non-humans is more finely meshed: -hiki for middle-sized and small animals, fish -bi; birds -wa; large animals -too; and carcasses -tai, etc. Other criteria for classification of inanimate nouns include: the process which specifies how an item is produced, e.g. -kire ‘cut’, e.g. pan no hitokire ‘one slice of bread’; the shape of the object, e.g. -hon for long objects, such as pencils, ladders or trees, etc., or -mai for flat objects, such as pieces of paper, handkerchiefs, etc. The choice of classifiers is not automatic. A particular classifier can be used unambiguously to highlight a facet of its referent, e.g. ume ippon ‘one plum branch’ where -honl-ponl-bon is the classifier for long objects; ume itirin ‘one plum blos­ som’ where -rin counts flowers; and ume ikko ‘one plum (fruit)’ where -ko is a general classifier (Downing 1996:92). Or the particular condition of an object can prevent the conventional association of a class of objects to a given classifier. Experiments (Zubin & Shimojo 1993) have shown that when presented with pic­ tures of crumpled napkin(s), informants prefer one of the general classifiers, -ko or -tu to -mai, which they would use to count typical flat napkins. By the same token, cars squashed flat were counted not by the classifier for cars -dai, nor for that matter by the classifier for flat objects -mai, but by the general classifier -tu, e.g. pesyanko no kuruma ga mittu aru ‘there are three flattened cars’. Variation also occurs between a general and a specific classifier, e.g. hito-tu ‘one item’ and iti-mai ‘one flat object’ in reference to a coin/a bill: the more general element is preferred when the numeral rather than the noun receives focus, or when the numeral com­ bines with an element indicating a limitation, e.g. ni-ko-zutu ‘two each (about sausages)’. Of the two (inanimate) default classifiers, -ko refers primarily to middlesized objects, whereas there seem to be no restrictions on the use of -tu, on size or shape, or indeed on the concrete or abstract character of the object to be counted.

Chapter 4

Predicate structures

4.0

Predicate structure and clause structure

The predicate in languages in general, and Japanese is no exception, relates in a meaningful manner to the grammatical structure of the rest of the clause. The way in which elements of the Japanese predicate are ordered, the morphotactic structure, follows the universal pattern of languages whose basic constituent order is object-verb (cf. Van Valin & LaPolla 1997). By comparison, English shows the typical order of a language in which the object regularly follows the verb. In fact, predicate-intemally English and Japanese are mirror images as seen in (l)a, ‘(mother) is likely to have made’ as opposed to the Japanese order ‘(mother) made-havelikely-is'. (l)a

okaasan wa nisesatu wo

tukutta hazu da

mother-WA fo r g e d n o te s-D O m a k e -P A S T likelihood-cop-NPST ‘mother is likely to have m a d e fo r g e d n o te s ’

At the heart of the correlations between predicate-internal elements and clause or sentence constituents is the alignment of the verbal lexeme leftmost in the predicate next to the direct object or another adjunct, cf. (l)a. The semantic and pragmatic concomitants of this order are clear. Semantically, the verbal lexeme defines the indispensable grammatical relations, e.g. in case of tukur-, the subject (okaasan) and the direct object (nisesatu), making particular semantic entailments for each (see §5.3). Pragmatically, the object directly preceding the predicate probably rep­ resents the configuration most likely to constitute or form part of the focus of the sentence, defined as the part of the sentence which adds to the hearer’s knowledge, (see §5.1). The basic correlations between predicate and clause structure, however, go much further. Broadly speaking in Japanese, elements placed to the left inside the predic­ ate have event-internal orientation, those predicate-final ly to the right have eventexternal (=speech situational) orientation. Consider, for instance, (l)b: (l)b

okaasan wa tasika yuube

nisesatu wo

mother-WA surely last night

forged notes-DO

tukutta hazu da make-PAST likelihood cop -npst

‘mother surely is likely to have made forged notes yesterday evening’

PREDICATE STRUCTURES

73

Immediately attached to tukur-, -ta defines the event ‘making’ temporally as past in relation to speech time, and as such it relates to the temporal adjunct yuube ‘yesterday evening’; the speaker’s judgement of the factuality of the situation, expressed by hazu ‘it is likely’ correlates with modal adverbs, e.g. tasika ‘surely’. In predicate-final position, des-u, specifies the clause/sentence to the discourse as a whole: des- defines the speech situation as formal, and -u defines the discourse function of the clause as sentence-final and concluding. Concerning these so-called predicational operators in general, cf. Van Valin & LaPolla 1997:26ff.; and con­ cerning Japanese in particular, see Wlodarczyk 1975; Quinn 1987, 1990; and Sells 1995. 4.1

Minimal predicates

The core relation within Japanese predicates is the mutual presupposition between two elements, a verbal (or adjectival) lexeme and a predicate formative element which defines the clause syntactically, e.g. tukur-u ‘make’ (cf. the theoretical lin­ guistic analysis in Sells 1995, or concerning CJ, Quinn 1990:258). This predicate structure constitutes the minimal requirement for bringing a clause to bear on the discourse beyond it. It is termed the nucleus in the following, and the predicate formative suffix, the nucleus element. Perhaps because the nucleus relation is commonly exemplified by simplex predic­ ates, the point is often lost that the nucleus element must always be present in the right-most position of the predicate. This means that inside an expanded predicate, the verbal lexeme and the nucleus element are separated by one or more elements, and that the actual shape of the nucleus element, and indeed its precise denotation, depends on what immediately precedes it. To illustrate these points, consider first some examples of simplex predicates. In (2)a -u defines the predicate as non-past as well as sentence final and declarative (when said with sentence boundary Low tone). (2)a

nisesatu wo

tukur-u

counterfeit money-Do make-NPST.FiN ‘I am going to forge notes’

or followed by a noun, as clause-final in an adnominal clause, e.g. (2)b: (2)b

[nisesatu wo

tukur-u] hanzai

counterfeit money-Do make-NPST.FiN crime ‘the crime [of forging notes]’

In nisesatu wo tukutta ‘I forged notes’, by contrast, -ta refers the event to the past, but its final discourse function is identical to that of -u. These examples illustrate how the nucleus element often has a complex denotation, a particular discourse function, in effect, being superimposed on a tense denotation. Inside conjoined clauses, the non-past/past distinction has a parallel in a pair of non-anterior/anterior forms (see §6.1.1): the non-anterior conjunctional form conjoins the clause loosely to the following without any specific temporal ordering or causal connection, e.g. tukur-i in (2)c: (2)c

rondon de

nisesatu wo

tukur-i,

tookyoo de tuka-u

London-Loc counterfeit-DO m ake-cow Tokyo-Loc spend-NPST/FiN ‘I forge the notes in London and spend them in Tokyo’

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74

while the anterior conjunctional form (te-form ) conjoins two closely related, (often) sequentially ordered predicates, e.g. tukutte in (2)d: (2)d nisesatu wo

tukutte syakkin wo kaesu

counterfeit money-DO make-TE debts-wo return-NPST/FiN ‘having made forged notes I shall pay my debt’

Finally, the conditional fo r m with obligatory -ba (see §6.2) defines the clause as conditional, e.g. tukureba in (2)e: (2)e nisesatu wo

tukur-eba

kanem oti ni naru

counterfeit-DO make-coND rich-io become-NPST/FiN ‘if one forges notes, one becomes rich’

There are good reasons for subsuming non-past/past, -(r)u/-ta, into a broader nonanterior/anterior opposition with -(r)i/-(r)eba and -te, respectively, both on semanticpragmatic grounds and because of the distinctive morphophonological rules that characterize anterior morphology (see §§6.1-6.1.4). If so, the tense-cww-discourse elements in the above predicates are conceivably further analysable into an anteriority morpheme and what can be defined as a discourse morpheme, i.e. verbal lexeme + non-anterior/anterior + nucleus element, with a somewhat different result for athematic verbs, e.g. tukur- ‘make’, and thematic ones, e.g. tabe- ‘eat’, as shown in Table 4.1. table

4.1

M J simplex predicates.

non-anterior anterior

conjunctional

final

tabe tabe-t-e

tabe-r-u tabe-t-a

tuku-r-i tuku-tt-e

tuku-r-u tuku-tt-a

Note, however, that the allomorphs of the conjunctional/final nucleus morpheme proper, 0/-i, -u, -e, -a, are not generalizable and remain defined by the preceding non-anterior/anterior formative in each case. Arguably this makes the already men­ tioned analysis into a single morpheme with complex (tense/aspect-discourse) denotation at least equally feasible. In particular, as expanded predicates show, the morphological analysis in Table 4.1 is relevant only if linked to clause syntax, i.e. in the rightmost position of the predicate. For instance, the syntactic clause function of the causative anterior conjunctional predicate, tukurasete ‘having made someone make’, is decided entirely by the anterior conjunctional -te, and the identification of tuku-r- as non-anterior is irrelevant in that context. (3) shows some examples, comparing the forms of the nucleus element of simplex tukur-u ‘I (will) make’, of the causative tukur-ase-ru ‘I (will) make/give to make’, and of the desiderative (a morphological adjective) tukur-ita-i ‘I wish to make make’: (3)

simplex verb causative ‘make’ ‘make make’ non-anterior conjunctional non-past/non-anterior final anterior conjunctional conditional imperative

tukur-i tukur-u tukut-te tukur-eba tukur-e

tukur-ase tukur-ase-ru tukur-ase-te tukur-ase-reba tukur-ase-yo

desiderative ‘want to make’ tukur-ita-ku tukur-ita-i tukur-ita-kute tukur-ita-kereba

PREDICATE STRUCTURES

75

Note that one or more sentence particles attached to the predicate can be used to specify the discourse function further, e.g. assertive (male style) zo in tukuru zo ‘I am going to make them!’, or sa(a), which indicates that information is given as a matter of course (Uyeno 1971), cf. conjunctional saa (with clause boundary rising tone) as opposed to final sa in tukutte saa sya kkin wo kaesu no sa ‘I will make (them) and then I will pay my debt’. The effect of the sentence particles is that the superimposed discourse function is (sometimes at least) unambiguously distinguished from the anterior element of the predicate. In a diachronic perspective, the origins of sentence particles should be sought in elements which tend to occur predicatefinally, such as copula forms (see §4.9.1). 4.1.1

Maximal predicates

As already mentioned, when the predicate is expanded, elements are ordered in such a way that, seen from left to right, they broadly progress from event-internal (specifying the event) to event-external orientation (specifying the speech situation or discourse). (4) represents a maximally expanded predicate of n e-ru ‘(go to) sleep’: (4) (kodom o wa) nesaseraretaku na'katta desyoo ‘(The child) probably did not like to be made to sleep’ It is possible to pronounce the predicate in (4) as a single phonological phrase, i.e. with only one accent, a High tone actualized as a peak of pitch, as indicated. (5) presents an analysis into its constituent elements: the lexical verb ne- ‘sleep’ is followed by, in order from left to right, causative -sase-; passive -rare-, desiderative -taku; negative -na-\ past -katta\ formal des-; conjectural-c«w-clause-final nucleus element -yoo: (5) ne-sase-rare-taku na-katta des-yoo Verb-Causative-Passive-Desiderative Negative-Past Formal-Conjectural The auxiliaries in (6), listed in order of their occurrence inside the predicate, are labelled semantically to the left and characterized by their syntactic-pragmatic func­ tion to the right: (6) closest to the head verb EXALTATION VALENCE ASPECT TENSE MOOD FORMALITY sentence/clause final DISCOURSE

subject reference governed adjunct(s) circumstantial adjuncts modal adverbs situational formality discourse/interclausal function

Incorporated within the lexical verb or directly attached to it, are indexical elements which characterize the referent of the subject of the clause; next, valence expres­ sions, e.g. causative, passive, desiderative and potential, which influence the major syntactic configuration of adjuncts and the coding of grammatical case; among the remaining categories, are aspect, tense and mood. A sp e c t specifies the internal characteristics of the event denoted by the verb, e.g. progressive -te i- in ne-te i-ru ‘be sleeping’. The category of ten se defines the time of the event in relation to speech time, or alternatively inside narration, to the time of another narrated event, e.g. past -ta in itu ne-tal-ru ‘when did you sleep/are you going to sleep?’. As such,

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tense is a deictic category. Lastly, m o o d characterizes the speaker’s attitude to­ wards the situation denoted by the clause as a whole, e.g. hazu (da) ‘it is likely’. It is noteworthy that functional overlap and variation among adjacent categories occur regularly: the passive, which was defined as belonging to the valence elements has an exalted, i.e. indexical, function; the two basic tense non-past -(r)u and past -ta can be interpreted in aspectual terms as non-anterior and anterior, respectively. The rightmost slot of the predicate defined as discourse also harbours such an indeterminancy: one or more sentence particles, e.g. interrogative ka, etc., may specify the discourse function, which is, however, otherwise superimposed on a tense auxiliary (see §§4.3.1, 4.9.1). Note that certain modal expressions can constitute a break in this predicate structure, in effect, allowing a fall predicate to follow, e.g. (7) where the intentional tum ori da ‘intend to’ is followed by the aspectually continuative copula form in the past tense and the inferential auxiliary no da (cf. §6.5), i.e. [ [VALENCE-TENSEMODE]-ASPECT-TENSE-MODE]: (7) um eaw -ase-ru tum ori de i-ta no da g a , . . . make amends-CAUS-NPST in t -cop - perf - past iNF-NPST-but ‘he had been intending to make amends, b u t . . . ’ (P urusaido )

4.1.2

Grammaticalization

A predicate construction is said to be analytic if each or most of its elements can function as a predicate in their own right. Thus, (8) represents a more analytic structure than (5): (8) (kodom o wa) ne-te i-ru hazu des-yoo (child-WA) sleep-TE be-NPST likelihood cop -pol -cjec ‘the child should probably be asleep (by now )’

Elements preceded by a dash in (5) and (8) are bound, i.e. they presuppose a verbal or adjectival lexeme. The other elements are free, i.e. they can occur on their own. For instance, both constituent elements of the perfect-progressive construction in (8), the conjunctional predicate ne-te and the existential predicate, i-(ru) ‘be/exist (sentient subject)’, can constitute a predicate in their own right, e.g. (9) and (10), respectively: (9) ima ne-te

rokuzi ni

okiru

now sleep-TE six o’clock-LOC get up-NPST ‘I will sleep now and get up at six’

(10) kodom o wa doko ni

i-ru no?

child-WA where-LOC exist-NPST-QU ‘where are the children?’

Crucially, however, ne-te i-ru in (8) can be shown to be the result of a reanalysis setting V-te iru off from independent, clausal nete and iru. Firstly, ne-te i-ru allows morphophonological fusion, e.g. ne-te i-ru in variation with ne-te-ru; secondly, a higher degree of semantic generalization, viz. the sentient entailment on the subject otherwise imposed by iru ‘be/exist’, distinguishing it from ar-u ‘be’, is absent here, e.g. ningyoo ‘doll’ in o-ningyoo wa doko ni aru/**iru ‘where is the doll?’, but

PREDICATE STRUCTURES

77

o-ningyoo wa beddo de nete iru/**aru ‘the doll is asleep in bed’. This kind of structural reanalysis, which has morphophonological fusion and semantic general­ ization as its diagnostics, and which can be shown historically to lead to bound grammatical morphology, is termed gram m aticalization (cf. Bybee & Dahl 1989; Heine 1993). The relatively bound character of hazu (da) ‘likely’ means that unlike most nouns, it requires, rather than merely allows, an adnominal element, e.g. a demon­ strative so-no hazu da ‘that is likely’, or a noun keisatu no hazu da ‘it is likely to be the police’, where no is an adnominal form of the copula. Such nouns are termed quasi-nouns (keishiki m eishi) in Japanese traditional grammar. Predicate-internal elements are here generally referred to as a uxiliaries, rather than by morphologically specific terms, e.g. suffixes, auxiliary verbs, etc. All the same it should be noted that there exist two major correlations between morpho­ logy, and the aspect and tense-modal categories, each being characterized by a distinct formative element as shown in (1 l)a—(1 l)b: the te-form correlating with aspect, is used to form predicates specifying the actional progression, but reaches, in fact, beyond aspect proper in MJ; secondly, the correlation between tense-mood and the (ad)nominal structure is exemplified in a variety of past tense denotations, e.g. experiential past tukutta koto g a aru ‘I made them (in the past)’, or habitual past tukutta m ono da ‘I used to make them’, and (mostly epistemic) mood, e.g. tukur-u hazu da ‘X is likely make (them)’, etc. (1 l)a

[VERB [ [ [

]

-te] -(r)u/-ta NOUN]

NUCLEUS]

(1 l)b

[VERB [ [ [VALENCE] ASPECT] TENSE-MOOD] DISCOURSE]

These two types of constructions are considered separately below. 4.2

Serial verb constructions

A high degree of syntactic cohesion is evident in the constructions with -te, in particular the requirement that the verbs must share the same subject (with the exception of the circumscribed benefactive construction, cf. §3.0.2), and, when relevant, object. There is also an almost total lack of restrictions on combination, e.g. tu kut-te y a t-te oi-te m i-te sim a tta ‘I ended up (sim a (w )-u ) trying (m i-ru ) to make (tu ku r-u ) (some) for X (y a r -u ) in advance (o k -u )’. The term, serial verb construction, often used to designate similar constructions in other languages, has been adopted here. The borderline to compound verbs conjoined by the conjunctional form is in some cases a fine one. Serialization by -te tends to apply more generally, but in some instances semantic properties appear to be decisive. For instance, hazim e-ru ‘begin to’ and tuzuke-ru ‘continue to’, in spite of their generality, construct with the conjunctional form, e.g. tukuri hazim eru ‘begin to make’ and tukuri tuzukeru ‘con­ tinue to make’. This is presumably due to their inchoative or continuative denota­ tion. In fact, both verbs are incompatible with verbs with an inherent actional turning point, e.g. **tuki hazim e-ru ‘begin to arrive’ (tuk-u ‘arrive at’) (see §4.4). The conjunctional form in V-i sugi-ru ‘over-V’ e.g. tabe su g iru ‘overeat’, may be due to the fact that the locative specification of sugi-ru ‘pass’ as a motion verb does not specify an end-point (see §5.4.2).

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

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The common serial constructions, all formed from what are otherwise freely occurring lexical verbs, are listed in (12) (except verbs of giving): (12) perfective

tukutte sim au

perfect -progressive tentative anticipatory intransitivizing resultative goal-oriented, gradual source-oriented, gradual

tukutte iru tukutte m iru tukutte oku tukutte aru dekite kuru dekite iku

‘finish making, end up making’ ‘have made, be making’ ‘try to make’ ‘make in advance’

sim a(w )-u

‘finish’

i-ru

‘exist’

m i-ru

‘see’ ‘place’

ok-u

ar-u ‘have been made’ ‘be gradually made ku-ru (towards ‘here’)’ ‘be gradually made ik-u (away from ‘here’)’

‘exist’ ‘come’ ‘go’

Lexical suppletion is possible, indexical verbs substituting plain ones, e.g. irassyaru for iru, kiiru or iku in hasitte irassyaru ‘be running’ (hasir-u ‘run’), etc., and all, except -te sim au whose grammaticalization is more advanced, allow various prag­ matic particles between the two elements of the serial construction, e.g. tukutte b a ka ri iru ‘do nothing but make (them)’, etc. On the other hand, a degree of cohesion, not found in two te-conjoincd clauses, is clear from the fact that both/all verbs are required in an echo-answer, e.g. (13)b in reply to (13)a: (13)a

nisesatu wo

tukutte m ita ka?

forged notes-DO make-TE see-PAST-QU ‘Did you try to forge notes?’

(13) b

ee

tukutte m ita

**ee tukutta/**m ita

yes make-TE see-PAST

‘Yes, I did (try to make them)’ Morphophonological fusion is another indicator of cohesion (Tanaka 1983:96): (14)

MJ perfective tukutte sim au imperfective tukutte iru anticipatory tukutte oku

Tokyo vernacular (tookyoo-go ) tukuttyau tukutteru tukuttoku

Among them, -te sim aul-tyau exhibits the most radical fusion by far, confirming a cross-linguistic trend for perfective aspect constructions. The fused form goes back to the 1880s when -tyau (< -te aru?) - perhaps a recent borrowing from Kinki dialects - and -tim au, presumably a fusion of -te sim a u found in local Kanto dialects, were in competition in Tdkyo, a competition which -tyau won. Semantic generalization is also evident in -tyaul-te sim au , as its basic denotation of comple­ tion, i.e. the event reaches its natural/intended actional end-point ‘V completely’, is extended by a bundle of pragmatic nuances sometimes termed lim ited co ntrol (cf. Saunders & Davis 1982): an event can be completed after extraordinary efforts or come to an unexpected or unintended conclusion. The fact that MJ -tyatta with past

PREDICATE STRUCTURES

79

-ta can attach even to stative verbs, e.g. attyatta ‘there was’ (termed ‘strong past’,

Martin 1975:534) suggests that the fused form is developing a past tense function. 4.2.1

Modal auxiliaries

The formative nominal elements of the MJ epistemic modal constructions range from bound suffixes, e.g. necessitive -(u)besi or evidential -(u )m si-i, through some that retain a morphological nominal character, but are not used independently, e.g. inferential no ‘that, it’ or evidential y o o ‘appearance’, to elements that are clearly full nouns, e.g. w ake ‘sense’ or m ono ‘thing, one’. (15) is a list of the two latter types: noun

gloss

modal denotation

tokoro m ono koto no w ake hazu yoo soo

‘place, moment’ ‘(some)thing, one’ ‘circumstance’ ‘that, one’ ‘sense’ ‘notch of bow’ ‘appearance’ ‘aspect, facet’

> > > > > > > >

‘be about to V/have just V’ ‘be appropriate/happen often’ ‘it happens’ ‘it is that, so’ ‘that is, it stands to reason’ ‘it is likely’ ‘it appears’ ‘it is said'

It remains a stable feature of Japanese that it must be explicitly stated on what kind of evidence a proposition is based. Three general evidential types have been iden­ tified (Aoki 1986, on which the following account is based): (i) the evidence which the speaker communicates is, of necessity, indirect. Both adjectival and verbal predicates, denoting feeling or sensation, are generally restricted to referents about whose mind the speaker can reasonably have indisputable knowledge, i.e. in affirmative statements, only the speaker, e.g. (w atakusi wa) kow ai ‘I am scared’, or in questions, also the mind of the interlocutor, e.g. kow ai? ‘are you scared?’ said with rising intonation. Only narrative discourse with an omniscient narrator allows sentences such as, okaasan wa kow ai meaning ‘mother is afraid’, rather than ‘I am afraid of mother’. Instead the verbal suffix -gar-u is attached to the adjectival stem when the statement relies on indirect evidence, e.g. kare wa kow agatte iru ‘he is afraid’, or sometimes when distanced by the lapse of time, e.g. a speaker can describe his own fear in the past using kow agar-u (Watanabe 1984). Inferential -soo is used when an internal modal state is inferred on the basis of an externally observable event, e.g. uresisoo ni hanasu ‘speak happily’ or hosisoo ni m iru Took (at something) covetously’, as opposed to the adverbial form of the adjectives -ku which postulates knowledge of the inner mental state of the person(s) referred to, e.g. u resiku om ou T think (of something) happily’ (Teramura 1984:239); (ii) the speaker is convinced that he has generally valid evidence, e.g. no d a /n da (see §6.5); (iii) the speaker communicates that he is not in possession of complete information because of the nature of the evidence, e.g. yo o da, -rasii, soo da. These are conditioned by different kinds of evidence: soo da indicates that something is a hearsay, i.e. evidence based on other people’s information, e.g. kono nisesatu wa rondon de tukurareta m ono da soo desu ‘I hear that these forged notes were made in London’; y o o da requires a personal observation on the part of the speaker, e.g. kono nisesa tu wa rondon de tukurareta m ono no yoo desu ‘it seems that these

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80

forged notes were made in London’, as uttered by an expert in counterfeit money. The evidence which conditions the use of yo o can be any sensory evidence, visible, tangible, audible or otherwise, picked up by the speaker. By contrast, -rasii can be used if the evidence is gathered through sources beyond the speaker, e.g. kanozyo wa ima mo nisesatu wo tukutte irurasii ‘apparently she is still forging notes’, said in a situation where the speaker has heard that a printer of modest means and on record as a forger, suddenly is splashing out. 4.2.2

MJ inflectional paradigms

The traditional analysis of Japanese verb morphology, first proposed for Old Japan­ ese and Classical Japanese, does not make allowance for the fact that auxiliaries tend to develop over time from analytic constructions, e.g. MJ perfect -te i-ru, to fully grammaticalized synthetic units, e.g. MJ past -ta, and that both types are likely to be present inside the predicate at any given time. Indeed by ignoring the distinction between (inter-)clausal and predicate internal functions, the traditional analysis extends the bimorphemic structure of the nucleus to all auxiliaries inside complex predicates, each determining the form of the preceding one. The point of departure is the analysis of the athematic verbal paradigm presented on the grid chart of g o zyu u onzu (cf. §1.3.1), each member (base form) being defined suc­ cinctly by a semantic-syntactic label, e.g. CJ tukur- ‘make’ in (16): (16) tuku-ra tuku-ri tukur-u tukur-e

0< 6 0 < ') tl

negative form conjunctional form final/attributive form conditional form

m izenkei ren ’y o o kei syuusikei/rentaikei izenkei

tukur-a tukur-i tukur-u tukur-e

Extending this analysis to auxiliaries means that the form of the second morpheme in each case is determined by the following auxiliary. For instance, the desiderative auxiliary -ta-i is said to select the conjunctional form of the verb/auxiliary it fol­ lows, e.g. the leftmost i in tukur-i-ta-i ‘I wish to make’; the necessitative -be-si, the final form, e.g. u in tukur-u-be-si ‘You ought to make’, and the past -ta, the anterior stem, e.g. t in tuku-t-ta ‘I made’. Provided the nucleus relation is singled out and the analysis achieves a morphological generalization, there is much to be said for it. It fails, or its advantages are less clear, where morphological structures have become opaque. For instance, the so-called negative base form of athematic verbs (m izenkei ) combines with causative, e.g. tukur-a-se-ru, and passive, e.g. tukur-a-reru, as well as the negative auxiliary, e.g. tukur-a-na-i, but does not have an inde­ pendent clausal function, i.e. does not participate in a nucleus relation. The traditional analysis ignores this irregularity. Historically, the negative auxiliary has cognates both with and without a-, cf. the OJ-CJ negative adverb an i ‘isn’t it?’ and the negative existential adjective na-i ‘not exist’, suggesting the original form of the negative auxiliary could have been either -ana-i or -na-i. In sum, the overall effects of long established grammaticalization make it less feasible to analyse each com­ bination of auxiliaries in terms of original multi-clausal structures such as verb concatenation, (ad)nominalization, etc. The following procedures have been adopted to indicate verb morphology. Inside example sentences, predicate forms are given in a phonemic notation. When quoted in isolation and occasionally elsewhere, the part of a verb/auxiliary that is ‘deter­ mined’ by the following according to the traditional analysis, is notated as belonging

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81

to the ‘determining’ following auxiliary. This means reckoning with allomorphy after athematic and thematic verbs or auxiliaries, e.g. tukur- ‘make’ vs. ne- ‘(go to) sleep’: between -i-/-a- and a Zero morph (written as 0), e.g. conjunctional nucleus tukur-i and ne-0, desiderative tukur-ita-i and ne-ta-i, and negative tukur-ana-i and ne-na-i. Assuming morphophonological forms as in (17)a, a deletion rule erases the second vowel in a sequence of two yielding the correct forms. Secondly, the non­ past nucleus form -ru, the passive -rare- and the causative -sase-, the conditional nucleus -reba, all have an allomorph without the initial consonant after an athematic verb, e.g. ne-rare-ru vs. **tukur-rare-ru > tukur-are-ru. Again, for practical purposes, a consonant deletion rule may be stipulated for the athematic verbs, cf. (17)b. (17)a

athematic tukur-

thematic ne-

morphophonological notation

forms as written in text

desiderative formal negative

tukur-itatukur-imastukur-ana-

ne-tane-masne-na-

-ITA-IMAS-ANA-

-(i)ta-i -(i)mas-(a)na-i

tukur-aretukur-asetukur-e-

rie-rarene-saselne-re-

-RARE-SASE-RE-

-(r)are-(s)ase-(r)e-

(17)b passive causative potential 4.3

Adjectives as a word class

It has been a matter of much debate whether to consider the two morphological groups commonly referred to as /-adjectives (keiydshi) and na-adjectives (keiyoddshi) as forming one major word-class of adjectives, two separate minor word-classes, or a subgroup of verbs (/-adjectives) and nouns (na-adjectives), respectively (for an account, see Backhouse 1984c). The morphological argument seems clear enough. If we compare the non-past forms of verbs, e.g. (yoga) ake-ru ‘it dawns’, adject­ ives, e.g. akaru-i ‘it is bright’, and nouns, e.g. hikari da ‘it is (a/the) light’, the mutually presupposing nucleus structures of ake-ru ‘open’ and akaru-i, contrast with a lack of presupposition between hikari Tight’ and da of the nominal predic­ ate; cf. the fact that a noun with a marked intonation pattern can be used on its own with exclamatory force, e.g. keisatu ‘(it is) the police!’. If da is considered the crucial criterion for establishing membership of the word-class of nouns, akiraka, as in akiraka da ‘it is clear’, would obviously be a noun, rather than an adjective. However, the adnominal form na of akiraka, e.g. akiraka-na syooko da ‘it is a clear proof’, distinguishes it from no of the pure nouns, e.g. hanzai ‘crime’ in hanzai no syooko da ‘it is proof of a crime’. The notion of a unified word class of adjectives comprising /- and no-paradigms is supported by semantic and syntactic arguments (Backhouse 1984c; Wierzbicka 1986), such as the existence of close semantic pairs, e.g. mugo-i and zankoku da ‘cruel’, or even free variation between -/ and -na, e.g. tiisa-i and tiisa-na Tittle’, or atataka-i and atataka-na ‘warm’; the -/ and -na paradigms are in regular allomorphic relation in the neutral (unmarked) and intensive (maC-) colour terms, e.g. kuro-i ‘black’ vs. mak-kuro-na ‘jet-black’. The recent slang expression tyoo- ‘super’ illustrates the same point by its congeni­ ality with all lexical strata and morphological paradigms, e.g. YJ tyoo-kowa-i ‘superfrightening’, SJ tyoo-baka da ‘super-stupid’, WJ tyoo-beriba da ‘super-very-bad’,

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extending even to the desiderative, e.g. tyoo siritai ‘I really want to know!’, cf. also the derivative nominal suffix -sa, e.g. naga-sa ‘length’ (n a g a -i ), sizuka-sa ‘quiet’ (siznka da) and sofuto-sa ‘softness’ (sofuto da). This does not, however, exhaust the morphological variety: some adjective-like lexemes, which do not qualify as nouns since they cannot function as a subject or any other adjunct, modify a noun by attaching no, e.g. mugon no hito ‘silent person’, hontoo no o-bake ‘true ghost’, miti no seka i ‘unknown world’, nami no deki ‘average result’, etc. It has been suggested that the denotation of such ‘no-adjectives’ is (commonly) not acceptable with an expression of comparison, e.g. m otto ‘more’ or the English caique y o r i (Uehara 1996), cf. ?m otto hontoo da ‘more true’. In other words, na-adjectives are ‘gradable’, no-adjectives are not. Evidence from English loanwords leaves no doubt that na-morphology repres­ ents the productive pattern, e.g. sum uuzu na ‘smooth’, sutorongu na ‘strong’, biggu na ‘big’ (J irin 2 1 , 1993), as opposed to the older, now unproductive /-formation, yaw araka-i ‘soft’, tuyo-i ‘strong’, ooki-i ‘big’. Direct concatenation with the head noun, as in English, is also found perhaps particularly where no would be expected on the above-mentioned semantic criterion, e.g. huru ‘full’ in huru kaiten ‘full rotation’, besuto ‘best’ in besuto kiroku ‘best record’, etc. This much said, there exists considerable overlap between adjectives and nouns. According to a survey of frequent na-adjectives (264 items on the frequency list in KKK 1964), 57 per cent occur with case particles, i.e. can function as an adjunct (Uehara 1996:240), even if some of these nouns, especially those denoting emo­ tions, often border on the idiomatic, e.g. genki na okaasan ‘high-spirited mother’: genki wo dase ‘cheer up!’; or sinsetu na hito ‘kind person’: sinsetu ni am aeru ‘take advantage of someone’s kindness’. In other cases, e.g. heiw a na ku n i ‘peaceful country’: heiw a no sisya ‘messenger of peace’, heiwa e no m iti ‘road to peace’, the noun denotes a state of affairs characterized by the absence of war, but not neces­ sarily of violence, whereas the adjective denotes the typical ‘quiet, concordial’ property of ‘peace’. Cf. the suggestion of a general semantic distinction between nouns and adjectives according to which nouns tend to denote the human character­ istics which are seen as permanent, conspicuous and/or important, ‘. .. a noun indicates a categorization; an adjective, on the other hand, indicates a mere descrip­ tion’ (Wierzbicka 1986:357-8), e.g. otonasi-i ‘gentle, restrained in manner’ high­ lights only one (ideal) quality of the noun otona ‘grown-up, adult’. 4.3.1

The copula

The common ‘safe’ definition of the copula is as the formative element of a nom­ inal predicate construction denoting a stative equational relation, e.g. datta in okaasan wa m azyo datta ‘mother was a witch’ or okaasan wa m azyo d a tta no ‘(so) was mother a witch?’, where da-tta is the informal past copula form, and no a form of the inferential no da (see §6.5). The conjunctional form de is homophonous with the actional locative/instrumental case particle de, e.g. o-kaa-san wa mazyo de hooki ni noru ‘mother is a witch and rides on a broom’. The interest of the copula lies, however, in its pragmatic extensions, particularly of non-past da, which defy that definition (cf. Okutsu 1978; Wenck 1984). It is essential that ata-predicates are considered in relation to the information structure of the sentence as a whole. Basically, the focus part, i.e. the part of the sentence which increases the hearer’s knowledge (see §5.1), can have three different scopes. If, for instance, (18) is

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83

uttered in reply to a general question about someone’s family, the whole of the nominal predicate, i.e. m azyo da, can be said to constitute the focus part: (18) haha wa mazyo da mother-WA witch cop - npst ‘My m other is a w itch’

Alternatively, if (18) is a reply to the question ‘what is your mother?’, the focus part is constituted by the noun phrase, m azyo. Finally, in reply to a disjunctive question, ‘is your mother a witch or not?’, the assertion itself, i.e. da in (18) or perhaps rather in ee, m azyo da ‘yes, she is (a witch)’, would constitute the focus. These three focus types can be distinguished: only the former two allow an allosentence with the dynamic verb nar-u ‘become’, i.e. m azyo ni natte iru (see §4.4). Tt is presumably as an extension of the just-mentioned noun phrase focus or asserted focus in nominal predicate constructions, that da, or less frequently datta, is used to predicate a focused referent on which the interlocutor’s inquiry or pre­ sumed interest is concentrated in an otherwise ‘pragmatically saturated’ context. The grammatical function of the relevant noun phrase in a ‘contextualizing’ sen­ tence is irrelevant, as da/datta simply marks the referent as the presumed focus inside a factual context. For instance, unagi wa okaasan da ‘(eel is for) mother’ can be said in response to the question unagi wa dare ga ta b e ru l ‘(eel,) who is having eel?’ or to the waiter’s bringing a dish with eel (after Okutsu 1978:23-4, 46-7). The wider discourse function of such an utterance must be characterized as con­ cluding. If required, the predicate is modally modified, e.g. pre-modal copula form no preceding hazu da ‘it is likely that’ in okaasan wa w ahuku no hazu da ‘mother is likely to be in kimono’, said in answer to speculation about what mother will be wearing (okaasan wa nani wo kiru desyoo ka ‘what is mother going to wear, I wonder?’) (Okutsu 1978:58). Interestingly, it has been shown that daroo/desyo o , which is usually defined modally as tentative or conjectural, has a pragmatic analysis which seems in opposi­ tion to that of concluding da just mentioned. Thus, daroo/desyoo can be used inside discourse as a means for the speaker to retrieve information for further predication, i.e. it is developing into a means to carry the discourse along, either activating a referent (cf. §5.1) or establishing a new theme (Szatrowski 1994), e.g. (19): (19) asoko ni,

uti g a

m ieru desyoo?

over there-LOC home-FOC be visible-NPST cop -conj are wa m azyo no uti desu

that-WA witch-GEN house cop -pol - npst

‘Can you see the house over there? It is the witch’s house.’ Cf. §§4.9—4.9.1 concerning the pragmatic reanalysis of predicate-final copula forms in a historical perspective. As mentioned in §4.3, da is optional in exclamations, e.g. zisin ‘earthquake!’, or in otherwise marked topic-focus general statements, e.g. hana wa sakura ‘the best of flowers is the cherry blossom’ or abata mo ekubo ‘even a pockmark is a dimple (to someone in love)’ (Wenck 1984:205). Given the above it is hardly surprising that MJ da shares morphological and syntactic properties with the post-predicate morphemes usually termed sentence particles. Firstly, like for instance the question

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

84

particle ka, da has an informal variant formed by diphthongization: e.g. mazyo dai ‘she is a witch’, mazyo kai ‘is she a witch?’ etc. Likewise, conjunctional de con­ trasts with ka in causal clauses, e.g. o-kaa-san wa mazyo na no de hooki ni noru ‘because mother is a witch she rides on a broom’ vs. o-kaa-san wa mazyo na no ka hooki ni noru ‘perhaps it is because mother is a witch, that she rides on a broom’. The focused concluding nuance of da seems to prevent da from co-occurring with sentence particles that have a different pragmatic force, e.g. ka, cf. mazyo ka ‘is she a witch?’, not **mazyo da ka, except in a disjunctional subordinate construction, e.g. kinoo da ka ototoi da ka wasureta kedo ‘I have forgotten if it was yesterday or the day before’, cf. da no in §5.3.1. Combination with sentence particles with assertive pragmatic force, e.g. da zo (male speech), da yo (male/female speech), are acceptable. The distinction between da and ka, is, however, not simply between concluding focused conclusive and interrogative, since both can be used with inter­ rogative force after a question word, e.g. dare dal ‘who is it?’ and dare ka? ‘who (if anybody) is it?’. More precisely, da seems to define the question word as focused and presupposing the existence of a referent appropriate to an answer. That is, dare dal must be appropriately answered by an assertion X da, whereas ka allows for a negative reply. This may explain why the indexical value, male speech and/or brusque speech, is attributed to da (McGloin 1990). Finally, da occurs without a predicated noun phrase in clause conjunctions, e.g. da kara to itte ‘even so (lit. ‘even if one says therefore’)’, just like sentence or case particles, e.g. ka in ka to itte ‘nevertheless’ (lit. ‘Qu-Quot-saying’) or ni in ni mo kakawarazu ‘not withstanding’. The complex morphological structure of the copula, the conjunctional form de in combination with a form of an existential stative verb, is revealed in various marked environments: (i) formal (written) register, e.g. wagahai wa neko de aru ‘I am a cat’ (title of Natsume Soseki’s novel). The analytic conjunctional forms, NP de ari or NP de atte are only rarely used; (ii) negative expressions, e.g. o-kaa-san wa mazyo de wa nai ‘mother is not a witch’ with the negative existential adjective na-i ‘be not’ and often, as here, an intercalated pragmatic particle (see §5.2); (iii) interpersonally marked expressions, e.g. exalted irassyar-u in o-kaa-sama wa mazyo de irassyaru (exalted) ‘someone’s (=not speaker’s) mother is a witch’. 4.3.2

Other predicate nominals

The notion of state in reference to virtual events, including events valid for a future interval, tends to be conceived dynamically and expressed by the mutative verb nar-u ‘become’, e.g. o-kaa-san wa kitto uresiku nar-u ‘mother will surely be happy’, cf. the adjective uresi-i ‘happy’ referring to a state that is true for the present. By the same token, imperatives generally require dynamic verb morphology, e.g. huta ni nar-e ‘be pigs!’ (Boku tokidoki buta) or asita wa tenki ni nar-e ‘let the weather be fine tomorrow!’. Imperatives of adjectives denoting human qualities and entail­ ing a sentient subject, construct with suru, e.g. otonasi-ku si-nasai ‘behave your­ self!’ (otonasi-i ‘gentle, obedient’), where -nasai is an informal imperative form. Imperatives formed by stative da, e.g. sinsetu de are ‘be kind!’ are unusual and confined to written style. In fact, s-uru ‘do’ and nar-u ’become’ are common dynamic verbs entailing a predicate nominal construction, by which is meant a controlled relation inside a clause in which an adjunct is semantically dependent on another adjunct in the

PREDICATE STRUCTURES

85

same clause, the controller (Nichols 1 9 8 1 In other words, within the equational relationship between the two adjuncts of the controlled construction, one deter­ mines or controls the other, which usually forms part of the focus of the clause and which must be understood as denoting a stative or a dynamic mutative state. In tanaka-san w a daizin ni natta ‘Tanaka became a minister’, the subject tanaka-san wa controls daizin ni, and hence nar-u is said to require subject control; in syusyoo wa tanaka-san wo daizin ni sita ‘the prime minister made Tanaka minister’, the object tanaka-san wo controls daizin ni, hence, s-u ru is said to require object control. In both cases, the result of the event is the equational state, tanaka-san wa daizin da ‘Tanaka is a minister’. The essential similarity between the stative and dynamic constructions is acknowledged by Japanese grammarians, although mainly as a morphological distinction limited to nouns and case; Teramura (1982:198) speaks of ittikaku ‘equational case’, cf. also A wo B to suru in 6.4.1. Note that the predicate nominal constructions group nominal and adjectival predicates together, e.g. so re wo syo o ko ni su ru ‘I will make that the evidence’ predicates a noun syooko ‘proof’; sekinin wo akiraka ni suru ‘I will make the responsibility clear’ a nci-adjective akiraka; and hey a wo akaru-ku suru ‘I will make the room bright’ the /-adjective akaru-i ‘bright’. Syntactically as well as in terms of the semantic stipulations laid down for their adjuncts, suru and naru and a few other verbs have hallmarks of their own: the fixed order relation, the controlling argument (nearly) always preceding the controlled one, and the controlled argument being obligatorily manifested (cf. Teramura 1982:198 and Jacobsen 1992a: 113 concerning naru). Furthermore, the fact that the object controlled construction occurs without an explicit verbal, suggests that ni here has a dynamic predicate-like function along the lines of the conjunctional copula de, with which ni is ultimately a cognate (cf. Teramura 1982:200), e.g. kane wo m oto ni {suru) ‘make money the basis’ in (20): (20) [tameta]

kane wo

moto ni dokuritu site

save-PAST money-DO basis-io independent do-TE sigoto wo y a ru no da

WOrk-DO do-NPST-INF

‘With the money [he has saved] he will work as an independent’ (K igyd no him itsu)

It seems in accordance with its function as predicate formative that the ^/-argument must be expressed, whereas site ‘doing’ is optional. This construction compares with the MJ usage of to combining two stative predicates with co-referential subject with the to-constituent consisting of a numeral. Both must refer to the same situ­ ation, e.g. ‘ten wins’ being attributed to ‘the Giants’ in (21) (from Yamazaki M. 1993:71-2): (21) kyozin g a zyuu rensyoo to zekkootyoo de aru giant-FOC ten consecutive wins-TO top form cop - npst ‘The Giants are in top form: ten consecutive w ins’

The measurement before to represents the speaker’s opinion of what it takes to define the following predicate, e.g. the opinion that ‘ten wins’ constitutes ‘top form’ (cf. §6.4.1); de, by contrast, presents the same state of affairs as a widely agreed definition, allowing variable order among the clauses, e.g. kyozin g a zyuu

86

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

rensyoo de zekkootyoo da ‘with ten wins in a row, the Giants are in top form’ or kyozin ga zekkootyoo de zyuu rensyoo da ‘being in top form, the Giants have had ten wins in a row’. 4.4

The -te iru construction

Since Kindaichi (1976 (1947)), the interest in -te iru has centred on the opportunity this construction offers for semantic subcategorization of verbs: how to explain the different range of interpretations, perfect (resultative state), iterative and progress­ ive, available to different groups of verbs; and more recently, how to reconcile the apparent major semantic nuances of -te iru into one comprehensive semantic notion (Jacobsen 1992a). The three commonly distinguished senses of -te iru are exempli­ fied below by yom -u ‘read’: resultative state in (22)a; iterative or p a ttern ed event in (22)b; and progressive in (22)c (after Jacobsen 1992a): (22)a

hanako wa m oo

kongetu no sinhatubai no

m anga wo

Hanako-WA already this month-GEN newly published-GEN comics-DO yo n -d e i-ru

read-TE be-NPST

‘Hanako has already read the comics out this month’ (22)b

hanako wa m aiasa

asagohan wo tabe-nagara m anga wo

Hanako-WA every morning breakfast-DO eat-while

comics-DO

yo n -d e i-ru

read-TE be-NPST

‘Every morning Hanako reads comics while eating her breakfast’ (22)c

hanako ga

zibun no heya de

m anga wo yo n -d e i-ru

Hanako-Foc self-GEN room-LOC comics-DO read-TE be-NPST ‘Hanako is reading (the) comics in her own room ’ In the most comprehensive study so far (Jacobsen 1992a:179ff), the crucial condi­ tion on the occurrence of -te iru is defined as its hom ogeneous or p a ttern ed charac­ ter, which can be ‘spread out’ to cover the focus interval. A state, an action or a pattern is predicated for an interval of time encompassing speech time or the narrat­ ive fo cu s interval in such a way that it must be true for each instant of that interval. The distinguishing feature of -te iru is then the duration of the event structure encompassing a focus interval, rather than the particular actional character of the event (see §5.4.2). All the same, an actional turning-point whose character depends on the semantic properties of the verb is in most cases, but not always, presupposed for some point in the past. Although the scope for semantic pliability should not be underestimated, there do seem to exist some general correlations between the lexical semantics of verbs and interpretations of the -te iru construction. Broadly speaking, verbs which are inher­ ently telic, i.e. understood to have an actional end-point at which the character of the event denoted by the verb changes from a dynamic action to a state, favour the resultative state interpretation and do not (easily?) have the progressive reading. These verbs are termed a ch ievem en t verbs in the taxonomy set up for English (Vendler 1967). Thus, in okaasan wa (m oo) tookyoo ni tuite iru Icasira ‘I wonder if

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mother has (already) arrived in Toky5’ (tuk-u ‘arrive at’), the turning-point at which the locative state begins, is situated in the past. Achievement verbs include most, perhaps all, intransitive verbs in transitive/intransitive pairs: the subject, usu­ ally the semantic counterpart of the transitive verb’s object, is the natural focus of the actional thrust at the turning-point of the event, e.g. naor-u ‘become fixed’, kire-ru ‘become cut’ kim ar-u ‘become decided’ (from Jacobsen 1992a: 176). Reference to multiple events, while obscuring any natural end-point that the singular event might have, produces actional patterns, i.e. a different kind of regu­ larity to condition -te i-ru in for instance, sekiyu no m o re d e tori g a tu g itu g i ni sinde iru ‘birds are dying one after the other in the oil spill’ (sin-u ‘die’), zya g u ti kara m izu g a potopoto to otite iru ‘water is dripping drop by drop from the faucet’ ( oti-ru ‘fall’), or su su ki wa ka ze ni/de yurete iru ‘the pampas grass is swaying (with/)in the wind’ ( yu re-ru ‘sway’). The patterns range from distinctly reiterated actions undertaken by singular or plural subjects to repetition of more or less distinct movement patterns. The less the pattern is lexically or explicitly specified, the more compelling becomes a homogeneous dynamic progressive reading, cf. verbs denoting movement patterns, oyog-u ‘swim’, a ru k-u ‘walk’, tob-u ‘fly’ (Jacobsen 1992a:190ff.), and possibly, nak-u ‘cry’, w ara(w )-u ‘laugh’, hatarak-u ‘work’, odor-u ‘dance’, hanas-u ‘talk’, huttoo s-uru ‘boil’, all of which are gener­ ally considered as lexically atelic, and termed activity verbs. Even so, telic readings of activity verbs are possible, cf. §5.4.2. The general diagnostic for iterative and progressive events is co-occurrence with an expression of duration, e.g. sanzikan mo hanasite iru ‘they have been talking fo r as m uch as th ree h o u rs’. Thirdly, some verbs, such as yo m -u in (24)a-(24)c, are pragmatically telic, i.e. apart from the resultative-state interpretation, they also allow a progressive reading highlighting the progress towards an accomplishment, e.g. hanako wa tosyokan de sono hon w o y o n d e iru ‘Hanako is reading that book in the library’, in which case the actional incipient point of the event denoted by the verb must be prior to the interval in focus. With an indefinite object, e.g. hon wo y o n d e iru ‘is reading (books)’, the event may simply be interpreted as an atelic (patterned?) event. Verbs such as y o m -u ‘read’, ka k-u ‘write’, tukur-u ‘make’, whose denotation can be understood as an activity concluding by an achievement, are termed a cco m p lish ­ m ents in Vendler’s classification. Although often ignored, teiru- forms of stative nominal predicates do exist and, if nothing else, demonstrate the centrality of the already mentioned condition of homogeneous actional character over a specified focused interval. While for instance kanozyo wa hira da ‘she is a rank-and-file employee’ denotes an equational state whose limits in principle are not qualified in any way, the same sentence with de iru, i.e. kanozyo wa hira de iru ‘she remains/will remain a rank-and-file employee’ indicates a state, which is true more specifically for a duration comprising a focused interval, i.e. by implication limited in time. This suggests that certain identificatory predicates are unacceptable with de iru, e.g. V **kanozyo wa nihonzin de iru ‘she is and remains Japanese’, except for instance if a concessive nuance sets a limit for the extent of the state, such as -nagara ‘while S' still/nevertheless S2’ in okaasan wa nihonzin de i-nagara nattoo ga kirai da ‘my mother is Japanese, and yet she does not like fermented beans. It is probably due to the relatively recent date of N P de iru that the sentient constraint on the subject of iru is maintained, although examples of N P de ite of borderline acceptability are reported, e.g. hyoogen no ziyu u - [kono kantan de ite m u zu k a sii ] mondai ‘freedom of expression - this

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simple yet difficult matter’ (from Martin 1975:519-20), where mondai ‘question, matter’ must be understood as subject for kantan de ite inside a conjoined adnominal clause - again with a characteristic concessive connotation. In much the same way, -ku/ni site iru is used with adjectives that require a sentient subject, to denote a temporally delimited state, e.g. otonasiku site iru in (23) describes an otherwise vociferous person keeping quiet for one day, in which context otonasi-i would be ruled out (cf. imperatives of adjectives, §4.3.1). (23) etuko ga otonasi-ku si-te i-ta no wa Etsuko-Foc gentle-ADV do-TE be-PAST

nom -wa

ototoi itiniti dake desita day before yesterday-only cop / pol -past

‘It was only for one day, the day before yesterday, that Etsuko had been well behaved’ (Nichome) Predictably, -te iru can denote a resultative state of the dynamic verb nar-u, e.g. NP ni natte iru ‘has become/is now’, as in (24) where the speaker realizes that the story of his house has been turned into a kamishibai (picture-card show) performance, i.e. the equational state is referred to its dynamic mutative end-point in the past: (24) a

boku no ie kamisibai ni

natte iru

alas i -gen house paper-drama-io become-PROG-NPST ‘My! my house has become/is now a kam ishibai’ (Neko)

Often, however, natte iru is used when reference to a past mutative event is ruled out, e.g. (25)a describes the box-like physiognomy of the kamishibai performer, whom the speaker has never seen before: (25) a

denkikamisibai wa, kubi kara ue ga

kamisibai de,

el paper drama-WA neck-ABL top-NOM paper drama-cop-coNj

[gakubuti no yoo na] hako ni natte iru frame-GEN like-ATTR box-io

become-PROG-NPST

‘The electrical kamishibai being a kamishibai from the neck upwards, is a (frame-like) box’ (Neko) Similarly, (25)b predicates the state of a place completely new to the speaker: (25)b

haitte

miru to

naka wa

enter-TE see-NPST-coND interior-WA

utyuu kiti ni natte ita space base-io become-PERF-PAST

‘When I entered, I saw that the interior was a space base’ (Neko) In both (25)a and (25)b, the whole of the predicate NP natte iru/ita, constitutes the focus part, and in both, NP datta, would be possible. Provisionally natte iru may be defined vis-a-vis da as conveying the speaker’s more immediate observation. The importance of information structure is brought out by contrasting (25)b to the

PREDICATE STRUCTURES

89

syntactically close (26). The difference is that (26) is set pragmatically against a disjunctive question ‘is it my house or not?’, which defines the focused part as the assertive datta only and disallows an allosentence with natte iru. (26) soba ni yotte

mite

miru to

side-io near-TE see-TE try-NPST-when

yappari boku no ie datta rather

i -gen

house cop - past

‘Going next to it I had a look at it, indeed, it was my house’ (Neko) In a wider perspective, NP natte iru in (25)a-(25)b must be grouped with the pragmatically determined interpretations of achievement verbs as states without any implication of a past actional end-point, e.g. miti ga magatte iru ‘the road twists and turns’, not **‘has become twisted’. These were set up as a separate group of verbs (‘Group Four’) in Kindaichi’s classificatory system (cf. Jacobsen 1992a). Finally, it should be noted that V-te i-ru can have a distinctly modal usage in reference to non-speaker actions, e.g. (boku w a). . . omou ‘(I) think’ as opposed to kare wa . . . omotte iru ‘he thinks’ (Iwasaki 1993a:22, cf. also Shinzato 1984:46). 4.5

Conspectus of CJ verb morphology

Although the traditional preoccupation with bound morphology, i.e. suffixes, at the expense of analytic morphology may cloud our perception, it seems fair to say that OJ-CJ verb morphology is more synthetic and shows greater variety of inflectional paradigms than MJ. At the same time, some basic morphological and semantic distinctions remain unchanged between OJ and MJ. In the context of Japanese it is easy to see why the morphotactic order of the predicate is considered to belong to the (near) invariant part of a language, sometimes called its abstract type (Andersen 1987:42): in spite of the almost wholesale innovation in the CJ aspect and tense morphology - out of seven or eight OJ-CJ auxiliaries, only one, past -ta, survives into MJ - these innovations have neatly reproduced the normative order, cf. (27)a and (27)b exemplifying OJ-CJ and MJ, respectively. (27)a

tuki

ide-ni-ke-mu

moon move OUt-PERFECTIVE aspect - past -conjecture

‘Perhaps the moon had come out’ (27)b

tuki

de-te i-ta daroo

moon move ouI-perfect / profressive - past -conjecture

The major inflectional paradigms are shown in Table 4.2. The distinction between the clause final and the attributive (adnominal) nucleus forms is common to all OJCJ verb paradigms. In the athematic verbs, the distinction is actualized by means of accent: accented (High-Low) final form contrasting with unaccented (High-High) attributive form (Martin 1987:19If.).

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

90 table

4.2

Major CJ verbal inflectional paradigms. irregular

athematics

thematics

kak‘write’

tate‘build’

oti‘fall’

mi‘see’

ar‘be’

k(w)s(y)‘come’ ‘do’

imperative conjunctional final attributive conditional

kake kaki kaku kaku kake

tate-yo tate tatu taturu tature

oti-yo oti otu oturu oture

mi-yo mi miru mini mire

are ari ari aru are

ko ki ku kuru kure

se-yo si su suru sure

Japanese term

yodan

simo -nidan

kami -nidan

kamiitidan

ra-hen

ka-hen

sa-hen

Three paradigms are morphologically and/or semantically characterized: (i) the consistent /-thematic paradigm is restricted to monosyllabic verbs: CJ mi- ‘see’, ni- ‘boil’, ki- ‘wear\ fi - ‘dry’, i- ‘shoot’, wi- ‘sit down’, and their combinations, e.g. kokoromi- ‘try’ (‘heart’ + ‘see’), cf. also the single consistent e-thematic verb ke‘kick’; (ii) ku ‘come’ and su ‘do’ are irregular just as in MJ. One tends to suspect a deeper reason for their persistent irregular character, remarkable on the back­ ground of the morphological regularity of Japanese verbs. To the extent that su can reasonably be related to the mesial demonstrative (see §5.9.1), it is tempting to seek the origin of ku in the proximal demonstrative; (iii) the stative existential verbs share the distinctive /-vocalism of the final form, ar-i, etc., with the preteriteanterior auxiliaries, i.e. perfect -(i)tari and -eri, evidential past -(i)keri, and past -(i)ki, and the stative predicates, copula NP-nari and the adjectives -sil-ki. The /-vocalism of the anterior-stative elements is in contrast to the w-vocalism in the final-attributive form of what can be broadly defined as non-anterior predicates, non-past -(ur)u of the dynamic verbs and auxiliaries such as future-conjectural -(a)mu, negative -(a)zu, etc., as well as the perfective aspect auxiliaries, -(i)nu and -(i)tu, which are thereby marked out as relatively recent formations. There exists a remarkably wide consensus on the hypothesis put forward by Ono (1953b), that OJ-CJ -(ur)u represents a combination with an existential verb form cognate to OJ-CJ wor-i. Proceeding to expanded predicates, we can observe that combinations of CJ verbs by means of the conjunctional form show less cohesion than MJ compound verbs, probably because they represent a more recent development: (i) each verb is independently accented (Martin 1987:93, 669); (ii) if the second verb can be under­ stood aspectually as a consequence of the first, the humble verb tamafe- can inter­ vene between the two, e.g. omofi tamafe tat-u ‘(humbly) make up one’s mind’ (omofi tat-u ‘make up one’s mind’ < ‘think’ + ‘cut’) (cf. Lewin 1964:31-2); (iii) one or more pragmatic particles can be intercalated between the verbs, e.g. mo in yosinasigoto if-ite ut-i mo waraf-inu ‘saying something trivial he even bursts into laughter’ (uti waraf-u ‘burst into laughter’ < ‘strike’ + ‘laugh’) (Tsurezuregusa). Such rather loose combinations are termed concatenations below. Furthermore, i, probably a cognate of the conjunctional form best observed in the athematic verbs

PREDICATE STRUCTURES TABLE 4.3

91

Combinations o f CJ aspect and tense elements given in the final form. MOOD-TENSE

EVID ~(i)keri

PAST -(i)ki

FUT -(a)mu

RPST -(i)tu

PERF -(i)tari

-(r)u -{i)nu -(i)tu -(i)tari -(e)ri

-(i)keri -(i)nikeri -(i)tekeri -(i)tarikeri -(e)rikeri

-(i)ki -(i)niki -(i)teki -(i)tariki -(e)riki

~(a)mu ~(i)namu -(i)temu -(i)taramu ~

-(i)tu -

-(i)tari -(i)nitari

-

-

-(i)taritu -

-

ASPECT IMPERF PFV PFV PERF PERF

-

- appears as the formative element of all auxiliaries broadly definable as anterior, i.e. perfect, perfective aspect and past. In Table 4.3, -i is indicated in brackets. Among the tenses, -(i)keri, -(i)ki and -(a)m u, display the full range of combina­ tions with aspect elements in accordance with the dominant morphotactic order, aspect preceding tense. The elements in the two rightmost columns, labelled recent past -(i)tu and perfect -(i)tari, also occur on the aspect axis of the diagram. As such, they represent areas of morphotactic irregularity and are closely bound up with OJCJ innovative developments (see §§4.6-4.7). Again, just as in MJ, non-anterior and/or modal categories have distinctive morphological means of combination. Broadly speaking, they are characterized by a-vocalism (of disputed origin, cf. Martin 1987:668), when attached to an athematic verb: future-conjectural -(a)m u; negative -(a)zu; negative conjectural -(a)z/; irrealis -(a)m asi; conjectural conditional -(a)ba from the attributive form of futureconjectural -(a)m u followed by the particle OJ ba/fa (cognate to MJ wa) kak-aba ‘if X writes’ < *-kak-am u f a , etc.; CJ desiderative ka k-a m a fo si ‘wish to write’ < kakam aku fo s i (future-conjectural -am -u with the nominalizing affix -aku attached, functioning as the complement of fo s i ‘want’, see §6.6.1). As shown in Table 4.4, the order, Tense-Conjectural(/Mood)-Negative-Discourse, seems consistent in spite

table

4.4

Combinations o f tense and modal elements given in the final form. a u x ilia r y

te n s e

c o n je c tu r a l

n e g a tiv e

d is c o u r s e

n e g a tiv e

- ( a )zu

-a n(i)-

-SU

n e g a tiv e c o n je c tu r e

-( a )zi

-a n (i)-

-si

fu tu re /c o n j e c tu re

-(a )m u

-am -

-u

irre a lis

-( a )m a si

-a si

p r e s e n t c o n je c tu r e

-(u )ra m u

-u r -

-am -am -

p r e s e n t a s s u m p tio n

-(u )ra si

-ur-

p a s t c o n je c tu r e

O J -ike'm u > C J -{J)kem u

-iki-

p a s t a s s u m p tio n

O J -ik e ‘rasi> C J -(i)kera si

n e c e s s ity

O J -u b e si> C J -(u )b esi

-ik e lr -u -

n e g a tiv e n e c e s s ity

O J - ( u ) m a s iz i. -(u )m a zi

-u-

2

-am -

-u -asi -u -a s i

-b e2-m -

-si -as{i-zi N E G )

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

92

of problems with segmentation and interpretation. Details apart, non-past -u-l-ur- or past -iki-l-ike'r- precede conjectural(-fiiture) -am-. Predicate-finally in the ‘discourse slot’, we find what looks like another pair of tense morphemes, non-past -(r)u and past -sil-asi, which could conceivably be interpreted modally as conveying a higher or lesser degree of certainty together with a nucleus function. This morphotactic structure reminds of MJ predicate-final copula (see §§4.9-4.9.1). As far as negation is concerned, the negative auxiliary -an(i)- has cognates that are free morphemes: the negative cognate adverb ani ‘never’; the pre-verbal negat­ ive na, cf. the prohibitive na kaki so (< OJ na kaki' so 2) ‘don’t write!’ where so2 has been suggested as an imperative of s-u ‘do’ (Martin 1987); and possibly e (cf. Miller 1985), which in CJ (at least) is used adverbially to mark the scope of a negation in the predicate, e.g. sirarete noti fa , itofosikute, e kita no kata tyou-zezi ‘after he knows, you will pity him, and you probably won’t punish his wife’ (iO chikubo ). All in all, this suggests an original alternation ani or (a )n a . As indic­ ated in Table 4.4, OJ-CJ conjunctional-final negative form -(a)zu is usually as­ sumed to represent a fusion of OJ negative conjunctional -ani and su ‘do’, and the negative conjectural OJ-CJ -(a)zi may originate in a combination of the negative and a morphological past tense auxiliary in a discourse reinterpretation. This leaves the negative necessity, which has been reconstructed as OJ -um asizi < *-ube-asi + ana-asi ‘normativity-probability-negative-probability’(Unger 1975:128). Note that the innovative(?) analytic CJ formation generalizes the alternative order negative + tense, e.g. negative recent past kak-azaritu < *-azu ar-itu, cf. MJ negative-tense order kak-anakatta. For the sake of easy recognition, thematic verbs below are cited in the conjunc­ tional form, e.g. oti- ‘fall’, tate- ‘build’, athematic and irregular verbs in the final form, e.g. kak-u ‘write’, s-u ‘do’, k-u ‘come’ and a r-i ‘be’, and auxiliaries in the final form with the ‘determined’ vowel in parentheses, e.g. perfect -{i)tari, futureconjectural -(a)m u or necessitive -(u)besi. On that basis, the correct forms can be derived by the following rules: (1) Delete an unrounded vowel, i or a, after a thematic stem, e.g.: okiokitatetate-

+ -itari > okitari

+ -azu > okizu + -itari > tatetari

+ -azu > tatezu

‘have got up’ ‘do not get up’ ‘have built’ ‘do not build’

(2) Delete an unrounded vowel (of a thematic stem), i or e, in front of a rounded vowel u, e.g.: old- + -ubesi > okubesi tate- + -ubesi > tatubesi

‘ought to get up’ ‘ought to build’

The paradigms of the more common CJ auxiliaries are shown in Table 4.5. As in MJ, the shape of the nucleus element depends on the predicate final auxiliary. The number of nucleus forms in a paradigm varies, e.g. few auxiliaries have a conjunc­ tional nucleus form, as the non-anterior -i and anterior -te copy the tense and modal specifications of the following superordinate predicate.

PREDICATE STRUCTURES table

final imp attr cond conj

93

CJ auxiliary paradigms.

4.5

EVID -(i)keri

PAST -(i)ki

-(i)keri ~ -(i)keru -(i)kere ~

-(i)si -(i)sika -

-m

PFV/ RPST oki ‘getting up’ respectively. Vowel correspondences to cognate athematic derivations, e.g. con­ junctional oki2- ‘arise’ : oko2s-i ‘arouse’; sugi2- ‘pass’: sugus-i ‘pass something’; and ake2- ‘open something’: akas-i ‘spend night’, allow us to pair OJ /i2/ with /u(s)/ or /o2(s)/, and OJ /e2/ with /a(s)/. On this basis, the thematic stems have been reconstructed as a CV formative suffix *-gi- cognate with the passive-causative marker of Korean, e.g. conjunctional form *sugu-gi(-i) > OJ sugi2 > CJ sugi (Unger 1975:116ffi, Martin 1987:67). A simpler alternative is to posit *-i, e.g. *sugu-i > OJ sugi2 > CJ sugi (Whitman 1985:45; Martin 1987:667, 671), or possibly *-Ci, e.g. *suguCi, where the consonant (C) might be one of the voiced dental or palatal consonants which, it is conjectured, disappeared in pre-OJ especially in front of the vowel i, cf. the (near) absence of OJ athematic verbs in z, d, n, y and w. It has been argued (Wenck 1976-77) that the association of the thematic element with syn­ tactically diverse derivations, either deriving a transitive verb from an intransitive, e.g. tuk- ‘attach’ : tuk-e- ‘attach something’, or vice-versa, e.g. war- ‘divide some­ thing’ : war-e- ‘become divided’, points to an aspectual origin, tentatively defined as perfective aspect. Other differences such as the ones between imperative and attributive nucleus forms of thematic and athematic verbs may be explicable by loss of intervocalic -r- after a nucleus that is not long (Whitman 1985:46ff), cf. (28). Note that the OJ-CJ imperat­ ive is reconstructed as a truncation of the conjunctional and a sentence particle.

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

94

athematic kak- ‘write’

(28) imp attr

thematic oko2(C)- ‘rise’(MJ oki-ru)

*kak-i-ro > kakye *okiy-ro > oki2yo2/oki2ro2(Azuma) *kak-u-ru > *kakuu > CJ kaku *oko-u-ru > CJ okuru

It may be one of the major distinguishing features between OJ-CJ and MJ morpho­ logy that MJ has no productive derivational means of expressing whether a pre­ dicate is transitive, i.e. whether it constructs with a direct object or not, in the way that for instance -r-/-s- in nokor- ‘remain’ vs. nokos- ‘leave something’ do (cf. §5.4.4). Given the geographic position of Japanese in an area where several languages, e.g. Ainu (cf. Shibatani 1990), Palaeo-Siberian and Austronesian languages on Formosa, have and probably had incorporating morphology, coding grammatical relations, subject, object, etc., by means of affixes in the predicate, one should probably keep an open mind on specific OJ-CJ derivative elements relating to transitivity, cognate relationships between OJ auxiliaries and pronouns, etc.: they just might be traces of an incorporating verb-morphology. A couple of such pos­ sible word families are mentioned briefly in (i)-(iii): (i) Intransitivizing suffixes; the existential verb and the pronouns: It is gener­ ally agreed that the intransitivizing element -(a)r-/-(o)r-, the passive -(r)are, and the existential verb ar-i, are probably cognate. The collective/plural marker -ra, which attaches to both animate and non-animate nouns should perhaps also be included in this word-family. Indeed, -re of the long pro­ nominal forms, too, has been conjectured as an old plural element: wala : warelarelAzuma wa-ro2; ‘I’ /> logophoric ‘one’, and possibly post-predicate we resuming a pre-predicate are!ware fa (MYS 486, 3406, Shoki 126); na : nare ‘you’ (since Heian Period only in poetry)/ Azuma naro2 (MYS 3446); reflexive ono2 : ono2re; and ta(-ga) : ta-re ‘who?’; the demonstratives, e.g. ko2-no2 : ko2re ‘this’, etc. The conditions which determine the occurrence of the long and short pronominal forms in OJ are not completely understood. The long element of the pronouns have recently been reconstructed as -re < *-ra-i where -i is conjectured to be the subject marker with transitive or volitional intransitive verbs (Vovin 1997, cf. §5.6.3). (ii) Transitivizing and exalted suffix(es); su(ru) ‘do’; demonstrative so2 /sa/si (concerning the latter, see §5.9.1): The OJ exalted derivative suffix -(a)s(a)-, e.g. ki'k- > ki'k-as-u ‘listen, ask (exalted)’, *mi(C)-as-a- > OJ me's-u > CJ mes-u ‘see (exalted)’, etc., is likely to be cognate with the transitivizing suffix -(a)s-u, e.g. akas-u ‘spend the night’, OJ no'ko's-u ‘leave something’, etc., and the causative -(s)-as-e-. Note that the OJ pattern of cognate existential verbs and pronouns extends to exalted imas-(a) > OJ imas- ‘be’ and imasi ‘you’, where the pronoun is homophonous with the conjunctional form. There is no immediately evident plain cognate, **im-a- ‘be’, but cf. -m-a- in (iii). (iii) A pronominal(?) affix *-ma-\ suffix deriving verbs from adjectives; causative -(a)sime-: (-)ma(C)- seems an important formative element in many OJ-CJ indexical verbs and more generally predicates which entail sentience for the subject. Several humble verbs share an element -ma— perhaps an allomorph of maw-i ‘give, provide with’ - as well as Low initial register (B-type, Martin 1987): makar-u ‘move away from (the capital), die’ < *maw-i-saru (?),

PREDICATE STRUCTURES

95

maude- < *mawi ide- ‘move outwards to’, mawir-u < mawi ir- ‘move inwards to, give to’, mawik-u/mauk-u ‘come to’, mawos-u/maus-u < maw-os‘speak to’, mat-u ‘wait’, too, might be included, while matur-u ‘celebrate’ with High initial register, seems excluded on accentual grounds (A-type, Martin 1987:721—2). By contrast, in exalted verbs, i.e. where the referent of the subject is Higher, ma- occurs after the head verb, as in ta-maf(B-accent) ‘give (exalted), deign’ and possibly imas- < *i-ma-(a)s- ‘be (exalted)’. Furthermore, many verbs of emotion, e.g. afare-m/b-u ‘pity’, OJ yo2ro2ko2-btmi2 ‘rejoice’, have a b/m alternation, which must be recon­ structed as -(V)ma-, if it is assumed that verbs and auxiliaries all end in -a(-). In combination with -si-, which has been defined as the formative element of adjectives of emotion (Yamamoto 1955), -m(a)-/-b(a)- form derived verbs, e.g. kana-si ‘sad’ > kana-si-mfl-bi1 ‘grieve over’, kuru-si ‘painful’ > kuru-si-m/b- ‘suffer’, etc. In fact, allowing for the allomorph sabi’, this derivation may well include animate nouns, e.g. kamusabi2 (/kamisabi2/kamusimr ) ‘be god-like’ (kamu/kami2 ‘god’), woto2ko‘sabi2 ‘be manly’ (woto2ko1 ‘man’). A closely similar element is used to form OJ-CJ causative -(a)sime2- , e.g. e-sime2 ‘cause to obtain’ (e- ‘obtain’), modern Yonaguni (Sakishima) -mi-, e.g. ki-mi-rurj ‘make do (kirutj ‘do’). It seems significant that the above elements all entail a sentient subject. Ultimately, CJ future-conjectural -a-m- < *-a-mal- may also be a cognate, as may the Ryukyu non-past auxiliary -unl-umu (despite problems with the a-u vocalism in front of m) (cf. §4.7.2.2) and Yonaguni existential(?) verb in a negated adjectival predicate, e.g. [taga minu] tuu ‘person who is not tall’ (tuu = MJ into, negative -n-) as compared to [kakanu] tuu ‘a person who does not write’ (Hirayama & Nakamoto 1964:151 ff.). 4.5.2

CJ tense

The suggestion in Table 4.3 above is that OJ-CJ is exceptionally rich in tense expressions, past -(i)ki, recent past -(i)tu, evidential past -(i)keri, and futureconjectural -(a)mu, and perhaps non-past -(r)u. While acknowledging the argument for -(i)keri being more modal, -(i)tu more anterior aspectual and -(i)ki more like a past tense than any of the other in the group (see §§4.5.3—4.5.4), this analysis brings them together under the label ‘tense’ defined in a broad functional sense as a basic anchor for a narrative. In fact, there are several semantic-pragmatic reasons, apart from the morphotactic argument already mentioned, for defining all the above as belonging to one category: (i) each attaches to dynamic as well as stative predic­ ates; (ii) each has a non-anterior aspect value when not in combination with other auxiliaries, i.e. does not impose any unequivocal temporal sequence of events which is not to say that interpretations of temporal sequencing are impossible, cf. Shinzato 1991a, for a different view; (iii) reference to single or habitual/multiple events; (iv) negatable. On that basis, -(i)keri and -(a)mu in spite of their obvious modal nuances can be maintained together with the tenses -(i)tu and -(/)/«'. Since, just as in MJ, long passages of descriptive narration (zi no bun) often limit tense expressions to specific narrative functions (see §4.5.4), a stretch of discourse presents a better context for observing the just mentioned features. In (29), taken from Genji monogatari, Genji’s servant Koremitsu is reporting - using formal

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

96

faber-i forms - what he has just observed, hence the consistent use of recent past -(Otu: (29) ‘tadaima, kita no din yori [kanete yori kakure tati-te faber-itu-ru] just now north guard-ABL before-ABL hide

stand-TE be-RPST-ATTR

kuruma-domo makari iduru. carriage-PLUR go move out-ATTR

on-katagata no

satobito

faber-itu-ru

naka ni,

PREF-persons-GEN local people be-RPST-ATTR among-LOC

siwi no seusyau utiuben-nado isogi ide-te 4th rank-GEN lieutenant uchuben-etc. hurry move out-TE okuri si faber-itu-ru ya

kokiden no on-akare

send do be-RPST-ATTR excl k .-gen PREF-relation

nar-an to

mi tamafe-tu-ru.

cop -conj / attr -quot

see humble-RPST-ATTR

[kesiu wa ar-anu]

kefai-domo

siruku-te kuruma mitu bakari

bad-WA be-NEG/ATTR appearance-PLUR evident-TE carriage three-about

faber-itu 'to . . . be-RPST-FIN-QUOT

‘The carriages, which have been/were hidden (-te faberi + -(i)tu) from view earlier on, are now/were about to leave (-(r)u) the palace. From the fact that the lieutenant of the fourth rank and the middle secretary of the right and others, mingling with people from outside the palace who were there (-(i)tu), hurried out to see that person off (-(i)tu), I concluded (-(i)tu) that she is probably a relation of Empress Kokiden. The appearance of everything was remarkable and there were (-(i)tu) about three carriages.’ ('GM, Hana no en) Note that ~(i)tu attaches to dynamic mi tamafe-tu ‘I saw’ as well as stative faber-itu ‘there was/were (formal)’. The two events of okuri si faberituru and mi tamafeturu seem plausibly interpreted as temporally overlapping rather than sequentially ordered. The following example of a complement construction with mi- ‘see’ shows the temporal overlap more clearly: . . . [ [ikitaru] inu no asi wo kiri faberituru] wo . . . mi faberitu ‘I just saw . . . him cutting off the legs of a dog still alive’ (Tsurezuregusa). In (30), -(i)tu is usually taken to refer to multiple and/or habitual events: arik-ituru (arik-u (=MJ aruk-u) ‘walk (about)’) was discontinued only as the dog Okinamaro was sent into exile just before speech time, hence the recent past: (30) ‘afare imiziu yurugi arik-itu-ru mono wo . . alas

a lot

roam go-RPST-ATTR-EXCL

‘Alas! He would roam around so happily!’ (MS 7) There appear to be no restrictions on the actional starting point of events in recent past tense predicates, only the actional cut-off point must be no more than 24 hours prior to speech time, cf. the contrast between past -(i)si (attributive form of past -(i)ki) and -(i)tu in (31):

PREDICATE STRUCTURES

(31) ‘kinofu m o

97

sauraf-isi.

kesa mo

yesterday-Mo be(poL)-PAST/ATTR this moming-MO nifanori si-sauraf-itu-ru. ’

garden-ride do(poL)-RPST-ATTR

. And it was {-(i)ki) here yesterday, and only this morning it was training (-( i)tu ) in the garden.’ (H eike, K iou)

(32) exemplifies combination with negative, om ofazaritu(ru ) ‘have not thought (up till now)’ (om of-u ‘think’): (32) . . . [tosigoro kakete om of-azar-itu-ru ]

m ukasi

several years over-TE think of-NEG-RPST-ATTR past

‘.. . the past [of which he has not thought (-(i)turu ) over the recent years] and . . . ’ ( U tsubo , Ume no hanakasa 293) This much said, recent past -{i)tu and evidential -(i)keri can sometimes combine to express the speaker’s inferring recent past events as in (33): (33) y u m e mi-te-keri.

so re ni [yosinaki]

fito ni

katar-ite-ken'

dream see-RPST-Evro that-io worthless-ATTR person-io talk-RPST-Evro ‘You evidently had a dream. And then, you evidently told it to the [wrong] person.’ ( U jishiii)

Note that the formal identity between CJ and MJ non-past -(r)u does not extend to details of their denotation. In particular, CJ -{r)u allows a dynamic atelic (=activity) event, e.g. g o ut-u ‘play g o ', to be interpreted as a present progressive true for an interval centred on speech time, just like MJ -te iru. In (34), the activity of ‘playing g o ' continues from a point in the past, presumably fir u y o ri ‘since daytime’, beyond speech time. The combination of causative -ase- and the exalted verb tam af-u makes for an exalted predicate form. (34) firu yori nisi no

ofon-kata no

w atar-ase tam afi-te

noon-from west-GEN PREF-person-GEN cross-CAUS exalt -te

go ut-ase tamaf-u ’ go play-CAUS exalt -npst

‘The person from the western (wing) has come over during daytime and they are playing g o .' (GM , U tsusem i) The semantic development between CJ -(r)u and MJ ties in with the reinterpretation of the CJ perfect as progressive (cf. §4.7.2) and the obliteration of CJ future/ conjectural -(a)m u (> MJ -yoo) (Takeuchi 1987:103). 4.5.3

CJ aspect

Taken together, the OJ-CJ four aspect expressions -(/)««, -(i)tu, -{i)tari and -eri (cf. Table 4.3) can be defined as preterite or anterior (J kanryoo) in the sense that they presuppose an actional end-point on or p re c e d in g the focus interval in narrative time, i.e. the particular point on the progression of the storyline from which an event is evaluated. On the basis of co-occurrence restrictions, the four are usually

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understood to represent two semantic categories, defined as p erfective a spect -( i)nu and -{i)tu, on the one hand, and p e rfe c t -eri and -(i)ta ri , on the other. Ideally, the opposition between the two lies in the way they structure the temporal sequencing of events inside narratives. The perfective aspect is used in a simple sequencing when the actional end-point (closure) coincides with the focus interval of the narrat­ ive: ‘The lady raises the blinds. The moon com es out. She begins to play her koto.' In the case of the perfect, the actional closure or end-point precedes the focus interval thereby causing a reversal of the temporal sequencing as in ‘The lady raises the blinds. The moon has com e out. . . . ’. One would expect tuki ide-nu ‘the moon comes out’ in the former, tuki idetari ‘the moon has come out’, in the latter case. In practice, as we shall see, semantic properties of the verb influence the interpretation of CJ -(i)tu, -(i)nu and -(i)tari/-eri in ways which make it necessary to qualify the above. They are not, however, used indiscriminately. There is broad consensus that the occurrence of OJ-CJ -(i)tu and -{i)nu is condi­ tioned by semantic-pragmatic features of the predicate (cf. e.g. Lewin 1975:169). Text-based studies suggest that the dominating semantic features are telicity and controllability (Quinn 1987; Takeuchi 1987; Suzuki 1992). Only lexically telic verbs (achievement verbs) or pragmatically telic verbs (accomplishment verbs) in their telic reading (cf. §4.4), can construct with -(i)nu or -(i)tu. This rules out atelic motion verbs, e.g. aruk-uiarik-u ‘walk (about)’, y u k-u /ik-u ‘go (around)’, toh-u ‘fly’. With fo-quotations, verbs of speaking, e.g. if-u ‘say’, m aw os-u ‘say (humble)’, are apparently conceived as spontaneous and atelic events incompatible with -{i)tu, while in their telic, intentional readings, e.g. the relaying of a message, they do construct with -(i)tu, e.g. m im e wo if-itu /m a w o s-itu ‘tell a message/matter’. The telic interpretation of accomplishment verbs is often made clear by the context: the event may have been contemplated or decided in what precedes, and the actual accomplishment expressed by the ^-predicate marks the conclusion of a paragraph or a (sometimes very) short stretch of text (cf. Schneider 1968), e.g. zyukai sitekeri anticipated by zyukai sen to in (35): (35) ika de kyau ni how

noborite, [toudaizi to ifu\

tokoro nite

capital-io go up-TE Todaiji-QUOT def place io -te

zyukai sen to

omofite, tokaku noborite zyukai si-te-keri

rc do-FUT-QUOT think-TE somehow go up-TE rc do-PFV-EviD W ishing somehow to go up to the capital to receive the commandments at the place called Todaiji, he indeed w ent to the capital and received the commandments ( U jishui )

The same goes for -(i)nu with telic motion verb predicates, e.g. idu may describe someone’s decision to leave (court), id e-n u the actual event of leaving (GM, K iritsubo). In a broader narrative perspective, -(i)tu and indeed -(i)nu can therefore be described as retrospective. Leaving aside the motion verbs, the choice between -{i)nu or -(i)tu can be under­ stood most widely to depend on whether the event is controlled by the subject. Thus, -(i)tu is used after telic transitive and causative predicates, except that -(i)nu is used, when the event is not controlled, e.g. w asure-nu (w asure - ‘forget’) or sirinu (sir-u ‘realize’), or passives, e.g. fito ni m i-rare-nu ‘be seen by others’ (m i-ru ‘see’). As a pragmatic condition on -(i)nu, lack of control is evident in the deferential L

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strategy from around 1000, if not earlier, whereby the speaker by using a formal/ humble predicate construction, e.g.faber-i ‘exist’ followed by -(i)nu, can express that an event is performed under order, i.e. the submission of his own will to that of someone else, usually the interlocutor (Quinn 1987; Takeuchi 1987). For instance, in uti korosi-te sute faber-inu ‘we have killed it (=the dog) and thrown it away’ (MS), two chamberlains use this deferential strategy when reporting to the emperor, while in a third party’s description of the same situation, soto ni fiki sute-tu ‘they dragged it outside and threw it away’, -(i)tu defines the event as an accomplishment in the recent past. With intransitive achievement verbs where control/volition often plays no part, except possibly in relation to the speaker’s perception of the event, -(i)nu is the rule, e.g. yam-inu (yam-u ‘stop’), kobore-nu (kobore- ‘overflow’), kure-nu (kure- ‘become dark’). The above conditions also apply to combinations with tense auxiliaries, or with present conjectural -(u)ramu and future/conjectural -(a)mu/-(a)n where special semantic nuances are in evidence: the retrospective past -(i)nu-ramu /-(i)tu-ramu expresses an assumption about an event ended on the focus interval or just before, based on an assessment of the present, e.g. in ito iyasiki sama wo fito ya mi-tu-ramu ‘someone may have seen (me in) this informal attire’ (GM, Wakamurasaki), where -(i)turamu is triggered by the speaker’s present awareness that Genji and his companions passed by her house earlier. Likewise, the prospective future -(i)na-mu/-(i)te-mu makes an assumption about the future based on an assessment of the present, e.g. asking, while looking at a pile of snow: kore itu made ar-in-amu ‘until when is this going to remain/be here?’ (MS) (ar-i ‘be’). The selection of -(i)tu or -(i)nu happens across the exalted auxiliary verb tamafu and aspectual verbs, such as inchoative some- ‘begin to’ in kare-some-nu ‘begin/ have begun to wither’ vs. perfective aspect kare-nu ‘wither’, and mi-some-tu ‘begin/have begun to see someone’ vs. mi-tu ‘see something/someone’, etc. It is particularly interesting to note that when it comes to deciding between -(i)tu and -(i)nu, CJ su ‘do’ seems as subservient as in MJ to the semantics of the deverbal noun with which it combines (see §5.4.4). This is true for the early CJ constructions of a deverbal noun (= conjunctional form?) + su, in what was probably the equival­ ent of MJ intermittent -tari s-uru), e.g. wasure si-nu ‘forget’ (IM) iri si-nu ‘enter’ (Torikaebaya), momidi si-nu ‘(leaves) turn red’ (Torikaebaya), as opposed to voli­ tional nusumi mo si-tu-beki ‘that he will even steal’ (Tsurezuregusa). It is equally true in the case of SJ verbal noun + su, e.g. itibai si-nu ‘double’ (Konjaku) (itibai ‘double’), dau ni tyau-zi-nuru itigon ‘a single word [from someone] who has become expert in the way’ (Tsurezuregusa) (tyau M ‘strong in’), ketigwan si-tu ‘achieve a vow’ (Konjaku) (ketigwan ‘fulfilment of vow’), mina enri si-tu-besi ‘one should avoid all’ (Tsurezuregusa) (enri ‘avoidance’). Let us move on to the distinction between the so-called perfect auxiliaries, -(i)tar-i and -eri. The latter is characteristic of, although not confined to, the kanbun kundoku style or later writings in derived styles (e.g. parts of Konjaku monogatari), as distinct from the ‘literary’ prose (wabun) where -(i)tari dominated. Even so, we can tell that -(i)tari was about to supersede -eri already in the earliest prose, par­ ticularly from the fact that -eri was restricted to athematic verbs. Glimpses of the distinction between the two can be had with verbs of communication where eripredicates appear to denote a state completely unbounded as to its inception and duration, e.g. kak-eri ‘it is written’ or ‘X writes’, uttered when the speaker has what was written in front of him.

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The more important issue of how the OJ perfect -(i)te ar-i/-(i)tar-i developed, presumably via perfective aspect into past tense MJ -(i)ta, remains virtually uncharted. The lexical meaning of verbs was doubtless important, the question, however, is in what way. In the case of telic motion verbs, -(i)tari inside sequenced narration casts an event ended on the focus interval of the narrative in a prospective perspective as opposed to the retrospective perspective of -(i)nu, e.g. kitari ‘comes’ signals that someone’s coming marks the start of events, while kinu ‘comes’ (k-u ‘come’) appropriately concludes a contiguous line of events (see §4.6). Thus, with these verbs at least, the narrative perspective, rather than the temporal interval at which an event ends, seems more important. Other verbal subgroups have yet to be investigated. A survey of a small sample of the post-CJ epic, Heike monogatari, which brings together archaisms and late CJ innovations, suggests that a distinction along the lines of -(t)nu and -(i)tu, e.g. achievement and accomplishment verbs, or perhaps rather involitional and volitional events, determined the interpretation of -(i)tari. This still needs detailed research, but the description in (36) of the hero Yoshitsune and his men can serve as an illustration. Broadly speaking, -(i)tari in involitional predicates, mus-itar-i ‘grows, has grown’ (mus-u ‘grow forth’) and daibanzyaku kudat-tar-u ‘the cliff curves downwards’ (kudar-u ‘move downwards’), receives a resultative-state (perfect) reading, i.e. the actional end-point precedes the focus interval, while in other cases, e.g. the volitional affective verb fikae-tar-i ‘halt (a horse)’ (fikafe- ‘hold back’), the actional end-point of the fan-predicate coin­ cides with the focus interval. (36) nityau bakari zatto otoite [dan naru] tokoro ni fikae-tar-i. 2 tyoo-ca roughly drop step-cop-NPST place-io stop-PERF-FiN

. . . simo wo mi kudaseba,

[daibanzyaku no

. . . below-DO see move down-coND huge cliff-GEN

koke mus-i-tar-u\

ga, turube-otosi ni

moss grow-PERT-ATTR gen well bucket-drop-io

zifusigo-dyau zo kudat-tar-u. 14-15-zyoo-FOC move down-PERF-ATTR

‘. . . , sliding down about two cho they halted (fikae-tari) the horses at a level place. When they looked down (mi kudase-ba), the huge cliff on which moss grew (musi-taru) plunged (kudattaru) steeply fourteen or fiften cho'. (Heike, Sakaotoshi) The resulting less central position of -(i)tu should probably be seen in the context of its CJ function as recent past. In Heike Monogatari at least, a resultative state of an accomplishment can be expressed by a combination of -(i)tari and the evid­ ential (past) -(i)keri, e.g. ki-tari-keri ‘is/are wearing’ (ki-ru ‘put on clothes’), nori-tari-keri (/nottarikeri) ‘is/are riding’ (Heike, Uzigawa no senjin) (nor-u ‘sit up on a horse’), or alternatively by the exalted expression, e.g. nori tamaf-eri. (37) provisionally summarizes these generalizations by way of mus-u and nor-u: (37)

perfective aspect perfect (dynamic ended event) (resultative state) involitional volitional

mus-inu nor-itari

mus-itari nor-itar-ikeri/nori tamaf-eri

PREDICATE STRUCTURES

4.5.4

1 01

CJ tense-mood categories in narratives

The modal evidential nuance of -(i)keri has recently been claimed as important to the understanding of CJ literary masterpieces such as Ise monogatari and Genji monogatari (Okada 1991). However, while evidential -(i)keri may be cause for wonder in a Western literary perspective, linguistically it represents a common north Asian areal feature (Laude-Circautas 1974), and the parallelism between CJ -(i)keri and past -(i)ki and similar distinctions in Turkish and Tibetan has also received attention (Shinzato 1991a; Suzuki T. 1992). The essentially correct view that the distinction between CJ -(i)ki and -(i)keri is modal, determined by the speaker’s attitude towards the event, finds its classical exposition in Fujitani Nariakira’s Ayuisho (1778) (cf. also Yamada 1952:409, 411). According to Nariakira, CJ -(i)ki used to refer to past events which the speaker had witnessed or ascertained, and which Nariakira glosses by anterior or past vernacular expressions, i.e. V-ta koto zo, V-ta koto de atta or V-ta koto de goza aru. By contrast, -(i)keri presented events on the basis of principles (kotowari), which means that it was not confined to past reference, cf. Nariakira’s glosses, V-ru mono dya or V-ru koto dya, as well as anterior/past V-ta koto dya, V-ta mono dya, or simply -ta. These definitions are consistent with past -(i)ki defining the main storyline in the CJ genres of memoirs (e.g. Towazugatari) and historical accounts (e.g. Gukanshd), where the described events are presumably well established in the historian’s or narrator’s mind, or need to be presented as such in order to achieve his com­ municative goals. In most other kinds of narratives, legends (setsuwa) (Konjaku monogatari, etc.) or romances (e.g. Genji monogatari), -(i)keri is presumably used as a means to render events through the narrator’s inference or perception. The assumption of an aspect distinction between CJ -{i)ki and -(i)keri is more contro­ versial. Suzuki (1992) terms -(i)ki an aorist-like past (cf. below). Interpretation is complicated by the fact that combination of auxiliaries opens up the possibility of reinterpretation, e.g. -(i)tar-ikeri in Heike monogatari mentioned above. Note that the etymology of -(i)keri as the combination of past -(i)ki with the existential verb CJ ari, although hardly relevant in OJ-CJ, where both -(i)keri and -{i)ki combine freely with the other anterior auxiliaries, has an exact parallel in the association of the MJ morphological perfect MJ -te iru with evidentiality, cf. §4.4. In a cross-linguistic perspective, the similarity between -(i)ki and -(i)keri, on the one hand, and the two Turkish past expressions -DI and -ml§, on the other, is striking (Hosoe Itsuki, Doshi jisei no kenkyu (Taibundo) 1932, as quoted in Suzuki 1992:223ff), and even more so is the similarity to Tibetan with its separate expres­ sions of volition (Delancey 1985). The distinction has been defined by three features, evidentiality, temporality, and epistemicity (Shinzato 1991a:27), as shown in (38): (38) \

-(0*f (Turkish -DI) EVIDENTIALITY TEMPORALITY EPISTEMICITY

-(i)keri (Turkish, -mlgj

direct experience / surprise / inference / hearsay historical accounts aorist / instantaneous perfect / durative integrated information non-integrated information

On the whole, -(i)keri is less about distancing in time - except with explicit past temporal expressions - than epistemic distancing. Accordingly, -(i)keri inside an utterance usually indicates the speaker’s realization of an action or a state which is true for the interval of the speech time, e.g. the state futagarite faber-ikeri ‘is

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blocked!’ (=plain futagar-itar-ikeri) (futagar-u ‘become obstructed’) in (39). This utterance, evidently intended as a reminder, is expressed as the realization that a directional taboo is in force, which will require the hearer to go somewhere else for the night. (39) ‘koyofi nakagami utiyorifa fusagari-te faber-iker-i ’ tonight deity of directions couiT-abl -wa block-TE be pol - evid -fin ‘Tonight the deity of directions is tabooed from [the direction of] the palace!’ (GM, Hahakigi) Similarly, while -(i)ki inside keri-narrative always refers to events prior to the focus interval of the storyline, a shift from -(i)keri inside for instance (r)w-narrative, as indicated in the English translation in (40), signals epistemic distance without tem­ poral reorientation of the story-line. In effect, the narrative adopts the protagonist’s viewpoint, contrasting direct experiences narrated by means of -(r)u and inferred experiences during her sleep narrated by -(i)keri. (40) ‘. . . they [the parents] have a nurse take the child, and placing it on the horse, the nurse travels along (yuk-u “go”) with the child. So while riding along (wi-nagara yuk-u afida) on the horse with the child in her arms, the nurse must have fallen asleep (neburi-n-ikeru ni) and the child rolled and fallen down (mabori oti-n-ikeri) from the horse. When they have gone more than ten cho the nurse awakes from her sleep and as she looks around (imi-ru ni) for the child, there is no (na-si) child.’ (Konjaku) In (41), Yugiri, who has come to visit Tamalcazura, infers her actions: (41) [osoro-si to

omofi akasi tamaf-iker-u]

nagori ni,

terrible-QUOT think-stay up exalt - evid - attr memory-io

ne sugusite

ima zo

kagami nado mo mi tamaf-iker-u

sleep-coNJ pass-TE now-FOC mirror etc.-mo see exalt - evid - attr ‘. .. as a result [of staying awake all night in fear], she has overslept, and it is (only) now that she is looking into the mirror etc.’ (GM, Nowaki)

Note the juxtaposition of the distancing epistemic expression -(i)ker-i with ima zo (focused) ‘now’ and/or proximal demonstratives kono ‘this’ etc. (Suzuki 1992:288), as a means of entering a character’s perception. By contrast, -(i)keri together with mesial demonstratives explicates the distance between the narrator’s world and the narrated universe, e.g. sono in sono koro ‘at that time’ in (42) rendering the nar­ rator’s voice: (42) sono koro yokafa ni [nanigasi-sou to ka ifite ito at that time Yokawa-io so-and-so monk-QUOT-QU say-TE very tafuto-ki]

fito

sum-iker-i

venerable-ATTR person live-EViD-FiN

‘At that time there lived at Yokawa a person [very venerable and by name monk whatever-it-was].’ (GM, Tenarai) CJ tense expressions are often used consistently only in the demarcative frames of narratives, i.e. introductions of the setting, transitions from one narrative passage to

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another, and in the almost formulaic concluding comments of short narratives (setuwa). In case of -(i)keri, this no doubt has the advantage of keeping apart its use of indicating inference on the part of a character. Narrative frames are also found in longer passages of discourse, e.g. the famous conversations of the young men on a rainy night in Genji monogatari, among them the young man from the Ministry of Rites, who tells of his past acquaintance with the daughter of his teacher. His story falls into two parts: he cursorily recounts, by means of past ^/-predicates, how he became acquainted with the lady and how she tutored him rather too enthusiastic­ ally in Chinese composition. Aware that the pedantic world of scholars must seem ridiculous to his listeners, he breaks off his story, but when urged to continue, relates his final meeting with the learned lady: having made the temporal orienta­ tion clear in the introductory clause, ito fisasiku makar-azar-isi n i . . . ‘(once) when I had not left (the palace) for a long time . . . ’, ~(i)ki is suspended until his conclud­ ing comment on the lady’s parting poem, sasuga ni kuti toku nado fa faber-iki ‘expectedly, she was prompt in replying’. 4.5.4.1

Modern narrative categories?

What happened to the ‘narrative mode’ in MJ? Did it disappear together with the predominance of the oral literary tradition? There is certainly no MJ evidential expression with the same narrative versatility as -(i)keri, and apart from the conjunctor keredomo ‘but’, MJ cognates are limited to the retrospective modal expression -kke, e.g. hanako datta-kke ‘it was Hanako, I recall’ (Martin 1975:937— 8). A functional transfer has been proposed between CJ ~{i)keri > MJ inferential no da (see §6.5) based on the assumption that -(i)keri to all intents and purposes is synonymous with CJ V-(r)u nari (Iwasaki 1993b), but details of this distinction may deserve another harder look (cf. Quinn 1987:152ff., for an original interpreta­ tion of V nari). The fact that modem experiments with dialectal diction and specific narrative modes are concentrated in mukasibanasi (fairy tales) confirms the strong link between the setting in the indefinite past, mukasi ‘once’, and the evidential mode of the traditional narrative (cf. Mitani 1997). One such device is to, e.g. mukasi aru tokoro ni binboo na ziisan to baasan to atta to ‘once at a certain place there was a poor old man and old woman’ (Kasajizd). This perhaps echoes the favourite CJ device of adding an extra narrative layer at the end of a long story by combining to with the focus particle zo, to zo ‘that is what is said’, e.g. at the end of a chapter in Genji monogatari. Another device is soo na < CJ sa nari ‘it is in that way’, corresponding to the MJ hearsay construction soo da, e.g. ookina isiusu ga dosiin to otite kite, saru wa hiratoo hesyagete simoota soo na ‘the large stone mortar came falling down and the monkey was squashed flat’ (Kani mukashi). The distinction between a factual past as opposed to an evidential past is reported in several modem dialects, e.g. in Shizuoka (Yamaguchi 1968 and Shizuoka hogen jiten (1994:45ff.)) and on Okinawa (Shinzato 1984:35ff). In the central Shizuoka area (premodem Sumga Province), a factual past (zizitu to site no kako) expressed by -ta is distinguished from a modal past, a recollective confirmation of facts (i.e. not necessarily past) (zizitu no kaisoo kakunin) expressed by -ke (cognate to CJ -(i)keri), e.g. ikke ‘went’, saike ‘bloomed’, nonge ‘drank’ and lake ‘came’, or in Misakubo dialect, by -tu (cf. CJ -(/)/«), e.g. ittu, saitu, nonzu, kitu, respectively.

104

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

Stative predicates, both copula and adjectival predicates, perhaps because of their subjective characterizing ftmction, form past expressions with -kke (and -takke), e.g. takaikke or takakakke (depending on dialects) ‘was tall’ or uso zyaanyaikke ‘it was not a lie’. 4.6

Directionality in MJ: -te kuru, -te iku

It is the contention here that the way in which the directional verbs, ‘go’ and ‘come’, participate in the formation of aspect categories in MJ, is suggestive of the interrelatedness of CJ anterior auxiliaries and verbs of directionality. In fact, OJ-CJ and MJ may represent two successive morphological cycles (cf. Delancey 1985, concerning such a development in Tibeto-Burman languages). It is well known that MJ kuru ‘come’ and iku ‘go’ are deictically centred on the speaker or, inside a narrative, on the person who dominates the narrative perspect­ ive: ku-ru ‘come’ denoting a motion towards the speaker, ik-u ‘go’ a motion away from the speaker (Martin 1975:536ff.; Soga 1983:171-2; Kondo 1984). The g oal of the motion of kuru is defined as the ‘here’ of the speech time or the place where the speaker reckons he will be at the future interval when the motion is actualized, e.g. itu kuru no ‘when are you coming (to where I am/will be)?’. By contrast, the place where the speaker is at the speech time is the so u rce of the motion of ik-u, e.g. sugu iku ‘I will go/be with you in a minute’. Past ki-ta simply refers the event of coming to a past interval, and the result of the motion may or may not still be true in relation to the ‘here’ of speech time, while perfect-progressive kite iru, unambiguously yields the latter interpretation, i.e. ‘has come/is here’. The same applies to iku ‘go’, itta ‘went’ and itte iru ‘has gone, is away’. The grammaticalization of the -te kuru/iku constructions in MJ is determined by the lexically telic property of the verb (Soga 1983; Kondo 1984). In fact, only such (achievement) verbs require a simultaneous interpretation with kuru/iku, e.g. dete ike\ ‘get out of here!’ (not **‘come out and go’), hayaku dete kite ‘quick, come out here!’ (de-ru ‘move outwards’). Non-locative achievement verbs have an ingressive or continuative interpretation (‘begin to V’/‘do V gradually’), e.g. hanako wa nihon ni kaettara eigo wo dandan wasurete iku daroo ‘when Hanako returns to Japan, she will probably gradually forget English’ (w asure-ru ‘forget’) or hi ga kurete kita ‘it has begun to grow dark’ (kure-ru ‘grow dark’) (Martin 1975; Soga 1983:111, 171-82). Reference can be to iterative rather than single events, e.g. giseisya ga dandan sinde iku ‘the victims are gradually going to die’. The sequential inter­ pretation represents the regular interpretation of te-conjoined clauses (see §6.1.4). Atelic motion verbs allow both interpretations, that is sequential h a sitte Q kuru ‘X has run and is coming towards me’ or simultaneous hasitte kuru y o ‘X is running towards me’ (hasir-u ‘run’). Pragmatically telic (accomplishment) verbs, e.g. tukuru ‘make’ or tabe-ru ‘eat’, must be interpreted sequentially, e.g. w atakusi wa gohan wo tabe-te ki-ta ‘having eaten I came’, or ‘I ate before I came’, not **‘I ate while coming’. This does, however, not necessarily mean ‘parity’ between the events of ‘eating’ and ‘coming’. Suppose, for instance, someone being asked: o-hiru, doo sim asyoo ka ‘what should we do for lunch?’, answers: iim a asoko d e tabete kita kara, kekkoo d esu ’ ‘I ate (there) just now (tabete kita), so I don’t need anything’. The event of coming is relevant only in as far as it links the ended event of ‘eating’ to the situation at speech time in an immediate way. In fact, it seems to be a

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condition on this construction that the event of ‘eating’ must have taken place shortly before speech time. Note how directionality broadly determines the temporal specifications. Since the deictic centre tends to be where the speaker is, events more often than not are viewed as moving from the past tow ards the present of the speech situation, or aw ay from the present into the future, e.g. im a dete kita and ima dete iku, respect­ ively. That is, goal-orientation may be relatively more common with past tense -ta, on the one hand, and source-orientation with non-past ~(r)u, on the other, a correla­ tion which could influence the development of these constructions. In particular, MJ V-te kita hints at a semantic association - intriguingly similar to CJ -(i)tu between goal-orientation of pragmatically telic transitive volitional verbs and the development of a recent past distinction. 4.6.1

Directionality in OJ-CJ

According to surveys of text samples (Suzuki 1992; Takeuchi 1987, 1995), CJ motion verbs show different combinations with anterior auxiliaries, -{i)nu and -(i)tari:

(i) in-u ‘go away’, a telic and inherently perfective aspect source-oriented verb, does not combine with -(i)nu or -(i)tari, which is hardly surprising, consid­ ering its being the likely origin of the auxiliary -(i)nu is correct (AkibaReynolds 1982); (ii) a few lexically source-oriented verbs combine with -(i)nu only: sar-u / sarinu and humble m akar-u / m akar-inu both ‘go away, pass away’; (iii) other telic verbs allow the full range of -(r)u, -(i)nu and -(i)ta ri : e.g. ide/ ide-nu / ide-tari ‘move outwards’, m aw iru / m aw ir-inu / m aw ir-itari ‘move to/from an exalted place’, ku / k-inu / k-ita ri ‘come’, exalted ofas-u ‘be’/ ofas-inu ‘go’/ ofas-itari ‘come’; (iv) atelic verbs occur with -{i)tari, but appear to be incompatible with -(i)n u , e.g. aruk-utaruk-itari ‘walk’, yuk-u/yuk-itari ‘go about, go away’, and pos­ sibly, k ita r-u (< *ki ita ru ( ?) ‘come’ + ‘reach’) /k ita r-ita ri ‘come to’, a kanbun kundoku variant of k-u ‘come’. CJ and post-CJ examples of (ii) and (iii) group verbs indicate that -(i)nu and -{i)tari have specific directional values. Inside discourse, m otion verb + -(/)«« is inter­ preted as a motion away from the deictic centre (=the place of the speech situation). The motion has happened at a prior interval of time, but is still relevant, i.e. the implication is that the referent of the subject is not present at speech time. This is termed source-orientation. Conversely, m otion verb + ~(i)tari has a goal-oriented interpretation: the motion happened towards the place of the speaker, and the event is still relevant in the sense that the referent of the subject is present at the speech time. Although dating from the post-CJ period (43) and (44) illustrate the contrast well, both by the same verb nobor-u ‘move up (to the capital)’. The speaker in (43) is on the island which the referents of the subject f u t a r i f a ‘two men’ left to go to the capital, hence nobor-inu; (44), however, is a straightforward question to the hearer about when he arrived in the capital where the dialogue takes place, hence nobor-itari.

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(43) ‘sayauno

fito

sannin kore ni arisi ga,

that kind-GEN person three

mesi kqfesarete

futari fa

here-io be-PAST.ATTR-but two-WA

miyako fe

nobor-inu. ’

order retum-PASS-TE capital-ALL go up-PFV

‘There were three such men, but two having been ordered back have gone up to the capital.’ (Heike, Arid) (44) ‘itu nobor-itar-u zo ’ when go up -perf - attr - foc

‘When did you come up to the capital?’ (Kokon chomonju) Where does this leave -(i)tu, which evidently shares the goal-oriented and temporal implications of -(i)tari? One proposal, which is in line with the telic character of the event, explains -(i)tu as representing a confirmation (kakunin) of circumstances relating to the motion rather than merely an annnouncement (kokuti) of the arrival (Suzuki 1992:117). Thus, Genji’s (false) assertion in (45) that he has come as Murasaki’s father the prince’s messenger, aims to persuade Murasaki to follow him: (45) ‘iza tamafe.

miya no

on-tukafi nite

mawiri

now come-iMP prince-GEN PREF-messenger-cop-TE move humbly

kituru zo ’ eome-PFV-ATTR-FOC

‘Come! I have come here as the messenger from the prince.’ (GM, Wakamurasaki) Inside complex sentences, the location of events in the superordinate clause is taken as the deictic centre to which the motion of the subordinate clause must relate, i.e. -(i)nu in (46) takes the location of the superordinate clause as source, while -(i)tari in (47) takes it as goal: (46) [ . . . idesase tamaf-inu-ru]

fodo ni mata fito mo

naku-te

move out-CAUS-EXALT-PFV-ATTR while-io again person-MO be not-TE ‘While [he (the em peror). . . has left the room], there is nobody else and . . . ’

(GM, Momiji no ga) (47) nideu in ni ofasi-tare-ba murasaki no kimi [ito mo utukusiki\ Nijo-io be exalted-PERF-coND m -gen lady really-MO sweet-ATTR kataoi ni-te, . . . childishness cop -te

‘As he comes to Nijoin, Murasaki in [her very sweet] childishness . . . ’ (GM, Suetsumuhana) Elsewhere, lack of control dominates goal-orientation. Although -(i)nu in a sourceoriented interpretation would be expected to be unacceptable with the speaker as subject, viz. **‘I have gone away from here’, such examples do occur, for instance, as part of the already mentioned depreciatory strategy, e.g. the emperor’s messen­ ger My5bu speaking to Kiritsubo’s mother: ‘makade faber-inu’ ‘I have come [going out] from court (on the emperor’s order)’ (GM, Kiritsubo) (makade- ‘move away

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(from Higher)’), cf. Suzuki 1992:123ff.). In predicates denoting the passing of time from the past towards the deictic centre ‘here and now’, such as aki kinikeri ‘autumn has come!’, -(i)nu is used, perhaps because the direction of the time-flow is given and its course being irreversible, and certainly beyond the control of the speaker. Finally, given their opposite directional specification, -(i)nu and -(i)tari would not have been expected to combine, and examples of -in-itar-i are indeed largely of non-motion, non-volitional verbs, translating into a note of regret on the speaker’s part, e.g. ‘afare, . . . kuso tukinitari' ‘alas,. . . dirt has got stuck’ > ‘I got dirt on my clothes!’ (Ochikubo) (tuk-u ‘stick’) or OJ [oinite am] a ga mi(i)2 no2 ufe2 ni ‘on my body that has grown old’ (MYS 897) > CJ oi-n-itari ‘I have become old’ (o(y)i- ‘grow old’) (Takeuchi 1987:59ff). The few examples of motion verbs that do occur, tend to be post-CJ, e.g. ‘rei no fati kinitari. [yuyusiku fukutukeki] fati yo' ‘Here comes this bowl again! Awful, greedy bowl!’ (k-u ‘come’) (Ujishui). Note that the combination with -in- represents the earliest occurrences of -itar-i in the morphotactic tense slot after aspect -in-, foreshadowing MJ -ta. The non-anterior forms of the directional predicates appear to be formed analyti­ cally by combinations of yuk-u ‘go’ or k-u ‘come’ (Takeuchi 1995). In fact, the striking overall similarity of yuk-u/ik-u to CJ -(i)nu suggests that yuk-u was leading ku ‘come’ in a new inchoative construction eventually to develop into MJ V-te ik-u/ku-ru. Combinations with motion verbs, yuk-i/ik-i V (e.g. MYS 3990) or V-i ku, appear almost entirely limited to non-anterior predicates, e.g. yuki tuk-u ‘go arriv­ ing’, yuki kayof-u ‘go visiting’, where the placement of yuk-u as the first element reflects the sequence of events. The semantic widening associated with grammaticalization is evident in the many combinations with non-motion (prag­ matically) involitional telic verbs, which must be interpreted temporally as a gradual change, e.g. fuke yuk-u ‘grow late gradually’ or wasure yuk-u ‘gradually forget’, all with yuk-u as the second element. The humble counterpart of yuk-u, makar-u ‘move away from (Higher)’ (cf. Nakada 1983) confirms this trend, e.g. makar-i o(y)i‘become old by and by’. Examples of ku ‘come’ going beyond a straightforward directional reading are few in the sample here, e.g. ide ku ‘be made’ (> MJ dekiru ‘be ready’), as in ko ide ku ‘a child is to be bom (to someone)’. In the absence of a comprehensive account we may conjecture the following developments between CJ and MJ on the assumption that the OJ-CJ anterior auxili­ aries have complex denotations, -(i)nu [ANTERIORITY, SOURCE, INVOLITION] and (-i)tari [ANTERIORITY, GOAL, VOLITION]: (i) goal-oriented -{i)tu was reinterpreted as recent past inside discourse prob­ ably before OJ (cf. MJ -te kita, which may represent the initial stage of a similar development); (ii) consequently, the opposition between source and goal orientation was main­ tained by -(i)nu and the innovative perfect -(i)tari/-ite ari. Lack of control was associated exclusively with -(i)nu and dominated the source-goal distinction; (iii) at the same time, the dominating semantic cluster of source-orientation and involition/lack of control was being extended to non-anterior aspect in the form of concatenation with yuk-u; (iv) the availability of this new analytic directional construction with ku/yuku allowed CJ -(i)nu and -(i)tari to be reinterpreted in terms of control, i.e.

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-(i)nu lack of control, -(i)tari control; the analytic source-goal construction -i yuku : -i ku(ru) was extended to the anterior aspect. The ultimate result of this was the MJ system where directionality (-te ik-l-te k~) and anteriority (-(r)ul-ta) have distinct expressions. table

4.6

[GOAL] [SOURCE]

Comparison o f CJ and M J directionality constructions. CJ conjunctional form _ [ANTERIOR] [NON-ANTERIOR]

MJ /e-form _ [NON-ANTERIOR]

[ANTERIOR]

-(i)taril-(i)tu -(i)nu

ku-ru yuk-u

ki-ta it-ta

zeroIku zero/yuku

The semantic feature of [CONTROL] is excluded from Table 4.6. In MJ it is in any event determined lexically by the head verb and dominated by directionality, e.g. MJ wasurete kuru as opposed to wasurete iku, both interpreted as involitional. Any future account will have to deal with the fact that kuru and yuku is determined by the interlocutor’s point of view (as in English) in large areas of west Japan, Ryukyu (Nagata 1990) and Gotd Islands in Nagasaki Prefecture and possibly even in OJ. The observation that directionality (goal-source) distinctions correlate systemati­ cally with those of giving verbs (Aoki 1990), is a clear indication of how central the notion of deictic directionality is in Japanese. Finally, note that etymologies have been proposed for OJ-CJ -(i)nu, -(i)tari and -(i)tu deriving them from directional verbal expressions. The etymology CJ in-u ‘to go away’ for -(i)nu is widely accepted (e.g. Hashimoto 1969:358; Akiba-Reynolds 1982). Among the etymologies suggested for -(i)tu, sute- ‘throw away’ or fate‘finish’ are more frequently quoted, but *ite- ‘reach to’ cognate with CJ verbs itar‘reach’ or itas- ‘make reach’ (Tsukishima 1969:454) seems a closer phonological and semantic match. Accentually, too, it appears to be unproblematic, since CJ -te was ‘preceded by a juncture’ and accented independently as High (Martin 1987:121, 244), and itaru is classified as being Kyoto High Register (A-accent), Tokyo unac­ cented. If so, the CJ anterior system could represent the completely grammaticalized stage of an original lexical directional opposition between in-u ‘go away’ and *ite‘reach to’, where CJ -(i)tari < -(i)te + ar-i copies the non-tense features of -(i)tu (goal-orientation and volition). 4.7

The reanalysis of the OJ-CJ anterior conjunctor -te

The single most important morphosyntactic innovation in the aspect-tense system between OJ-CJ and MJ, is undoubtedly the reanalysis, probably at the OJ stage or earlier, of the MJ anterior conjunctional predicate form-cwm-conjunctor -te as a formative element of anterior predicates. All subsequent innovations in the aspect-tense system more or less follow from this. It is in the nature of reanalysis, that the evidence for it is necessarily to be had only indirectly in subsequent innovations. In OJ one can recognize some possibly significant trappings of -te as a predicate formative element:

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(i) OJ-CJ -te imposed a sequential order on the events denoted by the predic­ ates it conjoined (cf. Ohori 1994:136), and was not merely marking coreferentiality of their subjects (for that view, see Akiba 1978b:611). Indeed precisely how strict the constraint on co-referentiality was, is at issue (cf. Akiba 1978b; Yamaguchi 1980:6ff.; Fujii 1991; see §6.1.4, concerning MJ); (ii) in sentence final position, -te( yo) could be used to indicate a permission (Yamada 1954:355); (iii) there exists morphophonological evidence in the form of fusion (onbin), that OJ/early CJ -(i)te entered into a particularly close relationship with the verb to which it was attached. This sets -(i)te apart from other auxiliaries and clause conjunctors, e.g. moti-te or mo(t)te ‘getting hold o f’ (Wenck 1959, vol. 4:127(§957b)) in contrast to non-anterior -(i)tutu ‘while’, which does not trigger ftision. The earliest fused occurrence with -te dates from 810 (Tsukishima 1969:365), but the fact that fusion is found only with athematic verbs whose final syllable goes back to OJ A-type syllables, e.g. oite ‘leaving’ < OJ oki'-te, but not thematic verbs with B-type syllables, e.g. okite ‘rising’< OJ oki2-te < *okoCi-te, suggests that it may have predated the merger of the OJ A-B syllable distinctions. Martin (1987:125f.) hypothesizes that the vowel before -te was long in the thematic verbs. OJ-CJ -te was characterized by properties which OJ-CJ -i might well have shared at an earlier point. Thus, although OJ-CJ conjoined clauses without imposing (strict) subject co-referentiality and temporal sequence, constructions such as the purposive, e.g. tukur-i ni ik-u ‘go to make’, or the intensive, e.g. said ni sak-u ‘bloom and bloom’, might be taken to reflect an earlier stage in which such a constraint applied. Secondly, reconstruction shows that -i was used to form imperatives, e.g. *kak-i-ro > OJ kake' ‘write!’, and prohibitive, na kaki1so1 ‘don’t write!’, cf. (ii) above. All in all, it seems not unlikely that OJ-CJ -i and MJ -(i)te represent two successive morphological cycles of (originally anterior) formative predicate elements. While the above may not by itself amount to defining -{i)te as a pivotal element in the formation of anterior predicates, it does support the evidence from subse­ quent periods pointing to an early interpretation of -(i)te to that effect. In fact, the Japanese data allow us to trace how -te achieved its MJ status as the most versatile clause conjunctor, the invariant element of several other clause conjunctors, e.g. concessive -temo, etc., and of all (historically) anterior aspect-tense expressions -(i)ta, -{i)te aru, -{i)te iru, as well as the serial verb constructions, e.g. -te mini ‘try to V’, etc. (Takeuchi 1993). The following exposition concentrates on the predicate internal function of -(i)te. The clause conjunctor -(i)te and its relationship to predic­ ate internal -(i)te remain to be investigated. 4.7.1

Innovative anterior constructions in CJ

The ie-augmented perfect stands out among the OJ-CJ syncretic non-future aspect and tense auxiliaries formed by -i (Sakakura 1977a, 1977b), as shown in Table 4.7. That is, -te represents the defining - perfect or perhaps generally anterior - element of the innovative construction, which requires a following finite predicate/nucleus element, viz. yomite ari/yomitari (yom-u ‘compose a poem’), cf. the old perfect -eri which is reconstructed as a fusion between -i and the existential verb ari, e.g. *yomi-ari > OJ yome'ri > CJ yomeri.

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

110 table

4.7

verb stem

O J Verb-stem -i + non-future aspect-tense system. non-past (imperfective)

perfective

perfect

past (imperfective)

-i won *-i wori > -(r)u

-i-nu -i-tu

*-/ ari > -eri -i-te aril-i-tari

-i-ki -i-keri, etc.

There is every indication that it is a general feature of innovations for reanalysis of a construction to precede semantic generalization and morphophonological fusion, and that this is valid for OJ -(i)te ari, too. This means that the traditional view which regards non-fused V-(i)-te ari as two conjoined clauses V-te and ari, and only the fused form -(i)tari as being vested with a distinct grammatical denota­ tion, is untenable. The process of segmental fusion of -(i)te ari to -(i)tari probably lasted several centuries. In OJ -(i)te ari was statistically more common (Kasuga 1968:244ff.), but during the ninth century, for which we lack good evidence, it presumably lost ground, and by the tenth century, had become limited to the envir­ onments known otherwise to resist fusion, such as negative and other modal envir­ onments with one perhaps significant exception. It appears that the non-fused construction is used with verbs which entail a locative adjunct, when that adjunct is explicitly expressed, c.g. fitmi ni kakite ari ‘has written in a letter’, fako ni irite ari ‘it (the letter) has (been) put in a box’, etc. (Takeuchi 1987:205ffi). This suggests that a perfect (resultative state) reading of -te ari might have been distinguished under certain conditions. However, as already mentioned, this internal differentiat­ ing development has so far proved elusive. The fact that innovative indexical predicate constructions tend to reflect (only) the current productive aspect-tense distinctions (Lewin 1964), is helpful in casting light on the developments of aspect expressions between 1000 and 1600. There is good early CJ evidence for this phenomenon, e.g. the preference of the exalted auxiliary verb tamaf-u for the old perfect -eri, -i tamaferi (< *-i tamafi-ari) to the almost total exclusion of -(i)tari (Tsukishima 1969:508), suggests that it originated in the (pre-)OJ period. Indeed the resistance of tamaf-u to combine with -(i)tari drives home another general point: indexical paradigms, once their indexical significance has been established, become almost immune to innovation. Unsurprisingly, there­ fore, the exalted, and humble/formal innovative CJ paradigms, shown in Table 4.8, all effectively rejected the old en'-perfect. Among them, the humble/formal faberi, used in formal styles of discourse, sermons and letters, etc., was established by the middle of the tenth century (Tsujita 1977; Sakurai 1974); CJ safurafu (soora(w)-/ sooroo > so(w)-/soo) was well on the way by the second half of the twelfth century (Morino 1967); exalted ofasu (cf. §4.6.1) was characteristic of wabun prose. Although it is generally assumed that segmental fusion of -(i)tari had been generalized in the plain dynamic predicates by the tenth century, this did not, it seems, result in an overall reanalysis of the innovative perfect/anterior as a mono­ lithic expression. If that had been the case, one would have expected V-i faber-itari instead of V-te faberi, etc. (cf. Tsujita 1977). Instead, an analytic distinction between non-anterior /-forms and anterior (i)-te forms maintained the presumably dominant morphotactic order of aspect (non-anterior/anterior) preceding modal and tense auxiliaries, as exemplified in Table 4.9.

PREDICATE STRUCTURES table

4.8

1 11

Innovative predicate constructions from the eighth to the twelfth centuries. imperfective (non-anterior)

perfect (anterior) -te aril-tari

(b) copula (stative)

-(r)u -naril-ni ari

(c) humble-formal humble-formal exalted (d) positional

-i faberi -i safurafu -i ofasu -i witari

(a) plain dynamic

-nite ari -te faberi -te safurafu -te ofasu -te witari

table 4.9 The aspect-tense-mood form s o f the form al auxiliary’ faberi as seen in Jojin azari no haha no shu (The poetry collection by the mother of master Jojin) (about 1070).

non-past negative assertive/ inferential present conjectural past recent past narrative negative past desiderative involitional past

imperfective

perfect

-i faber-i -i faber-azu -i faber-u-nari -i faber-uramu -i faber-iki -i faber-itu -i faber-ikeri -i faber-azar-iki -i faber-amafosi -i faber-in-iki

-i-te faber-i -i-te faber-azu -i-te faber-u-nari -i-te faber-uramu -i-te faber-iki -i-te faber-itu

All the same, a minority of V-i faber-itari examples do suggest an ongoing reanalysis of -(i)tari, or perhaps more precisely, a differentiation between a perfect -(i)te ar-i and a perfective/past -(i)tari. The evidence for the latter is concentrated in combinations of motion verb + indexical (motion/existential) verb, i.e. an environ­ ment where -(i)tari was more specifically goal-oriented, e.g. komori faberitaru fito ‘someone who has retreated to here’ (Utsubo, Fukiage) (komor-u ‘retreat’), or komori ofasitari ‘retreats to here’ (exalted ofas-u ‘be, come, go’), as opposed to non-motion V-te ofasu (cf. Yuzawa 1962:175ff; Tsuboi 1976). Secondly, -(i)tari/ -(i)te + existential verb occur after involitional verbs in combination with -(i)nu, e.g. midukara kaku inaka no tami to nar-in-ite faberi ‘I have (had to) become in this way like a person from the countryside’ (GM, Akashi), or in a somewhat later example, oi sauraf-in-itari ‘I have grown old’ (Ujishui). In sum, therefore, already in early CJ the /e-augmented forms entered two distinct oppositions. One was aspectual in character, between (fe-augmented) perfect (past) and imperfective (past), e.g. V-i-te faber-iki/V-itar-iki and V-i faber-iki. The other can be described as between anterior and tense, e.g. V-in-ite faber-iJ V-in-itar-i and V-i faber-in-iki. In the latter case, -(i)tari occurred in what is morphotactically speaking the tense slot after the aspect auxiliary -(i)nu, which would have invited -(i)tarf s interpretation as a tense auxiliary, witness its later development into MJ -(i)ta.

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4.7.2

Post-CJ developments: perfect > progressive

In OJ-CJ, pairs of analytic progressive and (fe-augmented) perfect constructions were formed from verbs denoting an activity, e.g. yom-u ‘compose poems’, nagame‘stare’, kak-u ‘write’, etc. To that end, OJ used concatenation with the stative verb wor-i ‘be’, CJ, with one of the following dynamic verbs in the perfect form, witari ‘sit’ (wi-ru ‘sit down, ascend to a position’), tat-eri ‘stand’ (tat-u ‘stand up’), or fus-eri Tie’ (fus-u Tie down’), as shown in (48). The grammaticalized nature of these constructions can be inferred from the consistency with which the perfect (witari!taterilfuseri) occurs after non-motion activity verbs, as opposed to wi-n-u or wi-ru after motion verbs only (Kinsui 1983; Takeuchi 1987:244ff.). (48)

OJ

CJ

progressive yomi wori yomi witari/yomi tateri/yomi fuseri perfect yomite wori yomite witari/yomite tateri/yomite fuseri Quite likely, it was the interpretation of the te-augmented forms in (48) as iterative (patterned) and continuative dynamic predicates that dealt the decisive blow to the CJ system of progressive/non-anterior -i as opposed to perfect/anterior -i-te. Their original atelic activity character is likely to have furthered such interpretations, e.g. yomite witari ‘sit having composed > have composed poems’ became interpreted as ‘sit having begun to compose’ or ‘keep composing’, and progressive ‘is compos­ ing’ (cf. also Okano 1995). As a result, the te-augmented form came to embrace the whole range of perfect-iterative-progressive interpretations. At a systematic level, such an innovation meant the merger of the opposition to the non-augmented pro­ gressive yomi witari ‘sit composing poems’ in the form of the te-augmented forms. It is conjectured that V-te (w)i-tari subsequently underwent reanalysis as perfectprogressive -te (w)i- and anterior/past -(i)ta(ri) in accordance with the basic morphotactic tendency for aspect to precede tense. By then, (w)i-ru, it seems, had become generalized from ‘sit down’ to ‘be’ with an animate subject as in MJ. The earliest occurrences of V-te (w)iru, e.g. yomite (w)iru, date from the early sixteenth century (Chuka jakuboku shisho, Yuzawa 1962:177). This reinterpretation of the teaugmented forms at some point between CJ and 1600 is also reflected in the postCJ exalted innovative constructions, all of which, ofasimasu; o-igo- + noun!deverbal noun + existential verb, e.g. go-za ari ‘sit’; and gozaru, fail to display the CJ distinction between presence/lack of /^-augmentation. Thus, -te gozaru (late six­ teenth century, Yuzawa 1962:180), which is usually labelled as a perfect, lacks a distinct imperfective/non-anterior form V-i gozaru, e.g. idete gozaru, but **ide gozaru. Towards 1600 the merger of the CJ perfect and progressive meanings seems to have resulted in competing, aspectually complex (perfect-iterative-progressive) constructions, -te iru, -te ari and formal -te so(w)~ (< CJ -te safurafu) (Yuzawa 1962). Among them, -te iru, by virtue of its original meaning ‘sit down’, was conditioned by core properties of subjecthood, i.e. human, animate, definite, etc., and its steady expansion at the expense of -te aru was actuated along a hierarchy from less to more marked subjects, albeit somewhat differently in the two literary dialects of Kamigata (Kyoto-Osaka) and Edo (after Tsuboi 1976). In Kamigata around 1600 (in texts from the Portuguese missionary press or Kino wa kyo no

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monogatari c. 1620), -te aru and -te iru both allowed perfect and progressive readings, the only proviso being that -te iru required a sentient subject (cf. modem Oasado dialect on Kikaishima south of Kyushu, Matsumoto 1993). During the seventeenth century, the function of -te aru narrowed dramatically to predicates with insentient subjects only, with the result that sentience dominates over any properties of transitivity, as illustrated by the following construed examples in (49): (49) animate subject . . . -te iru transitive V ko ga/no kaite iru intransitive V ko ga/no nokotte iru

‘the child has written/is writing’ ‘the child has remained/remains’

inanimate subject.. . -te aru transitive V si ga/no kaite aru intransitive V

‘the poem has been written’ (=intransitivizing state, cf. §5.4.2) kane ga/no kakatte aru ‘it is costing money’

In Kamigata this system remained by and large unchanged throughout the Edo Period. However, in the Edo dialect in the eighteenth century, the -te iru construc­ tion is reported to have been generalized along syntactic-semantic lines, spreading from transitive telic predicates with sentient subject, to intransitive predicates with sentient subject, and later those with insentient subject. The intermediary stage of apparent free variation between -te iru and -te aru with inanimate subject, is illus­ trated by the two clauses, sansyoo ga haitte aru ‘there is sansho (Japanese pepper) in it’ and sansyoo ga haitte iru to ‘saying that there is sansho in it’, inside the same sentence (Ukiyoburo 1809, from Tsuboi 1976). By comparison MJ iru and aru are yet to reach a clear-cut sentient vs. insentient distinction, cf. the fact that aru is preferred when the sentient referent of the subject is indefinite, and/or when its existence is questioned (Teramura 1982:158f.) (concerning Amakusa-bon Heike monogatari (c. 1600), see Kinsui 1983). Once the /e-augmented V-te i-ru had been reinterpreted to encompass iterative and progressive nuances, a loosening of the anterior constraint on predicate internal -te resulted, giving rise to the varied MJ /e-augmented serial-verb constructions, e.g. -i yuku/ku > MJ -te iku/kuru. The innovative indexical constructions with giving verbs illustrate this point: -te kure-ru is reported as early as the fifteenth century, followed by -te kudasar-u and -te mora(w)-u around 1600, and -te itadak-u in the eighteenth century. 4.7.2.1

Aspect distinctions in modern dialects

The historical dialect configuration and interdialectal influence are unknown quant­ ities in the above account. Looking at the modem dialectal map of the verb ‘be’ with animate subject-referent (KKK 1966-74, Nihon gengo chizu 2, Map no. 53) and the distribution of aspectual distinctions involving this verb, the conspicuous position of the Kyoto area is clear. Variants apart, iru (CJ wi-ru ‘sit down’) is universally distributed throughout the eastern part of Honshu as far as the Kantd area, where oru (OJ-CJ wor-i ‘be’) starts to show a denser distribution turning into a solid band on the Noto Peninsula southwards across Nagano Prefecture. In fact,

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except for the mixed occurrence of iru and oru around the old central areas of Kyoto, and the isolated southern part of Kii Peninsula which appears to maintain ar-u ‘be/exist’ with both animate and inanimate subject-referents (as in CJ), west Japan as far south as Okinawa Island shows oru cognates. This west Japanese distribution of oru correlates broadly with that of the distinction between progress­ ive V-i oru - presumably distinct from imperfective non-past -{r)u, although exactly in what way is unfortunately mostly ignored in dialect descriptions - and perfect V-te oru. (50) shows data from Uwajima dialect in Ehime Prefecture (Kud5 Mayumi’s research, quoted by Kinsui 1995a: 16ff.): (50) yom-u ‘read’ yabur-u ‘tear up’ sin-u ‘die’ sak-u ‘split, flower’

progressive

perfect

yomiyoru yaburiyoru siniyoru sakiyoru

yondoru yabuttoru sindoru saitoru

In Uwajima dialect, this distinction encompasses all types of dynamic verbs, as exemplified by yabur-u ‘tear something’ in (51 )a—(51 )b: (51)a

kodomo ga syoozi yaburiyoru ze. hayo tomen kana. child-suB shoji tear-be-EXCL quickly make stop-NEG[?]-QU ‘The child is tearing the shoji. Quick, can’t you stop him /her.’

(51 )b

ctrya, syoozi wo yabuttoru. harikaetokisai yo. shoji-DO tear-TE-be spread change-for the future-iMP-EXCL ‘Look, the child has tom the shoji. Please, get it renew ed.’

excl

Some verbs, however, allow a progressive reading of the re-augmented form, e.g. (51 )c: (51 )c

a, neko ga sakana tabetoru. hayo, opparaisai. excl cat-suB fish eat-TE-be quickly chase away-iMP ‘Look, the cat is eating the fish. Quick, chase it off.’

The progressive reading of the re-augmented form in (51)c seems conditioned by lexical or pragmatic atelicity. It is allowed with lexically atelic verbs, e.g. aruk-u ‘walk’, nagare-ru ‘flow’, ugok-u ‘move’, nak-u ‘cry’, tatak-u ‘beat’, asob-u ‘play’, hatarak-u ‘work\ fur-u ‘rain’, and accomplishment verbs which allow both telic and atelic readings, e.g. tabe-ru ‘eat’, ara{w)-u ‘wash’, as well as some telic transit­ ive verbs, e.g. nage-ru ‘throw’, osie-ru ‘teach’, tuka(w)-u ‘use’, perhaps in an iterative sense. It is conjectured that the reading in question may result from view­ ing an activity from its initiating turning-point preceding speech time, i.e. ‘has begun eating (the) fish’, rather than its actional conclusion ‘has eaten (the) fish’. Interestingly, therefore, the same semantic feature (atelicity) that determined CJ concatenations with wi-ru, etc. and probably was instrumental in the innovative interpretation of the CJ fe-augmented form in a progressive reading (cf. §4.7.2), can be shown to have a similar effect in a modern dialect. The historical relationship between the wori and wiru morphology is yet to be resolved. It has been conjectured that the won'-construction was characteristic of the dialect of the Nara (Yamato) area, which supposedly formed the basis for OJ,

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and that the transfer of the capital to present-day Kyoto in Yamashiro Province accounts for the decline in won-constructions in CJ and the emergence of the wimconstruction (Kinsui 1984). As shown above, the present-day distribution of wori supports the hypothesis that the OJ Nara/Yamato dialect represented a prestige dialect of west Japanese extract associated with the early Yamato state. The ques­ tion remains, however, whether CJ represents an old Yamashiro dialect which might not have received the full impact of early west Japanese influence, and whether this might account for discrepancies between OJ and CJ. However, early Azuma influence in Yamashiro should not be ruled out either: the ini-paradigm may owe its popularity to the Azuma political ascendancy (Kinsui 1984:292, cf. also §1.6). Meanwhile, wori resurfaced in Post-CJ as a marked derogatory verb, e.g. hai-me wa doko ni worn zo ‘where is that damned fly?’ (Isoho monogatari, Kinsui 1984:292), and it presumably entered MJ from Kinki dialects as a formal indexical verb, e.g. sensei wa doko ni oraremasu ka ‘where is the professor?’. 4.7.2.2 Ryukyu reflexes o f OJ-CJ innovations Ascertaining how some of the characteristic OJ constructions in the central Honshu dialects, e.g. focused predicate types, future-conjectural -(a)m-, and innovative con­ structions, e.g. re-augmented predicates, are reflected in the modern Ryukyu dia­ lects, might sharpen our understanding of the Japanese protohistorical period before and around the establishment of central rule in Yamato (cf. §1.9.1). Linguistically, the present-day Ryukyu Islands divide up into the northernmost Tokara retto, usu­ ally grouped with south Kyushu dialects, and, from north to south, five distinct groups: Amami shoto, Okinawa shoto with the main island Okinawa, Miyako shoto, Yaeyama shoto, and Yonaguni (see Map 3). The three last groups are collectively called Sakishima or south Ryukyu. Modern Ryukyu data are, however, by no means easy to interpret. One has to allow for borrowings from Okinawa dialect(s), for instance, into Sakishima dialects, to say nothing of new dialect forms produced by dialect speakers who having deduced sound correspondences between the stand­ ard language they learn at school and their own dialects, apply these to standard linguistic forms to produce often historically incorrect dialect forms, cf. Chew (1976b). Even so, taking the above-mentioned OJ-CJ features as diagnostics, there does seem to exist a clear division between Sakishima, on the one hand, and the north and central dialects of Ryukyu, on the other, as shown in the following. Te-augmented (anterior) morphology in Amami Oshima and Okinawa is more or less identical to that of (west) Honshu (cf. §4.7.2.1), e.g. Sete dialect hatfan (MJ kaita) ‘wrote’, hatfi ?ikun (MJ kaite iku) ‘will write and go’. In Sakishima dialects, however, there are indications that /e-augmentation could be a recent borrowing (Nakamoto 1983:11-12). In Yonaguni, the past/perfect appears to be formed by combination of the conjunctional form and an existential verb cognate to MJ ar-u, e.g. kinu kakja’n ‘I wrote yesterday’ or ‘ura ‘icu du kakja’nna (you when-FOC write-PAST-QU) ‘when did you write?’ (Hirayama & Nakamoto 1964:174), or twan (MJ totta) ‘took’, kan (MJ katta) ‘bought’, etc. This construction is clearly identical to OJ-CJ perfect -e'ri, e.g. OJ kake'ri < *kaki ari, except that it has the characteristic nasal of the Ryukyu final form, which is reconstructed as *-mu, cf. below. In young people’s speech, a fe-augmented past form (Uchima 1984:536), e.g. katjan (MJ kaita) ‘wrote’, is reportedly now universal (Nagata 1990:145).

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Unless it is assumed that truncation did away completely with earlier -(i)te and -(i)tari forms until their recent restitution through borrowing (Nakama 1992), Yonaguni dialect in its conservative form would appear to represent a stage before re-augmentation. The uneasy position of re-augmentation in several other dialects also points to borrowing: for instance, re-augmented morphology stands out by its lack of morphophonological fusion, e.g. kakitai ( MJ kaita) ‘wrote’, and does not show up where one would have expected it in the serial verb constructions, e.g. kakasi miiru (MJ kakasete miro) ‘try to make write’ (Hirara dialect) (Uchima 1984:523, concerning Yaeyama Ishigaki dialect, see Miyara (1995:156ff.)). The focus system in (north) Ryukyu is largely identical to that of OJ-CJ (see §5.7.1.1), a fact which better than most shows the conservatism of Ryukyu morphosyntax: (i) the attributive form has -ru attached even after athematic verbs, cf. haku-n ‘write’ (MJ kak-u) in (52)a; (ii) as far as question focus (52)b with ga (=MJ ka) is concerned, comparing the form of the predicate with the MJ gloss suggests a cognate relationship with OJ-CJ present conjectural -(u)ramu and trunc­ ated Ryukyu -(u)ra. However, the most noteworthy feature is undoubtedly the nasal in the final form in declarative and yes-no question sentences in (52)c-(52)d. The m before what looks like a question sentence particle -i in (52)b allows the final form -un to be reconstructed as *-um. Leaving aside the question of the reconstruc­ tion of the Ryukyu forms (Uchima 1984:181 f., 210ffi), *-um brings to mind OJ-CJ Honshu modals, such as future/conjecture -(a)mu-, or -(u)m as in negative necessity -umazi. On the basis of the evidence within central Honshu dialects that OJ-CJ non­ past -(r)u with progressive denotation has developed into MJ -(r)u with future denotation, Ryukyu -m and OJ-CJ conjectural -(a)m-/-(u)m- might well represent two extremes of the same development. Indeed, if the Ryukyu paradigm is brought to bear on the OJ forms, it is not impossible that the OJ non-past final form was derived by deletion of -m(u), e.g. *otumu > OJ otu vs. ot-uru. Sete dialect has a third form -u, in assertive hakusa which may be the result of truncation of -um or -uru before the assertive sentence particle sa, etc. (52) Sete dialect (Okinawa) (Uchima 1984) a. assertive focus

d^i: ru haku. ru (zi zo kaku)

b. question focus

‘so are you writing letters?’ d^i: ga haku. ra (zi wo kaiteiru no daroo ka)

c. declarative

d%i: hakun (zi wo kaku)

‘X writes letters’

d. yes-no question

7ja: ga hakum-i

‘do you write?’

‘it is letters X write’

The evidence for -(u)ru is questionable in many Sakishima dialects, where the merger of conjunctional, final and perhaps focus/attributive nucleus forms is for the most part complete, and the distinction between focus and non-focus sentence types also is in doubt (cf. Uchima 1984:186ff., 480). More research is needed. Archaeological evidence seems to bear out the division between north Ryukyu and Sakishima. While late Jomon pottery and pit-dwellings have been found on

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Amami and Okinawa, there is little datable evidence from Sakishima almost until 1000 a d , and nothing to link the area conclusively to mainland Japan (Imamura 1996:199). Still, it is conjectured that people with or without pottery may have lived there during the first millennium ad (Pearson 1969:135ff.). The case for (some) Sakishima dialects reflecting pre-OJ-OJ morphosyntax is supported by the presence of the distal demonstrative series with ka- (as opposed to MJ a-), which is also shared by kanbun kundoku (cf. Tsukishima 1969:447) (cf. §5.9.1). 4.8 Post-CJ developments in verb inflectional paradigms

A couple of simplifications of the verbal paradigms took place after 1200: (i) generalization of the attributive form sentence-finally; (ii) generalization of the vocalism of the conjunctional form in thematic paradigms. (i) The CJ inflectional paradigms distinguished maximally three sentence-final nucleus forms in case of thematic verbs, e.g. CJ sute- (MJ sute-ru) ‘throw away’ in (53): (53) final tadataka sutu attributive tadataka zo suturu conditional tadataka koso suture

‘Tadataka is throwing away’ ‘It is Tadataka who is throwing away’ ‘It is Tadataka who is throwing away’

The CJ attributive form, which had the most extensive distribution, was steadily generalized from late OJ onwards to quotations delimited by the quotative particle -to, and eventually to all sentence final predicates, supposedly concomitant with the development of no as a nominalizer (cf. §§5.7.1, 5.6.1). The conditional form was used inside a superordinate clause determined by the focus particle koso (cf. §5.7), but mostly in conditional clauses with -ba and in concessive clauses with -do in wabun or with -domo in kanbun kundoku style. As the conjunctors based on the new anterior -te, -tara, -te mo, -te wa, etc., were generalized, CJ concessive -domo fell into disuse after 1600. (ii) The polysyllabic thematic stems generalized the i or e vocalism in the finalattributive and conditional forms, as shown in (54): (54)

monosyllabic polysyllabic mi- ‘see’ oki- ‘throw away’ tate- ‘build’ imperative conjunctional final attributive conditional

mi-yo mi mi-ru mi-ru mi-re

oki-yo oki ok-u > oki-ru oku-ru > oki-ru oku-re > oki-re

tate-yo tate tat-u > tate-ru tatu-ru > tate-ru tatu-re > tate-re

A few monosyllabic verbs such as O J/r- ‘become dry’, whose OJ Cr-type syllable is supported by a transitive cognate fos-u ‘dry’ characterized by o-vocalism, push the date of this innovation back to a pre-OJ stage (cf. Wenck 1976-77). The earliest occurrences of innovating polysyllabic final/attributive forms are from 11901210, e.g. sabi-ru ‘rust, decline’ (1190), manabi-ru Team’ (1192), hedate-ru ‘become distant’ (1203), when by all accounts the generalization of the attributive form mentioned above was well on its way (e.g. Martin 1987:666-7, 133), although variation can still be observed around 1600 in texts printed by the Portuguese

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missionaries. Anyhow, the innovating forms were probably more widely used in the spoken vernacular than their rate of occurrence in texts suggests. The para­ meters in (55) appear significant in the progress of this innovation. (55) parameter length of verb nucleus form formative element distribution

early innovation

late innovation

mono/disyllabic stem trisyllabic stem or longer attributive form conditional form /-stems e-stems east Japan west Japan (Shikoku, Kyushu)

Some dialects, especially in Kyushu, still retain the CJ e-thematic paradigm. 4.8.1

The MJ potential form

The MJ potential form represents a morphological innovation, whose acceptance is currently negotiated in the thematic verbs, e.g. de-re-ru ‘can attend’ (de-ru ‘attend’) (e.g. Matsuda 1993b). The potential form of athematic verbs formed by attachment of -e-, is uncontroversial, e.g. okaasan wa nisesatu ga tukur-e-ru koto ‘the fact that mother can forge notes’ (tukur- ‘make’). The assumption that the MJ potential derives from the (premodem) passive form by truncation, i.e. elision of -ar-, e.g. tukur-are-ru > tukur-e-ru, goes some way to explain why the potential has the same entailments as the premodem participant-oriented passive construction (§5.4.5), encompassing emotion verbs and intransitive locative verbs when the subject has a sentient referent, e.g. haireru kana ‘can I enter?’ (hair-u ‘enter’) as opposed to **reizooko ni budoosyu no bin ga haireru kana ‘will the wine bottle(s) go into the fridge?’, where hairu must be used. Indeed, it may be significant that the potential is innovating at a time where the condition on the premodem passive was/is being redefined, particularly the requirement that the agent of the passive must be sentient(-like) no longer holds (see §5.4.5). This derivation also makes allowances for the fact that the passive has been used with potential force, indeed still is by some speakers, in preference to the truncated forms of verbs, other than regular athematics, e.g. okireru ‘be able to get up’ : passive oki-ra-reru, or koreru ‘be able to come’ : passive korareru. In the case of some verbs at least, the passive tends to have a spontaneous reading as opposed to the potential reading, e.g. omoidasareru ‘cannot help recalling’ vs. omoidaseru ‘can/is able to recall’ (omoidas-u ‘recall’). This derivation does, however, not explain why the innovation in the athematic verbs should have predated the thematic verbs by several centuries, especially as within post-CJ morphology their derivations appear to involve exactly the same truncation of -ar-, e.g. attributive CJ yomaruru > CJ yomuru, conjunctional CJ yomare > CJ yome (yom-u ‘read’) compared to CJ tukeraruru> **tukeruru and CJ tukerare- > **tukere- (tuke- ‘attach something’). If, however, the innovation in the thematic verbs had a different origin from that of the athematic ones, this would go some way to explaining the delay. Along this line of thought, it has been suggested that the innovation in the athematic verbs during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries is to be understood within the pre-OJ-CJ derivational pattern, which derived intransitive e-thematics from transitive athematics of verbs denoting destruction or radical change (Sakanashi 1967, cf. also Tanaka 1983:310). The verbs are given in their MJ form in (56).

PREDICATE STRUCTURES

I 19

(56) transitive athematics har-u hirak-u kar-u kir-u kudak-u midar-u mus-u sak-u tok-u war-u or-u yak-u

intransitive thematics

‘stretch sth.’ ‘open sth.’ ‘cut weed’ ‘cut sth.’ ‘mash sth.’ ‘throw into disorder’ ‘steam sth.’ ‘split, tear’ ‘dissolve sth.’ ‘break sth.’ ‘break sth. off’ ‘bum sth.’

har-e-ru hirak-e-ru kar-e-ru kir-e-ru kudak-e-ru midar-e-ru mus-e-ru sak-e-ru tok-e-ru war-e-ru or-e-ru yak-e-ru

‘swell’ ‘open’ ‘wither’ ‘snap, be cut’ ‘be mashed’ ‘fall into disorder’ ‘be steamed’ ‘split, be torn’ ‘be dissolved’ ‘break’ ‘break off’ (CJ wor-) ‘bum’

The derived intransitive verb has the same entailments for the subject as its transit­ ive counterpart for the object. It is argued that, if interpreted as virtual or generic (as opposed to factual), the semantic nature of these intransitive verbs favours an interpretation of a naturally occurring event, e.g. naka ga kir-e-ru ‘relationships break up’ or ‘relationships tend to break up/easily break up’ (Vocabulario da Lingoa de Iapam (Nippo jisho), 1603). In combination with a negative, naka ga kir-e-zu, a potential reading is likely ‘relationship(s) cannot break up’. (57) shows an early example, featuringyom-u ‘compose/read poems in Japanese’: (57) mozi fa

yomuru to mo

kotofari fa

kikoemai zo

letter-WA read-POT-NPST-coNC principle-WA audible neg / cjec - foc ‘even if the characters are readable, the principles are not likely to be heard’ (Chokushu hyakujo seikisho (c . 1500), from Sakanashi 1967:35)

Around 1600 more verbs in what must be analysed as the CJ attributive form of thematic verbs, are in evidence, e.g. ano hito no te fa you yom-uru ‘that person’s handwriting is easy to read’, or siro ga mot-uru ‘the stronghold is easy to hold’ {Nippo jisho), and by the end of the seventeenth century, e-vocalism generalized, e.g. yom-e-ru ‘be able to read’ or mot-e’-ru ‘be able to hold/keep’. Innovation appeared earlier in Kanto (Azuma) than in Kinki dialects and had been generalized by the early half of the nineteenth century (cf. Tanaka 1983:307ff.). Note that its emergence did not do away with the competing passive yomaruru (MJ yomareru) which retained a potential interpretation, nor with literary periphrastic constructions like yomi-e-ru formed by the CJ verb u (MJ e-ru) ‘obtain, be able to’, which incidentally has also been proposed as a possible origin of the innovating potential. Apart from isolated occurrences in the late eighteenth century, distinct potential forms of thematic verbs did not occur with any frequency until the latter half of the nineteenth century, e.g. mi-rare-ru > mi-re-ru (mi-ru ‘see’), ne-rare-ru > ne-re-ru (ne-ru ‘sleep’), etc. This is clearly an innovation originating in the periphery and incidentally progressing on the same parameters, schematized in (55), as the generalization of He in the thematic verbs. Investigations (KKK 1981; Bunkacho 1995) point to the greatest resistance to truncation in and around the large urban centres of Kinki and Kanto, and universal usage of the truncated form of thematic verbs in many localities in Yamaguchi, Chubu, San’in, Shikoku and Hokkaido. A survey from 1949 suggests that in Tokyo the influx of half a million people during the

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decade after the Kanto earthquake in 1923 marked a watershed (Tanaka 1983:303f.). In a 1971 survey, 15.9 per cent of a group of Primary and Middle School pupils favoured short mireru, and 25.5 per cent short koreru of ku-ru ‘come’, when asked which form they preferred (‘kanzi ga yoi’) (Tanaka 1983:305-6). A decade later (KKK 1981), 45.9 per cent out of 636 informants answered that they used mire-ru ‘can see’, and 30.3 per cent that they used okire-ru ‘can get up’ (oki-ru ‘get up’), and recently, the rate of change seems further confirmed by the breakdown into age-groups: the percentage of 16-19 year olds (male and female) professing to use short forms is at least twice as high as the age-groups over 50 (Bunkacho 1995). The same survey also demonstrated significant sociological factors in Tokyo Japanese: Yamanote sociolect leads Shitamachi sociolect (cf. §1.6.1); males lead females. A significant linguistic factor is word length, monosyllabic stems being more likely to truncate than disyllabic or longer stems, viz. a trisyllabic verb like kangae- ‘think’ has a marginal acceptability rate (2.7 per cent) in Kant5. Secondly, /-stems truncate more often than e-stems in part perhaps due to a general resistance to contiguous syllables with e, -Cere-, viz. the fact that only four MJ verbs display an eCe-sequence, tere-ru ‘become shy’, nere-ru ‘become mellow’, mege-ru ‘suc­ cumb’, seme-ru ‘attack’, compared to 22 or more verbs with -Cire-, e.g. kutabire-ru ‘become tired’ tizire-ru ‘become wavy’, sibire-ru ‘become numb’, etc. (based on Kitahara 1990). 4.9

The MJ innovation of predicate-final copula

The MJ formal copula form des-u owes its universal spread in the early twentieth century to its acceptance into primary school textbooks from 1893 onwards (Tsujimura 1965). Of uncertain origin, des-u is thought to have been a feature of the speech of men of good standing since the seventeenth century, its adoption by courtesans and female servants during the 1830s prompting its general use in Edo (Martin 1975:1032; Tsujimura 1965; Matsumura 1969 for a somewhat different account). The reason for dealing with des-u here, however, is the clear illustration it provides of an innovation establishing a distinct nucleus form category. We could even be looking at a nascent sentence particle. MJ des-u is used in two general predicate patterns, here termed repeated-formal and copula-last, e.g. (58)a and (58)b, respectively: (58)a

tukur-imas-en des-ita make-POL-NEG pol / cop -past ‘I did not make (them )’

(58)b

tukur-ana-katta des-u make-NEG-PAST pol / cop - npst ‘I did not make (them )’

Both (58)a and (58)b refer the event of ‘making’ to past time. Their structures, however, differ. In the repeated-formal construction with -mas- followed by des-u in (58)a, predicate-final -ita must be interpreted as past tense with a superimposed syntactic-pragmatic function, clause-final and facultatively, discourse-concluding. In (58)b, where the past tense element precedes des-u, this syntactic-pragmatic function, whatever its precise nature, is left uniquely to the predicate-final element, morphological non-past -u. Although both patterns occur in MJ, there is a tendency

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to favour the copula-last construction (cf. Tanaka 1983:137). That is, the pattern that allows a unique interpretation of the discourse function predicate-finally is preferred to one that does not. At the forefront of the innovation in MJ is the negative non-past, e.g. soo omow-ana-i des-u ‘I don’t think so’, which reportedly is used by younger speakers (from Martin 1975:1039). The simplex non-past is (as yet?) unacceptable, viz. **tukur-u des-u. At the same time, another strain, which seems somewhat at odds with the above, appears to be pushing the repeated-formal pattern to its logical conclusion, for instance, iki ni kanjimasu desu ne ‘I am moved by (it)’, wakarimasen desu ne ‘I don’t understand it’, or takusan arimasita desu ne ‘there were many’, etc. (from Uno 1977). The fact that these constructions appear pragmatically restricted in the spoken language, overwhelmingly constructing with one of the sentence particles ne or ka, suggests that desu ne as a whole, rather than -u alone, is being reinterpreted pragmatically perhaps as a means of drawing the hearer’s attention to the element to which it attaches, cf. desu ne with the ‘discourse opener’, eeto, in approval-seeking eeto desu ne [er POL COP-NONPAST-SP] ‘e r . . . / listen . . . ’, etc. In other words, masu desu forms are exploring an alternative prag­ matic interpretation of des-u. To some speakers, however, these forms merely represent linguistic slapstick. Nominal predicates exhibit rather full paradigms of both predicate patterns, as shown in (59): (59)

repeated formal

(a) non-past

copula-last formal np

des-u POL-NPST

(b) past

np des-ita

POL-PAST (c) non-past conjecture

np des-yoo

POL-CJEC (d) negative non-past

np

de wa ar-imas-en

np zya

pol -neg / npst

(e) negative past

np

de wa ar-imas-en des-ita

np zya

POL-NEG/NPST POL-PAST (f) past conjecture

np des-ita

des-yoo

np

de wa ar-imas-en des-yoo

np da-tta

np de

wa ar-imas-en des-ita des-yoo POL-NEG POL-PAST POL-CJEC

des-yoo

PAST POL-CJEC np

POL-NEG POL-CJEC (h) negative past conjecture

na-katta des-u

NEG-PAST POL-NPST

POL-PAST POL-CJEC (g) negative conjecture

na-i des-u

NEG-NPST POL-NPST

de wa na-i des-yoo NEG-NPST POL-CJEC

np

de wa na-katta des-yoo NEG-PAST POL-CJEC

In the predicates consisting o f a tense and a form al elem ent only in (59) (a )-(c ) the order is fo r des-u to preced e the tense elem ent w ith the resu lt th at the n u cleu s

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element carries both tense denotation and clause-final pragmatic specification, e.g. -u in honmono desu and -(i)ta in honmono desita ‘is/was authentic’, respectively. Still here, too, the copula-last pattern is reported, e.g. honmono datta desu, although such constructions are as yet considered marginal (see Martin 1975:1039). In adject­ ival predicates, the innovative pattern dominates, e.g. the past predicate oisii desita ‘was tasty’ is widely considered, at best, a non-standard variant of oisikatta desu naturally so, since it leaves non-past -i in front of the formal-past tense desita as a morphotactic anomaly. It should be noted that the repeated-formal pattern resembles the premodem one with (formal) existential verbs, cf. (60), where sooro{w)-u ‘be (humble/formal)’ links both the head verb and the necessitive -(u)besi\ (60) yasaburoo-dono o-mati souro-ubeku souro-u Yasaburo-lord PREF-wait pol - neces pol - npst / fin ‘Lord Yasaburo is surely waiting’ (Saru no soshi, sixteenth century) Although a direct connection may be difficult to demonstrate, the waning repeatedformal pattern in MJ clearly represents a morphological replica of a premodern pattern. 4.9.1

A historical perspective on copula-last predicates

The significance of the innovative formal copula-last pattern then lies in the fact that it induces the predicate final -ul-yool-ita to be uniquely interpreted in terms of a discourse function. Indeed, given the morphologically final form preceding des-, the possibility exists that des- itself may become interpreted as part of the discourse element, cf. masu-desu (ne) above. Now consider the historical development. If it is a valid generalization that innovative indexical constructions always reflect the predominant productive structures of their time (cf. §4.7.1), this should apply also to the des- innovation, and we would therefore expect evidence for similar con­ structions with plain copula forms. Within MJ the pragmatically defined reinterpre­ tation of da/daroo nominal predicates (cf. §4.3.1) represents good supportive evidence. At a morphological level the fact that MJ mostly distinguishes predicate final non-past da from a predicate internal (=nominal predicate) copula form, viz. 0 in (61)a, na in (61 )b, no in (61)c, but da in (61 )d, can be interpreted as an indica­ tion of the distinct function of predicate final da. (61)a (61)b (61)c (61)d

kanozyo kanozyo kanozyo kanozyo

wa hannin-rasii wa hannin na no da wa hannin no hazu da wa hannin da soo da

‘it seems that she is the culprit’ ‘she is the culprit, you see’ ‘she is likely to be the culprit’ ‘she is said to be the culprit’

One would, however, like to know specifically whether there existed any pragmat­ ically relevant complex predicate constructions prior to the initial stages of the development of MJ copula-last des- in the middle of the nineteenth century. Argu­ ably, the answer to that question takes us back to (late?) CJ, above all to certain discourse patterns where questions (with sentence final zo), which mark focus on one particular interrogative adjunct (see §5.7), favour a reply whose final predicate is followed by nari as in (62):

PREDICATE STRUCTURES

(62)

123

. . nanibito no kitari tamaferu zo' to. . . .

‘ware

what-person-GEN come exalt -perf - foc -quot i

[fotoke no miti wo

syugyau semu ga

tame ni kono yama wo

Buddha-GEN way-DO training do-CJEC-GEN sake-io this

toforu]

mountain-DO

afida miti ni niadofi kitareru nari ’ to

pass-NPST-ATTR while way-io stray come-PERF-ATTR-iNF-QUOT ‘W hat person (is it who) has com e?’ ‘I have lost my way while passing through these mountains in order to practise the Way o f Buddha.’ (Konjaku

monogatari 13.1) nari, it seems, marks off the predicate and its adjuncts (everything following the topic ware) as constituting the focus part of the sentence, cf. predicate focus in §§5.1, 5.7). While it seems possible to interpret (62) as a nominal predicate clause, ware fa [ . . . kitareru]"1’ nari, without an overt nominalizer after kitareru (I am someone who has . . . ’), other instances in which nari is placed only after the last predicate in an utterance of several sentences (e.g. Uji shui monogatari), suggest nari’s function to be more like that of a pragmatic auxiliary, cf. its label ‘assertive’ in CJ grammars. Pragmatically speaking, nari here presupposes an active quest for information on the hearer’s part in the shape of a narrowly focused question, to which it provides a conclusive answer. The construction of nari attached to the attributive nucleus form existed as early as OJ, but pragmatic analysis is easier in somewhat later texts; the present observations are based on a sample consisting of Genji monogatari Hahakigi, Konjaku monogatari chapter 13, and Uji shui monogatari 1-30. As with most other areas of premodem grammar, more research is needed to bring us beyond the standard definitions. Around 1300 if not earlier, we begin to see a generalization of copula-last predi­ cate structures. For instance, a copula form can occur in place of the existential verb in the post-CJ exalted construction polite prefix + verbal noun + existential verb. (63) contrasts the two - the existential verb predicate constituting the sen­ tence topic, and the copula predicate the focus part of the sentence: (63) toba-dono wo on-ide aru fa

on-yorokobi nari

T-DO PREF-gO OUt be-NPST-ATTR-WA PREF-happineSS-COP-NPST/FIN [the emperor]: ‘To leave the Toba Palace I am happy about’ (Heike)

Early occurrences of (other copula-last) MJ nominal modal constructions also date from around this time. The data on the more common ones are given in (64): (64) Post-CJ modal constructions, including the exalted nominal construction (a). form earliest date and source (a) exalted

o-tukuri nari > o-tukuri dya

13th c. > ca. 1600 e.g. Amakusa-bon Heike monogatari (Miyaji 1965)

(b) appearance

tukuru yau nari > yoo da

early 14th c. Tsurezuregusa (Matsumura 1969:313)

(c) strong affirmation

tukuru koto nari > koto da

early 14th c. Tsurezuregusa (Kokugo daijiten)

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form

earliest date and source

(d) strong affirmation

tukuru mono nari > mono nari

early 14th c. Tsurezuregusa (Kokugo daijiten)

(e) likelihood

tukuru hazu de gozaru > hazu da

ca. 1600 kyogen (Yuzawa 1936:586)

(f) reason

tukuru wake da

ca. 1600 kyogen

(g) inference (Kamigata)

tukuru nari > tukuru dya > tukuru no dya

OJ-CJ>1477 Togensho (Tsuchiya 1969:584) > 1699 jdruri (Yuzawa 1936:586) cf. V no yo, V no ka

(h) inference (Kanto)

(*?)tukuru nari > tukuru da/tukuru no da

1753/1809-1844 Otokodate hatsugai Soga /Ukiyoburo (Tsuchiya 1969:575ff)

The development of the inferential (CJ nari) (=MJ inferential, usually termed assert­ ive in premodem grammar) in (g)-(h), is particularly interesting. Clearly, CJ nari/ Post-CJ dear(u) in (g) developed into Kamigata dyatEdo da as copula forms else­ where. While this assumes that the copula form continued to be interpreted as the distinctive inferential element, the analogy with the other emerging modal con­ structions with nouns yoo and koto, etc., is likely to have given rise to an alternative interpretation of tukuru dya/da, requiring its modal character to be overtly marked by a nominal element after tukuru. By the seventeenth century, no was being generalized as a nominalizer elsewhere (cf. Yuzawa 1936) and must have seemed a convenient means of bringing out the modal character of the construction in question, hence tukuru no da. However, contrary to what one might have expected, if it had been a simple matter of the no-constructions merely taking over the same function, the innovative construction with no coexisted, and still partly does, with the constructions without no. According to Tsuchiya (1993), early nineteenthcentury Edo evidence in (65) showed a paradigm of morphologically copula-based forms, da, dya nee ka, daroo, each (potentially) with its own specific discourse function as defined in the rightmost column. (65) Early 19th c. Edo V-ru (no) copula constructions. Based on Tsuchiya (1993). non-inferential inferential non-past

tukuru no da

tukuru da

assertive

negative question

tukuru no dya nee ka

tukuru dya nee ka

rhetorical question

conjectural

tukuru no daroo

tukuru daroo

conjecture > info retrieval (4.3.1)

For some reason, the non-inferential factual construction which according to Tsuchiya had a force similar to the sentence particle -yo fell into disuse about 1844. On this historical background, it is hardly surprising that the formal copula form des- appears to have been interpreted as carrying, so to speak, a particular discourse

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125

function from the outset of its generalization, when it gained a head start in the rapid turnover of indexical morphology in the decades around the Meiji Restoration in 1867 (Tanaka 1983:150f.): the earliest constructions in which des- was adopted were precisely the modal and exalted ones, and the development was consistently towards predicate-final des- away from repeated-formal marking (Tsujimura T. 1965), as shown in (66). (66) Meiji innovations involving des- (based on Tanaka 1983). date hearsay

tukuru soo desu < tukurimasu soo da

(1860s)

exalted

o-tukuri desu cf. plain o-tukuri da

(1872)

past conjecture

tukutta desyoo < tukuru desitaroo / tukurimasita desyoo < tukurimasitaroo

(1880s)

neg conjecture

tukuranai desyoo

(1900)

npst conjecture

tukuru desyoo, cf. plain tukuru daroo

(1850-1950)

Chapter 5

Topic, focus and case

5.0

Introduction

It is well known that pioneering research on Japanese, particularly on the particles wa and ga, has greatly contributed to the general understanding of the pragmatic notions of topic and focus (Mikami 1960; Kuno 1973; Kuroda 1972). It is certainly central in any description of MJ sentence structures to account for the ways in which the grammatical structure interacts with the information structure, under­ stood as the formal expressions of pragmatic structuring (Lambrecht 1994). How­ ever, there is no simple pragmatic-grammatical equivalence (Maes 1976:51), and simplified definitions, such as identifying topic with sentence-initial wa, run the risk of distorting the facts. A sentential topic, if explicitly expressed at all, may not be marked by a particle (see §5.1.1); by the same token, the constituent marked by wa does not necessarily form part of the sentential topic (see §5.1). Viewed in the totality of its function, wa belongs with mo to the disparate group of pragmatic particles that present gradient or scalar modification of the referent of the element to which it attached. The basic position taken here is that the pragmatic notions of topic and focus are indicated in MJ by a combination of means: constituent order; pragmatic particles; the non-topic subject particle ga (§§5.1.1-5.2.2) (cf. Sugamoto 1982:425); and intonation, e.g. focus manifested by a High tone (cf. Lambrecht 1994). Intonation is still largely unexplored and will not be considered below (see Mathias 1974; Lambrecht 1994:24Iff.). 5.1

Topic and focus

The distinction between topic and focus, as it applies to sentences, reflects the speaker’s assessment of the relative predictability of knowledge of referents or states of affairs in the interlocutor’s mind, and their expression in the given dis­ course situation. Generally speaking, the sentence topic - otherwise termed theme (e.g. Kuno 1973; Martin 1975) - is defined as ‘what we/I talk about’ or ‘what the rest of the sentence is a predicate about’ (Kuno 1976:443). Or put more technically, ‘[t]he set of propositions lexicogrammatically evoked in a sentence which the speaker assumes the hearer already knows or is ready to take for granted at the time the sentence is uttered’ (Lambrecht 1994:52). By contrast, focus is constituted by what the hearer knows or takes for granted as the result o f hearing the sentence uttered or

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127

that which ‘is relevant to and which increases the addressee’s [=hearer’s] know­ ledge of the referent of the topic’ (Lambrecht 1994:131). Question-answer sequences illustrate the major types of topic-focus structures (from Lambrecht 1994:223ff.). If asked ‘what happened to your car?’ by someone who has overheard a phone-call to the garage, the car kuruma is naturally the topic of the reply, e.g. (1). Optional prosodic prominence (high pitch) on a constituent is tentatively indicated by capital letters in (1) and the following examples. (1 )

(kuruma wa) Kosroo-sita car-WA break down do-PAST ‘My car broke d o w n ’

Alternatively, kuruma, having already been established as topic by the question, is carried over implicitly as topic in the reply, resulting in a sentence without an overt topic expression, e.g. KOSYOO sita ‘it broke DOWN’. This pragmatic type, in which focus is centred on the predicate, is accordingly termed predicate focus (or alternatively, topic-comment construction). By contrast, an open question, ‘what happened?’, to someone who arrives late for work, sets off the whole sentence in the reply as the domain of the focus, e.g. (2): (2 ) kuruma

ga

car-FOC

‘My

car

kosyoo sita

break down do-PAST broke d o w n ’

This type of focus has been termed neutral description (Kuno 1973) or sentence focus (Lambrecht 1994). Thirdly, the focus may be restricted to a single adjunct in what is termed adjunct-focus (Lambrecht 1994), defined as ‘recognition of a pre­ supposed predication, and acceptance or rejection of the focus as a value for the variable in the predication’ (Kuno 1976:443). More particularly, the term exhaust­ ive listing is used about the focused adjunct marked by ga (Kuno 1973), viz. kuruma in (3) uttered in answer to the question ‘what broke down?’. The rest of the sentence is presupposed. (3)

kuruma

ga kosyoo sita

car-FOC

‘The

car

break down do-PAST broke dow n’

Note that the pragmatic structures of the sentence-focus and subject-focus in (2) and (3), respectively, are identical except for (optional) prosodic prominence on the predicate of the former. The following pair of newspaper headlines illustrate the difference between sentence-focus, typical of news-reporting, and predicate-focus: (4) presents the first news that an aeroplane with the PLO leader on board has crashed and is reported missing, copula da of (yukue ) humei da is omitted in accordance with newspaper style. Obviously, the editor cannot assume any know­ ledge on the readers’ minds beyond the ability to identify the referent of the subject (Yasser Arafat), i.e. the headline represents a case of sentence focus in response to a general expectation: ‘what is the news today?’:4 (4)

plo gityoo plo

toozyooki ga

humei

leader carrying-plane-FOC missing

Plane carrying PLO leader missing (Asahi shinbun, yukan 8-4-1992)

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

128

The information in (4) having been established, the readers’ attention is presumably focused on (the safety of) the PLO leader, as reflected in the headline in the following morning edition in (5), where arafato gityoo wa is the topic for the focused predicate buzi (da) ‘safe’: (5) arafato gityoo wa buzi Arafat leader-WA safe

‘Leader Arafat safe’ (Asahi shinbun, chokan 9-4-1992) Examples like (4)-(5) where the topic/focus noun phrases are interpreted as sen­ tence subject are at the core of the logical definition of the contrast between ga and wa as the difference between establishing a focus or a set (ga), and referring exclusively to an already established set which is set aside as relevant or salient (wa) (cf. Miyagawa 1987b; Brockett 1991). Recent insights on focus in English look set to refine perceptions on Japanese as well (e.g. Dryer 1996). One area pertains to the role of pragmatic presupposition. This is defined as one or more propositions that form part of the interlocutors’ common ground, which the speaker believes and assumes the hearer to believe. Cleft-sentences like (6) are conditioned by presupposition, while adjunct-focus sen­ tences are not. This means that a question such as ‘did something break down?’, which does not presuppose the existence of an entity X such that it has broken down, can be answered by a simple adjunct focus sentence, which does not require presupposition, e.g. (3), but not by (6). By contrast, (6), can plausibly be uttered in reply to ‘I heard your motorcycle broke down’, which does have the above presup­ position, even if it amounts to a correction to the reference of X assumed by the interlocutor’s question. (6) kosyoo sita no w a kuruma da break down do-PAST-WA car-cop-NPST

‘what broke down is the car/it was the car that broke down’ This is the so-called cleft-construction where the focused adjunct, viz. kuruma, in the nominal predicate, follows the (nominalized) topic part containing the predic­ ate, viz. kosyoo sita, from which it has been ‘defied’. It thereby agrees with the topic-focus order in the predicate focus construction in (1), which seems to represent the more natural order. However, as opposed to the predicate-focus construction, it requires wa to be expressed. Even more significant for the analysis of Japanese is perhaps the conception of a continuum of activation, i.e. degrees of focus of attention, in the sense of referring to how an entity (a state of affairs, etc.) is represented in an individual’s mind at a given time. Such a continuum is given here on a descending curve: focus of atten­ tion > activated, but not focus of attention > accessible to activation > nonactivated (Dryer 1996:482). We shall consider the relevance of such a scale repeatedly in the following. For instance, the essential condition for the use of w a, or m o for that matter, seems to be that the referent of the constituent to which they attach, is accessible to activation, i.e. part of the cognitive universe of the interlocutor. 5.1.1 Adjuncts without case or pragmatic particles It is a characteristic of Japanese, although perhaps less so of MJ than many other varieties, that morphological case marking of the core adjuncts of subject and

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE

129

object(s) is not obligatory. Thus, in colloquial speech, one or more adjuncts within the same sentence often occur bare, i.e. without any case particle or, for that matter, pragmatic particles attached (e.g. Matsuda 1993a:363). A sample of colloquial texts illustrates this, e.g. the direct object ningen ‘human being’ of yame-ru ‘stop’ in (7): (7) ‘ningen yamete

buta ni narimasyoo ’

human being stop-TE pig-io become-POL-HORT

‘Let’s stop [being] human beings and [all] be pigs.’ (Boku) Broadly speaking, the occurrence of bare adjuncts seems to be determined by conditions of the canonical syntactic-pragmatic structure (cf. Martin 1975:51, for a somewhat different characterization): (i) two bare adjuncts can occur when they are dominated by the same predicate and unmarked constituent order prevails, i.e. topic precedes focus; subject (commonly actualized as a sentence-topic) precedes the object, e.g. in dakedo, maoo no yatu, hidoi koto suru naa ‘however, that demon king does outrageous things!’ (Boku), where the comma after yatu, the subject of suru, whose referent is activated, suggests a pause as a function of topic; hidoi koto is understood as the direct object for suru-, (ii) two syntactic positions in particular further the absence of case or pragmatic particles: namely, the immediate pre­ predicate position of a subject or object adjunct, and the sentence-initial position when associated with topic. In (8), gakutyoo ‘president of the university’, whose referent is already activated in the narrative, is the sentence topic and the semantic subject of yorokonderu (=yorokonde iru) ‘is rejoicing’: (8) ‘ano gakutyoo, kare ga sinde, naisin yorokonderu no y o ' that president he-FOC die-TE at heart rejoice perf - npst -nom - excl ‘The president (of the university) is secretly rejoicing now that he [Morisaki] is dead!’ (Mikeneko)

The complex sentence construction in (9) leaves room for two interpretations: most likely, sonna no ‘that sort of (thing)’ is the sentence-topic, although it might also be understood as object of kiita ‘has heard’ inside the adnominal clause modifying koto ‘matter’, which in turn functions as subject for na-i ‘be not’. (9) sonna no

[ki-ita]

koto

na-i mon. ’

that-NOM hear-PAST/ATTR matter not be-NPST-EXCL ‘Why, I never heard o f such a thing!’ (Shakkuri)

In other words, bare adjuncts are not the result of capricious ‘deletion’ of particles, but likely to be determined by the information structure of the sentence. This supports the view that the hearer’s interpretation of sentence meaning rests on a combination of syntactic-semantic and pragmatic factors. 5.1.2

Dislocation

Japanese favours marking one or more constituents as pragmatically distinct by left-dislocation. This involves placing the constituent in question, possibly marked by a pragmatic particle, to the left of adjuncts indicating (other) grammatical rela­ tions, i.e. often in the leftmost position of the sentence. Left-dislocation is not uniquely associated with one pragmatic function, as both a topic inside a predicatefocus sentence and an adjunct-focus allow left-dislocation, as shown in the follow­ ing. The alternative dislocation to the right after the sentence predicate, presumably

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

130

to ensure activation of the dislocated referent, is also a time-honoured device, going back to OJ (e.g. example (64) in §5.6.3). Left-dislocated topic has been noted as particularly favoured by a number of constructions: stative possessive constructions (e.g. Mikami 1960; Kuno 1973), intransitive predicates (ibid.), elliptical nominal predicates (e.g. Maes 1980) and passive constructions (e.g. Sugimoto 1986). In practice, the topic often has a sen­ tient referent, which must be both pragmatically activated and placed higher in the semantic nominal hierarchy (cf. §3.1) than the grammatical adjunct with which it is pragmatically associated. For instance, for the passive construction with leftdislocated topic to be appropriately uttered, the event in question must relate to a sentient referent which has already been activated in the speech situation. In (10) it is presupposed that the dog Pochi had a close relationship to the referent of the passive agent, viz. kainusi, and that topic status for Pochi has been established, for instance, by the hearer’s expressing or showing concern for Pochi: (10) poti wa kainusi ni sin-are-ta poti-WA owner-io die-PASS-PAST ‘Pochi’s ow ner died’

Note that (10) has a colloquial allosentence (variant sentence), poti, kainusi ni sinareta, without wa. In terms of focus, the predicate focus (kainusi ni sinareta) in (10) contrasts with the active (sentence-focus) structure in poti no kainusi ga sincla ‘Pochi’s owner DIED’, where the whole of the complex noun phrase, poti no kainusi ‘Pochi’s owner’ forms part of focus. In narratives, an adjunct can be marked as the activated topic in the very opening sentence, with the effect of pointing to its referent as the protagonist, e.g. haruo in the involitional intransitive construction in (11) . The possessive allosentence haruo no syakkuri inside haruo no syakkuri wa tomaranaku natte simatta ‘haruo’s hiccups just would not stop’, would not have had the same effect. (11) haruo wa syakkuri ga tomaranaku

natte

simatta

haruo-WA hiccup-FOC stop-NEG-coNJ become-TE end up-PAST ‘Haruo’s HICCUPS just would not STOP’ (Shakkuri)

A more broadly defined semantic-pragmatic association seems to be allowed between the subject and the sentence topic of stative predicates, including topics with inanimate referents, e.g. a geographical entity and one of its characteristic components in (12): (12) nyuuyooku wa satuzin ziken ga ooi New York-WA murder case-FOC many-NPST ‘There are m any murders in New York’ While some, e.g. zoo wa hana ga nagai ‘elephants have long “noses’” allow allosentences with sentence-focus, in which the semantic affinity is expressed as a possessive construction, zoo no hana ga nagai ‘the elephant’s “nose” is long’, this is not a necessary condition for left-dislocated focus, cf. **nyuuyooku no satuzin ziken ga ooi compared to (12). Ultimately it is difficult to define the conditions for the semantic-pragmatic association, ‘aboutness’, which establish a referent as a leftdislocated topic in relation to the rest of the sentence, beyond a vague concept. Dislocation is not limited to the above syntactic constructions, and in theoretical linguistics, consideration has been given to the question of whether there exist

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE

131

precise syntactic constraints on (left-dislocated) topic-selection, i.e. which syntactic constituents are allowed or prevented from functioning as topic? The alternative proposal is that an ‘aboutness-condition’ as above, may match the actual data best (cf. Haig 1996 for an account). Consider (13)b said in response to (13)a (from Kikuchi 1995:64): a-kun ga koten wo

(13)a

yatteru n da tte ne

A-mr.-FOC One-manshoW-DO do-PERF-NPST-INF-NPST-QUOT-EXCL ‘Apparently A is doing a one-man show ’

(13)b

zya mi ni

ikoo.

basyo wa doko de

yatteru no?

well see-PURP go-HORT place-WA where-LOC do-PERF-NPST-NOM ‘Let us go and see it. So where is he putting it on?’

The topic basyo wa ‘place’ in (13)b has a cohesive function directing the utterance from a proposal to go in the preceding sentence - the activated character of basyo is notably conditioned by ik-u ‘go’ —to the question ‘where to go?’. Importantly, basyo wa cannot be interpreted as being in any grammatical case relation to the predicate yatteru, but is associated with what precedes by virtue of its denoting the denomination of the class of locative expressions to which the focused adjunct doko ‘where’ belongs. Such an ‘extra-grammatical’ syntactic association with an active transitive predicate yatte iru, a type of predicate not noted for left dislocation, suggests semantic-pragmatic affinities, not syntactic structural constraints, as the basis for left-dislocated topic. As already mentioned, focus constituents, too, can be dislocated. The fact that this happens mostly by means of ga, the non-topic case-based subject marker (see §5.2.2), appears to restrict its dislocated focus-function pragmatically to the con­ texts of low transitive predicates, where its interpretation as a grammatical subject is less likely, if not ruled out (see §5.5), e.g. poti ga in (14), which can be uttered in reply to the question ‘who has lots of fleas?’, or in order to correct the hearer’s misconception that someone other than Pochi has lice: (14) poti ga nomi ga ooi Poti-Foc flea-FOC many-NPST ‘POCHI has lots of fleas’ A corresponding construction with a dislocated topic, e.g. poti wa nomi ga ooi (ga) ‘Pochi has lots of lice (but)’ would require the referent of poti to be activated, for instance in a discourse on animal hygiene. The contiguous sentences in (15) con­ trast a topic and a focus temporal expression at a point in the narrative when extraordinary happenings are expected sometime during the day, hence the reader’s focus of attention is ‘when?’: (15) asa no

uti wa,

kore de

sunda.

dakedo,

moming-GEN while-WA this-iNSTR finish-PAST however,

gogo ni

natte kara ga

taihen datta nda.

afternoon-io become-TE-ABL-FOC terrible-cop-PAST-iNF-NPST

‘For the morning that was all. However, the terrible bit was after noon’ (Hare)

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

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The condition that the constituent to which wa attaches must be at least accessible to activation, effectively excludes asa no uti wa ‘during the morning’ from providing the sought-for answer to the activated ‘when?’. Rather, wa by implying the exist­ ence of another entity for which the negative proposition, i.e. kore de sumanakatta, is true, points to the temporal expression S kara ga of the following clause as being that entity. One final example will have to suffice to illustrate more complex information structures. In (16), which forms part of a discourse on an individual’s state of mind, the human referent is expressed as the left-dislocated topic; the grammatical subject ziken koso constitutes an adjunct focus, koso more particularly presupposing the truthfulness of the proposition in question, ziken wa bitaminzai da. The effect of the adjunct-focus is to downgrade, so to speak, the degree of focus of the rest nani yori bitaminzai na no da: (16) ano oyazi-san ni wa ziken koso nani yori mo bitaminzai na no da that old man-io-WA case-FOC what-coMP-MO vitamin-cop-iNF-NPST ‘To that old man, CASES, more than anything else are vitam ins.’

(Mikeneko) 5.1.3

Multiple topics

Quite likely, layered structures of two or more topics inside the same sentence are as frequent in actual texts, as their mentioning is rare in grammars (Mikami 1960; Martin 1975:227 are notable exceptions). However, the idea of a continuum of focus (cf. Dryer (1996) mentioned in §5.1) looks set to deepen our understanding of them. (17) provides an illustration. The semantic object of kangaeru ‘think’ inside the conditional to-clause, [[5] kitai to iu] mono wa ‘the expectation [that S]’, functions as sentence topic, while boku wa must be understood as topic for the rest of the sentence - as a non-topic subject it would have been encoded by ga, i.e. boku ga kangaeru to. Note that the former, more comprehensive topic is resumed by a demonstrative, sore wo, inside the to-clause, as is boku by zibun ‘self’. (17) [[hahatati wa

kyoosi ni takusite iru]

kitai to iu]

mother-PLUR-WA teacher-io entrust-PERF-NPST expectation-DEF-

mono wa, boku wa sore wo kangaeru to, thing-WA i -wa

zibun ga kowaku

that-DO think-NPST-when self-FOC fearful

narimasu become-POL-NPST

‘This expectation that mothers have in teachers, when I think of it, I fear for [?] myself’ (Ishikawa Tatsuzo, in Mikami 1960:154) The third wa-adjunct in (17) is judged unacceptable by some speakers. According to Oshima 1994:13If., the acceptability of wa marking the subject inside an adnominal clause (attributive to kitai) hinges on this clause constituting a general statement, cf. haha-tati wa kyoosi ni kitai wo taku-site iru ‘mothers have expecta­ tions of teachers’.

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE

133

The question remains to what extent multiple occurrence of ga-constituents can be interpreted as multiple focus? While two ga-adjuncts are common with stative predicates, triple occurrences seem limited to the oft-quoted example (18) (from Kuno 1973). (18) bunmeikoku ga

dansei ga heikin zyumyoo ga mizilcai

civilized countries-GEN male-GEN average lifespan-FOC short-NPST ‘It is in civilized countries, that males have a short lifespan’

The pragmatic-semantic nuances are unclear apart from the leftmost NP ga with the widest scope being interpreted as focus, but perhaps the point about repeating ga is to give more weight to each element as in a deliberate, full intonation. 5.2

The pragmatic particles w a and mo

Wa is then one of several particles which qualify the extent or degree of the referent of the constituent to which they attach. If anything, the close association of wa with topic must be understood as a result of its particular denotation (see §5.2.3). Prag­ matic gradient particles include sae ‘(stronger) even’, sika ‘except’ (followed by negative predicate), koso ‘precisely’, and restrictive particles with somewhat differ­ ent distribution, dake ‘just’, bakari ‘only’, hodo ‘as much as’ (see e.g. Martin 1975; Noda 1995). None are, however, more versatile than wa and mo, termed subduing and highlighting (Martin 1975), or, as here, exclusive and inclusive, respectively. Being mutually exclusive, they largely share the same distribution attaching to both clause internal and clause external elements: adjuncts, quantifiers and adverbs, predicate internal elements (‘split nexus’), and clause conjunctors. Yet as shown below, the point where the systematic parallelism breaks down is not unimportant for the overall understanding of wa. Two points should be clear from §§5.1-5.1.2. There is no equivalence between wa and any one pragmatic function. Rather, wa attaches to a constituent whose referent is either activated, or associated with a notion that is activated or specific­ ally presupposed (e.g. (15) above). Furthermore, a wa-constituent is prevented from constituting an adjunct focus by the fact that it invariably implies a negative pro­ position, cf. the definition of wa-attachment as presupposing ‘. . . a corresponding argument which yields a true proposition when associated with the negative of that predicate, all other arguments remaining the same’ (Jacobsen 1992b: 148), although the degree of this negative implication may be more or less obvious depending on the degree of focus. (19) presents the special case where the scope of wa placed between adverbial bikkuri ‘surprising’ and sita ‘did’, asserts bikkuri thereby contrastively presupposing the negation in the subsequent clause: (19) 'hikku bikkuri wa sita ga, hick

haruo no syakkuri wa

surprise-WA do-PAST-but Haruo-GEN hickup-WA

aikawarazu, tomaranakatta S till

S to p -N E G -P A S T

‘“Hie”, Haruo had been surprised, but his hiccups still had not stopped’ (Hyakumanben)

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

134

(20) contrasts 0lwalmo inside a clause denoting a possessive relation between o-bake ‘ghosts’ and the possessed asi ‘feet/legs’: (20) o-bake ni / ni wa / ni mo asi ga nai ghost-io

/ - io -wa / - io - mo leg-FOC be not-NPST

‘Ghosts have no legs’/ ‘Ghosts, have no legs’ / ‘Ghosts, too, have no legs’ The version with o-bake ni is a neutral statement plausibly uttered with an unmarked intonation pattern as a description of (Japanese) ghosts. Next, uttered in reply to a question about the appearance of ghosts, o-bake ni wa carries over the activated referent, the topic preceding the focus part, asi ga nai. Or, o-bake ni wa may activate an accessible referent in relation to asi ga nai ‘have no legs’, for instance, when talking about a semantically associated category such as demons. Its particular sense is restrictive, i.e. it sets ghosts off from other comparable referents, but for the legs, cf. the truthfulness of the statement, oni ni wa asi ga aru ‘demons have legs’. Note that in both cases, o-bake ni wa does not exclude the possibility that the same predicate, asi ga nai, could be relevant for other beings, e.g. ningyoohime ‘mermaid’, etc. That is, wa is minimally restricting, rather than exhaustively so (cf. Brockett 1991:249). By contrast, mo links o-bake in an inclusive manner to their confreres, i.e. there must exist another referent for which the same proposition is true, e.g. ningyoohime ni mo asi ga nai ‘mermaids, too, have no legs’. The wo-sentence in (19) would seem relevant, for instance, in a discourse in front of a statue of a mermaid, when, even if o-bake had not already been men­ tioned, the speaker had reasons to assume that the hearer knew the concept, o-bake, to the extent that he would understand the relevance of the speaker’s utterance. Thus, just like wa, the constituent to which mo attaches must be accessible to activation. The exclusive and inclusive discernment involved in wa and mo, respectively, conveys the speaker’s reservation (wa) or confidence (mo) about the proposition, and this may carry over to his more general pragmatic purpose. This may be par­ ticularly appreciable when wa or mo is attached to the immediately pre-predicate constituent. (21) argues the speaker’s opinion that the life of ghosts is dull, spelled out in the three negative coordinate clauses connected by si ‘S' and S2’. In each, mo is attached to the pre-predicate adjunct of the clause regardless of its grammatical function, i.e. possessive object sigoto (ga) nai ‘have no job’, object in the potential construction oisii mono (ga) taberarenai ‘cannot eat delicious food’, or agent in a passive construction hito kara kangei-sarenai ‘are not welcomed by other people’. The result is a forcefully negated proposition. (21) kore-tte iu, sigoto mo nai wake da si, this-DEF

work-MO be not-NPST sense-cop-and

oisii mono mo taberarenai si,

hito kara mo

tasty thing-MO eat-PASS-NEG-NPST-and other-ABL-MO

kangei s-arenai mono welcome do-PASS-NEG-NPST nom

‘Neither do they (=ghosts) have a proper job, nor can they eat delicious food, nor are they welcomed by people.’ (Nichome)

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The distinction between a strongly put proposition (mo) and a qualified one (wa) can be observed in the following constructed dialogue. Speaker A in (22)a defines sono koto as the minimal extent of what is predicated, i.e. what he by his own admission does not know, the implication being that he knows other things; by using mo, speaker B in (22)b takes the opposite view of the extent of A’s ignor­ ance, including sono koto among several other areas in which A, in B’s view, is ignorant. (22)a

(22)b

‘sumimasen, sono koto wa sirimasen ga . . sorry, that-fact-WA know-POL-NEG/NPST but A: ‘Sorry, that I don’t know . . .’ ‘maa, sore mo sirimasen to

iu ndesu ka? ’

really that-MO Ioiow -pol - neg / npst -quot say-NPST-iNF-POL-NPST-QU B: ‘So do you mean to say that you don’t know that either?’

A constituent with mo or wa attached, but without any apparent association - again in pre-predicate position - can associate the clause to the speaker’s propositional intent in distinct ways. In (23)a, a (friendly) ghost is addressing a small boy who has decided to stay overnight in a haunted house. There is no apparent inclusive interpretation available to yoru mo inside what is incidentally almost an idiomatic clause. Rather, the effect of mo seems to be to present in a persuasive manner the speaker’s intention to leave, having wished the boy good night, viz. o-yasumi ‘good night!’. (23) a

‘moo, yoru mo

hukete

kita kara,

o-yasumi’

already evening-MO be late-TE come-PAST-because PREF-rest ‘It is already late now, so good night!’ (Nichome)

Consider also that substituting wa for mo would result in a strangely non-committal utterance ‘moo, yoru wa hukete kita kara, o-yasumi’. The ghost concludes his utterance in (23)b: (23)b

'beddo ni wa moohu mo aru’ bed-IO-WA

blanket-MO be-NPST

‘And there is a blanket (for you), on the bed.’ {Nichome) Sentence-initial beddo ni wa can reasonably be understood as a left dislocated constituent (topic), activated by association to o-yasumi in the previous sentence. Again there is nothing, e.g. pillows, etc., to which mo associates moohu ‘blanket’ in an inclusive manner. Rather it appears to enhance the speaker’s illocutional intent, in effect, supporting yoru mo fukete kita in (23)a. The tentative English rendering is by sentence initial and. Substituting wa for mo, i.e. moohu wa aru (ga) ‘there is a blanket (but). . . ’ would suggest the speaker’s reservations about going to bed. This opposite illocutionary force of mo/wa is also evident sentence-finally, cf. the strongly assertive force of -to mo, e.g. dekiru to mo ‘you bet I can!’, as opposed to wa, e.g. dekiru wa ‘I can!’, which is generally defined as belonging to female speech (i.e. less forceful) (cf. also McGloin 1990).

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Attached to numerals and other quantifiers, wa and mo, carry over the exclusive/ inclusive nuance, triggering the most general interpretation at each end of the scale, wa indicating the lowest valid estimate or generalization, and mo the highest, e.g. (24): (24) sannin 01 sannin wa / sannin mo ita three-persons

be-PAST

‘There were three (of them)’ / ‘There were (at least) three (of them)’ / ‘There were as many as three (of them)’ The symmetrical analysis of wa and mo can be taken even further to conjoined clause constructions, the conditional -te wa and the concessive constructions -te mo. The latter shows less cohesion with the superordinate clause in the sense that it does not impose any conditions that the subjects of the clauses it conjoins must have identical referents (subject co-referentiality), cf. that -te and -te wa conjunctors require non-co-referential subjects to be expressed (see §6.1.4), e.g. (25)—(27): (25) (okaasan ga) otte mo

(poti wa) tuite

kita

mother-FOC chase-TE-MO Pochi-WA follow-TE come-PAST ‘Even if m other chased it away, Pochi followed her’

(26) okaasan wa keeki wo tukut-te, boku-tati wa o-tya wo ireta mother-WA cake-DO make-TE i - plur -w a ‘Mother made a cake and we made tea’

tea-DO

put in-PAST

(27) kanozyo wa musuko no tegami wo yon-de wa, namida ga she-WA

son-GEN

koborete

kita

letter-DO

read-TE-WA tear-FOC

overflow-TE come-NPST

‘Whenever she read her son’s letters, tears rolled down her cheeks’ The opposition between wa and mo is set up informally as in Table 5.1:

table

5.1

The distinction between wa and mo.

general association quantifiers re-clause assertive force (sentence-finally) pragmatic force/weight*

wa

mo

exclusive low degree conditional weak subduing>qualifying /non-committal

inclusive high degree concessive strong highlighting>forceful committed

* Mainly in immediate pre-predicate position.

5.2.1

Locative particles kara and made

The two case particles encoding opposite locative case relations, kara ‘from’ and made ‘to, as far as’, e.g. rondon kara tookyoo made ‘from London to Tokyfi’, show

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a degree of semantic and indeed pragmatic extension in their interaction with predicates (Martin 1975:21 Off.; Nitta 1972). This could be quite typical of develop­ ing gradient or restrictive particles and is therefore of potential interest in a histor­ ical frame of reference. A temporal expression with kara indicates the turning-point of an event, e.g. yozi kara hazimar-u ‘begin at four’. By contrast to ni, kara implies the continued temporal relevance of the event, i.e. for a continuing actional pattern of sorts. A temporal expression with made indicates durational extent, e.g. yozi made ne-ru ‘sleep until four’. Attached to direct objects, kara and made each produces a distinct aspectual reading of pragmatically telic predicates, as achievement and accomplishment, respectively (cf. §4.4). Each reading can be demonstrated by the (in)compatibility with temporal expressions: object + kara is compatible with a punctual temporal expression as in tomodati ga uti ni kita toki ni hurui wain kara nonda ‘when my friend came we drank (beginning with) the old(er) wines’, but not with durational **sanzikan mo ‘for three hours’ or durational limit **sanzikan de ‘in three hours’; object + made is compatible with the expression of durational limit only, as in totteoki no wain made zyuppun de nonda (/nonde simatta) ‘I drank even the choicest wine in ten minutes’. Note that in relation to the constituent to which they attach, kara and made have implicit plural reference (cf. Martin 1975:212ff.). The two grammatical relations most obviously associated to location, the subject and the indirect object, condition made and kara differently: made occurs more extensively after both indirect object, e.g. okaasan ni made iu ‘I will tell (every­ one) even mother’, and subject, e.g. (28) or in combination with ga in tuma made ga watakusi wo semeta ‘(everyone) even my wife put pressure on me’ (after Noda 1995:26ff.). (28) arya, uti no o-kaasan made, buta ni nat-iya-tta look, home-GEN mother-until pig io become-end up-PAST ‘why, even m y m other has become a pig!’ (Boku) By contrast, kara is not possible after an indirect object, e.g. **okaasan kara ni/ni kara iu ‘I will tell mother first’ is not acceptable. Attached to the subject kara is limited to sentient referents in (i) explicit focus construction NP no hoo ‘X’s direction, rather X’, e.g. watasi no hoo kara kiboo site ita yo ‘I was the one who had his hopes up’ (from Martin 1975:215); (ii) the subject of a verb of communica­ tion, where initial locative kara fits naturally into the semantic configuration encod­ ing the sender of the communication, e.g. ‘o-baa-tyan ni wa, atasi kara hanasite oku’ ‘/ shall tell grandma about it’ (Yonchome) with allosentences with no hoo kara in atasi no hoo kara hanasite oku, or with ga in o-baa-tyan ni wa atasi ga hanasu ‘I shall talk to grandma about it’. The interpretation of the /cara-adjunct as subject is confirmed by the fact that it controls indexical predicate forms, e.g. boku kara obaa-sama ni o-hanasi itasimasu ‘I shall talk to your grandmother’ (cf. §5.2.2). It might be interesting to test whether the kara-adjunct must always be pragmatically interpreted as constituting an adjunct focus; (iii) in benefactive and passive con­ structions, kara attaches to the semantic agent or benefactor, if the verb entails sentience for one adjunct apart from the semantic agent, otherwise ni is the norm. It has been noted that in lexical benefactive constructions, such as NP ni/kara kari-ru ‘borrow from’ or NP ni/kara osowar-u Team from/be taught by’, ni implies a more

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direct agentive character than kara (Morikawa 1982:364; cf. also Teramura 1982). Note that the usage of kara with verbs of communication cuts across morphosyntactic distinctions between active constructions and passive/benefactive constructions (cf. Martin 1975:295-6), e.g. (29) and (30), respectively. (29) kaisya no com pany

koto wa gen

hudan kara titto mo hanasanai no de,

matter-W A norm al-A BL bit-MO

talk-N EG -N PST-because

kanozyo no hoo kara kiki mo sinaide ita no da ga, . . . sh e -GEN direction-A B L ask-MO do-NEG-PERF-PAST-INF-NPST-but

‘He normally never say anything about the company and so she never even asked, b u t. . .’ (Puurusaido no shokei) (30) ‘ud no

o-kaasan kara, mosi mo, tanaka-kun no

hom e-G EN m oth er- a b l

kazu wo

kikaretara,

if-MO

“ganbaroo” no

Tanaka-m aster-G EN ‘try harder’-GEN

itutu to ka muttu to ka, tekitoo ni itte. ’

num ber-DO ask-PASS-PAST-coND 5 or 6 or su ita b ly say-TE ‘If, m y m u m a sk s y o u h o w m a n y “try harder” (g r a d e s) y o u (= T an ak a) had, s a y fiv e or s ix a s y o u li k e .’ ( Yonchome)

Note the general condition on both made and kara that the subject (/agent) to which they attach must be included in the focus part. 5.2.2

The notion of subject

The subject of a clause is defined in terms of semantic (mostly agent-like) propert­ ies entailed by the predicate (cf. §5.4). As observed above, it is possible to mark a subject by kara or made or pragmatic particles, but its most consistent encoding is by means of ga inside adnominal or other subordinate clauses, when least influ­ enced by pragmatic functions of topic, etc., cf. the (non-exhaustive) generalization that ga is a non-topic subject case marker (Lambrecht 1994:355) (cf. also §5.5). Under these circumstances the basic SOV (subject-object-verb) order is maintained, as the following examples of a range of predicate types show, intransitive (31 )a; transitive (31 )b; emotion verb (31 )c; passive (31 )d. (31)a

watakusi wa [kitune ga arawareru] no wo

mita

i -wa

fox-FOC appear-NPST-NOM-DO see-PAST ‘I saw [the fox appear]’

(31 )b watakusi wa [okaasan ga nisesatu wo tukutta\ koto wo i -wa

mother-FOC forged notes-Do make-PAST nom -do

siranakatta know-NEG-PAST

‘I did not know that [mother (had) made forged notes]’

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139

watakusi wa [akatyan ga kage ni

(3 1 ) c

i- w a

baby-FOC

odoroita] no wo

s h a d o w -io b e surprised-PAST-NOM-DO

mita see-PAST

‘I saw [the baby becoming surprised at its own shadow]’ (31 )d

watakusi wa [sitai ga keisatu ni hori dasareru] no wo mita i -w a

corpse-FOC p o lic e -io d ig u p - p a s s - n o m - d o ‘I s a w [th e c o r p se b e in g d u g up b y th e p o li c e ] ’

see-PAST

The notion of subject is underpinned in the morphosyntax (Shibatani 1978) by the fact that the referent of the subject dominates the exalted/humble predicate expres­ sions, e.g. o-inari-san ‘fox deity’ in exalted o-inari-san ga yume ni o-araware ni natta ‘the fox deity appeared in my dream’ (araware-ru ‘appear’). 5.2.3

Between pragmatics and case

It is generally agreed that the sentential subject more often than other adjuncts func­ tions as topic or adjunct-focus (e.g. Haig 1996). In fact, a left-dislocated subjecttopic is phonologically unmarked, while other governed adjuncts, e.g. direct object, are likely to be intonationally marked by pause and an extra boost of high pitch. By the same token, topic/focus selection favours nouns high(er) on the nominal hierarchy, i.e. those which are also more likely to be selected as subject. Given these correla­ tions, it is not surprising that the two most common, topic particle (wa) and non­ topic-subject particle (ga) have sometimes been conveniently, albeit mistakenly, described as subject markers. But why wa and ga in the first place? Ultimately, their pragmatic-grammatical versatility seems attributable to the differentiating func­ tion both impose on the element to which they attach. For instance, kyoozyu wa ‘professors’ and zyokyoozyu wa ‘lecturers’ cannot be interpreted as isofunctional constituents in **kyoozyu wa zyokyoozyu wa guti wo kobosita ‘professors, lecturers grumbled’, in contrast to mo, e.g. kyoozyu mo zyokyoozyu mo guti wo kobos-ita ‘both professors and lecturers grumbled’. The differentiating property of MJ ga, on the other hand, can be traced back to premodern ga which was incompatible with an appositional or predicate nominal relation between the two elements it connects (concerning the possible origin of ga as a disjunctive particle, see §5.6.1). While the non-isofunctionality of wa is syntactically unrestricted, that of ga is restricted to a clause. 5.3

Governed and circumstantial adjuncts

Depending on its semantic properties, the lexical element of the predicate, be it a verb, an adjective or a verbal noun, specifies one or more adjuncts which, if not explicitly expressed, must at least be retrievable by the hearer, if communica­ tion is to be successful. This configuration of adjuncts constitutes the so-called valence of the verb, adjective or verbal noun. The specified elements are termed governed adjuncts, and the grammatical relation in each case can be encoded by a case particle. By contrast, circumstantial adjuncts are not specified by valence, but can be left completely unaccounted for without loss of acceptability. Consider a typical transitive verb, e.g. kobos-u ‘spill (something)’, which requires an implicit

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or explicit indication of two adjuncts (hence the term divalent verb): ‘who effected the action’ and ‘what was effected’, e.g. zyokyoozyu ga guti wo kobosite ita ‘the lecturer was grumbling’, where zyokyoozyu ‘lecturer’ is the subject and guti ‘com­ plaints’ the object of kobos-u ‘spill’. (32) shows the same sentence expanded by four circumstantial adjuncts, temporal yuube ‘last night’, durational nizikan (mo) ‘for two hours’, locative sakaya de ‘wine bar’ and the indirect object gakusei ni ‘student’: (32) yuube

nizikan mo zyokyoozyu ga sakaya de

last night 2 hours-MO lecturer-FOC

kyoozyu no

guti wo

gakusei ni

wine bar-iNSTR student-io

kobosite ita

professor-GEN grumbling-DO spill-PERF-PAST

‘Yesterday evening the lecturer was grumbling about the professor to some students in a wine bar for two (whole) hours’ The intransitive (monovalent) cognate of kobos-u, kobore-ru ‘spill’ requires only information about what was spilt, e.g. o-tya ga koboreta ‘tea was spilt’ vs. divalent hanako ga o-tya wo kobosita ‘Hanako spilt tea’. It is noteworthy that although the intransitive verb usually entails the same semantic features for the subject, as the transitive verb for the object, the above correlation is not automatic with semant­ ically non-core figurative referents, e.g. egao ‘smile’ in the acceptable intransitive construction, egao ga koboreru ‘be all smiles’, as opposed to 1/**egao wo kobosu of questionable acceptability (cf. Numata 1989; Jacobsen 1992a). In Japanese, as in most languages, a number of morphosyntactic tendencies approximate a distinction between governed and circumstantial adjuncts. Thus, case expressions which (can) encode governed case functions are all monosyllabic, e.g. ga, wo, ni and no, while circumstantial case expressions are polysyllabic, e.g. kara, made, yori, except for de or e, cf. the fact that in German or Latin, governed adjuncts tend to be marked by case alone, circumstantial adjuncts by prepositional phrases. The distinction between governed and circumstantial adjuncts is also broadly recognizable in a couple of morphosyntactic variables (cf. Silverstein 1981), apart from the absence of a case expression mentioned in §5.1.1: neutralization of gov­ erned case inside complex noun phrases (§5.3.1); and somewhat less convincingly, the syntactic mobility of quantifiers, especially numerals (§5.3.2). 5.3.1

Syntactic neutralization of case inside complex noun phrases

Neutralization of case occurs regularly in juxtaposition and subordination of nouns. Nouns can be juxtaposed directly, with the syntactic function of the noun phrase expressed by morphological case, only after the last noun, if at all, e.g. zikosi satuzin no ‘accidental death and murder’ in (33): (33) keisatu wa zikosi

satuzin no ryoohoo no sen de

police-WA accidental death murder-GEN both-GEN

line-iNST

sirabete iru investigate-PERF-NPST

‘The police are investigating along the lines of accidental death and of homicide’

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Or, nouns are conjoined by a coordinate particle, e.g. to in satuzin to zikosi (to) wo sirabete iru ‘they are investigating homicide and accidental death’. Open-ended selective coordination tends to require nado ‘the like’ following the last conjoined noun, e.g. satuzin ya zikosi ya gootoo nado wo . . . ‘homicide or accidental death or robbery etc.. . . ’. Coordination may also take the form of a copula form followed by a (sentence?) particle, either no or ka, often with the speaker’s disapproval implied, e.g. hanako wa gakkoo kaidan da no SF da no, bukimi na hon bakari yonde iru ‘Hanako only reads weird books like school ghost stories and SciFi’. Inside complex subordinating noun phrases, no as a rule is attached to each subordinate noun. When the head noun is a verbal noun, whether denoting a dynamic event, e.g. nomisugi, or a state, e.g. sukikirai, the order of the nouns reproduces the canonical SOV order, cf. [sensei ga uisukii wo nomi-sugiru/sugita] koto ‘the fact that the teacher drinks/drank too much whisky’ corresponding to (34)a, and sensei ga uisukii ga suki na/datta koto ‘the fact that the teacher likes/ liked whisky’ to (34)b. (34)a

sensei no

uisukii no nomisugi

teacher-G EN w hisky-G E N e x c e s s iv e d rin k in g ‘T h e te a c h e r ’s e x c e s s iv e d rin k in g o f w h is k y ’

(34)b sensei no

uisukii no sukikirai

teacher-G EN w hisky-G E N p r e fe r e n c e s ‘T h e te a c h e r ’s p r e fe r e n c e s in w h is k y ’

Any vagueness, which might otherwise arise when both subject and object denote sentient beings, is thereby avoided, e.g. kyoosi no biyoosi no satsuzin-ziken ‘the murder of the/a hairdresser by the/a teacher’ does not allow the reading **‘the murder of the/a teacher by the/a hairdresser’. Circumstantial adjuncts, by contrast, tend to require a case expression in front of no, e.g. location de ‘at, in’ in biyooin de no satuzin ziken ‘murder at the hairdresser’s’, source kara ‘from’ in okaasan kara no tegami Tetter from mother’, indirect object e ‘to’ in okaasan e no tegami Tetter to mother’ (cf. **NP ni no). 5.3.2

Case and the syntax of numerals

It has been much debated what - if any —are the grammatical constraints on quantifier-float, i.e. the noun-external adverbial placement of numerals (cf. §3.1.1). The perception that the subject and object consistently allow quantifier-float has had to be modified in view of low-transitive subjects encoded by ni not allowing quantifier-float, e.g. wakar-u ‘grasp’. Nor do ga and wo by themselves constitute the sufficient condition, viz. the fact that certain locative verbs constructing with ni, e.g. atar-u ‘target’, allow quantifier-float (cf. Downing 1996:235-8). The data sur­ veyed in Downing (1996), on which the following account is based, has suggested a more specific distribution of quantifier-float than earlier introspective studies have produced: of a total of 96 examples, 67 per cent were of intransitive subjects, 24 per cent of direct objects, leaving a mere 4 per cent (4 examples) of transitive subjects, none of which were typical transitive constructions. This appears, in fact, to be a cross-linguistic trend (Downing 1996:242). Quantifier-float constraints within a theoretical linguistic model have been proposed by Miyagawa (1989a) (cf. review by Katagiri 1991).

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The factors influencing the occurrence of quantifier-float and the pre-nominal construction are schematized in (35) (after Downing 1996:252): (35) quantifier-float 1

information is new

ii

referent important or unimportant as an individual modified adjunct spoken or written text existential or non-existential predicate quantified adjunct is subject (of intransitive verb) or object

iii iv V

vi

pre-nominal information is old or new (cf. Katagiri 1991:403) referent important as individual unmodified adjunct written text (Kim 1995) non-existential predicate quantified adjunct can have any syntactic role

On the basis of syntactic versatility, four constructions are distinguished: (i) prenominal, e.g. sannin no kodomo (ga) ‘(the) three children’. This is the most frequent construction, which applies widely to both governed and circumstantial adjuncts. The referent(s) of the numeral expressions is/are definite or specific, individuals rather than random instantiations of a given category. In that respect, pre-nominal numerals contrast with quantifier-float, e.g. ippon ‘one’ counting tabako ‘a cigarette’ in 1ippon no tabako wo suite mimasyoo ‘let’s have a cigarette’, is of questionable acceptability, as opposed to the acceptable quantifier-float counterpart, tabako wo ippon suite mimasyoo', conversely, acceptable sannin no tomodati wo matte imasu ‘I am waiting for (my) three friends’ as opposed to questionable (to some speakers) ?tomodati wo sannin matte imasu (Downing 1996:22Iff.; Kim 1995:222ff); (ii) in the appositive use, the numeral specifies the number of the referents denoted by the noun (hence its occurrence with pronouns and proper names), e.g. anata-gata hatari (ga) ‘you two’, taroo-tati gonin (ga) ‘Taro and the others, five persons in all’ (as opposed to gonin-no taroo ‘five (men) by the name of Taro’), cf. the use in inventories, enpitu ippon to ‘one pencil a n d . . .’ (Downing 1996:228ff); (iii) summative appositive with no between the elements requires that each individual referent encompassed by the numeral must be expressed, e.g. dokusya ‘reader’ hihyooka ‘critic’ and sakka ‘author’ in dokusya hihyooka sakka no sansya ni yotte ‘by the three parties, namely readers, critics, and authors . . .’ (from Kim 1995). Expressions of possessive or partitive relations are common, e.g. kodomo no hitori ‘one of the children’, etc.; (iv) quantifier-float, cf. (i) above. 5.4

Valence and semantic specification of adjuncts

The following presents a broad semantic classification of major groups of MJ verbs including the passive and causative constructions. It is assumed here that groups of predicates entail distinctive sets of semantic properties for each of the adjuncts entering the valence of the verb, adjective or verbal noun. For instance, subgroups of divalent verbs entail distinctive combinations of semantic properties, which can be defined either as typically Agent-like or Patient-like, for the two adjuncts of their valence, the subject and the object (Dowty 1991). Entailments are as a rule considered valid only if they hold for all instances of a given verb, not just for some. Therefore, in order to define the entailments of a given verb or group of verbs, the occurrences of the verb(s) must be seen in their totality. Consider, for instance, whether a

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typical ‘agent-like’ entailment like volition, i.e. ‘volitional involvement in the event or state’ (Dowty 1991:572), obtains for the subject of the divalent verb ut-u ‘strike, shoot’. An event like okaasan wa denpoo wo utta ‘mother sent a telegram’ is obviously volitional, indeed it is hard to conceive of a context that will produce an involitional reading. In other cases, an involitional interpretation of ut-u cannot be ruled out, e.g. karyuudo wa sika wo utta ‘the hunter shot a deer’ in the sense of karyuudo wa sika wo utte simatta ‘the hunter finally shot/happened to shoot/ended up shooting a deer’, where -te simau denotes a completive, not necessarily volitional action. Inanimate subjects obviously preclude volition, e.g. ame ga mado wo utte iru ‘the rain is beating against the window pane’ or tokei ga zyuunizi wo utta ‘the clock struck twelve’. All in all, therefore, volition and sentience do not appear to be entailed for the subject of ut-u, whereas causing an event or a change (i.e. causation) is. 5.4.1

Verbs of emotion

Verbs of emotion or cognition, which obviously entail sentience for the subject, can be divided into two subgroups on the basis of whether intentionality is entailed for the subject. Again, the full range of occurrences must be taken into account. For instance, although wasure-ru ‘forget’ might appear at first blush to be a straightfor­ ward case of an involitional event, it is not always unintentional: ‘forgetting’ can be attempted on purpose, cf. the tentative, e.g. ziko no koto wo wasureyoo to sitemo dekinai ‘although I try to forget the accident, I cannot’, even if it is not ultimately a volitional action. It can also be desired, e.g. the desiderative ziko wo wasuretai ‘I wish to forget the accident’. On that account, wasure-ru is classified as noncontrollable (/non-volitional), but not as unintentional. The object adjunct of wasureru and similar verbs is encoded by wo, e.g. tanosim-u ‘enjoy’, e.g. zinsei wo tanosimitai ‘I wish to enjoy life’, omoidas-u ‘recall’, and on less clear evidence concerning the intentional nuance, konom-u ‘enjoy, fancy’, e.g. eikoku no tabako wo konomu ‘I like English cigarettes’, etc. Lack of intent (and implicitly of control) as defined above, appears to be the crucial factor in conditioning ni to mark the adjunct which triggers the unintended event, situboo s-uru ‘despair’, e.g. kekka ni situboo sita ‘I was disappointed at the result’, which is incompatible with the desiderative or the tentative. The same applies to the following: odorok-u ‘be surprised’, e.g. zibun no kage ni odoroita ‘I was surprised at my own shadow’; obie-ru ‘become frightened’, e.g. taezu nani ka ni obiete iru ‘I am constantly being frightened by something’; kuru{w)-u ‘be crazy about’, e.g. onna ni kurutta ‘I was crazy about women’; museb-u ‘choke’, e.g. kemuri ni musenda ‘I was choked by smoke’; nayam-u ‘suffer front’, e.g. koi ni nayanda ‘I was lovesick’; nak-u ‘cry’, e.g. hihoo ni naita/nakidasita ‘I cried at the sad news’, and many other verbs, gakkari s-uru ‘be disappointed’, heikoo s-uru ‘be dumbfounded’, sessi yakuwan s-uru ‘grind one’s teeth and clench one’s fists’, ononok-u ‘tremble in fear’, akogare-ru ‘idolise’, akire-ru ‘be appalled by’, etc. A number of emotion verbs show variation between wo and ni, e.g. yorokob-u ‘rejoice’, osore-ru ‘fear’, kansya s-uru ‘feel grateful’, okor-u ‘become angry’. Not all the verbs taking ni have a ‘negative’ denotation, e.g. kinki zyakuyaku suru ‘dance for joy’, e.g. seikoo ni kinki zyakuyaku sita ‘I danced for joy at the success’; manzoku s-uru ‘become satisfied’, e.g. siken no kekka ni manzoku sita ‘I was satisfied with the exam results’; iki-ru ‘live’, e.g. kiboo ni ikiru ‘I will live in the hope’, which by allowing the tentative construction appears to be borderline. From a semantic viewpoint it is of some interest that verbs denoting events performed

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with great effort also take ni, e.g. teikoo s-uru ‘resist’ in teki ni teikoo suru ‘resist the enemy’, or hantai s-uru ‘oppose’, doryoku s-uru ‘endeavour’, tutome-ru ‘exert oneself for’, sakara(w)-u ‘go against’ and seikoo s-uru ‘succeed in’. Again semantic borderline status is reflected in variation between ni and wo, e.g. sigoto ni/wo hagemu ‘be assiduous in one’s work’ (hagem-u ‘strive’), and there are instances by semantic generalization? - of insentient subjects, e.g. hune ‘ship’ in hune ga boohuu ni taeta ‘the ship weathered the storm’ (tae-ru ‘endure’). To the extent that such effort verbs are intuitively natural with a tentative construction, e.g. taegatai koto ni taemasyoo ‘let us endure the unbearable’, they can hardly be said to fulfil the criterion of unintentionality. Yet the desiderative is less acceptable - perhaps because too much toil is involved - cf. Itaegatai koto ni taetai ‘I wish to endure the unbearable’, and might therefore be said to be the defining factor for a group of verbs denoting either unintentional events or events performed with difficulty/ effort. In any event, the case for this semantic amalgam (elsewhere termed limited control (Saunders & Davis 1982)), seems good, not least because the same seman­ tic strands are repeatedly brought together in Japanese, viz. the MJ perfective aspect -te simau (§4.2.1) and CJ -(i)nu (cf. §4.3.3). The n/-adjunct of the emotion verbs does not pass the syntactic test of governed direct object one would have expected of a governed adjunct, since it cannot func­ tion as the subject in a passive construction. Rather, it is diagnostically significant in setting off unintentional sentient verbs from the ones which allow intentional readings and construct with de to mark an instrumental adjunct irrespective of the other syntactic entailments, e.g. wasure-ru ‘forget’ in tyuusya dezensoku no kurusimi wo wasureta ‘with the injection I forgot the suffering of asthma’, or sin-u ‘die’ in sensei wa gan de sinda ‘the teacher died from cancer’, cf. the intentional sinoo to sita ga sinikirenakatta ‘I intended to die, but I could not’ (kire-na-i ‘cannot carry through V’). Some verbs, such as kurusim-u ‘suffer’, show variation between ni and de, e.g. fitobito wa mizubusoku ni/de kurusinda ‘people suffered water short­ age’. Note in this connection that the ^/-adjunct may be conditioned not only by lack of intent as a lexical feature of a verb, but pragmatically by the same feature being entailed for the subject of an (idiomatic?) transitive construction, e.g. hara wo tate-ru ‘get angry’ (lit. ‘make the belly stand’) in aitu no taido ni hara wo tateta ‘I got angry at the attitude of that fellow’, or tameiki wo moras-u ‘heave a sigh’ in siken no kekka ni tameiki wo morasita ‘I heaved a sigh at the exam results’ (morasu ‘let leak, reveal’), which contrasts with volitional kanozyo wa urami kara kare no himitu wo morasita ‘she revealed his secret out of spite’. Note that this condition on ni means that the above emotion verbs form a mor­ phological and semantic continuum with (indirect) passive constructions, which in turn represent the premodem passive constructions: both are characterized by entailments for the ^/-adjunct causing a change in the subject(/topic), whose one typical Agent-like semantic property is sentience (with a few exceptions) (cf. §5.4.5). Along that continuum we find some morphological passive predicates - idiomatic in as far as they have no active counterparts - with exactly the same entailments, e.g. nasake ni hodasareru ‘be overcome by feelings’ (hodasare-ru ‘be fettered’), yuuzyoo ni hikasareru ‘be drawn by friendship’ (hikasare-ru ‘be drawn’), or akke ni torareru ‘be flabbergasted’ (lit. ‘be taken by astonishment’) which already in­ cludes an idiomatic m-adjunct akke ni ‘in amazement’, in ova ga musuko no hidoi kotoba ni akke ni torareta ‘the parents were flabbergasted at their son’s harsh words’ (Jacobsen 1992a: 146-7).

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5.4.2

145

Locative verbs

It is a cross-linguistic characteristic of some motion verbs, e.g. tuk-u ‘arrive’, to imply a (resultative) state at the final location of the movement. Such verbs are termed final locative verbs here (cf. Boons 1985). In MJ the implicational relation between motion and resultative state is given expression by ni, which in effect neutralizes the distinction between final movement and (the resulting) locative state, e.g. umi ni tuku/tuita ‘I arrived at the sea’ implies the state umi ni iru ‘I am in/at the sea’, or the resultative state umi ni tuite iru ‘I have arrived at the sea’; utur-u ‘move’ in atarasii uti ni ututta ‘I moved to a new house’ implies uti ni iru ‘I am at home’. If the locative verb is transitive, movement is entailed for the object referent, e.g. itigo ‘strawberry’ in okaasan wa itigo wo itiba ni cias-u ‘mother will take strawber­ ries to the market’ (das-u ‘take out’); cf. intransitive de-ru ‘move out’, e.g. itigo ga itiba ni dete kita ‘strawberries are on the market now’. The semantic extension of final location ultimately includes all verbs which imply a state for one of their adjuncts, whether in a concrete location, or one figuratively or abstractly perceived, e.g. okaasan ga o-satu no taba wo hon no usiro ni kakusita ‘mother hid the stacks of notes behind the books’ or okaasan wa tantei ni natta ‘mother became a detec­ tive’ (cf. §3.8.2). Note, incidentally, the parallelism between final locative and the aspect structure of -te iru. Just as the final locative and its implied resulting locative state denotation are neutralized in ni, the progressive in the sense of an advance towards the natural end-point of the event and the state resulting from reaching this end-point, are neutralized by V-te iru (cf. §4.4). It may be possible to define the n/-adjunct comprehensively in a way which includes both limited control (emotion/effort) and final locative predicates. Pro­ vided that we (unlike Dowty 1991) define movement as a patient-like feature, the m'-adjunct in both constructions is characterized by at least one agent-like property, causation or lack of movement, in contrast to another adjunct defined by patient­ like feature, non-intention and movement, respectively. At this very general level, therefore, the m'-adjunct arguably presupposes another adjunct with distinctive patient-like features. Returning to locative verbs, those denoting an initial movement encoded by wo, merely imply non-presence at the place of the initial location, e.g. yo wo satta ‘left this world > died’ (sar-u ‘exit’) in its actualized reading implies yo ni inai ‘is not in the world’ or yo wo satte iru ‘has left the world’. There are a few MJ initial locative verbs, e.g. kiken wo nogareru ‘escape the danger’ (nogare-ru ‘escape’), tyuusinbu wo hanareru ‘leave the central area’ (hanare-ru ‘leave’), tyuusinbu wo sugiru ‘pass the centre’ (sugi-ru ‘pass’), etc, but most verbs are multilocational, i.e. they can be either initial locative mati wo deta ‘I left the town’ (de-ru ‘move out’) or final locative soto ni de-ta ‘I moved outside’, etc., however, not at the same time, e.g. **uti wo soto ni deru ‘move out of the house to the outside’, and only a final locative adjunct can occur with a circumstantial locative expression, e.g. uti kara soto ni deru as opposed to **uti wo soto elmade deru. Note that the locative implication of both the final and initial locative verbs follows from their aspectual telic nature, the actional turning-point at which the dynamic event turns into a state. Verbs denoting the mode rather than the direction of movement, however, are atelic (cf. §4.4) and have no particular locative implica­ tion. They are termed transversal. A sentence like tori ga sora wo tonda ‘a bird

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flew across the sky’ (tob-u ‘fly’) does not imply anything about the bird’s where­ abouts as a result of its flight, in fact, the bird may still be in the sky. The same goes for kooen wo aruita ‘I walked across/in the park’ (aruk-u ‘walk’), or kumo ga sora wo nagareta ‘clouds flowed across the sky’ (nagare-ru ‘stream’). Telic readings are, however, not entirely ruled out with transversal verbs, e.g. kooen made aruita ‘I walked as far as the park’ implies kooen no mae ni ita ‘I was in (front of) the park’. 5.4.2.1 Actional locative de A locative adjunct is encoded by de, if not contingent on any locative feature of the predicate, e.g. nihon de ‘in Japan’ as opposed to final locative tukusi ni ‘in/to Tsukushi’ with a dynamic final locative predicate in (36)a, with a passive resultative state in (36)b, and in (36)c with the stative locative predicate, implied by (36)a: (3 6 )a nihon de wa mukasi zainin wo hanarejima ni nagas-ita Japan-L oc-W A lo n g a g o offender-D O is o la te d is la n d -io exile-PAST ‘In Japan lo n g a g o th e y e x ile d o ffe n d e r s to is o la te d is la n d s ’

(36)b

mukasi

nihon de zainin ga

yoku hanarezima ni

lo n g a g o Ja p a n -L o c offenders-FO C o fte n is o la te d is la n d s -io

nagasarete ita exile-PASS-PERF-PAST

(36)c

‘Long ago in Japan offenders were often exiled to isolated islands’ mukasi nihon de runin ga oozei hanarzima ni ita lo n g a g o Ja p a n -L o c exile-FOC m a n y is o la te d is la n d s -io be-PAST ‘L o n g a g o in Japan th ere w e r e m a n y e x ile s in is o la te d is la n d s ’

It goes without saying that transversal verbs which entail no locative implication beyond the duration of the action regularly construct with de, e.g. ningyoohime wa umi de oyoida ‘the mermaids swam in the sea’ (oyog-u ‘swim’) implies nothing about where the mermaids rested when they stopped swimming. Sometimes de/ni alternate depending on the locative implications: the occurrence of ni hinges on final location being implied, e.g. huzi-san no tyoozyoo niyuki ga hutta ‘it snowed/ snow fell on the top of Mount Fuji’ (yuki ga hur-u ‘snow’), implies huzi-san no tyoozyoo ni yuki ga aru/tumotte iru ‘there is snow on the peak of Mount Fuji’. If, however, snowing is perceived as a locatively indeterminate event, de is used, e.g. kinoo yama de wa ooyuki ga hutta ‘yesterday in the mountains, there was heavy snowfall’, etc. Occasionally ni appears in an obsolete CJ usage now characteristic of literary style, e.g. benisu ni si-su ‘die in Venice’ as opposed to colloquial ano tantei wa benisu de sinda ‘that detective died in Venice’ (cf. §5.6.5). 5.4.3

Intransitive verbs

Formal criteria for a comprehensive subdivision of those verbs that do not construct with a direct object, are hard to come by in MJ. Nevertheless, there is agreement among theoretical linguists on a bipartite division into unergative and unaccusative verbs, largely depending on whether the surface subject shares properties with the subject or the object in transitive constructions respectively. There is disagreement as to whether the basis for the distinction is mainly syntactic (e.g. Miyagawa 1989a) or semantic (Kishimoto 1996). Details apart, the semantic approach (Kishimoto 1996) evolves around the notion of volition for the surface subject. The diagnostic test is the deverbal nominal

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construction with V-kake ‘almost V-ing', whose acceptability is said to hinge on the volitional character of the event, e.g. nemuri-kake no onnanoko ‘a girl, almost sleeping’ as opposed to **odori-kake no taroo ‘Taro, almost dancing’ (from Kishimoto 1996:267). The unergative verbs by and large entail sentience and voli­ tion for the subject, e.g. asob-u ‘play’, hanas-u ‘talk’, hatarak-u ‘work’, odor-u ‘dance’, oyog-u ‘swim’, tob-u ‘fly’, ugok-u ‘move’. Under a strict bipartite division, unaccusative verbs include verbs with different kinds of entailments: (i) verbs which although they entail sentience, are unspecified for volition (cf. §4.5.1), e.g. hutor-u ‘become fat’, nak-u ‘cry’, ne-ru ‘sleep’, obore-ru ‘drown’, sin-u ‘die’, umare-ru ‘be bom’, yase-ru ‘become thin’. On the basis of the above test with -kake, this group includes some verbs which can hardly be defined as intentional, e.g. tissoku sum ‘smother’ or tukare-ru ‘tire’; (ii) Verbs, which represent the in­ transitive member of a morphological transitive-intransitive cognate pair, as a rule approximate, if not exactly mirror, the semantic properties of the object of the cognate transitive verb (cf. §5.4). This means that the subject of the intransitive verb is characterized by patient-like, affected or effected, properties only, e.g. kowareru ‘be broken’, taore-ru ‘collapse’, hukuram-u ‘swell’, tir-u ‘scatter’, kie-ru ‘dis­ appear’, kure-ru ‘become dark’, sugure-ru ‘excel’, nure-ru ‘become wet’, ter-u ‘shine’, yure-ru ‘shake’ or moe-ru ‘bum’. It follows that sentience or volition are not relevant entailments, viz. okaasan ga/dentyuu ga taoreta ‘mother collapsed/a lamp-post fell over’. Most verbs in this group are telic, and hence the -te iru form (in reference to a single event) tends to be interpreted as a resultative state, e.g. okaasan ga taorete iru ‘mother has collapsed’. A couple of constructions point to intention as a conditioning factor. Thus, both unergative and intentional unaccusative verbs, as defined above, allow the so-called intransitivizing state construction -te am, which expresses that a state is brought about by someone’s intentional action and which is otherwise characteristic of transitive verbs, e.g. to ga akete am ‘the door has been opened’, cf. to wo akeru ‘open the door’. A relevant example is zyuubun nete aru ‘I have had enough sleep’ (ne-ru ‘sleep’) (Martin 1975:523ffi; Jacobsen 1992a:194ff.). Also these verbs can as a rule form a participant-oriented (indirect) passive (see §5.4.5). As such, they differ from the (unintentional) emotion/effort (=limited control) verbs (§5.4.1), which incidentally are not considered as a distinct subgroup in the theoretical approaches in spite of their characteristic co-occurrence with a m-adjunct. 5.4.4 Suru ‘do’ The verb suru ‘do’ has a wide range of functions in MJ, from that of a versatile verb through denominal derivative element to that of an auxiliary. As an auxiliary, suru characterizes a set of marked modal constructions, e.g. the tentative yomoo to suru ‘intend to read’, the split constructions with an intercalated pragmatic particle after the head verb, e.g. yomi wa suru ‘do read’, y o ’mi mo sinai ‘do not even read’, and the intermittent constructions yondari sum ‘read among other things’. These constructions are subject to minimal semantic restrictions, in fact, the intermittent and the split constructions occur with all verbs regardless of semantic character­ istics, e.g. the potential predicate in kore zya boku no ie no koto wo kik-e ya si-na-i ‘as it is, I cannot ask about my house’ (Neko), or the copula in toki ni wa, mati no kesild no e da-ttari s-uru ‘in between, it will be pictures of views of the town’ (ibid.). Secondly, suru with the bound allomorphs -zurul-ziru, appears as a denominal formative in some verbs of SJ provenance, e.g. yoo-su’m ‘need’, yuu-su'ru ‘have’,

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yoku-su'ru ‘bathe > be favoured by’. The formation depends on the SJ element being monomorphemic. These are to all intents and purposes regular lexical verbs: (i) phonologically so by the accent being placed on the penultimate syllable, just as with simplex verbs. There are few unaccented verbs, e.g. kanzi-rulkanz-uru ‘feel’; (ii) morphosyntactically, by the split constructions attaching to the conjunctional form of -s-uru, and not directly to the SJ element, e.g. a’i-si wa suru (aisu'-ru ‘love’) vs. **ai wa suru; (iii) finally, exalted forms are morphologically derived, e.g. ai-sare'-ru (=passive), rather than lexically suppleted with nasar-u ‘do (exalted)’, cf. **ai-nasaru. 5.4.4.1 Verbal nouns and suru Arguably, the commonly used term ‘sum-verbs’ obscures the predicate grammar of the verbal nouns, defined as nouns that entail one or more adjunct(s). Verbal nouns (VN) have a verb-noun syntactic doubleface, functioning as a noun in rela­ tion to the predicate of the clause, and as a verb in relation to other adjuncts (cf. ‘Sekundarverben’, Wenck 1974:4.322). In some constructions the verbal noun occurs where a verb in the te-form or a final nucleus form was expected, while at the same time determining the morphological case on governed adjunct(s) (after Wenck 1974): (i) complex predicates, such as the benefactive o/go _ itadak-u, e.g. sotugyoosiki ni go-syusseki itadakimasite ‘receiving the honour of your presence at the graduation ceremony’, where syusseki ‘attendance’ entails a final locative NP ni, rondon wo go-annai itadakimasite ‘receiving your showing me London’, where annai ‘guidance’ entails a direct object NP wo; (ii) inside some subordinate clauses, such as V-te no ue (cf. §6.3.1), e.g. bengosi ni mo soodan no ue, aratamete henzi wo simasu ‘I shall reply after having spoken to my lawyer’, where soodan ‘conver­ sation’ entails an indirect object NP ni. However, the most general predication of verbal nouns involves suru. (37) exem­ plifies verbal nouns of all lexical strata, SJ (37)a, YJ (37)b, WJ (37)c, and hybrid expressions (37)d. The formative elements of each are glossed in the rightmost column. (37)a

hu’nki > hu’nki suru

‘rouse oneself’

(37)b

kokoroga’wari suru

‘have a change of mind’ ‘heart’ + ‘change’

(37)c

kosutoappu suru

‘costs go up’

‘cost’ + ‘up’

‘be disappointed’

‘chance’ + ‘fall out’

(37)d hyoosinuke suru

‘invigorate’ + ‘rise’

As opposed to the monomoiphemic SJ verbs in §5.4.4, these are not lexical verbs, but exhibit analytic structural features: (i) constituting accentual phrasal units: i.e. the accent, if any is present, is placed on the leftmost accented syllable in accordance with the general phrase accent rule, e.g. ko’okai ‘regret’ > ko’okai suru ‘regret’; (ii) a pragmatic particle can be intercalated between the verbal noun and suru, even when a case particle (wo or ga) is disallowed, e.g. ‘dismissive’ nanka ‘or that sort’ between zyoohatu and suru in (38), cf. **Hzyoohatu wo suru: (38) zyoohatu nanka

sum

hazu wa

nai

disappearance-or that sort do-NPST reason-WA not be-NPST ‘There is no reason why she should choose to disappear’

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(iii) the split predicate constructions are formed either from VN + suru as in (39)a (ya is an allomorph of wa), or from the verbal noun on its own in (39)b: (39)a

sonna koto wa sin.yoo si ya sinai that matter wa trust do-WA do-NEG-NPST ‘That, 1 do not trust’

(39)b sonna koto wa sin.yoo wa sinai that m atter wa trust-WA do-NEG-NPST ‘That, I don’t trust’

(iv) exalted form and potential predicates are formed by lexical suppletion, e.g. exalted nasaru ‘do’ as in kookai nasatta n(o) desu ka ‘so do you regret it?’. Generally speaking, the focus of research has moved towards an increasing discernment of subdivisions among verbal nouns, and the question to what extent they parallel syntactic-semantic distinctions among subgroups of verbs (Kageyama 1982; Grimshaw & Mester 1988; Miyagawa 1989a, 1989b; Tsujimura 1990, 1996). According to the original view, suru regularly enables nouns with a dynamic denota­ tion (i.e. verbal nouns) to form a predicate construction by ‘incorporation’ (Kageyama 1982) as an apparent alternative to an object construction, e.g. kenkyuu wo sita: kenkyuu sita ‘I did studies, studied’, apparently with no appreciable semantic dis­ tinction. The governed adjunct(s) are assigned case by the verbal noun, e.g. the direct object kakumei wo in kakumei wo kenkyuu sita ‘I studied revolutions’. In other words, suru’s role appears to be as a mere vehicle for predication. By con­ trast, the morphological case wo in the ‘non-incorporated’ construction, e.g. kakumei no kenkyuu wo sita ‘I did studies of revolutions’ is said to be assigned by suru. As with other predicates, case assignment depends on the complexity of the predicate, e.g. ga with the intransitivizing state predicate in gakkoo e iku toki ni mite miru to, sinbun ni rakugaki ga site atta ‘when I looked on my way to school, there was some graffiti on the (posted) newspaper’ (Asita) of rakugaki (wo) suru ‘make graffiti’. As more data have been taken into account, modifications have been required. Other things being equal, the variation between the ‘incorporated’ VN and the complex noun phrase is most readily acceptable when the verbal noun entails an effected or affected object, and by the same token, the subject of suru is defined as effecting/affecting, e.g. (40): (40) zidoosya wo seisan sita sin.yaku wo tesuto sita rondon wo kenbutu sita kooen wo sanpo sita

‘production of cars’ ‘tests of new medicine’ rondon no kenbutu wo sita ‘sightseeing in London’ ‘walk in the park’ kooen no sanpo wo sita

zidoosya no seisan wo sita sin.yaku no tesuto wo sita

At least with some verbal nouns which do not entail an adjunct, suru selects not wo, but ga. This applies to verbal nouns denoting spontaneously produced sensory or emotional activity, e.g. azi ga suru ‘have a taste’, nioi ga suru ‘have a smell’, oto ga suru ‘make a sound’, yokan ga suru ‘have a foreboding’, memai ga suru ‘feel dizzy’, zutuu ga suru ‘have a headache’, munasawagi ga suru ‘be uneasy’, samuke ga suru ‘feel a chill’, hakike ga suru ‘feel nausea’, hyoosinuke ga suru ‘become disappointed’, etc. Included are also natural phenomena which can be understood along similar lines, e.g. yamanari ga suru (/**nar-u ‘sound’) ‘the mountain rumbles’, uminari ga suru (/**naru) ‘the sea roars’, amamori ga suru ‘the roof

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leaks’ from amamori ‘water/heaven leak’ (Ruwet 1991:109). The lexical area of YJ compound verbal nouns formed by kokoro ‘heart’ or ki ‘spirit’ offers a piece of systematic evidence of the semantic continuum which exists between ga and wo and between aru and suru, cf. (41)—(42): VNga suru/aru are all unintentional; VN wo suru can denote intentional or unintentional events, e.g. kokoroga ’wari wo suru ‘change one’s mind’. The indication seems to be that it is the semantic properties of the verbal noun, not of suru, which determine the occurrence of ga or wo. (41) kokoroa ’tari ga a ’ru kokoro ’e ga a ’ru kokorono'kori ga a ’ru

**suru **suru kokoronokori ga suru kokoroga’wari wo sunt kokoroga’mae wo suru

‘happen to know’ ‘have understanding’ ‘have regret’ ‘change one’s mind’ ‘get mentally ready for’

(42)

kizukare ga suru kiokure ga suru kinori ga suru kigawari ga suru kizukai wo suru kigane wo suru kigamae wo suru kibarasi wo suru

‘be worried, fatigued’ ‘become diffident’ ‘be enthusiastic’ ‘change one’s mind’ ‘be worried’ ‘feel constrained’ ‘be prepared for’ ‘divert oneself’

kizukai ga aru

It has become apparent also that there are exceptions to the free variation between VN wo/0 suru depending on the entailments of the verbal noun. Of the verbal nouns which have been singled out as incompatible or of low acceptability with wo, several form final locative predicates, e.g. tootyaku ‘arrival’, meityuu ‘on-target hit’, syoosin ‘promotion’ or taizai ‘stay’ (cf. Miyagawa 1989b), cf. dentyuu ni syoototu sita ‘I collided with a lamp-post’, but **dentyuu ni syoototu wo sita, or ya ga mato ni meityuu sita ‘the arrow struck the target’, but 7/**ya ga mato ni meityuu wo sita. If a verbal noun like meityuu, just like a final locative verb, entails movement for an adjunct, attaching wo to meityuu, presumably defines it incorrectly within the final locative structure as the adjunct for which movement is entailed. This trend is confirmed by a randomly chosen sample of bimorphemic SJ verbal nouns, in which Isyutul ‘move/take out’ combines with another morpheme interpretable as its direct object, cf. (43). Speakers’ opinion concerning the presence/absence of wo varies somewhat, but there appears to be agreement that the manifestation of the final locative adjunct makes for a decidedly lower acceptability of wo, e.g. **tenrankai ni syuppin wo suru vs. syuppin wo suru ‘provide exhibits’. (43) syuppin suru syuttoo suru syuppan suru syuppei suru syutuzin suru

**tenrankai ni syuppin wo suru ?keisatu ni syuttoo wo suru ?koobe e syuppan wo suru ?siberia e syuppei wo suru isande syutuzin wo suru

syuppi suru syuppi wo suru syutugan suru (tokkyo no) syutugan wo suru

‘exhibit at exhibition’ ‘report oneself to police’ ‘set sail to Kobe’ dispatch troops to Siberia’ ‘take the held in high spirits’ ‘spend, have expenses’ ‘apply for (a patent)’

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Similarly, verbal nouns which entail an adjunct denoting initial location, predict­ ably encode that adjunct by means of wo, e.g. daigaku wo ritaia suru ‘retire from university’ (ritaia ‘retirement’), abasiri keimusyo wo syussyo sita ‘ I was released from Abashiri prison’ (syussyo ‘release from prison’), but do not easily allow vvo-attachment to the verbal noun, cf. **(abasiri keimusyo no) syussyo wo suru, l/**syussyo wo suru, ?/**(daigaku no/kara) ritaia wo suru. Only syukke (wo) suru ‘renounce the world’ (syutu + ke ‘leave’ + ‘home’), which does not construct with an initial locative adjunct, may indeed be preferred with wo. Finally, verbal nouns whose second element following /syutu/ denotes final location, seem to present a lexical continuum, ranging from the clear-cut locative constructions where wo is awkward, e.g. syuttei suruP.syuttei wo suru ‘appear in court’, syutuzyoo suru/ Isyutuzyoo wo suru ‘take part in’, to syusse suru/syusse wo suru ‘get on in life’ (syutu + se ‘go out’ + ‘world’), which is acceptable perhaps because of its figurative locative meaning. Broadly speaking, verbal nouns which can be interpreted as locative in the widest sense, i.e. imply a controlled relation between the two adjuncts as the result of the event, are questionable or unacceptable with wo, e.g. otona ni seityoo (**wo) suru ‘grow into an adult’ (seityoo ‘growth’) implying A" wa otona da ‘X is grown up’, etc., or saiboo ga nibai ni kakudai (**wo) suru ‘the cell doubles its size’ (kakudai ‘enlargement’) implying nibai da ‘be twice the size’, etc. (from Tsujimura 1990:284). Again within such a semantic frame, an adjunct marked by wo would be interpreted incorrectly as a controlling adjunct in an object control construction (§4.3.2). Note that in spite of their similar syntactic configuration, unintentional emotion or effort verbal nouns (§5.4.1), which entail causation for a m-adjunct, display what seems to be free variation between presence and absence of wo, e.g. zinsei ni zetuboo (wo) sita ‘I despaired of life’ (zetuboo ‘despair’), or koogeki ni teikoo (wo) sita ‘we resisted the attack’ (teikoo ‘resistance’). This in a sense is completely in line with unintentional verbal predicates being compatible with transitive syntax, cf. o-kaasan ni hara wo tate-ru ‘get angry at mother’. Incidentally, it has been noted that various expansions can improve the acceptability of wo with final locative verbal nouns (Sode 1996:28). For instance, while tootyaku wo is unacceptable in **densya ga eki ni tootyaku wo sita ‘the train arrived at the station’, it improves in hikooki wa gozikan mo okurete ('/narita e) tootyaku wo simasita ‘the plane arrived (in Narita) after five hours of delay’, with the final locative, narita e, not expressed; rendition in formal style with -(i)mas-', and last, but perhaps not least, the aspect nuance of okurete ‘being late’, which opens up the possibility of a conflation with the emotion/effort predicate construction, which allows wo. Note, incidentally, that emotion verbs differ from the regular transitive verbs in (40) by being less accept­ able with a complex object consisting of the verbal noun and its selected adjunct(s), e.g. 1zinsei e no zetuboo wo sita. 5.4.4.2

Suru ‘do’ and yarn ‘do’

The extreme versatility of suru shows in the ease with which it serves as predicate for general nouns which have no particular valence, although some require an attribute, e.g. buta no kao wo suru ‘have the face of a pig’ and other easily allow one, e.g. rekisi no syukudai wo suru ‘do the history homework’. Although absence of wo is often preferred, e.g. hikooki mo buta no kao site purunpurun to tonde iru ‘even planes are flying having pig’s faces'(Boku), where the attributive element,

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buta no, gives away the syntactic structure hula no kao wo ‘the face of a pig’, “incorporation” into the suru-predicate with the attributive noun marked by wo, is not allowed, cf. **rekisi wo syukudai suru ‘do history homework’ or **buta wo kao suru ‘grimace a pig’. These predicates are generally definable as activities, e.g. nekutai wo suru ‘wear a necktie’. It is noteworthy in this connection that another versatile verb, yaru ‘do’ (< ‘send off’), is rapidly gaining currency in an informal, mostly male speech style, when the predicate is interpreted as volitional, e.g. itazura (wo) sita/yatta ‘played a trick’, tenisu (wo) sita/yatta ‘played tennis’, kooen (wo) sita/yatta ‘gave a lecture’, or in a “creative” usage with otoko ‘man’ in (44): (44) otoko wo yatte iru

told [nodo ga

kawaku]

man-DO do-PEFR-NPST time throat-FOC thirsty-NPST

koto ga

ooi

matter-FOC many-NPST

‘When I am acting the man, I often get thirsty’ (1994 Asahi Beer commercial) Yaru also occurs with reduplicated adverbials, provided the interpretation is inten­ tional, e.g. (45): (45) ana ni yubi wo irete

guriguri

yatta

hole-io finger-DO enter-TE round-and-round do-PAST ‘Sticking m y finger into the hole I turned it around’ (Neko)

5.4.5

Passive

The scope of the passive construction in Premodern Japanese, which is still reflected in MJ, eschews a narrow English perspective by the passive predicate entailing two adjuncts which must be either sentient or commonplace sentient metaphors, e.g. kaze ‘wind’ (e.g. Klaiman 1987). One adjunct, encoded by ni, must be characterized by an agent-like property, e.g. causation or intent, otherwise com­ mon to the subject in the active construction. The other adjunct, pragmatically defined as the sentence topic, dominates the empathy of the speaker/narrator and has to have a referent relatively higher on the nominal hierarchy. They are com­ monly termed agent and experiencer, respectively. On the basis of these entailments, this passive construction is here termed participant-oriented (or elsewhere indi­ rect). Note that the derived functions of the morphological passive, potential, spon­ taneous and exalted functions, too, are conditioned by sentience (Shibatani 1985, 1990). It follows from the above entailments that the participant-oriented passive has currency with a large range of verbs including: (i) all divalent verbs where a relationship of affect, effect or causation obtains between the subject and object adjuncts exactly as in the active construction, e.g. (46): (46) mazyo wa doroboo ni hooki wo nusumareta witch-WA thief-io broom-DO steal-PASS-PAST ‘The witch had her broom stolen by a th ie f’

corresponding to the active doroboo ga hooki wo nusunda ‘a thief stole the broom’; (ii) trivalent effective verb, e.g. (47):

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(47) boku-tati wa okaasan ni iroenpitu wo tenpura ni s-are-ta i - p l u r -w a

‘We

m o th e r -io crayon-D O te m p u r a -io do-PASS-PAST h a d our c r a y o n s m a d e in to tem p u ra b y m o th e r ’

cf. active okaasan ga iroenpitu wo tenpura ni sita ‘mother made the crayons into tempura’; (iii) intransitive verbs which entail sentience and intent of the subject (cf. §5.4.3), e.g. (48): (48) okaasan wa [kawaigatte ita]

neko ni sinareta

m other-W A cherish-PERF-PAST c a t-io ‘M o th e r ’s c h e r ish e d ca t d ie d o n h er’

die-PASS-PAST

cf. active mazyo no neko ga sinda ‘the witch's cat died’. Note the similarities to the emotion verb constructions: firstly, the similar (but not identical) ‘passive-like’ entailments for the (sentient, unintentional) subject and the m-adjunct; and sec­ ondly, the indifference of both constructions to transitivity, i.e. the presence of a direct object in the passive construction, e.g. hooki in (46) or iroenpitu in (47), or in an unintentional emotional predicate construction such as siken no kekka ni tameiki wo morasita ‘I heaved a sigh at the exam results’ (moras-u ‘let leak, reveal’). With a sentient m-adjunct of a ‘limited control’ verb mitukar-u ‘be discovered’, as in (49), the result is a construction which, except for the derivational passive suffix, to all intents and purposes is identical to the passive. (49) kare wa mikkai no

genba wo tuma ni mitukatte simatta

he-W A ren d ez-vou s-G E N spot-DO w if e - io b e d isco v ered -T E en d up-PAST ‘He w a s d is c o v e r e d b y h is w if e on th e sp o t o f h is se c r e t r e n d e z v o u s ’

Governed adjuncts of the passive predicate, both the experiencer and the agent adjunct, can be unexpressed as long as they are inferable from the context, just as adjuncts in active construction. In (50) the speaker observing the event of a house jumping into a river, i.e. ie ga kawa nile tobikonda ‘a house jumped into the river’ (tobikom-u ‘jump into’), imagines what would have happened if the house had been his - a state of affairs which calls for a passive: (50) '[hirune siteru]

uti ni,

nap do-PERF-NPST w h ile - io

hi nya (=ni wa), oborete d ay-io-W A

[kawa e

tobi komareta]

river- a l l ju m p into-PASS-PAST

simau ne ’

drow n-TE e n d

u p - n p s t -e x c l

‘If one day [it jumped into the river] while [I was having a nap], I would drown!’ (Neko) Although not particularly frequent, insentient passive agents do occur, for instance nouns denoting human symbolic actions, verbal acts, e.g. kare no kotoba ‘his words’ in watakusi wa kare no [sinsetu na] kotoba ni kokoro wo utareta ‘I was struck (in my heart (sic!)) by his kind words’, cf. the active kare no kotoba ga watakusi no kokoro wo utta ‘his words struck my heart’ (ut-u ‘strike’). Weather expressions represent another border area. The passive is acceptable only with common analytic weather predicate constructions, e.g. ame/yuki ga hur-u ‘rain/ snow falls > it rains/it snows’, kaze ga huk-u ‘the wind blows’, and hi ga te-ru ‘the sun shines’, form passive constructions, as in (51):

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ame ni hurareta

(51)a

rain-io fall-PASS-PAST ‘It rained on m e’

(51) b

hi ni ziriziri

terareta

sun-io scorchingly shine-PASS-PAST ‘The sun shone on me scorchingly’

Particular semantic properties may make these verbs more compatible with the passive construction, e.g. hur-u ‘come down’ is essentially a locative verb, while huk-u ‘blow’ has a transitive usage, e.g. kitakaze ga kumo wo fuite iru ‘the north wind blows the clouds’. In any event, less common weather expressions are not allowed in the passive, nor are passives of denominal weather verbs, e.g. **ame ni hagesiku narareta ‘I was affected by the rain becoming heavy’ or **sora ni kumorareta ‘the sky clouded on us’ ((sora ga) kumor-u ‘(the sky) become cloudy’ from kumo ‘cloud’). Instead, analytic constructions formed by lexical suppletion are preferred, e.g. kesiki ni kasumi ga kakatta ‘haze lay over the scenery’ with final locative kakar-u ‘hang on’; or by a passive construction, e.g. (52) of tutum-u ‘wrap something’: (52) yama wa

kasumi ni tutumarete iru

mountain-WA m ist-io wrap-PASS-PERF-NPST ‘The mountain is wrapped in m ist’

(52) has no readily acceptable active counterpart, cf. **kasumi ga kesiki wo tutumu ‘mist shrouds the scenery’. Be that as it may, (52) is closer to the alternative MJ passive construction, which represents a simple syntactic-semantic shift between the agent and object adjuncts of a typical active transitive construction. In such passive constructions, the verb does not entail sentience, and the (possible) conse­ quence of the event for the effected or affected adjunct, encoded as the subject, is highlighted. The implication of the passive event is a resultative state. The analytic instrumental/causal expression NP ni yotte ‘due to, based on’ which is also found in active constructions, e.g. okaasan no syoosin ni yotte zizyoo ga kawatta ‘due to mother’s promotion things changed’, is used in variation with ni to encode the agent adjunct, e.g. ame ni yotte ‘by the rain’ in (53): (53) \huri tuzuku\

ame ni yotte hasi ga

nagasareta

rain continue-NPST rain-iNSTR bridge-FOC sweep away-PASS-PAST ‘Due to the [ever-falling] rain the bridge was swept away’

The implied result of the event in (53) is a state hasi ga nagasarete iru ‘the bridge has been swept away’. This latter passive construction is termed object-oriented here. Note that ni yotte is unacceptable in the experiencer-oriented passives, e.g. **okaasan wa musuko ni yotte sinareta, as ‘experiencing her son’s death’ does not result in the state **okaasan wa sinarete iru. The derivation of the two different sets of entailments in MJ passive constructions - one or two underlying structures? - has been the subject of a prolonged scholarly debate (e.g. Shibatani 1990; Tsujimura 1996 for a summary). 5.4.6

Causative

In the causative construction, the choice between wo and ni to mark the causee (=referent who is made to act/subject of the corresponding active construction)

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155

appears to depend on the semantic entailments for that adjunct as opposed to the causer adjunct, or sometimes on pragmatic features. In okaasan no kotoba wa hanako wo zetuboo saseta ‘her mother’s words made Hanako despair’, the corres­ ponding active verb (zetuboo s-uru ‘despair’) entails non-intent for the subject. In oziisan wa hana wo sakaseta ‘the old man made the flowers bloom’ (sak-u ‘bloom’), predictably only wo is possible because volition on the part of the non-sentient causee, hana ‘flower’, is ruled out. Other intransitive verbs present a choice between wo and ni, with wo being the more common option. The point seems to be that ni is preferred, when the volition of the causee outweighs the intentional vagueness on the part of the causer. Thus, in (54) an adverb, muriyari ni ‘forcibly’, effectively blocks the w-causee, cf. **hanako ni muriyari ni arukaseru, because ni implies that the causee, hanako, walks of her own accord (cf. Shibatani 1990). (54) okaasan ga hanako wo/ni arukasetara

iyagatta

mother-FOC Hanako-Do/io walk-CAUS-PAST-coND dislike-PAST ‘W hen m other m ade/let Hanako walk, she (=Hanako) did not like it’

This implication is absent with wo-causee, e.g. in suzuki-san wa sensoo de musuko wo sinaseta ‘Suzuki let his son die in the war’, wo would seem to rule out the possibility that the son’s dying was a volitional act; it does not, however, mean that Suzuki acted volitionally to cause his son’s death, but rather that he did not act to prevent it. The invariant entailments of the causer are therefore quite elusive. To posit intent as an entailment on the part of the causer adjunct certainly seems inconsistent. It may be more accurate to say that the causer adjunct is unspecified for intent, as opposed to the lack of intent of the experiencer in the passive con­ struction. Ultimately conditions are not dissimilar to those which determine wo and ni in active clauses, i.e. a wo-causee must have more patient-like entailments than the causer, whereas a m'-causee presupposes a sentient causer with otherwise patient-like semantic properties. In the case of a divalent verb, the entailments for the causee are necessarily more agent-like than those for the direct object adjunct, and the general requirement for the occurrence of ni is thus fulfilled (cf. §5.4.2), e.g. the causee okaasan ni ‘mother’ in boku wa okaasan ni iroenpitu wo tenpura ni saseta ‘I made/let mother make the crayons into tempura’, cf. the active okaasan wa iroenpitu wo tenpura ni sita ‘mother made the crayons into tempura’. Hence, any distinction of intent or volition on the part of the causee is neutralized here. Finally, while external movements involving body parts tend to be expressed by simplex transitive verbs, e.g. asi wo hakob-u ‘go’ (lit. ‘transport one’s feet’), te wo nobasu ‘stretch out one’s arm’, kao wo dasu ‘appear’ (lit. ‘put one’s face out’), causative predicates are common with ‘non-external’, often spontaneous body ac­ tions (mostly rendered by intransitive constructions in English), e.g. kavaradossi ga sunda tenooru wo hibik-ase-te . . . ‘Cavaladossi’s producing a pure tenor’ (Mikeneko) (hibik-u ‘resonate’), hanako wa me wo kagayak-ase-ru ‘Hanako’s eyes shine’ (kagayak-u ‘shine’), etc. This includes, perhaps in deference to the traditional Japanese perception of plants as sentient beings, cases when the causer-referent is a plant, e.g. niwa no bara wa [kirei na\ hana wo sakasete iru ‘the roses in the garden are blooming with beautiful flowers’ (bara ‘rose’, sak-u ‘burst into bloom’). Note that these predicates are defined as non-intentional by the presence of the ^/-adjunct interpretable as causing the event (cf. the analogy to the n/-adjuncts with emotion verbs), e.g. yukiko wa katayama no aibu ni iki wo hazumasete ita ‘Yukiko was

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TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE

panting at Katayama’s caresses’ (Mikeneko), where iki wo hazum-ase-ru ‘pant’ (hazum-u ‘rebound’) entails causation for aibu ni ‘caress’. 5.5

In view of the non-topic function of ga elsewhere, it should perhaps be con­ sidered whether the so-called ‘case-marking’ ga in stative predicate clauses might not be better understood in terms of information structure. That would be the case if there is a demonstrably strong tendency - even if it necessarily remains only a trend - for each adjunct of the stative predicate constructions to define the two governed adjuncts pragmatically in terms of perhaps a basic opposition between a topic constituent (often marked by wa or mo) and a non-topic constituent (mostly marked by ga). Such a pragmatic interpretation is supported by the fact that the referent of the subject of stative predicates is generally characterized by the high position in the nominal hierarchy, in the case of the desiderative, it is even limited to the interlocutors (cf. §3.1): thus, this adjunct is (even) more likely to function as topic than in other predicate types, and by implication, the rest of the sentence is more likely to belong to the focus part of a predicate focus. Note also, that a pragmatic account of ga is in line with the fact that other semantically similar predicates whose subject, however, is defined as requiring or allowing a referent other than an interlocutor, have transitive syntax: this applies to both the deadjectival -garu derivation (cf. §4.2.1) and the above mentioned SJ verbs. Another question is to define the exact conditions for the occurrence of the case particle ni {wa) attached to the sentient adjunct, e.g. (57)a-(57)b. The entailment of an implicit or potential intent (vague causation), does account for the m'-adjunct with the potential predicate and its ready acceptance with adjectives with modal or broadly potential (‘easy’/ ‘difficult’) denotation, e.g. hituyoo da ‘necessary’, muri da ‘beyond the reach o f, yooi ‘easy’, nigate ‘bad at’, muzukasi-i ‘difficult’, etc. (Kuno 1973:90f.). It accounts less well for ni encoding the possessor in possessive constructions, and the ‘experiencer’ in such adjectival predicates as omosiro-i ‘interesting’, kawai-i ‘charming, sweet’. Nevertheless, it does explain the absence of ni with the desiderative and emotional adjectives, e.g. hosi-i ‘want’, zyoozu ‘clever’, heta ‘clumsy’, kirai ‘dislike’ and suki Tike’, e.g. **sensei ni wa doobutu ga o-suki da. Note that the sentient adjunct determines exaltation regardless of the presence/absence of ni, cf. the contrast between plain (57)a and (58)a and exalted (57)b and (58)b:

Divalent stative predicates

The divalent stative predicates, the desiderative, potential, possessive, etc., form a distinct syntactic-semantic subgroup of predicates, which has been collectively defined as low on the transitivity scale (Sugamoto 1982) and characterized as follows: (i) incompatible with -te iru (Haig 1979:109); (ii) among the stative predic­ ates, the potential and desiderative at least, and some adjectival predicates as well, are modally qualified, referring to events in virtual rather than factual time (Jacobsen 1992a: 124); (iii) all entail sentience for the subject; (iv) case relations are encoded in ways distinct from those in dynamic predicates, as illustrated in the contrast between the dynamic intentional reading of wakar-u ‘grasp’ in (55)a, and its stative potential reading ‘be able to understand’ in (55)b (cf. Sugamoto 1982): (55)a

kyoozyu wa zyokyoozyu no human wo professor-W A lecturer-G EN

d iscontent-D O

wakar-oo to mo sinai understand-iNT-QUOT-M O do-NEG-NPST

‘The professor does not even attempt to understand the discontent of the lecturers’ (55) b kyoozyu ni wa

zyokyoozyu no human ga

wakaranai

p ro fesso r-io -W A lecturer-G EN discontent-FO C understand-NEG-NPST ‘T h e p r o fe s so r .d o e s n o t/c a n n o t u n d erstan d th e d isc o n te n t o f th e lectu rers’

Note that the ni wa-constituent in (55)b fulfils the morphosyntactic criteria for subjecthood, cf. kyoozyu in (56), which controls the exalted predicate o-wakari ni naru (Sugimoto 1986:329—31): (56) kyoozyu ni wa zyokyoozyu no human ga p ro fesso r-io -W A lecturer-G EN

157

discontent-FO C

(57)a

o-wakari ni naranai understand/EXALT-NEG-NPST

‘I

‘The professor does not understand the lecturers’ discontent’ This then suggests that ga attaches to a ‘non-subject’ adjunct, i.e. presumably the object, cf. the desiderative, e.g. aisukuriimu ga/wo tabetai ‘I want to eat ice cream’, and potential constructions, e.g. yuurei ni denwa ga kake-rare-ru desyoo ka ‘I wonder if ghosts can make telephone calls?’ (Nichome) vs. hanako wa denwa wo kakerareru desyoo ‘I wonder if Hanako can make a phone call’. In the debate as to whether one case expression, ga or wo, is more basic than the other (cf. Kuno 1973; Haig 1979), the appearance of wo has been attributed to (i) the SJ lexical stratum of the noun (Kuno 1973:93-5) e.g. megane wo yoo-su’ru ‘need glasses’ as opposed to its YJ counterpart with stative transitive syntax, e.g. megane ga iru ‘need glasses’; (ii) relatively long syntactic distance between the adjunct and the predicate; (iii) the degree of control which the instigator of the action has over the action, e.g. boku wa sinsoo wo/{ga) hanasitai ‘I want to tell the truth’ compared to boku wa sinsoo gal {wo) kikitai ‘I wish to hear the truth’ (Watanabe 1984).

boku ni wa yoo ga

aru

i - io - w a

business-FO C be-NPST h a v e s o m e th in g to d o ’

(57) b sensei ni wa i

(58) a \

go-yoo ga

o-ari-desu

p ro fesso r-io -W A PREF-business-FOC PREF-be-POL-NPST ‘The p r o fe s so r has so m e th in g to d o ’

hanako wa doobutu ga suki da H anako-W A anim al-FOC like-cop-N P ST ‘H a n a k o lik e s a n im a ls ’

(58)b sensei wa

go-zibun no doobutu ga o-suki desu

H anako-W A self-G EN animal-FOC PREF-like-cop-POL-NPST ‘T h e p r o fe s so r lik e s h is o w n a n im a ls’

Note that the canonical SOV order holds inside embedded clauses (cf. Haig 1979:124), the sentient/subject adjunct being encoded by ni or ga, e.g. (59)—(60):

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

158

(59) [aitu ni dekite ore ni dekinai]

nante hen da wa

he-io can-TE i - io can-NEG-NPST-QUOT strange-cop-NONP-EXCL ‘It is strange that [he can and I can’t]’

(60) [sensei ga

doobutu ga suki na] no wo

siranakatta

professor-FOC animal-FOC like-cop/attr nom -do Ioiow -neg -past ‘I did not know that [the professor likes anim als]’

The above entailment also explains the absence of a n/-adjunct with stative predicates/adjectives, e.g. naga-i ‘long’, which do not entail a sentient adjunct, cf. **zoo ni (wa) hana ga nagai. Such adjectival predicates can, of course, construct with a dislocated topic or a focus adjunct conditioned by semantic-pragmatic relevance, e.g. zoo wa in zoo wa hana ga nagai ‘the elephant has a long “nose” ’. This adjunct is, however, not the semantic subject and cannot dominate an indexical predicate expression. The MJ stative possessive construction requires a close semantic-pragmatic asso­ ciation between the referents of its two adjuncts, either kinship (sensei ‘professor’ - mago ‘grandchild’), e.g. sensei ni wa o-mago-san ga o-ari desu ka ‘do you (=professor) have grandchildren?’, or of a possessor/agent-verbal noun relation (sensei ‘professor’ - yoo ‘business’), e.g. sensei ni wa go-yoo ga o-ari desu ka ‘do you (=professor) have something to do?’. Indeed this association is what sets it apart from the dynamic predicate, niot-u ‘obtain’ or matte i-ru ‘have’. It is difficult to decide what determines the exalted predicate forms in such constructions as the above. Examples such as sensei wa wakai koibito ga o-ari-desu ‘the professor has a young lover’, where koibito ‘lover’ belongs to those nouns which do not take an indexical prefix (cf. §3.1), seem to suggest that it is the referent of the possessor, viz. sensei, which ultimately controls the exalted predicate o-ari-desu (for a discus­ sion, cf. Sugimoto 1986:253). The conditions determining the presence/absence of ni are yet to be fully investigated, as is the direction of the diachronic development - is it away from or towards case marking by means of ni or wo? 5.6

Historical perspectives

The following account of the historical developments of morphological case (§5.6.1, §5.6.3) and pragmatic phenomena, particularly the so-called CJ kakarimusubi focus marking (§5.7) or the copula constructions (§5.8), attempts to demonstrate how case and focus structures developed in closely interrelated ways (§5.7.1, §5.9.1). 5 .6 .1

O J-C J

ga

and

no

There appear to be several dimensions to the distinction between OJ-CJ ga and no (OJ no2), which must be reconciled in order to account for the post-CJ develop­ ment, cf. Table 2. It is argued here that the definition of ga as disjunctive, and of no as conjunctive or similar, is at the basis of the distinction in the sense that the other characteristics can be derived from it; (e) provides a possible etymological perspective. Conjunctive function and similitude are labels intended to capture the distinctive character of the relationship between the two nominal elements connected by OJCJ no, including the controlled relation between a nominal predicate and its subject (cf. Hendricks 1994, for a different view). The actual range of semantic relations

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE table

5,2

159

Distinguishing features o f OJ(-CJ)

(a ) p r a g m a t ic -s e m a n t ic r e la tio n

ga

and

no.

ga

no

d is ju n c t iv e

c o n ju n c t iv e > s im ilit u d e

p resu p p osed

not p resu p p osed

( b ) s y n t a c t ic r e la tio n : e le m e n t t o w h ic h (c )

ga/no

a tta ch e s is

p l a c e in n o m in a l h ie r a r c h y o f n o u n p r e c e d in g

no/ga

h ig h

lo w

( d ) p r im a r y c a s e r e la tio n

s u b je c t

a d n o m in a l

( e ) p o s s i b le l o c a t i v e c o g n a t e s

in itia l l o c a t i v e

kara

lo c a t iv e - f in a l l o c a t i v e

ni, nite

inside complex nouns was wide: possession oni no kafo ‘face of a demon’, locative yama no sakura ‘mountain cherry tree’, affiliation iyo no suke ‘second in command of Iyo Province’ or arifara no narifira ‘Narihira of the Ariwara family’, material matu no fasira ‘pillar of pine’ (from Iwai 1976:229-30). Crucially, no allowed a relation of similitude, tama no wonoko miko ‘a prince like a pearl’, and equation (apposition) fourai no yama ‘the mountain, Horai’, which was incompatible with ga, cf. the fact that wa-ga miko ‘my prince’ did not allow the interpretation **‘a prince like me’ or **‘I, a prince’. Note in this connection, that there was no presupposition between the elements connected by no. Thus, sakura ‘cherries’ and yama no ‘those of the mountain’ in yama no sakura, were both possible and could equally function as a subject adjunct (Iwai 1976:375). Conversely, OJ ga defined the function of the two elements it connected as different, which meant that miko was acceptable, but **wa-ga ‘mine’ was not (until CJ (e.g. Kokinshu 671), see Agatsuma 1966). It is conjectured here that this disjunctive property of OJ ga, not allowing the element to which it attached to be isofunctional with any other, may have sufficed to mark it out for generalization as a non-topic subject marker and clause conjunctor (cf. §6.6.1). Thus, only OJ NP ga is found to attach to a constitu­ ent that must be interpreted as a subject in a clause (e.g. MYS 3524). Or in complex noun phrases with OJ quasi-nouns, which by the very fact that they presuppose a preceding element, define ga’s function as differentiating, e.g. ga in kami ga kami ‘top of the top’, etc., ga appears attached to nouns and predicates beyond what was its otherwise ‘normal’ referential range (cf. below). On a different parameter, the occurrence of one rather than the other of no and ga was conditioned well into post-CJ by semantic-pragmatic properties of the referent of the noun to which it attached (see Iwai 1976:237ff. on Genji monogatari; con­ cerning Muromachi Period and later, see Matsumura 1969:323ffi). OJ ga mostly occurs with nouns that refer to the speaker, the hearer or other sentient nouns whose referent is someone close to the speaker or the person who dominates the narrative viewpoint, e.g. into ‘sister, love’, oya ‘parent’, or a demonstrative with a definite human referent, si ‘that person’, e.g. si ga nake'ba ‘if he is not’ (Nihongi 80), including also the question word ta/tare ‘who?’, or occasionally a definite inanimate noun, e.g. fi' ‘the sun’. That is, ga constructs with nouns high in the nominal hierarchy which are likely to function as subject and/or topic with predic­ ates in the plain form. Inside complex noun phrases, ga tends to be common in possessive relations, e.g. wa ga fune ‘my boat’ or into1ga te ‘the hand of my love’.

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

160

By contrast, no occurs with exalted or indefinite animate nouns, e.g.fi'to2 ‘other, people’ and generally with inanimate nouns, i.e. with nouns lower in the nominal hierarchy. The CJ indexical distinction between the two has been defined as fol­ lows: ‘no is attached to nouns/pronouns to which the speaker tends to give psycho­ logical distance (or treat neutrally), whereas ga is used after nouns/pronouns to which the speaker wishes to give proximity (ranging from intimate to insulting)’ (Kaiser 199la:71). Due to the more limited range of referents in OJ texts, this dimension of the distinction between ga and no is not often brought out, but cf. titi fafa ga tame2 ni, moro2fi'to2 no2 tame2 ni ‘for the sake of father and mother, for the sake of all people’ (Bussokuseki no uta, eighth century), where the indefinite noun, morofito ‘others, everyone’, constructs with no, titi fafa ‘father and mother’ with ga, both before tame ‘sake (of)’) (no/ga are explained as vowel harmony in Miller 1975b). The contrast in (61) is between the noble bonden (no) and the base daibadatta (ga), both functioning as subject inside parallel clauses: (61) [bonden no moromoro no raku ni B onden-G E N all-GEN

daigoo naru\ ni mo

fokorite inoti hatiman-

c o m fo r t-io enjoy-T E lif e

bussyau

8 0 ,0 0 0

masimasu.

large kalpas-cop-ATTR-io-MO Buddha nature exalt be-FiN

[daibadatta ga muken no

soko ni site

kurusimi

Daibadatta-GEN endless hell-GEN bottom -io do-TE pain

kifamarinaki] ni mo bussyau masimasu. unlimited-ATTR-io-MO Buddha nature exalt be-FiN ‘Brahmadeva, who enjoys every comfort and has an eternal life, too, pos­ sesses potential Buddhahood; Devadatta, who endures unlimited pain in the depths of the hell of Avici, too, possesses potential Buddhahood.’ (Hokke Byakuza Kikigaki-syoiomote 434) (from Kaiser 1991a:71) Nouns to which both ga and no can attach, often refer to what in contemporary conceptualization were sentient beings, such as flowers (Sueki 1994), and such cases should perhaps be interpreted in the spirit of the nominal hierarchy: ume in ume2 ga fana ‘the flowers of the plum (tree)’ (e.g. MYS 845) might reasonably be conjectured to refer to a definite or specific plum (tree), whose sentient character is highlighted, in contrast to appositional ume2 no2fana ‘plum blossoms’ (e.g. MYS 828). A poetry commentary from around 1200 regards the two forms as free variants (Kokinshuchu (1191), quoted in Kinsui 1984:104). Examples of A ga B in OJ-CJ place-names and locative expressions could point to an earlier, wider usage of ga, e.g. takama-ga-fara ‘field of heaven space’ (Akiba 1978a: 117,124), although a locative etymon, OJ -gari ‘at’ (§6.6.4) or kara ‘from’, might also be considered. It has been conjectured that ga is cognate with the OJ-CJ disjunctive question particle ka, perhaps originating in a combination with no, *n/no ka (Martin 1991:240). Semantically, this hypothesis explains the basic differentiating function of ga. We can surmise that reanalysis came about via disjunctive questions such as yume ka ututu ka ‘[is it] dream or reality?’ in (76), i.e. developing from requesting a focus to asserting one by means of ga (for an account of such a reanalysis in TibetoBurman, see Hargreaves 1996). The case for deriving ka from the demonstrative ka- defined as ‘that/the one known/it’ (Quinn 1997), is not incompatible with this conjecture either. OJ-CJ ga would then reflect an innovative stage at which definite

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE

161

animate referents required a demonstrative (non-interrogative) focus in certain syntactic-pragmatic constructions. Cf. the fact that OJ-CJ interrogative ka does not attach to nouns referring to the interlocutors, wa(re), kimi, etc., which means that it is actually in a (partially?) complementary distribution with ga. The innovative developments in the central dialects from CJ onwards follow naturally from the above (Wenck 1974:5.2222). It is usually surmised that the agentive character of the nouns to which OJ-CJ ga attached was instrumental in the generalization of ga in subject function. The parameters for the innovative gasubject appear firmly set by c. 1000, cf. the fact that 230 out of a sample of 260 occurrences in Genji monogatari encode subject (mostly in embedded clauses) by means of ga (Konoshima 1966:33-50, as quoted by Fujii 1991:178). During the sixteenth century, ga increasingly attached to a subject with inanimate referents and animate referents low in the nominal hierarchy (Kaiser 1991a:74, cf. also Ishigaki 1955:149). Concurrently, no was generalized inside complex noun phrases and already during the fourteenth-fifteenth centuries, restricted to subject function with exalted animate referents, or with stative or intransitive predicates inside non-final subordinate clauses (Iwai 1973:206ff.). The final stages of the generalization of ga can still be observed in MJ in the variation between no and ga in adnominal clauses (cf. Fujii 1991:191f). 5.6.2 ga and no in Kyushu and Ryukyu dialects The way the occurrence of no and ga in some modem Kyushu and Ryukyu dialects is determined by semantic-pragmatic properties of the referent of the noun to which they attach, resembles the OJ-CJ situation, although the limited range of verbs in the available descriptions could be suppressing the role of predicate semantics and information structure. In Sete dialect (Okinawa) (Uchima 1990:25ff.), ga when marking the subject, attaches to personal pronouns; kinship terms referring to par­ ents or grandparents; personal names referring to equals or persons of Lower social status; demonstratives which refer to Lower including taru ‘who?’. By contrast, nu (MJ no) attaches to definite nouns other than those taking ga; indefinite animate nouns such as / ’«: (MJ hito ‘other, people’); the inanimate question word nuu ‘what?’; and inanimate nouns. After nouns referring to other relations, the choice between ga and nu probably depends on pragmatic interpersonal relations. Inside complex noun phrases, the distribution of the two is basically the same, except that most personal pronouns other than formal ?undy,u ‘you’ (glossed MJ anata) pre­ cede the noun they modify directly. Incidentally, such a direct attachment of wa ‘I, my’ is also reported in OJ mid-Honshu and Azuma (Fukuda 1965:385). Uchima interprets the overall distribution in terms of in-group (ga) and out-group (no) (uti ‘inside’ vs. soto ‘outside’, respectively). It is interesting to note the considerable degree of overlap between these Japanese favourite indexical concepts and the agentive nominal hierarchy. In the end, however, the data seems more consistently accounted for in terms of the nominal hierarchy: it is, for instance, difficult to explain why taru (ga) ‘who?’ should be defined as in-group rather than out-group (but cf. Uchima 1990:34). However, its distinct focus may place taru higher in the nominal hierarchy than an indefinite noun, e.g. / ’«: ‘others’ (MJ hito), and given its animate reference, more so than inanimate interrogative nuu (nu) ‘what?’ (MJ mini). Evidence points to kinship terms constituting a semantic band variably defined from dialect to dialect (cf. Uchima 1990:36).

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

162

Likewise, in at least some areas in north-west and central Kyushu, ga is used after (i) nouns referring to speaker, e.g. oi ga iku ‘I will go’ (MJ ore ga iku), or inside noun phrases, e.g. oi ga hon ‘my book’ (MJ ore no hon), animate interrogat­ ive dai (MJ dare) ‘who?’, and informal as opposed to formal interlocutor reference, e.g. un-ga or usan-ga (cf. MJ o-mae) vs. formal (MJ anata) with no\ (ii) the familiar pragmatic considerations are also recognizable, e.g. in (62)a-(62)b, where ga is used in reference to speaker’s son, no in reference to someone else’s son. no is reduced to a nasal before m. uti n

(62)a

ntusuko ga sensei ni natta

home-GEN son-suB teacher-io become-PAST ‘our son has become a teacher’

(62) b

asuku n

musuko no sensei ni natta

yonder-GEN son-suB

teacher-io become-PAST

‘their son has become a teacher’ (from Kanbe 1992:68, sensei is a MJ transcription of 9c=sL) (iii) with adjunct focus ga takes precedence over the above lexical semantic consid­ erations, e.g. tukue ga yoka ‘the table is good’, or syenbee tsukutta ga yoka zyaa ‘making rice-crackers is better’, where vo-ka is the non-past final nucleus form (MJ yo-i). no is used elsewhere (Daiji Kitayama dialect (Saga Prefecture), from Kanbe 1992:55ff). The question remains, however, how to explain the scattered evidence for a general use of no in subject function in parts of west Kyushu (KHG, Kanbe 1992:55ff.), let alone the Sakishima dialects (see §5.9.1). 5.6.3

Governed case relations in OJ-CJ

Although the conditions for governed case particles, CJ wo and ni, are not dramat­ ically different from MJ, the OJ data do suggest a more consistent semantic basis, in particular for wo. It is also noteworthy that ni- and wo-adjuncts occur syntact­ ically rather freely, perhaps as a function of the poetic nature of the OJ data. For instance, the ni- or wo-adjunct may be separated by a clause or dislocated to the right of the sentence, a position not allowed for focused adjuncts or N nolga until CJ (cf. Lewin 1975, §106), e.g. (63) (cf. right dislocated NP wo in MYS 4394): (63) ume2 no2fana

tare ka ukabe:si

sakaduki' no2fe 2 ni

plum-GEN blossom who-FOC float-PAST/ATTR sake cup-GEN in-io ‘plum blossom, who made it float? —on the sake cup?’ (MYS 840)

(where no2fe 2 = CJ no ufe) The opposition between the two is set up schematically in Table 5.3: table

5.3

The contrast between OJ ni and wo. n i

WO

o b je c t /e v e n t p a r tic ip a n t

n o n -a ffe cte d

a f f e c t e d /e f f e c t e d

l o c a t io n

fin a l m o t io n

in itia l o r tra n s v e rs a l m o t io n

tim e

p u n ctu a l

d u ra tiv e

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE

163

As for case marking of objects, evidence from early CJ kanbun kundoku shows that the causative construction already distinguished between an wo-causee, either insentient or acting involitionally, on the one hand, and a volitionally acting nicausee, on the other. That is, wo-causee would occur with predicates such as ‘fear’, ‘rejoice’, ‘thrust into annihilation’, and «/-causee with ‘see’, ‘solve (something)’ (Enoki 1996:93—4) (cf. §5.4.6). A similar semantic condition on ni/wo determined the morphological case of the second sentient adjunct (referring to the interlocutor) of OJ verbs of communication: ni is used when the communicative event is or can be interpreted as merely informative, that is, does not require any reaction from the interlocutor, e.g. if-u ‘say’; wo is used, when the event of the verb requests a reaction on the part of the interlocutor, e.g. inor-u ‘pray’, nom-u ‘implore’, tof-u ‘ask’, probably also including af-u ‘meet’, mukuwi- ‘recompense’, kie s-u ‘have faith in’ (Yanagida 1985:176). The particular nuance of the latter verbs is borne out by the fact that the to-quotation they dominate, almost always takes the form of an imperative or a modal expression calling the interlocutor to action. Some verbs allow either wo or ni (e.g. kof-u ‘woo, love’). The interpretation of wo sometimes hinges on the willingness to accept that the wo-adjunct may be separated by another clause from its predicate (e.g. MYS 21), as well as by so-called raising of the subject inside a fo-predicate. An initial locative adjunct is regularly coded by means of wo, e.g. OJ-CJ NP wo somuk-u ‘turn one’s back on’, NP wo wakare- ‘part from’, as is a temporal durative expression, e.g. nagaki' farufi1 wo kofr va kurasamu T shall spend the long spring day yearning’ (MYS 1925) (cf. also MYS 4011, 3125, 2336, 4262). If more than two adjuncts of the same predicate qualify for encoding by wo, the one with a locative or temporal denotation receives wo, c.g. fi'to fasi wo uma ko'siganete ‘unable to let my horse cross the bridge’ (ko's-u ‘make cross’) (MYS 3538) or wasada w o. . . nafa dani fafe'vo2 ‘put up even rope along the fields of early rice’ (MYS 1353) (fafe2‘stretch’). The affected direct object either immediately precedes the verb as in these examples, or, if functioning as the topic, occurs in left-dislocated position. The verb fur-u ‘wave’ illustrates co-occurrences of a direct object and either an initial locative or durational adjunct: so'de wo furasane ‘please wave the sleeve’ (MYS 3725); kimi wo .. . so'de furu ‘wave the sleeve towards you’ (MYS 3184); so'de f a . . . wagi'mo1 ko' ga ife‘ no atari wo furisi ni ‘the sleeve, I waved it towards the house of my beloved’ (MYS 2609). The variety of combinations of particles in OJ is unusual by the standards of later stages of Japanese. Although some look intriguing enough, their raison d ’etre is rarely probed. For instance, the fact that mo ka mo and mo ka (rather than lea mo and ka elsewhere) are attached to temporal nouns only (ke'fu ‘today’, ko'yo'fi' ‘tonight’, ima ‘now’, asita ‘tomorrow’, norti ‘afterwards’ and so2ko: there’) sug­ gests that the former mo could represent a relic of an old case element, which might ultimately be related to the many temporal nouns with final -m in Korean. As for the case particles, there exist a few occurrences of NP ni wo (and NP to2 wo) attached to a noun denoting location:. .. saki'kusa no2 naka ni wo nemu to2 ‘[he says] I will sleep between [you] like the three-stalk-plant’ (MYS 904), and . . . yo'ru no ime2 ni wo tugi'te mi'ye ko2 so2 ‘in my dream at night appear to me again and again’ (MYS 807), where according to Omodaka (1957-66), ko2 so2 may be inter­ preted as the imperative of k-u ‘come’ followed by a form of the demonstrative (cf. MYS 4448, 1727). Although wo here is usually interpreted as a particle and labelled

164

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

‘emotional’ (kando-teki), there might be a case for interpreting it as a (conjunc­ tional) allomorph of the OJ-CJ verb won' ‘be’ with a (figurative) locative adjunct. This would explain cogently why the combination **wo ni does not occur. In fact, the case particle wo might reasonably be considered cognate with won', the above examples representing a relic of its predicative origins (probably both had High initial register, cf. Martin 1987:170fi). Such a hypothesis is supported by the semantic affinity between the durative and the initial locative-transversal nuances of wo, and the imperfective/non-anterior denotation of won', particularly as revealed in the OJ progressive constructions, e.g. katarafi' won ‘be talking to­ gether’, and the formative element of non-anterior/non-past -{r)u (cf. §4.5). Inci­ dentally, Martin (1991:244) has put forth a similar suggestion for the Korean accusative marker and imperfect adnominal form (-/). The case for a particular modal-pragmatic CJ nuance of wo < wori remains to be considered (e.g. Nakada 1979b, lines 113, 214, Genji monogatari, Hahakigi, pp. 184, 186). 5.6.4

Locative case formations in OJ-CJ

Several innovative locative expressions of nominal origin show up in OJ: MJ e ‘towards, to’, kara ‘from (> across)’ which has superseded OJ-CJyori in its locative sense in MJ, and two expressions that have not made it into MJ, but may be all the more interesting for that fact: gari ‘to someone’s place’ and direction-manner -sa{ma) ‘towards/in a _ way’. The noun OJ f e ‘ > CJ fe ‘direction’ > ‘towards’ represents an ongoing grammaticalization, viz. its combination with ni in yamato1fe ' ni nisi fuki'agehe ‘the west wind blowing towards Yamato’ (Kojiki, Nintoku), while in various compound noun formations with rendaku with or without no may predate its grammaticalization, e.g. OJ yama-no2-fe2 > yamanobe ‘foot-hill’ or OJ kafa-fe1 > kawabe ‘river bank’, etc. OJ fe ' seems to have an aspectual correlate, always constructing with imperfective aspect predicate forms (cf. Omodaka 1967); in CJ, it disambiguates the interpretation of exalted motion-stative verbs ofasu or ofasimasu, e.g. rokudeuwin fe ofas-u ‘go to(wards) Rokujoin’ (GM, Niou no miya) as opposed to rokudeuwin ni ofas-u ‘be at Rokujoin’. By the thirteenth-fourteenth centuries, examples of e show it to go beyond the purely locative denotation, NP e (MJ ni) ome ni kakar-u ‘meet someone Higher’ - a usage not even allowed in MJ - (Iwai 1973:216), and around 1600 e occurs inside complex noun phrases, e.g. titi e no fumi Tetter to father’ (Ishigaki 1955). In MJ final locative verbs, e.g. tuk-u ‘arrive’, kakar-u ‘hang onto’, tobikom-u ‘jump into’, and some verbs with extended locative denotation, e.g. nar-u ‘become’, show resistance to e. However, the ni/e alternation is uncontroversial with most multidirectional verbs, e.g. ik-u ‘go’, syuppatu s-uru ‘depart’, or atelic motion verbs, e.g. hasir-u ‘run’. With non-locative/sentient niadjunct, there seems to be lexical variation, but ni is the more frequently used, e.g. tekigawa ni/e zyoohoo wo tutaeru ‘communicate information to the enemy side’, or monbusyoo ni/e(??) syoogakkin wo moosikontu ‘apply for a scholarship to the Ministry of Education’. CJ yori (OJ yo'ri) ‘from’, in variation with yu, less frequently with yo and yuri in OJ, corresponds to wo in its transversal sense ‘across’ with, for instance, watar-u ‘cross’, kogi yuk-u ‘row away’. Note also that just like MJ kara (cf. 5.2.1), (post-) CJ yori could encode a non-topic (exalted) subject, cf. (64):

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE

(64) win no

kinzyusya wo ba uti yori

165

on-imasime ari

ex-E-GEN retainer-DO-WA emperor-ABL PREF-remonstration be-coNJ ‘the close retainers o f the abdicated emperor, the emperor tempers them, and . . (Heike, Nidai no kisaki)

OJ examples confirm the nominal origins of kara ‘extent’ as well as the close semantic connection between transversal/initial locative and durational denotations, e.g. OJ foto2to2gi'su fi'to2yo2 no2 kara ni ko'fi2 wataru ka mo (MYS 4069) ‘the cuckoo is longing throughout one (=the whole) night!’. By the period of CJ, kara occurs in contexts customarily defined as instrumental, e.g. kati kara makar-u ‘go by foot’ (Ochikubo), cf. modem Kyushu dialects. The use of kara appears to have subsided during the CJ period only to return anew in the thirteenth century on­ wards, perhaps as part of non-central influence on the contemporary prestige ver­ nacular (Ishigaki 1955). Another less common OJ case expression is kari or gari glossed ‘at X’s’. Although it appears a fully grammaticalized particle in ko2ko2ro2 no2mi2 imo gari yarite ‘sending only my heart to my beloved’ (MYS 3538), where kokoro ‘heart’ is interpreted as the direct object and imo (gari) as an indirect/locative object of yar-u ‘forward’, the short form of the pronoun wa ‘I’, e.g. in iduyu kamo kanasiki' se-ro2-ga wa gari kayo'famu ‘from where, I wonder, will my dear man come to me?’ (MYS 3549), might be taken to suggest that gari represents a fusion of the particle ga and the deverbal noun ari ‘being, existence’. Post-CJ examples with no between a noun and gari, e.g. fito no gari ‘to other(s)’ (Tsurezuregusa), indicate nominal status for gari. On a speculative note kari/gari might be cognate with ablative kara, the particular locative denotation of each resting with the final vowel, i and a, respectively - not to speak of subject-focus ga. Other possible cognates include the verb -karu of CJ ma-kar-u ‘(humble) go away from’, the demonstrative element ka- ‘this, that’ and/or the locative element OJ ka/ko found in OJ locative nouns, e.g. CJ miyako ‘capital’ cf. Aoyagi (1996), concerning the indirect object market gee in Kanto. A comprehensive account of OJ -sa must bring together its diverse functions: (i) indicating manner, perhaps significantly always in relation to a spatial noun, e.g. tata-sa ni mo ka ni mo yo2ko2-sa mo yatuko' to2 zo2 are fa arike'ru ‘both vertically, in this way or horizontally, a knight (yatuko) I look!’ (MYS 4132); (ii) attached to verbs of movement, -sa (with or without ni) apparently functions as a clause conjunctor, e.g. yuku-sa ku-sa ki'mi' ko2so2 mi'rame' ‘when going and coming back, you will be looking’ (MYS 281); (iii) attached to an adjective, -sa constitutes a stative predicate (inside sentence focus?), e.g.. . . wakayu [= wakaayu] turn imora-wo mi'ramu fito 2 no2 to2mosi-sa ‘how envious I am of those who will watch my love and the others fishing young sweetfish!’ (MYS 863). However, the best argu­ ment for referring -sa in (i)-(iii) to the same morpheme may well be the recurrent evidence in Japanese for the combination of the semantic features, ‘manner’ and ‘direction’, captured in English by ‘way (to)’, with a copula-like function. In particular, OJ ni and its derivations present a compelling parallel case. We should perhaps reckon with more than one stratum of .va-cognatc morphology. Kobayashi (1997) has presented textual evidence showing how the CJ noun phrase construc­ tion N no sama (ni/fe) ‘way’ (sama, accent class ?2.2a ?< 2.1), with which OJ sa is considered a likely cognate, was grammaticalized as a case expression. While the use of sama in its spatial sense is said to have culminated between 1000 and 1200

166

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

in the central Honshu dialects, it is surmised subsequently to have extended from directional to other locative and also non-locative functions in both Kyushu and Tohoku dialects (Kobayashi 1997:105). Its modem usage is at its most comprehens­ ive in Hachinohe dialect (Aomori prefecture) as outlined in Table 5.4: table

5.4

Case particle sa in the Hachinohe dialect (fro m H ira y a m a 1 9 8 2 :2 5 0 ff.).

a lla tiv e a c tio n a l g o a l re s u lta tiv e e x is te n tia l loc in d ire c t obj causee

tokyo sa etta mattja asu"bi sa egu lima sa noru kagya ki sa natteru gakkoa taka"date sa aru odoto sa hon katte yatta odoto sa sono sugoto saseube(a)

‘w e n t to T5kyo’ ‘g o e s to to w n to play’ ‘rid e on a horse’ ‘th e kaki h a s b e c o m e a tree’ ‘sc h o o l is in a tall building’ ‘b o u g h t a b o o k for younger brother’ ‘I make younger brother d o th a t w o r k ’

The Kyushu data displays more allomorphic variation within dialects, e.g. samjaa/ sanjaal san/sai in Saga (KHG:216), and dialect internally there may be a case for reckoning with two distinct, if cognate, particles: samjaa < samai < sama ni(lsama fe, derived by deletion of the nasal (flap?) n before i (common in Kyushu), anticip­ atory palatalization and compensatory lengthening, tends to be used in an allative sense; the more truncated forms have other functions, e.g. purpose uti nija ne-sai kaed-dake tai ‘I only return home to sleep’ (MJ ie ni wa ne-ni kaeru dake dayo), or final locative himo wo ude sai musunde kunsjai ‘attach the string to your arm!’ (MJ himo wo ude ni musubitukete tyoodai) (Kanbe 1992:96). If we assume that the innovation originated in mid-Honshu, it is difficult to explain why sama ni, which if anything appeared later than the other directional expression (f)e, could have spread to Tohoku and west-central Kyushu, while (jje came to characterize mainly the intervening area. It seems at least equally likely that OJ-CJ sama ni, which perhaps goes back to a compound of a mesial demonstrative predicate form sa(ru) and a noun ma ‘space’, was preceded by an earlier spread of morphologically (simpler?) sF-elements, traces of which remain in Tohoku, Ryukyu, as well as in OJ. As shown below (cf. §5.6.5, §5.9, §5.9.1), two word-families, definable as ^-morphology and s-morphology after their characteristic consonantism, appear repeatedly in connection with the above mentioned ‘way’(=manner/direction)-case marking, copula and adjectival formations. OJ-CJ sama would appear to represent one piece of that puzzle. 5.6.5

^-augmentation and the circumstantial case categories

It is well known that OJ-CJ -te attached to a case particle has given rise to several circumstantial case expressions in MJ. What is not clear, however, is why -te attached only to some OJ case particles, indirect object/final locative ni, instrumental si(-te), quotative/subjective essive to (in CJ), and possibly, allative ma(-ni), but not to direct object/initial locative wo or ablative yori. Nor has the distinction between CJ fe-augmented and non-augmented forms, e.g. NP ni vs. NP ni-te, which might reflect the precise OJ-CJ denotation of -te, received an explanation. In the following we shall address these questions, suggesting that there is a clear semantic basis for te-augmentation, and that -te can appropriately be understood as a ‘verbal-

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postposition’ (cf. Durie 1988), originating in a goal-oriented predicate structure (cf. §4.6.1). The subject as a whole has yet to be researched in detail. OJ-CJ NP ni-te, in effect, denotes a final locative motion, defining a following existential predicate aspectually as delimited. In the constructed examples, (65)a, koko ni ‘(at) here’ denotes an unbound locative state, whereas koko nite in (65)b defines a goal implied by ari, i.e. the w'/e-adjunct defines the onset of the temporal extent of ari, i.e. ‘X is here now’: okina

(65)a

koko ni ari

old man here-io be-NPST/FiN ‘the old man is here’

(65) b

okina

koko nite ari

old man here-io-TE be-NPST/FiN ‘the old man has com e/is here’

The consistent manner in which CJ nite contrasted with ni, is brought out in some actual early CJ examples. In (66), a speaker in the provinces wonders what will happen once he has arrived in the capital, hence miyako nite: (66) kafe1rubeku

to2ki' fa narike'ri.

mi'vako1 nite

retum-NECES-NOM time-WA cop - evid - fin capital-io-TE

ta ga

tamoto~ wo ka wa ga makurakamu

who-GEN hand-DO-QU

I-FOC pilloW-CJEC-ATTR

‘It is time to return. Once I am in the capital, whose hand (if anyone’s) will I use for pillow?’(MTS 439) By contrast, the event ‘being born’ in (67) does not presuppose a prior dynamicfinal motion ‘coming to this country', on the contrary, its effect is that of a final locative movement, hence ni: (67) . . . kono kuni ni

mumarenuru

this country-io be bom-PRF-ATTR ‘I have been bom in this country’ ( T M )

In other words, a final locative adjunct, which is contingent on the event of the (following) predicate, allows only ni, e.g. imo wo koko ni oku ‘leave my love here’. The general circumstantial locative case relation de in MJ is likely to be a product of a post-CJ semantic shift, whereby CJ dynamic-final NP nite > de came to be interpreted statively in a unified manner as a locative case particle, i.e. ‘V, having come to (be at) X’ was interpreted as ‘V (being) at X’. This gave rise to the MJ circumstantial locative, cf. de in the MJ equivalent of (68), kono kuni de umareta ‘I was bom in this country’. Interestingly, the constmction in (65)b has no parallel in MJ. Its directly derived form has been generalized as MJ copula, de aru and da. In MJ a locative resultative state denotation requires a telic motion verb in the perfect form to construct with ni, e.g. koko ni kite iru ‘be here (now)’ vs. ** koko de iru. Attached to non-locative nouns, CJ nite is usually labelled instrumental and considered in opposition to CJ site. The occurrence of one or the other depends, it seems, on the semantic properties of the verb: site appears conditioned by verbs entailing an effected or affected object, e.g. ut-u ‘strike’ in katana site utu ‘strike with a sword’, or faraf-u ‘brush aside’ in muti site farafu ‘brush (the dew) away

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168

with a whip’, whereas nite can characterize other types of events, e.g. fanas-u ‘speak’ in takaki kowe nite fanasu ‘speak in a loud voice’. Site also encodes the semantic causee in a morphologically simplex active predicate of transitive verb, e.g. genin site ‘by a servant’ prodded into action by the subject of yar-u ‘send’ in (68): (68) [kasiko no kokoro sireru]

genin site

yarikeri

thither-GEN heart know-PERF-ATTR servant-siTE send-EViD-FiN

He sent (a message) by a servant [who knew the heart of the other party], (GM, Mio) Or a causee of a causative, e.g. kikoye- ‘be audible, (humble) say’ in (69): (69) koginti site kosode no

on-kaferi

bakari fa, kikoesasetari

Kogimi-siTE garment-GEN PREF-retum about-FA say-CAUS-PERF-FiN

She (=Utsusemi) has made Kogimi convey to him (=Genji) just the reply to (his sending) the unlined garment. (GM, Yugao) Otherwise OJ site attaches to the conjunctional form of negative or stative predic­ ates: -(a)zu site, adjectives -ku site/ni site, copula/(final) locative ni site, NP to site (one example, MYS 452) and NP nomi site (two examples, MYS 1602, 913). There are two schools of thought on site: one relates it to OJ-CJ s-u ‘do’ - in which case the CJ variation NP wo site is conveniently explained (e.g. Iwai 1976:282); the other reckons that site represents a te-augmented form of a Pre-OJ instrumental/ emphatic expression *si, which may also have been used as a copula, and which is likely to be cognate to the demonstrative so'. The predominance of OJ site with low transitivity predicates seems in line with this. Furthermore, it allows us to see the obliteration of site and the generalization of nite in locative and copula functions, as part of the takeover of ^-morphology in the central Honshu dialects, §§5.9—5.9.1. By the fourteenth century, nite (> de) had superseded site except when marking a sentient causee, as in (68)-(69) (Iwai 1973:223). As shown in §5.9.1, the two hypotheses are not necessarily at odds. It is argued elsewhere (§6.4.3) that the MJ quotation particle to at its most general assumes an equivalence between the two predicates it conjoins. NP nari is commonly contrasted to the ‘subjective’ copula NP tar-i/to ar-i, see Suzuki (1985). Given this similarity to OJ ni it is hardly surprising that OJ-CJ to, too, should be teaugmented to form a separate clause of speaking or cognition, e.g. okina ‘S’ tote kaku ‘the old man [thinking] (that) S, writes’. In the event, this distinction is not maintained in MJ. Finally, it has been conjectured that OJ-CJ made ‘as far as’ derives from a noun phrase by te-augmentation, i.e. *ma-ni-te from the noun ma ‘place, space’ and the case particle ni (cf. Martin 1975:137, for an alternative etymology). The fact that te-augmentation is incompatible with the OJ-CJ initial locative or transversal, OJ **yu-te or CJ **yori-te or **kara-te ‘from, across’, not to speak of **wo-te, agrees with the description of OJ-CJ -te as a goal-oriented predicate/ clause conjunctor. By the thirteenth century when NP yori site and NP kara site ‘from NP’ finally appear with site - the by then generalized formative of circum­ stantial case adjuncts/conjunctional phrases (e.g. in Soga monogatari, Iwai 1973:2202), -te had quite probably lost its original spatial nuance.

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE 5.7

169

The OJ-CJ focus-type sentencs

The focus-type sentences are generally defined in OJ-CJ as sentences which, although syntactically superordinate, have subordinate clause characteristics, i.e. attributive or conditional nucleus form, and often subject marking by means of no or ga. The most common focus-type is the one traditionally defined by the morphosyntactic relation (kakarimusubi) between an OJ-CJ focus particle (kakari) and a marked predicate form (musubi). Of the five OJ-CJ focus particles, namu (/nan) < OJ namo, zo < OJ so2, ka, ya construct with the attributive form, and koso < OJ ko2 so2 with the conditional form. Commonly distinguished in terms of shades of ‘emphasis’, inspection of CJ discourse shows these particles to function prag­ matically, forming a quite complex system of morphological focus. The overall syntactic configuration of constituents in a sentence and the scope of focus has only recently begin to receive scholarly attention (cf. Sasaki 1992). Each particle can be informally defined in relation to the constituent to which it attaches and sometimes in relation to other sentence constituents. namu unmarked focus, responds to a vague hearer expectation, or points out or defines a speaker focus; zo

defines a hearer expectation; e.g. defines (what the speaker takes to be) the hearer’s focus of attention;

ka

focuses a question; suggests a possible focus for the hearer to respond;

ya

suggests to the hearer that he should focus his attention on speaker expectation;

koso

asserts regardless o f hearer expectation; insists on a speaker focus.

It may be helpful as a basic frame of reference to consider these particles in terms of the focus distinctions used for MJ (cf. §5.1). CJ namu (NP namu VP) tends to indicate a broad predicate-focus, often encompassing one or more adjuncts. Since it typically responds to the vague hearer expectation ‘what (if anything) is the matter?/what next?’ which is often expressed in discourse by a question with ka, it follows that namu can be used in narrative descriptions with evidential -(i)ker-i/-u (Iwai 1976:352). In fact, each sentence in a running narrative can contain a namuadjunct, e.g. (70): the subject futari, the quotation-final to, and ni of a copula predicate, each of which happens to be the immediately pre-predicate constituent (following the topic) and presumably, the leftmost constituent of the focus part. (70) [sore wo yobafu\

wotoko futari namu ar-iker-u.

that-DO woo- npst - attr man

fitori fa . . . syau fa 1-wa

2- foc

be-Evn>ATTR

ubara to namu ar-iker-u.

family name-WA u - quot - foc be-Evro-ATTR

ima fitori fa izumi no kuni no fito ni namu ar-iker-u. more 1-wa i -gen

land-GEN person-io-FOC be-Evro-ATTR

syau fa tinu to namu if-iker-u. name-WA t -quot - foc say-EViD-ATTR

‘There were two men wooing her. One . . . was of the family name Ubara. The other was someone from Izumi province. His family name was Chinu.’ (Yamato, Ikuta no kawa)

170

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

Similarly in (71), the speaker provides the information she considers relevant in response to the interlocutor’s general question ‘what is happening to the dog that is howling?’. As an activated topic, inu ‘dog’ has been left unexpressed: (7 1 )

tadataka to

sanefusa namu utituru to .. .

T a d a ta k a - a n d S a n e fu s a -F o c beat-RPST-ATTR-QUOT ‘T a d a ta k a a n d S a n e f u s a w e re b e a tin g h im ( j u s t n o w ) ’

(74) go-kityau no

ofasimasu zo

koko ni zo

fusitaru

w here-L O C e x a lt e d be-ATTR-FOC here-LO C-FOC lie-PERF-ATTR ‘W h e re a re you?’T a m ly in g h e r e ! ’ (GM, H a h a k ig i)

Note that in the reply in (72) the speaker explicitly defines the focused adjunct with zo, although the focus status of koko ni follows naturally from the question. That is, the speaker persists in expressing a focus, in a way appropriate perhaps to the informal speech situation between a brother and an (older) sister. Alternatively, a speaker may acknowledge the focus set in the prompting question, using instead the so-called inferential or assertive auxiliary nari following the attributive form of the verb, e.g. madofi kitareru nari ‘(so) I have come losing my way’ (kitar-u come ) in (62) in §4.9.1. nari essentially represents a predicate focus construction, the likely successor to, and perhaps a cognate of the CJ focus particle namu. In conclusion, all focus-type sentences including focus with nari are distinguished by an attribu­ tive (or conditional) nucleus form of the predicate. Thirdly, koso indicates a focus asserted in spite of an (assumed or real) challenge by the hearer or others. For instance, when in the same passage of Makura no soshi a wretched dog seeks shelter in the empress’s apartments, opinions are divided among the court ladies as to whether it is the dog who used to live at court or not. In this case, affirmation as an immediate response to the situation calls for zo, e.g. sore zo to “ ‘it is him,” . . .’ (MS). However, later on when the dog responds to being pitied, this is taken as proof that he is indeed the empress’s dog and the definitive assertion, cancelling out earlier ones, is expressed by koso place between the two elements of an analytic copula in (73): (73) sa fa,

kore okinamaro ni koso arilcere

th a t w ay-W A th is O k in a m a ro -c o p -F O C be-E V iD -coN D ‘th e n , th is is O k in a m a r o a f t e r a l l ! ’ (MS)

It follows from the fact that zo, but not namu, can mark a focused adjunct, that only zo is compatible with question words. In particular, zo can mark the focused

]7 ]

adjunct in a cleft-construction, e.g. tare zo in (74), when, as would be the case of that construction in MJ, the speaker presupposes that there is someone behind the curtains, and that the hearer can provide him with the answer to his question. That is, ‘no one’ is ruled out as an acceptable answer:

(MS)

The distinction between namu and zo in (Early) CJ seems to hinge on zo’s ability to focus on one particular adjunct or constituent (cf. Ono 1993:195ff.). If, for instance, the dog’s identity, and possibly the fact of its being beaten, had been known to the hearer in (71), and the speaker therefore was replying to a question ‘who is beating the dog?’, she would have had the option to use zo to focus on the particular referent of ‘who?’ holding the hearer’s immediate attention, i.e. tadataka to sanefusa zo utituru ‘Tadakata and Sanefusa were beating (recent past) him’ or ‘it was Tadataka and Sanefusa who were beating him’. Thus, while the sentence with zo allows focus on one particular adjunct (adjunct focus), the focused scope of namu includes the predicate (predicate focus) as in (71). In CJ discourse, the focus of a whquestion, can be carried over, so to speak, into the reply to mark the focused adjunct by means of zo, e.g. koko ni ‘here’ in (72): (72) iduku ni

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE

usiro yori naru fa,

tare zo to . . .

P R E F-curtain-G E N b eh in d -A B L c o p - a t t r - w a w h o -F o c -Q u o T ‘W h o is it, (th e o n e w h o is ) b e h in d th e c u r t a in s ? ’ (MS)

Note incidentally that not only is this type of nominal predicate marked by zo pragmatically similar to MJ wh-questions with da (cf. §4.3.2), the similarity also extends to both being indexically characterized as male speech (Iwai 1976:249). Both ka and ya are used in non-declarative sentences. Details apart, the boldest and most consistent hypothesis is to interpret OJ-CJ ka as essentially disjunctive. This correctly predicts that ka, as opposed to zo, after a question word does not presuppose the existence of an entity which will qualify as an acceptable answer to the question. Thus, if the speaker in (74) had allowed for the possibility that there was no one behind the curtains, i.e. had asked ‘who, if anybody?’, he is likely to have used ka perhaps in conjunction with a modal predicate form in a non-cleft construction, i.e. go-kityau no usiro yori/ni tare ka aramu. Occasionally the nuance of a question word followed by ka may simply be one of ‘lesser force’ compared to zo, cf. nado ka ‘for what reason (if any)?’ in (75): (75) nado ka ito fisasikarituru? w h y -Q U very longlasting-R PST -A T T R ‘Why has it been such a long time?’ (GM, Yomogifu) As seen in (76), both ya and ka occur in explicit disjunctive constructions: (76) kimi ya kosi yoU-FOC COme-PAST-ATTR

/ ware ya yuk-ikem-u / I-FOC gO-PAST/CJEC-ATTR

omofoezu / yume ka ututu ka tell-N E G

dream -F O C reality-F O C

/ nete ka

samete ka

sleep-T E -FO C aw ake-T E -F O C

Did you come? / Did I go perhaps? / 1 cannot make it out / dream or reality? / asleep or awake? / (IM 69) Note that their lexical selections are somewhat reminiscent of those of OJ-CJ ga and no: ya attaches to nouns with definite referents, above all personal (pro)nouns ware or kimi, as well as demonstrative adverbs kaku or sika, etc; ka occurs with other nouns including question words (e.g. Ono 1993:259). 5-7.1

Case and focus in OJ-CJ and beyond

In CJ unmarked declarative clauses unaffected by considerations of focus, the topic and subject were as a rule left bare, e.g. in (ll) fito and bussyau, respectively. The same goes for a direct object. (77) fito

mina bussyau ari all Buddha n a tu r e be-N PST.FiN ‘All people have the Buddha nature’ (Shasekishu 6.10)

p e o p le

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172

A sample from Genji monogatari is reported to show 43 per cent of expressed subject adjuncts and an estimated 50 per cent of expressed object adjuncts to have no case/focus expression (Fujii 1991). This situation was only modified in written MJ under (indirect) language-external pressure from the language standardization movement, which established morphological case and topic marking (not neces­ sarily wa) as a norm in written Japanese in the late nineteenth century, perhaps adopting a premodem trend in the spoken (narrative) styles (cf. Kinsui 1995b on wa). Statistically about 20 per cent of subjects in a school textbook from 1875 had no particle attached compared to only 3 per cent in textbooks after 1900 (Fujii 1991:170). All the same, depending on the predicate and/or sentence constructions, and the referents of the participants in the event, OJ-CJ had means to mark the sentential subject or the agent. Among them, i has only recently been subjected to syntactic scrutiny (Miller 1989b). The majority of examples, found in the early imperial edicts (Senmyo) and texts in the kanbun kundoku tradition, mark the subject of volitional verbs, e.g. mawos-u in the intentional sense ‘report humbly’, todome‘halt (someone)’, etc., when the referent of the subject is definite and/or animate, e.g. imo' ‘sister; lover\ fa fa ‘mother’, seki'mori ‘guard of a pass’, ki'mi1 ‘lord’ as well as personal names (op. cit., p. 268). It has been argued that the central usage of i is in renditions of discourse inside complex sentences like (78): (78) nakamaro i

tadasiki

omi (OJ omi') to site faberitu

N a k a m a ro - s u B correct-A T T R r e ta in e r - a s serve-PR ST/FiN ‘N a k a m a r o h a s s e r v e d a s a n h o n e s t r e t a in e r ’ ( M ill e r 1989b:259)

This definition seems to agree with i in nominal predicate constructions, A i (fa) B nari ‘A is B’, used in sutra commentaries to define words occurring in sutras (Inagaki 1953), but leaves the vestiges of an early usage of i attached to the indirect object with inanimate referent unexplained (the Kume-songs in Kojiki and Nihongi, cf. Miller 1989b:263, 277). As for the suggestion that OJ shows traces of an ergative system, distinguishing the subject of transitive active predicates, viz. i, from the object of transitive verbs and the subject of involitional, or otherwise defined, intransitive verbs, viz. wo (Vovin 1997), the latter seems to hinge on the OJ-CJ subordinate (de)adjectival construction NP wo A-mi, and possibly CJ nom­ inal predicate constructions NP wo NP nite, e.g. sore wo yamafi nite ito yowaku nari tamafinikeri ‘with this (for a) sickness he became very weak’ (TM) (e.g. Iwai 1976:251). Generally speaking, case marking with (near) stative predicates, par­ ticularly inside subordinate clauses, was quite variable between wo and no. For instance, the object of OJ negated sir-u ‘know’ and V-amaku fosi ‘wish to V’ inside a nominalized or otherwise subordinate predicate, is encoded by no; CJ no could encode the direct object on two conditions: the subject is not expressed; the no­ adjunct immediately precedes the predicate (Wenck 1974, vol. 3:795ff.). Certain ‘modal’ contexts were particularly susceptible to no: the presence of negative ex­ pression, perfect auxiliary (stative predicate), with adjunct denoting similitude, and absence of volition in the predicate construction, e.g. . . . koto no wasurezarisikaba ‘as X did not forget the matter . . .’ (Iwai 1976:239). The case is rather better for a subject or agent marked by ni, when its referent is exalted or indefinite, i.e. relatively low in the nominal hierarchy. In fact, the distinc­ tion between a locative and a participant adjunct is often blurred by the fact that the

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173

exalted referent is expressed by a locative noun (cf. also Iwai 1976:253), e.g. onmafe (ni) ‘exalted front’ in (79), which parallels a less exalted, syntactically active construction fitobito notamafedo with an indefinite subject-referent fitobito without a case particle: (79) on-mafe ni mo

ofoserare,

fitobito notamafedo, . . .

PR EF -front-io-M O s a y -P A S S -c o m , p e o p le say (E X A L T )-a lth o u g h

although both Her Majesty says it and people say it,. . . (MS) The referent of the CJ passive agent is almost always sentient and commonly indefinite fito ni ‘people, other(s)’ as in (80). The experiencer-topic wonna fa com­ manding speaker empathy is definable, if not definite: (80) wonna fa . . soragoto wo fito ni ifi tukerare nado si tare domo w o m an -F O C

‘A woman

lies-D O o th e r - io s a y attach-PA SS e tc . d o -P E R F -a lth o u g h a lth o u g h s h e is s la n d e r e d a n d th e lik e by others,. . . ’ (MS)

Table 5.5 sums up some tendencies concerning morphological case and non-topic subject/agent adjuncts: table

5.5

Morphological case with non-topic subject or agent in OJ-CJ.

complex noun phrases. nominal clauses “special” predicates/clauses

high agentivity referent

low agentivity referent

ga i

no ni < *no2+ i (?)

These are admittedly somewhat disparate phenomena. Firstly, the distinction between CJ ga and no bears no straightforward relation to predicate grammar, although there is likely to be a tendency for the referents low in the nominal hierarchy (with no) to construct with intransitive verbs, and for nouns at the opposite end of the nominal hierarchy (with ga), to construct with transitive or intransitive, volitional predicates. The similarity between no and ni, and between ga and i, hinges on ni and i being conditioned by particular types of predicates (inside larger constructions) that entail semantic nominal features reminiscent of those with which ga and no are associated. Recent research on the restructuring of the CJ morphological focus system has highlighted the role of the emerging subject particle ga as a tangent between focus and case function (cf. Ono 1993; Iwai 1973; and particularly, Yanagida 1985). Case and focus in OJ-CJ were as a rule encoded separately, e.g. wo zo, ni zo, except that the innovative subject particles no and ga did not combine with focus particles (Ono 1993:216ffi), perhaps because they were primarily defined as noun phrase internal elements. There was, therefore, a distinction between either subject focus (zo/ka) or subject inside a predicate focus (namu), on the one hand, and ga/nosubject inside focus-type sentences otherwise, on the other. This situation generally holds into the CJ period (Yanagida 1985:132ff.). Meanwhile, already OJ ga/no could sometimes encode a subject inside a sentence focus construction without any explicit focus particle, but with an attributive nucleus predicate form (MYS 3539,

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

174

4430, 4092, 4273, 105, 2964, 206 in (partial) phonographic writing). The construc­ tion gained pace in CJ. (81) replies to a general question ‘why are you crying?/what is the matter?’; (82) introduces unexpected events into the discourse: (81) ‘suzume no ko wo

inuki ga

nigasituru ’

sp a rro w -G E N child-D O In u k i-G E N /F o c le t out-RPST-ATTR ‘The little s p a r r o w , In u k i le t it o u t ! ’ (GAT, Wakamurasaki)

(82) ‘[nafosi kitaru]

fito no

ofasuru ’

n a o s h i w ear-PERF-A TTR person-G E N /FO C e x a l t be-ATTR ‘P e o p le w e a r in g naoshi a re h e r e .’ (GM, Wakamurasaki)

Note that the referents of ga and no agree with the semantic conditions already outlined: individual, identifiable non-exalted referent (=speaker’s nurse) inuki ga, indefinite referent fito no. Later from the thirteenth century onwards, ga(/no) regu­ larly marked the focused subject of an adjunct focus sentence, while the still remaining CJ focus particles, zo and ka, were placed sentence-finally (Iwai 1973:206ffi). The syntactic placement of the focus particles may have been import­ ant to the interpretation of the focus part of the sentence (Yanagida 1985:132ff.). The details of what happened have still to be worked out. The fact that CJ-post-CJ ga/no always formed part of the focused part of the sentence, probably precluded their combination with exclusive fa (MJ wa) and inclusive mo, in the way that these two particles combined with wo, in particular, woba MJ wa), marking an activated direct object in exclusion to another referent, e.g. ki'mi' woba . . . mi'mu ‘(I) will see you’ (MYS 423). It has been suggested that a reinterpretation of wo as a non-topic direct object case expression in analogy with non-topic ga, could have led to the decline of wo-ba (Yanagida 1985:162f.). In any event, the combination wo-ba showed a rapid decline in central Honshu around 1600, at the time when ga appears to have become generalized as a non-topic subject marker, i.e. functioning increasingly in opposition to wa(/mo) which was becoming associated with topic function. 5.7.1.1

Case and focus in Ryukyu

Although du and ga (CJ ka) on Okinawa and (some) other dialects, function much like OJ-CJ zo and ka, and ga and nu appear pragmatically conditioned like OJ-CJ ga and no, the north Ryukyu dialects distinguish between grammatical subject function, on the one hand, and pragmatic focus function, or for that matter topic ja (=MJ wa), on the other, cf. the co-occurrence of subject and focus/topic particles in (83)a-(83)c (Naha dialect, from Nakamatsu 1973:28-9): (83) a

ta ga ga

ty-ura

w h o -su B -Q U c o m e -F U T

(83)b

?uja ga dun

wur-ee . . .

p a re n t-su B -F O C b e -c o N D

(83)c

‘W h o w ill b e c o m i n g ? ’

‘Since my

p a r e n ts a re p r e s e n t . .

.’

waa ga ja wakar-an i -s u b - t o p

u n d e rs ta n d -N E G

‘I d o n ’t u n d e r s ta n d ’

Ryukyu du is customarily associated with MJ zo < OJ so2/zo:, although on phonetic grounds dolto seems a closer fit. Note that i fa in early CJ kanbun kundoku (Inagaki

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE

175

1953) represents a central Honshu combination of a subject case and a pragmatic topic(-like) expression. 5.8

The historical development of the copula

Just as in MJ, the relationship of the copula construction to case and focus in OJ-CJ is obvious: the copula NP nari consists of the copula element ni, identical to the direction/location and manner case particle, and in finite predicates, a form of an existential verb. It seems to have been a recent construction in OJ, judging from the fact that analytic NP ni ari prevailed over the fused form nar- in OJ (Mills 1974:62), e.g. (84)a as opposed to (84)b: (84)a ki'mi1 ni ar-e ya mo ‘Be my lord!’ (MYS 3691) lord-cop be-iMP-EXCL-MO (84)b kimi1 nar-an-aku ni

‘As

y o u a re n o t

my

l o r d .’

(MYS 4447)

lo r d COP-NEG-NOM-IO

Cf. the identical (final-)Iocative predicate c o n s t r u c t i o n s ,nisi areba, . . . ‘because it is (/in) the countryside,. . . ’ (MYS 4011) and [ife1 naru] imo ni ‘my love who is at h o m e.. . ’ (MYS 3671) All things considered, the semantic combination of direction-manner, may well have been crucial to the emergence of the copula construction and the na-adjectives (§5.9), which was part of the comprehensive takeover of «-morphology lasting into MJ. Still, this does not explain what prompted a case expression like Pre-OJ ni (ari) to innovate as copula in the first place. The answer to that question may well be bound up with the wider linguistic situation on the Japanese Islands during the centuries preceding OJ. The following gives an account of the OJ-CJ copula constructions. The question of what preceded the ^-morphology is the topic of §§5.9-5.9.1. Certain recurrent features of innovation can be observed in the case of the in-based copula: (i) Innovative constructions represent aspectual distinctions that trail innova­ tions in the dynamic predicates with a delay of centuries, cf. fe-augmented CJ NP nite ari as opposed to OJ-CJ NP nari, and of MJ NP de iru as opposed to NP da (§4.3.2). That is, these innovations are not semantically vacuous. Presumably the delay is due to stative predicates being more ‘re­ sistant’ to the aspectual distinctions involved. For instance, CJ re-augmented NP nite ari appears initially to have been used to indicate a naturally delim­ ited state, as in the case of nouns denoting occupation and rank, e.g. aru kuni no zizou no kwannin no me nite namu aru to kikite ‘. . . hearing that she (=his former wife) was now the wife of the official who was to accom­ modate him in the province’ (IM), or wonna nite ari ‘(the child) is a girl’ when announcing the birth of a child, as distinct from an unqualified identificatory state, e.g. wonna nareba ‘because she is a woman’ (Takeuchi 1993:162); (ii) In due course, the delimited nuance of the CJ fe-augmented form was super­ seded: morphophonological fusion, CJ NP nite ari > MJ NP da, became general in (some) modal and pragmatically focused contexts, although for

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instance negative predicates retained the analytic morphological structure, cf. MJ NP da as opposed to NP zya (de wa) nai\ (iii) The old analytic form, too, might be retained and indeed receive a revival. For instance, MJ written style NP de aru regained wider currency through the Dutch dictionaries, after having been maintained only in scholarly writ­ ings from the post-CJ period until the early nineteenth century (Nakamura 1985). Any investigation of the particular focus-discourse functions of OJ-CJ nominal predicate constructions, must look at OJ-CJ nari in relation to what is likely to have been a distinct focus copula construction formed by so or zo attached to the predi­ cate nominal directly, e.g. the nari- and the zo-constructions in conjoined clauses in a ga ko2ro2mo2 sureru ni fa arazu . . .fagi2 no2 sureru so2 ‘it’s not that my robes are relief dyed; it’s bush clover that rubbed against them . . .’ (MYS 2101, see Quinn 1997:84). At the same time zo is also found intercalated between ni and ar-i, cf. (85)—(86): (85) kaiwau fa

riuwau no

koto zo

k in g o f th e sea-W A d r a g o n king-G E N m atter-F O C

‘It is the dragon king who is the king of the sea’/ ‘the king of the sea is the DRAGON KING’ (Gyokujinshd) (86) [ko2ko:ro2 naki1] to2ri ni so arike'ru h e a r t be not-A TTR b ird -c o p -F O C be-E vro-A T T R ‘It is a h e a r tle s s b i r d ! ’ (MYS 3784) It is sometimes assumed that the construction in (85) was derived from a nan-type copula in which an original ni disappeared in front of zo, and that this explains the voicing of OJ so > CJ zo here - although it would fail to do so in most other environments. If alternatively, the zo-copula is considered an older distinct con­ struction, the OJ tendency for nan-forms to be reinforced either by the focus particle zo (cf. (85)) or, for that matter, by the demonstrative si (Mills 1974, see §5.9.1), could conceivably be explained as stacking of copula formatives (ni zo/ni si) in a period of transition when the innovative nan-copula was introduced. As for their post-CJ relationship, it may not be accidental that the disappearance of zocopula coincided with the appearance of the phonetically fused, aspectually sim­ plex daldyalya, which by then was presumably compatible with the adjunct-focus (and assertive) interpretations of MJ nominal predicates. A short interlude of stacked NP dya zo (in shomono) during the sixteenth century is said to mark the transition (Wenck 1974:5.2231). The use of the existential predicate ar-i in (negative) assertions, e.g. in dialogues such as, ‘sore zo’ ‘arazu’ ‘it is him’ ‘no, it isn’t’ (MS), and more generally, the role of existential verbs in forming expanded predicates, e.g. combining the negative with the recent past auxiliary in mizaritu ‘did not see’ < mi-zu ar-itu, etc., can perhaps be counted as corroborative evidence for an older focus-type copula NP zo ar-u. Furthermore, the OJ-CJ zo-copula might have an analogous construction on Okinawa and in several other Ryukyu dialects, where the focus particle du is followed by an attributive predicate form jaru (final form jan) as in (87) (Naha dialect, from Nakamatsu 1973:34) (Okinawa j = MJ y):

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE

(87) janmee nu mutoo kufi du

177

jar-u

illn ess-G E N o r ig in m o u th -F O C b e - A T T R ‘The o r ig in o f illn e s s is the m o u t h ’

The origins of jan/jaru are problematic: usually glossed copula, it is phonetically close to, but not identical to the existential verb ?an/?aru. If related to the phon­ etically close Kinki-Kyushu copula form ya, it could represent a borrowing from Kyushu and perhaps a conflation with the Okinawa existential verb, particularly as there does not appear to be any evidence for cognate morphological cases, such as final motion-manner ni, instrumental CJ nite > de in Ryukyu. In the context of the Honshu copula forms, the placement of jar- after du is peculiar. The relationship between information structure and copula forms in dialects needs more research. If it is assumed that the du-copula is the only copula form in the Okinawa dialects, these dialects appear to represent a different systematic trend, or possibly a different stage of development from MJ: (i) the Okinawa dialects, which have distinct morphological expressions to encode focus and the grammat­ ical relation of subject, form nominal predicates by means of a focus element (see §5.9.1); (ii) other dialects, such as MJ, appear primarily to extend morphological case to copula formation. Finally, it should be noted that the Japanese copula constructions are not morphosyntactically exceptional, but resemble constructions in unrelated languages (see Li & Thompson 1977; Nichols 1981; Frajzyngier 1986). 5.9

Japanese adjectival morphology

Unlike MJ na-adjectives, the OJ-CJ common adjectival morphology does not off­ hand appear to have cognates among copula or case particle expressions. Rather, the OJ adjectival paradigm exhibits a variety of forms, some with quite specific syntactic functions, as briefly mentioned below. Firstly, the adjectival stem by itself has exclamative force, preceded by ana ‘is it not?/how . . . ! ’, e.g. ana tafuto ‘how awe-inspiring!’ (tafuto-si ‘awe-inspiring’), or with an adjunct (noun phrase + no/ga + adjectival stem), e.g.fuzi no takane no taka ‘how lofty the peak of Fuji!’ (takasi ‘high’). The formative elements are characterized by one of three consonants, m, s, k\ (i) OJ -mi' is usually defined as a causal clause conjunctor, e.g. yama (wo) takami ‘because the mountains are high’; it is common in early CJ kanhun kundoku as a basis for a verbal predicate derived by means of su ‘do’ (e.g. MYS 3215, cf. also Tsulcishima 1986); (ii) -sa with preposed noun phrase + ga(/CJ no), too, has exclamative or assertive force e.g. yama no takasa ‘how high the mountains are!’; (iii) the adverbial form -ku is probably the most well-defined example of kconsonantism, e.g. natumusi wokasiku . . . ‘summer insects delightfully . . . ’. It has been shown (cf. Unger & Tomita 1983) that the precise function of the remaining k/s forms is less clear in OJ than suggested by their traditional definitions based on CJ, i.e. final -si and attributive/focus -ki < OJ -ki' (later generalized, concurrently with the deletion of k, e.g. taka-ki > MJ taka-i ‘high’). To a lesser extent, the same can be said for conditional -kere. It has been proposed that -si and -ki represent a truncation of the above-mentioned -ku or -sa and the existential verb ar-i (Martin 1967:260 note 24, Martin 1987:804): (88) *-sa ar-i > OJ -si *-ku ar-i > OJ -ki1

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

178

Such a derivation seems all the more plausible because it derives the adjectival predicative forms by combination with the existential verb in the same way as the other OJ-CJ stative predicates (copula) and anterior auxiliaries, e.g. copula NP nari, past -(i)ki/-(i)si, etc., cf. the similar patterning in MJ between NP/A da and the past form -ta!-da of the dynamic verbs, e.g. zankoku-da ‘cruel’ and kan-da ‘chewed’ (kam-u ‘chew’). Looking at the modem dialects, the variety of adjectival morphology is impressive. MJ /(-morphology is distributed over all of Honshu (at its simplest in Tohoku, see Martin 1987:804; Mase 1992:370; Hirayama 1982:234), in Shikoku, and north-east Kyushu (KHG 1969; Yanagida 1985; Kanbe 1992), except for a few pockets of dialects with /-adjectives only. In Kyushu and Ryukyu, k- and .v-consonantism, reminiscent of the OJ-CJ adjectival paradigm, dominates. Dialects with predominantly /c-based morphology cover a belt stretching north-south through the central and western part of Kyushu, extending to Amami Oshima dialects and a pocket of Miyako Shoto dialects; while dialects with .v-based morphology are found in the remaining areas of Ryukyu: Amami-Okinoerabu, most Yaeyama dialects and Okinawa-Kume dialects. As in premodem Honshu /-adjectives, final adjectival forms, i.e. other than the adverbial form, are nearly always analysable as combinations of a kV or sV element with the existential verb, as exemplified in (89) by the /fa-paradigm of taga(MJ taka-) ‘high’ in Kagoshima dialect (KHG 1969:512ff.) and the sa-paradigm in Wahakui dialect (Amami-Okinoerabu, north Ryukyu) (Hirayama 1986). Kagoshima adverbial taga-gail-ga taga-ga finite negative taga-gara-n causative taga-gara-sui focus past

Wahakui (Amami-Okinoerabu) taka-saltaka-ku taka-sa-riltaka-san/taka-sa-mu taka-sa-ru taka-sa ’atari

Note that /r-morphology and 5-morphology tend to apply to all adjectives, e.g. suzusi-ka ‘cool’ (MJ suzusii), tassya-ka ‘fit, strong’ (MJ tassya-da), and sumaatoka ‘smart’ (MJ sumaato-da) (Saga prefecture) (KHG 1969:568; Kanbe 1992:348). (90) compares OJ and the modern k- and .s-morphologies. Capital letters are used below as a shorthand to indicate forms found in several dialects, ignoring minor phonetic differences. (90)

OJ OJ OJ OJ OJ

final attributive adverbial emphatic

reconstruction N-W Kyushu Okinawa

taka-si < *-sa ari > taka-ki1 < *-ku ar-i > taka-ku taka-sa

-SA(A)RU -KA(RU) -KU(/-SA) -SA

-SA(I-KU)

Although it is usually assumed that the analytic morphology (combinations with ar­ il) in present-day Kyushu and Ryukyu, necessarily makes the complete adjectival paradigm in these dialects more recent, Martin’s hypothesis for the derivation of the OJ final and attributive forms in (87), in effect, takes the bimorphemic structure of this morphology back to the Pre-OJ period. Indeed it opens up the possibility that the adjectival formative element of the Kyushu and Ryukyu adjectives represents

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE

179

a stage before OJ. The formative elements themselves, -kal-ku and -sa, might in turn represent the outcome of an (even earlier) truncation of an adjectival format­ ive and a predicative element, cf. the repeated combination with ar-i/ar-u in n-morphology. What is the evidence for the historical relationship between the /ca-paradigm and the sa-paradigm? Adjectival morphology, and perhaps above all the adverbial form, is much prone to borrowing, as the modern dialects bear witness to. The phenomenon of stacking of formative elements might provide us with a hint of the relative date of the elements involved. The point about stacking seems to be that the pro­ ductive element inside the local dialect, e.g. -ka, is stacked onto the non-productive and/or dialect-external element, e.g. the variation between zannen-na, zannen-ka and zannen-na-ka ‘regrettable’ in Fukami dialect (Kumamoto prefecture) (KHG 1969:460-1). This compares with MJ nau-i from English ‘now’, which is some­ times interpreted incorrectly as a base for a rca-adjective, e.g. naui na kanzi ‘mod­ ern feel’. In other dialects, the MJ adverbial form ni of the rca-adjectives is in competition with -ku of the local £a-paradigm, e.g. rippa-ni alternating with rippai (where n is deleted before i) is in variation with rippoo (< rippa-u < *rippa-ku) (KHG 1969:390-1), while -ka is used elsewhere: rippa-ka ‘fine’, rippa-ka-tta ‘was fine’ (MJ rippa datta), or rippa-ka-rasi-ka ‘seems fine’ (MJ rippa-rasii), etc. (Kitayama dialect, Saga prefecture). At the OJ stage, the noun/copula-like MJ na-adjectival paradigm was still at an embryonic stage with only adverbial expressions of extent or manner - in a sense, therefore, not strictly speaking stative (Yamaguchi 1981:17). Examples of clause final A ni ar-i/nari are not attested until the ninth century (ibid. p. 8). The point is, however, that in almost all these early wa-adjectives, ni follows -ka-/-ke2-(*-kai < *-ka-il), which looks like an adjectival(?) element, e.g. aka-ra-ka-ni ‘reddish’, fana-ya-ka-ni ‘flowery’ < fana ‘flower’ (MJ hanayaka-ni), si-ka ni ‘in that way’ or i-ka-ni ‘how?’, sometimes in variation with forms of the old /-paradigm, e.g. akiraka-ni ‘clearly’, and aki2ra-ke2-si ‘clear’, aki'rake2-ki', aki’rake2-ku, respectively (Unger & Tomita 1983). The suggestion here is that these forms represent stacking of an innovative ni onto an older adjectival formative ka, which is only exception­ ally attested on its own, e.g. musifusuma niko'ya-ga sita ni ‘under covers of musi fibres, the soft ones’ (Kojiki 5, Philippi 1968:111), where -kal-ga is, in fact, usually interpreted as the case particle. Note also that -ra-/-ro2-/-ya-/-yo:, preceding -ka/ -ke2- might indicate degree, cf. MJ plural -ra, or be yet another copula element. The frequency of this derivation in OJ-MJ contrasts with its almost total absence in Kyushu: in four modem Kyushu dialects with ^-morphology only two (sizuka-KA ‘quiet’ and nigiyaka-KA ‘lively’) out of 27 adjectives with MJ cognate adjectives in -ka-da were found to contain -ka (KHG 1969:543-69). The evidence for stacking of -sa in OJ is not compelling (cf. Kanbe 1992:352), apart possibly from the formative element -si in adjectives denoting emotion, e.g. kuru-si(-ku) ‘painful’. Inasmuch as -si/-sa does not occur with innovative ni, 5-morphology would seem to be less recent, but cf. NP ni si in §5.9.1. Yonaguni dialect yet again shows an amazing lack of morphology: adjectives appear to be morphological invariants, forming predicates by direct fusion with the existential verb, e.g. taga + an > tagan ‘high’, acu + an > acan ‘hot’ (MJ atu-i), and focused predicates by means of the focus particle intercalated before the exist­ ential verb, e.g. taga du aru ‘it is expensive’. This means that in this dialect nominal and adjectival predicates are structurally identical, just as in MJ. There

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

180

seems to be no dialect-internal support for reconstructing Yonaguni adjectives with -sa, e.g. *taga-sa an > tagan (cf. Hirayama & Nakamoto 1964:61 Iff.; Uchima 1984:617ff.), or for that matter -ku. Indeed, the contextually determined variation between k-based and .s-based adverbial forms in Yonaguni - an unusual phenom­ enon —suggests borrowing from one of the regional prestige dialects, e.g. -ha ( MJ

Kyushu

North Ryukyu

Sakishima

ko-

kosoado-

ku?u?a-(/ka-) du-

kuukadi-/du-

SO-

ai- > do-

North Ryukyu dialects are exemplified by Nase (Amami Oshima), cf. also Uchima 1990 (pp. 18ffi); Sakishima dialects by Yaeyama Ishigaki (Nakamoto 1983:168ffi). The same goes for Table 5.8 below.

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE table

5.7

181

OJ and early CJ demonstrative form s denoting manner.

manner

-te

p ro x im a l m e s ia l

kaku kaku-te si-ka3

in te rro g .

sa sate' i-ka

+ ari

-ku

-si

kaku nari12

kakari kakute arazu sikari sikaru-ni

sikaku' sikaku ari

sika-si

sika ni arazu sika nari2 sikaku ni sa nari2

ika-sama

ika-ni ika-nite ika-ni-site ika nari

sari' —

1 fo rm s n o t a tte s te d u n til C J (n in th c e n tu ry ). 2 in kanbun kundoku te x ts (K a s u g a 1 9 6 8 :3 6 4 ). 2 O J m e s ia l sika w a s m a in ta in e d o n ly in kanbun (M J soo), w h ic h is p e rh a p s a tr u n c a tio n o f sika.

-ni

kundoku, b u t s u p e rs e d e d e ls e w h e re b y sa

Of the OJ-CJ demonstrative forms denoting manner shown in Table 5.7, mesial si-ka and interrogative i-ka seem interpretable as combinations with what is likely to be the proximal/distal -ka, cf. the French ‘double’ demonstratives, celui-ci, etc., cf. also the OJ adjectival formative -ka (see §5.9). The innovative «-morphology in the right column appears in early CJ simultane­ ously with the emergence of na-adjectives. The connection between demonstratives and nominal predicates in OJ is also evident in the use of what was probably a mesial demonstrative si in pronominal resumption with emphatic force, akin to that in ‘To be or not to be, that is the question'. Significantly, si occurred mostly with stative nominal predicates, e.g. ima si kurasi mo ‘now, that is dark!’ (MYS 4305) < ima ‘now’, or following the subject case particle i in nominal predicate construc­ tions, A i si B nari, in kanbun kundoku texts (Inagaki 1953). It is reported to be particularly frequent between ni and ar-i of the nominal predicates, i.e. NP ni si ari (Mills 1974:75). Thus, although falling short of an unambiguous copula function, the OJ affinity of si to nominal predicates seems well established. Secondly, as already mentioned, it has been proposed that the focus particle zo derives from the mesial demonstrative OJ so2- (MJ sore, etc.) (Quinn 1997). The OJ-CJ evidence compares with the scattered evidence for sa-derived nominal/adjectival predicative forms throughout modem Kyushu and north Ryukyu, e.g. emphatic/assertive saru ga in told no un saru ga ‘it is the luck of time’, or ‘copula-stacking’ of zya and saru in soo-zya-ssaru ga ‘that is so’ (Miyazaki prefecture); exclamative adjectival forms are found all over Kyushu apart from Oita and Miyazaki prefectures, e.g. rippa-sa ‘splendid!’ (Saga) (KHG 1969:217); causal conjunctional form of adjectives -syaa, e.g. hiya-syaa tamarazi ‘it is so cold it is unbearable’ (Saga) (KHG 1969:392), or -see after dynamic predicates (Kanbe 1992:98ff). On Okinawa, an assertive sentence particle is found in Sete dialect, sa in way ga haku sa ‘I (will) write!’ (Uchima 1984), or in Naha (-saa and -sail-sari) (Nakamatsu 1973:98). The Old Kyoto accent data (Komatsu 1971; Akinaga 1974-80), although suggestive in places, do not support the proposed etymologies unconditionally: the proximal

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

182

demonstratives, kaku (HL) and kore (HH), have high initial register, as has ku ‘come’, for that matter; the mesial cognates are more complicated: high register is noted for sore (HH) ‘that one’, sama (HH) ‘way’ and in the main, for forms of su ‘do’. However, sa (L), sika (LL) ‘that way’ and its derivatives have low register, the latter of which has been singled out as an unusual accent class for a lexeme (Akinaga 1980:368). Considerable variability is found in the abovementioned emphatic si and the conditional form -sika of the past auxiliary (op. cit. pp. 230ff). Last, but not least, it is intriguing that the so-called kei-hyoosyoo (‘light level’) tone in the late Heian manuscript Zushoryo-bon (Palace Library manuscript) Ruiju myogisho, usually believed to represent a Fall (cf. Komatsu 1971:533ff.; see also Martin 1987:190), is concentrated on three of the etyma under consideration, namely the attributive or final forms of adjectives (-ki and -si, respectively), and compound verb forms with su (F) ‘do’. On the basis of the OJ-CJ evidence, one would expect the modem west Japanese dialects with /.•/.'.--adjectival forms to show /Vs-consonantism in expressions of man­ ner, as indeed they do, cf. Table 5.8. table

5.8

Demonstrative manner expressions in the modern dialects. OJ

p ro x im a l m e s ia l d istal in te rro g a tiv e

kaku sika —

ika(-ni)

CJ > MJ

K yushu

N o r th R y u k y u

S a k ish im a

lcau > koo sa > soo - > aa - > doo

ko-nge so-nge 7a-nge do-nge

ka-si [/;] ?u-ga-si ?a-ga-si kja-si morphology. The fact that the proximal ka-Ji does not include -ga again suggests an avoidance of a repetition of identical suffixes -ka, or merely of an identical CV sequence. The Sakishima data seem consistent in the sense that if, as seems likely, the adjectival .y-//c-morphology here probably reflects recent borrowing, we should expect the manner demonstratives, too, to be formed differently, cf. Yaeyama Ishigaki -ndi, cf. §3.0.4.1 —probably a transversal locative marker. As always, the southernmost dialect of Yonaguni provides food for thought, in this case, by a distinct mixture of unique and MJ-like features, forming adjectival predicates directly with the existen­ tial verb (see §4.9), while consistently using ni to form demonstrative manner expressions, e.g. kun-ni ‘this way’, un-ni ‘that way’, karin-ni ‘that way’, nuu ‘which way?’ (Nakamoto 1983:177). The nasal before ni may represent an older formative element in a stacked construction. Broadly speaking, the above strongly suggests that demonstratives were reanalysed in OJ, west-central Kyushu and north Ryukyu as (i) focus particles; (ii) adjectival predicate formatives; (iii) manner expressions. Yonaguni, which in other respects appears to retain archaic features (see §4.7.2.2), and MJ, which presents a development from OJ, both lack (ii)-(iii) as productive processes. In fact, as shown in Table 5.9, these two dialects share two other systemic features of

TOPIC, FOCUS AND CASE

183

case marking: (i) ni is used consistently to form final locative, indirect object and actional locative case expressions in MJ, and Yonaguni shows a more consistent ‘nbasis’ than its surrounding dialects; (ii) ga [pa] in Yonaguni marks a non-topic subject adjunct to the exclusion of no, just as in MJ. Offhand, this could be taken to suggest borrowing from MJ. At the same time, the fact that actional locative and the final locative meanings in Yonaguna can both be expressed by ni - as is sometimes observed in OJ-CJ, is likely to be an archaic feature, as is perhaps the unique actional locative ni-bi (corresponding to MJ de < de), where bi is probably a form of an existential verb. Add to this that Okinawan allative and final locative nkai < NA(A)KAI, too, may represent a combination with ni or na, and it seems not unlikely that H-based case morphology represents an old feature in west Japanese as well as in OJ-CJ. In other words, it is the particular use of ^-morphology, in the copula-construction etc. in OJ-CJ, not the form(s) as such, which appears to repre­ sent a (mid?-)Honshu innovation. table 5.9 Conspectus o f case particles, adjectival endings and nominalizers across dialects. The variant left o f / is the more frequent.

A o m o ri MJ S ag a O k in a w a H a te ru m a Y onaguni O J-C J

all

p u rp

fin loc /re s u lt

IO

a ct loc

in str

adj

su b

nom

sa e ka/sa nkai Inakai If /gat/i nki

sa ni galsa ga1

sa ni ga/sa nkailni

sa/ni ni ni/sa ni

de de delkara si/saani

da dali ka SA

ga nul(ga) nu/ga

no to si

nga

ga

si

han

nu/0

nu

ndi

ga Inaga ni

ni

de de de wutil nzi nagil nabutfi ni(bi)

si

an/san

ga [rja]

su

ni>fe gari sa

ni

ni

ni

nite

nite/

nari/mi1 galno ku/ki1 sa/si

1 th e p u r p o s iv e , e .g .fu n b o o k s ’ (M iy a k o jim a )

site

nu kai ga ikadi (M J hon wo kai ni ikoo) ‘let u s g o a n d b u y

A o m o ri d ia le c ts, H ira y a n ia (1 9 8 2 ); S a g a d ia le c t, K H G (1 9 6 9 ); O k in a w a , N a k a m a ts u (1 9 7 3 ); H a te ru m a a n d Y o n a g u n i d ia le c ts , H ira y a m a (1 9 8 8 ).

The three other west Japanese dialects, Saga, Okinawa and Hateruma, in Table 5.9, are expectedly characterized by the /c/.s-morphology. In fact, there is a certain consistent patterning of ^-morphology and 5-morphology among subject, locative and instrumental case expressions. Arguably, the subject expressions no and ga allow the widest generalization. It appears that the status of ga (perhaps cognate with the demonstrative ka, cf. §5.7.1) within a dialect correlates with the presence of demonstrative cognates in predicate or locative case expressions: if the latter prevail, ga is unlikely to be generalized beyond occurrence with referents high in the nominal hierarchy. Thus, in Hateruma, where nu (MJ no) is generalized as subject marker, what look like ga-cognates appear to have been generalized in a

184

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

variety of non-subject case functions, directional, final locative and animate indirect object, causee, and passive agent, in some instances with variants ft or ni (Hirayama 1988:769ffi; cf. also Martin 1991:247, concerning ga in Miyakojima dialects). If, however, case-derived ^/-morphology is generalized in predicates, chances are that so is ga as a non-topic subject marker, as in Yonaguni (Hirayama 1988:80Iff.). Secondly, Ryukyu dialects and OJ-CJ (mostly dialects with //-adjectival formatives) have an instrumental case marker distinct from the actional locative. In fact, the Ryukyu instrumental si [ft], e.g. ?irana si kusa kajun ‘cut grass with a sickle’ (Shuri-Naha, Okinawa) (Nakamatsu 1973:57), is mostly homophonous and presum­ ably cognate with the anterior conjunctional form of the verb ‘do’, just as OJ-early CJ instrumental site. It is assumed here that Okinawan variant forms, e.g. the ShuriNaha instrumental saani/saai/sa, which are conjectured as reflexes of the CJ central (Honshu) spread of directional-manner sama (ni) (cf. §5.6.5), result from more recent contacts with Kyushu dialects. Generally speaking, the productive adjectival formative element appears to be cognate with the instrumental case particle. Even in the least convincing case of the ^-morphology in OJ, modem Kyushu (Saga) and Miyakojima dialects, there is a degree of consistency, viz. the fact that in Miyakojima, /tu-adjectives more often use kara to indicate instrumental, e.g. fune kara/si ‘by boat’ (Hirara Okami dialect (Miyako)), as compared to sii, the more common variant of siilniilkara in the neigbouring sa-dialects (Uchima 1984). On the other hand, the locative case expressions tend not to be identical to the adjectival predi­ cate formative. One can only speculate that the free syntactic possibilities of focus particles (assertive du and interrogative ka) found in Ryukyu dialects and OJ, was a prere­ quisite for the proliferation of ft/s-morphology, and that the generalization of napredicates and case morphology, as observed in CJ, curbed the range of functions of /c/.s'-morphology still found in OJ, apart from the generalization of ga. To the extent that the take-over of rca-morphology appears to originate in Honshu, the most likely event with which to link it, is probably the shift of the cultural and political centre from Kyushu to mid-Honshu around the third century. As for the similarities between MJ and the Yonaguni dialect, barring recent borrowing, one might envisage an early (Yayoi?) scenario of peripheral Ryukyu dialects and Honshu dialects sharing a less comprehensive use of demonstratives in derived functions, by contrast to Kyushu, the then culturally innovating region. It has been claimed as a cross-linguistic trend that in languages where a demon­ strative element has been defined as a copula/nominal predicate formative, the demonstrative from which the copula form originates, loses its deictic functions and new demonstrative and/or focus markers develop (Frajzyngier 1986 on Chadic languages). The mesial si-/so- demonstrative series is absent in Ryukyu, which instead has ?u-, written ore in the fifteenth-century poetry anthology Omorososhi (Nakamoto 1983:184f.), cf. also OJ wotiko'ti ‘hither and thither’ (cf. MJ atikoti). Offhand, this form makes a compelling prima facie case that so- has fallen into disuse following its adoption as a copula, presumably via specific case functions. However, the fact that we are speaking of a universal Ryukyu phenomenon is slightly unusual and might indicate that ?u- represents an archaic feature. Secondly, OJ distal ka- was superseded by CJ a-, ka- being retained only in the kanbun kundoku tradition and ultimately in MJ kare ‘he’. This shift is reflected as far as North Ryukyu presumably under the influence of central Honshu or Kyushu dia­ lects, while ka- remained in Sakishima.

Chapter 6

Sentence structures

6.0

Clause structure and interclausal cohesion

Just as modifiers in Japanese generally speaking precede the modified constituent (head), subordinate clauses largely precede the superordinate clause. The connec­ tion between clauses is expressed by what are here termed conjunctors, morphemes of varying morphosyntactic status, of which some may also function as sentenceinitial conjunctions, e.g. keredo(mo) ‘however’, while others cannot, e.g. -si, etc. A selection of clause constructions, some of which, such as the fe-conjunctor or adnominal clauses, have only recently been analysed in ways consistent with their language-internal use rather than with their English equivalents, are introduced in the following. 6.0.1

Interclausal cohesion

Together with aspect-tense and modal auxiliaries, the occurrence of formal -(i)mas/des- serves as a measure of the degree of cohesion between conjoined clauses (cf. Martin 1975:1026ff.). Formal discourse is defined as containing -(i)mas-ldes- in sentence final predicates and, depending on the conjunctors, in subordinate pre­ dicates as well. In fact, conjunctors have been shown to form a continuum of interclausal cohesion depending on whether they can combine with formal predic­ ates, cf. the following listing according to declining frequency in a sample of texts (Mio 1958): ga 95 per cent; keredo 86 per cent; mondesukara 76 per cent; kara 73 per cent; si 58 per cent; node 28 per cent; noni 20 per cent; to 7.3 per cent; tara 6 per cent. Formal style is sometimes prescribed before paratactic ga ‘but, and’, keredomo ‘but’, si ‘and’, and the causal conjunctors, asserted -kara and conjectural no daroo ka, all of which significantly allow aspect, tense (and often mood) expres­ sions (KKK 1992; Inoue 1974:28ff.), e.g. kaasan no kokiri-san wa, mazyo desu ga, too-san no okino-san wa, hutuu no ningen desu ‘her mother, Kokiri, is a witch, but her father, Okino, is an ordinary human being’, or tada, tyoppiri otona ni narikake desita kara, tonde iru to iroiro na koto ni ki wo hikarete simau no desita ‘however, since she is beginning to be a bit grown-up, as she flies, her attention is drawn to various matters’ (Majo). Less frequent with formal stylization are the presupposed causal -node, the presupposed conditional -nara(-ba) and the concessive -noni, all of which consistently construct with a final nucleus form and also allow distinctions

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186

of tense and aspect; and even less so the conditionals, -ta-ra, -to and -(r)e-ba, each of which selects either anterior (-ta-ra) or non-anterior predicate forms (-to and -(r)e-ba). Not surprisingly, highest on the cohesion cline are the non-anterior con­ junctional form -i, and its combinations with purposive -ni, concurrent -nagara and repetitive concurrent -tutu, all of which disallow -mas-tdes-, and tense and modal auxiliaries; while sharing the subject with the following predicate (except for -i). Conjunctors formed by anterior -te, conditional -tewa, concessive -temo, allow -te iru and a formal auxiliary. The occurrence of the polite element is not, however, determined automatically by morphological factors, e.g. the presence of tense and/or aspect auxiliaries. For instance, although adnominal predicates allow a choice of aspect and tense auxiliaries, they do not allow the formal auxiliary. Quite likely this is due to the pragmatic status of adnominal clauses outside the immediately focused part of the sentence. The regular occurrence of -mas-ldes- with the assertive causal kara, which regularly forms part of sentence focus, in contrast to their relative infrequency with the presupposed causal node, also points to semantic-pragmatic conditioning (see §6.5.1). 6.0.2

Accent and predicate structure

Accentuation of MJ predicate structures is broadly iconic, in the sense that there exist general correlations between accentuation and the morphotactic-semantic struc­ ture of complex predicates. In particular, modal elements and clause conjunctors appear largely to favour marked types of accentuation ((ii) and (iii)) beyond lexical accent. (i) As a lexical feature of the verb, accentedness, i.e. presence or absence of accent, applies to all the valence-changing auxiliaries occurring closest to the head verb, and to aspect-tense auxiliaries, including the impending and the concomitant conjunctor. That is, if the verb is lexically unaccented the derived predicate form will be unaccented; if the verb is accented, it will be accented. (1) contrasts the forms of accented yo’m-u ‘read’ and unaccented yob-u ‘call’. The actual place of the accent in the former is defined by rule, usually at the penultimate or antepenultimate syllable (cf. anterior accent retraction in §6.1). non-past causative passive desiderative impending negative past anterior conjunctional concomitant conjunctor

yo ’mu yomase’ru yomare’ru yomitai yomiso’o da yoma ’nai yo ’nda yo ’nde yomina ’gara

yobu yobaseru yobareru yobitai yobisoo da yobanai yonda yonde yobinagara

(ii) A group of mostly modal elements, typically placed towards the end of the predicate construction, causes the accent to be placed on the modal element itself regardless of the accentedness of the verb, e.g. (2):

SENTENCE STRUCTURES

(2) hortative negative conjecture external desiderative semblance informal hortative formal affirmative formal negative

187

yomo 'o yomuma’i yomitaga’ru yomurasi’i yomi na’ (yo) yomima’su yomimase’n

yobo ’o yobuma’i yobitaga’ru yoburasi’i yobi na’ (yo) yobima’su yobimase’n

By dominating the lexical accentedness of the verb, these auxiliaries neut­ ralize the opposition between accented and unaccented verbs, e.g. accented ka \w)-u ‘raise cattle’ and unaccented ka(w)-u ‘buy’ have a homophonous formal form kaima’su. Semantically somewhat at odds is the repetitive conjunctor -tu’tu, a literary close equivalent of -nagara, e.g. yomitu’tul yom i’tutu and yobitu’tu/yobi’tutu, the latter variant resulting from accent retraction due to the devoicing of tu. (iii) The third group is less easy to define unitarily and is here divided into two subgroups. One is semantically distinctive, consisting of the majority of clause conjunctors, cf. (3)a. The other in (3)b consists of modal auxiliaries, hardly distinguishable from the majority of elements with dominating ac­ cent in (2). This group represents a breakdown of the iconic patterns of predicate accentuation. In fact, the accentuation in (3)a and (3)b, whose accentual character has been termed recessive, is properly speaking an in­ stance of the phrase accent rule, which causes the leftmost accent of the phrase to be actualized. Thus, in the case of unaccented verbs, the accent on one of these auxiliaries - if the only one present - is validated, whereas in the case of accented verbs, the (leftmost) lexical accent of the verb cancels out the accent of the auxiliary - hence the term recessive accent. With the above-mentioned caveat concerning the dominating accent, the same expla­ nation holds for combinations with elements with a dominant accent ((ii) above): a recessive accent is cancelled out within the same phonological phrase, e.g. the formal auxiliary -(i)mas- as in yobima’site mo ‘even if X calls (polite)’ from underlying yobima’site ’mo. (3)a

split nexus (archaic) concessive conditional anterior conditional intermittent supposition concessive adversative

(3)b conjectural negative past appearance resemblance limit prohibitive imperative

yo ’mi wa sinai y o ’medo y o ’meba yo ’ndara yo ’ndari yo ’nde wa y o ’nde mo yo ’mu ga

yobi’ wa sinai yobe’do yobe’ba yonda’ra yonda’ri yonde’ wa yonde’ mo yobu’ ga

yo’mu daroo yoma'nakatta yo 'mumitai y o ’mu yoo dal yomu yo ’o da y o ’mu made yo ’muna yo’meyo

yobu’ daroo yobana’katta yobumi’tai yobu yo’o da yobu ma’de yobu’na yobe’y o

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

188

As above, the actual placement of the accent is subject to anterior accent retraction, cf. §6.1. All the conjunctor constructions of the unaccented verbs in (3)a are accented on the penultimate syllable. Or alternatively, in terms of morphological structure, accent is regularly placed on the last syllable of the verb, provided yonda’ra is analysed as the past-perfective final form yonda with a conditional conjunctor -ra attached (cf. §6.2). The conditional to, e.g. unaccentedyobu to ‘when I call’ (vs. yo’mu to ‘when I read’) appears an obvious exception, which might, however, be explicable by reference to its origin as a case particle, as MJ case particles do not have a lexical accent (cf. also Martin 1987:152ff.). The imperative and the prohibitive in (3)b also conform to this generalization. 6.1 Morphophonology of the anterior fe-form and its derived auxiliaries

The interclausal opposition of anteriority, between MJ -ta and -(r)u, and -te and -i, is important to the basic understanding of many MJ clause types, as argued below. It is therefore interesting to note that the distinction between anterior (te-derived) and non-anterior predicate forms is underpinned morphophonologically in quite a comprehensive manner in MJ. The most obvious indication is, of course, the seg­ mental rule (onbin) applying to the anterior clause conjunctor -te and all its derivat­ ives, i.e. the past auxiliary -ta, the anterior conditional -tarn and the intermittent -tari, when attaching to athematic verbs. Synchronically, the simplest solution is to assume assimilation of the stem-final consonant to the t of -te, as in (4): morphophonological change

-k-i + -t -g-i + -t

anterior

katte kar-u ka’tte ka ’t-u ka(w)-u* katte kas(i)te > -st- [pt] kas-u sin-u sinde > -ndka ’nde ka’m-u yob-u yonde ka’ite ka’k-u > -itkaide > -idkag-u

-r-it -t-it -w-i* + -t > -tt-s-i + -t -n-i/ -m-it -b-i + -t

non-past

gloss ‘cut, reap’ ‘win’ ‘buy’ Tend’ ‘die’ ‘bite, chew’ ‘call’ ‘write’ ‘smell’

* The stem-final w appears only before a, e.g. negative kaw-ana-i ‘do not buy’ vs. ka-ita-i ‘want to buy’. It is less appreciated that the MJ accented polysyllabic thematic verbs including all thematic compound verbs (cf. §2.5) can be interpreted as undergoing so-called anterior accent retraction. Since this rule operates on -te and all its derivatives causing the accent to be manifested at one mora’s distance to the left of the anterior element, its effect is an accentual opposition between anterior and non-anterior forms, e.g. (5):5 (5) tabe’ conjunctional tabe’ru non-past tabe'reba conditional

ta’bete anterior conjunctional ta’beta past ta’betara anterior conditional

SENTENCE STRUCTURES

6.1.1

189

Non-anterior -(/•)« and anterior -ta

Perhaps the most fundamental point about non-past -(r)u and past -ta, is the way in which they allow the event to be viewed either through the prism of tense to be interpreted in relation to speech time, or alternatively, viewed through the prism of aspect to be anchored in narrative time and related to other events in the narrated sequence. On balance, in spite of the common grammatical nomenclature non-past vs. past, the aspectual distinction, non-anterior as opposed to anterior, has prob­ ably wider generality in the language. An utterance consisting of a simplex sentence represents a typical context for anchoring an event in speech time. The event of a ta-predicate must as a rule be interpreted as referring to the past in relation to the speech time, e.g. hanako wa manga wo yonda ‘Hanako read comics’ (yom-u ‘read’), hanako wa manga wo kai ni itta ‘Hanako went to buy comics’ (ik-u ‘go’), each of which would be an ad­ equate answer to ‘what did Hanako do then?’, etc. The past character of yonda can, of course, be made explicit by temporal adverbial elements, e.g. kinoo ‘yesterday’, or neutral temporal expressions, e.g. nitiyoobi ni ‘on Sunday’, which bring out the past reference of -ta, e.g. hanako wa nitiyoobi ni manga wo yonda ‘Hanako read comics on Sunday’. Note that without explicit temporal expression the ta-predicate refers to a single event, cf. the fact that MJ tends to use complex predicate con­ structions to denote multiple events in the past, kodomo no toki yoku manga wo yonda mono da ‘as I child I would often read comics’, etc. The event of a rupredicate, by contrast, is typically not limited to a non-past interval and not to a single occurrence, but asserted as a recurring event valid for an interval including past, present and future in relation to speech time, e.g. hanako wa nitiyoobi ni manga woyomu ‘Hanako reads comics on Sundays/Hanako will be reading comics this Sunday’, or hanako wa mukasi kara yoku manga woyomu ‘Hanako has always read comics’. When referring to a single dynamic event, the action of the rupredicate is valid for a future interval, e.g. yom-u ‘I shall read/will read/have decided to read’. In the case of a stative verb, the interval includes the present of the speech event, e.g. ar-u ‘there is/exists’. The opposition ~(r)u : -ta is then not one of equals, as -ta cannot refer to an interval beyond the speech time, whereas (r)u can include past in addition to present-future; also, -ta tends to refer to a single event, -(r)u to general/multiple events, unless specified by temporal expressions. Inside any kind of sequences of conjoined clauses or of sentences inside longer sustained narrative, -(r)u and -ta tend to define the sequence of events rather than the relationship of events to speech time. The aspect consideration is one of anteriority, -ta defines the event of the predicate as anterior (and often as singular as opposed to iterative/habitual), whereas -(r)u is devoid of any specification, a relationship here termed non-anterior. Subordinate clauses modifying a noun denoting a time unit represent a largely rule-bound area: conjunctional elements are compatible with either -ta or -(r)u or both - mostly for evident semantic reasons. For instance, totan ‘as soon as, no sooner . . . than’ requires -ta, e.g. tatta/**tatu totan (ni) memai ga sita ‘the moment I rose, I felt giddy’ (tat-u ‘arise’), where -r(u), viz. **tat-u, is unacceptable. On the other hand, mae ni ‘before’ requires non-anterior -(r)u, as the event of the wae-clause is not instantiated, let alone reaching a decisive actional turning-point, before the event of the superordinate clause, e.g. tatu/**tatta mae ni mo memai ga sita ‘even before rising I felt giddy’. The conjunctor -to, which com­ monly denotes a generally valid condition, requires -(r)u, e.g. madomigaki wo suru ‘polish windows’ in (6):

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

190

(6) gondora ni notte ano koosoobiru no g o n d o la - io rid e-T E

memai ga

s u r u to

madomigaki wo

h ig h r is e b lo ck -G E N w in d o w p o lish in g -D O

suru/sita

d o -N P S T -w h en v ertig o -F O C do-N PST/do-PA ST

‘When I clean/cleaned windows in that high-rise block on board a gondola, I feel/felt giddy’ The interpretation of -(r)u or -ta in the superordinate final predicate in (6) domin­ ates that of the subordinate clauses, i.e. non-past s-uru effects the reading that all three events, notte, madomigaki wo suru (to) and memai ga suru, are generally valid, whereas (memai ga) si-ta restricts the validity of all three events to the past in relation to speech time. 6.1.2

-(/•)// and

-ta

in narratives

Inside sequential narrative, the opposition between -ta and -(r)u can relate immedi­ ately to the contiguous events on the story line, rather than to speech time. This can be demonstrated in pragmatically identical context such as a running commentary to a movie: e.g. watching a scene with a pickpocket, [soba ni tatte iru] hito no saihu wo nusumu ‘he is stealing/steals/is about to steal the purse of the person [standing next to her]’ as opposed to saihu wo nusunda ‘he steals the purse’. While both sentences are grounded in speech time, -(r)u makes for a matter-of-fact com­ mentary on a smoothly running, undistinguished, sequence of events, whereas -ta by virtue of explicating an actional end-point suggests a discrete speaker percep­ tion, marking a break in the sequential flow of events, cf. §6.1.3 below. The poten­ tial nuances of that perception are legion, ranging from fulfilment of expectations to suiprise. Note that the use of -ta in non-first person narrative highlights the fictional character of a narrative, as -ta can normally only be used unqualified by any modal expression about the speaker’s own past actions (Mitani 1997:36, cf. §4.4). Consid­ erations of event structure that exceed simple tense and aspect definitions prevail in most kinds of narratives. Studies of written narratives so far broadly concur with propositions made cross-linguistically, linking -ta to events on the chronological storyline, ‘foreground’, and -(r)u to supportive or general events, ‘backgound’ (Soga 1983:217ff.), e.g. Akutagawa Ryunosuke’s Rashomon (cf. Mitani 1997). In (written) narratives that are or purport to be non-fictional recollections of the past, a consistent use of -ta is certainly a possibility. For instance, in Shiga Naoya’s short story Haha no shi to atarasii haha (My mother’s death and my new mother), the narrator recounts the events of his childhood consistently by means of tapredicates, except the intense moment when he observes his mother on the brink of death, which is rendered with -(r)u. This would seem to be in line with the trend for -(r)u in foreground events with the (vivid) effect of making the reader enter the mind of a (main) character ( Brannen 1979). At the same time, there is a distinction between past -ta and perfective aspect past -te simattal-tyatta, the latter represent­ ing an explicit anterior sequential structure within the narrative. Presumably, once the pastness of a narrative is established, other features of the use of -(r)u and -ta, are allowed to come into play, cf. the experimental study of conversational narratives by Szatrowski (1985). According to the study by Iwasaki

SENTENCE STRUCTURES

191

(1993a) there is a trend for speaker’s actions to be expressed by -ta (87 per cent of a sample) and a less consistent trend for third persons’ actions to be expressed by -(r)u; the former might be linked to the connection between first person and past tense. Children’s books often use the formal auxiliary + -ta, -masita or desita, attached to all sentence-final predicates, e.g. modem classics such as Kako Satoshi’s Darumachan to Tengu-chan (Little Daruma and Little Tengu). By such an explicit refer­ ence to the setting of narration, this indexical style could perhaps be said to continue the oral story-telling tradition of the medieval genres. Conceivably, children, who are increasingly exposed to (perfective aspect) -tyatta emerging in a past tense usage in daily speech (cf. §4.2.1), might be induced to interpret MJ (-masi)-ta specifically as a narrative past, cf. CJ -(i)keri, in §4.4.4. 6.1.3

Modal functions of - t a and

-te

Arguably, the marked character of anteriority is reflected in some modal usages shared by sentence final -ta and conjunctional -te, in which they appear to differ in the degree of individual perception which the speaker brings to bear on the event, and by the same token, the will-power which he applies to influence the addressee. Absence of formal stylization seems to characterize such modal use, cf. §6.4.1. Firstly, -ta is used with exclamatory force in (near-)idiomatic expressions, such as simatta ‘blow!’ (sima(w)-u ‘end’),yatta ‘did it!/yes!’ (yar-u ‘do’),yokatta ‘good!’ (yo-i ‘good’). Underlying this usage of -ta seems to be the speaker’s marked perception of an event only about to be actualized at speech time, cf. also assertions such as basu ga kita ‘the bus is here!’, etc. (§6.1.2). This nuance can be strength­ ened by an assertive sentence particle, e.g. -zo, -wa or -yo. In its imperative usage the forceful modal nuance of -ta, mostly in repeated predicates is even clearer, e.g. the cries of banana-sellers addressing reluctant passers-by ‘saa, katta, katta' ‘go ahead! buy!’ (ka(w)-u ‘buy’), or in impatient orders doita doita ‘push off!’ (dok-u ‘make way for’) or itta itta ‘go away!’ (ik-u ‘go’). Here -ta seems conditioned by the speaker’s strong wish for the hearer to undertake the action, expressed against a perception that he seems reluctant to do so (cf. Durst-Andersen 1995). By contrast, a soothing adverb, e.g. tyotto ‘just, a bit’ or doozoldooka ‘please’ and/or an approval-seeking sentence-particle ne, which typically accompany a teimperative, suggest that the speaker assumes that the hearer is willing to perform the requested action, e.g. tyotto matte ne ‘just wait a bit, won’t you?’ (mat-u ‘wait’), or with an imploring force when the assertive particle -yo is attached moo kaette yo ‘go home (I tell you)!’ (kaer-u ‘return’), pronounced with an emphatic High tone on ka’ette followed by Low tone yo(o). The tendency towards appealing to or even assuming the cooperation of the hearer is also apparent otherwise when -te is used sentence-finally. Thus, it seems a condition for sentence-final -te (+nee) with ‘suspensive’ intonation, that the speaker furnishes the hearer with enough ‘coordinate’ information to finish the line of thought expressed, the implication being that he trusts the hearer to be able and willing to do so (Jorden 1962-63, 2:147), e.g. kare no hanasi kiite (ne) ‘I will hear his talk and then. . . ’ might be uttered when a course of action further to ‘hearing his talk’ has already been brought up in the conversation. Alternatively, a re-clause utterance may supplement someone else’s utterance, e.g. (7):

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

192

(7) ‘taihen datta-n da yo’ te r r ib le

‘kingyo ga

c o p -f a s t -i n f - n p s t - e x c l

A: ‘It was (Hare)

te r r ib l e ! ’

to b i d a s ite

nee’

goldfish-F O C ju m p out-TE-EXCL B: ‘The g o ld fis h ju m p in g o u t ! ’

Questions being a typical way of handing over to the hearer, re-predicates are common in questions, e.g. nanika ii koto attel ‘has something nice happened?’, ano o-hanasi o-kiki ni nattel ‘have you [exalted] heard what is being said/that talk?’. Broadly speaking, -ta can be said to push the speaker’s perception, while -te hands over to the hearer. Finally, inside what is morphologically a combination of quotational -to followed by a conditional -ttara (< -ta-ra < CJ -ta-ra-ba, cf. §6.2) or -tteba, both have the force of insisting either on what is asserted by the speaker, as in (8)a, or, attached to a morphological imperative as in (8)b, lending insistence to an order in the face of what is perceived by the speaker as the hearer’s lack of cooperation: (8)a

(8)b

iku ttara

iku tteba

gO-NPST-QUOT-PAST-COND

gO-NPST-QUOT-re-COND

‘I am going, I tell you!’

‘I am going, I tell you!

ike tta-ra

ike tteba

gO-IMP QUOT-PAST-COND

gO-IMP QUOT-TE-COND

‘Go, I tell you!’

‘Go, I tell you!’

The observations that -tteba is used predominantly by female speakers (Martin 1975:1016), just as re-final sentences are also considered to belong to female speech, agrees with the stereotypes of gender speech: the less forceful -te being associated with female speech, the more forceful -ta with male speech. 6.1.4

The clause conjunctors -i as opposed to

-te

The combination of -i and -te with certain clausal conjunctors brings out a dis­ tinction between anterior (event sequencing) -te versus non-anterior -i, as in V-te kara ‘after V-ing’, e.g. tabete kara iku ‘I will go after I have eaten’, as opposed to purposive V-i ni ‘in order to V’, e.g. tube ni iku ‘I will go (somewhere) to eat’ or simultaneity, e.g. tabe-nagara aruku ‘go while eating’. The non-anterior form of adjectives is as a rule adverbial inside a monoclausal construction, hooseki wo takaku utta ‘I sold the jewels expensively’, while the te-predicate has a causal interpretation, e.g. takakute kaenai ‘(jewels) being expensive, I cannot buy any’. Recent data-based investigations into the contrast between -i and -te as clause conjunctional elements have attempted to consolidate the intuitive understanding: -i belongs to more formal styles than -te; -i is coordinate, -te subordinate in nature; -i indicates a lesser degree of continuity with the following clause than -te (Myhill & Hibiya 1988; Ono 1990; Watanabe 1994). It is assumed that if the participants of the event, the time and place of two or more events are identical, the speaker will attempt to convey this conceptual closeness by linguistic means (Ono 1990:78). It was shown in a sample of a cookery book that the number of ‘newly-mentioned’ adjuncts (participants or circumstances, such as time or place) were significantly fewer, one at most, in the clause following -te, than in those following -i, and even more so across sentence borders with -(r)u, where three or more adjuncts were not uncommon. Generally speaking, the conceptual closeness of the two clauses is

SENTENCE STRUCTURES

193

evidenced by -te carrying over semantic features such as referent, time, location, and tense-aspect-modality, leaving differences in the governed adjuncts, subject and object(s), as the main source of variation among re-conjoined clauses (Watanabe 1994). This leads to the question of subject co-referentiality in re-conjoined clauses, which has been found to be statistically significant: co-referential subject in 82 per cent of re-conjoined clauses (41 out of 50 examples) as compared to 72.3 per cent in /-conjoined clauses (87 out of 122 examples) (Myhill & Hibiya 1988). Except for temporal and weather expressions, e.g. kyuu ni s a m u k u n a t t e hitobito wa iezi wo i s o i d a ‘suddenly it became cold and people hurried on their way home’, non-coreferential subjects are as a rule both actualized, e.g. (9) and (10): (9) ookina

dosiin to

is iu s u g a

o tite

k ite

saru w a

big-A TTR s to n e m o rtar-F O C bang-Q U O T fall-T E c o m e -T E m o n k e y -W A

hiratoo

h e s y a g e te s im o o ta

fla tly

sq u a s h -T E e n d

soo na.

u p -p a s t -r e f -e x c l

( d ia le c ta l)

‘The large stone mortar came falling down and the monkey was squashed flat.’ (Kani) (10)

y u k ik o g a

. . . kootya wo

Y u k ik o - F o c . . . tea-D O

kibun ga

yoku

nonde,

m ita m u r a w a

[sukkiri

d rin k -T E M ita m u ra -W A c o m p le te ly

n a tta ]

y o o s u d a tt a .

m ood-F O C g o o d -c o N J becom e-P A S T a p p e a ra n c e -c o p -P A S T

‘With Yukiko drinking tea, Mitamura gave the appearance of feeling really very much better.’ (Mikeneko) Recently, the central function of -te as a clause conjunctor (‘TE-linkage’) has been defined in perceptual or cognitive terms as a succession of events which the speaker, and presumably the hearer, perceive as a non-coincidental relation o f causation (Hasegawa 1996a:774), e.g. (ll)a as opposed to (ll)b: (11)a

doa ga

n o k k u -s a r e te ,

wakai

kao wo

k e iz i g a

door-FO C k n o c k do-PASS-TE y o u n g p o lic e m a n -F O C face-D O d a s ita .

m o v e out-PAST

‘There was a knock on the door, and a young policeman stuck his head around the door’ (Mikeneko) (ll)b

**doa ga

nokku-sarete

denwa ga

natta

door-FO C knock-PA SS-T E te le p h o n e -F O C sound-PA ST

‘There was a knock on the door and the telephone rang’ Although the events of the /e-clause in both examples are anterior, only in (11 )a can the event of the re-clause reasonably be judged to be in a non-coincidental relationship with that of the superordinate clause. This means that anteriority per se is not a sufficient condition for -te, even if both non-co-referential subjects are actualized. Similarly, if re-conjoined clauses with a co-referential, but not explicit subject, normally receive a temporally sequenced interpretation, e.g. (nappa wo) katte kitte kutta ‘I bought, cut and ate (the greens)’ (after Kotoba asobi (1973)), this is regarded as a consequence of the particularly pragmatic-semantic features of the predicates: the alignment of such events is crucially ordered or bound by the

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

194

sentient subject’s intention. According to Hasegawa, complete temporal simultane­ ity of events in /e-conjoined clauses is the one interpretation not available: the alternative to temporal sequence is causation, not simultaneity, e.g. in baisyun site gakuhi wo kaseida ‘working as a prostitute I earned the school fees’, where baisyun site is generally interpreted as a means of financing school. 6.2

The conditionals -to, -ba and -tara

The interpretation of MJ conditional conjunctors, -to, -ba and -tara for the most part derives naturally from the denotation of the constituent elements of the con­ junctional structure and from the general rule that tense and mode in the superordinate predicate dominate those in subordinate ones. That is, the occurrence of the three conjunctors is determined by the contingency between the events of the two clauses, and their interpretation as conditional, hypothetical or irrealis, depends largely on modal features of the superordinate predicate (cf. the analysis of ha-clauses in Jacobsen 1992a: 154; for a detailed analysis of all three, see Murayama 1985). Constructions with S to suru ‘suppose S’, to sureba, to sitara, etc., which generally establish the speaker’s reservation about the truthfulness of the proposition, are not taken into account below. Analogous premodem constructions provide a useful perspective on MJ. Dis­ regarding irrealis -(i)seba (a morphologically past form), the CJ system of subor­ dinate predicates essentially combined properties of conjectural/factual and anterior/ non-anterior, as shown in (12): (12) conjectural factual

non-anterior anterior -(a)-ba -(i)tar-a-ba -(ur)e-ba -(i)tar-e-ba

The conjectural form was obligatory when the superordinate predicate referred to a future or a virtual (non-factual) event such as an imperative, e.g. CJ afaba ifamu ‘I will tell X if/when I see X’ and CJ afaba ife ‘tell X if/when you see X’, respectively (afaba is the conjectural non-anterior form of CJ af-u (MJ a(w)-u) ‘meet’, likely to originate in *af-amu fa, if-u (MJ i(w)-u ‘say’). In MJ the premodem system has merged into non-anterior/factual -eba and anterior/conjectural -tara. The anterior/ conjectural specification of MJ -ta-ra essentially means that (i) the relationship between the two clauses is sequential between a temporal antecedent and a subse­ quent clause; (ii) reference is to single events unless explicit temporal expressions state otherwise; (iii) the discourse link of MJ -tara is ‘unpredictable’ in the sense that any discourse strategy of the speaker’s, firm evaluation, assertion, permission, order, etc., is allowed in the superordinate clause, e.g. kotae ga wakattara osiete kudasai ‘tell me, if/when you know the answer’. In keeping with its simplex non-past predicate form, V-(r)u to, a conditional toclause tends to require a general interpretation. If reference is to a specific event, it must be interpretable as an instance of a general phenomenon, e.g. (13): (13) zeikin no sinkoku wo s i n a i d e taX-GEN

re tu m -D O

ir u to

do-NEG-PERF-NPST-COND

bakkin wo harawasareru fin e

do

pay-CAUS-PASs-NPST

‘If one leaves/I leave the tax return undone, one/I will be made to pay a fine’

SENTENCE STRUCTURES

195

In fact, -to appears to establish a relationship of fundamental compatibility between the condition and consequence of the two clauses it conjoins, in much the same way as the so-called fo-quotations can be said to establish a demonstration of the event of the superordinate clause (see §6.4.1). This is supported by the requirement that the predicate of the superordinate clause and that of the to-clause should denote an unequivocal proposition. In other words, the speaker’s communicative strat­ egies, apart from a question, are not acceptable. Note also that the conditioning event must be actualized prior to the event of consequence, e.g. nihon ni iku to Tanaka-san no ie ni tomaru ‘when I go to Japan I will stay at Tanaka’s’ as opposed to **nihon ni iku to otooto wo turete ikimasu ‘when I go to Japan I will take my younger brother along’ (from Murayama 1985). The non-anterior -(r)-eba is said generally to define the interclausal relationship as that between a supposition/condition and a consequence (Murayama 1985:123). The ha-clause represents the exclusive or minimal condition on the event of the superordinate clause, cf. the frequent occurrence of sae ‘at least’ inside a ha-clause, e.g. okane sae areba yoi ‘if/when only I have money, it is all right’, where -to would be unacceptable (op. cit. 1985:138f.). Appropriately, in view of the cognate relationship with the pragmatic particle wa, the negated implication comes natu­ rally to mind (cf. Jacobsen 1992b). For instance, **motto tabereba, byooki ni naru ‘if you eat more, you will become sick’ is not acceptable as a warning, presumably because the negative implication ‘if you don’t eat more, you will not get ill' de­ prives it of force. By contrast, kono kusuri wo nomeba naorimasu yo ‘if you take this medicine you will get better’ is interpretable as a piece of credible advice, viz. the negative ‘if you do not take this medicine you will not get better’. Even so, it is less convincing and enthusiastic than the to-construction, kono kusuri wo nomu to naorimasu yo, which equates the taking of the medicine with recovery (op. cit. 1985:138). Note that -ba is characteristic of written style, -tara of spoken style (cf. -/ vs. -te). 6.3

Adnominal clauses

It is characteristic of Japanese clausal noun-modifying constructions that there is no explicit syntactic indication of the grammatical relation holding between the modi­ fied noun (head noun) and the modifying clause, e.g. (14) and (15): (14) [hanako-ga

katta]

kabu . . .

[ H a n a k o -F o c buy-PA ST] s h a r e

the shares [(which) Hanako bought] (15) [kabu wo katta]

o-kaa-san . . .

[share-D O buy-PA ST] m o th e r m o th e r [w h o b o u g h t s h a re s ]

In fact, since explicit reference is dropped whenever the speaker deems it unneces­ sary for the correct interpretation of the sentence, one or more adjuncts will often have to be inferred on the basis of the context or the hearer’s knowledge of the world, e.g. [0 0 yonde iru] kodomo wa doko desu ka either ‘where is the child [(who) is calling (someone)]?’ or ‘where is the child [(whom) (someone) is call­ ing]?’ (from Matsumoto 1997a:39).

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

196

A recent study by Matsumoto (1997a) argues that general semantic-pragmatic constraints will account for the adnominal clause constructions in a unified manner, making it possible to dispense with the traditional subgroupings into so-called relative clauses, where the referent of the head noun is interpreted as entering a grammatical relation with the predicate of the adnominal clause, temporal clauses, (no or koto) complement clauses - subgroups which appear to depend on the semantics of the modified noun or the English equivalent or both - and finally an often overlooked remaining group, in which the relationship between the headnoun and the modifying clause is said to be semantically that of a condition and consequence (op. cit. pp. 23, 33, 103ffi). The last-mentioned constructions which previously were left unexplained, require the evocation of semantic roles, cast somewhat broader than usual, the diagnostic test being the acceptability of a sen­ tence that includes a noun phrase which represents the role whose membership in the predicate frame is to be checked (op. cit. pp. 59, 62). It is argued for (16)a, that the head-noun cannot be linked in a grammatical relationship with any adjunct in the adnominal clause nor can a corresponding sentence be constructed simply by ‘inserting’ the head noun, viz. **hon de atama ga yoku naru. Rather, the interpretation of the condition (hon wo yomu) - consequence (atama ga yoku naru) relationship presented in (16)b is the result of semantic knowledge and pragmatic expectations (op. cit., pp. 6-7, quoting Mikami 1963:106): (16)a

[atama ga yoku

nar-u\

hon

[head-FO C g o o d -c o N J b eco m e -N P S T ] b o o k ‘a b o o k [b y w h ic h o n e ’s h e a d /b r a in s im p r o v e ] ’

(16) b kono hon wo yomeba,

atama ga yoku

nar-u

th is boo k -D O re a d -c o N D head-F O C g o o d -c o N J b eco m e -N P S T ‘i f o n e r e a d s th is b o o k , o n e ’s b r a in s i m p r o v e ’

Note that a dynamic predicate like yoku natta ‘X improves’ allows a ‘cause role’, hence the relevance of the question, sono gen. in wa nan desu ka ‘what is the reason for that?’, while the corresponding stative predicate yoi ‘is good’ does not, cf. 1atama ga yoi hon. In another type of construction, the adnominal clause represents the content of the denotation of the head noun (op. cit., pp. 135ff), e.g. zizitu ‘reality’, rei ‘example’, kuhuu ‘trick’, yokan ‘premonition’, omoi ‘thought’ can all provide the frame for nisesatu wo tukuru ‘(will) make forged notes’. The so-called comple­ mentizer predicate construction to iu can be used to indicate this relationship (op. cit., p. 144), e.g. (17): (17) [ [hanako ga syoosin sita] to iu]

hanasi wa

H an ak o -F O C p ro m o tio n do-PAST-DEF ru m o u r-W A

kiite imasita keredo hear-PER F-PO L-PA ST-but

. . . ‘I’d heard the rumour (that) [Hanako was promoted], but as opposed to [hanako ga kiita] hanasi ‘the story (which) Hanako heard’, where hanasi is construed as object for kiita. In a third type of construction, the head noun can be interpreted as either a content frame or a relational frame, which is up to the hearer to decide, e.g. (18)a and (18)b (from Matsumoto 1997a: 148ffi):

SENTENCE STRUCTURES (1 8 ) a

kinoo

197

tabesugita node

[kyoo nanimo

y e s te r d a y o v e re a t-P A S T -b e c a u se to d a y a n y th in g

taberare-nai]

kekka ni natta

eat-POT-NEG-NPST r e s u lt- io becom e-P A S T

‘Because I overate yesterday the result is that I cannot eat anything today’ (18)b

[kinoo

tabesugita] kekka, kyoo nanimo taberare-nai

y e s te r d a y overeat-P A S T r e s u lt to d a y a n y th in g eat-POT-NEG-NPST

‘(as) a result [(of) having overeaten yesterday], I cannot eat anything today’ In (18)a the specifics of the result {kekka) are encapsulated in the modifying clause, whereas in (18)b kekka specifies or designates the role of consequence instead, cf. hukutuu in [tabesugita] hukutuu ‘stomach ache [from having overeaten]’, which occupies the role of consequence. Other such relational nouns are kuhuu ‘device’, gen.in ‘reason’, sikaku ‘qualification’, zyooken ‘condition’, tame ‘sake’, etc. Note that even in the rare cases in Japanese where adnominal clauses are overtly marked as such, e.g. by the adnominalizer nu in Okinawan dialects or tokoro no in the kanbun kundoku tradition, such an adnominalizer is conditioned simply by the presence of a head noun, not by particular grammatical relations to this head noun, e.g. [war) ga hakutnu] dji: ja jumigurifeirj ‘the letters [I write] are hard to read’, as opposed to lack of nu before the nominalizer fi in [warj ga hakui] fi ja jumigurifeirj ‘what [I write] is hard to read’ (Uchima 1990:198). 6.3.1 -te no clauses The semantic nuance of the adnominal clausal construction V-te no NP establishes the te-clause as denoting a non-coincidental and necessary anterior cause or other­ wise relevant event in relation to the head noun, thereby indirectly supporting Hasegawa’s analysis of -te introduced in §6.1.4. (19) [oya ga

atte] no

kimi da

parent-F O C be-TE-G EN y o u -c o p -N P S T

‘you are what you are because of your parents/because of having the parents you have’ The idiomatic expression in (19) (from Martin 1975:492ff.), contrasts with [oya no aru] kimi ‘you who have your parents’ where kimi functions as a relational noun. In (20) keturon ‘conclusion’ is directly or exclusively based on the event in the -te no clause, i.e. ‘the reading of the materials’, while the corresponding V-ta NP in boku wa [siryoo wo yonda\ keturon wo siraseru is less precise about the basis on which the conclusion is reached. (20) boku wa [siryoo wo i -wa

yonde] no

keturon wo

siraseru

materials-Do read-TE-GEN conclusion-DO Ioiow-caus-npst ‘I will let you know the conclusion [(I come to) when I have read the materials] ’

198

THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF JAPANESE

The conditions of this distinction need to be looked into. Significantly, -te no is used in cases of cause-consequence relations, where an event (V-te no) is an unin­ tended, but nevertheless immediate condition for the consequence encoded by the head noun - where -rul-ta would not be acceptable - e.g. \kenka site] no rikon ‘divorce sparked off by a disagreement’ vs. **kenka sita rikon; [sasimi wo tabete] no tyuudoku ‘poisoning from eating sashimi’ vs. **sasimi wo tabeta tyuudoku. 6.3.2

-(r)u and -ta in adnominal clauses

Inside adnominal clauses the occurrence of -(r)u or -ta is conditioned by the relat­ ive temporal position of the actional end point of the event in comparison to the event of the superordinate clause. The speech time at which the whole sentence is uttered may be a factor as well (Josephs 1972; Miura 1974). The following repres­ ents some generalizations: (i) If the event in the adnominal clause is not completed before that in the superordinate clause, -(r)u is used, e.g. hogus-u ‘relax’ in [karada wo hogusu] zyuunan taisoo wo hazimeta ‘(the teams) began setting-up exercises [to relax the body]’ (Sanchome); (ii) if the event inside the adnominal clause is not completed earlier than speech time, but earlier than the event of the superordinate clause, -(r)u is common, e.g. [itiba de kau\ asupara wo taberu ‘I will eat the asparagus [I am going to buy at the market]’. The use of -ta to emphasize the sequential relationship between the events seems constrained to affected/involitional intransitive verbs, e.g. konban [yudeta] zyagaimo wo tabe-ru ‘I will eat boiled potatoes tonight’, while past -ta is not allowed in the interpretation of [itiba de katta] asupara wo taberu as ‘I will eat the asparagus [**I will buy on the market]’, while ‘[I bought]’ is (tabe-ru ‘eat’); (iii) if both events are past and the one in the adnominal clause is completed earlier than that of the superordinate clause, -ta is used (Miura 1974:108, 110), e.g. kesa, [yuube kaita\ toori ni natta da mon ‘this morning it happened just as [I wrote last night]!’ (Hare)] (iv) if the event of the adnominal clause is completed earlier than speech time, but not earlier than the event of the superordinate clause, -(r)u is commonly used, e.g. [/«] koto wo rokuon sita ‘I recorded what [X said]’ or [bangohan no sitaku wo suru/siteiru] okaasan ga boku wo yonda ‘my mother [who was preparing dinner] called me’; if, however, a past temporal expression is present, -ta is required in the adnominal clause, even if the event is simultaneous with that of the superordinate clause (Josephs 1972:112), e.g. yuube [daidokoro de, bangohan no sitaku wo site ita] kaasan ga, boku wo yonda ‘Last night, mother [who was preparing dinner in the kitchen] called me’ (based on Hare), where yuube functions as a temporal adjunct of the following sentence (Miura 1974:112). 6.4

The distinction between no and koto

A complement is commonly defined as a clausal construction functioning as an adjunct of a(nother) superordinate predicate (cf. Nakau 1973; Josephs 1976). The discussion of Japanese complements was originally sparked off by observations about English, namely the division into semantically so-called factive and nonfactive predicates (e.g. brow vs. assume) depending on whether the speaker does or does not presuppose the tmth of the proposition of the complement clause. Applied to MJ complement formative elements (complementizers), the original correlation was of to (iu) (object complements) and to iu notkoto (subject complements) with

SEN TEN C E STR U CTU RES

199

non-factivity, and no and koto with factivity (Kuno 1973). In due course, inter­ pretation shifted towards a cline between the two extremes of direct visual percep­ tion, e.g. mi-ru ‘see’ (with no only), and counter-factual verbs, e.g. omoikom-u ‘think wrongly’ (with to only) (Akatsuka McCawley 1978:207). Any discussion of no, koto and to in terms of complementizers, i.e. ultimately translational equivalents of English constructions, ought to take stock of their wider usage in MJ, cf. Fujita (1986), Yamazaki (1993) on to. Both koto and no belong to the so-called quasi-nouns which require an attributive element, e.g. sono ‘that’ in sono koto wo denwa sita ‘I phoned about that matter’ as opposed to **koto wo denwa sita. Of the two, koto broadly denotes ‘fact, matter, event’ and forms part of several idiomatic constructions, in which S koto refers to a proposition that is non­ specific and often modally marked, e.g. the analytic potential [V-{r)u] koto ga dekiru ‘be able to V’, habitual [V-(r)u] koto ni site iru ‘usually do V/make a point of V-ing’, experiential [V-ta] koto ga aru ‘have (ever) V-ed’, admonitory [V-(r)u] koto ‘to V is what matters!’. By contrast, no functions as a nominalizing element applicable to any concrete referent depending on the context, e.g. sinu no ‘the one who is/the ones who are going to die’, taberu no ‘the one who is going to eat’ / ‘the one(s) one will eat’. This general semantic distinction between no and koto naturally interacts with the semantic properties of verbs: no is used with verbs of sensory perception and, in particular, of vision, mi-ru ‘see’, mikake-ru ‘spot’, verbs of stopping, tome-ru ‘stop’, hurikir-u ‘shake off’, or of helping, e.g. tasuke-ru ‘help’ tetuda(w)-u ‘help (to do)’, all of which impose the interpretation of a directly observed event on the subor­ dinate (complement) predicate (Josephs 1976:324). By contrast, koto is used when the verb imposes indirectness, abstractness, non-simultaneity, or non-realization on the embedded proposition, e.g. meizi-ru ‘order’, tanom-u ‘ask’, teian s-uru ‘propose’, susume-ru ‘advise’, with verbs of learning or thinking, e.g. suitei s-uru ‘infer’, kangae-ru ‘think about’, manab-u Team’, etc. {op. cit.). In the case of verbs which can construct with either, the choice depends on the situation described, e.g. only koto is possible when reference is to an abstract concept, e.g. watakusi wa [kuzira ga honyuu doobutu de aru] koto/**no wo siranakatta ‘I did not know (the fact) [that a whale is a mammal]’ (from Kuno 1973:221 f.). Also no connotes relatively greater urgency of the event, or in the case of a future event greater likelihood that this event will occur, e.g. [hanzai ga syoorai okoru] no Ikoto wo boosi sinakereba narimasen ‘we’ve got to prevent [crime from occurring in the future]’ (from Josephs 1976:335). As suggested by its lexical denotation, to iu ‘someone/they say’ in SIN to iu koto (in subject complements) indicates reservation on the part of the speaker as to the truth of what precedes, e.g. a potential fact kinoo no sinbun de [[tanaka-san ga rikon sita] to iu] koto wa hookoku sareta ‘in yesterday’s newspaper it was reported [[that Mr Tanaka got divorced]’, as opposed to kinoo no sinbun de [tanaka-san ga rikon sita] koto wa hookoku sareta ‘the fact [that Mr Tanaka got divorced] was reported in yesterday’s newspaper’(from Josephs 1976:354ffi). 6.4.1

ta-complements and the question of direct-indirect speech

The distinction between notAoto-complements and to-complements has been described as broadly between the denotation of a factual state of affairs and a state of affairs not confirmed or agreed as such, respectively (Kuno 1973), cf. (21)a and (21)b:

200

T H E S T R U C T U R E A N D H IS T O R Y O F JA P A N E S E

hanako wa [okaasan ga hannin de aru] koto wo

(2 1 ) a

H an ak o -W A m o th er-F O C c u lp rit-c o p -N P S T m atter-D O

sinzinakatta believe-N E G -PA ST

‘Hanako did not believe [that mother was the culprit]’ (21) b

hanako wa [okaasan ga hannin da] to

sinzinakatta

COP-NPST-QUOT

‘Hanako did not believe [that mother was the culprit]’ (21)a is said with the speaker’s knowledge of the facts (viz. mother is the culprit), while (21 )b amounts to an “illustration” of Hanako’s mind at a point of time in the past. It is non-committal as to whether mother is the culprit or not. Various attempts to define the precise conditions for to-complements have noted their use in situ­ ations where the superordinate predicate involves a ‘sudden realization’ of a factual situation, e.g. [watakusi ga [mary ga tunbo da] to sitta] no wa sono toki datta ‘it was then [that I got to know [that Mary was deaf]]’ (from Akatsuka McCawley 1978:199). This, in turn, has led to the condition for to-complements being amended to lack of epistemic integration of what it mentions, e.g. the fto-clause in tisiki to site wa, [ka de wa uturanai] tie wakatte ite mo, ki ni narimasita ‘although I rationally knew [that it is not communicable by mosquitoes], I was still worried’ (from Suzuki 1994:524). The semantic range of to-complements therefore would seem to extend from the epistemically new fact through the non-committal to the counter-factual. It goes without saying that the same conditions cannot apply to tocomplements of verbs of saying. Either they will have to be considered apart, or it must be explored whether to-complements can be understood comprehensively in terms of other notions. The latter option is considered in what follows. First, observe how in a predicate nominal construction, the controlled to-adjunct represents a specification or interpretation, presumably attributed by the speaker to the referent of the subject, e.g. mukasi no sizin in (22): (22) mukasi no sizin wa yoku iwa wo makura to

sita

o f old-G E N poet-W A o fte n cliff-D O pillow -Q U O T do-PAST ‘p o e ts o f o ld o fte n m a d e a c l i f f th e i r p il lo w ’

The controlled adjunct (NP to) is not restricted by truth-values and cannot therefore be stated as an objectively true equation **iwa wa makura da ‘cliffs are pillows’, hence the term subjective essive (Martin 1975:238f.). Compare this to omo(w)-u ‘think’ in A wo B to omou ‘regard A as B’, which entails that the controlled adjunct represents a subjective judgement, e.g. seiziya ‘disrespectable politician’ in tanakasan wo seiziya to omotte iru ‘I regard Tanaka as a political broker’, whereas seizika ‘politician’ in **tanaka-san wo seizika to omotte iru ‘I regard Tanaka as a politi­ cian’ is not acceptable, if Tanaka is actually a politician, i.e. if tanaka wa seizika da ‘Tanaka is a politician’ is a true statement (from Kaburaki Tomoda 1979). By the same token, adjectives which are intrinsically subjective are acceptable, e.g. kasikoi ‘clever’ in tanaka-san wo kasikoi to omotte iru ‘I consider Tanaka to be clever’. Although MJ to-complements of verbs of saying are not commonly interpretable in a similar way, i.e. **homeru koto wo S-to hometa ‘I praised a praise (saying) S’

201

SEN TEN CE STR U CTU RES

(home-ru ‘praise’), this is precisely the interpretation encouraged in premodem narratives, where the semantic object is regularly actuated as a topic (see §6.6.3). As such, the fo-quotation represents a linguistic response judged by the speaker (=the subject of the verb of saying, and ultimately the narrator) as relevant to a situation. All in all, this understanding seems to define fo-quotations unequivocally as demonstrations, i.e. as illustration by ‘exemplification’ in the sense of Clark & Gerrig (1990). The minimal requirement appears to be that the fo-constituent must be interpretable as sententially and pragmatically compatible with the semantic specifications of the superordinate predicate, e.g. ‘suteki na yoohuku desu ne' ‘what a pretty dress!’ can demonstrate praise in suteki na yoohuku desu ne to hometa ‘I praised it saying “what a pretty dress’” (home-ru ‘praise’), or irony in suteki na yoohuku desu ne to hiniku wo itta ‘ “what a pretty dress” I said ironically’ (hiniku wo i(w)-u ‘be ironic’), etc. (from Yamazaki 1993:7-8). Arguably this interpretation of fo-constituents as demonstration also accommodates the verbs of cognition: the crucial feature of to-complements of sir-u ‘realize’, wakar-u ‘grasp, know’, and omoi kom-u ‘take an idea into one’s head’ is that each represents a subjective rendering relevant to or compatible with the precise situation of the event expressed by the superordinate verb. The range of fo-constituents goes well beyond verbs of saying and cognition, illustrating a propensity for what one might call syntactically integrated ‘empathetic demonstration’. The basic conditions are (cf. Yamazaki 1993:7; Fujita 1986:211): (i) the subject (of an active predicate or agent of a passive), must be sentient; (ii) the S-to constituent must be interpretable as a subjective unmediated rendering of or comment on the event of the superordinate predicate; (iii) the fo-constituent is simultaneous (kyoozon) with the event of the superordinate clause; (iv) it must be supported by linguistic or orthographic features characterizing it as an expression of discourse, etc., e.g. (23): (23) ‘sonna aru hi, kokiri-san ga “tyotto dake, tonde minai? ” th a t c e rta in d a y

k -sty -fo c

tiisana hooki wo tukutte little

b it- ju s t

to

fly-T E try-N EG -N PST - q u o t

kureta no desu ’

b ro o m -D O m a k e -T E give-PAST-iNF-POL-NPST

‘One day, saying: “Don’t you want to fly just a bit?” Kokiri made (Kiki) a small broom.’ (Majo) The fo-constituent does, however, not always demonstrate speech. For instance in (24), it clearly demonstrates a collective consciousness. The feeling of people’s anger, rather than being described, is demonstrated by a fo-constituent compatible in terms of contents and linguistic expression to ikari wo komete ‘filled with anger’ in the superordinate clause. By its evident intention of rendering cognition and exterior action simultaneously, this type of fo-quotation furthers the immediacy of the narrative. (24) [description of a newsreel of Mussolini’s death] sosite kiwaku ni nawa wo kakete, sono sitai wo wassyoi wassyoi to turiagete, roozin kara kodomo made, otoko mo onna mo minna de sore ni isi wo nagetukete iru no desu.

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T H E S T R U C T U R E A N D H IS T O R Y O F JA P A N E S E

[yoku mo ore-tati wo sensoo de konna Itidoi me ni r e a lly

w e-D O

awaseta na] to

w ar-iN ST R s u c h h o r r ib le f a te - io

ikari wo komete

meet-CAUS-PAST-EXCL-QUOT an g er-D O lo ad -T E

isi wo nagetukete iru no desu ‘Then hanging a rope from the fork of a tree, they suspend the corpse heave-ho! - and old men and children, men and women are all throwing stones at it. They are throwing stones incensed with anger - [such a terrible fate he has made them meet in the war!] (Hadashi) Note how cohesion between the to-constituent and the superordinate predicate in cases such as (24), when direct communication is ruled out, is achieved by means of features of informal speech style(s): (i) informal pronouns, e.g. ore-tati ‘we (male style)’, co-referent with the subject of the superordinate clause in (24); (ii) presence of sentence particles, e.g. the exclamative na, and modal adverbs to enhance the exclamative force, e.g. yoku mo, in (24); (iii) logophoric deixis, e.g. proximal deictic pronouns such as kore kara ‘(it is) from here’ in kare wa [iyoiyo kore kara da] to hisoka ni mune wo odoraseta ‘[this was the beginning at last], secretly his heart leapt’ (Kigyo)-, (iv) elliptical, and sometimes idiomatic, sentence structure, e.g. adverbial expressions akin to the reduplicated mimetic ex­ pressions, as in hutari de, [into ka, ima ka\ to, [dekiagaru] no wo matta ‘the two of us waited - now? or now? (= impatiently) - for [them (the dango) to be ready]’ (Hare), or wassyoi wassyoi to in (24). This is reminiscent of quasi-direct discourse as characterized in Kuno (1988). Note that the colloquial informal speech style here, if anything, signifies indirect, and not direct, communication. Surprising as this may seem, it appears essentially consistent with the wider use of informal predicate forms inside formal discourse, which has been defined as occurring in ‘backgrounded’ utterances, exclamations, monologue-like utterances, presenting subordinate information that does not directly address the hearer (cf. Maynard 1993:152ff.). Indeed, as also mentioned by Maynard, this interpretation poses an interesting perspective on the adoption of informal predicate morphology by the genbun.itti movement at the dawn of modem Japanese literature (cf. §1.9). It remains an open question whether, or to what extent, to-quotations with a verb of speaking and those with other verbs, are distinguished in any consistent way. Most obviously, a wider range of indexical speech styles is encountered with verbs of saying, although there is no (clear-cut) distinction between direct versus indirect speech. In fact, lacking the morphosyntactically well-defined distinctions of Eng­ lish, any judgement of the ‘closeness’ of a given rendering operates on the complex cline of the speech styles, gauging the relationship between the situation, the char­ acteristics of the dominant clause, the referents, etc. This often leaves a wide margin of uncertainty (cf. Coulmas 1986:167; Kuno 1988). As elsewhere in subordinate clauses, the distinction between -(r)u and -ta relates to the verb of speaking in the superordinate clause, not to the time at which the whole sentence is uttered, e.g. itta ‘said’ in hanako wa [manga wo yonda] to itta ‘Hanako said that she had read the comics’ or hanako wa [manga wo yomu] to itta ‘Hanako said that she was going to read the comics’. Since the latter example simply refers the event ‘reading comics’ to the future in relation to the time of itta,

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203

it may indeed not yet have taken place at the time of utterance, i.e. ‘Hanako said that she will be reading the comics’. 6.5

S no da

S no da is a modal expression with a wide application. It represents an inference judged relevant by the speaker - sometimes acting on behalf of the hearer - on the background of a situational/linguistic context accessible to both interlocutors. The basic conditions which determine no da, have been defined as follows: (i) ‘in saying X, I am talking about something you know about’; (ii) ‘I assume you will understand why I say X now’ (Takatsu 1991:170). In other words, the proposition of the no da clause must be accessible to the hearer and must be pragmatically relevant. S no da is found to differ from S wake da, which is always based on an objectively logical inference, e.g. taroo to ziroo ga kita, kore de zen.in atumatta wake da ‘Taro and Jiro have come, so we are all here’, where no da is said to be at best awkward (from Masuoka 1991). Inside narratives, a narrator/speaker can use S no da to make inferences about characters, for instance, about their inner life, which a speaker cannot normally make about another person (cf. Kuroda 1973). Both temporal sequences between what is inferred and what forms the basis for the inference, are allowed, e.g. (25)a and (25)b. Note that when the inferred sen­ tence temporally follows the one on which the inference is based, as in (25)b, the nuance can be rather precisely rendered by English ‘so’. (25)a

kare wa modotte kita.

saihu wo wasureta no da

he-W A g o b a c k -T E com e-PA ST w a llet-D O forget-PA ST-iN F-N PST ‘He c a m e b a c k . He h a d f o r g o tte n h is w a l l e t ’

(25)b kare wa saihu wo wasureta. he-W A

w a lle t-D o forget-PA ST

sore de modotte kita no da that-iN S T g o b a c k -T E com e-PAST-iNF-NPST

‘He forgot his wallet. So he came back’ (from Ogata 1993:853) The partial equivalence between S no da and English so extends to questions which infer a consequence of the situational/linguistic context. Wh-questions, and per­ haps in particular questions with naze ‘why’, tend to be posed against a background of presupposition of an event and are therefore very common with S no da, e.g. kinoo wa doositeyasunda no ‘so why were you away yesterday?’. Or the interested response to a scientist’s recounting her experiments is likely to take the shape of a no da question, e.g. sore de nani wo hakken sareta no desu ka \so what have you discovered then?’, while a quiz-programme will typically feature non-inferred ques­ tions, e.g. kyurii huzin wa nani wo hakken simasita ka ‘what did Mme Curie discover?’ (Masuoka 1991:151). It should be noted that there is an indexical dimen­ sion to the usage of S no da. Reference to events pertaining to the hearer, in particular, brings out 5 no da as an expression of involvement, e.g. doko ga itai ndesu ( / no desu) ka ‘so where does it hurt?’, addressed by a doctor to a patient is likely to be expected and judged positively. However, uninvited no c/a-questions particularly when referring to actions of a Higher interlocutor ran the risk of sound­ ing impertinent (McGloin 1980).

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The speaker may use S no da in reference to his own actions, in what can be understood as adopting the hearer’s viewpoint. This presupposes, of course, that his action makes the 5 no da construction seem relevant, i.e. it must be an inference which the hearer could plausibly have made. This usage seems beyond the function of English so, but cognates of so in other Germanic languages, e.g. Danish sa, are allowed at least in expressions of present action/intent, e.g. (zya) iku no da ‘I am going’ (Danish: sa gar jeg (so go-PRES I)), uttered, for instance, when the speaker rises from his seat, takes the car key out of his pocket, etc. An inference can extend beyond what is immediately perceived, as when someone arriving late for a meet­ ing explains the situation by kuruma ga zyuutai sita no desu ‘the car was stuck in the traffic’. This strategy can also be employed to bring the speaker’s situation to the hearer’s attention, e.g. ‘ano, tyotto miti wo o-tazune-sitai no desu ga . . . ’ ‘I would like to ask you the way’, as if assuming that the question ‘what is the matter?’ was already on the interlocutor’s mind (Takatsu 1991:173). A speaker can even manipulate a present-tense affirmative inference about the hearer’s action, pretending that an inference about the hearer, e.g. ‘so you are going’, is appropriate in spite of evidence or assumption to the contrary. For instance, if the hearer seems unwilling or is not yet ready, S no da produces the force of an imperative, e.g. iku no da ‘Go!’(cf. Danish ‘sa gar du!’ (so go-PRES you). 6 .5 .1

S node

and

S kara

Constraints posed by the sentence structure mean that the cognate conjunctor de­ noting cause, node, is better treated separately from no da together with the other causal conjunctor kara (Nakada 1977:268; Ogata 1993:853f.). Both node and kara are relatively recent formations dating back to the eighteenth century (Kyogoku 1986) and both are cognate with locative circumstantial case expressions: dis­ regarding the nominalizer no, de is homophonous and cognate with the locative/ instrumental de. The identity of the ablative case particle kara (cf. §5.2.1) and the causal conjunctor kara is similarly uncontroversial (e.g. Nakada 1977:265-6). Note, incidentally, their shared pragmatic function: the subject particle kara (see §5.2.1) and the clause particle kara both specify focus constituents. Node and kara constructions differ mainly as to what is presupposed and as­ serted. Inside the node construction such as in (26), the speaker is committed to the cause-consequence that ‘if the air is clean’ (if p), then ‘it is good for our health’ (then q), and furthermore asserts the truth of ‘the air is in fact clean’ (that p). Furthermore, he assumes that the hearer either shares the same assumptions or will do so upon hearing the sentence (Nakada 1977:268). This forms then the speaker’s basis for asserting the consequence expressed in the superordinate clause. (26) kuuki ga kirei na node

kenkoo ni yoi

air-FOC c le a r-c o p /N P S T -b e c a u s e h e a lt h - i o good-N PST ‘s in c e th e a ir is c le a n , it is g o o d f o r th e h e a l t h ’

On the other hand, inside a /cara-construction there is no shared presupposition, only the speaker’s assertion, which may vary in scope, either encompassing the causal kara-clause only, or both the kara-clause and the superordinate clause, as in (27) where the /cara-clause is postposed: the speaker asserts that the air is clear enough {kara-clause) and that it is therefore safe to fly (cf. Nakada 1977:269f.).

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SENTENCE STRUCTURES

(27) ‘kon 'ya wa daizyoobu soo yo. kuuki ga konna ni sunde iru kara. ’ tonight-WA safe-iNF-EXCL air-roc so clear-PERF-NPST-because ‘It looks safe (to fly) tonight! The air is so clear’ (Majo)

In terms of information structure, the Awa-clause is defined as part of focus (cf. kara indicating a focused subject, §5.2.1). Indeed the absolute/focus contrastive particle koso can attach to S kara, e.g. kagakusya da kara koso sekinin ga arun desu ‘it is precisely because I am a scientist that I am responsible’ (from Nakada S. 1977:251). This means that the response to a question, kuzira wa nani ka ‘what are whales?’, requires kara, as the answer naturally represents the speaker’s assertion of a reason, e.g. kuzira wa hire wo motte iru kara sakana de aru ‘whales are fish because they have fins’ or kuzira wa taisei da kara sakana de wa nai ‘whales are not fish because they are viviparous’ (from Ogata 1993:853). By contrast, node would at best be awkward here. The speaker using kara does not presuppose any entailed relationship between cause and consequence, nor has he reason to believe that the hearer does. Instead he himself has to make the causal connection ‘by fiat’ (Nakada 1977:271), e.g. tyotto matte, ima motte kuru kara ‘wait a sec! I am bringing it (=the broom) now’ (Majo). Note that although the &ara-clause in (28), which is said in response to the question ‘what do you do for a living?’, can be interpreted as a right dislocated clause asserting the cause of uranaiyasan yo, the fact that it contains the topic atasi ‘I’, a characteristic sentential, rather than a clausal, feature, may be taken to suggest that the main thrust of the kara-clause is that of an assertion with a predicate focus. (28) ‘uranaiyasan yo. . . . atasi, hito no soothsayer-EXCL

I

kimoti ga

nanto naku

people-GEN feeling-FOC like nothing

wakaru mon da kara ’ understand-NPST-thing-cop-NPST-because

‘I am a sooth-sayer. I understand other people’s feelings intuitively’ (Majo) The same can be said about the co-occurrence of no da and kara, where asserting the presupposed cause lends force to the superordinate clause denoting the con­ sequence, for instance, the sentence ending in komaru wa in anta mo kyooryoku site kurenakutya komaru wa, kore kara hutarikkiri nan (=na no) da kara ‘If you are not cooperative, we shall be in a fix; mind you, from now on it is just the two of us’ (Majo). By comparison, node emphasizes the cause-consequence relationship as an accepted presupposition, e.g. moo osoi node nenasai ‘it is late, so go to bed!’ (as opposed to moo osoi kara nenasai ‘go to bed, it is late!’). On that assumption, the speaker can use node to explain a cause-consequence relation, when supposing either that the hearer has no prior knowledge or is not actively seeking information about the cause, e.g. kinoo wa netu ga atta node gakkoo wo yasunde simaimasita ‘I stayed home from school yesterday, because I had a fever’ said to a friend from outside school. 6.6

Historical perspectives: some CJ sentence structures

There is surprisingly little research on CJ syntax in general, let alone the complex sentence structures for which CJ is renowned; as far as publications in English are

1.

T H E S T R U C T U R E A N D H IS T O R Y O F JA P A N E S E

206

concerned, Kaiser (1991a) is the exception. The functions of tense and aspect categories were dealt with in §4.5.2-§4.5.4. The following touches on a couple of typical OJ-CJ constructions and/or innovations. 6.6.1

Complement structures in OJ

OJ has two complement predicate forms, the attributive nucleus form and the OJ nominalizing suffix -aku. The latter appears for the most part to be conditioned by subject co-referentiality in the complement and superordinate clause in senmyo, e.g. the multilayered /o-quotations in (29), where the subject of tatematur-aku (maro-ra (concerning i, see §5.7.1)), is co-referential with that of the superordinate subject of mawosi tamaf-u, which in turn is non-co-referential with the unexpressed subject of the superordinate predicate kikosimesi. (29) [ . . . maro-ra i [ [fumi oferu\

kame fitotu tatematuraku) to

Maro-etc-suB letter cover-PRF-ATTR tortoise 1 present-NOM-QUOT

mawosi tamafu\ to

kikosimesi. . .

say HUM-exalted-NPST-QUOT hear exalt -conj

‘(we) hearing [that Maro and others say [that they are presenting a tortoise covered in letters]]. . . ’ (Senmyo 6, Zachert 1932) In poetry afcw-complements occur mostly outside fo-quotations with a wide, if less regular, lexical range of verbs of which some presuppose subject co-referentiality: fosi/for-u ‘want to’, yame2- ‘stop’ and to2do2me2- ‘stop’, e.g. nakerk-aku wo tordorme2 mo kanete ‘being unable even to stop my lamenting’ (MYS 4008). The use of -aku in initial quotation frames (cf. §6.6.3), the only environment in which -aku con­ tinued into CJ, e.g. no2tamaf-aku wa .. . to2 no2tamafu ‘as for what X says .. . that X says’ likewise presupposes subject co-referentiality. The -aku form also occurred in the complement of adjectival predicates, e.g. kaku si-tutu araku wo vo2-mi' zo2 ‘it is because it is good to be like this’ (MYS 975), where wo is conditioned by the subordinating conjunctional element -mi'. By contrast, verbs which do not allow subject co-referentiality, e.g. mi1 ‘see’ construct with the attributive nucleus form without any explicit indication to mark the construction as a complement, e.g. moro2fi'to2 no asobu wo mi'reba ‘as I see everyone playing’ (MYS 843). Finally, there is variation, although not on the basis of subject co-referentiality, between the two complement forms, e.g. omof-u ‘think’ and sir-u ‘know’ can take one or the other, e.g. nunafa kurifafe2ke'ku sirani ‘. .. not knowing that the water shield used to extend its stem thus fa r. . . ’ (Kojiki 44) (past auxiliary + nominalizer -ke'ku). Note that the cognate conjunctional ku-form of the adjectives is sometimes used in predicate nominal (complement) constructions, e.g. mizikaki ino2ti wo nagaku pori suru (attrib) ‘(therefore) I want the short life to be long’ (MYS 975). By CJ, the attibutive form had become generalized, and a distinction not unlike that between MJ no and koto constructions was probably in place. Thus, comple­ ment clauses of, for instance, mi- ‘see, read’ and kik- ‘hear’ involving direct percep­ tion and requiring no in MJ, had a predicate in the attributive form but did not have an explicit head noun in CJ (Takeuchi 1987:77, 207).

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6.6.2

From case particle to clause particle

One of the major syntactic developments in premodem Japanese is the innovation of case particles as clause conjunctors. Such developments are usually assumed to be conditioned by features of CJ subordinate (ad)nominal clause constructions, in particular vagueness as to how to construe the relationship to the superordinate clause when there is no explicit head noun. That is, whether the linking entity is to be construed as a contents relation (complement) or a relational (implicit/explicit) adjunct of the clause. Taking (30) as an example, this means either interpreting the linking element between the clauses in terms of a contents entity analogous to MJ kotolno, or interpreting it as an adjunct, in this case, most likely the subject yamamori. (30) also illustrates another typical construction of CJ, the circumnominal construc­ tion, in which the adjunct that must be construed semantically as the head of the clause is expressed inside it, i.e. yamamori no arikeru = arikeru yamamori sirani, ‘not knowing the mountain guard who evidently is there’ (cf. Kaiser 1991a:30ff.). (30) [yamamori no2

arike'ru]

sir-an-i

mountain-guard-GEN be-EViD-ATTR know-NEG-coNJ

‘not knowing that there evidently is a mountain-guard’ (MYS 401) The emergence of wo and ni clause-conjunctors is variously dated between (pre)-OJ and the Heian period, too early for their development to be traceable. The grammaticalization of clause conjunctor ga, on the other hand, is concluded around the thirteenth century and can be observed from its very beginnings. In fact, this development suggests the development of subject case marking function to be largely simultaneous with the development of clause conjunctional function. The standard account presented below is by Ishigaki (1955). The course of grammaticalization can be described as a relaxation of cohesion, i.e. on constraints between what ga precedes and follows. Ishigaki attributes this development to the particular function of ga and its concomitant development as subject (Ishigaki 1955:53), particularly the fact that OJ ga attaches to an adjunct with a predicate structure (mi'ru), the subject in a controlled nominal predicate construction which happens to be nominalized (to2mo2sisa), i.e. [TP] ga nominalized stative predicate, as in [funabi'to2 wo mi'ru] ga to2mo2sisa ‘how eager to see the sailor(s)!’ (MYS 3658) (Ishigaki 1955:21). By the early tenth century, the condition on the superordinate predicate is loosened to include dynamic predicates, e.g. sinobite (sinob-u ‘move stealthily’) in (31), whose subject must be interpreted as wonna inside what may be a circumnominal construction, i.e. wonna no oboetaru ga = oboetaru wonna ga: (31) [wonna no mada yo

fezu to

oboetaru] ga

fito no

woman-GEN yet world pass-NEG-QUOT seem-PFT-ATTR-ga person-GEN

ofon-moto ni sinobite

mono kikoete noti

PREF-place-io act stealthily-TE thing say HUM-TF.-after

‘after a woman who he thought was still inexperienced in the world, stealthily sent messages to someone else’ (IM 120) The condition that the subjects in the subordinate ga-clause and the superordinate clause in (31) and earlier examples must be co-referential, is undone in the almost

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contemporary example in (32), in which the subject of the superordinate clause is co-referential with the object of the ga-clause, sakura ‘cherry tree’: (32) . . . [tofoku taterikeru]

sakura wo tikaku fori

distant stand-PFT-EViD-ATTR cherry-DO close dig-coNJ

uwekeru ga

karezama ni

miekereba,. . .

plant-Evro-ATTR-ga withered way-io IooIc-evid -cond

. as the cherries which had stood in the distance and which he dug up and planted closer, looked withered’ ( Yamato) Conceivably another piece of support for an emerging less cohesive structure relates to the fact that the alternative interpretation of (32) as a circumnominal construction appears less feasible: the adnominal alternative, uwekeru sakura ga karezama ni miekereba ‘as the cherries which he dug looked withered’, relating sakura and ga seems borderline in terms of the semantic selections of ga (cf. §5.6.1). This suggests that the ga-clause here does not represent a subject adjunct in the usual sense. Around 1000 (mid-CJ), there are indications in the relationship to the following clause that the syntactic cohesion is loosening still further: the co-referential noun phrase can occur without a morphological case marker, or it may even be left unexpressed as in the subordinate clause in (33). (33) [ito yangotonaki

kifa ni fa

aranu ga

very brilliant-ATTR situation-io-WA be-NEG-ATTR-GA

sugurete

tokimeki tamafu]

arikeri

overshadowing prosper-exalted-ATTR be-EViD-FiN

‘There was someone who was not of a brilliant station (in life), who still prospered exceedingly.’ (GM, Kiritsubo) The indeterminacy of examples such as (32) and (33) is dissolved by explicit indicators of complex sentence structure, e.g. an explicit subject of the superordinate predicate or a final nucleus form in the superordinate clause. (34) (eleventh cen­ tury) illustrates the former case, the superordinate subject, sono futari no kodomo, anaphorically resuming the subject (wotoko no ko) in the ga-clause: (34) wotoko no ko futari arikeru ga, sono titi male-GEN child two be-EViD-ATTR-GA that father usenikereba

sono futari no kodomo [kofi kanasibu]

die-P FV -E V iD -coN D

that two-GEN children long grieve-ATTR

koto

tosi wo feredonto. . .

matter year-DO pass-although

‘there were two sons, but although these two children passed years together in longing and sorrow, when their father died,. . . ’ (Konjaku) By the early thirteenth century in Gukansho, there are no longer constraints on the syntactic functions of co-referential elements: (35) illustrates co-referentiality be­ tween the subject of the ga-clause ko (no) and the object of the superordinate clause kono zensi. There are also examples of ga-conjunction without any co-referential adjuncts.

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SEN TEN CE STR U CTU RES

(35) . . . yoriie ga ko no . . . [housi ni narite

arikeru]

sizifu ni

Yoriie-GEN child-GEN priest-io become-TE be-EViD-ATTR 40-io

narikeru ga

[yosim ori g a kata ni uti m orasaretaru ]

becom e-EV ID -A TTR -G A Y-GEN p art-IO eSCape-PASS-PFT-ATTR

m ono

atum arite fito g o ko ro nite

kono zensi wo

totte

person gather-TE one mind-cop-TE this zen priest-Do take-TE ‘Y oriie’s child was now a priest, forty years old, and the ones who had fled to Yoshimori gathered and acting unanimously took this Zen priest and . . . ’ ( G ukansho 6)

6.6.3

Narrated discourse in CJ

The general abandonment of indexical expressions in narrative description by the genbun.itti movement during the 1880s and 1890s (cf. §1.9) has been seen as a sign

of literary modernity. At the same time it could perhaps be said to be a natural outcome of the Edo Period trend to restrict discourse frames to a minimum, while maximalizing precise sociolinguistic or indexical characteristics inside utterances. Be that as it may, the result has been taken as non-involvement by the narrator and has been interpreted as paving the way for Interiority, i.e. the open-ended explora­ tion of the characters’ minds in the modem novel (Karatani 1993). The contrast to CJ narrated discourse is stark. With its rich indexical and syntactically complex structures in discourse passages, the classical narrative offers insights into the con­ ceptual understanding that its speakers had of language and communication (cf. Silverstein 1985:138ff.), while at the same time providing us with hints about clause conjunction and other grammatical phenomena. Central to a syntactic account of narrated discourse are, of course, the verbs of communication, which in premodem Japanese often both introduced and concluded an utterance/quotation. Discourse could be introduced by a topic noun phrase, e.g. OJ-CJ ifaku f a ‘as for the saying’ where -aku is a nominalizing suffix, or by an analytic construction ifu y a u f a ‘the way of saying’, where yaw is a noun ‘manner’, and concluded by the particle -to, usually followed by a verb of saying, e.g. if-u ‘say’, as in (36): (36) ifu y a u w a . . . .

to ifu

say-ATTR w ay-W A . . . q u o t say-N O N P ‘As for s a y ( in g ) “. . .” th a t, X s a y s ’

Often the introductory frame serves to determinine the left boundary of a quotation, presumably for want of orthographic punctuation or quotation marks in premodem texts. The beginning of quotation could at the same time be signalled by an inter­ jection (frequent in post-CJ), e.g. m osim osi ‘if I may’ or ika ni ‘now, listen’, etc. Inside smoothly running discourse, shift from one interlocutor to the other is sig­ nalled by the conditional conjunctor -ba as in (37): (37) ( A ) . . . to ifeba, (B ). . . to ife b a ,. . . to ifeba, . . . . This means that once explicit reference is established for one of the interlocutors, e.g. okina ‘old man’ in okina ifu ya u f a ‘what the old man says (is)’, reference in (37) is unambiguous. Indexically marked verbs appropriate with Higher or Lower

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status of a referent can, of course, also serve to distinguish interlocutors, e.g. humble mawos-u ‘say’ as opposed to exalted notamaf-u ‘say’ in (38): (38) . . . to mawoseba, . . . to notamafeba, . . . to mawoseba,. . . to notamafeba, . . . Verbs denoting hearing or receipt of information placed in the introductory frame may serve the same purpose, e.g. kikosimes-u ‘hear (exalted)’, uketamafar-u ‘ac­ cept (humble)’. A survey of the CJ narrative Taketori monogatari ( The Tale o f a Bamboo Cutter) (771#) (tenth century) reveals two general trends concerning cohesion between utterances inside discourse: of the two most frequent conjunctional means, sentence break and -ba, 3/4(18 out of 24) of all occurrences of -ba attach to the plain verb ifu, whereas 1/2 (25 out of 50) of all occurrences of sentence break after the verb of speaking are of a marked exalted/humble verb. That is, indexically marked discourse appears to favour a lesser degree of syntactic cohesion, perhaps appropri­ ately reflecting the blinds and screens across which formal and/or public discourse was carried out. The varying degree of cohesion of conjunctors can be demon­ strated by comparing the occurrence of certain grammatical types and the response they elicit. For instance, compliance on the interlocutor’s part to an imperative conditions -ba, while refusal or non-compliance trigger -do(mo), -wo, e.g. (39), or ni, e.g. (40): (39) tiunagon

. . . tug eyo to

notamafu wo,

middle counsellor .. . tell-iMP-QUOT say exalt -npst -wo

uketamafarite, nani no you ni ka

ar-an to

mawos-u.

receive-TE what-GEN use-io-QU be-cjEC-QUOT say hum - npst ‘The middle counsellor says “tell me!”, but hearing this they say “what is the use o f this?”.’ (TM)

(40) . .. taketori no

okina

fasiri irite ifaku

“. . . kono miko ni

bamboocutter-GEN old man run in-TE say-NOM “. . . this prince-io

afi tukaumaturi tamafe ” to

ifu ni,

mono mo ifade . . .

meet serve exalt ” imp -quot say-NPST-io thing-MO say-NEG/TE ‘the bamboo cutter enters running and says “please, meet this prince and marry him ” but she says nothing (to h im ) . . . ’ (TM)

CJ -ni, let alone wo, appear then to indicate a lesser degree of sequential cohesion or immediacy between the utterances it conjoins than ba, cf. what Genenz (1978:87f.) terms antithetical ni in Heike Monogatari. The question remains whether, or to what extent, the choice between ni and wo was effectively determined by predicate semantics, so as to allow interpretation as case particles. In other words, is it accidental that notamafu wo in (39) can be construed as direct object for uketamafarite ‘hearing the middle counsellor say’, ifu ni in (40) as indirect object for mono mo ifade, i.e. ‘without saying anything to the bamboo cutter’s saying “.. .” ’? As mentioned, the social status of interlocutors in CJ narratives is assessed and allotted appropriate indexical expression by the narrator. However, indexical classi­ fication of characters is not absolute and invariant throughout the narrative. Rather it is generally decided by the ‘setting’ (ba). In Taketori monogatari, linguistic interactions on the main narrative plane are divided into two broad discourse spheres, those which call for distinctive, indexical marking depending on the status of the

2 11

SENTENCE STRUCTURES

referents of the interlocutors, and those without such differentiation. These two types of setting are here termed the public and private sphere, respectively. The correlations between referents and indexical verbs are shown in Table 6.1. A > < B indicates discourse between A and B. table

6.1

Narrative discourse structures in Taketori Monogatari. main narrative

public sphere

private sphere o f the protagonists

imperial > < humble

exalted > < humble

plain > < plain

emperor > < X

master > < servant

bamboo cutter > < Kaguyahime bamboo cutter > < servant Kaguyahime > < servant

suitors > < bamboo cutter imperial mesenger > < Kaguyahime exalted > < humble or plain > < plain (depending on situational formality) peripheral narrative

A master-servant relationship, and notably communication between the emperor or his messenger, on the one hand, and his subjects, on the other, call for indexically marked expressions, some of which are used exclusively in imperial discourse. Thus, the bamboo cutter’s or Kaguyahime’s utterances are narrated using m aw os-u ‘say (humbly)’ or sous-u ‘say (to the emperor)’, against the emperor’s commands, ofoserare- ‘command’ or notam af-u ‘say’. Likewise in the linguistic interchanges between the suitors and their servants, notam af-u is used to frame the master’s speech, m aw os-u that of the servants. In private discourse, on the other hand, plain verbs, mostly if-u ‘say’ or tof-u ‘ask’, are used consistently with both interlocutors, e.g. in the extensive dialogues between the bamboo cutter and his foster daughter Kaguyahime, but also in the interchanges between Kaguyahime and her servants. Discourse between peripheral characters appears to be less consistently encoded: in narrated discourse between the bamboo cutter and the suitors as a group, plain frames prevail, while linguistic differentiation is sometimes found in interchanges with individual suitors, e.g. notam af-u (prince Kuramochi), m awos-u (bamboo cutter). Nominal reference, too, reflects the distinctions of setting. For instance, in dis­ course with the emperor, the bamboo cutter is referred to by rank/title as miyatumaro; in private discourse with Kaguyahime and others, as okina ‘old man’; and occasion­ ally when speaking to suitors and others outside the household, by his profession as taketori (no okina) ‘(old man) bamboo cutter’. Similar criteria appear to be at work in other contemporary and later m onogatari, including the fourteenth century ‘his­ torical’ nikki (diary) Towazugatari, where the use of poetical sobriquets, ariake no tuki ‘daybreak moon’ and y u k i no akebono ‘snow dawn’, to refer to Lady Nijo’s lovers can also be interpreted in terms of setting (cf. Konishi 1991:480, for a slightly different interpretation). Indeed, in Ise m onogatari, m ukasi w otoko arikeri ‘once there was a man’, may have been surprising precisely because the reference

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wotoko ‘man’ defined an amorous encounter in the very opening sentence of the narrative. Still, read against the conventional distinction between public and private settings/discourse just outlined, its use is entirely appropriate. A name or title would have jarred with the situation. In fact, only comical or scandalous affairs seem to prompt reference by title or even name, e.g. the mentioning of the name, Ariwara no Narihira, in the episode involving meeting the lady ‘a year short of a hundred’ (IM 63), or Genji being referred to by title in the description of his affair with Fujitsubo or his escapade with an old court lady (Yoshioka 1991:24). As Yoshioka’s study of nominal references to the protagonist Genji demonstrates, Genji monogatari is unique by degrees only. A private-public distinction is made in reference even to the infant Genji, between miko used in private or intimate con­ texts, e.g. when Genji is brought to the palace in secrecy, and wakamiya, when he is brought to court publicly. In later chapters (Wakaba, Koyoka and Hana no en), reference to Genji can be broadly divided into four types: (i) general nouns includ­ ing wotoko ‘man’ in romantic encounters, cf. lse monogatari above; (ii) reference by the clan name Genji, used mainly, it seems, when Genji interacts with people at court, including his father, in his capacity as a private person; (iii) kimi ‘master’ in interactions in private contexts; (iv) official titles, e.g. tiuziau ‘captain’, often in combinations, tiuzyau no kimi, genzi no tiuzyau, etc., in official contexts.

\

Chapter 7

A sum m ary of the historical developm ents

Underlying the discussion of historical developments in this volume is the view that our knowledge of the historical and modem Japanese dialects and of the archaeology and early history of Japan has advanced to a level where it can profit­ ably be brought together to establish a more coherent account of the (proto-)history of the language. Although merely a working hypothesis in its present form, the following summary aims at just that. To that end, characteristic clusters of morphosyntactic phenomena or developments of each period, many of whicji were traced individually in earlier chapters, have been compared to modem dialectal evidence and placed in their original geographical-political setting, something which, admit­ tedly, can be done with a greater or lesser degree of certainty. Evidence from the accent systems which in a spectacular way combine systematic stability and vexingly difficult geographical distribution, is invoked to strengthen the argument. References to research on individual phenomena are not noted below, but can be found in the relevant places elsewhere in the book. OJ is characterized by the following features, most of which were carried over into the kanbun kundoku tradition (Nakada 1979b):(i) (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v) (vi)

subject marker i; nominalizer -(a )ku ; causative -(a)sime-; distal demonstrative ka-\ perfect -(e ')ri (rather than -(i)tari); adverbial use of re-form, e.g. subete ‘all’, kasanete ‘repeatedly’.

Among modem dialects, only some Sakishima (south Ryukyu) dialects appear to have retained (iii)-(v), suggesting that this area did not take part in the relevant innovations associated with CJ, i.e. distal demonstrative a-, causative -(s)ase-, re­ augmentation. Given its otherwise pan-Japanese distribution, complete absence of -te (although obscured by recent interdialectal influence) would seem to reflect a Pre-OJ stage. When compared to the lack of archaeological evidence for Yayoi culture on Sakishima, which incidentally seems supported by the cultural isogloss, Sakishima m ai ‘raw rice’ (probably a late Sino-Japanese loan): home in the rest of Japan (KKK 1966-74, no. 167), it can perhaps be surmised that re-augmentation and the other OJ features date back to the Pre-Yayoi period. Note also that if the combination of the OJ subject marker i and a pragmatic particle f a (MJ wa) or si in

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214

kanbun kundoku is taken as evidence of a system allowing distinct subject case and

focus expressions attached to the same adjunct, it would mean another unique systematic feature shared by OJ and modem Ryukyu dialects. More research is needed on this topic. Three major innovations, already evident in OJ in a less advanced grammaticalized form, are associated with CJ: (a) anterior aspect construction(s) formed by means of re-augmentation, and the related formation of several circumstantial case particles; (b) the proliferation of ^-morphology, the morphosyntactic cluster of nari-copula based on the direction/manner case particle ni, na-adjectives, instrumental nite; (c) syntactic differentiation into focus-subject particle ga and genitive particle no, probably in conjunction with developments in the focus marking system (kakarim usubi ).

It seems noteworthy, although it might just be accidental, that the innovations in (a)-(c) all pertain to deictic categories - provided re-augmentation is interpreted as an innovative anterior/past tense category. In fact, all supersede a morpho-syntactic word-family characterized by s//;-consonantism, likely to be cognate with demon­ stratives, OJ-CJ past -(i)ki/-(i)si, evidential -(i)keri, focus particles so > CJ zo, koso, OJ-CJ ka. Among the innovations, the re-augmented perfect/past has the widest distribution stretching from Tohoku to north Ryukyu. As for (b) and (c), the older constructions'(about to be) superseded in CJ, are widely distributed in west Japan, defined here as Kyushu (apart from the north-east comer) and (north) Ryukyu. It is interesting to note, although it is, of course, not in any way a decisive argument, that the usage of yo m -u in the sense of ‘count, compute’, reminiscent of OJ-CJ ‘count, compose/read poetry aloud’, shows a similar modem mid-Honshu-west Japanese distribution (KKK 1966-74, no. 69). Generally, evidence from Tohoku is less clear, but there is evidence for s /k morphology, e.g. the case particle sa or relics of evidential -(i)keri. In fact, the particular prehistorical situation in Tohoku and the linguistic implications of the historical colonization of T5hoku, and later, of Hokkaido, deserve a separate study. There appears to be at least one construction of mid-east Honshu extraction distinguishing CJ from OJ, namely the verb concatenations with w iru ‘sit > be’, which superseded OJ concatenations with w ori, and which today is distributed in a clear-cut east-west manner with a boundary to the west around Kyoto. During the post-CJ period between 1200 and 1600, there is some evidence for central Honshu (Kinki-Kanto), or perhaps selectively the contemporary prestige dialect (KySto) and areas of east Japan, sharing linguistic innovations: (A) the restructuring of the aspect-tense system evolving around the CJ perfect(s) -te w i-tari and -te ar-i being interpreted in a progressive or iterative dynamic sense, leading to MJ serial verb constructions. This development may be directly related to the prevalence of w iru in CJ; (B) the trend to generalize a copula form predicate-finally is probably related to the particular focused discourse function of the nan-copula. Its modem dialectal distribution is not clear, but at least the modal auxiliary formations known from MJ appear slanted towards central Honshu, e.g. west Japanese -gotaru ‘be like, appear’ < *goto aru, as opposed to central Honshu yo o da, etc. (cf. Sanada 1989);

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215

(C) the merger of accent classes 2.2 and 2.3 of disyllabic nouns during the fourteenth century Ky5to. Such a merger is also assumed for east Japanese dialects - perhaps as an independent innovation - as far as Kanto, and for most Chugoku dialects (Martin 1987:253ff), cf. below. The origin of these innovations does not (at present) seem traceable with absolute certainty to a definite geographical area, and we cannot date their development outside the written prestige dialect. All the same, at least in the case of (A), the modem distribution with the area around Kyoto as the western extreme strongly suggests an east Japanese origin. It is not entirely clear how to reconcile the evi­ dence for shared developments between Kyoto and Kanto during this period with the established view of a major deep-rooted dialect border between Kinki and Kanto (cf. Tokugawa 1981, for elaboration and qualification of this view). It was not until during the fifteenth century that most of the distinct east Japanese (morpho)phonology (onbin, dya/da copula forms, etc.), now associated with the bundle of isoglosses in Chubu (around Nagoya to the south), appears in the written sources, although for instance the imperative forms go back to OJ. Given that the written prestige language and the dominant spoken vernacular, which were both associated with the capital (Kybto), are likely to have incorporated an amount of east Japanese and perhaps other dialectal features over the Post-CJ centuries, it would seem not to be accidental that the emergence of a truly dis­ tinctive Kamigata (Kinki) dialect in the seventeenth-century literature coincides with the eclipse of Kyoto by the new commercial centres, Sakai and Osaka. All the same, the mould of the pre-1600 written prestige dialect was not easily broken. It took almost two centuries for a distinct Edo dialect to come into its own. The nineteenth century sees a host of new (MJ) morphosyntax, as the new Edo-T5kyo prestige dialect becomes linked to linguistic modernization, e.g. indexical mor­ phology des-, -mas-, o-/go-_ ni nar-u, etc.; various complex modal constructions, e.g. necessitive -nakereba naranai, etc.; the obligatory attachment of a pragmatic particle and/or case particle to adjuncts in the written styles. The mid-Honshu region has commonly been perceived as the supremely dynamic centre from which innovations emanate. The typical reflex in the modem dialects of that scenario is a so-called wave pattern, in which the string of new constructions form concentric rings, the oldest ones showing in the periphery (cf. Yanagita Kunio’s study of the words for ‘snail’, e.g. Miller 1967:147f.). As mentioned above, there is evidence, particularly from the Post-Classical and later periods, that such a static centre model needs modification. Although the situation is less clear for CJ and earlier periods, the possibility of relating the early chrono­ logically layered clusters of innovation and their modem geographical distribution to the archaeological-historical evidence is tentatively explored below. The older structures about to be superseded in CJ ((a)-(c) above), appear particularly well entrenched in west Japan. However, the assumption of early direct contacts between west Japan and mid-Honshu would gain significantly in plausibility if it could explain the controversial distribution of accent systems. Offhand, the hypo­ thesis appears corroborated by the fact that the Old Kyoto distinction between High and Low initial register is retained (in various forms) in the modem west Japanese dialects. We lack, however, early information on Chugoku, the intervening area between west Kyushu and mid-Honshu, in which the High-Low initial register distinction is generally cancelled by the merger of the accent classes 2.2. and 2.3,

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just as in east Japanese and modem mid-Honshu. Much could depend on how modem Izumo (Taisha-machi, Shimane prefecture) dialect data are interpreted. It is reckoned here that it is not accidental that the one pocket of modem Chugoku dialects showing systematic distinctions conforming to the High-Low register as well as distinct accent classes 2.4 and 2.5, is found precisely in the Izumo area, which between 300 b c and a d 300, along with Kyushu, was the centre of trade with the continent and of bronze casting technique, and between 300 and 650, had competitive, but close links with Yamato (cf. Piggott 1989). The implication is that an early dialect border existed between Izumo and the rest of Chugoku, i.e. the early surrounding Chugoku dialects presumably did not have a systematic distinc­ tion corresponding to the High-Low initial register. If so, we may surmise the same about Azuma/east Japanese dialects on the eastern border of early mid-Honshu. This hypothesis presents an alternative to the traditional, but contested view that all modem dialects including those in Chugoku derive from eleventh-century midHonshu distinctions. It poses Izumo and mid-Honshu as representing early Tomb Period cultural and political centres, whose dialects were shaped by close connec­ tions to west Japan/Kyushu and the continent, possibly in the shape of a lingua franca. Eventually it might be possible to distinguish linguistic layers of the Yayoi Period and the Tomb Period. For instance, in case of mid-Honshu, the OJ-CJ dialect is characterized by a mixture of receding features of west Japanese (Kyushu) extract and some apparently innovative ones, such as extended use of n-based morphology, which seem to reflect another, perhaps later Honshu(?) influence. To sum up, the characteristic features of Sakishima and OJ ((iii)-(v)) are associated with the pre-Yayoi period. The ‘verbal-postposition’ -te with its panJapanese distribution (apart from Sakishima) is assumed to be characteristic of the OJ-CJ features widely distributed throughout Japan, perhaps as a result of the spread of Yayoi culture. The west Japanese influence in OJ-CJ mid-Honshu is attributed to the political situation in the first centuries of the common era, while some of the innovative CJ features could represent either continental or other dialectal influences. At the most general, the assumption is of an early major dialect boundary located during the Yayoi Period somewhere in north Kyushu, and later in the Tomb Period shifted eastwards and defined by the band-shaped distribution of Yamato culture in mid-Honshu.

I

Glossary of te rm in o lo g y

accent (pitch accent; J. akusento) system of prosodic distinctions which cue prominence exclusively by pitch, cf. §2.2, §2.4. accomplishm ent

verb denoting an event combining features of activity and achievement,

cf. §4.4. achievem ent verb denoting an event which has an inherent actional turning-point, e.g. sin-u ‘die’, tuk-u ‘arrive at’, cf. §4.4. activated referential entity which although not at the centre of the hearer’s attention is (supposed by the speaker to be) part of his overall knowledge of the world. activity verb denoting an event characterized by absence of an actional turning-point (=atelicity), e.g. oyog-u ‘swim’, hon wo yom-u ‘read books’, cf. §4.4. adjunct noun phrase modifying a predicate. There is a distinction between circumstantial adjuncts and governed adjuncts, cf. §5.3. allomorph

variant form of a morpheme actualized under specified conditions, cf. §2.1.

semantically equivalent, but pragmatically and structurally different pair of sentences, cf. §5.0. allosentence

defines the temporal sequence of events in two conjoined clauses or contigu­ ous sentences inside narration: in MJ, anterior -tel-ta establish a sequential, or at times, causal relation to the following clause/sentence; non-anterior -it-ru allow overlap of events, cf. §6.1.1, §6.1.4. anterior(ity)

aspect(ual) specifies the unfolding of the event denoted by the verb without reference to the speech situation. atelic an event without any inherent actional end-point or turning-point, the opposite of telic(ity). athematic verbs verbs whose invariant form ends in a consonant, e.g. tukur-u ‘make’, ik-u ‘go’, including w-final verbs, such as ka(w)-u ‘buy’, cf. kaw-anai ‘do not buy’, cf. §4.2.2. circumstantial adjunct an adjunct, e.g. an instrumental or actional locative, not specified by the valence of the predicate, which can be left unaccounted for in a sentence without loss of acceptability, §5.3. copula the formative element of a nominal predicate construction denoting a stative equational relation, e.g. MJ da, cf. §4.3.1.

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linguistic coding of contextual features whose referential value shifts from one occasion to another. Categories that depend on who is speaking when, etc., are termed referential deictic categories; those which depend on social relationships are termed social deixis, cf. §3.0. Japanese speech styles (keigo) encodes social significances, cf. indexicality. deixis

dislocation syntactic configuration placing a constituent, a topic or an adjunct focus element often marked by a pragmatic particle, to the left of adjuncts indicating (other) grammatical relations, i.e. often in the leftmost position of the sentence (left dislocation). Alternatively, a dislocated constituent can be placed after the sentence predicate (right dislocation), cf. §5.1.2. dynamic

characterizes an event with a changeable actional character, as opposed to stative.

empathy (J. kyookan) the speaker adopts the viewpoint of one of the participants in the event he describes, i.e. using that person as the deictic centre either by regular pragmatic constraint or by speaker’s choice as determined by pragmatic considerations, cf. §3.0.2.

semantic specification of a governed adjunct, mostly the subject or object(s), conditioned by the properties of a predicate, cf. §5.3.

entailm ent

epistemic modality

expresses the speaker’s opinion or attitude towards the situation

described, cf. §4.2.1. event

general term for a predicated situation.

the grammatical relation of a motion verb, e.g. tuk-u ‘arrive’, implying a (resultative) state at the locative end-point of the movement, cf. §5.4.2. final locative

is constituted by the part of a sentence the hearer knows or takes for granted as the result o f hearing the sentence uttered, cf. §5.1.

focus part

focus particle specifies the constituent to which it attaches as part of focus, e.g. OJ-CJ focus particles (kakarimusubi), see §5.7.1; or MJ ga, see §5.2.2.

adjunct(s) specified by the valence of the verb. If not actually expressed in the sentence, the governed adjunct(s) must be retrievable by the hearer from the context, if communication is to be successful, cf. §5.3.

governed adjunct

a structural reanalysis of a construction, which shows in morphophonological fusion and semantic generalization, in due course leading to bound grammatical (i.e. affixal) morphology, cf. §4.1.2.

grammaticalization

iconic(ity) a direct relationship between features of expression and of semantic contents, e.g. between the voiced feature of the obstruents b, d, g, z, and ‘intensity’ in onomatopoetic words, such as katakata denoting a less loud clattering sound than gatagata, etc., cf. §2.1, or the accentuation of predicate constructions, see §6.0.2. indexicality

subsumes referential deixis and social deixis, cf. §3.0.

refers to the formal expression(s), e.g. CJ focus particles (kakarimusubi), used in the pragmatic structuring of a sentence or proposition, see §5.1. information structure

initial locative the grammatical relation of motion verbs, e.g. hanare-ru ‘leave’, implying the subject’s non-presence at the initial location of the movement as a result of that move­ ment, cf. §5.4.2.

kanbun ‘Chinese text’ encompasses texts written in Chinese (by Chinese or Japanese), as well as any written or spoken Japanese renderings in which the (original) Chinese ‘reverber­ ates’, cf. §1.3. kanbun kundoku Japanese reading/translation of Chinese texts; in particular, the style of Japanese prose derived from this tradition, cf. §1.3.

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kunten diacritic systems for reading texts written in Chinese, marking Japanese syntactic order, grammatical particles and auxiliaries, cf. §1.3. limited control semantic ‘compound’ notion that an event is completed after extraordinary efforts or comes to an unexpected or unintended conclusion, cf. §5.4.1. mood/modal characterizes the speaker’s attitude towards the situation expressed in the sentence as a whole, cf. §4.2.1. morphem e

minimal linguistic unit, cf. §2.1.

nominal hierarchy systematization of nominal referents according to their ability to dom­ inate empathy, with the speaker at the top, and indefinite inanimate nouns, at the bottom (§3.0.2). More comprehensive nominal hierarchies appear to condition topic selection (§5.1), or the nominal hierarchy determining the occurrence of the case particles no and ga in OJ-CJ and present-day Ryukyu and (some) Kyushu dialects (§5.6.1, §5.6.2). nominal predicate

is a predicate whose head is a noun.

nucleus the mutual presupposition between two elements which can constitute a simplex predicate, a verbal (or adjectival) lexeme and a predicate formative element (nucleus ele­ ment) which defines the clause as a whole syntactically. Examples of final nuclei are tukurand -u in tukur-u ‘I will make’ and tukur- and -i in tukur-ita-i ‘I wish to make’, both of which further characterized as non-past cf. §4.1. perfect structures the temporal sequencing of events inside narratives in such a way that the actional closure or end-point precedes the aspect locus thereby causing a reversal of the temporal sequencing, e.g. has come out in ‘The lady raises the blinds. The moon has ( already) come out’. MJ -te iru is frequently termed a perfect on the strength of its resultative state reading, cf. also CJ -(i)tari and -(e)ri, see §4.5.3. perfective aspect used in a simple sequencing of events: when the actional end-point (closure) coincides with the aspect locus, e.g. comes out in ‘The lady raises the blinds. The moon comes out. She begins to play her koto’, or precedes speech time. CJ -(i)nu and -(i)tu are commonly termed perfective aspect auxiliaries, see §4.5.3. pragmatic

what pertains to the relationship between grammar and discourse.

predicate nominal a semantic relation inside a clause between two nominals (nouns/ adjectives), one of which (the controlled) is semantically crucially dependent on the other (the controller), B and A, respectively, in ‘A is B’, ‘A becomes B ’, ‘C makes A into B’, cf. §4.3.1, §4.3.2. quasi-nouns (keisiki meisi) require, rather than merely allow, an adnominal element, e.g. koto ‘matter’, tame ‘sake’, cf. §4.1.2.

rendaku (‘sequential voicing’) whereby voiceless obstruents are realized as voiced / h, t, s, k/ to lb, d, z, g/ after morpheme boundary inside a compound, cf. §2.3.1.1. stative an event of an immutable/unchangeable character. MJ stative predicates are defined as incompatible with the -te iru construction. telic(ity) as a lexical property of a verb, the event denoted by the verb has an inherent actional end-point/tuming-point, at which the character of the event shifts, for instance, from a dynamic action into a state, e.g. tuk-u ‘arrive at’, cf. achievem ent verbs. Telicity can also be a pragmatically determined property, cf. accomplishments, cf. §4.4. tense defines the time of the event in relation to speech time, cf. §6.1.1, §6.1.2, §4.5.2; sequencing inside a sentence/inside narration, in relation to the time of another event is termed anteriority.

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thematic verbs

whose invariant form ends in i or e, e.g. tabe-ru ‘eat’, oki-ru ‘get up’,

cf. §4.2.2. the configuration of adjuncts specified by the semantic properties of a verb, adject­ ive or verbal noun, e.g. a transitive/divalent verb such as ut-u ‘strike’ specify two adjuncts, a subject and an object, cf. governed adjuncts, cf. §5.4.

valence

verbal noun morphological noun which has a valence stipulating one or more governed adjuncts, e.g. hookoku ‘communication’ is similar to a trivalent verb such as tutae-ru ‘con­ vey’, which specifies an subject, and a direct and an indirect object, cf. §5.4.4.1, §5.4.4.2.

wahim

CJ prose written chiefly in hiragana with a sprinkling of sinograms, cf. §1.5.

A

List of references

All books published in Tokyo unless otherwise stated.

Journal abbreviations ABRILP BSO(A)S CLS

GK HJAS JAOS JAS JATJ JEAL JJS JP

Kgg Kgkb Kgkbg KKKH Lg LI

MN NKBT NK.BZ OE PJL PBLS SL SNKBT TASJ

Annual Bulletin, Research Institute in Logopedics and Phoniatrics Bulletin o f the School o f Oriental (and African) Studies Papers from the regional meeting, Chicago Linguistics Society Gengo Kenkyu Harvard Journal o f Asiatic studies Journal o f the American Oriental Society Journal o f Asian Studies Journal o f the Association o f Teachers o f Japanese Journal o f East Asian Linguistics Journal o f Japanese Studies Journal o f Pragmatics Kokugogaku Kokugo kokubun Kokugo to Kokubungaku Kokuritsu kokugo kenkyujo hokoku Language Linguistic Inquiry Monumenta Nipponica Nihon koten bungaku taikei Nihon koten bungaku zenshu Oriens Extremus Papers in Japanese Linguistics Proceedings o f the Twelfth Annual Meeting o f the Berkeley Linguistics Society Studies in Language Shin-nihon koten bungaku taikei Transactions o f the Asiatic Society o f Japan

(1966) ‘Joshi ga no tsuji-teki kosatsu’, in: Gakushiiin Daigaku bungakubu, Kenkyu nenpd 13:197-247. aiza w a , keiko (1981) ‘Lengthening o f sounds for emphasis of intensity’, in: Bulletin o f the Phonetic Society o f Japan 167:5-8. aiza w a , masao (1984) ‘Akusento henka no yoin’, in: Nihongogaku 3.11:28-38. agatsuma , takako

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z u b in , david a .

The text examples were taken from:

Modern texts Ashita buta no hi, Yadama Shiro, Iwasaki shoten, 1985. Boku tokidoki buta, Yadama Shiro, Iwasaki shoten, 1987. Daruma-chan to Tengu-chan, Kako, Satoshi, Fukuinkan shoten, 1967. Hadashi no Gen wa pikadon wo wasurenai, Nakazawa Keiji, Iwanami shoten. Haha no shi to atarashii haha, Shiga Naoya. Hare tokidoki buta. Yadama Shiro, Iwasaki shoten, 1980. ‘Kaisha no h i m i t s u in: Hoshi Shin’ichi, Bokko-chan, Doko ka no jiken, Shinchosha, 1979:352-57. Kani mukashi, Kinoshita Junji, Iwanami shoten, 1976. Kasajizo, Seta Seiji, Fukuinkan shoten, 1966. Kojiki monogatari, Fukunaga Takehiko, Iwanami shoten, 1957. Kotoba asobi, Tanikawa Shuntaro, Fukuinkan shoten, 1973. Majo no takkyubin, Kadono Elko, Fukuinkan shoten, 1985. Mikeneko Homuzu no suiri, Akagawa Jiro, Kobunsha bunko, 1985. Neko no te mo karin to, Yadama Shiro, Iwasaki shoten, 1992. Nichome no obakeyashiki, Kogure Masao, Iwasaki shoten, 1979. Rashomon, Akutagawa Ryunosuke zenshu, Iwanami shoten, 1934. Sanchome no obake jiken, Kogure Masao, Iwasaki shoten, 1986. Shakkuri hyakumanben, Yadama Shiro, Kaiseisha, 1988. Yonchome no yokaisawagi, Kogure Masao, Iwasaki shoten, 1987.

Premodern texts Genji monogatari (1970) Abe Akio el al. (eds), Shdgakukan (=NKBZ 12-17). Hamamatsu chunagon monogatari, 1964. Matsuo Satoshi (annot.), Iwanami shoten (=NKBT 77). Heike monogatari (1960) Takagi Ichinosuke (annot.), Iwanami shoten (=NKBT 32-33). h e monogatari (1957) Otsu Yuichi & Tsukishima Hiroshi (annot.), Iwanami shoten (=NKBT 4). Kodai kayoshu (1957) Tsuchihashi Yutaka (annot.), Iwanami shoten (=NKBT3). Kokon chomonju (1966) Nagazumi Yasuaki & Shimada Isao (annot.), Iwanami shoten (=NKBT 84). Konjaku monogatari (1960-63) Yamada Yoshio et al. (annot.), Iwanami shoten (=NKBT 23-6). Makura no soshi (1974) Matsuo Satoshi (annot.), Shogakukan (=NKBZ 11). Man'ydshu (1963) Satake Akihiro et al. (annot.), Hanawa shobo. Ochikubo Monogatari (1967) Matsuo Satoshi (annot.), Iwanami shoten (=NKBT 13). Taketori monogatari (1957) Sakakura Atsuyoshi (annot.), Iwanami shoten (=NKBT 9). Torikaebaya monogatari (1992) Imai Gen’e (annot.), Iwanami shoten (=SNKBT 26). Towazugatari (1978) Fukuda Shuichi (annot.), Shinchosha. Tsurezuregusa (1989) Kubota Jun (annot.), Iwanami shoten (=SNKBT 39). Uji shiii monogatari (1973) Kobayashi Chisho (annot.), Shogakukan (=NKBZ 28). Utsubo monogatari (1959) Kono Tama (annot.), Iwanami shoten (—NKBT 10). Yoru no nezame (1964) Sakakura Atsuyoshi (annot.), Iwanami shoten (=NKBT 78).

Index

‘aboutness’ condition, 130-1 accent, 217 accentedness, 46-7 and vowel height, 56 classes of, 45, 53-5 demonstratives, 66-7 morphological form, 47, 52-3 of CJ demonstratives, 181-2 of CJ -te, 108 of CJ wo and won, 164 of direction-person, 67 of OJ-CJ exalted ma(C)-, 95 of suru verbs, 148 phrases, 51 placement, 52 post-nucleus elements, 56 predicate morphology, 186 premodem tone marks (syooten), 20 relationship to segmental phonology, 56 rules and rendaku, 49-50 systems and phonetic actualization, 54 accessible to activation, 128 accomplishment reading, 137 accomplishment verbs, 87, 98, 104, 217 achievement reading, 137 achievement verbs, 86, 98, 104, 217 activated, 127-8 activity verbs, 87, 217 sum predicates, 151-2 address axis (politeness), 58 adjectives, 81, 177 derivation, 95 monovalence vs. divalence, 158

past tense in Shizuoka dialect, 104 stem + ari in Sakishima, 177 stem + soo ni, 79 + suru, 84, 88 adjuncts, 127, 217 bare, 128-9 circumstantial, 139-40 focus, 127, 170-1 adnominal clause, 195-8 constituent order, 138-9 te no, 197-8 tense/mood, 77 adnominalizers, 197 adverbial form of adjectives, 23 Agatsuma, T., 159 agent/subject, OJ-CJ case morphology, 172-4 agent-like entailment, 142-3, 145 w'-causee, 155 agent marker kara, 137-8 agglutinative morphology, 66 Ainu, 3, 17, 94 Aizawa, K., 51 Aizawa, M., 48, 53 Akatsuka McCawley, N., 199-200 Akiba, K„ 109, 160 Akiba-Reynolds, K., 105, 108 Akinaga, K., 56, 181-2 allomorph, 42-3, 217 allosentence, 217 copula and nattei-m/ta, 83 Altaic languages, 5 analytic morphology, 76, 89 copula, 84 progressive in modem dialects, 114 verbal noun + suru, 148 anaphoric use of demonstratives, 66

243

IN D E X

anteriority, 73-4, 90, 217 anterior aspect formative -te, 108-3 morphophonology, 188 Aoki, H„ 79, 108 Aoki, M„ 17 Arai Hakuseki, 24 archaeology, 213-16 aspect, 75, 189-90, 217 definition of OJ-CJ categories, 97-100 modem dialects, 113-15 /tense in adnominal clauses, 198 -tense order in OJ-CJ, 91 to-complements; and clause cohesion, 185-6 atelic verbs, 87, 217 of motion, 104 athematic verbs, 74, 92, 217 attributive nucleus form, 89, 206 reconstruction, 93 A-type syllables, xiv Austronesian, 5, 94 auxiliaries, 77 and accent, 186-7 in OJ-CJ, 89-93 sum , 147-8 Aya, 5 Ayuisho, 31, 101 Azuma, xii, 5, 17, 22 and Arai Hakuseki, 24 dialectal influence, 23 Azuma no uta, 18 -ba conditional clauses, 194-5 Backhouse, A. E., 41, 81 Bansho shirabedokoro, 33, 35 Bansho wage goyd, 31, 33 bare adjuncts, 128—30, 171-2 Barnes, G., 3 Beckman, M., 43, 45, 61, 56 Bedell, G„ 31 bilabial fricative, xiii Bloch, B„ 41 Bo Juyi, 18, 21 Bongaku shinryo, 29 Boons, J.-P., 145 Bowring, R., 19 Brannen, N., 190 Brockett, C„ 128, 134 Brown, D., 4 B-type syllables, xiv Buddhist influence, kana, 10-12 Bunkacho, 64-5 Bunka shureishu, 19 Bussokuseki no uta, 14

Butsurui shoko, 24, 30 Bybee, J., 77 caiques, 19, 21-2 causative auxiliary, 74 OJ-CJ -(a)-sime2~, 95 predicates denoting body movements, 155 Chamberlain, B. H., xi, 35-7 Chew, J., 6, 45, 115 Chinese communicative stereotypes, 13-14 constituent order, 9, 29 grammatical terms, 31 in early Japan, 5 influence on Japanese, 30 -Japanese diglossia, 18 pinyin, xiv stylistic features, 21 Chinese poetry, 18-19 Chinese texts reading aloud of, 8-9, 20 chokuyaku, 32 Chubu isoglosses, 17, 23 Chugoku dialects, 54-5 Chuka jakuboku shishd, 112 circumnominal construction, 207 circumstantial adjuncts, 139-41, 217 and CJ -te, 166 CJ sound system, 28 Clark, H„ 201 Classical Japanese, xi, xii vernacular prestige language, 16 classifiers, 70-1 clause conjunctors, 84, 185-6, 210-11 CJ -ba, ni, wo, 210—11 in concessive clauses, 117 clause structure, correlation with predicate structure, 72, 75 cleft-construction, 128, 171 cognitive to-complements, 201-2 cohesion, serial verbs, 78, 90 interclausal, 185-6 relaxation of, 207-8 combination of CJ -(i)nu and -(i)tari, 107 compensatory lengthening, 45 complement, 196, 198 ambiguity of adjunct and, 207 complementizer -(a)ku, 10 complex noun phrases, 141 complex predicates, 76 compound accent rules, 48-9 concluding discourse function, 83 conditional clauses, 185, 194

)

244 conditional nucleus form, 74 conjunctional particle sa(a), 75 conjunctive OJ-CJ no, 159 consequence-condition/cause, 196, 198 constituent order, 8, 10, 72, 138-9, 141, 157-9 Chinese vs. Japanese, 8-9, 31 divalent stative, 156 contents relation in adnominal clauses, 196 control, lack of, 98-9 controlled relation, 84-5 verbal nouns, 151 conversational narrative, 190-1 copula, 82-4, 175-7, 217 and NP ni nattei-ru/-ta, 88 de aru in Dutch learning, 33 final form, 23 omission of, 83, 127 past tense in Shizuoka dialect, 104 predicate internal and external, 122 coreferentiality, o f M J -te, 193 correlations in case/copula morphology, 183-4 Coulmas, F., 202 da and sentence particles, 83-4 Dahl, 0 ., 77 dakuten, 10 Danish, 204 darani, 8, 11-12, 15 and waka, 14-6, 20, 28 Davis, P. W„ 78, 144 de actional locative, 146 de conjunctional form of copula, 82 de instrumental, 144 deixis, 57, 218 directional verbs, 104-8 verbs of giving, 61 tense, 75-6 demonstration by to, 201 demonstratives, 66, 94, 180-2 dental affricate, 11 derogatory verbs, 58 desiderative, 74, 143-4 deverbal nouns, 53 devoicing, 56 dialects accent systems, 53 adjectival morphology, 178 and Buddhist preaching, 17, 22 and political power, 23-4, 39-40 case expressions, 183-4 demonstratives in, 180—1

IN D E X

interdialectal influence, 24-5, 37-8 post-CJ Azuma features, 23 views of, 18, 22-3 see also particular regions dictionaries, 19-20, 30 Dutch-Japanese, 32-3 diglossia English-Japanese, 34 of written Chinese-Japanese, 8-9 direct-indirect speech, 202 direction-manner, 165 direction-person demonstratives, 66-7 directional verbs, 104-8 discourse, 75 discourse function of predicates, 76 disjunctive OJ-CJ ga, 159-61 disjunctive questions, 171 in Kokinshu, 19 dislocation, 129-32, 218 distal demonstratives, 66 distribution of accent systems, 54 disyllabic nouns, 54 divalent stative predicates, 156-8 dominant accent, 186-7 Downing, P., 71, 141-2 Dowty, D„ 142-3, 145 Dryer, M. S., 128, 132 Dumoulin, H., 32 durative expressions, 87 Durie, M., 166 Durst-Andersen, P., 191 Dutch, 24, 30-1 dynamic, 218 e, variation with ni, 164 Early Middle Chinese, 8 East-Asian areal features, 70 Edkins, Joseph, 34 edo-kotoba, 2-7 emotion verbal nouns, 151 empathy, 62, 218 and zibun, 65 Enoki, H., 163 entailments, 142-3,218 of potential, 118 enunciation, 29 and enlightenment, 28 epistemic distancing, 101 epistemic modality, 218 ergative, 172 Errington, J. J., 57 Eschbach-Szabo, V., 31

245

IN D E X

e-thematic verbs, 53 etymology and lexical strata, 42-3 ga, 106 gari and kara, 165 non-past OJ-CJ -u(ru), 90 OJ-CJ perfective aspect and perfect, 108 wo, 172 zo, 176 event, 218 event-external orientation, 72 event-internal orientation, 72 evidential in OJ-CJ, 101-3 modem reflexes, 103-4 recent past, 97 evidentiality, 79 exaltation, 75 exalted morphology, 58 and copula last predicates, 123-4 OJ -(a)s(a)-, 94 OJ imas-, 94 exclusive wa, 133-6 exhaustive listing, 127 existential verbs, 98 assertive function, 176 faberi, 110-11 female speech style copula and sentence particles, 84 -tteba, 192 wa, 135 final locative, 218 verbal nouns, 150-1 final nucleus form, 73 Fitokotonushi, 15 fixed order, controlled relation, 85 focus, 126, 169 adjectival predicates, 179-80 and interclausal cohesion, 186 and subject particles, 173-4 degrees of, 128 interval, 86-7 kara and made, 137-8 kara clauses, 24-5 marking (kakarimusubi), 30 nominal predicates with zo, 176-7 part, 218 predicate final copula, 122-4 formal narrative, 191 formality, 75 and clause conjunction, 185 Frajzyngier, Z., 177, 184

Frellesvig, B., 41 Fujii, N., 109, 161, 172 Fujita, Y„ 199, 201 Fujitani Nariakira, 31, 101 Fujiwara no Kinto, 20 Fujiwara no Teika, 28 Fukuda, Y., 18 Fukuzawa Yukichi, 1, 34 functional overlap between adjacent categories inside predicates, 19 Furuta, T., 31 ga, 138-9 and focus in OJ-CJ, 173-4 CJ clause conjunctor, 207-9 in Kyushu & Ryukyu dialects, 161-2 in OJ-CJ, 158-61 selected by verbal nouns, 149-50 variation with wo, 156 vs. wa, 139 Gardner, D. K., 23 gari, 165 -garu, 79 genbun.itti, 36, 202 gendai kanazukai, 37 gender specificity, title, 68 gendered language, 64-5 Genenz, K., 210 general accent rule, 46-7 Genji monogatari, 19, 101, 212 geographical distribution of accent systems, 54-5 Gerrig, R. J., 201 Gildea, S„ 180 giyaku, 32 glossochronology, 37 goal-orientation, 105-8 goal-oriented gradual, 78 go.on, 11 governed adjuncts, 139-40, 218 and case morphology, 162 gozyuu onzu, 12, 32, 80 gradience(/scale) and pragmatic particles, 126, 133-8 grammatical elements (kunten), 10 grammaticalization, 77, 218 CJ wiru > MJ iru, 112 serial verb constructions, 78 traditional analysis of verb morphology, 80 graphemes OJ wo and o, 28 Grimshaw, J., 149 Gukansho, 21, 101

246 Haig, J., 139, 156-7 Hamamatsu chunagon monogatari, 13 Harada, S., 58-9, 64 Haraguchi, S., 41, 48, 50 Harbsmeier, C., 29 Hasegawa, Y., 193-4, 197 Hashimoto, S., 108 Hattori, N., 56 Hattori, S., 37, 44, 55 hearsay, 79, 103 Heike monogatari, 19, 100, 113 Hendricks, P., 158 Hepburn, C. J., 1-2 Hepburn romanization, xiii Herlofsky, W. J., 65 Hibiya, J., 192-3 Hida-dialect, 17 High initial register, 54-5 High tone, 43 Higurashi, Y., 48 Hinds, J., 65 hinomoto no kuni no kotoba, 1 hiragana, 10, 19, 41 Hirayama, T„ 95, 177, 179, 183 Hiroto, A., 55 Hisamatsu, S., 28 historical developments collective plural > singular referent, 69 complement structure, 206 compound verbs, 52-3 copula-last predicate, 122-5 direction-person demonstratives, 66-7 directionality constructions, 107-8 ga, 159-61, 207-9 humble > formal, 59 nari > da, 175—6 nite > de, 167-8 pitch accent systems, 52 potential auxiliary, 118-20 serial verb constructions, 109 -te iku/-te kuru, 108 -te i-ru/-ta, 112-13 -te simau, 78 Hoequist, C., 45 Hoffmann, J. J., 1 Hojoki, 21 Hokama, S., 37 Hokekyd, 20-1 homonyms, 47 hon.yaku, 32 hoogen-huda, 38 humble, 58, 59-60 usage o f CJ -(i)nu, 99

IN D E X

hutuugo, 38 hyoozyungo, 38 /-adjectives, 81 i subject marker, 10, 94, 172-3 -/' vs. -te, 109, 192-4 Ibukijima dialect, accent, 54 iconicity, 42, 218 accent and complex predicates, 186-7 and accentedness, 46-7 idu, 9 Iha, Fuyu, 38 Iida, M., 65 iku, 104-8 Imamura, K., 2-4, 116 imperative, and anteriority, 191 reconstruction of suffix, 94 Inaba, T., 39, 40 Inagaki, M„ 172, 175, 181 inclusive mo, 133-6 incorporating morphology, 94-5 incorporation of verbal nouns, 149, 152 indexical prefix o-/go-, 61, 112 and inanimate nouns, 70 indexical verb categories, 58 indexicality, 57, 218 and agreement, 60 and innovative predicate constructions, 110-12, 122-5 and setting (ba), 211 formal predicates, 120-2 nominal reference in wabun, 212 OJ-CJ (-)ma(C)-/-maw-i, 94-5 inferential no da, 203-4 vs. assertive in Edo, 124 inflectional verbal paradigms, 31, 90 informal style, 202 information structure, 218 and case with divalent stative predicates, 157 and copula, 82-3 in-group, out-group, 58 verbs of giving, 61-4 initial locative, 151, 218 innovations, ongoing in MJ accent shifts, 46, 53 copula-last predicates, 120-5 non-syllbic nasal, 44 potential auxiliary, 118-20 Inoue, K., 185 Inoue, M., 3 insentient passive agents, 153-4 instrumental CJ nite and site, 167-8

IN D E X

intensive, 109 intent, 152, 198 vs. volition, 143-4 intentional auxiliary, 76 intercalated pragmatic particles, 78, 90 interdialectal influence, 17, 114-15 interjection, 209 intermittent, 99, 147 interpreter, 29, 31 intonation constituent order, 139 focus, 126-7 -te yo(o), 191 intransitive verbs, 87, 130 intransitivizing resultative/state, 78, 147, 149 Iroha-uta, 12, 28 iru ‘be’ < CJ wiru, 112-15 Ise monogatari, 16, 25, 212 Ishigaki, K„ 161, 164-5, 207 z'-thematic verbs in OJ-CJ, 90 It5, J., 43, 46 Iwai, Y., 159, 161, 168-9, 171-4 Iwasaki, S., 89, 103, 198 Jacobsen, W., 85-6, 89, 133, 140, 144, 147, 156, 194-5 Japanese-Chinese word-order, 29 Jien, 1, 16, 21 JirinU , 82 Jiun, 29 Jogon, 28 Jojin azari no haha no shu, 111 Jorden, E., 191 Josephs, L. S., 198-9 Kaburaki, E., 61 Kaburaki Tomoda, E., 200 Kageyama, T., 149 Kagoshima dialects, 53 Kahane, H., 39 Kaiser, S„ xii, 32, 160-1, 206-7 Kaitai shinron, 32 kakarimusubi, 169-71 Kakitsubata, 16 Kamei, T., 1-2, 61 Kamens, E., 20 Kamigata, xii, 25 Kamo no Mabuchi, 29 Kamo-no Yasunori-jo-shu, 13, 15 kana, 10-12, 16, 34 kana orthography, 35—7 Kana club, 35

247 kanamajiribun, 10 Kanbe, H„ 162, 166, 179, 181 kanbun, xii, 8-9, 36, 218 kanbun kundoku, xi-xii, 10, 117, 218 adnominalizer tokoro no, 197 OJ-CJ -eri, 99 OJ i subject marker, 172 kanji, xiv, see sinograms kan.on, 9, 11 kara causal clause conjunctors, 23, 185-6 kara ‘from’, 136-8, 165 Karakusu, J., 11 Karatani, K., 209 kare vs. zibun, 65 Kasuga, K., 181 katakana, 10, 21, 30, 33, 41 Katakoto, 23 Kato, S., 34 Kawamura, M., 39 /c-based adjectival morphology, 178-80 Keene, D., 22 Keichu, 27-8 keigo (‘polite language’), 26, 57 Keikokushu, 19 KHG, 178-9, 181, 183 Kibi daizin nitto emaki, 13 Kidder, E„ 3 -4 Kim, A. H.-O., 142 Kindaichi, H„ 54, 56, 67, 86, 89 Kindaichi, K., 15-16 Kinki, xii kinship terms and nominal hierarchy, 161 Kinsui, S„ 66, 112-13, 115, 160, 172 Kishimoto, H., 146-7 KKK, 185, 213 Klaiman, M. H., 152 Kobayashi, T., 165-6 Kohon setsuwa-shu, 16 Kojiki, 4, 9, 15, 65 Kojiki-den, 30 Kokin(waka)shu, 10, 12, 15, 22, 28, 30 Azuma no uta, 18 poetic style, 19 Kokinshu tokagami, 30 kokugaku (National Learning), 2, 31 kokugo, 2, 34, 38-9 Kokugo Chdsa Iinkai, 23, 36—7 Kokuritsu Kokugo Kenkyujo, 39 Komatsu, H., 19, 181-2 Kondo, Y„ 228 Konishi, J., 14, 18, 212 Konjaku monogatari, 20-1, 101

248 Korean, 5 -6 , 163-4 influence, 7 Japanese language policy, 39-40 passive-causative, 93 writing of, 11 Korean peninsula, 4, 5 Komicki, P., 25 Koshigaya Gozan, 30 koso, 170 attached to kara, 205 koto vs. no, 199 kotoage, 14-15 kotoba, 13 kotodama, 13-16 Kotosaka no kami, 15 Kubozono, H., 43, 45, 48-50 Kuno, S., 59, 61-2, 65, 126-7, 130, 133, 156-7, 199-20, 202 kunten, 10, 219 kun-yomi, 7 Kuriyagawa, F., 43 Kuroda, S„ 126, 203 kuru, 104-8 Kyogoku, O., 204 Kyoto-type accent system, 4 kyootuugo, 39 Kyushu dialects, 4, 23-4, 113, 118 ga and no, 161-2 lack of control, 151 CJ -(i)nu, 106-8 language, Arai Hakuseki’s view, 24 language policy, 37 in Ryukyu, Taiwan, Korea, 38-40 Late Middle Chinese, 8 Latin alphabet, 31, 35 left-dislocation focus, 131-2 topic, 130-1 lexical accent, 47 of verbs, 156 lexical stratum, 41-2 adjectives, 81-2 and accent, 47 verbal nouns, 148 Lambrecht, K., 126-7, 138 LaPolla, R„ 72 Laude-Circautas, I., 101 Ledyard, G., 4 Lee, K.-M., 5 Lewin, B„ 4-5, 7, 24, 98, 162 lexical suppletion, 60, 148 Li, C., 177

IN D E X

limited control, 78, 144, 219 lingua franca, 4, 6, 17, 37 linguistic standardization, 25, 33-7 Literary Japanese (bungo), 35 locative case expressions, 164 locus (of accent), 53 logograms, 7 Lotus Sutra, see Hokekyo Lovins, J., 41 Low initial register in Old Kyoto, 545 Low tone, 43 Lyman’s Law, 49 McCawley, J., 41, 45, 48, 5 3 -4 , 64 McCullough, H., 13 McGloin, N. H„ 84, 135, 204 made ‘to, until’, 136-8 mae ni, 189 Maejima Hisoka, 35 Maes, H., 31 Mair, V., xiv, 11, 14-15 Makura no soshi, 18-19 male speech style, 75, 171 copula and sentence particles, 84 yarn, 152 manner demonstratives, 181-2 man.yoogana, 8 M an’y dshu, 8-9, 17-18, 30 Martin, S. E., xiii, 5 -6 , 41, 47, 49, 53, 556, 71, 77, 79, 88-90, 93-5, 103-4, 108-9, 117, 120-2, 129, 132, 137-8, 147, 160, 164, 168, 177-8, 182-3, 192, 197, 200, 215 Maruyama, M., 34 Mase, Y„ 178 Masuoka, T., 203 Mathias, G., 126 Matsuda, K., 128 Matsumori, A., 55 Matsumoto, H., 113 Matsumoto, Y., 59, 195-6 Matsumura, A., 120, 124, 159 maw- ‘give’, 94-5 Maynard, S. K., 202 Meiji innovations with des-, 125 mesial demonstratives, 66, 166 Mester, A., 149 metalanguage, 31 metrical structures, 45 mid-Honshu, xii, 4, 17 Mikami, A., 126, 130-2, 196 mikunikotoba, 2

249

IN D E X

Miller, R. A., xiii, 2, 5, 7, 12, 14, 18, 22-3, 42, 57, 61, 92, 160, 172, 215 Mills, D. 0., 175-6, 181 Minamoto no Shitago, 19 Minamoto no Tamenori, 20 Mio, I., 185 Mitani, K„ 103, 190 Miura, A., 198 miyabigoto, 26, 30 Miyagawa, S., 128, 141, 146, 149-50 Miyaji, K., 123 Miyake, M., 42 Miyara, S., 116 mo, 128, 134-6 Mochizuki, N., 43 Modem Japanese, xi-xii mokkan (wooden tablet), 7 Momoi, K., 64 Monji no oshie, 1, 35 monogatari, 10, 13 Monzen, 18 mood, 75, 185-6, 219 and koto, 198 auxiliaries, 79-80, 123 function of -ta/-te, 191-2 OJ-CJ morphology, 91-2 usage of -te i-ru/-ta, 89 morae, 43 and syllables, 45 Mori Arinori, 33-4 Mori Ogai, 2, 36 Morikawa, M., 138 Morino, M., 110 morpheme, 42, 219 morphophonology, 42, 80-1 anterior predicates, 188 fusion, 76, 78 fusion at OJ -te, 109-10 lack of fusion, 116 lexical strata, 42—3 morphosyntactic structure, xi morphotactic predicate structure, 72, 75, 89, 91-2 Morris, I., 19 Motoori Norinaga, 1, 13-14, 30-2 movement, 145-6, 150-1 Mozume Takami, 36 Muju, 16, 28 multilocational verbs, 145 multiple event, 87, 189 multiple topic or focus constituents, 132-3 Murasaki Shikibu, 19 Murayama, S., 5, 7

Murayama, Y., 194-5 mutative verb nar-u, 8 4 -6 Myhill, J., 192 na-adjectives, 81 Nagano-Madsen, Y., 45 Nagasaki Haruma, 32 Nagata, T„ 39, 108, 115 Nakada, N„ 9-10, 15, 17, 20, 107, 164, 213 Nakada, S., 204-5 Nakama, M., 116 Nakamatsu, T., 174, 181, 183 Nakamoto, M„ 37, 95, 115, 179, 180, 183-4 Nakamura, M., 176 Nakau, M., 198 namu, 169-70 Narada dialect, 43 narrated discourse in CJ, 209-12 narrative description, 169 frames, 102-3 informal style, 202 narrated event, 75 non-first person, 190 OJ-CJ perfective aspect in, 98 perspective, 100 reflexive zibun in, 65 -(r)u and -ta, 190 tense-mood, 95, 101-3 use of inferential no da, 203 naru ‘become’ and copula, 88 nasal-accretion (renzyoo), 45 National Language (kokugo), 2 nativization, of Chinese poetry, 19 Nattier, J., 11 necessitive auxiliary, 23 negative auxiliary, 23, 92 negative implication of conditional -ba, 195 neutral description, see sentence focus neutralization morphological case, 140-1 semantic distinctions in exalted verbs, 60 voiced dental obstruents (yotsugana), 56 ni, 145 agent in benefactive construction, 63 causee, 154-5 clause conjunctor, 210 copula morphology, 175-6 /de, 146 divalent stative predicates, 159 /e, 164

250 filial locative > locative state, 145 Inite, 167 predicative function, 85 subject in OJ-CJ, 173 verbs of emotion, 143 Iwo in OJ, 162-3 ni yotte, 154 Nichiren, 23 Nichols, J., 85, 177 nigoriten, 10 nihongo/nippongo, 1, 2 Nihon shoki, 4, 8-9 Niina (Shinji), 9 nikki, 10 Nishi Amane, 35 nite in OJ-CJ, 166-7 no in OJ-CJ, 158-61 Kyushu & Ryukyu dialects, 161-2 subject marker in CJ, 173-4 vs. koto, 199 /wo in OJ, 172 no-adjectives, 82 Noda, H„ 133, 137 node causal clauses, 204-5 nominal hierarchy, 62, 219 and left dislocation, 130 ga and no, 159-61 overlap with uti/soto distinction, 161 nominalizer OJ -(a)ku, 206, 209 nominal predicate, 219 non-subject, 59 non-syllabic morae, 4 3 -4 norito, 9-10 North Asian areal features, 101 No texts, 21, 25 noun classification, 69-71 -(i)nu and OJ-CJ motion verbs, 105 nucleus of predicate, 73 of syllable, 43 nucleus element, 73, 92-3, 219 number, 68-9, 70-1 Numata, Y., 140 numerals, syntax of, 141-2 object-centred, 62-3 object control, 85 ofasu, 110-11 Ogata, E„ 204-5 Ogyu Sorai, 28-9 Ohori, T„ 109 Okamoto, S., 57 Okano, Y„ 112

INDEX

Okazaki, T., 4 Okinawa dialect, 197 Okinawa-go jiten, 38 Okinawa taiwa, 38 Okumura, M., 47, 55 okurigana, 37 Okutsu, K., 82-3 Old Japanese, xi, xii and Middle Korean, 6 as a lingua franca, 6 Old Kyoto accent system, 54 Omodaka, H., 163-4 Omorosdshi, 38 onnade, 10 Ono, S„ 8, 67, 90, 170-1, 173 Ono, T„ 192-3 Ooms, H., 30 oru, 113-15 O s h im a , M., 132 overlap between adjectives and nouns, 82 Ozaki Koyo, 36 Palaeo-Siberian, 94 palatal glide formation, 45 passive construction, 152 and verbs of emotion, 144 left dislocation, 130 with indexical function, 76 past/non-past, 73 adnominal constructions, 77 past -(i)ki vs, evidential -(i)keri, 101 Patient-like entailments, 142-3, 145 vvo-causee, 155 patterned event, 86 peak of sonority, 43 Pearson, R. J., 3, 5, 117 perfect, 219 vs. perfective aspect, 100-1 perfect-progressive, 78 perfective aspect, 78, 219 combining with tense, 99 periodization, xii personal pronouns, 64, 94-5 self-reference, 1 Philippi, D„ 9, 15, 179 phonaesthetic Japanese, 41-2 phonetic actualization of accent distinctions in dialects, 43 of unaccented patterns, 47 phrase boundary tones, 51 phonetic isochrony, 45 phonetic loans, 32 phonograms, 8-10

251

IN D E X

phonological phrase conjoined, 50-1 maximal predicate, 75 phonology in OJ, xiii-xiv, 93 phrasal tunes, 51, 53 phrase boundary tone, 51 phrase initial syllable, 51 Pierrehumbert, J., 51 Pietrusewsky, M., 3 Piggott, J., 4, 17, 216 pitch accent language, 4 plain, 58 plants as sentient subjects, 155, 160 plural/collective -ra, 94 plural reference of NP kara/made, 137 plural suffixes, 69 Polivanov, E. D., 5 Pollack, D„ 18 Portuguese missionaries, 1, 22-3 Poser, W. J., 41, 48-9, 51, 68 possessive construction, 158, 130, 132 post-CJ, xii potential, vs. passive, 118 pragmatic, 219 constraints, 62 correlations of bare adjuncts, 129 function of daroo/desyoo, 83 interpretations of predicate final copula, 120-1 particles, gradience and scale, 126, 133-8 presupposition, 128, 133-4 predicate focus, 127, 169 predicate nominal, 85, 219 prefix, maC-, 81 prefix tyoo-, 81 preliterate society, 29 prestige language, 34, 39-40 printing, 25 progressive, 86, 97, 112-14, 145 pronominal affix(?) *ma-, 94-5 prospective future in CJ, 99 Proto-Japanese, xiii proximal demonstratives, 66, 102 Pulleyblank, E. G., 3, 8, 11 purposive, 109 Puyo language, 5 -6 quantifier-float, 141-2 quasi-nouns, 77, 198, 217-18 question words, 170 Quinn Jr., C. J., 60, 73, 98-9, 103, 160, 176, 181

Ramsey, S. R., 54 Ranto kotohajime, 32 -rasii, 80 recent past vs. past in CJ, 96-7 reconstruction of CJ atributive nucleus forms, 93 OJ-CJ final nucleus form, 116 OJ imperative, 93 OJ verb morphology, 93 referent axis (exaltation), 58 reflexive zibun, 65 reform of written style, 3 4 -6 register, 53-5 rekisi kanazukai, xiii, 28, 32 rendaku, 12, 48-50, 219 in SJ compounds, 42-3 resultative state, 86, 87, 110 resyllabification, 53 retrospective past in CJ, 99 right dislocation, 129 Romajikai, 35 Rdmaji zasshi, 36 roomazi, 34 -(r)u in OJ-CJ, 97 -(r)u vs. -ta, 189-90 Ruiju myogisho, 5 3 -4 Ruwet, N., 150 Ryounshu, 19 Ryukyu dialects, 108 anterior vs. non-anterior morphology, 115-16 distributive and final nucleus forms, 116 focus, 116, 176-7 language policy, 37-9 manner-direction, 67 non-past -unl-um-, 95 .v-based case expressions, 166 subject particle + pragmatic particle, 174-5 sa demonstrative, 166 safurafu, 110-11 Sakai, N., 27, 30-1 Sakakura, A., 109 Sakanashi, P., 118 sakimori no uta, 18 Sakishima dialects, 115-16 distal demonstrative, 117 Sakurai, M., 110 Sakurai, S., 54 -sama, 165-6 Samguk sagi, 6 Sanada, S., 23, 214

252 Sanboe, 20 Sanskrit, 11 Sasaki, T., 169 Sato, K., 19 Sato, T., 33 Sato, Y., 45 sato no kotoba, 2, 29 Saunders, R., 78, 144 Sawashima, M., 43 .v-based adjectival morphology, 178-80 Schneider, R., 98 script reform, 21—2, 36 second language, Japanese as, 40 Seeley, C., 6, 7, 9, 36, 41 Sells, P., 73 semantic constraints on CJ perfective aspect, 98-100 directionality, 104-8 semantic generalization, 76-7 sematic roles, 196 semantograms, 7 Senmyd, 10, 206 sentence focus, 127, 170 sentence particles, 75 and copula, 75, 83-4 sentience as entailment, 142-3, 147, 152, 156 serial verbs, 77-9 verbs of giving, 62-4 Sete dialect, 115 setting (ba) and indexicality, 211 Shapiro, M., 41, 56 Shasekishu, 16 Shevelov, G. Y., 45 Shibatani, M„ 44, 94, 139, 152, 154-5 Shijuhachi kuse, 27 Shikitei Sanba, 27 Shimabukuro, M., 55 Shimamura, N., 38 Shimizu Usaburo, 35 Shimojo, M., 71 shin-hoogen, 27 Shinzato, R., 89, 101 Shitamachi sociolect, 120 Shizuoka dialect, 103-4 Shoji, A., 56 Shugyokushu, 16 Shuri dialect, 37 Siddham, 11, 15-16 Silverstein, M., 57, 69, 140, 209 simplex predicates, 73-4 singular event, 87, 189 sinograms, xiv, 6 -8 , 10, 13-14, 19-20, 29-30, 32, 41 proposals to abolish, 34

IN D E X

Sino-Japanese, 9, 19, 21, 32, 41-2 bound morphemes, 42 compound formation, 32, 3 5 -6 Sino-Korean, 8 site in OJ-CJ, 166-8 siti-go-tyoo, 12 sociolects, 26-7 sociolinguistic stratification, 24, 26-7, 37 Sode, R., 151 Soga, M., 104 sonority hierarchy, 43 source-oriented, gradual, 78, 105-8 speech errors, 45 speech style, 58 split constructions, 147 stacking, 179 Standard Language, 27 standardization, 37-9 stative, 219 stative verb + -tyatta, 78 subject /agent OJ-CJ case morpholgoy, 172-4 centred, 62-3 CJ yori, 165 control, 85 corefemtiality, 109, 206 i, 10, see i kara and made to mark subject, 137-9 subjecthood, 63, 137 subjective essive to, 200 Sueki, F., 160 Sugamoto, N., 65, 126, 156 Sugimoto, T., 130, 158 Sugita Genpaku, 32 superordinate clauses, 190 suru, 84, 99, 147-52 OJ-CJ, 92, 99 Suzuki Akira, 31 Suzuki, S., 200 Suzuki, T„ 98, 101-2, 105, 107 syllabic morae, 4 3 -4 syllabification, 46 syllable inventory, 12 syllables and morae, 45 syllables in OJ, 8 syntactic configuration and scope of focus, 169-74 syntactic constraints on left location, 130-1 syoomono, 23 syooten, 20, 53 Szatrowski, P., 83, 190

253

IN D E X

-ta, 190, 194 modal function, 191-2 vs. -(r)«, 189-90, 202-3 vs. -te simatta, 190 taiyaku, 32 Tajo takon, 36 Takatsu, T., 203-4 Taketori monogatari, 210-11 Takeuchi, L„ 16, 97-9, 105, 107, 109-10, 175, 206 Takubo, Y., 66 Tamakatsuma, 14, 30, 32 Tanaka, A., 23, 25-7, 78, 118-20, 125 Tang vernacular, 9 Tanikawa, S., 193 Tanizaki, Jun’ichiro, 14 -tara conditional conjunctor, 194 -(i)tari attached to motion verbs, 105 -te, 77 perceived cognitive linkage of, 193-4 sentence final te-clause, 191 -te no clauses, 197-8 vs. -i, 192 -tearu, 110, 112-13 fe-augmentation OJ-post-CJ, 110-12 circumstantial case morphology, 166 -te gozaru, 112 -te i-ru/-ta, 86 and divalent stative predicates, 156 and stative verbs, 87-9 historical development, 112-13 telicity, 86, 114, 219 and movement, 145-6 OJ-CJ perfective aspect, 98 OJ-CJ motion verbs, 100 pragmatic, 87 templates, 45-6, 68 temporality directional predicates, 105 expressions of, 137, 189, 198 reorientation, 102 tense, 75, 95-7, 219 and clause cohesion, 185-6 vs. aspect functions, 189-90, 198 tentative, 78, 143-4, 147 Teramura, H„ 79, 85, 113, 138 test for subjecthood, 139 thematic verbs, 23, 74, 92, 117-18, 220 and potential form, 119-20 reconstruction of, 93 Thompson, S. A., 177 Tibetan, 101 Tibeto-Burman, 104

title suffix, 67-8 to, clause conjunctor, 188, 194-5 complements, 199-203 in controlled relations, 85 to iu, 196 Todaiji fujumon-kd, 15, 17 Toga, 24 T5hoku dialects, 4, 55, 166 Tokugawa, M., 17, 2 3 -4 , 26, 34, 215 Tomita, Y. I., 177 tomo sentence particle, 135 tone, 50-1 tooyoo kanzi, 37 topic notion of, 126-7 topic-focus order, 128-9 Tosa nikki, 13 totan (ni), 189 Towazugatari, 101, 212 transitivity, 147 and generalization of -te iru, 113 and quantifier float, 141 final locative verbs, 145 morphology, 94-5, 118-19 syntax of passive constructions, 152-3 verbs, 87 translation, 13, 20-1, 29-32, 38 transliteration, 32 Tronnier, M., 44 truncation, 116 of -te in Sakishima, 116 of WJ words, 43 Tsuboi, M„ 11, 113 Tsubouchi, Shoyo, 36 Tsuchiya, S., 124 Tsujimura, N., 149, 151, 154 Tsujimura, T., 120, 125 Tsujita, S., 110 Tsukishima, H., 8, 10, 12, 28, 31, 108-10, 177 Tsurezuregusa, 22 Tsurumi, E. P., 39 -ttara, 192 -tteba, 192 -(i)tu and directionality, 106 Turkish, 101 Twine, N., 36 -tyatta, 190 typology, xi Uchima, C., 115-16, 161, 179-80, 184, 197 Ueda Kazutoshi (/Mannen), 34

254 Uehara, Y., 81-2 Ukiyoburo, 113 unaccentedness, 46-7 unaccented phrases, 51 unaccusative verbs, 146 unergative verbs, 146-7 Unger, J. M., 5 -6 , 32, 34, 37-8, 92-3, 177 unintentional verbal nouns, 149-50 Uno, Y., 121 uti/soto distinction and nominal hierarchy, 161 Uwashima dialect (Ehime), 114 valence, 63, 75, 139-40, 142-3, 220 of adjectives, 156-7 Vance, T., 41, 44, 49, 56 Van Gulik, R. H„ 11, 29 Van Valin, R. D„ 72-3 velar nasal, 27 Vendler, T., 86-7 verbal nouns, 148-51, 220 in CJ, 99 verbal-postposition -te, 166 verbal suffixes, see auxiliaries verbs accent classes, 47 derivation, 93-5 morphology, 80 of cognition, 200-2 of effect/affect, 149 of effort, 144 of emotion, 95, 143-4 of emotion and passive, 144 of giving, 61 of location, 145-6 of speaking, 98, 137, 163, 200-3, 209-11 vernacular (sato no kotoba), 33 vernacular, written, 10-11, 23 viewpoint, 62 Vocabulario da Lingoa de Iapam, 24, 119 voiced dentals, xiii voicing, 10, 12 volition, entailment of, 147 Vovin, A., 5, 54, 94, 172 vowel length, and Low register, 55 wa, 128, 133-6 compared to ga, 139 sentence particle, 135 wabun, 10-11, 19, 99, 110, 220 development of, 18

IN D E X

Wagakuni no bunkyd shisaku, 140 Wajishoransho, 28 waka, 2, 9, 12 and darani, 14-16, 20, 28 wakan konko-bun, 21 Wakan roeishu, 20 Wamyd(ruiju)shd, 20, 28 Watanabe, Y., 79, 156, 192-3 weather predicates, 153-4 Wenck, G„ 41, 82, 93, 109, 117, 148, 161, 172 west-east (dialect) division, 23 Western Japanese, 41-2 bound morphemes, 43 compound nouns, 48 loan words, 35 Wetzel, P„ 58 Wheelock, W. T„ 12 Whitman, J., xiii, 6, 93 Whitney, William D., 3 3 -4 Wierzbicka, A., 81-2 wiru > MJ iru, 112-15 Wlodarczyk, A., 60, 73 wo initial-transversal locative, 145-6 and O J wori, 164 causee, 154-5 clause conjunctor, 210 Ino, 172 suru predicates, 150-1 vs. ni in OJ, 162-3 woba, 174 word classes and lexical strata, 42 adjectives, 81-2 word order, see constituent order wori > MJ oru, 112-15 ya, 171 Yaeyama Ishigaki, 116 Yamada Bimyo, 52 Yamada’s Law, 52 Yamada, Y„ 101, 109 Yamaguchi, T., 109 Yamaguchi, Y., 103 Yamamoto, T., 95 Yamanote sociolect, 52-3, 120 Yamanoue no Okura, 14 Yamato Japanese, 41-2 yamatokotoba, xi, 1, 33 Yamazaki Ansai, 30 Yamazaki, M., 85, 199, 201 Yanagi Soetsu, 38 Yanagida, S., 163, 173-4

IN D E X

yayoi culture, 3 -4 Yonaguni dialect, 115, 174-80 yoo da, 80 yori, 164-5 Yoshioka, H., 212 Yuzawa, K„ 111-12, 124

255 Zachert, H., 206 Zen, 23, 25 Zhushchiikhovskaya, I., 3 zo, 170, 176 Zubin, D. A., 71 zyooyoo kanzi, 37