The siege of Constantinople 1453: seven contemporary accounts 9025606261

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THE SIEGE OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453: SEVEN CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS

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THE SIEGE OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453: SEVEN CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS

translated by J. R. MELVILLE JONES

AMSTERDAM ADOLF M. HAKKERT — PUBLISHER I w2

I.S.B.N. 90-256-0626-I

Copyright 1972 by A. M. Hakkert, Amsterdam, Netherlands

All Rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without written permission from the publisher

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Printed in the Netherlands

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

vii

Tedaldi Leonard of Chios

II

Chalcocondylas

42

Ducas

56

Riccherio

117

Dolfin

125

LomeIlin.o

131

Appendix: Mehmet's Treaty with the Genoese

136

INTRODUCTION

It would be easy to exaggerate the importance which the fall of Constantinople had in the history of the Western world. It has often been demonstrated that many contemporary developments — the revival of classical learning, the expansion of the Ottoman empire and the westward exploration which led to European settlement of the Americas — were in train long before. But even if the event itself was only part of an inevitable process, it has always appeared as a moment of great historical significance in the course of Western civilisation_ For this reason, it is surprising that so few of the accounts of it which survive have been translated into English, and these only .so lately. A version of Kritovoulos, History of Mehnied the 'Conqueror, by C. T. Riggs, was published at Princeton in 1954 (now available :as .a reprint from Greenwood Press, New York). In 1969 I published an English translation of Nicolo Barbaro's Diary of the Siege of Constantinople (New York, Exposition Press); this is the most important of all the e-ctant accounts, since it gives a chronological framework into which most of the events of the siege can be fitted. The present collection begins with the report made by the Florentine Giacomo Tedaldi, of whom we know nothing more than is said of him in the text. His account has no literary merit except that of brevity and, perhaps, the sense of immediacy which it conveys. Its virtues are that it provides valuable confirmation of statements made by others, and that it is also the only source for some points of minor importance. Several versions survive, and it is clear from a comparison of them, and from the internal evidence which they provide, that none reproduces Tedaldi's own words. It seems likely that when he arrived at Negropont with other survivors, his story was taken down as he gave it and then translated, or, as I think more probable, written down in French in the first place, as he narrated his experiences in Italian or in a mixture of both languages; this explains why he is referred to in the third person,

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and why some of the names which he mentions appear in an unrecognisable form. The document was later circulated in French and in Latin, with the addition of character sketches of the Sultan, and reports of his future plans. * The manuscript from which this translation has been made is the earliest surviving one (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. fr. 6487, ff. 18-21), which bears the date of December 31st 1453, and has the added interest that it includes a picture of Constantinople which must be no more than one step away from a contemporary map of the siege. The letter written by Leonard of Chios, Latin archbishop of Mytilene, to Pope Nicholas V in Rome, is another eyewitness account, which was finished by August 16th 1453. Written while recent events were fresh in the author's memory, it is one of the more important sources of information about the military dispositions of besiegers and besieged. Leonard had been brought to Constantinople to assist Isidore of Kiev, Cardinal of Russia, in effecting the union of the Greek and Roman churches, and his sympathies were all in this direction. As a result, his narrative is punctuated by outbursts against those who opposed the union; and he is inclined to underestimate the part played by the Greeks in the defence of their city. The text from which this translation has been made is that printed in J.-P. Migne, Patrologia G'raeca 159, cols 923-943. Inspection of the manuscript from which it was taken, Vatican ms. lat. 4137, has enabled a few minor corrections to be made. The Italian translation which appears in F. Sansovino, Historia Universale dell'Origine et Imperio de Turchi, Book III, pp. 304-313, has been compared with the Latin text. It is clear that this is not an independent version, but a free and sometimes hurried rendering, with some small omissions, particularly of matters which did not show the Venetians in the best possible light. The next account which appears in this collection is not by an eyewitness: Laonicus Chalcocondylas (or Chalcondyles) was an Athenian, and resident in the Peloponnese. His Turkish History, in * The various manuscripts of Tedaldi's account are discussed by M.L.Concasty, 'Les "Informations" de Jacques Tedaldi sur le Siege et la Prise de Constantinople' in Byzantion 1954, 95-fro.

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ten books, covers the period 1298-1463. Because its theme is the rise of the Ottoman empire rather than the collapse of the Byzantine world, his narrative of the siege, which is contained in pages 201-214 of his eighth book, is concerned with the overall course of events, and with externals generally, rather than with the theological disputes and political intrigues of the Greeks in Constantinople (although he alone preserves what may be a hint that Lucas Notaras had closer contacts with Italy than was generally realised at the time). His language is deliberately classicising in style. We read of Byzantium, Dacia and the Hellenes; Cardinal Isidore comes from Sarmatia; the prophet Mahomet is the 'hero' of the Turks; and harmosts, prytanies and stades are mentioned from time to time. The effect is at times like that of a good, but unadventurous, sixthform prose. In this translation (which has been made from the text printed in Migne, Patrologia Graeca 159, cols 375-397 and checked against the good edition of Darko, Budapest 1922), most of these archaic terms have been avoided, since they have no historical significance; similarly, his use of the word 'trireme' seems to have no exact meaning as a nautical term, although in many other contemporary writers (including some of those presented here), it does seem to be used to describe one definite class of vessel. The Byzantine History of Michael Ducas, on the other hand, which deals with the events of the siege in chapters xxxiii-xlii, is far nearer in its language to current non-literary Greek. It would be an exaggeration to call it demotic in vocabulary or syntax; the language, even at this time, is closer to that of Thucydides than it is to that of contemporary documents, for instance, the Greek versions of Mehmet's treaties with the Genoese and Venetians, which make no pretence of adopting classical forms. But although Ducas is writing in an idiom which is some distance away from the demotic, he feels no obligation to call things by any other names than those current in his own time, so that there is a sprinkling of Italian, Turkish and Slav words among the rest; and his relaxed use of the nominative absolute shows that he is not attempting to perpetuate the rules of classical syntax. His account is one of the longest, but as a piece of historical writing it is not one of the most valuable, since it was composed

some years after the siege;. and most of the major events. had already been described by others. In one respect, however, it is outstanding:. his ability to portray a character, and. to dramatise a. scene:, has made later writers rely on him perhaps even. more than. they: them-selves. realised. His other great merit is that he gives some details of the struggle between. Unionists and Schismatics. which we do not find. in. any other writer.. But with, all his good. points, it is hard to forgive him for incorporating so much of Jeremiah's lament over Jerusalem into his text without alteration, in imitation of Nicetas Choniates, The translation has been made: from the edition. by •Grecu (Bucarest 1.958):. The- account which follows that of Ducas in this. collection: is something of a mystery. It appears, under the name of one Cristoforo Riccheria, in. a. work published, in. 1568 in. Venice: which has already been mentioned in connection with Leonard of Chios, Sansovino's: Historia Universale: There is no indication of the origin of Riccherio's account, which appears on pp.. 315-318 of Book III., and no, manuscript appears to have survived.. Nothing in the narrative;. however;. suggests that it is not what it claims. to. be., so we may consider it as a brief and brisk account of the. major events of the siege, by one who was himself present at it, giving some further details of. interest,. but not of any major importance. The remaining Italian account, by Zorzi. Dolfin, is the least original of any,. and for this reason only excerpts from it have been given here. It occurs- in his Cronaca:.. a history of Venice. up to 1478, which like. Sansovino's. Historia Universale contains, excerpts: from, a number of original. documents-. The. sections dealing with the siege of Constantinople, together- with a few paragraphs dealing with contemporary events at Rome and Venice, were published by G. M.. Thomas. in Sitzungsberichte- der k.Onigt.. bayer.. Ahademie der Wissenschaften- 1868, pp. 1-41,. and it is this text which. has been used: for the purpose of preparing. a translation here. Most of Doifin's narrative is a reproduction, sometimes, a little inaccurate;. of the letter of. Leonard of. Chios, and has therefore been omitted. A single paragraph, the last of those printed in this selection, comes from Philip of Rimini's short account (preserved, in Venice;. Biblioteca Marciana mss. classe latini XIV, 250.); which Dolfin also mentions in his prelude to, the description of the Sultan

ady ling:. has tails not d to over. .etas by n is istohas igin III, the so ents. Cher east )een 1-78, in a iege vith by der ieen .ttle ,een this in Lich tan

Nlehmet by Giacomo de Languschi, which he includes in his work. It is surely by inadvertence that he has omitted any acknowledgement of Ubertino Pusculus of Brescia, from whose poem on Constantinople (Book IV, lines 148-96 and 205-26) the second and third of the passages which appear here are taken. Dolfin's own account of his sources has led to some confusion among modern writers, who are inclined to state that he used other eyewitness reports. This is not so; his only sources (with the addition of Pusculus) are the ones which he himself mentions. The passage which has given rise to misunderstandings is his statement about the superiority of first-hand to second-hand evidence; and this comes directly from the second paragraph of Leonard of Chios. The last document presented here is a letter written by the former Podesta of the Genoese colony at Pera, on the opposite side of the Golden Horn, in which the writer describes the fall of the city very briefly to his brother. Lomellino had been invited to continue at the expiry of his term of office, and had found himself responsible for doing what he could to ensure the safety of his fellow-citizens. His letter, written in extraordinarily bad Latin, suggests that he felt that the actions of the Genoese demanded some defence. It has been translated from the text printed in Notices et Extraits des mss. de la Bibliotheque du Roi. XI, 1827, pp. 75-59. As an appendage to Lomellino's letter, a translation is printed here of the Greek text of Mehmet's treaty with the Genoese, made after the fall of the two cities. This has been made from the improved text of the manuscript in the British Museum (Egerton Collection no. 2817) printed by E. Dalleggio d'Alessio, 'Le Texte grec du Traite Conclu par les Genois de Galata avec Mehmet II le Ier Juin 1453' in Hellenika XI, 1939, 115-124. One most important source of evidence will not be found here, namely the excerpts from the Chronicon of George Phrantzes (more correctly Sphrantzes) which deal with the events of this period. A translation of these, with extensive commentary, is being prepared for publication by Dr M. G. Carroll — to whom I owe the elucidation of many points of difficulty which arose in the preparation of the present collection — which would make any translation which might be included in this work redundant. It would be too much to hope that no error or misunderstanding xi

exists in the pages which follow; when one is moving between one language and another, Nemesis * is always lying in wait. It would have been an advantage too, at times, to have had better texts to work from; the Byzantine historians in general would benefit from the application of even a small part of the energy and expertise which are still being applied, with decreasing returns, to the texts of Aeschylus or Cicero. But the need for English versions of documents such as these, which are available only in other languages, particularly ancient ones, is so great that we must do as much as possible with the material as it stands. Chi non fa, non sbaglia. A few possible improvements to the texts have been suggested in footnotes. It would not have been possible to complete this work without the assistance provided by the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, the Biblioteca Marciana, Venice, the Vatican library and the interlibrary loan facilities of the Reid Library, University of Western Australia. I should like also to express my gratitude to the Nuffield Foundation for providing support during the period when work on this project was begun, and the Myer Foundation for assisting me to visit libraries overseas when the final revision was in progress. Dalkeith, Western Australia July 1972

* It was this Nemesis which inspired me, in the translation of Barbaro previously mentioned, to assume that 'el galina' was a Venetian nickname ("The Hen') for Antonio Filamati. It is, in fact, the name of a Cretan shipmaster, Yalinas.

xii

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GIACOMO TEDALDI

Here follows the manner of the capture of the noble city of Constantinople by the Turkish Sultan on the twenty-eighth (sic) day of May 1453On the fourth day of April in this same year, the Turks moved close to Constantinople, and on the following day, the fifth, their army took up its position before the city. At the siege there were altogether two hundred thousand men, of whom perhaps sixty thousand were fighting men, thirty to forty thousand of them being mounted. * A quarter of them were equipped with coats of mail or leather jackets. Of the others, many were armed after the fashion of France, some after the fashion of Hungary and others again had helmets of iron, and Turkish bows and crossbows. The rest of the soldiers were without equipment, except that they had shields and scimitars, which are a kind of Turkish sword. The rest of the two hundred thousand were thieves and plunderers, hawkers, workmen and others who followed the army. At the siege there were several large cannon and a large number of culverins and other equipment for hurling projectiles. Among the rest there was a very large metal cannon, cast in one piece, which threw a stone of eleven spans and three fingers in circumference, weighing nineteen hundred pounds. The others threw shot of eight, ten or twelve hundred pounds. Each day the cannon were fired between a hundred and a hundred and twenty times, and the siege lasted for fifty-five days. It has been calculated that they used a thousand pounds of gunpowder each day, so that in fifty-five days they used fifty-five thousand pounds weight of powder; its hould be remembered, too, that besides the cannon, there were also ten thousand culverins. The Turkish fleet, within and without the harbour, consisted of between sixteen and eighteen tall galleys, sixty to eighty galliots of from eighteen to twenty benches of oars each, and sixteen to twenty smaller vessels suitable for carrying horses, of a sort called palendins, and a number of other small craft of various kinds. After the siege had begun, and was being carried on by land, Other mss. invert the proportions, and give one hundred and forty thousand as the number of fighting men. But sixty thousand seems much more likely.

3

Zagan Pasha, the Sultan's vizier, a renegade Christian from Albania, the one who was most feared and had the most voice and authority among his entourage, had between sixty and eighty ships, galleys and other armed vessels, carried from the sea for two to three miles overland into the bay of Maudragui, in the harbour between the two cities. This was the only way the Turkish fleet could get into the harbour, because the Christian army was near, and they had built a bridge of ships at the entrance to the harbour, to go from Constantinople to Pera, to bring aid when needed. The captain of the Turkish fleet was called Albitangole. Four Genoese ships broke past him, and the Sultan appointed another captain. Now the besieged city was closed off by sea as well as by land. Constantinople is very strong, of a triangular form. The land walls are six thousand paces in length, the walls facing the sea five, and those facing the harbour and the Bosphorus six again. The land walls are very thick and high, with barbicans and battlements above them, and false walls and ditches running along outside them. The principal walls are twenty to twenty-two brasses in height, three and in some places six brasses thick and in a few places eight. The false walls outside are built up to a height of twenty to twenty-two brasses, and are three brasses thick. The ditches are thirty-five brasses wide and fifteen brasses deep. The brasse contains at the most about three and a half palms by the Avignon standard. In the city there were altogether 30,000 to 35,000 men under arms, and six to seven thousand fighting men, making 42,000 at the most. In the harbour, to defend the chain, there were thirty Christian nefs and nine galleys, that is, two light galleys, three Venetian merchant galleys, three belonging to the Emperor and one to Messire Giovanni Giustiniani Longo, a Genoese in the service of the Emperor of Greece. Constantinople being thus besieged by land and sea, and so roughly battered without and within by arrows, by cannon and by other weapons, defended itself for fifty-four days. During this time there were several notable events. It seemed to the Christians that it would be easy to burn the Turkish fleet. The captain of the galley of Trebizond boarded a light galley for this purpose, with several others who were assigned to this task. But their galley was sunk by 4

a shot from a Turkish cannon, and the crew was drowned, except for a few who were captured. By the Sultan's orders these were fixed by the fundament upon sharp stakes, which pierced them to the top of their heads. The stakes were planted, and they were left to die in full view of the guards on the walls. On the landward side Zagan Pasha, a renegade Christian from Albania who had risen to a position of great importance, had among the men who were besieging the city a number who were accustomed to mining gold and silver. He made them tunnel in fourteen places under the walls to make them collapse, beginning his tunnels a long way off. The Christians for their part dug counter-mines, and listened, and located them time and time again. They suffocated the °Turks in their mines with smoke, or sometimes with foul and evilsmelling odours., In some places they drowned them with a flood of water, and often found themselves fighting them hand to hand. This same Zagan Pasha made a wooden castle so great, so strong and so high, that it overtopped the wall and towered above it. He had a bridge made, on barrels, a thousand brasses long and seven brasses wide, to cross the waters of the harbour as far as the foot of the wall. He also made and set up a number of wooden structures, behind which they could shelter without being wounded, and light ladders of wood, to scale the walls. Every day there were fierce skirmishes in which there were casualties on both sides. But for every one of the defenders who was killed, there died a hundred of their Turkish assailants outside the city. At the siege by the Turks there were many Christians, of Greece and other nations. Although they were subjects of the Sultan, he had not compelled them to resign their Christian faith, and they could worship and pray as they wished. Furthei more, there were some captains and others who were opposed to Zagan because he oppressed them. These men advised the defenders by letters which they shot into the city, and in every other way possible, of everything that was done by the besiegers and by the Sultan's council. Among other things, the Christians were informed that the Sultan, with his barons, princes, nobles and counsellors, had held council for four consecutive days. During this time there was one of his captains named Halil Pasha who advised 5

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him to raise the siege, giving him these reasons for doing so: 'You have done your duty, you have given them a number of fierce battles, and every day great numbers of your men are killed. You see how strongly the city is defended, and how impossible it is to storm it; in fact, the more men you send to attack it, the more are left lying there, and those who manage to scale the wall are beaten back and killed. Your ancestors never got as far as this, or even expected to. It is to your great glory and honour that you have done so much, and this should satisfy you, withouty our wishing to destroy the whole of your forces in this way.' So much was said, that the Sultan was considering raising the siege, and before withdrawing, setting up some columns, to be a monument for ever of what he had achieved, more than any of his ancestors had ever undertaken, and to warn every Turk from that time onwards not to approach Constantinople. But Zagan Pasha, the renegade Christian from Albania, was entirely of the opposite opinion, and said to the Sultan, appealing to his pride and adventurous spirit, 'You have proved yourself the stronger. You have razed to the ground a great part of the city walls, and we shall break down the rest. Give us the chance of making one short sharp general assault, and if we fail, we shall afterwards do whatever you think best.' He spoke so well, that the Sultan was confirmed in his adventurous policy, and agreed. The defenders were kept informed of all that had happened, and advised to be brave for only two or three days longer, because it seemed certain that after the attack had been made, the Turks would retreat and not return. After the Sultan had decided to make this further assault, he gave orders three days before the attack that there should be a solemn fast through the whole of his camp to honour and show reverence for the great God of Heaven, whom they worship alone. So he and his men fasted for three consecutive days, eating nothing throughout the day, but only at night time, under penalty of death. And by night they made lights with candles and wood, which were left to burn on land and on the water, so that it seemed that sea and land were on fire, with a great deal of noise from drums and other instruments (they have hardly any trumpets). Such was the position: the Sultan intended to attack, and was 6

V '

determined to win, and the defenders for their part were equally determined to fight back. The Turks began their assault gradually on the evening of the twenty-eighth of May, the Sultan's forces being arranged as follows. First Bigliardi, the senior general in charge of the army of Turkey, with twenty thousand men, went to the gate of Pighi, where the great tower was. Halil Pasha, the , Sultan's vizier and the Christians' friend, and Zagan Pasha, also a vizier of the Sultan, * with almost a third part of the army of the besiegers, came to the gate of Saint Romanus, about a thousand paces from Pighi. Elbigliabee, general in charge of the Greek section of the Sultan's army, was placed by Caligaria, near the Emperor's palace, where the greatest number of mines had been dug, about two thousand paces from Saint Romanus. Zagan Pasha, an Albanian and renegade Christian, was over the water before Pera with a force of renegade Christians; for many of this country gave up their faith. The assault began, and the defenders gave a good account of themselves at all points. The Gate of Saint Romanus was the most vulnerable place, and the wall here was weakest, since the Turks had previously broken down a great part of it. The cannon had been placed there, and they had razed a tower and the upper half of the wall for a distance of at least two hundred brasses. There were also so many culverins and arrows being fired, that it was impossible to see the sky. Meanwhile, the defenders were plugging the cavities in the wall, filling the two hundred brasses which had been destroyed with barrels and earth and other materials, and resisting the attack to the best of their ability. Messire Giovanni Giustiniani Longo was at this point, a Genoese in the service of the Emperor, who conducted himself most valiantly there. The whole city had confidence in him and in his bravery. Now in this place, to make his last effort, the Sultan approached with two companies of ten thousand men specially chosen to protect his person, and many others with the wooden castle, bridges, * This must be an error: Zagan is mentioned later in another place, and Ishak was in the area named here.

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ladders and other equipment. They began to fill the ditch, and throw bridges and ladders across, and to scale the walls. There Guistiniani was wounded by a culverin, and he left to seek the attention of a surgeon. Before doing so, he entrusted the guarding of his post to two Genoese gentlemen. All this time, the Turks were scaling the wall more and more, and at this, the soldiers who were guarding it inside, seeing them already inside the wall in such great numbers, and Giustiniani going away, believed that he was fleeing, so they abandoned their posts and fled too. By these means the Turks entered Constantinople at dawn on the twenty-ninth of May, putting to death at the point of the sword anyone whom they found offering resistance to them. Pera had not been attacked, and the majority of its inhabitants were in Constantinople to defend it. Those who were in Pera, who had not removed any of their property, decided to offer the keys of the city to the Sultan, and recommend themselves to him, taking him as their lord and protector, speaking in Italian, and by offering him the city, which still contained six hundred men, to throw themselves on his mercy. However, a large number of men and women there boarded a Genoese nef to make their escape; and it seemed to Jacques (the narrator) that a neighbouring nef full of women from Pera was captured by the Turks. The Emperor of Constantinople was killed. Some say that his head was cut off, and others that he died in the press at the gate; both stories may very well be true. The great Venetian galleys for the voyage to Romania and Trebizond stayed there until midday, waiting to see if they could rescue any Christians. Four hundred reached them, among whom was this Jacques Daldi (sic), who had been at his post on the wall some distance from the point at which the Turks entered. Two hours later, when it was known that they had entered the city, he reached the harbour, threw off his clothes, and swam to the galleys, which took him on board; he preferred the risk of being drowned to that of awaiting the fury of the Turks. The Turks sank a Genoese nef of eight hundred botte, with a cargo worth eighty thousand ducats, and captured altogether between thirteen and sixteen ships, three of about six hundred botte each, and the rest of two, three or four hundred botte. The Turkish fleet

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was made up of two hundred and forty vessels altogether, refs and galleys and galiottes, with a number of smaller boats. If the Venetian expedition led by Messire Giacomo Loredan had arrived at Constantinople even one day before the city was captured, there is no doubt that they would have been saved. The expedition consisted of nine Venetian galleys and twenty ships altogether; but they did not arrive in time, only reaching Negropont the day after the galleys of the fugitives reached it. This arrival was a pitiful thing, with their lamentations and the story of their losses. In this galley there came from Constantinople eight Venetian citizens, and thirty-four nobles stayed there, together with about forty others, who were caught by the Turks in the act of removing their armour in order to escape by swimming, following the example of Jacques Daldi. May God grant them aid. Those who have spoken with the Sultan, who have seen him in action and are informed about his position and the extent of his power, have said that he is twenty-three or twenty-four years of age. More cruel than Nero, he delights in shedding blood. He is full of courage, eager to conquer the whole world, and to rule greater empires than any of those who came before him, whose histories he has read to him daily. He makes inquiries concerning the position of Venice, how far it is from the mainland, and how it may be reached by sea or by land. And he considers that it would be no difficult matter to build a bridge from Megara (Zara) to Venice, to make a way along which his soldiers could pass. Megara is a town of Aquileia on the coast, Venice being about five thousand paces distant across the sea. In the same way he inquires about the position of Rome, and about the Duke of Milan and his power. In fact, he talks of nothing but this war. He says that he will make Constantinople his capital, his plan being to build fine ships there, which he can certainly do; and then, he believes, there will be no one who will not surrender to him, either at sea or on land, rather than do battle with his forces; for now he has captured Constantinople, the strongest city in Europe, so strong that no one would have thought that any army, however * Tedaldi's narrative seems to end at this point. The rest will be a later addition, for circulation in Europe.

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large, could possibly overcome it; and not only are his soldiers able, hardy and courageous, but they care nothing for their lives. Given on the last day of the month of December in the year of our Lord 1453. This present document written by me Jean Columbi, and brought from Constantinople by the hand of Jean Blanc. Signed: J. Columbi

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Here begins the history of the loss and captivity of the city of Constantinople, written to His Holiness Pope Nicholas by Leonard of Chios, professor of theology and Archbishop of Mytilene.

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Perhaps my grief, most blessed Father, should prevent me from writing; and perhaps, when I was assailed by Turkish swords, it would have been better for me to die than to live. But there is some virtue in hearing tales of misfortune, if those who are cast down may rise up again, just as those whom we tell of the death of their loved ones at the hands of their enemies are roused by their sorrow to more vigorous thoughts of revenge. So in spite of my misery and my tears, I shall tell the story of the tremendous perils and the loss of Constantinople, which I observed at close quarters with my own eyes. I have no doubt, most blessed Father, that there have been many before me, who have related the course of events to your Holiness, but there is advantage in having a multitude of accounts; and since the evidence of an eye-witness is always more reliable than hearsay, I shall tell what I know, and bear trustworthy witness to what I have seen. When the most reverend Father, the Cardinal of Sabina, appointed as legate for the nation of the Greeks, called me from Chios into his service, I went with the intention of doing my duty, and defending the faith of the holy Roman Church with all the energy of which I was capable. I tried to understand the customs and the nature of the Greeks, and to grasp from the arguments and the statements of their holy theologians what was their desire; what propositions, what reasoning, what conclusions might hold them back from a true understanding, or draw them towards a due obedience. I soon realised that except for the learned Argyropulus, Theophilus Palaeologus and a few monks and lay theologians, almost all the Greeks were seized by an excessive partiality; and that there was none who could be moved by zeal for the Faith or for his own salvation to be the first to express contempt for their obstinate opinions. The result was, that their consciousness of the truth urged them to accept the article of the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Son; but on the other hand, their swollen pride held them back from believing that Latins might have a better understanding of the Faith than Greeks. But since neither their reasoning nor the authority of their church, nor the various opinions of Scholarius, Isidore* or Neophytus could stand against the faith of the Roman * Not the Cardinal of Russia, but the future Patriarch of Constantinople. I2

Church, it was arranged by the industry and probity of the aforementioned Cardinal that the Holy Union should be confirmed, with the agreement (if it was not feigned) of the Emperor and his Senate, and celebrated on the second day before the Ides of December, the holy day of the Bishop Spiridion. As soon as this was over, a storm from Troy arose, and swallowed up the city of Constantinople, Galata and the adjoining towns, bringing to pass the words of Isaiah (54, II), '0 thou afflicted, tossed with tempest, and not comforted.' I too was smitten by that tempest, captured and, as a punishment for my sins, bound and beaten by the Turks, although I was not worthy to be crucified with Christ my Saviour. I remember, most blessed Father, that when I first wrote to your Sanctity in the gravest terms about making the Union with the Greeks, I said among other things, 'Because of the attack by the Turks which we expect will take place in the near future, we are poised between hope and despair.' Hope in the help which we expected from you gave us confidence, fear of the stubbornness of the Greeks made us despair. Alas ! what hope could there be for a people hardened by the depth of their iniquity, for a body which had remained for so many years cut off from its Head, without any spiritual life ? How could they be anything but desperate and rejected by God, when they remained at such a distance from the Roman. Church, and engaged in so many dissimulations, in so many lies, and kept themselves so firmly separated ? Even now that they are in captivity, and driven from their city, their churches, their treasures and their homes, they try to blame the Latins for their offences, saying 'Because we made the Union, and paid attention to the. Pontiff of Rome, we deserve to suffer the displeasure of God.' Was there ever such pertinacity ? If this is indeed an evil thing, you must also condemn Saint Basil, Saint Athanasius, Saint Cyrillus and the other early Fathers whom you hold in. great esteem, because they believed in. one holy and undivided Faith, held in common with the Church of Rome, the mistress of all Christians. These things did not happen because you made the Union, but because you made it falsely, and not in the spirit of truth. It is for this reason that God is rightly angry; for this reason, as a just punishment, you have been led into the hands of your 13

enemies. Have you not broken your promise concerning the Union, which was made in writing and confiiuied by a holy oath at the Synod of Florence ? Have you not refused obedience, and concealed the meaning of the decree ? And did not the messengers of God, o ye Greeks, continually foretell your destruction, while you, like the adder, wickedly stopped up your ears, and refused to obey the Holy Catholic Church, the Mother of the Faithful ? Weep for your sorrows; but blame your own selves, and do not condemn others, or seek to cast the blame upon them. It is the way of the stubborn, to reject the holy messengers of God; as Zedekiah and the rest of the Jews who were taken to Babylon scorned Jeremiah, when he foretold their destruction and captivity. Troy would still be standing today, if Father Priam had paid heed to Cassandra; the same could be said of the Hebrews, if they had listened to their prophets, or the Romans to their Sybil, or you, if you had but listened a little while ago to the Apostolic messengers. So it is no wonder, that a tempest should have gathered\ force to punish such an offence, just as those whom the Holy Spirit had instructed had been prophesying for many years. Let us leave on one side the execration pronounced against the wicked Greeks by the blessed Father Nicholas the First in his bull, Urgentis in senium saeculi corruptela; in fact, the arrangement of the document which was once hidden in Constantinople and is now, after being revealed by a mysterious sign, in the monastery of Saint George in Mangana, and is ascribed to Leo the Wise, shows that the city would be lost. This, most blessed Father, is divided into squares showing the emperors and their order of succession, making it clear that the line would end with this last Constantine. The document also gives a full list of the patriarchs. Its composer, illuminated by a spirit of prophecy, included as many squares, in which the emperors were to be represented, as there were to be emperors from Constantine the Great, the founder of the city, until its last captivity. With the passing of time every space was filled, until, as it is asserted, the last square was left empty, the one in which the ruler in whose reign the city has perished would have been placed, if he had been crowned. Our own Morsenus * had also predicted many centuries before * Tomaso Morosini, Latin Archbishop of Constantinople 1204-11. 14

that a spear-bearing race would come against Constantinople, and capture its celebrated harbour, and that the Greek race would be exterminated. There is also an oracle of our Erythraea which foretells the loss of Constantinople, to those who can read it. Again, the abbot Joachim in my opinion gives warning of the loss of Constantinople in his Papalista, when he says, 'Woe to you, built on seven hills, with your hands lopped off, as if destitute of help.' The Greek for 'built on seven hills' is '7.c.-L-CcXocpoc. Why then do they condemn the Latins ? Why do they inveigh against us when we speak the truth, and when so many clear prophecies bear witness against them ? It was not the making of the Union, but the pretence of making it, that brought the city to doom and destruction; from which we know that the Divine wrath has ripened, and come upon us in, these days. God therefore, roused to anger, sent Mehmet, the all-powerful Sultan of the Turks, a young man bold, ambitious and full of a wild enthusiasm, the mortal enemy of the Christians. On the fifth of April he encamped in full view of Constantinople, with more than three hundred thousand fighting men spread around the city. The greater proportion of his troops was mounted, although they fought on foot for the most part. Among them were the brave foot-soldiers who formed his bodyguard, originally Christians or the sons of Christians, who had renounced their faith. They are called Janissaries, and form a corps like the Myrmidons of Macedon, about fifteen thousand strong. On the third day, when the area surrounding the city was under his control, he moved innumerable engines of war up to the ditch which surrounded the walls, together with pieces of lattice-work made out of branches and slips of trees, to protect his soldiers. This Was the beginning of our downfall; our proper course would have been to have repelled them while they were still at a distance, with missiles and with cannon fire, but a number of them escaped our notice, and were allowed to approach to within a short distance. A Scipio, a Hannibal, or any of our modern generals would have been amazed at the discipline which they showed in arranging their weapons, and the promptness and evidence of forward planning which their manoeuvres showed. But tell me, pray, who were truly responsible for this encirclement 15

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of the city ? Who but traitors from the Christian side taught the Turks their work ? I can bear witness, that Greeks, Latins, Germans, Hungarians, Bohemians and others from all the kingdoms of Christendom were to be found among the Turks, and followed their faith and their works; and it was these, completely forgetting the Christian religion, who overthrew Constantinople. Oh, the wickedness of denying Christ in. this manner ! 0 accomplices of Antichrist, condemned to the flames of Gehenna! Now is your time! It would be hard to imagine any penalties greater than those which you will . pay! They then placed a terrible cannon (an even larger one, which had burst, could barely be moved by a hundred and fifty yoke of oxen) near that part of the single wall, called Caligaria, which was not protected by ditches or a breastwork. It fired a stone which measured eleven of my palms in circumference. With this they battered the wall, and although it was extremely thick and strong, it nevertheless gave way under the onslaught of this terrible machine. The bursting of the larger cannon continued to annoy the Sultan, and to soothe his vexation he ordered another, much larger even than the first, to be cast. It was never completed by its maker, thanks to the efforts, as it was said, of our friend the vizier Halil. But with the other smaller pieces they pounded away at the walls on all sides. With hand guns and swivel guns, cross-bows, slings and arrows, they attacked the walls and killed their defenders by day and by night, causing great destruction. The enemy thought that the small numbers of the Christians would prevent them from defending the city satisfactorily when they were overcome by weariness after continuous fighting; and to our shame, they found no opposition at this first encounter. But as the days passed, we learned from experience, and prepared cannon to use against them. These, however, could not be fired very often, because of the shortage of powder and shot. When they were available, their position did not at first allow them to do any damage to the enemy, who were protected by fences and trenches; and the largest cannon had to remain silent, for fear of damage to our own walls by the vibration. But on occasion they were fired against the tight-packed enemy, with great destruction of men and of the shelters which protected them, and every shot did damage, since 16

the enemy could not avoid it. In this way many Turks died, wounded by cannon and gunfire. There were casualties too on our own side, after the occasional skirmish outside the ramparts, which led to losses on both sides. But the bravery of our recruits gave them success more often in combat, when they made a sortie. To our misfortune, however, there now arrived Giovanni Longo of Genoa, one of the Giustiniani family, with two large ships belonging to him, and about four hundred men, as a soldier of fortune. He was taken into the pay of the Emperor, and put in charge of the military side of the defence. He made it clear at once to the enemy that the city was being vigorously defended, and paid great attention to the repairing of the walls which had been damaged, so that he seemed to be mocking the Sultan's efforts: whenever the weight of a huge stone brought down the walls, he, nothing daunted, repaired them with faggots and earth and barrels piled together. Because of this the Sultan, feeling that he was being ridiculed, decided to continue battering the walls with his cannon; but he paid even more attention to stealing into the city through subterranean tunnels. He ordered the chief miners whom he had brought from Novo Brod to be sent for. They brought along props and tools, and carried out their orders with skill and care, attempting by tunnels to dig underneath the foundations and penetrate the wall of the city at a great number of points. But when they had succeeded in the remarkable feat of tunnelling in silence beneath the ditch and the stockade, their activities were detected by the wisdom and energy of John Grant the German, * a most gifted soldier and skilled in all the arts of war, whom Giovanni Giustiniani the leader of the defenders had brought along as an officer; and when this had been confirmed by the reports of those who had been sent to investigate the matter, everyone was greatly disturbed. The Greeks, who claimed that since the present Sultan's ancestor. Bayezit and his father Murat had been unsuccessful in their earlier attempts to get into the city by tunnelling, Mehmet also would be unable to do so, were proved wrong by the evidence of what had happened. So the tunnels were detected by our counter-mining, and did not harm the * A Scot in fact; but recently arrived from Germany.

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city. Great disquiet, however, was caused by the discovery that the ground had been dug out from beneath the foundations of one tower, which was now supported on wooden props covered with pitch. But after the enemy had been driven out of the tunnel with fire and sulphur, and the space had been filled in, greater confidence was felt. After this they constructed wooden towers by the ramparts, filled with earth and covered with ox hides, from which they secretly cast soil and rubbish of all sorts into the foss to make their crossing easier. They also had large stocks of hurdles made of branches 'and withes, long battering-rams and wheeled ladders, and carts with breastworks on top of them, such as even the Romans would hardly have constructed when besieging the Carthaginians. Since their great cannon had not succeeded in demolishing the walls by Caligaria because of the energy with which repairs had been carried out, it was moved to another place by the Bactatinean Tower, near the Gate of Saint Romanus. There it hurled its shot weighing, it is estimated, twelve hundred pounds, all day long, which shook the target to its foundations and finally destroyed it. The ruins of the tower filled the foss to the top, and it was clear that a way had been opened for the enemy to break in. If repairs had not been effected with great haste, as had happened when the wall was broken down at Caligaria, they would certainly have been able to force their way into the city. When the Sultan saw how the defences which had been demolished had now been built up again, he said, `It is not the Greeks, but the Franks, who are responsible for the strength of their resistance. Nothing will discourage them, neither a hail of arrows, nor the cannon, the wooden towers and the continuous siege without remission.' The inhabitants of the city of Galata or Pera had been behaving with great prudence, for fear that the Sultan might build a fort on the Propontis. Now, however, they were anxious to give help by providing weapons and men, but still only in secret, so that the enemy, who was keeping up the pretence of being at peace with them, should not hear about it; because if he had done so, they would have been prevented from giving aid to the Greeks. So for a while this feigned truce aided their city. But if I am not mistaken, an open war from the first, rather than this pretence of peace, would have i8

been of more benefit to the people of Pera. For then the Sultan would not have built the fortress which was the cause of their destruction, nor would he afterwards have made war upon them so terribly. You Genoese, now you are tamed — but I shall be silent, and hold my peace, leaving it to others to pass judgement on my people. Where are those noble Genoese of days gone by, who founded Galata girded with the sword, like those who rebuilt Jerusalem ? They poured out their blood and their money, but you in your greed were so unwilling to lose money or blood, that you insanely handed over that precious jewel to the Turks — if indeed it can be said that it was yours any longer to hand over. Meanwhile (to continue my narrative), those on our side were beginning to lose their confidence in the arrival of help. No relief was being sent by the Genoese or the Venetians, by whom (and I say this with all due respect) help should have been sent. No help could be expected from any other source, except only God; and those who considered in their wisdom the slowness of His actions were mystified, since faithlessness, irreligion and other offences might have been expected to stir Him to anger more quickly. See, most blessed Father, how just and how worthy this judgement was! The Greeks celebrated the Union in words, but denied it in fact. Some of their leaders, whose blood now waters the earth, spilt by enemy swords, said, 'Let the High Pontiff be given the honour of being commemorated in the service, but let the decree of the Synod of Florence be not read.' Why this, hypocrite ? 'In order,' they replied, 'that the section of the decree which claims that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Son as well as the Father may be blotted out.' Again why, hypocrite ? 'So that the Greeks may not appear to be in error, if it is said that the Holy Spirit proceeds from two sources.' Why again, pray, hypocrite ? 'To prevent the glory from accruing to the one who desires to win it all, by virtue of his office.' Scholarius on the one hand, and Notaras on the other, intended at some time to present themselves before the Apostolic Presence, claiming that they alone had understood the matter, and should be praised as the leading figures in making the Union; for many were secretly tortured with jealousy of the Papal legate. Therefore I said, 'Will Your Majesty suffer this, that their selfish ambition should divide the Church, that for the sake of this the '9

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anger of God should be kindled, to burn more and more furiously ? Why are these stubborn spirits not removed from our midst ?' The Emperor appeared to agree, and went through the form of appointing bishops as judges to put a stop to the activities of Scholarius, Isidore, Neophytus and their companions. Indeed, if he had only shaken off his timidity, he would have punished their deceitful pretence of faith; for he who spurns God and seeks to please man will surely be confounded. If only they had been repressed, as they should have been, they would not have spread this pestilential infection. But I do not know whether the Emperor or the judges are to be condemned, seeing that they could only threaten, and the rod of correction was lacking. The siege continued to rage, and the city was cut off by a fleet of two hundred and fifty vessels which the enemy had gathered from various places on the coasts of Asia, Thrace and the Black Sea. Among these were six triremes and ten biremes; seventy of the remainder were galleys with one oar to a bench; there were also many smaller vessels of different kinds, filled with archers for the sake of the impression that this would make. But the harbour was closed by a chain, along which were stationed ships well armed and equipped with rams, seven belonging to the Genoese and three to the Cretans, so they were not able to enter it, but anchored by the shore of the Propontis less than a hundred stades away. And since they did not dare to approach, they furrowed the sea at a distance, carrying timber and other useful equipment to their camp. At this stage, when the Sultan's artillery had broken down the walls in three places, he decided, being prompted by the recollections of a Christian traitor, to get his ships into the harbour by going over the hill. This harbour, most blessed Father, is very long and narrow. The eastern end was protected by the chain and the ships which were tied up to it, so that the enemy had no hope of entering it at that point. Therefore, in order to restrict and more completely surround the city, he ordered a level road to be constructed, and seventy biremes to be dragged from the hill by main force over greased rollers for seventy stades; and after struggling to the summit, they were moved easily down to the shore of the harbour. I believe that the man who showed the Turks this ingenious trick learned it from the example set by the Venetians at Lake Garda. 20

We were very frightened at this, and made plans to destroy them with fire or shot, but we were unsuccessful, and these ships did us very great harm. They were protected on all sides, and because we had now lost control of the harbour, it was necessary to take soldiers from other positions to man the walls facing the water. Then the Sultan, not content with this brilliant stroke, conceived another which terrified us even more. He built a bridge about thirty stades in length from the opposite shore, which went straight across this arm of the sea. It was made of wine barrels tied together, with a superstructure of planks joined to them, which would allow the army to cross over as far as the wall of the city by Phanari. In this way he imitated the might of Xerxes when he led his army from Asia to Thrace over the Bosphorus. So there was only this space across the middle, where the chain and the ships were, to protect us from their having an entrance and free passage for their ships. Meanwhile, there came from Chios to help us three Genoese ships, carrying aims, soldiers and food. They brought with them a ship belonging to the Emperor, which had come from Sicily loaded with grain. When the enemy fleet, which was lying in wait near the city, saw them approaching the harbour, they began to beat their drums and blow their trumpets in a frenzy, and moved towards them as we watched, making as if to attack the Emperor's ship. The Sultan was watching the course of events from a vantage point on the hill of Pera. The air was filled with the shouts of the combatants. The larger triremes made straight for our ships, aiming for the Emperor's vessel, while the rest of the convoy tried to protect it. Battle was joined; they fired their cannon, they shot their arrows and fought like demons. On the other side our ships, with Maurizio Cataneo as the captain in charge, fought back, and the masters of the other Genoese ships, Domenico de Novara and Battista Feliciano, carried on the battle with spirit.. The catapults threw their terrible missiles, and from the high decks of the ships a shower of projectiles fell upon the close-packed Turkish vessels. he Emperor's ship defended itself nobly under the control of its captain Phlatan.elas; the cannon roared, the air was filled with loud i.;rtes and the snapping of the oars of the galleys, while one Turk 3f er another fell wounded. The Sultan from his position on the hill cursed as he watched his fleet being destroyed, rode his horse into 21

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the sea and tore his garments in his fury. The heathen lamented, and their whole army was in distress. After this, the fighting continued even more fiercely, and the Turks were overwhelmed with such a shower of weapons and stones, and so many of them were killed, that they gave up the battle, and were not able even to reach the shore again. From the accounts given by our spies and their deserters we learned that nearly ten thousand had died, some by the sword, others from arrows or gunfire, or afterwards from their wounds, and their whole army was in mourning. The triremes and the biremes which took part in the attack numbered about two hundred. Now that the Sultan's efforts had been confounded, it began to be seen that his forces were not as powerful as they seemed, since so many of his triremes had been unable to capture even a single ship. That night, thanks be to God, the ships entered the harbour safely with much rejoicing, not a man on board having been killed, although a few were wounded. The Sultan, on the other hand, was furiously angry with the admiral in charge of his fleet, and although in response to the prayers of his officers he spared the man's life, yet he ordered him to be deprived of his rank and all his property. Filled with rage, he then attacked our ships from the hill of Galata on the eastern side of the harbour, intending either to sink them with cannon fire, or drive them from their positions by the chain. The cannon from the western bank were brought as well, and all their maker's ingenuity was exercised in an attempt to hit the ships. The people of Vera were told that since, as they themselves had told him, the ships belonged to privateers and had been hired by the Emperor, they were enemy vessels, and the Sultan intended to attack them. The maker of cannon, who had not been paid enough by our side, and had therefore joined the Turks, did everything that he could to sink the ships; and as fate would have it, one shot came with a reverberating crash from the top of the hill, and sank a certain captain's ship at a single stroke, perhaps because of some sin of his. The vessel sank to the bottom at once, laden with its cargo, which was a disaster for us. The others hugged the wall of Galata after this, to avoid the risk of being sunk in the same

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* Dolfin adds the captain's name, Bernaba. 22

way. It was surely by the will of God after this, that although almost a hundred and fifty cannon balls were fired, and many houses in Galata were damaged by them, only one person was killed, a woman of good character, who was standing in the midst of a group of about thirty. There were also in the harbour three Venetian merchant triremes, and two light galleys intended for their protection. The Emperor had persuaded them by the offer of a large amount of gold to stay for up to six months to protect the city. The help which they had given the Greeks had been offered secretly, because they were keeping up an appearance of being at peace with the Turks. For some time, however, there had been signs that they were preparing to escape, because they had been loading their goods and their possessions on board. Now they were forbidden by the Emperor to load any of the remainder, because of the bad effect that this would have on the spirits of the rest in the city, and they were ordered to unload what they had already taken on board. This was the cause of indignant complaints on the part of the Venetians, who felt that they were being shamefully deprived of their freedom of action, and of the privileges which had. been given them as an honour due to their city. But after their fury had cooled, the matter was left to them to decide; and then they promised most earnestly that they would protect the city until the war was over. After this, however, a quarrel sprang up between the Venetians and the Genoese of Galata, each reproaching the other side with the intention of escaping. 'It would remove suspicion,' the Venetians asserted, 'if you were to put the rudders and sails from your ships in a safe place in Constantinople.' The Genoese replied angrily, 'And if, with the Emperor's knowledge, and for the safety of the Greeks, which is linked with ours, we are taking care to maintain a pretence of being at peace with the Turks, that is no reason for us ever to commit the crime of deserting Pera, the fairest city in the world, together with our wives and our children and our treasures, which we are preparing to defend to the last drop of our blood. We ;hall not put our noble city, an ornament to Genoa, into your power; and we shall keep the rudders and sails of our ships in our own charge, and no one else's. It cannot be said that we have been en leave to escape, if we keep our own property in our own 23

hands.' After this they both became calmer, and the Venetians did as they wished with their triremes. Since our situation was now becoming more serious, we began to consider setting fire to the enemy ships which had penetrated into the harbour. So secretly one day before dawn, two merchant ships which had been assigned to this task by our commander Giovanni Giustiniani, together with several biremes, approached the opposite shore ready to cast fire into the enemy vessels. The plan was for the ships to move first, when the order had been given, and let the covered boats (of the kind called barbotte) and the biremes follow on; in this way the ships, which were padded with sacks full of wool, would receive the first shots from the enemy's guns. But Giacomo Coco of Venice, who was in command of an imperial bireme manned by sailors from the Venetian triremes, was so eager to win glory and honour, that he let his vessel go at full speed past the ship which was, according to the instructions which had been given, going ahead of them. No sooner had he done this, than he was observed by the enemy, as our evil fate would have it, and his craft was struck amidships by a cannon ball. The waters closed over the bireme with all its crew. Most blessed Father, what a catastrophe was this, that Neptune's fury should swallow them all in a single moment ! Indeed, our plans had been laid bare previously and exposed to the Turks, so that they were able to strike the first blow. But what shall I say, most blessed Father ? Whom may I accuse ? I must remain silent. This sad turn of events filled us with grief, and the ships returned in confusion to the place from which they had set out. Some of the sailors who had been thrown into the water managed to swim to shore, and were captured by the enemy, whose wicked ruler the next day ordered them to be beheaded before our very eyes. Roused to anger by this, our men took the Turkish prisoners whom they had in captivity, and slaughtered them cruelly on the walls in full view of their fellows. In this way the war was made more savage by a mixture of impiety and cruelty. After this the Sultan pretended that he was willing to make peace. Spies brought back the false news that he repented of his actions, and had only entered upon the campaign because he had been provoked by the Hungarians; and he sent an embassy to negotiate 24

terms. But it became clear that his protestations were not sincere, when he refused to demolish the castle which he had built on the Propontis, or to restore the areas which he had laid waste. We were even more doubtful, because of the impossibility of trusting the Sultan, who had never held to any oath or treaty; why should our savage and treacherous enemy now be seeking an armistice ? After making inquiries, I found that it was their custom, before engaging in a general battle, to give their opponents the opportunity of coming to terms. Provided that this had been done, they could be confident that their god favoured them, and was not angry with them for making war. So knowing that this was but trickery on his part, we committed our safety to God, counting our days in bitterness of heart, and making a show of placating Him by repentance, litanies and sacrifices, incense and prayer; and we proclaimed that our soldiers should fast, so that the One God should deign to fight on our side. But of what benefit are prayers raised up to God, if they are not from the heart; if the hands are defiled, and the hearts themselves are impious and without faith ? Our iniquities had separated us from God, and our Sabbaths, our Kalends, our incense and our sacrifices were turned to abomination; so instead of the kindly God for whom we had hoped, we found an avenger of our sins. Our numbers were small indeed, and the greater part of the Greeks were men of peace, using their shields and spears, their bows and swords, according to the light of nature rather than with any skill, The majority had helmets, and body armour of metal or leather, and fought with swords and spears. Those who were skilled in the use of bow or cross-bow were not enough to man all the ramparts, and had to do the best they could, according to their knowledge and ability. The Turks were brave and came to fight at close quarters, so that many of them died. But what if a hundred fell in a day, when their casualties, however large in number, were at once replaced by many more ? If one of our own men, on the her hand, was killed, we wept as if we had lost a hundred, particuarI if he had been of a stout heart. 'Ice Greeks numbered at the most six thousand fighting men. The , Genoese, Venetians and those who had come secretly to help roe, Pera, were hardly as many as three thousand. Of what account 25

could we be, swallowed up by the lion's mouth, the ant in the mouth of the bear ? What avails one against a thousand ? In fact, our forces were scarcely enough to defend the circuit of the city, which was surrounded and besieged by land and sea, a distance of eighteen thousand paces. Again, what traitors were among the Greeks, what greedy betrayers of their country ! Their needy Emperor begged them again and again to lend him money to pay his soldiers, but they swore that they had none, because the poverty of the times had exhausted their resources. Yet their enemies later found wealth enough among them. Nevertheless, a few did of their own free will make an offering. The Cardinal, indeed, made the greatest efforts to help where he could, particularly in strengthening the towers and the wall. The Emperor in his perplexity did not know what he should do about this situation. He sought the counsel of his ministers, who advised that the citizens should not be molested because of the difficulty of the times, but that they should resort to the sacred utensils. He therefore gave orders that the consecrated vessels of the Lord should be taken from the churches and melted down, as we read that the Romans also did in time of necessity, and that from them coins should be struck and given to the soldiers, the sappers and the builders, who selfishly cared so little for the public welfare that they were refusing to go to their work unless they were first paid. In this critical state of affairs, it was clear to the Emperor that when he had disposed his forces to the best of his ability upon the ramparts, only the outer wall and the foss of the city could be properly protected. So it was with little confidence in the small number of his troops that he faced the battle, and he placed all his hopes in Giovanni Giustiniani his commander. All would have been well indeed, if the fates had been favourable to us. The Emperor took up his position by that part of the walls of Saint Romanus which had been repaired, where the battle was raging more fiercely, Giustiniani being placed near him with three hundred of his fellow soldiers from Genoa, their equipment bright and gleaming, together with a picked force of the most active Greeks. IVlaurizio Cataneo, a noble of Genoa, was in charge of the section 26

between the Pighi (that is, Fountain) Gate and the Golden Gate, with two hundred crossbowmen, including a few Greeks, opposite a wooden fortress covered with ox hides, and fought with distinction. The brothers Paolo, Troilo and Antonio de Bochiarcli bore the brunt of the battle bravely at the Miliandron, a point at which the city was in grave danger, at their own expense and providing their own equipment, exercising the greatest vigilance by night and by day, with their fearful guns and cross-bows. With such spirit did they repulse attacks from the enemy's infantry and cavalry, that they seemed to be equal in strength to Horatius Codes himself. Nothing frightened them, not the walls collapsing under the fire which was directed against them, nor the multitude of engines of war which the enemy possessed, and they have assured for themselves a lasting fame. Theodorus Charistinus, an aged but vigorous Greek, most skilled with the bow, the Greek Theophilus Palaeologus, of noble lineage and deep scholarship, both Catholics, with the German engineer John, saw to the repairs and defence of the damaged portions of Caligaria. Contarini, the most notable of the Venetians, was in charge of the Golden Gate and the adjacent towers as far as the sea, and discharged his duty manfully against the enemy. The rest of the Greeks were distributed along the battlements to strengthen the defenders on the landward and seaward sides. The defence of the mpenal Palace was entrusted to Girolamo Minoto, the Venetian Bai to. The Cardinal, whose counsel was always available, protected the parter of Saint Demetrius facing the sea, and the Catalan consul was assigned to the tower before the Hippodrome. On the Eastern shore, Lucas Notaras was ready to bring help where needed, to [wotect the harbour or any part of the waterfront. Girolamo Italian° and Leonard de Langasco of Genoa, with many allies, were watching 0 'er the Xyloporta and the towers called Aveniades, which had n repaired at the expense of the Cardinal. he priests and monks were spread along the walls, keeping tch for the sake of their country's safety. Gabriel Trivisan, a tian noble and captain of the light galleys, defended most tily the stretch from the tower of Phanari to the Imperial Gate, 27

t

with four hundred excellent men of Venice. * Andrea Diedo, captain of the great galleys, was so afraid for the triremes, rather than the harbour, that he was given the task of guarding them with the remaining troops. The sound of trumpets and cries of defiance from the armed ships challenged the enemy to battle. Demetrius Cantacuzenus the father-in-law and Nicola Gudelli the son-in-law of Nicephorus Palaeologus were kept with him in reserve, in charge of a number of soldiers who could move quickly to any point in the city. The soldiers, their captains and the more recent levies were disposed in this way, and now that it was clear that a general attack was imminent, we settled ourselves to await it. More than once we found the Greeks, who were afraid, leaving their posts on the excuse of attending to their fields or vines, or seeking relaxation. Some, even those who appeared to be reliable, claimed that their families needed attention; others blamed the fact that they had no money, * The translation printed above represents the sentence which appears in the printed texts of Leonard's letter. The Vatican manuscript, however, has two sentences as follows: gabriel trivisano suptilium galearum (prefectus omitted) nobilis venetus cordatissime a porta chinigo, usque ad turrim fanarii cum quadringentis venetis egregitis decertabat. a turi vero fanarii usque ad basiliscam, iciest imperialem portam Lodovicus et Antonius bembi fratres magni egregiique animi viri cum centum quinquaginta venetis vivacissime deffensabant. We may render this, 'Gabriel Trivisan, captain Of the light galleys and a noble of Venice, fought most heartily from the Chinigo Gate to the tower of Phanari with four hundred fine Venetian soldiers. The area between the tower of Phanari and the Basilica, or Imperial, Gate, was stoutly defended by Lodovico and Antonio Bembo, two brave and noble brothers, with a hundred and fifty Venetian soldiers.'

0

LC

It looks as if Bzovius, whose transcription of the Vatican manuscript is the basis of our printed texts, made an error here. But oddly enough, Zorzi Dolfin, who includes Leonard's list of the commanders and their stations as well as the other list, based on Pusculus, which is printed here, also made the same omission. Were they both using a different manuscript (of which there are several), or was there some reason for blotting out the names of the Bembo brothers from history ?

28

and were compelled to go seeking work to earn it. When I reproached them with their absence, saying that they were putting not only themselves but the whole of Christendom in danger, they answered, `How can I think of the army, when my family is in want ?' and the greatest efforts were necessary before they would return to guard the walls. Because of this, the enemy were able to take advantage of our reduced numbers, and with the greatest audacity they used hooks to drag down the barrels which we had placed on top of the walls where they had been broken down. There were also times when, to our shame, they used nets to drag back a huge stone, which had fallen into the ditch after their great cannon had hurled it against the walls, and fired it again. Where were our guardians then, where our wandering soldiers, where were our own cannon balls, to drive them away, or at least keep them from acting in this manner ? An evil omen indeed; and what, I asked, will happen when their army like the raging Tigris rushes upon us ? After this, the order was given that bread should be distributed equally among the dependants of the soldiers, so that they should not have the excuse for leaving their posts that they needed to take care of them, and so that the people should not have to fear starvation even more than the sword, as a result of the activities of some, drinkers of human blood, who either hid food or raised the price of it. But it was the lack of organisation, rather than this particular wickedness, which caused our suffering. The Emperor lacked firmness, and those who neglected to obey his orders were neither chastised nor put to death. So each one followed his own inclinations, and they soothed the Emperor's anger with flatteries in their usual way. That good man, so wickedly mocked by his own subjects, preferred to pretend that he did not see the wrongs that were being clone. Meanwhile Giovanni Giustiniani our commander, the guardian of all our fortunes, realised from the proclamations made in the Turkish camp that battle would soon be joined, and speedily set about repairing the walls where they had been damaged by gunfire. He asked the Megadux Lucas Notaras for the cannon which belonged to the city, so that he could use them against the enemy. In reply he received a haughty refusal. 'Now who will stop me,' Giustiniani 9

t

Le

cried, 'from running you through with my sword ?' Notaras was outraged at this insult, particularly since it had been levelled at him by a Latin, and from this moment onwards was even more remiss in providing supplies with which to carry on the fighting; and the rest of the Greeks were full of animosity towards the Latins, because the glory of saving the city had been given to them. Giustiniani, however, set about restoring the walls and the ranks of the defenders, with the assistance of Giovanni and Maurizio Cataneo at the head of their soldiers, Giovanni de Careto, Paolo Bochiardo, Giovanni de Fornaris, Tommaso de Salvatici, Lodovisi Gattilusi, Giovanni Illyrico and a number of Greeks who had been pressed into service. The Sultan looked on these preparations with admiration, saying, `How I should like to have this noble captain Giustiniani in my service !' He did indeed try to bribe him with gifts and a large sum of money, but was unable to make any impression upon him. The task of protecting the foss and the outer wall was a heavy one for us. I had always advised against this, and recommended that we should put our trust in the lofty inner walls, and not leave them. Although these were damaged by weather or neglect, and not defended by proper battlements, they could have been repaired at the beginning when plans were being made for the war, and they should have been so repaired and guarded; if they had not been deserted, they would have provided a safe defence for the city. Now what can I say ? Shall I blame the Emperor, whom I always held in the greatest honour and respect, and whose good faith towards the Roman Church I perceived, except for the times when he was overcome by timidity ? Or should I rather blame those whose duty it was to repair the fortifications ? Oh, you whose souls are surely damned, Manuel Jagarus, formerly so poor, and Neophytus the hieromonk of Rhodes ! I should call you robbers, not protectors of the city! Money was put in your charge as if you were your country's guardians, and entrusted to you as if it were the property of the intestate, but you spent it; it should have been expended upon the walls, but it found its way into your hands. The first of these treacherous slaves received a sum of almost twenty thousand florins, and they later left a treasure of seventy thousand hidden in a jar for the Turks. Such was the way in which the city perished, because of the neglect shown by these robbers. 30

But since the Greeks stand convicted of folly in all their works, it is no wonder that this famous monument, such a remarkable undertaking of their holy emperors, this protection for the whole, city, should become the prey of brigands. And when at last they decided to repair it, two things were lacking, time and money. They might have gained both of them, if they had looked ahead to the war which was coming; but their native folly and procrastination prevented them from doing so. For this reason they placed all their hope in the ditches and the outer wall, and once these had been lost, they were confined to the high wall which they had abandoned, and left without facilities. How much more prudent were the Hebrews, who after losing one wall moved back to the second and then to the third, and so resisted the siege of Vespasian and Titus for four years! Meanwhile spies had brought news from the enemy camp that a number of ships and galleys had been sent from Italy to bring aid, and that John Hunyadi, commonly called Blanc, at the head of a Hungarian force, was approaching the Danube with the intention of attacking the Turks. There was great excitement and much argument among them at these tidings. 'Why,' they said, 'is our army being endangered by such delays ? We shall never succeed against such fortifications.' And so they began to shout against their Sultan. For in spite of their numbers, in spite of the unceasing supply of missiles with which they had battered the city in preparation for an assault, they were nevertheless timid, lacking in spirit and by no means confident of victory. This was because Halil Pasha, the Sultan's chief vizier, whose word carried great weight because of -his wisdom and his experience of warfare, and who was well disposed towards Christians, had always advised the Sultan to leave Constantinople alone. He said that it could not be captured because of the natural strength of its position, its abundant supply of all necessities, and the fact that it was defended by Latins as well as by Greeks. It had withstood assaults by his father and his ancestors before him in the past, and what was worse, all the kings and princes of Christendom would be quickly provoked by any attack to come to its aid. 'Let your subjects enjoy peace,' he said, 'and do not make enemies of the Genoese and their neighbours the Venetians, who have always acted for your benefit, and draw upon yourself at the 31

same time the anger of the other Christian nations. Your power is already very great, and you are more likely to increase it in time of peace than by making war. The end of war is always uncertain; but adversity attends it more often than prosPerity.' Zagan, who was younger, and the Sultan's second vizier, an enemy to the Christians and also jealous of Hall's position, pointed out the enormous extent of his master's power, which no one could withstand, and therefore advised an assault upon the Greeks, whose resources were so limited. Their own forces would easily be able to raze the walls with cannon fire, while the Greeks on the other hand lacked the advantage of large numbers, and were already weakened and wearied by daily toil. They would easily be overcome, and could expect no aid from Italy; Halil should not try to change the Sultan's mind with that argument, which was false. The Genoese were divided among themselves, the Venetians were being attacked by the Duke of Milan, and neither would send. help. Turahan, general in charge of the armies of Thrace, did not dare to support Hall's proposal, so he also encouraged the Sultan to follow an aggressive policy. The Chief Eunuch, who was the third vizier, supported him. The junior generals therefore cried out to the Sultan. 'Who is trying to take away our n ative valour, and fill us with fear ? Our unconquered Prince should make great plans, and attempt great things, and bear himself magnificently, whatever the event.' Zagan, when he saw that the majority was on his side, added, let us attack, my Lord; with the help of the heavenly powers, you will win great glory by your victory.' The Sultan, excited by these words, replied. 'Yes, let us try our fortunes. Has my power become less than that of Alexander of Macedon, who with a smaller force made the whole world obey him ? Did my father, my grandfather or his father before him bring such an army and such engines of war to bear upon the city ? Choose the day of battle, Zagan, and put your forces in order. Set a guard around Pera, to prevent them from bringing help to our enemies, and let all the preparations for battle be made promptly.' As soon as Hall the chief vizier realised that the advice of his rival Zagan had found favour with the Sultan, and that the assault was certain to take place, he sent information secretly by his most trusted messengers to advise the Emperor of all that had passed, 32

and to urge him not to be frightened by the follies of an intoxicated youth. They were not to be afraid of an enemy who should himself have been fearful, or feel disquiet at the sight of a mob of unskilled soldiers; their guards should be ever watchful, and they should be prepared at all times to give battle. It was, of course, no novelty for messages to be carried from Hall to the Emperor. In the Sultan's camp it was now proclaimed that for the three days preceding Tuesday the twenty-ninth of May they should light bright fires and call upon their god, fasting the whole day long and preparing themselves for battle, to make a general assault upon the Christians. The heralds cried at the top of their voices that it was their ruler's will that the city should be given to the soldiers for three days to sack. The Sultan swore by their immortal god, by the four thousand prophets, by Mahomet, by the soul of his father and by the sword with which he was girded, that his warriors would be granted the right to sack everything, to take everyone, male or female, and all property or treasure which was in the city; and that under no circumstances would he break this oath. Oh! if you had heard their voices raised to heaven, crying Illala, Mahomet Russolalla!' which means, 'God is, and will be for ever, and Mahomet is his servant,' you would have been struck dumb with amazement. And it was done as he had ordered: for three days they kept fires burning to their god, and fasted by day, touching no food until nightfall. Greeting and celebrating with one another, they saluted each other with kisses, as if they were certain of going to the shades below when the day of battle came. We for our part were amazed at such religious fervour, and begged God with copious tears to be well disposed towards us. We carried the sacred images in a remorseful procession around the ramparts and through the city, and with crowds of men and women following bare-footed, we begged with penitent hearts that the Lord should not let His inheritance be overthrown, and that He should deign to stretch out His hand for the sake of His followers in this dreadful battle, since God alone and no other could now aid the Christians in the struggle. And so, after placing all our hope in God, we were comforted, and awaited the appointed day of battle with renewed strength. The Emperor then called together his senate and his ministers, 33

his officers and his soldiers, and spoke to them as follows. 'Men of noble birth, leaders in warfare and fellow-soldiers. Now that we see the day of battle approaching, I have decided to bring you together in this place to make it clear to you that you must stand together even more firmly. You have battled gloriously against the enemies of Christ at all times, and now your home, your city famed through all the world, which these evil heathen Turks have besieged for two and fifty days, is committed to your brave spirits alone to preserve it. Do not be afraid because the walls have been broken down by the force of the enemy's fire; your strength lies in the protection of God, and you must use it by turning the power of your arms and the force of your weapons against your enemies. I know that their untrained mob of soldiers will begin as usual with loud cries and volleys of arrows from afar. These will not harm your bodies, which I see are well armoured, but will fall upon the walls, on our breastplates and on our shields. So do not follow the example of the Roman cavalry, when they were fighting against the Carthaginians, and allowed themselves to be terrified by the horrid sight of their elephants; you must not be dismayed or put to flight in this battle by their cries, but you should rather be filled with courage to resist even more strongly. It is only animals who fly from animals; you are men, full of valour, and will meet these beasts as men should. Drive your spears and your swords into them as if they were wild boars, and let them know that they will be fighting, not against other animals, but with men, who are their masters.' `You know that our faithless and treacherous enemy has disturbed our peace without cause. He has broken his oath and the treaty agreed between us. He has massacred our husbandmen at harvest time, and laid waste our estates. He has built a fortress on the Propontis, to swallow up the Christians as it were, and has surrounded Galata, feigning peace all the while. Now he is threatening to capture the city of Constantine the Great, your home, the place to which every Christian fugitive turned for aid, and the guardian of all Greece; and he swears that he will turn the holy shrines of God into horse-stalls.' `My nobles, my brothers, my sons, the eternal reputation of Christendom is in your hands now to defend. You brave Genoese, renowned for your victories without number, who have always 34

protected this city, your mother, in so many battles fought with the Turks, now show your strength and your spirit manfully against them. Men of Venice, you have shown your ability times without number, your swords have shed Turkish blood in the past, and in our own time, under Loredan the most excellent captain of our fleet, you have sent many heathen ships and souls to the bottom of the sea. You have adorned this city as if it were your own with fine and noble men; now let your lofty spirits be exalted in preparation for the contest. Finally, my fellow-soldiers, show obedience to your superiors in all things, and know that this is the day of your glory; if but a drop of your blood is shed, you will earn for yourselves a martyr's crown and glory everlasting.' When he had finished speaking, all the Christians gathered there swore that they would stand firm. Then the Emperor replied, 'Be ready then to show your mettle tomorrow; and with God's help we may hope to gain the victory.' The Greeks, who up to this point had been timidly shrinking from the fight, were comforted and encouraged. They put their private affairs on one side, and promptly joined together to prepare for the coming battle on which their safety depended. The guarding of the walls was divided among the different leaders, captains, tribunes, centurions and decurions, and all through the night which preceded the battle they kept watch intently by the foss, after closing the gates of the city so that no one could go back inside. They could hear siege equipment being got ready, wheeled towers being moved up and scaling ladders being brought forward to the ramparts. The Turkish fleet was placed so that it covered the harbour and the seaward side of the city, and their bridge was brought over to the city side of the harbour. All their equipment was ready in every particular, and placed during the night in the charge of their weaker and less effective soldiers, so that when daylight came their best troops were fresh. The attack began; and we put up a fierce resistance, beating them back with gunfire and shots from our cross-bows, the losses being about equal on each side. As drawn struggled through the darkness, we began to gain the advantage. The stars faded, and Lucifer heralded the rising of Phoebus, while trumpets rang out loudly on both sides, and drums sounded. Meanwhile their cries of 'Biala, 35

Illala,' rose high, even above the other sounds, as a challenge to battle, and their army in a tightly packed mass continued to press against us. We replied with a shower of deadly missiles, and by discharging our weapons into the midst of their throng. The firmness of the resistance shown by the Christians caused their ranks to break, yet their cries rose to the heights, and their flags were unfurled still more eagerly. One could only marvel at the brutes: their army was being annihilated, and yet they dared to approach the foss again and again. The Turks fell beneath a shower of stones which killed many of them, but trampling on their fellows, they kept trying to climb the wall where it was damaged. We repelled them with all our force, although many on our side were now wounded, and shrank from further fighting. But our commander Giustiniani still stood in his place, and the rest of our officers still manned their own sections of the battlements. `Aha!' cried the Emperor. 'My brave soldiers, the enemy's attack is growing weaker, and the crown of victory is securely in our grasp. God is on our side; fight on I' At this moment, such was the city's misfortune, Giovanni Giustiniani was struck by an arrow in the armpit. Like a boy unused to war, he trembled at the sight of his own blood, and feared for his life. In order not to dishearten his soldiers, who did not yet know that he had been wounded, he left the ranks with the intention of seeking a physician in secret. And if he had appointed a substitute to take his place, the city would not have been lost. The battle was still raging furiously, when the Emperor noticed that Giustiniani was missing, and went in great distress to see where he had gone. When our soldiers saw that they were without a leader, they began to retreat from their positions. At this point the fury of the Turkish attack increased, while our own troops were filled with dread; they were all anxiously longing to hear, from their position of danger, what had happened. But by an oversight on the part of their officers, who should have kept them informed, at each stage of the battle, of the reverses and successes which had occurred, this was not done. Our soldiers therefore began to feel weariness overcoming them, and retreated for a moment under the pressure of the enemy's attack from the Bachaturean wall, which they had repaired. When tE

36

the Turks saw this, they decided that it was possible to cross on the level, because the ruins of the wall had filled the ditch. 'To the attack!' they cried, and in an urgent throng they climbed the wa 1 in one rush. Fixing their flags upon it, they shouted cries of victory, attacked us with their swords, and did their utmost to destroy us or force us to surrender. When the unhappy Emperor saw that his commander-in-chief had given up the fight, he cried, `Ah, woe is me! Is the city then lost ? Stay, captain, I beg you; your flight will encourage others to do the same. Your wound is not mortal; bear the pain and stay at your post like a man, as you promised to do.' But Giustiniani, forgetting where his glory and his salvation lay, now showed a cowardice so great that it can be compared only to the high mettle that he had displayed before this time. If he had any manhood in him, he should not have retreated, as long as he could bear the pain of his wound; and at the very least, he should have appointed another to take his place. Because of this, the morale of our soldiers was weakened, and they followed their captain as he fled, hoping to save themselves. 'Give the key of the gate,' Giustiniani cried, 'to my followers,' and as soon as it was unlocked they were packed together in a mass in their efforts to get through it. When the gate had been opened their captain fled to Pera, and after sailing to Chios died ingloriously, either as a result of his wound, or from shame. The Emperor then, seeking to avoid capture, cried, 'Which of my brave young soldiers will run me through now with my own sword, in God's name, so that his sovereign may not be handed over to our crafty foes ?' At this moment Theophilus Palaeologus, a Catholic, said, Now that the city is lost, I cannot continue to live.' For a while he survived, battling against the press of Turks, and was then cleft in two by an axe. In the same way Giovanni Schiavo the Illyrian, fighting like another Hercules, killed many of them before an enemy sword brought his life to a close. Many of the defenders were crushed to death after this, as they tried to reach the gate. The Emperor was caught up among these, fell and rose again, then fell once more; and in this throng the ruler of their country lost his life. In these circumstances about- eight hundred men on our side perished, trampling one another down in the approach to the gate. 37

it-,0 7 4,5 ;

Then the Turks overran the rest of the outer wall, from the top of which they aimed stones at any of us who were within range. One detachment which had climbed over it came at us, all shouting together, and forced us to withdraw. Hearing the noise of flight, and seeing the fugitives, Paolo and Troilo Bochiardi, Latin citizens of Constantinople, with a few vigorous Greeks and Latins mounted on horses, drove straight at the enemy, who, thinking that their numbers were greater than they really were, turned to retreat. Paolo spurred his horse at the Turks, drove his spear through one of them, and sent the others running back. But then, because they were in danger of being overwhelmed by stones fired from above, he cried to Troilo, 'Alas, the city is lost ! Now we are lost also, if the enemy can surround us.' Then he received a blow on the head and was rescued, streaming with blood, and escaped to Galata with his brother. Imagine our amazement at such an astonishing turn of events ! The orb of Phoebus had not yet shown half of itself over the horizon, and the whole city was in the hands of the pagans, for them to sack. Their soldiers ran eagerly through it, putting to the sword all who resisted, slaughtering the aged and the feeble-minded, the lepers and the infirm, while they spared those of the rest who surrendered to them. The heathen infidels entered Sancta Sophia, the wonderful shrine of the Holy Wisdom, which not even the temple of Solomon could equal, and showed no respect for the sacred altars or holy images, but destroyed them, and gouged the eyes from the saints. They broke and scattered their holy relics too, and then their sacrilegious hands reached out for the sacred vessels of God, and they stuffed their pouches with gold and silver taken from the holy images and from the sacred vessels. Screams and cries rose to the heavens, and everyone of both sexes, and all the precious metal and property of all kinds in the city, were subject to their pillage. With axes they broke open our store-chests, and dug in the earth in their search for valuables, which they found, both new and old, in such abundance, that no city in this age could show the like for wealth. All that had been hidden away now passed into their hands. 0 you Greeks, whom we pitied in your wretchedness, because of the poverty which you feigned! Now at last there came to light that wealth which you refused to offer to your country ! After ranging through the city for three days, the Turks left it 38

to their Sultan. All the valuables and other booty were taken to their camp, and as many as sixty thousand Christians who had been captured. The crosses which had been placed on the roofs or the walls of churches were torn down and trampled. Women were raped, virgins deflowered and youths forced to take part in shameful obscenities. The nuns left behind, even those who were obviously such, were disgraced with foul debaucheries. 0 Lord, how Thy anger against us now appeared, how mercilessly Thy face was turned from Thy faithful! What shall I say ? Shall I be silent, or shall I tell of the insults cast at our Saviour and at the images of the Saints ? Pardon me, o Lord, if I speak of this abominable crime. What confusion awaits the Christians, if they are slow to avenge the injuries done to Christ their God! They cast the consecrated images of God's saints upon the ground, and then over them satisfied not only their drunkenness but their lust as well. After this they paraded the Crucifix in mocking procession through their camp, beating drums before it, crucifying the Christ again with spitting and blasphemies and curses. They placed the Turkish cap which they call a zarchula upon His head, and jeeringly cried, 'This is the God of the Christians!' Oh, the patience of God! Well mayest Thou seem angry, blessed Jesu, at having to suffer undeservedly such injuries for our sakes a second time ! Now that victory was theirs, the Turks made merry and kept riotous holiday. It happened now that the Sultan in his state of intoxication desired to mix some human blood with the juice of the grape. He therefore called to him Lucas Notaras and the other Greek nobles, attacking them for not having persuaded the Emperor to sue for peace or to surrender the city. Notaras, who had made up his mind to win Mehmet's favour, did his best to cast the blame upon the citizens of Pera and the Venetians, who by providing arms and soldiers and skilled advice had stiffened the Emperor's resistance; and of his own free will this wretch, who had always lusted after glory, with his falsehoods and attempts at schism, tried to ape by the same means, and made accusations against Halil 1'; iha, the wisest and most senior of the Turkish viziers. He said Halil was extremely well disposed towards the Greeks, had Nst sent letters to the Emperor, had dissuaded him from making pace, and had persuaded him to stand firm. To prove this, he 39

presented the Sultan with the letters which had been preserved. This roused Mehmet to a fury, and his first thought, which God alone restrained him from putting into practice, was that the city of Pera, which had just fallen into his hands, should be demolished and its inhabitants put to the sword. He then ordered that Halil should be bound and imprisoned, and deprived of all his wealth and property; and after this, gave instructions that he was to be removed to Adrianople, and deprived of his life. The whole army mourned his death most bitterly. Notaras, however, did not escape punishment for his malice. His two eldest sons had been killed earlier in the fighting, and another, who had not yet reached manhood, was set aside to serve the Sultan's pleasures. This third son was put to death before his father's eyes, and then he, together with other nobles, was killed. Mehmet also ordered the Venetian Bailo and his son, together with other selected nobles of Venice, to be put to the sword, and also the Catalan consul and his two sons. He would certainly also have had Catarin Contarini, a fine gentleman, and six other Venetian nobles, put to death against all good faith, since they had already been ransomed, if they had not bought their lives with seven thousand pieces of gold. When their drunken celebrations were over, the Turkish army was dismissed, and they returned to their own country, taking their Greek captives, many of whom were never to see their homes again. O wretched and pitiful Greeks ! You debarred the Latins from having contact with your religion, and from worshipping at your altars; now you have yielded these same altars up to profane and polluted heathen. You scorned to be united in One Faith; now as a punishment for your sin, you are yourselves scattered, and cannot join together again. Think on this, most blessed Father, Vicar of Christ on earth, whose concern it is to avenge the injuries done to our Lord and to His faithful servants. Let divine compassion move you to take pity on your Christian subjects. You know the circumstances, and it is in your power to act; at your nod every Christian prince will soon be ready to avenge the injuries done to his fellow Christians. And if you do not do so, you should know that the Sultan's arrogance has reached such heights, that he is not ashamed to boast of his 40

intention of penetrating as far as the Adriatic, and reaching Rome. Be moved therefore again, most blessed Father, by your Faith and the seat of Peter; by the seamless garment of Christ, the sponge and the sword which have been lost; by the shattered relics of the Saints, the sacred shrines overthrown, and the churches of God profaned with ordure. Another calamity followed upon the loss of Constantinople. When the inhabitants of Pera saw that the city had fallen, they made frantic attempts to escape. Those of them who did not manage to board their ships before the Turkish vessels reached their side of the harbour were captured; mothers were taken and their children left, or the reverse, as the case might be; and many were overcome by the sea, and drowned in it. Jewels were scattered about, and they preyed on one another without pity. It is true, indeed, that 'the wicked flee, though none pursue.' What can I say next, o Podesta of Pera, to describe the wickedness and the folly of the inhabitants of your city ? A terror-stricken embassy was sent from Pera to the Sultan to offer him the keys of the gates. He received this evidence of their lack of power with pleasure, and accepted them as his allies, or rather slaves. A Turkish governor was appointed, and all the property of those who had escaped was annexed to his treasury. He ordered the towers and wall of the city to be overthrown, and they obeyed, subjecting themselves to his orders for the sake of their own safety, and neglecting the instructions which they had had from Genoa. They also allowed the tower to be completely demolished, which took its name from the cross of Christ on. its highest point. So thOse who were once free and lived in peace are now slaves, repenting their errors. Nor can they ever be relieved from this condition, unless by your agency as our Pope; and in the assurance that God will inspire you to retaliation, we make this request and come as suppliants before you. Given at Chios, the 16th day of August 1453.

41

LAONICUS CHALCOCONDYLAS

Turkish History Book VIII, 201-214 The following summer, Mehmet son of Murat prepared a great quantity of lime in Asia, and set about building a fortress called. Laemocopia (`Cut-Throat') on the European side of the Bosphorus by the Propontis, where the crossing from Asia is narrowest. Here he gathered all his workmen from Asia and Europe, divided the fortress into sections which were assigned to the individual officers and commanders, and built it. He did this in order to protect his route over to Asia, in case the Westerners should come in their ships and bar his passage, while inspiring a revolution against him in Asia. He also intended that it should be of assistance to him in his siege of Constantinople. Three towers were built, greater than any others known to us, two of them being placed along the shore, as a base for defence against any attack by sea. The whole construction' was massive, and the towers were roofed with lead; the walls were twenty-two feet in thickness, and the towers even stronger, being thirty feet thick. After three months, when the building of it was completed, he overran the territory of Constantinople, and declared war on the city. The following winter he sent Turahan to the Peloponnese, to carry on warfare with the Greek Emperor's brothers. He took as much of the army of Thessaly and Europe as was at Pherae and under the command of the general of Europe, and campaigned against the Peloponnese, taking his sons with him, and the rulers of the cities of Thessaly and Macedonia. In his campaign he reached the interior of the country, the area called Arcadia in ancient times, and after pressing on through Tegea and Mantinea, went as far as the neighbourhood of Ithome and Messenia. For a number of days he plundered their cattle there, and then subdued Neopolichne. After this, he laid siege to Sideropolichne, but could not capture it, 42

and. so withdrew his army and began to follow the high road back. At this stage his younger son Achmat was captured by Asen the brother of the wife of the ruler of the Peloponnese, who laid in ambush for him in the neighbourhood of Mycenae, near which he was bound to pass on his return journey. Until he was returned, he was taken to Sparta, to the ruler of the Peloponnese, and kept under guard. The following year, at the beginning of spring, Mehmet son of Murat began his attack upon Constantinople. He had previously decided to do this as soon as he had built the fortress of Laemocopia by the Propontis. And while that part was still gripped by winter, he sent instructions everywhere in Asia and Europe, that ships were to be built near the coast, and he had cargo vessels and fighting ships prepared. He also had cannon made, greater than any which had previously been known. When he felt that the time had come for him to begin his attack, he first of all sent Saruja, his general in Europe, to take his European army and transport the cannon, particularly the largest one, and the rest of his siege equipment, to Constantinople. This largest cannon was of such a size that it was drawn by seventy yoke of oxen, and about two thousand men. On the approach of Saruja, the country folk in the neighbourhood of Constantinople took refuge in their strongholds, and he began by starving them out or capturing them by superioi force, after which the male captives were put to death. Then he advanced further, and overran the whole area around the city. Shortly afterwards, the Sultan himself approached, and placed his forces so that they extended from one sea to another. The whole of his Asian army was arranged on his right, as far as the gate called Golden, and. on his left, up to the gate called Wooden, were his European troops. In the centre the Sultan himself took up his position, with the janissaries and the troops of his own household. Zagan, the Sultan's father-in-law, was positioned on the opposite side above the city of Galata. It is said that at this time there were about four hundred thousand men in his army, while in his camp there would have been twice as many beasts of burden. These are, of course, usually found in greater numbers than men in military encampments, to carry supplies and food to the horses and men. 43

But only these people, of any whom we know, not only make certain of their supplies, when campaigning, by taking enough camels and mules with them to meet their needs, but also use them as a source of enjoyment, each one being eager to show the finest mules or horses or camels. Soon after the arrival of the Sultan his fleet appeared, consisting of thirty triremes and about two hundred smaller vessels. When the Greeks saw that the Sultan's fleet was coming against them they stretched an iron chain across the water from the city on the other side to the wall of Constantinople, near what is called the Acropolis. Then they stationed by this chain the ships which they had there, which had come to bring reinforcements or for the sake of trade. In this way they hoped to prevent the Sultan's fleet from entering the harbour of Constantinople, which- stretches inwards by the side of the city for eighty stades, and for a hundred and fifty stades further inland. The walls along this section of the city were not very strong, and there were no swift currents to make difficulties for ships sailing along them. But on the landward side the city had two walls, one very large and worthy of note, the other smaller, and built outside it overlooking the foss, the latter being built in. stone, and a plethron in width.* The Emperor debated with the Greeks, and decided to meet the attack at the outer wall, which overlooked the foss, following the tactics which they had previously used against Murat when he had besieged the city. Meanwhile, the Sultan had promptly placed his siege machines and other equipment in various places around the city, and was proceeding to batter the walls with shot from his two great cannon. One of these was placed opposite the Emperor's palace, and the other opposite the gate called Romanus, where Mehmet himself had taken up his position. There were also many smaller cannon which fired at the Greeks from all quarters. Each of the two largest cannon fired shot of over two talents (i.e., over one hundred pounds) in weight. These stone shot were black in colour, and were transported to his camp, it is said, from the Black * Both `plethron' and `stade' seem here to be about half the length of these units in classical times: they were originally equivalent approximately to zoo feet and a furlong.

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Sea by carriers specially assigned to this task. The Sultan's cannonmaster was called Orban, a Dacian by birth, who had previously been with the Greeks, but had left them because he did not have enough to live on. He presented himself before the Sultan, who hired him for a large sum, and set about making cannon for him. They were fired in the following manner. First of all the two smaller cannon wnich stood beside the large one fired their shot, which weighed half a talent. These missiles caused some preliminary damage to the walls. Then they fired the largest cannon, with shot weighing over three talents, which broke down a large section of the wall, the shot being carried with such devilish force and irresistible impetus that it caused irreparable damage. It is said that the report of it was so loud that the ground was shaken for a distance of forty stades round about it. Both the outer and the inner walls were struck by cannon shot. The largest cannon was fired seven times a day, with one shot while it was still dark, as a signal of the coming dawn when it would begin firing again. So at the very beginning of the siege the Greeks had to contend with the panic caused by this frightening method of attack. The janissaries and the rest of the army, in their white and red caps, prepared shelters, and carried them from their camp to the wall and the foss of the city. They then dug trenches outside the foss, and made openings in the earth which was thrown up, through which they could fire their cannon at the Greeks, and shoot arrows at them without exposing themselves, and without suffering any other trouble at their hands; for it was not possible to hit them there. The Sultan also had tunnels driven underground leading towards the wall. His miners made four towers with all their superstructure stand in the air on props, with the intention of throwing in fire at these points. But still their mines did not succeed, for when the Greeks realised that the enemy was digging tunnels, they too began to dig, until they reached the Sultan's miners and drove them out. The Turks also made a wooden tower of great size, and a large number of ladders in it leading to the top, with the idea that by using these they might make a successful attempt on the walls. Such were the preparations made on land by the Sultan for the ,t4, tack on the city. And since he was unable to penetrate the harbour 1,y sea and attack the city in this way from all sides, he hit upon the 45

plan of dragging the ships up past the camp of Zagan Pasha, and running them down into the harbour. In this way he dragged part of his fleet over the hill, with sails hoisted and oars moving, until they slid down to the harbour beach. He transported some seventy vessels in this manner, of thirty or fifty oars, all ready to set sail in the harbour the very next day; while near the water his gunners stood by their cannon, to repel any attempt to prevent them from being launched. When the Greeks saw the ships all in readiness along the shore of the harbour, they decided to man the vessels which were available to them, and attack them, to burn them if possible. But the Turks saw them coming, and fired their cannon, hitting two of their thirtyoared vessels, which sank immediately, drowning those of their crews who could not swim. Those who swam to the shore, on the other hand, were captured by the Turks, who led them at daybreak to the city gates and put them to death. There were some Turkish captives whom the Greeks were keeping in chains, and these they dragged to the battlements, and slew them in, full view of the enemy, thus evening the score as far as prisoners were concerned. The Turkish ships which had been dragged across to the harbour now took to the water with no one to prevent them from attacking the city. At this time too, the Sultan made a bridge across to the city from the point opposite called Ceramaria, using pairs of barrels joined securely to one another, so that the army could cross over from Zagan Pasha's camp to the city. As a result of these happenings Constantinople was now subj ect to attack from every direction. The position of the Greeks in the city was serious because of the large area which it covered, the circuit of the walls being approximately one hundred and eleven stades, the largest of any city of our time; and because the defenders had to cover so many different positions, the perimeter was far from being safely guarded. For the next forty days the Turkish cannon battered the outer wall and brought down a great part of it, four towers with all their superstructure, and caused some damage to the great inner wall and its towers. At first the Greeks also set their cannon on the walls, and fired shot weighing a talent and a half at the Sultan's cannon. But this shook the walls, and did more damage to them than to the enemy. Also, their largest cannon burst when it was first fired. At 46

first they blamed the gunner, accusing him of having been bribed by the Sultan, and would have put him to death, but since there was no clear proof that he deserved this fate, they set him free. As to the wall which had been damaged by the Sultan's cannon, they repaired it with great speed at night, making a barrier with ladders and wooden barrels. Meanwhile, news was brought to the Sultan that two transport vessels were sailing from the Aegean up to Constantinople with grain, a large one belonging to the Genoese, and the other belonging to the Emperor of the Greeks. When he heard this, he quickly manned his triremes and other vessels, and sent them against the approaching ships, which were already close at hand, and were being carried by a fair wind towards the city. These vessels and the triremes put to sea and advanced upon the Christian ships, attacking the Greek one first; and they would soon have captured her if the Genoese ship had not changed course and come to lend help, attacking the triremes furiously. The Sultan was on the beach at this time, shouting orders to his sailors, and riding into the water on his horse. In this way the ships escaped and sailed into the harbour. In this battle the Sultan's admiral Baltoglu was wounded in the eye by his own side, as he afterwards affirmed to the Sultan, swearing that if he had not been wounded, he would have captured the ships. And in this way he escaped being put to death, while the rest of those whom the Sultan held in suspicion were taken and put in prison to await execution. Now that the walls had been sufficiently damaged to allow the janissaries to attack and enter the city, Mehmet ordered fires to be lit throughout his camp, making these and other customary preparations with the intention of making an assault on the next day but one. He then announced to the army that they would be allowed to sack the city and take slaves. The following story is also told. When the wall had been broken down by the cannon, the son of Scender the ruler of Sinope, Ismail by name, brought to the Greeks an offer of peace in these terms: 'iklen of Greece, your fate is indeed balanced on a razor's edge. Why then do you not send an ambassador to discuss peace with the Sultan ? If you will entrust this matter to me, I shall arrange for 47

him to offer you terms. I need have no fear that you will fail to reward the man who does this for you. Otherwise, your city will be enslaved, your wives and your children will be sent into slavery, and you yourselves will perish utterly. Send a reliable man as soon as possible, so that I may bring him into the presence of the Sultan and make peace for you.' He found the Greeks receptive to his words, and they decided to send an ambassador to sound out the Sultan's intentions with regard to them, so that they could then decide what it would be in their best interests to do. The man whom they sent to explore the Sultan's attitude was not of high rank. When, under Ismail's guidance, he came into the presence of the Sultan, Mehmet demanded a payment of one hundred thousand bezants each year; or, if this was not possible, they could abandon the city, taking their possessions with them, and go wherever each one of them wished. When this was related to the Geeks, they deliberated, and then decided to continue their resistance, in spite of the danger, rather than leave the city and sail away without putting up a fight. In my opinion, the Sultan put forward this proposal as a means of testing the state of mind of the Greeks. After the failure of the mines which had been dug, he was eager to find out what the Greeks thought of their situation, and how secure their position was. The Greeks, however, replied in the telins which I have outlined. When the Sultan had completed his preparations for the assault, he called together his janissaries and said to them. 'My janissaries, my children, you have shown your bravery wherever I have campaigned. Now it is through you that the city will be captured. Do you remember that when I asked you, you said that it could be taken, if I would break down the walls for you ? Then, as I went among you, I would inquire if enough of the wall had been breached for your purpose,.and as much as you asked for was overthrown at your request. Now, since it is time to make the assault, I will add this. You have always had the finest of reputations with my ancestors and with me; so help me now to win this empire. You know how many governorships are at my disposal in Asia and in Europe. Of these I will give the finest to the first to pass the stockade. And I shall pay him the honours which he deserves, and I shall 48

requite him with a position of wealth, and make him happy among the men of our generation. But if I see any man lurking in the tents and not fighting at the wall, he will not be able to escape a lingering death, not even if he takes wings and flies among the birds of the air. Prepare therefore for the battle, which will bring you fame and wealth. The city holds slaves of great value for you, and women and children, and enormous stores of treasure.' After he had spoken, the captains and commanders to whom he had previously shown the walls, and inquired whether it was possible to storm the city, told him that he could attack, because conditions were now suitable; and they told him to be confident, since they could storm the city without delay. They then asked him to grant them a favour, by handing over the men whom he had arrested because they were suspected of having wounded his admiral in the eye. He agreed to this, and set them free, to please his j anissaries. Now that he had decided to make the assault, he sent a message to his army to say that it would take place early the next day, and promised that those who distinguished themselves would be rewarded, and those who did not fight would be punished with death. Their priests, called Zychides, went around the camp, reminding the soldiers of the belief which they held with regard to death, that their prophet promised good fortune to those who died in battle, and of other such doctrines of theirs. Meanwhile the Greeks stationed a Genoese, who had come to their aid with a large ship and three hundred soldiers, at the point where the Sultan and his j anissaries were about to make their attack. Near him the Emperor also stood with his own contingent, ready to meet the attack. Cardinal Isidore of Russia, who has been mentioned earlier, was also among the Greeks at this time and joined in their resistance, being there for the purpose of making a synod, and reconciling the Greeks with the Archbishop of Rome. This had actually happened a short while previously, and the Greeks had at this late stage become reconciled with the Romans. When the next day came, the day of battle, the Sultan carried out his plan to attack, the cymbals began to sound, and the pipers and trumpeters joined in giving the signal for the assault. The barbarians attacked the city on all sides, and fought fiercely wherever they 49

attacked. The Greeks defended the harbour wall with vigour and drove the Turks back, beheading some of them, who attempted to scale the walls with ladders. But in the sector where the Sultan was directing the assault, and the janissaries were attacking, the Genoese soldiers were driven back by the force of their onslaught. Giustiniani himself was wounded in the arm by a shot from a cannon, and some of his men were also wounded, and left their positions. The Turks followed up their advantage, and attacked and slew them. Meanwhile Giustiniani was withdrawing, with his soldiers following and the janissaries pressing hard upon them. Then the Emperor of the Greeks, when he saw them leaving their position and giving up the fight, ran to the place and asked Giustiniani where he was going. `By the way which God has shown to the Turks,' was the reply. The Emperor turned to Cantacuzenus and the small band of men around him and said, 'Then let us at any rate attack these barbarians.' The brave Cantacuzenus was killed, and the Emperor Constantine was driven back, until after being forced to retreat he was followed and given a wound in the shoulder which killed him. When the rest of the Greeks saw the j anissaries running to the great wall, and firing arrows and stones at them from above, while Giustiniani and his men were fleeing, they too turned to run as soon as the janissaries attacked them, each one of them hurling himself forward in his eagerness to get inside the wall and escape the enemy. When they reached the gate called Romanus they got in each other's way and fell down, and fresh arrivals fell upon those who were trying their hardest to get through, so that they made a great mound of living men by the gate which prevented anyone from having passage. A great many of them died in this undistinguished manner, and because they were so eager to get ahead of one another, they ended by making a spectacle of themselves in this way, while the gates were jammed by the bodies of the Greeks who had made their way to them. The janissaries who had crossed the great wall (a large part of which had collapsed under the fire of the cannon) burst into the city at that point, and ravaged it, each one of them going wherever it suited him. As soon as the news spread that the city had been captured, many of the Greeks fled at once in the direction of the harbour, towards the Venetian and Genoese ships. A great number hurled themselves 50

in disorder into small boats, and were drowned when they sank. And as usually happens at such a time of confusion, each man rushed for safety without any kind of discipline. Most of these escaped the Turks. But the gatekeepers of the city made a most unfortunate decision. When they saw the Greeks heading for the ships and fleeing to them in search of safety, they thought that if they shut the gates, the Greeks would turn and fight again. A prophecy had been current, that the enemy would reach a part of the city called the Place of the Bull in their attack, and then the defenders would be forced to turn, and fight back, and would drive the enemy out, and keep the city for themselves. It was, I think, for this reason that they threw the keys outside from the top of the wall. * The great crowd of men and women, which was growing bigger all the time as more arrived, then made for the largest church in the city, which was called the Church of the Holy Wisdom, and there they gathered together, men, women and children. But before very long they were captured by the Turks without making any resistance and many of the men who were inside the Church were put to death. Of the rest of the Greeks, some wandered about the city in confusion, and were soon killed or captured, while others showed their mettle and fought to the death for their country, to prevent their wives and children from becoming slaves. Theophilus of the family of the Palaeologi died in this way, seeking death bravely in battle, and Metochites of the same family, together with his sons, died fighting. Many of the Greek nobles in the Emperor's entourage also died there, because they did not want to see their country passing into slavery. The whole city was filled with men killing or being killed, fleeing or pursuing. The fate of Notaras, the Emperor's chief minister, and of Orchan, the grandson of Suleiman, was as follows, according to the Greek account. When they realised that the city had been captured, they ran to one of the towers, with the intention of making their plans for escape. When they reached it, Orchan put on the rags of a monk, and threw himself down from the tower, perishing in this * This passage refers to the gates on the other side of the city, by the Golden Horn.

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manner. But Notaras, his sons and his companions, were caught among the crowds of captives. Meanwhile the j anissaries quickly filled the Sultan's camp with the wives and children of the noblest of the Greeks, and brought such treasures with them that they were loaded with wealth. The Turkish camp was thronged with men and women calling for one another, and children as well, overcome by the catastrophe. Great quantities of gold and silver were also brought there from the city, there were precious stones in abundance, and the place was full of costly garments of all kinds. In fact, the camp in one day was so enriched by noble captives, treasure and every other sort of wealth, that many of the j anissaries did not know what to do with the opulence which surrounded them. As a result, some men became rich by buying jewels for next to nothing, because the j anissaries did not know their true value: sometimes they even exchanged gold for bronze. At this time Isidore the Cardinal of Sabina was also captured, and after being taken to Galata was sold, and then boarded a ship and escaped to the Peloponnese. If the Sultan had recognised him as Cardinal Isidore, he would certainly have put him to death, and not let him escape; but the thought never occurred to him, since he thought that he was dead. Then one of the j anissaries brought the head of the Emperor of the Greeks to the Sultan, and was rewarded with gifts and the governorship of a province. But none of the janissaries was able to say in what manner he had met his death. He died by the gate with many of his men, like any commoner, after having reigned for three years and three months. Many Venetian nobles were also captured, who had been carrying on trade there, and a number of others who happened to be in the harbour with their triremes, and had been detained by the Greeks as auxiliaries. The Venetian Bailo was brought before the Sultan and put to death; the rest, however, were later released. While this was happening, almost everyone, including the crews of the Sultan's ships, was concentrating on plunder. So the Venetian galleys set sail and passed through the Hellespont, and arrived at Euboea on the third day with very few men on board. The Greeks had made them land the greater part of their crews to take part in the defence of the city, stationing them on the battlements, and so they were captured, and many of them died. 52

When the galleys reached Euboea they brought news of the disaster which had overtaken Constantinople, and no one there was able to decide what was their best course, since they assumed that they too would soon be in danger. Almost all the islanders of the Aegean began to take flight; and the leaders of the Greeks, and those who were in the Peloponnese, overcome by the catastrophe, made for the sea. This shortly afterwards inspired the Albanians who lived there to revolt. After the Sultan had occupied Constantinople, he ordered Zagan his father-in-law to man his galleys and go to the city of Galata opposite, to prevent them from setting sail in their ships. The chief magistrate of the city had feared, when he saw Constantinople captured by the Sultan, that he might attack them next, and enslave their city as he had done with Constantinople; so taking the keys of the city he went to the Sultan and delivered it into his hands, saying that he and the rest of the citizens entrusted themselves to him, and would obey his every command in the future. It was after this that Zagan was sent to take over the city, and prevent anyone from boarding the ships. But when the people of Galata saw the galleys heading towards their city, they all made a rush for the ships. The Turks, however, held them back, and killed a few to discourage the others. When Zagan reached the city he entered it, put everything in order there, and appointed a governor on behalf of the Sultan, who thus became master of two cities in a single day, in the one case by conquest, and by surrender in the other. He then ordered the inhabitants to raze the walls on the landward side. This was done so that if ships came from Italy, they should not plan to revolt, seeing that the land walls were no longer standing, and if the Sultan found himself making war again, he could enter the city and seize it. The more important prisoners among the Greeks who had survived were also taken to Galata and released. The Sultan himself paid the ransom of Notaras, the Emperor's chief minister, and of his wife and children, and after discussing with him the help which was being awaited from Italy, showed him every mark of respect, and passed a considerable amount of time with him. Those Greeks who had been set at liberty gathered in the city of Constantinople and set about freeing their friends and relatives. 53

But after a little while they were put to death by the Sultan in the following manner. It came to his ears that Notaras had a son twelve years of age, and he sent one of his stewards to demand the boy. When the father was given this message by the steward, he took offence and was angry, saying, 'This is not to be borne, that the Sultan should take my children, when I have done nothing at the present time for which I might be blamed, and he has pardoned my mistakes in the past by ransoming me. If he treats me in this way, why does he not order me to hand them over at once to a shameful death ?' These were his words, and he refused to send the lad, and denied that he was guilty of any wrongdoing. The steward was shocked at these words, and advised him not to speak or act in this way towards the Sultan, because he would surely be put to death; but he took no notice. After the steward had returned, and the Sultan had heard the message from the Greek side, he ordered that Notaras and his children and associates should be taken and executed. When those who had been assigned to this task came to Notaras, he begged them to kill his children first, and do away with him afterwards. His children were frightened of being put to death, and begged their father to give the executioners the money which they had in Italy, and so procure their safety. But he paid no attention, and bade them meet their fate with courage. So they were killed first, and afterwards he offered himself to be put to death. When the Sultan had disposed of Notaras and his family, he ordered the rest of the Greeks who had been set free and were in Constantinople to be led out and killed also. And so they died a death without glory. The motive which led the Sultan to commit these murders was provided by a Greek who had arrived there, with whose daughter the Sultan had had an affair. He was infatuated with the woman, showing favour to her relatives, being quite overcome with passion, and it is said that it was in obedience to her father's request that he had the Greeks put to death. Such was the fate of the Greeks of Constantinople. This was surely the most grievous catastrophe known to history, and the complete destruction of the Greeks matches the Fall of Troy, a capture of Troy by the barbarians, as it were. So the Romans think that this disaster overtook the Greeks as a recompense for the sack of Troy long ago. 54

Such were the events which took place up to this point. Then Mehmet arrested Halil son of Braimeus, his vizier; he had wanted to dispose of him earlier, but was afraid, because his own position was not yet secure, and he had postponed his arrest. Now he had him bound, and sent him on a cart to Adrianople to be imprisoned. Soon afterwards he took his property, and all the gold and silver which he had. Halil had amassed a great amount of wealth, and was outstanding for his riches, far above the rest of the Sultan's household. This happened because Zagan. the Sultan's father-in-law stood high in his favour. Zagan's daughter had been betrothed to Mahmoud son of Michael; but when Zagan and his master had paid him a visit, the Sultan had seen her and been smitten with passion for her. So he married her himself, leaving Zagan to betroth another of his daughters to Mahmoud. Halil, then, was put to death with his followers Yakoub and Mehmet, and when the Sultan seized his treasures he took more than a hundred and twenty thousand pieces of gold. Most of HaEl's household and relations then took to wearing black, as a sign of mourning for a good man. And when this came to the ears of the Sultan, he issued an order, that anyone who wore black on the following day would appear before the Sultan at once. As a result, no one in the whole city appeared wearing clothes of this sort. Mehmet had shown signs previously of not being well disposed towards his vizier, by the extremely hostile attitude which he adopted. The following story is told, a prophetic one in many respects. He once came across a vixen tied up at the door of his palace, and asked her, 'Poor creature, why do you suffer so ? Pay some money to our vizier Halil, and you will soon be free.' The story reached Halil himself, and he decided to make a pilgrimage to the tomb of Mahomet, which would take him out of the country and allow the Sultan's anger to cool. But the latter deceived him by showing great generosity towards him; when he saw that he was disturbed by the rumour, he sent him money, and told him not to be frightened, and not to believe malicious gossip, but to be at ease. Halil was deceived, and sent a reply, 'My Lord, it lies with you whether we are to grieve or rejoice. If you command us to mourn, then we must do so, and if to rejoice, then we must be glad, and feel no fear.' But he died, as we have described. 55

MICHAEL DUCAS Byzantine History, chapters 33-42 CHAPTER 33 The Emperor John had suffered for many years from gout, and on his return from Italy he was afflicted with many other cares and sorrows, partly because of the disorder which existed in the churches, and also because of the loss of his empress. The disease now overcame him, and in a few days he was dead, the last to hold the title of Emperor of the Greeks. Constantine was then called, and brought to Constantinople. He sent a delegation to Murat, honoured him with gifts, and established peaceful relations with him, removing from between them all previous causes of contention. Murat, who was anxious to see his son married, now brought a bride from the nobility on the borders of Armenia. The girl was the daughter of Turgatir, a chieftain of the Turcoman people who dwelt beyond Cappadocia. The Sultan had agreed to this alliance, not simply because he had found in Turgatir a man as wealthy and powerful as himself, but because he lived between the TurcoPersians and Caraman, and could at any time make an alliance with Murat's son who ruled in Amasia, and oppose attacks from Caraman on the one side and Caraiusuf on the other. The marriage would be a bond between them, and he would get help and assistance from him when he needed it. Therefore he sent one of his viziers called Saruj a to lead the bride from her father's house with the greatest pomp and honour, taking many valuables and a dowry of many talents. When her new father-in-law Murat learned that she was in the vicinity of the straits of Gallipoli, he despatched his chief ministers from Adrianople, with a well-equipped escort, who met them and 56

led them back to their master's palace. The Sultan received the bride with the greatest good will, and set about celebrating the wedding. He sent invitations to all the magistrates and nobles beneath him, Turk and Christian alike, and they all came to celebrate the marriage feast with many gifts. The festivities began in September and finished in December. When the marriage was completed, Murat gave generous presents to all her father's servants who had come with the bride, and loading them with every kindness, sent them back to their homes. He then sent his newly-married son and his bride to rule over Asia Minor and Lydia. In mid-January Mehmet went to Magnesia, and was still there on the fifth of February, when one of the express couriers, who travel as swiftly as an eagle, arrived and put into his hands a letter with the seals intact. He opened and read it, and thus learned of the death of his father. The message had been sent by Hall and the other viziers. In it Halil described the death of Mehmet's father, and indicated that he should not delay after reading it, but that he should mount his horse and double back to Thrace as swiftly as if it were a winged Pegasus that bore him, before the news of the Sultan's passing was heard by the surrounding nations. Mehmet did so; in that very hour he leaped on to one of his Arabian racehorses, saying nothing to his nobles, except, 'Who loves me, follow!' He left immediately, preceded by his janissaries, foot soldiers alined with bows, swift of foot and able to fight with either hand, all like giants in stature. In two days he travelled from Magnesia, crossed the Hellespont and halted in the Chersonese. For two further days he delayed in Gallipoli, to assemble those who were following him, and also sent a courier to Adrianople, to announce that he had crossed over to the Chersonese. The news spread, and was repeated everywhere, that the new Sultan was at Gallipoli, which was a precaution against an outbreak of restiveness on the part of the common people; it was almost a habit with them to start a revolution when there was a change of ruler. For this reason the death of a Sultan is often concealed, and this is done particularly when the one who is to succeed is not available at the place where the dead Sultan is. After this he left Gallipoli, and large crowds of people began to 57

If

flock together to pay their respects to him. As he drew near to the plain before Adrianople, the whole array of his nobles, his viziers, satraps, governors and other officials, the priests and teachers of his heathen religion, men distinguished in the arts and sciences and a large crowd of the common people, came out to meet him. When this throng, which stretched for a mile in length, came within sight of their Sultan, they all dismounted, and went the rest of the way to him on foot. The prince and his retinue remained mounted. When they had all progressed about half a mile, with not a sound heard from the lips of anyone, they stood together and gave vent to their tears with a great cry of grief. Then the prince and his followers dismounted and did likewise, filling the air with cries of sorrow. Great mourning and lamentation were to be seen on both sides that day. The principal men of rank approached, crowded close to one another, and with outstretched hands paid homage to the prince. Then they mounted their horses and entered the city close to the palace gate; and when the Sultan himself entered, everyone returned to his own home. On the following day a grand audience took place according to custom, a particularly large one since their ruler was so young and had only recently come into power, and he took his place on his father's throne — which would not have happened except through the will of God, because of our sins. The satraps and viziers of his father, Halil and Ishak Pasha, stood before him at a distance. His own viziers, the eunuch Siachin and Ibrahim, stood close to him as custom demanded. Then Mehmet asked Siachin his chief vizier, 'Why do my father's viziers stand far off ? Summon them here, and bid Halil take up his accustomed position. Let Ishak and the other rulers of the East go to Prusa to entomb my father's body. Then let him have the responsibility of my eastern dominions.' Hearing this, they rushed at once in the accustomed manner to kiss his hand. Halil remained as vizier, and Ishak, taking the corpse of the dead Sultan with a large entourage and great pomp, departed to Prusa and placed him in the tomb which he had built, distributing great sums of money to the poor during the course of the rites. Murat's death was not preceded by any protracted or painful illness; he was punished much less than his father, and it was

Li

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attended by much less suffering and sickness. I regard this as God's judgement on the man for his good will towards his fellow men, and his sympathetic disposition towards the poor. He kept unbroken and secure to the end the agreements to which he had sworn, not only with those of his own race and heathen religion, but also with the Christians. If ever any Christians went against a pact and perjured their oath, it did not escape the ineluctable eye of God, and they justly paid the penalty at the hands of His avenger; this wrath, however, was not of long duration, for the barbarian did not continue to pursue them after he had won a victory. Nor did he thirst after the complete obliteration of any nation, but when a conquered people sent embassies to discuss terms of peace, they received his willing attention, and he sent their emissaries back with a truce. He hated warfare and loved peace. So the Father of Peace gave him in return an end which was attended by peace, not by the sword. Murat was sick for only four days. He had left the palace with a few young men and crossed over to an island made by the river dividing itself into two near the city, leaving a broad expanse, where the goodness of the soil produces abundant food and green pasture for countless animals. There sheep graze, with mules and the blood horses of the Sultan, and there also are splendid villas for relaxation and pleasure, warm or cool according to the time of year, and everything else required for enjoyment.. He determined to spend a few days there on his own with a small number of retainers, to refresh and rest his mind from the strain of the marriage which had taken place. On crossing over, he passed a day in revelry more sustained than he was used to, and on the morrow he commanded that he should be borne to the palace, saying that his head and the rest of his body felt numb and heavy. He went to bed and was ill for three days, and then died on the second of February in the year of the world 6958 (A.D. 1450). It is related that one night, after the wedding and before he went to the island, this dream came to him. A man of fearful appearance stood before him and took his hand, which caused him to be overcome with terror. Now Murat wore on the thumb of his right hand a golden ring, and this the apparition took and thrust on to his forefinger, then taking it from his forefinger he put it on his middle 59

finger, then on to the next finger, and after this he put it on the little finger. Then, taking it off Murat's little finger, he disappeared with it. The Sultan awoke from his sleep and summoned his seers and told them of the vision. Some of them decided that the ring was the monarchy, and of the fingers, the first was himself and the others were those of his line who would occupy the throne after him. Others decided secretly and in silence that the thumb was his life span, and the confiscation of the ring symbolised his loss of power. The putting on and taking off from the other four fingers they construed as the number of years of rule that would be given to Mehmet's successor, and then the Sultanate would be at an end. But let us return to our narrative and see what this fierce and bloodthirsty tyrant Mehmet consumed and destroyed and abolished in the course of his own reign. When he had sent his father's body to be buried at Prusa, he began to investigate the royal treasuries and the wealth which he had inherited. Finding an enormous store of objects in gold and silver, precious stones and many talents in coin, more than it was possible to count, he returned it all to the treasury and sealed it with his own seal. He also found an eight month old son of his father's, born in a legitimate marriage to the daughter of Spentiar ruler of Sinope; Mehmet himself had been born to a slave girl. The child's mother (and his own stepmother) obtained an audience with him in the palace to present her condolences, and at the same time he sent one of his officers named Ali, son of Evrenez, his principal janitor at that time, to the house of the woman and had the child strangled. On the following day he put Ali himself to death and married the child's mother against her will to Ishak, his father's servant. He wanted to marry his other stepmother, the daughter of George the Despot of Serbia, a pious Christian woman, to another of his servants, but because he was afraid that her father would rouse up the Hungarians to make war against him, and since his supremacy was not yet established and there was still a possibility of unrest in his kingdom, he was not able to do as he wanted. The Despot, hearing that his son-in-law had died, and that Mehmet had succeeded to the throne, immediately sent representatives to express his sympathy, and to console with him upon the loss of his parent; to 6o

have him renew and confirm by oath the promises and agreements which had been made with his father; and also to ask for his daughter and restore her to her home. All these things Mehmet did, not from a desire to rule in peace and in friendship, but to preserve his leadership and buy time; you will find him ready enough otherwise to act unjustly when it suits him. In this and other matters he put on sheep's clothing, as it were, although he was a wolf by nature even before his birth. So he received the embassy kindly, exchanged sworn promises with them and let them depart in peace. He sent his stepmother back to her father with a great show of honour, loading her with generous gifts and estates outside the borders of Serbia, to supply her with everything necessary for her welfare and livelihood. The wretched Greeks then living in Constantinople, and their ruler Constantine, also learned of the change of leader, and similarly sent emissaries to express their condolences and congratulate Mehmet on his accession to power. What irony there was in this: the sheep sent their compliments to the wolf, the sparrows to the snake, the dying, with their last gasp, to Death! And he, the Antichrist before Antichrist, the destroyer of Christ my shepherd, the enemy of the Cross and of those who trust in the One who was fixed upon it, his face wreathed in friendship, like a true disciple of that Satan who once took the form of a serpent, received their embassy, and wrote out new treaties. He swore by the god of their false prophet, and by the prophet whose name he bore, by his heathen books and by his angels and archangels, that he was their friend, and would remain for the whole of his life a friend and ally of the city and its ruler Constantine, together with all the country around it and its dependencies. He would also maintain as long as he lived the relationship and the good will which had existed between his father and the Emperor John in the past, and the despot Constantine in recent years. In addition to these fine promises, he endowed the empire of the Greeks with the sum of three hundred thousand aspri each year, from the revenues of the lands around the river Strymon. They, poor wretches, begged for this, for food and for the other expenses of maintaining Orchan, the descendant of Othman mentioned above. Then, after entering into this apparently close friendship with

him, they took their leave rejoicing, as did also those from Wallachia and Bulgaria. And those who lived in the islands, Mytilene, Rhodes and the Genoese of Galata, came from all quarters with gifts, abasing themselves before this very flesh-eating devil, and after receiving what seemed to be firm assurances, withdrew once more.

CHAPTER 34 Then this villain, thinking that everything had been satisfactorily arranged, since he had achieved an apparent state of peace between himself and all the Christians, and had secured a three-year treaty with Hunyadi, the regent of Hungary, in person, marched against Caraman. His pretext was, that he was now an acknowledged friend of the Christians, and they were preserving the peace and keeping faith with him, even though they were of another race and a different religion; but although Caraman was Moslem and followed the faith of Mahomet, it never at any time stopped stirring up wars and unrest in times of crisis. Mehmet thought this problem over and came to a decision, and what he decided was done. He had previously been informed that Caraman, hearing of the death of Murat, had overrun its borders and seized three fortresses and a considerable amount of territory. Murat had not inherited the land and castles from his forbears, but had wrested it by force a little time before from the rulers of Caraman, as has been related earlier in this history. So Mehmet, who was as much of a brigand as his father had been, found a plausible excuse in the recent wrong which had been done to him, and marched out against them with a strong force to recover his possessions. He crossed the narrows with his Western army, and waited at Prusa for the Eastern command to join him; then he moved on to Cotyaeum. From there he proceeded to Salutaris in Phrygia, called Carasari by the Turks, which is close to the borders of Caraman. When the people of Caraman heard of his approach, they sent ambassadors from among their nobility to beg pardon for their mistakes, and to offer the return of the forts they had taken. The Sultan then granted them his pardon for the following reason. The 62

Greeks had taken counsel together, and foolishly decided to take the useless step of sending an embassy to him, saying that Constantine was now Emperor. In fact, he had not yet been crowned, nor would he be, for reasons stated above; but nevertheless they referred to him as 'Emperor of the Greeks'. They saw the viziers first, as usual, and gave their message, which was that the 'Emperor of the Greeks' had not yet received the customary annual sum of three hundred thousand aspri. `Furthermore, Orchan, who is also a descendant of Othman, like your ruler Mehmet, is now a man in the prime of life. Every day crowds of people come to pay their respects to him, saluting him as their Lord and Master. He would be only too pleased to live up to his rank and bestow presents upon them, but he has nothing to give. Therefore he petitions the Emperor, who is ill equipped to supply him with what he asks for. So we have two suggestions to offer: either that you should double the allowance, or that we should let Orchan. go. There is no reason why we should provide for the children of Othman; they should be supported by their own people's funds. It is enough for us to guard him, and prevent him from leaving the city.' Hall Pasha listened to this, and a great deal more besides. He was well disposed towards the Greeks for two reasons. The first was that he was by nature a kind and generous man, and the other was that he was a taker of bribes. If someone came to talk with him, carrying gold, and letting it absorb his whole attention like a mirror, he could without fear say anything, however offensive. So when he had heard what the Emperor and Senate had to say to the Sultan Mehmet, he replied to their emissaries as follows. `You ignorant and foolish Greeks ! I have been aware for a long time of your villainous tricks. You must change your ways. The previous Sultan had a gentle nature, was genuinely friendly to all and most conscientious in his dealings. But our present Sultan Mehmet is not the kind of man you think he is, and if Constantinople escapes from his grasp — and I know the boldness and wild impetuosity of which his nature is capable — then I shall know indeed that God is still overlooking your plots and wicked plans. You fools! Yesterday we concluded a sworn treaty, and still have it in our hands; the ink is scarcely dry. Why have you crossed Anatolia and 63

come into Phrygia with the intention of frightening us, with a display of the usual bogeys which you have contrived against us ? We are not children without intelligence or power. If you can do anything to oppose us, do it. If you want to have Orchan as ruler of Thrace, do so. If you want the Hungarians to cross the Danube, let them do so. If you want to invade and conquer us — a thing you lost the chance of doing long ago — why not do it ? You must realise that you can aspire to none of these things; on the contrary, whatever you think of as yours, we shall snatch from your grasp. However, I shall inform my master of these matters, and whatever is his will, may it come to pass.' When Mehmet heard their message he was filled with anger, and for a while hesitated, then came to terms with Caraman. He had previously intended to destroy them completely, but now he said to himself, 'While I am in the East, the Emperor of the Greeks may call together the rest of the Christians and attack me, and he may set Orchan free; with their help, he may win the eastern part of my empire, and the western part will fall to the Greeks.' With these and similar thoughts in his mind, he welcomed the ambassadors of Caraman with every appearance of pleasure, and by a combination of threats and blandishments, using whichever he thought appropriate, he made a sworn treaty of peace with them, and sent them home in a most friendly fashion. To the Emperor's ambassadors he replied, 'In a little while I shall be at Adrianople; and when I am there, you shall tell me all the things which your Emperor and his city need, and I shall be ready to give you whatever you require.' And after flattering them with further gracious promises of this sort, he let them go. Some days later he crossed the straits and came to Adrianople, where he at once despatched one of his slaves to the Strymon area, and stopped payment of the grant which had previously been conceded to the Emperor. He also expelled the officials and settlers there, who had so far enjoyed only a year's residence in the neighbourhood. After this he began another operation which did the Greeks en.oimous harm. At the beginning of winter he sent commands and messages to each of his provinces in the West and in the East, ordering a thousand building craftsmen to be supplied, and labourers to match, and lime-burners; in short, all the labour and 64

materials were to be ready in the spring to build a castle by the straits of the Bosphorus above Constantinople. The Greeks heard this bitter news, and those in Constantinople and over all Asia and Thrace, and the Christians in the islands, were full of sorrow and parched with fear, and they could say nothing but, 'Now the end of the city is near. Now the signal is sounding for the end of our nation, now is the time of Antichrist. What shall we do, and what will be our fate ? 0 Lord, let our lives be taken from us, before the eyes of Thy servants can see the destruction of the city; let not Thine enemies say, o Lord, "Where are the Saints who keep watch over it ?" ' Not only those who dwelt in Constantinople, but all the Christians living in different parts of Anatolia, those in the islands and those in the West, also met the news with the same tears and weeping. Meanwhile Mehmet at the beginning of spring brought together his craftsmen and labourers from all parts. The Emperor now sent ambassadors to Adrianople, not to ask what Mehmet intended, nor with the object of doubling his revenues, but to say as follows: 'It is now more than a hundred years since your ancestor Murat son of Orchan captured Adrianople. From that time to this, because of the treaties which were made, none of his descendants, before you, has thought of building a fortress, or even so much as a single hut, in the neighbourhood of the city. And if at any time there appeared to be some reason for making war, and both of us were preparing to do so, then a conference was held and a peaceful reconciliation was achieved. When your grandfather Mehmet wished to build a fortress on the Anatolian side of the straits, he asked peimission of the Emperor Manuel, and begged for a long time, as a son to a father, that he might be allowed to do this. So Manuel formally agreed to the project of building a fortress on the Anatolian side, even though the whole of Anatolia had been in the possession of the Turks for many generations. But now, in spite of the good relationship which exists between us, we can see quite clearly that you intend to deny the Franks access to the Pontic Sea, and to starve our city and to deny to it the revenues which come from the business transacted there.' `Change your plans, we beseech you, and we shall be good friends to you, as we were to that noble ruler your father; and if you also 65

wish us to pay a tribute, we shall pay it.' Mehmet answered, 'I am taking nothing from your city. Outside its fortifications, it has no territory and no jurisdiction. If it is my wish to have a castle built on the Bosphorus, there is no one to prevent me. The whole country is in my power. I hold the forts on the Anatolian side of the straits, and Turks are inhabiting them, and the untenanted land on the western side is mine, since the Greeks are too insecure to be able to live there.' `You must have forgotten the difficulties caused to my father, and the dangerous situation in which he was placed, when your Emperor formed an alliance with the Hungarians. They attacked us by land, while the galleys of the Franks penetrated to the Hellespont, and closed the passage at Gallipoli, preventing my father from crossing. He therefore moved higher up, to a point near the Bosphorus, where the fortress built by his father was, and with the help of God crossed over there in small boats. The Emperor's ships were keeping watch in an attempt to prevent him from crossing there, and at the time, still a boy, I was at Adrianople waiting for the Hungarians to come. Meanwhile they were ravaging the country around Varna, the Emperor was delighted, the Moslem race was full of anxiety, and the Gabours rejoiced.' `After running many risks, my father crossed the Bosphorus, and swore that he would build another fortress on the western side, opposite the one which is on the Anatolian shore. He did not succeed in doing this, but with God's help, I am about to do so. Why are you trying to prevent me ? Can I not do as I wish in my own dominions ? Go, tell your Emperor that this ruler is not like his predecessors. What they were powerless to achieve, is within his grasp and easy of accomplishment for him; and he is both willing and eager to do what they would not even attempt. And if any more embassies come to speak on this subject, they may be certain of losing their heads.' When the Emperor's ambassadors heard the Sultan's reply, so full of wrath and angry pride, they returned to Constantinople and reported everything to their master. Then those in the city were filled with fear and anguish, and whenever they met together they began to say, 'This is he that will attack our city and subdue it, and enslave us within it, and trample on the objects of our faith, destroy 66

our noble temples and. cast out into the streets and the crossroads the relics of the Saints and Martyrs. Alas I What shall we do ? Where shall we find refuge ?' With these and similar lamentations they wept and bemoaned their fate. It was now spring, and the end of March had come. Lime had been made ready after great numbers of kilns had been constructed in hidden places, * and was being brought daily, with timber from Nicomeclia and Pontic Heracleia, and stone from Anatolia. In accordance with the Sultan's orders all his governors of provinces in Anatolia and the West had already brought the workmen whom they had levied. Mehmet then left Adrianople, and arrived at the place which was to be designated for the foundations of the fortress. Choosing a ridge below the place called Sosthenium (or Phonea by the ancients), he commanded that the foundations should be laid out in the foiiii of a triangle, and his instructions were soon carried out. He ordered the fortress, which was placed opposite the one which his grandfather had built, to be called Pas-Chesen, which when translated signifies Cut-Throat. The building of the fortress was organised in the following way. He assigned to Halil Pasha one of the corners facing seaward, with instructions to build a tower there of great strength and solidity, a castle in itself. Zagan was given the task of building another, also of a great size, in the other corner, which looked towards the land. The third corner was left to Saritzia, and these three towers, each strong enough to be a castle, were built at their expense. The Sultan himself was responsible for the connecting walls and the rest of the fortress, and great numbers of workmen might be seen flocking together from all parts of the country, with the Cadhis or judges, since the death penalty had previously been proclaimed for disobedience. He measured the work out, a cubit to each mason, of whom there were a thousand, each with two assistants, on the outer side of the wall, and the same number of masons and labourers on the inside. A multitude too numerous to count brought stones, lime and baked bricks; and at times even men of high rank lent a hand to pass lime or stones, under the fierce gaze of their ruler. * It is possible that the name of a place lies hidden here, the Greek being Ev xccroccpuyEo.c. But Gibbon's `Cataphrygia' will not do.

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The materials were transported from the farther shore, and also from the Byzantine side, from the ruins of monuments which had once been of importance. Among these, a number of columns were brought from the remains of the church of the Archangel Michael. This aroused the religious zeal of the inhabitants of Contantinople, and an expedition set out to stop the Turks; but they were taken and put to the scimitar. The Emperor saw that the Sultan's plans were succeeding, and tried another approach. He sent a delegation to ask for a guard, to protect the Greeks who worked in the fields near the city from having their crops damaged by the Turks, since the harvest was near. He also sent him a variety of gifts and daily presents of food and drink, having no option but to continue treating this savage serpent in accordance with the usual foimulae of honour. Mehmet then sent some of his j anissaries with the commission that they were to watch over and observe those who had suffered damage; but he also instructed them that they were not in any way to hinder the Turks who came into the pastures of the Greeks from feeding their animals, mules and horses, or any other beasts of burden which were being used in the building of the fortress, but that these were to be allowed to roam unchecked. 'And when,' he said, 'the Greeks are angry and attack the Turks, then you will join the Turks in fighting them.' It was at this time that the son of Spentiar, the brother-in-law of Murat and Mehmet's uncle by marriage, who has previously been mentioned, came from Adramyteum leading a body of men, in obedience to the general decree, with the intention of adding his assistance to that provided by the general levy for the building of the fortress. As he came to the tower called Epibata, they let the horses and the baggage animals loose, to forage among the crops of the Greeks, destroying the wheat and the rest of the harvest. One of the Greeks saw the damage which had been done, and the ruined crops in his fields, and ran to chase the horses from his land. A Turkish horseman quickly stopped him with a blow. A relative of the farmer who had been struck ran up, and then another, while more Turkish soldiers came to oppose them. In the struggle which resulted, several were slain on both sides. Early the next morning Kagia Bey, for that was his name, went to the Sultan, saluted him 68

in the customary manner, and reported everything that had happened at Epibata. Mehmet did not call for any other version of the story, or look for any other explanation, but told Kagia Bey to take his soldiers and go at once to put the inhabitants of that neighbourhood to the sword. This was done: the Turks made a surprise attack at dawn, as the farmers were going out to reap the crops, and fell upon them, killing about forty of them. This was the beginning of hostilities, and of the destruction of the Greeks. When the Emperor heard what had happened, he shut the gates of the city, and had all the Turks who were inside it bound and imprisoned. But three days later he set them free. What else could he have done ? There were among the Turks who were found there several eunuchs from Mehmet's court who said, when they were brought before the Emperor, 'If Your Majesty will set us free before the sun sets in the west, you will have earned our gratitude. But if you keep us until after sunset, and we do not appear before our master, you will not be doing us a favour by releasing us afterwards, but only assuring us of death. Have pity on us, and release us now; or if not, order our heads to be struck off. It will be better for us to meet death at your hands, rather than from the Destroyer of the World.' When the Emperor heard this, his pity was aroused, and he set them free at once. Then he sent delegates to the Sultan with the following message. 'Since you have chosen war, and since I cannot change your mind by reminding you of the oaths you have sworn, or by remaining in submissiveness, do as you wish. I shall seek refuge in the will of God, and if it is His desire to give the city into your hands, who can oppose Him ? And if He causes peace to blossom in your heart, I shall accept this gladly. In these circumstances, take back your treaties and your oaths. I shall keep the gates of my city closed from this time onwards, and I shall defend the people within it to the best of my ability. And do you continue to lord it over your oppressed subjects, until the One Just Judge gives His righteous verdict between you and me.' When his barbarous enemy heard this message, he made no attempt to excuse himself, but instantly ordered war to be declared. During the previous six months the Emperor, seeing what was likely to happen, had been paying attention to the defences of the 69

city, and bringing the inhabitants of the rural areas nearby inside the walls, together with the freshly-reaped wheat and any grain that had been threshed. Mehmet had by now completed the fortress to his satisfaction, making the walls and the towers thirty feet thick, and the whole of it high enough to suit his purpose. On the tower built by HaEl Pasha he placed cannon which fired shot of more than six hundred pounds in weight, and he put Feruz Aga, one of his most trusted servants, in charge of the fortifications, giving him the following instructions: 'No ship is to sail from the Hellespont into the Pontic Sea, or from the Pontic Sea into the Hellespont, whatever nation owns it, whether they are of Genoa, of Venice, of Caffa, of Trebizond, of Amisus or Sinope or even one of my own vessels, and whether it is a cargo vessel, a trireme or a bireme, a barge or a cutter, unless it first lowers its sails and pays toll; and only then may it go on its way. Any ship which disobeys, and does not follow these instructions, is to be sunk by cannon fire.' After giving him further orders in the same boastful manner, and assigning four hundred men as a guard for the fortress, Mehmet returned to Adrianople. The whole project had been completed in four months, and the second year of his reign (the year 9691 from the creation of the world) was running its course.

CHAPTER 35 The end of summer and the early days of autumn found Mehmet in his palace, unable to close his eyes in slumber. Night and day his thoughts were fixed on the city; how could he capture it, how could he become master of it ? It had happened that while he was engaged in the building of his fortress, there came from Constantinople a craftsman who had great skill in the casting of cannon, a Hungarian. He had come to the city some time previously, and made his abilities known to the Emperor's ministers. They brought him into the presence of the Emperor, and he was granted a pension, but this was far below what was due to his qualifications, and in fact they did not even pay over this paltry pittance to him. Because of this he became desperate, and one day left Constantinople and went over to the Turks. The Sultan welcomed him with open arms, treated him 70

honourably and provided him with food and clothing; and then he gave him an allowance so generous, that a quarter of the sum would have sufficed to keep him in Constantinople. Mehmet asked him if he was able to cast a cannon large enough to fire a shot which would make an impression on the walls of the city, in spite of their strength and thickness. He replied, 'If you wish, I can cast a cannon as large as the shot which is being shown to me now. I know what the walls of the city are like. The shot from my cannon could reduce them, and even the walls of Babylon itself. I can see to every detail of making them; but I do not know what the range will be, and I will give no guarantee of this.' `Build me the cannon,' the Sultan replied, 'and I myself will concern myself with the range of it.' So they started to collect bronze, and the craftsman began to make the moulds for his work. The operation of casting was completed within three months, and the result was a monstrosity of the most fearful and extraordinary kind. It was during this period that a large Venetian merchant ship, commanded by a certain Rizzo, came from the Bosphorus towards the fortress at Pas-Chesen and did not lower its sails. The garrison of the fortress fired a huge stone which went right through it, and as it foundered, the captain with thirty of his crew got off in a boat and reached the shore. They were captured by the Turks, who bound their hands and necks with chains, and took them all chained together to the Sultan, who was at that time at Didymoteichum. He ordered all the soldiers to be decapitated, the captain to be executed by being impaled through the breech upon a stake, and their bodies to be cast out without burial. This I saw for myself, when I was in that neighbourhood a few days later. In January he left Didymoteichum for Adrianople, where he saw to the preparation of the equipment for his campaign, and decided to test the cannon which the Hungarian had made. It was carefully set in position before the main gateway leading into the palace which he had built that year, the ball was fitted into it, and its ration of powder weighed out. It was planned to fire it the next morning, and public announcements were made throughout Adrianople, to advise everyone of the loud and thunderous noise which it would make, so that no one would be struck dumb by hearing the noise unexpectedly 71

or any pregnant women miscarry. In the morning the gunpowder was lit, there was a great rush of hot air, and the shot was driven forth, leaving the cannon with a loud explosion which filled the air with clouds of smoke. The sound was heard a hundred stades away, and the shot travelled a thousand paces from the point of firing, making a hole six feet deep at the point where it landed; so great is the power of the combination of substances which propels the shot. One thought was in Mehmet's mind, and there was one thing of which he dreamed, night and day, waking and sleeping, in his palace or abroad — the means by which he might win Constantinople. Often when evening came he would take only two companions, and go riding or on foot all round Adrianople dressed as a soldier and listening to what was said about him. If one of the common people took it into his head that this was the Sultan, and decided to address him with titles of honour in the usual way, Mehmet would himself instantly deal him a mortal wound, showing no compunction or pity; just as one might take pleasure in crushing a flea, this villain, who should himself by rights have been put to death, delighted in killing with his own hands. One night, about the hour of the second watch, he sent some of his guards to bring Halil Pasha to him. They went to his house, and gave the news to his eunuchs, who went to their master's chamber and told him that the Sultan required his presence. He trembled and gave himself up for lost, and departed after embracing his wife and children, taking with him a golden bowl full of gold coins. For the reason which I have already mentioned, his heart was always full of fear. Halil reached the Sultan's bedchamber and found him sitting there fully dressed. He fell to his knees and placed the bowl of coins before him, but Mehmet said, 'What is this, Lala ?' (a term equivalent to 'Father' or `Teacher'). Halil answered, 'My Lord, it is the custom, that when the Sultan summons one of his minitsers at an unusual hour, that man should not come empty-handed into his presence. I have therefore brought you this as a gift, although it is not my own property, but yours, that I am offering to you.' `I have no need of your wealth,' the Sultan replied. 'Indeed, I will give you more than you already have. But there is one thing that I want. Give me Constantinople.' 72

When he heard this, HaEl was filled with fear. He had always done his best to protect the Greeks, and they treated him as their right hand, keeping his own right hand filled with gifts. In fact, he was commonly referred to by the name of `Labour Ortaghi', which means companion, or friend, of infidels. He replied to his master➢ `My Lord, God, who has already given into your hands the greater part of the territory of the Greeks, will also give the city into your hands. I am sure that it will not escape you, with God's help and your own might. I and all the rest of your slaves will strive together, not only with our wealth, but with our bodies and our blood, and of this you need have not the slightest doubt.' With these words he placated his savage master for the time being. Mehmet then said to him, 'Do you see this pillow ? The whole night through I have dragged it from one side of the bed to the other and back again, I have lain wide awake and sleep will not come to my eyes. I tell you, do not be deceived by gold and silver into departing from the answer which you have just given me. We shall remain steadfast in our fight against the Greeks, and trusting in the will of God and the Prophet, we shall win the city.' With these and other encouraging expressions ,combined with a number of reminders of a sort to make the heart quail and freeze the blood, he bade Hall go in peace. He passed every night in the same wakeful state at this time, thinking of ways of attacking Constantinople. He would take paper and ink, and make sketches of the fortifications, then show those who were acquainted with the defences where and how their siege engines should be brought forward, how the fortifications were arranged and the ditches, and the approaches to the foss and the walls against which ladders might be placed. In this way he made all his plans by night, and then each morning gave orders for his crafty and cunning schemes to be set in motion. CHAPTER 36 To return to the situation in Constantinople, let us consider the state of mind of the defenders, who were thinking of ways of keeping their city out of the hands of this Nebuchadnezzar. The Emperor had previously sent an appeal for help to Rome, expressing his willing73

ness to join together in a union, as it had been agreed at Florence; agreeing also that the name of the Pope should be mentioned in services in the Great Church, and that the patriarch Gregorius should return to his throne. He requested too that a Papal delegation should be sent, to lay to rest the implacable enmity caused by schism. The Pope sent the Polish Cardinal Isidore, formerly Archbishop of Russia, a man of wisdom and understanding, brought up in the dogmas of Orthodoxy, a Greek by birth, who had shown himself a worthy father of the Church at the Council of Florence, as has been previously related. He travelled on a large Genoese merchant vessel, which stayed long enough at Chios for the merchants on board to do their business, disembarking the goods which they had brought with them, and taking on board what they needed. They were also waiting for another ship, which was to sail with them as far as Caff a. The Cardinal already had about fifty Italians with him, and hired a number of other Latins from Chios. When the ship for which they were waiting appeared, they left Chios and sailed for Constantinople, reaching its harbour in November of the year of the world 6961 (A.D. 1452). The Emperor received them graciously and paid them due honour, after which they settled to a discussion of the Union. They found the Emperor in favour of it, as were the principal lay members of the Church. But the majority of the priests and monks, the abbots, archimandrites and nuns, were against it. The majority, did I say? My mention of the nuns compels me to alter my words and make this clear, that not a single one of them consented; and the Emperor himself only pretended to agree. Nevertheless, those who were giving an impression of supporting the Union, the priests and deacons among the clergy and the Emperor with the Senate, met in the Great Church to celebrate the Divine Eucharist and offer prayers to God with sincere hearts together in unity. Meanwhile those who supported schism made their way to the cell of Gennadius, formerly Georgius Scholarius, in the monastery of the Pantocrator, and said to him, 'What shall we do now ?' He remained shut up, but took a paper and wrote his opinion on it, an opinion which made clear what his advice would be. It read as follows: '0 miserable Greeks, why have you strayed, and removed yourselves from the hope of God ? By putting your trust in the strength of the 74

Franks, you have lost your religion, as well as the city within which it is about to be destroyed. Have mercy upon me, o Lord! In Thy presence I call on Thee to witness that I am guiltless of any such error. 0 miserable citizens, realise what you are doing. You are not only condemning yourselves to a slavery which is certain to come upon you, but you are losing the faith which your fathers handed down to you, and agreeing to impiety. Woe upon you, when you are judged!' He wrote this, and more in the same vein, and pinned it to the door of his cell, keeping himself shut up inside it while the paper was read. Then the nuns, holy virgins who visibly surpassed the rest in their acceptance of the principles of Orthodoxy, in accordance with their own sentiments and the teachings of Gennadius, joined with the abbots and confessors and other priests and the common people, to cry down the accursed thing, and condemn to excommunication those who had favoured the decision reached by the Synod, and those who still favoured it, or should do so in the future. A mob of the common people left the monastery building for the taverns; then, with bowls full of unmixed wine in their hands, they called down curses on the Unionists, drank in honour of the image of the Mother of God, and invited Her to be the defender and protector of the city against Mehmet at this time, as she had been once against Chorsroes, Chagan and the Arabs. * 'We need neither aid nor Union from the Latins,' they cried. let the Azymite form of worship be far from us.' Those Christians who had gathered together in the Great Church held a long service of intercession to God, and then listened to an address from Cardinal Isidore, after which they gave their consent to the Union. They also reached an agreement, that when the Turkish siege was over and peace had returned, a committee of their more notable dignitaries should be appointed to examine the terms of the Union, and make any revisions which might appear to be necessary. At this same ceremony of reconciliation, it was also agreed that there should be a joint Eucharist in the Great Church, celebrated by Italians and Greeks together, and commemorating in * Grecu suggests, perhaps correctly, that the correct reading here is 'Apctpow, not 'Apd.pcov, and that the reference is to the attacks of the Avars.

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the sacred records the names of Pope Nicholas and the absent patriarch Gregory. This solemn liturgy was performed on the twelfth day of the month of December in the year 6961 (A.D. 1452). But there were many who did not accept the gift which was being offered to them, and considered that this service of reunification was no better than an abominable heathen sacrifice. The Cardinal was exploring the hearts of the Greeks and assessing their intentions, and he realised that this was only a ruse, and that they were trying to deceive him. But he was of the same race as they, and was eager to help the city, although without exerting himself to any great extent. What happened was enough to provide an excuse for Papal inactivity, although the greater part of the responsibility was ascribed to God, who disposes of all things in whatever way is most fitting. But the people of Constantinople, a rough mob opposed to everything of the better sort, that root of arrogance, that branch of vain opinion, that flower of haughty pride, the dregs of the Greek people, so ready to despise the rest of mankind though so despicable themselves, considered everything that had been done as if it had not happened at all. So those who supported the Union said, when they associated with the Schismatics, 'Leave the matter alone, and see whether God will remove this enemy who is attacking us, this serpent who is boasting that he will swallow the city completely. Then you will see whether we are united with the Azymites.' When they said this, the wretches did not consider the result that would follow; after so many oaths had been sworn for the sake of unity and agreement among Christians, or at any rate their Churches, after the council which took place at Lyons in the time of the first Palaeologus, or the council which was held at Florence in the time of the last emperor of the Palaeologi, and now, in terms which could not be dismissed, at this present celebration of the divine and sacred mysteries, in the name of the Holy Trinity; after all this, the only result would be that they would blot out all memory of themselves, and of their city, from the earth. You wretches, why were your hearts filled with these empty thoughts ? Behold the priests, the monks, the nuns and sacristans who would not partake of the Immaculate Body and Blood at the hands of Greeks who were administering the sacraments according 76

to the tradition of the Eastern Church; saying that the sacraments had been polluted and were no longer Christian, shrinking from the benediction of the priests and calling their churches heathen places of sacrifice, while on the morrow these same people were about to fall into the hands of the barbarians, to be defiled and polluted, body and soul alike ! With my own eyes I saw one nun, who had been instructed in the holy Scriptures of the Church, not only eating flesh, and wearing barbarian dress, but even sacrificing to the false prophet, and confessing her impiety without shame. But what was it that made me leap forward five months in my narrative ? We shall reach this point soon enough, and then the grievous story will be told. The Emperor now sent some of his officials to the islands, and into other areas still under the control of the Christians, to buy grain, vegetables and other foodstuffs, in expectation of the Sultan's arrival with the coming spring. There were four large merchant ships collecting necessities of all kinds in the island of Chios, grain, wine, oil, figs, carobs, barley and all sorts of other crops, while waiting for another ship to arrive from the Peloponnese. When this had come, the five of them set sail for Constantinople, with a great number of stout fighting men and plenty of armour and equipment on board. All the people in the islands were distressed and anxious for the city. Some believed that it would be overcome, and captured by the barbarians; but others felt that Mehmet's father and grandfather had both wanted to win it, but had laboured in vain, and that this attempt would meet the same fate. CHAPTER 37 January passed, and at the beginning of February the Sultan ordered his great cannon to be transported to Constantinople. Thirty wagons were joined together, and sixty oxen, picked for strength, drew it behind them. Beside the cannon there marched two hundred men, on the one side and on the other, pulling it along and keeping it straight, and making sure that it did not slide from its course. Fifty carpenters went ahead, and two hundred labourers with 77

them, to build wooden bridges over any irregularities in the surface of the road. It took the months of February and March to bring it to a point five thousand paces from the city. Meanwhile Karaja Bey had been sent with a force to attack the fortified towns of Pontus, namely Mesembria, Anchialus, Byzus and the rest, and to annex them. He also captured the fortress of Saint Stephen near Selymbria after a struggle, and put all those inside it to death. The rest of the fortresses and the soldiers in them capitulated. Those who surrendered escaped unharmed, while those who resisted were beheaded. Selymbria itself, however, continued to put up a fierce resistance. After the equipment had been brought up to the position where they had been ordered to place it, the task of guarding it was given to Karaja Bey. He also began overrunning the neighbourhood of Constantinople with his troops, and preventing the Greeks from going beyond the city gates. Three detachments of his troops from Mysia and Paphlagonia had also spent the whole winter keeping watch on the city, to prevent the Greeks from coming out and attacking the Turks. The forces arrayed against them had now reached a considerable size, and the Greeks could not make sorties. But by sea they made expeditions with their biremes and triremes as far as Cyzicus, ravaging the Turkish seaboard and taking many prisoners, some of whom they put to death, while others were taken to Constantinople and sold. While they were engaged in these preliminary skirmishes, spring came, and the days of the Lenten fast began to be numbered. The discord in the Church did not decrease, and in addition an unusual kind of dispute might have been observed among those who were entrusted with hearing confessions. Christians who came to them to confess their sins found themselves being asked if they had communicated together with those who had been excommunicated, or heard Mass said by any Unionist priest. This attracted a heavy penalty and a severe penance, and those who had duly submitted to their penance, and were considered worthy once more to receive in communion the Body and Blood of our Lord, were forbidden to approach Unionist priests under the threat of punishment. Such men, it was declared, were not true priests at all, and the sacraments which they offered were not genuine. If the others were called to a 78

burial or a funeral service, and a Unionist priest was present, at once they would cast off their vestments and make their escape, as if from a fire. The Great Church was held by them to be the home of devils and a place of pagan sacrifice. No tapers burned there; the lanterns held no oil. All was darkness, and no one was willing to dispel it. The holy shrine appeared to be deserted, as if symbolising the desolation which would soon overtake its former population as a punishment for their iniquities. Meanwhile Gennadius continued to issue admonitions from his cell, and to call down curses on those who favoured the Union. At a later time, I happened to meet a lady of noble birth who had been taken prisoner when the city fell. She told me, that on the Holy Wednesday after Easter she was in labour, and sending for her spiritual adviser, Jacob by name, she made her confession. He then urged her to take communion. She asked the old man if there was anything to prevent her from receiving it at the hands of the priest who served in her household chapel. This priest had joined the Unionists on one occasion only, in the Great Church on the twelfth of December, and even then he had not fully participated in the joint Mass; he had been left out of the ceremony, with others who were late in arriving, and had done nothing but stand in the church, wearing his priestly robes. The lady's confessor replied to her question, 'It is permissible, and God will allow you to do this. The man is still a priest and a minister of the Church. You may take communion from him as safely as from anyone else.' She, however, frightened by such an uncompromising defence of the old man (for she was on the side of the Schismatics), sent for another confessor named Neophytus, and told him of this answer to her problem. This Neophytus felt free to speak boldly, since he was a confessor to the Palace and the families of the great, and he forbade her, saying, 'It is not allowed. If you were to take communion from his hands, it would be only bread and wine that you would be eating.' 0 Christ my King, how great is Thy forbearance ! What blindness, what ignorance ! If the priest had been a Latin, your folly might have been thought reasonable, even if irrational; for then he would have offered prayers to God in. the Latin tongue, the bread would 79

have been unleavened and the water cold, and other charges might have been made which an Orthodox Christian would not dare to mention, nor could he even whisper them in. relation to such a celebration of the Holy Mysteries without deserving to be stoned. But what fault can you find with them when they are performed in your own tongue, and with the prayers which you and the rest of the Eastern priests use ? 0 vain Pharisee, what is left for you to say, except to claim that you are pure and free from defilement, and set apart from other Christians ? Perhaps, however, I could say with greater truth, that you are the one who has really excommunicated himself. So this noblewoman, hesitating between the two different commands, was unable to reach any decision, and did not take communion on that day. The same night, she gave birth to a child without having received absolution. And if she had died after this, her spirit would not have been marked with the sign of the Holy Ghost, and Neophytus, and the evil spirit which dwelt in him, would have been guilty of this. Now let us return to the main stream of our narrative, and see how the raging flood will overwhelm and swallow up the Ark which had, as it were, banished its helmsman Noah, and looked askance at the holy doves of peace, considering them unholy if they came from the hands of the impure. At the beginning of March the Sultan sent messengers and heralds to every governor in his empire, commanding each one to come with an army to attack the city. The aimies which were registered as due or tributary to him came together from all directions; and who could count the infinite number of those who joined without being conscripted ? All who heard the news came running to join in the attack, even those so young that they could barely walk, and those who could hardly move from age. Meanwhile, the inhabitants of the city prayed to God that the attack should not come during Holy Week, because they had heard that the Sultan himself was already riding in their direction. On the Friday of the week after Easter this Nebuchadnezzar arrived before the gates of Jerusalem, and pitched his tents in front of the Charisius Gate behind the hill there. His whole army extended from the Xyloporta, which is near the palace, to the Golden Gate to the south, and from the Xyloporta to Cosmedium, and from the 8o

southern end as far as the vineyards extended on the level; these had been previously laid waste by Karaj a Bey. On the sixth of April, on the Friday after Easter, they dug a trench around the city. Ever since the day when the Union had taken place in the Great Church, the citizens of Constantinople had avoided it, as if it were a Jewish synagogue. There were no offerings, no sacrifices, no incense. If one of the priests celebrated Mass on a feast day, the worshippers would stay until the moment of the Offering, and then all departed, men and women, nuns and priests alike. In fact, they treated the Church as if it were a heathen altar, and the sacrifice as if it were made to Apollo. For this reason Isaiah says (XXIX, 14-15 and XXX, 1), speaking as if from the mouth of God, 'Therefore behold, I will proceed to do a marvellous work among this people, even a marvellous work and a wonder: for the wisdom of their wise men shall perish, and the understanding of their prudent men shall be hid. Woe unto them that seek deep to hide their counsel from the Lord, and their works are in the dark, and they say, "Who seeth us ?" and "Who knoweth us?"' `Woe to the rebellious children,' saith the Lord, 'that take counsel, but not of me; and that cover with a covering, but not of my spirit, that they may add to sin.' Meanwhile, Gennadius continued to preach and write tracts against the Unionists, weaving syllogisms and contrary propositions against the most wise and blessed Thomas Aquinas and his writings, and against Demetrius Cydones, proving them to be heretics. As his accomplice and ally, he had the first of the Emperor's ministers, the Megadux. When the Greeks saw the enormous Turkish army, Notaras went so far as to say, speaking more against his own city than against the Latins, that he would rather see a Turkish turban reigning triumphant over the city than a cardinal's hat. The citizens in their despair had been saying, 'If only Constantinople had been handed over to the Latins, who at least offer prayers to Christ and the Virgin, and we had not been cast out, to fall into the hands of the heathen!' It was on this occasion that the Megadux made this remark. But against him there are the words of Isaiah, as they were spoken to Hezekiah (XXX/X, 5-7): 'Hear the word of the Lord of 8i

Hosts. Behold, the days come, that all that is in thine house, and that which thy fathers have laid up in store against this day, shall be carried to Babylon; nothing shall be left, saith the Lord. And of thy sons that shall issue from thee, which thou shalt beget, shall they take away; and they shall be eunuchs in the palace of the king of Babylon.: CHAPTER 38 The Emperor Constantine was now making plans for defence with the Genoese of Galata, as much as lay within their power; they were convinced that if Constantinople fell, their own town would also be laid waste. They had previously written to Genoa asking for aid, and had received the reply that a ship was already on its way with five hundred soldiers to help them. The Venetian merchant galleys were at this time returning from Lake Maeotis, the river Tanais and Trebizond, and the Emperor and the Venetians resident in the city did not allow them to sail on to Venice, but kept them to help the city. There was also a man called Giovanni Longo of the Giustiniani family, who came from Venice with two large ships and a great deal of fine military equipment, bringing with him a force of Genoese soldiers, all young, well-armed and eager for battle. This Giovanni was a most capable person, and well versed in military strategy and battle tactics. The Emperor welcomed him, made him an allowance for the upkeep of his soldiers, showed him favours and honoured him with the rank of Commander-in-Chief. Giustiniani then undertook the defence of that section of the walls nearest to the palace, since it had been noted that the Sultan was placing his cannon at that point, together with the rest of his siege equipment. The Emperor also issued a gold bull giving Giustiniani the island of Lemnos, if Mehmet was driven back, and forced to retreat without succeeding in his vaunted aim of winning the city. After that, Giustiniani's Latin troops fought like heroes, sallying forth from the gates, and standing on the outer fortifications, and sometimes descending into the foss; and upon occasion the defenders even sprang out of the foss, and engaged in hand-to-hand combat with the Turks, who sometimes escaped and were sometimes captured. 82

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But this brought no advantage to the Greeks. It may be said without exaggeration that there was only one of them for every twenty Turks. What good could it do them, if they made sorties in this way ? So a decision was reached, that they should fight only from the ramparts of the walls, using cross-bows or long bows, or with guns which fired, with the help of powder, five or ten bullets at a time, each about the size of a Pontic walnut, and having a great power of penetration. If one of these hit an armed man, it would go right through his shield and his body, and go on to hit anyone else who happened to be in the way, and even a third, until the force of the powder had diminished; so one shot might hit two or three men. The Turks too learned of this, and in the end made even greater use of them. April was by now two thirds over, and there had been nothing more than minor skirmishes. Meanwhile the Sultan's forces were increasing, with conscripted men and volunteers, to an extent impossible to estimate accurately. Those who went to reconnoitre said that there were more than four hundred thousand of them. Before Mehmet himself arrived, and while he was still at Adrianople, the Genoese of Galata sent an embassy to him, pointing out that their friendship towards him was unimpaired, and offering to renew their earlier treaties with him. His reply was, that he was their friend, and that nothing would induce him to depart from his affection towards them, provided that they were not found to be offering help to the city; and they promised that they would not do this. One of the two was deceived, as the outcome of events made clear; the Genoese thought that since the city had been besieged in the past by Mehmet's forbears, who had had to retreat without any success, it might be expected that the same would happen on this occasion, and in order to show their good will towards the citizens of Constantinople, they sent a number of their own men to bring help. They thought that the Sultan's protestation of friendship was not to be relied upon, and secretly did what might have been expected of them, and sent aid to the city. Meanwhile, Mehmet was saying to himself, 'I shall leave the little snake in peace until I have slain the dragon; then one light blow will put an end to this one too;' and this is in fact what happened. At this time the Turkish fleet arrived, consisting of triremes, 83

biremes and light vessels to the number of three hundred. The harbour of the city was closed off by a chain, which stretched from the gate called Horaia across to Galata. The Greek ships lay in line within it, keeping watch over the chain and the harbour. The five ships already mentioned, one belonging to the Emperor and carrying grain from the Peloponnese, the other four hired from Genoa by the Emperor, had been held at Chios all through March because of various matters which needed attention. When April came, and they wanted to set sail, the north wind prevented them. Because of this, the defenders of Constantinople and the members of the expedition were both full of despondency; but the north wind dropped and a southerly began to blow, and they left the harbour of Chios. The wind was light on the first day, but increased in strength on the second, and the ships were carried onward at a good speed. Their arrival was eagerly awaited in the city, even thought it might not bring them any advantage. When the convoy came in sight the Sultan like a raging dragon rushed to his fleet, giving orders that one of two things must happen: the ships must either be captured, or prevented from entering the harbour. The Turkish fleet left its moorings and took up its station a little way off the harbour which is outside the Golden Gate, waiting for the convoy. The ships meanwhile kept a straight course with the intention of reaching the acropolis of Megademetrius, from which they could enter the Golden Horn, and at this point the enemy fleet attacked them. The sea had now become calm, because the wind had dropped, and a strange sight could be seen. The three hundred vessels of the Turkish fleet, and the five large ships of the convoy, covered the sea completely, so that it might have been dry land; and missiles flew so thickly that the oars had difficulty in finding the water. Those who were on board a ship were like winged eagles above, sending their arrows down on those below, and firing their guns, so that the Turks lost a large number of men. The Sultan's vanity led him to ride headlong into the sea on his horse, as if he wished to cleave the waves, and sail on horseback to his fleet, so angry was he with his sailors; his soldiers on land, too, felt as he did. Then the wind blew, the sails sprang to life, and they drove through the enemy vessels, leaving them behind, and headed in the direction of the city. If the whole of the Turkish fleet had 84

been in front of them, these five ships could then have sunk all three hundred of them. Mehmet, however, who had no knowledge of naval warfare, was reduced to shouting orders. But his admiral paid no attention, since it was impossible to obey his commands. The Sultan then, in a rage, ordered his fleet to withdraw to the Double Columns, and the admiral to be brought before him. This was done, and he was hurled to the ground and held stretched out by four men, while his master with his own hands beat him, giving him a hundred strokes with a rod, the head of which contained five hundred pounds weight * of pure gold. Mehmet himself had had it made to play with, as an experiment. The man was called Palda, of Bulgarian descent, and was the son of a Bulgarian chief. He had previously been a slave, had abjured his country's religion, and had been in service in the household of Mehmet's father. Four years earlier he had led an expedition to Lesbos, and had taken a great number of prisoners, but had incurred the ill-will of those who had taken part in this act of piracy, because he kept their share of the booty from them. So when they saw him being beaten and lying beneath their tyrant's displeasure, one of the Azabs took a stone and crashed it down on the side of his head, striking out one of his eyes. The convoy had now reached the harbour, and the defenders loosened the chain to let them inside. Mehmet saw that there were now eight large ships and twenty smaller ones there, counting the Imperial galleys and those of the Venetians, with a great number of other smaller craft, and realised that he could not win the harbour in this way. He therefore devised the following daring scheme, an excellent one as it turned out. He ordered a way to be constructed over the ravines behind Pera, from a point below the Double Columns on the east, to the other side of Galata, the part near the beach of the Golden Horn opposite Cosmedium. After making the road as level as possible, he put his biremes on rollers, unfurled their sails, and ordered them to be hauled overland from the Bosphorus to the Golden Horn. His commands were obeyed; * The Greek text gives 'five hundred pounds', which is impossible, but hard to correct. If it is not simply an outrageous hyperbole, we may choose between five pounds and five hundred drachmas, which would weigh between four and five pounds.

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they were dragged along, with a lookout in the bows and another man sitting at the tiller, while a third took charge of the sails and shook them. Drums and trumpets sounded, striking up a nautical air. Sailing in this way with a fair wind over the ravines and streams on dry land, they eventually reached the water again. Eighty biremes altogether were transported in this way, the rest remaining where they were. Who has ever seen such a thing before, or even heard of it ? Xerxes indeed made a bridge over the sea, and his army passed over it as if on dry land. But this new Alexander, surely, it is to be hoped, the last of his kind, made the land into an ocean, and drew his ships over the peaks of the mountains as if they were the crests of the waves. And in this he surpassed Xerxes, who crossed the Hellespont but had to turn back after being defeated by the Athenians: Mehmet crossed the land as if it were the sea, and then overwhelmed the Greeks, the ornament of the world, and captured the Queen of Cities. Such were the events on sea; on land, the Turks brought their great cannon to a position where it faced the wall, near the Gate of Saint Romanus. Its maker had two smaller cannon stationed by the side of it, firing shot of fifty pounds weight, and he used them to check his aim. When he wanted to fire the great cannon, he first marked the target and fired a smaller one at it, then aimed skilfully and hurled a stone from the great cannon at the same place. When the first shot struck, and the defenders heard the crash of it, they were struck dumb, and began to raise the cry, 'Lord have mercy upon us!' At this time the image of the Holy Virgin was in the palace, this being Holy Week, and from then onwards, prayers were made to it frequently in the monastery of Chora, where the ikon stayed until the capture of the city. Then was fulfilled the prophecy of God, made through Jeremiah, which said (VI, 20-23), 'To what purpose cometh there to me incense from Sheba, and the sweet cane from a far country ? Your burnt offerings are not acceptable, nor your sacrifices sweet unto me. Therefore, thus saith the Lord, "Behold, a people cometh from the north country, and a great nation shall be raised from the sides of the earth. They shall lay hold on bow and spear; they are cruel, and have no mercy; their voice roareth like the sea; and they ride upon horses, set in array as men 86

for war against thee, o Daughter of Zion."' How, you may ask, did the craftsman who designed this cannon which did so much damage prevent it from bursting ? We have seen how the cannon were fired; and after the firing, if care had not been taken to cover this one with thick mats of felt, it would have shatteredt at once like glass. Even after these precautions, it would still have split after two, or at the most three firings, as air found its way into the innermost depths of the metal. What then did its maker do ? When the shot had been fired, and the cannon was still sizzling with the heat of the sulphur and saltpetre, he quickly drenched it with oil, and the parts of it into which air had entered were filled with this; so the cold had no effect, being moderated by the warmth of the oil, and it withstood the explosions easily, until it had played its part in the destruction of the city. Even after this, it survived, and helped the Sultan to carry out his plans of conquest. As the shot from the cannon shook and battered at the walls, they were intending to keep on aiming at the same spot, when an ambassador of John Hunyadi who was there laughed at this way of shooting. 'If you really want to knock the walls down easily,' he said, 'aim to hit another part of the wall five or six fathoms away from your first shot, and then fire at this in the same way. When you have hit the two outer points fair and square, then fire a third shot so that the three points of impact form a triangle, and then you wi El see a wall like this one come tumbling down.' This was clearly good advice, and the designer of the cannon followed it successfully. What, you may ask, made the Hungarian give the Sultan- such advice ? I shall tell you. In this year the Holy Roman Emperor, who had been crowned by Pope Nicholas, had removed Hunyadi from his position as regent of Hungary, and installed Ladislas as king. * Hunyadi had made a treaty of peace with Mehmet for a period of three years, eighteen months of which had now elapsed. He proceeded to send this message to the Sultan: have handed over the kingdom to my master, and henceforward I can no longer keep the oath which I have sworn. Here is the treaty which you * This sentence is translated from the Italian version of Ducas, which in this case appears to have preserved the correct text. Surviving Greek manuscripts contain a confused sentence in which the king of Hungary becomes Emperor of the Romans.

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gave me; give me back the copy which you have, and you may act as you wish towards the king of Hungary.' It was for this reason that the ambassador had come. As to the advice which he, being a Christian, should not have given, I shall write what I have heard. It is said that after he had been defeated for the third time (at Kossovo), as has already been related, Hunyadi fled. As he drew near to home in a state of distress after his failure, he fell in with a prophet, and told him about the disaster, bemoaning the fact that fortune had left the Greeks, and was smiling on the infidels. The old man answered, 'My son, you should know that until destruction has visited the Greeks, fortune will never smile upon the Christians. The city must be destroyed by the Turks, and only then will the misfortunes of the Christians come to an end.' With this ill-omened prophecy sounding in his ears, Hunyadi's messenger was eager to see the city fall without delay, and it was for this reason that he gave advice on the best manner in which to bring down the wall. Two sections of wall with a tower in the middle collapsed, and the tower by the gate of Saint Romanus was also left lying on the ground, so that besiegers and besieged were left looking at one another. But Giustiniani and all his men fought bravely, together with the soldiers from the palace, and a large group of armed men from Galata, who had come to show their friendship towards the defenders. These men used to leave their town and go to the Turkish camp, without being afraid, and supplied the Sultan with the necessities which he required, oil for his cannon, and anything else which seemed to be needed. But they would secretly cross over by night to the Greeks, and fight on their side all the next day; then on the following night, others would change places with them in the city, and they would appear in their homes and, in the Turkish camp, to deceive the enemy. The Venetians who occupied the sector from the Imperial Gate to Cynegum also fought with the Greeks against the Turks. The Megadux with five hundred alined men had a general roving commission about the city, encouraging the defenders wherever he appeared, inspecting the guards and looking for any soldiers who had not been assigned to a post. This routine was followed every day, although the demon of destruction, our enemy, had not yet 88

begun to attack with all his strength, because he was waiting for the time established by the inquiries of his soothsayers. As the Emperor surveyed the gap in the fortifications, he felt certain that the ruins were an evil omen of what was to happen to the city and to himself. Since the time of the first emperor, the most holy Constantine, during so many wars against the Scythians, the Persians and the Arabs, * not a single stone of even a pound's weight had ever fallen from the walls. But now that he saw the quality and the enormous size of their army, the power of their fleet and the way now lying open before them, his heart sank. He sent an embassy to the Sultan, begging him to fix a yearly tribute, even if it was greater than they could pay, and make any other demands he liked, if only he would withdraw, and leave them to enjoy the blessings of peace. Mehmet's answer was as follows: 'It is impossible for me to withdraw. Either I shall capture the city, or the city shall capture me, alive or dead. If you are willing to leave it, I shall allow you to live at peace in the Peloponnese, and I shall give your brothers other provinces to rule over, and we shall be friends. But if you prevent me from entering in peace, and I have to fight my way in, I shall put you and all your nobles to the sword, and I shall give all the rest of your people to my soldiers, to be their slaves; and for myself I shall keep only the city.' The Emperor could not even consider these suggestions. It was quite impossible to take the city which belonged to the Greeks and give it to the Turks. If this were done, where could they go ? What place could the Greeks dwell in, what Christian city, where they would not be spat upon, and held in loathing and contempt ? Indeed, even the Turks and the Hebrews would scorn them. At this time Giustiniani was considering a night attack, to burn the ships of the enemy. A trireme was prepared, manned by a picked crew of Italians, and loaded with equipment in readiness for the operation. But the Genoese of Galata heard what was happening and informed the Turks, who kept watch all night with their guns trained in readiness to meet the attack of the Latins. They, not knowing that the infidels had had news from Galata of their plans, * As in the case noted earlier, it is possible that the correct reading is Avars', not 'Arabs'.

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got under way about midnight, and their trireme silently approached the Turkish vessels. But the Turks had been keeping watch all night, and fired their cannon, and a shot went off in. the direction of the trireme. It struck it with a great crash, and sent it to the bottom with its crew. This caused much fear and anguish among the Latins, and Giustiniani himself was greatly disheartened; the men who had been drowned, more than a hundred and fifty of them, were all from his own ship, active and warlike lads. The Turks were filled with optimism by this turn of events, and all gave a great shout of victory, those on board their ships joining the others in their camp on land, and raising such a clamour to the skies that the ground was shaking over the whole of the area, and those in the city and in Galata groaned with fear. When daylight came, the Turks continued fighting, full of joy and high spirits, and as a sign of the confidence which the destruction of the galley had inspired in them, they loaded their cannon with another large shot. There was a ship anchored near the entrance of the harbour by Galata, carrying a cargo of merchandise of all kinds. It was preparing to set sail for Italy, and both the ship and its cargo belonged to the merchants of Galata. The Turks fired their cannon, and the shot went right through the middle of the ship, and in a moment the shattered hull had sunk to the bottom. This present was a recompense for the pure and unalloyed friendship which the people of Galata so clearly felt towards the Turks. The very same day an embassy went to the Turkish officers in charge, loudly complaining, 'We are your friends; we have shown our friendship by telling you that the trireme was going to be sent against you, and if you had not had this information from us, all your labour in dragging your eighty vessels overland into the harbour would have gone for nothing, and they would have been burned to ashes by the Greeks. Now you have repaid us handsomely for our efforts on your behalf by causing us to suffer this great loss !' The Turkish viziers replied, 'We did not know that the ship was yours, and it was only because we were sure that the opposite was the case, that we acted as we did. Have confidence, and wish us success in our attempts to capture the city. In fact, the time for this is drawing near; and then we shall make up this, and any other loss which we have caused you.' After hearing these honeyed ...:'rds 90

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the embassy departed. The poor wretches did not realise that they and their city would soon be treated in exactly the same way as Constantinople. The Sultan now prepared a bridge stretching from Galata in the direction of Cynegum. It was constructed as follows. By his orders more than a thousand wine casks were collected and bound together with cords to give a width equal to the length of two casks, making one row, and then another row like the first. Then the two rows were joined and fitted together and beams nailed from one to the other and planking laid on top. The bridge was eventually made wide enough for five footsoldiers to cross it side by side without difficulty. CHAPTER 39 Now that everything had been prepared to his satisfaction, Mehmet sent a messenger into the city to the Emperor, saying, 'Our preparations for battle are now complete. The time has come to do what we have been eager to do for so long, and we leave it to God to decide whether we shall succeeded in our aim. What have you to say now ? Are you willing to leave the city with your ministers, who may take their property with them, and leave the citizens, who are to incur no punishment from either of us ? Or would you rather maintain your resistance, and lose both your life and your possessions, you and those about you, while your people are taken prisoner and scattered over all the earth ?' The Emperor, together with his ministers, answered as follows, `If you are willing to live together with us in peace as your fathers did, to God be the praise. Your ancestors looked upon mine as their parents, and paid them equal honour, and treated this city as if it were their own home. In times of unrest, all those who came within its walls were saved, and none who stood against it survived for long.' `Keep the fortresses and the land that you have unjustly snatched from us, as if you deserved them. Fix a yearly tribute, as much as we can pay you, and go in peace. How can you be sure, although you are so confident of gaining a victory, that you yourself will not be vanquished ? The city is not mine to give you, nor has anyone 91

who lives in it the right to do so. We are all determined to choose death rather than surrender, and we shall not hesitate to give our lives in this cause.' When Mehmet heard this message, he gave up all hope of tricking the city into accepting terms of peace. He ordered an announcement to be made throughout his army, fixing a day for a general assault, and swore that he asked for nothing for himself, except the buildings and walls of the city; all the rest, the booty and the captives, would be theirs. This announcement was received with great joy. When evening came, he sent heralds around the whole of the camp, and commanded that in every tent bright lights should burn, and that fires should be kindled; and when the lights were lit, they were all to shout and raise the foul cries which show their heathen nature. The result was a scene which was most remarkable to see, or even to hear of. The light of their fires, covering land and sea, shone more brightly than the sun through the city and over Galata, and on the ships there and the vessels beyond Scutari. The surface of the water glittered as if lit by the flash of a thunderbolt. Oh, if only it had been a thunderbolt, and if it could not only have shed light upon the city, but consumed it with its flames as well! The Greeks at first thought that a fire had broken out in the camp of the besiegers, and they ran to the gap in the wall. But when they saw them dancing and heard their merry shouting, they realised what was about to happen, and began sorrowfully to pray to God, saying, 'Lord, spare us from Thy just anger, and redeem us from the hands of the enemy.' The people of the city were terrified almost to death by the very sight and sound of what was happening, gasping for fear and scarcely able to breathe. But Giustiniani continued to exert himself all through the night, ordering all the brushwood in the city to be brought to plug the gap in the wall, and having another ditch dug on the inside to protect the part where it had been destroyed. The Greeks now saw that the way was clear for the enemy to pass in and out, while they themselves could not go outside the gate and fight them in the outer enclosure, because the collapse of the walls had left them unprotected. There were some of the older men who knew of a side entrance which for many years had been securely blocked up, giving access

below ground level to the lower part of the palace. They told the Emperor of this, and by his command it was opened up. Then, protected by the walls which were still sound, they made a sortie from this, and fought the Turks in the outer enclosure; the name of this hidden gate had originally been the Kerkoporta. The Sultan began to engage his forces in this general assault on the Sunday; and when evening came, he continued to press the Greeks throughout the night. This Sunday was the day of All Saints, the twenty-seventh of May. When dawn came the next clay, Mehmet continued his attack with less vigour until the ninth hour, and after this he moved his army from the palace to the Chryse Gate, and his eighty ships from the Xyloporta to the Plataia Gate, and the rest of his fleet which had been achored at the Double Columns was spread in a curve from the Horaia Gate, past the acropolis of Megademetrius and the Little Gate by the Monastery of the Hodegetria; and going down from the Great Palace past the harbour, they surrounded the city as far as Vlanga. Each of them was fitted out with a ladder the height of the walls, and every other sort of equipment necessary for the assault. When the sun had set, their battle cries sounded, and at the second hour of the night the Sultan himself rode out, with a great array of troops. He chose to fight in front of the breach in the walls, with a contingent of brave young warriors, chosen from among his own faithful slaves the janissaries, and there were more than ten thousand of them, fighting with the courage of lions on his behalf. Behind them and on each side there were more than a hundred thousand mounted men; by the lower part of the city, as far as the Chryse Gate, more than a thousand others, and from the point where the Sultan was to the end of the palace sector, another fifty thousand; while the number on the ships and on the bridge was beyond computation. The defenders too had been assigned to different areas. The Emperor and Giustiniani were by the breach in the walls, in the enclosure outside the inner wall, having about three thousand Greeks and Latins with them, and the Megadux was in the palace with five hundred men. On the sea walls and the ramparts from the Xyloporta to the Horaia Gate were more than five hundred archers and crossbowmen. In every tower along the circuit from the Horaia 93

Gate to the Chryse Gate there was stationed one archer, crossbowman or slinger. They spent the whole night keeping watch, without daring to sleep, while the Turks and their leader took up their positions beneath the walls, carrying an enormous number of ladders which they had made. The Sultan rode behind his troops, driving his archers on towards the walls with an iron staff, using flattery at one moment and threats at another, while the defenders put up as stout a resistance as they were able. Meanwhile the brave Giustiniani stayed there with his men and the Emperor, who had now put on his armour, and they fought back strongly with the forces at their disposal. And now, as fortune was beginning to smile upon the Turks, God snatched from the middle of the ranks of the Greeks that mighty man of war, that leader of heroic stature. He was struck by a shot in the back of the arm above the elbow, while it was still dark. His iron cuirass, too, was pierced, which had seemed as if it was made like the armour of Achilles, and he was unable to keep his place because of the shock. He cried to the Emperor, 'Stand fast, while I go to my ship, and when I have found a surgeon to attend to me, shall soon return.' This was the hour when the words of Jeremiah (XXI, 3-7) were to be fulfilled, when he said to the Jews, 'Thus shall ye say to Zedekiah; thus saith the Lord God of Israel. Behold, I will turn back the weapons of war that are in your hands, wherewith ye fight against the King of Babylon and against the Chaldaeans, which besiege you without the walls, and I will assemble them into the midst of this city. And I myself will fight against you with an outstretched hand and with a strong arm, even in anger, and in fury, and in great wrath. And I will smite the inhabitants of this city, man and beast; they shall die of a great pestilence and I shall not spare them, neither shall I have pity on them.' The Emperor saw Giustiniani withdrawing, and he and those fighting with him were frightened, since they were already hard put to it to hold their own. The Turks had been working their way gradually towards the walls, protecting themselves with their shields and putting scaling ladders in place. But they had gained nothing by this, because the slingers from above kept them off with stones, and they were thwarted in their attempt. The Emperor and all his Greek troops were concentrated at that point against the 94

enemy, and all their energies were directed towards one purpose, to prevent the Turks from entering through the breach in the wall. But God, who willed it otherwise, brought the enemy in by another way without their knowledge. The Turks saw that the gate which has been previously mentioned was left open,and about fifty of the Sultan's janissaries leaped inside it, and then made their way up to the top of the walls, breathing fire and slaying all those who opposed them, until they dashed against the slingers on the ramparts. What happened then was a sight to make one shudder. Some of the Greeks and Latins who were preventing the enemy from bringing their ladders up to the walls were cut down by the janissaries. Others covered their eyes and hurled themselves from the walls, and life did not remain long in their broken bodies. Then the Turks were able to set up their scaling ladders without opposition, and swarm up them like eagles in flight. The Greeks who were with the Emperor did not know what had happened, because the point at which the Turks had entered was some distance away, and because their attention was fully engaged by their immediate opponents. There were twenty Turkish soldiers for every Greek, and each of the defenders was far less likely to be trained in arms than any of his adversaries. It was in this direction, therefore, that all their thoughts and attention were turned. Then suddenly they noticed missiles falling on them from above and killing some of them, and looking up, they saw the Turks on the wall. Their immediate reaction was to turn and flee into the city. But they could not all pass through the gate called Charisius, being in a tightly-packed throng, and those who were stronger succeeded in making their way forward by trampling over their weaker brethren. The Sultan's soldiers saw that the Greeks were retreating, and with one universal shout they streamed forward, trampling to death those who were unfortunate enough to be in their way. When they came to the gate, they could not pass through it, because it was blocked by the bodies of those who had fallen or fainted there. So most of them entered the city by clambering over the ruined walls, cutting down 'any who stood in their way. The Emperor now gave up all hope. He stood holding his sword and shield, and cried hopefully, 'Is there no Christian who will cut 95

off my head ?' But all had deserted him. One of the Turks gave him a blow in the face. He struck back, and received another blow. Then another Turk behind gave him a mortal wound, and he fell to the ground. They did not know that he was the Emperor, but thought him a common soldier, so after killing him, they left him. The Turks lost only three men at this moment of entering the city. It was the first hour of the day, and the sun had not yet risen. When they had entered, and spread out in various directions from the Charisius Gate to the palace, they put to death anyone they saw, even fugitives. They killed about two thousand soldiers in their fear, because they had always calculated that there would be at least fifty thousand fighting men in the city. So they killed these two thousand men; but if they had known that the whole army of the defenders had never exceeded eight thousand, they would never have put even a single one to death. They are a people always greedy for money, and even if one of them had the murderer of his father in his hands, he would sell him for gold; much more readily, then, would they sell one who had done them no harm, but only the reverse. When the war was over, I met many of them who said to me, We were frightened by those whom we had previously met, and so we killed those whom we saw first. But if we had known how few men there were in the city, we would have sold them all like cattle.' The Azabs of the Sultan's household, who are also called janissaries, ran either to the palace or to the monastery of the Great Prodromos, the one called Petra, and the monastery of Chora, in which the ikon of the most holy Mother of God was kept at that time. What tongue, what lips now can tell of the things which that image suffered for your sins ? These infidels were so eager to rush on after further booty, that one of the heathen took an axe to it, and with further assistance from his filthy hands, broke it into four pieces. Each of them then cast lots, and took his own piece with any ornament which was attached to it, and on they went, after snatching any other valuables belonging to the monastery which they could find. Then they broke into the house of the Protostrator, and opened the treasures which had been stored away so long in ancient times. They woke the young women of noble birth from their slumber; for the twenty-ninth of May was now beginning, and early 96

morning sleep was still resting sweetly on the eyes of young men and maidens as they enjoyed their rest to the full, just as they had done with confidence the day before and the day before that. A dense crowd of Turks was now pressing onward at a run, which brought them to the Great Church, and there on both sides it was possible to see a stratagem being put into operation. * Early that morning, just as dawn was breaking, and the defenders were fleeing after the Turks had broken in, some of the Greeks were far ahead of the rest, striving to reach their homes and. protect their wives and children. As they were passing through the area by the Forum of the Bull, and approaching the pillar of the Holy Cross, covered in blood, some of the women asked them what had happened. When they heard the dreadful news being cried aloud, 'The enemy are within the walls of the city, and are killing the Greeks,' at first they did not believe it, and paid no attention except to insult them for saying what could only bring bad luck. But then along came another soldier, and another after him, all bloodstained, and they realised that the cup of the divine wrath was now approaching their lips. Then all of them, men and women, monks and nuns, ran towards the Great Church, fathers and mothers carrying their infants in their arms, and leaving their houses to anyone who wished to enter them. The way to the church could now be seen packed with people. What, we may wonder, was the reason which led them all to flee to the Great Church ? Long ago they had heard from certain false prophets that the city would fall to the Turks, and that they would enter it with their soldiers, and that the Greeks would fall beneath their swords until they reached the column of Constantine the Great. After this, an angel would descend bearing a sword, and would hand over the empire, together with this sword, to a nameless man who would be found standing by this column, a poor and common man, and would say to him, 'Take this sword, and avenge the people of the Lord.' Then the Turks would be beaten back, and the Greeks would follow them and smite them, driving them from the city, and from the West, and from the East as far as the borders of Persia, to a place called Monodendrion. * I.e., both Turks and Christians were heading for Hagia Sophia, for different reasons.

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A number of people, believing that this was now about to happen, began running, and advised the rest to follow them. In so doing, the Greeks were putting into practice an idea which had occurred to them long before. 'If we put the Column of the Cross behind us,' they said, 'we shall escape the wrath which is coming.' This was the reason why in their flight they went on and entered the Great Church. In no more than an hour the huge building was full of men and women, too many to count, on the floor, and in the galleries and vestibules, filling every corner. The doors were closed, and they stood there, hoping to be saved. You miserable Greeks, you wretches, who yesterday and the day before called this church an infidel cavern, an altar of the heathen! Not a single one of you would enter it then, in case of pollution, because services were conducted within by those who had embraced the Union of the Church. But now, because of the wrath which was coming upon you, you fled to it as if it was your only hope of salvation. And yet, even when God's just anger was overtaking you, your hearts were not inclined towards peace. Even in such circumstances, if an angel had come down from heaven, making this offer to you: `If you accept the Union, and the peaceful settlement of the Church, I shall drive your enemies from the city' — even then, you would not have consented. Or if you had, it would have been only a feigned agreement; you know this in your hearts, you who only a few days before were saying, 'Better to fall into the hands of the Turks than into those of the Franks !' Meanwhile the Turks ran riot, killing and taking prisoners, until they reached the church. The first hour of the day was not yet past. They found the doors closed, but made short work of them with their axes, and when they had broken them down, they stepped inside with drawn swords. When they saw the enormous number of people packed together, each one began tying up a prisoner for himself, since no one resisted them, or gave any better account of himself than a sheep. Who could tell of all the nightmares that followed ? Who could describe the screams and cries of the children, the loud weeping of their mothers or the groans of their fathers ? One Turk would look for the captive who seemed the wealthiest, a second would prefer a pretty face among the nuns, and then a third, more powerful, would snatch his prize from him and truss her up. 98

Curling locks, a shoulder or a breast laid bare or an outflung arm, might all serve to attract attention to a captive, who would then be snatched and dragged aside. A servant would be bound together with her mistress, a master with the slave whom he had bought, an archimandrite with his verger. Young men reared in luxury were trussed up with maidens whom the sun had not looked upon, maidens whom even their fathers had scarcely seen, and dragged away; and if they tried to resist, they were driven onward with blows. Each rapacious Turk was eager to lead his captive to a safe place, and then return to secure a second and a third prize. The plunderers, the avengers sent by God, worked with force and speed, and in one hour everyone there had been tied up, the men with cords and the women with their headcloths. Then long chains of captives could be seen leaving the church and its shrines, being herded along like cattle or flocks of sheep, weeping and wailing, with no one to show pity for them. As for the Great Church itself, how can I describe its fate, what can I say of it ? My tongue cleaves to my throat, I cannot draw breath, my mouth is sealed. The savages began directly to break up the sacred images, stripping them of their decorations and ornaments, and tearing the furnishings from the Holy Table. They broke some of the vases which held the lamps, and took the rest away; and in a moment they had snatched up from their resting places all the previous and sacred vessels made of gold or silver or any other valuable material. The church was left bare and deserted, with nothing remaining in. it. Then were fulfilled in the new Zion the words which God spoke through the prophet Amos, saying (III, 14-15; V, 21-23; VIII, 2-6 & 9-1o), 'Thus saith the Lord the God of hosts, "I shall visit the altars of Bethel, and the horns of the altar shall be cut off, and fall to the ground. And I will smite the winter house with the summer house; and the houses of ivory shall perish, and the great houses shall have an end," saith the Lord. "I hate, I despite your feast days, and I will not smell in your solemn assemblies. Though you offer me burnt offerings and your meat offerings, I will not accept them. Take thou away from me the noise of my songs; for I will not hear the melody of thy viols." Then said the Lord unto me, "The end is come upon my people of Israel; I will not again pass by them any 99

more. And the songs of the temple shall be howlings in that day," saith the Lord God. Hear this, o ye that swallow up the needy, even to make the poor of the land to fail, saying, "When will the new moon be gone, that we may sell coin ? and the sabbath, that we may set forth wheat, making the ephah small and the shekel great, and falsifying the balances by deceit ? That we may buy the poor for silver, and the needy for a pair of shoes ?" "In that day," saith the Lord God, "I will cause the sun to go down at noon, and I will darken the earth in the clear day. And I will turn your feasts into mourning, and all your songs into lamentations." ' This dreadful day on which the city was captured happened to be the festival and holy day on which the holy martyr Saint Theodosia was commemorated. The whole community was represented at this celebration, and there were many, both men and women, who had passed the night, from evening onwards, at the tomb of the saint. When dawn came, they were proceeding to make their act of worship, men and women together, carrying tapers and incense, and arrayed in their finest clothing and ornaments, when most of them were trapped by the Turks. How could they have guessed that the Divine wrath would sweep over so much of the city so quickly ? Only those who saw it can fully understand what happened over such a large area. The threat to the city had spread like a fire, as we have said, from the Charisius Gate, the Gate of Saint Romanus and the palace. But the resistance offered by the ships and the harbour fortifications prevented the Turks from raising their ladders to the walls there. Here the Greeks were the stronger, and kept on repelling them with stones and other weapons until the third hour of the day. But then there arrived a number of the soldiers who had been gathering booty inside the city, and when they saw the Greeks still fighting off the enemy outside, they raised as loud a cry as they were able, and rushed to attack the walls from within. When the Greeks saw that the Turks were inside the city, they cried out in grief, 'Alas ! Alas!' and threw themselves from the walls; it was clear that they had no chance of putting up any further resistance there. When the Turkish sailors saw their fellows appearing inside the city, they realised that it had been captured, and quickly raised their ladders and put some men inside. Then the gates were broken down and they all rushed in. 100

The Megadux saw the Turks coming from the place where he was stationed, overlooking the Royal Gate, and fled to his house accompanied by a few others. They lost contact with one another, and some were captured before they could reach the house. Others who reached home found their children, wives and property gone, and before they even had a chance to show their grief by weeping, they found their hands were bound behind them. Others came to their houses just as their wives and children were actually being dragged away and tied up, and they were bound too, together with their nearest and dearest. As for the older men and women who were unable, through age or sickness, to leave their homes, they were slain without mercy; and new-born babes were thrown into the streets. The Megadux found his daughters and his sons, and his wife who was sick, shut up in the upper part of the house and resisting the attempts of the Turks to enter. He and those who had followed him were taken prisoner, but the Sultan sent a detachment to take charge of him and of his family, giving the Turks who had surrounded the house a sum of money large enough for it to be clear that he had bought them, and had not broken his promise to his soldiers. Then Notaras and all his family were kept under guard. Every man in the Turkish army now rushed into the city, even the cooks and those who tended the animals, and began to plunder it and carry away their booty. Giovanni Giustiniani, whom we left going on board his ship, to seek attention for the wound which he had received, had no sooner reached the harbour than some of his own men came running to tell him that the Turks had broken into the city, and the Emperor had been killed. This was bitter news, and when he heard it, he told his trumpeters to sound the recall for his soldiers and sailors. The rest of the ships also began preparing to set sail, many of them leaving their officers behind as prisoners. Then there was a most pitiful display along the harbour walls. Men and women, nuns and priests, were all weeping bitterly, beating their breasts and begging to be taken on board the ships. But this was impossible, once it had been decreed that they should drink from the cup filled with the wrath of the Lord. And it could not have been done, even if those on the ships had been willing to try. Indeed, if the Sultan's fleet had not been occupied in ravaging the city and searching for booty, not a single one of them would have got away. I0I

But the Turks had all left their ships and gone into Constantinople, so the Latins were able to leave the harbour without hindrance. The Sultan ground his teeth in rage, but had to put up with this loss, since there was nothing that could be done about it. In Galata they saw the terrible catastrophe which had taken place, and with their wives and children they ran to the water's edge, looking for boats. Whenever they found one, they got into it and made their way out to board the ships, leaving their houses and their property behind. Many of them were forced to throw their valuables into the water, and suffered other great losses. One of the Sultan's chief officers, called Zagan, who stood in high favour with Mehmet because he had spoken strongly in favour of the attack, shouted out to them, 'Do not run away.' He swore an oath to them by his master's head, saying, 'Do not be afraid; you are dear to the Sultan. No man shall harm your city, and the treaties which you made with the Emperor shall be renewed even more strongly with us. You would do best to believe this, in case you should cause our master's anger to rise against you.' With such words Zagan tried to prevent the Franks of Galata from leaving; but those who were able to escape did so. Then those who were left, after some consultation, took the keys of the city and, together with their Podesta, went with the intention of prostrating themselves before the Sultan. They did this and handed him the keys, which he received graciously, and sent them away with pleasant words and a kindly expression. Only five of the larger ships could raise their sails, and the rest were unable to get away; a number of ships were left behind, and their crews managed to reach the other vessels and escape with them. The ships which escaped finally reached safety, although many of their crews were left behind as captives. As they left the harbour there was a wind blowing from the north, and they sailed along with all their sails drawing, bewailing the fate of the city with tears and sighs, as did the merchant galleys of the Venetians. Meanwhile the Turkish sailors were rounding up the men and women who were outside the city walls where they had been left deserted, and taking them on board their own ships, while the rest of the people from the city were herded towards the enemy's camp. 102

CHAPTER 4o All this took place between the first and the eighth hour of the day. After this the Sultan entered the city with his viziers and other officers, showing no signs whatsoever of fear or doubt. His own personal bodyguard of janissaries marched before and behind him, breathing fire, all of them better archers than Apollo, each a new Hercules, and any one of them ready at any time to take on ten opponents. When he came to the Great Church he dismounted, entered it and stood marvelling at the sight. Finding one of the Turks engaged in breaking up the marble floor, he asked him what he meant by damaging the building. 'It is for the Faith,' was the answer. Mehmet stretched out his hand and struck the Turk with his sword, saying, 'Be satisfied with the booty and the captives; the buildings of the city belong to me.' The Sultan had by now begun to regret the agreement which he had entered into, when he saw the wealth which was pouring out of the city, and the enormous number of captives. The Turkish soldier was dragged out of the way, and cast out of the church half dead. Mehmet then gave instructions to one of his own abominable priests, who at his masters' bidding went up into the pulpit, and recited their detestable prayers. Then this son of iniquity, this forerunner of Antichrist, mounted upon the Holy Table to utter forth his own prayers. What a calamity this was, what a monstrous portent ! What a sight this was to see, what a disaster ! A heathen Turk actually approached the holy altar, where the relics of the saints and martyrs lay, and stood upon it ! Where now was the Lamb of God, where was the Son and the Word of the Father, who had been sacrificed on that very altar, and eaten, yet not consumed ? Truly, we were reckoned as false, and our service counted for nothing among the nations on account of our sins. The temple built in the name of the Wisdom of the Divine Word, which was called the shrine of the Holy Trinity, the Great Church and the New Zion, is today a place of heathen sacrifice and the house of Mohammed in name and in fact. Just is Thy judgement, o Lord! Leaving the building — for it could no longer be called a church — Mehmet inquired after the Megadux, and had him brought before him. When he had come, and done obeisance to him, the Sultan said, 103

`It was a fine thing that you did, by not surrendering the city. See now what the penalty is, how great the destruction, and how many of your people are in slavery as a result.' The Megadux answered, `My Lord, there was nothing else that I could have done; not even the Emperor had the power to hand over the city to you. Besides, there were those on your side who were encouraging the Emperor by writing to him, telling him not to fear, because you would not prevail against us.' The Sultan took this as a reference to Halil Pasha, against whom he was already nursing his wrath. Then, because the Emperor had been mentioned, he asked if he had escaped with the ships. The Megadux answered that he did not know; he himself had been at the Royal Gate when the Turks got into the city by the Charisius Gate and came upon the Emperor. At this point two men left the ranks, and one of them cried out to the Sultan, 'My Lord, I killed him; and then I was carried onward in the rush of men seeking booty, and left him lying dead.' The other man claimed that he was the one who had struck the first blow. The Sultan then sent them both to bring back the head. So they ran to find the body, cut off its head and brought it to their leader. Mehmet then said to the Megadux, `Tell me the truth. Is this the head of your Emperor ?' Notaras inspected it, and replied, 'My Lord, it is.' Others also saw the head and identified it. Then they nailed it to the column in the Augusteum, where it stayed until evening. After this the skin was stripped from the skull and stuffed with bran, and it was sent as a symbol of victory to the governors of Persia and Arabia, and elsewhere in the Turkish empire. There is another story, that the Megadux was discovered together with Orchan in the tower which formed part of the Phrantzes fort. They surrendered there, seeing that it was impossible to continue their resistance to the Turkish attack. Many men of noble birth and high degree were there with the Megadux, and there was a monk, from whom Orchan begged his robes, in exchange for his own clothing. He lowered himself from an arrow-slit to the ground outside the city, but was caught by the Turks from the ships, bound, and cast on. board one of their vessels with the rest of the prisoners. There he was joined by the others from the tower who had surrendered themselves. Then one of the Greek prisoners, who wished to 104

secure his own freedom, said to the captain of the vessel, 'If you set me free today, I can make you a present of Orchan and the Megadux together.' When he heard this, the captain promised to free him, and he at once pointed out Orchan in his monk's clothing. When the captain learned who his prisoner really was, he had him beheaded, and took Orchan's head and the live Megadux to the Sultan, who was at Cosmedium. Mehmet gave the captain a generous reward, and sent him away. Then he told the Megadux to be seated, and spoke sympathetically to him, ordering that a call should be put out in the camp and on board the ships for his wife and children. Within a short while they were reunited with Notaras, and Mehmet made them a present of a thousand aspri each, and sent them off to their home. He then spoke at length with the Megadux, offering him words of comfort and reassurance, and saying, 'I intend to put this city into your hands, as sole governor in charge of it. Have no fear; I shall make you even more important than you were in the time of the Emperor.' Notaras thanked him, kissed his hand and returned to his own home, but not before Mehmet had obtained from him a written list of all the officials of high birth and rank in the Emperor's palace. These were collected from their places of imprisonment on board the ships and in the Turkish camp, and bought from their captors at the rate of one thousand aspri a head. The following morning, after that first dreadful day which saw the obliteration of our race, Mehmet again entered the city and went to the palace of the Megadux, who came out to meet him and prostrated himself before him. They entered the palace, and found the wife of Notaras sick in her bed. Then this wolf in sheep's clothing approached the invalid, and said to her, 'Be of good cheer, mother, and do not grieve at what has happened. God's will be done. I have even more to give you than you have lost, so make haste to recover your health.' Then, after the sons of the Megadux had paid their respects to him and thanked him, he went out and made a general inspection of the city. It was deserted. Not a man, not a beast was found in it, there was no sound, not even the cry of a bird, and only a few Turks might be seen, who had been too weak to seize any booty for themselves. Many of them indeed had been killed by their fellow soldiers, as one tried to drag another's plunder from him. When this 105

happened, the stronger seized what he could, and the weaker lay still, felled by a mortal blow. On the day after the capture of Constantinople, the thirtieth of May, they entered it again, and collected anything which they had previously left behind. The Sultan then made a tour of the city, and followed this by settling down to enjoy a drinking party in the surroundings of the palace. When he was filled with wine and far gone in drunkenness, he sent for his Chief Eunuch, and commanded him to go to the palace of the Megadux with the following message, `My master bids you send your younger son to his banquet.' The lad was fourteen years old, and handsome. When his father heard the message, he changed colour, and was paralysed with the shock; then he replied to the eunuch, 'Our religion forbids me to hand over my son with my own hands to be defiled by him. It would be better for me if he were to send an executioner, to take my head from me.' The Chief Eunuch advised him to hand over his son, so that he might avoid exciting the Sultan's anger. But Notaras refused, saying, `If you want to take him by force, take him and go. But I shall never hand him over of my own free will.' The eunuch returned to his master, and told him all that the Megadux had said, and how he had refused to hand over the boy. Mehmet was enraged at this, and cried, 'Take the executioner with you, and bring the boy back; and let the Megadux and his sons be led here by the executioner.' They went on their errand, and when the Megadux heard the news, he embraced his children and his wife, and went with the executioner, accompanied by his son and his son-in-law Cantacuzenus. The Chief Eunuch took charge of the boy himself, and went and showed him to his master, leaving the others at the palace gate, and giving the executioner instructions to behead them with his sword. The executioner took them a short distance down from the palace, and told them of the sentence of death which had been passed upon them. When Notaras' son heard that they were to be killed, he wept. But his father stood firm, and inspired the lads to show their courage saying, 'Children, you know that yesterday in one brief moment of time we lost everything, our inexhaustible wealth and the splendid reputation which we had in this great city, and, as a result, throughout the Christian world. Now the only thing left to us is life itself. 106

This will not continue for ever, since in the end we are bound to die. And how will we die then ? Deprived of the property which once we possessed, of our reputation, our honour and our power, scorned and despised by all, sinking ever deeper into misery until death comes to release us. Where is our Emperor ? He was killed yesterday. Where is my stepfather and your father, the Grand Domestic ? Where is Theophilus Palaeologus, and the Protostrator with his two sons ? Were they not killed yesterday in the fighting ? If only we had died with them ! But now the hour is ripe; let us no longer continue to follow the paths of error. Who knows, if we delay, what poisonous darts the Devil has waiting, to smite us with ? Now the way is clear before us; in the name of the One who died for us, and rose again, let us too give up our lives, in order that we may together with Him enjoy the blessings which He has to offer.' With these words he reassured the boys, and they were ready to meet their end. Then he said to the guard, 'Take the lads first; and do as you have been commanded.' The executioner obeyed him and beheaded the boys, while the Megadux stood by crying, 'I thank Thee, Lord,' and '0 Lord, Thou art just.' Then he said to the guard, `Give me a moment, my brother, to go in and pray.' There was a church near by, and he entered it and prayed, while the executioner waited. Then he came out of the door of the church, where the bodies of his children were still quivering, and after he had once more given praise to God, his head was cut off. The executioner took their heads and went back and showed them to that savage beast his master, as he made merry; the bodies were left there unburied, after they had been robbed of their clothing. Mehmet also sent the executioner to put to death all the nobles and high officials of the palace whom he had bought from their captors, while from their wives and children the fairest women and most handsome youths were selected, and handed over into the custody of the Chief Eunuch. The rest of the prisoners were put in the charge of others, to be looked after until they reached Adrianople, that second Babylon. The whole surviving population of the city was now to be found in the Turkish camp, while Constantinople herself lay deserted and naked, lifeless and silent, stripped of her former glory.

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CHAPTER 41

0 City, City, chief of all cities ! 0 City, City, placed at the centre of the world's four corners, the glory of the Christian faith and destruction of the barbarians ! 0 City, City, that second Paradise planted in the West, that garden in which so many trees have flourished, loaded with spiritual fruit ! Where are your beauties now, o Paradise ? Where is that strength which the grace of the Holy Spirit enabled you to give to mind and body ? Where are the bodies of the Apostles of our Lord, laid to rest so long ago in this Paradise which blossomed eternally, among which were the Purple Cloak, the Spear, the Sponge and the Reed, which allowed us when we venerated them to believe that we saw Him raised upon the Cross ? Where are the relics of the Saints, where are the remains of Constantine the Great and the emperors who followed him ? The streets and the entrances to the buildings, the cross-roads, the fields and the vineyards, were choked with the relics of the saints, with the bodies of men of high and low degree, of holy monks and nuns. Oh bitter loss! The bodies of Your servants, o Lord, were cast out to be a prey for the birds of the air, the flesh of Your saints was scattered about the new Zion for wild beasts to gnaw at, and there was none to bury them. Alas for the church, that heaven upon earth, that celestial place of sacrifice, that sacred and holy precinct, that glory of all other churches ! Alas for the sacred books, the oracles of theLord, the Laws, New and Old and the tablets written upon by the finger of God! Alas for the Gospel spoken from God's own mouth, the theological truths enunciated by angels who had assumed human forms, the teachings of men inspired by the Holy Spirit and the precepts of heroes half divine ! Alas for the state, the people, the army once so boundless, now gone for ever, like a ship in full sea overwhelmed by a mighty wave ! Alas for the houses and palaces of every kind, and the sacred walls of the city ! Today I will call upon all of them, and mourn for them as if they too had been alive, following the example of Jeremiah in this doleful tragedy. How doth the city sit solitary, that was full of people ! How is she Io8

become as a widow! She that was great among the nations, and princes among the provinces, how is she become tributary! She weepeth sore in the night, and her tears are on her cheeks; among all her lovers she hath none to comfort her; all her friends have dealt treacherously with her, they are become her enemies. She hath gone into captivity in Asia because of affliction and because of great servitude; she dwelleth among the heathen, she findeth no rest; all her persecutors overtook her between the straits. The ways of the city do mourn, because none come to the solemn feasts; all her gates are desolate; her priests sigh, her virgins are afflicted, and she is in bitterness. Her adversaries are the chief, her enemies prosper; for the Lord bath afflicted her for the multitude of her transgressions; her children are gone into captivity before the enemy. And from the daughter of Zion all her beauty is departed; her princes are like harts that find no pasture, and they are gone without strength before the pursuer. Her enemies saw her and mocked at her captivity. Jerusalem bath grievously sinned, therefore is she tossed about, her enemy hath spread out his hand upon all her pleasant things; for she hath seen that the heathen entered into her sanctuary, whom Thou didst command that they should not enter into Thy congregation. All her people sigh, they seek bread; they have given their pleasant things for meat to relieve the soul. See, o Lord and consider; consider and see, all ye that pass by; is there any sorrow like unto my sorrow ? He who hath searched me out diligently hath sent fire from above into my bones, and brought it down against me; He hath spread a net for my feet, He hath turned me back, He hath made me desolate and faint all the day. The Lord bath trodden under foot all my mighty men in the midst of me; He hath called an assembly against me to crush my young men; the Lord hath trodden the virgin, the daughter of Judah, as in a wine-press. For these things I weep; my children are desolate, because the enemy prevailed. The Lord is righteous; for I have rebelled against His commandment; hear, I pray you, all people and behold my sorrow; my virgins and my young men are gone into captivity. I called for my lovers, but they deceived me; my priests and my elders gave up the ghost in the city. Hear my sighing; the Lord was as an enemy, He hath taken away 109

His tabernacle, as if it were of a garden. He hath destroyed His places of assembly. He hath caused His solemn feasts and sabbaths to be forgotten, and hath despised in the indignation of His anger the king and the priest. The Lord hath cast off His altar, He hath abhorred His sanctuary, He hath given up into the hands of His enemy the walls of her palaces; they have made a noise of war in the house of the Lord, like the psalm sung by the Levites in the day of a solemn feast. Behold, o Lord, and consider, to whom Thou hast done this; the young suckling children have been slain; shall they slay the priest and the prophet in the sanctuary of the Lord ? The young and the old lie on the ground in the streets; my virgins and young men are taken into captivity, the Lord hath accomplished His fury; He hath poured out His fierce anger, and hath kindled a fire in the city, and it hath devoured the foundations thereof. Remember, o Lord, what is come upon us; consider, and behold our reproach. Our inheritance is turned to strangers, our houses to aliens. We have become orphans, as it were without a father, and our mothers as widows; we are pursued, we labour and have no rest. Our fathers have sinned, and are not; and we have borne their iniquities. Servants have ruled over us; there is none that doth deliver us out of their hand. Our skin was aged, and black like an oven, drawn back over the face from the starvation which came upon us. They took the young men to grind, and the children fell under the wood. The elders have ceased from the gate, and the young men from their musick. The joy of our heart is ceased; our dance is turned into -mourning. The crown is fallen from our head; woe unto us, that we have sinned ! For this our heart is faint; for these things our eyes are dim, because- of the new Zion, which is desolate, the foxes walk upon it. Thou, o Lord, remainest for ever; Thy throne is from generation to generation. Wherefore dost Thou forget us in anger, and forsake us for so long a time ? Turn us unto Thee, o Lord, and we shall be turned; our days shall be renewed as of old. Thou wast rejected, and didst reject us; Thou wast very wrath against us. These were the lamentations and the plaints raised by Jeremiah, when Jerusalem was captured in ancient times; and I believe that the Holy Spirit revealed to him the truth about the New Jerusalem also. II0

But what tongue would have the power of describing in words the calamity which overtook the city, the awful captivity and the bitter migration which came to pass, not from Jerusalem to Babylon or Assyria, but from Constantinople to Syria, Egypt, Armenia, Persia, Arabia, to parts of Italy and to Asia Minor and the rest of the Turkish empire ? And how was it done ? A husband might find himself in Paphlagonia, his wife in Egypt and their children in different places, their former language replaced by a new one, their religion by irreligion and their sacred books by heathen writings. Shudder, o Sun and you, o Earth ! Weep for our people, altogether deserted by their most just God, because of their transgressions ! We are not worthy to raise our eyes to heaven; let us rather cast them down, and turn our faces to the earth and cry, 'Thou art just, o Lord, and just is Thy judgement. We have sinned, we have broken Thy law, we have done wrong in the sight of all peoples. In everything that Thou hast brought upon us, Thou hast delivered a judgement that is just and true. Only now, o Lord we beg, spare us further suffering.' CHAPTER 42 Three days after the capture of the city Mehmet dismissed his fleet, allowing each vessel to return to its home port so loaded with booty that it could hardly float. What were the spoils that they won ? Rich clothing and vessels of silver and gold, bronze and tin, books without number and prisoners, priest and lay, monks and nuns. Every space in the ships was full of plunder, and in the Turkish camp every tent was crammed with prisoners and every kind of booty of the sorts already mentioned. Then there might be seen in the midst of the barbarians one with a patriarch's robe, another with some prelate's golden chain around his waist, using it to drag his dogs along, and others again using cloths embroidered in gold with the Lamb of God as saddleblankets. Others were sitting down and making merry, eating from the sacred dishes, which were placed before them filled with the fruits of the earth, and drinking unmixed wine from the sacred vessels. They loaded on to waggons all the manuscripts which they could find, far too many III

to be counted, and these were scattered all over Europe and Asia. For a single bezant ten books at a time were sold, of Aristotle and Plato, of theology and on every other subject. As for the Gospels with their rich illuminations, they tore out the gold and silver, then sold them or threw them away. Icons were without exception given to the flames; and as the fires died down, they roasted their meat upon them and ate it. On the fifth day after the capture of the city the Sultan entered Galata. His first act was to order a census to be taken of its inhabitants, and in the course of this it was discovered that many houses were closed up, because the Latins had escaped in their ships. Mehmet then ordered their houses to be opened, and a complete register of their property to be made, saying, 'If they return within the space of three months, let them have what is theirs; but if they do not return, it will belong to me.' He also ordered his army and the inhabitants of the neighbourhood around the city to overthrow and bring to the ground the walls of Galata, and remove them, which was done. After they had razed the walls which faced the land, they left standing those which looked on to the harbour. Then he kept lime-workers busy through the whole of August, preparing lime to rebuild the broken walls of Constantinople. He personally attended to the conscription of five thousand families from his dominions in the East and in the West; they were to transfer themselves with all their members to Constantinople, under pain of death, by the end of September. One of his servants called Suleiman was appointed as governor. He then turned the Great Church into a heathen shrine for his god and his Mahomet, and left the others stripped bare, after which he began to make preparations for his victorious return to Adrianople, bringing booty too great to be measured, and captives too numerous to be counted. It was the eighteenth of June when he left the city, taking with him on horseback or in carriages all the female prisoners of noble birth and their daughters. The wife of the Megadux died on the journey, near a place called Mesene, and was buried there, a women noted for her piety and charity towards the poor, prudent in her behaviour and free from any frailties of spirit. After he had entered Adrianople with a triumphal procession of the most spectacular kind, there came flocking to his presence all the 112

rulers and chiefs of the Christians, from near and far, bringing him greetings. What must they have felt in their hearts and their innermost thoughts, as their mouths and their lips formed such messages ! But nevertheless, although it was by no will of theirs, they bowed before him and brought him gifts, fearing lest the same fate might overtake them. The Sultan sat in state, arrogant and overbearing because of the pride which he felt after his capture of Constantinople, and the Christian leaders stood trembling, waiting for him to reveal what was to happen to them. He began with the Serbian ambassador, fixing a tribute of twelve thousand bezants to be paid each year to the Turkish treasury. The Despots of the Peloponnese were rated at ten thousand, and ordered to bring him gifts and do obeisance to him each year. For the government of Chios he fixed upon the sum of six thousand bezants each year, and for Mytilene three thousand, while from Trebizond and the other cities of the Black Sea he demanded that they should pay taxes, and send him an embassy to do obeisance to him each year, bringing gifts. In the very first year, in the month of August, an embassy came from the Despot of Serbia and paid the due amount, and also performed an act of great piety in Adrianople. Acting under instructions from the Despot George, they ransomed nuns, both young and old, until a hundred of them had been set free; and all the noble personages of high birth who had been taken prisoner hastened to appeal to Serbia, and were given money to buy their freedom as an act of piety by the ruler and his queen. Autumn was now over, and. the year 6962 had already begun its course. Mehmet spent the winter at home, making plans for an attack upon the Despot in the spring, with the intention of bringing the whole of Serbia under his control. The Despot had in fact been daily expecting this particular piece of bad news, and was waiting for the Sultan's greed to lead him into some act of aggression; his long life had given him a wide experience, and he had already suffered much at his hands, as has been related earlier. Mehmet now made clear what pretext he had chosen for this new outrage, by declaring, 'The country of Serbia, over which you are now ruling, is not yours, nor have you any right of succession to it. It belongs to Stefan son of Lazar, and by consequence to me. Depart at once from within its boundaries. I am ready to give you 113

a part of the realm of your father Vuk and the city of Sofia; but otherwise, I shall attack you.' He sent this message by one of his most trusted servants, who was instructed to present himself once more before his master within the space of twenty-five days, and inform him of the answer; if he failed to do this, his head would be sundered from his body, and he would be cast out to feed the beasts of the forest. The Sultan's delegate journeyed to Serbia, but found that the Despot was at that moment absent on the other side of the Danube; his chief ministers, however, assured him that their ruler would return that very day, or the day following. Meanwhile they set about preparing their fortifications, and laying in stocks of necessities of all kinds. When the envoy realised that he was being tricked, he was in terror at the thought of the penalty for overstaying his time: more than thirty days had now passed. Meanwhile the Sultan, filled with rage, had left Adrianople and moved to Philippopolis with the whole of his army. His servant met him there, and told him of the Despot's flight into Hungary, and of the way in which he had been deceived by his ministers, and prevented from leaving. The Sultan had intended to put him to death, and would have done so, if the envoy had not sent a message before the appointed day, explaining the reason for his delay, and the manoeuvres of the Serbians, and telling him of the Despot's flight. The Hungarians had now crossed the Danube, and laid waste the country around Ternovo. After this, they came to grips with the Turks, found themselves the victors, and retired across the river once more with a great deal of booty. The Sultan advanced from Philippopolis to Sofia, and there left his main army behind, together with the viziers of his court, while he led a force of twenty thousand foot soldiers into Serbia. But he could not find his opponent, because the Despot had by now been in Hungary for some time, together with all his family and the ministers of his court. Before departing, he had fortified all the strongholds in his country, and urged his people not to be afraid, and not to surrender themselves; in a little while he would come to their aid with a powerful army. Mehmet, on the other hand, advanced as far as Smedrovo. He was eager to capture it, because of its nearness to the Danube, and because it commanded the route taken by those who intended to 114

pass into Hungary. But he met with no success, and had to retire. He then attacked one of their fortresses, which resisted him successfully; but the people who lived outside it, in the villages and the surrounding countryside, had fortified another area around it, and were defending themselves there. Although the fortress itself was secure, the same could not be said of the outer defences, and the Sultan induced their defenders to surrender, by swearing an oath, which he immediately broke by committing to slavery all those whom he captured there. Meanwhile, the central fortress itself was not given up. He returned to Sofia, then left it for Adrianople, taking the booty which he had won, and there distributed half of it among his viziers and the officers who had taken part in the expedition with him. Then, taking his half of the captives, amounting to four thouSand men and women, he sent them to settle in the villages around Constantinople, where he transferred himself shortly afterwards. While he was at Philippopolis he had ordered the broken walls of Constantinople to be built up again, and on his arrival he found that this had been undertaken and the work had been satisfactorily completed. He then entered the city, and measured out in the middle of it a space of eight stades or a little more, ordering an enclosure to be marked out, and a palace to be built within it. The enclosure was made, and the building was roofed entirely with sheets of lead taken from the monasteries, which remained empty of monks; in fact, the monastery of the Pantocrator had been taken over by fullers and shoemakers, who worked in its church. The monastery of Mangana was occupied by dervishes, and the others by Turks with their wives and families. I should not be writing of the events which followed the fall of the city. It is hardly proper for me to record the triumphs and achievements of a heathen tyrant, the ruthless enemy who has destroyed our nation. But what follows will explain my reason for doing so. When I was only a lad, I heard it said by certain venerable old men, that the Ottoman empire and the dynasty of the Palaeologi would come to an end at about the same time. Othman began to rule at about the same date as Michael Palaeologus succeeded to the throne, Michael being a little earlier, and Othman only becoming ruler in the time of his son Andronicus Palaeologus, although he had 115

committed some unofficial acts of brigandage before. For this reason it was to be expected that the city and its emperors would come to an end first; and then it would be the turn of the descendants of Othman. Michael had once asked an oracle whether his son would succeed to the throne after his death; his conscience reproved him for having seized power unlawfully after blinding the legitimate heir, which had led to countless curses being showered upon his head, and upon his descendants. The oracle in reply gave the meaningless word `AMAIMI', which was interpreted as follows: 'As many emperors of your line will rule, as there are letters in this word of no meaning. Then the power will pass from the city and from your descendants.' * So now we who have reached this last period of time, and have seen the fearful and ominous fate which threatens our nation, are left dreaming of the liberation which is to come to us. With fervent prayers we address ourselves to God, whose way it is to punish us and then to heal our wounds, and in the expectation that the prophecies of the prudent sages of the past will lead to our deliverance, we continue to record the acts of our tyrannous enemy which followed this threat to our existence.

* The emperors between Michael I and the last Constantine were named Andronicus, Michael, Andronicus, Iohannes, Manuel, Iohannes.

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CRISTOFORO RICCHERIO The capture of Constantinople in the year 1453 on the twenty-ninth day of May

Mehmet was a great men, and endowed with remarkable intelligence. After the death of his father Murat, he began to rule over his empire, and to plan great deeds. He was not satisfied with what his ancestors had left him, and not content with the glory which his family had previously won. The thought came to him, therefore, of undertaking a venture which would bring him far greater honour than all the noble deeds of his ancestors; and with this in mind, he turned his attention towards the city of Constantinople. The reasons which led him to make this decision were as follows. He felt that it was dishonest to call himself Emperor of Greece, and that the title was empty and foolish, unless he was master of Constantinople, which was the seat of empire. It also occurred to him that this undertaking would give him immortal fame among the nations of the world, and that if he could become master of such a notable city when he was scarcely more than a boy, the whole world would learn to fear his might. Finally, the idea pleased him all the more, because the attempts made by his ancestors to besiege the city had ended in their unsuccessful withdrawal, with some loss of reputation for them. After brooding upon his plans in secret, he shared them with a few of his most intimate counsellors. And feigning other reasons, so as not to give the rulers of Europe warning of his intentions, he brought together a great number of craftsmen with remarkable speed, and set about building a fortress at the Thracian end of the Bosphorus, only a short distance from the city of Constantinople. This was completed in a very short time, and he then gave it a strong garrison, artillery, provisions and everything else necessary to keep it in commission. After this, taking no account of the ceremonies observed by his predecessors when they declared war on their neighbours, he broke the sacred oaths which he had previously made to preserve an inviolable peace with the Christians, like a man who subordinates everything else, however good it may be, to his ravenous appetite; and he moved his troops in one swift manoeuvre as far as Constanople. The surrounding countryside was soon under his control, and then he drew up his army before the city, and began to attack it from the seaward side as well. The Greek Emperor and his senior ministers had already taken note in advance of Mehmet's preparations. They were full of fear, 118

and as if they lacked the spirit to resist such a powerful opponent, they had sent ambassadors well in advance throughout Europe, to inform the Pope, the Emperor and all the other Christian princes and kings, of the calamity that was about to fall on Greece, and at the same time of the perils that awaited the rest of Christendom, asking them for help and succour in this emergency. At this point Mehmet had gathered together a great army with remarkable speed from all parts of his empire, had cut his enemies off by sea and by land, and had brought before the walls of Constantinople a very large number of pieces of artillery, so he felt sure that his undertaking would be successful. In order to press home his advantage over the defenders by an attack from an unexpected quarter, he also began to pay a great deal of attention to the digging of tunnels. His next concern was to make it easier for his soldiers to defend themselves against their enemies, and to give them the advantage of a high position from which to attack, or raise their ladders against the walls to capture the city; he therefore had a wide ditch and a considerable rampart dug all round the city, and on the side which faces Pera, and is washed by the sea, he had a bridge constructed most skilfully. This was two thousand paces in length, bearing a number of towers well supplied with weapons, which could be directed against the city from the top of them. This frightful contraption was used to harass the defenders day and night, giving them no chance to rest. But their morale was high, and they were ready to endure any punishment rather than fall into the hands of their cruel enemies, so they bore every danger bravely and nobly. Finally, however, Mehmet considered that he had brought down enough of the wall for his soldiers to be able to enter the city and sack it. Giving himself credit for the victory, although it was not yet his, he ordered his heralds to make an announcement through the whole of his camp the following day, which was the twentyseventh of May in the year of Our Lord 1453, and the thirty-third year of Charles, King of France: everyone was to stand in readiness, and the city would be theirs to pillage if they took it on the third day following. When the army heard this, they all fell to rejoicing, and each one made his preparations as necessary. And not as single one of their soldiers ate any food by day, so great was their discipline, but they

all worked together to provide the things which would be needed for the assault. When night came, however, and the stars began to gleam, they set about eating and drinking, and began to be merry and to invite one another to share in their festivities. A great part of the night was spent in such activities, and then, when they were forced to separate for the sake of resting a little, they embraced one another with kisses, as if they would never meet again. On the other side, we Christians had heard of Mehmet's instructions, and seen the preparations made by the enemy. Our priests began a procession with the whole people, women as well as men, both great and small alike, carrying the relics of the Saints and the image of Christ and the Holy Virgin Mary. They visited all the churches, weeping and praying for divine aid with hymns and prayers and fasting. When evening came, however, and we had restored ourselves to some extent with a frugal meal, we all moved to the positions which had been given to us to defend. The walls were very high and strong, but they were broken and in disrepair at some points; and the bastions and towers were dilapidated and fallen because of the laziness and negligence of the Greeks. The hopes of the defenders were pinned upon the outer walls, because their bastions were strong and in good enough repair for it to seem likely that they would be able to resist the attacks of the enemy. Here, as on the inner walls, many soldiers were stationed to repulse the enemy when they decided to attack. Constantinople is triangular in shape. The two sides which face the water are protected against attacks from the sea by walls. The side which looks towards the land is bounded not only by the inner and outer walls, but also by a ditch of considerable width and depth. The barbarians, eager for booty, began their attack when the signal was given before dawn. The defenders heard them and prepared to defend themselves, firing stones and arrows from above, and driving the Turks back with all their might. The darkness of the night hindered the enemy greatly, because they got in one another's way, and we were able to kill with stones those who got clear and came forward to fight. But as day approached and it became possible to see, Mehmet himself joined his soldiers at the walls. Calling his commanders to him, he gave orders that Pera and Constantinople should be attacked at the same time, so that the Greeks and the 120

Latins might be prevented from helping each other. He assigned to each of them a section of the walls, near which each was to wait with his soldiers and be ready to vie with the rest in bravery, to win a glorious name. He then arranged for everyone to attack at the same moment, and had wooden castles brought beneath the walls, to raise them to the same height as their opponents, and allow them to fight more easily and with a better spirit. He then gave those of his soldiers who were waiting in readiness the signal to bring down part of the battlements and towers of the walls, so that the Greeks should be kept too busy to see what was going on outside; and he kept the battle going without any pause, urging on his men with the sound of trumpets, horns and drums. The Turks covered themselves with their shields, leaned their ladders against the walls, and climbed to the top of them with furious bravery. The Greeks who were opposing them hurled down rocks as they climbed, and sulphur with fire and anything else which came to hand, doing everything in their power to keep them back. Many men on each side met a miserable end, and there was nothing to be seen but dead and dying, when the attack began to slacken. At this moment, Mehmet noticed that his soldiers were losing their eagerness for the fight. He ran among them immediately, calling one and another by name, and restored their morale. Then, with a combination of prayers and threats, he brought them to the point where they began to fight again with even greater eagerness than they had shown in the beginning. They were determined to reach the top of the wall, and did everything possible to achieve their objective. And although the defenders gave a good account of themselves and killed a great number of them, fresh troops came rushing onwards continually to take the place of those who had died. It was Mehmet's policy to keep on sending fresh troops into the battle, his intention being to give the Greeks no chance to rest; they would then be easily overcome, when they were exhausted by continuous fighting. There was one thing which had made the Turks less confident, and had sapped their will to win. A certain Giovanni Giustiniani of Genoa, a noble and a man of wealth and reputation in his own country, happened to be in Constantinople at the time of the siege. 121

He did not consider his position to be different from that of the rest of the people in the city, and he felt that he too should play his part in defending Constantinople, so he joined in the fighting with the rest of them. His bravery, his strength and his sagacity were so great, that everyone admitted that it was he who had saved the city up to this point, and honoured him greatly for it. It now happened that while he was fighting in the front rank of those who were holding back the Turks, he was most unfortunately wounded by an arrow shot by one of his own side. The blood flowed fast, and since he did not wish to disturb the rest of his soldiers by sending for the surgeon, he left the battle inconspicuously. The Emperor Constantine was informed of this, and realising that his absence would endanger the city, and that if he stayed he would help to save it, went to find him, begging him not to leave the fight, and insisting that he should return. But no entreaties could hold him, and finally he left, on the understanding that he would come back when he had received medical attention. All the gates leading to the outside from the inner walls had been closed, so that the soldiers might have no hope of escape, and would understand quite clearly that they must either win a gallant victory, or all die sword in hand. A gate had therefore to be opened for Giustiniani, which caused the hearts to sink of all those who saw it happen; they began to feel their courage slipping away, and to think of escape rather than of continuing the battle. The captains on the Turkish side saw this, and they began to scale the walls more eagerly than before, shouting encouragement to one another, and driving the Greeks back from their positions. Then panic seized the defenders, and they turned to flee in the direction of the gate where Giustiniani had made his exit, every man hoping to save himself at least. When Constantine saw his soldiers retreating, he forgot his office, his rank and what was proper for such a monarch, namely to die fighting. He fled behind the others towards the gate, and there, with everyone struggling to get out and trampling one another, he met his death. In fact, of all the soldiers who were there to defend the unfortunate city, only two thought more of their religion and their honour than of their own safety, and preferred to die fighting the enemy rather than fleeing from him. One of them was called 122

Theophilus Palaeologus, the other Giovanni Dalmata, a Slav; these two, thinking flight a shameful thing for men of spirit, kept on fighting until at last they died nobly, surrounded by an enormous throng of Turks, after they had killed a great number of them. No sooner had Giustiniani heard of the enemy's success, than he fled hastily to Pera; then, because he did not feel safe there, he went on to Chios, where he died, either from shame at having left the battle at such an inopportune moment, or because his wound was mortal. And so he threw away the glory which he had won for himself in such a short space of time. Indeed, it was the most fortunate moment of his life, when he had the opportunity of dying, sword in hand, beneath the walls of Constantinople. In the eager rush which the Turks made upon the gate, there died some eighty Greeks and Latins. Then, when the Turks had won to the top of the wall, they chased away the few men there, who had been resisting them with stones and anything else which came to hand. After the Turks had entered the city in this manner, they set about sacking it, slaying anyone who opposed them. They swarmed about the place, and gave vent to their natural cruelty and inhumanity with every kind of cruel and lustful act, showing respect neither to sex nor to age. Some they murdered, some they debauched, they hustled the weak and aged into slavery and they chained together the young, both male and female, of every class. When they found any well-formed girl, they struggled with each other to possess her, and for the sake of the sacred treasures they fought to the death on many occasions. Their airily, compounded of so many nations, customs and languages, spent three days in sacking the unfortunate city. There was no act, however wicked, that was not committed by these heathen. They laid hands even on the Church of the Holy Wisdom, that marvellous work of the Emperor Justinian, and after despoiling it of an enormous amount of gold and silver, they engaged in every kind of vileness within it, making of it a public brothel and a stable for their horses. They took the relics of the Saints from this and other churches, threw them in the middle of the streets for swine and dogs to trample on, and to be trodden underfoot by every passer-by; and the images of our Lord Jesus Christ and of His Saints were 123

burned or hacked to pieces. So much gold and silver fell into their hands that it was a to see. Surely it was God's will that these riches should have spent in the defence of the city, and in this way they might been very useful to their owners and to their country. But this is thc, way of misers: even when they are in need, they will never s.-p their own money, but think only of accumulating wealth, and die of starvation in the midst of plenty. After the sack had continued for three days, all was over, except for the final enslaving of the wretched citizens of Constantinopl( . Mehmet had them brought to his camp, and as he had promised his viziers and his other officers, ordered many of them to be hacked to pieces, for the sake of entertainment. There was present a certain Kyr Lucas who in happier times had been held in great honour at the Emperor's court. When he saw his elder son slaughtered before his eyes, and another reserved to satisfy Mehmet's lusts, he gained permission to hang himself. Foreigners were treated with the same cruelty, so they were likely to meet an evil end, unless they agreed to buy themselves off at a high price from the hands of their enemies. Cardinal Isidore of Russia, who had been sent to the siege long before as legate to Constantinople by Pope Nicholas the Fifth, managed to escape when the city fell. He was dressed in rags, and fell into the hands of some mercenaries, who did not recognise him, but let him go for a few aspri, which is the name of a Turkish coin. After the capture of Constantinople the people of Pera, whose protection consisted of Genoese soldiers, laid down their arms and sent ambassadors to Mehmet to offer him the city and beg his pardon. He promised them this at first, but then attacked Pera as an enemy, breaking the oath which he had publicly sworn; and he sacked it, put their children up for sale, led away their -wornelL bound their older men and slew the young ones, demolished churches, palaces, houses and walls, and in short spared nothing at all there. After conquering Greece in this way, he returned to Constantinople in triumph, where he had decided to fix the capital of h is empire, made sure that everything was quiet there, and then departed. 124

ZORZI DOLFIN Cronaca, ff. 313-322 (selections)

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How Constantinople was destroyed, and the manner of it Now I shall describe the way in which the destruction of Constantinople came about, drawing my account from authors who were actually present, because there is a great difference between the records of eyewitnesses and those which are based on hearsay. The story is elegantly told by the Reverend Bishop of Mytilene, who was in the entourage of the Cardinal of Sabina, the legate sent to make the union with the Greeks, and was taken prisoner and later ransomed. It was also written down by Filippo da Rimano, Cancelliere at Corfu. But first I shall describe the quality and nature of the Ottoman Sultan Mehmet, as portrayed by Dom Giacomo Langusto of Venice, to show how he and all his descendants should be feared by the whole Christian world. 'The Sultan, the Grand Turk Mehmet, is a young man of twenty-six years of age, well formed and of a stature rather above the average. He is skilled in the use of weapons. His appearance inspires fear rather than respect. He laughs rarely, is cautious in his judgements, and is endowed with great generosity. He shows great tenacity in all his undertakings, and bravery under all conditions. He aspires to equal the glory of Alexander the Great, and every day has histories of Rome and other nations read to him by a companion named Cyriac of Ancona and by another Italian. He makes them read to him Laertius, Herodotus, Livy and Quintus Curtius, with chronologies of the Popes and Emperors, the Kings of France and the Lombards. He uses three languages, Turkish, Greek and Slay.' `He has taken pains to inform himself of the geographical position of Italy, the points where Anchises with Aeneas and Antenor came to land, the places where the seats of the Pope and the Emperor are to be found, and the number of kingdoms that are in Europe, which he has painted on a map which shows its realms and provinces. There is nothing which he studies with greater pleasure and eagerness than the geography of the world, and the art of warfare; he burns with the desire to rule, while being prudent in his investigation of what he undertakes. Such is the man, and so made, with whom we Christians have to deal.' `When he decided to attack Constantinople with his forces, he 126

prepared most carefully and diligently large quantities of munitions and armaments, and then called a solemn meeting of his senior officers and captains. He then displayed to them a great quantity of gold, pearls, golden trappings and other treasures. Next, after they had eaten, he told them that he had brought these riches for them to take; he knew that the Christians with their bribes were trying to dissuade them from besieging and capturing Constantinople, a project which had been vital to his father Murat and to himself for the strengthening of their kingdom; and he believed that they would show greater honesty by accepting presents from him, rather than from the Christians. With such words he ensured their support for his plans, and each one swore an oath to follow him. Then he removed his older counsellors, who said that it was impossible to capture Constantinople, and chose others who were younger and more responsive to his will.' `He then began to bring together saltpetre and sulphur and a great quantity of copper, and hired German cannon-makers at a great fee to come where and when he wished, to cast cannon for him. When these proved too large to be transported, he had them taken to pieces, so that they could more easily be taken to their destination.' `He is a man continually watchful, able to endure weariness, heat and cold, thirst and hunger, inexorably set upon the destruction of the Christians, and would admit to fearing no man. He had his brother put to death at Adrianople, so as to have no partner in his kingdom, and says that Caesar and Hannibal were of no account compared with himself, and that Alexander, son of the king of Macedon, entered Asia with a far smaller force than his. Now, he says, times have changed, and he will march from the East to the West, as the West once marched against the East; now there must be only one empire in the world, one faith for all, and one kingdom. There is no better place anywhere for such a union than Constantinople, and with the help of this city, he can make the Christians his subjects.' `He is a man not given to lustful desires, and of sober habits, not wishing to hear of any drunkenness at the time of Rhamadan. He is not enslaved by any pleasures or delights, but only by the love of glory. Any city which he captures is made subject to his laws. He 127

takes the best of their young men, circumcises them, and makes them follow Mohammedan laws and customs. He claims that he himself is subject to no law, but acknowledges one supreme God, as his father did before him. When he wins a new province, he thinks more of the men whom he has gained than of the captured herds and valuables. He undertakes the rearing of the most promising children, and has them trained to arms, calling them Janissaries, these being drawn not from Turkey or Anatolia, but from the Greeks and his other neighbours. In this he shows a remarkable tenacity of purpose, as if by his own efforts he wished to produce a new people.' `To give an indication of his power, I shall list the parts of Europe and Asia where he can now raise forces and supplies in abundance; indeed, with the added advantage of keeping a fleet at Constantinople, he thinks that he can rule the world. If he sends a fleet into the Black Sea, as he has in fact done, he will make himself master of Moncastro, Licoscomo and the other mouths of the Danube, also Soldaia and Caffa, as far as the mouth of the Tanais and as far as Sebastopol. To the south of these he will have Amastris, Sinope, Amisus and Tripolis as far as Trebizond. If he sends his ships westwards he will have Lemnos, Mytilene and Chios. If he turns further southwards he will gain Rhodes and Cyprus, westwards again he will have Negropont and the rest of the Peloponnese. His own empire now includes ALinenia, Bithynia and Tenedos, Cilicia, Phrygia, the Hellespont and the Bosphorus, the shores of the Black Sea and Asia Minor, which covers the space of two Italies.' `And so this raging monster is filled with pride at having so many countries in his power, to provide him with forces to fight on land and at sea; if he keeps Constantinople, he will also have a fortress and an arsenal to keep his ships safe, and he will be able to pass at his will from Asia into Europe, and attack anyone within his reach.' How the defenders of Constantinople took up their positions to prepare for a general assault by the Turks The positions of responsibility were assigned in the following manner. On the walls, the leading men of the city were in charge of the gates which had been assigned to them. At the Golden Gate near the sea, 128

where there was a double line of walls, there was placed Andronicus Cantacuzenus, with Catarin Contarini and a strong force of younger men. At the Pighi Gate there was Nicolo Guideli, and by him Battista Gritti, a man of great bravery and spirit. At the gate of Saint Romanus there were John and Andronicus Cantacuzenus, who in spite of their age stood high among the Emperor's advisers. At the gate of the Imperial Palace there was Hieronimo Minoto, the Bailo at that time, with Zanzorzi, Cancelliere of Vicenza, and at the Porta Caligaria there was Emanuel Guideli. Emanuel Palaeologus was stationed at the Xyloporta, and not far distant, at the Cynegion Gate,. was Gabriel Trivisan with the crews of the two galleys under his command, and Zorzi de Nicolo from Drivasto, a notable crossbowman. Alexio Dissipato was at the Pharos Gate, and Zuan Blacho at the gate of Saint Theodosia. Metochites Palaeologus was at the Plutei Gate, Philanthropo at the Platea Gate, and Lucas Notaras at the Imperial Gate, while at the other gates on the seaward side various trustworthy men were put on guard.

Prodigies before the fall of Constantinople The minds of men also were agitated by cruel and terrible monstrosities and portents in these days, in the sky and on the land and on the sea. A few days previously oysters were gathered which, when opened, dripped blood. From the sky there appeared in the air many fires and bright lights with terrible rumblings, and dark clouds with lightning flashes and thunderbolts. On the ground there were great , winds and earthquakes which threatened to overthrow the houses, making it clear that universal ruin was approaching. The rumour spread that a great serpent had come, and was laying waste the villages, the flocks and the herds, so that men left their ploughs, and abandoned their crops already gathered in the fields, as it attacked the farmers with its fiery breath.

The Sultan is triumphant Boasting of his victory, the Grand Turk said that he had taken 129

revenge for the violation of the Trojan virgin which had taken place in the temple of Pallas. After this, when a great search had been made by order of the Sultan among the corpses of the dead, there was found the pitiful head of the Emperor Constantine, and it was brought to the Sultan, who was greatly moved by the cruel sight. He then said to the multitude around him, 'Fellow soldiers, this one thing was lacking to make the glory of such a victory complete. Now, at this happy and joyful moment of time, we have the riches of the Greeks, we have won their empire, and their religion is completely extinguished. Our ancestors eagerly desired to achieve this; rejoice now, since it is your bravery which has won this kingdom for us.'

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ANGELO GIOVANNI LOMELLINO ex-Podesta of Pera, to his brother

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1453, the 23rd of June, at Pera My noble and beloved brother. You must forgive me, if I have not written before, and if even in this letter I do not answer yours. I have been so constantly filled with sorrow and distress, that at the present time I wish I were dead rather than alive. You will have heard by now, I am sure, of the unexpected fate of Constantinople, captured by the Turkish Sultan on the twenty-ninth of last month, a day which we longed for, because it seemed to us that our victory was assured. The Sultan attacked from all sides throughout the night. As morning came, Giovanni Giustiniani received a . . .* and left his gate, and went towards the sea, and by this same gate the Turks entered, finding no resistance, and this was the end of it; one would not expect to lose even a single house so cheaply. I can well believe that it came about because of our sins. Now, my dear brother, you see my position, may God give me strength to bear it. They put the city to the sack for three days, and you never saw such suffering; the extent of their plundering cannot be calculated. I sent to the defence of the city all the mercenaries from Chios, and all those who had been sent from Genoa, and a great number of the citizens and burghers from here, with my nephew Imperiali and members of my own establishment. For my part, God knows that I did whatever was possible, since I knew that once Constantinople had fallen, this place was also lost. They captured most of the city. A few terrified persons managed to reach here, and other merchants and citizens were able to escape, and most of them rejoined their families. Some were captured by the palisade, because the masters of the ships were so overcome by fear that they would not wait for anyone. With the greatest of difficulty I brought back some of those who were by the palisade; you never saw such a terrible sight. Seeing the position I was in, I thought it better to lose my life than desert the city; if I had gone, it would have been sacked at once. I decided, on the contrary, to take steps for its safety, and at once * There is a gap in the text here, and all that remains of the description mentum. of Giustiniani's wound is the words cepit in 132

sent ambassadors to the Sultan with fine gifts, saying, 'We have a good pact between us,' and asking in submissiveness that he should be willing to continue it with us. But no answer was given. The ships dragged themselves to a place where they could raise their sails. I sent a message to the masters, that for the love of God and for pity's sake they should stay the next day, since I was sure we would reach an agreement with the Sultan. They would have nothing of it, but made sail in the very middle of the night. In the morning, when the Sultan heard the news that the ships had gone, he told our ambassadors that he wanted the city thrown open to him, and we were barely able to keep our persons and our possessions safe; he said that we had done as much as we could to save Constantinople, and that we had stopped him from capturing it on the very first day. Here indeed he spoke the truth, and we were in the greatest danger. To escape his rage, we had to do what he wanted, as you will see from the enclosed; everything was done in the name of the burghers. I thought it best not to take part in anything, but afterwards I visited the Sultan, who came here twice. He caused destruction everywhere. The towers on the walls were broken down, and much of the foss filled in, and he had the Tower of the Holy Cross pulled down; also part of a curtain wall inside the barbican, and part of the barbican. The sea walls were left standing. He took all our cannon, and intends to take all the weapons and means of making war which the citizens have. He has also had lists made of all the property belonging to the merchants and citizens who have left here, saying, 'If they return, they shall have them back, and if not, it will all belong to me.' Because of this, we arranged for a message to be sent to Chios, to tell all the merchants and citizens who had left here that they could come back; and if they did, they would have their property. With the Sultan's messenger we sent Antonio Cocca, and told all the merchants how the Venetians had left all their stocks of goods here. As to our own citizens who had gone away with their families and households, this letter informed them in the same way that all Genoese could travel on business in these parts. That night the Sultan went back to Adrianople, and there he sent for Hall Pasha and made him pay a huge sum of money. At this time too he had the Bailo of the Venetians decapitated, with his son 133

and seven other Venetians, and also the Catalan consul with five or six other Catalans. Now you can see whether we were in any danger. He looked for Maurizio Cataneo and Paolo Bocchiardi, who went into hiding, and sent one of his officers here to guard the place; while he sent other officers to Constantinople with about fifteen hundred janissaries. He sent an officer to Chios, as it is said, to demand that a transit tax should be levied, and it is said that he is sending one here, and intends to do the same in Caff a and all the larger ports. He also demanded from the Despot of Serbia certain territories which had been held by his father, and the Despot was most unwilling to hand them over. In sum, he has become so insolent after the capture of Constantinople that he sees himself soon becoming master of the whole world, and swears publicly that before two years have passed he intends to reach Rome; and by the One True God, unless the Christians take action quickly, he is likely to do things that will fill them with amazement. On the other hand, if they make the necessary preparations, Constantinople will be the beginning of his ruin. For your information, the terms of the agreement which has been made are that our citizens can appoint a senior official to administer justice among them. When this agreement had been made, I planned to leave the Residence, and find a house for myself. But the citizens asked me to stay in the Residence and continue governing them until such time as it was possible for me to leave. For a number of reasons I was happy to agree to their request, although not, you will understand, because it included any salary. The Sultan does not propose to levy any taxes, except for a polltax; but the Compere* have lost the places which belonged to them. I would most strongly recommend to our Doge that he should arrange for a full-scale embassy to come here, to discuss everything that applies to our places of business; at the same time he should not relax his efforts to organise the Christian nations, and should do what has been done up to now. We are continually looking for aid; our forces now consist of one small vessel with a hundred and forty eight men, such as they are. I can see the hand of God in this whole affair, because no one played his part properly, neither the * Genoese trading associations.

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Greeks nor the Venetians. By the One True God, unless some action is taken by the Christians, the Sultan will surprise them; all his aspirations are in the direction of further wars. My nephew Imperiali was captured, and I have done everything possible to get him back. His identity was discovered, and they would not allow him to be ransomed. Then the Sultan heard of him, and took him, and another, a Venetian, with him; the reason being, that he wants to have some Latins at his court, which has thrown me into such melancholy that I scarcely know how to go on living. I have done everything I could for the present, but could not get him back. I hope it will not take too long, if I keep up my efforts; money will not stand in the way, even if I am left with nothing but my shirt. Whichever way I look, I see trouble. Forgive me if Iam not writing very clearly; my mind is so disordered that I hardly know what I am doing. For the last eighteen months I have had nothing but work and worries, and in one day all our labours went for nothing, because of our sins, I can readily believe. My deepest respects to our master the Doge; I am not writing to him, because my spirits are so low. My respects too, if you please, to my father-in-law, to whom I have not written for the same reason, and you can read this letter to him. Commend me to my father and your wife, and give my greetings to the others. Angelo Giovanni, merchant.

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Appendix: Mehmet's treaty with the Genoese

We the great Lord and Emir, the Sultan Mehmet Bey, son of the great Lord and Emir, the Sultan Murat Bey. Do swear by the God of Heaven and Earth, and by our great Prophet Mahomet, and by the Seven Names which we Mahometans have and confess, and by the hundred and twenty-four thousand prophets of God, and by the spirit of Our Father's Father and of Our Father, and by the life of Our children and by the sword which We wear. That whereas the general magistrates of Galata have sent their worthy ambassadors to the Porte of Our Majesty, the noble Marchesis de Franchi and their dragoman Nicolo Pagliuzzi, and have done reverence to Our Majesty and humbled themselves before Our Majesty, and have placed themselves in the power of Our Majesty: They are to obey the laws and customs in force throughout Our dominions. We shall not destroy their fortifications. They are to keep their property and their houses, their shops and their vineyards, their mills and their ships, their boats and their merchandise entire, and their women and their children according to their wishes. They may sell their goods as freely as in any other part of Our dominions. They may come and go freely by land and sea, without paying any taxes or tolls, except for the poll tax, as is the custom in every part of Our dominions. Let them observe their own laws and customs, and preserve them now and in the future; and We will keep them as earnestly and hold them as dear as those which are current in our own dominions. They may keep their churches and hold services in them, provided that they do not ring bells or sound semantra.t We shall not try to turn their churches into mosques, but they are not to build any new churches. * Or 'Books'. t Pieces of wood, beaten to attract attention, as still used in Greece.

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The Genoese merchants are to come and go freely and transact their own business. We shall not take their children as janissaries, nor any other young person there. They are not to have Turks planted among them, unless they are of high rank, or in the event that Our Majesty should send one of Our servants to oversee them. The people of Galata are also to have permission to appoint an official among themselves, to direct the administration which their trade demands. Janissaries and slaves are not to be lodged in their houses. Let them collect the taxes which they owe, and keep accounts of what they have spent in doing so; and let them recoup these expenses from their own people. Their merchants are not to be subject to requisition orders. The merchants of Genoa are to have freedom to come and to go, and are to pay taxes according to the laws in force and the prevailing custom. This present treaty was written down, and the oath sworn by Our Majesty, in the year of the world 6961, and 857 since the Hegira.

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or any pregnant women miscarry. In the morning the gunpowder was lit, there was a great rush of hot air, and the shot was driven forth, leaving the cannon with a loud explosion which filled the air with clouds of smoke. The sound was heard a hundred stades away, and the shot travelled a thousand paces from the point of firing, making a hole six feet deep at the point where it landed; so great is the power of the combination of substances which propels the shot. One thought was in Mehmet's mind, and there was one thing of which he dreamed, night and day, waking and sleeping, in his palace or abroad — the means by which he might win Constantinople. Often when evening came he would take only two companions, and go riding or on foot all round Adrianople dressed as a soldier and listening to what was said about him. If one of the common people took it into his head that this was the Sultan, and decided to address him with titles of honour in the usual way, Mehmet would himself instantly deal him a mortal wound, showing no compunction or pity; just as one might take pleasure in crushing a flea, this villain, who should himself by rights have been put to death, delighted in killing with his own hands. One night, about the hour of the second watch, he sent some of his guards to bring Halil Pasha to him. They went to his house, and gave the news to his eunuchs, who went to their master's chamber and told him that the Sultan required his presence. He trembled and gave himself up for lost, and departed after embracing his wife and children, taking with him a golden bowl full of gold coins. For the reason which I have already mentioned, his heart was always full of fear. Halil reached the Sultan's bedchamber and found him sitting there fully dressed. He fell to his knees and placed the bowl of coins before him, but Mehmet said, 'What is this, Lala ?' (a term equivalent to 'Father' or `Teacher'). Halil answered, 'My Lord, it is the custom, that when the Sultan summons one of his minitsers at an unusual hour, that man should not come empty-handed into his presence. I have therefore brought you this as a gift, although it is not my own property, but yours, that I am offering to you.' `I have no need of your wealth,' the Sultan replied. 'Indeed, I will give you more than you already have. But there is one thing that I want. Give me Constantinople.' 72

When he heard this, HaEl was filled with fear. He had always done his best to protect the Greeks, and they treated him as their right hand, keeping his own right hand filled with gifts. In fact, he was commonly referred to by the name of `Labour Ortaghi', which means companion, or friend, of infidels. He replied to his master➢ `My Lord, God, who has already given into your hands the greater part of the territory of the Greeks, will also give the city into your hands. I am sure that it will not escape you, with God's help and your own might. I and all the rest of your slaves will strive together, not only with our wealth, but with our bodies and our blood, and of this you need have not the slightest doubt.' With these words he placated his savage master for the time being. Mehmet then said to him, 'Do you see this pillow ? The whole night through I have dragged it from one side of the bed to the other and back again, I have lain wide awake and sleep will not come to my eyes. I tell you, do not be deceived by gold and silver into departing from the answer which you have just given me. We shall remain steadfast in our fight against the Greeks, and trusting in the will of God and the Prophet, we shall win the city.' With these and other encouraging expressions ,combined with a number of reminders of a sort to make the heart quail and freeze the blood, he bade Hall go in peace. He passed every night in the same wakeful state at this time, thinking of ways of attacking Constantinople. He would take paper and ink, and make sketches of the fortifications, then show those who were acquainted with the defences where and how their siege engines should be brought forward, how the fortifications were arranged and the ditches, and the approaches to the foss and the walls against which ladders might be placed. In this way he made all his plans by night, and then each morning gave orders for his crafty and cunning schemes to be set in motion. CHAPTER 36 To return to the situation in Constantinople, let us consider the state of mind of the defenders, who were thinking of ways of keeping their city out of the hands of this Nebuchadnezzar. The Emperor had previously sent an appeal for help to Rome, expressing his willing73

ness to join together in a union, as it had been agreed at Florence; agreeing also that the name of the Pope should be mentioned in services in the Great Church, and that the patriarch Gregorius should return to his throne. He requested too that a Papal delegation should be sent, to lay to rest the implacable enmity caused by schism. The Pope sent the Polish Cardinal Isidore, formerly Archbishop of Russia, a man of wisdom and understanding, brought up in the dogmas of Orthodoxy, a Greek by birth, who had shown himself a worthy father of the Church at the Council of Florence, as has been previously related. He travelled on a large Genoese merchant vessel, which stayed long enough at Chios for the merchants on board to do their business, disembarking the goods which they had brought with them, and taking on board what they needed. They were also waiting for another ship, which was to sail with them as far as Caff a. The Cardinal already had about fifty Italians with him, and hired a number of other Latins from Chios. When the ship for which they were waiting appeared, they left Chios and sailed for Constantinople, reaching its harbour in November of the year of the world 6961 (A.D. 1452). The Emperor received them graciously and paid them due honour, after which they settled to a discussion of the Union. They found the Emperor in favour of it, as were the principal lay members of the Church. But the majority of the priests and monks, the abbots, archimandrites and nuns, were against it. The majority, did I say? My mention of the nuns compels me to alter my words and make this clear, that not a single one of them consented; and the Emperor himself only pretended to agree. Nevertheless, those who were giving an impression of supporting the Union, the priests and deacons among the clergy and the Emperor with the Senate, met in the Great Church to celebrate the Divine Eucharist and offer prayers to God with sincere hearts together in unity. Meanwhile those who supported schism made their way to the cell of Gennadius, formerly Georgius Scholarius, in the monastery of the Pantocrator, and said to him, 'What shall we do now ?' He remained shut up, but took a paper and wrote his opinion on it, an opinion which made clear what his advice would be. It read as follows: '0 miserable Greeks, why have you strayed, and removed yourselves from the hope of God ? By putting your trust in the strength of the 74

Franks, you have lost your religion, as well as the city within which it is about to be destroyed. Have mercy upon me, o Lord! In Thy presence I call on Thee to witness that I am guiltless of any such error. 0 miserable citizens, realise what you are doing. You are not only condemning yourselves to a slavery which is certain to come upon you, but you are losing the faith which your fathers handed down to you, and agreeing to impiety. Woe upon you, when you are judged!' He wrote this, and more in the same vein, and pinned it to the door of his cell, keeping himself shut up inside it while the paper was read. Then the nuns, holy virgins who visibly surpassed the rest in their acceptance of the principles of Orthodoxy, in accordance with their own sentiments and the teachings of Gennadius, joined with the abbots and confessors and other priests and the common people, to cry down the accursed thing, and condemn to excommunication those who had favoured the decision reached by the Synod, and those who still favoured it, or should do so in the future. A mob of the common people left the monastery building for the taverns; then, with bowls full of unmixed wine in their hands, they called down curses on the Unionists, drank in honour of the image of the Mother of God, and invited Her to be the defender and protector of the city against Mehmet at this time, as she had been once against Chorsroes, Chagan and the Arabs. * 'We need neither aid nor Union from the Latins,' they cried. let the Azymite form of worship be far from us.' Those Christians who had gathered together in the Great Church held a long service of intercession to God, and then listened to an address from Cardinal Isidore, after which they gave their consent to the Union. They also reached an agreement, that when the Turkish siege was over and peace had returned, a committee of their more notable dignitaries should be appointed to examine the terms of the Union, and make any revisions which might appear to be necessary. At this same ceremony of reconciliation, it was also agreed that there should be a joint Eucharist in the Great Church, celebrated by Italians and Greeks together, and commemorating in * Grecu suggests, perhaps correctly, that the correct reading here is 'Apctpow, not 'Apd.pcov, and that the reference is to the attacks of the Avars.

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the sacred records the names of Pope Nicholas and the absent patriarch Gregory. This solemn liturgy was performed on the twelfth day of the month of December in the year 6961 (A.D. 1452). But there were many who did not accept the gift which was being offered to them, and considered that this service of reunification was no better than an abominable heathen sacrifice. The Cardinal was exploring the hearts of the Greeks and assessing their intentions, and he realised that this was only a ruse, and that they were trying to deceive him. But he was of the same race as they, and was eager to help the city, although without exerting himself to any great extent. What happened was enough to provide an excuse for Papal inactivity, although the greater part of the responsibility was ascribed to God, who disposes of all things in whatever way is most fitting. But the people of Constantinople, a rough mob opposed to everything of the better sort, that root of arrogance, that branch of vain opinion, that flower of haughty pride, the dregs of the Greek people, so ready to despise the rest of mankind though so despicable themselves, considered everything that had been done as if it had not happened at all. So those who supported the Union said, when they associated with the Schismatics, 'Leave the matter alone, and see whether God will remove this enemy who is attacking us, this serpent who is boasting that he will swallow the city completely. Then you will see whether we are united with the Azymites.' When they said this, the wretches did not consider the result that would follow; after so many oaths had been sworn for the sake of unity and agreement among Christians, or at any rate their Churches, after the council which took place at Lyons in the time of the first Palaeologus, or the council which was held at Florence in the time of the last emperor of the Palaeologi, and now, in terms which could not be dismissed, at this present celebration of the divine and sacred mysteries, in the name of the Holy Trinity; after all this, the only result would be that they would blot out all memory of themselves, and of their city, from the earth. You wretches, why were your hearts filled with these empty thoughts ? Behold the priests, the monks, the nuns and sacristans who would not partake of the Immaculate Body and Blood at the hands of Greeks who were administering the sacraments according 76

to the tradition of the Eastern Church; saying that the sacraments had been polluted and were no longer Christian, shrinking from the benediction of the priests and calling their churches heathen places of sacrifice, while on the morrow these same people were about to fall into the hands of the barbarians, to be defiled and polluted, body and soul alike ! With my own eyes I saw one nun, who had been instructed in the holy Scriptures of the Church, not only eating flesh, and wearing barbarian dress, but even sacrificing to the false prophet, and confessing her impiety without shame. But what was it that made me leap forward five months in my narrative ? We shall reach this point soon enough, and then the grievous story will be told. The Emperor now sent some of his officials to the islands, and into other areas still under the control of the Christians, to buy grain, vegetables and other foodstuffs, in expectation of the Sultan's arrival with the coming spring. There were four large merchant ships collecting necessities of all kinds in the island of Chios, grain, wine, oil, figs, carobs, barley and all sorts of other crops, while waiting for another ship to arrive from the Peloponnese. When this had come, the five of them set sail for Constantinople, with a great number of stout fighting men and plenty of armour and equipment on board. All the people in the islands were distressed and anxious for the city. Some believed that it would be overcome, and captured by the barbarians; but others felt that Mehmet's father and grandfather had both wanted to win it, but had laboured in vain, and that this attempt would meet the same fate. CHAPTER 37 January passed, and at the beginning of February the Sultan ordered his great cannon to be transported to Constantinople. Thirty wagons were joined together, and sixty oxen, picked for strength, drew it behind them. Beside the cannon there marched two hundred men, on the one side and on the other, pulling it along and keeping it straight, and making sure that it did not slide from its course. Fifty carpenters went ahead, and two hundred labourers with 77

them, to build wooden bridges over any irregularities in the surface of the road. It took the months of February and March to bring it to a point five thousand paces from the city. Meanwhile Karaja Bey had been sent with a force to attack the fortified towns of Pontus, namely Mesembria, Anchialus, Byzus and the rest, and to annex them. He also captured the fortress of Saint Stephen near Selymbria after a struggle, and put all those inside it to death. The rest of the fortresses and the soldiers in them capitulated. Those who surrendered escaped unharmed, while those who resisted were beheaded. Selymbria itself, however, continued to put up a fierce resistance. After the equipment had been brought up to the position where they had been ordered to place it, the task of guarding it was given to Karaja Bey. He also began overrunning the neighbourhood of Constantinople with his troops, and preventing the Greeks from going beyond the city gates. Three detachments of his troops from Mysia and Paphlagonia had also spent the whole winter keeping watch on the city, to prevent the Greeks from coming out and attacking the Turks. The forces arrayed against them had now reached a considerable size, and the Greeks could not make sorties. But by sea they made expeditions with their biremes and triremes as far as Cyzicus, ravaging the Turkish seaboard and taking many prisoners, some of whom they put to death, while others were taken to Constantinople and sold. While they were engaged in these preliminary skirmishes, spring came, and the days of the Lenten fast began to be numbered. The discord in the Church did not decrease, and in addition an unusual kind of dispute might have been observed among those who were entrusted with hearing confessions. Christians who came to them to confess their sins found themselves being asked if they had communicated together with those who had been excommunicated, or heard Mass said by any Unionist priest. This attracted a heavy penalty and a severe penance, and those who had duly submitted to their penance, and were considered worthy once more to receive in communion the Body and Blood of our Lord, were forbidden to approach Unionist priests under the threat of punishment. Such men, it was declared, were not true priests at all, and the sacraments which they offered were not genuine. If the others were called to a 78

burial or a funeral service, and a Unionist priest was present, at once they would cast off their vestments and make their escape, as if from a fire. The Great Church was held by them to be the home of devils and a place of pagan sacrifice. No tapers burned there; the lanterns held no oil. All was darkness, and no one was willing to dispel it. The holy shrine appeared to be deserted, as if symbolising the desolation which would soon overtake its former population as a punishment for their iniquities. Meanwhile Gennadius continued to issue admonitions from his cell, and to call down curses on those who favoured the Union. At a later time, I happened to meet a lady of noble birth who had been taken prisoner when the city fell. She told me, that on the Holy Wednesday after Easter she was in labour, and sending for her spiritual adviser, Jacob by name, she made her confession. He then urged her to take communion. She asked the old man if there was anything to prevent her from receiving it at the hands of the priest who served in her household chapel. This priest had joined the Unionists on one occasion only, in the Great Church on the twelfth of December, and even then he had not fully participated in the joint Mass; he had been left out of the ceremony, with others who were late in arriving, and had done nothing but stand in the church, wearing his priestly robes. The lady's confessor replied to her question, 'It is permissible, and God will allow you to do this. The man is still a priest and a minister of the Church. You may take communion from him as safely as from anyone else.' She, however, frightened by such an uncompromising defence of the old man (for she was on the side of the Schismatics), sent for another confessor named Neophytus, and told him of this answer to her problem. This Neophytus felt free to speak boldly, since he was a confessor to the Palace and the families of the great, and he forbade her, saying, 'It is not allowed. If you were to take communion from his hands, it would be only bread and wine that you would be eating.' 0 Christ my King, how great is Thy forbearance ! What blindness, what ignorance ! If the priest had been a Latin, your folly might have been thought reasonable, even if irrational; for then he would have offered prayers to God in. the Latin tongue, the bread would 79

have been unleavened and the water cold, and other charges might have been made which an Orthodox Christian would not dare to mention, nor could he even whisper them in. relation to such a celebration of the Holy Mysteries without deserving to be stoned. But what fault can you find with them when they are performed in your own tongue, and with the prayers which you and the rest of the Eastern priests use ? 0 vain Pharisee, what is left for you to say, except to claim that you are pure and free from defilement, and set apart from other Christians ? Perhaps, however, I could say with greater truth, that you are the one who has really excommunicated himself. So this noblewoman, hesitating between the two different commands, was unable to reach any decision, and did not take communion on that day. The same night, she gave birth to a child without having received absolution. And if she had died after this, her spirit would not have been marked with the sign of the Holy Ghost, and Neophytus, and the evil spirit which dwelt in him, would have been guilty of this. Now let us return to the main stream of our narrative, and see how the raging flood will overwhelm and swallow up the Ark which had, as it were, banished its helmsman Noah, and looked askance at the holy doves of peace, considering them unholy if they came from the hands of the impure. At the beginning of March the Sultan sent messengers and heralds to every governor in his empire, commanding each one to come with an army to attack the city. The aimies which were registered as due or tributary to him came together from all directions; and who could count the infinite number of those who joined without being conscripted ? All who heard the news came running to join in the attack, even those so young that they could barely walk, and those who could hardly move from age. Meanwhile, the inhabitants of the city prayed to God that the attack should not come during Holy Week, because they had heard that the Sultan himself was already riding in their direction. On the Friday of the week after Easter this Nebuchadnezzar arrived before the gates of Jerusalem, and pitched his tents in front of the Charisius Gate behind the hill there. His whole army extended from the Xyloporta, which is near the palace, to the Golden Gate to the south, and from the Xyloporta to Cosmedium, and from the 8o

southern end as far as the vineyards extended on the level; these had been previously laid waste by Karaj a Bey. On the sixth of April, on the Friday after Easter, they dug a trench around the city. Ever since the day when the Union had taken place in the Great Church, the citizens of Constantinople had avoided it, as if it were a Jewish synagogue. There were no offerings, no sacrifices, no incense. If one of the priests celebrated Mass on a feast day, the worshippers would stay until the moment of the Offering, and then all departed, men and women, nuns and priests alike. In fact, they treated the Church as if it were a heathen altar, and the sacrifice as if it were made to Apollo. For this reason Isaiah says (XXIX, 14-15 and XXX, 1), speaking as if from the mouth of God, 'Therefore behold, I will proceed to do a marvellous work among this people, even a marvellous work and a wonder: for the wisdom of their wise men shall perish, and the understanding of their prudent men shall be hid. Woe unto them that seek deep to hide their counsel from the Lord, and their works are in the dark, and they say, "Who seeth us ?" and "Who knoweth us?"' `Woe to the rebellious children,' saith the Lord, 'that take counsel, but not of me; and that cover with a covering, but not of my spirit, that they may add to sin.' Meanwhile, Gennadius continued to preach and write tracts against the Unionists, weaving syllogisms and contrary propositions against the most wise and blessed Thomas Aquinas and his writings, and against Demetrius Cydones, proving them to be heretics. As his accomplice and ally, he had the first of the Emperor's ministers, the Megadux. When the Greeks saw the enormous Turkish army, Notaras went so far as to say, speaking more against his own city than against the Latins, that he would rather see a Turkish turban reigning triumphant over the city than a cardinal's hat. The citizens in their despair had been saying, 'If only Constantinople had been handed over to the Latins, who at least offer prayers to Christ and the Virgin, and we had not been cast out, to fall into the hands of the heathen!' It was on this occasion that the Megadux made this remark. But against him there are the words of Isaiah, as they were spoken to Hezekiah (XXX/X, 5-7): 'Hear the word of the Lord of 8i

Hosts. Behold, the days come, that all that is in thine house, and that which thy fathers have laid up in store against this day, shall be carried to Babylon; nothing shall be left, saith the Lord. And of thy sons that shall issue from thee, which thou shalt beget, shall they take away; and they shall be eunuchs in the palace of the king of Babylon.: CHAPTER 38 The Emperor Constantine was now making plans for defence with the Genoese of Galata, as much as lay within their power; they were convinced that if Constantinople fell, their own town would also be laid waste. They had previously written to Genoa asking for aid, and had received the reply that a ship was already on its way with five hundred soldiers to help them. The Venetian merchant galleys were at this time returning from Lake Maeotis, the river Tanais and Trebizond, and the Emperor and the Venetians resident in the city did not allow them to sail on to Venice, but kept them to help the city. There was also a man called Giovanni Longo of the Giustiniani family, who came from Venice with two large ships and a great deal of fine military equipment, bringing with him a force of Genoese soldiers, all young, well-armed and eager for battle. This Giovanni was a most capable person, and well versed in military strategy and battle tactics. The Emperor welcomed him, made him an allowance for the upkeep of his soldiers, showed him favours and honoured him with the rank of Commander-in-Chief. Giustiniani then undertook the defence of that section of the walls nearest to the palace, since it had been noted that the Sultan was placing his cannon at that point, together with the rest of his siege equipment. The Emperor also issued a gold bull giving Giustiniani the island of Lemnos, if Mehmet was driven back, and forced to retreat without succeeding in his vaunted aim of winning the city. After that, Giustiniani's Latin troops fought like heroes, sallying forth from the gates, and standing on the outer fortifications, and sometimes descending into the foss; and upon occasion the defenders even sprang out of the foss, and engaged in hand-to-hand combat with the Turks, who sometimes escaped and were sometimes captured. 82

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But this brought no advantage to the Greeks. It may be said without exaggeration that there was only one of them for every twenty Turks. What good could it do them, if they made sorties in this way ? So a decision was reached, that they should fight only from the ramparts of the walls, using cross-bows or long bows, or with guns which fired, with the help of powder, five or ten bullets at a time, each about the size of a Pontic walnut, and having a great power of penetration. If one of these hit an armed man, it would go right through his shield and his body, and go on to hit anyone else who happened to be in the way, and even a third, until the force of the powder had diminished; so one shot might hit two or three men. The Turks too learned of this, and in the end made even greater use of them. April was by now two thirds over, and there had been nothing more than minor skirmishes. Meanwhile the Sultan's forces were increasing, with conscripted men and volunteers, to an extent impossible to estimate accurately. Those who went to reconnoitre said that there were more than four hundred thousand of them. Before Mehmet himself arrived, and while he was still at Adrianople, the Genoese of Galata sent an embassy to him, pointing out that their friendship towards him was unimpaired, and offering to renew their earlier treaties with him. His reply was, that he was their friend, and that nothing would induce him to depart from his affection towards them, provided that they were not found to be offering help to the city; and they promised that they would not do this. One of the two was deceived, as the outcome of events made clear; the Genoese thought that since the city had been besieged in the past by Mehmet's forbears, who had had to retreat without any success, it might be expected that the same would happen on this occasion, and in order to show their good will towards the citizens of Constantinople, they sent a number of their own men to bring help. They thought that the Sultan's protestation of friendship was not to be relied upon, and secretly did what might have been expected of them, and sent aid to the city. Meanwhile, Mehmet was saying to himself, 'I shall leave the little snake in peace until I have slain the dragon; then one light blow will put an end to this one too;' and this is in fact what happened. At this time the Turkish fleet arrived, consisting of triremes, 83

biremes and light vessels to the number of three hundred. The harbour of the city was closed off by a chain, which stretched from the gate called Horaia across to Galata. The Greek ships lay in line within it, keeping watch over the chain and the harbour. The five ships already mentioned, one belonging to the Emperor and carrying grain from the Peloponnese, the other four hired from Genoa by the Emperor, had been held at Chios all through March because of various matters which needed attention. When April came, and they wanted to set sail, the north wind prevented them. Because of this, the defenders of Constantinople and the members of the expedition were both full of despondency; but the north wind dropped and a southerly began to blow, and they left the harbour of Chios. The wind was light on the first day, but increased in strength on the second, and the ships were carried onward at a good speed. Their arrival was eagerly awaited in the city, even thought it might not bring them any advantage. When the convoy came in sight the Sultan like a raging dragon rushed to his fleet, giving orders that one of two things must happen: the ships must either be captured, or prevented from entering the harbour. The Turkish fleet left its moorings and took up its station a little way off the harbour which is outside the Golden Gate, waiting for the convoy. The ships meanwhile kept a straight course with the intention of reaching the acropolis of Megademetrius, from which they could enter the Golden Horn, and at this point the enemy fleet attacked them. The sea had now become calm, because the wind had dropped, and a strange sight could be seen. The three hundred vessels of the Turkish fleet, and the five large ships of the convoy, covered the sea completely, so that it might have been dry land; and missiles flew so thickly that the oars had difficulty in finding the water. Those who were on board a ship were like winged eagles above, sending their arrows down on those below, and firing their guns, so that the Turks lost a large number of men. The Sultan's vanity led him to ride headlong into the sea on his horse, as if he wished to cleave the waves, and sail on horseback to his fleet, so angry was he with his sailors; his soldiers on land, too, felt as he did. Then the wind blew, the sails sprang to life, and they drove through the enemy vessels, leaving them behind, and headed in the direction of the city. If the whole of the Turkish fleet had 84

been in front of them, these five ships could then have sunk all three hundred of them. Mehmet, however, who had no knowledge of naval warfare, was reduced to shouting orders. But his admiral paid no attention, since it was impossible to obey his commands. The Sultan then, in a rage, ordered his fleet to withdraw to the Double Columns, and the admiral to be brought before him. This was done, and he was hurled to the ground and held stretched out by four men, while his master with his own hands beat him, giving him a hundred strokes with a rod, the head of which contained five hundred pounds weight * of pure gold. Mehmet himself had had it made to play with, as an experiment. The man was called Palda, of Bulgarian descent, and was the son of a Bulgarian chief. He had previously been a slave, had abjured his country's religion, and had been in service in the household of Mehmet's father. Four years earlier he had led an expedition to Lesbos, and had taken a great number of prisoners, but had incurred the ill-will of those who had taken part in this act of piracy, because he kept their share of the booty from them. So when they saw him being beaten and lying beneath their tyrant's displeasure, one of the Azabs took a stone and crashed it down on the side of his head, striking out one of his eyes. The convoy had now reached the harbour, and the defenders loosened the chain to let them inside. Mehmet saw that there were now eight large ships and twenty smaller ones there, counting the Imperial galleys and those of the Venetians, with a great number of other smaller craft, and realised that he could not win the harbour in this way. He therefore devised the following daring scheme, an excellent one as it turned out. He ordered a way to be constructed over the ravines behind Pera, from a point below the Double Columns on the east, to the other side of Galata, the part near the beach of the Golden Horn opposite Cosmedium. After making the road as level as possible, he put his biremes on rollers, unfurled their sails, and ordered them to be hauled overland from the Bosphorus to the Golden Horn. His commands were obeyed; * The Greek text gives 'five hundred pounds', which is impossible, but hard to correct. If it is not simply an outrageous hyperbole, we may choose between five pounds and five hundred drachmas, which would weigh between four and five pounds.

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they were dragged along, with a lookout in the bows and another man sitting at the tiller, while a third took charge of the sails and shook them. Drums and trumpets sounded, striking up a nautical air. Sailing in this way with a fair wind over the ravines and streams on dry land, they eventually reached the water again. Eighty biremes altogether were transported in this way, the rest remaining where they were. Who has ever seen such a thing before, or even heard of it ? Xerxes indeed made a bridge over the sea, and his army passed over it as if on dry land. But this new Alexander, surely, it is to be hoped, the last of his kind, made the land into an ocean, and drew his ships over the peaks of the mountains as if they were the crests of the waves. And in this he surpassed Xerxes, who crossed the Hellespont but had to turn back after being defeated by the Athenians: Mehmet crossed the land as if it were the sea, and then overwhelmed the Greeks, the ornament of the world, and captured the Queen of Cities. Such were the events on sea; on land, the Turks brought their great cannon to a position where it faced the wall, near the Gate of Saint Romanus. Its maker had two smaller cannon stationed by the side of it, firing shot of fifty pounds weight, and he used them to check his aim. When he wanted to fire the great cannon, he first marked the target and fired a smaller one at it, then aimed skilfully and hurled a stone from the great cannon at the same place. When the first shot struck, and the defenders heard the crash of it, they were struck dumb, and began to raise the cry, 'Lord have mercy upon us!' At this time the image of the Holy Virgin was in the palace, this being Holy Week, and from then onwards, prayers were made to it frequently in the monastery of Chora, where the ikon stayed until the capture of the city. Then was fulfilled the prophecy of God, made through Jeremiah, which said (VI, 20-23), 'To what purpose cometh there to me incense from Sheba, and the sweet cane from a far country ? Your burnt offerings are not acceptable, nor your sacrifices sweet unto me. Therefore, thus saith the Lord, "Behold, a people cometh from the north country, and a great nation shall be raised from the sides of the earth. They shall lay hold on bow and spear; they are cruel, and have no mercy; their voice roareth like the sea; and they ride upon horses, set in array as men 86

for war against thee, o Daughter of Zion."' How, you may ask, did the craftsman who designed this cannon which did so much damage prevent it from bursting ? We have seen how the cannon were fired; and after the firing, if care had not been taken to cover this one with thick mats of felt, it would have shatteredt at once like glass. Even after these precautions, it would still have split after two, or at the most three firings, as air found its way into the innermost depths of the metal. What then did its maker do ? When the shot had been fired, and the cannon was still sizzling with the heat of the sulphur and saltpetre, he quickly drenched it with oil, and the parts of it into which air had entered were filled with this; so the cold had no effect, being moderated by the warmth of the oil, and it withstood the explosions easily, until it had played its part in the destruction of the city. Even after this, it survived, and helped the Sultan to carry out his plans of conquest. As the shot from the cannon shook and battered at the walls, they were intending to keep on aiming at the same spot, when an ambassador of John Hunyadi who was there laughed at this way of shooting. 'If you really want to knock the walls down easily,' he said, 'aim to hit another part of the wall five or six fathoms away from your first shot, and then fire at this in the same way. When you have hit the two outer points fair and square, then fire a third shot so that the three points of impact form a triangle, and then you wi El see a wall like this one come tumbling down.' This was clearly good advice, and the designer of the cannon followed it successfully. What, you may ask, made the Hungarian give the Sultan- such advice ? I shall tell you. In this year the Holy Roman Emperor, who had been crowned by Pope Nicholas, had removed Hunyadi from his position as regent of Hungary, and installed Ladislas as king. * Hunyadi had made a treaty of peace with Mehmet for a period of three years, eighteen months of which had now elapsed. He proceeded to send this message to the Sultan: have handed over the kingdom to my master, and henceforward I can no longer keep the oath which I have sworn. Here is the treaty which you * This sentence is translated from the Italian version of Ducas, which in this case appears to have preserved the correct text. Surviving Greek manuscripts contain a confused sentence in which the king of Hungary becomes Emperor of the Romans.

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gave me; give me back the copy which you have, and you may act as you wish towards the king of Hungary.' It was for this reason that the ambassador had come. As to the advice which he, being a Christian, should not have given, I shall write what I have heard. It is said that after he had been defeated for the third time (at Kossovo), as has already been related, Hunyadi fled. As he drew near to home in a state of distress after his failure, he fell in with a prophet, and told him about the disaster, bemoaning the fact that fortune had left the Greeks, and was smiling on the infidels. The old man answered, 'My son, you should know that until destruction has visited the Greeks, fortune will never smile upon the Christians. The city must be destroyed by the Turks, and only then will the misfortunes of the Christians come to an end.' With this ill-omened prophecy sounding in his ears, Hunyadi's messenger was eager to see the city fall without delay, and it was for this reason that he gave advice on the best manner in which to bring down the wall. Two sections of wall with a tower in the middle collapsed, and the tower by the gate of Saint Romanus was also left lying on the ground, so that besiegers and besieged were left looking at one another. But Giustiniani and all his men fought bravely, together with the soldiers from the palace, and a large group of armed men from Galata, who had come to show their friendship towards the defenders. These men used to leave their town and go to the Turkish camp, without being afraid, and supplied the Sultan with the necessities which he required, oil for his cannon, and anything else which seemed to be needed. But they would secretly cross over by night to the Greeks, and fight on their side all the next day; then on the following night, others would change places with them in the city, and they would appear in their homes and, in the Turkish camp, to deceive the enemy. The Venetians who occupied the sector from the Imperial Gate to Cynegum also fought with the Greeks against the Turks. The Megadux with five hundred alined men had a general roving commission about the city, encouraging the defenders wherever he appeared, inspecting the guards and looking for any soldiers who had not been assigned to a post. This routine was followed every day, although the demon of destruction, our enemy, had not yet 88

begun to attack with all his strength, because he was waiting for the time established by the inquiries of his soothsayers. As the Emperor surveyed the gap in the fortifications, he felt certain that the ruins were an evil omen of what was to happen to the city and to himself. Since the time of the first emperor, the most holy Constantine, during so many wars against the Scythians, the Persians and the Arabs, * not a single stone of even a pound's weight had ever fallen from the walls. But now that he saw the quality and the enormous size of their army, the power of their fleet and the way now lying open before them, his heart sank. He sent an embassy to the Sultan, begging him to fix a yearly tribute, even if it was greater than they could pay, and make any other demands he liked, if only he would withdraw, and leave them to enjoy the blessings of peace. Mehmet's answer was as follows: 'It is impossible for me to withdraw. Either I shall capture the city, or the city shall capture me, alive or dead. If you are willing to leave it, I shall allow you to live at peace in the Peloponnese, and I shall give your brothers other provinces to rule over, and we shall be friends. But if you prevent me from entering in peace, and I have to fight my way in, I shall put you and all your nobles to the sword, and I shall give all the rest of your people to my soldiers, to be their slaves; and for myself I shall keep only the city.' The Emperor could not even consider these suggestions. It was quite impossible to take the city which belonged to the Greeks and give it to the Turks. If this were done, where could they go ? What place could the Greeks dwell in, what Christian city, where they would not be spat upon, and held in loathing and contempt ? Indeed, even the Turks and the Hebrews would scorn them. At this time Giustiniani was considering a night attack, to burn the ships of the enemy. A trireme was prepared, manned by a picked crew of Italians, and loaded with equipment in readiness for the operation. But the Genoese of Galata heard what was happening and informed the Turks, who kept watch all night with their guns trained in readiness to meet the attack of the Latins. They, not knowing that the infidels had had news from Galata of their plans, * As in the case noted earlier, it is possible that the correct reading is Avars', not 'Arabs'.

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got under way about midnight, and their trireme silently approached the Turkish vessels. But the Turks had been keeping watch all night, and fired their cannon, and a shot went off in. the direction of the trireme. It struck it with a great crash, and sent it to the bottom with its crew. This caused much fear and anguish among the Latins, and Giustiniani himself was greatly disheartened; the men who had been drowned, more than a hundred and fifty of them, were all from his own ship, active and warlike lads. The Turks were filled with optimism by this turn of events, and all gave a great shout of victory, those on board their ships joining the others in their camp on land, and raising such a clamour to the skies that the ground was shaking over the whole of the area, and those in the city and in Galata groaned with fear. When daylight came, the Turks continued fighting, full of joy and high spirits, and as a sign of the confidence which the destruction of the galley had inspired in them, they loaded their cannon with another large shot. There was a ship anchored near the entrance of the harbour by Galata, carrying a cargo of merchandise of all kinds. It was preparing to set sail for Italy, and both the ship and its cargo belonged to the merchants of Galata. The Turks fired their cannon, and the shot went right through the middle of the ship, and in a moment the shattered hull had sunk to the bottom. This present was a recompense for the pure and unalloyed friendship which the people of Galata so clearly felt towards the Turks. The very same day an embassy went to the Turkish officers in charge, loudly complaining, 'We are your friends; we have shown our friendship by telling you that the trireme was going to be sent against you, and if you had not had this information from us, all your labour in dragging your eighty vessels overland into the harbour would have gone for nothing, and they would have been burned to ashes by the Greeks. Now you have repaid us handsomely for our efforts on your behalf by causing us to suffer this great loss !' The Turkish viziers replied, 'We did not know that the ship was yours, and it was only because we were sure that the opposite was the case, that we acted as we did. Have confidence, and wish us success in our attempts to capture the city. In fact, the time for this is drawing near; and then we shall make up this, and any other loss which we have caused you.' After hearing these honeyed ...:'rds 90

r

the embassy departed. The poor wretches did not realise that they and their city would soon be treated in exactly the same way as Constantinople. The Sultan now prepared a bridge stretching from Galata in the direction of Cynegum. It was constructed as follows. By his orders more than a thousand wine casks were collected and bound together with cords to give a width equal to the length of two casks, making one row, and then another row like the first. Then the two rows were joined and fitted together and beams nailed from one to the other and planking laid on top. The bridge was eventually made wide enough for five footsoldiers to cross it side by side without difficulty. CHAPTER 39 Now that everything had been prepared to his satisfaction, Mehmet sent a messenger into the city to the Emperor, saying, 'Our preparations for battle are now complete. The time has come to do what we have been eager to do for so long, and we leave it to God to decide whether we shall succeeded in our aim. What have you to say now ? Are you willing to leave the city with your ministers, who may take their property with them, and leave the citizens, who are to incur no punishment from either of us ? Or would you rather maintain your resistance, and lose both your life and your possessions, you and those about you, while your people are taken prisoner and scattered over all the earth ?' The Emperor, together with his ministers, answered as follows, `If you are willing to live together with us in peace as your fathers did, to God be the praise. Your ancestors looked upon mine as their parents, and paid them equal honour, and treated this city as if it were their own home. In times of unrest, all those who came within its walls were saved, and none who stood against it survived for long.' `Keep the fortresses and the land that you have unjustly snatched from us, as if you deserved them. Fix a yearly tribute, as much as we can pay you, and go in peace. How can you be sure, although you are so confident of gaining a victory, that you yourself will not be vanquished ? The city is not mine to give you, nor has anyone 91

who lives in it the right to do so. We are all determined to choose death rather than surrender, and we shall not hesitate to give our lives in this cause.' When Mehmet heard this message, he gave up all hope of tricking the city into accepting terms of peace. He ordered an announcement to be made throughout his army, fixing a day for a general assault, and swore that he asked for nothing for himself, except the buildings and walls of the city; all the rest, the booty and the captives, would be theirs. This announcement was received with great joy. When evening came, he sent heralds around the whole of the camp, and commanded that in every tent bright lights should burn, and that fires should be kindled; and when the lights were lit, they were all to shout and raise the foul cries which show their heathen nature. The result was a scene which was most remarkable to see, or even to hear of. The light of their fires, covering land and sea, shone more brightly than the sun through the city and over Galata, and on the ships there and the vessels beyond Scutari. The surface of the water glittered as if lit by the flash of a thunderbolt. Oh, if only it had been a thunderbolt, and if it could not only have shed light upon the city, but consumed it with its flames as well! The Greeks at first thought that a fire had broken out in the camp of the besiegers, and they ran to the gap in the wall. But when they saw them dancing and heard their merry shouting, they realised what was about to happen, and began sorrowfully to pray to God, saying, 'Lord, spare us from Thy just anger, and redeem us from the hands of the enemy.' The people of the city were terrified almost to death by the very sight and sound of what was happening, gasping for fear and scarcely able to breathe. But Giustiniani continued to exert himself all through the night, ordering all the brushwood in the city to be brought to plug the gap in the wall, and having another ditch dug on the inside to protect the part where it had been destroyed. The Greeks now saw that the way was clear for the enemy to pass in and out, while they themselves could not go outside the gate and fight them in the outer enclosure, because the collapse of the walls had left them unprotected. There were some of the older men who knew of a side entrance which for many years had been securely blocked up, giving access

below ground level to the lower part of the palace. They told the Emperor of this, and by his command it was opened up. Then, protected by the walls which were still sound, they made a sortie from this, and fought the Turks in the outer enclosure; the name of this hidden gate had originally been the Kerkoporta. The Sultan began to engage his forces in this general assault on the Sunday; and when evening came, he continued to press the Greeks throughout the night. This Sunday was the day of All Saints, the twenty-seventh of May. When dawn came the next clay, Mehmet continued his attack with less vigour until the ninth hour, and after this he moved his army from the palace to the Chryse Gate, and his eighty ships from the Xyloporta to the Plataia Gate, and the rest of his fleet which had been achored at the Double Columns was spread in a curve from the Horaia Gate, past the acropolis of Megademetrius and the Little Gate by the Monastery of the Hodegetria; and going down from the Great Palace past the harbour, they surrounded the city as far as Vlanga. Each of them was fitted out with a ladder the height of the walls, and every other sort of equipment necessary for the assault. When the sun had set, their battle cries sounded, and at the second hour of the night the Sultan himself rode out, with a great array of troops. He chose to fight in front of the breach in the walls, with a contingent of brave young warriors, chosen from among his own faithful slaves the janissaries, and there were more than ten thousand of them, fighting with the courage of lions on his behalf. Behind them and on each side there were more than a hundred thousand mounted men; by the lower part of the city, as far as the Chryse Gate, more than a thousand others, and from the point where the Sultan was to the end of the palace sector, another fifty thousand; while the number on the ships and on the bridge was beyond computation. The defenders too had been assigned to different areas. The Emperor and Giustiniani were by the breach in the walls, in the enclosure outside the inner wall, having about three thousand Greeks and Latins with them, and the Megadux was in the palace with five hundred men. On the sea walls and the ramparts from the Xyloporta to the Horaia Gate were more than five hundred archers and crossbowmen. In every tower along the circuit from the Horaia 93

Gate to the Chryse Gate there was stationed one archer, crossbowman or slinger. They spent the whole night keeping watch, without daring to sleep, while the Turks and their leader took up their positions beneath the walls, carrying an enormous number of ladders which they had made. The Sultan rode behind his troops, driving his archers on towards the walls with an iron staff, using flattery at one moment and threats at another, while the defenders put up as stout a resistance as they were able. Meanwhile the brave Giustiniani stayed there with his men and the Emperor, who had now put on his armour, and they fought back strongly with the forces at their disposal. And now, as fortune was beginning to smile upon the Turks, God snatched from the middle of the ranks of the Greeks that mighty man of war, that leader of heroic stature. He was struck by a shot in the back of the arm above the elbow, while it was still dark. His iron cuirass, too, was pierced, which had seemed as if it was made like the armour of Achilles, and he was unable to keep his place because of the shock. He cried to the Emperor, 'Stand fast, while I go to my ship, and when I have found a surgeon to attend to me, shall soon return.' This was the hour when the words of Jeremiah (XXI, 3-7) were to be fulfilled, when he said to the Jews, 'Thus shall ye say to Zedekiah; thus saith the Lord God of Israel. Behold, I will turn back the weapons of war that are in your hands, wherewith ye fight against the King of Babylon and against the Chaldaeans, which besiege you without the walls, and I will assemble them into the midst of this city. And I myself will fight against you with an outstretched hand and with a strong arm, even in anger, and in fury, and in great wrath. And I will smite the inhabitants of this city, man and beast; they shall die of a great pestilence and I shall not spare them, neither shall I have pity on them.' The Emperor saw Giustiniani withdrawing, and he and those fighting with him were frightened, since they were already hard put to it to hold their own. The Turks had been working their way gradually towards the walls, protecting themselves with their shields and putting scaling ladders in place. But they had gained nothing by this, because the slingers from above kept them off with stones, and they were thwarted in their attempt. The Emperor and all his Greek troops were concentrated at that point against the 94

enemy, and all their energies were directed towards one purpose, to prevent the Turks from entering through the breach in the wall. But God, who willed it otherwise, brought the enemy in by another way without their knowledge. The Turks saw that the gate which has been previously mentioned was left open,and about fifty of the Sultan's janissaries leaped inside it, and then made their way up to the top of the walls, breathing fire and slaying all those who opposed them, until they dashed against the slingers on the ramparts. What happened then was a sight to make one shudder. Some of the Greeks and Latins who were preventing the enemy from bringing their ladders up to the walls were cut down by the janissaries. Others covered their eyes and hurled themselves from the walls, and life did not remain long in their broken bodies. Then the Turks were able to set up their scaling ladders without opposition, and swarm up them like eagles in flight. The Greeks who were with the Emperor did not know what had happened, because the point at which the Turks had entered was some distance away, and because their attention was fully engaged by their immediate opponents. There were twenty Turkish soldiers for every Greek, and each of the defenders was far less likely to be trained in arms than any of his adversaries. It was in this direction, therefore, that all their thoughts and attention were turned. Then suddenly they noticed missiles falling on them from above and killing some of them, and looking up, they saw the Turks on the wall. Their immediate reaction was to turn and flee into the city. But they could not all pass through the gate called Charisius, being in a tightly-packed throng, and those who were stronger succeeded in making their way forward by trampling over their weaker brethren. The Sultan's soldiers saw that the Greeks were retreating, and with one universal shout they streamed forward, trampling to death those who were unfortunate enough to be in their way. When they came to the gate, they could not pass through it, because it was blocked by the bodies of those who had fallen or fainted there. So most of them entered the city by clambering over the ruined walls, cutting down 'any who stood in their way. The Emperor now gave up all hope. He stood holding his sword and shield, and cried hopefully, 'Is there no Christian who will cut 95

off my head ?' But all had deserted him. One of the Turks gave him a blow in the face. He struck back, and received another blow. Then another Turk behind gave him a mortal wound, and he fell to the ground. They did not know that he was the Emperor, but thought him a common soldier, so after killing him, they left him. The Turks lost only three men at this moment of entering the city. It was the first hour of the day, and the sun had not yet risen. When they had entered, and spread out in various directions from the Charisius Gate to the palace, they put to death anyone they saw, even fugitives. They killed about two thousand soldiers in their fear, because they had always calculated that there would be at least fifty thousand fighting men in the city. So they killed these two thousand men; but if they had known that the whole army of the defenders had never exceeded eight thousand, they would never have put even a single one to death. They are a people always greedy for money, and even if one of them had the murderer of his father in his hands, he would sell him for gold; much more readily, then, would they sell one who had done them no harm, but only the reverse. When the war was over, I met many of them who said to me, We were frightened by those whom we had previously met, and so we killed those whom we saw first. But if we had known how few men there were in the city, we would have sold them all like cattle.' The Azabs of the Sultan's household, who are also called janissaries, ran either to the palace or to the monastery of the Great Prodromos, the one called Petra, and the monastery of Chora, in which the ikon of the most holy Mother of God was kept at that time. What tongue, what lips now can tell of the things which that image suffered for your sins ? These infidels were so eager to rush on after further booty, that one of the heathen took an axe to it, and with further assistance from his filthy hands, broke it into four pieces. Each of them then cast lots, and took his own piece with any ornament which was attached to it, and on they went, after snatching any other valuables belonging to the monastery which they could find. Then they broke into the house of the Protostrator, and opened the treasures which had been stored away so long in ancient times. They woke the young women of noble birth from their slumber; for the twenty-ninth of May was now beginning, and early 96

morning sleep was still resting sweetly on the eyes of young men and maidens as they enjoyed their rest to the full, just as they had done with confidence the day before and the day before that. A dense crowd of Turks was now pressing onward at a run, which brought them to the Great Church, and there on both sides it was possible to see a stratagem being put into operation. * Early that morning, just as dawn was breaking, and the defenders were fleeing after the Turks had broken in, some of the Greeks were far ahead of the rest, striving to reach their homes and. protect their wives and children. As they were passing through the area by the Forum of the Bull, and approaching the pillar of the Holy Cross, covered in blood, some of the women asked them what had happened. When they heard the dreadful news being cried aloud, 'The enemy are within the walls of the city, and are killing the Greeks,' at first they did not believe it, and paid no attention except to insult them for saying what could only bring bad luck. But then along came another soldier, and another after him, all bloodstained, and they realised that the cup of the divine wrath was now approaching their lips. Then all of them, men and women, monks and nuns, ran towards the Great Church, fathers and mothers carrying their infants in their arms, and leaving their houses to anyone who wished to enter them. The way to the church could now be seen packed with people. What, we may wonder, was the reason which led them all to flee to the Great Church ? Long ago they had heard from certain false prophets that the city would fall to the Turks, and that they would enter it with their soldiers, and that the Greeks would fall beneath their swords until they reached the column of Constantine the Great. After this, an angel would descend bearing a sword, and would hand over the empire, together with this sword, to a nameless man who would be found standing by this column, a poor and common man, and would say to him, 'Take this sword, and avenge the people of the Lord.' Then the Turks would be beaten back, and the Greeks would follow them and smite them, driving them from the city, and from the West, and from the East as far as the borders of Persia, to a place called Monodendrion. * I.e., both Turks and Christians were heading for Hagia Sophia, for different reasons.

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A number of people, believing that this was now about to happen, began running, and advised the rest to follow them. In so doing, the Greeks were putting into practice an idea which had occurred to them long before. 'If we put the Column of the Cross behind us,' they said, 'we shall escape the wrath which is coming.' This was the reason why in their flight they went on and entered the Great Church. In no more than an hour the huge building was full of men and women, too many to count, on the floor, and in the galleries and vestibules, filling every corner. The doors were closed, and they stood there, hoping to be saved. You miserable Greeks, you wretches, who yesterday and the day before called this church an infidel cavern, an altar of the heathen! Not a single one of you would enter it then, in case of pollution, because services were conducted within by those who had embraced the Union of the Church. But now, because of the wrath which was coming upon you, you fled to it as if it was your only hope of salvation. And yet, even when God's just anger was overtaking you, your hearts were not inclined towards peace. Even in such circumstances, if an angel had come down from heaven, making this offer to you: `If you accept the Union, and the peaceful settlement of the Church, I shall drive your enemies from the city' — even then, you would not have consented. Or if you had, it would have been only a feigned agreement; you know this in your hearts, you who only a few days before were saying, 'Better to fall into the hands of the Turks than into those of the Franks !' Meanwhile the Turks ran riot, killing and taking prisoners, until they reached the church. The first hour of the day was not yet past. They found the doors closed, but made short work of them with their axes, and when they had broken them down, they stepped inside with drawn swords. When they saw the enormous number of people packed together, each one began tying up a prisoner for himself, since no one resisted them, or gave any better account of himself than a sheep. Who could tell of all the nightmares that followed ? Who could describe the screams and cries of the children, the loud weeping of their mothers or the groans of their fathers ? One Turk would look for the captive who seemed the wealthiest, a second would prefer a pretty face among the nuns, and then a third, more powerful, would snatch his prize from him and truss her up. 98

Curling locks, a shoulder or a breast laid bare or an outflung arm, might all serve to attract attention to a captive, who would then be snatched and dragged aside. A servant would be bound together with her mistress, a master with the slave whom he had bought, an archimandrite with his verger. Young men reared in luxury were trussed up with maidens whom the sun had not looked upon, maidens whom even their fathers had scarcely seen, and dragged away; and if they tried to resist, they were driven onward with blows. Each rapacious Turk was eager to lead his captive to a safe place, and then return to secure a second and a third prize. The plunderers, the avengers sent by God, worked with force and speed, and in one hour everyone there had been tied up, the men with cords and the women with their headcloths. Then long chains of captives could be seen leaving the church and its shrines, being herded along like cattle or flocks of sheep, weeping and wailing, with no one to show pity for them. As for the Great Church itself, how can I describe its fate, what can I say of it ? My tongue cleaves to my throat, I cannot draw breath, my mouth is sealed. The savages began directly to break up the sacred images, stripping them of their decorations and ornaments, and tearing the furnishings from the Holy Table. They broke some of the vases which held the lamps, and took the rest away; and in a moment they had snatched up from their resting places all the previous and sacred vessels made of gold or silver or any other valuable material. The church was left bare and deserted, with nothing remaining in. it. Then were fulfilled in the new Zion the words which God spoke through the prophet Amos, saying (III, 14-15; V, 21-23; VIII, 2-6 & 9-1o), 'Thus saith the Lord the God of hosts, "I shall visit the altars of Bethel, and the horns of the altar shall be cut off, and fall to the ground. And I will smite the winter house with the summer house; and the houses of ivory shall perish, and the great houses shall have an end," saith the Lord. "I hate, I despite your feast days, and I will not smell in your solemn assemblies. Though you offer me burnt offerings and your meat offerings, I will not accept them. Take thou away from me the noise of my songs; for I will not hear the melody of thy viols." Then said the Lord unto me, "The end is come upon my people of Israel; I will not again pass by them any 99

more. And the songs of the temple shall be howlings in that day," saith the Lord God. Hear this, o ye that swallow up the needy, even to make the poor of the land to fail, saying, "When will the new moon be gone, that we may sell coin ? and the sabbath, that we may set forth wheat, making the ephah small and the shekel great, and falsifying the balances by deceit ? That we may buy the poor for silver, and the needy for a pair of shoes ?" "In that day," saith the Lord God, "I will cause the sun to go down at noon, and I will darken the earth in the clear day. And I will turn your feasts into mourning, and all your songs into lamentations." ' This dreadful day on which the city was captured happened to be the festival and holy day on which the holy martyr Saint Theodosia was commemorated. The whole community was represented at this celebration, and there were many, both men and women, who had passed the night, from evening onwards, at the tomb of the saint. When dawn came, they were proceeding to make their act of worship, men and women together, carrying tapers and incense, and arrayed in their finest clothing and ornaments, when most of them were trapped by the Turks. How could they have guessed that the Divine wrath would sweep over so much of the city so quickly ? Only those who saw it can fully understand what happened over such a large area. The threat to the city had spread like a fire, as we have said, from the Charisius Gate, the Gate of Saint Romanus and the palace. But the resistance offered by the ships and the harbour fortifications prevented the Turks from raising their ladders to the walls there. Here the Greeks were the stronger, and kept on repelling them with stones and other weapons until the third hour of the day. But then there arrived a number of the soldiers who had been gathering booty inside the city, and when they saw the Greeks still fighting off the enemy outside, they raised as loud a cry as they were able, and rushed to attack the walls from within. When the Greeks saw that the Turks were inside the city, they cried out in grief, 'Alas ! Alas!' and threw themselves from the walls; it was clear that they had no chance of putting up any further resistance there. When the Turkish sailors saw their fellows appearing inside the city, they realised that it had been captured, and quickly raised their ladders and put some men inside. Then the gates were broken down and they all rushed in. 100

The Megadux saw the Turks coming from the place where he was stationed, overlooking the Royal Gate, and fled to his house accompanied by a few others. They lost contact with one another, and some were captured before they could reach the house. Others who reached home found their children, wives and property gone, and before they even had a chance to show their grief by weeping, they found their hands were bound behind them. Others came to their houses just as their wives and children were actually being dragged away and tied up, and they were bound too, together with their nearest and dearest. As for the older men and women who were unable, through age or sickness, to leave their homes, they were slain without mercy; and new-born babes were thrown into the streets. The Megadux found his daughters and his sons, and his wife who was sick, shut up in the upper part of the house and resisting the attempts of the Turks to enter. He and those who had followed him were taken prisoner, but the Sultan sent a detachment to take charge of him and of his family, giving the Turks who had surrounded the house a sum of money large enough for it to be clear that he had bought them, and had not broken his promise to his soldiers. Then Notaras and all his family were kept under guard. Every man in the Turkish army now rushed into the city, even the cooks and those who tended the animals, and began to plunder it and carry away their booty. Giovanni Giustiniani, whom we left going on board his ship, to seek attention for the wound which he had received, had no sooner reached the harbour than some of his own men came running to tell him that the Turks had broken into the city, and the Emperor had been killed. This was bitter news, and when he heard it, he told his trumpeters to sound the recall for his soldiers and sailors. The rest of the ships also began preparing to set sail, many of them leaving their officers behind as prisoners. Then there was a most pitiful display along the harbour walls. Men and women, nuns and priests, were all weeping bitterly, beating their breasts and begging to be taken on board the ships. But this was impossible, once it had been decreed that they should drink from the cup filled with the wrath of the Lord. And it could not have been done, even if those on the ships had been willing to try. Indeed, if the Sultan's fleet had not been occupied in ravaging the city and searching for booty, not a single one of them would have got away. I0I

But the Turks had all left their ships and gone into Constantinople, so the Latins were able to leave the harbour without hindrance. The Sultan ground his teeth in rage, but had to put up with this loss, since there was nothing that could be done about it. In Galata they saw the terrible catastrophe which had taken place, and with their wives and children they ran to the water's edge, looking for boats. Whenever they found one, they got into it and made their way out to board the ships, leaving their houses and their property behind. Many of them were forced to throw their valuables into the water, and suffered other great losses. One of the Sultan's chief officers, called Zagan, who stood in high favour with Mehmet because he had spoken strongly in favour of the attack, shouted out to them, 'Do not run away.' He swore an oath to them by his master's head, saying, 'Do not be afraid; you are dear to the Sultan. No man shall harm your city, and the treaties which you made with the Emperor shall be renewed even more strongly with us. You would do best to believe this, in case you should cause our master's anger to rise against you.' With such words Zagan tried to prevent the Franks of Galata from leaving; but those who were able to escape did so. Then those who were left, after some consultation, took the keys of the city and, together with their Podesta, went with the intention of prostrating themselves before the Sultan. They did this and handed him the keys, which he received graciously, and sent them away with pleasant words and a kindly expression. Only five of the larger ships could raise their sails, and the rest were unable to get away; a number of ships were left behind, and their crews managed to reach the other vessels and escape with them. The ships which escaped finally reached safety, although many of their crews were left behind as captives. As they left the harbour there was a wind blowing from the north, and they sailed along with all their sails drawing, bewailing the fate of the city with tears and sighs, as did the merchant galleys of the Venetians. Meanwhile the Turkish sailors were rounding up the men and women who were outside the city walls where they had been left deserted, and taking them on board their own ships, while the rest of the people from the city were herded towards the enemy's camp. 102

CHAPTER 4o All this took place between the first and the eighth hour of the day. After this the Sultan entered the city with his viziers and other officers, showing no signs whatsoever of fear or doubt. His own personal bodyguard of janissaries marched before and behind him, breathing fire, all of them better archers than Apollo, each a new Hercules, and any one of them ready at any time to take on ten opponents. When he came to the Great Church he dismounted, entered it and stood marvelling at the sight. Finding one of the Turks engaged in breaking up the marble floor, he asked him what he meant by damaging the building. 'It is for the Faith,' was the answer. Mehmet stretched out his hand and struck the Turk with his sword, saying, 'Be satisfied with the booty and the captives; the buildings of the city belong to me.' The Sultan had by now begun to regret the agreement which he had entered into, when he saw the wealth which was pouring out of the city, and the enormous number of captives. The Turkish soldier was dragged out of the way, and cast out of the church half dead. Mehmet then gave instructions to one of his own abominable priests, who at his masters' bidding went up into the pulpit, and recited their detestable prayers. Then this son of iniquity, this forerunner of Antichrist, mounted upon the Holy Table to utter forth his own prayers. What a calamity this was, what a monstrous portent ! What a sight this was to see, what a disaster ! A heathen Turk actually approached the holy altar, where the relics of the saints and martyrs lay, and stood upon it ! Where now was the Lamb of God, where was the Son and the Word of the Father, who had been sacrificed on that very altar, and eaten, yet not consumed ? Truly, we were reckoned as false, and our service counted for nothing among the nations on account of our sins. The temple built in the name of the Wisdom of the Divine Word, which was called the shrine of the Holy Trinity, the Great Church and the New Zion, is today a place of heathen sacrifice and the house of Mohammed in name and in fact. Just is Thy judgement, o Lord! Leaving the building — for it could no longer be called a church — Mehmet inquired after the Megadux, and had him brought before him. When he had come, and done obeisance to him, the Sultan said, 103

`It was a fine thing that you did, by not surrendering the city. See now what the penalty is, how great the destruction, and how many of your people are in slavery as a result.' The Megadux answered, `My Lord, there was nothing else that I could have done; not even the Emperor had the power to hand over the city to you. Besides, there were those on your side who were encouraging the Emperor by writing to him, telling him not to fear, because you would not prevail against us.' The Sultan took this as a reference to Halil Pasha, against whom he was already nursing his wrath. Then, because the Emperor had been mentioned, he asked if he had escaped with the ships. The Megadux answered that he did not know; he himself had been at the Royal Gate when the Turks got into the city by the Charisius Gate and came upon the Emperor. At this point two men left the ranks, and one of them cried out to the Sultan, 'My Lord, I killed him; and then I was carried onward in the rush of men seeking booty, and left him lying dead.' The other man claimed that he was the one who had struck the first blow. The Sultan then sent them both to bring back the head. So they ran to find the body, cut off its head and brought it to their leader. Mehmet then said to the Megadux, `Tell me the truth. Is this the head of your Emperor ?' Notaras inspected it, and replied, 'My Lord, it is.' Others also saw the head and identified it. Then they nailed it to the column in the Augusteum, where it stayed until evening. After this the skin was stripped from the skull and stuffed with bran, and it was sent as a symbol of victory to the governors of Persia and Arabia, and elsewhere in the Turkish empire. There is another story, that the Megadux was discovered together with Orchan in the tower which formed part of the Phrantzes fort. They surrendered there, seeing that it was impossible to continue their resistance to the Turkish attack. Many men of noble birth and high degree were there with the Megadux, and there was a monk, from whom Orchan begged his robes, in exchange for his own clothing. He lowered himself from an arrow-slit to the ground outside the city, but was caught by the Turks from the ships, bound, and cast on. board one of their vessels with the rest of the prisoners. There he was joined by the others from the tower who had surrendered themselves. Then one of the Greek prisoners, who wished to 104

secure his own freedom, said to the captain of the vessel, 'If you set me free today, I can make you a present of Orchan and the Megadux together.' When he heard this, the captain promised to free him, and he at once pointed out Orchan in his monk's clothing. When the captain learned who his prisoner really was, he had him beheaded, and took Orchan's head and the live Megadux to the Sultan, who was at Cosmedium. Mehmet gave the captain a generous reward, and sent him away. Then he told the Megadux to be seated, and spoke sympathetically to him, ordering that a call should be put out in the camp and on board the ships for his wife and children. Within a short while they were reunited with Notaras, and Mehmet made them a present of a thousand aspri each, and sent them off to their home. He then spoke at length with the Megadux, offering him words of comfort and reassurance, and saying, 'I intend to put this city into your hands, as sole governor in charge of it. Have no fear; I shall make you even more important than you were in the time of the Emperor.' Notaras thanked him, kissed his hand and returned to his own home, but not before Mehmet had obtained from him a written list of all the officials of high birth and rank in the Emperor's palace. These were collected from their places of imprisonment on board the ships and in the Turkish camp, and bought from their captors at the rate of one thousand aspri a head. The following morning, after that first dreadful day which saw the obliteration of our race, Mehmet again entered the city and went to the palace of the Megadux, who came out to meet him and prostrated himself before him. They entered the palace, and found the wife of Notaras sick in her bed. Then this wolf in sheep's clothing approached the invalid, and said to her, 'Be of good cheer, mother, and do not grieve at what has happened. God's will be done. I have even more to give you than you have lost, so make haste to recover your health.' Then, after the sons of the Megadux had paid their respects to him and thanked him, he went out and made a general inspection of the city. It was deserted. Not a man, not a beast was found in it, there was no sound, not even the cry of a bird, and only a few Turks might be seen, who had been too weak to seize any booty for themselves. Many of them indeed had been killed by their fellow soldiers, as one tried to drag another's plunder from him. When this 105

happened, the stronger seized what he could, and the weaker lay still, felled by a mortal blow. On the day after the capture of Constantinople, the thirtieth of May, they entered it again, and collected anything which they had previously left behind. The Sultan then made a tour of the city, and followed this by settling down to enjoy a drinking party in the surroundings of the palace. When he was filled with wine and far gone in drunkenness, he sent for his Chief Eunuch, and commanded him to go to the palace of the Megadux with the following message, `My master bids you send your younger son to his banquet.' The lad was fourteen years old, and handsome. When his father heard the message, he changed colour, and was paralysed with the shock; then he replied to the eunuch, 'Our religion forbids me to hand over my son with my own hands to be defiled by him. It would be better for me if he were to send an executioner, to take my head from me.' The Chief Eunuch advised him to hand over his son, so that he might avoid exciting the Sultan's anger. But Notaras refused, saying, `If you want to take him by force, take him and go. But I shall never hand him over of my own free will.' The eunuch returned to his master, and told him all that the Megadux had said, and how he had refused to hand over the boy. Mehmet was enraged at this, and cried, 'Take the executioner with you, and bring the boy back; and let the Megadux and his sons be led here by the executioner.' They went on their errand, and when the Megadux heard the news, he embraced his children and his wife, and went with the executioner, accompanied by his son and his son-in-law Cantacuzenus. The Chief Eunuch took charge of the boy himself, and went and showed him to his master, leaving the others at the palace gate, and giving the executioner instructions to behead them with his sword. The executioner took them a short distance down from the palace, and told them of the sentence of death which had been passed upon them. When Notaras' son heard that they were to be killed, he wept. But his father stood firm, and inspired the lads to show their courage saying, 'Children, you know that yesterday in one brief moment of time we lost everything, our inexhaustible wealth and the splendid reputation which we had in this great city, and, as a result, throughout the Christian world. Now the only thing left to us is life itself. 106

This will not continue for ever, since in the end we are bound to die. And how will we die then ? Deprived of the property which once we possessed, of our reputation, our honour and our power, scorned and despised by all, sinking ever deeper into misery until death comes to release us. Where is our Emperor ? He was killed yesterday. Where is my stepfather and your father, the Grand Domestic ? Where is Theophilus Palaeologus, and the Protostrator with his two sons ? Were they not killed yesterday in the fighting ? If only we had died with them ! But now the hour is ripe; let us no longer continue to follow the paths of error. Who knows, if we delay, what poisonous darts the Devil has waiting, to smite us with ? Now the way is clear before us; in the name of the One who died for us, and rose again, let us too give up our lives, in order that we may together with Him enjoy the blessings which He has to offer.' With these words he reassured the boys, and they were ready to meet their end. Then he said to the guard, 'Take the lads first; and do as you have been commanded.' The executioner obeyed him and beheaded the boys, while the Megadux stood by crying, 'I thank Thee, Lord,' and '0 Lord, Thou art just.' Then he said to the guard, `Give me a moment, my brother, to go in and pray.' There was a church near by, and he entered it and prayed, while the executioner waited. Then he came out of the door of the church, where the bodies of his children were still quivering, and after he had once more given praise to God, his head was cut off. The executioner took their heads and went back and showed them to that savage beast his master, as he made merry; the bodies were left there unburied, after they had been robbed of their clothing. Mehmet also sent the executioner to put to death all the nobles and high officials of the palace whom he had bought from their captors, while from their wives and children the fairest women and most handsome youths were selected, and handed over into the custody of the Chief Eunuch. The rest of the prisoners were put in the charge of others, to be looked after until they reached Adrianople, that second Babylon. The whole surviving population of the city was now to be found in the Turkish camp, while Constantinople herself lay deserted and naked, lifeless and silent, stripped of her former glory.

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CHAPTER 41

0 City, City, chief of all cities ! 0 City, City, placed at the centre of the world's four corners, the glory of the Christian faith and destruction of the barbarians ! 0 City, City, that second Paradise planted in the West, that garden in which so many trees have flourished, loaded with spiritual fruit ! Where are your beauties now, o Paradise ? Where is that strength which the grace of the Holy Spirit enabled you to give to mind and body ? Where are the bodies of the Apostles of our Lord, laid to rest so long ago in this Paradise which blossomed eternally, among which were the Purple Cloak, the Spear, the Sponge and the Reed, which allowed us when we venerated them to believe that we saw Him raised upon the Cross ? Where are the relics of the Saints, where are the remains of Constantine the Great and the emperors who followed him ? The streets and the entrances to the buildings, the cross-roads, the fields and the vineyards, were choked with the relics of the saints, with the bodies of men of high and low degree, of holy monks and nuns. Oh bitter loss! The bodies of Your servants, o Lord, were cast out to be a prey for the birds of the air, the flesh of Your saints was scattered about the new Zion for wild beasts to gnaw at, and there was none to bury them. Alas for the church, that heaven upon earth, that celestial place of sacrifice, that sacred and holy precinct, that glory of all other churches ! Alas for the sacred books, the oracles of theLord, the Laws, New and Old and the tablets written upon by the finger of God! Alas for the Gospel spoken from God's own mouth, the theological truths enunciated by angels who had assumed human forms, the teachings of men inspired by the Holy Spirit and the precepts of heroes half divine ! Alas for the state, the people, the army once so boundless, now gone for ever, like a ship in full sea overwhelmed by a mighty wave ! Alas for the houses and palaces of every kind, and the sacred walls of the city ! Today I will call upon all of them, and mourn for them as if they too had been alive, following the example of Jeremiah in this doleful tragedy. How doth the city sit solitary, that was full of people ! How is she Io8

become as a widow! She that was great among the nations, and princes among the provinces, how is she become tributary! She weepeth sore in the night, and her tears are on her cheeks; among all her lovers she hath none to comfort her; all her friends have dealt treacherously with her, they are become her enemies. She hath gone into captivity in Asia because of affliction and because of great servitude; she dwelleth among the heathen, she findeth no rest; all her persecutors overtook her between the straits. The ways of the city do mourn, because none come to the solemn feasts; all her gates are desolate; her priests sigh, her virgins are afflicted, and she is in bitterness. Her adversaries are the chief, her enemies prosper; for the Lord bath afflicted her for the multitude of her transgressions; her children are gone into captivity before the enemy. And from the daughter of Zion all her beauty is departed; her princes are like harts that find no pasture, and they are gone without strength before the pursuer. Her enemies saw her and mocked at her captivity. Jerusalem bath grievously sinned, therefore is she tossed about, her enemy hath spread out his hand upon all her pleasant things; for she hath seen that the heathen entered into her sanctuary, whom Thou didst command that they should not enter into Thy congregation. All her people sigh, they seek bread; they have given their pleasant things for meat to relieve the soul. See, o Lord and consider; consider and see, all ye that pass by; is there any sorrow like unto my sorrow ? He who hath searched me out diligently hath sent fire from above into my bones, and brought it down against me; He hath spread a net for my feet, He hath turned me back, He hath made me desolate and faint all the day. The Lord bath trodden under foot all my mighty men in the midst of me; He hath called an assembly against me to crush my young men; the Lord hath trodden the virgin, the daughter of Judah, as in a wine-press. For these things I weep; my children are desolate, because the enemy prevailed. The Lord is righteous; for I have rebelled against His commandment; hear, I pray you, all people and behold my sorrow; my virgins and my young men are gone into captivity. I called for my lovers, but they deceived me; my priests and my elders gave up the ghost in the city. Hear my sighing; the Lord was as an enemy, He hath taken away 109

His tabernacle, as if it were of a garden. He hath destroyed His places of assembly. He hath caused His solemn feasts and sabbaths to be forgotten, and hath despised in the indignation of His anger the king and the priest. The Lord hath cast off His altar, He hath abhorred His sanctuary, He hath given up into the hands of His enemy the walls of her palaces; they have made a noise of war in the house of the Lord, like the psalm sung by the Levites in the day of a solemn feast. Behold, o Lord, and consider, to whom Thou hast done this; the young suckling children have been slain; shall they slay the priest and the prophet in the sanctuary of the Lord ? The young and the old lie on the ground in the streets; my virgins and young men are taken into captivity, the Lord hath accomplished His fury; He hath poured out His fierce anger, and hath kindled a fire in the city, and it hath devoured the foundations thereof. Remember, o Lord, what is come upon us; consider, and behold our reproach. Our inheritance is turned to strangers, our houses to aliens. We have become orphans, as it were without a father, and our mothers as widows; we are pursued, we labour and have no rest. Our fathers have sinned, and are not; and we have borne their iniquities. Servants have ruled over us; there is none that doth deliver us out of their hand. Our skin was aged, and black like an oven, drawn back over the face from the starvation which came upon us. They took the young men to grind, and the children fell under the wood. The elders have ceased from the gate, and the young men from their musick. The joy of our heart is ceased; our dance is turned into -mourning. The crown is fallen from our head; woe unto us, that we have sinned ! For this our heart is faint; for these things our eyes are dim, because- of the new Zion, which is desolate, the foxes walk upon it. Thou, o Lord, remainest for ever; Thy throne is from generation to generation. Wherefore dost Thou forget us in anger, and forsake us for so long a time ? Turn us unto Thee, o Lord, and we shall be turned; our days shall be renewed as of old. Thou wast rejected, and didst reject us; Thou wast very wrath against us. These were the lamentations and the plaints raised by Jeremiah, when Jerusalem was captured in ancient times; and I believe that the Holy Spirit revealed to him the truth about the New Jerusalem also. II0

But what tongue would have the power of describing in words the calamity which overtook the city, the awful captivity and the bitter migration which came to pass, not from Jerusalem to Babylon or Assyria, but from Constantinople to Syria, Egypt, Armenia, Persia, Arabia, to parts of Italy and to Asia Minor and the rest of the Turkish empire ? And how was it done ? A husband might find himself in Paphlagonia, his wife in Egypt and their children in different places, their former language replaced by a new one, their religion by irreligion and their sacred books by heathen writings. Shudder, o Sun and you, o Earth ! Weep for our people, altogether deserted by their most just God, because of their transgressions ! We are not worthy to raise our eyes to heaven; let us rather cast them down, and turn our faces to the earth and cry, 'Thou art just, o Lord, and just is Thy judgement. We have sinned, we have broken Thy law, we have done wrong in the sight of all peoples. In everything that Thou hast brought upon us, Thou hast delivered a judgement that is just and true. Only now, o Lord we beg, spare us further suffering.' CHAPTER 42 Three days after the capture of the city Mehmet dismissed his fleet, allowing each vessel to return to its home port so loaded with booty that it could hardly float. What were the spoils that they won ? Rich clothing and vessels of silver and gold, bronze and tin, books without number and prisoners, priest and lay, monks and nuns. Every space in the ships was full of plunder, and in the Turkish camp every tent was crammed with prisoners and every kind of booty of the sorts already mentioned. Then there might be seen in the midst of the barbarians one with a patriarch's robe, another with some prelate's golden chain around his waist, using it to drag his dogs along, and others again using cloths embroidered in gold with the Lamb of God as saddleblankets. Others were sitting down and making merry, eating from the sacred dishes, which were placed before them filled with the fruits of the earth, and drinking unmixed wine from the sacred vessels. They loaded on to waggons all the manuscripts which they could find, far too many III

to be counted, and these were scattered all over Europe and Asia. For a single bezant ten books at a time were sold, of Aristotle and Plato, of theology and on every other subject. As for the Gospels with their rich illuminations, they tore out the gold and silver, then sold them or threw them away. Icons were without exception given to the flames; and as the fires died down, they roasted their meat upon them and ate it. On the fifth day after the capture of the city the Sultan entered Galata. His first act was to order a census to be taken of its inhabitants, and in the course of this it was discovered that many houses were closed up, because the Latins had escaped in their ships. Mehmet then ordered their houses to be opened, and a complete register of their property to be made, saying, 'If they return within the space of three months, let them have what is theirs; but if they do not return, it will belong to me.' He also ordered his army and the inhabitants of the neighbourhood around the city to overthrow and bring to the ground the walls of Galata, and remove them, which was done. After they had razed the walls which faced the land, they left standing those which looked on to the harbour. Then he kept lime-workers busy through the whole of August, preparing lime to rebuild the broken walls of Constantinople. He personally attended to the conscription of five thousand families from his dominions in the East and in the West; they were to transfer themselves with all their members to Constantinople, under pain of death, by the end of September. One of his servants called Suleiman was appointed as governor. He then turned the Great Church into a heathen shrine for his god and his Mahomet, and left the others stripped bare, after which he began to make preparations for his victorious return to Adrianople, bringing booty too great to be measured, and captives too numerous to be counted. It was the eighteenth of June when he left the city, taking with him on horseback or in carriages all the female prisoners of noble birth and their daughters. The wife of the Megadux died on the journey, near a place called Mesene, and was buried there, a women noted for her piety and charity towards the poor, prudent in her behaviour and free from any frailties of spirit. After he had entered Adrianople with a triumphal procession of the most spectacular kind, there came flocking to his presence all the 112

rulers and chiefs of the Christians, from near and far, bringing him greetings. What must they have felt in their hearts and their innermost thoughts, as their mouths and their lips formed such messages ! But nevertheless, although it was by no will of theirs, they bowed before him and brought him gifts, fearing lest the same fate might overtake them. The Sultan sat in state, arrogant and overbearing because of the pride which he felt after his capture of Constantinople, and the Christian leaders stood trembling, waiting for him to reveal what was to happen to them. He began with the Serbian ambassador, fixing a tribute of twelve thousand bezants to be paid each year to the Turkish treasury. The Despots of the Peloponnese were rated at ten thousand, and ordered to bring him gifts and do obeisance to him each year. For the government of Chios he fixed upon the sum of six thousand bezants each year, and for Mytilene three thousand, while from Trebizond and the other cities of the Black Sea he demanded that they should pay taxes, and send him an embassy to do obeisance to him each year, bringing gifts. In the very first year, in the month of August, an embassy came from the Despot of Serbia and paid the due amount, and also performed an act of great piety in Adrianople. Acting under instructions from the Despot George, they ransomed nuns, both young and old, until a hundred of them had been set free; and all the noble personages of high birth who had been taken prisoner hastened to appeal to Serbia, and were given money to buy their freedom as an act of piety by the ruler and his queen. Autumn was now over, and. the year 6962 had already begun its course. Mehmet spent the winter at home, making plans for an attack upon the Despot in the spring, with the intention of bringing the whole of Serbia under his control. The Despot had in fact been daily expecting this particular piece of bad news, and was waiting for the Sultan's greed to lead him into some act of aggression; his long life had given him a wide experience, and he had already suffered much at his hands, as has been related earlier. Mehmet now made clear what pretext he had chosen for this new outrage, by declaring, 'The country of Serbia, over which you are now ruling, is not yours, nor have you any right of succession to it. It belongs to Stefan son of Lazar, and by consequence to me. Depart at once from within its boundaries. I am ready to give you 113

a part of the realm of your father Vuk and the city of Sofia; but otherwise, I shall attack you.' He sent this message by one of his most trusted servants, who was instructed to present himself once more before his master within the space of twenty-five days, and inform him of the answer; if he failed to do this, his head would be sundered from his body, and he would be cast out to feed the beasts of the forest. The Sultan's delegate journeyed to Serbia, but found that the Despot was at that moment absent on the other side of the Danube; his chief ministers, however, assured him that their ruler would return that very day, or the day following. Meanwhile they set about preparing their fortifications, and laying in stocks of necessities of all kinds. When the envoy realised that he was being tricked, he was in terror at the thought of the penalty for overstaying his time: more than thirty days had now passed. Meanwhile the Sultan, filled with rage, had left Adrianople and moved to Philippopolis with the whole of his army. His servant met him there, and told him of the Despot's flight into Hungary, and of the way in which he had been deceived by his ministers, and prevented from leaving. The Sultan had intended to put him to death, and would have done so, if the envoy had not sent a message before the appointed day, explaining the reason for his delay, and the manoeuvres of the Serbians, and telling him of the Despot's flight. The Hungarians had now crossed the Danube, and laid waste the country around Ternovo. After this, they came to grips with the Turks, found themselves the victors, and retired across the river once more with a great deal of booty. The Sultan advanced from Philippopolis to Sofia, and there left his main army behind, together with the viziers of his court, while he led a force of twenty thousand foot soldiers into Serbia. But he could not find his opponent, because the Despot had by now been in Hungary for some time, together with all his family and the ministers of his court. Before departing, he had fortified all the strongholds in his country, and urged his people not to be afraid, and not to surrender themselves; in a little while he would come to their aid with a powerful army. Mehmet, on the other hand, advanced as far as Smedrovo. He was eager to capture it, because of its nearness to the Danube, and because it commanded the route taken by those who intended to 114

pass into Hungary. But he met with no success, and had to retire. He then attacked one of their fortresses, which resisted him successfully; but the people who lived outside it, in the villages and the surrounding countryside, had fortified another area around it, and were defending themselves there. Although the fortress itself was secure, the same could not be said of the outer defences, and the Sultan induced their defenders to surrender, by swearing an oath, which he immediately broke by committing to slavery all those whom he captured there. Meanwhile, the central fortress itself was not given up. He returned to Sofia, then left it for Adrianople, taking the booty which he had won, and there distributed half of it among his viziers and the officers who had taken part in the expedition with him. Then, taking his half of the captives, amounting to four thouSand men and women, he sent them to settle in the villages around Constantinople, where he transferred himself shortly afterwards. While he was at Philippopolis he had ordered the broken walls of Constantinople to be built up again, and on his arrival he found that this had been undertaken and the work had been satisfactorily completed. He then entered the city, and measured out in the middle of it a space of eight stades or a little more, ordering an enclosure to be marked out, and a palace to be built within it. The enclosure was made, and the building was roofed entirely with sheets of lead taken from the monasteries, which remained empty of monks; in fact, the monastery of the Pantocrator had been taken over by fullers and shoemakers, who worked in its church. The monastery of Mangana was occupied by dervishes, and the others by Turks with their wives and families. I should not be writing of the events which followed the fall of the city. It is hardly proper for me to record the triumphs and achievements of a heathen tyrant, the ruthless enemy who has destroyed our nation. But what follows will explain my reason for doing so. When I was only a lad, I heard it said by certain venerable old men, that the Ottoman empire and the dynasty of the Palaeologi would come to an end at about the same time. Othman began to rule at about the same date as Michael Palaeologus succeeded to the throne, Michael being a little earlier, and Othman only becoming ruler in the time of his son Andronicus Palaeologus, although he had 115

committed some unofficial acts of brigandage before. For this reason it was to be expected that the city and its emperors would come to an end first; and then it would be the turn of the descendants of Othman. Michael had once asked an oracle whether his son would succeed to the throne after his death; his conscience reproved him for having seized power unlawfully after blinding the legitimate heir, which had led to countless curses being showered upon his head, and upon his descendants. The oracle in reply gave the meaningless word `AMAIMI', which was interpreted as follows: 'As many emperors of your line will rule, as there are letters in this word of no meaning. Then the power will pass from the city and from your descendants.' * So now we who have reached this last period of time, and have seen the fearful and ominous fate which threatens our nation, are left dreaming of the liberation which is to come to us. With fervent prayers we address ourselves to God, whose way it is to punish us and then to heal our wounds, and in the expectation that the prophecies of the prudent sages of the past will lead to our deliverance, we continue to record the acts of our tyrannous enemy which followed this threat to our existence.

* The emperors between Michael I and the last Constantine were named Andronicus, Michael, Andronicus, Iohannes, Manuel, Iohannes.

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CRISTOFORO RICCHERIO The capture of Constantinople in the year 1453 on the twenty-ninth day of May

Mehmet was a great men, and endowed with remarkable intelligence. After the death of his father Murat, he began to rule over his empire, and to plan great deeds. He was not satisfied with what his ancestors had left him, and not content with the glory which his family had previously won. The thought came to him, therefore, of undertaking a venture which would bring him far greater honour than all the noble deeds of his ancestors; and with this in mind, he turned his attention towards the city of Constantinople. The reasons which led him to make this decision were as follows. He felt that it was dishonest to call himself Emperor of Greece, and that the title was empty and foolish, unless he was master of Constantinople, which was the seat of empire. It also occurred to him that this undertaking would give him immortal fame among the nations of the world, and that if he could become master of such a notable city when he was scarcely more than a boy, the whole world would learn to fear his might. Finally, the idea pleased him all the more, because the attempts made by his ancestors to besiege the city had ended in their unsuccessful withdrawal, with some loss of reputation for them. After brooding upon his plans in secret, he shared them with a few of his most intimate counsellors. And feigning other reasons, so as not to give the rulers of Europe warning of his intentions, he brought together a great number of craftsmen with remarkable speed, and set about building a fortress at the Thracian end of the Bosphorus, only a short distance from the city of Constantinople. This was completed in a very short time, and he then gave it a strong garrison, artillery, provisions and everything else necessary to keep it in commission. After this, taking no account of the ceremonies observed by his predecessors when they declared war on their neighbours, he broke the sacred oaths which he had previously made to preserve an inviolable peace with the Christians, like a man who subordinates everything else, however good it may be, to his ravenous appetite; and he moved his troops in one swift manoeuvre as far as Constanople. The surrounding countryside was soon under his control, and then he drew up his army before the city, and began to attack it from the seaward side as well. The Greek Emperor and his senior ministers had already taken note in advance of Mehmet's preparations. They were full of fear, 118

and as if they lacked the spirit to resist such a powerful opponent, they had sent ambassadors well in advance throughout Europe, to inform the Pope, the Emperor and all the other Christian princes and kings, of the calamity that was about to fall on Greece, and at the same time of the perils that awaited the rest of Christendom, asking them for help and succour in this emergency. At this point Mehmet had gathered together a great army with remarkable speed from all parts of his empire, had cut his enemies off by sea and by land, and had brought before the walls of Constantinople a very large number of pieces of artillery, so he felt sure that his undertaking would be successful. In order to press home his advantage over the defenders by an attack from an unexpected quarter, he also began to pay a great deal of attention to the digging of tunnels. His next concern was to make it easier for his soldiers to defend themselves against their enemies, and to give them the advantage of a high position from which to attack, or raise their ladders against the walls to capture the city; he therefore had a wide ditch and a considerable rampart dug all round the city, and on the side which faces Pera, and is washed by the sea, he had a bridge constructed most skilfully. This was two thousand paces in length, bearing a number of towers well supplied with weapons, which could be directed against the city from the top of them. This frightful contraption was used to harass the defenders day and night, giving them no chance to rest. But their morale was high, and they were ready to endure any punishment rather than fall into the hands of their cruel enemies, so they bore every danger bravely and nobly. Finally, however, Mehmet considered that he had brought down enough of the wall for his soldiers to be able to enter the city and sack it. Giving himself credit for the victory, although it was not yet his, he ordered his heralds to make an announcement through the whole of his camp the following day, which was the twentyseventh of May in the year of Our Lord 1453, and the thirty-third year of Charles, King of France: everyone was to stand in readiness, and the city would be theirs to pillage if they took it on the third day following. When the army heard this, they all fell to rejoicing, and each one made his preparations as necessary. And not as single one of their soldiers ate any food by day, so great was their discipline, but they

all worked together to provide the things which would be needed for the assault. When night came, however, and the stars began to gleam, they set about eating and drinking, and began to be merry and to invite one another to share in their festivities. A great part of the night was spent in such activities, and then, when they were forced to separate for the sake of resting a little, they embraced one another with kisses, as if they would never meet again. On the other side, we Christians had heard of Mehmet's instructions, and seen the preparations made by the enemy. Our priests began a procession with the whole people, women as well as men, both great and small alike, carrying the relics of the Saints and the image of Christ and the Holy Virgin Mary. They visited all the churches, weeping and praying for divine aid with hymns and prayers and fasting. When evening came, however, and we had restored ourselves to some extent with a frugal meal, we all moved to the positions which had been given to us to defend. The walls were very high and strong, but they were broken and in disrepair at some points; and the bastions and towers were dilapidated and fallen because of the laziness and negligence of the Greeks. The hopes of the defenders were pinned upon the outer walls, because their bastions were strong and in good enough repair for it to seem likely that they would be able to resist the attacks of the enemy. Here, as on the inner walls, many soldiers were stationed to repulse the enemy when they decided to attack. Constantinople is triangular in shape. The two sides which face the water are protected against attacks from the sea by walls. The side which looks towards the land is bounded not only by the inner and outer walls, but also by a ditch of considerable width and depth. The barbarians, eager for booty, began their attack when the signal was given before dawn. The defenders heard them and prepared to defend themselves, firing stones and arrows from above, and driving the Turks back with all their might. The darkness of the night hindered the enemy greatly, because they got in one another's way, and we were able to kill with stones those who got clear and came forward to fight. But as day approached and it became possible to see, Mehmet himself joined his soldiers at the walls. Calling his commanders to him, he gave orders that Pera and Constantinople should be attacked at the same time, so that the Greeks and the 120

Latins might be prevented from helping each other. He assigned to each of them a section of the walls, near which each was to wait with his soldiers and be ready to vie with the rest in bravery, to win a glorious name. He then arranged for everyone to attack at the same moment, and had wooden castles brought beneath the walls, to raise them to the same height as their opponents, and allow them to fight more easily and with a better spirit. He then gave those of his soldiers who were waiting in readiness the signal to bring down part of the battlements and towers of the walls, so that the Greeks should be kept too busy to see what was going on outside; and he kept the battle going without any pause, urging on his men with the sound of trumpets, horns and drums. The Turks covered themselves with their shields, leaned their ladders against the walls, and climbed to the top of them with furious bravery. The Greeks who were opposing them hurled down rocks as they climbed, and sulphur with fire and anything else which came to hand, doing everything in their power to keep them back. Many men on each side met a miserable end, and there was nothing to be seen but dead and dying, when the attack began to slacken. At this moment, Mehmet noticed that his soldiers were losing their eagerness for the fight. He ran among them immediately, calling one and another by name, and restored their morale. Then, with a combination of prayers and threats, he brought them to the point where they began to fight again with even greater eagerness than they had shown in the beginning. They were determined to reach the top of the wall, and did everything possible to achieve their objective. And although the defenders gave a good account of themselves and killed a great number of them, fresh troops came rushing onwards continually to take the place of those who had died. It was Mehmet's policy to keep on sending fresh troops into the battle, his intention being to give the Greeks no chance to rest; they would then be easily overcome, when they were exhausted by continuous fighting. There was one thing which had made the Turks less confident, and had sapped their will to win. A certain Giovanni Giustiniani of Genoa, a noble and a man of wealth and reputation in his own country, happened to be in Constantinople at the time of the siege. 121

He did not consider his position to be different from that of the rest of the people in the city, and he felt that he too should play his part in defending Constantinople, so he joined in the fighting with the rest of them. His bravery, his strength and his sagacity were so great, that everyone admitted that it was he who had saved the city up to this point, and honoured him greatly for it. It now happened that while he was fighting in the front rank of those who were holding back the Turks, he was most unfortunately wounded by an arrow shot by one of his own side. The blood flowed fast, and since he did not wish to disturb the rest of his soldiers by sending for the surgeon, he left the battle inconspicuously. The Emperor Constantine was informed of this, and realising that his absence would endanger the city, and that if he stayed he would help to save it, went to find him, begging him not to leave the fight, and insisting that he should return. But no entreaties could hold him, and finally he left, on the understanding that he would come back when he had received medical attention. All the gates leading to the outside from the inner walls had been closed, so that the soldiers might have no hope of escape, and would understand quite clearly that they must either win a gallant victory, or all die sword in hand. A gate had therefore to be opened for Giustiniani, which caused the hearts to sink of all those who saw it happen; they began to feel their courage slipping away, and to think of escape rather than of continuing the battle. The captains on the Turkish side saw this, and they began to scale the walls more eagerly than before, shouting encouragement to one another, and driving the Greeks back from their positions. Then panic seized the defenders, and they turned to flee in the direction of the gate where Giustiniani had made his exit, every man hoping to save himself at least. When Constantine saw his soldiers retreating, he forgot his office, his rank and what was proper for such a monarch, namely to die fighting. He fled behind the others towards the gate, and there, with everyone struggling to get out and trampling one another, he met his death. In fact, of all the soldiers who were there to defend the unfortunate city, only two thought more of their religion and their honour than of their own safety, and preferred to die fighting the enemy rather than fleeing from him. One of them was called 122

Theophilus Palaeologus, the other Giovanni Dalmata, a Slav; these two, thinking flight a shameful thing for men of spirit, kept on fighting until at last they died nobly, surrounded by an enormous throng of Turks, after they had killed a great number of them. No sooner had Giustiniani heard of the enemy's success, than he fled hastily to Pera; then, because he did not feel safe there, he went on to Chios, where he died, either from shame at having left the battle at such an inopportune moment, or because his wound was mortal. And so he threw away the glory which he had won for himself in such a short space of time. Indeed, it was the most fortunate moment of his life, when he had the opportunity of dying, sword in hand, beneath the walls of Constantinople. In the eager rush which the Turks made upon the gate, there died some eighty Greeks and Latins. Then, when the Turks had won to the top of the wall, they chased away the few men there, who had been resisting them with stones and anything else which came to hand. After the Turks had entered the city in this manner, they set about sacking it, slaying anyone who opposed them. They swarmed about the place, and gave vent to their natural cruelty and inhumanity with every kind of cruel and lustful act, showing respect neither to sex nor to age. Some they murdered, some they debauched, they hustled the weak and aged into slavery and they chained together the young, both male and female, of every class. When they found any well-formed girl, they struggled with each other to possess her, and for the sake of the sacred treasures they fought to the death on many occasions. Their airily, compounded of so many nations, customs and languages, spent three days in sacking the unfortunate city. There was no act, however wicked, that was not committed by these heathen. They laid hands even on the Church of the Holy Wisdom, that marvellous work of the Emperor Justinian, and after despoiling it of an enormous amount of gold and silver, they engaged in every kind of vileness within it, making of it a public brothel and a stable for their horses. They took the relics of the Saints from this and other churches, threw them in the middle of the streets for swine and dogs to trample on, and to be trodden underfoot by every passer-by; and the images of our Lord Jesus Christ and of His Saints were 123

burned or hacked to pieces. So much gold and silver fell into their hands that it was a to see. Surely it was God's will that these riches should have spent in the defence of the city, and in this way they might been very useful to their owners and to their country. But this is thc, way of misers: even when they are in need, they will never s.-p their own money, but think only of accumulating wealth, and die of starvation in the midst of plenty. After the sack had continued for three days, all was over, except for the final enslaving of the wretched citizens of Constantinopl( . Mehmet had them brought to his camp, and as he had promised his viziers and his other officers, ordered many of them to be hacked to pieces, for the sake of entertainment. There was present a certain Kyr Lucas who in happier times had been held in great honour at the Emperor's court. When he saw his elder son slaughtered before his eyes, and another reserved to satisfy Mehmet's lusts, he gained permission to hang himself. Foreigners were treated with the same cruelty, so they were likely to meet an evil end, unless they agreed to buy themselves off at a high price from the hands of their enemies. Cardinal Isidore of Russia, who had been sent to the siege long before as legate to Constantinople by Pope Nicholas the Fifth, managed to escape when the city fell. He was dressed in rags, and fell into the hands of some mercenaries, who did not recognise him, but let him go for a few aspri, which is the name of a Turkish coin. After the capture of Constantinople the people of Pera, whose protection consisted of Genoese soldiers, laid down their arms and sent ambassadors to Mehmet to offer him the city and beg his pardon. He promised them this at first, but then attacked Pera as an enemy, breaking the oath which he had publicly sworn; and he sacked it, put their children up for sale, led away their -wornelL bound their older men and slew the young ones, demolished churches, palaces, houses and walls, and in short spared nothing at all there. After conquering Greece in this way, he returned to Constantinople in triumph, where he had decided to fix the capital of h is empire, made sure that everything was quiet there, and then departed. 124

ZORZI DOLFIN Cronaca, ff. 313-322 (selections)

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How Constantinople was destroyed, and the manner of it Now I shall describe the way in which the destruction of Constantinople came about, drawing my account from authors who were actually present, because there is a great difference between the records of eyewitnesses and those which are based on hearsay. The story is elegantly told by the Reverend Bishop of Mytilene, who was in the entourage of the Cardinal of Sabina, the legate sent to make the union with the Greeks, and was taken prisoner and later ransomed. It was also written down by Filippo da Rimano, Cancelliere at Corfu. But first I shall describe the quality and nature of the Ottoman Sultan Mehmet, as portrayed by Dom Giacomo Langusto of Venice, to show how he and all his descendants should be feared by the whole Christian world. 'The Sultan, the Grand Turk Mehmet, is a young man of twenty-six years of age, well formed and of a stature rather above the average. He is skilled in the use of weapons. His appearance inspires fear rather than respect. He laughs rarely, is cautious in his judgements, and is endowed with great generosity. He shows great tenacity in all his undertakings, and bravery under all conditions. He aspires to equal the glory of Alexander the Great, and every day has histories of Rome and other nations read to him by a companion named Cyriac of Ancona and by another Italian. He makes them read to him Laertius, Herodotus, Livy and Quintus Curtius, with chronologies of the Popes and Emperors, the Kings of France and the Lombards. He uses three languages, Turkish, Greek and Slay.' `He has taken pains to inform himself of the geographical position of Italy, the points where Anchises with Aeneas and Antenor came to land, the places where the seats of the Pope and the Emperor are to be found, and the number of kingdoms that are in Europe, which he has painted on a map which shows its realms and provinces. There is nothing which he studies with greater pleasure and eagerness than the geography of the world, and the art of warfare; he burns with the desire to rule, while being prudent in his investigation of what he undertakes. Such is the man, and so made, with whom we Christians have to deal.' `When he decided to attack Constantinople with his forces, he 126

prepared most carefully and diligently large quantities of munitions and armaments, and then called a solemn meeting of his senior officers and captains. He then displayed to them a great quantity of gold, pearls, golden trappings and other treasures. Next, after they had eaten, he told them that he had brought these riches for them to take; he knew that the Christians with their bribes were trying to dissuade them from besieging and capturing Constantinople, a project which had been vital to his father Murat and to himself for the strengthening of their kingdom; and he believed that they would show greater honesty by accepting presents from him, rather than from the Christians. With such words he ensured their support for his plans, and each one swore an oath to follow him. Then he removed his older counsellors, who said that it was impossible to capture Constantinople, and chose others who were younger and more responsive to his will.' `He then began to bring together saltpetre and sulphur and a great quantity of copper, and hired German cannon-makers at a great fee to come where and when he wished, to cast cannon for him. When these proved too large to be transported, he had them taken to pieces, so that they could more easily be taken to their destination.' `He is a man continually watchful, able to endure weariness, heat and cold, thirst and hunger, inexorably set upon the destruction of the Christians, and would admit to fearing no man. He had his brother put to death at Adrianople, so as to have no partner in his kingdom, and says that Caesar and Hannibal were of no account compared with himself, and that Alexander, son of the king of Macedon, entered Asia with a far smaller force than his. Now, he says, times have changed, and he will march from the East to the West, as the West once marched against the East; now there must be only one empire in the world, one faith for all, and one kingdom. There is no better place anywhere for such a union than Constantinople, and with the help of this city, he can make the Christians his subjects.' `He is a man not given to lustful desires, and of sober habits, not wishing to hear of any drunkenness at the time of Rhamadan. He is not enslaved by any pleasures or delights, but only by the love of glory. Any city which he captures is made subject to his laws. He 127

takes the best of their young men, circumcises them, and makes them follow Mohammedan laws and customs. He claims that he himself is subject to no law, but acknowledges one supreme God, as his father did before him. When he wins a new province, he thinks more of the men whom he has gained than of the captured herds and valuables. He undertakes the rearing of the most promising children, and has them trained to arms, calling them Janissaries, these being drawn not from Turkey or Anatolia, but from the Greeks and his other neighbours. In this he shows a remarkable tenacity of purpose, as if by his own efforts he wished to produce a new people.' `To give an indication of his power, I shall list the parts of Europe and Asia where he can now raise forces and supplies in abundance; indeed, with the added advantage of keeping a fleet at Constantinople, he thinks that he can rule the world. If he sends a fleet into the Black Sea, as he has in fact done, he will make himself master of Moncastro, Licoscomo and the other mouths of the Danube, also Soldaia and Caffa, as far as the mouth of the Tanais and as far as Sebastopol. To the south of these he will have Amastris, Sinope, Amisus and Tripolis as far as Trebizond. If he sends his ships westwards he will have Lemnos, Mytilene and Chios. If he turns further southwards he will gain Rhodes and Cyprus, westwards again he will have Negropont and the rest of the Peloponnese. His own empire now includes ALinenia, Bithynia and Tenedos, Cilicia, Phrygia, the Hellespont and the Bosphorus, the shores of the Black Sea and Asia Minor, which covers the space of two Italies.' `And so this raging monster is filled with pride at having so many countries in his power, to provide him with forces to fight on land and at sea; if he keeps Constantinople, he will also have a fortress and an arsenal to keep his ships safe, and he will be able to pass at his will from Asia into Europe, and attack anyone within his reach.' How the defenders of Constantinople took up their positions to prepare for a general assault by the Turks The positions of responsibility were assigned in the following manner. On the walls, the leading men of the city were in charge of the gates which had been assigned to them. At the Golden Gate near the sea, 128

where there was a double line of walls, there was placed Andronicus Cantacuzenus, with Catarin Contarini and a strong force of younger men. At the Pighi Gate there was Nicolo Guideli, and by him Battista Gritti, a man of great bravery and spirit. At the gate of Saint Romanus there were John and Andronicus Cantacuzenus, who in spite of their age stood high among the Emperor's advisers. At the gate of the Imperial Palace there was Hieronimo Minoto, the Bailo at that time, with Zanzorzi, Cancelliere of Vicenza, and at the Porta Caligaria there was Emanuel Guideli. Emanuel Palaeologus was stationed at the Xyloporta, and not far distant, at the Cynegion Gate,. was Gabriel Trivisan with the crews of the two galleys under his command, and Zorzi de Nicolo from Drivasto, a notable crossbowman. Alexio Dissipato was at the Pharos Gate, and Zuan Blacho at the gate of Saint Theodosia. Metochites Palaeologus was at the Plutei Gate, Philanthropo at the Platea Gate, and Lucas Notaras at the Imperial Gate, while at the other gates on the seaward side various trustworthy men were put on guard.

Prodigies before the fall of Constantinople The minds of men also were agitated by cruel and terrible monstrosities and portents in these days, in the sky and on the land and on the sea. A few days previously oysters were gathered which, when opened, dripped blood. From the sky there appeared in the air many fires and bright lights with terrible rumblings, and dark clouds with lightning flashes and thunderbolts. On the ground there were great , winds and earthquakes which threatened to overthrow the houses, making it clear that universal ruin was approaching. The rumour spread that a great serpent had come, and was laying waste the villages, the flocks and the herds, so that men left their ploughs, and abandoned their crops already gathered in the fields, as it attacked the farmers with its fiery breath.

The Sultan is triumphant Boasting of his victory, the Grand Turk said that he had taken 129

revenge for the violation of the Trojan virgin which had taken place in the temple of Pallas. After this, when a great search had been made by order of the Sultan among the corpses of the dead, there was found the pitiful head of the Emperor Constantine, and it was brought to the Sultan, who was greatly moved by the cruel sight. He then said to the multitude around him, 'Fellow soldiers, this one thing was lacking to make the glory of such a victory complete. Now, at this happy and joyful moment of time, we have the riches of the Greeks, we have won their empire, and their religion is completely extinguished. Our ancestors eagerly desired to achieve this; rejoice now, since it is your bravery which has won this kingdom for us.'

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ANGELO GIOVANNI LOMELLINO ex-Podesta of Pera, to his brother

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1453, the 23rd of June, at Pera My noble and beloved brother. You must forgive me, if I have not written before, and if even in this letter I do not answer yours. I have been so constantly filled with sorrow and distress, that at the present time I wish I were dead rather than alive. You will have heard by now, I am sure, of the unexpected fate of Constantinople, captured by the Turkish Sultan on the twenty-ninth of last month, a day which we longed for, because it seemed to us that our victory was assured. The Sultan attacked from all sides throughout the night. As morning came, Giovanni Giustiniani received a . . .* and left his gate, and went towards the sea, and by this same gate the Turks entered, finding no resistance, and this was the end of it; one would not expect to lose even a single house so cheaply. I can well believe that it came about because of our sins. Now, my dear brother, you see my position, may God give me strength to bear it. They put the city to the sack for three days, and you never saw such suffering; the extent of their plundering cannot be calculated. I sent to the defence of the city all the mercenaries from Chios, and all those who had been sent from Genoa, and a great number of the citizens and burghers from here, with my nephew Imperiali and members of my own establishment. For my part, God knows that I did whatever was possible, since I knew that once Constantinople had fallen, this place was also lost. They captured most of the city. A few terrified persons managed to reach here, and other merchants and citizens were able to escape, and most of them rejoined their families. Some were captured by the palisade, because the masters of the ships were so overcome by fear that they would not wait for anyone. With the greatest of difficulty I brought back some of those who were by the palisade; you never saw such a terrible sight. Seeing the position I was in, I thought it better to lose my life than desert the city; if I had gone, it would have been sacked at once. I decided, on the contrary, to take steps for its safety, and at once * There is a gap in the text here, and all that remains of the description mentum. of Giustiniani's wound is the words cepit in 132

sent ambassadors to the Sultan with fine gifts, saying, 'We have a good pact between us,' and asking in submissiveness that he should be willing to continue it with us. But no answer was given. The ships dragged themselves to a place where they could raise their sails. I sent a message to the masters, that for the love of God and for pity's sake they should stay the next day, since I was sure we would reach an agreement with the Sultan. They would have nothing of it, but made sail in the very middle of the night. In the morning, when the Sultan heard the news that the ships had gone, he told our ambassadors that he wanted the city thrown open to him, and we were barely able to keep our persons and our possessions safe; he said that we had done as much as we could to save Constantinople, and that we had stopped him from capturing it on the very first day. Here indeed he spoke the truth, and we were in the greatest danger. To escape his rage, we had to do what he wanted, as you will see from the enclosed; everything was done in the name of the burghers. I thought it best not to take part in anything, but afterwards I visited the Sultan, who came here twice. He caused destruction everywhere. The towers on the walls were broken down, and much of the foss filled in, and he had the Tower of the Holy Cross pulled down; also part of a curtain wall inside the barbican, and part of the barbican. The sea walls were left standing. He took all our cannon, and intends to take all the weapons and means of making war which the citizens have. He has also had lists made of all the property belonging to the merchants and citizens who have left here, saying, 'If they return, they shall have them back, and if not, it will all belong to me.' Because of this, we arranged for a message to be sent to Chios, to tell all the merchants and citizens who had left here that they could come back; and if they did, they would have their property. With the Sultan's messenger we sent Antonio Cocca, and told all the merchants how the Venetians had left all their stocks of goods here. As to our own citizens who had gone away with their families and households, this letter informed them in the same way that all Genoese could travel on business in these parts. That night the Sultan went back to Adrianople, and there he sent for Hall Pasha and made him pay a huge sum of money. At this time too he had the Bailo of the Venetians decapitated, with his son 133

and seven other Venetians, and also the Catalan consul with five or six other Catalans. Now you can see whether we were in any danger. He looked for Maurizio Cataneo and Paolo Bocchiardi, who went into hiding, and sent one of his officers here to guard the place; while he sent other officers to Constantinople with about fifteen hundred janissaries. He sent an officer to Chios, as it is said, to demand that a transit tax should be levied, and it is said that he is sending one here, and intends to do the same in Caff a and all the larger ports. He also demanded from the Despot of Serbia certain territories which had been held by his father, and the Despot was most unwilling to hand them over. In sum, he has become so insolent after the capture of Constantinople that he sees himself soon becoming master of the whole world, and swears publicly that before two years have passed he intends to reach Rome; and by the One True God, unless the Christians take action quickly, he is likely to do things that will fill them with amazement. On the other hand, if they make the necessary preparations, Constantinople will be the beginning of his ruin. For your information, the terms of the agreement which has been made are that our citizens can appoint a senior official to administer justice among them. When this agreement had been made, I planned to leave the Residence, and find a house for myself. But the citizens asked me to stay in the Residence and continue governing them until such time as it was possible for me to leave. For a number of reasons I was happy to agree to their request, although not, you will understand, because it included any salary. The Sultan does not propose to levy any taxes, except for a polltax; but the Compere* have lost the places which belonged to them. I would most strongly recommend to our Doge that he should arrange for a full-scale embassy to come here, to discuss everything that applies to our places of business; at the same time he should not relax his efforts to organise the Christian nations, and should do what has been done up to now. We are continually looking for aid; our forces now consist of one small vessel with a hundred and forty eight men, such as they are. I can see the hand of God in this whole affair, because no one played his part properly, neither the * Genoese trading associations.

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Greeks nor the Venetians. By the One True God, unless some action is taken by the Christians, the Sultan will surprise them; all his aspirations are in the direction of further wars. My nephew Imperiali was captured, and I have done everything possible to get him back. His identity was discovered, and they would not allow him to be ransomed. Then the Sultan heard of him, and took him, and another, a Venetian, with him; the reason being, that he wants to have some Latins at his court, which has thrown me into such melancholy that I scarcely know how to go on living. I have done everything I could for the present, but could not get him back. I hope it will not take too long, if I keep up my efforts; money will not stand in the way, even if I am left with nothing but my shirt. Whichever way I look, I see trouble. Forgive me if Iam not writing very clearly; my mind is so disordered that I hardly know what I am doing. For the last eighteen months I have had nothing but work and worries, and in one day all our labours went for nothing, because of our sins, I can readily believe. My deepest respects to our master the Doge; I am not writing to him, because my spirits are so low. My respects too, if you please, to my father-in-law, to whom I have not written for the same reason, and you can read this letter to him. Commend me to my father and your wife, and give my greetings to the others. Angelo Giovanni, merchant.

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Appendix: Mehmet's treaty with the Genoese

We the great Lord and Emir, the Sultan Mehmet Bey, son of the great Lord and Emir, the Sultan Murat Bey. Do swear by the God of Heaven and Earth, and by our great Prophet Mahomet, and by the Seven Names which we Mahometans have and confess, and by the hundred and twenty-four thousand prophets of God, and by the spirit of Our Father's Father and of Our Father, and by the life of Our children and by the sword which We wear. That whereas the general magistrates of Galata have sent their worthy ambassadors to the Porte of Our Majesty, the noble Marchesis de Franchi and their dragoman Nicolo Pagliuzzi, and have done reverence to Our Majesty and humbled themselves before Our Majesty, and have placed themselves in the power of Our Majesty: They are to obey the laws and customs in force throughout Our dominions. We shall not destroy their fortifications. They are to keep their property and their houses, their shops and their vineyards, their mills and their ships, their boats and their merchandise entire, and their women and their children according to their wishes. They may sell their goods as freely as in any other part of Our dominions. They may come and go freely by land and sea, without paying any taxes or tolls, except for the poll tax, as is the custom in every part of Our dominions. Let them observe their own laws and customs, and preserve them now and in the future; and We will keep them as earnestly and hold them as dear as those which are current in our own dominions. They may keep their churches and hold services in them, provided that they do not ring bells or sound semantra.t We shall not try to turn their churches into mosques, but they are not to build any new churches. * Or 'Books'. t Pieces of wood, beaten to attract attention, as still used in Greece.

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The Genoese merchants are to come and go freely and transact their own business. We shall not take their children as janissaries, nor any other young person there. They are not to have Turks planted among them, unless they are of high rank, or in the event that Our Majesty should send one of Our servants to oversee them. The people of Galata are also to have permission to appoint an official among themselves, to direct the administration which their trade demands. Janissaries and slaves are not to be lodged in their houses. Let them collect the taxes which they owe, and keep accounts of what they have spent in doing so; and let them recoup these expenses from their own people. Their merchants are not to be subject to requisition orders. The merchants of Genoa are to have freedom to come and to go, and are to pay taxes according to the laws in force and the prevailing custom. This present treaty was written down, and the oath sworn by Our Majesty, in the year of the world 6961, and 857 since the Hegira.

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