The Stranger, the Tears, the Photograph, the Touch: Divine Presence in Spain and Europe since 1500 9786155225413

Citation preview

The Stranger, the Tears, the Photograph, the Touch

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The Stranger, the Tears, the Photograph, the Touch Divine Presence in Spain and Europe since 1500 William A. Christian, Jr.

Central European University Press

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© by William A. Christian, Jr., 2017 Graphic design: Sebastian Stachowski Published in 2017 by Central European University Press An imprint of the Central European University Limited Liability Company Nádor utca 11, H-1051 Budapest, Hungary Tel: +36-1-327-3138 or 327-3000 Fax: +36-1-327-3183 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.ceupress.com 224 West 57th Street, New York NY 10019, USA E-mail: [email protected] All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the permission of the Publisher. ISBN 978-615-5225-29-1 (hardback) (ebook)

ISBN 978-615-5225-41-3

Library of Congress Cataloging‑in‑Publication Data Names: Christian, William A., 1944– author. Title: The stranger, the tears, the photograph, the touch : divine presence in Spain and Europe since 1500 / William A. Christian, Jr. Other titles: Divine presence in Spain and Western Europe, 1500–1960 Description: New York : Central European University Press, 2017. | Originally published under title: Divine presence in Spain and Western Europe, 1500–1960 : visions, religious images, and photographs. Budapest ; New York : Central European University Press, 2012. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017004742 (print) | LCCN 2017011166 (ebook) | ISBN 9786155225413 (pdf) | ISBN 9786155225291 (alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Spain—Church history. | Europe, Western--Church history. | Spirituality—Spain. | Spirituality—Europe, Western. Classification: LCC BR1022 (ebook) | LCC BR1022 .C47 2017 (print) | DDC 274.6—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017004742 Printed in Hungary by Prime Rate Kft.

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To Edith Christian Minear, Silvia Ravelo Arrom, David Cronon, Josefa Berriel Jordán, and all who, named and unnamed, look out from the photographs in this book.

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Table of Contents

Introduction 

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Chapter 1. Toribia del Val and the Mysterious Wayfarer of Casas de Benítez 

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Chapter 2. Images as Beings: Blood, Sweat, and Tears 

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Chapter 3. Presence, Absence, and the Supernatural in Postcard and Family Photographs, Europe 1895–1920 

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Visions Depicted 67 Connecting with the Absent and the Supernaturals 91 Supernaturals and the Absent in World War I Postcards 117 Absence in Family Photographs around World War I 147

Chapter 4. Juxtapositions: Saints, Humans, Animals in Spanish Fiestas; with Photographs by Cristina García Rodero 

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People Touching Saints 203 People Touching Animals 219 Crossing the Boundaries: Images as People / People as Images 228 Animals as Humans / Humans as Animals 241 Images and Animals 248 Reflections 252

Summing Up 

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Acknowledgments  List of Figures  Bibliography  Index 

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he continuities between the present and the past are especially striking in matters religious. Some institutions are over a thousand years old. Practices, like the use of votive offerings or sacrifices, may predate the particular religions in which they are used. And certain kinds of sites, like springs, caves, prominent trees and mountain tops, have been used as holy places in one religion after another. The continuities in pattern have served variously as an excuse to dismiss or relativize religions, posit a universal transcultural spirituality, or provide an “eternal” pedigree for new, ersatz rituals.1 In some religions there are particular holy places, shrine images, relics, and sacred manuscripts that have been in use longer than any present-day nation-state has existed. Other ceremonies, like rain processions and exorcisms, continue in strikingly similar form for hundreds of years. These essays present four strands of continuities, discontinuities, and resignifications having to do with the divine presence. A vision to a grandmother in her garden in 1931 is part of a long tradition of mysterious strangers bearing information and instruction. Another ancient phenomenon, that of images seemingly exuding blood, sweat, and tears, is described for early modern Spain and for mid-twentieth century United States and Europe. Conventions from medieval and early modern painting to depict saints, the absent, and the dead alongside the living are found in postcards and studio photographs throughout much of Europe around World War I. And we consider the continued vitality of annual rites of contact with saints and with animals in contemporary Spanish towns. The cultural patterns described in these essays have persisted with an internal logic, adapting to external constraints and new technologies. The sources of the first two chapters are predominantly oral and textual: episodes of visions of strangers or the apparent vivification of religious images are recounted in pious legend or ix

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in testimony to notaries, to church investigators, to the press, and to me in person. We get an idea of the rules for the encounter or miracle: what to say and what to do, the procedures for verification and resolving doubts, and the periods in which doubts overwhelm and render the visions and miracles unspeakable. In the last two chapters the sources are predominantly visual, based on two collections of images: one I made of postcards and family photographs; and the other the archive of Spanish fiesta photographs by Cristina García Rodero. The former uses postcards and family photos to reflect on what kinds of extra-human beings people wish to be pictured near and how photographs came to democratize art, icons, and heaven, affecting everybody. García Rodero’s eye and photographs are used as sources to describe the ritual contact between community members, saints in the form of statues and paintings, and animals. The essays all share an underlying interest in distance and approximation, absence and presence, and crossings from one plane of reality to another. All treat juxtapositions of humans and other kinds of beings: divinities, humans imagined and dreamed of, the dead, animals. And all attempt to connect the past and the present by identifying patterns and their breaks. Throughout, the essays take for granted the long history of people engaged with supernaturals. The feelings accompanying these engagements, like feelings within families and other human hierarchies, have changed over time: terror, fear, respect, familiarity, intimacy, giving way variously to appeasement, fealty, petition, exchange, love. Connections with divine presence can be routine, can be continuous, and as engaging and absorbing as relations with other humans, can be latent and episodic as in times of travail, or can simply be nonexistent. They tend to vary in frequency and intensity over a person’s lifespan, often in relation to the demands, responsibilities, and gaps in relation with other humans. They have been corporate as well as individual, between heavenly helpers and guilds, sodalities, towns, cities, and nations. Some people within families and within communities are special intermediaries. These thick and ongoing engagements underlie this study’s every aspect. An earlier version of this book, Divine Presence in Spain and Western Europe 1500–1960, contained the three Natalie Zemon Davis Annual Lectures at the Central European University for 2010. Here the text is revised, illustrations are in color, and there is a fourth chapter on saint images, humans, and animals. Chapter 3, “Presence, Absence, and the Supernatural in Postcard and Family Photographs,” includes many additional photographs and postcards, and now includes the personal messages written on the backs. 1

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Fedele, Looking for Mary Magdalene.

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or several years the medievalist Lisa Bitel and the photographer Matt Gainer attended the monthly visions of María Paula Acuña, a mother of six in her fifties, in the Mojave Desert of California. I went twice, taking students. Typically, hundreds of Latino-American pilgrims would be waiting when María Paula and her female acolytes arrived in a van. A procession on foot would pause when María Paula had her vision of Our Lady of the Rocks and people took pictures of the sky. Then later at the cult site the seer would report the Virgin’s message and deliver a more general homily, take questions and bless the pilgrims individually. This had been going on for almost twenty years, with intermittent mentions in the press and on television. But when, in 2008, Bitel called the Diocese of Fresno, a spokesman dismissed the visions as “a non-event.”1 A great many such vision “non-events,” episodes unregistered, unrecognized, inconclusive, and soon forgotten, do not enter history. In the summer of 2009, a search in online historical newspapers turned up an account of a religious vision published in República, a center-left weekly in the conservative Spanish provincial capital of Cuenca. It is dated October 26, 1931, six months after Spain became a Republic and days after parliament voted for the separation of Church and State. For at least thirty years Spain had been deeply divided between believers and disbelievers more militant than ever. In those first months the press, some with wonder, others with scorn, had carried reports of apparitions of the Virgin Mary in Ezquioga in the Basque country and a number of other places.2 In August, for instance, República had referred to “the mental retards who still believe in ‘apparitions’ and await a miracle . . . the flock that follows the scheming clergy . . . [as a result of] so many centuries of superstition and servitude.”3 Three months later, the editor was bemused to learn of an apparition earlier in the year in a far corner of his own province.4 1

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1 In Cuenca Too? Yes gentlemen, it’s true. Cuenca too has had apparitions. In a small village of La Mancha, Casas de Benítez, when she was gathering broad beans, Toribia “La Vaquera” [the Cowherder]—we are told by some gentlemen native to the village—looked up and met the humble, supplicating, and somewhat pitying gaze of a Señor with a full beard who asked for a handful of beans. The seer moved to pick more, but the apparition asked for some she had in her apron. She did as he asked, and complained about the prolonged drought. The apparition, with a certain compassion, raised his eyebrows, opened his eyes wide and told her: “This drought is lasting only because people want it to. Let them take San Isidro out in procession from Casas de Benítez and the Virgen de la Cabeza from Pozoamargo, join the two of them in the place known as La Poza, and Niagara Falls would be a mere watering can compared to what will come down.” After saying this, and before “The Cowherder” could recover from her astonishment, he disappeared. The good woman was evidently able to convince the authorities of both villages, in spite of the fact that they were Republicans—this was after April 14—because sure enough, out came both of the saints in procession, accompanied by about five thousand persons from neighboring towns, all with their umbrellas in search of a miracle. But, oh, the irony of fate, the sky which that day started out cloudy, leading the most devout people to expect the pseudo-miracle, cleared up as soon as the time came, so people had to use their umbrellas to ward off the sun-god, who smiled in satisfaction at his prank. Casas de Benítez, an agricultural town of 1,500 inhabitants at that time, was located at the southern limit of the province. News from the town was rare in the press of Cuenca. It was only in the context of the new Republic, only after apparitions in general had become fodder for ridicule, only after a delay of five months, and only, one should add, because it did not rain, that República published this note. It is a fluke that the story made it into print in 1931 and is available today.5 Was there really a Toribia who said she had had a vision, and did the processions really take place? Yes, there was, and yes, they did. A friend in Madrid had a cousin in Casas de Benítez; he called her, and she in turn quickly located Toribia’s granddaughter, Marisol Llamas, now in her sixties. The story that Marisol told me over the phone was what her mother and older sister had told her:6

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Grandmother Toribia went to Mass frequently, though she wasn’t overly pious. She believed in God a lot. She did not know how to read and write (nor did my father and mother). What appeared to her was something like Christ,7 with a beard and long hair. There was a big drought, and the one with the beard said that they should take out San Isidro and Santa María de la Cabeza, and it would rain. [When the two processions met] there was a gust of wind, a kind of whirlwind, and it did begin to rain. [As Marisol said this, a man in the background, a neighbor, commented, “But it hardly rained at all.”]

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Fig. 1. Marisol Llamas, granddaughter of Toribia del Val, at the procession meeting zone, La Poza, Casas de Benítez (Cuenca), Feb. 8, 2010. Photo: the author. By permission, Marisol Llamas.

Within the family, Marisol said, the consensus was that it was Christ who appeared, but that was left open. I asked whether the stranger asking for broad beans could have been San Isidro, who typically has a beard and long hair. But Marisol was quick and firm. “No, San Isidro has his hair pulled back, and the stranger’s hair was loose, like Christ’s.”8 In February 2010, my friend Miguel, his cousin Marilina, and I visited Marisol and her husband, who had retired to Casas de Benítez after working in Madrid, Germany, and Catalonia. Over cake and coffee she retold the story. Then we all drove out to the area halfway between Casas de Benítez and Pozoamargo where the processions met (fig. 1).

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1 Subsequently I talked by telephone to two elderly men who had been in the procession as children. They were firm that although everyone carried umbrellas, it had not rained when the images met. One said that on the day of the procession some hail had fallen elsewhere but had spared Casas de Benítez.9 The other remembered that they sang hymns in the procession, that it drizzled a little when they were leaving town and that a man named Mingarro sold sparkling water from a cart.10 The town’s unofficial historian is Pascual Martínez, a retired nuclear engineer who now lives in Madrid. It was he who pointed me to these men and made a call on my behalf to a woman in Casas de Benítez who would have been eight years old in May 1931; she remembered that a Mass had been said when the two images met, and that her father boosted her up on his shoulders so she could see the priest.11 Martínez himself had mentioned the procession in one of his books, based on interviews in the 1970s, but no one had said anything to him about a vision. They had recalled the verses sung for rain, that it was a hot day in May, that the Pozoamargo priest delivered a sermon when the processions met, and that it did not rain.12 As to the vision itself, one of the men I talked to said he had a vague idea that Toribia was involved, and the other said, “Toribia said she had seen the Virgen de la Cabeza, and she was the one who organized the procession.”13 The woman, who turned out to be the widow of one of Toribia’s grandsons, was precise about the imprecision of the vision, quite in keeping with the newspaper report:14 “Toribia had a garden with tomatoes and broad beans very close to town on the road to San Clemente. There a man appeared to her, possibly God, Christ, or an angel. It was when she was gathering broad beans. Everybody talked about it.” Toribia del Val was sixty-three at the time of her vision.15 She, her husband and her children had been brought to the town as a young family to care for the cattle of the town’s major landowner, an enterprising man who also operated water-powered electric generators in the region. Her husband was one of hundreds of employees or laborers of the landlord, and her family was far from the town’s center of power.16 While there was some disagreement about the place where the processions had met, the consensus of people from Casas de Benítez and Pozoamargo is that it was indeed in the area known as La Poza.17 Everyone placed the events in late April or May, because only then were the broad beans in season, and that is when rain would have been needed for the other crops. Thus the vision would have been close to May 15, San Isidro’s feast day, when it was the custom to eat raw broad beans with slivers of salt cod at the bull fights. The people of Casas de Benítez and the surrounding towns might have been primed, in a way, for the vision by a traumatic experience in May 1929, when in fifteen minutes an in-

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tense hailstorm, with a racket like an airplane motor, completely destroyed the town’s crops. If during Toribia’s procession hail fell elsewhere and spared Casas de Benítez, then the result was not all bad, though hardly what was promised.18 The event/non-event in 1931 was also close to the proclamation of the Republic on April 14 and the burning of churches in Madrid, Málaga, and other cities by anticlerical rioters on May 11.19 So it would not be surprising if Toribia’s vision or the two towns’ response to it had a political side. A rain procession held in the town of Quero, 120 kilometers to the west, in the week before May 16, asked for Mary’s intercession for rain but also her “mediation for the good of the Church and of Spain.” And during supplications, there were miracle cures of a man bent double by arthritis and a woman in great pain from a broken ankle.20 In early May, in various parts of New Castile, people were invading game preserves to plough up the land and hunt. In many towns competing Republican political parties were being formed, both by laborers and schoolteachers, on the one hand, and landowners, on the other. In Casas de Benítez the new town council was elected on an expressly non-partisan slate, but in the following months there was violence nearby, and Socialists were making demands of the town council.21 In much of Spain, a mood of anxious epiphany among Catholics was the counterpoint to the mood of revolutionary hope among the poor and the intellectuals.22 One remarkable aspect of recollections of those I spoke to was how matter-of-fact they were about Toribia’s vision. While the procession was a memorable break in the routine worth reporting, Toribia’s vision was not something anyone had bothered to mention. Although the people of the town surely had varying degrees of skepticism at the time, some people thought Toribia was a little special for her vision. Two remembered that she handed out, every Easter, small unleavened flat and round tortas to everyone leaving the church. This was her personal caridad, a custom dating from the Middle Ages that still survives in that zone on some feast days, generally the result of town-wide vows. She seems to have made her own vow to hand them out as a result of her vision. At least one family put away the flat cake of Toribia for use against the evil eye, particularly, to protect their children.23 What then makes this story, the mere skeleton of a tale, interesting? One reason is that this is a missing story, and we all, historians or otherwise, have to deal with the basic issue of how much we are not being told. People did not mention Toribia’s vision to Pascual Martínez, he thinks, simply because he did not know to ask about it and they did not consider it important. Were it not for that stray, long-forgotten newspaper report, Toribia and her visitor would not have entered the written record, as it was a non-event for everyone in Casas de Benítez I talked to. 5

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1 By the same token, it may well be that many, probably most, extraordinary contacts with the supernatural go unreported and remain personal, or family- or community-bound. Were it not for an improbable combination of factors, and in particular the prominent news of apparitions of Ezquioga, this too would never have been published. It is therefore a precious example of the number of apparition and rain procession stories that do not get told, and those aspects of the untold stories that make them not newsworthy.24 For one thing, Toribia had no proof of her vision. By definition, visions require special evidence to be believed. In medieval Spain, this evidence typically included some kind of bodily mark or anomaly: a hand stuck to the cheek, a mouth that could not be forced open, or the presence of some token from the other world. From the sixteenth century on, when the Inquisition looked down on visions, the evidence was the images themselves that sweated or bled and were visible to all. In modern apparitions from La Salette on, the signs were variously: trancelike states in which seers were seemingly impervious to burns or pin-pricks; the seeming infusion of languages like Aramaic or Latin; or the demonstration of visions by celestial anomalies—the sun spinning, haloes around the sun, cloud-pictures like crosses in the sky. And in all periods the sign could be some vehicle for sudden, miraculous healing, like the discovery of a healing spring. In Toribia’s case the sign would have been the downpour which did not happen, and her vision stands in particular for those we will never hear about because they lacked confirmation. Just as this was a vision unconfirmed, so it was a rain procession with a new procedure which did not produce rain. Rain processions had their special prayers, local customary itineraries, protocols, and petitionary hymns. Toribia, or her visitor, was attempting an innovation in local procedures by having images and processions from two towns meet. The choice of these images was important, for although people tended to confuse her with the Virgen de la Cabeza, a version of Mary, the patron saint of Pozoamargo was Santa María de la Cabeza, San Isidro’s wife. Isidro the Ploughman lived in the Madrid region in the thirteenth century, and his canonization in 1622 was a confirmation of Madrid’s new power as Spain’s court city. Thereafter the cult of Isidro and his wife spread across Spain, complementing or supplanting other saints who were agricultural specialists.25 Somehow it must have made sense to join husband and wife, separate in neighboring towns, to open the floodgates of heaven. The joining of male and female supernaturals had a long history in Spain, in New Castile, and even in Casas de Benítez, where the most dramatic moment of Holy Week was the encounter in the street of the image of Christ with the image of Mary. In most places the meeting takes place on Good Friday, when Christ carries a cross. In

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Fig. 2. Our Lady of the Rosary and Saint Joseph meet in river, Villamayor de Calatrava and Tirteafuera (Ciudad Real), May 1, 1984. Photo: Cristina García Rodero. By permission.

Casas de Benítez, it took place at three o’clock on Easter morning, with the Christ resurrected. Often, but not always, Spain’s supplicatory processions included a female figure, generally the Virgin Mary, and Christ or a male saint. The standard procedure in many places was to bring a powerful image of Mary or Saint Anne from a shrine and place it on the main altar of the parish church “close to the tabernacle,”26 as one account in 1578 made explicit, so that the image would intercede for the community with God. In one city they habitually brought the Virgin from her rural shrine, and placed her before Saint Joseph, the co-patron of the city, thus joining husband and wife as at Casas de Benítez.27 Similarly, two hundred kilometers southwest of Casas de Benítez, every year on May 8, Saint Joseph is still, even now, brought from one town to meet the Virgen del Rosario brought from another. The two processions meet knee-deep in a river on the border.28 So the innovation Toribia requested was not outlandish (fig. 2). The idea of joining images from different towns is of course not exceptional either.29 Throughout Spain, there are shrines with days on which villages bring their images, and at 7

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1 some, there are ceremonies in which the images ritually greet and take their leave of one another.30 The convergence of processions from villages for rain likewise has a long tradition, particularly in the zones where there is a chronic shortfall, where scores of towns meet at one shrine or another.31 While unsuccessful visions and rain processions were not normally news, the Republican newspaper of Cuenca had every interest in emphasizing the failure. For the previous thirty years, at least, rain processions had been a demonstration of divine power for Catholics, a butt of ridicule for freethinkers.32 In July, República had already printed on page one a satirical verse about the failure of insistent prayers for rain in another village in Cuenca. There what finally came was not rain, but hail that destroyed the crops, and some of the townspeople allegedly sought to destroy the image of Christ responsible.33 The procession of Casas de Benítez and Pozoamargo was especially vulnerable to disappointment and ridicule because the stranger predicted a downpour that would occur at a given time and place. This was not the normal expectation. Historically, communities made a graduated series of responses to drought, starting with prayers and processions in the church or cathedral, the display of relics or images for veneration, movement of images from one church (often a rural shrine) to another (the parish church or the cathedral) for a nine-day stay, and the joining of one image with another. In early modern Spain in some places the images or relics were bathed in springs, streams, or rivers. And everywhere if the drought persisted there could be increasing degrees of public penance. In this graduated series, some responses could be made over and over, and it was simply a matter of praying, praying to different saints, or praying more fervently, until the drought ended.34 Reports of these processions in shrine histories and town and city chronicles like those of Seville and Barcelona do mention failures in passing. For failures were part of a serial trial and error diagnosis to identify the saint willing to help the town, typically moving up from specialized lesser saints to more important and more generally powerful images or relics. When all else failed, the town would try saints hitherto ignored or forgotten, and present more extreme penitential behavior and displays of emotion. The question was not whether the prayers would eventually work, but which saints, accompanied by which penitential practices, would prove effective. The discovery of an unexpected saint whose intercession led to rain in a spectacular manner could lead to a new vow for the observance of the saint’s day or the day the saint produced rain.35 The processions themselves could be fraught with excitement. Miracles such as those in Quero in 1931 occurred in rain processions throughout the early modern period. They were understood as a side-effect of collective prayer and penance that opened the heart of the di-

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vine. An eighteenth-century survey of shrines in Aragon includes several examples. In 1703, during a procession to return an image of Christ, loaves of bread distributed to participants seemed to multiply. In 1710, as an image of Mary being brought to town passed by, a dying woman was healed. In 1713, a Protestant soldier converted after seeing the results of rain processions at a Marian shrine. In 1737, a blind woman gained her sight as an image of Mary returned to its shrine. In another town no one was injured when a bridge collapsed just after a procession with an image of Mary had crossed it, and then there was a downpour when the image reached the church in town.36 And in a diocesan seat in the 1730s, when the crucifix of the Franciscans was carried in rain processions, “they put the children who have hernias in the middle of the street, and many are cured when the Holy Image passes over them.”37 In early modern Spain, rain processions were also one of the prime times for images to exude miraculous sweat, as we see here outside a town in Andalusia in 1698 (fig. 3).

Fig. 3. The miraculous sweating of the Christ of Burgos in a petitionary procession for rain on April 27, 1698. Oil on canvas, c. 1698, artist unknown. Church of Nuestra Señora de la Expectación y Santuario del Stmo. Cristo de Burgos, Cabra del Cristo Santo (Jaén). Photo: Pedro Gila. By permission, Pedro Gila, the Parish of Nuestra Señora de la Expectación, and Diocese of Jaén.

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1 In early twentieth-century New Castile, there were two kinds of Catholic newspaper reports about rain supplications: those that simply mentioned the fact that they were in process, and those that celebrated their success. The processions interrupted or immediately followed by rain were cited as proof of God’s power, the force of prayer, and a demonstration of the special protection of the town by the saint it called upon for help that corresponded to the town’s confidence and love. If the procession was successful, there would generally be a solemn Mass sung in thanks, followed by a celebratory procession to return the image to the shrine, and a final, often emotional homily. In cases of spectacular success, a collection might be taken and preachers from Madrid or the diocesan seat brought in for the sermon, an orchestra hired for the Mass, and outside, municipal bands hired for the procession.38 The processions were generally civic acts, requested of town councils first by farmers, sometimes through brotherhoods, and paid for by town and city governments, with the mayor and town council leading the procession. The town council would request prayers for rain from the town clergy, and, not without occasional conflict, the clergy would set the schedule and the protocol for the supplications.39 The Catholic newspaper reports generally praise the preacher and emphasize that the processions were comprehensive, including the humble and the wealthy. There is a deep history for this insistence, for in the early modern period, both annual processions made because of vows and processions made because of an urgent necessity were considered to require the full participation of the community to be effective. This participation was variously achieved by fining households that did not send a member or offering incentives of indulgences or food.40 However, by the twentieth century there is a crucial difference. In a radically changed ideological landscape, Catholic newspaper reports of weather amenable to prayer surely served for believing readers to reconfirm the very existence and power of God. Conversely, for the left, prayers for rain (or for rain to stop, or to avoid hail) were part of a long-term strategy of the clergy, seen as cynical manipulators who used weather as social control, a strategy whose deconstruction could be a way to raise the consciousness of peasants and rural laborers. As a village correspondent for the socialist weekly of Zaragoza wrote in December 1932, “Hail, the harvest, drought, etc. have been manipulated by [the clergy] in their belligerent sermons to scare the poor peasant [into thinking] that God was punishing him for straying from the path of righteousness. And if the opposite should happen, hah! then God was rewarding with generosity his submissive lambs.”41 The writers of this Republican literature tended to be liberal professionals whose knowledge of agriculture was at best theoretical. In their attacks on the rural clergy they often ended up ridiculing the peasantry as well.

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In addition to its value as a procession without rain, an innovative procedure that did not pan out, and a vision unconfirmed, Toribia’s vision was unusual in its time for who she was, what appeared to her, and how they interacted. Toribia’s vision was unlike that of the other seers we know about in 1931, who were by and large children or adolescents who seemed to have been influenced by the modern visions of Lourdes and Fatima and subsequently Ezquioga. News of these famous visions was available in a variety of ways—whether pious magazines, local grottos, pilgrims’ reports, holy cards, postcards, magic lantern shows, or films. Instead, Toribia’s story was a throwback to older patterns: apparitions of saints and Mary to anonymous, often marginal laypersons in the countryside of Spain and Southern Europe in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries requesting processions to solve local group problems. Most of those visions that are documented with notarized testimony occurred in the context of epidemics. Once the seers had convinced the authorities, the procession was made, the sign was in some way confirmed, and a new connection was set up between the town and the divine. The documented events of this kind, several of them from New Castile, in which the seers are men or children, stand for a large number of undocumented ones, many of which survive as legends, in which the seers were adult laywomen, who throughout the medieval and early modern periods were taken less seriously by Church and civil authorities.42 Perhaps this is another reason why Toribia was unnewsworthy and undocumented: she was a mature married woman. The Inquisition closed down this system for contact with the divine at the start of the sixteenth century, prosecuting among others lay seers in towns 60 to 80 kilometers to the northwest of Casas de Benítez.43 But most of the documented late medieval cases differ from Toribia’s in that the beings that appeared were clearly not human: they were diminutive, the size of statues, or gave off powerful light or had special powers. However, some involved male figures in human guise, subsequently assumed to be angels. A case similar to that of Toribia (the seer this time an older woman in her garden, and the solution a procession) was believed to have occurred in Ayora, 100 kilometers southeast of Casas de Benítez. There an older woman named Liñana supposedly arrived at her garden off the main road to the north to find a young man who told her to tell the town authorities to hold an annual procession to that spot in order to end the plague. When she said they would not believe her, he wrote a message on her hand. The story, said to take place in January 1392, was known by the end of the sixteenth century. A painting of the Guardian Angel of Ayora by Vicente López in 1802 hangs in the parish church, and on the site of the vision there is a chapel to the Angel.44 (fig. 4.) 11

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Fig. 4. The vision of an angel, Ayora, engraving in Perales, Memorias de la aparición de un ángel en la Villa de Ayora (Murcia, Juan Vicente Teruel, c. 1810), from a painting by Vicente López Portaña. Fig. 5. The Christ of Piera leaving shrine for rain procession, c. 1905–1910. Photo: Sagarra.

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This encounter did not involve drought. Nor did a less similar but better documented one in 1460 in Jafre, Catalonia, in which a wayfarer, also in the context of an epidemic, indicated that water from a spring would heal people.45 Droughts do not seem to have generated quite the same level of anxiety or the same level of documentation as epidemics in which death was imminent. But with people actively casting about for a helper, it should not be surprising that some rain processions originated in visions as well.46 The story from the town of Piera in Catalonia is similar to that of Casas de Benítez (the seer an elderly woman, the vision a male wayfarer who asks for food, the context a drought, the solution a procession). The original Sant Crist de Piera, burned in the Spanish Civil War, was a striking image from the late fourteenth century or early fifteenth century of a Christ in agony. It was taken out from the parish church in procession in time of drought, and only in time of drought, from at least 1691 on. A photograph captures a key moment in a rain procession around 1905, as the image comes out of the church in the presence of a bishop and numerous priests from surrounding towns who have come with their parishioners (fig. 5). In the story, as told in Piera since at least the 1700s,47 during a drought that had lasted two years, a youth dressed as a poor pilgrim knocked at the door of the virtuous widow Maria Lleopart, who lived in a hamlet 12 kilometers from the Piera center. He asked for alms or bread, but she said she had not even a crust. The pilgrim told her that the Lord would provide rain if they held a solemn procession with a particular image of Christ that lay abandoned in a corner in the hospice of Saint Francis on the edge of Piera. The pilgrim said as proof she should look in her pantry. She knew there was nothing there, but the youth insisted. She went inside and found there was indeed bread, but when she came back out the pilgrim had disappeared. Lleopart told the priest and the town authorities in Piera, who lo-

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cated the image and took it out in procession on April 28. This eighteenth-century print shows the Christ, the procession, and in the right foreground, a pilgrim with wings pointing the farmwoman to the Christ (figs. 6–7). In almost all of these apparition narratives, the encounter takes place outside of town, in a space for gardens, sheep, and wayfarers, and the message draws the citizens of the town, with their images, out into the countryside. Away from the town, the townspeople embody their polity, unprotected by buildings, and are vulnerable to the elements, like a hermit crab out of its shell. Their society, in careful hierarchy, is made visible to them and made available for depiction in these prints and paintings (fig. 8). Stories like these clearly influenced a transhumant shepherd from Taravilla in the Diocese of Cuenca, Francisco Martínez, age thirty-four, in his attempt to become a shrine keeper and alms gatherer. According to his confession to the Inquisition in 1728, a pilgrim asked him for water, and “this led me to spread the idea that the pilgrim had revealed certain things to me, among others that it would rain as surely as the holy Christ I wore was sweating blood.”48 For months be-

Fig. 6. Sant Crist de Piera. By permission, Biblioteca de Catalunya. Fig. 7. Sant Crist de Piera, detail of apparition. By permission, Biblioteca de Catalunya. Fig. 8. Sant Crist de Piera, detail of procession. By permission, Biblioteca de Catalunya.

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1 fore the Inquisition was called in, he had been telling everyone the invented story, even a notary public who wrote it down.49 Last November, I was guarding pastureland in Villa de San Esteban in Andalusia in which a flock [from the town of the notary, Molina de Aragón] was going to winter. One evening, as I finished saying my Rosary and three Credos seated in the doorway of the farm compound near the pastureland, I heard a voice and turned to see a pilgrim who asked in God’s name for a little water. I answered, “I wish that the Lord would send water for the fields as he keeps it in springs for sinners,” and went inside and brought out a full earthenware pitcher. He drank about a quarter of it. And when I came out again, I asked him if it had rained where he had come from. And he said that in some places it had rained, in others no, and that in this area it would rain around Saint Lucy’s day. Martínez claimed the pilgrim went on to reveal that the crucifix that Martínez was wearing would bleed and that there would be a great miracle wherever Martínez was on Ascension Day, and then departed. When Martínez went inside he found that the pitcher the pilgrim had drunk from had refilled miraculously. Asked what the pilgrim looked like, Martínez described what seems to be a painting or statue, in fact a kind of pilgrim version of Vicente López’s painting of the Angel of Ayora:50 “He was about eighteen years old, with very light hair, eyebrows and beard, wearing a tunic that was purplish white—how it was cinched I did not notice—with black eyes turned toward heaven, cheeks white and rosy, feet bare and without hose, and holding a pilgrim staff topped by a wellworn ball.” He also described a Caravaca cross on the pilgrim’s cape. From late medieval visions to the stories of Ayora and Piera and the fabulations of Francisco Martínez we recognize a kind of lineage. The naturalness of the way the people of Casas de Benítez, Pozoamargo and the surrounding towns considered, weighed, and acted on Toribia’s vision, and the nonjudgmental openness of its people now when reporting and discussing it, leads us to suppose that there were other such episodes, in a longue-durée dialogue between story and event. And indeed there was a similar vision in a town in the same region, near Toledo, four years after that of Toribia, and one year before the Spanish Civil War. The Madrid illustrated weekly Estampa reported a mysterious visitor with news of water.51 The encounter took place outside the village of Burguillos, 12 kilometers from Toledo and 165 kilometers northwest of Casas

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de Benítez. It too was a very local event, and it had even fewer repercussions; as far as I or the seer’s family know, no other publication mentioned it. Estampa padded out its somewhat anticlimactic story with photographs of the seers of Ezquioga, Beauraing, Fatima, and Lourdes (fig. 9). On Monday of Holy Week, a sixteen-yearold boy, Fausto del Castillo, was helping some young men who were digging a well, and they sent him to a spring for water. There, he said, he encountered an old pilgrim, erect and silent, with a long gray beard and white hair, wearing a brown habit and sandals. The pilgrim made two abrupt inquiries and one observation52 —”Who are you getting that water for? Does the well have water yet? Soon it will,”—and walked off downstream. The next day the pilgrim was at the spring again, this time barefoot, wearing a purple habit. He asked again about the well, again said it would give water, and asked for a drink, drinking three times from a tin cup. He told Fausto to go to Mass the next morning and hear it on his knees. This time Fausto told his family (his parents had a grocery shop) and friends, saying over and over, “It is Jesus Christ!”53 Half of the town believed him, the other half was skeptical. On Wednesday he heard Mass as instructed and went to the spring with his young brother and a friend who had made fun of the visions. There was no one there, and they filled the water jug, but on the way back, when his friend

Fig. 9. “Apparitions in Toledo; a boy from Burguillos says Jesus Christ appeared to him four times.” Estampa (Madrid), May 25, 1935.

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1 was laughing, Fausto felt a blow to his cheek and fell unconscious, the jug breaking. The workers revived him, and further along he met the pilgrim, who said the slap was for not going alone. There were marks of fingers on Fausto’s cheek, and people came from the surrounding towns to hear his story, but he was glum and taciturn. The next two days he stayed home, but when he went out early on Saturday to feed the family horse, the pilgrim was on the road, and the boy pleaded to know what he wanted. “I’ll tell you what I want. Don’t be afraid of me.”54 But that turned out to be Fausto’s last vision, and when the reporter and photographer came from Madrid and talked to his family, he was morose. In June 2010, I went to Burguillos with a friend who is an anthropologist, her friend who lives in Toledo, and a friend of her friend who lives in Burguillos. There we talked to Elena del Castillo, Fausto’s niece, who told the story as she knew it before I showed her the magazine article, which she knew about but had not seen. Her mother, Fausto’s sister, died when Elena was fourteen. Elena’s father and his two brothers were the ones who in 1935 had been digging the well and had sent Fausto for water.55 Elena was told by her father that Fausto had come back frightened from the spring, saying he had had an apparition of a friar and that the water jug had broken. One of her uncles had gone to check, and had seen no one. Elena had a photo of Fausto in a Republican military uniform, and it is published in the town’s photographic history book.56 As in Casas de Benítez, in Burguillos all the images in the church were burned. When Franco’s troops took Toledo, two of Elena’s uncles, the two who had been digging the well with her father, were imprisoned and later taken out and shot. Fausto went into exile in France and came for visits only in the 1970s. They never dared ask him about his visions, and he never mentioned them to his wife and children, who read the article in a library in Toledo and went to see the spring, but had not brought up the matter with him. Whatever else Fausto had to tell he took to his grave. How do patterns like these span centuries? What links these disparate places and times is what was a minority topos, one little noticed in the voluminous pious literature on saints, shrines, and miracles. Is this lack of attention because such visions were too rare, or far apart in time or space, or because rain visions as opposed to plague visions tended not to be recorded? People see and hear strange things all the time, but how is it that they see and hear things so similar—similar enough to be recognizable, and with enough individual touches (broad beans, the filled bread cupboard, the writing on the hand, the full pitcher, the broken water jug, the slap marks on the face) to make each distinctive? First of all the basic scenario of wayfaring strangers is common to the entire period from the Middle Ages to the Spanish Civil War. Among other wayfarers who were strangers to vary-

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ing degrees (transhumant shepherds, harvest laborers, beggars, Roma, peddlers, tinkers, and later also traveling salesmen, fair people, itinerant photographers, circus and theater troupes), individual pilgrims, perhaps crossing New Castile on the way to Guadalupe or Santiago, would have been the least likely to have passed by before. In this sense they were the strangest of the strange. But most Spaniards for the last five hundred years at least would have known what they were immediately from their dress, the same as that of the popular Saint Roch. In 1590 the Crown attempted to cut down on vagabondage by forbidding the use of traditional costume for Spanish pilgrims, but still permitting it for foreigners. It included “a cape and habit of rough woolen cloth, a broad hat with insignias and a pilgrim’s staff.”57 Well into the twentieth century (and, with the revival of the pilgrimage to Santiago, now all over again), there were classic, bearded pilgrims like this one photographed at Roncesvalles around 1900.58 (Fig. 10.) In my circulation through shrines in the 1960s, people still recalled them. There was an idea that they might be holy, like marabouts or the mendicant friars with similar habits, and there are local cults based on actual pilgrims, women as well as men, whether dedicated to pilgrims themselves as saints59 or to relics or images they left behind.60 On my own walk to Santiago in 1965, even without a habit or a beard I was treated with considerable respect and curiosity.61 The deep penetration of these ideas among Spaniards can be seen from a catechism of Antonio María Claret, with numerous printings from 1848 until the 1936 Civil War. The seven Corporal Works of Mercy include feeding the hungry, giving drink to the thirsty, and giving shelter to pilgrims. Claret’s catechism came illustrated with woodcuts and commentaries that exemplify the kind of Biblical grounding, prevalent in earlier clerical discourse, for the patterns we have been seeing (fig. 11).

Fig. 10. “Basque Country; Pilgrim to Saint James of Compostela at Roncevalles.” Photo: Ouvrard. Postcard sent from Biarritz in 1904.

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1 The man asking for drink (as at Burguillos) has a halo, and the commentary explains it is Christ before the Samaritan woman at the well at Sicar, who does not know who he is and turns him down (John 4:10) (fig. 12). The commentary admonishes: remember that every poor person represents Jesus Christ; you would not be the first person of whom Jesus Christ, in the guise of a beggar, asked for alms.”62 In Spain this conflation of beggars with holy people was enacted in various ways. In Caldes de Montbui a brotherhood had twelve beggars walk in its annual procession to represent the twelve apostles until the custom was banned as irreverent and profane in 1771.63 But throughout the twentieth century on Maundy Thursday priests and bishops washed the feet of beggars who represented the twelve apostles, as King Alfonso XIII did in a grand annual ceremony until he went into exile in 1931.64 And the idea that pilgrims or beggars, asking door to door for alms or food, might be Christ or a male saint was expressed throughout Spain every year in the Christmas begging requests of children, known as “The Pilgrim’s Prayer.”65 In July 1960 El Caso, the sensationalist weekly, trumpeted the healing in Orcasitas, on the outskirts of Madrid, of a devout paralyzed woman after the visit of a smiling white-haired beggar with a grey hat.66 The French scholar Marie Franco, in her study of El Caso, links this report to the notion of Christ as beggar:

Fig. 11. The corporal works of mercy. Antonio María Claret, Catecismo de Doctrina Cristiana, Barcelona 1852, 440.

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The entire text points to certain folktales in which Christ or Saint Peter circulate in the countryside asking for hospitality or alms in the guise of anonymous travelers. Does this text indicate the migration of these phenomena from the rural world to the periphery of the big cities, where people from the rural exodus resettled?67

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In the Claret catechism the three pilgrims asking for lodging have wings (fig. 13), and the commentary is worth citing at length:68 The fifth [Corporal Work of Mercy] is: to give shelter to the pilgrim. Picture number 5 shows the Patriarch Abraham giving lodging to some pilgrims that he thought were men who were in fact Angels of the Lord. God so valued Abraham for this act of mercy that he promised nothing less than to make him the father of numerous descendents and shower him with worldly and spiritual benefits. This is how God rewards the acts of charity so pleasing to him and the Angels! The inhabitants of the castle at Emmaus, as well, thought that it was a man, a pilgrim to whom they gave lodging, but in fact it was Jesus Christ himself, resurrected three days before,69 just as Saint Gregory thought he was giving shelter to three pilgrims and then found they were angels. Happy are they who do such works of charity, for God in turn will give them eternal lodging in his heavenly palace. The episode at Emmaus, in which the apostles fail to recognize a fellow-traveler as Jesus, has a long literary tradition in Spain. In a number of plays, known generically as Peregrinus, the traveler Jesus is a pilgrim.70 In fact, pilgrims are absent both in the biblical passages and in the Golden Legend stories about Saint Gregory that Claret refers to. In Spain, this conflation of wayfarers and pilgrims is perhaps due to the number of pilgrim wayfarers. And surely by Claret’s time it is affected by the very strength of the Spanish pilgrim-angel stories we have examined. In early modern New Castile there was another topos, which seems to have developed in the seventeenth century, of pilgrims (subsequently thought to be angels) who left paintings or charcoal drawings of crucifixes on the walls where they stayed, which in turn became the basis for shrines.71 Elsewhere in Spain, the motif, which applied to some of the region’s most revered crucifixes, was that at some time in the distant past a pair of pilgrims had come, offered to make an image, retired to an enclosed room for three days, and disappeared, leaving the new image in the room.72 For Mexico, the equivalent pattern in the seventeenth century was “handsome young men—sometimes Indians—dressed in white whom no one recognized appeared then disappeared, leaving behind images that were too beautiful to be the work of human hands.”73 These stories gave a heavenly pedigree to already revered images, and seem to have been the seventeenth-century equivalent of the older notion that certain images had been painted by Nicodemus or Saint Luke. Claret’s biblical model for feeding the hungry is Christ feeding the people on the mount where he delivered the beatitudes. This distribution of loaves is itself a model for the distri-

Fig. 12. Give drink to the thirsty. Claret, Catecismo, The corporal works of mercy, detail. Fig. 13. Give shelter to pilgrims. Claret, Catecismo, The corporal works of mercy, detail.

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Fig. 14. Feed the hungry. Claret, Catecismo, The corporal works of mercy, detail.

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butions of charity food at Spanish shrines made because of vows, for those handed out during some of the rain processions (we even saw that the multiplication of these loaves was a side-miracle in one procession), and indeed for the charity flat cakes handed out by Toribia every year at the Casas de Benítez church. In this perspective, Toribia feeding the stranger Christ broad beans and her fellow citizens torta on the day of Christ’s resurrection were of a piece (fig. 14). The Casas de Benítez, Piera, Ayora, Burguillos, and Orcasitas stories seem to show a deeper, more universal pattern from fairy tales. It is like stories of beggars, men or women, who ask for alms or food, and then turn out to be fairies who grant three wishes as a reward for generosity, following patterns identified by folklorists.74 The folklorist Carmen Blacker, who writes of a similar pattern in Japan, summarizes the European pattern: “a noble, holy Stranger wanders about the world disguised as a beggar, rewarding kind treatment with blessings and requiting unkind treatment with curses.” 75 We know of examples from Hungary as well as Spain, in which Christ stops to ask a cowherd for a cup of water and rewards or punishes him according to his response.76 To French crusaders (1096–1099) appeared saints who were reluctant to identify themselves, difficult to recognize, and who put seers to tests: Saints Andrew and Peter as beggars; Saint Ambrose as a simple pilgrim.77 Similarly in Casas de Benítez the belief exists that Roma women begging door to door can cast an evil eye on children if they are refused. One means of protection in the village that Pascual Martínez reports was for children to wear a small pouch around the neck with a piece of bread in it, and in the late 1930s some of the bread used was Toribia’s.78 In the cases we have studied the notion of punishment by the mysterious stranger is largely implicit. Toribia, after all, gave the broad beans, Fausto at Burguillos and Francisco Martínez the shepherd gave water, and Maria Lleopart was ready to give bread. But the visitor at Burguillos knocked Fausto unconscious because he brought a disbelieving friend. The biblical models contain examples of rejection as well. The Samaritan woman at the well did not give the Christ/ visitor water. And two of the angels welcomed by Abraham went on to Sodom, where people wanted to sodomize them, and after this final confirmation of its iniquity the city was destroyed. Spain, like much of Europe, has many locations where towns were reputedly destroyed or sunken in lakes as divine punishment, and since the Middle Ages the countryside has been strewn with villages abandoned for one reason or another.79 There were other more recent examples of collective punishment for not being hospitable to strangers in habits. In November 1875 when the Capuchin Esteban de Adoáin was leading a procession during a mission in Lumbier (Navarra), Liberal youths threw stones at him. According to his biography and town tradition, he turned to them and threatened, “Stones you throw, stones you’ll have!” (¡Piedras

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tiráis, piedras tendráis!) And the next springtime a storm of hail the size of fists ruined the town’s crops.80 A similar story was told about the Augustinian father José López de Mendoza. Sometime in the late nineteenth century the inhabitants of a village in the diocese of Osma refused to attend his mission there, “and in an access of indignation he foretold a swift chastisement…” His obituary continues, “that very night, a horrible and unexpected storm thick with hail wiped out the crops of that place, leaving intact those of the other towns in the area.” The obituary’s author, also an Augustinian, says that when he himself went to the village years later they remembered the event with terror and took him out to the fields to show how far the damage had extended. López de Mendoza’s fame preceded him thereafter, and when he went to give missions, people would greet him warily with the words “Do you come in peace, or not?”81 In light of all this, and after the devastating hailstorm two years before, some people in Casas de Benítez and Pozoamargo may have asked themselves not only what they had to gain if they followed Toribia’s instructions but also what they had to lose if they did not. Addressing the puzzling similarities between European and Japanese stories of this nature, Blacker speculates whether there might be some common deeper, older prototype. “A traveling god, for example, who is expected to descend into the village from his own world at a fixed season, and who requires the correct ritual of hospitality and offerings to dispense the seasonal blessings that the village needs; a god who will, further, if the correct ritual is denied him, blast the offending village with curses.”82 Here she may have reached too far, for the basic situation of the supplicant wayfarer is so common and the notion that outsiders can have special powers so prevalent (and so useful for wayfarers to cultivate) that such patterns could arise independently in distant cultures. Indeed, this opening has been amply cultivated by tricksters from afar in all cultures, from the bandit Christ and his twelve disciples that circulated in sixteenth-century Spain confessing and purloining, to the picaresque freeloaders that led to the banning of pilgrim habits, to the kinds of fake princes, con artists and mysterious strangers described along the Mississippi by Mark Twain. Such impostures thrived for the same reasons that people had visions of pilgrim angels and stranger Christs and that others believed them when they said so. As a stranger from afar who has knocked unannounced on many doors, I can testify to the generous legacy of sacred hospitality in Spain. And the beggars who bless and curse according to how they are treated derive their authority from the same matrix.83 The pilgrim/angel, the stranger/Christ, the youth/angel are ambiguous beings, half human, half divine, appropriate messengers for heavenly instructions. Their celestial visits in the “real” time of 1460 in Jafre and the 1930s in Casas de Benítez and Burguillos, in the oral traditions of Piera and Ayora, and in the 1727 fabulations of the shepherd Francisco Martínez are 21

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Fig. 15. Rain on La Poza, Casas de Benítez (Cuenca), February 8, 2010. Photo: The author. By permission.

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examples of one remarkably durable way that Spaniards have reported connections to heaven. Others in recent years include bright or lovely ladies to prevent the plague, the furious army of Diana, still seen in Galicia, ghosts who need help to get out of purgatory, and, as almost everywhere in the world, the recent dead who bring comfort and affection. As Natalie Davis has shown, stories are more than disembodied folktales from a never-neverland devoid of time or place; they are patterns for seeing, hearing, and behaving. These patterns sometime become more evident when the real-life version does not quite end as it should. “History” is made up of recognizable events that, once recognized, are therefore recorded. Toribia’s and Fausto’s stories suggest the value of examining non-events—things not normally recorded because they do not conform to recognized patterns and therefore in which “nothing happened.” Speaking of which, when Miguel, his cousin Marilina, Marisol and her husband and I went to La Poza to take pictures of the spot where the two processions met in 1931, it rained (fig. 15).

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F notes 1 Bitel and Gainer, Our Lady of the Rock, and Lisa Bitel, personal communication, June 2008. 2 The other sites of visions that appeared in national newspapers between July and October 26, 1931, aside from the many in Gipuzkoa, Álava and Navarra associated with Ezquioga, include Rielves (Toledo) and Guadamur (Toledo) in August, and Orgiva (Granada), Guadalajara, and Sigüenza in September. See Christian, Visionaries, ch. 7. 3 “los retrasados mentales que aún creen en ‘las apariciones’ y esperan el milagro . . . [como] la reata que sigue a los intrigantes clericales . . . [después de] tantos siglos de superstición y servidumbre” in Giménez de Aguilar, “La revolución que hay que hacer,” Aug. 10, 1931, 2. Mandrágora, “De la España fanática del siglo XX,” Aug. 17, 1931, 5, similarly referred to “inferioridades mentales,” and the poet León de Huelves Crespo, speaking at a Radical Socialist rally in Villarrubia de Santiago, declared, “In our Republic we should avoid having liars who invent miracles and imbeciles who believe them” (La Libertad [Madrid], Nov. 17, 1931, 10; en nuestra república debemos evitar que haya mentirosos que inventen milagros e imbéciles que los crean). 4 “¿También en Cuenca?” República (Cuenca), Oct. 26, 1931, 1. (In the section “Martillazos” which is signed “La Redacción”): Sí señores, sí; también en Cuenca ha habido apariciones. En un pueblecito de la Mancha, Casas de Benítez, y en occasion de hallarse cogiendo habas, Toribia «La Vaquera»—cuentan unos señores naturales de dicho pueblo—al levantar la cabeza, encontróse con la mirada humilde, suplicante y un poco conmiserativa de un Señor con toda la barba que le pedía un puñado de habas. Apresuróse la susodicha vidente a cogerlas, solicitando entonces el aparecido se las diese de las que llevaba cogidas en el mandil. Hízolo así, al mismo tiempo que se lamentaba de la pertinaz sequía. El aparecido, un tanto compasivo, enarcó las cejas, abrió desmesuradamente los ojos, y díjole: — Esa sequía es porque quieren. Saquen en procesión a San Isidro de Casas de Benítez y con la Virgen de la Cabeza de Pozo Amargo, los unen en el sitio llamado La Poza y las cataratas del Niágara serán una simple regadera, comparadas con lo que va a caer. Dicho esto, y antes de que reaccionara «La Vaquera» del asombro, desapareció… Sin duda, la buena señora se dio tal arte para convencer a las autoridades, de ambos pueblos, que, a pesar de ser republicanas—esto era después del 14 de abril, allá que van ambos santos en procesión, acompañados de unas cinco mil personas llegadas de Sisante, La Roda, Casas de Haro, Casas de Guijarro y aledaños, provistas todas de sus correspondientes paraguas en busca del milagro. Pero, ¡oh ironías del destino! El cielo que amaneció nublado aquel día, dando lugar a que saboreasen los más creyentes el pseudo milagro, apenas llegada la hora empezó a despejarse de tal forma que la vuelta hubo de hacerse bajo el paraguas por miedo… a las inclemencias de Febo que sonreía satisfecho de su burla. 5 And accessible because the Centro de Estudios de Castilla-La Mancha offers the region’s historical newspapers in keyword-searchable pdfs online, one of the first panregional initiatives of its kind in Spain. 6 Telephone conversation, Marisol Llamas García (b. 1939), Casas de Benítez. “La abuela Toribia era mucho de misa, aunque no beata. Creía mucho en Dios. Era sin estudio (como mi madre y padre tampoco). A la abuela Toribia se le apareció es como si fuera Dios, con barbas y pelo largo, y había tanto sequía, y el de las barbas dijo que sacaran a San Isidro y Santa Maria de la Cabeza, que llovería. Y se subió una ventisca, y entonces empezó a llover” [a neighbor’s voice: “pero no llovió ni nada”]. 7 The word she used was Dios, but when I asked for clarification she described, not God the Father, but the figure of Christ. 8 “pero tenía el pelo largo, y el San Isidro lo lleva recogido.” I asked her whether it was a Christ dressed in a certain color, like the purple-robed Christ the Nazarene bearing a Cross in nearby Sisante, whose shrine people from Casas de Benítez visit with vows, but she had no idea of his dress or that he carried anything. 9 José Toledo Ortiz (b. Sept. 15. 1920), telephone conversation, Feb. 9, 2010, Casas de Benítez. 10 Honorato García (b. May 16, 1920), telephone conversation, Feb. 9, 2010, Madrid. 11 Salud Toledano Serrano, age eighty-seven, Casas de Benítez, in telephone conversation with Pascual Martínez, Feb. 21, 2010. 12 Martínez, Tradiciones y costumbres, 115–16. There is no mention of the procession in the Casas de Benítez Town Council minutes, and the parish archive was burned in the Civil War. The parish priest of Pozoamargo, Miguel Ruíz Orozco, found no mention in the parish records there (personal communication, Oct. 3, 2010). 13 “Toribia decía que había visto la Virgen de la Cabeza, y fue ella que organizó la procesión,” José Toledo Ortiz, Feb. 9, 2010. 14 “Toribia cultivó una huerta con tomates, habas muy cerca del pueblo en el Camino de San Clemente. Allí se le apareció un hombre, no se sabe si Dios, Cristo, un ángel. Era cuando Toribia estaba cogiendo habas. Fue la comedilla del pueblo,” Salud Toledano Serrano, Feb. 21, 2010. 15 Casas de Benítez Municipal Archive, 1932 voters list; she died at the age of sixty-four in 1938, of a heart condition, according to the towns’s civil register. Courtesy of Pascual Martínez. 16 Marisol Llamas and Pascual Martínez, personal communications. The enterprise still exists, run by the then owner’s grandson, in his nineties, but it does not have records of employees in the 1930s, many of whom would have had only verbal contracts in any case. 17 More particularly at a location known as Las Periconas. 18 El Sol (Madrid), May 30, 1929, 6, “Estragos del tormenta,” by a reporter who visited Casas de Benítez (“todo el término de este pueblo ha quedado destrozado”) and surrounding towns. 19 For a Republican description of the fears supposedly aroused by the clergy in the municipal elections in April, see Basilio Martínez Pérez, “…Y la aldea tembló…,” and for nearby Republican satisfaction at the burning of churches in Madrid on May 11, the cartoon and the poem by Rafael Alcázar Manzanares on page 3 in Amanecer (Tarancón) June 1, 1931. 20 El Corresponsal, “Quero—Casos prodigiosos,” El Castellano (Toledo), May 16, 1931, 2. “para impetrar de su intercesión la lluvia benéfica para los agostados [sic] campos y pidiendo su mediación para el bien de la Iglesia y de España.” Similarly, some time before 1925, a crippled woman was cured after insisting on being carried to a rain procession of the Virgen de la Salud in Borox, according to El Castellano May 25, 1925, 3. 21 According to República (May 25, 1931, 3), nearby Vara del Rey, on May 12, on the occasion of an enthusiastic election rally, was completely Republican—“en su totalidad republicana.” The Casas de Benítez council minutes for April 17, 1931, for which I thank Pascual Martínez, read: “The gen-

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1 tlemen listed were elected by popular vote without any political aspect by the will of the townspeople” (Los señores nombrados fueron elegidos en elección popular sin matiz alguno politico por voluntad del pueblo). According to Martínez, most were firm Catholics. The pre-Republican mayor, José María Ruíz Ballesteros, stayed on as the second lieutenant mayor, and became mayor once more on August 15, 1931. On August 23, the council unanimously denied a petition from the head of the Socialist Casa del Pueblo for an independent commission to examine the council expenses during the dictatorship from 1923 to 1931. The council allegedly opened the account books to public examination from August 10 and approved them on August 28. There were political clashes between two Republican parties in nearby Villalgordo del Júcar at the end of July 1931 that included a carnivalesque procession of women and children drawing two men playing accordion and guitar in a bread-delivery cart which ended in the intervention of the Civil Guard and one death by gunfire (Diario de Albacete, July 29, 1, July 30, 1). See also Martínez, Noticias históricas. 22 In April, May and June, accounts of apparitions of the Virgin were reported in the press in the north of Spain for Mendigorría in Navarra, and Torralba de Aragón in Huesca, Christian, Visionaries, 14–16. 23 Marisol Llamas, interview by telephone, Nov. 8, 2010. 24 Christian, “Islands in the Sea.” 25 Del Río, Madrid, Urbs Regia, 93–118; Maria Assumpta Roig Torrentó, “Coexistencia.” 26 “junto al sagrario.” Zarco Cuevas, Relaciones, 222 [1578], at Carrascosa del Campo, in this case, the image of Saint Anne. 27 Marcos Arévalo, “La religiosidad popular.” 28 The annual custom dates from at least fifty years ago, may have originated in a rain procession, and is referred to as a rogativa, or supplicatory ceremony. 29 The most spectacular example in the Diocese of Cuenca was the concentration of special images from every town, including San Isidro from Casas de Benítez and Santa María de la Cabeza from Pozoamargo, for the canonical coronation of a Cuenca city image of Mary in 1957. See Álvarez Chirveches, Crónica. 30 Christian, Religiosidad local, 148; for Achas, Pontevedra, photographs of Cristina García Rodero; Lisón Tolosana, “Aspectos del Pathos.” 31 For example, Nocito (Huesca) and Valtablado del Río (Guadalajara). See Christian, Religiosidad local, 149; Bellpuig de Urgel, Gelabertó Vilagrán, La palabra del predicador, 199. 32 Dorothy Noyes (personal communication) suggests as examples Raimon Casellas’s novel, Deu-nos aigua, majestat! (1906), and the play by Joan Puig i Ferreter, Aiguas encantades (first produced in 1908). 33 República, July 13, 1931, 1: Un cura sin influencia ¡Oh Cristo de la Salud, hijo del Verbo bendito! Echanos un poco de agua que, por aquí, estamos fritos. Esto, Henarejos, te pide con toda su devoción, y aunque llegue hasta los huesos danos un gran remojón. Y así, un día y otro día, el buen capellán clamaba para remozar los campos que, abrasados, se secaban. El Cielo oyó los clamores de tan terco interceder, y un pedrisco asoló todo, sin dejar con qué encender. E indignados los del pueblo, con sigilo, y sin hablar, al Santo Cristo bendito lo quisieron estrellar. (Histórico) 34 For early modern Spanish rain processions in general, see: Faci, Aragón; Cortés Peña, “Entre la religiosidad” and “Dos siglos”; López, “Las rogativas públicas”; Peris Albentosa, “La religiosidad instrumental”; Romeu Figueras, “Folklore de la lluvia”; Sáez de Ocariz, “Climatología y régimen de lluvia”; Zamora Pastor, “El estudio de la sequía”; Kamen, The Phoenix and the Flame, 36–39, 180–81, and now Hiram “Les cérémonies religieuses.” For examples of preacher’s casuistics when processions for rain were ineffective in eighteenth-century Catalonia, Gelabertó Vilagrán, La palabra del predicador, 190–202. 35 The “relaciones topográficas” of Phillip II (1575–1580) asked for the motives for town-wide vows; about 4% of those with a reason remembered were for rain (Christian, Religiosidad local, 45, 62–3). 36 References in Faci, Aragón: 1:131 procession to Fraga to return the image of El Salvador to the Trinitarian monastery in Torrente; 2:25 Belchite, Na. Sra. del Pueyo, 1710; 2:67 Ariño, Na. Sra. de los Arcos, May 1, 1737; 2:481 bridge, Hecho, Na. Sra. de Escabués; 2:522 Protestant in Uncastillo, Na. Sra. de los Bañales, 1713. For examples from New Castile, a crippled five-year-old girl healed by the statue of Na. Sra. de la Alcoba pass-

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ing in a rain procession in El Casar de Talavera, in Viñas y Mey, Relaciones…Toledo, I:253, reported in 1575; and the rain of a milk-like substance in 1664 during a procession of thanks for rain in Auñón (Guadalajara), Castellote, Libros de milagros, 81–82. 37 Faci, Aragón, 1:108 for Tarazona, c. 1737, “Quando sale así venerada esta S. Imagen, pone la devoción a los Niños quebrados enmedio en las calles, y quedan curados muchos, al passar sobre ellos la S. Imagen assi venerada.” 38 Missions in Guadamur in El Castellano (Toledo) May 29, 1909, 3 (auxiliary bishop and ex-minister of war at thanks ceremony), in Urda, in El Castellano May 31, 1921, 3. 39 Cortés Peña, “Entre la religiosidad,” for conflicts in Toledo and Reinosa. A serious comparative study of the different rituals for rain prayers and processions with a sense of critical zones and geographical variety remains to be written. 40 See Christian, Religiosidad local, 81–82, 146–47 for Ajofrín text. Caridades (ceremonial food handouts) in ibid., 57–58, 78–82, and in Faci, Aragón, 1:129–30, Torrente (Fraga), 1703; 2:486 (c. 1737) Belsue (Na. Sra. de Linares), 3:119 Fañanás (Na. Sra. de Bureta), 1737. 41 Miramón, “Gallur: Acto Civil”: “El pedrisco, las cosechas, la sequía, etc., han sido manejados por ellos en sus discursos bélicos para atemorizar al pobre campesino de que Dios le castigaba por haberse desviado de la senda del bien. Y si sucedía lo contrario, ¡ah! entonces, Dios sabía premiar con largueza a sus sumisos corderos.” 42 Christian, Apariciones, 244–48; Christian, “Six Hundred Years”; Caciola, Discerning Spirits; Elliott, Proving Woman. 43 Christian, Apariciones, 199–236: in 1514 (when a shepherd saw Saint Roch), 1516 (when the same shepherd saw Our Lady of the Sorrows) and 1523 (when a young married woman saw Our Lady on her doorstep at night). 44 Perales, Memorias, shrine website seen Feb. 22, 2011, www.valledeayora.net/tradicionpopular/elangeldeayora/index.htm. 45 In Jafre (Girona) a young blue-clad wayfarer asked a ploughman how many highway crosses there were in the town and then said there should be more, revealed the healing properties of a spring, and finally gave as proof of what he said the imminent death of a baby. The death he predicted was confirmed by the tolling of the church bell as the farmer made his way to tell the parish priest about the message. The shrine of Our Lady of the Holy Spring that resulted still exists. Testimony about the visions was taken when the shrine was built in 1461 (Christian, Apariciones, 173–80). 46 By the early sixteenth century, the people of Ajofrín near Toledo believed that a vision similar to that of Toribia was at the origin of their annual long-distance rain procession. A damsel appeared to a herdsman in the Montes de Toledo, asked him “what people were talking about and what their needs were” (qué era lo que se decía o trataba en el mundo y las necesidades que había), told him to go to Ajofrín and ask for an annual rain procession, and provided a proof so he would be believed (his staff fixed to his hand). Full text in Spanish, in Christian, Religiosidad local, 280– 83. 47 The account here is from Crospis, Camí espayós (1764), and from Compendio histórico (1833), 1–5; both are based on oral accounts and place the story five hundred years before. 48 “con este motibo le parecio fomentar que le auia rebelado algunas cosas y entre ellas que auia de llober de la misma suerte que el santo christo que tenia sudaba sangre.” The original Spanish text in Christian, “Francisco Martínez,” 104; in the translation, I have changed the voice from reported to direct speech. 49 Ibid., 103. “Hallándose guardando una dehesa de la Villa de san Esteban en Andalucía por el mes de noviembre del año proximo pasado en la que auia de pastar una manada de Don Antonio Velazquez vecino y rexidor perpetuo de [Molina de Aragón], una tarde de dicho mes, estando sentado en la puerta de un cortijo que estaba cerca de ella al concluir la devocion que tenía de rezar el rosario y tres credos, oio una voz. Y buelta la cabeza a ella vio un peregrino que le pidio le diese por Dios un poco de agua. Y que le respondio que asi el Señor la imbiase para los campos como la mantenia en las fuentes para los pecadores. Con lo que entro en el cortijo y le saco una cantarilla de barro a modo de jarra llena de agua. Y que el vebio hasta un quartillo. Y buelto a salir le pregunté si abia llobido por las partes de donde benia. Y que le dixo que en partes abia llobido y en partes no, y que en aquella tierra lloberia por Santa Lucia.” 50 Ibid., 103–104. “como de diez y ocho años poco mas, o menos, muy rubio de cabellos, zejas, y barba con tunica entre blanca y morada zenida por la cintura sin saber con que, los ojos negros y inclinados al cielo, las mexillas blancas y encarnadas, descalzo de pie y pierna, con un bordon en la mano al remate una bola el que estaba usado.” 51 Sánchez-Ocaña, “Apariciones en Toledo.” 52 “Para quien es el agua que coges?” “Tiene agua ya el pozo? Pronto la tendrá.” He appears to have had the demeanor of a no-nonsense schoolmaster. 53 “Es Jesucristo! Es Jesucristo!” 54 “Yo te diré lo que deseo, no me tengas miedo.” 55 Elena had imagined them as harvesting wheat instead of digging a well. 56 Díaz Hernández, Burguillos de Toledo, 135. 57 “y se visten, y ponen abitos de romeros y peregrinos, de esclavinas y sacos de sayal, y otros paños de diuersas colores, y sombreros grandes con insignias y bordones” Prematica, En que se prohibe (1590) f2 verso. 58 Diario Español (Tarragona), Aug. 3, 1947, 3: “A pilgrim in Tarragona. Our offices have been visited by the penitent of St Roch, Jerónimo Barrachina, who proposes to visit all the shrines in Spain. Barrachina is a native of Alcoy, and his pilgrimage is the result of a promise. He also intends once he has fulfilled his promise to walk to Rome to prostrate himself before the Pope.” Yugo (Almería), Aug. 8, 1947, 4: “Yesterday we were visited by the pilgrim Vicente Maestre, who is circulating through Spain and has been in all the main provinces with a total of 10,773 kilometers. He is a native of Petrer, in the province of Alicante, where he is heading now. He began to walk through our nation in 1945, pausing mainly in cities and villages where he tells about his pilgrim mission.” The Catalan anthropologist Joan Prat walked the Camino de Santiago in the summer of 2010, and among the characters he came across was a perpetual pilgrim who lived from alms. He had walked the route seven times, and confessed to Prat he was totally fed up with it. Prat, “¿Por qué caminan?” 59 As to the medieval Hungarian pilgrim/hermit San Wentila (d. 890), in Punxin, Galicia. The chapel of Loreto, in La Almunia de Doña Godina (Zaragoza), was allegedly founded in the seventeenth century by a Catalan pilgrim, Jaime de la Carrera, who brought the image and stayed on as a

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1 hermit (Pérez, Historia Mariana, 5:288). We read in La Época (Madrid), July 20, 1888, 3: “La Verdad of Tortosa says that the road that that leads to the cave where a pilgrim woman of truly exceptional conduct is staying has become a true pilgrimage route. The infinite number of persons who visit her, generally women of all conditions, tell stupendous things about the pilgrim woman. According to them, her life is so austere and penitential that she tortures her body with rough sackcloth, sleeps outdoors, and only eats potatoes cooked just in water. The alms she receives, after covering her minimal expenses, she distributes to the poor, and by nightfall she has not a penny left for the next day. What is more, she confesses and receives communion every day.” 60 The relics left by a sick pilgrim who died in Escalonilla in the early sixteenth century (Faci, Aragón, 1:382–83); the images of the Crucifix and Na. Sra. de los Dolores of Alcañiz left by the pilgrim Juan de León in the early 1570s (ibid., 1:72–75). 61 On the longue durée of the pilgrim’s potential for sacrality, see Spaccarelli, A Medieval Pilgrm’s Companion and “La ideología de la peregrinación.” 62 Claret, Catecismo, 443. “Piensa que cualquier pobre representa a Jesucristo; no serias tú el primero a quien el mismo Jesucristo, bajo la apariencia de un mendigo, pidiese una limosna.” 63 Kamen, Phoenix and the Flame, 181. 64 For a description of Alfonso XII washing and kissing the feet of twelve poor men in the presence of grand dames and the wives of ambassadors, see D. Safford, “Crónica de la moda: En Palacio,” ABC, April 2, 1920, 9–10. The report, mostly concerned with the fashions worn by the spectators, concludes “when we see all the greatness of the earth incarnate in our monarchs, kneeling before the poor, who represent Jesus Christ… a voice inside us tells us that Spain will not succumb, as other nations have, to the dominion of those who want to govern without God.” (al ver todas las grandezas de la tierra encarnadas en nuestras Monarcas, de rodillas ante los pobres, que representan a Jesucristo… una voz interna nos dice que España no sucumbirá, como otras naciones, bajo el dominio de los que quieren gobernar sin Dios). The last of the royal ceremonies took place April 2, 1931 (ABC, April 3, 5, 19–22). In Cuenca in 1928 the bishop washed the feet of twelve old men watched by a large audience that included the City Council (El Día de Cuenca, April 6, 1928, 1). Gaya Nuño, Tratado de mendicidad, 160–62, reports the Lavatorio ceremony in the cathedral of Jaén in 1953 and his subsequent conversation with the beggars, who were paid two pesetas each. 65 Pedrosa, “Calderón y La Oración del Peregrino.” 66 “Prodigio en Orcasitas,” cited in Franco, Le Sang et le Vertu, 268–69 67 Ibid.., 269, my translation. 68 Claret, Catecismo, 444–45. “La quinta es: dar posada al peregrino. El no. 5 representa al patriarca Abrahan que da posada a unos peregrinos que él pensaba ser hombres y en realidad eran Angeles del Señor; y fue tanto lo que Dios apreció a Abrahan esta obra de misericordia, que por ella le prometió nada menos que hacerle padre de una numerosa descendencia y prodigarle abundancia de bienes espirituales y temporales. ¡Así premia Dios las obras de caridad a él y á los Angeles tan gratas! También los habitantes del castillo de Emaús juzgaron que era un hombre, un peregrino a quien daban posada, y en realidad era el mismo Jesucristo resucitado de tres días; así como aconteció a San Gregorio, que creyendo hospedar unos pobres peregrinos, se halló que eran Angeles. ¡Felices, sí, los que en tales obras de caridad se emplean! porque Dios les dará también eterna posada en su palacio celestial.” We find the model of Abraham’s exemplary lodging of three wayfarers, to whom he offers water so they can wash their feet, bread, milk, and meat (Genesis 18: 1–19) as a model for charity and hospitality in numerous early modern Spanish works, for instance: Diego de Estella (1524–1578), Tratado de la Vanidad del Mundo (Toledo 1562); Alfonso de Cabrera (1549–1598), Sermones; José Ortiz Cantero, Directorio Catequístico (1766, 253), etc. 69 Luke 24: 13–17. 70 See the introduction by Federico Delclaux to one of them, Pedro Altamirando’s La aparición que nuestro señor Jesucristo hizo a los dos discípulos que iban a Emaus. 71 See the cases of, for example, Villalba del Rey (Cuenca), seventeenth century, San Carlos del Valle, c. 1640, and Cristo de Tembleque, 1689, in Christian, Religiosidad local, 236, 238, 338–39. For New Castile, this pattern is absent in the shrine stories reported in the Relaciones Topográficas of 1575–1580. 72 For Aragon, the accounts in Faci, Aragón, of the Christ of Calatorao; a broken crucifix put together by a mysterious pilgrim in Gelsa; the Santo Crucifijo de los Milagros in the cathedral of Barbastro, made by two pilgrims; in Boltaña the Crucifix in the iglesia colegial, made by two foreign pilgrims; in Alcolea, a crucifix made by a single pilgrim; and in Alcorisa, an image of San Sebastian made by a pilgrim during the plague. For elsewhere, Na. Sra. de Desamparados (Valencia) image made by three youths, Villafañe, Compendio histórico, 192–93; Na. Sra. del Coro (Lleida, Clarisas) made by foreigners, Sánchez Pérez, El culto mariano, 141–42; Na. Sra. de las Nieves, Hondon (Alicante), two or three pilgrims work for three day’s ibid., 290; Na. Sra. de las Maravillas, Pamplona, stranger left for monk July 16, 1655, Sánchez Pérez, El culto mariano, 250–51; Na. Sra. de la Luz, Lucena (Córdoba) two youths leave and disappear, ibid., 357–58, Na. Sra. del Tránsito, Zamora, two Santiago pilgrims work for two days, late sixteenth century, ibid., 409–10. Honorio Velasco mentions the pattern in “Las leyendas de hallazgo.” 73 Taylor, Shrines and Miraculous Images, 29. This is but one of a number of ways Mexican images became miraculous, the more common being activations and animations such as those described for Spain in Chapter Two, below. 74 Blacker, “Folklore of the Stranger,” 165. 75 Ibid., 163. 76 Professor Éva Pócs kindly identifies examples in the Catalogue of Hungarian Folktales as AaTh 750A and 750B (MNK 750A Ix, MNK 750B Ix). And François Delpech, “Devine qui vient,” 182, points to similar tales in Spain and the Motif K 1811 (Gods or Saints in disguise visit mortals) (I thank José Manuel Pedrosa for this reference). 77 Sigal, “Furent les merveilles,” 591–92. 78 Martínez, Tradiciones y costumbres, 213–14. Salud Toledano Serrano, by telephone with Pascual Martínez, Nov. 9, 2010; her grandmother kept Toribia’s torta for use in evil eye prevention pouches. 79 Other apparition stories in Spain contain episodes of the Saint or Mary punishing the seer for not obeying instructions or fulfilling vows, as at Santa Gadea del Cid (1399), where the visionary boy was beaten by monks on Mary’s orders, Ecija (1436), where Saint Paul made the seer

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boy mute, and El Miracle (1458), where the seer boys died of the plague as a sign of what would happen to all infants, and at Cubas (1449), Jafre (1460), and El Torn (1483), where towns were threatened with the plague if they did not obey. Christian, Apariciones, passim. For folklore of towns punished, Maurer, “German Sunken City Legends,” and Lacarra, “El Camino de Santiago en la literatura.” I thank José Manuel Pedrosa for these references as well. 80 Gumersindo de Estella, Historia…Esteban de Adoáin, 421–24. Valeriano Aristu Asiáin of Lumbier (b. Sept. 12, 1920), who reported the friar’s phrase to his nephew José Luis Gil Aristu on my behalf, said that subsequently it hailed every spring for fifteen years. 81 Miguelez, “El Rvmo. P. López,” 281–83. López de Mendoza (b. 1848) was later bishop of Pamplona from 1899 until his death in 1923. 82 Blacker, “Folklore of the Stranger,” 166. 83 For Christ and the twelve apostles, Delpech, “Devine qui vient”; for twentieth-century begging, Gaya Nuño, Tratado de mendicidad.

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oribia del Val introduced one of the ways of connecting with the divine: the visit of a supernatural with counsel and instructions for a specific purpose, in her case to end a drought in 1931. Because Toribia saw the visitor and no one else did, we call this a vision, or, from the point of view of a believer, an apparition. Her vision introduced new information into the constellation of grace in the zone around Casas de Benítez. If all had gone well and rain had fallen as predicted, it would have enhanced local devotion to San Isidro and the Virgen de la Cabeza. For the district it would have added these sources of help, at least for rain, to those in already existing shrines like the Christ of Sisante, Our Lady of the Holy Spring in La Roda, and Our Lady of Riánsares in Tarancón. In an earlier time there might even have been a shrine built to the holy visitor in Toribia’s garden, as there was to the Angel of Ayora. One can imagine this constellation of grace, slowly changing from late antiquity on, as a bird’s eye view of a nocturnal scene. Laid out on the landscape are lights, some brighter, some blinking, some dying out. Some are new, intense and brightly colored, others steady and constant for centuries. Some are isolated in the mountains like a beacon, other in bright clusters in cities with Rome and Jerusalem shining in the distance. The lights are sources of supernatural help; their intensity varies according to their power to resolve human needs and provide salvation. This constellation is in constant renewal, as old grace is exhausted or routinized, and new material replaces it in a system that, whatever the mix of lights, provides consolation, divine company, and practical help. The sources of this help have slowly shifted over time, from a predominance of the bodies and relics of saints and the magnetic attraction of 29

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2 living saints, to representations of divine beings, icons, paintings, statues, or prints. These power sources had their tenders. Some were towns, cities, kingdoms for which the images were cherished protectors. Others were religious orders, brotherhoods, or secular shrine keepers for whom this power was the origin of income and prestige and a field for competition. In this constellation there is much dark matter that is not, or not yet, powerful: bones unrecognized as relics, relics that do not heal anybody, strangers unrecognized as angels, children who may be saints, images no one cares about. As time went on more and more Spaniards ceased to believe in this meta-physics and indeed considered it an obstacle to social and economic justice. The Spanish Civil War unleashed the wholesale destruction of the sources of divine power with a violence unique in European history: the killing of the clergy that maintained them, the systematic burning of images, and the desecration of holy places. But under Franco the lights came on again, and for believers they are still on now. What does this dynamic system, constantly refreshed, look like on the ground? The expectation of new grace, the very latest in divine presence and help, translates into a general alertness among many believers to people and things that are more than they seem to be: the stranger or pilgrim who may be something else, the priest, nun, monk, or lay volunteer who may have a charisma for healing or prophecy, the image whose potential as a portal to heaven lies unrecognized. The recognition and propagation of new grace gives agency and provides excitement to active believers in Catholicism. Here we will consider images, meaning any likeness of a divine figure—statue, painting, or engraving. Particular ones, not countless others, became special1 in many of the same ways that particular relics became special, not others. They could come to stand out by the miracles they performed; by the way they were discovered; by their ritual shifting; by their promotion by saints, preachers, hermits, shrine keepers or lay enthusiasts; and by visions that identified them.2 In some images—as in Spain Our Lady of Guadalupe, Our Lady of Montserrat, or the Christ of Burgos—this power was generally acknowledged, retroactively endowed with a legendary origin, and carefully managed by guardians, curtains, and protocol. But in fact any religious image or cross, however humble, plain, or mass-produced, could at any moment reveal itself to be powerful and have a protective vocation for a person, family, group, or place.3 David Freedberg’s The Power of Images, Carolyn Bynum’s Wonderful Blood, and Jane Garnett and Gervase Rosser’s Spectacular Miracles provide a sense of the immanence in some images, and Alfred Gell’s Art and Agency discusses the performative capacity of images. Let us here think of

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these images as part of a dynamic system in which some images hold onto power, others gradually relinquish it, and new or dormant ones announce it. One way, people believed, the divine signaled that certain images had power was by those images activating and giving off liquids that seemed like tears, sweat, or blood. In this chapter we will compare instances in early modern Spain with others in twentieth-century Italy, Spain, and France.4 The long history of these events stretched back to pre-Christian statues.5 In Spain they seem to have thrived from about 1590 to 1720, a period in which the Inquisition had throttled lay visions of Mary or saints (like that of Toribia) with messages of instruction and protection for the community. The animation of statues and paintings, in contrast, entailed no revelation and little challenge to community or Church structures of authority, which in fact it ended up strengthening. In their golden age most of the images involved were of Christ or the Sorrowing Mother. It coincided with the apogee of penitential brotherhoods and a series of droughts, epidemics, intercommunal conflict and wars.6 It was a period in which images were designed, dressed, and choreographed in sacred pageants, rituals, dances, and processions as if they were active, lifelike presences that could interact with humans and with each other.7 The careful documentation of many of these events contrasts with and may well be related to the public debunking of such miracles in northern Europe. For instance, in England, in 1538, there was a demonstration in a marketplace that the eyes and lips of a famous crucifix were moved “by strings of hair.” And a famous relic of blood, supposedly that of Christ, was shown not to be blood at all, “but honey clarified and colored with saffron in the form of a gum.” Similarly, in 1545, a priest was sentenced to wear about his neck a broad stole of linen cloth colored with drops like blood. Theatrically quivering and shaking, he had pricked his finger so that blood dropped on the communion cloth as if from the consecrated host.8 A similar vein of skepticism had been expressed by some fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century Spanish commentators. Perhaps the most influential was Alonso Fernández de Madrigal (c. 1410–1455), whose guide to confession was a standard work well into the sixteenth century. In his commentary on the First Commandment he wrote against idolatry (“when people have more devotion for one image than another, they sin”). And he addressed the notion “living” images in particular. “They say that the images weep and shed very sweet tears. But that is really water and honey that they put on them from behind, something hard to allow even when idols were adored. If only those who do this did nothing else wrong but make money; but what is above all worse is that they turn silly people into idolaters. Those who do this should not only be severely punished; but the earth should not have to suffer them. For an image cannot go

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2 and rescue captives, or move from a place unless they move it, or have any more awareness or feeling than a stone.”9 There were scornful Spanish Protestants as well, like Cipriano de Valera (“Oh ignorant blindness and blind ignorance! How many images have spoken? How many have sweated, even drops of blood? People believe that the Crucifix of Burgos’s beard, hair, and even fingernails grow”).10 But while in England and the Netherlands the debunking of these miracles led to the destruction of images, in early-modern Spain and Italy their punctilious validation with witnesses enhanced the images involved to such an extent that most of them are still highly prized and venerated today in their hometowns. Sculptors and painters were called in to determine whether the manifestation might be a fraud or the natural result of resins, glues, varnishes, oils, and paints. And efforts were made to establish how the image had arrived in the town, to endow it with a story and a pedigree. This kind of judicial “proving” was in keeping with reinvigorated canonization and beatification procedures.11 While the “pre-Trent” method for recording the water and blood on a crucifix on Mallorca involved civil affidavits with local notaries,12 the documentation after Trent was more elaborate and diocesan, with an eye, as it were, on the opposition. In Igualada, a town in the province of Barcelona near Piera, a crucifix bled in 1590 on Holy Thursday night or Good Friday morning. The relatively small, previously unremarked crucifix belonged in the Rosary chapel and had been lent on Holy Thursday to the brotherhood of flagellants for their procession because nobody wanted to carry the big, heavy one in the Augustinian monastery. In the event, a volunteer eventually turned up to carry the heavy crucifix, and the smaller one was left in the monastery during the procession. Three or four hours later the smaller crucifix was retrieved and returned to the Rosary chapel, where it belonged, and placed where it could be “adored.” On Good Friday morning two women adoring it (probably kissing its feet) noticed on it bloodlike drops and waterlike sweat. People who crowded in felt awe and fear and cried out to God for mercy. The clergy and town councilors took the image to the parish church and examined it with experts including a doctor, a painter, and two Augustinian friars. The waterlike sweat evaporated, but the red drops were thick, pliable, and moist inside. Blood from the flagellants was quickly ruled out, for when a painter placed blood from his finger on other images it dried and flaked, and these drops did not. The priests divided their time between the busy round of Good Friday rituals and repeated examinations of the crucifix.13 Thursday was the day that Christ was whipped, and clearly the people of the time saw this crucifix’s animation as following the same dramatic script of the Passion that they themselves were acting out in their penitential processions.14 The doctor later testified that it seemed

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to him that morning that “the Christ was in great travail and agony, like people when they approach the hour of death and are about to give up their soul to our Lord, and that a change came over the entire body, and then the entire face seemed to shine.”15 On Friday the Augustinians asked to observe the crucifix at three in the afternoon, “which was the time that Christ died, to see if the figure showed any signs.”16 The parish priest wrote to the bishop in Vic for instructions, with the hope that the crucifix “would be venerated and given reverence by all Christian believers, and would serve to increase and edify the Holy Catholic Faith.” In reply the bishop insisted on a careful investigation, because if the miracle turned out to be a fraud, “the enemies of the Holy Catholic faith would make fun and be confirmed in their damnable error.”17 Among the witnesses was a priest who remembered the crucifix as it used to be. Before, “it was a very dark face, and full of fly bites; and now it is white as if just made by a master artist, and very changed from what it used to look like.”18 As a result of the events and their validation, an unnamed, run-of-the-mill crucifix became the Sant Crist d’Igualada. We have seen that drought processions were the occasions for miracles in general and for the activation of images in particular. The case in Mallorca cited above was during a drought, as was that of the Christ of Burgos in a town in Jaén in 1698.19 Perhaps the best-known instance was on June 8, 1602, when a crucifix in the town of Medina de Rioseco sweated and seemed to be in anguish after the third of a series of processions. Diocesan and town officials took more than five hundred manuscript pages of testimony from forty-seven men, including two painters, a sculptor, two doctors, fourteen priests, five friars, four licenciates, three town officials, four notaries, four members of the brotherhood that owned the crucifix, and just three women (fig. 16). A barefoot Carmelite friar testified that when he had prayed in the church

Fig. 16. Cover of the Información, or notarized testimony, regarding the sweating of the Christ of Castilviejo after a petitionary procession for rain, 1602. Municipal Archive, Medina de Rioseco (Valladolid). Photo: The author.

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2 before the crucifix, it had the “the same countenance and severity and the same figure as always,” but that when the crucifix went by in the procession, “it seemed not the same one that he had seen in the church an hour and a half before, because it was very upset and the hairs of the beard more disordered and his precious countenance more upturned.” An hour later a woman, one of the three called to testify, was the first to see that the image, resting in a church, was sweating.20 The prosecutor assigned by the bishop to argue against a formal enquiry said that the miracle was unnecessary since the people were already convinced Christians; that the testimony was repetitive, which showed it was not secret; that liquid could issue naturally from wood; and that it was first proclaimed by a brotherhood member, an interested party because the brotherhood owned the image. He also made one argument that certainly applies to all these investigations: that it was to the interest of everyone in the town that the miracle be approved because it would draw pilgrims from afar. “The witnesses . . . are all citizens of the town of Medina de Rioseco and hence impassioned in what they say . . . thinking to enrich the chapel where the image is kept with the alms and gifts.”21 The lawyer who answered him for the town agreed that the result would be a regional shrine but thought this a proper reason for a miracle. His defense of this way of singling out special images points to an underlying dynamic in all the cases in this period, that these miracles were first and foremost emblems for civic pride. I agree that the faith is firm in these kingdoms, yet our laxity in attending things in God’s service and holy worship is such that sometimes miracles are necessary… And by this means Our Lord is accustomed to attract people from other towns, for in this kind of situation we see that people flock to visit the images by which Our Lord works his miracles not only from the places where they occur, but also from the others in the district and from all the area where the fame of the miracle is made known and spreads. And by these cases and supernatural events, although all images should be esteemed and revered with much respect for what they represent, particularly those [images] by which Our Lord works miracles like these are respected and held in greater devotion and in the chapels where they are kept much penance is done, Masses and sermons are said, and prayers are made, attracting and bringing together towns in these churches and houses of prayer, and giving alms and doing other pious and holy works by which Our Lord is praised and served.22

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The formal proceeding in Palencia went ahead, and on August 21 the bishop, after consultation with thirteen experts, declared that, “the sweat and drops of water . . . were seen clearly and patently all over the body of the holy crucifix and that when wiped off by the priests with altar cloths, the places wiped off became moist again and new drops emerged there, and that although people jogged and moved the holy crucifix, the drops of water and sweat did not fall off, but were seen to cling to it, and also the face of the Christ was seen to be afflicted in anguish and transformed, to the wonder and shock of all who saw it, and the face looked different from the way it was before and after.” He therefore proclaimed that “this occurrence should be considered a miracle that Our Lord Jesus Christ was served to do and work in his holy image and figure for the good of the Christian faithful” and ordered “all the faithful Christians of our diocese to venerate and hold it a miracle, and that it be written and put on a board on display . . . for the greater cult and veneration of his holy image.”23 The miracle testimony is a prized manuscript book in the municipal archive, and the stained altar cloth is kept as a relic in the sacristy of the church where the sweat was first noticed (fig. 17). What we are seeing, then, is a process whereby images become more special and shine in the constellation of grace, one way that, in the town lawyer’s words, images “become respected and are held in greater devotion.” He was aware that it happened elsewhere and not only in Spain. Pamphlets and published newsletters brought to public notice other instances in Italy, Mexico, and Goa, along with speculation about what they might mean as omens or portents. It was happening in Hungary as well, with a notable case in Gyo´´r in 1697 with a Madonna left in the cathedral by an exiled Irish bishop.24 Not only did old images become active, but so did new ones. Around 1607 a priest who was born in Munébrega (Zaragoza) had a painting of Ignatius Loyola hung with those of oth-

Fig. 17. Rev. Gabriel Pellitero with a relic of the altar cloth used in 1602 to wipe sweat from the Christ of Castilviejo, parish church of Santa María Mediavilla, Medina de Rioseco (Valladolid). Photo: author. October 27, 1981. By permission.

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2 er founders of religious orders in the church sacristy. In 1623, a year after Loyola’s canonization, the painting “sweated on the right side, under the arm, for four hours, and the sweat was an unusual liquid, that was neither water (though resembling it in color) nor oil, nor any other liquid that runs, but rather it welled out like some thick drops, and when they were wiped off, the same liquid welled out, and two cloths were made wet with it.”25 This occurred in days after the painting, placed on the altar by a Jesuit giving Lenten sermons, had begun to work miracles. While in the other cases studied miracles followed the image activation, here they preceded it, but in both situations new power streaming through the image was what the activation was all about. Not everyone thought that a painting on a board could work miracles, and included in the published accounts is what happened to a scoffer in Calatayud, who said when a friend recounted his visit to Munébrega, “‘What miracles can a tabla [painting or board] work?’ and kneeling before a big board, which for many days had been leaning against the wall and could not easily be moved, said in contempt of the saint’s image, ‘Tabla, work miracles!’ And at once, the board fell on his head and a big blow made a big wound; and the wound to his body was the healing for his soul, straightened out by this means by God and Saint Ignatius, although the blasphemer, wary of the Inquisition, decamped from Calatayud. Reputable people from Calatayud who saw this are now in Madrid.”26 A Jesuit commentator remarked on the congruence between the tenderness of their founder and the tenderness of the image, the capacity of their founder and the image to provoke tenderness and conversion in others, and the coincidence of the sweating with the martyrdom of Jesuits in Japan, Ethiopia, and the Indies.27 His book, published forty years after the events, reported a miraculous origin for the painting—that it was suggested and made by a mysterious pilgrim passing through Calatayud, permitting us to catch and date the mysterious pilgrim myth in the act.28 It may be useful to think of these events as transformations of potential to kinetic energy. Religious images, all of them, are deposits of potential energy, which here becomes kinetic in two ways, by the physical changes themselves, the liquid emerging or dripping (however or whoever produced them), and by the signal that this change gives to people who thereby learn of the image’s available power and tap into it with supplication, respect, affection, prayer, and vow. By this time in Spain the notion that images, especially crucifixes, were apt to bleed was so widespread that an activation could become publicly accepted in spite of testimony to the contrary. On July 12, 1633, in Vic, a priest in the chapel of the hospital noticed that drops of blood had appeared on the paten and the corporals while he had said Mass; and when he knelt to pray to know

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whether it was a divine manifestation or a human fraud, even more drops appeared. He and the few persons present at Mass looked to see where they could have come from. He checked his own nose to make sure he was not bleeding. They noted in particular that the blood could not have come from the large crucifix over the altar, since it was set well away from the cloths and covered with a veil. All this the priest and the others present told the bishop who came to hear their testimony. But already a legend was forming: a woman who had not seen the bleeding said she had heard in the market “that the Christ in the hospital had wept blood and water . . . and that at night she had heard the bell of the hospital ring twice.” The story of the bleeding Christ became local history, and although the crucifix had up until then received little devotion and almost no mention in the church records, until 1896 it was regularly brought out in petitionary processions for rainfall and against epidemics.29 Spain in the 1640s, and especially the year 1640 itself, coinciding with the revolt of the Portuguese and the Catalans, saw an exceptional concentration of this kind of theophany, or at least of news about it. On March 4, Transfiguration Sunday, a wooden cross in El Bonillo underwent its own transfiguration (fig. 18). According to the witnesses at the subsequent hearings, the cross was brought to the town by a woman who had moved to El Bonillo a decade earlier. She said she had been given the cross by a Franciscan who had brought it from Rome. After she died, the cross belonged to her widowed, remarried, and now separated husband, Antón Díaz. Painted on the front with a crucifix and on the back with Christ’s garments, the crown of thorns, and the instruments of the Passion, the cross by 1640 was considered special, and people asked to hold it when they were dying. Two years before, some recalled, they had seen a bright crucifix on a cloud above the owner’s house.30 That Sunday morning, Díaz was sifting flour for bread when he looked up to see the crucifix sweating; he called in a neigh-

Fig. 18. Miracle of the Christ of El Bonillo, by Vicente López Portaña, a. 1810. Oil on canvas. Parish church of Santa Catalina, El Bonillo (Albacete). Courtesy of Ayuntamiento del Bonillo.

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2 bor woman and fetched a learned friar from the nearby Augustinian monastery who took the cross down and carried it into the light of the doorway. He saw that the body was covered with fine sweat, with larger drops on the arms and wounds, and that “the sweat boiled like that when an egg is baked in a fire.”31 With his index finger, he took a drop from the wound on the left side and put it to his eyes, nose, and tongue, noting a celestial odor and taste and feeling great solace in his heart, then saw another drop emerge in the same place. He was greatly moved and wept profusely, his own reactions convincing him of the authenticity of the miracle. After Mass, five priests checked the back of the image and found it and the cloth and wall behind it dry. They noted the image was too far from the ground for a cat or other animal to urinate on it (“as has happened on many such occasions”).32 The priests took the cross to the parish church, warning its owner to confess his sins, for this was surely a sign. After the phase in which the sweat seemed to boil out, lasting about two hours, the liquid remained crystal clear, the fine part “as when a man is hot and tired,”33 and the larger drop on the side wound “shining like a silver sequin.”34 The sweat did not dry when the cross was carried to the parish church, where it was placed on the main altar; and the same drops apparently remained for seventeen days. They did not freeze there, despite a severe frost that left the water in the baptismal font frozen solid. The drops seem to have formed a kind of “skin” that held in a “celestial” odor until they were broken or wiped off. The townspeople were unable to identify the odor, so it must have been a substance not normally available there, but they agreed the smell “consoled” and “comforted” them.35 Informed by the parish priest, the archdiocesan council of Toledo (the archbishop was away leading the war against the Protestants in the Netherlands) had the parish priest take down testimony, which he did from six women and thirty-seven men, including a panel of painters. Early on, when the image was unveiled and carried around inside the parish church, one man noted for his devoutness saw seven stars brighter than the sun’s rays around the image.36 Six weeks after the sweating the image was being invoked in accidents as the Santo Cristo del Milagro. When a young painter from the town testified, he suggested it was more than an ordinary painting: “it is something supernatural and miraculous . . . every time that this witness has seen it, it has made his hair stand on end and put him in awe, because the head has the greatest beauty and aliveness that there is in all the art of painting.”37 The archdiocesan council decreed that the sweat and a man’s remarkable survival from an accident could be publicized as miracles, and the two events could be depicted in paintings. A chapel was built for the image in the church, and eventually a painting by Vicente López commissioned of the moment in which the Augustinian looked at the crucifix in the house.38

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Holy Week was an appropriate time for an image of Christ to sweat or bleed. In 1644 another activation, this time with a painting of the Veronica, took place in the town of Osa de la Vega (Cuenca), about one hundred kilometers to the north from El Bonillo.39 On Holy Thursday, while the matins ceremony was in progress (that is, as was later pointed out, at the same month, day, and hour as Christ sweated blood in the Garden of Gethsemane), a woman went to fetch a penitential tunic and cord for a male neighbor to wear in the Vera Cruz brotherhood procession.40 She saw that the Veronica painting there was lit up and that there were drops of blood and water or sweat on it. The news led to acclamation and tumult. This time it was a Dominican who was called in, and he saw that “the countenance of Our Lord Jesus Christ was fiery and flushed, as when a person is very fatigued and tired, the face changing as with interior anguish.”41 Like the friar in El Bonillo, the Dominican tasted the liquid and put it in his eyes. Only he actually saw the liquid emerge. After the matins ceremony the parish priest took the image to the parish church and locked it away. That night the penitential procession was exceptionally tearful and bloody. Fearful that the sweating was a bad omen or divine sorrow for their sins, people called out for divine mercy42 and reproduced in their bodies the anguish of the image in a multiple mimesis between divine prototype, image taking life, and human penitents.43 When the priest looked at the Veronica next, on Saturday morning, it again had blood and water on it; it sweated a third and final time that afternoon and the wet altar cloths were saved as relics. The painting was quickly put to work to repel a hailstorm. And a month after the sweating it was attracting a hundred supplicants daily and six hundred on feast days. In the first three months the parish priest recorded twenty miracles among the lame, the sick, and the blind. As in El Bonillo, the diocese ordered a formal hearing, and on March 23, 1645, the bishop of Cuenca, backed by a synod, declared the event “a miracle with no suspicion of a natural cause within the limits of what the human frailty and discernment is able to understand and judge. And for this reason this painting is worthy of being placed in greater veneration than it is now.”44 The next year yet another Christ sweated in New Castile. It too was noted in a Jesuit letter, right after mentions of a Christ that wept blood in Parma, a newborn child that declared “God is very angry,” and an earthquake in Livorno. “The Countess of Puñoenrostro told a Father from this school that in one of her villages named Alcobendas a Christ had sweated, and that several times when the curate wiped it off, it sweated anew. Would that God improve these omens!”45 On Thursday, May 10, 1646, Ascension Day, on the occasion of a drought, the people of Alcobendas (like the people of Medina de Rioseco in 1602) went in procession to the shrine of

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2 Our Lady of the Peace, a fifteen-minute walk outside the town, to bring the shrine image back with them.46 At the shrine, people said prayers not only to the main image but also to three Holy Week procession images—Our Lady of Soledad, Christ Carrying the Cross, and Christ at the Column. The Brotherhood of the Blood of Christ had been storing these images there since their own chapel had collapsed several years before. The Christ at the Column was natural size; it had been made about forty years before and was normally taken out on the night of Holy Thursday. It was about four in the afternoon and the procession with Our Lady of the Peace was just departing. A group of at least four women and some seasonal workers from districts to the south were still in the chapel praying to the remaining images. The women, known for their devoutness and charity, kissed the feet of the Christ at the Column and noticed that the image had taken on a humanness that it had not had before. The face was flushed and the eyes red, as if in anguish. Then they saw that it was sweating. The natural hair was wet, the neck moist, and, in particular, there was a drop of water on the right elbow. One of them went out and called a former municipal leader. He came and saw the water, wiped it off with his handkerchief, and called the priest, who came in with his assistant and many people. The procession, with priests singing and devotional banners deployed, was by then about a hundred paces away. When it stopped, some people thought it was because of a fight, “as was common.”47 Inside the chapel, the priest examined the statue, touched a drop with his right index finger, showed it to those present, and, in a gesture we now recognize, put it in his eye, “as a relic.”48 Note that by putting the drop of Christ’s liquid into his eye, the priest, like the friars before him, was incorporating Christ’s humors into his own, one more step into the complex mimicry involved (including the statue of the flagellation of Christ, which was normally carried about accompanied by men flagellating themselves). The priest’s assistant also moistened his fingers, showed them to the people, and then moistened his own eye. The former municipal leader again wiped off the statue with his handkerchief, which he touched to his eyes and put inside his shirt. The people cried out, “Miracle! Miracle! The Christ is sweating!” and crowded into the chapel. They touched the image with rosaries and handkerchiefs. Weeping variously (they later testified) out of fear, tenderness, wonder, joy, or devotion, they asked for mercy. The clergy feared people would knock over the papier-mâché statue.49 A notary, outside, was called in to confirm the sweat. It was decided to bring the Christ image back to town in the procession. Outside, small drops continued to appear where they had been wiped off and also on the legs as well as on the

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arms and side. People who before had not been able to get close could confirm the miracle personally. Spontaneously people took off their shirts and flagellated themselves, walking before the image. By the time the procession reached town, it was dark. The image was put in the parish church in the chapel of the Sweet Name of Jesus with many candles lit before it, and there it seemed to regain its composure. The next day, Friday, May 11, 1646, the town officials petitioned the vicar-general in nearby Madrid for an official investigation, which was ordered at once. On Saturday the assistant vicar-general arrived in Alcobendas and issued a call for witnesses, including a blind woman who had been cured. Over two days he heard twenty-three witnesses, examined the image, and visited the shrine of Our Lady of the Peace. During the month of May the parish church was filled daily with people from Alcobendas and the surrounding villages making petitions, ordering Masses, and bringing wax arms, legs, heads, and hearts as votive offerings. The brotherhood majordomo furnished people with ribbons as long as the image, and oil from the lamp for healing. People also took roses from in front of the image for sacred keepsakes. Testimony about healing miracles was taken on eight days in May and June from twenty-four men and thirteen women.50 All said they were convinced of the miraculousness of the sweat and the cures. They believed that the Christ at the Column wanted people to know they had a new protector in him and he would help them out “in calamitous times” and that they in turn should show him devotion.51 They dismissed the investigator’s queries about possible fraud on the part of the shrine keeper or the devout women (the former out of self-interest, the latter to gain credit as holy) and ruled out other natural causes such as humidity in the shrine, rain, holy water from the shrine entrance, water from the keeper cleaning the shrine, or holy water from a hyssop. According to one witness, those present at the miracle even seven weeks later still wept when remembering it, and no one murmured against it. The investigator made his report on June 22, and it was evaluated by a Jesuit and a parish priest in Madrid, a Dominican from Salamanca, and a Minim from Alcalá de Henares. They confirmed the miraculous nature of the events and interpreted them as an indication that the image should be turned to for help. On September 13 the decision was read in public in Alcobendas with the vicar-general present. A transcript of the testimony was delivered to the town in November and, when I saw it, was still in the parish archive. At Alcobendas it was women, who spent more time with images and were more likely to have closer emotional connections with them, who first discovered there was a liquid on the image, as at Osa de la Vega and Medina del Rioseco. But for these very reasons, and many others (ecclesiastical traditions of their supposed foolishness, lack of criteria and emotionality, plus

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Fig. 19. Saint Francis receiving the stigmata. Unknown artist, c. 1680. Parish church, Traíd (Guadalajara). Image seen to sweat in 1710 and 1713. Photo: The author.

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their overall lack of authority in the public sphere) municipal and Church authorities were less likely to believe women and called few as witnesses. When three women were the first to see a crucifix had a bloody sweat in Igualada in 1590, they later testified, they went out to the street “to find a man to see it, because we would not be believed.”52 Most of the cases at this time, or at least the ones most publicized, seem to have involved images of Christ. His Passion, including sweating and bleeding, was after all the stuff of the central life story for European Catholics and the daily ritual acted out in their churches. In the shift in this period in Spain toward a greater devotion to Christ, these events served to “fix” devotion to Christ in particular images.53 In addition to drought, Holy Week processions and the fervor of new miracles, there was an older, continued occasion for image activation: the imminent presence of external danger in the form of inter-communal strife or warfare. There were spates of image activation in 1520, 1525, and 1526 in towns and villages with high proportions of Muslim converts.54 In 1631 a concocted story about a crucifix that allegedly cried out when under abuse by Portuguese conversos in Madrid became the pretext for a wholesale persecution.55 And there were others in 1640 in Catalan villages close to French or Castilian troops,56 in 1675 and 1677 during the sieges of Oran by the Turks,57 and during the protracted War of Spanish Succession at the start of the eighteenth century.58 People related the sweating of a painting of Saint Francis in the parish priest’s house in the village of Traíd from November 1 to December 10, 1710, for instance, to decisive battles on December 8, 9, and 10 (fig. 19). Franciscans immediately took notice, and simultaneous investigations were led by a representative of the diocese and a Franciscan from nearby Molina de Aragón, hearing a total of twenty-two witnesses, including three painters.59

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One account of the Traíd case placed its readers on warning, reviving a trope we have seen before: “Especially one must be careful about the sweating of images; because we know from experience that many are vain artifice, caused either by the blind affection that people have for an image to win it greater devotion, or by the hasty greed of shrine keepers or sextons, who do not want to live by the sweat of their brow, but rather by the sweat of the image.”60 Indeed, as time went on, common sense seems to have reasserted itself, perhaps because of a general overload of instances and certainly in keeping with the deemphasis on images among a clergy increasingly influenced by French trends and increasingly scientific procedures for the evaluation of miracles in Rome.61 This decline of certified activations in the eighteenth century paralleled the decline of flagellation in Holy Week and petitionary processions.62 For each “successful” image activation there were many “failed” ones, miracles interrupted.63 Some of them we can read about in cases brought before the Inquisition: beatas who put liquids on their devotional images to gain followers or be known as holy; shrine keepers who put blood on images to make them popular; and private individuals who did so with private images for pious reasons or to become shrine keepers. One of the latter was Francisco Martínez, the transhumant shepherd who in 1727 made up the story of an angel-like pilgrim that predicted rain. Martínez lived near the village where the Saint Francis painting sweated and was himself a prime example of the “hasty greed” that the Traíd pamphlet warned about. Martínez told people that the pilgrim had announced a miracle for the next Ascension Day and said that Martínez’s crucifix was giving off blood.64 What actually happened with this crucifix, he later told the Inquisition, is that “I would dip the holy crucifix in water or splash it with water, and put blood drawn from my finger on it.”65 Martínez did this four times as he led his sheep on the long return trip northward from winter pastures (once at a town near Casas de Benitez, itself probably on his route). When he did so, he acted out the symptoms of the crucifix and trembled or feigned pain as a sign that the crucifix was bleeding, like the English cleric penanced two hundred years before in London. The last time was in a village not far from the place where he lived; there his companions informed the parish priest, who confiscated the crucifix, saying the bleeding was a fraud, something that Martínez, who seems rather innocent, then freely admitted. When Martínez reached his home village of Taravilla, the fame of his crucifix had preceded him, and the townspeople demanded to see it. Outraged that it had been taken away, the people and their priest went with Martínez to try and get the crucifix back. But when Martínez was alone with the two priests he again admitted his deception, and they would not return it.

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2 Determined to obtain the miraculous Christ for their town, the people of Taravilla then wanted Martínez to appeal to the bishop of Cuenca, but as the time for his miracle on Ascension Day was nearing, the shepherd came up with an alternative. From a street niche in the town of his birth he stole a stone image of Mary and stashed it on the hillside above Taravilla. On Ascension Day he told the priest the Virgin had appeared to him and revealed where her statue was hidden. By this time the priest knew Martínez was up to no good, but he and the sexton dutifully retrieved the image. When they brought it to the church, the townspeople rang the bells in celebration. They declared Martínez a saint, their own Saint Francis, and tried to take snippets from his clothes as relics. People streamed in from the surrounding towns and chipped off stone from the hillside where the image had been found. Hauled before the Inquisition, Martínez denied he had played these tricks to be treated as a saint or so people would think he had healing powers. He did it, he said, for pious reasons, in order to collect alms to redeem the Christian captives in North Africa, to have Masses said for those in mortal sin, and to move people to pray the Rosary. The Inquisition finally turned him over to the civil authorities, judging him simply lazy and wanting to eat and drink without working.66 The skepticism among priests that Martínez encountered in 1728 was in keeping with that of the clergy in general by that time. The next year the learned and hard-headed Benedictine Feijóo wrote, “How many sobs, or mysterious sweats in sacred images became known in various countries which had no more existence than that provided by mistaken eyesight or fanatical imagination! In the first years of this century the sweating of a Crucifix was proclaimed … as a symptom of the illness that Spain was then suffering, and the news spread to other countries as true, when it was just a fable.”67 He went on to praise the rectitude of the corregidor of Ágreda who in 1665 had the elderly servant of a priest whipped though the streets. The servant had faked the bleeding of a crucifix that had belonged to the mystic María de Ágreda and had been willed to the servant’s master, the mystic’s nephew. The fraud had provoked “the wonder of everyone, nobles and plebes. There were rogations, processions, vows, and alms.” The fact that the crucifix had belonged to a mystic nun, popularly considered a saint, enhanced the plausibility of its animation, as with the pedigree of the crucifix in El Bonillo, said to have been brought from Rome. As earlier at Ágreda, authorities by the mid-eighteenth century short-circuited many of the public activations, no matter how eager the public. In 1755 in the town of La Guardia in Andalusia when an image of Our Lady of the Rosary in the Dominican convent wept blood, the liquid in question was found to be pomegranate juice.68 In Palma de Mallorca in 1768, people

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gathered in front of the Jesuit church convinced that the stone image of Our Lady on the building’s exterior had moved its hands from a joined to a crossed position in protest against the expulsion of the Jesuits. The royal government, backed by the bishop, responded firmly, dispersing the crowd and arresting those who had started the rumor.69 The last great hurrah for image activation in Southern Europe before its revival in the twentieth century was the weeping and eye movements of multiple statues in the Papal States in 1795–1796 in advance of the Napoleonic invasion.70 In any case, most of the images whose cases we have looked at are still important for many inhabitants in their respective towns. People in Osa de la Vega, where the Veronica sweated in 1644, considered that the painting spared them from the great flu epidemic of 1914. When a Republican commission sought to remove the Christ of the Miracles from El Bonillo for safekeeping in 1937, a group of women defended it, and they were jailed as a result. The Franco regime subsequently awarded them medals (fig. 20). While in jail, two of them told me forty years later, they saw a cross in the sky, framed against the moon.71 During the Civil War, as images were burned throughout the Republican zone, revolutionaries in one village took the time to chip away every bit of a mural crucifix that had sweated in 1768 and had come to symbolize a power structure they had replaced. After the Civil War the mural was carefully repainted.72 Several aspects of these events, not the least the characteristics of some of the liquids (non-evaporating, often perfumed) and the significance of many of the dates (Thursdays, Fridays, Easter Sunday, Transfiguration Sunday, Maundy Thursday, Ascension Thursday) point to what could be termed “intelligent design” in several of these events. One cannot rule out, for instance, the existence of a kind of pharmaceutical lore, circulating among the dispensaries of certain religious orders. The Augustinians, erstwhile keepers of the Christ of

Fig. 20. Esperanza Aparicio Buendía wearing the medal presented to her and other women jailed in 1937 for their defense of the image of the Santo Cristo del Milagro of El Bonillo (Albacete). Photo: The author, October 24, 1976.

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Fig. 21. Christ at the Column, early sixteenth century. Polychromed wood. Santuario-Monasterio de Nuestra Señora de Monlora, Luna (Zaragoza), seen to sweat in 1629 and 1630. Courtesy of Hermandad de Ntra. Sra. de Monlora.

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Burgos (reputed to sweat every Friday),73 had a conspicuous presence in several cases. But the whodunit question should not distract us from the central cultural fact of the eager receptiveness, the active collaboration in the certification of these events, and the promotion of these images by the authorities and citizens of the towns involved. This receptiveness was rooted in the constant, urgent search for divine helpers on a corporate and personal level, and in the highly-tuned sense in Spain’s city, town, and village states of being God’s chosen place. The identification of town as Jerusalem, through the erections of Calvaries and Stations of the Cross and the entire intense sequence of Holy Week ceremonies and processions already applied to virtually very nuclear settlement in Spain. These image activations dramatically recharged the metaphor. The images involved became proofs, relics, and trophies, demonstrations of the power of images in the face of local and international religious enemies, but especially demonstrations of God’s vital residence in their particular place, as opposed to, say, the next town over. Time and again we saw how the laypeople and clergy knew what to do in these situations, what questions to ask, what to look for. While the events were rare enough to provoke great excitement, they were part of the established cultural repertoire of early modern Catholic Europe. Although a few of the images that temporarily came to life may have done so with an initial advantage—because they were reputedly not made by humans, in the case of Veronicas, or were the replica of an image known to be powerful, in the case of the Christ of Burgos in Cabra del Santo Cristo74—the vast majority of those that did so were simple, workaday crucifixes or paintings, unremarkable and hitherto unremarked. That indeed was and is an important lesson of most of these events, that every image, in addition to representing the divine, could embody it.75

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It was not unusual for the devout to have a sense that their private devotional images were responding orally as well as visually to prayer.76 From this perspective, the display of blood, sweat and tears on images was an extension into the public realm of a private two-way channel of devotional communication that was a free zone beyond the control of confessors and inquisitors. The care with which small crucifixes or Baby Jesuses were willed from one woman to another is an indication of the intensity of these devotions in the home or in the dressing room.77 In this zone, of which we read quite uninhibited accounts in pious biographies, images may smile, nod, knock, blanch, glower, twist in anguish. But there is no implication or expectation that others may share these private experiences. The presence of divine liquid on a statue is qualitatively different because it is verifiable by others, and in the episodes here that started in the private sphere, the news passed immediately from home to street. We have seen the rise from the early sixteenth century, the cresting in the 1640s, and the surfeit and decline in the eighteenth century of the acceptance of public blood, sweat and tear miracles by Church and civil authorities that became publicly known. While by the eighteenth century the authorities were wary of new activations, the images certified as having sweated, wept, and bled waited patiently, alive and well, for times to change and the clergy to be less rigorous. And along with these images, their approved miracle boards, their paintings, their miracle days on which their activation was recalled in sermons, so too waited the general idea of image animation for new public cycles.78 (Figs. 21–23.) In Spain one such cycle began in 1919, in the context of a Catholicism experienced as under siege from Republican, Socialist, and anarchist unbelievers. The Christ of Agony in the parish church of Limpias in Cantabria first showed signs of

Fig. 22. Miracle board, c. 1630. Santuario-Monasterio de Nuestra Señora de Monlora,Luna (Zaragoza). Photo: The author. Fig. 23. The Virgin of the Miracle, patroness of Cocentaina (Alicante). Postcard, 1945, on the silver anniversary of the coronation, from a dentist in Cocentaina to student in Santiago de Compostela. “…you cannot imagine the hullabaloo in the town…”

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Fig. 24. Main altar of the parish church of San Pedro, Limpias (Cantabria), with the image of the Christ of Limpias. Photo: Felipe Pereda, August 2010. By permission.

life during a Capuchin mission (fig. 24). On the first day there was a sweatlike condensation on the image, but that only happened once, and the miracle people came to expect was movement in the eyes, mouth, face, and changes in complexion, as though the image was looking at people, responding to them, or, eventually, dying in the throes of agony (fig. 25). Over the next few years a quarter of a million people went to see it, and about one in fifteen saw it come alive (fig. 26). The diocese opened an investigation and concluded that the visions were subjective and the fruit of suggestion and artificial lighting, but never made a public pronouncement. Official pilgrimages led by bishops tailed off, and in the mid- to late-1920s pilgrimages were mainly from outside Spain, including biannual pilgrimages by Austrians and Hungarians. Many of the pilgrims stopped to visit the Habsburg imperial family in exile in the Spanish Basque Country. The Hungarians set up shrines to Limpias in Budapest and Lillafüred.79 Other similar events preceded it, most immediately, an episode of a crucifix in Gandía in 1918, that seemed to bleed until the blood turned out to be paint, paint apparently applied by F

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a teenage girl. And others followed Limpias: a series of crucifixes that seemed to move in Navarre in 1920, the news quashed by the bishop because they would damage the case for Limpias and open the faith to ridicule.80 As with the rain processions and apparitions, the tradition of animated statues was the subject of ridicule among Spanish Republicans and anticlericals, who attributed the events to the manipulation of the clergy and the gullibility of believers and considered it part of a system of domination.81 In August 1921 in Templemore in Ireland, in the thick of guerrilla warfare against the British troops and just as the news of the Limpias crucifix was becoming known there, some

Fig. 25. Postcard sampler, Limpias, c. 1919, of José Martínez. Fig. 26. Pilgrimage group at Limpias, undated. Photo: José Martínez.

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2 images associated with a young man seemed to bleed (fig. 27) and tens of thousands of pilgrims went to see them until after a couple of months the youth was discredited.82 There were other episodes associated with small cults83 like that of the lay mystic Marie Mesmin of Bordeaux (1867–1935). She had a Lourdes image that allegedly wept from 1907 until 1910, when it was confiscated by Church authorities. She replaced it with an Italian Baby Mary that wept from 1911 until 1913.84 (Figs. 28–29.) Similarly a French parish priest, l’abbé Vachère de Grateloup, from 1911 until his death in 1921 had images that seemed to bleed and weep. These included successive pictures of the Sacred Heart as well as other images and consecrated hosts. These phenomena occurred in Mirebeau-en-Poitou, as well as on a visit in 1920 to Aix-la-Chapelle (fig. 30). Vachère

Fig. 27. The bleeding statues of Templemore, Ireland, 1921. Photo: W.D. Hogan. Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. Fig. 28. Marie Mesmin and the oratory of the Santissima Bambina, Bordeaux. Postcard.

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Fig. 29. The Santissima Bambina of Marie Mesmin. “Picture of the Statue that wept frequently in the presence of about one thousand witnesses in Bordeaux at number 13 July 30th Street from Dec. 19, 1911, to Jan. 20, 1913, when it was moved to the Oratory of Boulevard de Bouscat 26…” Postcard. Fig. 30. The bleeding Sacred Heart of Mirebeau-en-Poitou c. 1911. Recopied photo postcard for sale by Joaquín Sicart, Ezquioga, 1932.

would also hear Christ speak, and during the war Christ predicted France’s victory. The priest distributed miniature photographs, daubed with the images’ blood, as talismans for soldiers.85 But the only well-publicized and Church-certified episode of an image with liquid on it in twentieth-century Europe was the plaster plaque of the Immaculate Heart of Mary belonging to Antonina and Angelo Jannuso in Siracusa, Sicily (fig. 31). For four days starting on August 29, 1953, the image gave off what seemed to be human tears,86 first in the Jannuso bedroom, then in the police station, then again in the house, purportedly convincing Communists, Freemasons, and Protestants. An initial commission including a chemist, a medical doctor, priests, and police officers examined the image and tasted and tested the tears, which seemed to be human. The image was moved to a niche outside on the street, and on September 19 escorted by the archbishop to the Piazza Euripide, where people continued to touch it with flowers, photographs, Fig. 31. Angelo and Antonina Jannuso with the Weeping Madonna of Siracusa, 1953. Photo: Maltese-Siracusa, all rights reserved.

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Fig. 32. Franciscans relaying flowers, pictures, handkerchiefs, and cotton to be touched to the image, Piazza Euripide. Photo: Walter Carone, Paris Match, Oct. 3, 1953, p. 53, all rights reserved. Fig. 33. Stand selling cotton and photographs to be touched to the Madonna, Piazza Euripide, Siracusa, Photo: Walter Carone, Paris Match, Oct. 3, 1953, p. 53, all rights reserved.

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or cotton sold at the site, all potential relics for grace and healing.87 (Figs. 32–33.) Dozens of cures ensued. Three years earlier, something similar had happened in Syracuse, New York. There on April 2, 1949 an eleven-yearold girl, Shirley Anne Martin, found the three-inch head of a broken image of Saint Anne that her mother had thrown out. When the girl kissed the head it seemed to weep, and the weeping occurred when she kissed it subsequently. On April 12, Tuesday of Holy Week, she took the image to Our Lady of Pompei church and demonstrated the weeping to three priests there. As the news spread, crowds gathered in front of the house in her working-class neighborhood, requiring police to direct traffic. The Syracuse Post-Standard broke the story on Thursday, April 14, and on that day Shirley Anne made interviews for radio and newsreels; in the afternoon the head emitted liquid on camera at the WHEN television studios, greatly exciting the staff, and NBC carried the clip on the national evening news. On the next day, Good Friday, the Post-Standard could proclaim, “Carried to far corners of the globe by wire services and radio, the statue has made Syracuse a center of wide attention.”88 One can view online a British Pathe newsreel clip of the girl presenting the image for people to kiss.89 Photographs taken around April 16 show the girl kissing the head, first in a yard in front of a microphone and then in a bedroom for the benefit of a sick woman.90 (Fig. 34.) On April 29 the diocese issued a statement that “…it was certain that drops of liquid have appeared on the statue when the girl kissed it and held it” but cautioned that “whether this phenomenon is an instance of supernatural power at work has not been established.”91 By that time the Syracuse press was already downplaying the story, but out of the limelight Shirley Anne continued for eight years to elicit tears from the image, and in the presence of small groups of followers seemed to cause other images weep as well.92

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Fig. 34. Shirley Anne Martin in Syra‑ cuse, N.Y., shows the weeping head of St. Anne, April, 1949. Keystone. Fig. 35. Envelope containing Siracusa cotton relic distributed from Ciudad Real, Spain. “Cotton blessed and touched to the miraculous image of the Virgin of the Tears. Sent by the Archdiocesan Curia of Siracusa” [1950s?].

The news or the newsreels may well have reached Siracusa and Entrevaux. Shirley Anne’s mother was an Italian-American, and the Martins attended Saint Peters, a predominantly Italian parish. The city of Syracuse on the occasion of its centenary in 1948 had reached out to its Italian namesake city, bringing an eleven-year-old orphan boy as a child ambassador from Siracusa for the centennial celebrations.93 Be that as it may, in regard to their own phenomenon the Sicilian bishops proclaimed the “reality of the lacrimation” on December 12, 1953 at the start of the Marian year, opening the door to a host of similar image activations across Europe. The long-distance distribution of blessed cotton was similar to that of Lourdes water. In Spain a shrine to the Siracusa weeping image was set up in Ciudad Real, and the priest there distributed pieces of cotton that that been touched to the Siracusa image (fig. 35), while a priest in Belgium did so with holy cards with cotton relics that had been touched to cotton with the tears (fig. 36). Photography, better communications, mass market photo journalism, radio, and television sped up and interna53

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2 tionalized the news and the model, for which there was a ready and eager audience during the struggle between Catholics and Communist Parties across Europe. In Spain three cases became known: an image of the Miraculous Mary on the main altar of the church of Entrecruces (La Coruña) that appeared to weep on eleven different days from February 11 to April 21, 1954; a similar incident with a Immaculate Heart of Mary in another Galician village in 1954–1955;94 and a weeping lithograph of Our Lady of Mount Car­mel in a village of Cuenca, Villalba de la Sierra, in September 1959 (fig. 37).95 All of the weeping ceased when the images were enclosed in locked urns or frames. In the Entrecruces case a diocesan commission of skeptical priests sent the tears for chemical analysis and found they were largely water.96

Fig. 36. Holy card with color photo taken at Siracusa Aug. 30, 1953, and “cotton that touched cloth soaked in the tears of Our Lady.” Propagande Mariale Ciney, imprimatur Diocese of Namur, July 1, 1955. Fig. 37. “The New Virgin of the Tears” detail, cover of Sábado Gráfico (Madrid), Oct. 24, 1959, with the article by Javier Querol, “The Mystery of Some Tears,” about Villalba de la Sierra (Cuenca). All rights reserved.

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Fig. 38. The bleeding hand of Saint Anne of Entrevaux, signed on back “Jean Salvadé, 1957”. Postcard c. 1953–1954, Nice, Photomic. Fig. 39. “Sainte-Anne d’Entrevaux” Postcard, c. 1953–54, signed on back “Jean Salvadé, 1957”. His signature was crossed out and the card used for an entry to a contest of La Vie Catholique Illustrée, Paris. Nice, Photomic. Fig. 40. “Entrevaux, Ste Anne Miracule‑ use. Gisèle AUBERT et sa mère, janvier 1954.” Snapshot 6.5×11.3. Photographer unknown.

In France, another Francisco Martínez emerged when the café owner Jean Salvadé read of the Siracusa events and created his own autonomous Siracusa in the medieval tourist town of Entrevaux (fig. 38). On November 29, 1953, Salvadé purchased an image of Saint Anne teaching the child Mary to read. He broke off and reglued one of Saint Anne’s fingers, and, during a poker game on December 26, put the image next to him for good luck. When he lost the hand he was playing he kicked the image over, snapping off the finger. On December 28, he pricked his own finger, bloodied the broken hand of the image, then pretended to discover the miracle, with the idea that the image was bleeding because of his blasphemy (fig. 39). The chain of events that followed was somewhat similar to that in early modern Spain, except that the French clergy wanted nothing to do with it.97 As townspeople flocked in (fig. 40), Salvadé got the local photographer to document the bleeding, the doctor to examine it (he sent a blood sample to the pharmacist in a nearby town who certified it was human) (fig. 41) and a radiologist from Nice to come and make an X-ray of the statue to show there was no hidden mechanism (fig. 42).98 Reporters, photographers and newsreel cameramen came from 55

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2 Paris, Dublin, and the United States,99 and Salvadé cultivated an ascetic persona, modeled on Gandhi, turning his eyes heavenward when faced with hard questions. He left plates out for contributions and sold signed postcards of the image and the hand, and soon miracles began to occur among the pilgrims who came to be healed by Salvadé’s touch. As at Siracusa, a film crew came to document the story (fig. 43). Also as at Siracusa, Salvadé distributed pieces of cotton with the blood, of which of course he had an abundant supply (fig. 44). When local interest waned, he joined forces with a likeminded Florentine and exhibited the statue in Paris. There

Fig. 41. “The conclusion of Dr. Monner and the pharmacist Laïk was definite: the blood of the Virgin was human blood.” From Salvadé confession series, France-Dimanche, Feb. 16, 1961, 8, all rights reserved. Fig. 42. X-raying the Entrevaux image before newsmen, about Jan 12, 1954. United Press photo.

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Salvadé could escape the obligations of a holy man and could live a life of ease. The film was shown in 1957 to little success, and the Cardinal-Archbishop of Paris warned people against it. The Florentine absconded with the money of wealthy believers. And in 1958 Salvadé brought the image back to Entrevaux, where his supporters were loyal but few in number. He finally sold the story of how he had invented the whole enterprise (and how he was just as surprised as anybody by the miracles) to the sensationalist newspaper France-Dimanche (fig. 45), which published it in five full-page episodes in February 1961 (fig. 46).100 The police promptly intervened, and in 1962 Salvadé was condemned to thirteen months in prison.101

Fig. 43. “The last pilgrimage of schoolchildren before the departure of Saint Anne.” Paris Match, Dec. 25, 1954, p. 65, all rights reserved. Fig. 44. Envelope and relic. “Two drops of blood from the first bleeding of the statue of Ste. Anne on Dec. 28, 1953 between 10 and 11 o’clock in the morning. Given by M. Jean Salvadé à Entrevaux on Monday, February 22, 1954.” In a celluloid holder with a postcard of the image signed by Jean Salvadé. Fig 45. “I made the Virgin’s statue bleed.” Headline, France-Dimanche, Feb. 9, 1961, p. 8, all rights reserved.

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Fig. 46. “First I pricked my finger.” France-Dimanche, Feb. 9, 1961, p. 8, all rights reserved.

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When, decades later, a police-inspector-turned-journalist interviewed him in an old age home, Salvadé reneged, saying the bleeding was genuine and he had confessed just for the money,102 leading us to the eternal conundrum, applicable to Francisco Martínez as well, of just when a fibber is telling the truth. There have continued to be news stories about liquid on images in Spain and Southern Europe, and worldwide in Orthodox and Coptic churches and homes. There was a related spate in Ireland on the heels of Medjugorje enthusiasm, from February 1985 to the fall of 1986 (but without liquid: the statues, mostly those of Mary in outdoor Lourdes grottos erected in 1954, were simply seen to move, as at Limpias) and in the 1990s, in Italy, with the most famous instance in Civitavecchia, where the bleeding Madonna had been purchased at Medjugorje by the parish priest, a Spaniard, and given to the local prayer group.103 These manifestations no longer serve as sympathetic consolation for towns in times of drought or other travails, in part because towns are no longer sufficiently homogenous arenas for religious interpretation, and in part because travails no longer have credibly local causes. If a manifestation receives publicity, the meaning attributed to it quickly transcends the local community, drawn out by specialized interpreters into a national or world-wide interpretive etiology, often involving the end times.104 Of course, we are less likely to know about events that have not received or carefully side-stepped publicity and remained local. A critical change from the early modern episodes is that photography, film, and video have become the key means of demonstrating reality, replacing in the popular mind sworn testimony (fig. 47). The depictions of these miracles in seventeenth-century Spain were highly controlled and permitted only after episcopal approval. In the twentieth century, photographs and films became evidence in the deliberative process both for Church authorities and for public opinion.105 The nature of the substance has changed along with methods for its analysis. In several early modern cases, the efforts of artists, pharmacists, and doctors were to eliminate the possibility that it was a human substance or a known perfume or preparation, with the underlying idea, shared with ancient Greek religion, that it was some kind of ichor, the fluid in the veins of gods. Perhaps because of refined methods for chemical analysis, and perhaps with a more human and less hieratic idea of the divinity, the nineteenth- and twentieth-century Catholic cases emphasize and accept as positive evidence that the blood, sweat, or tears is human (or as negative evidence that the blood is animal). But the advent of DNA forensics by the end of the 1980s has added a serious complication to the likes of Francisco Martínez and Jean Salvadé. In Civitavecchia, when the blood on the Madonna turned out to have male DNA (Mary as Fa-

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ther?) and the owner of the image refused to let his blood be tested, the events lost whatever remained of their credibility.106 What has not changed much is the personal use to which the divine liquids are put (fig. 48). The liquid is tasted, if no longer applied to the eye. The relic on cotton is touched to the wound and carried for protection. This universal, never-ending demand for the divine touch is more than enough to make it likely that images exude in the future, although the possibility of official certification has dramatically declined. The idea of a new beacon for healing and consolation in the constellation of grace remains, however truncated most of the recent attempts have been to achieve it through animated images. Devotees of Saint Anne of Entrevaux swear that they saw the image move and embrace them. And surely the idea of verisimilitude is so built into the notion of representation that from the dawn of time not just any religious image, but, as with Pygmalion, any image at all of a living being has built into it the idea, the prospect of animation.107 The demand for animation itself from photograph to animated sequence, to moving pictures, to moving pictures with sound and color, to 3D and holograms exemplifies this principle. The communication of gods through their images, sharing their pain, their wounds, their sorrow and their travails through blood, sweat, and tears, takes the process one step farther, crossing the cognitive, emotional, and physiological boundaries between human and supernatural beings.

Fig. 47. Sign in street stand, Siracusa. “The only photograph included in the Acts of the Ecclesiastical Tribunal.” Detail. Photo: Walter Carone, Paris Match, Oct. 3, 1953, p. 53, detail, all rights reserved. Fig. 48. A bottle of cotton soaked in tears, Siracusa. Paris Match, Sept. 26, 1953, p. 26, all rights reserved.

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2 F chap ter notes 1 For this use of “special” I have been influenced by Ann Taves in conversations and her Religious Experience Reconsidered. 2 For general considerations on the miraculousness of images, Trexler, “Being and Non-Being,” Vauchez, “Les images saintes,” Schmitt, Le Corps des images. 3 Christian, Apariciones; for Guadalupe, Crémoux, Pèlerinages et miracles. 4 Freedberg, Power, 283–316; for a late medieval spate of Eucharistic miracles in Germany, see Bynum, Wonderful Blood, and Merback, “Channels of Grace.” 5 García Avilés, “Imágenes ‘vivientes’”; for Italy, Jansen, “Miraculous Crucifixes,” and Camille, Gothic Idol, 220–24, 232–36. 6 The concentration in Old and New Castile and Catalonia of most of the examples in this paper should not be taken as an indication of the real geographical distribution of this kind of events, but more likely as an indication of which ones made it into print (hence a bias toward Madrid and Barcelona and their hinterlands) and thus came to my notice. The list in Christian, Religiosidad local, 237, 337–39, is perforce haphazard, and as a general rule the more one looks the more one finds. Events with political implications (here those of Nuévalos, Tobed Llers, Riudarenas, Olot, Orán, Murcia, Traíd) and those involving images or devotions closely associated with religious orders are also more likely to be publicized (here Munébrega for the Jesuits, and Traíd, for the Franciscans). 7 Christian, “Provoked Religious Weeping”; Veratelli, “Les Émotions en images”; Webster, Art and Ritual; Webster, “Shameless Beauty”; Llompart, “Procesión del Encuentro”; Español, “Descendimientos hispanos”; and for present-day eye contact between images and people, Pasqualino, “Quand les yeux.” For people as saints and vice versa in contemporary festivals, many of them with early modern roots, see Christian, “Sobrenaturales, humanos, animales.” 8 Wriothesley and Herald, Chronicle, 1:74, 90, 152; for Hales, see also 76. 9 Alonso Fernández de Madrigal, Confessional, under Primer Mandamiento: “por ende quando toman especial deuocion mas con vna ymagen que con otra pecan”; “y dizen que lloran las ymagines y que echan lagrimas muy dulces y ello es agua y miel que por detras les echan; lo qual seria assaz de consentir en el tienpo que a los ydolos adorauan. E si estos que esto leuantan no hiziessen en ello otro mal: sino que sacassen el dinero avnque es cosa de mal exenplo: empero encima del lo que es lo peor fazen a la gente necia ydolatrar: y a los tales: no solamente se deuia de dar gran castigo mas la tierra no los deuia sufrir.” See also Alemán, Antonio de Padua, fol. 78v. 10 Valera, Los dos tratados, 326: “¡Oh zeguedad ignorante i ignoranzia ziega! ¿Cuántas imájines han hablado? ¿Cuántas han sudado, i aun gotas de sangre? Al cruzifijo de Burgos, cree la jente ignorante, que le creze la barba i los cabellos, i aun las uñas.” For the Christ of Burgos and the important antecedent of the Christ of Beirut, see Pereda, Imágenes de la discordia, 132–38. 11 The Council of Trent is mentioned explicitly in the Medina de Rioseco case below; see also Prieto, Probanza; for the 1617 retrospective hearing on the 1490 apparitions of the Virgin in Escalona (Segovia), see Christian, Apariciones, 142–50; and for the elaborate hearings about the relics of the Sacromonte, 1595–1600, Harris, From Muslim to Christian; for Arjona, 1628–46, see Olds, Forging the Past. 12 The acts of two notaries are reproduced photographically and transcribed in Garcías Palou, El Santo Cristo de Alcudia. 13 “Instrumento Público, que se formó en la averiguación del prodigio que se vio, de sudar sangre y agua, la sagrada Imagen del Santo Cristo de la villa de Igualada,” in Díaz i Carbonell, El Sant Crist, 213–40. See also Colomer, Historia. 14 Muñóz Fernández, “Las cofradías”; and Flynn, “Baroque Piety.” 15 Díaz i Carbonell, El Sant Crist, 233: “que estaba lo Cristo ab gran treball y agonia, com aquellas personas que sels acosta la hora de la mort, y estant pera donar la anima a nostre Senyor, y apuntant ja un mudor per tot lo cos, aprés me aparegué que resplandia y rellentaba per tota la figura.” 16 Ibid., 216: “que era la hora que Cristo espirá, per veurer si la dita Figura faria altres senyals.” 17 Ibid., 214: “tenir ab major veneració y acato del que fins vui estinguda; y per tots los Feels Cristians ser venerada y reverenciada”; “burlarse han los enemigos de la Santa Fé Católica, y confirmarse han en su damnable error.” 18 Ibid., 223: “y era Figura molt fosca, y tota plena de picaduras de moscas; y ara está blanca com si fos eixida de ma de Mestre y molt trasmudada del que ans apareixia.” 19 Gila Medina, Cabra, 58–59. 20 “Informacion y processo original hecho por el doctor don Miguel Sanctos de San Pedro Arcidiano del Alcor en la sancta yglesia de Palencia Inquisidor Apostolico de Aragon, con commission del señor Obispo de Palencia, sobre el milagro succedido a 8 de Junio, de 1602 en la villa de Medina de Rioseco en la iglesia de Sancta Maria en un sancto crucifixo que sudo con grande Admiracion del pueblo y la sentencia difinitiua en que se declara el milagro dado por el señor Obispo don Martin Axpe y Sierra.” MS, Archivo Municipal de Medina de Rioseco, legajo 5. Testimony of Hermano Seuastian de la Conçeçion de la orden de nuestra señora del carmen descalços extramuros, frayle lego, fols. 269r–v, also fols. 81r– v: “el mismo rrostro e seueridad del y en la misma figura de que antes estaua . . . le pareçio que no hera el mismo que auia uisto en la yglesia ora y medio auia porque yua muy disfigurado y los cauellos de la uarua muy espeluçados y su precioso rrosttro mas leuantado.” 21 Ibid., fol. 115v, Licenciado Andres Ramos, racionero en la sancta iglesia de Palencia, July 18, 1602: “los testigos examinados en esta causa no han de ser admittidos por ser como son todos vezinos de la dicha villa de medina de rioseco y como apasionados an dicho sus dichos por engrandezer su pueblo pensando de enriquezer la hermitta donde esta la imaxen del dicho crucifix o con las limosnas y dadiuas que comunmente offrezen los fieles deuotos que la vesitaren.” However plausible and revealing, these were pro forma objections in what seems to have been a pro forma proceeding, and Ramos immediately dropped his objections after Merino responded. 22 Ibid., fols. 117v–118r, Hernando Merino, procurador en la audiencia episcopal, July 20, 1602: “ avnque confieso que la fee esta confirmada en estos reynos, es tanta nuestra tiuieza en acudir a las cosas de el seruicio de dios y culto diuino que algunas veces son necessarios milagros y nuestro señor vemos que los obra cada dia para que aya mayor deuoçion y con fervor acudamos todos a venerar y respectar las sanctas ymagines y por estos medios suele nuestro señor atraer los pueblos pues en semejantes casos vemos concurrir a porfia a visitar semejantes ymagenes por quien nues-

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tro señor obra sus milagros, no solo la gente toda de los lugares donde suçeden / 118r / sino de los demas comarcanos y de toda la tierra por donde se publica y dibulga la fama de el tal milagro y con semejantes casos y sucçessos sobrenaturales aunque todas las ymagenes por lo que representan se an de tener estimar y reuerenciar con mucho respecto, pero particularmente por las que nuestro señor semejantes milagros obra se tienen y respectan con mucho mas deuoçion, y en las capillas donde se tienen se hazen muchos sacrifiçios se diçen misas y sermones y se hazen oraçiones convocanse y juntanse mui de ordinario los pueblos en tales yglesias y casas de oraçion, danse limosnas y hazense otras obras pias y sanctas con que nuestro señor es alauado y seruido.” 23 Ibid., fols. 248r–v, Bishop Martín de Axpe y Sierra: “el sudor y gotas de agua que . . . se vieron clara y patentemente por todo el cuerpo del dicho sancto cruciffixo y limpiandolo los saçerdotes con vnos corporales se vmedeçian y bolbian luego a rebenir y naçer alli mismo otras gotas de agua y que aunque menearon y mudaron el sancto cruçifijo, no se cayan las dichas gotas de agua y sudor, que se beian pendientes en el, y ansimismo verse el rostro del dicho cristo como afligido congoxado y demudado con admiraçion y espanto de todos los que lo vieron y differente de lo que antes deste casso se vio y despues se a visto su rostro. El dicho casso deberse tener por milagro que nuestro señor jhesucristo fue seruido de hazer y obrar en su sancta ymagen y figura para bien de los fieles cristianos. …todos fieles cristianos de nuestro obispado que de aqui en adelante lo beneran y tengan por tal milagro, y que se escriba y ponga en vna tabla en parte y lugar que este de manifiesto para que el pueblo se exorta a buen viuir y a seruir y agradar en todas sus acçiones a nuestro buen dios y señor y a mayor culto y beneraçion de su sancta ymagen.” 24 For instance, Spaniards could read of a crucifix in a village in Sardinia, Galtelli, that started sweating and bleeding on the days leading up to its feast on May 3, 1612. The face allegedly looked very tortured, and when the curtain was drawn back so people could sing it a Miserere, many drops of blood fell, and “the church was filled with lamenting, copious tears were wept, all fearful of some chastisement well deserved because of sins and offenses to his Divine Majesty” (se llenò la Iglesia de llanto, y se derramaron copiosas lagrimas, temiendose todos de algun castigo, bien merecido por los pecados, y ofensas hechas à su Diuina Magestad). In the subsequent investigation, people said that the crucifix had been noticed in the past to change expressions, whether happy, favorable, sad, afflicted, or angry, and at times the very fabric of the image seemed to be transformed. “Some priests testify that sometimes they have found one of the thighs soft and tractable, as if it were real flesh and bones, causing in them and those present great wonder,” Devocion y milagros. For the investigation of the sweating/weeping of an image of the Virgin of Copacabana in Lima, 1591, see Amino, “Las lágrimas.” Christoval de los Santos, Tesoro del Cielo, 1:138–39, mentions the sweating of a crucifix in 1621 in Minas de Ixmiquilpan, Mexico. The first published news of this sweating in Spain came in 1649. See Taylor, “Two Shrines” and Rubial García, “Imágenes y ermitaños,” 230–35. For Goa, in 1636, Diego de Santa Ana, Milagroso portento. For Gyo˝r, Mitchell, “Fiction,” and the pious version in Jordánszky, Mag yar Országban, 56–57. 25 Relacion de algvnos, 4: “sudò hazia la parte derecha, debaxo del braço, por espacio de 4. horas, y el sudor era un licor extraordinario, que ni bien era agua (aunque lo parecia en el color) ni bien azeyte, ni otro licor que coriesse, sino que se yua hinchando como vnas gotas gruessas, y si lo enxugauan, luego boluia a manar el mismo licor, y se empaparon dos lienços.” 26 Relacion segvnda de algvnos, 2: “Que milagros puede hazer vna tabla? y arrodillandose delante de vn gran tablon, que auia muchos dias que estaua arrimado a la pared, y no se podia mouer facilmente: dixo en menosprecio de la imagen del Santo. Tabla haz milagros: Al punto se le cayò la tabla en la cabeça, y dandole vn gran golpe, le descalabrò muy bien, y la herida del cuerpo fue la salud de su alma, que este castigo a esso endereçaron Dios y san Ignacio: si bien no teniendose el blasfemo por seguro de la Inquisicion, se huyò de Calatayud, donde personas abonadas son testigos que estan hoy en Madrid.” 27 Andrade, Veneración, 348–66. 28 Ibid., 224–26. 29 Cunill i Fontfreda, El Sant Crist, 40–67, at 52: “que lo Christo del Hospital avia plorat sanch y aygua . . . y que a nit . . . avia sentit tocar la campana del hospital dos vegades.” 30 Antón Díaz, age fifty-four, April 9, 1640, fols. 125v–28r, in “Informacion fecha en virtud de comision de los Señores del Consejo de Su Alteza el Señor Cardenal Ynfante, en razon del Sudor de diez y siete dias que hizo en este villa del Bonillo el SANTO CRISTO DE LOS MILAGROS, el año de 1640 el dia quatro del mes de marzo de dicho año = Y asimismo el Milagro que a 21 de Abril de dicho año ejecuto con Christival Chilleron haviendole cogido los novillos.” This is a notarized copy in the Libro de Cofradia made February 19, 1794, from the copy made May 23, 1641, of the document in Toledo. I saw it in the parish archive. 31 The Augustinian friar was Miguel Garcés de la Cañada. Ldo. Juan Baptista Davia, age about seventy, April 14, 1640, ibid., fol. 140v: “la sudor bullia como la de un huebo que ponen asar en la lumbre,” reporting what Garcés told him. This image was used by several observers, including Díaz himself. 32 Davia, April 14, 1640, ibid., fol. 140r: “como ha sucedido en otras ocasiones muchas.” 33 Pedro Morcillo, age sixty-four, April 18, 1640, ibid., fol. 156v: “como cuando un hombre viene caluroso y cansado.” 34 Diego Ortiz, infantry captain, regidor, familiar of the Holy Office, age forty-two, May 6, 1640, ibid., fol. 175r: “como una lentejuela de plata, que resplandecía.” 35 Luis Calvache Pinero, doctor, age seventy, April 15, 1640, ibid., fol. 150r: “that odor was not natural, for it was not water of orange blossom, violets, carnations, angels, amber, musk, civet, calamite storax, lozenges, nor anything that this witness knows about” (y que aquel olor no era de cosa natural, porque ni era de agua de Azar, ni de Violetas, ni de Claveles, ni de Angeles, ni de Ambar, ni de Amizcle, ni de Algalia, ni de Estoraque calamita, ni de pastillas, y por fin dixo, que ni de otra cosa que este testigo alcanza). One witness (fol. 158v) said it was like jasmine flower, but more delicate (suave). 36 Christoval Chilleron, labrador, age forty-four, April 15, 1640, ibid., fols. 148v–149r. 37 Juan de la Plaza, painter, age twenty-seven, April 22, 1640, ibid., fol. 178v: “es cosa sobrenatural y milagrosa, y este testigo lo tiene por tal, y la pintura de ella porque es de las mas primas y superiores, que ha visto su vida, tanto que provoca a rreberencia, y debocion grande aquiel [sic] lo vè, y en todas las ocasiones que este testigo le ha visto se le han escarmenado los cavellos, y dado temor, porque la Caveza es de la mayor primor y vivez [sic], que ay en el arte de pintura.”

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2 38 For sweating, in 1641, of a Veronica in Baños de la Encina (Jaén) and a painting of the Cristo de Cabra in Linares (Jaén) during Jesuit missions, see “Copia de una carta, que el Padre Marcos de Verrio aviendo vuelto de una larga mission escrivio desde Jaen a un religioso amigo residente en Madrid, de 24 de De. de 1641,” BRAH 9.336 folios 200rv, and “Traslado de una relacion que se escribio desde Baños al Señor Cardenal Obispo de Jaen por el doctor Melchor de Blanca Prior de aquella iglesia y el Padre Pedro de Fontiberos del sudor extraordinario de la santa Beronica en la Villa de Baños estando en mission los padres Marcos de Verrio y dicho Padre Fontiberos sacada puntiualmente de la juridical que para su eminencia se hiço con mas de cien testigos,” ibid., 343r–345v. I am grateful to Katrina Olds for this reference and transcription. 39 Most of what we know of the events comes from a book about it, published fifty years later by a Trinitarian who was a native son, which includes the final judgment and verbatim excerpts from the hearing, see Christoval de los Santos, Tesoro del Cielo. 40 Ibid., 1:38–39. The main Veronica shrines in Spain were in Jaén and Alicante; two other Veronica images that became active were in Honrubia (Cuenca) sometime in the 1630s (to the beata Ana García Rubio and others, see Panes, Chronica, 430–36) and in Sacedón (Guadalajara), in 1689, where an investigation was held after a Veronica was discovered on a wall and worked miracles; see Corona, Historia de la maravillosa aparición. 41 Christoval de los Santos, Tesoro del Cielo, 1:42, the Dominican Miguel Conde: “y que dicho Rostro de nuestro Señor Jesu-Christo estava encendido, y encarnado, como de vna persona que està muy fatigada, y cansada, y que le pareciò, que algunas vezes hazia mudanças el Rostro, como impelido de alguna congoja Interior, y los ojos sumamente tristes, los labios belfos.” See also in De Gayangos, Cartas de Jesuitas, a letter dated April 26, 1644, to Seville, quoting an April 24 letter from the rector of Villarejo de Fuentes to Madrid, Memorial Histórico Español 17, 470–71. 42 Christoval de los Santos, Tesoro del Cielo, 1:22–23. 43 Public penance that provoked public weeping served as demonstrations to God that the town as a collective being was repentant, see Christian, “Provoked Religious Weeping.” 44 Christoval de los Santos, Tesoro del Cielo, 2:122: “lo tenían por milagro, y sin sospecha de causa natural, que en ello interviniesse, segun lo que la fragilidad, y juizio humano puede alcançar à entender, y juzgar. Y por este razon, ser digno de ponerse desde luego en mas veneracion de la que aora està en dicho cuadro.” This outcome resembled the outcome of a beatification process, which also allowed a greater degree of veneration of a person considered blessed. 45 Sebastian Gonzalez, Madrid, to Rafael Peyreira, Seville, in De Gayangos, Cartas de Jesuitas, MHE 18, 299, letter May 15, 1646, “Dios está muy enojado”; “A un padre de este Colegio dijo la condesa de Puñoenrostro, que en un pueblo suyo que se llama Alcobendas habia allí sudado un Cristo, y que habiéndole limpiado algunas veces el sudor el cura, habia de nuevo vuelto á sudar. ¡Quiera Dios mejorar estos presagios!” 46 The following account is based on “Infformacion de la milagrossa Imagen del Sto. Christo de la Columna cuya sta efigie esta en esta Iglessia Parrochial de señor san Pedro de esta Villa de Alcouendas año de mill y seiscientos y quarenta y seis,” in the parish archive of San Pedro Apostol, 1646. It consists of 98 folios. There is also another, 243-page transcript, made in 1794, and a record book of the alms to the image with entries for 1646, and the period 1651 to 1709. 47 “Infformacion,” fols. 54v, 57r, Francisco de Moscoso (“exalcalde de los nobles”): “como suele seçederze.” 48 Ibid., fols. 11v, 33v, 36v, 40r 49 Ibid., fols. 19r, 26v, 54v, and passim: “temor,” “ternura,” “admiracion,” “contento,” “pura devocion” and “reuerençia.” 50 Several of the male witnesses were town notables (“those paid attention to”), and four were seasonal workers, including two from a town next to Osa de la Vega; the age of the male witnesses ranged from twenty-two to sixty-seven, of the women, from twenty-two to fifty. 51 Ibid., fol. 66v: “en tiempos tan calamitosos.” 52 Díaz i Carbonell, El Sant Crist, 228: “á cercar algun home perque vehes, pera que a nosaltres nons he creurian.” 53 Christian, Religiosidad local, 219–49. As Richard Trexler has pointed out (in “Habiller et déshabiller”), Spain’s Christ images were largely undressed, and most of them did not have detachable clothing. In contrast, Marian images were heavily dressed (Cea Gutiérrez, Religiosidad popular; Albert-Llorca, Vierges miraculeuses) and humors or transformation had to be concentrated on the face or hands. 54 In 1520, in Cocentaina; see text of the original acts by Luis Juan de Alzamora and the retrospective testimony of six witnesses on December 9, 1605, in Arques Jover, Breve Historia, 53–95. For 1525 Nuévalos, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid (hereafter AHN), Códice 829B Colegiata del Sto. Sepulcro de Calatayud, Apeo del archivo, Cajon de las escrituras de la encomienda de Nuebalos no. 4 (fol. 78r) and no. 30 (fol. 89v). For Tobed, see documents in Historia del antiguo, 60–68, and testimony boards in the church; AHN Ordenes Militares Sto Sepulcro Sellos Caja 34, no. 11, February 28, 1400, Martin I of Aragon gives image painted by Saint Luke to Tobed church; and AHN Códice 829B (see above), Cajon de privilegios reales (fol. 25r), for donation of painting; and no. 68 (fol. 242v) for sweat of images. On this kind of image, see Crispí i Cantón, “La verònica,” 1996. 55 Pulido Serrano, Injurias a Cristo, 143–47. 56 For 1640 Llers, see Camós, Jardín de María, 166–68, and Pellicer, Avisos, August 7, 1640. For Riudarenes, see Elliot, Revolt of the Catalans, 426, see also 420, 427, 444–45; and for Olot, see Camós, Jardín de María, 151–53, citing notarial act. 57 In 1675, a painting of Our Lady of the Rosary sweating, and in 1677, exacerbated by famine and plague, images of Mary, Christ, Saint Anthony of Padua, and Saint Joseph sweating in monasteries and private houses. Antonio de Santa María, Hispania Triunfante, chap. 54, 520–22, cited in Christoval de los Santos, Tesoro del Cielo, 163–65. 58 Cardinal Luis Antonio de Belluga’s Carta pastoral of August 18, 1706, printed in Murcia, Granada, Pamplona, Seville, and Naples, the Gazeta de Murcia, August 24, 1706, 87–88, and Belluga’s published correspondence described a plaster bust of the Sorrowful Mother in a house near Murcia whose weeping on August 8–9, 1706, he witnessed, as had been leading troops in battle a short distance away. Belluga had testimony taken from twenty-four witnesses on August 11 and related the weeping to profanations by British troops in Alicante. 59 The battles were at Brihuega and Villaviciosa. Various relaciones, including BNM VE 708–65, 818–106, BNM V 56–40, 121–26; Arbiol, Sudor milagroso, by which he gives the testimony; and Fray Martín Rosillo (the Franciscan from Molina de Aragón who made the enquiry), Del admirable sudor de una imagen de San Francisco en tiempo de guerra (Zaragoza, 1712), which I have not seen, cited in Sanz y Díaz, “Traíd y el cuadro,” Diario de Cuenca, Aug. 31, 1982, 9.

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60 Relacion verdadera, 1: “especialmente se deve poner cuydado en sudores de Imagenes; pues se han experimentado muchos de vano artificio, causados, ù de la ciega aficion que tienen à la Imagen por darle mas culto, ù de la precipitada codicia de Santeros, y Sacristanes, que no quieren comer pan de su sudor, como Adan, sino sustentarse à costa de el sudor de la Imagen.” 61 See Vidal, “Miracles, Science, and Testimony,” and its excellent bibliography. 62 As the seventeenth century progressed, brotherhoods in Seville tended to hire their flagellants; see Sánchez Herrero, La Semana Santa, 135, 145, 167–69. Flagellation was forbidden altogether in the Real Cédula [Royal edict] of February 20, 1777. 63 In Ávila, in 1594, the alabaster statue held to be Saint Segundo had a liquid like sweat on its face about the time the image was to be taken from the brotherhood chapel and placed in the cathedral. Some said the sweat appeared because the saint did not want to be moved, others, because the saint was glad to be moved. Still others said the sweat was liquid left over from when the face was washed, which picked up the light from candles on the altar. The diocesan official sent by the bishop to look into the matter decided “there was nothing of substance.” Antonio Cianca, Historia de la vida, invención, milagros y traslación de San Segundo (Madrid: Luys Sanchez, 1595), facsimile ed., 2 vols. (Ávila: Institución Gran Duque de Alba, 1993), 2:23r–23v, cited in Cátedra, Un santo para una ciudad, 61–62: “no auía cosa de sustancia.” 64 Christian, “Francisco Martínez,” 103: “Y que le dixo que tan cierto seria como lo era que un Santo Christo que llebaba al pecho estaba sudando sangre. Con lo que le commobio y a no arrimarse a la pared del cortijo ubiera caido.” 65 Ibid, 104–105, “metia el santo christo en agua, o se le hechaba, y aciendose sangre en un dedo se la pegaba y de esta calidad lo mostraba a dichos compañeros dandoles a entender sudaba sangre y agua.” 66 Ibid, 107, “tomar el oficio de olgazán, y comer e beuer alegremente”; “poco inclinado al trauajo, y querer sin el, comer, y pasar con conveniencia la vida.” 67 Feijóo, Teatro Crítico, 3: sixth discourse, “Milagros Supuestos”: “¡Quántos llantos, ò sudores mysteriosos de sagradas estatuas corrieron en varios Paises que no tuvieron mas existencia que las que les dio un engañoso viso, ò una imaginacion fanática! En los primeros años de este siglo se proclamó tanto el sudor de un Crucifixo, no como término, sino como symptoma de la enfermedad que entonces padecia España, que pasó à los Reynos estraños la noticia como muy verdadera, siendo fabulosa.” 68 Montuno Morente, Nuestra Señora de la Capilla, 394. 69 Instrumentos auténticos. 70 See the excellent study of Cattaneo, Gli Occhi di Maria. 71 Emérita Lara and Esperanza Aparicio Buendía, interview by author, October 24, 1976, El Bonillo, tape recording, about vision in jail in Hellín. 72 In Miguelturra (Ciudad Real). Other images with certified activations have been eclipsed by competing devotions who worked their own miracles. If the Christ at the Column upstaged Our Lady of the Peace in the drought of 1646, in 1677, Our Lady of the Peace regained her preeminence by multiplying the wine in an Alcobendas house, and today it is her feast, not that of the Christ or its sweating, that is celebrated. 73 Aulnoy, Travels into Spain, 153. 74 Portús, “Holy Depicting the Holy.” 75 I concur with Vauchez, “Introduction,” 10: “N’importe quelle image, religieuse ou non, peut en effet être investie d’un pouvoir inhérent qui, à un certain moment, se révèle au grand jour à l’occasion d’une vision, d’une animation ou de miracles.” 76 Corteguera, “Talking Images.” 77 Nalle, “Private Devotion, Personal Space”; Kasl, “Delightful Adornments”; and for Mexico, Rubial, Profetisas y solitarios, 124–35. 78 For the Christ of the Column of Monlora in the illustrations, Hebrera y Emir, Descripción, and Historia de Monlora. 79 Christian and Krasznai, “Christ of Limpias and the Passion of Hungary.” 80 See Christian, Moving Crucifixes; in Navarra, the Christs of Piedramillera (starting May 11, 1920), Berbinzana (starting May 22, 1920 [Archivo Diocesano de Pamplona, Berbinzana, 1920 no. 9. I thank Santiago Martínez Magdalena for this reference]) and Mañeru (by May 28, 1920). 81 To this day many of the people of the towns of Sant Quirze de Besora and Montesquiu (Barcelona) believe that one of the textile mills nearby had an articulated crucifix in an adjacent chapel, which, when workers asked the owner for an increase in salary, would be made to shake its head or nod (personal conversations, Montesquiu 2009, Anglada, Història del poble de Montesquiu, 120–28). 82 The Templemore events have not been seriously studied. I have consulted, among other newspapers, the Tipperary Star, the Irish Independent, the Nenagh Guardian, the Anglo-Celt, and the Meath Chronicle. 83 Christian, Visionaries, 95, 155, 159, 200, 208, 445. 84 As far as I know, there has been no scholarly work on her sect, which was periodically, and notoriously, in the news. See Gilles Lameire, La Vierge en pleurs. 85 There is an abundant bibliography: apologetic, like Bombenger, Le Sacré-Coeur de Mirebeau-en-Poitou and Association, Témoignages, and Grabin­ ski, Wunder, 140–200; estoteric, like Birven, Abbe Vachère, who believed Vachère was a magician; and enquiring, like Feilding, “The Case of Abbé Vachère,” but no critical study. 86 See Garlaschelli, “Sangue, sudore e lacrime.” 87 Badame, La Virgen de las Lágrimas. 88 Syracuse Post-Standard and Syracuse Herald-Journal, April 14–26, 1949, passim. For North American devotion to Saint Anne see Sherry Smith, “Between Heaven and Earth,” which mentions the Syracuse case on pages 38–39. 89 “Syracuse ‘Miracle’ Draws Huge Crowd 1949” www.britishpathe.com/video/syracuse-miracle-draws-huge-crowd. 90 See, for instance, George Silk's photos of Shirley Ann Martin at gettyimages.com 91 “A Diocesan Statement on the ‘Weeping Statue Head,’” Catholic Herald UK April 29, 1949, 5, . 92 “Shirley’s Kisses Bring Tears to Eyes of St. Anne in Church, Says Mother, But Fail as Priest Watches,” Syracuse Post-Standard, June 29 1949, p9; Grace Lewis, “At the Post,” Syracuse Post-Standard, March 29, 1951, 15, on the family’s desire to set up a shrine. There is an interview with Shirley

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2 Anne and her sister Beverly on the 50th anniversary of the events (Dick Case, “Touched by a Statue’s Tears; Sisters remain matter-of-fact about events that brought the world to their door,” Syracuse Herald-American, April 25, 1999, B1, p3), and a comment by Shirley Anne on a YouTube version of Brian Coll’s song about the events, “Tears of Saint Anne.” downloaded February 5, 2012. Her sister writes, “… the only experience our family had regarding crying statues, was an episode that occurred during Holy Week in 1949 when my sister, Shirley Anne (Martin) Hamlin kissed a statue of St. Anne and the statue, as well as other blessed images of St. Anne, cried watery tears continuously over an eight year period when these images were kissed by Shirley.” Beverly J. Galtieri, Emma, a Beacon of Light (available at www.motherofjoy.com, downloaded April 24 2015) 6, about the Philippine-Canadian mystic Emma Guzman. 93 For the boy, Bruno Salafia, see Syracuse Post-Standard in 1948 for July 31 and August 4, 18 and 27. The prominent family that was his host, the priest who took him under his wing, and the Post-Standard reporter who attempted to adopt him all subsequently figured in the news articles about the weeping image. Shirley Anne’s statuette was, like the one of Jean Salvadé four years later in Entrevaux, that of St. Anne teaching the Virgin to read, and in both cases the image activated was a broken one. 94 Interview with the parish priest, Foz, Aug. 12, 1977. 95 Ofensiva (Cuenca) articles by Bort Carbó Oct. 11 to Nov. 10, 1959, Ya Nov. 5 and 7, 1959; Querol in Sábado Gráfico Oct. 24, 1959, and Menéndez-Chacón in Blanco y Negro, Oct. 24, 1958. The weeping was filmed by Agustín Ontalvo Carreño. The lithograph wept daily from Sept 18 to Oct. 9, especially on Fridays, then Nov. 4, Nov. 6, Nov. 7 and possibly thereafter. Rvdo. Emilio Hortelano, interview, July 21, 1977. 96 I talked to many of the people involved and three members of the commission in July 1977. They and much of Spain’s clergy were influenced by Carlos María Staehlin’s critical book, Apariciones. 97 For the skeptical clergy, see Lévêque, Mon curé chez les visionnaires, 18. 98 The X-ray, published in Paris Match, Dec. 25, 1954, 64–67, showed the image was fashioned over what was originally a crucifix, and this shadow Christ below Saint Anne was considered a miraculous sign. 99 For example, Pichon, “Miracle ou supercherie?” See also Thomassin, “Le faux miracle.” 100 Salvadé and Bronté, “Le faux miracle,” France-Dimanche, Feb. 2 to March 2, 1961, all on page 8. See also Arnal, Mystères et Merveilles, 136–72, using, somewhat imaginatively, police records. 101 Éparvier and Hérissée, Le Dosssier des miracles, 195. 102 Arnal, Mystères et Merveilles, 169–70. 103 Garlaschelli, “Sangue, sudore e lacrime,” Warner, “Blood and Tears.” For apologetic accounts of the many such events, see the works of Piero Mantero, including his Foto “Soprannaturali” and other publications of Edizioni Segno, Udine, along with the magazine Segno. 104 Vázquez and Marquardt, “Globalizing the Rainbow Madonna.” 105 Wojcik, “Polaroids from Heaven,” and “Spirits, Apparitions and Traditions”; Bitel and Gainer, Our Lady of the Rock, 94–106. At Ezquioga (1931– 1934) photographs and films came to be critical evidence for and against the visions. Eventually, the bishop demanded the surrender of all photos of the seers, a testimony to the images’ effectiveness. Christian, Visionaries, 112, 151, 274–75, Christian, “L’Oeil de l’esprit.” 106 See the works of the chemist Garlaschelli at http://www.luigigarlaschelli.it/Altrepubblicazioni. 107 See Gross, The Dream of the Moving Image.

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Presence, Absence, and the Supernatural in Postcard and Family Photographs, Europe, 1895–1920 Painting possesses a truly divine power in that not only does it make the absent present (as they say of friendship), but it also represents the dead to the living many centuries later, so they are recognized by spectators with pleasure and deep admiration for the artist. — Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting, 1435

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llustrating the two previous chapters about visits by pilgrim strangers and images that seemed to come alive were statues, paintings, engravings, and photographs. This chapter deals with the passage of art to photography in the representation of visions. Its brief text is a guide to what is essentially a visual argument for the transposition of medieval and early modern representations of the relations between humans and the divine to the art of photography, and the profound change in the nature of the self that photography facilitated. The chapter is arranged in pools of images connected by introductions. When preparing these essays, I participated in a seminar on collecting. The fundamental act in collecting, it was pointed out, is the decision to include and exclude—the assignment of value to some things and not to others,1 thereby establishing a kind of membrane between things rejected and things accorded added value and special status.2 One participant cited Joan Kron: “By being part of a collection each piece is transformed from its original function of toy, icon, bowl, picture, whatever, into an object with new meaning—a member of an assemblage that is greater than the sum of its parts.”3 All of these essays involved choices of inclusion and exclusion, but the procedures differed. The first chapter grew organically and somewhat surprisingly from the story of Toribia del Val. An examination of the immediate context and antecedents and successors found the notion of the mysterious wayfarer to be like an unusual kind of mushroom. Fed by the rains of catechism, the sunshine of iconography, and seasonal showers of pilgrims, it occasionally emerged in visions or the stories of visions of angels or Christ. 65

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3 The second is based on documented episodes of activation I had collected over four decades. Here inclusion was relatively simple: those instances of liquids on images which had a public impact, with reflections on why they had impact, and how they changed over time. The mushroom in question was less rare and easier to find, and, apparently for systematic reasons, widely consumed in certain places and periods. Whereas the first two chapters involved collecting everything or the more salient items in a class, for this last one, given a field of millions of postcards and photographic images between 1895 and 1920, there was no way to establish a population or even a taxonomy. Out of the seemingly limitless abundance of images available in shops, flea markets, and then online, certain ones attracted me more than others, this one yes, those no—an experience common to all shoppers. The reasons, while undeniably instinctual and aesthetic, also seemed to be thematic in a manner of which I was only partly aware, aside from the general idea of depiction of the invisible. Over time, ideas and analogies became clearer and the choices more compelling, leading to “an assemblage that seemed to be greater than the sum of its parts.” The result is a path of meaning necessarily personal, one way of regarding the impact of the great revolution of photography on visions, self-awareness and vision itself. For photography (and subsequently moving pictures) shouldered its way into the discernment process for visions, with pictures and films cited as evidence for and against the activation of statues. As photography took hold on the imagination and became an anchor for visual memory, its conventions and its iconography in turn affected what people experienced. For any period in history we cannot fully understand what happened in visions without knowing the visual “field,” the common repertory, of “invisibles.” The years from 1895 to 1920, because of the fad for picture postcards, comprise a special period for the consolidation of a visible field that now is exceptionally accessible. Fanning out from Berlin and Vienna, photo, photo/art, and art postcards spread a craze of images from great cities to remote villages. Millions of cards circulated, many of them in numbered sets, and many consumers sent each other, one by one, complete sets, commenting in their messages on their favorites.4 My grandfather’s cousin, a single man in New York City, sent his niece, a child in Lynchburg, Virginia, a postcard every day in the years around 1900. It was an affordable and democratic craze, in which masters and servants separately participated, gathering the cards in albums and boxes. The numbers are staggering. Collections and collectors continue a century later with stores, fairs, and websites to supply them. For Western Europe the most important website is currently Delcampe.com, based in Belgium, which had at the time of this edition over 40,000,000 postcards on offer, roughly half of them from the

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first three decades of the twentieth century. An equivalent Spanish site, TodoColección, offers 2,000,000 postcards.5 These websites also offer personal and family photographs, many from the same period made on postcard stock so they could be mailed. Immense searchable archives such as these provide a window on the imagination of the early twentieth century, particularly as expressed through the lens of the camera. Through them one can get to see how some of the invisible members of Western European society were made visible.

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hotography brought an immediacy to the depiction of visions, but at the same time presented a basic problem, one that has always been present for people seeing others have visions: by definition one cannot see what only seers see (figs. 49–50). For documentary photos of visionaries, the proof and the attraction of the photos, like that of many mystical paintings and sculptures of the baroque period, was the transformation of the seer’s faces and their bodies by what they saw looking upwards (fig. 51). The artistic conventions involved in pose and gesture were absorbed by both seer and photographer (fig. 52). We saw how Francisco Martínez described his imagined pilgrim angel with upturned eyes and Jean Salvadé learned to turn his eyes upwards and cross his hands on his chest when faced with awkward questions (such as the one put by an Irish reporter: “Have you had your first communion?”). Seers at the apparition site of Ezquioga, in the Spanish Basque country (1931–1934), were told that rolled-back eyes were a sign of a true vision, and the pious photographers who depicted them waited to click, cropped to isolate and selected to print poses like those of visionaries in baroque art (figs. 53–54). At Ezquioga and elsewhere, seers whose poses were awkward or unartistic were not photographed at all, or only by skeptical photojournalists.6 In any case, the visionaries themselves were the spectacle people came to see, not what the visionaries were seeing, and in photos the faces in vision tend to be pointed up by the intent gaze of onlookers (fig. 55). But however selective the photographers, the transformation of seers during visions was not terribly different from experimental subjects in vision pose, as in photos by Duchenne de Boulogne in 1862,7 seers when they were not having visions, as in 1864 studio portraits of Bernadette,8 studio models in prayer for the postcard trade (fig. 56), ordinary people posing in prayer like this Spanish family by a household altar (fig. 57), or any well-lit faces looking intently upward like this Belgian magazine cover from 1933 (fig. 58).

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3 And in any case, people had become accustomed to photographs as the measure of reality, but, as in real life, the invisibles were not in the picture. Artists, of course, could depict the seer and the seen. Painting, observed Alberti in the fifteenth century, “contributed considerably to the piety that binds us to the gods.”9 In late medieval and early modern painting, as the Romanian art historian Victor Stoichita has shown, the “vision” was often separated from the real by height, by angle of displacement, and mandorlas or clouds (figs. 59–60).10 But this option, while it continued with the old schema in drawing, painting, exvotos, prints, and postcards into the age of photography, had diminished authority compared to the scientific power of the photograph (figs. 61–72). So other solutions were sought that could capture the story of apparitions succinctly and convincingly. At La Salette, postcards were sold combining photographs and art that depicted the visions and mapped their location. Photo postcards also showed the regular retelling of the vision events at the different locations. You see the pilgrims at the vision place hearing the apparition story, but you are looking at them as they look at the priests telling the story or the statues depicting it, and neither you nor they are seeing the Virgin Mary herself. One way to make the art cards more dramatic, in keeping with the older technique of translucent painting and the effect of lantern slides, was translucent postcards that then held up to light could show the invisible. Developed first as souvenirs of World Expositions to depict day and night scenes, Spanish card publishers refined this technique to depict apparitions of the Virgin at Montserrat and Ezquioga (figs. 73–76). A more common solution was to use actors representing the seers and the seen, posed in positions already recognizable from conventional representations by artists (fig. 77–80). We see these scenes as well on postcards from theatrical representations, especially from outdoor summer stages. And very early, film, shown as a regular option of the pilgrimage experience at Lourdes, became the most dramatic way to witness the vision experience. The reproduction of vision grottos with images placed in seen positions meant that in some way, almost everywhere in the Catholic world, people could physically place themselves in the position of Bernadette and could become part of the picture figuratively (at times literally) (figs. 82–84). For France the height of the postcard craze coincided not only with the popularity of Lourdes, but also with the national cult of Jeanne d’Arc and an enthusiastic campaign that culminated in her beatification in 1909 and her canonization in 1920 hard on the heels of the victory in World War I. The scene in Domrémy in which Jeanne heard the voices of saints and angels giving her her mission to reconquer France from the English (one that deeply resonated with the occupation of Alsace and Lorraine by Germany since the war of 1870) is a para-

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digm of the photographic representation of visions (or in this case, auditions). One way that the scene was represented in art and by actors was simply with a listening figure. But more commonly the supernaturals, as in paintings, were drawn in or acted out, whether in the studio, in tableaux onstage, or in outdoor pageants (figs. 85–92).11

Figs. 49–50. “Mademoiselle Clément, the Seer of Usson du Poitou (Vienne) on the Apparitions Field.” Photographic postcard by a local photographer, 1915.

Vigeant, Aug 18, 1915 My dear Valentine, Today the photographer came by bringing photographs of the girl from Usson, so I send you one. Don’t lose it. As soon as you have news, good or bad, about your sister, send it to me, and tell me how your health is, too. Goodbye my dear Valentine, your father and I give you a big hug.

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Fig. 51. José de Ribera, St. Mary the Egyptian, 1651. Museo Civico Gaetano Filangeri, Naples. Fig. 52. Josefa Menéndez, c. 1930. Photographic holy card, Montpellier, Maison du Sacré Coeur.

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Fig. 53. José Garmendia, Ezquioga, 1932–1933, Photo: Raymond de Rigné, from VU (Paris), Aug. 30, 1933. All rights reserved. Fig. 54. Marcelina Mendívil “in vision,” Ezquioga, May, 1933. Photo: Raymond de Rigné, in Une Nouvelle Affaire Jeanne d’Arc (Orléans, La Librairie Centrale, 1933). All rights reserved.

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Fig. 55. Child visionary in Lokeren, Belgium, August 1934. “The ‘seer’ of Saint Nicolas carries her imaginary cross with visible difficulty…” From Gab, “Les Visionnaires de Lokeren.” Courtesy Harry Price Collection, University of London. Fig. 56. Girl in prayer. Postcard from woman in Kazubazua (Que.) to woman in Buckingham (Que.), Nov. 17, 1909, with thanks for postcard. Publisher unknown.

Dear Leila, Many thanks for pretty postal hope you are well. I got my furs they are very nice. Kindest regards from all

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Fig. 57. Family in prayer, possibly c. 1930, 16.5×22 cm. Spain. Fig. 58. Cover, Soireés, Brussels, Oct. 3, 1933.

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Fig. 59. Raphael, Transfiguration, Vatican Museum. Postcard before 1905. Rome, Ernesto Richter 57. Fig. 60. Murillo, La Porciúncula, Museo del Prado 981. Phototype postcard, after 1904. Madrid, Fototipia Hauser y Menet.

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Fig. 61. Exvoto, shrine of Na. Sra. del Milacre, Riner (Lleida). Photo: the author. Fig. 62. Exvoto, Nra. Sra. del Remei, Alcanar (Tar.). Photo: the author.

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Fig. 63. La Salette apparition. Holy card, 19th c. Fig. 64. Lourdes apparition. Holy card, 19th c. Poitiers, Bonamy. Fig. 65. Apparition, Na. Sra. de Agres (Alicante). Lithograph holy card. Valen‑ cia, Lit. S. Durá. Fig. 66. Apparition of Sacred Heart at Paray-le-Monial. Sent within Paris, March 26, 1915. France, J. H.

My dear Emilie. At the Sacred Heart we thought about and prayed for you—your cousin and cousine.

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Figs. 67–68. Austrian soldier’s visions of hot coffee and strudel: Pencil on field-postcard, sent July 14 and 20, 1915 by Karl Schmitt to mother in Vienna.

“It keeps appearing to me as in a dream!” I send you heartfelt greetings! in the hope of an early reply with many kisses, your son Karl. A letter follows. “I greet you many thousands of times, you, o apple strudel! Torment of my dreams!” Dear Mother! My thoughts always wander off there to the place of coffee with milk and different kinds of strudel, where I grew up. With a heartfelt kiss, your Karl

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Fig. 69. Apparition, Beauraing c. 1933. Vendu au profit des Missions / Verkocht ten voordeele der Missiën. (Sold for the benefit of Missions.) Fig. 70. “Banneux—Path indicated by the apparition to Mariette Beco. ‘I am the Holy Virgin of the Poor. I come to relieve the sick.’” Postcard from four children in Louveigné to Mlle in Redu, 1930s. Logo: Legia.

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Fig. 71. Apparition, Beauraing. Sent from Beauraing to Mlles in Louvain, Oct. 7, 1933. Liège, J. Mat, Phototypie Liègoise. Fig. 72. “Pius XII contemplates the miracle of the sun of Fatima.” Calendar illustration, 1960. [“visions in Vatican gardens Oct. 30 and 31 and Nov. 1 and 8, 1950”]. Pamplona, Almanaque Apostolado de Fatima.

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Figs. 73–74. Montserrat, the apparition cave, c. 1929. Barcelona, Imp. M. Tasis.

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Figs. 75–76. Apparition of the Virgin at Ezquioga. San Sebastián, Imp. Martin y Mena. [1931].

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Figs. 77–80. Lourdes apparition with human models, 4 postcard series by Pierre Viron, photographer at Lourdes, with Spanish captions printed by M. P., Madrid. Mailed by couple on vacation to relatives at a jewelry store in Zaragoza, July 26 to Aug 3, 1905.

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1. Bernadette is stunned and amazed We are doing very well, in a quite good and inexpensive pension. We haven't seen anything yet, we just eat and sleep, and sometimes go out for a stroll. Rosario feels very well. Write us every day. Saturday or Sunday we leave for Cartagena. Our best to Antonio and we hope that sales go very well; know that we never forget you. 2. When she sees a very beautiful Image appear Dear siblings, we received your postcard [and] that of Ignacio and Tugel today, making us very happy. Saturday we leave for Cartagena. Earlier today ,I wrote to Juana and Felipe. My wife is very sharp, she says that before going into the theater you have to buy a ticket. I also report that I think she is now chinche [?] because she cleans her eyes with her elbow. Best wishes to Tutonio and the others, tomorrow we will write Tugel, and to you our best from…

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3. That orders her to pray with fervor Yesterday afternoon we arrived here in Cartagena. What little we have seen is very pretty. Rosario’s so-so, very tired since Friday. This evening Doña Matilde invited us to the Pavilion on the dock. As it’s late for the mail here's a hug from your siblings. Tomorrow we’ll write Cruger and the others. 4. Discovering in her presence a spring that will be miraculous. We haven’t heard from you, just from Juana, write us soon. Our best wishes to everyone, to Ignacio and his family. Today they’ll take us to the Arsenal, tomorrow to the big party at the Casino; we'll go with Doña Matilde. Our best to Antonio and a hug from…

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Fig. 81. Girls praying in Lourdes grotto, Le Fousseret (Hte-Garonne), 1906. Postcard sent from Le Fousseret to Mlle. and her parents in Foix (Ariège).

Health fine, pleasant greetings. Fig. 82. Mass at Lourdes grotto, Brandivy (Morbihan). With “affectionate memories” from “your new husband” in Baud to Mlle. in Languidic, Aug. 12, 1911.

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Fig. 83. “Le Mystère de Lourdes,” Cholet (Maine-et-Loire), c. 1910, with cast listed in ink on back. Fig. 84. Cast of Lourdes pageant, Opfenbach (Allgäu, Bavaria), 1912.

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Fig. 85. “Jeanne d’Arc hearing her voices.” Postcard sent to Mlle. in Montluçon, June 21, 1903 with “a tender kiss.” Nancy, Bergeret. Fig. 86. Jeanne d’Arc hearing her voices, with sheep. Postcard sent within St. Méard de Gurçon (Dordogne) to Mlle., Sept. 17, 1909. France, BF [pansy] 474.

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Fig. 87. “Jeanne hears the divine voices.” Postcard mailed from Paris, June 21, 1910. France, AF 602. Fig. 88. “Gizay [Vienne], Jeanne d’Arc Day. The Call. At the Roussières [chateau grounds].” Real photo on post card stock.

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Fig. 89. “The Apparition of the Voices, The Drama of Jeanne d'Arc,” Passion Theater, Nancy. Imprimeries Réunies de Nancy. Fig. 90. “Jeanne d’Arc hears voices who order her to go and free the kingdom of France," Villeneuve-St-Georges (Seine-et-Oise), c. 1910. Photo Burat.

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Fig. 91. Vision scene from Mystère de Jeanne d’Arc in Ménil en Xaintois (Vosges). Postcard sent Oct. 19, 1899, by E. Meignien, parish priest and pageant founder, to man in St Nicolas de Port. Nancy, J. Royer.

Monsieur. We are preparing other negatives that look like they will turn out well. I would be grateful if you would give a good reception to a lot that will be sent you. Fig. 92. “Jeanne hearing her voices, tableau vivant.” Postcard, Bellême (Orne), Edition Bourgneuf-Fouquet.

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Fig. 93. “What do girls dream about?” Tinted photo postcard sent from Brussels to Beernem, April 18, 1911. Black swan logo, 810.

Dear cousine, You may well ask me whether Aldolphe came by. I received no visit, though I stayed in the entire day. He must not have gone out of his way to come here. You are quite right that he came to Brussels but perhaps he did not want to make the effort. Very friendly greetings.

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Fig. 94. Lourdes grotto postcard with photo of woman added, 1920s. “Avec mes amitiés.”

Connecting with the Absent and the Supernaturals

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omposite images provided other solutions to the depiction of visions (figs. 93–94).12 Since the earliest days of their craft, photographers had experimented with combinations.13 The postcard trade encouraged the notion of absence combined with fondness, and combining images was a good way to picture the virtual reunion created by the card when sent. The period of 1895 to the end of World War I, which included massive migration and new means of long-distance communication, was its heyday (figs. 95–112). The absence involved could also be the absent dead (figs. 113–15). Spiritualist photographers from the 1860s on used photomontage to capture the visits of the dead to loved ones (fig. 116). The combination of images was quickly put to use as a way to simulate visions in which the seer and the seen could be depicted together. As early as 1864, the photographer Dufour experimented with combining a photo of Bernadette kneeling in prayer, taken in a Tarbes studio, with the Lourdes grotto that had a statue of the Virgin she was supposedly seeing, although he had her somewhat off the ground and facing the wrong way (fig. 117).14 The presence of 91

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3 Mary at the visions of Tilly-sur-Seulles in Normandy in 1896 was depicted in engravings and in one instance as a ghost-like figure of Mary inserted in a photograph (fig. 118).15 Devotees inserted their photographs, or that of the saint, into exvoto paintings, or commissioned local photographers to make photomontage exvotos.16 Even before combined images became widespread in commercial postcards or portrait photographs, Georges Méliès was experimenting, in Jeanne d'Arc (1900) and other works, using multiple exposure and films within films to simulate apparitions and moving statues, so that moving pictures deeply influenced what people expected to be able to see in still ones. The combination of supernaturals and humans, whether through a mixture of photos and art, or with actors combined through multiple exposure or photomontage, or using painted backdrops, or groups of actors in real photos, is a constant in the decades before World War I (figs. 119–20).17 Ghosts, spirits and dreams figured in commercial photographs and lantern slide shows by the 1850s, depicted around the living by use of multiple exposure or multiple negatives (figs. 121–22).18 Beings like these, not just the family dead, also turn up in spirit photographs and early twentieth-century commercial postcards (figs. 123–24). We see angels as guardians, especially with children, and in photo portraits, children dressed as angels (figs. 125–28). Saint Nicolas/Père Noël appears especially with children; he is a more familiar figure who even poses for the camera and at times looks a lot like a grandfather (figs. 129–32). This last, laïque version gives an inkling of the two world-views in struggle in this period, a struggle reflected in postcards. Apparitions, whether of the Sacred Heart to a nun at Paray-le-Monial, or to the children of La Salette or Bernadette at Lourdes, were for many Catholics signs for France as a nation. At the same time French secularists, followed by their peers in other Southern European nations, were militantly anti-Catholic. In the postcards we thus find allegorical figures for the nation, always women, that variously are conceived as Catholic (whether being trussed by Freemasons, or protected by Christ, or blessed by the Pope), semi-Catholic, or completely non-Catholic (figs. 133–39). A rare anarchist card from 1909, at the death of the Catalan-Spanish educator Francisco Ferrer, presents an entirely different woman, the allegory of Liberty, freed from clerical chains, proud of body, with no emblem of national identity (fig. 140).

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Fig. 95. “Thought knows no distance.” From woman in Bessan (Hérault) to sister in Faugères, March 1905. Nancy, Bergeret.

Tell me if you got the basket and if for the high shoes 38 and 4 are needed without going into details I embrace you all and I will send you all of them at once. Denis embraces Raymond. Your sister. Fig. 96. Sisters aloft. From Madeleine and Lucienne to Mlle in America. France, printed frame, Champigny (Seine), G. Gossens. Bonne et heureuse Année.

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Figs. 97–102. Vision of fisherman off Iceland. Series of six postcards sent March 7, 1906, from man in Belfort to Mlle in château near Ingrandes (Indre). Issued by S. I. P. by 1904.

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1. Nothing… The fog is thick. Lets open our eyes, fellows. 2. Do you hear in the distance those sobs and cries? They are the souls of the dead… 3. They’re out there now, unburied and un-prayed for.

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4. Let’s pray for them… 5. Oh! I shiver, I’m afraid, look at that white specter that rises over the waves. My God, I make a promise on return to Kermeur to pray on my knees to Our Lady of the Grève. 6. No, it is not a trap set by the devil, it is you Marie Anne who has come to my prayer. Oh, here is our church and the Breton sky. Oh! thank you holy mother, she loves me and she waits for me. 95

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Fig. 103. Woman writing at night. From woman in Lisbon, Nov. 10, 1922, warning her lover she will die if he leaves her. Berlin, Albrecht & Meister Aktiengesellschaft, Amag 62245/5.

JMJ + Lisboa 10-11-1922 My very dear and adored one, Sad, so sadly I write these few lines. I am very affected by what you just told me. I hope to God that you don’t leave me, thinking I am like the other woman. I am not like her, my dear love. I let you do it because I liked like you a lot and I did not know what it was. I knew only after you told me because up to the time of being in love with you I did not know what it was. I thought that when people got married they only kissed and nothing else. That is why I was afraid to give you a kiss my dear love. I ask for the sake of your dear parents and for the soul of your holy fiancée that you never leave me. Remember that I love you and remember what you have done to me. I am very sad, so very afraid you will want to leave me if I give in to what you asked for. If for some reason I did give in, I would soon go to join my parents, my dear love. I don’t want to be one of those girls. Remember that I no longer have my parents and since the death of my aunt I don’t have anyone. Accept a thousand kisses and a long embrace from someone who loves you a lot.

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Fig. 104. From woman, in Spanish. Bought in Barcelona. Berlin, rotophot 2873/1.

Your friend wishes you a happy saint’s day.

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Fig. 106. “I’ll be there!” Couple speak by telephone. German postcard in Hungarian from man in Nagyszeben to girl cousin and aunt in Törcsvár (Transylvania), Aug 26, 1910. Leipzig, Vogel & Wahl 239/4.

Fig. 105. Man hears phone ring. Given by husband to wife in Amiens wishing a “good and joyous saint’s day.” Berlin, Rotophot 3195/3.

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I let you know that I have arrived safe and sound with a big headache and the first day is not going well we have a bad sergeant but it is no problem, it will pass somehow, and we have to salute a lot if I go out for a walk. When we stop marching on and on I will write more. Sincerely yours

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Fig. 107. Sleeping woman dreams of man. From one woman to another in Mora de Toledo for saint’s day, Sept 22, 1913. Spain, Somar 1200/6.

Your friend who loves you wishes you a million happinesses.

Fig. 108. Dozing man dreams of couple, c. 1910. Publisher unknown, B 451.

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3 Fig. 110. Man by lamp thinks of absent woman. “The Absent One. Dear beloved, of you alone I every moment think; for the heart of a fiancé absence is ever cruel.” From man in Saint-Lô to woman in Couvains (Manche). Leipzig, Regel & Krug 8001/1.

My dear little Titine, you can see that despite your absence I think always of you, not without complaint, you can be sure, but what comforts me are your words. Your friend who very tenderly cherishes you.

Fig. 109. Woman reading by candelabra thinks of man. Sent within Leeuwarden (Netherlands) from young man to unmarried mejuffrouw, before 1920. London, Philco Publishing Company, 1635/5.

Good morning, did you sleep well? You should be seeing me early, about six o’clock. See you, with heartfelt greetings

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Fig. 111. Girl hears gramophone and thinks of violinist. Sent to woman in Romania April 13, 1912. Berlin, Georg Gerlach, 1561/1.

My dear one, today, April 13 1912 you helped save me from a grave danger. I don’t know how to thank you. Once more receive my deepest thanks. Affectionately, Tita Fig. 112. Absent woman holds man asleep over book. Hamburg, Fritz Korf, EFFKA Serie 233, No. 1. Postcard bought from southern Spain.

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Fig. 113. Man thinking of sick woman. Written in Portuguese from aunt and uncle to nephew and niece, April 25, 1911. Berlin, Rotophot 5015/16.

My dear Miguel and Maria, Thank you very much for the congratulations; I very much hope that Maria is feeling better. We keep on going here not so badly, thank God. We both caught a cold. Julia, thank God, is almost well and I am feeling better already. We received a letter today from Julia saying that fortunately Maria is much better. Goodbye my dear nephews, receive my good embrace from your uncle and aunt and your friends Julia and Domingo. Please send our many regards to Marieta Fig. 114. “Then one morning, tired of waiting, she died calling out for me…” From woman in village in HauteLoire to soldier in Avignon, March 11, 1909. Paris, Croissant 3381/5.

My dear Albert please come by at twelve-thirty I will be alone. I'll be waiting, good kisses, Louise

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Fig. 115. Woman prays at grave. Sent within Vrbanja (Croatia) to young woman, in German, Aug. 11, 1914. Berlin, E. A. Schwerdt-Feger, EAS 8856/2.

A most beautiful greeting from a friend. Fig. 116. Mrs. R. Foulds, of Sheffield, “with psychic likeness of her mother, obtained under good test conditions,” by William Hope, 1920, in Arthur Conan Doyle, The Case for Spirit Photography (New York: Doran, 1923), Fig 24.

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Fig. 117. Composite photograph of Bernadette in a studio in Tarbes and grotto at Lourdes, Oct 1864 [in Vircondelet h/t 6, Laurentin 74]. Tarbes, Paul Dufour. © BNF Fig. 118. Doctored photo of the apparition of Mary at Tilly-sur-Seulles, Normandy, by A. Brechet in Le Monde Illustré, May 16, 1896, p. 344.

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Fig. 120. “You who can read my heart, have pity on my sorrow.” From woman to “Mon cher aimé,” Feb. 14, 1915. Paris, Rex 4110.

My dear beloved, I just got off shift and since the weather is bad I didn't go home. I hope that that you are in good health and that when I get back this evening I'll find news from you. I end embracing you very tight your loved one who loves you for life Blanche. Goodbye until soon a thousand kisses if you can, send me a quick word.

Fig. 119. Leon XII prays to Mary in cloud. Carte de visite, Rome, Fedele Savelli, Negoziante di oggetti sacri, 1887.

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Fig. 121. “The Haunted Widow” Stereogram, Littleton View Company Publishers, Littleton, N.H., 1893. Fig. 122. “Be the Howly St. Patrick, there’s Mickie’s Ghost!” Stereogram, New York City, Stroh­meyer and Wyman, 1894.

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Fig. 123. Young man with Arab spirit. Carte de visite, Buguet, Successeur, Artiste Peintre Photographe, Paris, 19th century. Fig. 124. Pianist and spirit holding laurel crown. From Ville‑ franche-sur-Saône (Rhône) to Mlle. in Gap, May 8, 1906, with “My most cordial hello.” Berlin, Rotophot S. 428-4976.

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Fig. 125. Girl with guardian angel. From woman in Hérisson (Allier) to girl in Montluçon (Allier), Dec. 15, 1912. Paris, Croissant 3877.

My dear little Alice, A thousand thanks for your pretty card, I see you do not forget your little friend, the hedgehog who loves you well. I embrace you many times, Alice. Warm regards from me to your parents. Fig. 126. Bad girl with weeping guardian angel. From Autignac (Hérault) to daughter in Béziers, 1903. Paris, Neurdein.

Ernestine, answer with your arrival time so you can be picked up at the station.

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Fig. 127. Guardian angel by first communion boy. From Paris to Mlle. in Croissysur-Seine, c. 1912. Berlin, Rotophot 2380/5.

My best wishes for good health to all with a thousand kisses. Fig. 128. First mass priest (blessed by painted Christ) with child angels, late nine‑ teenth-century cabinet card 10.2×14.9. Masnou (Barcelona), E. Sagristá.

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3 Fig. 130. St. Nicolas approaches children asleep in crib. Sent in Spain to man from male friend and friend’s sister. Vienna OPG 3133/40, after 1905.

I let you know that I received your little present for which I give you a million thanks the socks fit me very well and the candy is very good. I think for the fiesta mayor I will come with my sister if God is willing. Many regards to your parents and brothers and Enriqueta Mercedes and receive the heart of your friend. [in second hand:] She who sends you a million regards is your Teresa

Fig. 129. Father Christmas above city puts children to sleep. Nancy, Imp. Réunies, after 1905.

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Fig. 131. “Christmas Eve.” Father Christmas, presents, and three girls, from father to daughter in Alençon with “a thousand kisses.” Undivided back. France, S.I.P. 1115. Fig. 132. “Snow and cold come with sweet Christmas.” Snowy man surprises two girls by hearth. Sent to couple in Le Raincy (Seine), with “Good Christmas and best friendship.” EPR 186.

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3 Fig. 134. “God protects France. 1. God has shown his love for France above all other nations. 2. The Sacred Heart, Lourdes, La Salette, the Miraculous Medal, Saint Michael, etc.” From man in St-Laurent-du-Mottay (M-et-L) to female cousin in Angers. Paris, Librairie des Catéchismes, after 1905.

Aunt Anne has written that she will be in Angers until the 30th. Unfortunately I cannot be there and I don’t know where to write her. I hereby send my regrets; maybe next year I’ll be more successful. Regards to Pierre, Jean, Aunt Anne and the entire family. Best regards to the dear little ones. I embrace you with all my heart.

Fig. 133. Allegory of Catholic France. “Daughter of the Church, it is you I have loved the most.” Carte de visite, c. 1900. Paris, L.-F. Morchoine. From printed exhortation on back: “…But what other country can, like you, take pride in a Jeanne d’Arc…?”

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Fig. 135. God protects France! France [dice] 175, c. 1905. Fig. 136. “France, despite the impious sects, will always be joined to the Seat of Peter.” To female teacher in parochial school, Sous-le-Bois (Nord) c. 1906, “with regards.” Paris, D. Saudinos Ritouret.

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Fig. 137. “Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité; Triomphe de la République.” From Versailles to Mlle. in Paris, July 1906, undivided back. France, ATS. Fig. 138. “Bonne Année.” Allegorical woman on locomotive, with babies and mistletoe. Paris, A. Noyer. Mailed Jan 2, 1910 from Morbihan to Nantes, “with good wishes.”

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Fig. 139. “Free and Obligatory Edu‑ cation; Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.” Cabinet card, Paris, A Durand, c. 1900. Fig. 140. “Montjuich - La vision ultime.” Postcard c. 1909 of “Tableau en couleurs, format 65×50 cm.” by F. Sagristá after the execution in Barcelona of Francisco Ferrer. Geneva, Le Réveil.

Good year and good health [in French]

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3 Fig. 142. Woman prays for soldier. “Someone who loves cannot be bitter, the love must be strong…” From man in Eperjes to a girl in Igló, with message in Hungarian. Vienna, O. K. W. 483

I have not written to you until now, I have already written to Margitka, but you won’t be upset, will you? By the way, how are you? I am all right, aunty is well too. How is Pistike? I may get some days off around Christmas. Please my little angel, write me if you have time, I kiss my aunt’s hand, and hugs and kisses to you from Viktor.

Fig. 141. “Alzonne. The banks of the Fresquel (Site of the Apparition).” Sent from Alzonne (Aude) to man in Castres, May 1914, with “a big kiss.” Carcassonne, Photo Roudière.

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Supernaturals and the Absent in World War I Postcards

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n France, as the prospect of conflict with Germany increased, starting June 30, 1913, first two girls, then scores of adults, began to have visions in the village of Alzonne, ten kilometers from Carcassonne. The visions started in poplars on the bank of the River Fresquel, then spread to the sky above the highway that passed through the town and also to the cemetery. In all there were over a hundred seers (some from Carcassonne and Bordeaux), until, in March 1914, the diocese decided the whole thing was diabolical. What people were seeing on the trees and in the sky seems to have been much like the art and photomontage visionary postcards then so popular (fig. 141).19 As later at Ezquioga, different people saw different things, whether Jeanne d’Arc (as a shepherdess at her house in Domrémy, on a white horse with a banner, in shining mail leading King Charles on the way to Reims), Saint Michael, the Sacred Heart, the Virgin (a lady in white, with a blue girdle, a lady with a child in her arms, a lady with wings like a guardian angel), Saint Catherine, the devil, or a fiery serpent. These were the kinds of images the popular Catholic weekly Le Pèlerin had for decades been providing in dramatic color. The active French spiritualist community took note, and through them the Irish revolutionary Maud Gonne went with her daughter and wrote back to William Butler Yeats that the daughter of a miller saw messages in Latin in the sky and that it was good Latin.20 Visions or dreams of heavenly armies clashing in the sky, of course, were a staple of seers and prophets in the late Middle Ages and early modern period.21 As World War I began, scenes much like the visions seen at Alzonne appeared in the upper portions of composite images throughout Europe, connecting the loved ones at home to the loved ones at the front, capturing, like the visions, the presence of the war in people’s minds and anxieties (figs. 143–46). World War I was, among other things, the great postcard war, with billions of postcards crisscrossing between home and front.22 In France and Germany, mail to soldiers was free and sending postcards almost a patriotic duty. In France, all the supernaturals and allegorical figures in the prewar postcards enthusiastically enlisted (figs. 147–50). The national woman, France or Marianne, called men to battle, was protected by them and protected them (figs. 151–57). She appeared at times to have a halo, available to Catholics and non-Catholics.23 Important generals, especially Joffre, were like national saints (figs. 158–59),24 and cards were sold with ersatz Our Fathers dedicated to them.25 Père Noël pitched in bringing war toys (figs. 160–61), and Joffre as Père Noël brought victory to the sleeping nation.26 The supernaturals led the troops and protected individual soldiers, as in other countries (fig. 162–63). Soldiers’

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3 battle visions were published in newspapers, and lay persons like Claire Ferchaud of Loublande had visions that linked the saints and the nation.27 Postcards depicted imagined appearances of Thérèse of Lisieux,28 Our Lady of Lourdes and other generic versions of Mary (fig. 164–65).29 After the war was over, on the 1870s border in Lorraine, people gathered on late afternoons to see the silhouette of Mary next to a church (fig. 166).30 Jeanne d’Arc was a ripe symbol for the war, and her canonization in 1920, as seen on the cover of Le Pèlerin, provided a symbolic reconciliation of the allegorical France with the allegorical Church, under the gaze of the crucifix as a reminder of the millions of lives lost (fig. 168). Throughout Europe, composite image postcards helped bridge the gap (visually, and through the mail) between home and soldiers. If World War I mobilized supernaturals, it also, as the French historian Monique Huss has put it, mobilized hearts.31 The most successful commercial cards in turn reflected sentiments that people wanted to express. From the messages on the back one learns of the great variety available in even remote locations. Soldiers on the one hand, and women in family networks on the other, hunted out specific pictorial combinations (three children, two of them girls). There are still in American drugstores large displays of greeting cards for a variety of occasions, as, say, for a sick aunt. Here every message on every postcard and photo has been included in its entirety, omitting only names, while the postcards and photographs were collected on the basis of their images. As a result there is an element of surprise, randomness, and representivity in the message texts. The combinations of pictures and messages are instructive in many ways. The latter provide a kind of cross-discourse to the commercial and ideological proposals of the images, as in Charles Ives’s composition, “Putnam’s Camp, Redding, Connecticut” (1912), in which two bands playing different music approach, mesh and clash, pass, and move away. While the commercial publishers depict attachments between family members and female-male couples, many of the postcards are sent between women friends. While the photomontage postcards I selected show people absent from each other, a number were sent to friends and family members in the same village or town, indicating intense local postcard circuits. Except for postcards between soldiers or prisoners abroad and their families and friends, not one was sent to foreign country. Many of the soldier portraits made in prisoner of war camps, judging from photos that show prisoners with photos by their bunks, were exchanged and dedicated among fellow camp members. Photomontages that reconstitute families were sent not just among the depicted members, but to family friends and other relatives for whom the complete family group was important. An absent person may be absent from a number of different family

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units, and thus shown in multiple photomontages. While some messages indicate that the card has been chosen for its aptness, senders may adjust the captions of others on the front of the cards, or add words or initials to personalize it. And other messages willy-nilly run across the grain of the commercial sentiment, as if the card was the only one at hand, with pictures of civilians sent by soldiers and pictures of soldiers sent by civilians, or a picture of a dying mother sent by a woman making an assignation to her soldier lover. Many of the messages on these postcards form part of an early twentieth century surge in correspondence due to emigration or war by persons hitherto unaccustomed to writing.32 The presentation of the texts in translation elides improvisation in spelling and punctuation. And for reasons of space, expense, and complication in layout we reluctantly left out reproductions of the handwriting, a precious indication of education, age, state of mind, care and aesthetics that sometimes systematically correlates to the images. The French postcards that are both political and religious, for instance, tend to be written in a more cultivated hand. While in some cards prayers for the absent one were directed through an image or crucifix, more common are cards in which the communication is made directly through the photograph of the loved one (Sein Bild!), or the unaided imagination (figs. 169–79). Commercial postcards of separated spouses looking at photographs reflected and reinforced the need for the kind of photos they depicted. A commercial postcard made in Paris titled “Far from you, my thoughts follow you” shows a woman at her writing table, pen in hand looking fondly at a cameo photo of her husband, while soldiers on a second level fire over a wall and shells explode. The sender, from the village of Plassac (Gironde), after telling of her rain-soaked trip to a nearby town, writes to her husband at the front, “Try to get a picture taken of yourself alone.”33 Photographs are a recurring theme in correspondence with prisoners, as in these messages on fancy cards, 1916–1918, sent from a wife and son in Guînes (Pas de Calais) to a man in Skalmierschutz camp on the German-Polish border: “…waiting for your photo”; “…I hope you’ve gotten our photo”; “…grandma’s going to have her picture taken just to send you”; “I’m still waiting for you photo, I hope it’s not coming on foot”; “I received the small photo, but I have to say that I couldn’t recognize you as it’s so small, but still it makes me happy just the same”; “Yesterday Mr. Lefebvre stopped in to say hello and to see your photo.”34 Postcards could express directed sentiment and thought, and the virtual accompaniment that many loved ones experienced provided a protective presence through their correspondence (not unusually with daily, numbered postcards).35 In this sense, each combined image was a votive image and each loved one a supernatural, just as supernaturals were represented in combined images as intensely loved (figs. 180–85).

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Fig. 143. “The Gleaners; all work for the good of France.” From soldier? to brother on farm, June 12, 1916, with phonetic spelling. Boulogne-sur-Seine, G. Piprot, E. M. 174.

I am in good health. I think you are too. I think you are harvesting the hay, the weather’s not bad. I think of you going fishing on Sundays and having a good time. Here you see the work that will begin in a month; we’ll be talking about the harvest. Where we are now there isn’t any, the land is fallow. There will be bad weeds after the war. I can’t think of anything else to say to you for now. Your brother who embraces you. Fig. 144. “The Angelus; The defense and the maintenance of the land, our constant thought.” Sent from woman to soldier. Boulogne-sur-Seine, Chipault et Cie, E. M. 175.

Friendly remembrance. News soon. A wartime friend who kisses you.

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Fig. 146. “We think of you! Let us piously fold our hands, so you protect our father.” Berlin, Photochemie, sent by child in Diez to father in army.

Your Robert sends you Whitsun greetings and a kiss, dear father.

Fig. 145. “Our Father, who art…” sent by civilian to Countess within Zagreb, Dec. 23, 1917, in Serbo-Croatian. Berlin, Albrecht & Meister Aktiengesellschaft, Amag 757/5.

Dear Countess, Thinking of you and thanking you for your warm wishes, I wish you too an excellent Christmas and a Happy New 1918 as well. Respectfully, 121

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Fig. 147. “God protect France… Frenchmen, let us be like brothers, let us love one another.” From woman to couple in Roubaix. Paris, Imp. Ch. Weibel, 1918.

Dear Madam, I just got back and I want to write you at once I assure you that it was very beautiful I had a lot of trouble getting to that famous Montmartre the weather is quite nice here You can see Madam that I really did pray at the Basilica for you and yours. My regards Marie right away on Monday Fig. 148. “Go… daughter of France, the time has come!” “Sold for the benefit of the Popular Work of Masses for our dead soldiers, 1914–1915, founded in Dijon.” Paris, Catala Frères.

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Fig. 149 “The Sacred Heart protects France and its Allies. The Virgin Mary and the saint protectors of France pay with all Christians for the triumph of France and its Allies which is also that of Civilization and Justice.” [On back: “Prayer for the victory of our armies,” including the Sacred Heart of Jesus, Immaculate Heart of Mary, Sts. Michael, Geneviève, Martin, Louis, Clotilde, Denis, Rémy, Radegonde, and Blessed Jeanne d’Arc.] Paris, H. Vaudey.

Fig. 150. “Our allies in heaven” “…Words pronounced by Abbé Sertillanges in Notre -Dame de Paris so that our brave soldiers would come back with glory.” Paris, Carrier.

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Fig. 152. “Let us defend France.” Soldier in Marbach to female benefactor, Dec. 10, 1914. Paris, Gloria 73.

Fig. 151. “But there is another woman… la Patrie…” [Paris, Croissant] Sescau Phot.

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Madam, It is with pleasure that I just received a letter from my dear Louise. Many many thanks for the five francs you gave her for me. Again, many thanks for your attentions. Madam you will say hello for me to Monsieur Henri and to all the family. With all my thanks receive all my regards.

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Fig. 153. “Happy New Year 1915.” Soldier in Réchésy (Haut Rhin) to sister in Vic-le-Comte (Puy-de-Dôme), Dec. 22, 1914. France, CD 14.

Dear Sister, I take advantage of the end of the year to wish you a good year and a happy health to everyone for the year 1915, regards to all.

Fig. 154. “France’s mercy.” From civilian in Ste-Foy-l’Argentière (Rhône) to woman in St-Maurice-sur-Dargoire, Feb. 2, 1915. Reuil, A.H. Katz JK 9405.

Thanks; news soon. 125

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Fig. 155. Child tableau of France, Alsace, Lorraine and Allies. Cluny, September 1915. Photo on postcard stock. Fig. 156. “Dieu et Patrie,” child tableau of angel, France, Alsace, Lorraine, and tirailleur soldiers. Brunoy (Seine-et-Oise), Photo-Artistique E. Venant. Photo on postcard stock.

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Fig. 157. Tableau of France, Russia, Alsace and Lorraine, in Alsace, January 1917. Sent Aug. 15, 1918. Photo on postcard stock. Message in purple pencil.

As a memento I send you this picture which shows all who took part in a representation, accompanied by theater, in Alsace in January 1917. The two in the center are two sisters, one stands for France, the other Lorraine. Those on the right and left are two sisters who speak Russian, they represent Russia, and the two little ones are Alsace. The man in the middle with the helmet is an actor from Paris who sings every Sunday in the church. Receive my good wishes. 127

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Fig. 158. Postcard with General Joffre. From husband at front to wife, July 30, 1915. Myosotis EME 81.

Dear Mathilde I write these two words to tell you I went on a trip. We left yesterday evening at 7 […] and as I finished not so badly it wasn't hot […] we had a good walk. […] I drank a liter with a Martin from [illegible] and a Guillin from Poyonary whom I met after the morning soup. We talked a bit about our pays. I’ll tell you that we are 6 days on reserve after my reconnaissance mission. Once again with those old Boches. I haven’t had the cabbages in the garden they’ll be waiting for me whenever I am hungry until the winter. Otherwise, I don’t give a damn. Receive the regards of your husband Jules

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Fig. 159. “Vive la France!” Grandmother and aunt in La Flèche (Sarthe) to boy in Châtellerault, Aug. 22, 1915. Bois-Colombes, L’At. d’Art Photographique, Furia 363.

My dear little boy I commission you to embrace your dear mother for your grandma, and for you keep the affectionate kisses of a grandmother who misses her grandson. Good kisses from Aunt Clémence for her little Léon.

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Fig. 160. Joffre as Santa for a sleeping France. Postcard published Dec. 1914. Paris, A. Noyer, “Galerie Patriotique” Nº 201.

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Fig. 161. “Merry Christmas.” From girl in Lamagistère (Tarn-et-Garonne) to girl in Auvillar, Dec. 26, 1914. Paris, PH 268.

With my best kisses

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Fig. 163. “Hope.” From Austrian soldier to sister in Telfs, Tyrol, Nov. 1, 1916. Leipzig, Regel & Krug Serie 2678/6.

Today I can finally manage to write you a few lines. I'm fine, my health is good, and I hope yours is too. I have written you a few times and never received an answer. Do write me how you all are doing and if you are all still well. I hear so little from you. Where is ___? He doesn't write anymore either. I send my letter with best regards to you from your brother Joseph, Also best regards to Hein. and Michl. and especially to Mother. Greetings to ____, Grandfather and Grandmother and ____. See you soon.

Fig. 162. “Angel of God, watch over my husband.” From man at Champigneulle near Nancy to female friend near Cassneuil (Lot-et-Garonne), June 25, 1915. Reuil, A.H. Katz JK 9393.

Dear Madame, Here I am, completely recovered from my little illness. I went back to my work on June 23 but have not yet gone out at night. Here nothing special is happening, but we all get blue seeing that this is not going fast and cannot go fast. Will we have to spend another winter? that would not be surprising, rather quite thinkable. And yet!: Sunday July 4th is the fête of Casseneuil. How distant those memories seem. How that brings things back. O my dear! Will you go and see your cousine? that would distract you a little and you could help out with her work and you'd see the goings-on. If you feel like it you could tell me about it, I will be waiting for it, and then Geneviève could put you up. You will say hello to her for me, and also to Madame Regnier. Counting on your amiable correspondence, receive, dear Madame, the joy of my memories. 131

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Fig. 164. “Our Lady of the Trenches.” From woman in Neuville-sur-Saône (Rhône) to wounded lover in hospital, Nov. 1, 1918. Paris, Bonne Press.

My very dear love, today Sunday dear love I send you this little card of Our Lady of the Trenches; may she be our protector and obtain for us that dear peace, and that it be signed very quickly dear adored one, yes my dear, the moment is near, because the Austrians have signed the peace and today a pleasant surprise the Turks an immediate peace and what a joy that means the whole Eastern Front completely clear and here we hope that we France are on the eve of peace also, the day of decision that Wilhelm makes up his mind because he is finished, that ____ ___, and you will rest in my arms in a most proper return. And you my dear how are you I do not know and I wish with all my heart that my card finds you better and better and that God and the Good Virgin protect you and calm that terrible fever and that it be lower and that you are well cared for and that you ended up in a good hospital that gives you the best care which you deserve dear love and that you take care of yourself and eat well and do not make any bad blood my dear because soon that dear day of deliverance will sound and we will obtain that dear return so desired and I plan to care for you love you and that I love you and think how much I'd like to be beside you to adore you as you deserve dear love and that God reassures me and gives me good news from you, better and better dear love. This morning I've begun to pray well for all our dead and trust that this serves as a pledge of protection and happiness for you. I went to the church and then after praying in the cemetery, I went to see your father and give him your news and to visit M. Camaguette, Mme Jumilpe, M. Morin, all those poor unfortunates. To you I send a thousand caresses and kisses. …Your little kid… I send a piece of ribbon from my hat.

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Fig. 165. Woman prays to Mary. “O Virgin Mary, to you I turn; whoever implores you is always answered.” C. 1914. Paris, Rex, 4152. Fig. 166. “Novéant-sur-Moselle. Curious mirage - Vision of the Virgin.” Early 1920. Sibling to sister in Morelmaison (Vosges), 1920. Photo R. Mahut [detail].

You must have learned about this apparition in the newspapers. I send you a picture of it; it is 10 k. from here right at the old frontier. You must have gotten my letter yesterday, so I give you all a hug and await the pleasure of hearing from you.

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Fig. 168. “Vision of Jeanne d’Arc.” Father at war to young daughter on the farm, Sept. 1, 1915. Boulogne-sur-Seine, G. Pipbrot, Dix 166/3. Fig. 167. “Our Father. As we forgive those who trespass against us.” Sent April 11, 1917 from German soldier to sister in Horstermark (Essen). Vienna, Brüder Kohn, B. K. W. I. 527-2.

Dearest sister! Your brother Emil sends you his best regards from the forest camp. Greetings to parents and nephews.

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My dear little Yvonne, I come quick to tell you a couple of words and at the same time to give you a big hug, you’ll give one for me to your mother and grandmother. Are you still going out to the fields? Are your little calves and lambs behaving nicely? Are the grapes ripe already? You must be eating them on the way to the fields with Jean. I finish my little Yvonne with a very big embrace for you, your mother and grandmother. I embrace you very much, as I love you, your papa

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Fig. 169. “Prayer for the absent one.” From woman in Chartres, Dec. 29, 1914, to male friend. Paris, Gloria 90.

Dear friend, I received your card which made me glad to know you were in good health, as we are here. Everyone is well in spite of the cold. Armand is still in Langres, he wrote again last Sunday. I can't think of anything more to tell you, your friend

Fig. 170. “In prayer: Good Lord protect our dear father.” From father in Budapest to daughter at field hospital in Liptó-Rózsahegy (Ruzumberok, in Slovakia), in Slovak, July 15, 1916. Budapest, Magyar Fénynyomdai Részv.-Társ 254.

I received you letter and it made me weep. Just follow your mother's advice. I send many greetings and kisses. Dad. 135

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3 Fig. 172. “The Father’s Picture.” From daughter and another girl in Teichstädt (Oberösterreich) to Austrian soldier in Salzburg, 1917. Berlin, E. A. Schwerdt-Feger, EAS 2467/4.

Dearest Father, I can’t help it, I have to pick up the pencil. My thoughts push me to write you again. I end my message with many warm regards from your daughter Mari and Anna Hani Zinzle. Come back home soon.

Fig. 171. Woman thinks of absent soldier. “Faithful Remembrance. Two hearts that burn like flames so much for each other, given by Almighty God to be forever together.” From Austrian soldier in Riedenburg (Salzburg) to girl in Anzendorf (Niederösterreich), Sept 3, 1915. Berlin, Ross Bromsilber VertriebsGesellscheft 3620/6.

My best friend, I greet you at the start of my message and let you know that I am constantly being moved from one place to another. I like to lie on my bed. / On my bed I fall asleep. / On my bed it is written: / Best friend, think of me. Greetings from afar. With greetings to your parents and friends. Please answer soon.

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Fig. 173. “Wherever I go, your picture I see.” From Austrian soldier by Feldpost to young woman near Dorf an der Pram (Oberösterreich), Nov. 4, 1916. Berlin, F. W. B. 227-6

Dear Juli, Your dear heart sends you greetings. [From] those unnamed but known. Write soon. Fig. 174. “Only one who knows longing knows what I suffer.” To soldier in Tongeren, Belgium from wife and children in Nuremberg, April 20, 1915. Berlin, Paul Fink 3737/4.

My dear Vinzenz I send you a couple of lines to say that on April 20 I sent you again two little parcels with snuff and some cake. I'm sure you will receive them. Write me when you get them. Warm regards and kisses from your wife and children.

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Fig. 175. “His picture.” From woman in German village to soldier, June 29, 1915. Dresden-Blasewitz, Graphische Verlags-Anstalt, Serie 2005/5.

My beloved darling. Today I received 2 more letters from you my love, for which I thank you dear darling with all my heart. Imagine, this evening your mother and aunt came by, my darling. They want to pick blueberries, but it's raining hard and they’ll wait a few days; hopefully the weather will improve. My darling, I believe you when you say you don't like it there, but I am praying so fervently for you that I trust that you will return home to me. My mother-in-law cried when your letters came. I’m not sending you cigarettes now, because your mother just sent you 100, but you will be getting something else, my good little mouse. Be well and God be with you! Keep very healthy and see you soon! Your dear bride warmly greets and kisses you. Your beloved mother and aunt also send their regards. Letter follows.

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Fig. 176. “We are thinking of dear Daddy all day long.” London, Solomon Bros. 361. Fig. 177. Mother regards photograph and sister readies packages for Austro-Hungarian soldier. Mailed within Hungary from family to girl in Világos, March 15, 1917. Leipzig, Carl Garte 958.

Dear Etus, I did not reply to your letters because since I came home from visiting you I have been ill. I was also ill when Jolán wrote that she was going to Elek. Bözsi asks what is happening to Manyi, because she wrote her but she does not know whether she had received it. Please answer. [signatures of nine family members including children] Please write us what you are studying now.

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Fig. 178. “What do the women of France dream of? The absent one, the loved one, revenge.” From woman in Arceuil to lover, Nov. 24, 1915. Paris, Artige, ACA 2154/1.

My dear little man I adore, How happy I am to send you this little card, a tender and dear keepsake of our sincere love. It was with joy, my dear that I received this morning your sweet little letter. I see that you had to move your administration. It was almost certain that you would have to make another revision, because in the newspapers they spoke a lot about it, oh yes, my dear Frenchman, like you say, its la barbe, a war like this was so needed by all these poor men who have to be replaced, above all because the war is certainly not about to be over. Bonsergent must indeed be upset, he too has reason to be. My dear I was so tranquil knowing you there, and we didn't need this decision to come and upset us, because I wonder with all these examinations and revisions what will happen. Yesterday Margueritte and Juliette came by, and it seems that Julian too had to have a revision yesterday. They were waiting for a letter impatiently. For you all my most tender kisses

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Fig. 179. “Far from you, close to you.” Paris, A. Noyer, bugle 103.

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Fig. 180. “In heart and thought I am always with you.” From Jeanne to soldier, Sept. 18, 1915. France, Edition Lorraine.

My dear little kid, How happy I was to have seen you again. When we left you we went to do some errands, which reminded us of 8 days ago how happy we were. But we have to do our part and hope that soon we’ll be able to go back to a normal life. Was your trip all right, dearie? How I think of you. I don’t know where you are but I follow you just the same. Try to enjoy yourself with your pal and have some fun. Did the packages arrive safely? Thank M. Pasard for the nice little rabbit. Tell him it is behaving wonderfully. Simone plays with it and cannot leave it. Good-bye dearie, I wait for your news impatiently. Your dear wife who loves you for life and who hugs you very very tightly. You will tell me if you got my card. You forgot your collar I'll sent it in the next package, til tomorrow

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Fig. 181. “I watch over you / I dream of you.” Modified postcard from soldier after battle to “ma petite cherie” Oct. 5, 1916. Levallois-Perret, J. Tailhades, NBoulanger 94.

My little dear, yesterday I did not receive any letters from you and to avoid getting blue I went to a big dance that's been about to happen for the last few days. The battle lasted two hours and you can believe that like Guignol we received a lot we didn’t need, but I can’t tell you a lot about it because as you know that’s forbidden but the main thing is that I came out of it safe and sound tho there’s a lot hurt on both sides. It won’t be long before we are relieved and maybe we’ll have a few days rest. I had an awful night and at 8 in the morning I still hadn’t shut my eyes but you can relax because now everything is quiet again and it doesn’t seem like we’re in a war. The poor soldier who sold me this postcard was killed last night. My health is very good and to recover I ate two big steaks. I hug you very tight.

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3 Fig. 183. “My thoughts fly home to you, when a greeting and letter arrives from you!” From aunt and uncle to a woman in Golya [?], in Hungarian, March 24, 1916. Leipzig, Regel & Krug 2685/5.

My dearest Idus! I received your card; how did you enjoy the festivities? It was quite rainy here and I did not go out at all. Thank for Ilona’s greetings; give mine to her as well. Lots of kisses, Marika. Uncle sends his regards also.

Fig. 182. “Vision!” From woman in Gornac (Gironde) to lover in hospital, Army of the Orient, June 15, 1916. Bois-Colombes, L’At. d’Art Photographique, Furia 513.

My dear beloved, I am still in Tauzin, my brother does not leave until Saturday. No more news from you. Could that mean you’re coming back to France? oh! what happiness how happy I’d be to press you against my heart and give you all my kisses. I love and embrace you. All my kisses. Your Marie for life. Kisses from Marcelle and a good hello from my brother.

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Fig. 184. “I am always thinking of you, my papa.” France, Édition Lorraine. Fig. 185. “Far from eyes, close to heart.” From soldier to woman in St. Germain Laval (Loire), July 10, 1915. France, ACA 2101.

Still well, your friend. 145

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Fig. 186. Greek funeral procession with absent family members in photomontage, 1920s? On Kodak postcard stock.

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ringing together portraits to simulate a virtual approximation of persons who are apart must be as old as depiction itself. When the portraits are photos we commonly see it around us, on the bedroom wall, the refrigerator door, the bulletin board, the desktop, the mirror rim. We can see some of these assemblages of studio portraits, rephotographed to hold them ­together, from late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century Spain and France (figs. 187–89). This desire is an extension of that to keep the photo of a loved one close to one’s body in a locket or cameo, as with locks of hair, in which the relic has a physical touch. The difference is that when this approximation is done by bringing a photograph to a photograph, in the resulting combination the images are more commensurate in size, and the combination more easily visible. A crude way to bring photos together was to glue one onto another. In late nineteenth-century Spanish, French, and Japanese examples shown below, photos of absent ones, deceased ones, or ones who have grown older are pasted on photographs of family members, whether by a professional for subsequent rephotographing, or as a kind of homemade collage (figs. 190– 91). In the strikingly large mid-late Meiji Japanese collage reproduced here, cameos of important absent men, three taken from a different family portrait, have been added to the picture of a proud, prosperous, and confident provincial family (figs. 192–93).36 Studio photographers were active collaborators in the combining of photographs to unite couples and families separated by emigration, military service, imprisonment, and death. Both they and their clients were aware of the combinations commercially available. In the nineteenth century, they would be familiar with the superimpositions37 of spirit photographs and the montages or photo mosaics on cabinet cards and cartes de visite, whether of royal or presidential families, of notables at the time of Napoleon III, Jesuit martyrs, bishops, or of multiple babies. Later they would have seen commercial or publicity postcards in which cameo or medallion photos were added: of aviators above their airplanes, directors above a cast of a play, acrobats or singers, images above shrines, or archbishops above their funeral processions. And all would be aware of the varieties of fantasy postcards, sentimental or humorous, seen in the preceding pages. So there would be both supply and demand for deploying these techniques in the local studio for personal photographs. This joint effort to make visible bonds of affection and kinship is taken to an extreme in a remarkable extended family portrait made in 1908 in Belchamp, a hamlet of Thônes (Haute Savoie) (fig. 194). Eighteen persons pose under an overhanging roof in a farmyard. They are

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3 assembled around an elderly couple that is standing. Behind and above the woman in the couple is another woman, perhaps an older sister, evidently on a stepladder or suchlike, and above her, even more precariously, is a very elderly woman, her hands on the second woman’s shoulders, thereby forming a kind of three-woman ladder. Below the standing couple are seated a soldier flanked by two women holding babies, and seated on the ground in front of them are another soldier and a civilian man. To the left stands a family comprised of a couple and two boys. And to the right stands another couple, and in front of the wife a small girl added in photomontage. Barely legible is a built-in caption on sheets of paper tacked on the side of the building beside the three-women assemblage. It explains the tableau as a family with a four-generation matrilineage of sentiment: “Belchamp. Notre famille, 13 Avril 1908. La fille de la fille que la fille de sa fille pleure” (Belchamp. Our family April 13, 1908. The daughter of the daughter for whom the daughter of her daughter weeps). One surmises that the family has gathered for the small girl’s funeral or death anniversary. The family is unnamed, for the photo is destined for its own members, or possibly for relatives who could not be present. In the photographs that follow, we see a variety of ways to combine images. The glued or, in one case, sewn, additional photos, may be in an upper corner, or trimmed and inserted into a group. The next step after gluing is the simple rephotographing of the collage. Or the photographing of various photos together. A step more elaborate is manipulation of the developing of the rephotographed collage to blur the edges of the added photograph and make it seem more part of the scene. Or the use of sandwiched negatives, or the reserving of a space for an additional image when developing the main photo, and dubbing in the additional image from a second negative. More refined techniques led to additions that seemed more natural or, as the case may be, preternatural (figs. 195–242). But these refinements do not guarantee a greater emotional impact. In one magnificent jerry-built image, a Flemish woman with seven children cuts a wedge in the photo and tacks it up against a picture her husband has sent from his internment camp so he seems to preside above the family, and she adds a verse in which the children ask when they will all be t­ogether again (fig. 277). The heyday of studio combined portraits seems to have coincided with, or followed with a small lag, that of commercial postcard photomontages, roughly between 1908 and 1920, reaching a climax in the Great War. Judging from the photographs seen on web auction sites, while France, Austria, and Germany were the epicenters of commercial photomontage postcards, Belgium (both Walloon and Flemish) was where studio photographers produced personal photomontages most frequently. It may not be coincidental that Belgians were amply ac-

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quainted with Baroque Spanish religious art. It also had a dramatically sundered population in World War I. Hundreds of thousands of Belgians spent the war in the neutral Netherlands or in the United Kingdom, were interned in camps in Germany or deported to work there.38 Direct postal service with Germany and the Netherlands facilitated the exchange of letters and photographs. The divided families were reunited in elegant images by studios in Brussels, Antwerp, Ghent, and Bruges, and in more rudimentary ones by studios in smaller towns. These images may have been a factor, whether cause or effect, in Belgian surrealism. In Belgium and the Netherlands combined personal images were again produced during World War II. Such pictures were also produced, though not so numerously, throughout Spain and France, and particularly in Mediterranean ports like Barcelona, Tarragona, Valencia, Alicante, Cartagena, Ceuta, Melilla, Toulon, Marseilles, Genoa, Livorno, Bari, Palermo, Oran, and Tunis, indicating they may have spread as specialty photos for sailors and soldiers.39 I have also included examples from Lisbon, Odessa, an unidentified location in Greece, and Forth Worth, Texas. In spite of the highly skilled montage artists at the great industrial postcard firms of Berlin, Vienna, Leipzig and Dresden, the practice seems to have been less common among studio photographers in Germany, Austria and Hungary.40 Some were made in Belgium on behalf of German soldiers posted there; others, in rudimentary fashion, by German camp photographers for French and Belgian prisoners to send to their families. In the composite photographs we see an emulation, whether on the part of the studio photographers, their clients, or both, of the commercial cards centering on presence and absence. 41 Indeed, in the case of the refined Dutch and Belgian internee and prisoner of war photomontages, the personal cards are at times hard to tell apart from commercial ones. By the time of the postcard boom the shift from holy card and religious print to personal photos as treasured icons had already taken place, for carte de visite or cabinet photographs were accessible to persons of modest means. In the commercial postcard pictures themselves, and in personal family photos, there is surprisingly little depiction of postcards. The photograph, not the commercial postcard, is what the women, the children, the parents at home frame, hold and look at, what the soldier and the prisoner of war have on their tables, their key chains, or in their hands. However artistic, expressive, entertaining, or moving, commercial postcards in their mighty billions were a blip on the screen compared to emotional meaning of the photographs that preceded them, coincided with them, and outlasted them.42 In the pictures of pictures we see the image stand in for the person, rejoining family groups, completing couples, reuniting child with parent, attending burials, coming back from afar or

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3 from the dead. And in the photos taken on leave, we see the person standing in for the image, making the image, of soldier, spouse, parent, or lover, that will be able stand in for him and her. In this light, in family portraits with soldiers taken during World War I, many of them when the soldiers were on leave, we see the prospect of the ultimate separation. In studios, courtyards, doorways, open lots, backyards, and public parks, they are pictures in which the absent are fused with the present in case they be eternally sundered (figs. 243–66).43 These pictures are part of the family history of most of the inhabitants in Central and Western Europe. Portraits pass from being mementos to mementi mori.44 As such they can bridge the gap first between present and absent, then between the living and the dead. All are potentially pictures of visions truly seen only by those who knew them. A Hungarian historian told me about her grandfather from Zemplén County who emigrated to South America to work in the mines and send money to his family. After a few letters the only time he was heard from again, years later, was a single photo postcard of him standing in a studio next to a column, leaning on a stand, with a phrase on the back with his date of death.

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Fig. 187. Spanish woman in glass frame with two small photos attached.

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Fig. 188. Three generation military family. Rephotographed photo array on blanket, c. 1900. Unmounted photograph 8.6×11.6 cm, with blank back, bought from Saint-Cyr-sur-Mer (Bouches-du-Rhône). Fig. 189. Rephotographed family photo array, 8.1×7.6 cm. with blank back, c. 1910, bought from Dos Hermanos (Sevilla).

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Fig. 190. Mourning woman and cameo of older man. Collage, 19th century. Albumin, 16×21, previously mounted. Purchased from Barcelona. Fig. 191. Man on carte de visite with older woman’s photo pasted upper right. Paris, Penabert, after 1889. Used to make a larger photograph.

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Fig. 192. Japanese extended family mounted 22.1×28.2 with photos added in collage. Names are listed on the back, c. 1900?

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Fig. 193. Japanese household portrait mounted 30.2×24.1, the source for photos added above. Names of five males are listed on the back, c. 1900?

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Fig. 194. Multigeneration family at Belchamp, a hamlet of Thônes (Hte-Savoie), possibly for the funeral of the small girl added as montage. The sign behind the group reads: “Belchamp. Notre famille, 13 Avril 1908.” “La fille de la fille que la fille de sa fille pleure” [The daughter of the daughter for whom the daughter of her daughter weeps]. Mounted 24.5×18.7.

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Fig. 195. French officers of the 18th regiment and wives, with cameo of older officer. Perhaps extended family. Late 19th century. Albumin, 21×15 cm, mounted. Meudon, Léon Delaporte

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Fig. 196. Girl with mother’s portrait. c. 1910. Photomontage on thick stock, Barcelona, J. Alonso. Fig. 197. Woman with two girls thinks of absent man, to whom photomontage was sent for saint’s day, July 14, 1915. Spain (sold from Elda, Alicante).

Dear […] husband [I hope] that you are spending with pleasure and happiness your saint’s day in good company, and we are very sorry that you are not spending it with us. With best wishes from your wife and daughters.

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Fig. 198. Man and woman look at photo, absent child, c. 1915–1920. Aguilas (Murcia), J. Matran Tudela. Fig. 199. Girl thinks of father, 1916. Photomontage on postcard stock. Lisbon, Fotografia Americana, A. A. Serra Ribeiro.

To my dear father on his birthday desiring innumerable repetitions. 31=7=1916 Oferece Alicia Monteiro. 159

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Fig. 200. Man thinking about girl. Belgium, World War I. Fig. 201. Family and absent man. Text in Zeeland Dutch, sent to relatives. Middleburg, Corneilis Henning, c. 1920.

Louise and Fernant Aunt and Uncle, Here see the whole family. It’s quite a flock and we wish Mama and Pepa could have had the good fortune of seeing us like this. They didn’t even know about the little one.

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Fig. 202. Man in Belgium thinking of family in Netherlands. Anvers, J. Prévost, 1916. pencil note in French:

to send to Zöe.

Fig. 203. Family in Netherlands thinking of man in Belgium just across the border, winter 1917 or 1918. Boy holds previous photo, which is added cropped, upper left. Bergen op Zoom, Charles van Velsen.

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Figs. 204–205. Woman with ovals of two men sewn on above, front and back. Cropped postcard stock. Belgium, World War I.

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Fig. 206. Elderly couple with child on chair, youth photo pasted upper right. Sent to Belgian soldier in Kasselbruch Lager (Bremen) from family in Flémalle Grande. Photo Hubert Dardenne, Jemeppe sur Meuse. “Mille bons baisers, Josephine.” Fig. 207. Two young women holding photo thinking of family upper left. Gand, Michel Van Loo, World War I.

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Fig. 208. Spanish soldier, absent woman. Tarjeta Postal, worn, with tack hole, c. 1910–1923. Fig. 209. Young woman writes to absent soldier. Photomontage on thick postcard stock, c. 1915–1923. Manresa (Barcelona), Foto Sardá.

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Fig. 210. Soldier thinks of woman. Photomontage on thick postcard stock, Spain, c. 1915–1923.

Nora of my life, girl of my heart, today I send you three portraits, instead of the two I mentioned in the letter. They gave me four, and I'm keeping one. See how you like my idea to have my picture taken this way. Many regards. Fig. 211. Italian soldier thinks of woman. Photomontage, Livorno, Veroli.

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Fig. 212. Soldier, wife, and children, three photos combined, sent by wife to parents-in-law in Ferté-Gaucher (Seine-et-Marne), June 19, 1914. France, Carte Postale stock.

Dear relatives, We are all in good health and I hope you are also. I'm definitely going to see Saul on Friday or Saturday and if you have any message for him send me word by return mail. It was he who had these pictures made that I'm sending. I'll send you details of my trip when I get back, a big hug to everyone, Berthe Fig. 213. Absent soldier with wife and baby, World War I. Rephotographed collage on postcard stock. Bought from Belgium.

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Fig. 215. “Souvenir de St. Amarin, Alsace, 1918.” Soldier sends to Paris. Photomontage.

My very dear mother. Receive my best wishes and my sweetest kisses

Fig. 214. Cossack, mother with father added in rephotographed collage, and mes‑ sage in Russian. 19th c. Cabinet photo. Odessa, V. Vaits [Weiss]. Back worn leaving gaps in text.

I send you this as a good remembrance for dear brother-in-law Alexander and beloved little sister… Please excuse that… turned out badly on the card… 167

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Fig. 216. Parents of Sarniguet, sent from Castelnau-Barbarens (Gers) to Münster prisoner of war camp. Albumin photo on Guilleminot, Boespflug et Cie stock. Gimont, Bonnefont.

A keepsake from your parents, 1917 March 16 Fig. 217. Prisoner Sarniguet in Münster camp, probably sent to his parents. Dortmund, Photograph Atelier Kregeloh.

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Fig. 218. Soldier in studio. Carte de visite, Marseilles, L. Gaulard. Fig. 219. Woman and child with absent soldier. Photomontage on Guilleminot, Boespflug et Cie stock.

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Fig. 220. Photo from soldier in Limey (Meurthe-et-Moselle) to family, Oct. 8, 1915.

For my two adored ones, a memento from Limey. Fig. 221. Wife and daughter with Limey soldier picture. Photomontage.

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Fig. 222. Belgian soldier writing, thinks of woman. On lined postcard stock. Fig. 223. Woman at table, thinks of soldier in previous photo. On Post Card stock.

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Fig. 224. American soldier thinks of older woman. Photomontage, Forth Worth (TX), Electric Post Card Studio. Fig. 225. Soldier by trees “Sur le front le 15/9/1916” thinks of family, assembled from three photos. Photomontage on French postcard stock.

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Fig. 226. Family and absent soldier. On Guilleminot, Boespflug et Cie postcard stock. Fig. 227. German soldier in Belgium and two pictures of absent family. Rephotographed collage, World War I.

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Fig. 228. German soldier in Belgium thinks of woman. Photomontage sent to Nenterhausen from Deinze, Jan. 30, 1916. Courtesy Denis Pieters, Nazareth, Belgium.

Dear Parents. Here is a little souvenir from the Great War, 1914–1916. With heartfelt greetings to all of you. Fig. 229. Belgian soldier interned in Harderwijk Netherlands thinks of wife. Photomontage sent to her in Brussels, Aug. 22, 1917.

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Fig. 230. Ghost face of man above woman and child, Belgium. Bruxelles, Photo d'Art V. de Wilde, World War I. Fig. 231. Couple in Tunis think of soldier son. Photomontage, Tunis, Photo-Félix.

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Fig. 232. Berthe in Liège and Lambert Hermans, Belgian prisoner, addressed to him at Arbeit Commando, Neu‑ garten en Eichmann. “Bonne fête.” Photomontage on postcard stock. Fig. 233. Extended family in Liège garden, sent to Lambert Hermans, prisoner of war in Soltau (Hannover), from father, Sept. 22, 1915. On postcard stock.

Dear son, I let you know that we are still in good health and I hope that this finds you the same. We received the group that you sent to your dear Berthe but the one you thought you had sent to us has not come; we hope to receive it soon. The card you sent us saying you have received the money order of 4 marks and asking for linens made us happy that you had gotten them. We sent you what you asked for and some sweets, Receive a thousand kisses from all who love you, your father

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Fig. 234. Soldier seated by trees, with cameo of family and dog. Photo 10×14, not on postcard stock. Bought from France. Fig. 235. American soldier thinks of family. Photomontage, Fort Worth (TX), Electric Post Card Studio. Worn and creased.

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Fig. 236. Children and absent soldier. Photomontage on Kodak Ltd stock, Belgium or France. Fig. 237. Belgian family thinks of soldier, boy offers rose. Photomontage, Borgerhout (Antwerpen), Photo Van Brussel.

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Fig. 238. Belgian family in doorway with cat, two soldiers in cameos. Fig. 239. Large rural Breton family with sailor inserted.

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3 Fig. 240. Prewar Austrian family with man inserted. Cabinet card, Traunstein, Jos. Werkmeister. “Familie mit Vater Linzinger.” Fig. 241. German family with soldier (possibly a prisoner in France) inserted. Carte de visite, Meuselwitz, Mar Schaar‑ schmidt, with French censor stamp on back, World War I.

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Fig. 243. Breton family including navy officer. Sent to godfather January 4, 1917. On Guilleminot, Boespflug et Cie postcard stock. Card trimmed.

Dear godfather, I write you on behalf of mother, who has had the flu for the last 9 days. She is much better and has been eating for the last 2 or 3 days. She joins me, papa and Etchs’nette in embracing you. We came back, I and Etchs’nette, from Quiberon on Tuesday; we had fun with our cousins. Aunt Celina and Aunt [illegible] came 2 days earlier, before New Years, to P-H. I send you our photograph. I embrace you well. Your godson, affectionately

Fig. 242. German family with soldier inserted and rephotographed in Belgium. Sent from the wife near Weißbach (Hohenlohe) to friends or relatives in Kayna, Kreis Zeitz, March 1915.

Dear Max and Helen, The family of Paul Törpel wishes you a happy and healthy Easter. Our dear father has already left for his unit after a 13-day leave. This picture is a Belgian photograph taken of a large photograph [of us] we gave him as a Christmas gift, in which he had himself inserted, which is why it is not so pretty. Please write soon or send us your little ones. Best regards, Lina and the children. If the weather is good on Easter we'll walk to Weißbach. 181

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Fig. 244. Soldier and wife. Germany. Fig. 245. German soldier couple. Guben, H. Rosenthal.

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Fig. 246. French soldier couple on Guilleminot, Boespflug et Cie (Paris) stock. Fig. 247. Hungarian soldier couple. Kecskemét, 1917.

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Fig. 248. Father and soldier in Fontenay-le-Bois studio. Fig. 249. French soldier and woman in studio, Dec. 1916.

Pour Maman, Jeanne et Germaine. Did it turn out all right? kisses from everyone.

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Fig. 250. French woman and soldier in yard by wall. Fig. 251. German woman and sailor. From Wilhelmshaven June 27, 1915, to soldier in artillery in Graudenz.

Dear brother and sister. How are things with you now, hopefully all is still all right. With us everything is the same. All our sons-in-law are all right. Gerda’s husband is still out on a U-boat. Sunday was our fourth daughter Olga’s birthday. This picture is of Emma and her man who were married on March 2. Our best greetings to you.

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Fig. 252. German soldier family, mounted on stiff card. 9×13.8 Fig. 253. Soldier, wife, and son in studio. On French postcard stock.

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Fig. 254. Officer, wife, two daughters in park, Sept. 30, 1918. Vichy, Photo Ambrost, “de 3 à 6 heures Parc des Célestins Inférieur.” Fig. 255. Soldier and family in courtyard, France.

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Fig. 256. German officer with family in courtyard. Fig. 257. Soldier in large group near well, French postcard stock.

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Fig. 258. French soldier and family out‑ side house, Loiret. Unmounted photo.

Photo souvenir de la guerre 14–18 prise aux Grandchamps Amilly chez l'oncle Brouillard. Fig. 259. German soldier on leave in Rastatt, Christmas 1916. On postcard stock.

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Fig. 260. Hungarian soldier with mother, October 1916. Budapest, Rákos. Fig. 261. German soldier with father. Dresden, Postkartenund Miniatur-Atelier.

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Fig. 262. Sick Hungarian soldier and parents. Cabinet card, 10.4×20.4 cm, 1915. Budapest, Klatowsky Victor.

Grandfather, grandmother and Uncle Feri (Pest) [already sick] Fig. 263. Serbian soldier and extended family. Belgrade, Studio on Kralja Milana 93.

A memento for brother-in-law and sister from Zica, Kaja and the children.

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Fig. 264. Soldier, wife, and dog in studio, France. Fig. 265. Woman, daughter, and soldier in studio, on French postcard stock.

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Fig. 266. German soldier with daughter holding helmet. Fig. 267. Soldier, wife, and daughter. French postcard stock, cropped.

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Fig. 268. Soldier with photo of daughter, France or Belgium. Fig. 269. Wife and children around photo of soldier. Borgerhout-Antwerpen, Kunst Foto Ch. de Latin. Thumbtack holes. [in later hand, in French:]

Alida, her brother, her mother, Rue de l’Église.

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Fig. 270. Family portrait including photo of soldier. Spain? On postcard stock. Purchased from Barcelona. Fig. 271. Belgian prisoner in Soltau camp holding baby picture, sent October 6 1915 to parents in Alleur (Liège). Camp photographer.

Very dear parents, I send you today this portrait with little Joseph. If Marie wants one too let me know. There is a group on the way for her too. Still in good health I hope you are the same. Receive a bonjour from your son, embracing you.

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Fig. 272. Prisoner in Puchheim (Bavaria) with drawings of women. Stamped, “Geprüft Lager Puchheim.” Fig. 273. “War memento 1914–1917.” German prisoner in Lens, January 16, 1917, (with photo album?), sent to brother in Weißensee, Berlin.

Dear brother and sister-in-law, best regards from here in enemy territory, in a cheerful mood with hopes for peace soon. Until we have a joyful and healthful reunion, your brother and brotherin-law, Fritz. I enclose cordial greetings for our dear mother, friends, and all other acquaintances who know me.

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Fig. 274. French prisoners in Puchheim with postcards and photographs, including a family photomontage, and paintings made in camp. Fig. 275. Nine men from the same Belgian village, now in the Netherlands, holding up family photographs (on back in French: "the nine escapees from Hoogstraten"). Thumbtack holes.

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Fig. 276. Henri Rinsonnet, Caporal 5e Chasseurs à Pie, prisoner at Soltau (Hannover) to wife in Dison-lez-Verviers, Belgium, May 20, 1917. Family photomontages are in frames on table, cameo photo on watch chain, writing (not legible) on card in his hand. Soltau, Photo Dethmann (of Wolfenbüttel).

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Fig. 277. Belgian family with handwritten verse; photo notched to include photo of soldier, then rephotographed. Thumbtack holes.

Och Vader lief zoo ver gescheiden Wanneer komt gij ons eens verblijden Wel Moeder lief wanneer zien wij ons Vader toch weer Oh Father dear so far away When will you come to make us gay? Oh Mother dear when Will we see our Father again? 199

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3 F chap ter notes 1 Mora i Puyal, “El racó de la memòria,” cited by permission. 2 Lázare Boix, “Colecciones: reflexiones antropológicas,” cited by permission. 3 Kron, Home-Psych, 194, in Brucato, “Il valore antropologico delle cose,” 5, cited by permission. 4 The postcard originated in Austria in 1869 and had spread through the Western world by 1874. Illustrated cards were commercialized in Germany starting in 1875 and in France, starting in 1887, intensified by the World Fairs of 1889 and 1900 in Paris and 1893 in Chicago. Estimates for French production for the year 1907 range from 300 to 600 million cards. For an overview, Ripert and Frère, La carte postale, 11–40. While print runs for individual cards in France might have averaged 10,000 before the war, it was not unusual during the war for them to be 100,000 (Huss, Histoires, 72). See also Baranowska, “The Mass-Produced Postcard,” and Phillips, We Are the People. 5 These figures are climbing rapidly. 6 Christian, “L’Oeil de l’esprit.” 7 Duchenne, Mécanisme, 137–40. 8 Laurentin, Vrai visage, 1:8. Also Vircondelet, Bernadette. 9 Alberti, On Painting, 60. 10 Stoichita, Visionary Experience. See also Petersson, Art of Ecstasy. 11 For the symbolic role of Jeanne d’Arc in this period and during the war, Warner, Joan of Arc, 249–68, Becker, War and Faith, 79–82. For the dramatic evolution of her figure previously, Heimann, Joan of Arc. 12 I thank Daniel Wojcik for help on terminology and sources. 13 For nineteenth-century composite images, Henisch, Photographic Experience, 43–48, 281, 355–58, 383–88. 14 Laurentin, Vrai visage, 2:74–75. 15 Laplace, “Les Apparitions de Tilly-sur-Seulles”; Brechet, “Les Apparitions de Tilly-sur-Seulles.” 16 Sainz Magaña, “Nuevos lenguajes, viejas creencias.” 17 Enrico Sturani, the expert on Italian commercial postcards, calls these postcards, which in Italy he says were more common after World War I, “ectoplasmic.” See his “Mussolini Ectoplasmico” and Mussolini; Un Dictateur en Cartes Postales. 18 Chéroux, “Ghost dialectics,” 46. 19 Brunet et al, “Les Visions de Jeanne d’Arc à Alzonne”; Hnich, “Les Visions d’Alzonne dans la presse française.” 20 Gonne, Letters, 325–26. She and Yeats went back to France in 1914 to Mirebeau to see the bleeding images of Abbé Vachère, who told Yeats of the Sacred Heart’s mission for him, Foster, Yeats: A Life, 1:517–18. 21 Niccoli, Prophecy and People, 61–88. 22 Seven billion postcards were sent in Germany in World War I (Alzheimer, Glaubenssache Krieg, 14). For the Netherlands, van Lith, Ik denk altijd aan jou; for France, Huss, Histoires, and Pairault, Images des Poilus; for Italy, Sturani, Donna del soldato. 23 Huss, Histoires, 186–92. 24 Ibid., 139–41. Similarly for Germany there were commercial postcards of Bismarck with Germania appearing to him, or a ghostly Bismarck in the sky protecting soldiers. 25 Ibid., 142–48. 26 “Au Général Joffre,” A. Noyer, Paris, “Galerie Patriotique” Nº 201, by B. Borione, Dec. 1914. Collection of author. 27 Jonas, Tragic Tale; Ferchaud, Notes autobiographiques; for background, Thurston, The War and the Prophets. 28 See, for instance, the postcard “St. Thérèse de l’Enfant Jésus priant pour les soldats.” Lisieux: Carmel, c. 1916. 29 For these devotions, many of them deeply felt, from the ground up, Becker, War and Faith, 60–113. 30 M. A., “Le Miracle de Novéant?,” “Supposed Miracle Explained.” 31 Huss, Histoires, 11, 97–104. 32 See Lyons, The Writing Culture of Ordinary People in Europe, c. 1860–1920, which deals with France, Italy, and Spain. 33 Postcard Paris: JM Editeur 411. “Loin de toi, ma pensée te suit,” sent Dec 13 1914. “…tâche de te faire photographier seul…” 34 From a set of 60 postcards to the prisoner, who had been a charcutier in Guînes, collection of the author. 35 For an account of one exchange sequence, Böß, “Blaue Augen.” 36 I thank Fukumi Yasuko, East Asian reference librarian (ret.), Universty of Massachusetts Amherst, and Richard Minear for their help. 37 I take the term from Natale, “A Short History of Superposition.” 38 Purseigle, “‘A Wave on to Our Shores.’” 39 For examples of Italian families reconstituted in photos to include emigrants in the United States and Chile, one in Lunigiana in 1910, the other in Genoa in 1930, see Gibelli, La Via delle Americhe, 163. 40 There is a small-town Hungarian example, c. 1935, in Szabó et al, Foto Homonnai, 111. 41 Cheroux et al, La Photographie timbrée, 10. 42 Compare using Google N-Grams the incidence of the words “photographe” and “carte postale” or “photograph” and “postcard” over the period from 1800 to 2000. 43 Spiritualism and its photographs are the attempt to reunite persons sundered. For the place of the war missing and dead in spiritualism see Faust, Republic of Suffering, for the American Civil War, and Winter, Sites of Memory, 54–77, for World War I. 44 As Alberti wrote, “Through painting the faces of the dead go on living for a very long time.” On Painting, 60. See also Hirsch, Family Frames, and Bán and Turai, Exposed Memories.

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Juxtapositions: Saints, Humans, Animals in Spanish Fiestas, with Photographs by Cristina García Rodero

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e have considered unusually immediate divine presence in appearances of supernaturals and activations of images, and we have seen one way that photography captured the conjunction of the human and the divine and how it provided human memorials with an iconic, pan-European, indeed pan-religious power by depicting the living with the dead. In Catholic and Orthodox Europe over the entire period treated in this book, there of course existed a latent, everyday presence of divinity in religious images themselves, whether in homes, churches, or shrines, whether the divinities had appeared or not, whether the images came to life and bled, sweated, wept, or not. This final chapter concerns the tangibility of divine presence in special images in Spanish fiestas and its similarity and differences with contact, also in fiestas, with animals. Since the Catholic Reformation, town festivals in Spain tend to be organized in separate events: the sacred fiesta and the profane fiesta. In the former, communities seem to explore the limits of humanity with the divine; in the latter they often do so with animals. Both explorations can involve not only ritual personal contact with the other—saint or animal—but also the assumption of the other’s role and appearance, a kind of species transvestism. While fiestas bring saints and humans, and humans and animals together, they tend to keep saints and animals apart. We will explore these festive relations with the special help of the photographs of Cristina García Rodero, who since 1973 has taken over 200,000 photos of over 500 Spanish ­fiestas. 201

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4 In 1990, I made a selection of 6000 of these photographs for the Getty Research Institute, and subsequently García Rodero helped to draw up, image by image and fiesta by fiesta, a catalogue of the material.1 Because García Rodero photographed in some regions more than others, more in daylight than at night, and more in exteriors than interiors, I also consulted fiesta descriptions in national and regional guides, but no study could be exhaustive for a country with perhaps 20,000 fiestas.2 The evidence here will largely be pictures. But we need to shift gears in looking at them. The holy cards, paintings, postcards, and photographs in the previous chapter were artifacts in which the depicting itself (the staging and montage choices made by artists, commercial and studio photographers, or the photograph subjects who commissioned the pictures) was the subject matter. Here we consider more what is happening in the pictures, as opposed to the technique or artistry of the photographer, and the picture as depiction more than the picture as object or icon. For however well Cristina García Rodero has come to know the sequence of festive events through repeated visits, hers is the eye and the understanding of an outsider, born in the town of Puertollano and living in the city of Madrid, who depicts what she sees largely for the benefit of other outsiders. Although almost all these pictures were taken in Spain, they are not pictures of generic “Spaniards.” They portray members of intense micro-societies that are made up of engaged residents and former residents. As throughout much of the world these members coalesce periodically for festive occasions. And what they are doing, like kissing a certain statue at a certain time in a certain place, is precisely what makes them particular and local, as opposed to general and national. At these moments the emotions they experience can be just as foreign and indifferent to the people of the town down the road, the provincial capital, Madrid, or Barcelona as to people on another continent or of another religion. By the same token, the general gist of what is going on can nevertheless be familiar and readable to people in societies on the other side of the world with similar festive celebrations.

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ike peoples in many parts of the world, southern European societies have a long familiarity with religious images in their households. For over five hundred years inexpensive prints have been massively available, and industrial production has made religious statuettes affordable.3 Some families accumulate small pantheons of prints and images. There is home touching, kissing, and rearranging. And in the last two centuries, as the reader might now expect, in homes there are juxtapositions of saints with photographs of living family members to be prayed for and deceased family members to be prayed for or to.4 (Figs. 278–81.)

Figs. 278–279. Household images and family photos in bedroom, Tafira, Gran Canaria, 2011. Photos: author. Figs. 280–281. Household images and family photos in dining room cabinet, Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, 2012. Photos: author.

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Fig. 282. Girls from school outdoors with image of Mary and child, c. 1900. 16.3×12.2 cm, mounted on pasteboard, probably Catalonia, Photographer unknown.

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Photographs from second-hand shops indicate some of the occasions in which people have wanted to be depicted with saints’ images: first communion studio portraits; class pictures of religious schools or sodalities; and personal portraits with images (figs. 282–84). The images involved on these occasions, however, are generally not the great repositories of power and grace protected in shrines and other churches, and it is the latter that are the focus of ritual touching on festive occasions. The home altar assemblages may well include little

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replicas of the great shrine images, purchased on pilgrimages or received as gifts and perhaps even touched to the original, but they are not the real thing in the real place. At some shrines in Spain, the main image can be touched or kissed all year, not just at fiesta time.5 In fact, shrines are precisely facilities for direct contact with images, which are often accessible by means of chambers up behind the bank of images above the altar. At Montserrat before and after masses, people kissing the image can be seen from the nave below, as in this

Fig. 283. Women's sodality with image of Sorrowing Mary, c. 1955, bought from Castellón de la Plana. 17×12 cm, mounted, detail.

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4 press photo of Francisco Franco (fig. 285). For some shrine images there is a ribbon connected to the image with a medal to kiss. The year-round touching (the “visit” to the saint) serves for greeting, thanking, or petitions. Lay shrine keepers are called “santeros” because they facilitate this direct access to the image for kissing, whether at the shrine itself or by going door-to-door with a smaller proxy image.6

Fig. 284. First communion studio portrait, girl, c. 1905. Photo: J. Alonso, Barcelona. Fig. 285. Francisco Franco visiting image of Montserrat, July 6, 1966. CIFRA photo.

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However, some images of special devotion are normally positioned high out of reach and are accessible for touching only at fiesta time. And relics are too vulnerable to theft to be available year-round. Other special images are normally outside of towns and only accessible to many people when brought to a town church for the fiesta. And images that can be touched throughout the year are thought to be more powerful on their feast day. For all of these situations, it is as if the potential energy of year-round devotion were available for discharge at this annual festive contact. In the photographs we see two venues at festive times for this contact: the church floor and the procession. In or just outside church there are formal moments for supervised touching, generally after high mass on the feast day. In the case of a relic, a priest generally holds it out for veneration. Patron saints and other special images are generally taken down from the retablo to the presbytery or the church floor for a novena, and this is done primarily to make touching possible. In some parts of Andalusia the image is referred to as being “en besamanos” (hand-kissing, more for images of Mary or saints) or “en besapies” (foot-kissing, for Christ). For some images (like San Campio de Lonxe in the province of Pontevedra or the Christ of Medinaceli in Madrid) the demand is great and the time is limited, so people form kissing queues. In some towns, the sick and elderly are brought by automobile to the besamanos.7 The preparation of images for processions is another reason to bring them down to touching level, and there are periods before and after processions when these images are accessible to touch. In most places there is time for lingering or for having one’s photo taken with the image. (Figs. 286–92.)

Fig. 286. Child kisses crucifix, shrine of Los Milagros de Maceda (Orense), Sept. 7, 1977. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 287. Woman kisses crucifix, Garganta la Olla (Cáceres) Sept. 14 1986. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 288. Woman kisses relic of Santa Orosia held by priest, shrine near Yebra de Basa (Huesca), June 25, 1981. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 289. Woman kisses San Campio de Lonxe, Figueiró (Pontevedra), July 30, 1989. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 290. Woman touches doughnuts to Sacred Heart of Jesus in processional cart inside shrine of Cristo de Gende (Pontevedra) June 9–10, 1979. Boy sits on coffin used as votive display in procession. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 291. Woman caresses reliquary image of Saint George, village in León, April 1991. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 292. Girl with image of La Candelaria, Monroy (Cáceres), Feb. 2, 1985. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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4 While lines may form to kiss the immobile image in the church, the procession reverses the process, and the image moves past people while marking a territory or visiting a community. Contact can come while carrying the image (the rights to do so are sometimes hereditary, sometimes auctioned off) or passing under the image in procession (in Galicia) and can be facilitated by the clergy. Processions are also occasions in which the clergy restrict the right to touch. For the less prized images, there are many occasions in which the lay control of Corpus Christi street altars, or Holy Week images, or brotherhood banners, or the carrying of images being shifted from shrine to town permit the kind of touching impossible the rest of the year. Pauses in processions provide opportunities for personal snapshots or group portraits. (Figs. 293–99.) In these photographs we see the kiss (on image face, foot, leg, mouth), the caress, and the touch interposed so the person will have something touched to take away—-the handkerchief, the doughnuts, the photograph, the child, the ribbon. People often touch the image with its likeness—a picture or a medal, some of which are sold pre-touched. The formal kiss, in a besamanos or besapies reception line, could remind us of the kiss of fealty: the queen’s hand, the bishop’s ring, the Pope’s toe.8 From these photographs and my experience over the same Fig. 293. Procession of Our Lady of La Saleta, Silleda (Pontevedra), Sept. 19, 1986. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 294. Priest blocks woman touching handkerchief to image of Our Lady of La Barca in procession, Muxia (A Coruña), Sept. 11, 1983. Photo: Cristina García Rodero. Fig. 295. Woman kisses Cristo del Buen Camino, Hontanar (Toledo), Sept. 20, 1988. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

period, the attitudes of those making the kisses run from reverence, to the sharp contact with grace, to the intense contact of eye to eye during processions,9 to affectionate greeting, to something ceremonial, perfunctory or routine. And of course there are the people absent from these photographs who have no affection for or interest in images whatsoever. Those who kiss or caress images in García Rodero’s pictures are more women than men, more older than younger, more children than adolescents. This touching occurs throughout the year but above all around the major feast days in the spring and the summer.  215

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Fig. 296. Boy kisses painting of the Cristo del Paño in procession in Moclín (Granada), Oct. 5, 1976. Photo: Cristina García Rodero. Fig. 297. Woman kisses banner of Our Lady of Mt. Carmel circulated door to door late December in Blanca (Murcia) to collect money for the souls in purgatory. 1988. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 298. Contact with the Cristo del Sahuco as it is being prepared for the run from its shrine to Peñas del San Pedro (Albacete), May 31, 1982. Photo: Cristina García Rodero. Fig. 299. Contact with the Cristo del Sahuco in its carrying case, El Sahuco (Albacete), June 11, 1990. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 300. Hands on horse, fiestas of St. John, Ciutadella (Mallorca), June 24, 1984. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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People Touching Animals

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ome people, of course, touch animals all year. But most townspeople have limited contact with animals. And even farm folk have animals they do not touch much, like roosters and bulls. Fiestas offer occasions for closer proximity with beasts, occasions which may involve daring, danger, and demonstrations of skill. The protagonists are still predominantly young men and the beasts predominantly male. As with saints, in fiestas animals are taken into a public space which is ordinarily occupied by humans. We will focus here on those occasions in which animals are considered protagonists in their own right. The most bland of the festive forms of animal contact is the blessing of animals by a priest, which takes place in many towns on January 17, the feast of Saint Anthony the Abbot (San Antón), whose symbol is a pig and a bell. The animals are always under control; the blessing is done at a certain remove, there is no electricity and no shock. In contrast, there are a number of fiestas in which contact with animals becomes the center of attention. In almost all of them there is an element of play. The tossing of dogs and cats from outstretched blankets was a common element of fiestas in the early modern period but

Fig. 301. Blessing animals, feast of Saint Anthony the Abbot, Muro (Mallorca) Jan. 18, 1988. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 302. Bull play, children, Albaladejo (Ciudad Real), July 24, 1988. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 303. Bull play, Teruel, July 12, 1987. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 304. Escorting the bull away, Chillón (Ciudad Real), Aug. 14, 1985. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

has few survivals. In the same village fiesta in La Rioja where a dog is tossed, men have a tug of war against a horse. But most festive play with animals involves more danger, both for the humans and for the animals. One can see this danger in the hands that hold up the prancing horses in the feast of Sant Joan in Ciutadella (Mallorca), or the riderless horse race in Caravaca de la Cruz, meant to commemorate a desperate sally from the town under siege. In the summer throughout Spain, with the exception of the Northwest and the islands, there are communities that engage in dangerous play with bulls. The bulls are drawn into the town and set on a fixed route through the streets. Sometimes a bull may have a heavy rope attached to its horns (“toro ensogado” or “enmaromado”), or with fire blazing on its horns (“toro de fuego”). Often the playing is done in a bull-ring. Once the playing is done, youths with hands on the bull may escort it away, as in the photograph from Chillón (Ciudad Real).10 (Figs. 300–305.) The playing can end in death, sometimes, as at Garganta la Olla and Tordesillas, less ceremonial but no less final than the formal bull-fights that are part of patron feasts in most of Spain. In contrast, rooster or goose runs (“corridas de gallos,” “corridas de gansos,” in which F

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Fig. 305. Bull on a rope with crowd, Benavente (Zamora), May 28, 1986. Photo: Cristina García Rodero. Fig. 306. Finishing off the bull, Garganta la Olla (Cáceres), July 3, 1984. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 307. Rooster run, Albalá del Caudillo (Cáceres), Carnival Sunday, 1987. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 308. Goose run, El Carpio del Tajo (Toledo), Feast of St. James, July 25, 1982. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 309. Goose Day, Lekeitio (Bizkaia), 1991. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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live birds are hung up high across a road and youths at a gallop try to grab or kill them) are a winter sport, concentrated largely in festive days from Christmas through Carnival. In Albalá del Caudillo there is an intense competition to behead the most roosters, and those who behead them may keep them. Men in carnival costumes on burros and carts then parade under the roosters.11 On Goose Day in Lekeitio (Bizkaia), a goose, (used alive, until the late twentieth century), is attached head down to a cable between two vessels. A youth in the prow of a row boat passes under the goose and grasps it by the neck. The cable is then tensed by the vessels pulling apart, and catcher and goose fly into the air; the cable is then relaxed and the catcher and goose are dunked until the catcher lets go or the head of the goose comes off.12 As with much of the playing with bulls, until compulsory military service ended in 2000, the organizers of this kind of competition were typically “quintos,” youths in their conscription year.13 The rooster and goose runs too have a long history. In El Carpio del Tajo, the 1584 rules of the brotherhood of Santiago left it up to the head brother to choose between different horseback exercises, “como jugar cañas, alcancías, correr sortijas o gansos.”14 It was also the quintos who developed a short-lived custom of throwing a ram from the church tower of a village in Zamora. (Figs. 306–10.) Some of the contact with animals described here shares with that of powerful images an element of electricity—the touch of what is radically other. The saints are now more benign than they used to be, the kisses probably less awe-inspiring. There may in the past have been a sense of danger in the contact with the divine—the possibility of chastisement—more similar to that which remains in the brushes with the bulls. But there is an essential asymmetry. With holy images, the gift, the social contract, the pose indicate an acknowledgment of divine authority. At the end of the game animals are controlled by and subjected to humans. 

Fig. 310. Ram and quinto, Manganeses de la Polvorosa (Zamora), Jan. 23, 1988, prior to ram being taken to a town and tossed in a net below. Ribbon on ram reads, "Los Quintos 87." Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Crossing the Boundaries

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n the festive moments described so far, there is no doubt who are the saints, who are the humans, and which are the animals. But much of festive activity crosses the boundaries. People act out the roles of saints and beasts, and, conversely, images and animals are made to act like humans. In the intensity of festival time, the roles can shift.

Images as People/People as Images

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he mobilization of images as if they were people is familiar to the experience of many Spaniards: the use of flexible images that can be moved to act out events in the lives of saints; the very circulation of images in processions, as if they themselves very alive; the way in processions images are “danced” or “run.” We saw in the first chapter that images “meet” like humans, not just in the “Encounter” of Mary and Jesus after the crucifixion, but also during rain processions.15 Occasionally parish images “visit” homes, and throughout Spain, smaller, visiting images make annual or monthly home visits. It is in the images’ mobile, “activated” forms, as we have seen, that much of the touching takes place. (Figs. 311–16.)

Fig. 311. Descent from the Cross, shrine of As Ermitas (Orense) April 17, 1987. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 312. Procession of recumbent San Campio de Lonxe, Figueiró (Pontevedra), July 30, 1977. Photo: author. Fig. 313. Procession of Santa Marta, Ribarteme (Pontevedra), July 29, 1977. Photo: author.

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Fig. 314. Procession of San Blas, Albalate de Zorita (Guadalajara), Feb. 3, 1981. Photo: Cristina García Rodero. Fig. 315. Dancing the Virgin of Montemayor, Moguer (Huelva), May 13, 1984. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 316. Home visit of Saint Fabian, Portezuelo (Cáceres), Jan. 22, 1986. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 317. Children and Corpus altar, Ponteareas (Pontevedra), May 29, 1975. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Conversely, people stand in for still images on a variety of occasions: the “mayas” of the Madrid region are girls who “become” still images on improvised May altars, as youth of both sexes did in early modern Spain;16 children are placed still on Corpus altars; adults imitate sculpture or paintings by forming tableaux vivants for Christmas crèches, or the Way of the Cross, or the Last Supper. Many of these scenes (performed in at least twenty towns) are recent, since 1960. An older tradition is the representation of biblical figures in Holy Week and Corpus processions, in which people walk with masks, as if they were images in procession. (Figs. 317–20.)

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Fig. 318. Maya, Colmenar Viejo (Madrid), May 2, 1989. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 319. Corpus procession, Laguna de Negrillos (León), June 5, 1980. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 320. Corpus procession, Oñati (Gipuzkoa), with amnesty banner, June 2, 1983. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 321. Devil and women, Luzón (Guadalajara), March 1995. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

Finally, there are the fiestas in which people act, not just like silent and hieratic images, but as active supernaturals. The men who adopt the role of Christ in Holy Week processions are one example. The devils who chase women in some villages are following a pattern centuries old, though now considerably tamer. In a Corpus procession in 1613 in El Molinillo, south of Toledo, a charcoal maker came as a devil displaying an extravagant penis that he maneuvered with cords to touch the faces of women.17 Now some of the devils visit schools. At the end of the twentieth century, there was a revival of sacred drama, and a surely incomplete survey reveals about fifty annual pageants in the Christmas cycle (not counting the hundreds of towns with shepherd plays), about two dozen towns that act out the Temptations of Saint Anthony,18 four Corpus sacred dramas, seventy-five connected to Holy Week or the Resurrection (again, some started quite recently), and about twenty other towns with dramas relating to specific images or saints.19 Sacred dramas of some kind are to be found throughout those areas of Spain where people live together in settlements. They are less frequent in the areas of dispersed habitat of the Atlantic fringe or the Mediterranean huerta. (Figs. 321–23.) F

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Fig. 322. St. Anthony the Abbot and the devil in procession, Artà (Mallorca), Jan. 7, 1988. Photo: Cristina García Rodero. Fig 323. Devils torment St. Anthony in front of municipal band, Artà (Mallorca), Jan. 1991. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

Judging from the number of these pageants, the chances are not bad that anyone from any part of rural Spain, at some point, has been dressed as a saint, an angel, or a devil. This is even more likely if we include devil dances (especially in Catalonia),20 first communion ceremonies where children wear angel wings, church school plays, mission pageants and parades, and child versions of adult festivals. In fact, an appreciable number of Spain’s actors and directors got their start in the most famous passion plays, those of Esparreguera and Olesa de Montserrat in the province of Barcelona. 237

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Fig. 324. Lisieux souvenir shop with photos displayed prominently, before 1925. Lisieux, Maurice Duvey, and Paris, Lévy et Neurdein. Fig. 325. Pilgrim holds photo of Niño Fidencio at shrine, Mexico, 2007. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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In any case, the line between people and saints can be fuzzy, considering that saints were once people, and people (as with the mysterious pilgrim visitors) may in fact be saints or Christ. In the case of local daughters and sons who have officially been proclaimed saints by the church (Teresa in Ávila, Ignatius in Loyola, Isidro Labrador in Madrid, and the many other Spanish saints who were bishops, missionary martyrs, or founders of religious orders), the saint was once a fellow inhabitant. And for every dying person who leaves loved ones behind, there is a gradual slippage from presences to be prayed for to presences who may well be prayed to. People talk to their dead, often to their photographs, and ask them for help. Throughout the world the dead are presences, divine or otherwise, prayed to or not, who fade away only with the disappearance of those who knew them. In this perspective, saints, canonized or otherwise, are special exceptions, beings whose presence persists, or has been maintained, beyond living memory. Here too photography has come to play a powerful role, forming the basis for statues and holy cards for all holy ones who lived since its invention. For some cults, as with those of Bernadette, Thérèse of Lisieux, and the Christ of Limpias, photographs, in general extensively retouched, rival statues as the true likeness, the vera effigie. At the shrine of el Niño Fidencio in Mexico, the photos are touched for healing, grace, or consolation. (Figs. 324–27.)

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Fig. 326. Photo on bed, shrine of Niño Fidencio, Mexico, 2007. Photo: Cristina García Rodero. Fig. 327. Pilgrim touches postmortem photograph of Niño Fidencio at shrine, Mexico, 2007. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 328. Wine for the bull, Allariz (Orense), May 28–29, 1986. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Animals as Humans/ Humans as Animals

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s we have seen, the ludic aspect of human festive contact with animals involves to some extent treating the animals as human. The horses of Ciutadella are ridden into houses. Burros are ridden into bars and offered drinks. Bulls may be made to get into cars, or lured into jumping off docks to swim in the sea, or made drunk (Figs. 328–29). The peak of the human to animal transvestism is the period from Christmas up to Holy Week that Julio Caro Baroja defined as Carnaval. It is in this period that men dress as sheep

Fig. 329. Bull play on dock, Denia (Alicante), July 1990. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 330. Sheep-men, Ituren (Navarra), Jan 26–27, 1976. Photo: Cristina García Rodero. Fig. 331. Carnival animal, La Frontera (Hierro, Canary Islands), March 22, 1990. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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with bells and visit the neighboring town in Navarre, that ram, goat, or mixed sheep-bird figures frighten children in the Canary Islands, Palencia, and León, that youth-bears can be found from Galicia across the North to the Pyrenees, that youth-bulls, known as vaquillas, attack bystanders throughout central Spain, that hobbyhorse figures can be found in Extremadura, the Pyrenees, and the Cantabrian mountains, and that hybrid animal-monsters come out in Zamora (figs. 330–38).21 Animals are clearly played with gusto; for an animal outfit, like a devil or jester outfit, has long been a license for outrageous behavior. In the 1616 Corpus Christi procession in Navahermoso, south of Toledo, among people in disguise were “two men stark naked, with parts of their body honeyed and feathered, circulating among the women with a lot of wiggling and doing lewd, ugly, and indecent acts.”22 Animal disguise accelerates the motion and activity of those who wear them (as opposed to the dressing as saints, which tends to restrict and compress motion and activity).23 In any case we are far from any emotional sympathy with the animal. These patterns date from long before and have little to do with the current “animal upward mobility (humanization)” in which, as Amado Millán put it, “an animal’s qualities are emphasized, its rights proclaimed, voluntary organizations defend it, the number of protected species increases, and the process leading up to consumption is removed from view.”24 What is undeniable about both kinds of transvestism, saints or animals, is that people enjoy dressing up and behaving as something quite different from

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what they are, or, conversely, they enjoy letting out a divine or animal side that is generally concealed. There are other interspecies axes—the vegetable world (dressing as human trees, straw men, moss creatures). And intraspecies axes as well—cross-dressing in Carnival. Taking all of these into consideration, Spain may stand out in Europe as a locus of festive transformation. All of this is performed not in a back room, but in front of a public that participates in the role reversals. It is thus not just individuals, but the group that crosses the boundaries, that in the festive time explores the two other radically different worlds around them. But because festive behavior is limited in time and place, it tends to be invisible to the wider society.25

Fig. 332. Bird-men (Guirrios), Llamas de la Ribera (León), 1997. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 333. Bear-man and attendant, Zubieta (Navarra), January 30–31, 1980. Photo: Cristina García Rodero. Fig. 334. Boy-bull, Velilla la Reina (León), March 1, 1987. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 335. Mock bull, Peñalsordo (Badajoz), June 13, 1982. Photo: Cristina García Rodero. Fig. 336. Beast (Carocho) and spinner (Filandorra), Abejera (Zamora), January 1986 or 1987. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 337. Hobbyhorses, Peñalsordo (Badajoz), June 13, 1982. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 338. Beast (Carantoña) and people, Acehúche (Cáceres), Jan. 20–21, 1982. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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ince at least the sixteenth century, bishops and diocesan synods have attempted to separate the divine from the profane in Spanish fiestas. Vows to run bulls were repeatedly forbidden.26 The participation of bulls in processions, whether in Corpus processions (Allariz, Orense),27 or the many bulls of San Marcos, which not only accompanied processions as proxies of the saint, but also attended mass, were prohibited by royal decree in 1753.28 The oldest extant bull rings are directly adjacent to churches. And the sacred nature of some of the bulls escorted through towns is indicated by their names: Toro de Aleluya, Toro de San Juan, Vaquilla del Ángel, Toro de la Virgen, Toro Jubilo. But they have been separated from the saints and the liturgy. The connection of saints and animals— Saint Roch and his dog, Saint Anthony and his pig, Saint John the Baptist and his lamb—now remain only as iconographic conventions.29 The real pig and the image are kept far apart. It is exceptional that even the meekest animals are allowed close to images: a rooster and hen in the church of Santo Domingo de la Calzada, a lamb near a Christ, a live dove, a sheep and a goldfish in the archaic Holy Week procession of Puente Genil, and doves at the feet of traveling images of the Virgin of Fatima. The beasts that Fig. 339. Saint John the Baptist and lamb, Laguna de Negrillos (León), Corpus, June 5, 1980. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 340. Lamb, girl, and crucifix, Villarejo de Fuentes (Cuenca), June 20, 1990. Photo: Cristina García Rodero. Fig. 341. Youth-dogs and Saint Sebastian, Santa Ana de Pusa (Toledo), Jan. 21, 1990. Photo: Cristina García Rodero.

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Fig. 342. Carantoñas and Saint Sebastian, Acehúche (Cáceres), Jan 20–21, 1982. Photo: Cristina García Rodero

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accompany San Sebastian in Acehúche and the youth-dogs that carry him in Santa Ana de Pusa are striking anomalies. Perhaps they hark back to Voragine or Eusebius, in a cultural repertoire that mixes the human and divine, and the human and the animal, but has been disciplined by ecclesiastical and royal decrees to segregate the divine and the animal.30 (Figs. 339–42.) Two photographs illustrate strikingly what has been avoided in Spain’s churches and fiestas (figs. 343–44). At the Orthodox monastery of Saint George near Hadijidimovo in southwestern Bulgaria, people who do not bring sheep as offerings may make a symbolic offering with a sheep already given, by giving alms and making the animal kiss an icon of the saint. According to the ethnologist Albena Georgieva-Angelova, “Those who do not bring a sheep of their

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own pay as much as they like (2, 5, 10, 20, or more leva) and take one of the lambs already given and bow before the icon with it, showing respect to the saint and of course hope for his help.”31 A visit to a prop studio in Rome’s Cinecittà led to the second photograph. The large studio houses the accumulated output of plaster statues made by several generations of the De Angelis family. The statues are stored roughly by type, with saints in one area, heroes, emperors and politicians in another. But when I visited, one image of Mary appeared to be misplaced and randomly juxtaposed, as if in a junk shop, with plaster beasts.32

Fig. 343. Lamb kisses icon, Monastery of St. George, near Hadjidimovo, Bulgaria, eve of feast of St. George, May 5, 2006. Photo: Ognyan Enev. Fig. 344. Mary and frogs, alligator and lion in De Angelis prop studio, Cinecittà, Rome, April 30, 2012. Photo: Richard Pearce.

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Reflections

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n Spain (and much of Southern Europe) images, humans, and animals are not always essential categories. A continuum runs from people to images, and people to animals. It includes images, and animals that are part human or humanized (in dress, in activity), and humans who can become part images or part animals (in dress, in activity, in relations with other humans). Supernaturals, humans, and animals are part of an articulated system. The relations among these categories in Spain’s fiestas are highly asymmetrical, and the humans involved in the two sets of relations vary dramatically. Rural societies in Spain appear to have organized, as in most other matters, a division of labor by age and by gender in its interspecies explorations. Which supernatural beings do people not touch or kiss or dress up as? (God the Father, Souls in Purgatory?) What animals arouse no interest in the rituals of approximation, contact, and disguise? (Female ones, cubs, cats, some of the larger mammals that are hunted, reptiles, insects, invertebrates?) In many instances the supernaturals and the animals generally left out have a substantial impact on human lives (God the Father, locusts, hake, pigs). And they may be strikingly dangerous for humans (Souls in Purgatory, boars, sharks). Finally, fiestas comprise local, semi-private languages of sequence, gesture, decoration, and unique, locally-named ritual protagonists, whether Carochos, Carantoñas, the Toro de la Vega, the Christ of Moclín, Santa Orosia, or the Virgin of Montemayor. They fall in the category of local custom and practice (usos y costumbres) contemplated by civil and canon law, defined and bounded by joint devotion and joint emotions. It is the same community arena as the visions of mysterious strangers, apparitions in general, and the activations of images. That is, they speak to an ancient joint corporate identity in which whole places interact with other worlds according to widely understood rules. These joint identities are now challenged by immigration, disaffection, and the Internet. Surely they were never uniform or homogeneous to begin with. But they evolve, thrive, and even intensify in some places in deeply experienced festive sequences, defiantly local stories with local characters repeated in a local idiom. And local and regional governments subsidize and market them as attractions for outsiders and tourists eager for something unique and intense. F notes 1 García Rodero and Christian, Catalogue. The García Rodero festival photographs in the Getty Research Institute Special Collections includes 502 contact sheets, 2525 black-and-white enlargements, and 3253 Cibachrome prints. It includes virtually all of Spain’s famous fiestas, as well as many known only locally. Some of the pictures are published in these books: España Oculta (1989), España, fiestas y ritos (1992), and Transtempo (2010, with photos taken between 1973 and 1995). Since 1995 García Rodero has photographed more outside of Spain.

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2 Brisset, Rebeldía festiva, 18. 3 Nalle, “Private Devotion,” Kasl, “Delightful Adornments”; for early modern Italy, Niccoli, Vedere con gli occhi del cuore, 22–44; for North America, Salvo and Gutiérrez, “Mexican Home Altars,” and Turner, “Mexican-American Women’s Home Altars.” 4 My students in Barcelona and Madrid have often found saints and photos mixed up in hodge-podge home assemblages that include toy animals and game figures, New-Age quartz lights, incense, good luck charms, and travel souvenirs. On this, see especially for Mexico Flores Martos, “Artes domésticas en el Puerto de Veracruz.” 5 On the power of images, see Freedberg, The Power of Images, Faeta, Il santo e l’aquilone, and Niccoli, Vedere. For Roman images, see Waddle, Touching the Gods. For the special prerogatives and prohibitions on intimate touching and dressing of Christian images, see Trexler, “Habiller et déshabiller”; Albert-Llorca, “La Vierge mise à nu”; and Seraïdari, Le culte des icônes en Grêce. 6 On the ethnography of Spanish images, see Cea Gutiérrez, Religiosidad popular; Imágenes vestideras. For Italian kissing of images, Niccoli, Vedere, 57–66. 7 Virgen de los Remedios: Rodríguez Becerra (ed.), Guía de Fiestas Populares de Andalucía, 163. 8 See Frijhoff, “The kiss sacred and profane.” 9 Pasqualino, “Quand les yeux servent de langue.” 10 Caro Baroja, El estío festivo, 241–74; Mata y Martín, Ritos populares del toro; Marvin, Bullfight; Puras Hernández, “Aportaciones en torno al estudio del Toro de la Vega”; Delgado Ruiz, De la muerte de un dios; Molinié-Bertrand, Duviols and Guillaume-Alonso (eds.), Des taureaux et des hommes. 11 Gutiérrez Macías, Por la geografía cacereña, 103–106. 12 Based on the Antzar Eguna fiesta programs on 1982 and 1985, Getty Research Institute, Special Collections, Cristina García Rodero Collection. The fiesta dates from at least 1818. 13 Out of 25 towns with some vestige of rooster/goose games, 19 of the fiestas were held between Christmas and Holy Week. They were located throughout mainland Spain with the exception of the provinces bordering on the Mediterranean and the Pyrenees. In several towns it was the girls who actually kill the roosters. In recent years fiestas with animals have adapted under pressure from animal-rights activists. 14 Sánchez, Fiestas populares, 304. On rooster corridas, Caro Baroja, El carnaval, 81–90, and Rodríguez Plasencia, “Correr los gallos.” For an interpretation of these animals as a symbol of evil, Peris Álvarez, “La expulsión del mal.” 15 See Llompart, “La llamada ‘Procesión del Encuentro.’” 16 See Brisset, Rebeldía festiva, 103–105 and Fraile Gil, El mayo. 17 Martínez and Rodríguez, “La fiesta en el mundo rural,” 297, 307. More on devils in fiestas in Brisset, Rebeldía festiva, 153–54. 18 All in Castellón de la Plana, Teruel, and Mallorca. 19 See the exhibition catalogue, El Auto religioso en España, particularly the essay of Maximiano Trapero; Els balls parlats; Lluís Mallart, “Esparreguera i la seva Passió.” See also Brisset, Rebeldía festiva, 457. A reflection of the new wave of tableaux vivants was the comic film ¡Se armó el Belén!, directed by José Luis Saénz de Heredia (1970). An earlier film, El Judas, directed by Ignacio F. de Iquino (1952) was set in the context of the Passion of Esparreguera. I am not including Moros y Cristianos, as generally speaking persons do not take the role of saints or holy figures. Marlène Albert-Llorca suggests a distinction between “dressing up” as people call what they do for Moros y Cristianos, and disguises, disfraces. 20 Bertrán et al., El Ball de Diables. 21 Caro Baroja, Carnaval, and my compilations; Gangutia Elícegui, “La ‘Dama yegua’ y la Tarasca.” For Canarias, see Galván Tudela, Fiestas populares canarios, 119–20. 22 “…desnudo en cueros, enmelados y emplumados a trechos, que iban entre la processión y andaban entre las mujeres haciendo muchos meneos y acciones torpes y feas y descompuestas,” in Martinez and Rodríguez, “La fiesta en el mundo rural,” 297. 23 I am grateful for the insights of Don Handelman here, and his Models and Mirrors. 24 Millán, “Acerca del status animal.” For these trends among pet owners see Brandes, “The Meaning of American Pet Cemetery Gravestones” and “Dear Rin Tin Tin” and Haraway, Companion Species Manifesto. 25 Creed, Masquerade and Postsocialism, considers the impact of festive transformations on communities in Bulgaria. 26 Christian, Religiosidad local, 198–99. 27 López López, “Religiosidad y fiesta en Galicia.” 28 It survives in Ohanes, Almería. See Caro Baroja, “El toro de San Marcos”; Mitchell, Violence and Piety, 164–66; and Rodríguez Becerra, Religión y fiesta, 218–37. Delgado Ruiz in De la muerte de un dios, 193–219, and in “Espacio sagrado, espacio de la violencia,” considers the sacred aspects of play with bulls in the bull-ring and the associations with Mary and Christ. 29 But see the theme of harmony between living saints and animals in Albert, “L’ange et la bête.” 30 For the blending of animals, saints, and humans in an archaic rural cosmology of Asturias, see Cátedra, This World, Other Worlds, and her “Entre bêtes et saints,” and in pre-Reformation in general, Alexander, Saints and Animals in the Middle Ages; Salter, Holy and Noble Beasts; and Schmitt, The Holy Greyhound. As far as I know, contemporary Spain has no equivalent, say, to the introduction of festive animals inside churches, as with the blessing of race horses in barrio chapels in Siena on the morning of the Palio. 31 Albena Georgieva-Angelova, Sofia, personal communication, June 5, 2006. 32 An ancillary issue is the widespread presence of stuffed alligators and crocodiles in Portuguese, Spanish, and French churches and shrines (cathedrals of Seville, Toledo, Comminges; Marian shrines of Guadalupe, Montserrat, Sonsoles in Ávila, Consolación in Utrera, Lapa in Portugal, etc). Whether votive offerings, emigrant trophies, exotic gifts, or representations of the dragon, they are generally not placed close to images or represented in fiestas. See Domènech, “Cocodrils i balenes a les esglésias.”

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he food distributed by Toribia every Easter in Casas de Benítez, the liquids on the handkerchiefs and photographs touched to the sweating, weeping, and bleeding images, the messages written on the postcards and photographs around World War I, and indeed the holy cards, postcards, and photographs themselves, remind us that divine presence is quickly appropriated and distributed through human networks. Whereas people are linked anonymously in commercial systems where the exchange unit is money, they are linked personally in another, more important economy. It is a system of emotional connections in which the currencies include gifts, smiles, touch, pictures, prayer, affection, and grace.1 This second system is a voracious consumer of human attention, time, and resources. It binds living humans together powerfully though they be oceans away; it connects the living with departed loved ones. The system also has an insatiable appetite for heavenly help, protection, and affection on behalf of its members. Most of the prayers that maintain shrines and concentrate affection on certain images are on behalf of people in these intimate groups in need—the sick, the childbearing, those in danger, the wounded, the imprisoned, the dying, the souls in purgatory. The message that postcards from Lourdes and many other shrines carry printed on the front, or written on the back, “I prayed for you,” catches this essential characteristic, the recruitment of divine help on behalf of others. For believers, likenesses of the divine that are potential instruments of grace can be the ultimate token of affection. House inventories through the ages have included images given by loved ones, whether a clay simulacrum of Symeon the Stylite from fifth-century Syria, a postcard mailed from Lourdes, or a plastic statuette of Our Lady of Fatima. It has been suggested that medieval devotional woodcuts with personal prayers and messages written on the back and sent 255

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between religious in different convents were an early equivalent of postcards, in which a devout depiction was personalized, at once gift and message.2 We have seen the same process of personalization in commercial postcards, sometimes with hand-written adjustments to the printed captions or annotations to the pictures. Memorial cards and first communion cards with personal photographs are also ways that holy cards can combine personal and religious imagery. Votive offerings, stacked, draped, and banked around images, display the devotion of individuals, families, and entire communities and districts to a given saint. The written thanks and petitions and photographs and paintings are evidence of affection and concern at the micro level. Similarly, we have seen that certain photographs make especially visible the connections with others: the hand on hand, the proximity, the smile, the glance. And the messages on photos and postcards indicate the links between parents and children, godchildren and godparents, between couples, siblings, cousins, friends. The photomontages with absent ones and the portraits taken on wartime leave are poignant family reconstitutions that make visible the base nuclei of the system. For this system, divine presence can be identified, located, and transferred by touch; it is grace and power. It is the divine equivalent of the human love and affection that binds the human groups. In town fiestas we see this grace and power in action on a town-wide basis, the same basis and arena as in the visions of the mysterious stranger of Casas de Benítez and other places, and in the locales for statues that come alive, like Medina de Rioseco, El Bonillo, Limpias, and Siracusa. All are identified by a particular place and understood as the activation of a singularized3 divinity in that place. In these instances the network of love and grace is not the family but the community at large. Another conclusion from these four chapters would be that people embody history, literature, images. History is important because what happened to our families, our towns, our nations, our peoples in the past—our wars, our defeats, our prosperity, our hunger, our enslavement, our enslaving, our persecution—is hammered into our way of being as surely as a genetic code, affecting the way we are raised and the way we raise, what we are taught in schools and churches, and the way we are taught it. Toribia and the people of Casas de Benítez, Fausto and those who believed him in Burguillos, Francisco Martínez and those who believed his image and his fits along the sheep road, the seers of Ezquioga who replicated the gestures of the Baroque, Jean Salvadé who learned how to carry himself by the way his visitors reacted to him, the photographers and their models who spoke to the visual idiom of consumers, embodied the stories and histories, music, and verses they had come to know, the ceremonies they were used to, the paintings and images around them, reaching back over hundreds of years. F

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In the Spanish Civil War, bands of leftists circulated from town to town destroying religious images, including all those of Casas de Benítez with the San Isidro of the rain procession, all the images of Burguillos, and all those of Piera, where the rainmaking Christ was intentionally reduced to ashes. That Toribia and Fausto could still have late-medieval style visions on the eve of turmoil that would include iconicide,4 and that the women of El Bonillo imprisoned for protecting their image could see a crucifix against the moon testify to the deep and long-term vitality of icons and stories in our consciousness. In Spain, a demonstration of that vitality was precisely the sustained, determined effort to eliminate the connection among people, images, and clergy in the years from 1936 to 1939, and subsequently in a more mild and perhaps more effective manner under state socialism in Eastern Europe, where the substitution of images with the statues and photographs of leaders and heroes eventually turned many people away from icons in general. The invention of photography resulted in a breathtaking democratization of image in which ordinary people and their loved ones became each other’s icons. But the long history of religious visions by people from all walks of life, from the separated husband Antón Díaz in El Bonillo to the children, seamstresses, domestic servants, illiterate gardeners, and farm laborers of the twentieth century, demonstrates that the impulse to visit, touch, entertain, share feeling with, and be visited, touched, and adopted by the divine is a human propensity that is every bit as daring and revolutionary as that of the iconoclasts. Like photography, it too involves the capture of heaven. F notes 1 2 3 4

See Mauss, The Gift, and Hyde, The Gift. Schmidt, “The Early Print and the Origins of the Picture Postcard.” I am grateful to Sara Ryu for this reference. To use the term of Honorio Velasco. Delgado, “Culte i profanació.”

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Acknowledgments

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ver the years Natalie Davis has encouraged my attempt to work backwards in time from the study of religion in twentieth-century rural France and Spain, searching for the voices in documents and the documents in voices. I am also grateful to Gábor Klaniczay, and to the Central European University Medieval Studies and History Departments for making the first three essays and the forum of discussion that has enriched them possible. Each had a trial run: the first in the Departamento de Historia Moderna of the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, kindly organized by María José del Río (who also read chapters and supplied sources and advice), the second at a Graduate Student Medieval Workshop at Harvard University that included a number of art historians, coordinated by Shirin A. Fozi and Marco Antonio Viniegra, and the third at a workshop on religious visions at the Center for Advanced Studies in the Behaviorial Sciences at Stanford organized by Robert Scott and Linda Jack, and subsequently in Dublin invited by Lisa Godson, in Eugene organized by Da­ niel Wojcik, and at Duke organized by David Morgan. I thank Marilina Maroto, Marisol Llamas García, and Diego Ramón Martínez in Casas de Benítez, el Rvdo. Miguel Ruíz Orozco, párroco de Vara del Rey, and Mercedes Gómez and Elena del Castillo in Burguillos de Toledo. Miguel Ángel Muñoz Torres and especially Pascual Martínez Martínez provided invaluable assistance with sources in and about Casas de Benítez, and Mónica Cornejo Valle and Vanesa Blanco Gallardo guided me to Burguillos. All chapters have been enriched by the ongoing study group, The Vision Thing, and individual chapters from readings by James Amelang, Henk Driessen, Lisa Godson, Willy Jansen, Jacqueline Jung, Amira Mittermaier, Vlad Naumescu, Felipe Pereda (who also provided one of the illustrations and supplied me with many sources), Katrina Olds, Anthony Shenoda,

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Acknowledgments

Ann Taves, María Tausiet, William Taylor, and Daniel Wojcik. Others helping with sources include Lisa Bitel, Marrie Bot, Stanley Brandes, Deirdre de la Cruz, Anna Fedele, Ildikó Kristóf, Piroska Nagy, Dorothy Noyes, José Manuel Pedrosa, Éva Pócs, Joan Prat, Katerina Seraïdari and György Endre Szönyi. Those who helped with illustrations, advice, or logistics include Silvia Marina Arrom, Alicia Barrera, Péter Bokody, Caterina Capdevila Werning, Peter Cherry, Palma Christian, Christian Caujolle, María Cruz de Carlos Varona, Delia Dávila Quintana, Beatriz González Valcarcel, Nathaniel Jones, Josefa Martínez Berriel, Mitchell Merback, Kenneth Mills, Robert Orsi (who encouraged the inclusion of the postcard messages), Sara Ryu, Monique Scheer, and Rafael Vicente, as well as others acknowledged in the footnotes. An earlier version of the first part of Chapter Two appeared as “Images as Beings” in the exhibition catalogue Sacred Spain; Art and Belief in the Spanish World. I most gratefully acknowledge the stimulus and encouragement of Ronda Kasl and the help of Suso Mourelo in locating illustrations. Chapter Three is both an idea and a collection that illustrates it. My interest in postcards as combinations of pictures and messages was long ago piqued by the film by Lynne Cohen and Andrew Lugg, Front and Back. I thank the friendly collector communities of Delcampe. net and TodoColeccion.net, and particularly Patrick and Jan Baete, Jean-Pierre Baron, JeanPaul Ducreux, Roger Hardy, Patrice Hodeau, Jean-Christophe Lefevre, and Bruno Leonard. The following assisted me with translations of texts, sources or information on given images: Igor Bogdanovic, Marrie Bot, Adrienne Dömötör, Michel Frizot, Helmfried Luers, and Maria Vivod. For this expanded edition I thank Antonia Jeismann for transcriptions of German texts in Sütterlin script, and for translations, the help of Monique Scheer and Wolfgang Gerlinger from German, Sára Víg and Nóra Vörös from Hungarian, Cecilia Grespan from Portuguese, Maria Vivod from Serbo-Croatian, Vlad Naumescu and Juraj Buzalka from Slovak, Henk Driessen and Willy Jansen from Dutch, and Denis and Ellen Mickiewicz from Russian. Unless otherwise specified, all postcards and photographs form part of the collection of the author. The website of Helmfried Luers is useful for identification of German and Austrian postcard logos and initials: The Postcard Album; Postcard Printer and Publisher Research http://tpa-project.info/body_index.html. Special thanks to my dear friends Àngels, Gemma, and Marta Calafell of Barcelona, who have taken take time to show traditional studio photography to my students at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, and to the students for their insights in regard to family photographs. I first presented the material in Chapter Four in conferences in Taormina, invited by Francesco Faeta, and in Toledo, invited by Fernando Martínez Gil and Gerardo Fernández F

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Juárez. The latter version was published in Spanish in La Fiesta en el mundo hispánico, edited by Martínez-Burgos García and Rodríguez González, and in Hungarian as “Szentek, emberek, állatok; A spanyol fiesták határainak felfedezése Cristina García Rodero fényképei alapján” in Maszk, átváltozás, beavatás; Vallásetnológiai fogalmak tudományközi megközelítésben, edited by Pócs Éva (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó). I am deeply indebted to Cristina García Rodero for unusual access to her archive, to Joel Aguilar for scanning her slides and processing her images and to The Getty Research Institute for commissioning a selection and catalogue of her work out of which the idea arose. I am indebted as well to Pedro Gila, Albena Georgieva, Ognyan Enev, and Richard Pearce for supplementary photographs. I also thank Csilla Dobos for her kind attention to the logistics of the CEU talks; Michelle Bonnice for suggesting the gallery formats for the last two chapters; and Richard Minear for copyediting in extremis. Nóra Vörös, along with her helpers Oriol and Jolánta Vörös (the latter named for the Catalan queen, Violant d’Hongria), generously provided lodging in Budapest and supervised this expanded edition, which was kindly suggested by Péter Inkei. Sebastian Stachowski found original design solutions and was a joy to work with.

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List of Figures All illustrations with no source given in the captions are from the author’s collection. The list of figures and the captions retain place names as on the document, whether Gand or Gent, Antwerpen or Anvers.

Chapter 1 1. Marisol Llamas, Casas de Benítez (Cuenca), 2010. 2. Mary and Joseph images meet in river, Tirteafuera (Ciudad Real), 1984. 3. The miraculous sweating of a painting in a rain procession, Cabra del Santo Cristo (Jaén), 1698. 4. The vision of an angel, Ayora (Valencia). Engraving c. 1810. 5. The Christ of Piera (Barcelona) in rain procession, c. 1905–1910. 6. The Christ of Piera, print. Biblioteca de Catalunya. 7. The Christ of Piera, detail of apparition. 8. The Christ of Piera, detail of procession. 9. Apparitions in Toledo. Photos from Estampa, May 25, 1935. 10. Pilgrim at Roncesvalles. Postcard sent 1904. 11. The corporal works of mercy. Claret, Catechism, 1852. 12. Give drink to the thirsty. Claret, Catechism, 1852. 13. Give shelter to pilgrims. Claret, Catechism, 1852. 14. Feed the hungry. Claret, Catechism, 1852. 15. Rain on La Poza, Casa de Benítez (Cuenca), 2010.

Chapter 2 16. Cover, testimony of sweating crucifix, Medina de Rioseco (Valladolid), 1602. 17. Parish priest with reliquary containing cloth used to wipe sweat from image, Medina de Rioseco. 18. Vicente López Portaña, Miracle of the Christ of El Bonillo. El Bonillo (Albacete). 19. Saint Francis receiving the stigmata. Parish church, Traíd (Guadalajara). 20. Esperanza Aparicio Buendía, El Bonillo (Albacete). 21. Christ at the Column, Santuario-Monasterio de Nuestra Señora de Monlora, Luna (Zaragoza). 22. Miracle board, ca. 1630. Santuario-Monasterio de Nuestra Señora de Monlora, Luna (Zaragoza). 23. The Virgin of the Miracle, Cocentaina (Alicante). Postcard, 1945. 24. The Christ of Limpias, main altar, parish of San Pedro, Limpias (Cantabria). 25. Postcard sampler, José Martínez, Limpias. 26. Pilgrimage group at Limpias. 27. The bleeding statues of Templemore, Ireland, 1921. 28. Marie Mesmin and the oratory of the Santissima Bambina, Bordeaux. 29. The Santissima Bambina of Marie Mesmin. 30. The bleeding Sacred Heart of Mirebeau-en-Poitou c. 1911. 31. Angelo and Antonina Jannuso with the Weeping Madonna of Siracusa, 1953.

32. The Weeping Madonna in Piazza Euripide, Siracusa. Paris Match, 1953. 33. Stand with cotton and photographs, Piazza Euripide, Siracusa. Paris Match, 1953. 34. Shirley Anne Martin in Syracuse, N.Y., shows the weeping head of St. Anne. Keystone, 1949. 35. Envelope containing Siracusa cotton relic distributed from Ciudad Real, Spain. 36. Siracusa relic holy card distributed in Belgium, 1955. 37. The New Virgin of the Tears. Cover of Sábado Gráfico (Madrid), 1959. 38. The bleeding hand of Saint Anne of Entrevaux. Photomic, Nice. 39. The bleeding image of Saint Anne of Entrevaux. Photomic, Nice. 40. Visitors to the Entrevaux image. Snapshot, 1954. 41. Testing the Entrevaux image’s blood. France-Dimanche, 1961. 42. X-raying the Entrevaux image. United Press photo, 1954. 43. Child pilgrims, Entrevaux. Paris Match, 1954. 44. Relic blood, Entrevaux. 45. “I made the Virgin’s statue bleed.” Headline, France-Dimanche, 1961. 46. “First I pricked my finger.” France-Dimanche, 1961. 47. Sign in stand, Siracusa. Detail, Paris Match, 1953. 48. A bottle of cotton soaked in tears, Siracusa. Paris Match, 1953.

Chapter 3 49–50. Mademoiselle Clément, the Seer of Usson de Poitou, c. 1915. 51. José de Ribera, St Mary the Egyptian. Museo Civico Gaetano Filangeri, Naples. 52. Josefa Menéndez, holy card, c. 1930. 53. José Garmendia, Ezquioga, 1932–1933. 54. Marcelina Mendívil, Ezquioga, May 1933. 55. Child visionary in Lokeren, Belgium, Aug. 1934, from Tout (Anvers). 56. Girl in prayer. Postcard sent 1909. 57. Family in prayer, Spain. 58. Cover, Soireés, Brussels, 1933. 59. Raphael, Transfiguration, Vatican Museum. Postcard, Rome, before 1905. 60. Murillo, La Porciúncula, Museo del Prado. Postcard, Madrid, after 1904. 61. Exvoto, shrine of Na. Sra. del Milacre, Riner (Lleida). 62. Exvoto, Na. Sra. del Remei, Alcanar (Tarragona). 63. La Salette apparition. Holy card, 19th c. 64. Lourdes apparition, Poitiers, Bonamy, 19th c. 65. Na. Sra. de Agres (Alicante), apparition. Lithograph holy card. 66. Paray-le-Monial apparition of Sacred Heart. Postcard sent 1915. 67–8. Austrian soldier’s visions of hot coffee and strudel, pencil drawings on postcards, 1915. 69. Beauraing apparition. Postcard, 1933. 70. Banneux—Path indicated by the apparition to Mariette Beco. Postcard, 1930s. 71. Beauraing apparition. Postcard, c. 1933. 72. Pius XII and miracle of the sun of Fatima. Calendar, Pamplona, 1960. 73–4. Montserrat, the apparition cave. Hold to light postcard c. 1929. 75–6. Ezquioga apparition site. Hold to light postcard, 1931.

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77–80. Lourdes apparition with human models, 4 card series, Lourdes and Madrid, 1905. 81. Girls praying in Lourdes grotto, Le Fousseret (Hte-Garonne), 1906. 82. Mass at Lourdes grotto, Brandivy (Morbihan), sent 1911. 83. Le Mystère de Lourdes. Cholet (Maine-et-Loire), c. 1910. 84. Cast of Lourdes pageant, Opfenbach, Bavaria, 1912. 85. Jeanne d’Arc hearing voices. Postcard Nancy, sent 1903. 86. Jeanne d’Arc hearing her voices, with sheep. Postcard sent 1909. 87. Jeanne d’Arc hears divine voices, angel visible. Postcard sent 1910. 88. Jeanne d’Arc Day: the Call. Gizay (Vienne) 89. The Apparition of the Voices, The Drama of Jeanne d’Arc. Passion Theater, Nancy. 90. Jeanne d’Arc hears voices, Villeneuve-St-Georges (Seine-et-Oise), c. 1910. 91. Jeanne d’Arc and saints, Ménil en Xaintois (Vosges). Postcard sent 1899. 92. Jeanne hears her voices, Bellême (Orne). Postcard c. 1909. 93. “What do girls dream about?” Postcard sent 1911. 94. Lourdes grotto postcard with photo of woman added, 1920s. 95. “Thought knows no distance.” Postcard Nancy, sent 1905. 96. Photo of two girls mounted on printed postcard of airplane in flight. 97–102. Vision of fisherman off Iceland, 6 card series, sent 1906. 103. Woman writing at night. Postcard, Berlin, sent 1922. 104. Woman at writing table, thinking of man. Postcard, Berlin. 105. Man hears phone ring. Postcard, Berlin, written in France. 106. “I’ll be there!” German postcard in Hungarian, sent 1910. 107. Sleeping woman dreams of man. Postcard, Spain, sent 1913. 108. Dozing man dreams of couple. Postcard, c. 1910. 109. Woman reading by candelabra thinks of man. Postcard, London. 110. Man by lamp thinks of absent woman. Postcard, Leipzig. 111. Girl hears gramophone and thinks of violinist. Postcard, Berlin, sent in Romania, 1912. 112. Absent woman holds man asleep over book. Postcard, Hamburg. 113. Man thinking of sick woman. Postcard, Berlin, sent 1911. 114. Man thinking of deceased mother. Postcard, Paris, sent 1909. 115. Woman prays at grave, man prays above. Postcard, Berlin, sent in Croatia 1914. 116. Mrs. Foulds with spirit of her mother, 1920. 117. Composite photo, Bernadette in studio and Lourdes grotto, Tarbes, 1864. 118. Doctored photo of apparition at Tilly-sur-Seulles, Paris magazine, 1896. 119. Leon XII prays to Mary in cloud. Carte de visite, Rome, 1887. 120. Woman prays beside ghostly Jesus. Postcard, Paris, sent 1915. 121. The Haunted Widow. Stereogram, Littleton, N.H., 1893. 122. “Be the Howly St. Patrick, there’s Mickie’s Ghost!” Stereogram, New York City, 1894. 123. Young man with Arab spirit. Carte de visite, Buguet, Paris, 19th c. 124. Pianist and spirit holding laurel crown. Postcard, Berlin, sent 1906. 125. Girl with guardian angel behind her. Postcard, Paris, sent 1912. 126. Bad girl with weeping guardian angel. Postcard, Paris, sent 1903. 127. Guardian angel by first communion boy. Postcard, Berlin, sent c. 1912. 128. First mass priest with child angels. Cabinet card, E. Sagristá, Masnou (Barcelona).

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129. Father Christmas above city puts children to sleep. Postcard, Nancy, after 1905. 130. St. Nicholas approaches children in crib. Postcard, Vienna, after 1905. 131. Father Christmas, presents, and three girls. Postcard, France, after 1905. 132. Snowy man surprises two girls. Postcard, France, after 1905. 133. Allegory of Catholic France. Carte de visite, Paris, c. 1900. 134. France, Freemasons, apparitions. Postcard, Paris, after 1905. 135. God protects France! Postcard, Paris, c. 1905. 136. France and the Pope. Postcard, Paris, c. 1905. 137. Triumph of the Republic. Postcard, France, sent 1906. 138. “Bonne Année”. Allegorical woman on locomotive. Postcard, Paris, 1909–10. 139. “Free and Obligatory Education; Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.” Cabinet card, Paris, c. 1900. 140. Montjuich, the last vision of Francisco Ferrer. Postcard, Geneva, c. 1909. 141. Alzonne, apparition site. Photo postcard, Carcassonne, Roudière, 1913. 142. Woman prays for soldier. Postcard, Vienna. 143. “The Gleaners; all work for the good of France.” Postcard, Boulogne-sur-Seine, sent 1916. 144. “The Angelus; The defense and the maintenance of the land.” Postcard, Boulogne-sur-Seine, sent 1917. 145. Woman praying in Serbo-Croatian, battle above. Postcard, Berlin, sent 1917. 146. “We think of you!” Girl prays for father in battle. Postcard, PM 3237/2, sent 1915. 147. Sacred Heart above map of France. Postcard, Paris, 1918. 148. Sacred Heart mobilizes Jeanne d’Arc. Postcard, Paris, 1915. 149. French saints intercede with Christ. Postcard, Paris, WWI. 150. Sacred Heart, Mary, saints, appear above Montmartre. Holy card, Paris, WWI. 151. France as woman mobilizes farmer. Postcard, Paris, WWI. 152. Soldiers defend France as woman. Postcard, Paris, sent 1914. 153. France as woman honors soldiers. Postcard, Paris, sent 1914. 154. France as woman protects fallen enemy. Postcard, Reuil, sent 1915. 155. Child tableau of France, Alsace, Lorraine and Allies. Cluny, September 1915. 156. “Dieu et Patrie.” Child tableau of angel, France, Alsace, Lorraine, and tirailleur soldiers, WWI. 157. Tableau of France, Russia, Alsace and Lorraine, in Alsace, January 1917. 158. France as woman points to Joffre. Postcard, France, sent 1915. 159. Boy with French heroes above. Postcard, Bois-Colombes, sent 1915. 160. Joffre as Santa. Postcard, Paris, 1914. 161. Father Christmas with rifle. Postcard, Paris, sent 1914. 162. “Angel of God, watch over my husband.” Postcard, Reuil, sent 1915. 163. Austrian soldier with angel in sky. Postcard, Leipzig, sent 1916. 164. Mary appears above trenches to soldiers. Postcard, Paris, sent 1918. 165. Woman prays to Mary. Postcard, Paris, c. 1914. 166. Vision of Mary in trees, Novéant-sur-Moselle. Postcard, France, 1920. 167. Soldier treats wounded enemy, blessed by Christ. Postcard, Vienna, sent 1917. 168. Jeanne d’Arc and soldier. Postcard, Boulogne-sur-Seine, sent 1915.

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169. Woman prays to crucifix for absent soldier. Postcard, Paris, sent 1914. 170. Children pray to crucifix for father at war. Postcard, Budapest, sent 1916. 171. Woman thinks of absent soldier. Postcard, Berlin, sent 1915. 172. “The Father’s picture.” Postcard, Berlin, sent 1917 173. “Wherever I go, your picture I see.” Postcard, Berlin, sent 1916. 174. Woman looks at photo, absent soldier looks at her. Postcard, Berlin, sent 1915. 175. “His picture.” Postcard, Dresden?, sent 1915. 176. “We are thinking of Daddy all day long.” Postcard, London, WWI. 177. Mother regards photograph and sister readies packages. Postcard, Leipzig, sent in Hungary, 1917. 178. Woman thinks of absent soldier, who aims rifle. Postcard, Paris, sent 1915. 179. Soldier thinks of absent woman. Postcard, Paris, WWI. 180. Absent wife watches over sleeping soldier. Postcard, France, sent 1915. 181. Absent soldier watches over sleeping woman. Modified postcard, Levallois-Perret, sent 1916. 182. Woman imagines soldier with her. Postcard, Bois-Colombes, sent 1916. 183. Soldier reads letter, absent woman looks on. Postcard, Leipzig, in Hungarian, sent 1916. 184. I am always thinking of you, my papa. Postcard, France, WWI. 185. Soldier on duty, absent woman behind him. Postcard, France, sent 1915. 186. Greek funeral procession with absent relatives. Photomontage, 1920s? 187. Photograph of Spanish woman in glass frame w 2 sm photos attached. 188. Three generation military family. Rephotographed photo array c. 1900, France. 189. Rephotographed family photo array, c. 1910, Spain. 190. Mourning woman and cameo of older man. Spain, 19th c. 191. Man on carte de visite with older woman’s photo pasted upper right. Paris, after 1889. 192. Japanese extended family with photos added in collage, c. 1900? 193. Japanese household portrait, source for photos added above, c. 1900? 194. Multigeneration family at Belchamp, Thônes (Hte-Savoie), with a deceased girl added in montage, 1908. 195. French officers of the 18th regiment and wives, with cameo of older officer. Meudon, late 19th century. 196. Girl with mother’s portrait. Photomontage, Barcelona, J. Alonso, c. 1910. 197. Woman with two girls thinks of man. Photomontage, Spain, sent 1915. 198. Man and woman look at photo, absent child. Photomontage, Aguilas (Murcia). 199. Girl thinks of father. Photomontage on postcard stock. Lisbon, 1916. 200. Man thinking about girl. Photomontage, Belgium, WWI. 201. Family and absent man. Photomontage Middleburg, Netherlands, c. 1920. 202. Man in Belgium thinking of family in Netherlands. Photomontage, Anvers, 1916. 203. Family in Netherlands thinking of man in Belgium. Photomontage, Bergen-op-Zoom, c. 1917. 204–5. Woman with ovals of two men sewn on above, front and back. Belgium, WWI. 206. Elderly couple with child on chair, youth photo pasted upper right. Sent to prisoner in Germany.

207. Two young women holding photo thinking of family. Belgium, WWI. 208. Spanish soldier, absent woman. Photomontage c. 1910–1923. 209. Young woman writes to soldier. Photomontage, Manresa, c. 1915–1923. 210. Soldier thinks of woman. Photomontage, Spain, c. 1915–1923. 211. Italian soldier thinks of woman. Photomontage, Livorno. 212. Soldier, wife, and children, three photos combined, France, sent June 1914. 213. Absent soldier with wife and baby. Rephotographed collage, Belgium, WWI. 214. Cossack, mother and father. Rephotographed collage, Odessa, 19th c. 215. “Souvenir de St. Amarin, Alsace, 1918.” Photomontage sent to Paris. 216. Parents in Gers sent to prisoner in Münster, 1917. Photo, Gimont. 217. Prisoner in Münster, sent to parents in Gers. Photo, Dortmund. 218. Soldier in studio. Carte de Visite, Marseilles. 219. Woman and child, with absent soldier. Photomontage, France. 220. Photo from soldier in Limey to family, 1915. 221. Wife and daughter with Limey soldier picture. Photomontage, WWI. 222. Belgian soldier writing, thinks of woman. Photomontage, WWI. 223. Woman at table, thinks of soldier. Photomontage, WWI. 224. American soldier thinks of older woman. Photomontage, Fort Worth, Texas. 225. Soldier by trees at the front thinks of family, 1916. Photomontage on French stock. 226. Family and absent soldier. Photomontage, France. 227. German soldier in Belgium and absent family. Rephotographed collage, WWI. 228. German soldier in Belgium thinks of woman. Photomontage sent to Germany, 1916. 229. Belgian soldier in Harderwijk Netherlands thinks of wife. Sent to Brussels, 1917. 230. Ghost face of man above woman and child. Photomontage, Bruxelles, WWI. 231. Couple in Tunis think of soldier son. Photomontage, Tunis. 232. Berthe in Liège and Lambert Hermans, Belgian prisoner in Germany. Photomontage, Liège, WWI. 233. Extended family in Liège garden, for soldier prisoner in Germany, sent 1915. 234. Soldier seated by trees, with cameo of family and dog. 235. American soldier thinks of family. Photomontage, Fort Worth, Texas. 236. Children holding photo, with soldier above. Photomontage, Belgium or France. 237. Belgian family thinks of soldier, boy offers rose. Photomontage, Antwerpen, WWI. 238. Belgian family in doorway with cat, two soldiers in cameos. 239. Large rural Breton family with sailor inserted. 240. Prewar Austrian family with man inserted. Cabinet card, Traunstein. 241. German family with soldier inserted. Carte de Visite from Meuselwitz, WWI. 242. German family with soldier in Belgium inserted. Rephotographed collage, 1915. 243. Breton family including naval officer. Photo, sent 1917. 244. Soldier and wife in studio, Germany. 245. German soldier couple. Guben, Rosenthal. 246. Soldier and wife under umbrella in garden, France.

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247. Hungarian soldier couple. Kecskemét, 1917. 248. Father and soldier in Fontenay-le-Bois studio. 249. French soldier and woman in studio, 1916. 250. French woman and soldier in yard by wall. 251. German woman and sailor, sent 1915. 252. German soldier family. 253. Soldier, wife and son in studio, France. 254. Officer, wife, two daughters in park. Vichy, 1918. 255. Soldier and family in courtyard, France. 256. German officer with family in courtyard. 257. Soldier in large group near well, French postcard stock. 258. French soldier and family outside house. Unmounted photo, Loiret. 259. German soldier on leave in Rastatt, Christmas 1916. 260. Hungarian soldier with mother, Budapest, 1916. 261. German soldier with father, Dresden. 262. Sick Hungarian soldier and parents. Cabinet card, Budapest, 1915. 263. Serbian soldier and extended family in Belgrade studio. 264. Soldier, wife, and dog in studio, France. 265. Soldier, wife, and daughter in studio, France. 266. German soldier with daughter holding helmet. 267. French soldier, wife, and daughter. 268. Soldier with photo of daughter, France or Belgium. 269. Wife and children around photo of soldier, Belgium. 270. Family portrait including photo of soldier, Spain? 271. Belgian prisoner in Soltau holding baby picture, sent 1915. 272. Prisoner in Puchheim (Bavaria) with drawings of women. 273. War memento 1914–1917. German prisoner in Lens, 1917. 274. French prisoners in Puchheim with postcards and photographs. 275. Belgian men from Hoogstraten holding up family photographs. 276. Belgian prisoner in Germany with family photomontages. Soltau, Dethmann, 1917. 277. Belgian family with handwritten verse; photo notched to include photo of soldier, then rephotographed.

Chapter 4 278–9. Household images and family photos in bedroom, Tafira, Gran Canaria, 2011. 280–1. Household images and family photos in dining room cabinet, Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, 2012. 282. Girls from school outdoors with image of Mary and child, c. 1900, probably Catalonia. 283. Women’s sodality with image of Sorrowing Mary, Spain, c. 1955. 284. First communion studio portrait, girl, Barcelona, c. 1905. 285. Francisco Franco visiting image of Montserrat, July 6, 1966. 286. Child kisses crucifix, shrine of Los Milagros de Maceda (Orense) 1977. 287. Woman kisses crucifix, Garganta la Olla (Cáceres), 1986. 288. Woman kisses relic of Santa Orosia held by priest, Province of Huesca, 1981. 289. Woman kisses San Campio de Lonxe, Figueiró (Pontevedra), 1989.

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290. Woman touches doughnuts to Sacred Heart image, Cristo de Gende (Pontevedra), 1979. 291. Woman caresses reliquary image, Province of Léon, 1991. 292. Girl with image of La Candelaria, Monroy (Cáceres), 1985. 293. Procession of Our Lady of La Saleta, Silleda (Pontevedra), 1986. 294. Priest blocks woman touching handkerchief to image of Mary, Muxia (A Coruña), 1983. 295. Woman kisses Crucifix, Hontanar (Toledo), 1988. 296. Boy kisses painting of Christ in procession, Moclín (Granada), 1976. 297. Woman kisses banner of Our Lady of Mt. Carmel, Blanca (Murcia), 1988. 298. Contact with the Cristo del Sahuco (Albacete), 1982. 299. Contact with the Cristo del Sahuco (Albacete), 1990. 300. Hands on horse, fiestas of St. John, Ciutadella (Mallorca), 1984. 301. Blessing animals, Muro (Mallorca), 1988. 302. Bull play, children, Albaladejo (Ciudad Real), 1988. 303. Bull play, Teruel, July 12, 1987. 304. Escorting the bull away, Chillón (Ciudad Real), 1985. 305. Bull on a rope with crowd, Benavente (Zamora), 1986. 306. Finishing off the bull, Garganta la Olla (Cáceres), 1984. 307. Rooster run, Albalá del Caudillo (Cáceres), 1987. 308. Goose run, El Carpio del Tajo (Toledo), 1982. 309. Goose Day, Lekeitio (Bizkaia), 1991. 310. Ram and quinto, Manganeses de la Polvorosa (Zamora), 1988. 311. Descent from the Cross, As Ermitas (Orense), 1987. 312. Procession of recumbent San Campio de Lonxe, Figueiró (Pontevedra), 1977. 313. Procession of Santa Marta, Ribarteme (Pontevedra), 1977. 314. Procession of San Blas, Albalate de Zorita (Guadalajara), 1981. 315. Dancing the Virgin of Montemayor, Moguer (Huelva), 1984. 316. Home visit of Saint Fabian, Portezuelo (Cáceres), 1986. 317. Children and Corpus altar, Ponteareas (Pontevedra), 1975. 318. Maya, Colmenar Viejo (Madrid), 1989. 319. Corpus procession, Laguna de Negrillos (León), 1980. 320. Corpus procession, Oñati (Gipuzkoa), 1983. 321. Devil and women, Luzón (Guadalajara), 1995. 322. St. Anthony and the devil in procession, Artà (Mallorca), 1988. 323. Devils torment St. Anthony, Artà (Mallorca), 1991. 324. Lisieux souvenir shop with photos displayed prominently, before 1925. 325. Pilgrim holds photo of Niño Fidencio at shrine, Mexico, 2007. 326. Photo on bed, shrine of Niño Fidencio, Mexico, 2007. 327. Pilgrim touches postmortem photograph of Niño Fidencio, Mexico 2007. 328. Wine for the bull, Allariz (Orense), 1986. 329. Bull play on dock, Denia (Alicante), 1990. 330. Sheep-men, Ituren (Navarra), 1976. 331. Carnival animal, La Frontera (Hierro, Canary Islands), 1990. 332. Bird-men (Guirrios), Llamas de la Ribera (León), 1997. 333. Bear-man and attendant, Zubieta (Navarra), 1980. 334. Boy-bull, Velilla la Reina (León), 1987. 335. Mock bull, Peñalsordo (Badajoz), 1982. 336. Beast (Carocho) and spinner (Filandorra), Abejera (Zamora), 1986 or 1987.

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337. Hobbyhorses, Peñalsordo (Badajoz), 1982. 338. Beast (Carantoña) and people, Acehúche (Cáceres), 1982. 339. Saint John the Baptist and lamb, Laguna de Negrillos (León), Corpus, 1980. 340. Lamb, girl, and crucifix, Villarejo de Fuentes (Cuenca), 1990.

341. Youth-dogs and Saint Sebastian, Santa Ana de Pusa (Toledo), 1990. 342. Carantoñas and Saint Sebastian, Acehúche (Cáceres), 1982. 343. Lamb kisses icon, Monastery of St. George, near Hadjidimovo, Bulgaria, 2006. 344. Mary and frogs, alligator and lion in prop studio, Cinecittà, Rome, 2012.

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———. “Blood and Tears.” New Yorker, April 8, 1996, 63–69. Webster, Susan Verdi. Art and Ritual in Golden-Age Spain: Sevillian Confraternities and the Processional Sculpture of Holy Week. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1998. ———. “Shameless Beauty and Worldly Splendor: on the Spanish Practice of Adorning the Virgin.” In The Miraculous Image in the Late Middle Ages and Renaissance (Analecta Romana Instituti Danici XXXV), edited by Erik Thunø and Gerhard Wolf, 249–71. Rome: L’Erma di Breitschneider, 2004. “Weeping Statue Lure to Throngs; Syracuse Child Exhausted, Goes into Retirement.” Syracuse Post-Standard, April 15, 1949, 1, 8. Winter, Jay. Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The Great War in European Cultural History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

Wojcik, Daniel. “‘Polaroids from Heaven,’ Photography, Folk Religion, and the Miraculous Image Tradition at a Marian Apparition Site.” Journal of American Folklore 109, no. 432 (1996): 129–48. ———. “Spirits, Apparitions, and Traditions of Supernatural Photography.” Visual Resources 25, no. 1–2 (2009): 109–36. Wriothesley, Charles and Windsor Herald. A Chronicle of England during the Reigns of the Tudors, from A.D. 1485 to 1559. 2 vols. Edited by William Douglas Hamilton. London: The Camden Society, 1875. Zamora Pastor, Ruth. “El estudio de la sequía de principios del siglo XIX en Orihuela, a partir de los valores de las rogativas ‘pro pluvia.’” Investigaciones Geográficas, no. 23 (2000): 165–74. Zarco Cuevas, Julián. Relaciones de pueblos del Obispado de Cuenca. Cuenca: Excma. Diputación Provincial de Cuenca, 1983.

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Index Page numbers in italics refer to the pages of illustrations and their captions. Abejera (Zamora), 245 Acehuche (Cáceres), 247, 250, 250 Abraham, 19, 20 Achas (Pontevedra), 24n30 Acuña, Maria Paula, 1 Ágreda (Soria), fraud 1665, 44 Agres (Alicante), 76 airplanes, 5, 93, 147 Aix-la-Chapelle/Aachen 1920, 50 Ajofrín (Toledo), vision in drought, 25n46 Alacoque, Marguerite-Marie, St. (Paray-le-Monial), 76, 92, 112 Albalá del Caudillo (Badajoz), 224 Albaladejo (Ciudad Real), 220 Albalate de Zorita (Guadalajara), 230 Albert-Llorca, Marlène, 253n19 Alberti, Leon Battisti, 65, 68, 200n44 Alcalá de Henares, Minims, 41 Alcanar (Tarragona), 75 Alcañiz (Huesca), 26n60 Alcobendas (Madrid) 1646, 39–42, 63n72 Alcolea de Cinca (Huesca), 26n72 Alcorisa (Teruel), 26n72 Alcoy (Alicante), 25n58 Alcudia (Mallorca), 60n12 Alfonso XIII, washes feet, 18, 26n64 Alicante, 62n40, 62n58, 149 Almería, pilgrim in, 25n58 altar cloths, animation relics, 35, 35, 39 Alsace and Lorraine, 118, 126, 127, 167 Alzonne (Aude), visions, 146, 117 anarchism, 47, 92, 115 angels: 4, 20; Ayora, 11, 12; children as, 92, 109, 232; guardian, 92, 108– 105; as pilgrims, 19; in WWI 131 animals: alligators, 251, 253n32; bears, 242, 244; birds, 243, 248; bulls, 4, 220–23, 240, 240–41, 242, 244–45, 248, 253n28; cats, 221; in churches, 248, 253n28, 253n32; dogs, 221–22, 248, 249; in fiestas 224–27; geese, 226, 227; horses, 218, 222, 253n30; as humans or humans as, 241–47; monsters, 242, 245, 247, 250; pigs, 219, 248; sheep, 19, 242, 244, 248, 249, 250–51, 251; roosters, 224–25, 253n13–14; and saints, 248–51 Anne, St., 7, 53, 55–57, 55–58 Anthony the Abbot, 219, 236, 237 Anthony of Padua, Oran 1677, 62n57 anticlericalism, 92, 115

Aparicio Buendía, Esperanza (El Bonillo), 45, 63n71 apparitions: Christ, 4; Mary, 1; oral retelling, 68; proofs, 6; signs for Catholic France, 92; vs. visions, 29. See also apparitions by place, visions apparitions by place: Agres, 76; Álava 1931, 23n2; Alzonne 1913–1914, 116, 117; Belgium 1932, 72, 78–79; California City (Our Lady of the Rocks), 1; Ezquioga, 2, 23n2, 71, 81; Guadalajara 1931, 23n2; Guadamur 1931, 23n2; Hellín 1938, 63n71; Jafre 1460, 12, 25n45; La Salette, 6; Mendigorría 1931, 24n22; Montserrat, 80, 206; Navarra 1931, 23n2; Orgiva 1931, 23n2; Rielves 1931, 23n2; Sigüenza 1931, 23n2; Tilly-sur-Seulles, 104; Torralba de Aragón 1931, 25n22; Usson de Poitou 1915, 69 Ariño (Teruel), 24n36 Aristu Asiáin, Valeriano, de Lumbier, 27n80 Arjona (Jaén) 1628–1646, 60n11 Artá (Mallorca), 237 artists, prisoners as 116–17; and animated images, 32, 38, 58, 61n37, 149 As Ermitas (Orense), 228 Augustinians, and animations, 32–33, 37, 38, 45–46 Auñón (Guadalajara), 25n36 Austria, 77, 131, 148, 149, 180, 200n4 Axpe y Sierra, Martin de, 60n20 Ayora (Valencia), 11, 12, 21 Badajoz, drought saints, 7 Baños de la Encina (Jaén) 1641, 62n38 Banneux, 78 Barbastro (Huesca), 26n72 Barcelona, 8, 68, 115, 149 Bari, 149 Bavaria, 85 beards, holy, 17, 17, 32, 34 beatas, frauds by, 43 beatification procedures, 32 Beauraing (Namur), 15, 78–79 beggars: 17, 17, 17–19, 21, 26n62, 26n64 Beirut, Christ of, 60n10 Belchite (Zaragoza), 24n36 Belgium: apparitions, 15, 78–79; composite family images, 147–48, 160– 63, 166, 171, 174–78 194, 195, 197–99; Delcampe, 63; Siracusa devotion, 53, 53 Bellême (Orne), 89 Bellpuig de Urgel (Lleida), 24n31 Belsue (Huesca), 25n40 Benavente (Zamora), 223 Berbinzana (Navarra), Christ 1920, 63n80 Berlin, 149 Bernadette, see Lourdes Bible, 17–20, 26n68 Bitel, Lisa, 1 Blacker, Carmen, 20–21 Blanca (Murcia), 216 279

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blasphemy, and animated images, 55 blood on images: from fingers, 31, 43, 55–58, 57; history 31, nature of, 31–32, 44; as relics, 51, 57. See also images with blood, sweat or tears, by place. Bordeaux, 50, 50–51, 117 Borox (Toledo), 23n20 Brandivy (Morbihan), 84 Brihuega (Guadalajara), battle 1710, 62n59 Brittany, 84, 122, 179 brotherhoods and sodalities, 11, 31, 32–33, 39, 63n62–63, 205, 227 Brunoy (Seine-et-Oise), 126 Budapest, 48, 135, 190, 191 Burgos, Christ of, 9, 30, 32, 46, 60n10. See also Cabra del Santo Cristo (Jaén) Burguillos de Toledo (Toledo), 15, 14–16, 18, 20, 21, 256, 257 Bynum, Caroline Walker, 26 Cabra del Santo Cristo (Jaén), 9, 33, 46, 62n38 Calatayud (Zaragoza), 26n72, 36 Caldes de Montbui (Barcelona), 18 Campio, Saint, 210, 229 Canary Islands, 242 captives in Africa, 31–32, 44 Capuchins, mission Limpias 1919, 48 Caravaca, cross of, 14 Carcassonne, 117 caridades (ceremonial food handouts), 5, 9, 19, 25n40 Carmelite friars, 33 Caro Baroja, Julio, 241 Carpio del Tajo, El, 225 Carrascosa del Campo (Cuenca), 24n26 Cartagena, 119 Casar de Talavera, El (Toledo), 25n36 Casas de Benítez (Cuenca): attitudes to vision, 14; caridades, 5, 20; evil eye, 20, 26n78; fiesta, 4; hail 1929, 4–5, 21; image to Cuenca, 24n29; images burned, 16, 253; Holy Week, 6–7; La Poza, 6, 22, 23; politics, 23n21; Roma beggars, 20; shrines and devotions, 29; transhumant route, 43; vision 1931, 2–4 Casellas, Ramon, 24n32 Castellón de la Plana, 205 Catalonia, 3, 37, 42 catechism, and pilgrims, 17–19 Catherine, St., in Alzonne visions, 117 celestial anomalies, 6, 37, 79 Ceuta, 149 children: absent 159–60, 163, 172–73, 177, and angels, 92, 108–109; as angels, 109, 232; deceased, 156, and evil eye, 20; and Father Christmas, 92, 110–11; as holy, 51; with parents, 186–89, 191–94; with parent absent or deceased, 158–61, 163, 170–71, 173, 175–76, 178–81, 109; as pilgrims, 50, 54; as seers, 78–79, 87, 104, 117

F

Chillón (Ciudad Real), 222 Cholet (M.-et-L.), 85 Christ: apparitions, 3, 4; devotional shift to, 42; descent from Cross, 228; image less dressed, 62n53; image and pilgrims, 19, 26n60, 26n72; image punished, 8, 42; meets Mary, 6–7; Montmartre, 76, 122–23; prayers to, 135; Sacred Heart, 76, 109, 112, 122–23, 206, 211; WWI, 122–23, 134. See also Christ, specific images; Christ, visions; emotions; images with blood, sweat, or tears. Christ, specific images: Ágreda, 44; Alcañiz, 26n60; Alcobendas (de la Columna), 39–42; Alcolea de Cinca, 26n72; Barbastro (de los Milagros), 26n72; Beirut, 60n10; Berbinzana, 63n80; Burgos, 9, 30, 32, 46, 60n10; Cabra del Santo Cristo, 9, 33, 46, 62n38; Calatorao, 26n72; El Bonillo, 37–38; Galtelli, 61n24; Gelsa, 26n72; Gende, 211; Henarejos (de la Salud), 24n33; Igualada, 32–33; Ixmiquilpan, 61n24; Limpias, 47–48, 49, 203; Linares (Cabra), 62n38; Madrid (Injurias), 42; Mañeru, 63n80; of Martínez, 43–44; Medina de Rioseco (de Castilviejo), 33–35; Miguelturra, 63n72; Mirebeau-enPoitou (Sacred Heart), 50–51, 51, 200n20; Moclín (del Paño), 216; Monlora (de la Columna), 46–47, 63n78; Oran, 62n57; Piedramillera, 63n80; Piera 12–14, 12, 13; del Sahuco, 217; San Carlos del Valle, 26n71; Sant Quirze de Besora, 63n81; Sisante, 29, 23n8; Tembleque, 26n71; Vic hospital, 36–37; Villalba del Rey, 26n71 Christ, visions: Burguillos 1935, 15; El Bonillo 1638, 37; Emmaus, 19; Paray-le-Monial 1673–1674, 76, 112. See also Casas de Benítez Christmas, 18, 92, 110–11, 117, 129–30, 236 cinema: Entrevaux, 54–55; fiestas as training for, 237; at Lourdes, 68; Méliès and apparition montages, 87; pageants in, 253n19 Ciudad Real, Siracusa shrine, 53, 53 Ciutadella (Mallorca), 218, 222 Civil War, Spanish, 12, 16, 30, 45, 253 Civil War, US, missing and dead, 200n43 Civitavecchia (Italy), blood on Marian image, 58–59 Claret, Antonio María, 17–19 clergy: examine animations, 33–35, 36–37, 38–39, 40–41, 42; first mass, 109; killed, 30; as manipulators, 10, 31–32; and rain processions, 4, 9, 10, 12, 12, 13; promote animations, 50–54; skeptical of animations, 31–32, 43–45, 47, 54, 55, 57; wash beggars’ feet, 18. See also religious Cluny, 127 Cocentaina (Alicante) 1520, 42, 47, 62n55 Cold War, and animations, 54 collage of photographs, 147, 151–59, 162–63, 166, 167, 109 collecting, 65–66 Colmenar Viejo (Madrid), 233 composite photographs: absence and presence, 91; Austria, 149, 180; battles in sky, 117–18, 116, 120–21; Belgium, 148–49, 160–63, 166, 173– 78, 119; Bernadette 1864, 91, 104; commercial vs. private, 149; dreams, 92, 101, 106, 141–42; family photographs, 146, 149–50, 115–15, 194– 109, 252; France, 91, 104, 119, 153, 154–55, 164, 167, 169–70, 172–73,

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177–78; ghosts, 91–92, 106–108; Germany, 149, 180–81; Greece, 146; Italy, 165; Japan, 154; living and dead, 91–92, 102–103; Netherlands, 160, 161, 174; people like saints, 119, 149; Portugal, 159; postcards, 1896–1920, 149; postcards of prayer, 103, 105, 116, 133, 135; postcards in WWI, 103, 116, 120–45; prisoners of war, 149, 163, 176, 180, 195–99; Russia, 167; separated persons, 91, 146–81, 194–119; soldiers and families, 91, 157–81, 194–99; Spain, 149, 152, 158–59, 164–65; Spiritualist, 91–92, 103, 107; stereo 1894, 106; techniques, 148, Tunisia, 175; USA, 106, 172, 177; visions, 91–92, 103–106, 133–34, 144 Conan Doyle, Arthur, 103 conflict, and image animation, 42 conversion, Siracusa, 51 Copts, and image animation, 58 coronation of images, 48, 24n29 Corporal Works of Mercy, 17–21, 18–20 Corpus Christi, processions 232, 232, 234–35, 236 cotton, relics of animated image, 52, 53, 53, 57, 59 Croatia, 121 Cubas (Madrid), 27n79 Cuenca: beggars feet washed 1928, 26n64; bishop, 26n64, 39, 44; coronation image, 24n29; newspapers, 1; synod, 39 Davis, Natalie, 22, 259 de Belluga, Luis Antonio, 62n58 de Huelves Crespo, León (poet), 23n3 de Valera, Cipriano, 32 dead: and living, 65; as helpers, 238; in photographs, 102–103, 156, 238– 39; visions of, 22 death, 37, 150 del Castillo, Elena (Burguillos), 16 del Castillo, Fausto (Burguillos), 15, 14–16, 20 del Val, Toribia (“la Vaquera”), 2–6, 14, 20, 65, 26n78 Delcampe.com, 66, 260 Dénia (Alicante), 241 devil, 113, 117, 236, 237 devotions, 29–30, 32, 46, 47, 60n10 Diana, 22 Díaz, Antón (El Bonillo), 37, 37–38 Dijon, 124 diocesan investigations, 33, 33–35, 38, 39, 41, 42, 48, 51, 53, 54, 60n20, 61n30, 62n38, 62n40, 62n46, 62n58 discernment of liquids, 38, 39, 40 doctors, as evaluators, 32, 33, 51, 55, 54, 48, 61n35 Dominicans, 39, 41, 44 Domrémy (Vosges), 68, 86–89 dreams, 77; commercial images, 92, 99, 115, 106, 140, 143 Dresden, 149 drought: Ajofrín, 25n46; Alcobendas 1646, 39; Alcudia 1507, 33; Andalusia c1728, 14; animation context, 31; Badajoz, 7; Cabra del Santo Cristo 1698, 9, 33; Casas de Benítez 1931, 2–4; Medina de ­Rioseco

1602, 33; Piera, 12–13; procedures, 8–10; vision during, 25n46; vows, 8; vs. epidemic, 11–12. See also processions for rain Duchenne de Boulogne, Guillaume, 67 Dufour, Paul (Tarbes), 91 earthquakes, 39 Eastern Europe, state socialism, 257 Ecija (Sevilla), 26n79 El Bonillo (Albacete) 1640, 37–38, 45, 45 El Milacre (Riner, Lleida), 27n79, 75 El Molinillo (Toledo), 236 electricity, 7 Emmaus, 19 emotions, of animated Christ images: afflicted (afligido) 61n23, 61n24; agony (agonia), 33, 48, 48, 60n15; angry (enojado, ayrado) 39, 61n24, 62n45; anguish, anguished (congoja, congoxado) 39, 40, 61n23, 62n41; favorable (favorable) 61n24; happy (alegre) 61n24; sad (triste) 61n24, 62n49; tired (cansado, fatigado) 39, 61n33, 62n49; travail (treball) 33, 60n15; upset (desfigurado, demudado), 34, 60n20, 61n23 emotions, of observers of animated images: devotion (devoción), 40, 62n49; as discernment, 38; fear, awe (temor, terror), 32, 38, 40, 61n24, 61n37, 62n49; joy (contento), 40, 62n49; mercy (misericordia), begging for, 30, 39, 40; reverence (reverencia), 40, 61n37, 62n49; shock (espanto), 61n23; solace in heart, consolation (consuelo) and comfort, 38; tenderness (ternura), 36, 40, 62n49; wonder (admiración), 35, 40, 44, 61n23, 61n24, 62n49 emotions, networks based on, 255 end times, and image animation, 58 Enev, Ogryan, 255 England, 31–32 Entrecruces (A Coruña) 1954, 54 Entrevaux (Alpes-de Haute-Provence) 1953–1961, 55–58, 55–58, 59 epidemics: animation context, 31; Ayora, 11, 12; Jafre 1460, 12, 25n45; Oran 1677, 62n57; Osa de la Vega 1914, 45; Vic, 37; and visions, 11 Escalona (Segovia) 1490, 60n11 Escalonilla (Huesca), 26n60 Estampa (Madrid), 14–15, 14, 16 Ethiopia, 36 evil eye, 5, 20 exvotos, Intro, 41, 75, 252 eyes: sweat placed in, 38, 39, 40; upturned in vision, 67, 70–73 Esparreguera (Barcelona), passion play, 237 Ezquioga (Gipuzkoa), apparitions 1931–34, 68, 81; and Casas de Benítez, 1, 6, 11; and Mirebeau-en-Poitou, 51; photos of seers, 15, 64n105, 67, 71 Fabian, Saint, 231 Faci, Roque Alberto, 24n36 fairy tales, 20 Fañanás (Huesca), 25n40 farm laborers, 4, 17, 62n50, 120 281

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farmers, and WWI, 120, 124, 134 Fatima, 19, 15, 79, 248 Feijóo, Benito Jerónimo, 44 Ferchaud, Claire (Loublande), 118 Fernández de Madrigal, Alonso, 31–32 Ferrer, Francisco, 115 film: evidence for discenment, 11, 58, 66, 68 fingernails, of images, 32 first communion, 204, 206, 237, 252 fishermen, 94–95 flagellants, 7, 32, 39, 41, 43, 63n62 flowers, as animation relics, 41, 51, 52 food and drink: alcohol, 106, 188; bread, 5, 12, 20, 20; broad beans (habas), 2, 4, 16; codfish, 4; coffee and strudel, 77; for strangers, 12, 14, 15, 16, 20–21; water, 14, 15, 14, 17–18, 18. See also caridades Fort Worth (Texas), 149 Foulds, Mrs. R., 103 Foz (Mondoñedo, Lugo), 1954–55, 54 France: allegories of, 112–15, 117, 124–127; animated images, 50, 50–51, 51; daughter of the Church, 112; family photos, 153, 156–57, 166–70, 172–73, 177–79, 181, 183–89, 192–96, 197; God protects, 112–13, 122– 23; heroes in sky, 128; and Jeanne d’Arc WWI, 112–13, 128, 134–35; postcards, 117, 200n4; visions and, 112 France-Dimanche (Paris), 54, 57, 57–58 Francis, St. painting with blood, 42–43, 87 Franciscans, 9, 37, 42, 52 Franco, Francisco, 206 fraud: Ágreda 1665, 42; confession of, 57–58, 57–58; Gandía 1918, 48– 49; inquests rule out, 33; Martínez, 43–44; possibility dismissed, 41; Salvadé, 55–58; serves enemies of the faith, 33; by shrine keepers, 43; textile town, 63n81; and trembling, 31, 43; warning against, 37 Freedberg, David, 30 Freemasons, 51, 92, 112, 113 Fresno, Diocese, 1 Fukumi Yasuko, 200n36 funerals, photomontages of, 146, 147, 148 furious army, 22 Gainer, Matt, 1 Galicia, 22 Gallur (Zaragoza), 25n41 Galtelli (Sardinia) 1612, 15n24 Gandhi, Mohandas, 56 Gandía (Valencia) 1918, 48–49 García Rodero, Cristina, 7, 24n30, 201–202, 207–50, 256n1, 261 García Rubio, Ana, beata (Honrubia), 62n40 Garlaschelli, Luigi, 64n106 Garmendia, José (Legazpia), 71 Garganta la Olla (Cáceres), 208, 223 Gaya Nuño, Juan Antonio, 26n64

F

Gell, Alfred, 30 Gelsa (Zaragoza), 26n72 gender, and human liquids, 58; of witnesses, 33, 38, 41–42; roles in fiestas, 252 Genoa, 149 George, Saint, 212 Georgieva-Angelova, Albena, 250 Germany: 3, 117; illustrated postcards, 200n4; image animation, 60n4; photos 85, 149, 173, 174, 180–82, 182–86, 188–90, 193, 196–97; postcards 96–98, 100–103, 107, 109, 121, 131, 136–39, 144 Getty Research Institute, 202 ghosts, 22, 91, 106–107 Gil Aristu, José Luis, 27n80 Gizay (Vienne), 87 Goa, 35, 61n24 God, proofs of existence, 10, 23n7–8 Golden Legend, 19 Gonne, Maud, 117, 200n20 Google N-Grams, 200n42 grace, alertness to new, 30, 59 Granada, Sacromonte, 60n11 Greece, 146, 147 grottos, 19, 58, 78, 82–84 Guadalupe (Cáceres), 30, 253n32 Guadamur (Toledo), 23n2, 25n38 Guînes (Pas-de-Calais), 119, 200n34 Győr (Hungary), 35, 61n24 Habsburgs, and Limpias, 48 hail, 4–5, 8, 10, 21, 39, 23n18 hair, on images grows, 32 Handelman, Dan, 253n23 Hadjidimovo (Bulgaria), 250–51, 251 handkerchiefs, with sweat or tears as relics, 40, 52 Hecho (Huesca), 24n36 Hellín (Albacete), visions in jail, 63n71 Henarejos (Cuenca), 8 herders, 14, 76, 78, 25n43, 25n46 hermits, pilgrims as, 25n59 holy cards, and visions, 11, 76 Holy Week: images Alcobendas, 40; Burguillos, 15; Casas de Benítez, 6–7; Igualada, 32–33; Jerusalem as model, 46; Osa de la Vega, 39 Hondón (Alicante), 26n72 honey, as blood or tears, 31 Honrubia (Cuenca) c. 1630, 62n40 hosts, bleeding, 31 Hungary: animation, Győr 1697, 35; devotion to Limpias, 48; emigrant to South America, 150; folklore, 20, 26n76; pilgrim saint, 25n59; photographs, 183, 191; photomontages, 149, 200n40; postcards, 98, 116, 135, 144

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Huss, Monique, 118 iconoclasm, 16, 30, 257 idolatry, 31 Ignatius Loyola, St., 35–36 Igualada (Barcelona) 1590, 32–33 images animated: devotional fluctuation, 34, 45, 47, 47; draw alms, 34; pedigrees, 35–37, 44, 46–47, 62n54; private, 47, 58; speak, 42, 47; specialness, 35; wood to flesh, 61n24. See also emotions image animation: arguments against, 34, 43; color changes, 39; and conflict, 42, 45; and conversions, 36; as fraud, 31; fraud confessed, 43–44, 57–58, 57–58; history, 31; as kinetic energy, 36; geography of, 60n4, 60n6; judicial confirmation, 32, 33, 38, 39, 41, 60n11, 60n13; and local pride, 34, 46; in Orthodox and Coptic homes, 58; in processions for rain, 9, 33, 39–40; skepticism, 15, 31–32, 36, 44, 49, 63n81, 64n96, 64n97, 64n106, 67; and wage disputes, 63n81 images: abandoned, 12; bathed for rain, 6; beauty and awe, 38; clerical control, 209, 215; color changes, 33; emotions of, 39, 40; flexible, 228; in houses, 58, 203, 231, iconoclasm, 30; immanence of, 30–31; in pageants and rituals, 31; as people, 60n7; left by pilgrims, 26n60; pilgrims make or fix, 26n72; potential energy of, 36; rescue captives, 31–32; specialness in, 30; stars around, 38; veiled, 37, 38; willed, 47 images that move, by place: Berbinzana Christ 1920, 63n80; Ireland Lourdes grottos 1985–86, 58; Italy, 35; Limpias Christ 1919 on, 47– 48, 48–49; Madrid Christ 1631, 42; Mañeru Christ 1920, 63n80; Mexico, 35; Papal States 1795–96, 45; Piedramillera Christ 1920, 63n80; Sant Quirze de Besora, 63n81 images with blood, sweat or tears, by place: Ágreda crucifix 1665, 44; Alcobendas Christ 1646, 39–42; Ávila San Segundo 1594, 63n63; Baños de la Encina Veronica 1641, 62n38; Bordeaux Mary 1907, 1911–13, 50, 51; Cabra del Santo Cristo 1698, 9, 9; Christ of Burgos, 46; Cocentaina Mary painting 1520, 44, 48, 62n54; El Bonillo crucifix 1640, 37–38; Entrecruces Miraculous Mary 1954, 54; Entrevaux St. Anne 1953, 55–57, 55–58; Foz Immaculate Heart 1954–1955, 54; Galtelli crucifix 1612, 61n24; Gandía crucifix 1918, 49–50; Igualada crucifix 1590, 32–33; Ixmiquilpan crucifix 1621, 61n24; La Guardia Mary 1755, 44; Lima Virgen Copacabana, 61n24; Limpias Christ, 1919, 47–49, 48–49; Linares Cristo de Cabra 1641, 62n38; Martínez crucifix c. 1728, 13, 43–44; Medina de Rioseco crucifix 1602, 34; Miguelturra crucifix 1768, 63n72; Mirebeau Sacred Heart 1911–21, 50–51, 51; Monlora Christ 1630, 47; Munébrega Loyola 1623, 35–36; Murcia Sorrowing Mary 1706, 62n58; Oran images 1675, 40; Osa de la Vega Veronica 1644, 39; Parma Christ 1646, 39; Siracusa Immaculate Heart, 51–53, 51–54, 59; Syracuse, 52–53, 53; Templemore statues 1921, 49–50, 50; Tobed Mary Veronica, 62n54; Traid St. Francis 1710 42, 42–43; Vic crucifix, 1633, 36–37; Villalba de la Sierra Mary Mt. Carmel 1959, 54, 54 indulgences, 18 Inquisition, 13–13, 31, 44, 61n34 Ireland, 35, 49–50, 50, 56, 58, 106. See also Yeats

Isidro Labrador, San, 2, 3, 4, 6 Italy, 35, 39,58, 147, 165, 200n39, 251. See also Siracusa Ixmiquilpan (Mexico), 61n24 Jaén, 30n64, 62n38, 62n40 Jafre (Girona), 12, 21, 25n45 jail, for fraud, 57; for defending image, 45, 45 Jannuso, Antonina and Angelo (Siracusa), 51, 51 Japan, 21, 36, 147, 154, 155 Jeanne d’Arc: in Alzonne visions, 117; visions depicted, 68–69, 86–89; and WWI, 118, 122–23, 129, 134, 200n11 Jerusalem, 29, 46 Jesuits: letters, 39; and Munébrega, 35–36; evaluate testimony, 41; martyrs, 36; missions and activations, 62n38; protests at expulsion 1768, 44 Joffre, Joseph, 117, 128–29 Joseph, St., 7, 62n57 journalists, and animations, 55–58, 56–56 Judaism, 100 Kasl, Ronda, 260 Kron, Joan, 65 La Almunia de Doña Godina (Zaragoza), 25n59 La Guardia (Jaén) 1755, 44 La Roda (Albacete), 29 La Salette, 6, 68, 92, 76, 112, 214 Laguna de Negrillos (León), 234 land agitation, 1931, 5 lantern slides, 68, 92 Le Fosseret (Haute-Garonne), 84 Le Pèlerin (Paris), 117, 118 Leipzig, 149 Lekeitio (Bizcaia), 226 Leon XIII, 105 letters, visible in images, 96–97, 116, 137, 144–45, 161, 164–66, 167, 171, 174, 176, 117–18 Lillafüred (Hungary), 48 Lima (Peru), 61n24 Limpias (Cantabria) 1919, 47–48, 47–49 Liñana (Ayora visionary), 11, 12 Linares (Jaén) 1641, 62n38 liquid on images, 58–59. See also blood, sweat, tears Lisbon, 149 literacy, 3, 119 Livorno, 39, 149 Llamas García, Marisol (Casas de Benítez), 2–3, 3, 22, 23, 23n6, 23n7– 8, 23n16, 24n23 Lleida, 26n72 Lleopart, María, 12–13, 13, 20 Llers (Girona) 1640, 62n56 Lokeren, 72 López de Mendoza García, José, 27n81 283

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López Portaña, Vicente, 12, 14, 37, 38 Loreto, Our Lady of, 25n59 Loublande (Deux Sèvres), 118 Louis, St., and France in WWI, 123 Lourdes: animate images in Ireland 1985–86, 58; apparitions, 78, 91; cinema at, 68; composite images, 91, 104; depictions, 76, 78, 82–85; and France, 112; grottos worldwide, 58, 68, 84; photographs, 238; prayers, 251; sets pattern, 11, 15; tears on image Bordeaux 1907, 50; theater, 85; and WWI, 118 Lucena (Córdoba), 26n72 Lucy, St., 14 Luke, St., 19, 62n54 Luzón (Guadalajara), 236 Lynchburg (Virginia), 66 Maceda (Orense), 207 Madrid, 3, 4, 5, 6, 41, 42, 23n10 magic, image animation as, 63n85 Mallorca, 32 Manganeses de la Polvorosa (Zamora), 227 Mañeru (Navarra), Christ 1920, 63n80 Mantero, Piero (Udine), 64n103 María de Ágreda, crucifix, 44 María de la Cabeza, Santa, 2, 3, 6 Marianne, 92, 114–15, 117, 124–27 Maroto, Marilina (Casas de Benítez), 22, 23 Marseille, 149, Marta, Saint, 229 Martin I of Aragon, 62n54 Martínez, Diego Ramón (Casas de Benítez), 22, 23 Martínez, Francisco, purported visionary, 13–14, 20, 21, 43–44, 67 Martínez, Pascual (Madrid and Casas de Benítez), 4, 5, 20, 23n11, 23n15, 23n16, 23n21, 26n78 martyrs, 36 Mary the Egyptian, St., 70 Mary: images made by pilgrims, 26n72; images more clothed, 60n53; and male saints, 6–8; in rain processions, 9; and sodality, 205; punishes in visions, 26n79; and WWI, 116, 117–18, 123, 132–33 Mary, apparitions and visions: 1; Alzonne 117; Beauraing, 78–79; California City, 1; Fatima, 11, 15, 79; Fuensanta, 29, 25n45; Guadalajara, 23n2; Guadamur, 23n2; Ireland, 58; Jafre, 12, 21, 25n45; La Salette, 6, 68, 92, 76, 112, 214; Medjugorje, 58; Mendigorría, 24n22; Montserrat, 30, 80, 205, 206, 253n32; Orgiva 1931, 23n2; Palma de Mallorca, 45; Pius XII, 79; Rielves 1931, 24n2; Santa Gadea del Cid 1399, 26n79; Sigüenza 1931, 23n2; Tilly, 1896, 92, 104; Torralba de Aragón 1931, 24n22; WWI, 118, 133–33. See also Ezquioga, Lourdes, Rosary Mary, devotions: Baby, 51; Candelaria, 213; Immaculate Heart, 51, 54; Mt Carmel, 54, 216; Rosary, 7, 32, 44, 62n57; Sorrows 205; Mary, specific images by place: Agres, 76; Alcanar, Remei, 75; Alcobendas, Peace 39–40, 41; Alcobendas, Soledad, 40; Ariño, Arcos, 24n36; La

F

Barca, Muxia, 215; Belchite, Pueyo, 24n36; Belsue, Linares, 25n40; El Casar de Talavera, Alcoba, 24n36; Fañanás, Bureta, 25n40; Guadalupe, 17, 30; Hecho, Escabués, 24n36; La Roda, Fuensanta, 29; La Saleta, Silleda, 214; Moguer, Montemayor, 230; Montserrat, 44, 58, 80; Riner, Milacre, 75; Uncastillo, Bañales, 24n36. See also images with blood, sweat or tears, by place matins, Osa de la Vega, 39 medals, for El Bonillo women, 45, 45 Medina de Rioseco (Valladolid), 33, 33–35, 60n20 Medjugorje, 58 Méliès, Georges, 92 Melilla, 149 men: as absent in commercial postcards, 91, 97, 99, 101, 103, 116, 122–23, 128, 135–40, 143–44; as absent in photographs, 146, 148–50, 152–55, 157–64, 166–73, 179–185, 198–199, 203; as animals, 245–46, 246–51, 250, 250; as spirits, 6–7, 12–13, 15–21, 92, 105, 107, 110–11, 112, 129, 134; as visionaries, 14–16, 71, 74, 76, 77, 79, 94–95, 105, 107, 132; as witnesses, 33, 41–42; youths and animals, 219, 220–227, 227 Mendigorría (Navarra) 1931, 24n22 Mendívil, Marcelina, (Ezquioga), 71 Menéndez, Josefa, 70 Menil-en-Xaintois (Vosges), 89 Mesmin, Marie (Bordeaux) 1907–1913, 50, 51 Mexico, 19, 26n73, 35, 238–39, 253n3–4 Michael, St., 117, 123, 235 Miguelturra (Ciudad Real), 1768, 45, 63n72 Millet, Jean-François, 120 Minear, Richard, 200n36 Minims, evaluate testimony, 41 miracles: Alcobendas, 41, 63n72; boards proclaiming, 35, 47, 47, 62n54; challenged, 36; debunked, 31–32; during sermons, 36; El Bonillo, 38; Entrevaux, 54; Eucharistic, 60n4; exvotos, ix, 41, 75; failed, 43– 45; gluts, 43; and gullibility, 23n3; in rain processions, 8–9, 24n36; and images, 60n2; Munébrega, 36; need for, 32; notaries take down, 14; Osa de la Vega, 39; permission to paint, 38; predicted by stranger, 14; Quero 1931, 5; Sacedón, 62n40; sign of special image, 30; stricter procedures, 44; and visions, 6. See also image animation, blood, sweat, tears Mirebeau-en-Poitou (Vienne) 1911–1921, 50–51, 51, 200n20 missions: foreign 36, 128; parish, 48, 25n38 Moguer (Huelva), 230 Molina de Aragón (Guadalajara), 14, 42, 62n59 Monlora (Zaragoza) Christ of the Column 1720, 46–47, 63n78 Montesquiu (Barcelona), 63n81 Montmartre, 76, 122, 123 Montserrat, 30, 80, 205, 206, 253n32 Moriscos, and image animation, 36 mountains, holy, ix Mourelo, Suso, 260

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Munébrega (Zaragoza), 35–36 Muñoz, Miguel, 2, 22, 23 Münster, 168 Murcia, tears on Sorrowing Mary 1706, 62n58 Murillo, Bartolomé Esteban, 74 Muro (Mallorca), 219 music, 101, 107 Muxía (A Coruña), 215 Nancy, 88 Napoleon, 45, 128 Navarra, moving crucifixes 1920, 49 Neo-Jansenism, 43 Netherlands, 32, 38, 100, 160, 161, 174, 147, 200n22 newspapers, online searches, 1, 23n5 newsreels, 52–57, 55–56 Nicodemus, 19 Niño Fidencio, cult, 238–39 Nocito (Huesca), 24n31 non-events, 1, 5–6, 22 notaries, 14, 32, 40, 60n12, 62n56 Novéant-sur-Moselle (Moselle), visions 1920, 200n30 Noyes, Dorothy, 24n32 Nuévalos (Zaragoza) 1525, 62n54 nuns, 44, 70, 76 Odessa, 149, 167 odors, 38, 61n35 Ohanes (Almería), 253n28 Olds, Katrina, 62n38 Olesa de Montserrat (Barcelona), passion play, 237 Olot (Girona), 62n56 omens, 35, 39 Oñati (Gipuzkoa), 235 Opfenbach (Allgau), 85 Oran, 42, 149 Orosia, Saint, 209 Osa de la Vega (Cuenca) 1644, 39, 45, 62n50 painters, as evaluators, 32, 33, 42 paintings, of image animation, 9, 39, 38, 45, 47, 48 Palencia, 35, 60n20 Palermo, 149 Palma de Mallorca, Mary 1768, 44–45 Pamplona (Navarra), 79, 26n72, 27n81 Papal States, statues move 1795–1796, 45 Paray-le-Monial, visions 1673–1674, 76, 92, 112 Paris, 56–57, 200n4 Parma, Christ weeps blood 1646, 39 peasants, alleged mental inferiority, 1, 10, 23n3 Pearce, Richard, 261 Pedrosa, José Manuel, 26n72, 27n79

Pellitero, Gabriel (Medina de Rioseco), 35 penance: flagellation, 9, 32, 39, 41, 43, 63n62; of pilgrims, 25n59; public, 62n43; for rain, 8, 9, 41; result of animations, 34 Peñalsordo (Badajoz), 245, 246 pharmaceuticals, and religious orders, 45 pharmacists, test blood, 55, 56, 58 photographs, abundance, 66; accessibility, 149; and death, 150; democratization of image, 257; and image animation, 51, 53–54, 52, 59, 58, 66; vs. postcards, 149–50; and self-awareness, 66; of saints, 238–39; of soldiers and families, 150, 157, 164–199; treasured icons, 149–50, 257, 203; visible in postcards or photographs, 49, 52, 59, 98–99, 136– 39, 152, 159, 161, 163, 175, 178, 194–98; and visions, 1, 65, 67–68, 69; websites, 66–67. See also composite images photomontage, see composite images physical contact with images: kissing 206–10, 215–16; passing under, 218; posing with, 204–6, 213; touching, 211–12, 215, 217 physical contact with animals: 218–27, 218–27 Piedramillera (Navarra), Christ 1920, 63n80 pilgrims: animations attract, 34, 39, 41; as hermits, 25n59; held holy, 17– 19, 25n59, 26n61; outfits, 14, 15, 17, 17; leave relics, 26n60; spread vision stories, 11; to Entrevaux, 55, 57; to Limpias, 47–48, 49; to Lourdes, 91: to Santiago, 17, 17, 25n58; 26n72; to Siracusa, 52; to Syracuse, 53; to Templemore, 50; man in Almería 1947, 25n58; man in Tarragona 1947, 25n58; woman in Tortosa 1888, 25n59 pilgrims, apparitions of: Burguillos, 14–16; Piera (Barcelona), 12–13, 12– 13, 21, 257; as angels or Christ, 17–19; leave paintings and images, 19, 36, 26n72; as strangers, 16–17, 18 Pilgrim’s Prayer, 16 Pius XII, vision, 79 Plassac (Gironde), 119 Pócs, Éva, 26n76 Ponteareas (Pontevedra), 232 pope, and France, 92, 113; vision, 79, 103 Portezuelo (Cáceres), 231 Portugal, 37, 42, 96, 102, 147, 159, 253n32 postcards, commercial: abundance 1895–1920, 66, 200n4, 196n22; of animated images, 47, 49, 51, 55, 54; in Church-State struggle, 111– 15, 92; composite images, 80–81, 90–91, 91–92, 98–102, 105, 107– 10, 116, 117–19, 121, 124–25, 128, 131, 133–37, 139–45, 164–65; depict people with photographs, 119, 136–37, 144, 149; hold-to-light, 68, 80–81; messages on, 118–19; models for visions, 117; personalization, 252; sale, 143; sent to and from soldiers, 102, 105, 148, 120, 124, 127–28, 131, 132, 134–38, 140, 142–45; spread vision models, 11; of visions, 68–69, 72, 74, 76–83, 86–89, 91–92, 103, 107, 120– 25, 126, 131, 132–34, 136–39, 144; as votive images, 119; websites, 66–67 Pozoamargo (Cuenca), 2–4 Prat, Joan, 25n58 prayers, 14, 72, 94–95, 105, 116, 120, 121, 123, 133, 135, for others, 251 285

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presence and absence: commercial postcards, 90, 93–103, 105, 107–10, 116; prewar photos, 149–50, 152–58, 167, 180; spirit photography, 103, 107; WWI photos, 160–81, 194–199 prisoners of war or internees, 118–19, 149, 168, 174, 176–77, 180, 195–199 processions for rain: continuities, Intro; and emotions, 8–9; and failure, 8, 24n33–34; images meet in, 6–8, 7; innovations, 6; miracles in, 6–7, 24n36; music, 4, 10; occasions for fights, 40; preaching, 10, 24n34; procedures, 8; ridicule, 8; as social control, 8; and visions 12; vows, 24n35 procession for rain by town: Ajofrín, 16th century, 25n46; Alcobendas 1646, 39–40; Borox, 23n20; Cabra del Santo Cristo 1698, 9, 33; Casas de Benítez 1931, 2–4; Henarejos, 8, 24n33; Piera, 12–13, 12–13; Quero Toledo 1931, 5, Tirteafuera 7; Toledo, 25n39; Vic, 37 processions out of town, 7, 8–9, 9, 12–13, 12–13 Protestants, 9, 32, 34, 46, 51 Puchheim, 196–97 Puente Genil (Córdoba), 248 Puig i Ferreter, Joan, 24n32 punishment: animation omen of, 61n24; by divinities, 26n79; of doubter, 36; drought as, 10; hail as, 5, 8, 21; of image, 8, 24n33, 42; by mysterious stranger, 16, 20–21 purgatory, 22, 216, 252 Quero (Toledo), 5, 8 quintos, 227 radio, 52–54 rain, see processions for rain Raphael (Raffaello Sanzio da Urbino), 74 Reinosa (Cantabria) rain processions, 25n39 relaciones topográficas, 24n35, 26n71 relics: blood of animated images, 51, 55–58, 57–58; divine sweat as, 40; devotional contact with 209, 212; of Martínez’s clothes, 44; photos as, 147; pilgrims leave, 26n60; of Siracusa tears, 51–52, 52–53, 59; sources of grace, 29–30; specialness, 30; stained altar cloths as, 35, 35, 39; stones where image found, 44 religious: debunk animation, 44, 64n96; evaluate animation, 32–33, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 44; promote animation, 45–46, 48, 52, 60n6, 62n39. See also individual orders, clergy República (Cuenca), 1–2, 8 ribbons (mides), 41 Ribera, José de, 70 Riudarenes (Girona), 62n56 rivers, images meet in, 7; bathing of images, 8 Roch, St., 17 Roma, 17, 20 Rome, 29, 37 Roncesvalles (Navarra), 17 rosaries, 14, 40, 44 Rosary, Our Lady of, 32, 44, 62n57 Russia, 147, 127, 167

F

Sacedón (Guadalajara) 1689, 62n40 Sacred Heart of Jesus: in Alzonne visions, 117; blesses France, 112, 122– 23; devotion, 211; Mirebeau-en-Poitou (Vienne) 1911–1921, 50–51, 51, 200n20 saints: and animated images, 44, 26n72, 63n63; living, 29; male and female, 6–8; people acting as, 60n7; having visions, 70–71, 74, 76, 82– 83, 86–89; in visions, 86–89, 112–13, 117–18, 122–23, 128, 134. See also individual saints Salvadé, Jean (Entrevaux), 55–58, 68 San Carlos del Valle (Ciudad Real), 26n71 Santa Ana de Pusa (Toledo), 249 Santa Marta de Ribarteme (Pontevedra), 229 Sant Quirze de Besora (Barcelona), 63n81 Santa Compaña, 22 Santiago de Compostela, 17, 17, 25n58, 26n72 Santo Domingo de la Calzada (Rioja), 248 school, 115, devils visit, 236, photos with religious images 204, theatre in, 237 Sebastian, St., 250, 26n72 seers: faces depicted, 67, 70–73 Segundo, San (Ávila), 63n63 Serbia, 191 sermons, 34, 36, 47, 48. See also missions Sertillanges, Antonin-Gilbert, 123 Seville, 8, 63n62, 253n32 shrines: animations lead to, 32, 34–35, 38, 41, 42, 51; caridades at, 19– 20; continuity of, Intro; desecration, 30; and rain processions, 7–10, 24n36; and constellation of grace, 29–30; photomontages of, 147; to pilgrims, 17, 25n59; souvenirs, 251; and vows, 25n58. See also Christ, Mary, saints, pilgrims, and individual shrines Sicart, Joaquin (Ezquioga), 51 Siena, Palio, 253n30 singularization, 256 Siracusa, 1953, 51–54, 51–53, 59 Sisante (Cuenca), 29, 23n8 Skalmierschutz camp, 119 Socialism: Casas de Benítez, 5; and Limpias, 47; press, 10 sociocentrism, 46 soldiers, 157; WWI, 165–99. See also prisoners of war Soltau (Hannover), 195, 198 Spaccarelli, Thomas, 26n61 Spain: animated images in, 29–49, 54; mysterious strangers in, 1–23; photos 3, 7, 12, 15, 22, 49, 71, 73, 99, 109, 147, 151–54, 158–59, 164–65, 195, 203–37, 240–50; Civil War 5, 12, 16, 30, 45, 228–29; exvotos, 75; postcards 67, 99, religious images and animals in fiestas, 201–53; seers and visions 70–71, 80–81 specialness, 30, 35, 36, 37, 65 speech, by images, 42, 47, 51 spirits, in photographs, 91–92, 103, 107, 147 Spiritualism, 91–92, 103, 107, 117

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springs, healing, Intro, 12, 25n45 Staehlin, Carlos María, 64n96 Stations of the Cross, 46 Stoichita, Victor, 68 stories, 22, 228–29 strangers, mysterious: in catechisms, 17–19; in folklore 20–22; and food, 2; leave images, 19, 26n71; occasional, 65; and punishments, 20– 21; in Spanish countryside, 16–17; topos, 16–22. See also pilgrims, angels strangers, mysterious, by place: Ajofrín, 25n46; Ayora, 11, 12; Burguillos 1935, 14–16; Casas de Benítez 1931, 2–8; Jafre 1460, 12; Munébrega 1623, 36; Piera, 12–13, 13; Villa de San Esteban, c. 1728, 14, 43 Sturani, Enrico, 200n17 sun, 6, 79 sweat on images: as divine displeasure, 39; history, 31; natural causes, 41; nature of, 33–36, 38, 61n25; in processions, 9; as relic, 40. See also images with blood, sweat or tears, by place Syracuse, NY, 52–53, 53 Tarancón (Cuenca), 29, 23n19 Taravilla (Guadalajara), 13, 43–44 Tarazona (Zaragoza), 25n37 Tarbes, 92 Tarragona, 149, pilgrim 1947, 25n58 taste, discernment of liquids, 38, 39, 51, 59 Taves, Ann, 61n1 Taylor, William, 26n72 tears of people, 40, 41, 61n24, 62n43 tears on images: 31–32, 51–54. See also images with blood, sweat or tears, by place telegraph, 93 telephone, 98 television, 52–54 Tembleque (Toledo), 26n71 Templemore (Co. Tipperary), Ireland 1921, 49–50, 50 Teruel, 221 Thérèse of Lisieux, 118, 238, 200n28 theatre, 11, 68, 85, 87–89, 126–27, 236–37, 253n19 Thônes (Hte-Savoie), 147–48, 157 Tilly-sur-Seulles (Calvados), visions, 92, 104 Tirteafuera (Ciudad Real), 7 Tobed (Zaragoza), 62n54 TodoColeccion.net, 70 Toledo, 25n39, 38, 253n32 Tordesillas, 222 Toribia, see del Val, Toribia Torralba de Aragón (Huesca) 1931, 24n22 Torrente de Cinca (Huesca), 24n36; 1703, 25n40 Tortosa (Tarragona), 25n59 Toulon, 149

tourism, and fiestas, 252 Traíd (Guadalajara) 1710, 42–43 transhumancy, 43 trees: holy, xi; visions on, 76, 78–79, 81, 89, 104, 116, 117, 133, 230 trembling, during fraud, 31, 43 Trent, Council of, 32, 60n11 Trexler, Richard, 62n53 tricksters, 21 Trinitarians, 62n39 Tunisia, 147, 149, 175 Twain, Mark, 21 United Kingdom, 139 Uncastillo (Zaragoza), 24n36 Urbez, San (Nocito), 24n31 Urda (Toledo), missions 1921, 29n38 Usson de Poitou (Vienne), 69 Vachère de Grateloup, abbé, 50–51, 63n85, 200n20 Valencia, 26n72, 149 Valtablado del Río (Guadalajara), 24n31 Vara del Rey (Cuenca), 23n21 veils, on images, 37, 38 Velilla la Reina (León), 244 Vera Cruz, brotherhood, 39 Veronicas: Alicante, 62n40; Baños de la Encina 1641, 62n38; Honrubia, 62n40; Jaén, 62n40; Osa de la Vega, 39; Sacedón, 62n40; Tobed, 62n54, and St. Luke, 62n54 Vic (Barcelona) 1633, 33, 36–37 video, evidence of image animation, 58 Vienna, and postcards, 66, 149 villages, abandoned, 20 Villalba de la Sierra (Cuenca) 1959, 54, 54 Villalba del Rey (Cuenca), 26n71 Villalgordo del Júcar (Cuenca), 24n21 Villamayor de Calatrava (Ciudad Real), 7 Villarejo de Fuentes (Cuenca), 249, 62n41 Villarrubio de Santiago (Toledo), 23n3 Villaviciosa de Tajuña (Guadalajara), battle 1710, 62n59 Villeneuve-St.-Georges (Seine et Oise), 88 vision depictions: art vs. photography, 68; in art, 12, 13, 18–19, 68, 70, 74– 81; Bernadette, 81–83; Jeanne d’Arc, 86–89; media, 11; in photography, 67–69, 69, 70–72, 82–83, 86–89, 103, 105–109, 116, 133–34, 144; poses, 67; in statues, 68 visions: allies in heaven, 122–23; Ayora, 11, 12; battles in sky, 117, 120–21; Casas de Benítez 1931, 2–4; by children, 11; by married women disregarded, 11; cultural persistence, 256; during epidemics, 11; in holdto-light postcards, 80–81; Inquisition discourages, 11; lead to processions, 2–5, 11; Novéant 1920, 118, 133; Paray-le-Monial 1673–1674, 76; proofs, 14, 25n46; types of, 11; vs apparitions, 29; in WWI, 117– 18, 69, 116–23, 132–33. See also apparitions 287

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vows: in Ágreda 1665, 44; for caridades, 5; to Christ of Sisante, 23n8; in drought, 8, 24n35; for pilgrimage, 25n58; for processions, 10 War of 1870, 68 War of Spanish Succession, image activations, 42, 62n58 Wentila, St., 25n59 witnesses, ages 62n50; gender, 41–42 women: as absent, 94–95, 98–103, 141–42, 144–46, 152–53, 161, 163–67, 171–74, 177, 194, 197–98; as allegories, 92, 112–15; France as, 112–15, 124–28; and images, 41, 45, 47; as spirits, 102–103, 107–108, as visionaries, 1, 11, 70–71, 76, 86–89; as witnesses, 33, 41–42 World Fairs, 200n4

F

World War I: absent soldiers, 91; allies in heaven 122–23; and a­ nimated images, 51; battles in sky, 120–21; and postcards, 117–18, 116–45, 200n6, 200n22; photos, 160–198; visions, 118, 69, 132–33 xray, of Entrevaux statue, 55, 54, 64n98 Yeats, William Butler, 117, 200n20 Yebra de Basa (Huesca), 209 Zagreb, 121 Zamora, 26n72 Zaragoza, press, 11 Zubieta (Navarra), 244

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