The Seventh Letter

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The Dialogues of

PLATO TRANSLATED BY BENJAMIN JOWETT

The Seventh

William Benton,

Letter

Publisher

ENCYCLOP/EDIA BRITANNICA, INC. CHICAGO

•

LONDON TORONTO GENEVA •

The Dtalogttes of Plato, translated by Benjamin

Jowett,

is

reprinted

by arrangement with Oxford University Press Epistle is reprinted from T he Platonic Epistles, translated Harward,l>y arrangement with Cambhidoe UNivBRsm Press

The Seventh by

J.

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO The Great Books is published

with the editorial advice of the faculties

of The University of Chicago

© 1923 BY EnCYCLOP IMA BrITANNICA, InC. CoPYRIGItl UNDER INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT

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BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Plato,

c.

428

Plato, son of Ariston and Pcrictione, was born in 428 or 427 B.C. His family was, on both sides, one of the most distinguished of Athens. Ariston is said to have traced his descent through Codrus to the god Poseidon; on the mother’s

348 B.a Socrates. is

Hermodorus, an immediate

disciple,

the authority for the statement that Plato

and

men

anarchy 404-403 b.c. He was too young lo have learned anything by experience of the imperial

took temporary refuge at Mcgara with the philosopher Eucleides, who is said to have taught the doctrines of Socrates and of Parmenides. The Alexandrian Lives represent the next few years as spent in extensive travels in Greece, Egypt, and Italy. Plato’s own statement is only that he visited Italy and Sicily at the age of forty, was disgusted by the gross sensuality of life there, but found a kindred spirit in Dion, brother-in-law of Dionysius I of Syracuse, who was to involve him again in politics twenty years later. On his return to Athens about 387, Plato founded the Academy. He had presumably already completed some of his dialogues, in par-

democracy of

ticular those celebrating the

side, the family, which was related to Solon, goes back to Dropides, archon of the year 644 B.c. His mother apparently married as her sec-

ond husband her uncle Pyrilampcs, a prominent supporter of Pericles, and Plato was probably chiefly brought up in his house. Plato’s early life coincided with the disastrous

years of the Peloponnesian

War, the

shattering

of the Athenian Empire, and the fierce civil strife of oligarchs and democrats in the year of

Pericles, or of the full tide of the

movement. He must have known Socrates from boyhood, for his relatives, Critias and CharmiK Bf^OK

LAWS

191

I

^95

II

310

4:^7

442 478 486 513 551 580 609 640

BOOK

I

640

II

653 663

BC^OK X

BOOK XI 373 3SS BOOK XII 800 LETTER, SEVENTH THE

^nx

416

BC:)OK

BOOK III BOOK IV BOOK V BOOK VI BOOK VII BOOK VTII BOOK IX

BOOK III BOOK IV BOOK V BOOK VI BOOK VII

401

677 686 697 713 73 ^

743 757 77 £

784

CHARMIDES, or Temperance Persons of the Dialogue; Socrates, Critfas. Scene:

The

who

[ /5j7 Yesterday evening I returned from the at Potidaea, and having been a good while away, J thought that I should like to go and look ai my old haunts. So I went into the palaestra of Taureas, which is over against the temple adjoining the |X)rch of the King Arch-

and there I found a number of persons, most of whom I knew, but not all. My visit was unexpected, and no sooner did they see me entering than they saluted me from afar on all sides; and Chaerephon, who is a kind of madman, started up and ran to me, seizing my hand, and saying, How did you escape, Socrates? (I should explain that an engagement had taken place at Potidaea not long before we came away, of which the news had only just on,

—

reached Athens.)

You sec, I replied, that here I am. There was a report, he said, that the engagement was very severe, and that many ol our acquaintance had fallen. That, I replied, was not far from the truth. I suppose, he said, that you were piesent. was.

Then

sit

down, and

tell

us the whole story,

as yet we have only heard imperfectly. took the place which he a.ssigned to me, by the side of Critias the son of Callaeschnis, and

which I

when 1 had pany,

I

told

him and the rest of the comthem the news from the army, and

saluted

answered their several enquiries. Then, when there had been enough of this, I, in my turn, began to make enquiries about matters at home about the present stateof philosophy, and about the youth. I asked whether any of them were remarkable for wisdom or

—

the narrator; Charmides;

Palaestra of Taureas, which

army

I

is

ts

Chaerephon;

near the Porch of the King Archon

beauty, or both. Critias, glancing at the door,

f 1^4] invited my attention to some youths who were coming in, and talking noisily to one another, followed by a crowd. Of the beauties. Socrates, he said, I fancy that you will soon be able to form a Judgment. For those who arc just entering are the advanced guard of the great beauty, as he

and he

is

likely to

Who IS he, I

is thought to be, of the day, he not far off himself.

said;

and who

Charmides, he replied,

is

is

his

his father^

name; he

is

my

and the son of my uncle Glaucon: I rather think that you know him too, although he was not grown up at the time of your dc-

cousin,

partuie.

Certainly, J know him, I said, for he was remarkable even then when he was still a child, and I should imagine that by this time he must be almost a young man. You will sec, he said, in a moment what progress he has made and what he is like. He had scarcely said the word, when Charmides

entered.

Now you know, my friend, that I cannot measure anything, and of the beautiful, I am simply such a measure as a white line is ot chalk; for almost all young persons appear to be beautiful in my eyes. But at that moment, when I saw him coming in, I confess that I was quite astonished at his beauty and stature; all the world seemed to be enamoured of him; amazement and confusion reigned when he entered; and a troop of lovers followed him. That grown-up men like ourselves should have been affected in this way was not surprising, but I observed that there was the same feeling among

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

2 the boys;

all

of thcm»

child) turned

been a

down

and looked

at

to the very least

him, as

if

he had

him

that I

and was

statue.

was the person who had the cure, he such an indescribable manner,

me in

looked at

going to ask a question.

just

And

at

Chaerephon called me and said: What do you think of him, Socrates? Has he not a beau-

the j^oplc in the palaestra crowded about us, and, rare! I caught a sight

tiful face?

and took the could no longer contain myself. I thought how well Cydias understood the nature of love, when, in speaking of a fair youth, he warns some one “nor to bring the fawn in the sight of the lion tu be devoured by him,’* for I felt that I had been overcome by a sort of wild beast appetite. But I controlled myself, and when he asked me if I knew the cure of the headache, I answered, but with an effort, that I did know. And what is it^ he said.

absolutely perfect.

By

to this they all agreed.

Heracles,

paragon,

if

T said,

there never

he has only one other

was such

a

slight addi-

tion.

What

is

that^ said Critias.

he has a noble soul; and being of your house, Critias, he may be expected to have this. He is as fair and good within, as he is withIf

out, replied Critias.

Then, before we sec his body, should we not ask him to show us his soul, naked and undisguised? he is just of an age at which he will like to talk.

[i$Sl That he w’ill, said Critias, and I can you that he is a philosopher already, and

tell

also a considerable poet, not in his

own opinion

only, but in that of others.

That,

my dear Critias,

I

O

is

a distinc-

which has long been in your family, and is inherited by you from Solon. But why do you not call him, and show him to us? for even if he were younger than he is, there could be no impropriety in his talking to us in the pccsencc who are his guardian and cousin. Very well, he said; then I will call him; and turning to the attendant, he said, Call Charmidcs, and tell him that I want him to come and sec a physician about the illness ol which he spoke to me the day before yesterday. Then again addressing me, he added: He has been

of you,

complaining lately of having a headache when he rises in the morning; now why should you not make him believe that you know a cure lor the headache? Why not, I said; but will he come? He will be sure to come, he replied. He came as he was bidden, and sat down between Critias and me. Great amusement was occasioned by every one pushing with might and main at his neighbour in order to make a

him

flame.

I

Then

I

replied that

it

w^as a

kind of

leaf,

which

re-

quired to be accompanied by a charm, and if a person would repeal the charm at the same time that he used the cure, he would he made whole; but that without the charm the leaf would be of no avail. / 756/ Then I will write out the charm from your dictation, he said With my consent? T said, or without my con-

sent? replied,

tion

place for

all

of the inwards of his garment,

Most beautiful, I said. But you would think nothing of his face, he replied, if you could see his naked form: he is

And

moment

that

next to themselves, until at the

two ends of the row one had to get up and the other was rolled over sideways. Now I, my friend, was beginning to feel awkward; my former bold belief in my powers of conversing with him had vanished. And when Critias told

With your

consent, Socrates, he said, laugh-

ing.

Very gcxid, I said; and arc \ou quite sure you know my name? 1 ought to know you, he replied, lor there is a great deal said about you among my companions; and 1 remember when 1 was a child that

company with my cousin (Critias. remember me, I shall now be more at home with you

seeing you in I

am

glad to find that you

said; for

I

and shall be belter able to explain the nature of the charm, about which I felt a dilflculty before. For the charm will do more, Charmides, than only cure the headache. 1 dare say that you have heard eminent physicians say to a patient who comes to them with bad eyes, that they cannot cure his eyes by themselves, but that if his eyes are to be cured, his head milst l)c treated; and then again they say that to tbink of curing the head alone, and not the rest if the body also, is the height of folly. And ariuing in this way they apply their methods tj the whole body, and try to treat and heal the i^hole and the part together. Did you ever observe that this is what they s;iy? Yes, he said.

And they arc right, and you would agree with them? Yes, he said, certainly 1 should.

CHARMIDES His approving answers reassured me, and I began by degrees to regain confidence, and the vital heat returned. Such, Charmides, I said, is the nature of the charm, which 1 learned when serving with the army from one of the physicians of the Thracian king Zamolxis, who are said to be so skilful that they can even give immortality. This Thracian told me that in these notions of theirs, which I was just now mentioning, the Greek physicians are quite right as far as they go; but Zamolxis, he added, our king, who is also a god, says further, “that as you ought not to attempt to cure the eyes without the head, or the head without the body, so neither ought you to attempt to cure the body without the soul; and this,” he said, reason why the cure of many diseases is to the physicians of Hellas, because they aie ignorant of the whole, which ought to be studied also; lor the part can never be well “is the

unknown

whole is well.” For all good and evil, body or in human nature, originates, as he dr''lared, in the soul, and ovcrllovvs from thence, as il from the head into the eyes. [ 1 ^ 7 ] And therefore if the head and body are to be well, you must begin by curing the soul; unless the

whether

in the

is the first thing. And the cure, my dear youth, has to be effected by the use of certain charms, and these cliarms are fair words; and

that

by them temperance is implanted in the soul, and where temperance is, there health is speedily imparted, not only to the head, but to the wdiole body. Anti he who taught me the cure and the charm at the same time added a sjoccial direction: “Let no one,” he said, “persuade you to cure the head, until he has first given you his soul to be cured by the charm. For this,” he said, “is the great error oi our day in the treatment of the human body, that physicians separate the soul from the body.” And he added with emphasis, at the same time making me swear to his words, “I-et no one, however rich, or noble, or fair, persuade you to give him the cure, without the charm.” Now I have sworn, and I must keep my oath, and therefore if you will allow me to apply the Thracian charm first to your soul, as the stranger directed, I will afterwards proceed to apply the cure to your head. But if not, I do not know what I am to do with you, my dear Charm ides. Critias, when he heard this, said: The headache will be an unexpected gain to my young relation, if the pain in his head compels him to improve his mind: and I can tell you, Socrates, that Charmidcs is not only pre-eminent in beauty among his equals, but also in that qual-

3

ity which is given by the charm; and you say, is temperance?

Yes,

1

Then

this, as

said. let

me tell you that he is the most tem-

human

beings, and for his age inany quality. Yes, I said, Charmidcs; and indeed I think that you ought to excel others in all good qualities; for if I am not mistaken there is no one

perate of

ferior to

none

in

present who could easily point out two Athenian houses, whose union would be likely to produce a better or nobler scion than the two from which you arc sprung. There is your father’s house, which is descended from Critias the son of Dropidas, whose family has been commemorated in the panegyrical verses of Anacreon, Solon, and many other poets, as famous for beauty and virtue and all other high fortune: and your mother’s house is equally distinguished; for your maternal uncle, Pyrilampics, is reputed never to have found his equal, in Persia at the court of the great king, or on the continent of Asia, in all the places to which he went as ambassador, for stature and beauty; that whole family is not a whit inferior to the other. Having such ancestors you ought to be first in all things, and, sweet son of Glaucon, your outward form is no dishonour to any of them. If to beauty you add temperance, and if in other respects you are what Critias declares you to he, then, dear Charmidcs, blessed art thou, in being the son of thy mother. And here lies the point; for if, as he declares, you

have this gift of temperance already, and are temperate enough, in that case you have no need of any charms, whether of Zamolxis or of Abaris the Hyperborean, and I may as well let you have the cure of the head at once; but if you have not yet acquired this quality, I must use the charm before I give you the medicine. Please, therefore, to inform me whether you admit the have truth of what Critias has been saying; you or have you not this quality of temixrrance ? Charmidcs blushed, and the blush heightened his beauty, for modesty is becoming in youth; he then said very ingenuously, that he really could not at once answer, cither yes, or no, to the question which I had asked: For, said he, if 1 affirm that 1 am not temperate, that would be a strange thing for me to say of myself, and also I should give the lie to Critias, and many others who think as he tells you, that I am temperate: but, on the other hand, if I say that I am, I shall have to praise myself, which would be ill manners; and therefore 1 do not know

—

how to answer you.

DIALOGVES OF PLATO

4 I said to

him; That is a natural

reply,

Char-

mides, and I think that you and I ought togcah* er to enquire whether you have this quality about which I am asking or not; and then you will not be compelled to say what you do not like; neither shall I be a rash practitioner of medicine: therefore, if you please, 1 will share the enquiry with you, but 1 will not press you if

you would rather not. There is nothing which I should like better, he said; and as far as I am concerned you may proceed in the way which you think best [ ^59] I think, 1 said, that I had better begin by asking you a question; for if temperance abides in you, you must have an opinion about her; she must give some intunation of her nature and qualities, which may enable you to form a notion of her. Is not that true? Yes, he said, that I think is true. native language,

You know your therefore you

about

must be able

to

tell

I said,

and

what you

feel

Certainly, he said I

m

Temperance^

At hrst he hesitated, and was

very unwilling

answer then he said that he thought temperance was doing things orderly and quietly, such things for example as walking in the streets, and talking, or anything else ot that nature In a word, he said, I should answer that, in my opinion, temperance is quietness to

Are you right, Charmides^ I said No doubt some would affirm that the quiet arc the temperate, but let us sec whether these words have any meaning, and first tell me whether you would not acknowledge temperance to be of the class of the noble and good ^ best

when you

ing-master’s, to write the

same

are at the writletters

quickly

noblest and best? Yes, certainly.

And

quickly or slowly?

And in playing the lyre, or wrestling, quickness or sharpness are far better than quietness

and slowness?

Then,

in reference to the body, not quiet*

be the higher degree of temperance, if temperance is a good? True, he said. And which, I said, is better facility in learning, or difficulty in learning?

ness, but quickness will

—

Facility

Yes, I said, and facilit) in learning ing quickly, and difficulty in learning ing quietly and slowly?

is

learn-

is

learn-

True

And

IS It

not better to teach another quickly and slow-

energetically, rather than quietly

Yes.

And which

is better,

remember, quickly and

to call to

the same holds in boxing and in the

pancratium? Certainly.

leaping and running and in bodily and agility are

exercises generally, quickness

mind, and

readily, or quietly

to

and

slowly? The former. /

And

160]

IS

not shrewdness 1 quickness or and not a quietness?

cleverness of the soul,

True.

And

15 It

whether

not best to understand what

at the writing master’s or the

is

said,

music

anywhere else, not as quietly as posbut as quickly as possible?

master’s, or sible,

Yes

And

in the searchings or deliberations of the

I imagine, and he who with difficulty deliberates and discovers, is thought worthy of praise, but he who docs so

soul, not the quietest, as

easily

Quite

And

and quickly?

true,

he said

in all that concerns Either

body or

soul,

clearly better than

Clearly they are.

Then temperance is not Quietness, nor is the temperate life quiet, certainly not upon this View; for the life which ij temperate is supposed to be the good. And qf two things, one is true, either never, or vcyy seldom, do the quiet actions in life appear to be better than the quick and energetic ones; or supposing that of the nobler actions, there are as many quiet, as quick and vehement: still, even if we grant this, temperance will not be acting quietly any more

—

—

Yes.

m

temperance a good?

1$

Yes.

swiftness

Quickly again.

And

quietacss,

bodily actions, not quiet* and quickness, is

and activity arc slowness and quietness?

or quietly? (^ickly.

And to read

all

and

ness, but the greatest agility

most

Yes. IS

inactivity,

ly?

may torm

a conjecture you whether you have temperance abiding or not, tell me, I said, what, in your opinion, is In order, then, that

But which

and

That is evident. Then, I said, in

and

this.

And

good; slowness, are bad?

CHARMIDES than acting quickly and energetically, either in walking or talking or in anything eist; not will the quiet life be more temperate than the un* quiet, seeing that temperance is admitted by us to be a good and noble thing, and the quick have been shown to be as good as the quiet. think, he said, Socrates, that you are right.

I

Then once more, Charmides,

I

said, fix

your

and look within; consider the effect which temperance has upon yourself, and the nature of that which has the effect. Think over

attention,

all this, is

and, like a brave youth,

me—What

tell

temperance? After a moment’s pause, in which he

real

manly

effort to think,

he

said:

Socrates, that tem{K:rance

is,

made a

not

man

a

ashamed or modest, and that temperance is the same as modesty. Very good, 1 said; and did you not admit, just now, that temperance is noble? Yes, certainly, he said. And the temperate are also good?

There you arc in the

thing.

And

is

Yes, he said;

Then

I

Certainly not.

good which does not make

is

not

—

much an evil as a good ?

All that, Socrates, appears to me to be true; but I should like to know what you think about

another definition of temperance, which I just now remember to have heard from some one, who said, “That temperance is doing our own

Was he right who affirmed

You monster

1

1

said; this

is

what

some philosopher has told you. Some one else, then, said Critias; ly I

the healing art, my friend, and buildand weaving, and doing anything whatever which is done by art, these ail clearly come under the head of doing?

And

that?

Critias, or

for certain-

have not.

But what matter,

whom I heard this? No matter at all,

1

—

said

weave and wash his own coat, and make his shoes, and his own flask and strigil, and other implements, / 162 ] on this principle of every one doing and performing his own, and abstaining from what is not his own? to

and

is

But temperance, whose presence makes men only good, and not bad, is always good? That appears to me to be as you say. And the inference is that temperance cannot be modesty if temperance is a good, and if

business.”

business?

And do you think that a state would be well ordered by a law which compelled every man

man ?

agree.

suppose that modesty

as

reading and writing are the same what was not your

Certainly.

Clearly.

is

if

ing,

says,

good ?

modesty

yet

as doing, you were doing

But they are the same as doing.

not good for a needy I

docs the scribe write or read, or teach

you boys to write or read, your own names only, or did you write your enemies’ names as well as your own and your friends’? As much one as the other. And was there anything meddling or intemperate in this?

And you would infer that temperance is not only noble, but also good? Ii 6 i] That is my opinion. Well, I said; but surely you would agree with Modesty

re-

be sure, I said; yet I doubt whether we be able to discover their truth or falsehood; for they are a kind of riddle. What makes you think so? he said. Because, 1 said, he who uttered them seems to me to have meant one thing, and said another. Is the scribe, for example, to be regarded as doing nothing when he reads or writes? I should rather think that he was doing some-

own

he

he

To

Certainly not.

Homer when

right, Socrates,

shall ever

And that be

whether they arc

plied.

Yes.

And can men good ?

said the words, but

true or not.

My opinion

makes

who

5

Charmides, from

replied; for the point

is

own

I think not, he said. But, I said, a temperate state will be a well-

ordered

state.

Of course, he replied. Then temperance, I said, one’s

own

will not be

doing

business; not at least in this way,

or doing things of this sort? Clearly not.

Then, as

I

was

just

now

saying, he

who

de-

man

doing his own business had another and a hidden meaning; for 1 do not think that he could have been such a tool as to mean this. Was he a fool who told you, Charmides? Nay, he replied, I certainly thought him a clared that temperance

is

a

very wise man. Then I am quite certain that he put forth his definition as a riddle, thinking that no one

—

i

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

6

would know the meaning of the words hi$ I

own

‘^doing

dare say, he replied.

And what is the meaning of a man doing his own business? Can you tell mc^ Indeed, I cannot, and I should not wonder if man himself who used this phrase did not understand what he was saying Whereupon he laughed slyly, and looked at Critias Critias had long been showing uneasiness, for he felt that he had a reputation to maintain with Charmides and the rest of the company the

He had, however, hitherto managed to restrain himself but now he could no longer forbear, and I am convinced of the truth of the suspicion which I entertained at the time, that Char midcs had heard this answer about temperance from Critias And Charmides, who did not want to answer himself, but to make Critias answer, tried to stir him up He went on pointing out th

U he had been

refuted, at

which

Critias

grew

angry, and appeared, as I thought, inclined to quarrel with him, ]ust as a poet might qu irrel with an actor who spoiled his poems in repeat ing them, so he looked hard at him and said Do >ou imagine, Charmides, that the author of this definition of temperance did not under stand the meaning ot his own words, because you do not understand them ?

Why, at his age, I said, most excellent Critias, he can hardly be expected to understand, but you, who are older, and have studied, may well be assumed to know the meaning of them and therefore if you agree with him, and accept his dehnition of temperance, I would much rather argue with you than with him about the truth or falsehood of the definition I

entirely agree, said Critiis,

and accept the

definition

Very good, I said, and now let me repeat my question Do you admit as I was just now say

—

mg, that Ido [ 6 ^]

all

craftsmen

make or do something?

they

1 hey make or do

make

or

do

their

own

that of others also

And

are they temperate, seeing that they not for themselves or their own business

only?

Why not? he said No objection on my

part, I said, but there be a difficulty on his who proposes as a definition of temperance, “doing one’s own business,” and then says that there is no reason why those who do the business ot others should not be temperate.

may

do What* I asked, do you mean to say that do mg and making are not the same? No more, he replied, than making or work ing arc the same, thus much I have learned from Hesiod, who says that “work is no dis-

grace” Now do you imagine that if he had meant by working and doing such things as you were describing, he would have said that there was no disgrace in them for example,

—

in the manufacture of shoes, or

m selling pieklcs,

m

or sitting for hire a house ol ill fame? 1 hat, Socrates, is not to be supposed but 1 conceive him to ln\e distinguished making horn doing and work and, while admitting that the inak ing anything might sometimes become a dis grace, when the employment was not honour able, to have thought that work was never any disgrace at all I or things nobly and usetully ikings he made he called works intl such called workings, and doings and he must be s supposed to have e died such things only proper business, and what is hurtful, nor his business and in thit sense Hesiod md iny other wise mm, miy he rtisonably supposed to call him wise who docs his own work Cntiis, I said, no sooner hid you opened your mouth, than I prett\ well knew rhat you would call that which is proper to a man, and

m

mm

0

good incl that the IS his own markings of the good you would edl doings, for I am no stranger to the endless distinctions which Prodieus driws ibout mines Now 1 have no objection to your giving names any sigmhcation which vou please, if you will only tell me whit you mean by them Please then to begin again, and be a little plainer Do you mean that this doing or making, or whatever IS the word which you would use, of good ac

thu which

tions,

And do

business only, or that of others also^

make

Nay, said he; did I ever acknowledge that who do the business of others arc temperate? I said, those who make, not those who those

business

1

IS

tcin|>crancc?

do, he Slid

not he who does tvil, but he who docs temperate^ Yes, he said, and you, friend, would agree

Then good,

*

IS

No matter whether I should or not just now, not what I think, UUt what you are say mg, IS the point at issue Well, he answered, I l^ean to say, that he who docs evil, and not good, is not temperate, and that he is temperate who docs good, and not evil for temperance I define in plain words to be the doing of good actions [ 164] And you may be very likely right in ji

CHARMIDES what you arc saying; but I am curious to know whether you imagine that temperate men are ignorant of their own temperance? I do not think so, he said. And yet were you not saying, just now, that craftsmen might be temperate in doing another's work, as well as in doing their own? I was, he replied; but what is your drift? I have no particular drift, but I wish that you would tell me whether a physician who cures a patient may do good to himself and good to another also? 1 think that he may. And he who does so does his duty?

temperate!” This, however, like a prophet he expresses in a sort of riddle, for

equally useful pieces of advice. Shall

why

My

Yes.

Socrates,

And

leave the previous discussion (in

does not he who does his duty act temperately or wisely? Yes, he acts wisely. But must the physician necessarily know when his treatment is likely to prove beneficial, and when not? or must the craftsman necessarily know when he is likely to be benefited, and when not to be benefited, by the work

which he I

i'

'Km*

suppose not.

llien, 1 said, he may sometimes do good or harm, and not know what he is himself doing, and yet, in doing good, as you say, he has done temperately or wisely. Was not that your state-

ment?

would seem,

in

act wisely or temperately,

perate, but not

know

his

doing good, he

may

and be wise or tem-

own wisdom

or tem-

perance^

But

that, Socrates,

therefore

if

this

is,

he said, is impossible; and you imply, the necessary

as

consequence oi any of my previous admissions, 1 will withdraw them, rather than admit that a man can be temperate or wise who does not

know

am

not ashamed to conFor self-knowledge would certainly be maintained by me to be the very essence of knowledge, and in this I agree with him whodedicated the inscription, “Know thyself I" at Delphi. That word, if 1 am not mistaken, is put there as a sort ot salutation which the god addresses to those who enter the temple; as much as to say that the ordinary salutation of “I lail!" IS not right, and that the exhortation “Be temperate!" would be a far better way of saluting one another. The notion of him who dedicated the inscription was, as I believe, that the god speaks to those who enter his temple, not as men speak; but. when a worshipper enters, the first word which he hears is “Be

and was in

himself;

fess that I

I

error.

T

say all this?

I tell

object

which

I

you, is

to

know

1 arc more right, but, at any no clear result was attained), and to raise a new one in which I will attempt to prove, if you deny, that temperance is self-knowledge. Yes, 1 said, Critias; but )ou come to me as though 1 professed to know about the questions which I ask, and as though I could, if I only would, agree with you. Whereas the fact is that I enquire with you into the truth of that which IS advanced from time to time, just because I do not know; and when 1 have enquired, I will say whether 1 agree with you or not. Please

rate,

then to allow me time to Reflect, he said. I

as

thy-

not whether you or

Yes.

Then,

“Know

and “Be temperate!” are the same, as I maintain, and as die letters imply, and yet they may be easily misunderstood; [i6^] and succeeding sages who added “Never too much,” or, “(jive a pledge, and evil is nigh at hand,” would appear to have so misunderstood them; for they imagined that “Know thyself!” was a piece of advice which the god gave, and not his salutation of the worshippers at their first coming in; and they dedicated their own inscription under the idea that they too would give self!”

am

reflecting,

I

reflect.

replied,

and discover that

temperance, or wisdom, if implying a knowledge ot anything, must be a science, and a science of something. Yes, he said; the science of itself. Is not medicine, I said, the science of health? True. And suppose, I said, that I were asked by you what is the use or elTect of medicine, which is thisscienccof health, I should answer that medicine is of very great use in producing health, which, as you will admit, is an excellent effect. Granted. And if you were to ask me, what is the result or effect of architecture, which is the science of building, 1 should say houses, and so of other

which all have their different results. Now want you, Critias, to answer a similar question about temperance, or wisdom, which, according to you, is the science of itself. Admitting this view, I ask of you, what good work, worthy of the name wise, does temperance or wisdom, which is the science of itself, effect? Answer me. That is not the true way of pursuing the enarts, I

quiry, Socrates, he said; for

wisdom

is

not like

]

DIALOGUES OF PLATO more than they are like one another: but you proceed as if they were alike. For tell me, he said, what result is there of computation or geometry, in the same sense as a house is the result of building, or a garment of weaving, [t66] or any other work of any other art? Can you show me any such rethe other sciences, any

them? You cannot. That is true, I said; but still each of these sciences has a subject which is different from the science. I can show you that the art of computation has to do with odd and even numbers in their numerical relations to themselves and

I

Yes, he said.

And the odd and even numbers are not the same with the art of computation? They are not. do with and heavier; but the art of weighing is one thing, and the heavy and the light another. Do you admit that?

The

art ot weighing, again, has to

lighter

you

I

want to know, what is that which is not wisdom, and of which wisdom is the sciI

ence? arc just falling into the old error, Socra-

he said. You come asking in what wisdom or temperance differs from the other sciences, and then you try to discover some respect in which they are alike; but they are not, for all the other sciences arc of something else, and tes,

not of themselves;

wisdom alone

other sciences, and of

itself.

is

And

a science of

of this, as

I

you are very well aware: and that you what you denied that you were doing just now, trying to refute me, instead of pursuing the argument. And what if I am? How can you think that I have any other motive in refuting you but what I should have in examining into myself? which motive would be just a fear of my unconsciously fancying that I knew something of which 1 was ignorant. And at this moment 1 pursue the argument chiefly for my own sake, and perhaps m some degree also for the sake of my other friends. For is not the discovery of things as they truly are, a good common to all believe,

are only doing

mankind? Yes, certainly, Socrates, he said. Then, I said, be cheerful, sweet sir, and give your opinion in answer to the question which I asked, never minding whether Critias or Socis

the person refuted; attend only to the

say.

mean to say

which

is

that

wisdom

the science of

mean to affirm

the only science

is

itself

as well as of the

other sciences.

But the science of

science.

I

said, will also

be

the science of the absence of science.

Very true, he said. [ i6y Then the wise or temperate man, and he only, will know himself, and be able to examine what he knows or docs not know, and to sec what others know and think that they know and do really know; and what they do not know, and fancy that they know, when they do not. No other person will be able to do this. And this is wisdom and temperance and self-knowledge for a man to know what he knows, and what he does not know. That is your meaning^

—

Yes, he said.

Now then, I

Now,

rates

as

about wisdom.

Yes.

You

do

Tell me, then, I said, what you

sult of

to each other. Is not that true?

think that you are right, he replied; and I

will

said,

making an

offering of the

argument to Zeus the Saviour, let us begin again, and ask, in the first place, whether it is or is not possible for a person to know that he knows and docs not know what he knows and does not know; and in the second third or last

place, whether,

edge

is

if

perfectly possible, such

knowl-

of any use.

is what we have to consider, he said. And here, Critias, I said, I hope that you will

That

way out

find a

of a difficulty into which

got myself. Shall difficulty

By

I

tell

I have you the nature of the

?

means, he replied. Docs not what you have been saying, if true, amount to this: that there must be a single science which is wholly a science of itself and of other sciences, and that the same is also the all

science of the absence of science?

Yes.

is,

But consider how monstrous this proposition my friend: any parallel case, the impos-

m

sibility will

How

is

be transparei^ to you. that?

and injwhat

cases

do you

mean? In such cases as this: Suppose that there is a kind of vision which is not like ordinary vision, but a vision of itself and of other sorts of vision,

and of the defect of them^ which in seeing secs no colour, but only itse$ and other sorts of vision: Do you think that there is such a kind of vision?

argument, and see what will come of the refu-

Certainly not.

tation.

Or is there a kind of hearing which

hears

no

]

CHARMIDES sound at all» but only itsdf and other sorts of hearing, or the defects of them?

There

is

That

the senses: can you imagine that any sense of itself and of other senses, but which is incapable of perceiving the objects is

of the senses? I

and of other doubles, these will be halves;

for the double

not.

Or take all

there

itself

think not.

is

is

relative to the half?

true.

And that which is greater than itself will also and that which is heavier will also be and that which is older will also be younger: and the same of other things; that which has a nature relative to self will retain be

less,

lighter,

Could there be any desire which is not the desire of any pleasure, but of itself, and of all

also the nature of its object: I mean to say, for example, that hearing is, as we say, of sound or

other desires? Certainly not.

voice. Is that true?

Yes.

Or can you imagine no good, but only

which wishes for itself and all other

a wish

for

wishes? I should answer, No.

Or would you

Then

if

hearing hears

voice; for there

itself, it

no other way

is

must hear a

of hearing.

Certainly.

And

say that there

is

a love

which and of

is not the love of l^auty, but of itself other loves? I should not. [ i68 Or did you ever know of a fear which fears itself or other fears, but has no object of

sight also,

my excellent

friend,

if it

secs

must sec a colour, for sight cannot see that which has no colour. No. Do you remark, Critias, that in several of the examples which have been recited the notion of a relation to self is altogether inadmissible, and itself

—

I

in other cases hardly credible inadmissible, for example, in the case of magnitudes, numbers,

Certainly not.

and the like? Very true. But in the case of hearing and sight, or in the power of self-motion, and the power of heat to

fear?

nevei ilid, he said. Or of an opinion which is an opinion of it> self and of other opinions, and which has no opinion on the subjects of opinion in general?

But surely we are assuming a science of this kind, which, having no subject-matter, is a science of itself and ol the other sciences? Yes, that is what is affirmed. But how strange is this, if it be indeed true: we must not however as yet absolutely deny the possibility of such a science; let us rather consider the matter.

You

arc quite right. this science of which we arc speaking is a science of something, and is of a

Well then,

nature to be a science of something? Yes. Just as that

which

is

greater

is

of a nature to

be greater than something else? Yes.

Which

is less, if

the other

is

conceived to be

To be sure. And if we could

find something which is at once greater than itself, and greater than other great things, but not greater than those things in comparison of which the others are greater, then that thing would have the property of being greater and also less than itself? That, Socrates, he said, is the inevitable inference. if

others.

And some

wanted, who will us, whether there

great

man,

satisfactorily

my

friend,

is

determine for

is nothing which has an inherent property of relation to self, or some things only and not others; and whether in this class of self-related things, if there be such a class, that science which is called wisdom or temperance is included. I altogether distrust my own power of determining these matters: I am not certain whether there is such a science of science at all; and even if there be, I should not acknowledge this to be wisdom or temperance, until I can also see whether such a science would or would not do us any good; for I have an impression that temperance is a benefit and son of Callaeschrus, a gooil. And therefore, as you maintain that temperance or wisdom is a science of science, and also of the absence of science, 1 will request you to show in the first place, as I was saying before, the possibility, and in the second place, the advantage, of such a science; and then perhaps you may satisfy me that you are right in your view of temperance.

O

greater?

Or

burn, this relation to self will be regarded as incredible by some, [ i6^] but perhaps not by

Critias heard in a difficulty;

there be a double

which

is

double of

yawns

me say this, and saw that 1 was

and

as

one person when another

in his presence catches the infection of

—

]

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

10

yawning from him, so did he seem to be driven

Then how will this knowledge or science him to know what he knows? Say that he knows health; not wisdom or temperance,

into a difficulty by my difficulty. But as he had a reputation to maintain, he was ashamed to

teach

admit before the company that he could not answer my challenge or determine the question at issue; and he made an unintelligible attempt

but the art of medicine has taught it to him; and he has learned harmony from the art of music, and building from the art of building, neither, from wisdom or temperance: and the

to hide his perplexity, tn order that the argu-

ment might proceed,

said to him, Well then, us assume that there is this science of science; whether the assumption is right or wrong may hereafter be investigated. Admitting the existence of it, will you tell me how such a science enables us to distinguish what wc know or do not know, which, as wc were saying, is self-knowledge oi wisdom: so wc were saying? Yes, Socrates, he said; and that 1 think is cerCritias, if

you

tainly true:

I

like, let

for

he

who

has this science or

knowledge which knows itself will become like the knowledge which he has, in the same way that he who has swiftness will be swift, and he who has beauty will be beautiful, and he who has knowledge w'lll know\ In the same way he who has that knowledge which is self-knowing, will I

know himself.

do not doubt,

himself,

when he

I

said, that a

possesses that

man

will

know

which has

self-

still I fail to comprehend how this knowing what you know and do not know is the same as the knowledge of self. What do you mean? he said. This is what I mean, I replied: I will admit can this do that there is a science of science; more than determine that of two things one is and the other is not science or knowledge? No, just that. But is knowledge or want of knowledge of health the same as knowledge or want of knowl-

as ever; for

—

justice?

Certainly not.

The one

is

medicine, and the other

is

poli-

whereas that of which wc arc sj^aking knowledge pure and simple. tics;

Very

is

true.

And if a man knows only, and has only knowledge of knowledge, and has no further knowledge of health and justice, the probability is that he will only know that he knows something, and has a certain knowledge, whether concerning himself or other men. True.

same of other things. That is evident. How will wisdom, regarded only as a knowledge of knowledge or science of science, ever teach him that he knows health, or that he knows building? It is

impossible.

Then he who is ignorant of these things will only know that he knows, but not what he knows? True.

Then wisdom or being wise appears to be not the knowledge of the things which wc do or do not know, but only the knowledge that we know or do not know? That

is

the inference.

Then he who has

this

knowledge

will not

able to examine whether a pretender

knowledge: but what necessity is there that, having this, he should know what he knows and what he docs not know? [lyo] Because, Socrates, they arc the same. Very likely, I said; but I remain as stupid

edge of

—

be

knows

know that which he says that he knows: he will only know that he has a knowledge of some kind; but wisdom will not show him ot what the knowledge is? or does not

Plainly not.

Neither will he be able to distinguish the pretender in medicine from the true physician, nor between any other true and false professor of knowledge. Let us consider the matter this way: If the wise man or any other man wants to distinguish the true physician from the false, how will he proceed? He will not talk to him about medicine; and that, as wc were saying, is the only thing which the physician

m

understands.

True.

And, on the other hand, the physician knows nothing of science, for this has been assumed to be the province of wisdom. ' True. mcdit^nc is science, since further, And jyi / wc must infer that he docs not kr|ow anything of medicine. i

Exactly.

f

Then the wise man may indeed jenow that the physician has

edge; but

some kind of

scieilce

or knowl-

when he wants to discover the nature

of this he will ask. What is the subject-matter? For the several sciences are distinguished not by the mere fact that tht^y are sciences, but by

the nature of their subjects. Is not that true?

— CHARMIDES

11

Quite true. medicine is distinguished from other sciences as having the subject-matter of health

which wisdom was the

and

men would

And

disease?

Yes.

And

who would

he

enquire into the nature

of medicine must pursucthc enquiry into health

and

disease,

True. And he

and not into what

who judges

is

extraneous?

what

relates to

He will. He will

consider whether what he says is and whether what he docs is right, in relation to health and disease? true,

He will. But can any one

He cannot. No one at all,

knowledge of knowledge of medicine?

attain the

either unless he have a

would seem, except the phyknowledge; and therefore not the wise man; he would have to be a phywise man. sician as uul Very true. Then, assuredly, wisdom or temperance, if only a science of science, and of the absence of sician can

have

it

this

.1

science or knowledge, will not be able to dis-

tinguish the physician

who does

who knows from one

know

but pretends or thinks that he knows, or any other professor of anything at all; like any other artist, he will only know his not

fellow in art or wisdom, and That is evident, he said.

no one

if

this

is

wisdom?

If,

indeed, as

we

at first, the

who arc under us; and we should not have attempted to do what we did not know, but we should have found out those who knew, and have handed the business over to them and trusted in them; nor should we have allowed those who were under us to do of ourselves

and

know what

is

known and what is unknown

to us?

Very

true,

Ant!

now you

he said. perceive,

that

I said,

no such

found anywhere. I perceive, he said. May we assume then, I said, that wisdom, viewed in this new light merely as a knowledge of knowledge and ignorance, has this advantage: that he who possesses such knowledge will more casilylearn anything which he learns; and that everything will be clearer to him, because, in addition to the knowledge of individuals, he sees the science, and this also will better enable him to test the knowledge which others have of what he knows himself whereas the enquirer who is without this knowledge may be supposed to have a feebler and weaker insight ? Arc not these, my friend, the real advantages which are to be gained from wisdom? And are not wc looking and seeking after something more than is to be found in her? That is very likely, he said. That is very likely, I said; and very likely, too, wc have been enquiring to no purpose; as I am science

to be

is

—

;

led to infer, because

Let us,

wise man had been able to distinguish what he knew and did not know, and that he knew the one and did not know the other, and to recognize a similar faculty of discernment in others, there would certainly have been a great advantage in being wise; for then we should never have made a mistake, but have passed through life the unerring guides

were supposing

to

I

observe that

if

this

dom, some strange consequences would

else.

But then what profit, Critias, I said, is there any longer in wisdom or temperance which yet remains,

would have been

have done well, and would have been happy. Was not this, Critias, what we spoke of as the great advantage of wisdom

rightly will judge of the

physician as a physician in these?

lord,

well ordered; for truth guiding, and error having been eliminated, [ jyi] in all their doings,

of those

anything which they were not likely to do well and they would be likely to do well just that of which they had knowledge; and the house or state which was ordered or administered under the guidance of wisdom, and everything else of

if

you

please,

is

wis-

follow.

assume the possibility of and further admit and

this science of sciences,

allow, as is

was originally suggested,

the knowledge of what

know. Assuming

that

wisdom

we know and do

all this,

still,

upon

not

further

I am doubtful, Critias, whether wisdom, such as this, would do us much good. For wc were wrong, I think, in supposing, as wc were saying just now, that such wisdom ordering the government of house or state would he a great benefit.

consideration,

How so? Why,

I

he

said,

said.

we were

far too ready to

the great benefits which

admit

mankind would

ob-

irom their se\crally doing the things which they knew, and committing the things of which they are ignorant to those who were better ac-

tain

quainted with them.

Were wc not

right in making that admission? think not. How very strange, Socrates! By the dog of Egypt, 1 said, there I agree with you; and 1 was thinking as much just now 1

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

12

when

strange consequences would was afraid we were on the track; for however ready we may be to

admit that this is wisdom, [ /yj/ I certainly cannot make out what good this sort of thing

I think that you mean to confine happiness to particular individuals who live ac-* cording to knowledge, [ 174] such for example as the prophet, who. as I was saying, knows the future. Is it of him you are speaking or of some

does to us.

one

I said that

fdlow, and that

wrong

I

What do you mean? he said; I wish that you could make me understand what you mean. I I

dare say that what and yet if a

replied;

am saying is nonsense, man has any feeling of

I

is due to himself, he cannot let the thought which comes into his mind pass away unheeded and unexamined. I like that, he said. Hear, then, I said, my own dream; whether coming through the horn or the ivory gate, I cannot tell. The dream is this: Let us suppose that wisdom is such as we arc now defining, and that she has absolute sway over us; then each action will be done according to the arts or sciences, and no one professing to be a pilot when he is not, or any physician or general, or any one else pretending to know matters of

what

which he

is ignorant, will deceive or elude us; our health will be improved; our safety at sea, and also in battle, will be assured; our coats and shoes, and all other instruments and implements will be skilfully made, because the workmen will be good and true. Aye, and if you please, you may suppose that prophecy, which is the knowledge of the future, will be under the control of wisdom, and that she will deter deceivers and set up the true prophets in their place as

Now I

the revcalcrs of the future. that mankind, thus provided,

quite agiaec

would live and act according to knowledge, for wisdom would watch and prevent ignorance from intruding on us. But whether by acting according to knowledge we Critias,

shall act well

—

and be happy, my dear which we have not yet

this is a point

been able to determine. Yet I think, he replied, that if you discard knowledge, you will hardly find the crown of happiness in anything else. But of what is this knowledge^ I said. Just answer me that small question. Do you mean a knowledge of shoemaking?

God forbid. Or of working

in brass?

Certainly not.

Or in wool, or wood, or anything of thatsort ? No, I do not. Then, I said, we are giving up the doctrine that he who lives according to knowledge is happy, for these live according to knowledge, and yet they are not allowed by you to be

happy; but

else?

Yes,

I

Yes,

I

mean him, but there arc others as well. said, some one who knows the past

and present

as well as the future, and is ignorant of nothing. Let us suppose that there is such a person, and if there is, you will allow is the most Certainly he is.

that he

knowing

of

all

living

men.

Yet I should like to know one thing more: which of the different kinds of knowledge makes him happy? or do all equally make him happy?

Not

all equally, he replied. But which most tends to make him happy? the knowledge of what past, present, or future thing? May I infer this to be the knowledge of

the

game

of draughts?

Nonsense about the game of draughts.

Or

of computation?

No.

Or of health? That

And

is

nearer the truth, he said.

knowledge which is nearest of all, knowledge of what? The knowledge with which he discerns good and evil. Monster! I said; you have been carrying me round in a circle, and all this time hiding from me the fact that the life according to knowledge is not that which makes men act rightly and be happy, not even if knowledge include all the sciences, hut one science only, that of good and evil. For, let me ask you, Critias, whether, if you take away this, medicine will not equally give health, and shoemaking equally pr^uce shoes, and the art of the weaver clothes? whether the art of the pilot will not equally save our lives at sea, and the art of the general in war? that

I said, is the

—

Quite

so.

my dear Critias, n^ne of these things will be well or beneficiallyf done, if the science of the good be wanting. And

yet,

True.

But that science

not wisdoi|i or temperadvantage; not a science of other sciences, or of i^^orance, but of good and evil: and if this be of use, then wisdom or temperance will not be of use. And why, he replied, will not wisdom be of use^ For, however much we assume that wisis

ance, but a science of

human

—

^

CHARMIDES dom i*s a science of sciences, and has a sway over other sciences, surely she will have this particular science of the good under her control, and in this

way

will benefit us.

And

will

wisdom give

this rather the effect of

health?

said; is not

medicine?

Or

docs

only the knowledge of knowledge and of ignorance, and of nothing else? is

That

is

obvious.

much

to be lamented, I said.

am

very sorry

—that you, having such beauty and such wistemperance of

good

profit or

temperance. the

in life

soul, should have no from your wisdom and

And still more am

charm which

I grieved about learned with so much pain,

I

and to so little profit, from the Thracian, for the sake of a thing which is nothing worth. I think indeed that there is a mistake, and that I must be a bad enquirer, for wisdom or temperance 1 believe to be really a great good; and

see dieu, Critias, that in fearing that

nature?

sess

Certainly not.

The art of health is different. Yes, different.

[ 75J Nor does wisdom give advantage, my friend; for that again we have just now been attributing to another art. Very true. How then can wisdom be advantageous, when giving no advantage?

go^

That, Socrates,

wrong

not so

is

for your sake, Charmides, I

happy are you, Charmides, if you certainly posit. Wherefore examine yourself, [ 176 ] and sec whether you have this gift and can do without the charm; for if you can, I would rather advise you to regard me simply as a fool who is never able to reason out anything; and to rest assured that the more wise and temperate you are, the happier you will be. Charmides said: 1 am sure that I do not know, Socrates, whether I have or have not this gift of wisdom and temperance; for how can I know whether I have a thing, of which even you and Critias arc, as you say, unable to discover the

will not be the producer of

health.

You

But

dom and I

wisdom do the work of any of the other arts, do they not each of them do their own work? Have we not long ago asseverated that wisdom

Then wisdom

cerned,

13

is

certainly inconceivable.

I

I was not far could have no sound

notion about wisdom; I was quite right in depreciating myself; for that which is admitted to be the best of all things would never have seemed to us useless, if I had been good for anything at an enquiry. But now I have been utterly defeated, and have failed to discover what that is to which the imposcr of names gave this name of temperance or wisdom. And yet many more admissions were made by us than could be fairly granted; for we admitted that there was a science of science, although the argument said No, and protested against us; and we admitted further, that this science knew the works of the other sciences (although this too was denied by the argument), because we wanted to show that the wise man had knowledge of what he knew and did not know; also we nobly disregarded, and never even considered, the impossibility of a man knowing in a sort of way that which he docs not know at all; for our assumption was, that he knows that which he does not know; than which nothing, as I think, can be more irrational. And yet, after finding us so easy and good-natured, the enquiry is still unable to discover the truth; but mocks us to a degree, and has gone out of its way to prove the inutility of that which we admitted only by assort of supposition and fiction to be the true definition of temperance or wisdom: which result, as far as I am coo-

I

am

and

— (not

that

I

telicvc you.)

sure, Socrates, that

as far as

I

am concerned,

I

And further,

do need the charm, I

shall

be willing

charmed by you daily, until you say that I have had enough. Very good, Charmides, said Critias; if you do this I shall have a proof of your temperance, that is, if you allow yourself to be charmed by Socrates, and never desert him at all. You may depend on my following and not deserting him, said Charmides: if you who are to be

my

guardian

wrong not

command me,

And I do command Then

I

I

should be very

to obey you.

do

will

as

you, he said.

you

say,

and begin

this

very day.

You

sirs,

I

said,

what arc you conspiring

about?

We arc not conspiring, said Charmides, we have conspired already. And arc you about to use violence, without even going through the forms of justice? Yes, I shall use violence, he replied, since he orders me; and therefore you had better consider well.

But the time said,

for consideration has passed,

when violence is employed; and

you are determined on anything, and

mood

I

you, when

of violence, are irresistible. Do not you resist me then, he said. I will not resist you, I replied.

in the

LYSIS, or Friendship Persons of the Dialogue: Socrates, Lysis; Ctesippus. Scene:

A

who

open door over against the wall. And there, he said, is the building at which we all meet: and

we arc. And what is this building, I asked; and what

a goodly company

have you? [204] The building, he replied,

is

a newly-

and the entertainment is generally conversation, to which you are welcome. Thank you, I said; and is there any teacher

erected Palaestra;

there? Yes, he said, your old friend

Miccus. Indeed,

I replied;

he

is

and admirer,

a very eminent pro-

fessor.

is

persons have one favourite, Socrates,

And who is yours?

I

said.

asked:

tell

me that, Hip-

pothales.

At this he blushed; and I

said to him, C) I lipHieronymus! do not say that you arc, or that you arc not, in love; the confession is too late; for I see that you arc not only in love, but arc already lar gone in your love. Simple and foolish as I am, the Clods have given me the power of understanding affec-

pothales, thou son of

tions of this kind.

Whereupon he blushed more and more, Ctesippus said: I like to see you blushing, Hippothales, and hesitating to tell Socrates the name; when, if he were with you but for a very short time, you w^ould have plagued him to death by talking about nothing else. Indeed, Socrates, he has literally deafened us, and stopped our ears with the praises ot Lysis; and if

he

is

a

little

intoxicated, there

is

every

likeli-

we may have

our sleep murdered with a cry of Lysis. His performances in prose arc bad enough, but nothing at all in comparison with his verse; and when he drenches us with his poems and other compositions, it is really too bad; and worse still iihis manner of singing them to his love; he hasf a voice which is truly appalling, and we cannot help hearing him: and now having a questioi put to him by you, behold he is blushing. Who is Lysis? I said: I suppose that he must be young; for the name does not recall any one that

\

Are you disposed, he see them? Yes,

Menexenus; Hippothales;

and some another, he

hood

sort of entertainment

ite

Some

I

to the

what

the narrator;

newly^erected Palaestra outside the walls of Athens

WAS going from the Academy straight Lyceum, intending to take the outer road, which is close under the wall. When I came to the postern gate of the city, which is by the fountain of Panops, I fell in with Hippothales, the son of Hieronymus, and Ctesippus the Paeanian, and a company of young men who were standing with them. Hippothales, seeing me approach, asked whence 1 came and whither I was going. I am going, I replied, from the Academy straight to the Lyceum. Then come straight to us, he said, and put in here; you may as well. Who are you, I said; and where am I to come? He showed me an enclosed space and an

[20^]

is

said, to

go with

me and

said; but I should like to know first, expected of me, and who is the favour-

I

among

you?^

tome.

Why, he said, his father being a very wellkr.own man, he retains his patronymic, and is

LYSIS not as yet

commonly

but, although

sure that you

quite

But

He

enough

must know

his face, for that is

to distinguish him.

me whose

son he is, I said. the eldest son of Deniocrates, of the

tell

is

called by his own name; you do not know his name, I am

deme of Aexone. Ah, hlippothales, I said; what a noble and you have found! I wish that you would favour me with the exhibition which you have been making to the rest of the company, and then I shall be able to judge whether you know what a lover ought to say [20^] about his love, either to the youth Kimreally perfect love

self,

or to others.

Nay, Socrates, he said; you surely do not attach any importance to what he is saying. Do you mean, I said, that you disown the love of the person whom he says that you love ? No; but I deny that 1 make verses or address compositions to him. He is not in his right mind, said Ctesippiis; he is talking nonsense, and is stark mad. () I lipporf^aV T said, if you ha\c ever made any verses or songs in honour of your favourite, 1 do not want to hear them; but 1 want to know the purport of them, that I maybe able to }udgc of your mode of approaching your fair one. Ctcsippus will be able to tell you, he said; for if, as he avers, the sound of my words is always dinning in his cars, he must have a very accurate knowledge and recollection of them. Ves, indeed, said Ctcsippus; I know only too well; and very ridiculous the talc is; for although he is a lover, and very devotedly in love, he has nothing particular to talk about to his beloved which a child might not say. Now is not that ridiculous? He can only speak of the wealth of Democrates, which the whole city celebrates, and grandfather Lysis, and the other ancestors of the youth, and their stud of horses, and their victory at the Pythian games, and at the Isthmus, and at Nemea with four horses and single horses these arc the tales which he

—

composes and repeats. And there is greater twaddle still. Only the day before yesterday he made a poem in which he described the entertainment of Heracles, who was a connexion of the family, setting forth how in virtue of this relationship he was hospitably received by an

ancestor of Lysis; this ancestor was himself begotten of Zeus by the daughter of the founder of the deme. And these are the sort of old wives’ talcs which he sings and recites to us, and we are obliged to listen to him. When I heard this, I said; ridiculous Hip-

O

15

how

pothalcs!

hymns won?

in

can you be making and singing honour of yourself before you have

But my songs and verses, he honour of myself, Socrates.

You

think not?

I

said, arc

not in

said.

Nay, but what do you think? he replied. Most assuredly, I said, those songs are all in your own honour; for if you win your beautiful love, yourdiscourscs and songs will be a glory to you, and may be truly regarded as hymns of praise composed in honour of you who have concjucred and won such a love; but if he slips away from you, the more you have praised him, the more ridiculous you will look at having lost this fairest and best of blessings; [206] and tlierefore the wise lover does not praise his beloved until he has won him, because he is afraid of accidents. There is also another danger; the fair, when any one praises or magnifies them,

are filled with the spirit of pride and vain-glory.

Do

you not agree with me?

Yes, he said.

And more

the

more

difficult is

vain-glorious they arc, the

the capture of

them?

you. What should you say of a hunter who frightened away his prey, and made the capture of I l:)clicve

the animals which he is hunting more difficult ? He would be a bad hunter, undoubtedly. Yes; and if, instead of soothing them, he to infuriate them with words and songs, would show a great want of wit; do you not

were that

agree.

Yes.

And now

reflect,

Hippothalcs, and see wheth-

er you arc not guilty of

all

these errors in writ-

ing poetry. For I can hardly suppose that you will affirm a man to be a good poet who injures himself by his poetry. Assuredly not, he said; such a poet would be a fool. And this is the reason why I take you into my counsels, Socrates, and I shall be glad

may have to by what words or acbecome endeared to my love?

of any further ad\ ice which you offer.

tions

Will you I

may

tell

me

That is not easy to determine, I said; but if you will bring your love to me, and will let me talk with him, I may perhaps be able to show you how to converse with him, instead of singing and reciting in the fashion of which you arc accused.

There

will

he replied;

if

be no difficulty in bringing him, you will only go with Ctcsippus

into the Palaestra, lieve that

he

will

and

come

sit

down and talk, I own accord;

of his

be-

for

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

16 he

is

fond of listening, Socrates.

And

as this

is

the festival of the Hermaea, the young men and boys arc all together, and there is no separation between them. He will be sure to come:

but

if

he does not, Ctesippus with

familiar,

and whose

relation

whom

Menexenus

he

is

his

is

great friend, shall call him.

That will be the way, I said. Thereupon I led Ctesippus into the Palaestra, and the rest followed. Upon entering we found that the boys had just been sacrificing; and this part of the festival was nearly at an end. They were all in their white array, and games at dice were going on among them. Most of them were in the outer court amusing themselves: but some were in a corner of the Apodyterium playing at odd and even with a number of dice, which they took out of

little

wicker baskets. There was also a

among them was Lysis. He was standing with the other boys and youths, [ 207] having a crown upon his head, like a fair vision, and not less worthy of praise for his goodness than for his beauty. We left them, and went over to the opposite side of the room, where, finding a quiet place, we sat down; and

circle of lookers-on;

then we began to talk. This attracted Lysis, who was constantly turning round to look at us

he was evidently wanting to come to us. For a time he hesitated and had not the courage to come alone; but first of all, his friend Menexenus, ^caving his play, entered the Palaestra from the court, and when he saw Ctesippus and myself, was going to take a seat by us; and then Lysis, seeing him, followed, and sat down by his side; and the other boys joined. I should observe that Hippothales, when he saw the crowd, got behind them, where he thought that he would be out of sight of Lysis, lest he should anger him; and there he stood and listened. I turned to Menexenus, and said: Son of Demophon, which of you two youths is the elder? That is a matter of dispute between us, he said.

And which

is

the nobler? Is that also a mat-

ter of dispute?

Yes, certainly.

And

another disputed point

is,

which

is

the

fairer?

The two boys I shall

laughed.

not ask which

I said; for

you are

is

the richer of the two,

friends, are

you not?

Certainly, they replied.

And

friends have all things in

common,

so

that one of you can be no richer than the other, if

y

'

]

you say

truly that

you are

friends.

They assented. I was about to ask which was was the wiser of the two; but at this moment Menexenus was called away by some one who came and said the justcr of the two, and which

that the gymnastic-master wanted him. I supposed that he had to offer sacrifice. So he went away, and I asked Lysis some more questions. I dare say. Lysis, I said, that your father and

mother love you very much. Certainly, he said. And they would wish you to be

perfectly

happy. Yes.

But do you think that any one is happy who and who cannot do what he likes? I should think not indeed, he said. And if your father and mother love you, and desire that you should be happy, no one can doubt that they arc very ready to promote your is

in the condition of a slave,

happiness. Certainly, he replied.

And do they then permit you to do what you like, and never rebuke you or hinder you from doing what you desire?

Yes, indeed, Socrates; there arc a great

things which they hinder

me from

many

doing.

I said. Do they want you and yet hinder you from doing what you like? f 20S For example, if you want to mount one of your father’s chariots, and take the reins at a race, they will not allow you to do so they will prevent you? Certainly, he said, they will not allow me to do so.

What do you mean?

to be happy,

—

Whom then will they allow? There

is

a charioteer,

whom my

father pays

for driving.

And do they trust a hireling more than you? and may he do what he likes with the horses? and do they pay him for this? ITiey do.

But 1 dare say that you may take the whip and guide the mule-cart if you |ikc; they will

—

. permit that? Permit me! indeed they willjnot. Then, I said, may no one usekhe whip to the mules? Yes, he said, the muleteer. And is he a slave or a free m|n? slave, he said. J And do they esteem a slavq of more value than you who are their son? And do they entrust their property to him rather than to you? and allow him to do what he likes, when they ptohibit you? Answer me now: Are you your

A

LYSIS own master, or do they not even allow that? Nay, he

do not allow

said; of course they

it.

Then you have a master? Yes,

my

tutor; there

And is he a slave? To be sure; he is our

he

I

he

replied.

is a strange thing, that a should be governed by a slave. And what docs he do with you?

Surely, I said, this

free

man

He takes me

to

my

You do not mean also rule over

teachers. to say that

your teachers

you?

you have your own way, and will not inwith your happiness; her wool, or the piece of cloth which she is weaving, are at your disposal: I am sure that there is nothing to hinder you from touching her wooden spathe, or her comb, or any other of her spinning implewill let

terfere

ments. Socravc*’,

—

not of age.

doubt whether that is the real reason, I said; should imagine that your father Dcmocrates, and your mother, do permit you to do many things already, and do not wait until you arc of age: for example, if they want anything read or written, you, I presume, would be the first person in the house who is summoned by them. I

1

Very

understand the

said, the reason

is

not

any deficiency of years, but a deficiency of knowledge; and whenever your father thinks that you arc wiser than he is, he will instantly

commit himself and think

his possessions to you.

so.

Aye, I said; and about your neighbour, too, does not the same rule hold as about your father? If he is satisfied that you know more of housekeeping than he does, will he continue to administer his affairs himself, or will hecom-

mit them to you ? I think that he will commit them to me. Will not the Athenian people, too, entrust their affairs to you when they see that you have wisdom enough to manage them?

you would be allowed to write or read the letters in any order which you please, or to

up

the lyre

and tunc the

notes,

and play

with the plectrum, exactly as you please, and neither father nor mother would interfere with you.

with the

And

oh! let me put another case, I said: the great king, and he has an eldest son, who is the Prince of Asia; suppose that

There

is

fingers, or strike

—

you and

go

I

to

him and

establish to his satis-

we arc better cooks than his son, he not entrust to us the prerogative of making soup, and putting in anything that we like while the pot is boiling, rather than to the Prince of Asia, who is his son? iaction that will

To us, clearly. And we shall be

allowed to throw in salt by handfuls, whereas the son will not be allowed to put in as

much

as

he can take up between

his fingers?

Of course. Or sup}>ose

again that the son has bad eyes, he allow him, or will he not allow him, to touch his own eyes if he thinks that he has no knowledge of medicine? [ 210 ] He will not allow him. Whereas, if he supposes us to have a knowledge of medicine, he will allow us to do what we like with him even to open the eyes wide and sprinkle ashes upon them, because he supwill

—

we know what

poses that

That

And

true.

And

take

I

1

Yes.

he replied, laughing; not only does she hinder me, but I should be beaten if I were to touch one of them. Well, I said, this is amazing. And did you ever behave ill to your father or your mother? No, indeed, he replied. But why then are they so terribly anxious to prevent you from being happy, and doing as you like? keeping you all day long in subjection to another, and, in a word, doing nothing which you desire; [2og] so that you have no good, as would appear, out of their great possessions, which are under the control of anybody rather than of you, and have no use of your own fair person, which is tended and taken care of by another; while you, Lysis, are master of nobody, and can do nothing? Why, he said, Socrates, the reason is that I am

for

suppose, he said, because

one, and not the other. Yes, my dear youth,

I

Of course they do. Then I must say that your father is pleased to inflict many lords and masters on you. But at any rate when you go home to your mother, she

Nay,

he said. Then what can be the reason. Lysis, I said, why they allow you to do the one and not the true,

is

other?

is.

slave,

17

That

is

best?

true.

is

everything in which

we appear

to

to be wiser than himself or his son he will

him

com-

mit to us?

That

is

very true, Socrates, he replied.

Then now, my dear

Lysis, I said, you perwhich we know every one Hellenes and barbarians, men

ceive that in things

—

will trust us

1

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

18

and women-^and we may do as we please about them, and no one will like to interfere with us; we shall be free, and masters of others; and these things will be really ours, for we shall be benefited by them. But in things of which we have no understanding, no one will trust us to do as seems good to us they will hinder us as far as they can; and not only strangers, but father and mother, and the friend, if there be one, who is dearer still, will also hinder us; and we shall be subject to others; and these things

—

will not be ours, for

them.

He

we shall not be benefited by

Do you agree assented.

And

shall

we

any others love to them?

be friends to others, and will us, in as far as

we

arc useless

him something new, and

telling

as lung as

Neither can your father or mother love you, nor can anybody love anybody else, in so far as they are useless to them?

let

me

hear,

am

allowed to stay. I certainly cannot refuse, I said, since you ask me; but then, as you know, Menexenus is very pugnacious, and therefore you must come to the rescue if he attempts to upset me. Yes, indeed, he said; he is very pugnacious, and that is the reason why 1 want you to argue with him. That 1 may make a fool of myself? No, indeed, he said; but I want you to put I

him down. That is no

Certainly not.

there

easy matter,

fellow

terrible

—a

f)upil

1

replied: for

he

of Ctesippus.

is

a

And

Ctesippus himself: do you see him? Socrates, you shall argue with

is

Never mind, him.

No.

And therefore, my boy, if you are wise, all men will be your friends and kindred, for you you are not wise, neither father, nor mother, nor kind red, nor any one else, will be your friends. And in matters of which you have as yet no knowledge, can you have any conceit of knowledge? That is impossible, he replied. And you, Lysis, if you require a teacher, have not yet attained to wisdom. True. And therefore you arc not conceited, having nothing of which to be conceited. will be useful

and good; but

Indeed, Socrates,

When

Try, then, to remember the words, and be you can in repeating them to him, and if you have forgotten anything, ask me again the next time that you see me. 1 will lie sure to do so, Socrates; but go on as exact as

I

if

think not.

heard him say

turned to Hippothales, and was very nearly making a blunder, for I was going to say to him: That is the way, Hippothalcs, in which you should talk to your beloved, humbling and lowering him, and not as you do, puffing him up and spoiling him. But I saw that he was in great excitement and confusion at what had been said, and I remembered that, although he was in the neighbourhood, [21 ] he did not want to be seen by Lysis; so upon second thoughts I refrained. In the meantime Menexenus came back and sat down in his place by Lysis; and Lysis, in a childish and affectionate manner, whispered privately in my ear, so that Menexenus should not hear: Do, Socrates, tell Menexenus what you have been telling me. 1

Suppose that you replied; for

I

am

tell

this, I

him

yourself, Lysis, I

sure that you were attending.

Certainly, he replied.

Well,

I

suppose that

I

must,

I replied.

Hereupon Ctesippus complained were talking

in secret,

that

and keeping the

we

feast to

ourselves.

happy, I said, to let you ha\e a Here is l..ysis, who docs not imdersund something that I was saying, and wants me to ask Menexenus, who, as he thinks, is likely to know. And why do you not ask him? he said. Very well, T said, I will; and do you, Menexenus, answer. But first I must tell you that I am one who from my childhood uj>ward have 1

shall be

share.

set

my

heart

upon a

certain thing. All j)copIe

have their fancies; some desire horses, and others dogs; and some arc fond of gold, and others of honour. Now, I have no violent desire of any of these things; but I have a passion for friends; and I would rather have a good friend than the best cock or quail in the world: I wouUl even go further, and say the best horse or dog. Yea, by the dog of Egypt, I should greatly prefer a real friend to all the gold of Darius, [212 ] or even to Darius himseu: I am such a lover of friends as that. And whm I see you and Lysis, at your early age, so easi|y possessed of this treasure, and so soon, he of ^ou, and you of him, 1 am amazed and delightc^, seeing that I myself, although I am now advtinced in years, am so far from having made a similar acquisition, that I do not even know in what way a friend is acquired. But I want to ask you a question about this, for you have experience: tell me then, when one loves another, is the lover or the

— LYSIS beloved the friend; or may either be the friend? Either may, I should think, be the friend of cither.

Do you mean, I said, that if only one of them loves the other, they arc mutual friends?

Yes, he said; that

is

my

But what if the lover which is a very possible

is

not loved in return?

perhaps, even hated? which

which sometimes

is

is

a fancy

entertained by lovers re-

and yet they imagine either that they are not loved in return, or that they are hated. Is not that true? Yes, he said, quite true. In that case, the one loves, and the other is loved? love;

T hen which is the friend of which? Is the lover the friend of the beloved, whether he be loved in return, or hated; or is the beloved the friend; or

is

there

side, unles., they

no friendship

at all

on cither

both love one another? to be none at all.

There would seem

Then this notion is not in accordance with our previous one. We were saying that both were friends, if one only loved; but now, unthey both love, neither

is

1 'bcn iKilbing which does not love in return beloved by a lover? I think not. Then they arc not lovers of horses, whom the horses do not love in return; nor lovers of quails, nor of dogs, nor of w'iiic, nor of gymnastic exercises, who have no return of love; no, nor of wisdom, unless wisdom loves them in return. Or shall we say that they do love

them, although they are not beloved by them;

was wrong who

man

to

whom

sings

his children are dear,

and steeds having single hoofs, and dogs and the stranger of another land ?

I

of chase,

do not think that he was wrong.

You

think that he

is

right?

Yes.

Then, Menexenus, the conclusion is, that what beloved, whether loving or hating, may be dear to the lover of it: for example, very young is

young to love, or even hating their father or mother when they arc punished by them, [21^] arc never dearer to them than at

children, too

the time

when

the

are loved by their enemies,

their friends,

quite agree, Socrates, in

But

this

if

friend of that

what you

say.

cannot be, the lover will

which

is

the

loved ?

True.

which

the hater will be the is

enemy

of that

hated?

Certainly.

Yet we must acknowledge in this, as in the preceding instance, that a man may be the friend of one who is not his friend, or who may be his enemy, when he loves that which does not love

him or which even hales him. And he may be the enemy of one who is not his enemy, and is even his friend: for example, when he hates which docs not hate him, or w'hich even

Thai appears to be true. But if the lover is not a

friend, nor the beloved a friend, nor both together, what are wc to say? are we to call friends to one another? Do any remain?

Whom

Indeed, Socrates, I cannot find any. But, Menexenus! I saiil, may wc nol have l^en altogf^thcr wrong in our conclusions?

O

I

am sure that wc have been wrong, Socrates, And he blushed as he spoke, the

said Lysis.

words seeming

they arc being hated by them.

to

come from his lips involunmind was taken up

because his whole

with the argument; there was no mistaking his attentive look while he was listening.

was pleased

at the interest which

was shown wanted to give Menexenus a rest, so I turned to him and said, I think. Lysis, that what you say is true, and that, if we had been right, we should never have gone so far wrong; let us proceed no further in this direcI

I

is

enemy.

tarily,

the

hater,

loves him.

is

dial the poet

and not the

and arc the friends of their enemies, and the enemies of their friends. Yet how absurd, my dear friend, or indeed impossible is this paradox of a man being an enemy to his friend or a friend to his

that

a friend.

lliat appears to be true.

Happy

the hated one,

Clearly.

And

Yes.

and

And

Then many men

case.

specting their beloved. Nothing can exceed their

less

Yes.

and hated by

is,

is

enemy?

meaning.

Yes.

Or

19

think that what you say is true. And, if so, not the lover, but the beloved, the friend or dear one? I

by Lysis, and

I

tion {for the road seems to be getting trouble-

some), but take the other path into which we turned, and see what the poets have to say;

[214 J for they are to us in a manner the fathers and authors of wist lorn, and they speak of friends

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

20

no light or trivial manner, but God himself, makes them and draws them to one another; and this they express, if I am not misin

as they say,

taken, in the following words:

now? They

God is ever drawing lii{e towards likfi, and makjng them acquainted. I

And

dare say that you have heard those words. Yes, he said;

I

have.

And have you not also met with the treatises of philosophers who say that like must love like? they arc the people who argue and write about nature and the universe. Very true, he replied.

And are they They may Perhaps,

right in saying this?

about

half, or possibly, alto-

if their meaning were rightly apprehended by us. For the more a bad man has to do with a bad man, and the more nearly he is brought into contact with him, the more he will be likely to hate him, for he injures him; and injurer and injured cannot be friends. Is not

gether, right,

Yes, he said. Then one half of the saying wicked are like one another?

is

untrue,

if

the

True. But then again, will not the good, in so far as he is good, be sufficient for himself? Certainly he will. And he who is sufficient wants nothing that is implied in the word sufficient.

Of course not.

And

he

who wants nothing will desire

noth-

ing?

He will

not.

Neither can he love that which he docs not desire? He cannot.

real

often said of them, are never at unity with one another or w'ith themselves; for they are jiassionate and restless, and anything which is at variance and enmity with itself is not likely to be in union or harmony with any other thing. Do you not agree? Yes, I do. Then, my friend, those who say that the like is friendly to the like mean to intimate, if I rightly apprehend them, that the good only is the friend of the good, and of him only; but that the evil never attains to any real friendship, either with good or evil. Do you agree? assent.

Then now we know how to answer the

ques-

“Who are friends?”

Jor the argument dearc friends.”

tion clares

“That the good Yes, he said, that is true. Yes, I replied; and yet I am not quite satisfied with this answer. By heaven, and shall I tell you what I suspect? I will. Assuming that like, inasmuch as he is like, is the friend of like and

—

absent,

useful to him or rather let me try way oi putting t\ve matter: Can or harm to like which he

,

do to

is

there for friendship,

if,

good men have no need of one

when

another (for even

true.

He nodded

Clcarly not. What place then

when

meaning of the saying, as I imagine, is, that the good are like one another, and friends to one another; and that the bad, as is

goM

who is not loved be a friend? Certainly not. But say that the like is not the friend of the like in so far as he is like; still the good may be the friend of the good in so far as he is good?

And he who loves not is not a lover or friend?

that true?

That is But the

cannot.

can he

—

be.

I said,

himself, or suffer anything from his like which he would not suffer from himself? [2 m $] And if neither can be of any use to the other, how can they be loved by one another? Can they

alone they are suffiwhen present have How can such persons ever be induced to value one-another? They cannot. And friends they cannot be, unless they value one another?

cient for themselves), and no use of one another?

Very true. But see now. deceived in

all

Lysis,

whether we are not being

—are we not indeed entirely

this

wrong?

How so?

he replied.

Have I

not heard some one say, as I just now recollect, that the like is the greatest enemy of the like, the good of the good? Yes, and he quoted the authority of Hesiod, who says:

—

Potter qnairels with potter, bar^ with bard.

Beggar with beggar;

and of all other things he affirmc^, in like manner, “That of necessity the most like are most full of envy, strife, and hatred of one another, and the most unlike, ot friendshib. For the poor

man

is

compelled to be the friend of the

rich,

and the weak requires the aid the strong, and the sick man of the physician; and every who is ignorant, has to love and court him And indeed he went on to say in^^Hndiloqucnt language, that the idea of

LYSIS

21

friendship existing between similars is not the truth, but the very reverse of the truth, and that

neither good nor evil is the friend of the beautiful and the good, and 1 will tell you why 1 am

the most opposed are the most friendly; for that everything desires not like but that which is most unlike: for example^ the dry desires the

three principles

moist, the cold the hot, the bitter the sweet, the sharp the blunt, the void the full, the full the void, and so of all other things; for the opposite is

the food of the opposite, whereas like receives

nothing from like. [ 216] And I thought that he who said this was a charming man, and that he spoke well. What do the rest of you say? I should say, at first hearing, that he is right, said Menexenus.

Then we arc to say that the greatest friendship is of opposites? Exactly. Yes, Menexenus; but will not that be a monstrous answer? and will not the all-wise eristics be down upon us in triumph, and ask, fairly enough, whether love is not the very opposite of hate; and what answer shall we make to them must we not admit that they speak the

—

inclined to think so:

which

is

I

neither good nor bad. You would agree

—^would you not? I

agree.

And

neither is the good the friend of the good, nor the evil of the evil, nor the good of the evil; ^these alternatives arc excluded by the previous argument; and therefore, if there be such a thing as friendship or love at all, we must infer that what is neither good nor evil must be the friend, either of the good, or of that which is neither good nor evil, for nothing can be the friend of the bad. True. But neither can like be the friend of like, as

—

we were just now

saying.

True.

And

if so,

that

which

is

neither good nor evil is neither good nor

can have no friend which evil.

Clearly not.

truth ?

We

must.

They will then proceed to ask whether the enemy is the friend of the friend, or the friend the friend of the enemy? Neither, he replied. Well, but is a ^ust man the friend of the unjust, or the temperate ol the intemperate, or the

good of the bad ? I do not sec how that

And

yet, I said,

if

trai ies, the contraries

They must. Then neither

is

must be

And

Then the good alone is the friend of that only which is neither good nor evil. /a 77 ] That may be assumed to be certain. And docs not this seem to put us in the right way? Just remark, that the body which is in health requires neither medical nor any other aid, but IS well enough; and the healthy man has no love of the physician, because he is in health.

possible.

friendship goes by con-

He has none. But the

friends.

sick loves

him, because he

like

yet there

and

like nor unlike

and

And

is an evil, and the and useful thing?

sickness

cine a good a further consideration:

neither good nor evil?

good ?

ease to court

How do you mean ? he said. Why really, said, the truth 1

that

I

do not

my

jecture, that “the beautiful

old proverb says. Beauty

is

is

the friend,” as the certainly a soft,

smooth, slippery thing, and therefore of a nature which easily slips in and permeates our

For I affirm that the good

is

the beautiful.

agree to that?

is

True.

And

the body

is

compelled by reason of

and make friends of the

dis-

art of

Yes.

Then

that which is neither good nor evil becomes the friend ot good, by reason of the pres-

ence ol evil?

So we may

say from a sort of notion that

what

is

infer.

And clearly that

this must have happened before which was neither good nor evil had be-

come

altogether corrupted with the element of

evil

if itself

—

desire

Yes. I

medi-

medicine? is

head is dizzy with thinking of the argument, and therefore I hazard the con-

This

ait of

But the human body, regarded as a body,

not all these notions of friendship be erroneous? but may not that which is neither good nor evil still in some cases be the friend of the

You will

sick?

Yes. is

may

know; but

is

Certainly.

unlike are friends. 1 suppose not.

souls.

assume that there are

—the good, the bad, and that

had become evil it would not still and love the good; for, as we were say-

ing, the evil cannot be the friend of the good.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

22 Impossible.

wisdom are as yet neither good nor bad. But the bad do not love wisdom any more than

ers of

Further, I must observe that some substances arc assimilated when others are present with them; and there arc some which are not assimilated: take, for example, the case of

ment or colour which

is

an

oint-

the good; for, as we have already seen, neither is unlike the frienti of unlike, nor like of like.

You remember

that? Yes, they both said.

put on another sub-

stance.

And so, Lysis and Menexenus, we have discovered the nature of friendship there can be no doubt of it: Friendship is the love which by reason of the presence of evil the neither good nor evil has of the gootl, either in the soul, or in the body, or anywhere. They lx)th agreed and entirely assented, and

—

Very good. In such a case, is the substance which is anointed the same as the colour or ointment?

What do you mean? he said. This is what I mean: Suppose that I were to cover your auburn locks with white lead, would they be really white, or would they only appear to be white? They would only appear to be white, he replied.

for a

moment

rejoiced

I

And yet whiteness would be present in them?

was pained, and

True.

us,

But that would not make them

at all the

more white, notwithstanding the presence of white in them they would not be white any more than black?

—

a

I

am

s.iid,

afraid that

shadow only. Why do you say I

am

afraid,

friendship

is

I

often pretenders.

white by the presence of white.

friend

Now

want

I

to

know whether

in all cases a

substance is assimilated by the presence of another substance; or must the presence be after a peculiar sort?

The latter, he said. Then that which is

may evil,

neither good nor evil be in the presence of evil, but not as yet and that has happened before now?

Yes. Anmmunicated by man to man. I say that the Athenians are an understanding people, and indeed they arc esteemed to be such by the other Hellenes.

Now I observe that when we are met

together in the assembly, and the matter in hand relates to building, the builders are summoned

as advisers;

43

when

one of shipbuilding, then the ship-wrights; and the like of other arts which they think capable of being taught and learned. And it some person offers to give them advice who is not supposed by them to have any skill in the art, even though he be good-looking, and rich, and noble, they will not listen to him, but laugh and hoot at him, until cither he is clamoured down and retires of himself; or if he persist, he is dragged away or put out by the constables at the command of the prytancs. This is their way of behaving about professors of the arts. But when the question is an affair of state, then everybody is free to have a say carpenter, tinker, cobbler, sailor, passenger; rich and poor, high and low any one who likes gets up, and no one reproaches him, as in the former case, with not having learned, and having no teacher, and yet giving advice; evidently because they are under the impression that this sort of knowledge canthe que.stion

is

—

—

not he taught. And not only is this true of the but of individuals; the best and wisest of our citizens arc unable to impart their political state,

wisdom cles,

to others: / ^ 20 ] as lor

the father of these

example, Peri-

young men, whe gave

them

excellent instruction in all that could be learned from masters, in his own department of politics neither taught them, nor gave them teachers; but they were allowed to w'ander at their own free will in a sort of hope that they would light upon virtue of their own accord. Or lake another example: there was Cleinias the younger bruther of our friend Alcibiadcs, ot whom this verv St^me Pericles was the guardian; and he being in fact under the apprehension that Cleinias would be corrupted by Alcibiades, took him away, and placed him in the house of Ariphron to be educated; but before six

months had

elapsed,

Ariphron sent him

back, not knowing what to do with him. And I could mention numberless other instances of persons who were good themselves, and never yet made any one else good, whether friend or

Now T, Protagoras, having these examples before me, am inclined to think that virtue cannot be taught. But then again, when 1 listen to your words, I waver; and am disposed to think that there must be something in what you say, because I know that you have great experience, and learning, and invention. And I wish that you would, if possible, show me a little more clearly that virtue can be taught. Will you be so good? That I will, Socrates, and gladly. But what would you like? Shall 1, as an elder, speak to stranger.

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

44

you as younger men in an apologue or myth^ or shall

To

1

argue out the question?

this several of the

company answered

that he should choose for himself. I think that the myth more interesting. Once upon a time there were gods only, and no mortal creatures. But when the time came

Well, then, he said,

will be

that these also should be created, the gods

fashioned them out of earth and

fire

and

vari-

ous mixtures of both elements in the interior of the earth; and when they were about to bring them into the light of day, they ordered Prometheus and Epimcthcus to equip them, and to distribute to them severally their proper qualities. Epimetheus said to Prometheus: “Let me distribute, and do you inspect.*’ This was agreed, and Epimetheus

There were some

made

the distribution.

whom

he gave strength without swiftness, while he equipped the weaker with swiftness; some he armed, and others he left unarmed; and devised for the latto

some other means of preservation, making some large, and having their size as a protection, and others small, whose nature was to fly in the air or burrow in the ground; [ j2/ / this was to be their way of escape. Thus did he compensate them with the view of preventing any race from becoming extinct. And when he had provided against their destruction by one another, he contrived also a means of protecting them against the seasons of heaven; clothing them with close hair and thick skins sufficient to defend them against the winter cold and

ter

able to resist the

summer

heat, so that they

might have a natural bed of their own when they wanted to rest; also he furnished them with hoofs and hair and hard and callous skins under their feet. Then he gave them varieties of food

—

^herb of the soil to

fruits of trees,

and

some, to others

to others roots,

and

some And some to

again he gave other animals as food. he made to have few young ones, while those who were their prey were very prolific; and in this manner the race was preserved. Thus did

Epimetheus, who, not being very wise, forgot that he had distributed among the brute animals all the qualities which he had to give and when he came to man, who was still un-

Now

rovided,he was terribly perplexed. while c was in this perplexity, Prometheus came to inspect the distribution, and he found that the other animals were suitably furnished, but that

man

was

to go forth into the light of day; and Prometheus, not knowing how he could devise his salvation, stole the mechanical arts of Hephaestus and Athene, and tire with them (they could neither have been acquired nor used without fire), and gave them to man. Thus

man had

the wisdom necessary to the support but political wisdom nc had not; for that was in the keeping of Zeus, and the pxjwcr of Prometheus did not extend to entering into the citadel of heaven, where Zeus dwelt, who moreover had terrible sentinels; but he did enter by stealth into the common workshop of

of

life,

Athene and Hephaestus,

which they used to and carried off Hephaestus’ art of working by fire, and also the art of Athene, and gave them to man. And in this way man was supplied with the means of life. But Prometheus is said to have been afterwards prosecuted for theft, owing to the blunder of Epimetheus.

[ 522 7 Now man, having a share of the divine was at first the only one of the animals who had any gods, because he alone was of their kindred; and he would raise altars and images of them. He was not long in inventing articulate speech and names; and he also constructed houses and clothes and shoes and beds, and drew sustenance from the earth. Thus provided, mankind at first lived dispersed, and there were no cities. But the consequence was that they were destroyed by the wild beasts, for they were utterly weak in comparison of them, and their art was only sufficient to provide them with the means of life, and did not enable them to carry on war against the animals:

attributes,

food they had, but not as yet the art of government, of which the art of war is a part. After a while the desire of self-preservation gathered

them

into cities; but

together, having

when

they were gathered

government, they one another, and were again in process of dispersion and destruction. Zeus art of

feared that the entire race wquld be exterminated, and so he sent Hermes fc them, bearing

reverence and justice to be th| ordering prinand the bonds ct friendship and

ciples of cities

conciliation, Hermes asked ZeiL

how he should impart justice and rcvercnccj among men:— Should he distribute them as^lhe arts arc distributed; that is to say, to a favoured few only, one skilled individual having enough of medicine or of any other art for many unskilled ones? “Shall this be the manner in which I

am

hour was approaching when

men, or

in his turn

no

evil intreated

alone was naked and shoeless, and had neither bed nor arms of defence. The appointed

man

in

practise their favourite arts,

to distribute justice shall

I

give

them

and reverence among to all?”

“To all,” said

— PROTAGORAS them all to have a share; if a few only share in the the arts. And further, make a law

45

Zeus; “I should like

them from being what they

for cities cannot exist,

pity

virtues, as in

by my order, that he who has no part in reverence and justice shall be put to death, for he is a plague of the state.”

And

this is the reason, Socrates,

why when

the the question relates to carpentering or any other mechanical art, allow but a few to share in

Athenians and mankind in general,

and when any one else in> you say, they object, if he be

their deliberations; terferes, then, as

not of the favoured few; which, as I reply, is very natural. But when they meet to deliberate about political virtue, ! 32^] which proceeds only by way of justice and wisdom, they arc patient enough of any man who speaks of them, as is also natural, because they think that every man ought to share in this sort of virtue, and that states could not exist if this were otherwise. I have explained to you, Socrates, the reason of this phenomenon.

And that yov may not suppose yourself to be deceived in thinking that all men regard every man as having a share of justice or honesty and of every other political virtue, let me give you a further proof, which is this. In other cases, as you arc aware, if a man says that he is a good flutC'player, or skilful in any other art in which he has no skill, people cither laugh at him or arc angry with him, and his relations think that he is mad and go and admonish him; but when honesty is in question, or some other political virtue, even if they know that he is dishonest, yet, if the man comes publicly forward and tells the truth about his dishonesty, then, what in the other case was held by them to be good sense, they now deem to be madness. They say that all men ought to profess honesty whether they arc honest or not, and that a man is out of his mind who says anything else. Their notion is, that a man must have some degree of honesty; and that if he has none at all

he ought not to be in the world. I have been showing that they arc right in admitting every man as a counsellor about this sort of virtue, as they are of opinion that every

man

is

a partaker of

it.

And

I

will

now

en-

deavour to show further that they do not conceive this virtue to be given by nature, or to grow spontaneously, but to be a thing which may be taught; and which comes to a man by taking pains. No one would instruct, no one would rebuke, or be angry with those whose calamities they suppose to be due to nature or chance; they do not try to punish or to prevent

them.

Who

is

are; they

do but

so foolish as to chastise or

instruct the ugly, or the diminutive, or the fee-

And for this reason. Because he knows good and evil of this kind is the work of nature and of chance; whereas if a man is wanting in those good qualities which are attained by study and exercise and teaching, and ble?

that

has only the contrary

evil qualities,

other

men

and punish and reprove him of these evil qualities one is impiety, [324] another injustice, and they may be de-

arc angry with him,

—

scribed generally as the very opposite of po-

In such cases any man will be angry with another, and reprimand him, clearly because he thinks that by study and litical virtue.

which the other is deIf you will think, Socrates, of the nature of punishment, you will sec at once that in the opinion of mankind virtue may be acquired; no one punishes the evil-doer under the notion, or for the reason, that he has done wrong, only the unreasonable fury of a beast acts in that manner. But he who desires to inflict rational punishment does not retaliate for a past wrong which cannot be undone; he has regard to the future, and is desirous that the man who is punished, and he who sees him punished, may be deterred from doing wrong learning, the virtue in ficient

may be acquired.

—

He punishes for the sake of prevention, thereby clearly implying that virtue is capable of being taught. This is the notion of all who retaliate upon others cither privately or publicly. And the Athenians, too, your own citizens, like other men, punish and take vengeance on all whom they regard as evil doers; and hence, we may infer them to be of the number of those who think that virtue may be

again.

Thus far, Socrates, I have enough, if I am not mistaken, that your countrymen are right in admitting the tinker and the cobbler to advise about politics, and also that they deem virtue to be capable of being taught and acquired. There yet remains one difficulty which has been raised by you about the sons of good men. What is the reason why good men teach their sons the knowledge which is gained from teachers, and make them wise in that, but do nothing towards improving them in the virtues acquired and taught.

shown you

clearly

which distinguish themselves? And here, Socrates, I will leave the apologue and resume the argument. Please to consider: Is there or is there not some one quality of which all the citizens must be partakers, if there is to be a city at all? fn the answer to this question is con-

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

46

taincd the only solution of your difficulty; there is no other. For if there lx any such quality,

and

is not the art of the or the smith, or the potter,

this quality or unity

carpenter, /

but justice and temperance and holiness and, in a word,

manly

virtue

—

if this is

the quality

of which all men must be partakers, and which is the very condition of their learning or doing anything else, and if he who is wanting in this, whether he be a child only or a grown-up man or woman, must be taught and punished, until

and he who rebels against instruction and punishment is either exiled or condemned to death under the idea that he is incurable if wh.u 1 am saying be true, good men have their sons taught other things and not this, do consider how extraordinary their conduct would appear to be. For by punishment he becomes

better,

—

we have shown

that they think virtue capable

of being taught and cultivated both in private

and

public; and, notwithstanding, they have

their sons taught lesser matters, ignorance of

which docs not involve the punishment of death: but greater things, of which the ignorance

may

cause death and exile to those

who

— and confiscation as well as death, and, a word, may be the ruin of families —those they are supposed not to teach things, take the utmost care that they them —not have no training or knowledge of them

^ayc,

in

I

say,

to

should learn.

How

improbable

is this,

Socra-

tes!

Education and admonition commence

irv

the

and last to the very end of life. Mother and nurse and father and tutor arc vying with one another about the improvement of the child as soon as ever he is able to understand what is being said to him: he cannot say or do anything without their setting forth to him that this is just and that is unjust;

first

years of childhood,

honourable, that is dishonourable; this is holy, that is unholy; do this and abstain from that. And if he obeys, well and good; if not, he is straightened by threats and blows, like a piece of bent or warped wood. At a later stage they send him to teachers, and enjoin them to see to his manners even more than to^his reading and music; and the teachers do as they are desired. And when the boy has learned his letters and is beginning to understand what is written, as before he understood only what was spoken, [s^] they put into his hands the works of great poets, which he reads sitting on a bench at school; in these are contained many admonitions, and many tales, and praises, and encomia of ancient famous men, which he is this

is

required to learn by heart, in order that he may imitate or emulate them and desire to become like them. Then, again, the teachers of the lyre take similar care that their young disciple is temperate and gets into no mischief; and when they have taught him the use of the lyre, they introduce him to the poems of other excellent poets, who are the lyric poets; and these they set to music, and make their harmonies ana rhythms quite familiar to the chililrcn’s souls,

in order that they

may learn

to he

more

gentle,

and harmonious, and rhythmical, and so more fitted for speech and action; for the life of man in every part has need of harmony and rhythm. Then they send them to the master of gymnastic, in order that their bodies

may

better

minister to the virtuous mind, and that they may not be compelled through bodily weakness to play the coward in war or on any other occasion. This is what is done by those who have the means, and those who have the means arc the rich; their children begin to go to school soonest and leave off latest. When they have done with masters, the state again compels them to learn the laws, and live after the pattern which they furnish, and not alter their own fancies; and just as in learning to write, the writing-master first draws lines w ith a style for the use of the young beginner, and gives him the tablet and makes him follow the lines, so the city draws the laws, which were tlic invention of good lawgivers living in the olden time; these are given to the young man, in order to guide him in his conduct whether he is commanding or obeying; and he who transgresses them is to be corrected, or, in other words, called to account, which is a term used

not only in your country, but also in others, seeing that justice calls

Now when

there

is all

men

this care

many

to account.

about virtue

and public, why, Socrates, do you still wonder and doubt whether virtue can be taught i Cease to wonder, for the opposite would be far private

more

surprising.

But

why

then do the sons

good fathers

often turn out ill ? There is notjiing very wonderful in this; for, as I have lien saying, the existence of a state implies thfit virtue is not

—

any man’s private possession. / ^27 ] If so and nothing can be truer then 1 ^ill further ask you to imagine, as an illustration, some other pursuit or branch of knowledge which may be assumed equally to be the condition of the existence of a state. Suppose that there could be no state unless we were all flute-players, as far as each had the capacity, and everybody was

—

—

—

PROTAGORAS everybody the art, both in priand reproving the bad player as freely and openly as every man now teaches justice and the laws, not concealing them as he would conceal the other arts, but imparting them for all of us have a mutual interest in the justice and virtue of one another, and this is the reason why every one is so ready to teach freely teaching

vate and public,

—

—

and the laws; suppose, I say, that there were the same readiness and liberality among us in teaching one another flute-playing, do you imagine, Socrates, that the sons of good fluteplayers would be more likely to be good than justice

the sons of bad ones? their sons

grow up

I

think not.

Would

not

to be distinguished or un-

distinguished according to their

own

natural

and the son of a good player would often turn out to be a bad one, and the son of a bad player to be a good one, and all flute-players would be good enough in comparison of those who were ignorant and capacities as flute-players,

unacquainted with the art of flute-playing? In manner I w^ould have you consider that he who appears to you to be the worst of those who have been bi ought up in laws and humanities, would appear to be a just man and a master of justice if he were to be compared with men who had no education, or courts of justice, or laws, or any restraints upon them which compelled them to practise virtue with the savages, for example, whom the poet Pherecrates exhibited on the stage at the last year’s Lcnaean festival. If you were living among men such as the man-haters in his Chorus, you would be only too gla eral times while you were speaking, justice, and temperance, and holiness, and all these qualities, were described by you as if together they made up virtue. Now I want you to tell me truly whether virtue is one whole, of which justice and temperance and holiness arc parts; or whether all these are only the names of one and the same thing: that is the doubt which still lingers in my mind. There is no difficulty, Socrates, in answering that the qualities of which you are speaking are the parts of virtue which is one. And are they parts, I said, in the same sense in which mouth, nose, and eyes, and ears, are the parts of a face; or are they like gold,

which

differ

tl\c

parts of

should say that they differed, Socrates, in the first way; they are related to one another as I

the parts of a face are related to the whole face. And do men ha\e some one part and some

another part of virtue? Of if a man has one must he also have all the others? By no means, he said; for many a rnan is brave and not just, or just and not wise. You would not deny, then, that courage and

part,

wisdom

arc also parts of virtue?

[330] Most undoubtedly they are, he answered; and wisdom is the noblest of the parts. And they arc all different from one another? I

said.

Yes.

And

has each of them a distinct function

like the parts of the face;—-the eye, for

exam-

not like the car, and has not the same functions; and the other parts are none of them like one another, cither in their functions, or in any other way? I want to know whether the comparison holds concerning the parts of virtue. Do they also differ from one another in themselves and in their functions? For that is clearly what the simile would imply. Yes, Socrates, you are right in supposing that they differ. Then, I said, no other part of virtue is like knowledge, or like justice, or like courage, or ple, is

that justice

is

of the nature of a is

my

opinion:

would it not be yours also? Mine also, he said. And suppose that some one were to ask us, saying, “O Protagoras, and you, Socrates, what about this thing which you were calling justice, is it just or unjust?” and I were to answer, just: would you vote with me or against me? With you, he said. Thereupon I should answer to him who asked me, that justice is of the nature of the just: would not you ?

—

Yes, he said.

And

suppose that he went on to say: “Well there also such a thing as holiness?” wc should answer, '‘Yes,” if I am not mistaken? Yes, he said. Which you would also acknowledge to be a thing should wc not say so?

now,

is

—

He

from the whole and from

one another only in being larger or smaller?

me

would you not? That

thing,

assented.

“And

IS this a sort of thing which is of the nature of the holy, or of the nature of the unholy?” I should be angry at his putting such a question, and should say, “Peace, man; nothing can be holy if holiness is not holy.” What would you say? Would you not answer in the same

way? (Certainly,

he

said.

And then after this suppose that he came and asked us, “What were you saying just now? Perhaps I may not have heard you rightly, but you seemed to me to be saying that the parts of same as one another .’Y 33 ^ should reply, “You certainly heard that said, but not, as you imagine, by me; for I only asked the question; Protagoras gave the answer.” And suppose that he turned to you and said, “Is this true, Protagoras? and do you maintain that one part of virtue is unlite another, and is this your position?” how would you answer

virtue were not the I

—

him?

J could not help acknowledfging the truth of what he said, Socrates. F 1

Well then, Protagoras,

and now supposing further,

“Then

we Ivill assume

this;

that he proceeded to say

holiness

is

nof of the nature of

nor justice of the nature of holiness, but of the nature of unholiness; and holiness is of the nature of the not just, and therefore of the unjust, and the unjust is the unholy”: how shall

justice,

PROTAGORAS wc answer him? I should certainly answer him on my own behalf that justice is holy, and that would say in like manner on your behalf also, if you would allow me, that justice is cither the same with holiness, or very nearly the same; and above all I would assert that justice is like holiness and holiness is like justice; and I wish that you would tell me holiness

is just;

and

I

whether I may be permitted to give this answer on your behalf, and whether you would agree with me.

He

cannot simply agree, Socrates, to the proposition that justice is holy and that holiness is just, for there appears to me to be a difference between them. But what matter? if you please I please; and let us assume, if you replied,

I

will, that justice is holy,

and that holiness

is

And ishly, T

proven if there be no “if.” Well, he said, I admit that justice bears a resemblance to holiness, for there is always some point of view in which everything is like every other thing; white is in a certain way like black, and hard is like soft, and the most extreme opposites have some qualities in common; even ihe parts of the face which, as we were saying before, are distinct and have different lunctions, are sfill in a certain point of view similar, and one of them is like another of them. And you may prove that they are like one another on the same principle that all things are like one another: and yet things which arc like in some particular ought not to be called alike, nor things which are unlike in some particular,

however slight, unlike. And do you think, I said in a tone of surprise, that justice and holiness have but a small degree of likeness? Certainly not; any more than I agree with what I understand to be your view. f ] Well, I said, as you appear to have a difficulty about this, let us take another of the

examples which you mentioned instead. Do you admit the existence of folly? Ido. And is not wisdom the very opposite of folly?

That is true, he said.

And when men

act rightly

who do

they

and

not act rightly act fooltemperate?

in acting thus arc not

agree, he said.

Then

to act foolishly is the opposite of acting

temperately?

He assented. And foolish actions

arc done by folly, and

temperate actions by temperance?

He agreed. And that is done and weakness?

strength,

that

strongly which

which

is

is done by weakly done, by

He assented. And done

that

swiftly,

which is done with swiftness is and that which is done with slow-

ness, slowly?

He assented again. And that which is done

just.

Parilon me, I replied; I do not want this “if you wish** or “if you will’* sort of conclusion to be proven, but I want you and me to be proven: I mean to say that the conclusion will be best

49

Certainly.

in the same manner, done by the same; and that which is done in an opposite manner by the opposite? is

He agreed. Once more,

I

said, is there

anything beauti-

ful?

Yes.

To which There

And

the only opposite

is

the ugly?

no other. there anything good?

is

is

There is. To which the only opposite is the There is no other. And there is the acute in sound?

evil?

IVuc.

To which the only opposite is the grave? There

Then

is no other, he said, but that. every opposite has one opposite only

and no more?

He assented. Then now,

I

said, let

missions. First of

all

us recapitulate our ad-

we admitted

that every-

thing has one opposite and not more than one?

We did so. And we admitted also that what was done

in

opposite ways was done by opposites? Yes.

And that which was done foolishly, as we further admitted, was done in the opposite way to that

which was done temperately?

Yes.

And that which was done temperately w»as done by temperance, and that which was done foolishly by folly?

and advanta-

geously they seem to you to be temperate? Yes, he said. And temperance makes them temperate?

He agreed. And that which done by opposites? Yes.

is

done

in opposite

ways

is

—

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

50

And one thing is done by temperance, and quite another thing by folly?

And

Yes.

And

in opposite

ways?

therefore by opposites:

—then

And good folly is

is

good sense?

sense

is

good counsel in doing

in*

justice?

Granted.

the opposite of temperance?

If they succeed,

Clearly.

And do you remember that folly has already been acknowledged by us to be the opposite of

He assented.

I

said, or

if

they

do not

suc-

ceed? If they succeed.

And

wisdom?

And we

tenifierance

Yes.

Certainly.

And

are temperate, and yet unjust? Yes, he said; let that be admitted.

you would admit the existence of

goods?

said that everything has only

one

Yes.

And

opposite? Yes.

is

the good that which

is

expedient for

man?

[SSSJ Then, Protagoras, which of the two we renounce? One says that everything has but one opposite; the other that wisdom is distinct from temperance, and that both of them are parts of virtue; and that they assertions shall

are not only distinct, but dissimilar, both in themselves and in their functions, like the parts of a face. Which of these two assertions shall we renounce? For both of them together arc certainly not in

harmony; they do not accord

Yes, indeed, he said: and there are some things which may be inexpedient, and yet I call them good. I thought that Protagoras was getting ruffled

and excited; he seemed to be setting himself in an attitude of war. Seeing this, I minded my business, and gently said: [534] ^hen you say, Protagoras, that things inexpedient are good, do you mean inexpedient lor

man

only, or inexpedient altogether?

or agree: for how can they be said to agree if everything is assumed to have only one op-

and do you

and not more than one, and yet folly, which is one, has clearly the two opposites wisdom and temperance? Is not that true, Protagoras? What else would you sayf

of many things meats, drinks, medicines, and ten thousand other things, which arc inexpedi-

posite

He

assented, but with great reluctance.

Then temperance and wisdom

arc the same,

and holiness appeared to us to be nearly the same. And now, Protagoras, I said, we must finish the enquiry, and not faint. Do you think that an unjust man can be temas before justice

perate in his injustice? I

should be ashamed, Socrates, he said, to

acknowledge may be found

And

shall I

this

which nevertheless many

to assert.

argue with them or with you?

I

replied. 1 would rather, he said, that you should argue with the many first, if you will. Whichever you please, if you will only answer me and say whether you are of their opin-

ion or not.

My

object

is

to test the validity of

and yet the result may be that I who ask and you who answer may both be put on our trial. Protagoras at first made a show of refusing, as he said that the argument was not encouragthe argument;

ing; at length, he consented to answer.

Now

then,

1

said,

begin at the beginning

and answer me. You think

that

some men

call

the latter good

Certainly not the

last,

?

he replied; for

I

—

know

man, and some which arc expedient; and some which are neither expedient nor inexpedient for man, but only lor horses; and some lor oxen only, and some for dogs; and some lor no animals, but only for trees; and some tor the roots ol trees and not for their branches, as for example, manure, which is a good thing when laid about the roots of a tree, but utterly destructive if thrown upon the shoots and young branches; or 1 may instance olive oil, which is mischievous to all plants, and generally most injurious to the hair of every animal with the exception of man, but beneficial to human hair and to the human body generally; and even in this application (so various and changeable is the nature of the benefit), that which is the greatest good to the outward parts of a man, is a veiy great evil to his inward parts: and for thislreason physicians ent for

always forbid their patients the use of

oil

in

their food, except in very small c}uantities, just

enough

to extinguish the 4i^^gi'ccable sensa-

tion of smell in meats

When

and

sauces.

he had given this answer, the company cheered him. And I said: Protagoras, 1 have a wretched memory, and when any one makes a long speech to me I never remember

PROTAGORAS what he is talking about. As then, if I had been deaf, and you were going to converse with me, you would have had to raise your voice; so now, having such a bad memory, I will ask you to cut your answers shorter, if you would take

me with you. What do you mean? he said: how am I to shorten my answers? shall I make them too short? Certainly not, I said. But short enough ?

enough? have heard,

I said, that

of disputation whicli iny adversaries desired, as

you want

me

should have been no better than another, and the name of Protagoras would have been nowhere. I saw that he was not satisfied with his previous answers, and that he would not play the part of answerer any more if he could help; and 1 considered that there was no call upon me to continue the conversation; so I said: Protagoras, I do not wish to force the conversation upon you if you had rather not, but when you are willing to argue with me in such a way that I can follow you, then I will argue with you. Now you, as is said of you by others and as you say of yourself, are able to have discussions in shorter forms of speech as well as in longer, for you arc a master of wisdom; but I cannot manage these long speeches: I only wish that I could. You, on the other hand, who are capable of either, ought to speak shorter as I beg you, and then wc might converse. But I see that you to do,

are disinclined,

which

and

will prevent

greater length (for place),

I

1

as I

my I

have an engagement

staying to hear you at

have to be in another I should have

will depart; although

liked to have heard you.

Thus I spoke, and was rising from my seat, when Callias seized me by the right hand, and in his left hand caught hold of this old cloak said: Wc cannot let you go, Socyou leave us there will be an end of our discussions: I must therefore beg you to

of mine.

this pleasure.

Now

had got up, and was in the act of deSon of Hipponicus, I replied, I have always admired, and do now heartily applaud and love your philosophical spirit, and I would gladly comply with your request, if I could. But the truth is that I cannot. And what you

He

rates, for if

I

parture.

an impossibility to me, as if you run a race with Crison of Himera, [ ??^/ when in his prime, or with some one of the long or day course runners. To such a reas great

is

bade

me

should reply that I would fain ask the my own legs; but they refuse to comply. And therefore if you want to sec Crison and me in the same stadium, you must bid him slacken his speed to mine, for I cannot run quickly, and he can run slowly. And in like manner if you want to hear me and Protagoras discoursing, you must ask him to shorten his answers, and keep to the point, as he did at first; if not, how can there be any discussion^ quest

you can speak and teach others to speak about the same things at such length that words never seemed to fail, or with such brevity that no one could use fewer of them. Please therefore, [^ 35] if you talk with me, to adopt the latter or more compendious method. Socrates, he replied, many a battle of words have I fought, ancl if I had followed the method I

remain, as there is nothing in the world that I should like better than to hear you and Protagoras discourse. Do not deny the company

ask

Yes, I said. Shall I answer what appears to me to be short enough, or what appears to you to be short

51

I

same of

For discussion oration

is

is

one thing, and making an

quite another,

But you

m my humble opinion.

sec, Socrates, said Callias, that

Proclaim to speak in his own way, just as you claim to speak in yours. Here Alcibiadcs interposed, and said: That, Callias, is not a true statement of the case. For our friend Socrates admits that he cannot make a speech in this he yields the palm to Protagoras: but I should be greatly surprised it he yielded to any living man in the power of holding and apprehcnrling an argument. Now if Protagoras will make a similar admission, and confess that he is inferior to Socrates in argumentative skill, that is enough for Socrates; but if he claims a superiority in argument as well, ^not, when a question let him ask and answer

tagoras

may

fairly

—

—

is

away from the point, and inanswering, making a speech at such

asked, dipping

stead of length that most of his hearers forget the question at issue (not that Socrates is likely to forget I will be bound for that, although he may pretend in fun that he has a bad memory). And Socrates api>ears to me to be more in the right than Protagoras; that is my view, and every

—

man ought to say what he thinks. When Alcibiadcs had done speaking, some

—

—

O

Proone Critias, I believe went on to say: dicus and Hippias, Callias appears to me to be a partisan of Protagoras: and this led Alcibiadcs, who loves opposition, to take the other side.

But we should not be partisans cither of

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

52

Socrates or of Protagoras; let u$ rather unite in entreating both of them not to break up the discussion.

1357] Prodicus added: That,

Critias,

seems

to be well said, for those who are present at such discussions ought to be impartial hearers of both the speakers; rememt^ring, however, that impartiality is not the same as to

me

equality, for both sides should be impartially

heard, and yet an equal meed should not be assigned to both of them; but to the wiser a higher meed should be given, and a lower to the less wise. And I as well as Critias would beg you, Protagoras and Socrates, to grant our request, which is, that you will argue with one

another and not wrangle; for friends argue with friends out of goodwill, but only adversaries and enemies wrangle. And then our meeting will be delightful; for in this way you, who are the speakers, will be most likely to win esteem, and not praise only, among us who are your audience; for esteem is a sincere conviction of the hearers’ souls, but praise is often

an insincere expression of men uttering falsehoods contrary to their conviction. And thus

we who

are the hearers will be gratiBed

not pleased; tor gratification

when

is

of the

and

mind

wisdom and knowledge, but of the body w^hen eating or experiencing some other bodily delight. Thus spoke Prodicus, and many of the company applauded his words. Hippias the sage spoke next. He said: All of you who are here present I reckon to i)e kinsmen and friends and fellow-citizens, by nature and not by law; for by nature like is akin to like, whereas law is the tyrant of mankind, and often compels us to do many things which are against nature. How great would be the disgrace then, if we, who know the nature of things, and are the wisest of the Hellenes, and as such are met together in this city, which is the metropolis of wisdom, and in the greatest and most glorious house of this city, should have nothing to show worthy of this height of dignity, but should only quarrel with one another like the meanest of mankind! I do pray and advise you, Protagoras, and you, Socrates, to agree upon a compromise. Let us be your peacemakers. And do not you, Socrates, aim at receiving

pleasure

is

this precise

and extreme

orevity in discourse,

Protagoras objects, [338] but loosen and let go the reins of speech, that your words may be grander and more becoming to you. Neither do you, Protagoras, go forth on the gale with every sail set out of sight of land into if

an ocean of words, but let there be a mean observed by both of you. Do as I say. And let me also persuade you to choose an arbiter or overseer or president; he will keep watch over rour words and will prescribe their proper iength. This proposal was received by the company with universal approval; Callias said that he would not let me off, and they begged me to choose an arbiter. But 1 said that to choose an umpire of discourse would be unseemly; for if the person chosen was inferior, then the inferior or worse ought not to preside over the better; or if he was equal, neither would that be well; for he who is our equal will do as we do, and what will be the use of choosing him.^ And if you say, “Let us have a better then,” to that I answer that you cannot have any one who is wiser than Protagoras. And if you choose another who is not really better, and whom you only say is better, to put another over him as though he were an inferior person would be an unworthy reflection on him; not that, as far as I am concerned, any reflection is of much consequence to me. Let me tell you then what I will do in order that the conversation and discussion may go on as you desire. It Protagoras is not disposed to answer, let him ask and I will answer; and I will endeavour to show at the same time how, as I maintain, he ought to answer: and when I have answered as many questions as he likes to^'ask, let him in like manner answer me; and if he seems to be not very ready at answering the precise question asked of him, you and I will unite in entreating him, as you entreated me, not to spoil the discussion. And this will require no special all of you shall be arbiters. arbiter This was generally approved, and Protagoras, though very much against his will, was obliged to agree that he would ask questions;and when he had put a sufficient number of them, that he would answer in his turn those which he was asked in short replies. He began to put his questions as follows: ^ 1 am of opinion, Socratei he said, that skill in poetry is the principal 3 art of education; this I conceive o be the power of 1 339] knowing what compositioi s of the poets are correct, and what are not, a id how they arc to be distinguished,andof exp ainingwhen asked the reason of the difference And 1 propose to transfer the question whidh you and I have been discussing to the domain of poetry; we will speak as before of virtue, but in reference to a passage of a poet. Now Simonides says to

—

—

—

PROTAGORAS And

Scopas the son of Creon the Thessalian:

Hardly on the one hand can a man become truly good, built four-square in hands and feet and mind, a wor\ without a flaw.

Do

you whole?

know

the

poem? or

no need,

shall I repeat the

I

am

I

have made a

53

summon

you, for I am afraid that Protagoras will make an end of Simonides. Now is the time to rehabilitate Simonides, by the application of your philosophy of synonyms, which enables you to distinguish “will” and “wish,” and make other charming distinctions like those which you drew just now. And I I

No, not

should like to know whether you would agree with me; for I am of opinion that there is no contradiction in the words of Simonides. And first of all I wish that you would say whether, in your opinion, Prodicus, “being” is the same as “becoming.” Not the same, certainly, replied Prodicus, Did not Simonides first set forth, as his own view, that “Hardly can a man become truly

And

good”?

I'hcre

is

I

said; for

well acquainted with the ode careful study of

—

perfectly

it.

he said. And do you think that is a good composition, and true? Yes, I said, both good and true. But if there is a contradiction, can the com> position be good or true?

Very the ode

well,

is

in that case, I replied. there not a contradiction? he asked.

Reflect.

my

have reflected. And docs not the poet proceed to say, ''I do not agree with the word of Pittacus, albeit the utterance of a wise man: Hardly can a man be good*’ ? Now you will observe that this is said by the same poet. Well,

friend,

I know it. And do you

I

think, he said, that the

two

say-

ings are consistent? Yes, I said, I think so (at the same time I could not help fearing that there might be something in what he said). And you think

otherwise?

Why, he

how

can he be consistent in both? First of all, premising as hisown thought, “Hardly can a man become truly good”; and then a little further on in the poem, lorgetting, and blaming Pittacus and ret using to agree with him, when he says, “Hardly can a man be good,” which is the very same thing. And yet when he blames him who says the same with himself, he blames himself; so that he must be wrong either in his first or his second assertion. Many of the audience cheered and applauded this. And I felt at first giddy and faint, as if 1 had received a blow from the hand of an expert boxer, when I heard his words and the sound of said,

wanted to get time to think what the meaning of the poet really was. So 1 turned to Prodicus and called him. Prodicus, I said, Simonides is a countryman of yours, and you ought to come to his aid. [340] 1 must appeal to you, like the river Scamander in Homer, who, when beleaguered by Achilles, summons the Simoi’s to the cheering;

and

aid him, saying:

Brother dear, the hero.

let

to confess the truth, I

.

us both together stay the force of

Quite right, said Prodicus. then he blames Pittacus, not, as Protagoras imagines, for repeating that which he says himself, but for saying something different from himself. Pittacus docs not say as Simonides says, that hardly can a man become good, but hardly can a man be good: and our friend Prodicus would maintain that being, Protagoras, is not the same as becoming; and if they arc not the same, then Simonides is not inconsistent with himself. I dare say that Prodicus and many others would say, as Hesiod says.

And

On the one hand, hardly can a man become good, For the gods have made virtue the reward of toil; But on the other hand, when you have climbed the height,

Then, to

retain virtue,

however

difficult the acqui-

sition, IS easy,

Prodicus heard and approved; but Protago-

Your

ras said;

correction, Socrates, involves a

greater error than

which you are Alas!

I

is

contained in the sentence

correcting.

said, Protagoras;

physician,

then

I

am

a sorry

and do but aggravate a disorder

which I am seeking to cure. Such is the fact, he said.

How so?

I

asked.

replied, could never have made such a mistake as to say that virtue, which in the opinion of all men is the hardest of all things, can be easily retained. Well, I said, and how fortunate are we in having Prodicus among us, at the right moment; for he has a wisdom, Protagoras, which, as I imagine, is more than human and of very ancient date, and may be as old as Simonides or even older. [341] Learned as you are in many things, you appear to know nothing of

The poet, he

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

54

but I know, for I am a disciple of his. And if I am not mistaken, you do not understand the word “hard” (xoAcirov) in the sense which Simonides intend^; and I must correa you, as Prodicus corrects me when I use the word “awful” ( 8cii/dv) as a term of praise. If I say that Protagoras or any one else is an “awfully” wise man, he asks me if 1 am not ashamed of calling that which is gootl “awful”; and then he explains tome thatthc term “awful”is always taken in a bad sense, and that no one speaks of being “awfully” healthy or wealthy, or “awful” peace, but of “awful” disease, “awful” war, “awful” poverty, meaning by the term “awful,” evil. And f think that Simonides and his countrymen the Ceans, when they spoke of “hard” meant “evil,” or something which you do not understand. Let us ask Prodicus, for he ought to be able to answer questions about the dialect of Simonides. What did he mean, Prodicus, by the term “hard.?” this;

meaning of Simonides

now,

test

Evil, said Prodicus.

And

therefore,

I said,

Pittacus for saying, as

if

Prodicus, he blames

“Hard

is

the good,” just

that were equivalent to saying, Evil

is

the

good. Yes, he said, that

and he

was

certainly his

meaning;

twitting Pittacus with ignorance of

is

who has been accustomed to speak a barbarous language, the use of terms, which in a Lesbian, is

natural.

Do

you hear, Protagoras,

friend Prodicus

is

saying?

I

asked,

what our

And have you an an-

swer for him?

called I

in this

poem,

if

you

will

what, in your way of speaking, would be

my skill in poetry; or if you would rather,

will be the listener.

To

this proposal Protagoras replied:

please;

told

As you

—and Hippias, Prodicus, and the others

me by all means to do as I

I'hcn now,

I said, I

will

proposed.

endeavour to ex-

my

opinion about this poem of is a very ancient philosophy which is more cultivated in Crete and Lacedaemon than in any other part of Hellas, and there are more philosophers in those countries than anywhere else in the world. Tliis, however, is a secret which the Lacedaemonians deny; and they pretend to be ignorant, just because they do not wish to have it thought that they rule the world by wisdom, like the Sophists of whom Protagoras was speaking, and not by valour of arms; considering that if the reason of their superiority were disclosed, all men would be practising their wisdom. And this secret of theirs has never been discovered by the imitators ot Lacedaemonian fashions in other cities, who go about with their cars bruised in imitation ol them, and have the caestus bound on their arms, and are always in training, and wear short cloaks; for they imagine that these arc the practices which have enabled the Lacedaemonians to conquer the other Hellenes. Now when the Lacedaemonians want to unbend and hold free conversation with their wise men, and are no longer satisfied with mere secret intercourse, they drive out all plain to you

Simonides. There

and any other foicigncrs who and they

You arc entirely mistaken, Prodicus, said Protagoras; and I know very well that Simoni-

these laconizers,

des in using the word “hard” meant what all of us mean, not evil, but that which is not easy that which takes a great deal of trouble: of

hold a philosophical stance unknown to stranand they themselves forbid their young men to go out into other cities in this they arc like the Cretans in order that they may not unlearn the lessons which they have taught them. And in Lacedaemon and Crete not only men but also women have a pride in their high cultivation. And hereby you may know that I

—

this I

am

positive.

I said: I

also incline to believe, Protagoras,

was the meaning of Simonides, of which our friend Prodicus was very well aware, but he thought that he would make fun, and try if you could maintain your thesis; for that Simonides could never have meant the other is clearly proved by the context, in which he that this

says that (lod only has this gift. Now he cannot surely mean to say that to be good is evil, when he afterwards proceeds to say that God only has this gift, and that this is the attribute of him and of no other. For if this be his meaning, Prodicus would impute to Simonides a character of recklessness which is very unlike his countrymen. And I should like to tell you, I342J I said, what I imagine to be the real

may happen

to be in their country,

gers;

—

—

am

right in attributing to the

Lacedaemonians

philosophy and speculation: If a man converses with tfcc most ordinary I^ccdaemonian, he will findfhim seldom good for much in general converiation, but at any point in the discourse he will be darting out

this excellence in

some notable

saying, terse

and

full of

mean-

with unerring aim; ana the person with whom he is talking seems to be like a child in his hands. And many of our own age and of former ages have noted that the true Lace-

ing,

daemonian type of character has the love

of

— PROTAGORAS philosophy even stronger than the love of gymnastics; they are conscious that only a perlectly educated man is capable of uttering such expressions. [34s] Such were Thales of Miletus, and Pittacus of Mitylenc, and Bias of Priene, and our own Solon, and Cleobulus the Lindian, and Myson the Chenian; and seventh in the catalogue of wise men was the Lacctlaemonian Chilo, All these were lovers and emulators and disciples of the culture of the Lacedaemonians,

and any one may perceive that their wisdom was of this character; consisting of short memorable sentences, which they severally uttered. And they met together and dedicated in the temple of Apollo at Delphi, as the first-fruits wisdom, the far-famed inscriptions, which are in all men’s mouths “Know thy-

—

of their

and “Nothing too much.” do I say all this? I am explaining that this Lacedaemonian brevity was the style of primitive philosophy. Now there was a saying ot Pittacus which was privately circulated and self,”

Why

received the approbation of the wise, It

And

to be good.”

tame

tious ol the

ol

Simonulcs,

“Hard

is

who was ambi-

wisdom, was aware that

if

he could overthrow this saying, then, as if he had won a victory over some famous athlete, he

would carry raries.

And

oil the li

1

poem

damaging

Pittacus

all

his

contempo-

not mistaken, he composed with the secret intention of

the entire

Let us

palm among

am

and

his saying.

unite in examining his words,

and

whether I am speaking the truth. Simonides must have been a lunatic, if, in the very first words of the poem, wanting to say only that to become good is hard, he inserted fUv, “on the one hand” “on the one hand to become good is harti” I; there would be no reason for the introduction of /jLcV, unless you suppose him to speak with a hostile reference to the words of Pittacus. Pittacus is saying “Hard is it to be good,” and

see

55

not to be good, but on the one hand, to become good, four-square in hands and feet and mind, without a flaw that is hard truly.” This way of reading the passage accounts for the insertion of /jicv, “on the one hand,” and for the position at the end of the clause of the word “truly,” and all that follows shows this to be the meaning. A great deal might be said in praise of the details of the poem, which is a charming piece of workmanship, and very finished, but such minutiae would be tedious. I should like, however, to point out the general intention of the poem, which is certainly designed in every part to be a refutation of the saying of Pittacus. For he speaks in what follows a little further on as if he meant to argue that although there is a difficulty in becoming good, yet this is possible for a time, and only for a time. But having become good, to remain in a good state and be good, as you, Pittacus, affirm, is not possible, and is not granted to man; God only has this blessing; “but man cannot help being bad when the force of circumstances overpowers him.” Now whom docs the force of circumstance overpower in the command of a vessel? not the private individual, for he is always overpowered; and as one who is already prostrate cannot be overthrown, and only he who is standmg upright but not he who is prostrate can be laid prostrate, so the force ot circumstances can only overpower him who, at some time or other, has resources, and not him who is at all times helpless. The descent of a great storm may make the pilot helpless, or the severity of the season the husbandman or the physician; for the good may become bad, as another culty

is

—

—

poet witnesses;

[

he, in refutation of this thesis, rejoins that the

truly hard thing, Pittacus,

is

to

become good,

not joining “truly” with “good,” but with “hard.” Not, that the hard thing is to be truly good, as though there were some truly good men, and there were others who were good but not truly good (this would be a very simple observation, and quite unworthy of Simonides); but you must suppose him to make a trajeetion of the word “truly,” construing the say-

ing of Pittacus thus (and let us imagine Pittacus to be speaking and Simonides answering

him): it

“O my

”In that,

friends,” says Pittacus, “hard

is

and Simonides answers, [344] Pittacus, you arc mistaken; the diffi-

to be good,”

The good are sometimes good and sometimes bad. But the bad does not become bad; he is always bad. So that when the force of circumstances overpowers the man of resources and skill and virtue, then he cannot help being bad. And you, Pittacus, are saying, “Hard is it to be good.” Now there is a difficulty in becoming good; and yet this is possible: but to be good is

an impossibility For he who does well is the good man, and he who docs

ill IS

the bud.

But what sort of doing is good in letters? [ 343] and what sort of doing makes a man good in letters? Clearly the knowing of them. And what sort of well-doing makes a man a good physician? Clearly the knowledge of the art of healing the sick. “But he who does ill is the bad.”

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

56

Now who becomes a bad physician? Clearly he who is in the first place a physician^ and in the second place a

go^

come a bad one

physician; for he

may

be-

but none of us unskilled individuals can by any amount of doing ill be* come physicians, anymore than we can become carpenters or anything of that sort; and he who by doing ill cannot b^ome a physician at all, clearly cannot become a bad physician. In like also:

manner the good may become

deteriorated by or disease, or other accident (the only real doing ill is to be deprived of knowledge), but the bad man will never become bad, for he is always bad; and if he were to become bad, he must previously have been good. Thus

time, or

toil,

the words of the poem tend to show that on the one hand a man cannot be continuously good, but that he may become good and may also become bad; and again that

They

are the best for the longest time

gods

whom

the

Simonides, as is probable, considered that he himself had often had to praise and magnify a tyrant or the like,

much against his will, and he

imply to Pittacus that he does not censure him because he is censorious. also wishes to

For I am satisfied [he says] when a man is neither bad not very stupid; and when he k^^ows justice (which IS the health of states), and is of will find no fault with him, for I am not given to finding fault, and there are innumer-

sound mind, I

love.

All this relates to Pittacus, as

them and expose and denounce them to others, under the idea that the rest of mankind will be less likely to take themselves to task and accuse them of neglect; and they blame their defects far more than they deserve, in order that the odium which is neces* sarily incurred by them may be increased; but the good man dissembles his feelings, and constrains himself to praise them; and if they have wronged him and he is angry, he pacifies his anger and is reconciled, and compels himself to love and praise his own flesh and blood. And find fault with

is

further

able fools

proved by the sequel. For he adds: Therefore / will not throw away my span of life to no purpose tn searching after the impossible, hoping tn vain to find a perfectly faultless man among those who partake of the fruit of the broadbosomed earth: if I find him, I will send you word,

(implying that if he delighted in censure he might have abundant opportunity u( finding fault).

All things are good with which evil

In these the vehement way in which he pursues his attack upon Pittacus throughout the whole (this

is

poem): But him who does no evil, voluntarily / praise and love; not even the gods war against necessity.

—

AH

Simonides was not so ignorant as to say that he praised those who did no evil voluntarily, as though there were some who did evil voluntarily. For no wise man, as I believe, will allow that any human being errs voluntarily, or voluntarily does evil and dishonourable actions; but they are very well aware that all who do evil and dishonourable things do them against their will. And Simonides never says that he praises him who docs no evil voluntarily; the word “voluntarily** applies to himself. For he was under the impression that a good man might often compel himself [S4^J to love and praise another, and to be the friend and approver of another; and that there might be an involuntary love, such as a man might feel to an unnatural father or mother, or country, or the like. Now bad men, when their parents or country have an/ defects, look on them with malignant joy, and

that

all

is

unmtngled.

latter words he does not mean to say things are good which have no evil in

them, as you might say “All things arc white which have no black in them,*’ for that would be ridiculous; but he means to say that he accepts and finds no fault with the moderate or intermediate

state.

He says:

this has a similar drift, for

/

do not hope

among

to find a perfectly blameless

man

who

partake of the frnth of the broad-bosomed earth { if I find htmj will send you this sense I praise no man. But he who wofd); is moderately good, and docs no evil, is good enough for me, who love and approve every one. those

m

(and here observe that he uses a Lesbian word, [approve], because he is addressing

iiraLvTfps.

Pittacus

—

\

Who love and approve ever^ one voluntarily, who does no

and

evil:

that the stop should

tarily**);

^ put whom

“but there are so^ic

after “volunI

involun-

and love. And you, Pittacus, I would never have blamed, [347J if you had spoken what was moderately good and true; but I do blame you because, putting on the appearance of truth, you are speaking falsely tarily praise

— PROTAGORAS

—

about the highest matters/* And this, I said, Prodicus and Protagoras, I take to be the meaning of Simonides in this poem. Hippias said: I think, ^crates, that you have given a very good explanation of the poem; but I have also an excellent interpretation of my own which I will propound to you, if you will allow me. Nay, Hippias, said Alcibiades; not now, but at

some other time. At present we must abide

by the compact which was made between Socrates and Protagoras, to the effect that as long is willing to ask, Socrates should answer; or that if he would rather answer, then that Socrates should ask. I said: I wish Protagoras either to ask or answer as he is inclined; but I would rather have done with poems and odes, if he does not object, and come back to the question about which 1 was asking you at first, Protagoras, and by your help make an end of that. The talk about the poets seems to me like a commonplace entertainment to which a vulgar company have recourse; who, hecuisf they are not able to converse or amuse one another, while they arc drinking, with the sound of their own voices

as Protagoras

and conversation, by reason of

sum

the opportunity of resuming and completing our unfinished argument. 1

made

these

and some similar observations;

but Prougoras would not distinctly say which he would do. Thereupon Alcibiades turned to

—

and said: ^Do you think, Callias, that Protagoras is fair in refusing to say whether he will or will not answer? for I certainly think that he i$unfair;he oughteitherto proceed with the argument, or distinctly to refuse to proceed, that we may know his intention; and then Socrates will be able to discourse with some one else, and the rest of the company will be free to talk with one another. I think that Protagoras was really made Callias,

ashamed by

when

these words of Alcibiades, and the prayers of Callias and the company

were superadded, he was at last induced to argue, and said that I might ask and he would answer.

So I said: Do not imagine, Protagoras, that have any other interest in asking questions of you but that of clearing up my own difficulties. For I think that Homer was very right in sayI

ing that

When two go together, one secs before the other,

their stupidity,

raise the price of (lute-girls in the market, hiring

for a great

57

the voice of a flute instead of

own breath, to be the medium of interamong them: but where the company real gentlemen and men of education, you

for

all

men who have

in deed,

their

a companion are readier if a man

word, or thought; but Secs a thing

when he

ts

alone,

course arc

no

nor dancing-girls, nor harp-girls; and they have no nonsense or games, but arc contented with one another’s

will sec

flute-girls,

which their own voices arc medium, and which they carry on by turns

conversation, of

the

and in an orderly manner, even though they arc very liberal in their potations. And a company

like this of ours,

and men such

as

we

do not require the help of anwhom you cannot interrogate aboutthe meaning of what they are saying; people who cite them declaring, some that the poet has one meaning, and others that he has another, and the point which is in profess to be,

other's voice, or of the poets

dispute can never be decided. This sort of entertainment they decline, and prefer to talk with one another, and put one another to the

proof in conversation. [

]

And

these arc the

models which I desire that you and 1 should imiute* Leaving the poets, and keeping to ourselves, let us try the mettle of one another and make proof of the truth in conversation. If you have a mind to ask, I am ready to answer; or if you would rather, do you answer, and give me

he goes about straightway seeking until he finds some one to whom he may show his discoveries, and who may confirm him in them. And I would rather hold discourse with you than with any one, because 1 think that no man has a better understanding of most things which a good man may be expected to understand,

and

in particular of virtue.

—

For who

is

there,

but you? who not only claim to be a good man and a gentleman, for many are this, and yet have not the power of making others good whereas you arc not only good yourself, but also the cause of goodness in others. Moreover such confidence have you in yourself, that although other Sophists conceal their profession, you proclaim in the face of Hellas that you are a Sophist or teacher ol v irtue and education, and arc the

first

who demanded pay

in return.

[349J How then can I do otherwise than invite you to the examination of these subjects, and ask questions and consult with you? 1 must, ind^. And I should like once more to have my memory refreshed by you about the questions which 1 was asking you at first, and also to have your help in considering them.

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

58

am not mistaken the question was this: Are wisdom and temperance and courage and jus> tice and holiness five names of the same thing? or has each of the names a separate underlying essence and corresponding thing having a peculiar function, no one of them being like any other of them? And you replied that the five names were not the names of the same thing, but that each of them had a separate object, and that all these objects were parts of virtue, not in the same way that the parts of gold are like each other and the whole of which they arc If I

parts,

but as the parts of the face are unlike the

whole of which they are parts and one another, and have each of them a distinct function. 1 should like to know whether this is still your opinion; or if not, I will ask you to define your meaning, and I shall not take you to task if you now make a different statement. For I dare say that you may have said what you did only in order to make trial of me. 1 answer, Socrates, he said, that all these qualities are parts of virtue, and that four out of the five are to some extent similar, and that the fifth of them, which is courage, is very different from the other four, as I prove in this way: You may observe that many men are utterly unrighteous, unholy, intemperate, igno-

who are nevertheless remarkable for their courage. Stop, I said; I should like to think about rant,

that.

When

mean

you speak of brave men, do you

the confident, or another sort of nature?

Yes, he said; I mean the impetuous, ready to that which others arc afraid to approach.

go at

In the next place, you would affirm virtue to be a good thing, of which good thing you assert yourself to be a teacher. Yes, he said; I should say the best of all things,

if I

And

am in my right mind.

partly good and partly bad, 1 said, or wholly good? Wholly good, and in the highest degree. [i$o] Tell me then; who are they who have confidence when diving into a well? I should say, the divers. And the reason of this is that they have is it

knowledge? Yes, that

is

the reason.

And who have confidence when

—the

horseback

skilled

fighting on horseman or the un-

skilled.

And who when fighting

with light shields

the peltasts or the nonpelusts?

The

peltasts.

rant,

1

said, of these things,

about them ? Yes, he said,

I

and

yet confident

have seen such persons far

too confident.

And arc not these confident persons also courageous? In that case, he replied, courage would be a base thing, for the men of whom we arc speaking arc surely madmen. Then who are the courageous? Are they not the confident? Yes, he said; to that statement I adhere. And those, I said, who arc thus confident without knowledge are really not courageous, but mad; and in that case the wisest are also the most confident, and being the most confident arc also the bravest, and upon that view again wisdom will be courage. Nay, Socrates, he replied, you are mistaken in your remembrance of what was said by me. When you asked me, I certainly did say that the courageous are the confident; but I was never asked whether the confident are the courageous; if you had asked me, I should have answered “Not all ol them**: and what 1 did answer you have not provc;d to be false, although you proceeded to show that those who have knowledge are more courageous than they were before they had knowledge, and more courageous than others who have no knowledge, and were then led on to think that courage is the same as wisdom. But in this way of arguing you might come to imagine that strength is wisdom. You might begin by asking whether the strong are able, and I should say “Yes”; and then whether those who know how to wrestle are not more able to wrestle than those who do not know how to wrestle, and more able after than before they had learned, and I should assent. And when I had admitted this, you might use niy admissions in such a way as to prove that upejn my view wisdom is strength; whereas in ihfit case I should not have admitted, any more tUan in the other, that the able are strong, although I have admitted that the strong arc able. [ 331 ] For there is a difference between ability and strength; the former is given by knowledge as well as by

skilled?

The

things, he said, if that is your point: those who have knowledge arc more confident than those who have no knowledge, and they are more confident after they have learned than before. And have you not seen persons utterly igno-

And

that

is

true of all other

madness or rage, bur strength comes from nature and a healthy state of the body. And in like manner I say of confidence and courage, that

— PROTAGORAS they are not the same; and I argue that the courageous are confident, but not all the confident courageous. For confidence may be given to men by art, and also, like ability, by madness and rage; but courage comes to them from nature and the healthy state of the soul. I

You would

said;

some men

live w'ell

admit, Protagoras, that

and others

ill?

He assented. And do

you think that a pain and grief? does not.

man lives well who

lives in

He But life,

if

will

He

he lives pleasantly to the end of his he not in that case have lived well ^

will.

Then

is

a good,

and

to live

unpleasantly an evil ? Yes, he said, if the pleasure be good and honourable. And do you, Protagoras, like the rest of the world, call some pleasant things evil and some painful things good? for I am rather disposed to say that things are good in as far as they arc plca.ant, J ihey have no consequences of another sort, and in as far as they arc pain-

—

bad,

ful they are

do

know,

Socrates, he said, whether I can venture to assert in that imcjualified manner that the pleasant is the good and the painful the evil. Ha\ ing regard not only to my present answer, but also to the whole of my life, I shall be safer, if I am not mistaken, in saying J

jiot

some other bodily quality of another: looks at his face and at the lips of his

health or

—he

and then he says. Uncover your chest and hack tome that I may have a better view: that is the sort of thing which I desire in this speculation. I laving seen what your opinion is about good and pleasure, I am minded to say to you; Uncover your mind to me, Protagoras, and reveal your opinion about knowledge, that 1 may know whether you agree with the rest of fingers,

the world. Now the rest of the world arc of opinion that knowledge is a principle not of strength, or of rule, or of command; their notion

is

man may

th.it a

have knowledge, and

is in him may be overmastered by anger, or pleasure, or pain, or love, or })erhaps by fear,— just as if knowledge were a slave, and might be dragged about anyhow. Now is that your vicw^? or do you think that knowledge is a noble and commanding thing, which cannot be overcome, and will not allow a man, if he only knows the difference of good and evil, to do anything which is contrary to knowledge, but that wisdom will have strength to help him? 1 agree with you, Socrates, said Protagoras; and not only so, but I, above all other men, am

yet that the

to live pleasantly

59

bound

knowledge which

to say that

the highest of (rood,

1

wisdom and knowledge

human

said,

and

true.

But are you aware

that the majority ot the world are of another

mind; and

know

that

men

are

commonly supposed

some pleasant things which are not good, and that there arc some painful things which are good, «md some which are not good, and that there are some which are neither good

that

nor

are overcome by pain, or pleasure, or

that there are

evil.

And you would

call

pleasant,

I

said, the

are

things.

which arc best, and not to do them when they might? And most persons to

whom

I

the things

liavc

asked the reason of this have said

when men

act contrary to

those affections which

1

was

knowledge they some of

just

now mention-

things which participate in pleasure or create

ing.

pleasure?

Yes, Socrates, he replied; and that is not the only point about which mankind arc in error. Suppose, then, that you and I endeavour to instruct and inform them what is the nature of this affection which they call “being overcome which they affirm to by pleasure,” f ^5^7 be the reason why they do not alw^ays do what

Certainly, he said.

Then

niy

meaning

is,

that in as far as they

are pleasant they are good;

would imply

that pleasure

and my question a good in itself.

is

According to your favourite mode of speech, Socrates, “let us reflect about this,” he said;

and

the reflection is to the point, and the result proves that pleasure and good are really the

if

same, then

we

will agree; but if not, then

we

will argue.

And would you wish I said;

or shall

You ought

I

to begin the

enquiry?

begin?

to take the lead, he said; for

is

best.

When we

are mistaken,

say to them: Friends, you is not true,

and are saying w^hat

they would probably reply: Socrates and Protagoras, if this affection of the soul is not to be

overcome by pleasure,” pray, what and by what name would you describe it ? But why, Socrates, should wc trouble ourselves about the opinion of the many, who iiist say anything that happens to occur to them ?

called “being is it,

you

are the author of the discussion.

[j$ 2 j May I employ an illustration? I said. Suppose some one who is enquiring into the

1 believe, 1 said,

that they

may

be of use in

DIALOGUES OF PLATO helping us to discover how courage is related me other parts of virtue. If you are disposed to abide by our agreement^ that I should show the way in which, as I think, our recent difficulty is most likely to be cleared up, do you fol^ low; but if not, never mind. You are quite right, he said; and I would have you proceed as you have begun. Well then, I said, let me suppose that they repeat their question. What account do you give of that which, in our way of speaking, is termed being overcome by pleasure? I should answer thus: Listen, and Protagoras and I will to

endeavour to show you. When men are overcome by eating and drinking and other sensual desires which are pleasant, and they, knowing them to be evil, nevertheless indulge in them, would you not say that they were overcome by pleasure? They will not deny this. And suppose that you and 1 were to go on and ask them again: “In what way do you say that they arc evil in that they are pleasant and give pleas-

—

ure at the moment, or because they cause disand poverty and other like evils in the future^ Would they still be evil, if they had no attendant evil consequences, simply because ease

they give the consciousness of pleasure of whatever nature?" ^Would they not answer that they arc not evil on account of the pleasure which is immediately given by them, but on

—

account of the after consequences

and the I

—diseases

like?

believe, said Protagoras, that the

general

would answer

as

world in

you do.

And in causing diseases do they not cause pain? and in causing poverty do they not cause pain; they would agree to that also, if I am not mistaken ? Protagoras assented. Then I should say to them, in my name and yours: Do you think them evil for any other reason, except because they end in pain and rob us of other pleasures: there again they would agree? both of us thought that they [ 354]

—

—

We

would.

And then I should take the question from the opposite point of view, and say: “Friends, when you speak of goods being painful, do you mean

remedial goods, such as gymnastic service, and the physician’s use of burning, cutting, drugging, and starving? Are these the things which are good but painful?” ^they would assent to me? He agreed. “And do you call them good because they

not

exercises,

and military

—

occasion the greatest immediate suflFering and pain; or because, afterwards, they bring health

and improvement of the bodily condition and the salvation of states and power over others and wealth?” they would agree to the latter

—

alternative,

He

if I

am

not mistaken?

assented.

“Arc these things good

for

any other reason

except that they end in pleasure, and get rid of and avert pain? Arc you looking to any other stand.^rd but pleasure and pain when you

—

them good?” they would acknowledge were not?

call

that they

think

Protagoras. not pursue after pleasure as a good, and avoid pain as an evil?” 1

so, said

“And do you

He assented. “Then you think pleasure

an

evil,

than

it

is

that pain is an evil and a good: and even pleasure you deem

when

it

robs you of greater pleasures

gives, or causes pains greater

pleasure.

If,

however, you

in relation to

call

than the

pleasure an evil

some other end or standard, you show us that standard. But you

will be able to

have none to show.” I do not think that they have, said Protagoras.

“And have you not a similar way of speaking about pain? You call pain a good when it takes away greater pains than those which it has, or gives pleasures greater than the pains: then it you have some standard other than pleasure and fiain to which you refer when you pain a gootj, you can show what

call actual

is. But you cannot.” True, said Protagoras. Suppose again, I said, that the world says to me: “Why do you spend many words and speak in many ways on this subject?” Excuse me, friends, I should reply; but in the first

that

place there

is

a difficulty in explaining the

meaning of the expression “overcome by pleasure”; and the whole argument turns upon this. And even now, if you see any possible way in which evil can be explained sis other/'5557 than pain, or good as other than jblcasurc, you may still retract. Arc you satisfied then, at having a life of pleasure which is wimout pain? If you are, and if you arc unable tofshow any good or evil which docs not end in jbleasure and pain, hear the consequences: Iff what you say is true, then the argument is absurd which affirms that a man often docs evil knowingly, when he might abstain, because he is seduced and overpowered by pleasure; or again, when you say that a man knowingly refuses to do what is

—

PROTAGORAS good because he

is

overcome

at the

moment by

And that this is ridiculous will be evionly we give up the use of various

pleasure.

dent if names, such as pleasant and painful, and good

and evil. As there are two things, let us call them by two names first, good and evil, and then pleasant and painful. Assuming this, let us go on to say that a man does evil knowing that he docs evil. J3 ut some one will ask. Why?

—

Because he is overcome, is the first answer. And by what is he overcome ? the enquirer will proceed to ask. And we shall not be able to reply "By pleasure,” for the name of pleasure has been exchanged for that of good. In our answer, then, we shall only say that he is overcome. "By what?” he will reiterate. By the good, we shall have to reply; indeed wc shall. Nay, but our questioner will rejoin with a laugh, if he be one of the swaggering sort, “That is too ridiculous, that a man should do what he knows to be evil when he ought not, because he is overcome by good. Is that, he will ask, because the good was worthy or not worthy of conquering ihe evil?” And in answer to that wc shall clearly reply, Because it was not worthy; for if it had been worthy, then he who, as

we

say,

was overcome by

pleasure,

would

not have been wrong. "But how,” he will reply, "can the good be unworthy of the evil, or the evil of the good?” Is not the real explanation that they are out of proportion to one another, either as greater and smaller, or more and fewer? This wc cannot deny. And when you speak of being overcome

—"what do you mean,” he

you choose the greater evil exchange for the lesser good?” Admitted.

will say, "but that in

And now

substitute the names of pleasure and pain for good and evil, and say, not as before, that a man docs what is evil knowingly, but that he does what is painful knowingly, and because he is overcome by pleasure, [ 5567 which is

unworthy

to

overcome.

What measure

is

there of the relations of pleasure to pain other

than excess and defect, which means that they

become greater and smaller, and more and fewer, and differ in degree? For if any one says: "Yes, Socrates, but immediate pleasure differs widely from future pleasure and pain” To that I should reply: And do they differ in anything but in pleasure and pain? There can be no other measure of them. And do you, like a skilful weigher, put into the balance the pleasures and the pains, and their nearness and distance, and weigh them, and then say which outweighs the other. If you weigh pleasures

—

against pleasures, you of course take the

more

and

61

if you weigh pains against you take the fewer and the less; or if pleasures against pains, then you choose that course of action in which the painful is exceeded by the pleasant, whether the distant by the near or the near by the distant; and you avoid that course of action in which the pleasant is exceeded by the painful. Would you not

greater; or

pains,

admit,

my

friends, that this

fident that they cannot

deny

is

true?

I

am

con-

this.

He agreed with me. Well then, I shall say, if you agree so far, be so good as to answer me a question: Do not the same magnitudes appear larger to your sight when near, and smaller when at a distance? They will acknowledge that. And the same holds of thickness and number; also sounds, which are in themselves equal, are greater when

near,

and

lesser

will grant that also.

when

at

a distance. They

Now suppose happiness to

doing or choosing the greater, and in not doing or in avoiding the less, what would be the saving principle ot human life? Would not the art of measuring be the saving principle; 01 would the power of appearance? Is not the latter that deceiving art which makes us wander up and down and take the things at one time of which we repent at another, both in our actions and our choice of things great and small? But the art of measurement would do away with the effect of appearances, and, showing the truth, would fain teach the

consist in

m

soul at last to find rest in the truth,

and would

Would

not mankind generally acknowledge that the art which accomplishes this result is the art of measurement? Yes, he said, the art of measurement.

thus sa\e our

life.

Suppose, again, the salvation of

human

lile

on the choice of odd and even, and on the knowledge of when a man ought to to depend

choose the greater or less, either in reference to themselves or to each other, 7i57 ] and whether near or at a distance; what would be the saving principle of our lives? Would not knowledge? a knowledge of measuring, when the question is one ot excess and defect, and a knowledge of number, when the question is of odd and even? The world will assent, will they

—

not.^

Protagoras himself thought that they would. Well then, my friends, 1 say to them; seeing that the salvation of human lile has been found to consist in the right choice of pleasures and in the choice of the more and the fewpains, er, and the greater and the less, and the nearer and remoter, must not this measuring be a con-

—

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

62 sideration of their excess

would beg my friend Prodicus not to introduce

ity in relation to

his distinction of names,

and defect and equaleach other? This is undeniably true. And this, as possessing measure, must undeniably also be an art and science? They will agree, he said. The nature of that art or science will be a matter of future consideration; but the existence of such a science furnishes a demonstrative answer to the question which you asked of me and Protagoras. At the time when you asked the question, if you remember, both of us were agreeing that there was nothing mightier than knowledge, and that knowledge, in whatever existing, must ha\e the advantage over pleasure and all other things; and then you said that pleasure often got the advantage even over a man who has knowledge; and we refused to allow this, and you rejoined: C) Protagoras and Socrates, what is the meaning ol being overcome by pleasure if not this? tell us

—

—

what you call such a state: if vve had immediately and at the time answered “Ignorance,** you would have laughed at us. But now, in laughing at us, you will be laughing at yourselves: for

you also admitted that

men

err in

and pains; that is, in their choice of good and evil, from defect of knowledge; and you admitted further, that they err, not only from defect of knowledge in general, but of that particular knowledge which is called measuring. And you arc also aware that the erring act which is done without knowledge is done in ignorance. Hi is, therefore, is the meaning of being overcome by pleasure; ignorance, and that the greatest. And our friends Protagoras and Prodicus and Hippias declare their choice of pleasures

—

that they arc the physicians of ignorance; but

you, w'ho arc un In less than no time you shall hear; for I cannot say that I did not attend paid great I attention to them, and I remember and will endeavour to repeat the whole story. Providentially T was sitting alone in the dressing-room of the Lyceum where you saw me, and was about to depart; when I was getting up I recognized the familiar divine sign: [ij^] so I sat

—

down again, and ers

in a little w^hilc the two brothEuthydemus and Dionysodorus came in,

several others with them, whom 1 believe be their disciples, and they walked about in the covered court; they had not taken more than tw'o or three turns when (^Icinias entered, who, as you truly say, is very much improved: he was followed by a host of lovers, one ot whom was Ctesippus the Pacanian, a well-bred youth, but also having the wildness of youth. Cleinias saw me from the entrance as I was sitting alone, and at once came and sat down

and to

on the right hand of me, as you describe; and Dionysodorus and EuthydcmiKs, when they saw him, at first stopped and talked with one another, now and then glancing at us, for 1 particularly watched them; and then EuthTdernus came and sat down by the youth, and the other by me on the left hand; the rest anywhere. I saluted the brothers, whom I had not seen for a long time; and then I said to Cleinias: Here arc two wise men, Euthydemus and Dionysodorus, Cleinias, wise not in a small but in a large way of wisdom, for they know all about war, all that a good general ought to know about the array and command of an army, and the whole art of fighting in armour: and they know about law too, and can teach a man how to use the weapons of the courts when he is

—

injured.

They heard me say this, but only despised me. 1 observed that they looked at one another, and both of them laughed; and then Euthydemus said: Those, Socrates, are matters which

wc no

longer pursue seriously; to us they arc secondary occupations. Indeed, I said, if such occupations arc regarded by you as secondary, what must the principal one be; tell me, 1 beseech you, what that noble study is?

The

teaching of virtue, Socrates, he replied, our principal occupation; and we believe that wc can impart it better and quicker than any man. My God! I said, and where did you learn that? I always thought, as I was saying just now, that your chief accomplishment was the art of fighting in armour; and I used to say as much of you, for I rememl>er that you professed this when you were here before. But now forif you really have the other knowledge, give me: I address you as I would superior beings, and ask you to pardon the impiety of my former expressions. l 2 y^] But arc you quite sure about this, Dionysodorus and Euthydemus? the promise is so vast, that a feeling of incredulity steals over me. You may take our word, Socrates, for the is

O

fact.

Then

I

think you happier in having such a

treasure than the great king

is in the possession of his kingdom. And please to tell me whether you intend to exhibit your wisdom; or what

you do? 1 hat is why we have come hither, Socrates; and our purpose is not only to exhibit, but also to teach any one who likes to learn. But 1 can promise you, I said, that every unvinuous person will want to learn. I shall be the first; and there is the youth Cleinias, and Ctesippus: and here are Several others, I said, pointing to the lovers of C'leinias, who were beginning to gather round us. Now Ctesippus was sitting at some distance from Cleinias; and will

when Euthydemus

leaned forward in talking with me, he was prevented from seeing C^lcinias, who was between us; and so, partly liecause he wanted to look at his love, and also because he was interested, he jumped up and stood opposite to us: and all the other admirers of Cleinias, as well as the disciples of Eulhydemus and Dionysodorus, followed his example. And these were the persons whom I

showed to Euthydemus, telling him that they were all eager to learn: to which Ctesippus and all of them with one voice vcfccmcntly assented, and bid him exhibit the poorer of his wisdom. Then I said: O Euthydcmi^s and Dionysodorus, I earnestly request you? to do myself and the company the favour to exhibit. There may be some trouble in giving the whole exhibition; but tell me one thing,* can you make a good man of him only who is already con-

—

vinced that he ought to learn of you, or of him who is not convinced, either because he imagines that virtue is a thing which cannot be

also

EUTHYDEMUS taught at all, or that you are not the teachers of Has your art power to persuade him, who is of the latter temper of mind, that virtue can be it?

taught; and that you are the

he will best learn

men from whom

it?

Certainly, Socrates, said Dionysodorus; our art will do both.

And you and your brother, Dionysodorus, I men who arc now living arc the

said, of all

most

likely to stimulate

him

to philosophy

and

to the study of virtue?

Yes, Socrates,

1

I

rather think that

we

Whichever he answers, said Dionysodorus, leaning forward so as to catch my ear, his face beaming with laughter, I prophesy that he will be refuted, Socrates.

While he was speaking to me, Cleinias gave and therefore I had no time to warn him of the predicament in which he was placed, [ 276 / and he answered that those who learned were the wise. Euthydemus proceeded: Tliere are some whom you would call teachers, are there his answer:

not? I'hc boy assented.

arc.

Then

I

wish that you woultl be so good as to

defer the other part of the exhibition, try to

persuade the youth

whom

and only

you see here and study

that he ought to he a philosopher virtue. Exhibit that,

they arc the teachers of those who grammar-master and the lyremaster used to teach you and other boys; and you were the learners?

and you

will confer a every one present; for the fact 1$ I and all of us are extremely anxious that he should become truly good. His name is Cleinias, and he is the son of Axiochus, and grandson o4 the old Alcibiadcs, cousin of the Alcibiades that now is. He is quite young, and we are naturally afraid that some one may get the start of us, and turn his mind in a WTong direction, and he may be ruined. Your visit, therefore, is most happily timed; and I

hope that you will make a trial of the young man, and converse with him in our presence, if you have no objection. These were pretty nearly the expressions which I used; and Euthydemus, in a manly and at the same time encouraging tone, replied: There can be no objection, Socrates, if the young man is only willing to answer ques-

—the

Yes.

And when you were learners you did know the things which you were

yet

not as learn-

ing?

No, he

said.

And were

you wise then?

No, indeed, he But

it

said.

you were not wise you were un-

learned ? Certainly.

You then, learning what you did not know, were unlearned when you were learning? The youth nodded assent. Then the unlearned learn, and not the wise, Cleinias, as you imagine. At these words the followers of Euthydemus, of

whom

I

spoke, like a chorus at the bidding and cheered. Then,

of their director, laughed

belore the youth had time to recover his breath,

Dionysodorus cleverly took him in hand, and

tions.

quite accustomed to do so, I replied; for his friends often come and ask him questions and argue with him; and therefore he is is

quite at

home

What followed, Crito, how can

I

rightly nar-

For not slight is the task of rehearsing infinite wisdom, and therefore, like the poets, I ought to commence my relation with an invocation to Memory and the Muses. Now Euthydemus, if I remember rightly, began nearly as

O

follows:

Cleinias, are those

who

learn the

wise or the ignorant? The youth, overpowered by the question, blushed, and in his perplexity looked at me for help;

swer like a

from

The wise, replied Cleinias. Then after all the wise are

the learners and not the unlearned; and your last answer to

Euthydemus was wrong. Then once more the admirers of heroes, in

an ecstasy

at their

;o another peal of laughter,

were

silent

the

two

wisdom, gave vent while the

rest

of us

and amazed. Euthydemus, observ-

1 knowing that he was disconTake "courage, Cleinias, and an-

whichever you think; for my you will derive the greatest bene-

learn

,

man

belief is that

and when the grammar-

master dictated anything to you, were they the wise boys or the unlearned who learned the

ing this, determined to persevere with the youth; and in order to heighten the effect went on asking another similar question, which might be compared to the double turn of an

and

certed, said:

said: Yes, Cleinias;

dictation ^

in answering.

rate?

fit

And

learn

me and on

great favour on

He

67

their questions.

expert dancer. Do those, said he, who learn, what they know, or what they do not

know ?

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

68

Again Dionysodorus whispered to me: That, is just another of the same sort. Good heavens, I said; and your last question was so goodl Like all our other questions, Socrates, he

Euthydemus was proceeding to give the youth a third fall; but I knew that he was in deep water, and therefore, as I wanted to give him a respite lest he should be disheartened, I said to him consolingly; You must not be sur^*

replied—inevitable.

prised, Cleinias, at the singularity of their

Socrates,

I

see the reason, I said,

reputation

among your

why you

are in such

disciples.

Meanwhile Cleinias had answered Euthythat those who learned learn what they do not know; and he put him through a series of questions the same as before. [2jy] Do you not know letters.?

demus

He assented. All

letters.?

Yes.

But when the teacher dictates to you, docs he not dictate

To

letters.?

this also

he assented.

you know all letters, he dictates that which you know.? This again was admitted by him. Then, said the other, you do not learn that which he dictates; but he only who does not

Then

know

if

letters learns.?

Nay, said Cleinias; but I do learn. Then, said he, you learn what you know, you know all the letters?

if

He admitted that. Then, he

said,

you were wrong

in

your

answer.

The word was hardly out of his mouth when Dionysodorus took up the argument, like a ball which he caught, and had another throw at the youth. Cleinias, he said, Euthydenius is deceiving you. For tell me now, is not learning acquiring knowledge ot that which one learns? Cleinias assented.

And knowing

is

having knowledge

at the

time?

He agreed. And not knowing at the

He

is

not having knowledge

time? admitted that.

And

are those

who

acquire those

who

have

or have not a thing.?

Those who have not. And have you not admitted that those who do not know arc of the number of those who have not?

He nodded

assent.

Then those who learn are of the class of those who acquire, and not of those who have?

He agreed. Cleinias, he said, those who do know learn, and not those who know.

Then,

not

mode of speech: this I say because you may not understand what the two strangers are doing with you; they arc only initiating you after the manner

of the Cory bantes in the mysteries; and

answers to the enthronement, which, if you have ever been initiated, is, as you will know, accompanied by dancing and sport; and now they are just prancing and dancing about you, and will next proceed to initiate you; imagine then that you have gone through the first part of the sophistical ritual, which, as Prodicus says, begins with initiation mto the correct use of terms. The two foreign gentlemen, perceiving that you did not know, wanted to explain to you that the word “to learn” has two meanthis

ings, [2 j8] and is used, first, in the sense of acquiring knowledge of some matter of which you previously ha\e no knowledge, and also, when you have the knowledge, in the sense of reviewing this matter, whether something done or spoken by the light of this newly-acquired

knowledge; the

latter is generally called “know-

ing” rather than “learning,” but the word “learning” is also used; and you did not sec, as they explained to you, that the term is employed of two opposite sorts of men, of those who know, and of those who do not know. There was a similar trick in the second question, when they asked you whether men learn what they know or what they do not know. These parts of learning are not serious, and therefore I say that the gentlemen arc not serious, but arc only playing with you. For if a man had all that sort of knowledge that ever was, he would not be at all the wiser; he would only be able to play with men, tripping them up and oversetting them with distinctions of words. He would be like a person who pulls away a stool from some one w^en he is about to sit down, and then laughs artd makes merry at the sight of his friend overturned and laid on his back. And you must re^rd all that has hitherto passed ^tween yoij and them as merely play. But in what i.s to follow I am certain that they will exhibit to ybu their serious purpose, and keep their promise (I will show them how); for they promised to give me a sample of the hortatory philosophy, but I sup(H)sc that they wanted to have a game with you first.

And now, Euthydemus and

Dionysodo-

—

EUTHYDEMUS rus, I think that

we have had enough

me sec young man how he is Will you

let

of this.

you explaining to the

to apply himself to the study of virtue and wisdom? And I will first show you what I conceive to be the nature of the task, and what sort of a discourse I desire to hear; and if I do this in a very inartistic and ridiculous manner, do not laugh at me, for I only venture to improvise before you because I am eager to hear your wisdom: and I must therefore ask you and your disciples to refrain from laughing. And now, son of Axiochus, let me put a question to you: Do not all men desire happiness? And yet, perhaps, this is one of those ndiailous questions which I am afraid to ask, and which ought not to be asked by a sensible man: for what human being is there who does not desire happiness? [zjgj I’herc is no one, said Cleinias, who does not. Well, then, 1 said, since we all of us desire that is the happiness, how can we be happy? next question. Shall wc not be happy if we have many geod things? And this, perhaps, is even a more simple question than the first, for there can be no doubt of the answer.

O

—

1

things do wc esteem good? No solemn sage is required to tell us this, which may be easily answered; for every one will say that wealth is a good.

And what

Certainly, he said.

And arc not health and beauty goods, other personal gifts?

and

agreed.

Can there he any doubt that good birth, and power, and honours in one’s own land, arc goods ?

He assented. And what other What do you age:

wc

goods are there?

I

said.

say of temperance, justice, cour-

do you not

verily

and indeed think,

Clci-

be more right in ranking them as goods than in not ranking them as goods? For a dispute might possibly arise about this. What then do you say? nias, that

shall

They

are goods, said Cleinias.

Very

well,

shall

wc

I

What is that? he asked. Fortune, Cleinias, I replied; which all, even the most foolish, admit to be the greatest of goods. True, he said. On second thoughts, I added, how narrowly, son of Axiochus, have you and I escaped making a laughing-stock of ourselves to the

0

strangers.

Why do you say so? Why, because wc have already spoken of good-fortune, and arc but repeating ourselves.

What do you mean ? mean that there is something

I

ridiculous in

again putting forward good-fortune, which has a place in the list already, and saying the same thing twice over. 1 ie asked what was the meaning of this, and 1 replied: Surely wisdom is good-fortune; even

may know that. The simple-minded youth was amazed;

a child

and, observing his surprise, I said to him: Do you not know, Cleinias, that flute-players are most fortunate and successful in {)erforming on the flute?

He assented. And

le assented.

He

69

said;

C'crtainly.

Amid

the dangers of the sea, again, are any

more fortunate on the whole than wise None, certainly.

pilots?

And if you were engaged in war, in whose company would you rather take the risk in company with a wise general, or with a foolish

—

one?

With

a wise one.

you were ill, whom would you rather have as a companion in a dangerous illness wise physician, or an ignorant one?

And

if

A wise one. You

man

is

think,

I

said, that to act

with a wise

more fortunate than to act with an

igno-

rant one?

He assented. [ 280] Then wisdom always makes men forwisdom no man would ever err, and therefore he must act rightly and succeed, tunate: for by

and where in the company wisdom ^among the

find a place for

are not the scribes most fortunate in writjng and reading letters?

—

goods or not?

Among the goods. And now, I said, think whether wc have left out any considerable goods. 1 do not think that we have, said Cleinias. Upon recollection, I said, indeed 1 am afraid that we have left out the greatest of them all.

or his

wisdom

w^ould be

We contrived

at last,

wisdom no longer. somehow or other, to

agree in a general conclusion, that he

who had

wisdom had no need of fortune. I then recalled to his mind the previous state of the question. You remember, I said, our making the admis-

wc should be happy and fortunate many good things were present with us? sion that

if

]

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

70

He assented. And should wc

be happy by reason of the

presence of good things^ if they profited u$ not, if they profited us ? If they profited us, he said. And would they profit us, it we only had them and did not use them? For example, it we had a great deal ot food and did not eat, or a great deal of drink and did not drink, should wc be profited ? Certainly not, he said.

or

Or would an artisan, who had all the implements necessary for his work, and did not use them, be any the better tor the possession ot them? For example, would a larpentcr be any the better for havmg all his tools and plenty of wood, if he never worked? Certainly not, he said. And if a person had wealth and all the goods ot which we were just now s|^aking, and did not use them, would he be happy because he possessed them?

No indeed,

True. Well, Clemias, but as the possession ot

if you have the use as well good things, is that suffi-

m my opinion

And may a person

use

them

either rightly or

wrongly?

He must use them That IS quite

true,

said

And the wrong use

IS far worse than the non use, for the one IS an evil, and the other is neither a good nor an evil. [2S1] You admit that?

of a thing

He assented.

Now in the working and use of wood, is not which gives the right use simply the knowledge of the carpenter ? Nothing else, he said that

surely, in the

manufacture of

vessels,

knowledge is that which gives the right way ot making them?

he have neither good wisdom? Would a man be better off, havmg and doing many things without wisdom, or a few things with wisdom? Look at the matter thus: If he did fewer things would he not make fewer misukes? if he made fewer mistakes would he not have fewer misfortunes? and if he had fewer misfortunes would he not be

in the use of the goods of

—

He assented. thing,

And who would do man?

least

—

is

that

a poor

man

or a

rich

A poor man. A weak man or a stiong man? A weak man. A noble niin or a mean man? A mean man And

a

coward would do

geous and temperate

less

than a coura-

man ?

And

an indolent

man

less

than an active

man?

He

assented

And a slow man less than a quick, and one who had dull perceptions of seeing and hear ing less than one who had keen ones? All this was mutually allowed by us Then, I said, Cltinias, the sum of the mat ter appears to be that the goods ot which we spoke before are not to be regarded as goods in themselves, but the degree ot good and evil them depends on whether they are or arc not under the guidance of knowledge under the guidance ot ignorance, they arc greater e\ ils than their opposites, inasmuch as they arc more able to minister to the evil principle which rules them, and when under the guidance of wisdom and prudence, they arc greater gocxls’ themselves they arc nothing? but I'hat, he replied, is obvious. What then is the result of what has been said? Is not this the result that other things arc indifferent, and that wisdom is the only good, and ignorance the only jfcvil ?

m

—

*

[282 Let us consider a turner point, I said: Seeing that all men desire happiness, and happiness, as has been shown, is gamed by a use,

and a

right use, of the things ot hie,

right use of them, of them,

and every use of a which gives a man not

in every possession

knowledge

miserable ?

less

Certainly, he said.

He assented.

which we spoke at first wealth and health and beauty, IS not knowledge that which directs us to the right use of them, and regulates our practice about them?

Then

O tdl me, what do posif

sense nor

He agreed. And

me, I said, a man,

m

rightly. I

tell

Yes.

cient to confer happiness ?

And

And

sessions profit

Socrates.

Ihen, I said, a man who would be happy must not only have the good things, but he must also use them, there is no advantage in merely having them?

Yes,

only good-fortune but success? He again assented.

is

IS

and good fortune

given by knowledge,

that everybody ought by

all

and the

in the use

—the inference

means to try and

niake himself as wise as he can?

—

EUTHYDEMUS Yes, he said.

And when a man thinks that he ought to obtain this treasure, far

more than money, from

a father or a guardian or a friend or a suitor, whether citizen or stranger the eager desire and prayer to them that they would impart

—

wisdom

to you,

Cleinias; nor

is

not at

all

dishonourable,

any one to be blamed for doing any honourable service or ministration to any man, whether a lover or not, if his aim is to get wisdom. Do you agree? I said. Yes, he said, I quite agree, and think that you is

are right*

only wisdom can be taught, and docs not come to man spontaneously; for this is a point which has still to be considered, and is not yet agreed upon by you Yes,

I said,

Cleinias,

if

and me But 1 think, Socrates, that wisdom can be taught, he said. Best of men, said, I am delighted to hear you say so; and I am also grateful to you for having saved me from a long and tiresome investigation as to whether wisdom can be taught as you think that wisdom can or not. But be taught, and that wisdom only can make a man happy and fortunate, will you not acknowledge that all of us ought to love wisdom, and you individually will try to love her? Certainly, Socrates, he said; I will do my 1

best. I was pleased at hearing this; and I turned to Dionysodorus and Euthydemus and said: That is an example, clumsy and tedious I admit, of the sort of exhortations which I would have you give; and I hope that one of you will set forth what I have been saying in a more artistic style: or at least take up the enquiry where I left off, and proceed to show the youth whether he should have all knowledge; or whether there is one sort of knowledge only which will make

liappy, and wliat ihat is. For, as was saying at first, the improvement of this young man in virtue and wisdom is a matter which we have very much at heart. [ 28^] Thus I spoke, Crito, and was all attention to what was coming. 1 wanted to see how they would approach the question, and where they would start in their exhortation to the young man that he should practise wisdom and virtue. Dionysodorus, who was the elder, spoke first. Everybody’s eyes were di-

him good and I

rected towards him, perceiving that something

wonderful might shortly be expected. And certainly they were not far wrong; for the man, Crito, began a remarkable discourse well worth

71

hearing, and wonderfully persuasive regarded as an exhortation to virtue. Tell me, he said, Socrates and the rest of you who say that you want this young man to be-

come

wise, arc you in jest or in real earnest ? was led by this to imagine that they fancied us to have been jesting when we asked them to converse with the youth, and that this made them jest and play, and being under this impression, I was the more decided in saying that we were in profound earnest. Dionysodorus I

said: Reflect, Socrates; you may have to deny your words. I have reflected, I said; and I shall never deny my words. Well, said he, and so you say that you wish Cleinias to become wise? Undoubtedly. And he is not wise as yet? At least his modesty will not allow him to say that he is. You wish him, he said, to become wise and not to be ignorant?

That we

do.

You wish him

to be what he is not, and no longer to be what he is? I was thrown into consternation at this. Taking advantage of my consternation he added: You wish him no longer to be what he is, which can only mean that you wish him to

and friends they must be

perish. Pretty lovers

who want

their favourite not to be, or to

perish!

When Ctesippus heard this he got very angry' and said: Stranger of would allow me I should

(as a lover well might)

Thurii

—

if

politeness

A plague upon you! What can make you such a lie about me and the others, which hardly like to repeat, as that I wish Cleinias

say, tell 1

to perish?

Euthydemus Ctesippus, that

replied: it is

Yes, said Ctciippus;

anything

And do you

possible to I

tell

should be

think,

a lie?

mad

to say

else,

[ 284] And in telling a lie, do you tell the thing of which you speak or not? You tell the thing of which you speak. And he who tells, tells that thing which he tells, and no other? Yes, said Ctesippus. And that is a distinct thing apart from other things? Certainly.

And he who is?

says that thing says that

which

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

72 Yes,

which is, says the truth of you and no lie. Yes, Euthydemus, said Ctesippus; but in saying this, he says what is not. Euthydemus answered: And that which is that

not is notP True. is

not

is

nowhere?

Nowhere.

And can any one do anything about that which has no existence, or do to Cleinias that which is not and is nowhere^ think not, said Ctesippus.

Well, but do rhetoricians, when they speak in the assembly, do nothing? Nay, he said, they do something.

am

I

I

love

you and

vice,

and,

if I

for

I

not, Dionysodorus, he replied;

am

giving you friendly ad-

would persuade you not

could,

like a boor to say in

my presence

my

w^m

beloved,

[28$]

that

I

desire

value above

I

all

men, to perish. I saw that they were getting exasperated

made

I

a joke with

him

and said: O Ctesippus, 1 think that we must allow the strangers to use language in their own way, and not quarrel with them about words, but be thankful for what they give us. If they

know how to destroy men in such make good and sensible men out

—whether

foolish ones

a

way

as to

and

of bad

this isa discovery of their

He agreed.

own, or whether they have learned from some one else this new sort of death and destruction which enables them to get rid of a bad man and turn him into a good one if they know this (and they do know this ^at any rate they said just now that this was the secret of their

Then no one

newly-discovered

And

doing

is

making?

Yes.

And

speaking

is

—

doing and making?

says that which is not, for in what is not he would be doing something; and you have already acknowledged that no one can do what is not. And therefore, upon your own showing, no one says what is

saying

false;

says

but

what

if

is

Dionysodorus says anything, he true

and what

speaks of things in a certain

and not

way and manner,

as they really are.

Why, Ctesippus, said Dionysodorus, do you mean to say that any one speaks of things as they are? Yes, he

said—all gentlemen and

truih-spcak-

ing persons.

And

are not good things good,

and

evil

things evil?

He assented. And you say that

gentlemen speak of things

as they are?

—

them,

let

and

wise,

men do

all

of us with him. But

li

in

their

make him you young

not like to trust yourselves with them,

then fiat experimentum in corpore sems; I will be the Carian on whom they shall operate. And I

offer

my old person to Dionysodorus; he

may put me chian, kill

into the pot, like

me,

boil

me,

if

Medea

the Col-

he will only make

me

good. Ctesippus said; And I, Socrates, am ready to commit myself to the strangers; they may skin me alive, if they please (and I am pretty well skinned by them already), if only my skin is made at last, not like that of Marsyas, into a leathern bottle, but into a piece of virtue. And here is Dionysodorus fancying that I am angry with him, when really I am not angry at all; 1 do but contradict him when I think that he is speaking improperly to me: and you must not confound abuse and contradiction, illustrious Dionysodorus; for they arc quite different

O

Yes.

Then

the good speak evil of evil things,

they speak of

them

if

as they are?

Yes, indeed, he said; and they speak evil of

men. And if 1 may give you a piece of advice, you had better take care that they do not speak evil of you, since I can tell you that the good speak evil of the evil. And do they speak great things ot the great, rejoined Euthydemus, and warm things of the

evil

warm?

To be sure they do, said Ctesippus; and they speak coldly of the insipid and cold dialectician. You

art)

—

phraseology, destroy the youth and

here

is.

Yes, Euthydemus, said Ctesippus; but he

u

Indeed,

with one another, so

And that which

I

you are abusive

rus,

And he who says that which is, says the truth. And therefore Dionysodorus, if he says

are abusive, Ctesippus, said Dionysodo-

things. j

Contradiction! there never

said

was such a

Certainly there

is,

Dioiiysodorus;

why,

thin|.

he rephe

I;

there can be

no

question of that.

Do you, Dk nysodorus, main-

tain that there

not?

is

You will never prove to m^ he said, that you have heard any one contradicting any one Indeed, said Ctesippus; then now you hear me contradicting Dionysodorus. Are you prepared to make that good? Certainly, he said.

else.

may

EUTHYDEMUS Well, have not

all

things words expressive of

them? Yes. of their non-existence?

[286] Yes, Ctesippus, and we just now proved, as you may remember, that no man could affirm a negative; for no one could affirm

which is not. And what does that signify? said Ctesippus; you and I may contradict all the same for that. But can we contradict one another, said that

Dionysodonis, when both of us are describing same thing? Then we must surely be speaking the same thing?

the

assented.

Or when

neither of us

is

speaking of the

same thing? For then neither of us says a word about the thing at all? He granted that proposition also. But when I describe something and you describe another thing, or I say something and you say nothing is there any contradiction? How can he who speaks contradict him who speaks not? Here Ctesippus was silent; and I in my astonishment said: What do you mean, Dionysodorus? I have often heard, and have been

—

amazed

to hear, this thesis of yours,

which

is

maintained and employed by the disciples of Protagoras, and others before them, and which to me appears to be quite wonderful, and suicidal as well as destructive, and I think that I am most likely to hear the truth about it from you. The dictum is that there is no such thing as falsehood; a

man must

either say

what

is

true or say nothing. Is not that your position?

He

No, he

said.

Then there is no such thing as ignorance, or men who arc ignorant; for is not ignorance, if there be such a thing, a mistake of fact? Certainly, he said.

And

that

is

im{x)ssible?

Impossible, he replied.

Ate you saying this as a paradox, Dionysodorus; or do you seriously maintain no man to be ignorant? Refute me, he said. But how can I tefute you, a falsehood

Very uue,

0

ception of these subtleties and excellent devices of wisdom; I am afraid that I hardly understand them, and you must forgive me therefore

if I

rance,

action, for a

—

is

said

impossible?

Euthydtmus.

Us

you

say, to

man

cannot

acting that is what you Yes, he replied.

And now, I tion: If there

if

fail

said, I will

is

of acting as he

is

mean? ask

no such thing

my

stupid ques-

as error in deed,

word, or thought, then what, in the name of goodness, do you come hither to teach? And were you not just now saying that you could teach virtue best of all men, to any one who was willing to learn? And arc you such an old fool, Socrates, rejoined Dionysodorus, that you bring up now

what

—

and if I had said anything suppose that you would bring that up too ^but are non-plussed at the words which I have just uttered? Why, I said, they arc not easy to answer; for they are the words of wise men: and indeed I know not what to make of this word “nonplussed,” which you used last: what do you mean by it, Dionysodorus? You must mean that I cannot refute your argument. Tell me if the words have any other sense. No, he replied, they mean what you say. And now answer. What, before you, Dionysodorus? I said. said at first

1

last year, I

—

Answer, is

said he.

that fair?

Yes, quite

fair,

Upon what

he

said.

1 said. I can only suppose that you arc a very wise man who comes to us in the character of a great logician, and who knows when to answer and when not to answer and now you will not open your mouth at all, because you know that you ought not. You prate, he said, instead of answering. But

principle?

—

if, my good sir, you admit that I am wise, answer as I tell you. 1 suppose that I must obey, for you arc master. Put the question. Are the things which have sense alive or

lifeless?

They if,

ask a very stupid question: l28y]

no falsehood or false opinion or ignothere can be no such thing as erroneous

there be

And

assented.

But if he cannot speak falsely, may he not think falsely? No, he cannot, he said. Then there is no such thing as false opinion?

tell

Neither did I tell you just now to refute me, Dionysodorus; for how can I tell you to do that which is not? Euthydemus, I said, I have but a dull consaid

Of their existence or Of their existence.

He

73

are alive.

And do you know

of any

alive? I

cannot say that

I

do.

word which

is

h

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

74

Then why

did you ask

me what

sense

my

words had?

Why, take.

because I was stupid and made a misyet, perhaps, I was right after all in

And

—

saying that wo^s have a sense; what do you say, wise man? If I was not in error, even you will not refute me, and ail your wisdom will be non-plussed; but if I did fall into error, then again you arc wrong in saying that there is

no

error,

—

^and this

remark was made by you

not quite a year ago. [ 2 ^8 ]

am

mclined to think, however, Dionysodorus and Euthydemus, that this argument lies where it was and is not very likely to advance: even your skill

most gold was hidden in the earth ? Perhaps we should, he said. But have wc not already proved, I said, that we should be none the better off, even if without trouble and digging all the gold which there is in the earth were ours? And if we knew how to convert stones into gold, [ 28^1 the knowledge would be of no value to us, unless we also knew how to use the gold? Do you not

remember?

I

said.

in the subtleties of logic,

remember, he said. Nor would any other knowledge, whether of money-making, or of medicine, or of any other art which knows only how to make a thing, and not to use it when made, be ot any good to

ing, has not

us.

I

which is really amazfound out the way of throwing another and not falling yourself, now any more than of old. Ctesippus said: Men of Chios, Thurii, or however and whatc\er you call yourselves, I wonder at you, for you seem to have no objection to talking nonsense. Fearing that there would be high words, I again endeavoured to soothe Ctesippus, and said to

what

I

him:

To

you, Ctesippus,

I

must repeat you do

—that

said before to Cleinias

not understand the ways of these philosophers from abroad. They are not serious, but, like the Egyptian wizard, Proteus, they take different forms and deceive us by their enchantments: and let us, like Mcnelaus, refuse to let them go until they show themselves to us in earnest. When they begin to be in earnest their full beauty will appear: let us then beg and entreat and beseech them to shine forth. And I think that I had better once more exhibit the form in which I pray to behold them; it might be a guide to them. I will go on therefore where I left off, as well as I can, in the hope that I may

touch their hearts and move them to pity, and that when they see me deeply serious and interested, they also may be serious. You, Cleinias, 1 said, shall left

off.

remind

me

Did we not agree

at

what point we

that philosophy

should be studied? and was not that our conYes, he replied.

philosophy

Am

He

I

not right?

agreed.

And

if

there were a

knowledge which was

make men

immortal, without giving them the knowledge of the way to use the immortality, neither would there be any use in that, if wx may argue from the analogy of the previous instances^ To all this he agreed. Then, iny dear boy, I said, the knowledge able to

which we want makes?

is

one that uses as well as

True, he said. And our desire

is not lo be skilful lyre-makor artists of that sort far otherwise; for with them the art which makes is one, and the art which uses is another. Although they have to do with the same, they are divided: tor the art which makes and the art which plays on the lyre differ widely trom one another. I not

—

ers,

Am

right?

He agreed. And clearly we do flute-maker; this

is

not want the art of the only another of the same

sort?

He

assented.

But suppose, I

said, that

—

we were to learn the

making speeches would which would make us happy?

art of

that be the art

should say no, rejoined Cleinias. should you say sd? I asked. I see, he replied, that thet^ arc some composers of speeches who do not {know how to use I

And why

clusion?

And

I quite

is

the acquisition of knowl-

mak4 just as the makdo not know hov| to use the lyres; some who are of themselves unable to

the speeches which they

edge? Yes, he said.

ers of lyres

And what knowledge ought we to acquire? May we not answer with absolute truth

—

knowledge which will do us good? Certainly, he .said. And should we be any the better if we went about having a knowledge of the places where

and also compose speeches, but arc able to use the speeches which the others make for them; and this proves that the art of

not the same as the Yes, I said; and

1

making

speeches

is

using them. take your words to be a

art of

EUTHYDEMUS proof that the art of making speeches not one which will make a man happy. And yet I did think that the art which we have so long been seeking might be discovered in that sufficient

is

whenmeet them, always appear to me to be very extraordinary men, Cleinias, and their art is lofty and divine, and no wonder. For their art is a part of the great art of enchantment. /290/ and hardly, if at all, inferior to it; and whereas the art of the enchanter is a mode of charming snakes and spiders and scorpions, and other monsters and pests, this art of theirs acts upon dicasts and ecclesiasts and bodies of men, for the charming and pacifying of them. Do you agree with me? Yes, he said, I think that you arc quite right. Whither then shall wc go, I said, and to what art shall we have recourse? I do not see my way, he said. But I think that I do, I replied. And what is your notion? asked Cleinias. I think that the art of the general is above all others the 0*^0' of v.hich tlic possession is most direction; for the composers of speeches,

ever

I

likely to 1

make a man happy.

do not think

Why The

noti*

I

so,

he said.

said.

art of the general

is

surely

an

art of

What of that ? I said. Why, he said, no art of hunting

extends be-

yond hunting and capturing; and when the prey is taken the huntsman or fisherman cannot use it; but thc'y hand it over to the cook, and the geometricians and astronomers and calculators (who all belong to the hunting class, for they do not make their diagrams, but only find out that which was previously contained they, I say, not being able to use in them) but only to catch their prey, hand o\cr their

—

inventions to the dialectician to be applied by him, if they have any sense in them.

Good,

T said, fairest

and wisest

Cleinias.

And

this true?

Certainly, he said; just as a general

when he

over his new acquisition to the statesman, for he docs not know how to use them himself; or as the quail-taker transfers the quails to the keeper of them. If we arc looking for the art which is to make us takes a city or a

blessed,

camp hands

and which

is

able to use that

which

it

makes or takes, the art of the general is not the one, and some other must be found. CrL And do you mean, Socrates, that the youngster said •Sor.

all

I am; for if he did say so, opinion he needs neither Euthydemu nor any one else to be his instructor. Socn Perhaps I may have forgotten, and Ctesippus was the real answerer. f2 gj] Cri. Ctesippus! nonsense. Soc\ All I know is that I heard these words, and that they were not spoken cither by Euthydemus or Dionysodorus. I dare say, my good Crito, that they may have been spoken by some superior person: that I heard them I am certain. Cn. Yes, indeed, Socrates, by some one a good deal superior, as I should be disposed to think. But did you carry the search any further, and did you find the art which you were seeking? Soc, Find! my dear sir, no indeed. And we cut a poor figure; we were like children alter larks, always on the point of catching the art, which was always getting away from us. But why should I repeat the whole story? At last we came to the kingly art, and enquired whether that gave and caused happiness, and then we got into a labyrinth, and when wc thought wc were at the end, came out again at the beginning, having still to seek as much as ever. Cri. iiow did that happen, Socrates? Soc. I will tell you; the kingly art was identi-

my

fied

by us with the

Cri. Well,

hunting mankind.

is

CrL Indeed,

in

this?

Are you incredulous, Crito?

political.

and what came of that?

Soc, To this royal or political art all the arts, including the art of the general, seemed to render up the supremacy, that being the only one which knew how to use what they produce. Here obviously was the very art which wc were seeking the art which is the source ot good goNcrnmenl, and which may be described, in the language of Aeschylus, as alone sitting at the helm ot the vessel of state, piloting and governing all things, and utilizing them. Cri. And were you not right, Socrates? Soc. You shall judge, Crito, if you are willing to hear what followed; for v^ c resumed tlie cncjuiry, and a question of this soit was asked: Does the kingly art, having this supreme authority, do anything tor us? To he sure, was the ansNNcr. And would not you, f'rito, say the

—

same? Cri. Yes, I should.

Soc.

And what would you say that the kingly

medicine were supposed to have supreme authority over the subordinate arts, and 1 were to ask you a similar question about it produces health? that, you would say

art does? If

—

Cri.

I

should.

Soc. And what of your own art of husbandry, supposing that to have supreme authority over

nT\LOGUES OF PLATO

76

the subject arts—^what does that do?

Docs

it

not supply us with the fruits of the earth?

1292J Cri. Yes.

And what

does the kingly art do when supreme power? Perhaps you may not be ready with an answer? Cn. Indeed I am not, Socrates. Soc. No more were we, Crito. But at any rate you know that if this is the art which we were seeking, it ought to be useful. Soc.

invested with

CrL Certainly. Soc,

And surely it ought to do us some good ^

C/7 Certainly, Socrates. And Cleinias and I had arrived at the conclusion that knowledge of some kind 1$ the only good. Cn. Yes, that was what you were saying. Soc. All the other results of politics, and they are many, as for example, wealth, freedom, tranquillity, were neither good nor evil in themselves; but the political science ought to .

make

us wise, and impart knowledge to us, it the science w'hich is likely to do us good, and make us happy. Cri. Yes; that was the conclusion at which you had arrived, according to your report ot the is

conversation. Soc.

And docs the kingly art make men

wise

and good? Crt.

Cri.

And

did Euthydenius show you this

knowledge? Soc. Yes, indeed; he proceeded in a lofty

Would you

rath-

should show you this knowledge about which you have been doubting, or shall 1 prove that you already have

er, Socrates, said he, that I

it?

What, power as Indeed

Then

I said,

are you blessed with such a

this?

am. would much rather

I

that you should prove me to have such a knowledge; at my time of life that will be more agreeable than having to learn. Then tell me, he said, do you know anything? Yes, I said, I know many things, but not anything of much importance. That will do, he said: And would you admit that anything is what it is, and at the same time I

not what it is ? Certainly not. And did you not say that you thing? is

Why not, Socrates?

Soc. What, all men, and in every respect? and teach them all the arts, carpentering, and cobbling, and the rest of them ^

—

Cri. I think not, Socrates.

But then what is this knowledge, and what arc wc to do with it? For it is not the source of any works which arc neither good nor evil, and gives no knowledge, but the knowledge of itself; what then can it be, and what arc wc to do with it^ Shall wc say, Oito, that it is the knowledge by which wc are to make other men good ? Cri.

By

Soc.

And in what will they be good and usewc repeat that they will make others

all

means.

good, and that these others will

make

others

again, without ever determining in what they are to be good; for wc have put aside the results of politics, as they are called.

song over again; and

did.

you know, you arc knowing. which I have. That makes no difference;- -and must you not, if you are knowing, know all things? Certainly, of the knov/ledgc

Certainly not, I said, for there arc other things which I do not know. And if you do not know, you are not

many know-

ing.

which I do not know. you are not knowing, and you said just now that you were knowing; ajtid therefore you are and are not at the same time, and in referi ence to the same things. A pretty clatter, as men s^, Euthydemus, this of yours and will you emlain how I possess that knowledge for whicfi wc were seeking? Do you mean to say th^ the same thing cannot be and also not be; and therefore, since I know one thing, that I know all, for I cannot be knowing and not knowing at the same time, and if I know all things, then I must have the knowledge for which we are seeking May I Yes, friend, of that

Still

ful? Shall

we

This

is

the

are just as

not farther, from the knowledge of the art or science of happiness. Cri. Indeed, Socrates, you do appear to have got into a great perplexity.

far as ever,

I

knew some-

If

Soc.

old, old

knowledge was which would enable us to pass the rest of our lives in happiness.

strain to the following effect:

Soc.

that

the point of shipwreck, [293] I lifted up my and earnestly entreated and called upon the strangers to save me and the youth from the whirlpool of the argument; they were our Castor and Pollux, I said, and they should be serious, and show us in sober earnest what that voice,

if

Soc. Thereupon, Crito, seeing that

I

was on

I

—

EUTHYDEMUS

77

we do know something. [ 2 ^) 4 ] Then, I said, you know all things, if you know anything? Yes, all things, he said; and that is as true of you as of us. O, indeed, I said, what a wonderful thing, and what a great blessing And do all other

tions, that they knew all things. For at last Ctesippus began to throw off all restraint; no question in fact was too bad for him; he would ask them if they knew the foulest things, and they, like wild boars, came rushing on his blows, and fearlessly replied that they did. At last, Crito, I too was carried away by iny incredulity, and asked Euthydcmus whether Dionysodorus could dance. Certainly, he replied. And can he vault among swords, and turn upon a wheel, at his age? has he got to such a height of skill as that? He can do anything, he said. And did you always know this? Always, he said. When you were children, and at your birth ^ [295 / I’hcy both said that they did. I'his we could not believe. And Eutliydemus

men know all things or nothing?

said:

assume

this to

be your ingenious notion?

Out of your own mouthi

you arc

Socrates,

convicted, he said.

Well, but, Euthydcmus,

has that never

I said,

you? for if I am only in the same case with you and our beloved Dionysodorus, I cannot complain. Tell me, then, you two, do you not know some things, and not know

happened

to

others? Certainly not, Socrates, said Dionysodorus.

What do you mean,

I

do you know

said;

nothing? Nay, he replied,

^

Certainly, he replied; they cannot

know some

and not know others, and be same time knowing and not knowing.

things,

Then wha»^ They all know know one thing.

O

inference'* all

I

things, he replied,

all

if I

arc incredulous, Socrates.

said,

did not

and

I

might well be incredulous, to be wise men.

know you

if

Well,

they

I

said, there

is

I will

nothing that

I

make

should

like better than to be sell-convictcd of this, lor

heavens, Dionysodorus,

I said, 1

And do you

really

I

sec

now

got you

and truly know and leather-

things, including carpentering

am

wise man, which I never knew will prove to me that I know and have always known all things, nothing in life would be a greater gain to me. if 1

before,

really a

and you

Answer

then, he said. Ask, I said, and I will answer. Do you know something, Socrates, or noth-

cutting^ Certainly, he said.

And do you know stitching? Yes, by the gods, we do, and cobbling, too. And do you know things such as the numand of the sand ? Certainly; did you think we should say no

bers of the stars to that?

By Zeus,

I

But if you will answer, he said, you confess to similar marvels.

said.

that you arc in earnest; hardly have to that point.

at the

You

Yes,

said Ctesippus, interrupting,

I

only

me some proof which know whether you speak

wish that you would give

would enable

me

to

truly.

What proof shall I give you ? he said. Will you tell me how many teeth Euthydcmus has? and Euthydcmus shall tell how many you have. Will you not take our word that wc know all

ing?

Something, I said. And do you know with what you know, or with something else? With what I know; and I suppose that you mean with iny soul ^ Are you not ashamed, Socrates, of asking a question when you arc asked one? Well, I said; but then what am I to do^ tor I will do whatever you bid; when I do not know what you are asking, you tell me to ansvver nevertheless,

Why, you

teeth

meaning, he

and not

to ask again.

surely have

some notion

of

my

said.

things?

Yes,

Certainly not, said Ctesippus: you must further tell us this one thing, and then we shall know that you arc speaking the truth; if you

Well, then, answer according to your notion

us the number, and we count them, and you arc found to he right, we will believe the rest. They fancied that Ctesippus was making game of them, and they refused, and they would only say in answer to each of his questell

of

1

replied.

my

meaning.

Yes,

I

if the question which you ask understood anil answered by me

said; but

in one sense

is

—

if 1 answer in another, will that please you what is not to the point? That will please me very well; but will not please you equally well, as 1 imagine.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

78 I certainly will

stand you,

not answer unless

I

under-

And now, he said, you may add on whatever like, for you confess that you know all

you

I said.

You will not answer, he said, according to your view of the meaning, because you will be

things.

and are an ancient. Now I saw that he was getting angry with me for drawing distinctions, when he wanted

tion implied in the

prating,

to catch

me in

his springes of

words.

And

I re-

membered that Connus was always angry with me when I opposed him, and then he neglected me, because he thought that I was stupid; and as I was intending to go to Euthydemus as a pupil, I reflected that I had licticr let him have his way, as he might think me a blockhead, and refuse to take me. So I said: You arc a far betthan myself, Lulhydemus, for have never made a profession of the art, and therefore do ns you say; ask your questions once more, and I will answer. Answer then, he said, again, whether you know what you know with something, or with ter dialectician

I

nothing. Yes, I said;

know with my soul, man will answer more

I

[ 2 g6 ] The

than the did not ask you, he said, with what you know, but whether you know with something. Again I replied, Through ignorance I have answered too much, bur I hope that you will forgi\e me. And now I will answer simply .that I always know what f know with something. And is that something, he rejoined, always question; for

1

the same, or sometimes one thing, times another thing?

Always,

I

replied, when

I

and .some-

know, I know with

this.

Will you not cease adding to your answers? My fear is that this word “always” may get us into trouble. You, perhaps, but certainly not us. And now answer: Do you always know with this? Always; since I am required to withdraw

words “when I know.” You always know with this, or, always knowing, do you know some things with this,

the

and some things with something else, or do you know all things with this? All that 1 know, 1 replied, 1 know with this. There again, Socrates, he said, the addition is

Well, then, I

1 said, I will

suppose that

take

away the words

know.”

my

qualifica-

words “that I know” is not allowed to stand; and so I do know all things. And have you not admitted that you always know all things with that which you know, whether you make the addition of “when you know them” or not? tor you have acknowledged that you have always and at once known all things, that is to say, when yon were a child, and at your birth, and when you were growing up, and before you were born, and before the heaven and earth existed, you knew all things, it you always know them; and I swear that you always continue to

shall

know

all

things,

if I

am ot the mind to make you. But T hope that you will be of that mind, reverend Euthydemus, I said, if you are really speaking the truth, and yet I a little doubt your power to make good your words unless you have the help of your brother Dionysodorus; then you may do it. Tell me now, both of you, for although in the main I cannot doubt that 1 all things, when 1 am told so by your prodigious wisdom --how can I say that I know such things, Kuthydciniis, as that the good are unjust; come, do I know that

really

men

do know

ol

or not? Orlainly, you

What do

I

know thau

know^

That the good arc not unjust. 1 ^ 97 ] Quite true, I said; and that I have always known; but the quCsStion is, where did 1 learn that the good are unjust? Nowhere, said Dionysodorus. Then, I said, I do not know this.

You

arc ruining the argument, said Euthy-

demus

to Dionysodorus; he will be proved not

to know, and tlicn after all he will be knowing and not knowing at the same time.

Dionysodorus blushed. turned to the other, and said. What do you Euthydemus? Docs not your omniscient brother appear to you to haveUnade a mistake? What, replied Dionysodorus in a moment; am I the brollicr of Euthydeipus? I

think,

Thereupon I said, Please jnot to interrupt, good friend, or prevent Biuthydemus from proving to me that I know tic good to be unjust; such a lesson you might at least allow me

Nay, take nothing away; I desire no favours of you; but let me ask: Would you be able to

to learn.

know all things, if you did not know all things?

sodorus,

Quite impossible.

is true, I said, if

my

superfluous.

“that

I

You are running away, Socrates, and refusing

No wonder, 1

said

Diony-

to answer.

said, for I

am not a

match

for

—

EUTHYDEMUS one of you, and a fortiori I must run away from two. 1 am no Heracles; and even Heracles could not fight against the Hydra, who was a shcSophist, and had the wit to shoot up many new heads when one of them was cut off; especially when he saw a second monster of a sea-crab, who was also a Sophist, and appeared to have newly arrived from a sea-voyage, bearing down upon him from the left, opening his mouth and biting. When the monster was growing troublesome he called Tolaus, his nephew, to his help, who ably succoured him; but if my lolaus,

ary

|,

who

were

is

to

my

brother Patroclcs

[

the statu-

come, he would only make a bad

business worse.

father of

And now that you have delivered

yourself of

79

than a father, is not a father? I suppose that he is not a father, I replied. For if, said Euthydemus, taking up the argument, Chaeredemus is a father, then Sophroniscus, being other than a father, is not a father; and you, Socrates, are without a father. Ctesippus, here taking up the argument, said: And is not your father in the same case, for he is other than my father? Assuredly not, said Euthydemus. Then he is the same? He is the* same. I cannot say that 1 like the connection; but is he only my father, Euthydemus, or is he the

Of all

all other men ? other men, he replied.

Do you suppose

Dionysodorus, will you inform me whether lolaus was the nephew of Heracles any more than he is yours? I suppose that I had best answer you, Dionysodorus, I said, for you will insist on asking that I pretty well know out of envy, in order to prevent me from learning the wisdom of

the same person to be a father and not a father? Certainly, I did so imagine, said Ctesippus.

Euthydemu*. 1‘hen answer me, he said. Well then, I said, 1 can only reply that lolaus was not my nephew at all, but the nephew of Heracles; and his father was not my brother

father

this strain, said

—

who

has a name rather like his, and was the brother of Heracles. And is Patrocles, he said, your brother? Yes, I said, he is my half-brother, the son of Patrocles, hut Iphicles,

my

my

mother, but not of

father.

Then he is and is not your brother. Not by the same father, my good man, I for

Chaercdenius was

his father,

said,

and mine was

Sophronisiiis.

And was Sophroniscus a

father,

and Chaere-

demus also? Yes,

I

former was

my

father,

and

Then, he

said,

Chaeredemus

is

not a

not gold, or

is

the father of

But he

is,

all.

he replied.

What, of men only, said Ctesippus, or and of all other animals?

of

horses

Of

he said. your mother, too, is the mother of all ? Yes, our mother too. Yes; and your mother has a progeny of seaurchins then? Yes; and yours, he said. And gudgeons and puppies and pigs are your brothers? all,

And

And And And

yours tu). your papa so

is

is

a

dog?

yours, he said.

my questions, said Dionysoon extract the same admissions from you, Ctesippus. You say that you have a dog. you

sodorus,

will

answer

I will

Yes, a villain of a one, said Ctesippus.

father.

He is not my

father,

1

said.

But can a father be other than a father? or are you the same as a stone? I certainly do not think that I am a stone, I said, though I am afraid that you may prove

me to be

one.

Are you not other than a stone? 1 am.

And stone;

is

They arc not '7n pari materia," Euthydemus, said Ctesippus, and you had better take care, for it is monstrous to suppose that your

If

said; the

the latter his. / 29S ]

And do you suppose that gold man is not a man ?

that a

being other than a stone, you are not a

and being other than gold, you are not

And

he has puppies? Yes, and they arc very like himself. And the dog is the father of them?

Yes, he said, I certainly saw him and the mother of the puppies come together. And is he not yours? To be sure he is. Then he is a father, and he is yours; ergo, he is your father, and the puppies arc your brothers. Let me ask you one little question more, said

Very

true.

Dionysodorus, quickly interposing, in order that Ctesippus might not get in his word: You

And

so Chaeredemus, he said, being other

beat this dog?

gold?

—] DIALOGUES OF PLATO

80

Ctesippus said, laughing, Indeed 1 do; and 1 only wish that I could beat you instead of him. Then you beat your father, he said. l 2gg I should have far more reason to beat yours, said Ctesippus;

what could he have been think-

begat such wise sons? much good has this father of you and your brethren the puppies got out of this wisdom of yours. ing of

when he

But neither he nor you, Ctesippus, have any need of much good. And have you no need, Euthydemus? he said.

Neither I nor any other man; for tell me now, Ctesippus, if you think it good or evil for a man who is sick to drink medicine when he wants it; or to go to war armed rather than unarmed. Good, I say. And yet I know that I am going to be caught in one of your charming puzzles. That, he replied, you will discover, if you answer; since you admit medicine to be good for a man to drink, when wanted, must it not be good for him to drink as much as possible; when he takes his medicine, a cartload of hellebore will not be too much for him? Ctesippus said: Quite so, Euthydemus, that is to say, if he who drinks is as big as the statue of Delphi.

And seeing that in war to have arms is a good thing, he ought to have as many spears and shields as possible? Very true, said Ctesippus; and do you think, Euthydemus, that he ought to have one«shield only, and one spear? Briareus in

way? Considering that you and your companion hght in armour, I thought that you would have known better. , . Here Euthyde-

that

.

mus held his peace, but Dionysodorus returned previous answer of Ctesippus

the

and

said:

Do you not think that the possession of gold is

a go^ thing? Yes, said Ctesippus, and the

And is

to

who

and the

have gold in their

own skulls to be the happiest and bravest of men (that is only another instance of your manner of speaking about the dog and father), and is still more extraordinary, they drink out of their own skulls gilt, and see the inside of

what

own

them, and hold their

[po] And do

head

in their hands.

the Scythians and others see

that which has the quality of vision, or that which has not? said Euthydemus. That which has the quality of vision clearly. And ^ you also see that which has the quality of vision ^ he said.

Yes,

I

do.

I'hen do you see our garments? Yes*

Then our garments have

the quality of vi-

sion.

They can

see to

What can they

any

extent, said Ctesippus.

see?

Nothing; but you, my sweet man, may perhaps imagine that they do not see; and certainly, Euthydemus, you do seem to me to have been caught napping when you were not asleep, and that if it be possible to speak and say nothing you arc doing so. And may there not be a silence of the speaker? said Dionysodorus.

—

Impossible, said Ctesippus.

Or a speaking of the silent? That is still more impossible, he said. But when you speak of stones, wood, iron bars, do you not speak of the silent^

Not when

Ido.

And would you arm Geryon and

to

Yes, Euthydemus, said Ctesippus;

Scythians reckon those

bars

make

I

pass a smithy; for then the iron

a tremendous noise and outcry

if

wisdom

is

they arc touched; so that here your

strangely mistaken, please, however, to

tell

me

how you can be silent when speaking (I thought was put upon his mettle because was present). When you are silent, said Euthydemus, is

that Ctesippus

Clcinias

there not a silence of

all

things?

Yes, he said.

more the better.

have money everywhere and always

But

if

What,

a good?

he said. And you admit gold to be a good? Certainly, he replied. And ought not a man then to have gold everywhere and always, and as much as possible in himself, and may he not be deemed the Certainly, a great good,

speaking things arf included in

all

things, then the speaking arejsilent. said Ctesippus; tlten|all things are not

silent?

Certainly not, said Euthydtmus.

Then,

my good friend, do jhey all speak?

*Notc; the ambiguity of and able to sec,”

visible

Apfly,

"things

“the speak-

in his belly,

ing of the silent,” the silent denoting cither the speaker or the subject of the speech, cannot be perfectly rendered in English. Compare Aristotle,

stater of

Sophistical Refutations,

happiest of

men who

has three talents of gold

and a talent in his pate, and a gold in either eye?

iv.

i66*

—

EUTHYDEMUS Yes; those which speak. said Ctesippus, but the question which 1 ask is whether all things are silent or speak? Neither and both, said Dionysodorus, quickly interposing; I am sure that you will be “nonplussed” at that answer. Here Ctesippus, as his manner was, burst into a roar of laughter; he said, That brother ot yours, Euthydcnuis, has got into a dilemma; all is over with him. This delighted Cleinias, whose laughter made Ctesippus ten times as uproarious; but I cannot help thinking that the rogue must have picked up this answer from them; for there has been no wisdom like theirs in our time. Why do you laugh, Cleinias, I said, at such solemn and beautiful things? Why, Socrates, said Dionysoiiorus, did you ever see a beautiful thing? Yes, Dionysodorus, I replied, I have seen

Nay>

many. [ ^01 ]

Were

they other than the beautiful,

or the same as the beautiful ? Now I was in a great quandary at having to answ'er this quc..iion, and I thought that I was rightly served for having opened my mouth at all: I said however, They are not the same as absolute beauty, but they have beauty present

with each of them. And arc you an ox because an ox is present with you, or arc you Dionysodorus, because Dionysodorus is present with you? Cjod forbid,

1

replied.

man? is

tell

81

me, in the

boil

and

roast?

The

cook,

And

if

a

I

said.

man

does his business he docs right-

ly?

Certainly.

And

the business of the cook is to cut up and you have admitted that? Yes, I have admitted that, but you must not be too hard upon me. Then if some one were to kill, mince, boil, roast the cook, he would do his business, and if he were to hammer the smith, and make a pot of the potter, he would do their business. skin;

Poseidon, I said, this is the crowm of w'isdom; I ever hope to have such wisdom of my

can

own ? And would you own ? ('ertainly,

I

said,

Yes,

I

heart was set. Of course, he replied,

all

my

and Euthydemus

I

and

all

the world are

What do you mean, Dionysodorus?

I

said. Is

not the honourable honourable and the base base? That, he said, is as I please.

And do you please? Yes, he said.

and which you are able

to use as

you would

example, an ox or a sheep w^ould you not think that which you could sell

any god whom you own, and that which you could not give or sell or sacrifice you would think not to be in your ow'n power? Yes, I said (for I was certain that something good would come out of the questions, which I w^as impatient to hear); yes, such things, and

and gi\c and

sacrifice to

admit that the same

such things only are mine. Yes, he said, and you would mals Ihiiig beings?

the

Yes,

You

to

the top, of

Is not that w^hich you would deem your own, he said, that which you have in your own jww-

same, and the other other; for surely the other is not the same; I should imagine that even a child will hardly deny the other to be other. But I chink, Dionysodorus, that you must have intentionally missed the last question; for in general you and your brother seem to me to be good workmen in your own department, and

will

is

wisdom.

pleased, to be your

in a difficulty about the non-existent.

And you

you will allow me. that you know

do, subject to your correction; for you

arc the bottom,

desire, [ ^02 ] for

For I was beon which my

if

What, he said, do you think what is your own?

cr,

skill,

be able, Socrates, to recog^ it has become your

wisdom when

nize this

other ? I said.

whose business

The smith’s. And whose the making of pots? The potter’s. And who has to kill and skin and mince and

But how, he said, by reason of one thing being present with another, will one thing be anIs that your difficulty? ginning to imitate their

first place,

hammering?

is

do the dialectician's business excellently well. What^said he, is the business of a good work-

I

mean by

ani-

said.

agree then, that those animals only arc yours with which you have the power to do all these things 1

which

1

was

just

naming?

agree.

Then,

after a pause, in

which he seemed to

be lost in the contemplation of something great, he said: Tell me, Socrates, have you an ancestral Zeus? Here, anticipating the final move, like a person caught in a net, who gives a des-

j

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

82

he may get away, I said No, Dionysodorus, I have not What a miserable man )oii must be then, he said, you are not an Athenian at all li you have no ancestral gods or temples, or any other mark

perate twist that

of gentility.

Nay, Dionysodorus, I said, do not he roimh, good words, if you please, in the way of rt ligion I have altars and temples, domestic and ancestral, and all that other Athenians hue And have not other Athenians, he said, an ancestral Zeus^

That name,

I

said, is not to

be found

among

the lonians, whether colonists or ciii/cns ot Athens, an ancestral Apollo there is, who is the lather of Ion, and a family Zeus, and a Zeus

guardian of the phrairy, and an Athene guard lan of the phratry

Zeus

IS

unknown

But the name ot ancestral

to us

No matter, said Dionysodorus, lor \ou ad mit that you have Apollo, Zeus, and Athene Certainly,

I

not admit did,

They

I

\ou

what

arc animals,

is

1

said

admitted that oi animals those irc voiirs which you could give a wav or sell or otfer in sacrifice, as you pleased? I did admit that, Luthydemus, and I have no of escape

[sojj Well then, said he, if you admit that 7cus and the other gods are yours, can )ou sell them or give them away or do what you will with them, as )ou would with other animals? At this 1 was quite struck dumb, Crito, and

came to the rescue Bravo, Heracles, brave words, said he Bravo Heracles, or is Heracles a Bravo? said

lay piostrate. Ctesippus

Dionysodorus Poseidon, said Ctesippus, what awful dis tinctions. I will

c^f

thu they would

employing them

Cl

otgood

in the

lx

more

rclunrion

being rt luted by them I must approv il of voiir kind ind

m\

ill

diffcrtnccs,

wheth

md evil, vv hite or bhek, or anv other

the result ol which

that*^

And you

way

rant of their value,

ashimcd

public spirited denial ol

rate they are >ours, he said, did

said,

gard only those who are like yourselves And 1 do vcnly believe that there are lew who ire like \ou, ind who would approve ot such argu ments the majority ol mankind arc so igno

further evpress

going to happen to me^ And arc not these gods animals^ for you admit that all things which have life arc am mals, and have not these gods litc^ They have life, I said Then arc they not animals? I

m

of others th in ol

said

And they arc your gods, he said Yes, I said, my lords and ancestors At any

whole company shouted with delight until the columns ot the Lyceum returned the sound, seeming to sympathize their joy I o such a pitch was I affected myself, that I mide a speech, in which I acknowledged that I had ncvci seen the like of their wisdom, I w is their devoted servant, and fell to praising and idmir mg ot them What marvellous dexterity oi wit, I said, enabled you to acquire this great perfee non in such a short timc^ There is much, in deed, to admire in your wcjrcls, huthvdcmus and Dionysodorus, but there is nothing th it 1 admiie more thin )our mignanimous disie gard ot anv opinion— whether of the man\, or of the grave and reverend seigniors— >ou re

have no more ot them, the pair

are invincible

1 hen, my dear Cnto, there was

universal ap-

and what with laughing and clapping oi hands and rejoicings the two men were quite overpowered, for hitherto their partisans only had plause of the speakers

and

cheered at each successive

their words,

hit,

but

now

the

mouth

IS

is thu, is you siy, every sewn up, not excepting your own

which griciouslv follows the exam pit of oth and thus all ground of offence is tikeii away But wh U ^ppe irs to me to be more th in

ers

all

is,

tint this art incl invention ol ^ouls Ins

been so adniiribl) contrived hv you, thu in i very shoit time it can be imparted to iny one I observed thit C^tcsippus Icirnecl to iinitUe Now this ejuickncss of you in no time [

aitunmcnt is in cxtellent thing but u the same time I would advise you not to have uiy more public cntcrliinmcnts there is a dinger that men may undervalue an art which they have so e isy an oiiportiiniiv of icqiurmg the exhibition would be best ol ill it the discussion were confined to )our two selves hut if there must be an uidience, let him only be present who IS willing to pay a handsome lee, you

—

—

should be careful ol this, arid if you art wise, you will also bid your discipfes discourse with no man but you and themscl^|cs For only what IS rare is valu ible, and “watc|*,” which, as Pm dar says, is the “best of all tfcings,” is also the cheapest And now I have oiily to request that you will receive Clemias and me among your pupils

Such was the discussion, C rito, and after a few more words had passed between us wc went away I hope that you will come to them With me, since they say that they are able to

EUTHYDEMUS teach any one who will give them money; no age Of want of capacity is an impediment. And I must repeat one thing which they said, for

your especial

benefit,

—that the learning of

art did not at all interfere

their

with the business of

money-making. Cri, Truly, Socrates,

though

T

am curious am not like-

and ready to learn, yet T fear that I minded with Eurhydemus, but one of the other sort, who, as you were saying, would rather be refuted by such arguments than use them in refutation of others. And though I may appear ridiculous in venturing to advise you, that

you may

by a

man

as well hear

what was

I

think

said to

of very considerable pretensions

—

me

—he

was a professor of legal oratory ^who came away from you while I was walking up and down. “Crito,” said he to me, “are you giving no attention to these wise men?” ‘‘No, indeed,” him; “I could not get within hearing of them there was such a crowd.” “You would have heard something worth hearing if you said. “You would had.” “What was that?” have heard the greatest masters of the art of rhetoric discoursing.” “And what did you think I said to

—

I

“What

doubt whether he had ever been into court; but they say that he knows the business, and is a clever man, and composes wonderful speeches. Soc, Now I understand, Crito; he is one of an amphibious class, whom I was on the point of mentioning one of those whom Prodicus describes as on the border-ground between philosophers and statesmen they think that they are the wisest of all men, and that they arc generally esteemed the wisest; nothing but the rivalry of the philosophers stands in their way; and they arc of the opinion that if they can prove the philosophers to be good for nothing, no one will dispute their title to the palm of wisdom, for that they are themselves really the wisest, although they arc apt to be maul^ by Euthydemus and his friends, when they get hold of them in conversation. This opinion

—

—

which they

think of them?”

Cri.

There

them?”

—

1

said.

did

I

—

duct was so very strange in placing himselt at the mercy of men who care not what they say,

and fasten upon e\ery word. And these, as I was telling you, are supposed to be the most eminent professors of their time. But the truth 18,01(0, that the study itself and the men themselves are utterly mean and ridiculous.” Now censure of the pursuit, Socrates, whether coming from him or from others, appears to me to be undeserved; but as to the impropriety of holding a public discussion with such men, there, I confess that, in my opinion, he was in the right. Soc,

O Crito,

they are marvellous

own wisdom

is

What do you is

certainly

say of them, Socrates? something specious in that

notion of theirs. Soc. Yes, Crito, there

is

more speciousness

than truth; they cannot be made to understand the nature of intermediates. /^o6 / For all Iversons or things, which are intermediate between two other things, and participate in both of them if one of these two things is good and the other e\ il, are belter than the one and worse than the other; but if they are in a mean between two good things which do not tend to

—

the same end, they fall short of cither of their component elements in the attainment of their ends. Only in the case when the two component elements which do not tend to the same end are evil is the participant better than cither. Now, if philosophy and political action are both good, but tend to different ends, and they participate in both, and are in a mean Ivetwecn

them, then they are talking nonsense, for they arc worse than cither; or, if the one be good and the other evil, liicy are better than the one and

men; but

worse than the other; only on the supposition

me who

that they are both evil could there be any truth in what they say. I do not think that they will

what was I going to say? First of know; What manner of man was he came up to you and censured philosophy; was all let

—

entertain of their

very natural; for they have a certain amount of philosophy, and a certain amount of political wisdom; there is reason in what they say, for they argue that they have just enough of both, and so they keep out of the way of all risks and conflicts and reap the fruits of their wisdom.

he said: “theirs was the sort of discourse which anybody might hear from men who were playing the lool, and making much ado about nothing.”l’hat was the expression which he used. “Surely,” 1 said, “philosophy is a charming thing.” / ^05/ “Charming!” he said; “what simplicity! philosophy is nought; and I think that if you had been present you would have been ashamed of your friend his con-

of

83

he an orator who himself practises in thecourts, or an instructor of orators, who makes the speeches with which they do battle? Cri. He was certainly not an orator, and I

their two pursuits are cither wholly or partly evil; but the truth is, that these philosopher-politicians who aim at both fall short

admit that

of both in the allainmcni of their respective

ends, and are really third, although they

would

]

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

84

no need, howe\cr» which may be forgiven; for every man ought to be loved who says and mantully pursues and works out anything which is at all hke wisdom: at the same time we shall do well to see them as they really are. like to stand

first.

There

is

—

to be angry at this ambition of theirs

C//. I

have often told you, Socrates, that

in a constant difficulty aixiut

my two

I

am

sons

What am I to do with them ? There is no hurry about the younger one, who is only a child; but the other, Cntobulus, is getting on, and needs some one who will improve him I cannot help thinking, when I hear you talk, that there is a sort oi madness in many ot our anxieties about our children: in the first place, about marrying a wife of good family to be the mother of them, and then about heaping up money for them ^and yet taking no care about their edu cation. But then again, when I contemplate any of those who pretend to educate others, 1 am

—

—

amazed. To me, if I am to confess the truth, [joj they all seem to be such outrageous beings- so that I do not know how I can advise

the youth to study philosophy. Soc, Dear Cnto, do you not

know that in every profession the inferior sort are numerous and good for nothing, and the good are few and beyond all price: tor example, are not gymnastic

and

rhetoric

and money-making and the

art of the general, noble arts?

Cn. Certainly they arc, in my judgment and do you not sec that in each of

Sac. Well,

these arts the

many

are ridiculous performers^

Cn. Yes, indeed, that is very true. Soc. And will you on this account shun all these pursuits yourself and refuse to allow them to your son? C?i. '1 hat would not be reasonable, Socrates Soc, Do you then be reasonable, Cnto, and do not mind whethei the teachers of philosophy are good or bad, but think only of philosophy herself Try and examine her well and truly, and if she be evil seek to turn away all men from her, and not your sons only, but if she be what 1 believe that she is, then follow her and serve her, you and your house, as the saying is, and be of good cheer.

—

CRATYLUS Persons of the Dialogue: Socrates, Hermogf.nes, Cratylus

[j8j] Hermogenes. Suppose that wc make S^rates a party to the argument? Cratylus, If you please. Her. I shouW v(T€xri

well call that

power

which

oicct, #cat

carries and holds nature {y eject), and this may be refined

away

into ^vxy»

Her.

more

('crtainly;

and this derivation

is, I

think,

than the other. so; but I cannot help laughing,

scientific is

to sup|X)se that this

was the

true

if I

meaning

of the nanic.

You mean

shall

wc say of the next word?

criopa

(the body).

Her. Yes.

That may be more variously allowed. For some Soc.

yet

variously interpreted; il

a

little

and

permutation

is

body is the grave {(rtjpa) of the soul which may be thought to be buried in our present life; or again the say that the

index of the soul, because the soul gives indica((ry/iaivei) the body; probably the

tions to

Orphic poets were the inventors of the name, and they were under the impression that the soul is suffering the punishment of sin, and chat the body is an enclosure or prison in which the soul

Soc. Certainly.

to

name meant to express when in the body is the source of

Soc.

mean

what occurs

use the soul

Her. But what

I

examine the (soul), and

I

which is the a, has been omitted, and the acute on the last syllable has been changed to a grave. Her, What do you mean? Soe.

all to

1

sentence,

case just of this sort, for one letter,

of

Soc, If

Soc. It

The name nvOptaTrosy which was once a and is now a noun, appears to be a

Soc.

first

moment,

am

true.

is

You want me

Soc,

natural fitness of the word then of the word own master, nor for small causes taking violent dislikes, but even when the cause is gre it, slow unintentional of ly laying up little wrath

—

and intentional ones I shall try to prevent, and these are the marks of a friendship which will last Do vou think th-it a lover only can be a firm if this were true, wc should friend ^ reflect set small value on sons, or fathers, or mothers, fences

I

shall forgive,

—

nor should love oi

we

them

ever have loyal friends, lor our

arises not

from p ission, but from

other associations Further, if wc ought to shower favours on those who ire the most

—

eager suitors, on that principle, we ought al ways to do good, not to the most virtuous, but to the most needy, for thc> arc the persons who will be most relieved, and w ill thcrclore be the

most grateful, and when you make 1

feast

you

should invite not your friend, but the beggar and the empty soul, for they will love )ou, and attend you, and come about your doors, and will be the best pleased, and the most grateful, and will invoke many a blessing on your head Yet surely you ought not to be granting f ivours to those who besiege )ou with prayer, but to those who are best able to reward you, nor to the lover only, but to those who arc worthy of love; nor to those who will enjoy the bloom of your youth, [2^4] but to those who will share their possessions with you in age, nor to those

who, having succeeded,

will glory in their suc-

but to those who will be modest and tell no tales, nor to those who care about you tor a moment only, but to those who will continue your tnends through life, nor to those cess to others,

who, when their passion is over, will pick a quarrel with you, but rithcr to those who, when the charm of youth has left you, will their own v irtue Remember what I have s*ud,and consider yet this further point friends

show

admonish the lover under the idea that his way of life IS bad, but no one of his kindred ever yet censured the non lover, or thought that he was ill advised about his own interests. “Perhaps you will ask me whether I propose >ou should indulge every non lover To which I leply that not even the lover would ad that

>ou to indulge all lovers, lor the indiscrim mate favour is less esteemed by the rational recipient, and less easily hidden by him who would escape the censure of the world Now love ought to be for the adv intige of both par vise

ind for the injury of neither have said enough, but if there IS anything more which you desirt or which in your opinion ncfds to be supplied, ask and I will answer Now, Socrates, w h it do vou think ^ Is not the

ties,

‘I believe that T

’

discourse excellent, ter of the

language

more especully

m the m

it

^

^oc Yes, quite aclmiriblc the

was ravishing And

cflecl

on

me

owe to you Phae drus, for I observed you whik reiding lo be in an ecstasy, and thinking that you are more ex this

I

pent need in these matters thin 1 am, I fol lowed your example, and, like you, m) divine darling, I liecanie inspired with a phrenzy Vhatdt Indeed, you aic pleased to be merry Soc Do you mt an that I am not in earnt st ? Phae dr. Now don’t talk in that way, Soera tes, but let me have vour real opinion, I adjure you, by Zeus, the god of friendship, to tell me whether you think ihit my Hellene could have said more or spoken bcttci on the same subject

Soe

Well, but are you ancf

I

expected to

praise the sentiments of the autlior, or onl) the clearness,

and roundness, and Imish, and tour

nure of the language ^ As to theprst I willingly submit to your better judgment5/ for 1 am not worthy to form an opinion, paving only attended to the rhetorical manner, and I was doubting whether this could have been defended even by Lysias himself, I thought, though I speak under correction, that he rcjjcatcd him se^f

two or three

times, cither

from want of

PHAEDRUS words or from want of pains; and pearcd to

me

he ap^ ostentatiously to exult in showing

how

well he could say the or three ways.

also,

same thing

in

two

you

119

and I too will be reasonable, and will allow you to start with the premiss that the say,

more disordered in his wits than the if in what remains you make a longer and better speech than Lysias, and use lover

is

non-lover;

Phaedr, Nonsense, Socrates; what you

call

was the especial merit of the speech; for he omitted no topic of which the subject rightly allowed, and I do not think that any one could have spoken better or more exhaus-

other arguments, then

tively.

How profoundly in earnest is the lover, because to tease him I lay a finger upon his lovcl And so, Phaedrus, you really imagine that I am going to improve upon the ingenuity of Lysias? Phaedr. There I have you as you had me,

repetition

There

I

and written of these things, would rise up in judgment against me, if out of complaisance 1 assented to you.

Phaedr. Who are they, and where did you hear anything better than this? Soc, 1 am sure that I must have heard; but at this moment 1 do not remember from whom: perhaps from Sappho the fair, or Anacreon the wise; or, possibly, from a prose writer. Why do I say so? Why, because I perceive that my bosom is full, and that I could make another speech as good of Lysias, and different. Now I am certain that this is not an invention

own, who am well aware that I know nothing, and therefore I can only infer that I

of

my

have been

through the ears, like a pitcher, from the waters of another, though I have acfilled

tually forgotten in

informant. Phaedr. That

is

my

stupidity

grand:

who was my

—but

never mind

where you heard the discourse or from whom;

place by the colossal offerings of the Cypselids at

Olympia.

be a mystery not to be divulged even at my earnest desire. Only, as you say, promise to make another and better oration, equal in

just speak *‘as you best can.” Do not let us exchange *Uu quoque" as in a farce, or compel me to say to you as you said to me, “I know Socrates as well as I know myself, and he was wanting to speak, but he gave himself airs.” Rather I would have you consider that from this place we stir not until you have unbosomed yourself of the speech; for here are wc

ami you must

all alone, and I am stronger, remember, and younger than you: Wherefore perpend, and do not compel me to use violence.

—

Soc. But,

length and entirely new', on the same subject; and I, like the nine Archons, will promise to set up a golden image at Delphi, not only of myself, but of you, and as large as

life.

You arc a dear golden ass if you suppose me to mean that Lysias has altogether missed the mark, and that I can make a speech from Soc.

all his

arguments are

my sweet Phaedrus, how ridiculous

m

would be of me

an to compete with Lysias extempore speech He is a master in his art and 1 am an untaught man. Phaedr. You see how matters stand; and therefore let there be no more pretences; for, it

I

indeed, Soc.

let that

which

I say again, that a statue have of beaten gold, and take your

shall

Soc.

cannot go along with you. Ancient sages, men and women, who have spoken Soc,

you

I know the word that Then don't say it.

is irrcsisiiblc.

Phaedr. Yes, hut I will; and my word shall be an oath. “I say, or rather sw'car” but what god will be witness of my oath.^ “By this

— —

plane-tree

I

swear, that unless you repeat the

discourse here in the face of this very plane-tree, I

will never tell

word

you another; never

let

you have

of another!”

Soc. Villain!

I

am conquered;

no more to say. Phaedr. Then why are you

the poor lover

of discourse has

to be excluded.

still

at

your

now

that

The worst of authors will say something which is to the point. Who, for example, [ 2 j 6 ] could

tricks?

yours without praising the discretion of the non- lover and blaming the indiscretion of the lover? These are the com-

you have taken the oath, for I cannot allow my-

.speak

on

this thesis of

monplaces of the subject which must come m (for what else is there to be said? ) and must be allowed and excused; the only merit is in the arrangement of them, for there can be none in the invention; but when you leave the commonplaces, then there may be some originality. Phaedr. I admit that there is reason in what

Soc.

s?

I

am

not going to play tricks

to be starved. Phaedr. Proceed. l 2 jy] Soc. Shall I Phaedr. What?

tell

you what

I

will

do?

Soc. I will veil my face and gallop through the discourse as fast as 1 can, for if 1 see you I shall feel ashamed and not know what to say. Phaedr. Only go on and you may do any-

thing else which you please.

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

i20

O

Sac, Corner ye Muses, melodious, as yc are called,^ v^ether you have receiv^ this name from the character of your strains, or because the Melians are a musical race, help, help me in the talc which my good friend here desires me to rehearse, in order that his friend '

O

whom he always deemed wise may seem to him to be wiser than ever. Once upon a time there was a fair boy, or, more properly speaking, a youth; he was very fair and had a great many lovers; and there was one special cunning one, who had persuaded the youth that he did not love him, but he really loved him all the same; and one day when he was paying his addresses to him, he used this very argument ^that he ought to ac-

—

cept the non-lover rather than the lover; his

words were as follows: *^A11 good counsel begins in the same way; a man should know what he is advising about, or his counsel will all come to nought. But people imagine that they know about the nature of

know about them, and, not having come to an understanding at first because they think that they know, they end, as might be expected, in contradicting one another and themselves. Now you and I must not be guilty of this fundamental error which wc condemn in others; but as our question is whether the lover or non-lover is to be preferred, let us first of all agree in defining'the nature and power of love, and then, keeping our eyes upon the definition and to this appealing, let us further enquire whether love Brings advanuge or disadvantage. things, when they don’t

“Every one secs that love

know

is

a desire,

and wc

also that non-lovers desire the beautiful

Now

in what way is the lover to be distinguished from the non-lover? Let us note that in every one of us there are two guiding

and good.

and ruling principles which lead us whither they will; one is the natural desire of pleasure, the other is an acquired opinion which aspires after the best; and these two are sometimes in harmony and then again at war, and sometimes the one, sometimes the other conquers. When opinion by the help of reason leads us to the best, the conquering principle is called temperance; [2^8] but when desire, which is devoid of reason, rules in us and drags us to pleasure, that power of misrule is called excess. Now excess has many names, and many members, and many forms, and any of these forms when very marked gives a name, neither honourable nor creditable, to the bearer of the name. The desire of eating, for example, which

gets the better of the higher reason an4 the other desires, is called gluttony, and he who Is possessed by it is called a glutton; the tyrannical desire of drink, which inclines the possessor of the desire to drink, has a name which is only too obvious, and there can be as little doubt by what name any other appetite of the same family would be called; it will be the name of that which happens to be dominant. And now I think that you will perceive the drift of my discourse; but as every spoken word is in a manner plainer than the unspoken, I bad better say further that the irrational desire which overcomes the tendency of opinion towards right, and is led away to the enjoyment of beauty, and especially of personal beauty, by the desires which arc her own kindred ^that supreme desire, I say, which by leading conquers and by the force of passion is reinforced, from this very force, receiving a name, is called love And now, dear Phaedrus, I shall pause for an instant to ask whether you do not think me, as I appear to myself, inspired? Phaedr. Yes, Socrates, you seem to have a

—

—

very unusual flow of words. Soc. Listen to me, then, in silence; for surely the place is holy; so that you must not wonder, if, as I proceed, I appear to be in a divine fury, for already I am getting into dithyrambics. Phaedr. Nothing can be truer. Soc. ITie responsibility rests with you. But hear what follows, and perhaps the fit may be averted; all is in their hands above. 1 will go on talking to my youth. Listen; Thus, my friend, wc have declared and defined the nature of the subject. Keeping the definition in view, let us now enquire what advantage or disadvantage is likely to ensue from the lover or the non-lover to him who accepts their advances. He who is the victim of his passions and the slave of pleasure will of course desire to make his beloved as agreeable to himself as possible. Now to him who has a mind dti^ased anything is agreeable which is not oppo led to him, but that which is equal or superi ir is hateful to him, and therefore the lover wi 1 not brook any superiority or equality on the part of his be« loved; ^239/ he is always cmf oyed in reducing him to inferiority. And th^ignorant is the inferior of the wise, the cowam of the brave, the slow of speech of the speaker, the dull of the clever. These, and not these only, are the mental defects of the beloved; defects which, Wisen implanted by nature, are necessarily a de-

—

PHAEDRUS

121

end when not implanted, he most contrive to implant them in him, if he would not be depriv^ of his fleeting joy. And therefore he cannot help being jealous, and will

such as flatterers, who are dangerous and mischievous enough, and yet nature has mingled a tempo-

debar his beloved from the advantages of society which would make a man of him, and especially from that society which would have given him wisdom, and thereby he cannot fail to do him great harm. That is to say, in his excessive fear lest he should come to be despised in his eyes he will be compelled to banish

You may

light to die lover,

from him divine philosophy; and there is no greater injury which he can inflict upon him

He will contrive that his beloved be wholly ignorant, and in everything shall look to him; he is to be the delight of the

than

this.

shall

lover’s heart,

lover

and a curse

to himself. Verily,

a

a profitable guardian and associate for

is

him

in all that relates to his mind. Let us next see how his master, whose law of life is pleasure and not good, will keep and train the body of his servant. Will he not choose a beloved who is delicate rather than sturdy and strong P One brought up in shady bowers

and not exercises

in the bright sun. a stranger to

and the sweat of

manly

accustomed only instead of the hues

toil,

to a soft .ind luxurious diet,

of health having the colours of paint and orna-

—

ment, and the rest of a piece? such a life as any one can imagine and which I need not detail at length. But I may sum up all that I have to say in a word, and pass on. Such a person in war, or in any of the great crises of life, will be the anxiety of his friends and also of his lover, and certainly not the terror of his enemies; which nobody can deny. And now let us tell what advantage or disadvantage the beloved will receive from the guardianship and society of his lover in the matter of his property; this is the next point to be considered. The lover will be the first to sec what, indeed, will be sufliciendy evident to all men, that he desires above all things to deprive his beloved of his dearest and best and holiest possessions, [240] father, mother, kindred, friends, of all whom he thinks may bchindcrcrs or reprovers of their most sweet converse; he will even cast a jealous eye upon his gold and silver or other property, because these make

him a

less

easy prey,

manageable; hence he at his possession of loss;

and when caught is

of necessity displeased

them and

and he would

like

him

childless, homeless, as well; better, for the longer

he will enjoy him.

less

he

rejoices at their

to be wifeless,

and

the longer the

is all this,

the longer

There are some

rary pleasure

sort of animals,

and grace

in their composition.

say that a courtesan

is

hurtful,

and

disapprove of such creatures and their practices, and yet for the time they are very pleasant. But the lover is not only hurtful to his love; he is also an extremely disagreeable companion. The old proverb says that “birds of a feather flock together”; I suppose that equality of years

inclines

them

to the

same

and simiyou may have more and verily constraint pleasures,

larity begets friendship; yet

than enough even of this; is always said to be grievous. Now the lover is not only unlike his beloved, but he forces himself upon him. For he is old and his love is young, and neither day nor night will he leave him if he can help; necessity and the sting of desire drive him on, and allure him with the pleasure which he receives from seeing, hearing, touching, perceiving him in every way. And therefore he is delighted to fasten upon him and to minister to him. But what pleasure or consolation can the beloved he receiving all this time? Must he not feel the extremity of disgust when he looks at an old shrivelled face and the remainder to match, which even in a description

when he

is

is

disagreeable,

and quite detestable

forced into daily contact with his

lover; moreover he is jealously watched and guarded against everything and everybody, and

has to hear misplaced and exaggerated praises and censures equally inappropriate, which are intolerable when the man is sober, of himself,

and, besides being intolerable, are published all over the world in all their indelicacy and weari-

somcness when he is drunk. And not only while his love continues is he mischievous and unpleasant, but when his love ceases he becomes a perfidious enemy of him on whom he showered his oaths and prayers and promises, f241 ] and yet could hardly prevail upon him to tolerate the tedium of his

company even from motives of interest. The hour of payment arrives, and now he is the servant of another master; instead of love and u'.fituation, wisdom and temperance are his bosom’s lords; but the beloved has not discovered the change which has taken place in him, when he asks for a return and recalls to his recollection former sayings and doings; he believes himself to he speaking to the same person, and the other, not having the courage to confess the truth, fil

and not knowing how

the oaths and promises which he

to ful-

made when

i

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

122

who has either made or in one way or another has compelled others to make an equal nvunber of speeches. I would except Simmias the Theban, but all the rest arc far behind you.

under the dominion of

folly, and having now grown wise and temperate^ does not want to do as he did or to be as he was before. And so he runs away and is constrained to be a de-

rar ics

faulter; the oyster-shelP has fallen with the other side uppermost he changes pursuit into flight, while the other is compelled to follow

And now I do verily believe that you have been

him with

mean?

—

passion and imprecation not

know-

the cause of another.

Phaedr. That

mean

good news. But what do you

is

was about to cross was given to me,

ing that he ought never from the first to have accepted a demented lover instead of a sensible non-lover; and that in making such a choice

that sign

he was giving himself up to a

morose,

me to do anything which 1 am going to do; and

envious, disagreeable being, hurtful to his es> hurtful to his bodily health, and still more

thought that I heard a voice saying in my ear had been guilty of impiety, and that I must not go away until I had made an atonement. Now I am a diviner, though not a very good one, but I have enough religion for my own use, as you might say of a bad writer—his writing is good enough for him; and I am beginning to sec that I was in error. O my friend, how prophetic is the human soul At the time I

faithless,

tate,

hurtful to the cultivation of his mind, than

which there neither is nor ever will be anything more honoured in the eyes both of gods and men. Consider this, fair youth, and know that in the friendship of the lover there

is

no

he has an appetite and wants to feed upon you; real kindness;

/is

wolves love lambs so lovers love their

loves.

But I told you so, I am speaking in verse, and I had better make an end; enough. Phaedr. I thought that you were only halfway and were going to make a similar speech about all the advantages of accepting the nonlover. Why do you not proceed ? Soc. Docs not your simplicity observe that I have got out of dithyrambics into heroics, when only uttering a censure on the lover? And if I therefore

am will

add the praises of the non-lover, what become of me? Do you not perceive that I

to

am already overtaken by the Nymphs to whom you have mischievously exposed me? And only add that the non-lover has all the advantages in which the lover is accused of being deficient. And now I will say no more; there has been enough of both of them. Leaving the talc to its fate, [ 242 ] I will cross the river and make the best of my way home, lest a worse thing be inflicted upon me by you. Phaedr. Not yet, Socrates; not until the heat of the day has passed; do you not see that the hour is almost noon? there is the midday sun standing still, as people say, in the meridian. I^t us rather stay and talk over what has been said, and then return in the cool. Soc. Your love of discourse, Phaedrus, is superhuman, simply marvellous, and I do not believe that there is any one of your contempotherefore

I will

In allusion to a game in which two parties fled or pursued according as an oyster-shell which was thrown into the air fell with the dark or light side '

uppermost

Sqc.

I

to say that as I

the stream the usual sign

which always

forbids, but never bids,

I

that I

!

had a

was might be buying hon-

sort of misgiving, and, like Ibycus,“I

feared that

troubled;

I

our from

men

What

Phaedr, Soc,

at the price of sinning against

Now

the gods.”

I

recognize

I

my

error.

error?

That was a dreadful speech which you

brought with you, and you made

me

utter

one

as bad.

How

Phaedr. Soc,

It

was

so?

foolish,

I

say;!^to a certain ex-

impious; can anything be more dreadful? Phaedr, Nothing, if the speech was really such as you describe. Soc, Well, and is not Eros the son of Aphro-

tent,

dite,

and

a

god ?

Phaedr. So

men

say.

was not acknowledged by Lysias in his speech, nor by you in that other speech which you by a charm drew from my Ups. For it love be, as he surely is, a divinity, he cannot be evil. Yet this was the error of both the speeches. There was also a simplicity about having no them which was refreshing; Soc. But

tliat

truth or honesty in them, nevertheless they prcttended to be something, hoping to succeed in deceiving the manikins of earthand gain celebrity among them. Wherefore | must have a purgation. And I bethink me of bn ancient purgation of mythological error which was devised, not by Homer, for he nc^cr had the wit to discover why he was blind, but by Stesicho-

who was a philosopher and knew the reason why; and therefore, when he lost his eyes, fer that was the penalty which was inflicted upon him for reviling the lovely Helen, he at rus,

—

.

PHAEDRUS once purged himselL And the purgation was a recantation, which began thus, Valse

is

am about to utter is the recantation of Stesicborus the son of Godly Man (Euphemus), who comes from the town of Desire (Himcra), and

—

word of mine the truth is that not embar\ in ships, nor ever go to the

that

to the following effect: “I told a lie when I said” that the beloved ought to accept the nonlover when he might have the lover, because is

thou didst walls of Troy;

and when he had completed

poem, which

his

is sane, and the other mad. It might be madness were simply an evil; but there is also a madness which is a divine gift, and the source of the chiefest blessings granted to men. For prophecy is a madness, and the prophetess at Delphi and the priestesses at Dodona when

the one

is

called “the recantation,” immediately his sight

Now

returned to him.

will be wiser

I

either Stesichorus or Horner, in that

ing to before

make my I

so

than

am

gorecantation for reviling love I

and this I will attempt, not as and ashamed, but with forehead

suffer;

before, veiled

few or none. And I might you how the Sibyl and other inspired persons have given to many an one many an in-

when

Phaedr. Nothing could be more agreeable to than to hear you say so. Soc, Only think, my good Phaedrus, what

me

also

an utter want of delicacy was shown in the two I

mean,

in

my own and

ture like his own, when we tell of the petty causes of loveis’ jealousies, and of their exceeding animosities, and of the injuries which they

never have connected prophecy (/liavTtJCT;), which foretells the future and is the noblest of arts, with madness or called them both by the same name, if they had deemed madness to be a disgrace or dishonour; they must have thought that there was an inspired madness which was a noble thing; for the two words, pxLVTiK^ and paviKy. are really the same, and the letter t is only a modern and tasteless

have imagincil that our were taken from some haunt of sailors to which good manners were unknown he would certainly never have admitted the justice of our censure? to their beloved,

—

ideas of love

—

Phaedr,

I

dare

siiy not,

Sor. There! ore, because

of this person,

and

Love himself.

I

of

my

Socrates. 1

blush at the thought I am afraid of

insertion.

wash the brine out from the spring; and

desire to

shall.

You

shall

and therefore

whom 1

confirmed by the

name

^this,

for as

much

as

an art which supplies from the reasoning

faculty

mind

(vov^)

human thought

to

speak the praises of the lover, and Lysias shall he compelled by me to write another discourse on the same theme. Soc. You will be true to your nature in that, I believe you, Phaedr. Speak, and fear not. Soc. But where is the fair youth

is

—

it is

termed

he

this

of birds or of other signs

would counsel Lysias not to delay, but to write another di.scourse, which shall prove that ceteris paribus the lover ought to l>e accepted

I

rather than the non-lover. Phaedr. Be assured that

And

which was given by them to the rational investigation of futurity, whether made by the help

also because

cars with water

in their senses

tell

timation of the future which has saved them from falling. But it would be tedious to speak of what every one knows. There will be more reason in appealing to the ancient imentors of names,* who would

in that

which you recited out of the book. Would not any one who was himself of a noble and gentle nature, and who loved or ever had loved a na-

do

if

out of their senses have conferred great benefits on Hellas, both in public and private life, but

bold and bare.

discourses:

123

and information {iarapta) (0177^1^),

they originally

word has been lateand made sonorous by the modern

oiovoorriKy^ but the

ly altered

introduction of the letter Omega {olovoioTiKy and oiiovuTTLKy)y and in proportion as prophecy

{pavTUcy) is more perfect and august than auguboth in name and fact, in the same proportion, as the ancients testify, is madness superior to a sane mind (critx^pooi'vTy), for the one is

ry,

addressing before, and who ought to listen now; lest, if he hear me not, he should accept a non-lover before he knows what he is doing? Phaedr. He is close at hand, and always at

only of human, but the other of divine origin, ^gain, where plagues and mightiest w'oes have bred in certain families, owing to some ancient blood-guiltiness, there madness has entered with holy prayers and rites, and by inspired ut-

your service.

terances found a

Soc.

Know

was

then, fair youth, that the former the word of Phaedrus, [244J the

discourse was son of Vain Man,

who

dw'clls in the city of

Myrrhina (Myrrhinusius). And

this

which

I

who gift,

mind, '

way

of deliverance for those

arc in need; and he who has part in this and is truly possessed and duly out of his is

by the use of purifications and mys-

Cf. Cratylus, 3H8

ff

— DIALOGUES OP PLATO

124

made whole and

except from evil, future and has a release from the calamity which was afBicting him. [24$] The third kind is the madness of those who arc possessed by the Muses; which taking hold of a delicate and virgin soul, and there inspiring frenzy, awakens lyrical and all other numbers; with these adorning the myriad actions of (cries

as wejl as present,

moved from without is soulless; but that which is moved from within has a soul, for such is the nature of the soul. But if this be true, must not the soul be the self-moving, and therefore of necessity

unbegotten and immortal? [246]

Enough of the soul’s immortality. Of the nature of the soul, though her true form be ever a theme of large and more than let me speak briefly, and in a And let the figure be composite—a pair

ancient heroes for the instruction of posterity. But he who, having no touch of the Muses’

mostal discourse,

madness in his soul, comes to the door and thinks that he will get into the temple by the help of art he, I say, and his poetry arc not admitted; the sane man disappears and is nowhere when he enters into rivalry with the

of winged horses and a charioteer. Now the winged horses and the charioteers of the gods are all of them noble and of noble descent, but those of other races are mixed; the human char-

madman.

noble and of noble breed, and the other is ignoble and of ignoble breed; and the driving of them of necessity gives a great deal of trouble to him. I will endeavour to explain to you in what way the mortal differs from the immortal creature. The soul in her totality has the care of inanimate being everywhere, and traverses the whole heaven in divers forms appearing: when perfect and fully winged she soars upward, and orders the whole world; whereas the imperfect soul, losing her wings and drooping in her flight at last settles on the solid ground there, finding a home, she receives an earthly frame which appears to be self-moved, but IS really moved by her power; and this composition of soul and body is tailed a living and mortal creature. For immortal no such union can be reasonably believed to be; although fancy, not having seen nor surely known the na-

—

I might tell of many other noble deeds which have sprung from inspired madness. And therefore, let no one frighten or Sutter us by saying that the temperate friend is to be chosen rather than the inspired, but let him further show that love is not sent by the gods for any good to lover or beloved; if he can do so we will allow him to carry off the palm. And we, on our part, will prove in answer to him that the madness of is the greatest of heaven’s blessings, and the proof shall be one which the wise will receive, and the witling disbelieve. But first of all, let us view the affections and actions of the soul

love

divine and

human, and

truth about them. is

try to ascertain the

The beginning

of our proof

as follows:

The

soul through

all

her being

is

immortal,

which is ever in motion is immortal; but that which moves another and is moved by for that

another, in ceasing to move ceases also to live. Only the self-moving, never leaving self, never

move, and is the fountain and begin^ ning of motion to all that moves besides. Now, the beginning is unbegotten, for that which is begotten has a beginning; but the beginning is

ceases to

begotten of nothing, for if it were begotten of something, then the begotten would not come from a beginning. Rut if unbegotten, it must also be indestructible; for if beginning were de^ stroyed, there could be no beginning (jut of anything, nor anything out of a beginning; and all things must have a beginning. And therefore the self-moving is the beginning of motion; and this can neither be destroyed nor begotten, else the whole heavens and all creation would collapse and stand still, and never again have motion or birth. But if the self-moving is proved to he immortal, he who affirms that self-motion is the very idea and essence of the soul will not be put to confusion. For the body which is

figure.

ioteer drives his in a pair;

and one of them

is

—

—

God, may imagine an immortal creature having both a body and also a soul which are united throughout all time. Let that, however, be as God wills, and be spoken of acceptably to him. And now let us ask the reason why the soul loses her wings The wing is the corporeal clement which is most akin to the divine, and which by nature

ture of

I

tends to soar aloft and carry that which gravitates downwards into the uppef region, which is the habitation of the g^s.lThe divine is beauty, wisdom, goodness, and the like; and by these the wing of the soul is nourished, and grows apace; but when fed upon evil and foulness and the opposite of good, wastes and falls away. Zeus, the mighty lord, holding the reins of a winged chariot, leads the |vay in heaven, ordering all and taking care of aU; and there follows him the array of gcxls and demigods, (24J] marshalled in eleven bands; Hestia alone abides at home in the house of heaven; of the rest they who are reckoned among the

J

PHAEDRUS princely twelve inarch in their appointed order.

They see many blessed

sights in the inner heav-

and there are many ways to and fro, along which the blessed gods are passing, every one doing his own work; he may follow who will and can, for jealousy has no place in the celestial choir. But when they go to banquet and en^

festival, then they move up the steep to the top of the vault of heaven. The cliariots of the gods in even poise, obeying the rein, glide rapidly; but the others labour, for the vicious steed goes

weighing down the charioteer

heavily,

earth

when

—

to the

his steed has not been thoroughly

^and this is the hour of agony and extremest conflict for the soul. For the immortals, when they are at the end of their course, go forth and stand upon the outside of heaven, and the revolution of the spheres carries them round, and they behold the things beyond. But of the heaven which is above the heavens, what earthly poet ever did or ever will sing worthily? It is such as I will describe; for I must dare to speak the truth, when truth is my theme. There abides the very being with which true knowledge is concerned; the colourless, formless, intangible essence, visible only to mind, the pilot of the soul. The divine intelligence, being nurtured upon mind and pure knowledge, and the intelligence of every soul which is capable of receiving the food proper to it, rejoices at

trained:

beholding truth,

is

reality,

and once more gazing upon

replenished and

made

glad, until the

revolution of the worlds brings her round again to the same place. In the revolution she beholds

and temperance, and knowledge absonot in the form of generation or of relation, which men call existence, but knowledge absolute in existence absolute; and beholding the ocher true existences in like manner, and feasting upon them, she passes down into the interior of the heavens and returns home; and there the charioteer putting up his horses at justice, lute,

the

stall,

gives

them ambrosia

to cat

and nectar

125

another, each striving to be first; and there is confusion and perspiration and the extremity of effort; and many of them arc lamed or have

wings broken through the ill-driving of and all of them after a fruitless toil, not having attained to the mysteries of true being, go away, and feed upon opinion. their

the charioteers;

The

reason why the souls exhibit this exceeding eagerness to behold the plain of truth is

that [xisturage

[248] Such

is

the

life

of the gods; but of

found

which the

soul soars

And

is

there,

is

which is suited and the wing on

nourished with

this.

a law of Destiny, that the soul which attains any vision of truth in company with a god is preserved from harm until the next period, and if attaining always is always there

unharmed. But when she is unable to follow, and fails to behold the truth, and through some beneath the double load of forgetand her wings fall from her and she drops to the ground, then the law ordains that this soul shall at her first birth pass, not into any other animal, but only into man; and the soul which has seen most of truth shall ill-hap sinks

fulness

and

vice,

come to the birth as a philosopher, some musical and loving nature;

or

artist,

that

or

which

has seen truth in the second degree shall be some righteous king or warrior chief; the soul which is of the third class shall be a politician, or economist, or trader; the fourth shall be a lover of gymnastic toils, or a physician; the fifth shall lead the life of a prophet or hierophant; to the sixth the character of a poet or some other imitative artist will be assigned; to the seventh the life of an artisan or husbandman; to the eighth that of a sophist or demagogue; to the ninth that of a tyrant; all these are states of probation, in which he who does righteously improves, and he who docs unrighteously, de-

—

teriorates his lot.

Ten thousand

years

must

elapse before the

soul of each one can return to the place from whence she came, [ 24^ for she cannot grow

her wings in

to drink.

is

to the highest part of the soul;

guileless

less; only

and

the soul of a philosopher,

true, or the soul of a lover,

who

other souls^ that which follows (k>d best and is likest to him lifts the head of the charioteer into the outer world, and is carried round in the revolution, troubled indeed by the steeds, and with difficulty beholding true being; while another only rises and falls, and sees, and again fails to sec by reason of the unruliness of the

not devoid of philosophy, may acquire wings in the third of the recurring periods of a thousand years; he is distinguished from the ordinary good man who gains wings in three thousand years: and they who choose this life three times in succession have wings given them, and go away at the end of three thou-

longing

follow, but

sand years. But the others receive judgment when they have completed their first life, and

not being strong enough they are carried round below the surface, plunging, treading on one

after the judgment they go, some of them to the houses of correction which are under the

steeds. TTic rest of 'the souls are also

after the

upper world and they

all

is

—

]

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

126 eartht

and arc punished; others

to

some place

in heaven whither they are lightly borne by

and there they live in a manner worthy which they led here when in the form of men. And at the end of the first thousand years the good souls and also the evil souls both come to draw lots and choose their second life, and they may take any which they please. The justice,

of the

life

man may pass into the life of a beast, or from the beast return again into the man. But the soul which has never seen the truth will not pass into the human form. For a man must have intelligence of universals, and be able to proceed from the many particulars of sense to one conception of reason; this is the recollection of those things wluch our soul once saw while following (jod when regardsoul of a

—

—

less

of that which

we now

call

being she raised

her head up towards the true being. And theremind of the philosopher alone has wings; and this is just, for he is always, according to the measure of his abilities, clinging in fore the

recollection to those things in which God abides,

and in beholding w'bich He is what He is. And he who employs aright these memories is ever being initiated into perfect mysteries and alone becomes truly perfect. But, as he forgets earthly interests and is rapt in the divine, the vulgar deem him mad, and rebuke him; they do not sec that he is inspired. Thus far I have been speaking of the fourth and last kind of madness, which is imputed to him who, when he sees the beauty of earth, is transported with the recollection of the true beauty; he would like to fly away, but he cannot; he is like a bird fluttering and looking upward and careless of the world below; and he is therefore thought to be mad. And I have

shown

this of all inspirations to

be the noblest

and highest and the offspring of the highest to him who has or shares in it, and that he who loves the beautiful is called a lover because he partakes of it. For, as has been already said, every soul of man has in the way of nature beheld true being; this was the condition of her passing into the form of man. But all souls do not easily recall the things of the olh^f world; [2^0] they may have seen them for a short time only, or they may have been unfortunate in their earthly lot, and, having

had

their hearts

turned to unrighteousness through some corrupting influence, they may have lost the memory of the holy things which once they saw. Few only retain an adequate remembrance of them; and they, when they behold here any image of that other world, are rapt

amazement; but they are ignorant of what means, because they do not clearly perceive. For there is no light of justice or temperance or any of the higher ideas which in

this rapture

are precious to souls in the earthly copies of them: they arc seen through a glass dimly; and

few who, going to the images, behold them the realities, and these only with difficulty. There was a time when with the rest of the happy band they saw beauty shining in there are

in

brightness,

—we philosophers following in the

company with other beheld the beatific vision and were initiated into a mystery which may be truly called most blessed, celebrated by us in our state of innocence, before we had any extrain of Zeus, others in

gods; and then

we

perience of evils to come,

when we were

ad-

mitted to the sight ol apparitions innocent and simple and calm and happy, which we beheld shining in pure light, pure ourselves and not yet enshrined in that living tomb which we carry about, now that we are imprisoned in the body, like an oyster in his shell. Let me linger over the memory of scenes which have passed away. But of beauty, I repeat again that wc saw her there shining in company with the celestial forms; and coming to earth we find her here loo, shining in clearness through the clearest aperture of sense. For sight is the most piercing of our bodily senses; though not by that is wisdom seen; her loveliness would have been transporting if there had been a visThle image of her, and the other ideas, if they had visible counterparts, would be equally lovely. But this is the privilege of beauty, that being the loveliest she

most palpable to sight. Now he who not newly initiated or who has become corrupted, does not easily rise out ol this world to the sight of true beauty in the other; he looks only at her earthly namesake, and instead of being awed at the sight of her, he is given over to pleasure, and like a brutish beast he rushes is

also the

is

to enjoy and beget; [ 25 / he consorts with wantonness, and is not afraid or ashamed of pursuing pleasure in violation o£ nature. But he whose initiation is recent, and j^ho has been the spectator of many glories in th^ other world, is amazed when he sees any one Having a godlike face or form, which is the Expression of divine beauty; and at first a sliudder runs through him, and again the o\d a+^e steals over him; then looking upon the face of his beloved a$ of a god he reverences him, and if he were not afraid of being thought a downright madman, he would sacrifice to his beloved as to the image of a god; then while he gazes on him

on

— PHAEDRUS there

is

a sort o£ reaction^ and the shudder

and perspiration; for, as he receives the effluence of beauty through the eyes, the wing moistensand he warms. And as he warms, the parts out of which the wing grew, and which had been hitherto closed and rigid, and had prevented the wing from shooting forth, are melted, and as nourishment streams upon him, the bwer end of the wings begins to swell and grow from the root upwards; and the growth extends under the whole soul for once the whole was winged. During this process the whole soul is all in a state of ebullition and effervescence, which may be compared to the irritation and uneasipasses into an unusual heat

—

—

ness in the

gums at

sensible

warm motion

of uneasiness

manner

and

the soul

the beauty of the

she receives the which flow

of particles

towards her, therefore called emotion (ifiepm:), is refreshed and warmed by them, and then she cease*, ^mm her pain with joy. But when she is parted from her beloved and her moisture fails, then the orifices of the passage out of which the wing shoots dry up and close, and intercept the germ of the wing; which, being shut up with the emotion, throbbing as with the pulsations of an artery, pricks the

and

aperture which entire

soul

is

is

nearest, until at length the

pierced

and maddened

and

pained, and at the recollection of beauty is again delighted. And from both of them together the soul is oppressed at the strangeness of her condition, and is in a great strait and excitement, and in her madness can neither sleep by night nor abide in her place by day. And

wherever she thinks that she will behold the beautiful one, thither in her desire she runs.

And when she has seen him, and bathed herself in

the waters of beauty, her constraint is and she is refreshed, and has no more

loosened,

pangs and pains; and

this

is

the sweetest of

all

pleasures at the time, [ 252 ] and is the reason why the soul of the lover will never lorsake his

whom he esteems above all; he has forgotten mother and brethren and companions, and he thinks nothing of the neglect beautiful one,

and proprion which he formerly prided himself, he now despises, and is ready to sleep like

and

my dear imaginary youth

whom 1 am

to

men called love, and among the gods has a name at which you, in your simplicity, may be inclined to mock; there arc two lines in the apocryphal writings of Homer in which the name occurs. One of them is rather talking, is by

outrageous, and not altogether metrical.

They

are as follows: Mortals call him fluttering love, But the immortals call him winged one. Because the growing oj wings is a necessity to him.

You may At any

believe this, but not unless

rate the loves of lovers

are such as

I

and

you

like.

their causes

have described.

Now the lover who is taken to be the attend-

the time of cutting teeth,

bubbles up, and has a feeling tickling; but when in like is beginning to grow wings, beloved meets her eye and

state,

127

loss of his property; the rules

eties of life,

a servant, wherever he is allowed, as near as he can to his desired one, who is the object of his worship, and the physician who can alone assuage the greatness of his pain. And this

ant of 2^s is better able to bear the winged god, and can endure a heavier burden; but the attendants and companions of Ares, when under the influence of love, if they fancy that they have been at tall wronged, are ready to kill and put an end to themselves and their beloved. And he who follows in the train of any other god, while he is unspoiled and the impression lasts,

honours and imitates him, as

able;

and

after the

manner

he is god he bebeloved and far as

of his

haves in his intercourse with his with the rest of the world during the first period of his earthly existence. Every one chooses his love from the ranks of beauty according to his character, and this he makes his god, and fashions and adorns as a sort of image which he is to fall down and worship. The followers of Zeus desire that their beloved should have a soul like him; and therefore they seek out some one of a philosophical and imperial nature, and when they have found him and loved him, they do all they can to confirm such a nature in him, and if they have no experience of such a disposition hitherto, they learn of any one who can teach them, and themselves follow in the same way. And they have the less difficulty in finding the nature of their own god in themselves, [2$^] because they have been compelled to gaze intensely on him; their recollection clings to him, and they become possessed of him, and receive from him their character and disposition, so far as man can pafticipate in God. I'he qualities of their god they attribute to the beloved, wherefore they love him all the more, and if, like the Bacchic Nymphs, they draw inspiration from Zeus, they ix>ur out their own fountain upon him,

wanting to make him as like as possible to their god. But those who are the followers of Here seek a royal love, and when they have

own

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

128

found him they do just the same with him; and manner the followers of Apolio> and of every other god walking in the ways of their in like

god, seek a love who is to be made like him whom they serve, and when they have found him, they themselves imitate their god, and persuade their love to do the same, and educate him into the manner and nature of the god as far as they each can; for no feelings of envy or jealousy arc entertained by them towards their beloved, but they do their utmost to create in him the greatest likeness of themselves and of the god whom they honour. Thus fair and blissful to the beloved is the desire of the inspired lover, and the initiation of which I speak into the mysteries of true love, if he be captured by the lover and their purpose is effected. Now the beloved is taken captive in the following manner: As I said at the beginning of this tale, I divided each soul into three two horses and a

—

charioteer;

and one

of the horses

was good and

the other bad: the division may remain, but I have not yet explained in what the goodness or badness of cither consists, and to that I will proceed. The right-hand horse is upright and cleanly made; he has a lofty neck and an aquiline nose; his colour is white, and his eyes dark; he is a lover of honour and modesty and temperance, and the follower of true glory; he needs no touch of the whip, but is guided by word and admonition only. The other is a crooked lumbering animal, put together anyhow; he has a short thick neck; he is flat-faced and of a dark colour, with grey eyes and bloodred complexion; the mate ot insolence and pride, shag-cared and deaf, hardly yielding to when the charioteer bewhip and spur.

Now

holds the vision of love, and has his whole soul warmed through sense, and is full of the prickings and ticklings of desire, [ 2 ^4] the obedient steed, then as always under the government of shame, refrains from leaping on the beloved; but the other, heedless of the pricks and of the blows of the whip, plunges and runs away, giving alt manner of trouble to his companion and the charioteer, whom he forces to approach the beloved and to remember the joys of love. They at first indignantly oppose him and will not be urged on to do terrible and unlawful deeds; but at last, when he persists in plaguing them, they yield and agree to do as he bids them. And now they are at the spot and behold the flashing beauty of the beloved; which when the charioteer sees, his

memory is carried to the true

whom

he beholds in company with an image placed upon a holy pedestal. He secs her, but he is afraid and falls kickwards in adoration, and by his fall is com-

beauty,

Modesty

like

pelled to pull back the reins with such violence

as to bring both the steeds

on

their haunches,

the one willing and unresisting, the unruly one very unwilling; and when they have gone back little, the one is overcome with shame and wonder, and his whole soul is bathed in per-

a

spiration; the other,

which the

bridle

when

and the

the pain

fall

over

is

had given him,

having with difficulty taken breath, is full of wrath and reproaches, which he heaps upon the charioteer and his fellow-steed, for want of courage and manhood, declaring that they have been false to their agreement and guilty of desertion. Again they refuse, and again he urges them on, and will scarce yield to their prayer that he would wait until another time. When the appointed hour comes, they make as if they had forgotten, and he reminds them, fighting and neighing and dragging them on, until at length he, on the same thoughts in-

them to draw near again. And when they are near he stoops his head and puts up his tail, and takes the bit in his teeth and pulls shamelessly. Then the charioteer is worse oft than ever; he falls back like a racer at the barrier, and with a still more violent wrench drags the bit out of the teeth ol the wild steed and covers his abusive tongue and jaws with blood, and forces his legs and haunches to the ground and punishes him sorely. And when this has happened several times and the villain has ceased trom his wanton way, he is tamed and humbled, and follows the will ol the charioteer, and when he sees the beautiful one he 1$ ready to die of fear. And from that time torward the soul of the lover follows the beloved in modesty and holy fear. so the beloved who, like a god, [^ 55] has received every true and loyal service trom his lover, not in pretence but in reality, being also himself of a nature friendly tb his admirer, if in former days he has blushe^ to own his passion and turned away his lov^, because his youthful companions or othersf slanderously told him that he would be disg|aced, now as years advance, at the appointed |ge and time, tent, forces

is

led to receive

him

For

fate

there' shall be

no

into coinmufiion.

which has ordained that

among

the evil has also ordained that there shall ever be friendship among the good. And the beloved when he has received

friendship

him

into

communion and

intimacy,

is

quite

J

PHAEDRUS he recogworth all other friends or kinsmen; they have nothing of friendship in them worthy to be compared with his. And when his feeling continues and he is nearer to him and embraces him, in gymnastic exercises and at other times of meeting, then the fountain of that stream, which Zeus when he was in love with Ganymede named Desire, overflows upon the lover, and some enters into his soul, and some when he is Ailed flows out again; and as abreezeor an echo rebounds from the smooth rocks and returns whence it came, so does the stream of beauty, passing through the eyes which are the windows of the soul, at the good>^will of the lover;

nises that the inspired friend

come back

is

to the beautiful one; there arriving

and quickening the passages of the wings, watering them and inclining them to grow, and

129

discipline or divine inspiration confer any greater blessing on man than this. If, on the other hand, they leave philosophy and lead the

lower

life

of ambition, then probably, after

wine or in some other careless hour, the two wanton animals take the two souls when off their guard and bring them together, and they accomplish that desire of their hearts which to the many is bliss; and this having once enjoyed they continue to enjoy, yet rarely because they have not the approval of the whole soul. They too are dear, but not so dear to one another as the others, cither at the time of their love or afterwards. They consider that they have given and taken from each other the most sacred pledges, and they may not break them and fall into enmity. At last they pass out of the body, unwinged, but eager to soar, and thus obtain

filling the soul of the

beloved also with love. thus he loves, but he knows not what; he does not understand and cannot explain his own state; he appears to have caught the infection of blindness from another; the lover is his mirror in whoni he is beholding himself, but he is not aware of this. When he is with the lover, both cease from their pain, but when he is away then he longs as he is longed for, and has love’s image, love for love ( Anteros) lodging in his breast, which he calls and believes to be not love but friendship only, and his desire is as the desire of the other, but weaker; he wants to see him, touch him, kiss, embrace him, and probably not long afterwards his desire is accomplished. When they meet, the wanton steed of the lover has a word to say to the charioteer; [ 2^6 he would like tohavea little pleasure in return for many pains, but the wanton steed of the beloved says not a word, for he is bursting with passion which he understands not; ^he throws his arms round the lover and embraces him as his dearest friend; and, when they are side by side, he is not in a state in which he can refuse the lover anything, if he

no mean reward

And

those

ask him; although his fellow-steed and the charioteer oppose him with the arguments of shame

deprive me of sight, or take from me the art of love which thou hast given me, but grant that 1 may be yet more esteemed in the eyes

—

and reason.

of love

and madness. For

who have once begun the heavenward pilgrimage may not go down again to dark-

and the journey beneath the earth, but they always; happy companions in their pilgrimage, and when the time comes at which they receive their wings they have the same plumage because of their love. Thus great are the heavenly blessings which the friendship of a lover will confer upon you, my youth. Whereas the attachment of the nonlover, which is alloyed with a worldly prudence and has worldly and niggardly ways of doling ness

live in light

out benefits, will breed in your soul those vulgar qualities which the populace applaud, will send you bowling round the earth during a period of nine thousand / 257 ] years, and leave you a fool in the world below. And thus, dear Eros, I have made and paid

my recantation, as well and as fairly as 1 could; more

especially in the matter of the poetical

which I was compelled to use, because Phaedrus would have them.’ And now forgive the past and accept the present, and be gracious and merciful to me, and do not in thine anger figures

And

Phaedrus or

myself said

After this their happiness depends upon their if the better elements of the mind which lead to order and philosophy prevail, then they pass their life here in happiness and harmony ^masters of themselves and orderly --enslaving the vicious and emancipating the virtuous elements of the soul; and when the

of the fair.

end comes, they arc light and winged for flight, having conquered in one of the three heavenly or truly Olympian victories; nor can human

wholly to love and to philosophical discourses. Phaedr, 1 join in the prayer, Socrates, and say

sclfeech did insist on our supposing love to be something or other which he fancied him to be, and according to this model he fashioned

Now

and framed the remainder of his discourse. Suppose we read hi$, beginning over again: Phaedr. If you please; but you will not find what you want.

of ours. Soc. Well, I will say no more about your friend’s speech lest I should give offence to you; although I think that it might furnish

Lysias at the

commencement

Soc. Read, that

I

may have

his exact

words.

in this

or comes

rhyme whether

last,

a line

comes first makes no

as you will perceive,

difference.

Phaedr.

many

You are making fun

other examples of

of that oration

what a man ought

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

134

ranber to avoid. But 1 will proceed to the other specch> /2657 which* as 1 think* is also sugges* tive to students of rhetoric.

Phacdr, In what way? Soc^

The two

may remem-

were unlike; the one argued that the lover and the other that the non-lover ought to be accepted.

And right manfully. You should rather say “madly”; and

Phaedr.

madness was the argument of them* said* “love is a

for* as I

madness.”

Phaedr. Yes. Soe. And of madness there were two kinds; one produced by human infirmity, the other was a divine release of the soul from the yoke of custom and convention. Phaedr, True. Soc. The divine madness was subdivided into four kinds* prophetic, initiatory* poetic, erotic,

having four gods presiding over them; the

was the

first

inspiration of Apollo* the second

that of Dionysus, the third that of the Muses,

the fourth that of Aphrodite

and Eros. In the which

description of the last kind of madness,

was

also said to be the best*

we spoke of the afwhich we intro-

all,

a single form

of unreason; and then* as the body which from being one becomes double and may be divided into a left side

speeches* as you

ber,

Soc.

courses* alike assumed* first of

and

right

left

and right side, each having parts of the same name-—after this

manner the speaker proceeded and did not

to divide the

he found in them an evil or left-handed love which he justly reviled; and the other discourse leading us to the madness which lay on the right side, found another love, also having the same name, but divine, which the speaker held up before us and applauded and affirmed to be parts of the left side

desist until

the author of the greatest benefits.

Phaedr. Most true. Soc. I am myself a great lover of these processes of division

and generalization; they help

me to speak and to think. And if I find any man who is able to see “a One and Many” in nature,

him

steps as

if

I follow, and “walk in his foothe were a god.” And those who have this art, I have hitherto Iwn in the habit of calling dialecticians; but (rod know's whether

name is right or not. And should like to know what name you would give to your or to Lysias* disciples, and whether this may not be the

I

famous

art of rhetoric

which Thrasyma-

fection of love in a figure* into

that

duced a tolerably credible and possibly true though partly erring myth, which was also a hymn in honour of Love, who is your lord and also mine* Phaedrus* and the guardian of fair children, and to him we sung the hymn in measured and solemn strain. Phaedr. 1 know that 1 had great pleasure in

chus and others teach and practise^ Skilful speakers they are, and impart their skill to any

listening to you.

cians:

and note how was made from blame to praise. Phaedr. What do you mean ? Soc. I mean to say that the composition was

who

is willing to make kings of them and to bring gifts to them. Phaedr. Yes, they are royal men; but their art is not the same with the art of those whom

you

Soc. Let us take this instance

the transition

mostly playful. Yet in these chance fancies of the hour were involved two principles of which we should be too glad to have a clearer description if art could give us one. Phaedr. What arc they? Soc. First, the comprehension of scattered

one idea; as in our definition of which whether true or false certainly gave dearness and consistency to the discourse, the speaker should define his several notions and so make his meaning clear. particulars in love,

Phaedr^

What

is

the other prindple* Socra-

tes?

Soc.

The second

principle

is

that of division

into species according to the natural formation*

where the joint is* not breaking any part bad carver might. [266] Just as our two

as a dis-

call,

—

Soc. if

and

Still

rightly, in

we

my

opinion, dialecti-

are in the dark about rhetoric.

What do you mean ? The

remains of

it,

there be anything remaining which can be

brought under rules of art, must be a fine thing; and, at any rate, is not to be despised by you and me. But how much is left? Phaedr. There is a great deal surely to be found in books of rhetoric? Soc. Yes; thank you for reminding me: There is the exordium, showing bow the speech should begin, if I remember rightly; that is what you mean ^the niceties of the art? Phaedr. Yes. i

—

Soc.

upon

Then

follows the statemcjit of facts,

and

that witnesses; thirdly, prbofs; fourthly,

come; the gifeat Byzantian if I ami not mistaken, of confirmation and further confirmation. Phaedr. You mean the excellent Thcodorus. f26y] Soc. Yes; and he tells how refutation or further refutation is to be managed, whether in i»ccusation or defence. 1 ought also to menprobabilities arc to

word-maker

also speaks,

?

PHAEDRUS

135

tion the illustrious Parian, Evenus, who first invented insinuations and indirect praises; and

friend Eryximachus, or to his father Acumcnus, and to say to him: “I know how to apply

which according to some he put into verse to help die memory. But shall

drugs which

also indirect censures,

I *‘to dumb forgetfulness consign” Tisias and Gorgias, who arc not ignorant that probability is superior to truth, and who by force of argu-

shall have either a heating or a cooling effect, and I can give a vomit and also a purge, and all that sort of thing; and know-

ing

all this,

as

I

do,

1

claim to be a physician

remember Prodicus laughing when I him of this; he said that he had himself

and to make physicians by imparting this knowledge to others,” what do you suppose that they would say? Phaedr. They would be sure to ask him whether he knew “to whom” he would give his medicines, and “when,” and “how much.” Soc. And suppose that he were to reply: “No;

discovered the true rule of art, which was to be neither long nor short, but of a convenient

I know nothing of all that; 1 expect the patient who consults me to be able to do these things

length.

for himself”?

Phaedr, Well done, Prodicus! Soc^ Then there is Hippias the Elcan stranger, who probably agrees with him. Phaedr. Yes. Soc. And there is also Polus, who has treas-

Phaedr. They would say in reply that he is a madman or a pedant who fancies that he is a physician because he has read something in a book, or has stumbled on a prescription or two, although he has no real understanding of the art ot medicine. Soc. And suppose a person were to come to Sophocles or Euripides and say that he knows how to make a very long speech about a small matter, and a short speech about a great matter, and also a sorrowful speech, or a terrible, or threatening speech, or any other kind of speech, and in teaching this fancies that he is teaching the art of tragedy Phaedr. They too would surely laugh at him if he fancies that tragedy is anything but the arranging of these elements in a manner which will be suitable to one another and to the whole. Soc. But Ido not suppose that they would be rude or abusive to him: Would they not treat him as a musician would a man who thinks that he is a harmonist because he knows how to pitch the highest and lowest notes; happening to meet such an one he would not say to him savagely, “Fool, you are mad!” But like a musician, in a gentle and harmonious tone of voice,

ment make little,

the

little

disguise the

appear great and the great

new

in old fashions

and the

old in new fashions, and have discovered forms for everything, either short or going on to infinity. I

told

of diplasiology,

uries

eikonology,and

of which Licymiil*::

were

and gnomology, and

who teaches in them the names made him

a present; they

to give a polish.

Had

Phaedr.

not Protagoras something of

the same sort? Soc. Yes, rules of correct diction and many other fine precepts; for the “sorrows of a poor old man,” or any other pathetic case, no one is better than the Chalcedonian giant; he can put

a whole

company of people

into a passion

and

out of one again by his mighty magic, and is first-rate at inventing or disposing ot any sort of calumny on any grounds or none. All of them agree in asserting that a speech should end in a recapitulation, though they do not all agree to use the same word. Phaedr. You mean that there should be a summing up of the arguments in order to remind the hearers of them. Soc. I have now said all that I have to say of the art ot rhetoric: have you anything to add? Phaedr. Not much; nothing very important. [ 268 J Soc. Leave the unimportant and let us bring the really important question into the light of day, which is: What power has this art

—

—

A very great power in public meet-

he would answer: “My good friend, he who would be a harmonist must certainly know this, and yet he may understand nothing of harmony if he has not got beyond your stage of knowledge, for you only know the preliminaries of harmony and not harmony itself.” Phaedr. Very true.

But I should like to know whether you have the same feeling as I have about the rhetoricians? To me there seem to be a great

[26^] Soc. And will not Sophocles say to the display of the would-be tragedian, that this is not tragedy but the preliminaries of tragedy? and will not Acumenus say the same of medi-

many holes in

cine to the would-be physician?

of rhetoric,

Phaedr.

and when?

ings.

Soc.

It

has.

their web. Phaedr. Give an example. Soc. I will. Suppose a person to come to your

Phaedr, Quite true. Soc. And if Adrastus the mellifluous or Peri-

7

135 tics heard of these

DIALOGUES OF PLATO wonderful arts, brachybgies

and eikonologies and all the hard names which we have been endeavouring to draw into the light of day^ what would they sayP Instead of losing temper and applying uncomplimentary epithets, as you and 1 have been doing, to the authors of such an imaginary art, their superior rather censure us, as well as them. *'Have a little patience, Phaedrus and Socrates, they would say; you should not be in such a passion with those who from some want of dialectical skill are unable to define the nature of rhetoric, and consequently suppose that they have found the art in the preliminary conditions of it, and when these have been taught by them to others, fancy that the whole art of rhetoric has been taught by them; but as to using the several instruments of the art effectivean aply, or making the composition a whole, plication of it such as this is they regard as an easy thing which their disciples may make for themselves.” Phaedr. 1 quite admit, Socrates, that the art of rhetoric which these men teach and of which they write is such as you describe there I agree with you. But I still want to know where and how the true art of rhetoric and persuasion is to be acquired. Soc. The perfection which is required of the finished orator is, or rather must be, like the perfection of anything else, pardy given by nature. but may also be assisted by art. If you have the natural p^wer and add to it knowledge and practice, you will be a distinguished speaker; if you fall short in either of these, you will be to that extent defective. But the art, as far as there is an art, of rhetoric does not lie in the direction of Lysias or Thrasymachus. Phaedr, In what direction then? Soc. I conceive Pericles to have been the most accomplished of rhetoricians. Phaedr. What of that? Soc. All the great arts require discussion and high speculation about the truths of nature; [2yoJ hence come loftiness of thought and completeness of execution. And this, as I conceive, was the quality which, in addition to his natural gifts, Pericles acquired from his intercourse with Anaxagoras whom he happened to know. He was thus imbued with the higher philosophy, and attained the knowledge of Mind and the negative of Mind, which were favourite themes of Anaxagoras, and applied what suited his purpose to the art of speaking. Phaedr. Explain. Soc. Rhetoric is like medicine.

wisdom would

—

—

How so?

Phaedr.

Why,

because medicine has to define and rhetoric of the soul -*«if we would proceed, not empirically but scientifically, in the one case to impart health and strengdi by giving medicine and food, in the other to implant the conviction or virtue which you desire, by the right application of Soe*

the naeuie of the body

words and

training.

Phaedr. There, Socrates,

I

suspect that you

are right. Soc. And

do you think that you can know the nature of the soul intelligently without knowing the nature of the whole? Phaedr. Hippocrates the Asclepiacl says that the nature even of the body can only be understood as a whole.^ Soc. Yes, friend, and he was right: still, we ought not to be content with the name of Hippocrates, but to examine and see whether his argument agrees with his conception of nature. Phaedr. I agree. Soc. Then consider what truth as well as Hippocrates says about this or about any other nature. Ought we not to consider first whether that which we wish to learn and to teach is a simple or multiform thing, and if simple, then to enquire what power it has of acting or being acted upon in relation to ocher things, and if multiform, then to number the forms; and see first in the case of one of theip* and then in the case of all of them, what is that power of acting or being acted upon which makes each and all of them to be what they are? Phaedr. You may very likely be right, Soc-

—

rates.

The method which

proceeds without groping of a blind man. Yet, surely, he who is an artist ought not to admit of a comparison with the blind, or deaf. The rhetorician, who teaches his pupil to speak sciSoc.

analysis

is

like the

nature of that being to which he addresses his speeches; and this, 1 conceive, to be the soul. Phaedr. Certainly. / 27 / Soc. His whole effort ii directed to the soul; for in that he seeks to proquee conviction. Phaedr. Yes. entifically, will particularly set forth the

Soc. else

Then clearly, Thrasymaf hus or any one

who

teaches rhetoric in earnest will give

an exact description of the nat|re of the soul; which will enable us to see whether she be single and same, or, like the body, multiform. That is what we should call showing the nature of the soul. Cf. Chatmides, 136.

— PHAEDRUS Phacdr. Exactly^ Soc.

He

will explain, secondly, the

mode

in

which she

acts or is acted upon. Pkafdr, True. Soc, Thirdly, having classified men and speeches, and their kinds and afiections, and adapted them to one another, he will tell the reasons of his arrangement, and show why one soul is persuaded by a particular form of argu> ment, and another not. Phaedr, You have hit upon a very good way. Soc* Yes, that is the true and only way in which any subject can be set forth or treated by rules of art, whether in speaking or writing. But the writers of the present day, at whose feet you have sat, craftily conceal the nature of the soul which they know quite well. Nor, until they adopt our method of reading and writing, can we admit that they write by rules of art? Pkaedr, What is our method? Soc. I cannot give you the exact details; but I should like to tell you generally, as far as is in my power, how a man ought to proceed according to rules of aft. Phaedr. Let me hear. Soc* Oratory is the art of enchanting the soul, and therefore he who would be an orator has to

learn the differences of so

many and

human

—they arc

souls

and from them between man and man.

of such a nature,

come the differences Having proceeded thus

far in his analysis,

he

will next divide speeches into their different classes:

—^“Such and such persons,” he

will say,

”are affected by this or that kind of speech in

way,” and he will tell you why. The must have a good theoretical notion of them first, and then he must have experience ot them in actual life, and be able to follow them with all his senses about him, or he will never get beyond the precepts of his masters. But when he understands what persons are persuaded by what arguments, / 27a J and sees the person aiout whom he was speaking in the abstract actually before him, and knows that it is he, and can say to himself, “This is the man or this is the character who ought to have a certain argument applied to him in order to con-

137

whether in speaking or teaching or writing them, and yet declares chat he speaks by rules of art, he who says “I don't believe you” has the better of him. Well, the teacher will say, is this, Phaedrus and Socrates, your account of the socalled art of rhetoric, or

am

I

to look for an-

other?

Pkaedr.Hc must take this, Socrates, for there no possibility of another, and yet the creation of such an art is not easy. Soc. Very true; and therefore let us consider this matter in every light, and sec whether we cannot find a shorter and easier road; there is no use in taking a long rough round-about way if there be a shorter and easier one. And I wish that you would try and remember whether you have heard from Lysias or any one else anything which might be of service to us. Phaedr, If trying would avail, then I might; is

but at the

moment I can

Soc, Suppdse

somebody who

think of nothing.

you something which knows told me. tell

I

Phaedr. Certainly. Soc. May not “the wolf,” as the proverb says, “claim a hearing”? Phaedr. Do you say what can be said for him. Soc. He will argue that there is no use in putting a solemn face on these matters, or in going round and round, until you arrive at first principles; for, as

tion

is

of justice

[

said at

first,

and good, or

when the is

ques-

a question in are just and

which men are concerned who good, either by nature or habit, he who would be a skilful rhetorician has no need of truth

men literally care noth-

this or that

for that in courts of law

pupil

ing about truth, but only about conviction: and this is based on probability, to which he who would be a skilful orator should therefore gi\e his whole attention.And they say also that there are cases in which the actual facts, if they are improbable, ought to be withheld, and only the probabilities should be told either in accusation or defence, and that always in speaking, the orator should keep probability in view, and say

—

him of a certain opinion” he who knows all this, and knows also when he should speak and when he should refrain, and when he vince

;

should use pithy sayings, pathetic appeals, senand all the other modes of speech which he hasdearned; when, I say, he knows the times and season&of all these things, then, and not till then, he is a perfect master of his art; but if he fail in any of these points,

sational effeets,

—

good-bye to the truth. [2y^] And the observance of this principle throughout a speech furnishes the whole art.

Phaedr. That oric

do

gotten that this

is

what the

professors of rhet-

actually say, Socrates.

I

have not

for-

we have quite briefly touched upon

matter ‘ already; with them the point

is

all-important.

dare say that you are familiar with Does he not define probability to be which the many think?

Soc.

I

Tisias.

that

‘Cf. 259.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

138

Fhmedr^ Certainly^ he does. I believe that he has a clever and ingenious case of this sort: He supposes a feeble and valiant man to have assaulted a strong and cowardly one, and to have robbed him of his coat or of something or other; he is brought into court, and then Tisias says that both parties should tell lies; the coward should say that he was assaulted by more men than one; the other should prove that they were alone, and should argue thus: *‘How could a weak man like me have assaulted a strong man like him?'* The complainant will not like to confess his own cowardice, and will therefore invent some other lie which his adversary will thus gain an opportunity of refuting. And there are other devices of the same kind which have a place in I not right, Phaedrus? the system. Phaedr, Certainly. Soc. Bless me, what a wonderfully mysterious art is this which Tisias or some other gentleman, in whatever name or country he rejoices, has discovered. Shall we say a word to him or not? Phaedr, What shall we say to him? Soc. Let us tell him that, before he appeared, you and I were saying that the probability of which he speaks was engendered in the minds of the many by the likeness of the truth, and we had just been affirming that he who knew the truth would always know best how to discover the resemblances of the truth. If he has anything else to say about the art of speaking we shpuld like to hear him; but if not, we arc satisfied with our own view, that unless a man estimates Soc.

—

Am

the various characters of his hearers and is able all things into classes and to compre-

to divide

hend them under single ideas, he will never be a skilful rhetorician even within the limits of human power. And this skill he will not attain without a great deal of trouble, which a good man ought to undergo, not for the sake of speaking and acting before men, but in order that he may be able to say what is acceptable to God and always to act acceptably to Him as far as in him lies; [2y4j for there is a saying of wiser men than ourselves, that a man of sense should not try to please his fellow-servants (at least this should not be his first object) but his good and noble masters; and therefore if the way is long and circuitous, marvel not at this, for, where the end is great, there we may take the longer road, but not for lesser ends such as yours. Truly, the argument may say, Tisias, that if you do not mind going so far, rhetoric has a fair beginning here.

Phaedr,

I think, Socrates, that this is

admi-

rable, if only practicable.

But even to fail in an honourable obhonourable. Phaedr. True. Soc. Enough appears to have been said by us of a true and false art of speaking. Phaedr. Certainly. Soc,

ject is

Soc.

But there is something yet to be and impropriety of writing.

said of

propriety

Phaedr. Yes.

Do you know how you can speak or act about rhetoric in a manner which will be acSoc.

ceptable to

God?

Phaedr. No, indeed. Do you? Soc. I have heard a tradition of the ancients, whether true or not they only know; although if we had found the truth ourseKes, do you think that we should care much about the opinions of men? Phaedr. Your question needs no answ'cr; but I wish that you would tell me what you say that you have heard. Soc. At the Egyptian city of Naucratis, there was a famous old god, whose name was "rheuth; the bird which

is

called the Ibis

is

sacred

and he was the inventor of many arts, such as arithmetic and calculation and gcome try and astronomy and draughts and dice, but his great discovery was the use of letters. Now in those days the god ITiamiw was the king of the whole country of Egypt; and he dwelt in that great city of Upper Egypt which the Hellenes call Egyptian Thebes, and the god himself is called by them Ammon. To him came Theuth and showed his inventions, desiring tliat the other Egyptians might be allowed to have the benefit of them; he enumerated them, and Thamus enquired about their several uses, and praised some of them and censured others, as he approved or disapproved of them. It would take a long time to repeat all that I'hamus said to Theuth in praise or blame of the various arts. But when they came to letters. This, said Theuth, will make the Egyptians wiser and give them better memories; it if a specific both for the memory and for the v|t. Thamus replied: O most ingenious Theut|i, the parent or inventor of an art is not always the best judge

to him,

of the utility or inutility of his to the users of them. stance,

you

[2y$]

own inventions And in this in-

who are the father of letters, from a own children have been

paternal love of your

led to attribute to them a quality which they cannot have; for this discovery of yours will

create forgetfulness in the learners’ souls, be-

PHAEDRUS cause they will not use their memories; they will trust to the external written characters and not remember of themselves. The specific which you have discovered is an aid not to memory, but to reminiscence, and you give your disciples not truth, but only the semblance of truth; they will be hearers of many things and will have learned nothing; they will appear to be omniscient and will generally know nothing; they will be tiresome company, having the show of wisdom without the reality.

Phaedr, Yes, Socrates, you can easily invent Egypt, or of any other country. Soc, There was a tradition the temple of Dodona that oaks first gave prophetic utterances. The men of old, unlike in their simplicity to young philosophy, deemed that if they heard the truth even from “oak or rock,” it was enough for them; whereas you seem to consider not whether a thing is or is not true, but who the speaker is and from what country the talc comes. Phaedr, I acknowledge the justice of your rebuke; and I think that the Theban is right in his view about letters. Soc. He would be a very simple person, and tales of

m

quite a stranger to the oracles ol 'Fhamus or Ammon, who should leave in writing or re-

any art under the idea that the written word would be intelligible or certain; or who deemed that writing was at all better than knowledge and recollection of the same matceive in writing

ters ?

Phaedr, That is most true. Soc, I cannot help feeling, Phaedrus, that writing is unlortunatcly like painting; tor the creations of the painter have the attitude of life, and yet if you ask them a question they preserve a solemn silence. And the same may he said of speeches. You would imagine that they had intelligence, but if you want to know anything and put a question to one of them, the speaker always gives one unvarying answer. And when they have been once written down they arc tumbled about anywhere among those who may or may not understand them, and know not to whom they should reply, to whom not: and, if they are maltreated or abused, they have no parent to protect them; and they

cannot protect or defend themselves. Phaedr. That again is most true. Soc. Is there not another kind of word or speech far better than this, [2y6l and having

—

power a son of the same family, but lawfully begotten? far greater

139

Phaedr.

Whom

do you mean, and what

is

his origin?

Soc.

I

mean an

intelligent

word graven

in

the soul of the learner, which can defend

itself,

and knows when

to be

to speak

and when

silent.

Phaedr. You mean the living word of knowledge which has a soul, and of which the written word is properly no more than an image? Soc. Yes, of course that is what I mean. And now may I be allowed to ask you a question: Would a husbandman, who is a man of sense,

take the seeds, which he values and which he wishes to bear fruit, and in sober seriousness plant them during the heat of summer, in some ganlcn of Adonis, that he may rejoice when he secs them in eight days appearing in beauty? at least he would do so, if at all, only for the sake of amusement and pastime. But when he is in earnest he sows in fitting soil, and practises husbandry, and is satisfied if in eight months the seeds which he has sown arrive at perlcction ?

Phaedr. Yes, Socrates, that will be his way is in earnest; he will do the other, as you say, only in play. Soc. And can we suppose that he who knows the just and good and honourable has less understanding, than the husbandman, about

when he

his

own

seeds?

Phaedr. Certainly not. Soc. Then he will not seriously incline to “write” his thoughts “in water” with pen and ink, sowing words which can neither speak for themselves nor teach the truth adequately to others?

Phaedr. No, that

is not likcl>. not likely in the garden of letters he will sow and plant, but only for the

Soc.

No,

that

is

—

sake ol recreation and amusement; he will write them down as memorials to be treasured against the forgetfulness of old age, by himself, or by any other old man who is treading the same path. He will rejoice in beholding their tender growth; and while others are rclrcshing ihcir souls with banqueting and the like, this will he the pastime in which his days are spent. Phaedr. A pastime, Socrates, as noble as the other is ignoble, the pastime of a man who can be amused by serious talk, and can discourse merrily about justice and the like. Soc. True, Phaedrus. But nobler far is the serious pursuit of the dialectician, who, finding a congenial soul, by the help of science sows and plants therein words which are able to help themselves and him who planted them,

—

?

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

140

/'277y and arc not unfruitful, but have in them a seed which others brought up in different soils render immortal, making the possessors of ft happy to the umiost extent of human hap«

Phaedr. Certainly*

But he who thinks

Soc,

word

there

and

serious,

that in the written

much which

necessarily

is

not

is

that neither poetry nor prose,

piness.

spoken or written,

Phaedr^ Far nobler, certainly. Soc. And now, Phaedrus, having agreed upon the premises we decide about the conclusion. Phaedr. About what conclusion?

compositions of the rhapsodes, [27S] they are only recited in order to be believed, and not with any view to criticism or instruo tion; and who thinks that even the best of writings are but a reminiscence of what we know, and that only in principles of justice and goodness and nobility taught and communicated orally for the sake of instruction and graven in the soul, which is the true way of

whom we censured, and and his discourses, and the rhetorical skill or want of skill which was shown in them these arc the questions which we sought to determine, and they brought us About

Soc.

Lysias,

his art of writing,

—

to this point.

And

I

think that

we

are

now

writing,

is

pretty well informed about the nature of art

seriousness,

and

own and

its

opposite.

Phaedr. Yes, that

I

think with you; but

you would repeat what was

I

wish

and having defined them again to divide them until they can be no longer divided, and until in like manner he is able to discern the nature of the soul, and discover the different modes of discourse which are adapted to different natures, and to arrange and dispose them in such a way that the simple form of speech may be addressed to the simpler nature, and the complex and composite to the more complex nature ^until he has accomplished all this, he will be unable to handle arguments according to rules of art, as far as their nature allows them to be

—

subjected to art, cither for the purpose of teach-

—

ing or persuading; such is the view which is implied in the whole preceding argument. Phaedr, Yes, that was our view, certainly. Soc, Secondly, as to the censure which was passed on the speakingor writing of discourses,

and how they might be rightly or wrongly censured did not our previous argument show Phaedr, Show what? Soc, That whether Lysias or any other writer that ever was or will be, whether private man or statesman, proposes laws and so becomes the author of a political treatise, fancying that there

—

is

any great certainty and clearness

of any great value,

—

in his per-

formance, the fact of his so writing is only a disgrace to him, whatever men may say. For not to know the nature of justice and injustice, and good and evil, and not to be able to distinguish the dream from the reality, cannot in truth be otherwise than disgraceful to him, even though he have the applause of the whole world.

if,

the

and perfection and and that such principles are a man’s

there clearness

his legitimate offspring;

first place,

—being,

word which he

the

finds

own bosom;

said.

man knows

the truth of the several particulars of which he is writing or speaking, and is able to define them as they are, Soc, Until a

is

like the

in

m his

secondly, the brethren and descendants and relations of his others; ^and who cares for them and no others this is the right sort of man; and you and I, Phaedrus, would pray that we may become

—

him. Phaedr, That

—

like

is

most assuredly

my

desire

and prayer.

And now the play is played out; and of Go and tell Lysias that to the fountain and school of the Nymphs we went Soc,

rhetoric enough.

down, and were bidden by them to convey a message to him and to other coiuposers of $\)eeches ^tollomcr and other writers of poems, whether set to music or not; and to Solon and others who have composed writings in the form of political discourses which they would term laws to all of them wc are to say that if their compositions are based on knowledge ot the truth, and they can defend or prove them, when

—

—

they are put to the test, by spoken arguments, which leave their writings poor in comparison of them, then they arc to be called, not only poets, orators, legislators, but are worthy of a higher name, befitting the serious pursuit of

their

life.

Phaedr,

What name

would| you

as.sign to

them? I may name which

Soc, Wise,

great

lovers of est

and

not call the^; for that is a belongs tc| God alone,

wisdom or philosophers

befitting

is

their

mod-

title.

Phaedr, Very suitable. And he who cannot ris< above his own compilations and compositions, which he has b;en long patching and piecing, adding some and taking away some, may be justly called poet or spcechmaker or law-maker. Soc,

PHAEDRUS Pkudr. 5oc.

who

he has an element of philosophy

Certainly.

Now go and tell this to your companion.

Phnedr. But there

is

also a friend of yours

ought not to be forgotten.

Who is

Soc.

he?

Phaedr. Isocrates the fair;—What

describe

am

how

shall

himP

Soc. Isocrates

is still

young, Phaedrus; but

I

willing to hazard a prophecy concerning

Soc,

I

What would you

acter

is cast

is

grows

in a finer

mould.

My impression of

that he will marvellously improve as he older,

and that

all

former rhetoricians

be as children in comparison of him.

And

believe that he will not be satisfied with rheto-

ric,

and which

I will

rates,

who

delight;

my

is

Phaedr.

who

all

but

which

tbt there is in him a divine inspiration him to things higher still. For

will lead

is

myself deliver

and do you give the

yours.

and now as the heat

I will;

m Isoc-

is

abated

us depart.

we

not offer

up a prayer first

of

to the local deities?

Phaedr, By

haunt

prophesy?

think that he has a genius which soars

above the orations of Lysias, and that his char-

1

place,

let

in his nature.

the message of the gods dwelling in this

all

means.

Soc, Beloved Pan,

Phaedr.

will

is

Soc. Should

him.

him

This

other to Lysias,

message will you send to him, and

we

141

soul;

and

this place, give

all

ye other gods

me beauty

in the

who

inward

and may the outward and inward man be

at one.

May 1 reckon the wise to be the wealthy,

and may

I

temperate

have such a quantity of gold as a

man and he only can bear and carry.

—Anything more? The enough

for

Phaedr.

prayer,

I

think,

is

me.

Ask

should have

all

the same for me, for friends things in

Soc. Let us go.

common.

—

—

ION Persons of the Dialogue: Socrates; Ion

[S3o] Socrates. Welcome, Ion. Arc you from your native city of Ephesus? Ion. No, Socrates; but from Epidaurus, where I

Soc. that

And do

the

Ion.

O

yes;

and of

^

all sorts

of musical per-

formers. Soc.

And

were you one of the competitors

and did you succeed ^ Ion.

I

obtained the hrst prize of alh Socrates.

Well done; and I hope that you the same for us at the Panathenaea. Soc.

Ion. Soc.

And I

I

will, please

clothes,

will

do

and

to

to look as beautiful as

wear fine you can is

a part of your art. Then, again, you arc obliged to be continually in the company of many good poets; and especially of Homer, who is the best and most divine of them; and to understand him, and not merely learn his words by rote, is a thing greatly to be envied. And no man

can be a rhapsode the

meaning of

ought

who

hearers, but

unless he

docs not understand

the poet. For the rhapsode

to interpret the

how

mind

me

I

see

with

you

really

ought

render Homer. I think that the Homcridac should give me a golden crown. exquisitely

I

Soc. I shall take an opportunity of hearing your embellishments of him at some other time. [5 ^ 1 ] But )ust now 1 should like to ask you a question: Docs your art extend to Hesiod

and Archilochus, or

To Homer

to

Homer

only; he

is

only?

in himself quite

of the poet to his

can he interpret him well

knows what he means?

All this

Soc. Are there any things about which Homer and Hesiod agree ? Ion. Yes; in my opinion there arc a good many, Soc. And can you interpret better what Homer says, or what Hesiod says, about these matters in which they agree ? Ion.

can interpret them equally well, Soc-

—

thing to say

is

Very true, Socrates; interpretation has certainly been the most laborious part of my art; and I believe myself able to speak about Homer better than any man; and that neither Metrodorus of Lampsacus, nor Stesimbrotus of Thasos, nor Glaucon, nor any one else who ever was, had as good ideas about Homer as I have, or as many.

I

where they agree. Soc. But what about matters in which they do not agreed tor example, about divination, of which both Homer and Hesiod have somerates,

greatly to be envied.

Ion.

so. Ion;

enough.

heaven.

you have always

how

to hear

Ion.

often envy the profession of a rhap-

sode, Ion; for

glad to hear you say

will not refuse to acquaint

Ion. Certainly, Socrates; and

Fpidaunans have contests

of rhapsodes at the festival

am

them.

attended the festival of Asclcpiiis. Soc.

I

you

Ion.

Very

Soc.

Would you

true:

better interpreter of

or a

goo4 prophet be a

what thes^ two poets say

about divination, not only whcn|they agree, but

when

they disagree ? prophet. Soc. And it you were a prophet, would you b^ able to interpret them when they disagree as well as when they agree? Ion.

A

Ion. Clearly.

142

ION But how did you come to have this skill Homer only, and not about Hesiod or the other poets? Docs not Homer speak of the

Soc.

And

and I am right in saying so« if you knew the good speaker, you

would

also

know

Soc,

Ion. Yes;

about

same themes which all other poets handle? Is not war his great argument? and docs he not speak of human society and of intercourse of men, good and bad, skilled and unskilled, and of the gods conversing with one another and with mankind, and about what happens in heaven and in the world below, and the generations of gods and heroes? Are not these the themes of which Homer sings? Ion. Very true, Socrates. Soc. And do not the other poets sing of ihc same ? Ion. Yes, Socrates; but not in the same way as Homer. Soc. What, in a worse way?

And Homer

Ion. Soc.

Ion.

He is incomparably And yet surely, my

Soc.

way?

better.

dear friend Ion, in

a discussion about arithmetic, where many people are speak -ng, uad one speaks belter than the

rest,

there

which of them

is is

somebody who can judge the good s[)eakcr?

Ion. Yes.

Soc.

the

And

same

he

as he

who iudges of the good will be who judges of the bad speakers?

The same.

Soc.

And he will be the arithmetician?

Ion.

the least

Socrates,

do

I

lose attention

and have absolutely no ideas of value, when any one speaks of any

other poet; but

when Homer

wake up at once and am all

is

mentioned, I and have

attention

plenty to say?

The

reason,

my

friend,

is

obvious.

No

one can fail to see that you speak of Homer without any ait or knowledge. If you were able to speak of him by rules of art, you would have been able to speak of all other poets; for poetry is

a whole.

Ion. Yes.

And when any one acquires any other same may be said of them. Would you like me to explain my meaning, Soc.

Ion?

worse, or the same ? Ion. Clearly the same.

very

much wish men

when

the

Soc.

same

topic

is

being

dis-

call us so; but you rhapsodes and and the poets whose verses you sing, arc wise; whereas 1 am a common man, who only speak the truth. For consider what a very commonplace and trivial thing is this which I have said a thing which any man might say: that when a man has acquired a knowledge of a whole art, the enquiry into good and bad is one and the same. Let us consider this matter; is not the art of painting a whole?

actors,

Ion. Yes.

Soc.

same person

skilful in

both?

Ion. Yes.

say that

Homer and

the other

such as Hesiod and Archilochus, speak of the same things, although not in the same way; but the one speaks well and the other not

there are and have been

many

good and bad ?

Ion. Yes.

did you ever know any one who out the excellences and defects of Polygnotus the son of Aglaophon, but incapable of criticizing other painters; [533] and when the work of any other painter was produced, went to sleep and was at a loss, and had no ideas; but when he had to give his opinion about Polygnotus, or whoever the painter might be, and about him only, woke up

was

Ion. True.

And

painters Soc.

cussed.

Soc. Is not the

O that wc were wise, Ion, and that you

could truly

—

And who is he, and what is his name? Ion. The physician. Soc. And speaking generally, in all discussions in which the subject is the same and many men arc speaking, will not he who knows the good know the bad speaker also? [532] For if he docs not know the bad, neither will he know Soc.

And you

I

you would: for I love to hear you wise

talk.

someness of food, when many persons arc speaking, and one speaks better than the rest, will he who recognizes the belter speaker be a different person from him who recognizes the

so well?

be mistaken

sleep

Ion. Yes, indeed, Socrates;

Ion. Yes.

Soc.

Why then,

and go to

that

Soc. Well, and in discussions about the wholc-

poets,

I

equally skilled in Homer and in other poets, since he himself acknowledges that the same person will be a good judge of all those who speak of the same things; and that almost all poets do speak of the same things? is

art as a whole, the

Ion.

the good

That is true. Then, my dear friend, can

in saying that Ion

Soc.

in a better

the inferior speakers to be

inferior?

Ion. Yes, in a far worse.

Soc.

143

And

skilful in pointing

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

144

and was Ion*

attentive

and had plenty

to sayf

fluence of

No indeed^ I have never known such a

person.

Or did you sculpture, who was

know

of any one in skilful in expounding the merits of Daedalus the son of Metion, or of Epeius the son of Panopeus, or of Theodonis the Samian^ or of any individual sculptor; but when the works of sculptors in general were produced, was at a loss and went to sleep and had nothing to say? Soc.

Ion*

Soc*

ever

No indeed; no more than the other. And if I am not mistaken, you never

met with any one among

flute*players or harp-

players or singers to the harp or rhapsodes

who

was able to discourse of Olympus or Thamyras or Orpheus, or Phemius the rhapsode of Ithaca, but was at a loss when he came to speak of Ion of Ephesus, and had no notion of his merits or defects? Ion. I cannot deny what you say, Socrates. Nevertheless I am conscious in my own self, and the world agrees with me in thinking that I do speak better and have more to say about Homer than any other man. But I do not speak equally well about othcrs-^tell me the reason of this. Soc. I perceive, Ion; and I will proceed to explain to you what I imagine to be the reason of this. The gift which you possess of speaking excellently about Homer is not an art, but, as I

was

just saying,

an inspiration; there

is

a

moving you, like that contained in the stone which Euripides calls a magnet,' but which is commonly known as the stone of

divinity

Heraclea. This stone not only attracts iron rings, but also imparts to them a similar power of attracting other rings; and sometimes you may sec a number of pieces of iron and rings suspended from one another so as to form quite a long chain: and all of them derive their power of suspension from the original stone. In like manner the Muse first of all inspires men herself; and from these inspired persons a chain of other persons is suspended, who take the inspiration. For all good poets, epic as well

compose their beautiful poems not by but because they are inspired and possessed. And as the Corybantian revellers when they dance are not in their right mind, [s34J so the lyric poets are not in their right mind when they are composing their beautiful strains: but when falling under the power of music and metre they are inspired and possessed; like Bacchic maidens who draw milk and honey from the rivers when they arc under the inas lyric, art,

Dionysus but not when they are in mind. And the soul of the lyric

their right

poet does the same, as they themselves say; for they tell us that they bring songs from honeyed fountains, culling them out of the gardens and dells of the Muses; they, like the bros, winging their way from flower to flower. And this is true. For the poet is a light and winged and holy thing, and there is no invention in him until he has been inspired and is out of his senses, and the mind is no longer in him: when he has not attained to this state, he is powerless and is unable to utter his oracles. Many are the noble words in which poets speak concerning the actions of men; but like yourself when speaking about Homer, they do not speak of them by any rules of art: they are simply inspired to utter that to which the Muse impels them, and that only and when inspired, one of them will make dithyrambs, another hymns of praise, another choral strains, another epic or iambic verses and he who is good at one is not good at any other kind of verse: for not by art docs the poet sing, but by power divine. Had he learned by rules ot art, he would have known how to sjx:ak not of one theme only, but ol all and therefore Ciod takes away the minds of poets, and uses them as his ministers, as he also uses diviners and holy prophets, in order that we who hear them may know them to be speaking not of themselves ;

—

;

who

utter these priceless words in a state of unconsciousness, but that (rod himself is the speaker, and that through them he is conversing with us. And Tynnichus the Chalcidian

affords a striking instance of

what

I

am

saying:

he wrote nothing that any one would care to remember but the famous paean which is in every one’s mouth, one of the finest poems ever written, simply an invention of the Muses, as he himself says. For in this way the God would seem to indicate to us and not allow us to doubt that these beautiful poems arc not human, or the work of man, but divine and the work of God; and that the poets arc only the interpreters of the Gods by |whom they arc

Was

not this the lesson when by the mouth of the worst of poets he iang the best of [535] songs? Ain I not right, I^n? Ion. Yes, indeed, Socrates, I f^el that you are; for your words touch my souL and 1 am persuaded that good poets by a divine inspiration interpret the things of the Gods to us. Soc. And vou rhapsodists arc the interpreters severally possessed.

which the God intended

ot the poets?

to tealh

ION Ion.

There again you are

Soc*

Then you

right.

are the interpreters of inter-

preters? Ion. Precisely. Soc. I wish

what

I

you would frankly

tell

me. Ion,

am going to ask of you: When you

duce the greatest

cfTect

pro-

upon the audience

in

the recitation of some striking passage, such as the apparition of Odysseus leaping forth on the floor, recognized by the suitors and cast-

ing his arrows at his

feet,

or the description of

Achilles rushing at Hector, or the sorrows of

—

Andromache, Hecuba, or Priam, are you in your right mind? Arc you not carried out of yourself, and does not your soul in an ecstasy seem to be among the persons or places of which you are speaking, whether they are in Ithaca or in Troy or whatever may be the scene of the

poem?

145

from the Muse. And every poet has some Muse from whom he is suspended, and by whom he is said to be possessed, which is nearly the same thing; for he is taken hold of. And from these first rings, which are the poets, depend others, some deriving their inspiration from Orpheus, others from Musaeus; but the greater number are possessed and held by Homer. Of whom, Ion, you are one, and arc possessed by Homer; and when any one repeats the words of another poet you go to sleep, and know not what to say; but when any one recites a strain of Homer you wake up in a moment, and your soul leaps within you, and you have plenty to say; for not by art or knowledge about Homer do you say what you say, but by divine inspiration and by possession; just as the Corybantian revellers too

have a quick perception of that

is appropriated to the God they are possessed, and have plenty of dances and^words for that, but take no heed of any other. And you, Ion, when the name of Homer is mentioned have plenty to say, and

strain only

which

whom

That proof strikes home to me, Socrates. For I must frankly confess that at the tale of pity my eyes are filled with tears, and when I speak of horrors, my hair stands on end and my

by

heart throbs,

have nothing to say of others. You ask, “Why is this?’* The answer is that you praise Homer not by art but by divine inspiration. Ion. That is good, Socrates; and yet I doubt whether you will ever have eloquence enough to persuade me that I praise Homer only when 1 am mad and possessed; and if you could hear me speak of him 1 am sure you would never think this to be the case. Soc. I should like very much to hear you, but not until you have answered a question which I have to ask. On what part of Homer do you speak well? not surely about every part. Ion. There is no part, Socrates, al^ut which I do not speak well: of that I can assure you. Soc. Surely not about things in Homer of which you have no knowledge?

Ion.

Soc. Well, Ion,

and what are we

to say of a

man who at a sacrifice or festival, when he is dressed in holiday attire, and has golden crowns upon his head, of which nobody has robbed him, appears weeping or panic-stricken in the presence of more than twenty thousand friendly faces, when there is no one despoiling or wronging him; is he in his right mind or is he not?

—

Ion. strictly

No

indeed, Socrates, I must say that, speaking, he is not in his right mind.

And

aware that you produce on most spectators? Ion. Only too well; for I look down upon them from the stage, and behold the various emotions of pity, wonder, sternness, stamped upon their countenances when 1 am speaking: and I am obliged to give my very lx;st attention to them; for if I make them cry I myself shall laugh, and if I make them laugh I myself shall cry when the time of payment arrives. Soc. Do you know that die spectator is the Soc.

are you

similar effects

last

of the rings which, as

I

am

saying, receive

magnet from one another? The rhapsode like yourself and the actor arc intermediate links, [536] and the poet himself is the first of them. Through all these the God sways the souls of men in any direction which he pleases, and makes one man hang down from another. Thus there is a vast chain of dancers and masters and undermasters of choruses, who arc suspended, as if from the stone, at the side of the rings which hang down the

power of the

original

—

Ion.

And what

is

there in

Homer of which

I

have no knowledge? Soc. Why, docs not Homer speak in many passages about arts? For example, [5^7/ about driving; if I can only remember the lines I will repeat them. Ion. I remember, and will repeat them. Soc. Tell me then, what Nestor says to Antilochus, his son, where he bids him be careful of the turn at the horse-race in honour of Patrodus. Ion.

He

says:

Bend

gently in the polished chariot to the left of them, and urge the horse on the right hand with

whip and voice; and slacl^en the rein. And when you are at the goal, let the left horse draw near, yet

A

—

——

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

146

so that the nave of the well-wrought wheel may not even seem to touch the extremity; and avoid catching the stone.

Soc.

Enough. Now,

The

Soc.

And

his

or will there be any other reason ? No, that will be the reason. Soc. And every art is appointed by God to have knowledge of a certain work; for that which we know by the art of the pilot we do not know by the art of medicine? art,

Ion.

Ion. Certainly not.

Nor do we know by the art of the carpenter that which we know by the art of mediSoc.

cine?

he

Ion. Yes.

You would argue, as I

should, that

when

one art is of one kind of knowledge and another of another, they arc different? Ion. Yes. Soc. Yes, surely; for if the subject of knowledge were the same, there would be no meaning in saying that the arts were different, if

—

they both gave the same knowledge. For example, I know that here arc five fingers,' and you know the same. And if 1 were to ask whether I and you became acquainted with this fact by the help of the same art of arithmetic, you would acknowledge that we did ? Ion. Yes. ] Soc. Tell me, then, what I was intend[

—^whether

ing to ask you

holds universally ? Must the same art have the same subject of knowledge, and different arts other subjects of

knowledge? Ion. That

is

this

my opinion, Socrates.

Then he who

has no knowledge of a no right judgment of the sayings and doings of that art? Soc.

particular art will have

Ion.

Very

Soc.

Then which

wounded Machaon a

posset, as

Now would you say that the art of the rhapsode or the art of medicine was better able to judge of the propriety of these lines? Ion. The art of medicine. And when Homer says,

she descended into the deep h\e a leaden set in the horn of ox that ranges in the fields, rushes along carrying death among the ravenous fishes ,

plummet, which,

be a better judge of

The charioteer. Why, yes, because you

and not a

charioteer.

Ion. Yes.

be better able to judge whether these lines arc rightly expressed or not ? Ion. Clearly, Socrates, the art of the fisher-

man.

Come now, suppose that you were to say me: “Since you, Socrates, are able to assign

Soc. to

different passages in

Homer

to ihcir corres-

ponding arts, 1 wish that you would tell me what arc the passages of which the cxLcllencc ought to be judged by the prophet and prophetic art”; and you will see how readily and truly 1 shall answer you. For there are many such passages, particularly in the Odyssey; as, which Theoclymenus the prophet of the house of Melampus

for example, the passage in says to the suitors:

[539] Wretched men! what is happening to yotp Your heads and your faces and yout limhs underneath are shrouded in night; and the voice of lamentation bursts forth, and your cheel^t are wet with tears. And the vesUhuh^ts full, and the ghosts descending iff to the darkness of heaven, an evil mist is spread abroad.

court IS

full, of

of Erebus,

and

and the sun has pensheif out

And there are many such passages in ihtlliad will

from Homer,

you or the charioteer? Soc.

the passage in which Hccais described as

Made with Pramnian wine; and she grated cheese of goat*s mil\ with a grater of hrome, and at his side placed an onion which gives a relish to drin\.

true.

the lines which you were reciting Ion.

You know

will the art of the fisherman or of the rhapsode

arts?

Soc.

a different knowledge, tlicn a

different matters?

says,

Soc.

that there arc diflerences of

if

giving to the

And

You admit

different

medc, the concubine of Nestor,

Ion. Certainly not,

tion:

is

Ion. True.

Soc.

And this is true of all the arts;—^that which we know with one art we do not know with the other? But let me ask a prior ques-

And

Soc.

Soc. is

the art of the rhapsode

knowledge of

charioteer, clearly. will the reason be that this

And

Ion. Yes.

Ion, will the charioteer

or the physician be the better judge of the propriety of these lines ^ Ion.

Soc.

from that of the charioteer?

example in the description of the batde near the rampart, where hfc says:

also; as for

As they were eager to

pass the ditch, there came them an omen: a soaring eagle, holding bac\ th** people on the left, bore a huge bloody dragon in his talons, still living and panting; nor had he yet resigned the strife, for he bent bacl^ and smote

to

are a rhapsode

ION $hc bird which carried him on the breast by the neck,, ^nd he in pain let him fall from him to the ground into the midst of the multitude. And the eagle, with a cry, was home afar on the wings of the wind.

These arc the

sort of things

which

I

should

147

rhapsode will know better than the cowherd what he ought to say in order to soothe the infuriated cows?

woman wool?

saying so. Soc, Yes, Ion, and you are right also. And as I have selected from the Iliad and Odyssey for you passages which describe the office of the prophet and the physician and the fisherman, do you, who know Homer so much better than 1 do. Ion, select for me passages which relate to the rhapsode and the rhapsode's art, and

ought

Ion. All passages,

I

should say, Socrates.

Have you already what you were saying? A rhapsode ought to have a better memory. [$40 } Ion. Wh^ what am 1 forgetting? Soc. 1)0 you not remember that you declared the art of the rhapsode to be different from the Soc.

Not

all,

Ion, surely.

forgotten

,

art of the charioteer ?

A remember.

Ion.

Yes

Soc.

And you

admitted that being different

they would have different subjects of knowl-

edge? Soc.

Then upon your own showing the

rhap-

and the art of the rhapsode, will not know everything? Ion. I should exclude certain things, Socrates.

sode,

Soc.

You mean

to say that

you would

ex-

clude pretty much the subjects of the other arts. As he does not know all of them, which of

them

will

he know?

what a slave ought what a subject. Soc.

to say,

and what a

ruler

and

better than the pilot

what the

ruler of a sea-

tossed vessel ought to say ?

No;

Soc.

Or

the pilot will

will the

know best. know better than ruler of a sick man

rhapsode

the physician what the

ought

He

Soc.

But he

to say

soldiers?

the sort of thing which the rhapsode will be sure to know. Soc. Well, but is the art of the rhapsode the is

art of the general?

Ion. I am sure that general ought to say.

should

1

know what

a

Soc. Why, yes, Ion, because you may possibly have a knowledge of the art of the general as well as of the rhapsode; and you may also have a knowledge of horsemanship as well as of the lyre: and then you would know when horses were well or ill managed. But suppose 1 were to ask you: By the help of which art. Ion, do you know whether horses are well managed, by your skill as a horseman or as a performer on the lyre what would you answer? Ion. I should reply, by my skill as a horseman. Soc. And if you judged of performers on the lyre, you would admit that you judged of them as a performer on the lyre, and not as a horse-

—

^

Ion. Yes.

And

judging of the general's art, do as a general or a rhapsode? Ion. To me there appears to be no difference between them. 1 ^ 41 ] Soc. What do you mean? Do you mean to say that the art of the rhapsode and of Soc.

in

you ludgc of

it

same ? and the same. Soc. Then he who is a good rhapsode a good general ? is

the

Ion. Yes, one

is

also

Soc.

know what a

And

he

who

is

a

good general

is

also

a good rhapsode? Ion. No; I do not say that. Soc. But

rhapsode

is

you do say that he good general.

who

is

a good

also a

Ion. Certainly.

And

you are the best of Hellenic rhap-

sodes?

will not.

will

when exhorting his

Ion. Yes, that

Soc.

to say?

Ion.

a spinning-

Ion. (Certainly, Socrates.

Do you mean that a rhapsode will know

Ion.

Soc.

the general

He will know what a man and what a woman ought to say, and what a freeman and Ion,

know what

ought to say about the working of

No. At any rate he will know what a general

Ion.

man

Ion. Yes.

will not.

Soc. But he will

say that the prophet ought to consider and determine. Ion, And you are quite right, Socrates, in

which the rhapsode ought to examine and judge of better than other men.

No, he

Ion.

slave

ought to

say? Ion. Yes. Soc. Suppose the slave to be a cowherd; the

Ion. Far the best, Socrates.

Soc. Ion.

my

And are you To l>e sure,

master.

the

l>est

general. Ion?

Socrates;

and Homer was

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

148 «

Sor.Butthen,Ion,whatiatbeiuimeofgood>

ness can be the reason

why

you,

who

ate the

best of generals as well as the best of rhapsodes in all Hellas, go about as a rhapsode when you might be a general? Do you think that the

Hwenes want

a rhapsode with his golden

crown, and do not want a general ? Ion.

Why,

Socrates, the reason

is,

that

my

me, for you think ^at you have enough generals of your own. Soc. My good Ion, did you never hear of Apoliodorus of Cyzicus? Ion. Who may he be? Soc. One who, though a foreigner, has often been chosen their general by the Athenians: and there is Phanosthenes of Andros, and Heraclides of Clazomenae, whom they have also ap-

command

of their armies and

to other olEces, although aliens, after they had

shown

their merit.

And

will they not choose

Ion the Ephesian to be their general, and honour him, if he prove himself worthy? Were not the Ephesians originally Athenians, and Ephesus

is

no mean city? But, indeed, Ion, if you are

correct in saying that by art

only a deceiver, and so far from exhibiting the art of

after

countrymen, the Ephesians, are the servants and soldiers of Athens, and do not need a general; and you and Sparta are not likely to have

pointed to the

are able to praise Homer, you do not deal faitly with me, and after all your professionsof knowing many glorious things about Homer, and promises that you would exhibit them, you are

and knowledge you

which you are a master,

will not,

even

my repeated entreaties, explain to me the

nature of

it.

You have

as Proteus; and

literally as many forms now you go all manner of ways,

twisting and turning,and, like Proteus, become ail manner of peojXe at once, and at last slip away from mein thedisguiseof a general, /yfs/ in order that you may escape et^ibiting your Homeric lore. And if you have art, then, as 1

was saying, in htlsifying your promise that you would exhibit Homer, you are not dealing fairly with me. But if, as I believe, you have no art, but speak all these beautiful words about Homer unconsciously under his inspiring influence,

then

I

acquit you of dishonesty, and shall only

say that

you are

inspired.

Which do you

prefer

to be thought, dishonest or inspired?

Ion. There is a great difference, Socrates, between the two alternatives; and inspiration is by far the nobler. Soc. Then, Ion, I shall assume the nobler alternative; and attribute to you in your praises of Homer inspiration, and not art.

SYMPOSIUM who repeats to

Persons of the Dialogue: Apollooorus,

his

companion the diido^ne

which he had heard from Aristodcmus, and had already once narrated

to

Glaucon;

Phaedrus; Pausanias; Eryximachus; Aristophanes; Agathon; Socrates; Aloibisoes;

A Troop of Revellers. Scene: The House of Agathon

//727 Concerning the things about which you ask to be informed I believe that 1 am not illprepared with an answer. For the day before

was coming from my own home at and one of my acquaintance, who had caught a sight of me from beyesterday

Phalorum

I

to the city,

hind, calling out playfully in the distance, said: Apollodorus, thou Phalerian ' man, halt! So

O

did as I was bid; and then he said, I was looking for you, Apollodorus, only just now, that I might ask you about the speeches in praise of I

which were delivered by Socrates, Alcibiades, and others, at Agathon "s supper. Phoe-

love,

nix, the son of Philip, told another person

who

me

of them; his narrative was very mbut he said that you knew, and 1 wish that you would give me an account of them, Who, if not you, should be the reporter of the words of your friend ? And first tell me, he said, were you present at this meeting? Your informant, Glaucon, I said, must have been very indistinct indeed, if you imagine that the occasion was recent; or that I could have told

distinct,

been of the party. Why, yes, he replied, Impossible:

I said.

I

thought

so.

Arc you ignorant

that for

many years Agathon has not resided at Athens; and not three have elapsed since 1 became acquainted with Socrates, and have made it my daily business to know all that he says and docs. [ 173] There was a time when I was run*

Probably a play of words on ^aXapdj, “bald-

headed.’*

nlng about the world, fancying myself to be I was really a most wretched being, no better than you are now. I thought that I ought to do anything rather than be a well employed, but

philosopher.

Well, he said, jesting apart, tell me when the meeting occurred. In our boyhood, I replied, when Agathon won the prize with his first tragedy, on the day after that on which he and his chorus offered the sacrifice of victory,

Then

it must have been a long while ago, and who told you did Socrates^ No indeed, I replied, but the same person who told Phoenix; he was a little fellow, who never wore any shoes, Aristodemus, of the demc of Cydalhenacum. He had been at Agathen’s feast; and 1 think that in those days there was no one who was a more devoted admirer

he

—

said;

—

of Socrates. Moreover, I have asked Socrates about the truth of some parts of his narrative,

and he confirmed them. Then, said Glaucon, let us have the tale over again; is not the road to Athens just made for conversation? And so we walked, and talked of the discourses on love; and therefore, as I said at first, 1 am not ill-prepared to comply with your request, and will have another rehearsal of them if you like, For to speak or to hear others speak of philosophy always gives me the greatest pleasure, to say nothing of the profit. But when I hear another strain, especially that of you rich men ^od traders, such conversation displeases me;

149

—

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

150

and

I pity

you

who

are

my

companions, be-

cause you think that you are doing something when in reality you are doing nothing. And I dare say that you pity me in return, whom you regard as an unhappy creature, and very probably you are right. But I certainly know of you what you only think of me ^therc is the dif-

—

ference.

I

rather fear, Socrates, said Aristodemus, lest

may

this

laus in

the conversation. Apoll. Well, the tale of love was on this wise:

—But perhaps

I

had

belter begin at the begin-

ning, [ 174 ] and endeavour to give exact words of Aristodemus:

you the

He said that he met Socrates fresh from the bath and sandalled; and as the sight of the sandals was unusual, he asked him whither he was going that he had been converted into such a beau: To a banquet at Agathon^s, he replied, wTiosc invitation to his sacrifice of victory I refused yesterday, fearing a crowd, but promising that I would come to-day instead; and so I ha\e put on my finery, because he is such a fine man. What say you

to going with

me

unasked?

do as you bid me, 1 replied. Follow then, he said, and let us demolish will

the proverb:

To the feasts of inferior men the good unbidden go; which our proverb

will run:

To the feasts of the good the good unbidden go; and

this alteration

authority of

may

Homer

molishes but literally

be supported by the who not only deoutrages the proverb. For,

himself,

Agamemnon as the most valiant men, he makes Menelaus, who is but a fainthearted warrior, come unbidden to the banquet of Agamemnon, who is feasting and offer-

after picturing

of

ing

my case; I shall

sacrifices,

not the better to the worse, but

the worse to the better.

and

that, like

Mene-

ht the inferior person,

who To But

the feasts of the wise unbidden goes.

I shall say that I

Two

—

instead of

be

then you will have to

Companion. I see, Apollodorus, that you are just the same always speakingevil of yourself, and of others; and I do believe that you pity all mankind, with the exception of Socrates, yourself first of all, true in this to your old name, which, however deserved, I know not how you acquired, of Apollodorus the madman; for you are always raging against yourself and everybody but Socrates. Apollodorus. Yes, friend, and the reason why I am said to be mad, and out of my wits, is just because I have these notions of myself and you; no other evidence is required. Com. No more of that, Apollodorus; but let me renew my request that you would repeat

I

still

Homer,

was bidden of you. ana

make an

excuse.

going together,

he replied, in Homeric fashion, one or other of them may invent an excuse by the way. This was the style of their conversation as they went along. Socrates dropped behind in a fit of abstraction, and desired Aristodemus, who was waiting, to go on before him. When he reached the house of Agathon he found the doors wide open, and a comical thing happened. A servant coming out met him, and led him at once into the banqucting-hall in which the guests were reclining, for the banquet was about to begin. Welcome, Aristodemus, said Agathon, as soon as he appeared you arc just in time to sup with us; if you come on any other matter put it off, and make one of us, as I was looking for you yesterday and meant

—

if I could have found you. But what have you done with Socrates ^ 1 turned round, but Socrates was nowhere to be seen; and 1 had to explain that he had been with me a moment before, aad that 1 came by

to have asked you,

his invitation to the supper.

You were quite right in coming, said Agathon; but where is he himself? [ 17 ^]

He was

entered, he said,

behind me just now, as I I cannot think what has

and

become of him. Go and look for him, boy, said Agathon, and bring him in; and do you, Aristodemus, meanwhile take the place by Kryximachiis. The servant then assisted him to wash, and he lay down, and presendy another servant came in and reported that our friend Socrates had retired into the portico of the neighbouring house. “There he is fixed,” said be, “and when I call

to

How

him he

will not stir.”

;

Agathon; iien you must call him again, and keep calling him. Let him alone, said my informant; he has a way of stopping anywhere and losing himself without any reason. I believe th4t he will soon appear; do not therefore disturb him. Well, if you think so, I will leave him, said Agathon. And then, turning to the servants, he added, “Let us have supper without waiting for him. Serve up whatever you please, for strange, said

—

—

SYMPOSIUM there is no one to give you orders; hitherto I have never left you to yourselves. But on this occasion imagine that you are our hosts, and that I and the company arc your guests; treat us well, and then we shall commend you.” After this, supper was served, but still no Socrates; and during the meal Agathon several times expressed a wish to send for him, but Aristodcmus objected; and at last when the feast was about half over for the fit, as usual, was not of long duration Socrates entered. Agathon,

— —

who was

reclining alone at the

end of the

table,

begged that he would take the place next to him; that “I may touch you,” he said, ‘'and have the benefit of that wise thought which came into your mind in the portico, and is now in your possession; for I am certain that you would not have come away until you had found what you sought.”

How

I

wish, said Socrates, taking his place

he was desired, that wisdom could be infused by touch, out of the fuller into the emptier man, as water runs through wool out of a fuller cup into an emptier one; if that were so, how greatly should I value the privilege of reclining at your side! For you would have filled me full with a stream of wisdom plenteous and fair; whereas my own is of a very mean and questionable sort, no lietter than a dream. But yours is bright and full ot promise, and was manifested forth in all the splendour of youth the day before yesterday, in the presence of more than thirty thousand Hellenes. You are mocking, Socrates, said Agathon, and ere long you and I will have to determine as

—

who

bears off the palm of wisdom of this Dionysus shall be the judge; but at present you

151

the son of Acumenus; but I should still like to hear one other person speak: Is Agathon able to drink hard? I am not equal to it, said Agathon. Then, said Eryximachus,the weak heads like myself, Aristodemus,Phaedrus,and others who never can drink, arc fortunate in finding that the stronger ones arc not in a drinking mood. (I

do not include

who

is

able either to

we do.) Wcll,asnone of the company seem disposed to drink much, I may be forgiven for

ever

saying, as a physician, that drinking deep is a bad practice, which I never follow, if I can help, and certainly do not recommend to another, least of all to any one who still feels the effects

of yesterday’s carouse. 1 always do what you advise, and especially what you prescribe as a physician, rejoined Phaedrus the Myrrhinusian, and the rest of the company, if they arc wise, will do the same. It was agreed that drinking was not to be the order of the day, but that they were all to

drink only so much as they pleased. Then, said Eryximachus,as you arc all agreed that drinking is to be voluntary, and that there is to he no compulsion, 1 move, in the next place, that the flute-girl, who has just made her appearance, be told to go away and play to her-

women who are us have conversation inyou will allow me, I will

she likes, to the

self, or,

if

within.‘

To-day

stead; and,

let

[177] if you what sort of conversation. This proposal having been accepted, Eryximachus pro-

tell

ceeded as follows: I will begin, he said, after the manner of

Mclanippe in Euripides,

arc better occupied with supper.

took his place on the couch, and supped with the rest; and then libations were offered, and after a hymn had been sung to the god, and there had been the usual ceremonies, they were about to commence drink-

Socrates,

drink or to abstain, and will not mind, which-

Sot nunc the word

/ 776 / Socrates

ing, when Pausaniassaid, And now, my friends, how can we drink with least injury to ourselves? I

can assure you that

I

of yesterday’s potations, recover;

the

and must have time to

suspect that most of you arc in predicament, for you were of the party

and

same

feel severely the effect

1

yesterday. Consider then:

ing be I

made

drink-

easiest?

entirely agree, said Aristophanes, that

should, by I

How can the

we

meana, avoid hard drinking, for was myself one of those who were yesterday

drowned I

all

in drink.

think that you are right, said Eryximachus,

which 1 am about to speak, but that of Phaedrus. For often he says to me in an indignant tone:

“What a strange thing it is, Eryximachus, that, whereas other gods have poems and hymns made in their honour, the great and glorious god, Love, has no encomiast among all the |)oeis who arc so many. There are the worthy the excellent Prodicus for examsophists too ple, who have descanted in prose on the vir-

—

and other heroes; and, what is I have met with a philosophical work in which the utility of salt has been made the theme of an eloquent discourse; and many other like things have had a like honour bestowed upon them. And only to think that there should have been an eager tues of Heracles still

^

more

extraordinary,

Cf Protagoras, .

347.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

152

interest created about them, and yet that to this day no one has ever dared worthily to hymn

Love’s praises! So entirely has this great deity been neglected/’ Now in this Phaedrus seems to me to be quite right, and therefore I want to offer him a contribution; also I think that at the present moment we who arc here assembled cannot do better than honour the god Love* If you agree with me, there will be no lack of conversation; for I mean to propose that each of us in turn, going from left to right, shall make a speech in honour of Love. Let him give us the best which he can; and Phaedrus, because he is sitting first on the left hand, and because he is the father of the thought, shall begin. No one will vote against you, Eryximachus, said Socrates. How can I oppose your motion, who profess to understand nothing but mat* ters of love; nor, I presume, will Agathon and Pausanias; and there can be no doubt of Aristophanes, whose whole concern is with Dionysus and Aphrodite; nor will any one disagree of those whom I sec around me. The proposal, as I am aware, may seem rather hard upon us whose place is last; but we shall be contented if we hear some good speeches first. Let Phaedrus begin the praise of Love, and good luck to him. All the company expressed their assent, [ lySJ and desired him to do as Socrates bade him. Aristodemus did not recollect all that was said, nor do I recollect all that he related to me; but I will tell you what I thought most worthy of remembrance, and what the chief speakers said.

Phaedrus began by affirming that Love is a mighty god, and wonderful among gods and men, but especially wonderful in his birth. For he is the eldest of the gods, which is an honour to him; and a proof of his claim to this honour is, that of his parents there is no memorial; neither poet nor prose-writer has ever affirmed that he First

The

had any. As Hesiod

says:

Chaos came, and then broad bosomed Earth, everlasting seat of all that

is.

And Love, Id other words, after Chaos, the Earth and Love, these two, came into being. Also Parmenides sings of Generation: First in the train of gods,

And

he fashioned Love.

Acusilaus agrees with Hesiod.

Thus nu-

merous are the witnesses who acknowledge Love to be the eldest of the gods. And not only is he the eldest, he is also the source of the great-

er

For I know not any greater young man who is beginning life

benefits to us.

blessing to a

than a virtuous lover, or to the lover than a beloved youth. For the principle which ought to be the guide of men who wotdd nobly live-—that principle, I say, neither kindred, nor honour, nor wealth, nor any other motive is aUc to implant so well as love. Of what am I speaking? Of the sense of honour and dishonour, without which neither states nor individuals ever do any good or great work. And I say that a lover who is detected in doing any dishonourable act, or submitting through cowardice when any dishonour is done to him by another, will be more pained at being detected by his beloved than at being seen by his father, or by his companions, or by any one else. The beloved too, when he is found in any disgraceful situation, has the same feeling about his lover. And if there were only some way of contriving that a state or an army should be made up of lovers and their loves, ^ they would be the very best governors of their own city, abstaining from all dishonour, and emulating one another in honour; [ ijg] and when fighting at each other’s side, although a mere handful, they would overcome the world. For what lover would not choose rather to be seen by all mankind than by his beloved, either when abandoning his post or throwing away his arms.? He would be ready to die a thousand deaths rather than endure this. Or who would desert his beloved or fail him in the hour of danger.? The veriest coward would become an inspired hero, equal to the bravest, at such a time; Ix>ve would inspire him. That courage which, as Homer says, the god breathes into the souls of some heroes, Love of his own nature infuses into the lover. Love will make men dare to die for their beloved ^lovc alone; and women as well as men. Of this, Alcestis, the daughter of Pclias, is a monument to all Hellas; for she was willing to lay down her life on behalf of her husband, when no one else wou} fence. will begin at the beginning, and ask what the accusation which has given rise to the slander of me, and in fact has encouraged Mr1

is

letus to prefer this

what do the

charge against me. Well, They shall be my

slanderers say?

and

sum up

words in an affidavit: “Socrates is an evil-doer, and a curious person, who searches into things under the earth and in heaven, and he makes the worse appear the better cause; and he teaches the aforesaid doctrines to others.” Such is the nature of the accusation: it is just what you have yoursclvc? st on in the comedy of Aristophanes,^ who has introduced a man whom he calls Socrates, going about and saying that he walks in air, and talking a deal of nonsense concerning matters of which I do not pretend prosecutors,

to

I

will

201

their

— not that

know cither much or little

I

mean

is at this time a Parian philosopher reo not the good do their neighbours good, and the bad do them easily

evil?

Certainly.

And

is

there any one

who would rather be who live with

injured than benefited by those

him? Answer, quires you to

my

good friend, the law reanswer docs any one like to be

—

accuse me of corrupting and deteriorating the youth, do you allege that I corrupt them intentionally or unintentionally?

And when you

Intentionally,

I

But you have

just

say.

admitted that the good do

and evil do them evil. which your superior wishas recognized thus early in life, and am my age, *m such darkness and ignorance

their neighbours good,

dom at

is

—

punishment. It will be very clear to you, Athenians, as I was saying, that Meletus has no care at all, great or small, about the matter. But still I should like to know, Meletus, in what I am affirmed to corrupt the young. I suppose you mean, as I infer from your indictment, that I teach them not to acknowledge the gods which the state acknowledges, but some other new divinities or spi ritual agenc les in their stead These arc the lessons by which I corrupt the youth, as you say. .

Yes, that

I

say emphatically.

Then, by the gods, Meletus, of whom we arc speaking, tell me and the couft, in somewhat plainer terms, what you mean! tor 1 do not as yet understand whether you affirm that I teach other men to acknowledge some gods, and therefore that I do believe in gods, and am not an entire atheist this you do not lay lo my charge, but only you say that they arc not the same gods which the city recognizes the charge is that they arc diflfercni gods. Or, do you mean that 1 am an atheist simply, and a teacher of

—

—

—

atheism? I

mean

the latter

that a truth

to Vive is corrupted

hy me,

h

am very Vik^y to

—

^that

you arc a complete

atheist.

What an

like other

Why

do do the godhead of thqsun or moon,

extraordinary siaicmcnt!

so,

not believe in

Certainly not.

I corrupt him, and too—soyou say, although neither

I nor any other human being is ever likely to be convinc^ by you. /26y But either I do not corrupt them, or 1 corrupt them unintentionally; and on either view of the case you lie. If my offense is unintentional, the law has no cognizance of unintentional oiTences: you ought to have taken me privately, and warned and admonished me; for if I had been better advised, I should have left off doing what 1 only did unintentionally no doubt I should; but you would have nothing to say to me and refused to teach me. And now you bring me up in this court, which is a place not of instruction, but of

you think

injured?

Now,

be harmed by him; and yet

Meletus?

Do you

ifiean that I

men? j

I

assure you, judges, that he d|es not: for he

says that the sun

is

stone,

and

thjb

moon earth.

Friend Meletus, you think thtit you are accusing Anaxagoras: and you hive but a bad opinion of the judges, if you fany Aie Ve.ikrd tXVtXCV^J, ships, a laughing-stock and a burden of the

—

—

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

2D6

earth.” Had Achilles any thought of death and danger? For wherever a man's place is, whether the place which he has chosen or that in which he has been placed by a commander, there he ought to remain in the hour of danger; he should not think of death or o( any-

O

thing but of disgrace. And this, men of Athens, is a true saying. Strange, indeed, would be my conduct, men of Athens, if I who, when I was ordered by the generals whom you chose to command me at Potidaca and Amphipolis and Delium, remained where they placed me, like any other man, facing death if now, when, as I conceive and imagine, God orders me to fulfil the philosopher's mission of searching into myself and other men, I were todesert my post through fear of death, [2 ^] or any other fear; that would indeed be strange, and 1 might justly be arraigned in court for denying the existence of the gods, if 1 disobeyed the oracle because I was afraid of death, tancying that 1 was wise when I was not wise. For the fear of death is indeed the pretence of wisdom, and not real wisdom, being a pretence of knowing the un-

O

my manner:

You, my friend, and mighty and wise city of Athens, arc you not ashamed of heaping up the greatest amount of money and honour and reputation, and caring so little about wisdom and truth and the greatest improvement of the soul, which you never regard or ing to him after

—

3t

citizen of the great

heed

—

And

at all?

am arguing,

if

the person with

says: Yes, but

I

whom

do care; then

I

I

do

I

not leave him or let him go at once; but I proceed to interrogate and examine and crossexamine him, and if 1 think that he has no virtue in him, hut only says that he has, I reproach him with undervaluing the greater, and overvaluing the less, f^o] And I shall repeat the same words to every one whom I meet, young and old, citizen and alien, but especially to the citizens, inasmuch as they arc my brethren. For know that this is the command of C^od; and I believe that no greater good has ever happened in the state than my service to the Cxod. For I do nothing but go about persuading you all, old and young alike, not to take thought for your persons or your properties, but first and chiefly to care about the greatest improvement of the soul. I tell you that virtue is not given by money, but that from virtue comes money and every other good of man, public as well as private. This is my teaching, and if this is the doctrine which corrupts. the youth, I am a mischievous person. But if any one says that this is not my teaching, he is speaking an untruth. Wherefore, men of Athens, I say to you, do as Anytus bids or not as Anytus bids, and cither acquit me or not; but whichever you do, understand that I shall never alter my ways,

better,

not even

—

known; and no one knows whether death, which men in their fear apprehend to be the

may not be the greatest good. Is not this ignorance of a disgraceful sort, the ignorance which is the conceit that man knows what he does not know? And in this respect greatest evil,

believe myself to differ

from men

in genbe wiser than they arc: that whereas I know but little of the world below, I do not suppose that I know: but

only

I

eral,

and may perhaps claim

—

to

do know that injustice and disobedience to a whether God or man, is evil and dishonourable, and I will never fear or avoid a possible good rather than a certain evil. And therefore if you let me go now, and are not convinced by Anytus, who said that since I had been prosecuted I must be put to death (or if not that 1 ought never to have been prosecuted at all); and that if I escape now, your sons will all be utterly ruined by listening to my words if you say to me, Socrates, this time wi' will not mind Anytus, and you shall be let off, but upon one condition, that you are not to enquire and speculate in this way any more, and that if you are caught doing so again you shall die; if this was the condition on which you let me go, 1 should reply: Men of Athens, I honour and

—

love you; but I shall obey

God rather than you,

and while I have life and strength I shall never cease from the practice and reaching of philosophy, exhorting any one whom 1 meet and say-

O

Men me;

it 1

have to die many times.

do not interrupt, but hear was an understanding between us

of Athens,

there

that you should hear me to the end: I have something more to say, at which you may be inclined to cry out; but I believe that to hear me will be good for you, and therefore I beg that you will not cry out. I wcaild have you know, that if you kill such an one as 1 am, you will injure yourselves more thai you will injure me. Nothing will injure m^, not Mcletus nor yet Anytus they cannot, fo^ a bad man is not permitted to injure a better ^an himself. I do not deny that Anytus may,pefl ucps, kill him,

—

2

or drive

him

into exile, or deprive

him of

civil

and he may imagine, and others may imagine, that he is inflicting a great injury upon him: but there I do not agree. For the evil of doing as he is doing the evil of unjustly greater far. taking away the life of another

rights;

—

—

^is

APOLOGY And new, argue for

Athenians,

my own

for yours, that

I

sake, as

you may not

am

not going to

you may think, but sin against the

God

by condemning me, who am his gift to you. For if you kill me you will not easily find a successor to me, who, if I may use such a ludicrous figure of speech, am a sort of gadfly, given to the state by God; and the state is a great and noble steed who is tardy in his motions owing to his very size, and requires to be stirred into life, f^// I am that gadfly which God has attached to the state, and all day long and in ail places am always fastening upon you, arousing and persuading and reproaching you. You will not easily find another like me, and therefore I would advise you to spare me. 1 dare say that you may feci out of temper (like a person who is suddenly awakened from sleep), and you think that you might easily strike me dead as Anytus advises, and then you would sleep on for the remainder of your lives, unless God in his care of you sent you another gadfly. When 1 say that I aiv* given to you by God, the proof if 1 had been like other of my mission is this: men, 1 should not have neglected all my own concerns or patiently seen the neglect ot them during all these years, and have been doing yours, coming to you individually like a father or cUlcr brother, exhorting you to regard virtue; such conduct, I say, would be unlike human nature. If I had gained anything, or if my exhortations had been paid, there would have been some sense in my doing so; but now, as you will perceive, not even the impudence of my accusers dares to say that I have ever exacted or sought pay of any one; of that they have no witness. And I have a sufficient witness to the

—

truth of

what

I

say

— my poverty.

Some one may wonder why

go about

in

and busying myself with do not venture to public and advise the state. I

private giving advice in

me speak at sundry times and in divers places of an oracle will tell

you why. You have heard

or sign which comes to me, and is the divinity which Meletus ridicules in the indictment.This sign,

which

come

to

is

a kind of voice, first l)egan to I was a child; it always for-

me when

commands me to do anything which I am going to do. This is what deters me trom being a politician. And rightly, as I think. For 1 am certain, O' men of Athens, that it I had engaged in politics, 1 should have perished long ago, and done no good cither to you or to myself. And do not be offended at my telling you the truth: for the truth is, that no man who

bids but never

goes to war with you or any other multitude, honestly striving against the many lawless and unrighteous deeds which are done in a state, 1 ^2 ] will save his life; he who will fight for the right, if he would live even for a brief space,

must have a

private station and not a public one. can give you convincing evidence of what I say, not words only, but what you value far more actions. Let me relate to you a passage of my own life which will prove to you that I should never have yielded to injustice from any iear of death, and that**asl should have refused to yield” I must have died at once. I will tell I

—

you a

talc of the courts, not very interesting perhaps, but nevertheless true. The only office

of state which

was

I

ever held,

O

men

of Athens,

which had the presidency at the trial of the generals who had not taken up the bodies of the slain after the batde of Arginusac; and you proposed to try them in a body, contrary to law, as you all thought afterwards; but at the time I was the only one of the Prytancs who was opposed to the illegality, and 1 gave my is

that of senator: the tribe Antiochis,

my

tribe,

vote against you;

and when the orators

threat-

ened to impeach and arrest me, and you called

and shouted,

1

made up my mind

that

I

would

run the risk, having law and justice with me, rather than take part in your injustice because I lea red imprisonment and death. This hap[icned in the days of the democracy. But when the oligarchy of the Thirty was in power, they

me and four others into the rotunda, bade us bring Leon the Salaininian from Sal am is, as they wanted to put him to death. This was a specimen of the sort of commands which they were always giving with the view sent for

anil

of implicating as I

the concerns of others, but

come forward

207

many

as possible in their

crimes; and then I showed, not in word only but in deed, that, if I may be allowed to use such an expression, I cared not a straw for death, and that my great and only care was lest I should do an unrighteous or unholy thing. For the strong arm of tliat oppressive power did not frighten me into doing wrong; and when we came out of the rotunda die other four went to Salamis .and fetched Leon, but I went quietly home. For which I might have lost my life, had

not the i>ower of the 'Phirly shortly afterwards come to an end. And many will witness to my

words.

Now do you really imagine that 1 could have all these years, if 1 had led a public supposing that like a good man I had always maintained the right and had made justice, as 1 ought, the first thing? No indeed, men

survived life,

1

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

208

of Athens, neither I nor any other man. [3^] But I have been always the same in all my actions, public as well as private, and never have I yielded any base compliance to those who are danderously termed my disciples, or to any other. Not that I have any regular disciples. But if

any one likes to come and hear me while I am pursuing my mission, whether he be young or old, he is not excluded. Nor do I converse only with those who pay; but any one, whether he be rich or poor, may ask and answer me and listen to my words; and whether he turns out to be a bad man or a good one, neither result can be justly imputed to me; for F never taught or professed to teach him anything. And if any one says that he has ever learned or heard anything from me in private which all the world has not heard, let me tell you that he is lying. But I shall be asked, Why do people delight in continually conversing with you? I have told you already, Athenians, the whole truth

about this matter: they like to hear the crossexamination of the pretenders to wisdom; there is amusement in it. Now this duty of crossexamining other men has been imposed upon me by God; and has been signified to me by

and in every way in which the power was ever intimated to any

oracles, visions,

will of divine

one. This

is

true,

would be soon

O Athenians; or,

refuted. If

I

am

if not true, or have been

who are now grown up and become sensible that I gave

corrupting the youth, those of them

them bad advice in the days of their youth should come forward as accusers, and take their revenge; or if they do not like to come themselves, some of their relatives, fathers, brothers, or other kinsmen, should say what evil their families

Now

is

have suffered at

my

hands.

Many of them I see in the Crito, who is of the same age

their time.

There is and of the same deme with myself, and there court.

is

Critobulus hisson, whom I also see. Then again there is Lysanias of Sphettus, who is the father of Aeschines he is present; and also there is Antiphon of Cephisus, who is the father of Epigcnes;and there arc the brothers of several who have associated with me. There is Nicostratus the son of Theosdotides, and the brother or Theodotus (now Theodotus himself is dead, and therefore he, at any rate, will not seek to stop him); and there is Paralus the son of Demodocus, wh had a brother Theages; and Adeimantus the son of Ariston, [34] whose bfother Plato is present; and Aeantodorus, who is the brother of Apollodorus, whom I also see. I might mention ^ great many others, some of

—

whom

Melctus should have produced as wit-

nesses in the course of his speech; and let him I will still produce them, if he has forgotten

—

make way

And

him

he has any testimony of the sort which he can produce. Nay, Athenians, the very opposite is the truth. For ail these are ready to witness on befor him.

let

say, if

half of the corrupter, of the in jurcr of their kin-

dred, as Meletus and Anytus call me; not the corrupted youth only there might have been a motive for that but their uncorriipted elder relatives. Why should they too support me with their testimony? Why, indeed, except for the sake of truth and justice, and because they know that I am speaking the truth, and that Meletus is a liar. Well, Athenians, this and the like of this is all the defence which I have to offer. Yet a word more. Perhaps there may be some one who is offended at me, when he calls to mind how he himself on a similar, or even a less serious occasion, prayed and entreated the judges with many tears, and how he produced his children in court, which was a moving spectacle, together with a host of relations and friends; whereas I, who am probably in danger of my life, will do none of these things. The contrast may occur to his mind, and he may be set against me, and vote in anger because he is displeased at me on this account. Now if^hcrc be such a person among you, mind, I do not say that

—

—

—

—

him I may fairly reply: My friend, I am a man, and like other men, a creature of flesh and blood, and not “of wood or stone,” as Homer says; and 1 have a family, yes, and sons, there

is,

to

O

Athenians, three in number, one almost a man, and two others who are still young; and yet I will not bring any of them hither in order

to petition you lor an acquittal.

And why

not?

Not from any self-assertion or want of respect for you. Whether 1 am or am not afraid of death is another question, of which I will not now speak. But, having regard to public opinion, I

feel that

such conduct would be discreditable to

to you, and to the wh who has reached my years, and w;

myself,

and

)le state.

One

has a name for wisdom, ought not to deirean himself. Whether this opinion of me be de lervcd or not, at any rate the world has decided that Socrates is in some way superior to othqr men. [33] And if those among you who are said to be superior in wisdom and courage, and any other virtue, demean themselves in this way, how shameful is their conduct have seen men of reputation, when they have been condemned, behaving in the strangest manner: they seemed 1

lo

APOLOGY to fancy that they were going to suffer something dreadful if they died, and that they could be immortal if you only allowed them to live; and I think that such are a dishonour to the state,

and

that any stranger

coming

in

would

have said of them that the most eminent men of Athens, to whom the Athenians themselves give honour and command, are no better than women. And I say that these things ought not to be done by those of us who have a reputation; and if they are done, you ought not to permit them; you ought rather to show that you are far

gets

more disposed to condemn the man who up a doleful scene and makes the city ri-

him who holds his peace. But, setting aside the question of public opinion, there seems to be something wrong in asking a favour of a judge, and thus procuring an

diculous, than

informing and convincing him. For his duty is, not to make a present of justice, but to give judgment; and he has sworn that he will judge according to the laws, ami not according to his own good pleasure; and we ought not to encourage you, nor should you allow yourself to be encouraged, in this habit of perjury there can be no piety in that. Do not then require me to do what I consider dishonourable and impious and wrong, e$[)ecially now, when I am being tried for impiety on the indictment of Melctus. For if, men of Athens, by force of persuasion and entreaty 1 could overpower your oaths, then I should be teaching you to believe that there are no gods, and in defending should simply convict myself of the charge of not believing in them. But that is acquittal, instead of

—

O

not so

—

^far

otherwise. For

there are gods,

I

do

believe that

and in a sense higher than that

which any of my accusers believe in them. to you and to God I commit my cause, to be determined by you as is best for you and me. in

And

209

And what

shall I

propose on

what

is

my due? What return shall be made to

man who

has never had the wit to be idle life; but has been careless of what the many care for wealth, and family interests, and military offices, and speaking in the assembly, and magistracies, and plots, and the

during his whole

—

was really too honest and live, I did not go where I could do no good to you or to myself; but where I could do the greatest good privately to every one of you, thither I went, and sought to persuade every man among you that he must look to himself, and seek virtue and wisdom before he looks to his private interests, and look to the state before he looks to the interests of the state; and that this should be the order which he observes in all his actions. What shall be done to such an one? Doubtless some good thing, O men of Athens, if he has his reward; and the good should be of a kind suitable to him. What would be a reward suitable to a poor man who is your benefactor, and who desires leisure that he may instruct you ? There can be no reward so fitting as mainteparties. Reflecting that I

a

man

to be a politician

nance in the Prytancum, O men of Athens, a reward which he deserves far more than the

who has won the prize at Olympia in the horse or chariot race, whether the chariots were drawn by two horses or by many. For I am in want, and he has enough; and he only gives you the appearance of happiness, and 1 give you the reality. And if I am to estimate the penalty fairly, 1 should say that maintenance in the Prytancum is the just return. [y/J Perhaps you think that I am braving you in what 1 am saying now, as in what I said before

citizen

about the tears and prayers. But this is not so. I speak rather because I am convinced that 1 never intentionally wronged any one, although the time has been too I cannot convince you short; if there were a law at Athens, as there is in other cities, that a capital cause should not be decided in one day, then I believe that I should have convinced you. But 1 cannot in a moment refute great slanders; and, as I am convinced that I never wronged another, I will assuredly not wrong myself. I will not say of myself that I deserve any evil, or propose any penalty, Why should I ? Because I am afraid of the penalty of death which Mcletus proposes ? When I do not know whether death is a good or an evil, why should I propose a penalty which would certainly be an evil? Shall I say imprisonment? And why should I live in prison, and

—

Therearemany reasons why I am not grieved,

O men of Athens, at the vote of condemnation. and

am

only surprised that had thought that the majority against me would have been far larger; but now, had thirty votes gone over to the other side, I should have been acquitted.

[^6]

I

expected

it,

'the votes are so nearly equal; for I

A nd I may say, I think, that I have escap^ Mcmay say more; for without the assistance of Anytus and Lycon,'*any one may see that he

Ictus. I

would not have had a fifth pait of the votes, as the law requires, in which case he would have incurred a fine of a thousand drachmae. And so he proposes death as the penalty.

my part, O men is my due. And

of Athens? Clearly that which

DIALOGUES OF PLATO me wise, even although be the slave of the magistrates of the year —of

210

I am not wise, when they want to reproach you. If you had waited a little while, your desire would have been fulfilled in the course of nature. For I am far advanced in years, as you may perceive, and not far from death. I am speaking now not to all of you, but only to those who have condemned me to death. And I have another thing to say to them: You think that I was convicted because I had no words of the sort which would have procured my acquittal I mean, if I had thought fit to leave nothing undone or unsaid. Not so; the deficiency which led to my conviction was not of words certainly not. But I had not the boldness or impudence or inclination to address

call

Or

be a fine, and imprisonment until the hnc is paid? There is the same objection. 1 should have to lie in pris* on^ for money 1 have none, and cannot pay. And if I say exile (and this may possibly be the penalty which you will affix), I must indeed be blinded by the love of life, if I am so irrational the Eleven?

shall the penalty

as to expect that

when

you,

who

are

my own

cannot endure my discourses and words, and have found them so grievous and odious that you will have no more of them, others are likely to endure me. No indeed, men of Athens, that is not very likely. And what a life should I lead, at my age, wandering from city to city, ever changing my place of exile, and always being driven out^ For I am quite sure that wherever I go, there, as here, the young men will flock to me; and if I drive them away, their elders will drive me out at their request; and if I let them come, their fathers and friends will drive me out for their sakes. Some one will say: Yes, Socrates, but cannot you hold your tongue, and then you may go citizens,

into a foreign city, and no one will interfere with you? Now I have great difficulty in making you understand my answer to this. For if I

you that to do as you say would be a disobedience to the God, and therefore that I cannot hold my tongue, f ^8} you will not believe that I am serious; and if 1 say again that daily to discourse about virtue, and of those other things about which you hear me examining myself and others, is the greatest good of man, and that the unexamined life is not worth living, you arc still less likely to believe me. Yet I say what is true, although a thing of which it is hard for me to persuade you. Also, I have never been accustomed to think that I deserve to suffer any harm. Had I money I might have estimated the offence at what T was able to pay, and not have been much the worse. But I have none, and therefore I must ask you to proportion the fine to my means. Well, perhaps I could afford a mina, and therefore I propose that penalty: Plato, Crito,Critobulus, and Apoltell

lodorus,

my friends here, bid me say thirty mi-

and they will be the sureties. Let thirty minae be the penalty; for which sum they will be ample security to you. nae,

—

—

you as you would have liked me to do, weeping and wailing and lamenting, and saying and doing many things which you have been accustomed to hear from others, and which, as I maintain, are unworthy of me. I thought at the time that I ought not to do anything common or mean when in danger: nor do I now repent of the style of my defence; I would rather oken after my manner, than speak in your manner and live. For neither in war nor yet at law ought I or any man to use every way of escaping death, can he no doiil>t that

arms and suers, he may his

fall

on

man

is

difficulty,

willing to

my

a

man

in battle there

will

throw away

his knees before his pur-

escape death;

gers there arc other

a

Often it

aM

in other

dan-

ways ot escaping death, if say and do anything. The

friends,

is

not to avoid death, but

to avoid unrighteousness; for that runs faster

than death. 1 am old and move slowly, and the slower runner has overtaken me, and my accursers arc keen and quick, and the faster runner, who is unrighteousness, has overtaken them. And now I depart hence condemned by you to suffer the penalty of death, they too go their ways condemned by the truth to suffer

—

the penalty of villainy and wrong; and I must abide by my award-del them aUde by theirs, I suppose that these things may b^ regarded as fated, and I think that they arc ^cll.

—

And now, O men who have coibdemned me, I would fain prophesy to you; fort am about to die, and in the hour of death mpn are gifted with prophetic power. And I prophesy to you who are my murderers, that imn^ediately after

my departure punishment far heavier than you have inflicted on me will surely await you. Me Not much time will be gained, O Athenians,

you have

in return for the evil name which you will get from the detractorsof the city, who will say that

killed because you wanted to esca}^ the accuser, and not to give an account of your lives. But that will not be as you suppose: far

you

otherwise. For

killed Socrates, a wise

man;

for they will

I

say that there will be

more

ac-

APOLOGY cuscrsofyou than thcrearc now; accusers whom hitherto I have restrained: and as they are younger they will be more inconsiderate with you, and you will be more offended at them. If you think that by killing men you can prevent some one from censuring your evil lives, you arc mistaken; that is not a way of escape which is either possible or honourable; the easiest and the noblest way is not to be disabling others, but to be improving yourselves. This is the prophecy which I utter before my departure to the judges who have con-

even by dreams, and were to compare with this the other days and nights of his life, and then were to tell us how many days and nights he

demned me.

good, my friends and judges, can be greater than this? If indeed when the pilgrim arrives in the world below, [41] \\q is delivered from the professors of ju.stice in this world, and finds the true judges who arc said to give judgment

you tell

may

—

—

should like to you of a wonderful circumstance. I litherio I

truly call judges

T

the divine faculty of which the internal oracle is

the source has constantly been in the habit of

opposing

me

even about

trifles, if T

was going

a slip or error in any matter; and now as you see there has come upon me that which to

make

may

be thought, and is generally believed to be, the last and worst evil. But the oracle made no

when I was leaving morning, or when I was on

sign of opposition, either

my house in the my way to the court,

or while I was speaking, anything which I w'as going to say; and yet I have often been stopped in the middle ol a speech, but now in nothing I either said or did touching the matter in hand has the oracle opposed me. What do I take to be the explanation at

an intimation that what has happened to me is a good, and that those of us who think that death is an evil are in error. For the customary sign would surely have op{X)sed me had I been going to evil and not to good. Let us reflect in another way, and we shall see that there is great reason to hope that death either death is a goocn to us^ [4^] Now, if you fear on our account, be at case; for in order to save you, we ought surely to run this, or even a greater risk; be persuaded,

—

then,

and do

as

I

say.

is one fear which you mention, but by no means the only one. Cr. Fear not there are persons who are willing to get you out of prison at no great cost;

Soc. Yes, Crito, that

—

for the informers, they are far from bting exorbitant in their demands a little money will satisfy them. My means, which arc certainly amfde, arc at your service, and if you ha\e a scruple about spending all mine, here are strangers who will give you the use of theirs; and one of them, Simmias the Theban, has brought a large sum of money for this very purpose; and Cebes and many others are prepared to spend their money in helping you to

and as

—

do not hesitate on our and do not say, as you did in the court,' that you will have a difficulty in knowing what to do with yourself anywhere else. For men will love you in other places to which you may go, and not in Athens only; there are friends of mine in Thessaly, if you like to go to them, who will value and protect you, and no Thessalian will give you any trouble. Nor can I think that you are at all justified, Socrates, in betraying your own life when you might be saved; in acting thus you are playing into the hands of your enemies, who are hurrying on

escape.

I

say, therefore,

account,

'

Cf. Apology, 37.

your destruction.

And further I should say that

you arc deserting your own children; for you might bring them up and educate them; instead of which you go away and leave them, and they will have to take their chance; and if they do not meet with the usual fate of orphans, there will be small thanks to you. No should bring children into the world who is unwilling to persevere to the end in their nurture and education. But you appear to be choosing the easier part, not the belter and manlier, which would have Iwn more becoming in one who professes to care for viitue in

man

all

his actions, like yourself.

ashamed not only

And

I

am

who

arc

indeed,

of you, but of us

your friends, when I reflect that the whole business will be attributed entirely to our want of courage. The trial need never have come on, or might have been managed differently; and this last act, or

crownuig

folly, will

seem to

have occurred thrmigh our negligence and cowardice, who might have saved you, [46] if wc had been good for anything; and you might have sa\cd yourself, for there was no difficulty

how

and

discredit-

able are the consequences, both to us

and you.

at all. See

now,

Socrates,

sail

Make up your mind then, or rather have your mind already m.idc up, for the time of dcliber ation is over, and there is only one thing to be done, which must be done this very night, and if wc delay at all will be no longer practicable or possible; I beseech you therefore, Socrates, be {persuaded by me, and do as I say. Soc. Dear Crito, your zeal is invaluable, if a right one; but if wrong, the greater the zeal the greater the danger: and therefore we ought to consider whether 1 shall or shall not do as you say. For I am and always have been one of those natures who must be guided by reason, whatever the reason may be which upon reflection appears to me to be the best; and now that this chance has befallen me, I cannot repudiate my own words: the principles which I have hitherto honoured and rqfvcred 1 still honour, and unless wc can at once find other and better principles, I am certaimnot to agree with you; no, not even if the powc|r of the multitude could inflict many more imfirisonments, confiscations, deaths, frightening ns like children with hobgoblin terrors.® What will be the fairest way of considering the question? Shall I return to your old argument about the opinions of men? wc were saying that some of them arc to be regarded, and others not. Now were we right in maintaining this before 1 was *Cf. Apology, 30.

—

CRITO condemned? And has die argument which was once good now proved to be talk for the sake of talking ^mere childish nonsense? That is what I want to consider with your help, Crito:

—

—whether,

my

under

present circumstances,

argument appears to be in any way different or not; and is to be allowed by me or disallowed. That argument, which, as I believe, the

is

maintained by

many

persons of authority,

was to the effect, as I was saying, that the opinions of some men are to be regarded, and of other

men

not to be regarded.

Now you, Crito,

arc not going to die to-morrow

—

at least, f^j] no human probability of this and therefore you are disinterested and not liable to be deceived by the circumstances in which you

there

—

is

arc placed.

T^ me then, whether

I

am right in

saying that some opinions, and the opinions of sonic men only, arc to be valued, and that other opinions, and the opinions of other men, are not to be valued. I ask you whether I was right in maintaining this?

The good

arc to be regarded,

and not

the opinions of the wise arc good,

and the opinions of the unwise are eviP Cr. Ortainly. Soc.

And what was said about another matwho devotes himself to the

ter? Is the pupil

practice of gymnastics supposed to attend to the praise and blame and opinion of every man, or of one man only his physician or trainer,

—

whoever he may be? Cr. Of one man only. Soc. And he ought to fear the censure and welcome the praise of that one only, and not of the

many?

And

he ought to act and train, and eat and drink in the way which seems good to his single master who has understanding, rather than according to the opinion of all other men put together? Cr. True. Soc. And if he disolieys and disregards the opinion and approval of the one, and regards the opinion of the many who have no understanding, will he not suffer evil? Cr. Certainly he will.

And what will the evil be, whither tending and what affecting, in the disobedient person? Cr. Clearly, affecting the body; that is what Soc.

is

Soc.

Take

a parallel instance:- -if, acting

under the advice of those standing,

we

destroy that

who

have no under-

which

is

improved

by health and is deteriorated by disease, would life be worth having? And that which has been destroyed is the body?

—

Cr. Yes.

Could we

live,

having an

evil

and

cor-

Cr. Certainly not.

And will life be worth having, if that higher part of man be destroyed, which is impro\cd by justice and depraved by injustice? Do we suppose that principle, [48] whatever it may be in man, which has to do with justice and injustice, to be inferior to the body? Cr. Certainly not. Soc. More honourable than the body? Cr. Far more. Soc. Then, my friend, we must not regard what the many sa> of us: but what he, the one man who has understanding of just and un-

destroyed by the

just, will say,

and what the truth

therefore you begin in error

will say.

when you

And

advise

wc should regard the opinion of the many about just and unjust, good and evil, honourable and dishonourable. “Well,’* some one will say, “but the many can kill us.*’ Cr. Yes, Socrates; that will clearly be the anthat

Cr. Clearly so. Soc.

—

there is such a principle? Cr. Certainly there is, Socrates.

Soc.

Cr. Yes.

And

rated by injustice;

Soc.

the bad? Soc.

Very good; and is not this true, Crito, which we need not separately enumerate? In questions of just and unjust, fair and foul, good and evil, which arc the subjects of our present consultation, ought we to follow the opinion of the many and to fear them; or the opinion of the one man who has understanding? ought we not to fear and reverence him more than all the rest of the world: and if we desert him shall we not destroy and injure that principle in us which may be assumed to be improved by justice and deterioSoc.

of other things

rupted body?

Cr. Certainly Soc.

215

evil.

—

swer. Soc.

And

ii

is

true: but

prise that the old

still I

argument

is

find with sur-

unshaken

as

should like lu know whether I may ^that not say the same of another proposition life, but a good life, is to be chiefly valued? Cr. Yes, that also remains unshaken. Soc. And a good life is equivalent to a just and honourable one that holds also? c' ^r.

And

I

—

—

Cr. Yes,

it

does.

Soc. From these premisses I proceed to argue the question whether I ought or ought not to try and escape without the consent of the

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

216

Athenians: and if I am clearly right mescaping» then I will make the attempt; but if not, I wUI abstain. The other considerations which you mention, of money and loss of character and the duty of educating one’s children, are, I fear, only the doctrines of the multitude, who would be as ready to restore people to life, if they were aUe, as they are to put them to death and with as little reason. But now, since the argu* metit has thus far prevailed, the only question which remains to he considered is, whether we shall do righdy either in escaping or in suffering others to aid in our escape and paying them in money and thanks, or whether in reality we shall not do rightly; and if the latter, then death or any other calamity which may ensue on my remaining here must not be al-

—

lowed to enter into the calculation. Cf, I think that you are right, Socrates;

how

then shall we proceed ? Soc. Let us consider the matter together, and

do you

me

either refute

if

you can, and

I

will

my

dear friend, from repeating to me that I ought to escape against the wishes of the Athenians: for I highly value your attempts to persuade me to do so, but 1 may not be persuaded against my own better judgment. [4g] And now please to consider my first position, and try how you can

be convinced; or else cease,

best

will,

I

Arc we to say that we are never intentionally to do wrong, or that in one way we ought and in another we ought not to do wrong, or is doing wrong always evil and dis> honourable, as I was just now saying, and as has been already acknowledged by us? Are all our former admissions which were made within a few days to be thrown away ? And have we, at our age, been earnestly discoursing with one Soc,

another

we

all

no

are

our

life

long only to discover that

better than children? Or, in spite of

the opinion of the many, and in spite of consequences whether better or worse, shall we insist

on the truth of what was then said, that is always an evil and dishonour to

injustice

him who acts unjusdy ?

Shall

we say

so or not?

Cr. Yes. Soc. TTien

we must do no wrong?

Cr. Certainly not.

Nor when injured injure in return, as many imagine; for we must injure no one

Soc.

the

|ust or

not?

Cr. Not just. Soc. For doing evil to another as injuring him? Cr. Very true. Soc.

‘

at all?

Cr. Clearly not. Soc. Again, Crito,

may we do evil?

^Cf. Republic, i 335.

is

the same

Then we ought not to retaliate or render any one, whatever evil we may

evil for evil to

have suffered from him. But consider, Crito, whether

you

I

would have you mean what

really

you are saying. For this opinion has never been and never will be held, by any considerable number of persons; and those who are agreed and those who are not agreed upon this point have no common ground, and can only despise one another when they see how widely they differ. Tell me, then, whether you agree with and assent to my first principle, that neither injury nor retaliation nor warding off evil by held,

evil

is

ever right.

And

of our argument?

shall that

be the premiss

Or do you decline and dissent

from this? For so I have ever thought, and continue to think; but, if you are of another opin-

me hear what you have to say. If, howyou remain of the same mind as formerly,

ion, let

ever, I

will proceed to the next step.

Cr.

You may

changed

answer me.

Cr,

Cr. Surely not, SocrateSi Soc. And what of doing evil in return for evil, which is the morality of the many^s that

proceed,

for

I

have not

my mmd.

Soc. Then I will go on toTKe next point, which may be put in the form of a question: Ought a man to do what he admits to be right, or ought he to betray the right? Cr. He ought to do what he thinks right. Soc. But if this is true, what is the application? Jn leaving the prison against the will of

the Athenians, 7507 do I wrong any? or rather do I not wrong those whom I ought least to wrong? Do I not desert the principles which were acknowledged by us to be just what do you say? Cr. 1 cannot tell, Socrates; for I do not know. Soc. Then consider the matter ir^this way:

—

I am about to play truant ( you the proceeding by any same which you like), and the laws and the government Socrates,” come and interrogate me: **Tcll

Imagine that

may

call

they say; *Vhat are you about? hre you not going by an act of yours to overtiirn us ^the laws, and the whole state, as far as; in you lies? Do you imagine that a state can sut)sist and not be overthrown, in which the decisions of law

—

have no power, but are upon by individuals?”

set aside

What

and trampled

will be

our an-

swer, Crito, to these and the like words?

Any

CRITO and especially a rhetorician, will have a good deal to say on behalf of the law which reonc»

quires a sentence to be carried out. He will argue that this law should not be set aside; and

shdl we reply, '*Yes; but the state has injured us and given an unjust sentence.” Suppose I say that? Cr, Very good, Socrates.

217

dured in

silence:

or death in

and

if

she leads u$ to

battle, thither

we follow as

wounds is

right;

may any one yield or retreat or leave his

neither

rank, but whether in batdc or in a court of law, or in any other place, he must do what his city and his country order him; or he must change their view of what is just: and if he may do no violence to his father or mother,

“And was that our agreement with you?” the law would answer; “or were you to

much less may he do violence to his country.” What answer shall we make to this, Crito? Do

abide by the sentence of the stale?” And if I were to express my astonishment at their words, the law would probably add: “Answer, Socrates, instead of opening your eyes you are in the habit of asking and answering questions. Tell us, ^What complaint have you to make against us which justifies you in attempting to destroy us and the state? In the first place did we not bring you into existence? Your father married your mother by our aid and begat you. Say whether you have any objection to urge against those of us who reg^ate marriage?” None, I should reply. “Or against those of us who aftei birth regulate the nurture and education of children, in which you also were trained? Were not the laws, which have the charge of education, right in commanding

the laws speak truly, or do they not? Cr. I think that they do.

Soc.

—

—

your father to train you in music and gymnastic?” Right, I should reply. “Well then, since you were brought into the world and nurtured and educated by us, can you deny the first place that you arc our child and slave, as your lathers were before you? And if this is true you arc not on equal terms with us; nor can you think that you have a right to crsuasion in courts of law and other assemblies, as I was just now saying, and about

blies

—

the just and unjust. Soc, And that, Gorgias, was pecting to be your notion; yet I

you wonder

if

by-and-by

I

what I was suswould not have

am found

repeating ask not in

a seemingly plain question; for I order to confute you, but as 1 was saying that the

we may

hypothesis.

think that you are quite right, Socrates. let me raise another question; there is such a tiling as “having learned”? Gor, Yes. Soc. And there is also “having believed”? Gor. Yes. Soc. And is the “having learned” the same as “having believed,” and are learning and belief the same things? Gor. In my judgment, Socrates, they arc not the same. Soc, And your judgment is right, as you may If a person were to say ascertain in this way: to you, “Is there, Gorgias, a false belief as well as a true?” you would reply, if I am not mistaken, that there is. Gor, Yes. Soc. Well, but is there a false knowledge as well as a true? Gor, No.

Gor,

I

Soc,

Then

—

—

persuasion does rhet-

law and other assem-

about the just and unjust, the sort of persuasion which gives belief without knowledge, or that which gives knowledge? [ 4$$J Gor. Clearly, Socrates, that which only gives belief.

Then

would appear, is the which creates belief about the just and unjust, but gives no instruction about them? Soc.

rhetoric, as

artificer of a persuasion

Gor, True.

And the rhetorician docs not instruct the courts of law or other assemblies about things just and unjust, but he creates belief about Soc,

them; for no one can be supposed to instruct such a vast multitude about such high matters in a short time? Gor, Certainly not.

argument may proceed consecutively, and

not get the habit of anticipating and suspecting the meaning of one another’s words; I would have you develop your own views in your own way, whatever may be your that

sorts of per-

the source of belief without knowledge, as the other is ot knowlsuasion,

Come, then, and let us see what we realmean about rhetoric; for I do not know what

Soc. ly

my own meaning is as yet. When the assembly meets to elect a physician or a shipwright or any other craftsman, will the rhetorician be taken into counsel? Surely not. For at every election he ought to be chosen who is most skilled; and, again, when walls have to be built or harbours or d(x:ks to be constructed, not the rhetorician but the master workman will advise; or when generals have to be chosen and an order of battle arranged, or a proposition taken, then the military will advise and not the rhetoricians: what do you say, Ciorgias? Since you profess to be a rhetorician and a maker of rhetoricians, 1 cannot do Ixjtter than learn the nature of your art from yoi|. And here let me assure you that I have your interest in view as well as my own. For likely cnj)ugh some one or other of the young men prcscjit might desire to become your pupil, and in fact I see some, and a good many too, who have this wish, but they would be too modest to question you. And therefore when you are interrogated by me, 1 would have you imagine that you arc interrogated by them. “What is the use of coming to

GORGIAS

say—

you, Gorgias?” they will ^“about what will you teach us to advise the state? about the just and unjust only, or about those other things also which Socrates has just mentioned?”

How

—

you answer them? Gor, T like your way of leading us on, Socrates, and I will endeavour to reveal to you the whole nature of rhetoric. You must have heard, T think, that the docks and the walls of the Athenians and the plan of the harbour were will

devised in accordance with the counsels, p;irtly of Themistocles, and partly of Pericles, and not at the suggestion of the builders. Soc. Such is the tradition, Gorgias, about Themistocles; and I myself heard the speech of Pericles when he advised us about the middle will observe, Socrates,

[ 45^ /

that when a decision has to be given in such matters the rhetoricians arc the advisers; they arc the men who win their point,

had that in my admiring mind, GorgiaSjWhen I asked what is the nature of rhetoric, which always ap^jcai:> i«i me, when I look at the matter in this way, to be a marvel of greatness. Gor. A marvel, indeed, Socrates, if you only knew how rhetoric comprehends and holds under her sway all the inferior arts. Let me offer you a striking example of this. On several occasions I have been with riiy brother 1 lerodicus or some other physician to see one of his patients, who would not allow the physician to give

I

him medicine, or apply

a knife or hot

and I have persuaded him to do me what he would not do for the physician

iron to him; for just

by the use of rhetoric.

And

I

say that

it

a

and a physician were to go to any city, and had there to argue in the Hcclcsia or any other assembly as to which of them should be elected state-physician, the physician would have no chance; but he who could speak would be chosen if he wished; and in a contest with a man of any other profession the rhetorician more than any one would have the power of getting himself chosen, for he can speak more rhetorician

persuasively to the multitude than any of them,

and on any

subject. Such

is

er of the art of rhetoric!

the nature and pow-

And

yet, Socrates,

rhetoric should be used like any other competitive art, not against

everybody

—the

rhetori-

cian ought not to abuse his strength any more than a pugilist or pancratiast or other master of fence; because he has powers which are more

than a match cither for friend or enemy, he

ought not therefore to strike, stab, or slay his friends. Suppose a man to have been trained

—

and to be a skilful boxer he in the fulness of his strength goes and strikes his father or mother or one of his familiars or

in the palestra

friends; but that is no reason why the trainers or fencing-masters should be held in detestation or banished from the city surely not. For they taught their art for a good purpose, to be used against enemies and evil-doers, in selfdefence not in aggression, and others have perverted their instructions, [4$j] and turned to a bad use their own strength and skill. But not

—

on

this account are the teachers bad, neither is the art in fault, or bad in itself; I should rather

say that those are to blame.

good of

who make a bad use of the art And the same argument holds

rhetoric; for the rhetorician can speak

—

men and upon any subject in can persuade the multitude better than any other man of anything which he pleases, but he should not therefore seek to defraud the

against

wall.

Sor.

257

all

short, he

physician or

an^ other

artist of his

reputation

merely because he has the power; he ought to use rhetoric fairly, as he would also use his athletic powers. And if after having become a rhetorician he makes a bad use of his strength and skill, his instructor surely ought not on that account to be held in detestation or banished. For he was intended by his teacher to make a good use of his instructions, but he abuses them. And therefore he is the person who ought to be held in detestation, banished, and put to death, and not his instructor. Soc. You, Gorgias, like myself, have had great experience of disputations, and you must have observed, I think, that they do not always terminate in mutual edification, or in the definition by cither party of the subjects which they are discussing; but disagreements are apt to somebody says that another has not spok-

arise

—

clearly; and then they get into a passion and begin to quarrel, both parties conceiving that their opponents arc arguing from

en truly or

personal feeling only and jealousy of themfrom any interest in the question at

selves, not

issue. And sometimes they will go on abusing one another until the company at last are quite vexed at themselves for ever listening to such fellows. Why do I say this? Why, because T cannot help feeling that you arc now saying what is not quite consistent or accordant with what you were saying at first about rhetoric.

And

I

am

afraid to point this out to you, lest

you should think that I have some animosity against you, and that I speak, not for the sake of discovering the truth, but from jealousy of you. Now if you arc one of my sort, I should

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

258

crDSMxsiminc you» [45S] but if itot I you aloae. And what is my sort? you will ask^ I am one of those who are very willing to be refuted if I say anything which is not true, and very willing to refute any one else who says what is not true, and quite as ready to be like to

will let

refuted as to refute; for I hold that this is the greater gain of the two, just as the gain is greater of being cured of a very great evil than

For I imagine that there is no evil which a man can endure so great as an erroneous opinion about the matters of which we are speaking; and if you claim to be one of of curing another.

my sort, let us have the discussion out, but if you would rather have done, no matter ^let us make an end of it.

—

Gor. the

I

should say, Socrates, that

man whom you

I

am

quite

indicate; but, perhaps,

we

ought to consider the audience, for, before you came, I had already given a long exhibition, and if we proceed the argument may run on to a great length. And therefore 1 think that we should consider whether we may not be detaining some part of the company when they are

wanting to do something Chaer, gias

and

else.

You hear the audience cheering, GorSocrates,

which shows

their desire to

to you; and for myself, Heaven forbid that I should have any business on hand which would take me away from a discussion so interesting and so ably maintained. CaL By the gods, Chaerephon, although I have been present at many discussions, I doubt whether I was ever $0 much delighted before, and therefore if you go on discoursing all day I shall be the better pleased. Soc, 1 may truly say, Callicles, that I am willlisten

ing,

if

Gorgias

is.

be dishave promised to answer all comers; in accordance with the wishes of the company, then, do you begin, and ask of me any question which you like. Soc. Let me tell you then, Gorgias, what surprises me in your words; though I dare say that you may be right, and I may have misunderstood your meaning. You say chat fou can Cror.

graced

After

if I

all this,

Socrates, I should

refused, especially as

make any man, who will learn of

1

you, a rheto-

rician?

Do you mean that you will teach him to

gain the ears of the multitude on any subject, instruction but by per[459]

^

suasion?

Gor. Quite so. You were saying, in

Soc,

Soc» Then, when the rhetorician is more persuasive than the physician, the ignorant is more persuasive with the ignorant than he who has knowledge? is not that the inference?

—

fact, that

the rheto-

—

Cor, In the case supposed: ^Ycs. Soc. And the same holds of the relation of rhetoric to all the other arts; the rhetorician need not know the truth about things; he has only to discover some way of persuading the ignorant that he has more knowledge than those

who know?

Cor. Yes, Socrates, and is not this a great comfort? ^not to have learned the other arts, but the art of rhetoric only, and yet to be in no

—

way

them ? Whether the rhetorician is or is not inon this account is a question which wc

inferior to the professors of

Soc, ferior

examine if the enquiry is likely any service to us; but I would rather begin by asking, whether he is or is not as ignorant of the just and unjust, base and honourable, good and evil, as he is of medicine and the other arts; I mean to say, does he really know anything of what is good and evil, base or honourable, just or unjust in them; or has he only a way with the ignorant pf persuading them that he not knowing is to be esteemed to know more about these things t|ian some one will hereafter to be of

who knows? Or must the pupil know these things and come to you knowing them before he can acquire the art of rhetorief If he is ignorant, you who are the teacher ox rhetoric will

else

—

him it is not your buftness; but you make him seem to the multitude to know them, when he does not know them; and seem to be a good man, [460] when he is not. Or will you be unable to teach him rhetoric at all, unless he knows the truth of these things first? What is to be said about all this? By heavens^ not teach

Got. Yes. Soc^

rician will have greater powers of persuasion than the physician even in a matter of health? Gor» Yes, with the multitude-—that is, Soc, You mean to say, with the ignorant; for with those who know he cannot be supposed to have greater powers of persuasion. Gor. Very true. Sac, But if he is to have more power of persuasion than the physician, he will have greater power than he who knows? Gar. Certainly. Soc. Although he is not a physician:—is he? Gar. No. Sac, And he who is not a physician must, obviously, be ignorant of what the physician knows. Cor. Clearly.

will

]

GORGIAS Gorgias^ I wish that you would reveal to me the power of rhetoric, as you were saying that

259

arithmetic] about odd and even, but about just and unjust? Was not this said?

you woulcL

Gor. Yes.

Gor. Well, Socrates, I suppose that if the upil docs chance not to know them, he will ave to learn of me these things as well. Soc. Say no more, for there you arc right; and so he whom you make a rhetorician must either know the nature of the just and unjust already, or he must be taught by you. Gor, Certainly. Soc. Well, and is not he who has learned carpentering a carpenter? Gor. Yes. Soc. And he who has learned music a musi-

Soc.

cian?

Gor. Yes.

And he who

has learned medicine is a physician, in like manner? He who has learned anything whatever is that which his knowledge makes him. Gor. Certainly. 5ac. And in the same way, he who has learned Soc.

what

is

Gor. Soc.

just

is

jurt?

To be sure. And he who is just may

do what

is

be supposed to

just?

sire to

And must do what

Gor. That

is

is

man

not the just

always de-

just?

man

will never

consent to do injustice? Gor. Certainly not. Soc. And according to the argument the rhetorician must be a just man ? Gor. Yes. Soc. And will therefore never be willing to injustice?

Cor. Clearly not. Soc.

But do you remember saying

just

now

not to be accused or banished if the pugilist makes a wrong use of his pugilistic art; and in like manner, if the rhetorician

that the trainer

makes

a bad

is

and unjust use of

rhetoric, that

is

not to be laid to the charge of his teacher, who is not to be banished, but the wrong-doer him-

—

who made

a bad use of his rhetoric ^hc is to be banished was not that said? Gor. Yes, it was. Soc. But now we are affirming that the aforeself

discoursing about justice, could not possibly be

an unjust thing. But when you added, shortly afterwards, that the rhetorician might make a bad use of rhetoric I noted with surprise the inconsistency into which you had fallen; f^6r and I said, that if you thought, as I did, that

was a gain in being refuted, there would be an advantage in going on with the question,

there

but if not, I would leave off. And in the course of our investigations, as you will see yourself, the rhetorician has been acknowledged to be incapable of making an unjust use of rhetoric, or of willingness to do injustice. By the dog, (}orgias, there will be a great deal of discussion, before we get at the truth of all this. Polus. And even you, Socrates, seriously

what you arc now saying about rhetoWhat! because Gorgias was ashamed to deny that the rhetorician knew the just and the honourable and the good, and admitted that to any one who came to him ignorant of them he could teach them, and then out of this admis-

believe ric?

—

said rhetorician will never have

—the

thing

and to which not he, but you, brought the argument by your cap[do you seriously believe that tious questions there is any truth in all this? ] For will any one ever acknowledge that he docs not know, or

which you so dearly

love,

—

clearly the inference.

Soc. Surely, then, the just

do

was thinking at the time, when I heard so, that rhetoric, which is always

sion there arose a contradiction

Gor. Yes. Soc.

f

you saying

done

injustice

at all?

Gor. True. Soc. And at the very outset, Gorgtas, it was said that rhetoric treated of discourse, not [like

cannot teach, the nature of is,

that there

is

great

justice ?

The

truth

want of manners in bring-

ing the argument to such a pass. Soc. Illustrious Polus, the reason why we provide ourselves with friends and children is, that when we get old and stumble, a younger generation may be at hand to set us on our legs again in our words and in our actions: and now, if I and Gorgias are stumbling, here arc you who should raise us up; and I for my part

engage to retract any error into which you may think that I have fallen upon one condition:

—

Pol.

What

condition?

Soc. That you contract, Polus, the prolixity of speech in which you indulged at first. Pol. Whatl do you mean that I may not use as

many words as

I

please?

Only to think, my friend, that having come on a visit to Athens, which is the most free-spoken state in Hellas, you when you got there, and you alone, should be deprived of the power of speech that would be hard indeed. But then consider my caset shall not I be very Soc.

—

—

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

260

when you arc making a long and refusing to answer what am compelled to stay and listen to you, and may not go away? I say rather, if you have a real interest in the argument, or, to repeat my former expression, have any desire to set it on its legs, take back any statement which you please; and in your turn ask and answer, like myself and Gorgias—refute and be refuted: for I suppose that you would claim to know what Gorgias knows— would you not? hardly u$cd»

And you, like him, invite any one to ask

you about anything which he pleases, and you will know how to answer him? Pol. To be sure. Soc. And now, which will you do, ask or answer? Pol. I will ask; and do you answer me, Socrates, the same question which Gorgias, as you suppose, is unable to answer: What is rhetoric?

Soc.

Do you mean what sort of an art?

Pol. Yes.

Soc. at

To say the truth, my opinion.

Polus,

it is

not an art

in

all,

Pol.

Then what,

Soc.

A thing which, as I was lately reading in

in

your opinion,

is

rhetoric?

book of yours, you say that you have made an art. a

PoL What thing? should say a sort of experience. rhetoric seem to you to be an experience? Soc. That is my view, but you may be of another mind. Pol. An experience in what? Soc. An experience in producing a sort of deSoc.

I

Pol.

Docs

light

and

Pol.

gratification.

And

if

able to gratify others,

must not

rhetoric be a fine thing?

What arc you saying, Polus? Why do me whether rhetoric is a fine thing or not, when I have not as yet told you what rhetoSoc.

Soc. light

gratification, Polus.

and rhetoric the same? No, they arc only different parts of the

same

profession.

PoL Of what Soc.

I

I

I

courteous; and

Soc. Will you ask me, what sort of an art cookery? Pol. What sort of an art is cookery? Soc. Not an art at all, Polus. Pol. What then? Soc. I should say an experience.

is

that the truth

own

may seem dis-

Gorfun of profession. [46^] For whether or no hesitate to answer, lest

I

gias should imagine that

this is that art of rhetoric

T

am making

which (Gorgias prac-

—

cannot tell: from what he was just now saying, nothing appeared of what he thought of his art, but the rhetoric which I mean is a part of a not very creditable whole. Gor. A part of what, Socrates? Say what you mean, and never mind me. Soc. In my opinion then, Gorgias, the whole tises

I

really

of which rhetoric

is a part is nor an art at all, but the habit of a bold and ready wit, which

knows how to manage mankind: this habit I sum up under the word “flattery”; and it appears to me lo have many other parts, one of which IS cookery, which may seem to ht an art, I maintain, is only an experience or routine and not an art: another part is rhetoric, and the art ot attiring and sophistry arc

but, as

—

two

others: thus there are four branches, and four different things answering to them. And Polus may ask, if he likes, tor he has not as yet been informed, what part ot flattery is rhetoric: he did not see that I had not yet answered him when he proceeded to ask a further question: Whether I do not think rhetoric a fine thing? But 1 shall not tell him whether rhetoric js a fine thing or not, until I have first answered, “What IS rhetoric?” For that would not be right, Polus; but I shall l>e happy to answer, if you will ask me, What part of flattery is

rhetoric? Pol.

will ask,

1

part of flattery

ric,

is

and do you answer? What rhetoric?

you understand myapswer? Rheto-

my view, is the ghost or coun-

according to

terfeit of a part of politics.

|

PoL And noble or ignoble? Soc. Ignoble,

though 1

I

1

should say,

if

f

I^m compelled

what is btd ignoble: doubt whether you understand what

to answer, for

will.

profession ?

am afraid

5oc. Will

not hear you say that rhetoric was a sort of experience ? Soc. Will you, who arc so desirous to gratify others, afford a slight gratification to me? Pol.

An experience in producing a sort of de-

and

Soc.

ric is?

Did

wish that you would explain

I

Po/. Then arc cookery

you ask

Pol.

In what?

to me.

his

Pol. Yes.

Soc.

PoL

if,

oration, 1 462] you arc asked, I

was saying

I

call

before.

Gor. Indeed, Socrates, I cannot say that I understand myself. Soc. I do not wonder, Gorgias; for 1 have not as yet explained myself, and our friend Polus,

GORGIAS colt

by name and

colt

by nature,

is

apt to run

away.’

counterfeit of a part of politics. Soc. 1 will try, then, to explain

which of them best understands the goodness or badness of food, the physician would be starved to death. [ 46 ^] flattery I deem this

my

We

cian or trainer will discern at

first

sight notto

be in good health. Gor, True. Soc, And this applies not only to the body, but also to the soul: in either there may be that which gives the appearance of health and not

the reality?

Gor, Yes, certainly,

And now I will endeavour to explain to you more clearly what I mean: The soul and body being two, have two arts corresponding to them: there is the art of politics attending on thcsoul;and another art attending on the body, of which I know no single name, but which may be described as having two divisions, one of them gymnastic, and the other medicine. And in politics there is a legislative part, which answers to gymnastic, as justice docs to medicine; and the two parts run into one another, justice having to do with the same subject as legislation, and medicine with the same sub|cct as gymnastic, but with a difference. Now, seeSoc,

ing that there arc these four arts, two attending on the body and two on the soul for their highest good; flattery knowing, or rather guessing their natures, has distributed herself into four shams or simulations of them; she puts on the likeness of some one or other of them, and pretends to he that which she simulates, and having no regard for men’s highest interests, is ever making pleasure the bait of the unwary, and deceiving them into the belief that she is of the highest value to them. Cookery simulates the disguise of medicine, and pretends to know what food is the best for the body; and if the tlie cook had to enter into a comwhich children were the judges, or There is an untranslatable play on the name

physician and petition in

means “a

colt.”

A

to be

notion of rhetoric, and if 1 am mistaken, /^6^y my friend Polus shall refute me. may assume the existence of bodies and of souls? Gor, Of course. Soc. You would further admit that there is a good condition of either of them ? Gor, Yes. Soc, Which condition may not be really good, but good only in appearance? I mean to say, that there arc many persons who appear to be in good health, and whom only a physi-

’

sense than children, as

to

Gor. Never mind him, but explain to me what you mean by saying that rhetoric is the

“Polus,” which

261

men who had no more

and of an ignoble

sort, Polus, for to

you

am now

addressing myself, because it aims at pleasure without any thought of the best. An art I do not call it, but only an experience, because it is unable to explain or to give a reason of the nature of its own applications. And I do not call any irrational thing an art; but if you dispute my words, I am prepared to argue in defence of them. Cookery, then, I maintain to be a flattery which takes the form of medicine; and tiring, in like manner, is a flattery which takes the form of gymnastic, and is knavish, false, ignoble, illiberal, working deceitfully by the help of lines, and colours, and enamels, and garments, and making men affect a spurious beauty to the neglect of the true beauty which is given by gymnastic. I would rather not be tedious, and therefore I will only say, after the manner of the geometricians (for I think that by this time you will be able to follow) as tiring gymnastic cookery medicine; I

:

:

:

:

or rather, as tiring gymnastic

:

:

:

sophistry : legislation;

and as cookery

And

this,

I

:

medicine

say,

is

:

:

rhetoric

:

justice.

the natural difference be-

tween the rhetorician and the sophist, but by reason of their near connection, they arc apt to be jumbled up together; neither do they know what to make of themselves, nor do other men know what to make of them. For if the body presided over itself, and were not under the guidance of the soul, and the soul did not discern and discriminate between cookery and medicine, but the body was made the judge of them, and the rule of judgment was the bodily delight which was given by them, then the wonl of Anaxagoras, that word with which you, friend Polus, are so well acquainted, would prevail far and wide: “Chaos” would come again, and cookery, health, and medicine would mingle in an indiscriminate mass. And now I have told you my notion of rhetoric, which is, in relation to the soul, what cookery is to the body. I may have been inconsistent in making a long speech, when I would not allow you to discourse at length. But 1 think that I may be excused, because you did not understand me, and could make no use of my answer when I spoke shortly, and therefore

I

had

to enter into

N

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

262

an explanation* [466] And inability to

make use ot

if I

yours,

I

show an equal hope that you

will apeak at equal length; but if I am able to understand you, let me have the benefit of yoUr brevity, as is only fair: And now you may do what you please with my answer. PoL Wiut do you mean? do you think that

rhetoric

is flattery?

Nay,

I said a part of flattery; if at your you cannot remember, what will you do by-and-by, when you get older? Po/. And are the good rhetoricians meanly regarded in states, under the idea that they arc

Soc.

age, Polus,

Soc. Is that a question or the l'»eginning of a

speech? Po/.

I

am asking a question.

Then my answer

Soc.

is,

regarded at alL Pd, How not regarded ? great

power in states? Not if you mean

Soc.

good to the

that they are not

Have they

to say that

not very

power

is

a

possessor,

And

Soc. least

PoL Whatl are they not and despoil and

exile

like tyrants?

any one

They

whom

they

please.

Soc. By the dog, Polus, I cannot make out at each deliverance of yours, whether you arc giving an opinion of your own, or asking a question of me, PoL 1 am asking a question of you. Soc, Yes, my friend, but you ask two questions at once. PoL How two questions? Soc, Why, did you not say just now that the rhetoricians are like tyrants, and that they kill and despoil or exile any one whom they please?

PoL

I

did.

I say to you that here arc two questions in one, and I will answer both of them. And I tell you, Polus, that rhetoricians and tyrants have the least possible power in

Soc. Well then,

states, as I

—

an

evil.

PoL Yes;

was

just

now

saying; for they

do lit-

nothing which they will, but oiriy what they think best* PoL And is not that a great power? Soc. Polus has already said the reverse. what do you call him? o, by the great •Sot. not you, for you say that power is a good to him who has the power,

erally

—

—

PoL

I

Soc.

And would

I

How

admit that. then can the rhetoricians or the

power in states, unless Polus can refute Socrates, and prove to him that they do as they will ? tyrants have great

PoL This fellow Soc,

that is what I do mean to say. Then, if so, I think that they have the power of all the citizens.

Po/,

would you call this grtAt poWer? PoL I should not. Soc. Then you must prove that the rhetorician is not a fc^, and that rhetoric is an arc and not a flattery ^and so you will have refuted f 46y me; but if you leave me unrefuted, why, the rhetoricians who do what they think best in states, and the tyrants, will have nothing upon which to congratulate themselves, if as you say, power be indeed a good, admitting at the same time that what is done without sense is

Soc.

flatterers?

kill

—

—

]

now

T

say that they

refute

do not do

as they will

me.

PoL Why, have you not already said that they do as they think best? Soc. And I say so still. PoL Then

surely they do as they will? deny it. Pol. But they do what they think best? Soc. Aye. PoL That, Socrates, is monstrous and absurd. Soc. Good words, good Polus, as I may say in your own peculiar style; but if you have any questions to ask of me, eithef^provc that I am in error or gi\c the answer yourself. PoL Very well, I am willing to answer that I may know what you mean. Soc. Do men appear to you to will that which they do, or to will that further end for the sake of which they do a thing? when they take

Soc.

I

medicine, for example, at the bidding ot a phydo they will the drinking of the medicine which is painful, or the health for the sake of which they drink ^ PoL Clearly, the health. Soc. And when men go on a voyage or engage in business, they do not will that which they arc doing at the time; for s^ho would desire to take the risk of a voyagejor the trouble But they will, to hlivc the wealth of business? for the sake of which they go 011 a voyage. sician.

—

PoL

Certainly.

And is not this universally true? If a man docs something for the sak< of something Soc.

else,

he

which he which he does it.

wills not that

for the sake of

docs, but that

Po/.Ycs.

do.

you maintain that

does what he thinks best, this

is

a fool a good, and if

And are not all tbin^ either good or or intermediate and indifferent?

Soc. evil,

GORGIAS Pal,

To be sure, Socrates,

Sac,

Wisdom and

like

you would

call

and wealth and the goods, and their opposites health

PoL

should, [468] Soc, And the things which arc neither good nor evil, and which partake sometimes of the nature of good and at other times of evil, or of neither, are such as sitting, walking, running, sailing; or, again, wood, stones, and the these arc the things which you call neithlike: I

—

good nor

evil ?

Pol, Exactly so.

Soc, Are these indifferent things done for the sake of the good, or the good for the sake of the indifferent? Pol, Clearly, the indifferent for the sake of the good. Soc, When we walk we walk for the sake of the good, and under the idea that it is better to walk, and when we stand we stand equally for the sake of the good? Soc, as

And when we

him

we

or despoil

think,

it

will

kill

him

a

man we kill him or

of his gooils, because,

conduce to our good?

Pol, Certainly.

Men who do any of these things dothem the sake of the go^?

Soc, for

PoL

Yes.

PoL Most true.

to our good, and if the act is not conducive to our go^ we do not will it; for we will, as you say, that which is our good, but that which is neither good nor evil, or simply evil, we do not I not will. Why are you silent, Polus?

Am

PoL You are right. Soc, Hence we may

right in saying that a

man

in a state,

and

not have great power, and not do what he wills? PoL As though you, Socrates, would not like to have the power of doing what seemed good to you in the stale, rather than not; you would not be jealous when you saw any one killing or despoiling or imprisoning whom he pleased, Oh, no! 1 46^] Soc. Justly or unjustly, do you mean? Pol. In either case is he not equally to be envied? Soc. Forbear, Polus!

PoL

Why

“forbear”.^

Soc. Because you ought not to envy wretches

who arc not to be envied, but only to pity them. PoL And arc those of whom I spoke wretches ? Soc, Yes, certainly they are. so you think that he who slays any he pleases, and justly slays him, is pitiable and wretched? Soc, No, I do not say that of him: but neither

one

whom

do I think that he is to be envied. PoL Were you not saying just now

another or exiles another or deprives his properly,

him

under the idea that the act

interests

that he

is

wretched?

my

he killed another unalso to be pitied; and he is not to be envied if he killed him justly. PoL At any rate you will allow that he who is unjustly put to death is wretched, and to be justly, in

friend,

which case he

if

is

Soc. Not so much. Polus,as he who kills him, and not so much as he who is justly killed. PoL How can that be, Socrates? Soc. That may very well be, inasmuch as do-

ing injustice Pol.

But

is

is it

the greatest ot evils. the greatest? Is not suffering in-

justice a greater evil?

Soc. Certainly not.

when

really

not for his

is

of for

own

he may be said to do what seems best

him? PoL Yes.

do

Soc. I should not like cither, but if I must choose between them, I would rather suffer than do. Po/.Then you would not wish to he a tyrant? Soc. Not if you mean by tyranny what I

mean. Pol, I

mean, as I said

before, the

power of do-

ing whatever seems good to you in a

But docs he do what he wills if he does what is evil? Why do you not answer? Soc,

PoL Well, I suppose

rather suffer than

injustice?

infer, that if any one, whether he be a tyrant or a rhetorician, kills

to

was

PoL Then would you

right?

own

I

may do what seems good to him

pitied?

Then we do not will simply to kill a man or to exile him or to despoil him of his goods, but we will to do that which conduces Soc,

interests,

will not.

Then

Soc.

Soc. Yes,

And

did we not admit that in doing something for the sake of something else, we do not will those things which we do, but that other thing for the sake of which we do them ? Soc,

his

stale?

PoL And

PoL Yes. exile

Soc. Then if great power is a good as you allow, will such a one have great power in a

PoL He

evils?

er

263

not.

ing, banishing,

doing in

all

state, kill-

things as you like.

Soc, Well then, illustrious friend, when I have said my say, do you reply to me. Suppose

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

264

that I go mto a crowded Agora, and take a dagger under my arm Polus, I say to you, I have jUst acquired rare po^\er, and become a tyrant, for it I think that any of these men whom you see ought to be put to death, the man whom I have a mind to kill is as good as dead, and if I am disposed to break his head or tear his garment, he will have his head broken or his garment torn in an instant Such is my great power in this city And if you do not be lieve me, and 1 show you the dagger, you would

probably reply

Socrates, in that sort of

—

way

any one may have great power he may burn any house which he pleases, and the docks and triremes of the Athenians, and ill their other whether public or private but can you believe that this mere doing as you think best

—

vessels,

is

great power?

And punishment

is

an

—

Pol Certainly. that

you and

I

may be supposed

Pol Yes.

when do you say that they and when that they are evil ^what do you lay down ? would rather, Socrates, that you should

Soc. Tell me, then,

—

Pol I answer as well as ask that question Soc Well, Polus, since you would rather have the answer from me, I say that they are good when they are just, and evil when they arc un just.

Pol.

You are hard of refutation, Socrates, but

might not a child refute that statement? Soc Then

I shall

happy Soc What events? Pol You sec, I presume, that Archelaiis the son of Perdiccas is now the ruler ot Micedonia ? Soc. At any rate I hear that he is Po/ And do you think that he is hippy or miserable?

Soc I cannot say, Polus, for I have never h id any acquaintance with him Po/ \nd cannot you tell at once, and without having an icquiintance with him, whether a

man

h ippy ?

is

Ihen clearly, Socrates, you would siv you did not even know whether the great king was a happy rn in ^ Po/

that

Soc And I should speak the truth, tor I do not know how he stands in the matter ot edu cation

and

justice

Po/ What* and docs

all

happiness consist in

the

men and women who

is

in> doctime,

ire gentle anti g(X)d

I maintain, and the unjust miserable

are also hippy, as

and

evil arc

] Pol. Then, accordin^t to your doctrine, the said Archclaus is miserable?

Soc Yes, my tnend, it he is wicked Pol That he is wicked I cannot deny tor he had no nth at all to the throne which he now occupies, he bcingonly theson ot a woman who

was the

slave of Alcetas the brother ot Perdic-

he himself therefore in strict right was the slave of Alcetas, and it he had meant to do rightly he would have remained his slave, and then, according to your doctrine, he would have been happy But now he is unspeakably miserable, for he has been guilty of the greatest crimes in the first place he invited his unde and master, Alcetas, to come to him, unckr the pretence that he would restore to him thi throne which Pcrdiccas has usurped, and aftfr entertaining him and his son Alexander, wlj|o was his own cousin, and nearly of an age fvith him, and making them drunk, he thrcifcr them into a waggon and carried them off by night, and slew them, and got both of them out of the way; and when he had done all this wickedness he never discovered that he was the most miscas,

to agree?

are good principle

and I need not go far or appeal to antiquity, events which happened on* ly a few days ago are enough to reiute you, and to prove that many men who do wrong are

Soc Yes, indeed, Polus, thu

Pol Certainly

About

tnend.

this?

evil?

Soc And you would admit once more, my good sir, that great power is a benefit to a man if his actions turn out to his advantage, and that this is the meaning of great power, and if not, then his power is an ev il and is no power. But let us look at the matter in another waV do we not acknowledge that the things of which we were speaking, the infliction of death, and exile, and the deprivation of property arc some times a good and sometimes not a good ? Soc.

to a

Pol. Yes, Socrates,

Soc Most certainly not

Poi Certainly not such doing as this [4jo] Soc But can you tell me why you disapprov e of such a power ? Pol I can Soc. Why then? Pol Why, because he who did as you say would be certain to be punished Soc.

doing good

be very grateful to the child,

and equally grateful to you if you will refute me and deliver me from my foolishness And I hope that refute me you will, and not weary of

erable of

ing

all

men, and was very far from repentyou how he showed his re-

shall 1 tell

— GORGIAS morse? he had a younger brother, a child of seven years old, Perdiccas,

and

who was

to

him

the legitimate son of of right the kingdom be-

longed; Archelaus, however, had no mind to bring him up as he ought and restore the kingdom to him; that was not his notion of happiness; but not long afterwards he threw him into a well and drowned him, and declared to his mother Cleopatra that he had fallen while running after a goosc,and had been killed. And now as he is the greatest criminal of all the Macedonians, he may be supposed to be the most miserable and not the happiest of them, and I dare say that there are many Athenians, and you would be at the head of them, who would rather be any other Macedonian than Archelaus! Soc, I praised you at first, Polus, for being a rhetorician rather than a rcasoncr. And this, as I suppose, is the sort of argument with which you fancy that a child might refute me, and by which I stand retuted when I say that the unjust man is not h.i[ py But, my good friend, where is the refutation? I cannot admit a word

m

which you have been saying. Pol. That is because you will not; surely must think as I do. Soc.

Not

so,

you will refute

you

For there the

one party think that they refute the other when they bring forward a number of witnesses of good repute in proof of their allegations, [^y2] and their adversary has only a single one or none at all. But this kind of proof is of no value where truth is the aim; a man may often be sworn down by a multitude of false witnesses who have a great air of respectability. And in this argument nearly every one, Athenian and stranger alike, would be on your side, if you should bring witnesses in disproof of

ment

—you may,

if

you

will,

my

summon

state-

Nicias

the son of Niceratus, and let his brothers, who gave the row of tripods which stand in the precincts of Dionysus, come with him; or you may Aristocrates, the son of Scellius, who the giver of that famous offering which is at Delphi; summon, if you will, the whole house of Pericles, or any other great Athenian family

summon is

whom

—they

you choose

will all agree

with

only am left alone and cannot agree, for you do not convince me; although you produce many false witnesses against me, in the hope of depriving me of my inheritance, which is the truth. But I consider that nothing worth speaking of will have been effected by me unless I you:

I

the one witness of my words; nor by you, unless you make me the one witness of yours; no matter about the rest of the world.

make you

For there arc two ways of refutation, one which yours and that of the world in general; but mine is of another sort let us compare them, and see in what they differ. For, indeed, we arc at issue about matters which to know is honis

—

ourable and not to know disgraceful; to know or not to know happiness and misery that is the chief of them. And what knowledge can be nobler? or what ignorance more disgraceful than this? And therefore I will begin by asking you whether you do not think that a man who IS unjust and doing injustice can be happy, seeing that you think Archelaus unjust, and yet happy ? May I assume this to be your opinion ?

—

Pol. Certainly.

Soc. But

I

say that this

is

an impossibility

here is one point about which we are at issue: very good. And do you mean to say also that if he meets with retribution and punishment he will still be happy? Pol. Certainly not; in that case he will be

—

most miserable. for

my simple friend, but because me after the manner which rhet-

oricians practise in courts of law.

265

Soc. On the other hand, if the unjust be not punished, then, according to you, he will be

happy? Pol. Yes.

But in my opinion, Polus, the unjust or doer of unjust actions is miserable in any case, ^more miserable, however, if he be not punished and does not meet with retribution, and less miserable if he be punished and meets with retribution at the hands of gods [ 47^ / and men. Pol. You are maintaining a strange doctrine, Soc.

—

Socrates.

Soc.

my

shall try to

I

make you agree with me, O I regard you. Then

friend, for as a friend

these arc the points at issue between us

they not?

I

was saying

that to

do

is

—arc

worse than

to suffer injustice? Pol. Exactly so.

Soc.

And you

said the opposite?

Pol. Yes.

Soc.

I

said also that the

wicked are miserable,

and you refuted me? Pol. By Zeus, I did. Soc. In your Pol. Yes,

own opinion,

and

I

Polus.

rather sus{)ect that

I

was

in

the right. Soc.

happy

You if

further said that the wrong-doer

is

he be unpunished?

Pol. Certainly.

Soc.

and

And

I

that those

affirm that he

is

most miserable,

who arc punished arc less miser-

—

^

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

266 aUe--*ajre

you going to refute

this proposition

also?

PoL

A proposition which

is

harder of refuta-

tion than the other, Socrates.

Soc. Say rather, Polus, impossible; for who can refute the truth? PoL What do you mean? If a man is detected in an unjust attempt to make himself a tyrant, and when detected is racked, mutilated, has his eyes burned out, and after having had all sorts of great injuries inflicted on him, and having

seen his wife and children suffer the like, is at last impaled or urred and burned alive, will he be happier than if he escape and become a tyrant, and continue all through Hie doing what

and holding the reins of government, the envy and admiration both of citizens and strangers^ Is that the paradox which, as you he

likes

cannot be refuted? Soc, There again, noble Polus, you are raising hobgoblins instead of refuting me; )ust now you were calling witnesses against me. But please to refresh my memory a little; did you say “in an unjust attempt to make himself a say,

—

any man. Soc, But will you answer?

PoL To be sure, I will; for hear what you can have to say. Soc.

Tdl me,

then,

and you

PoL Yes,

I

Then

I

—

justly acquires a tyranny,

in the attempt, for of

who

nor he

suffers

two miserables one can-

not be the happier, but that he

who

escapes

and becomes a tyrant is the more miserable of the two. Do you laugh, Polus? Well, this is a new kind of refutation ^when any one says

—

anything, instead of refuting

him

to laugh at

will

curious to

know, and

us suppose that I am beginning at the beginning* which of the two, Polus, in your opinion, is the worst? to do injustice or to suffer? Pol. I should say that suffering was worst. Soc. And which is the greater disgrace?

—

Answer.

PoL To Soc.

do.

And

the greater disgrace

the greater

is

cvil^

I

understand you to

say, if 1

am not mis-

taken, that the honourable is not the the good, or the disgraceful as the evil

PoL Certainly Soc. Let

same as

not.

me ask a question o^ou: When

you

speak of beautiful things, such as bodies, colours, figures, sounds, institutions, do you not call

them

beautiful in reference to

some

stand-

ard: bodies, for example, are beautiful in pro-

portion as they arc useful, or as the sight of gives pleasure to the spectators; can you give any other account of personal beauty ?

them

him.

PoL But do you not think, Socrates, that you have been sufficiently refuted, when you say that which no human being will allow? Ask the company. Polus, Soc,

O

ly last year,

I

am not a public man, and on-

when my tribe were serving as Pry-

PoL I cannot.

And you would say of figures or colours generally that they were beautiful, cither by Soc.

reason of the pleasure which they give, or of their use, or both?

my duty as their president

PoL

Yes,

to take the votes, [ 474 ] there was a laugh at me, because I was unable to take them. And as

Soc.

And you would

and

it

became

must not ask me to count company now; but if, as I was saying, you have no better argument than numbers, let me have a turn, and do you make I failed

then, you

the suffrages of the

of the sort of ploof which, as 1 think, is required; for 1 shall produce one witness only of the truth of my words, and he is the person with whom I am arguing; his suffrage I know how to take; but with the many 1 I^ve nothing to do, and do not even address myself to them. May I ask then whether you wilt answer in trial

am

let

Soc.

did.

say that neither of them will be happier than the other neither he who un-

tanes,

I

Pol. Certainly not.

tyrant’*?

Soc,

turn and have your words put to the proof? For I certainly think that I and you and every man do really believe, that to do is a greater evil than to suffer in)ustice: and not to 1^ punished than to be punished. Po/. And 1 should say neither I, nor any man: would you yourself, for example, suffer rather than do injustice? Soc. Yes, and you, too; I or any man would. PoL Quite the reverse; neither you, nor I, nor

I

should.

and music

should.

Pol.

I

Soc.

Laws and

ty in

call souitds

same reason?

beautiful for the

institutions

them except

alsopave no beau-

in so far as thel are useful or

pleasant or both?

[47s] PoL Soc.

I

think not. not the same he said of the

And may

beauty of knowledge? PoL To be sure, Socrates; and I very much approve of your measuring beauty by the stands ard of pleasure and utility. Soc. And deformity or disgrace maybe equal-

GORGIAS ly measured by the opposite suodard of pain and evil?

Pol. Certainly.

Soc. Then when of two beautiful things one exceeds in beauty, the measure of the excess is to be taken in one or both of these; that is to say, in pleasure or utility or both? Pol.

Very

Soc.

And of two deformed things, that which

true.

exceeds in deformity or disgrace, exceeds either in pain or evil must it not be so? Pol. Yes. Soc. But then again, what was the observation which you just now made, about doing and suffering wrong? Did you not say, that suffering wrong was more evil, and doing wrong more

—

disgraceful? Pol.

I

did.

Soc. Then,

if

doing wrong

is more disgracemore disgraceful must and must exceed in pain or

ful than suffering, the

be more painful

in evil or both: does not that also follow? Pol.

Of

course.

Soc. First, then, let us consider whether the

doing of inpistice exceeds the suffering in the consequent pain: Do the injurers suffer more than the injured? Pol.

No,

Socrates; certainly not.

Soc.

Then

Pol.

No.

Soc.

But

they do not exceed in pain?

not in pain, then not in both?

if

Pol. Certainly not.

Soc.

Then they can

only exceed in the other?

That

is

of evil,

have an excess and will therefore be a greater evil than will

is

suf-

the greater

evil of the

two. is the conclusion. Soc. You sec, Polus, when you compare the two kinds of refutations, how unlike they arc. All men, with the exception of myself, arc of your way of thinking; [ 476 ] but your single assent and witness are enough for me I have no need of any other, I take your suffrage, and am regardless of the rest. Enough of this, and now let us proceed to the next question; which is. Whether the greatest of evils to a guilty man is to suffer punishment, as you supposed, or whether to escape punishment is not a greater evil, as I supposed. Consider: You would say that to suffer punishment is another name for being justly corrected when you do wrong? Pol. I should. Soc. And would you not allow that all just things arc honourable in so tar as they arc just? Please to reflect, and tell me your opinion. Pol. Yes, Socrates, 1 think that they arc. Soc. Consider again: Where there is an agent, must there not also be a patient? Pol. I should say so. Soc. And will not the patient suffer that which the agent docs, and will not the suffering have the quality of the action? I mean, for example, that if a man strikes, there must be Pol.

That

—

—

—

is

stricken?

And

the striker strikes violently or

if

quickly, that which

is

struck will be struck

\i-

olently or quickly?

en

is

And the suffering to him who is strickof the same nature as the act of him who

strikes?

Soc.

Pol. Yes. is

now

discovered to be

more

which

And is

if

a

man

burns, there

is

something

burned?

Pol. Certainly.

evil?

Pol. True.

Soc.

injustice

Pol. Yes.

than to suffer? that

do

Soc.

But have not you and the world already agreed that to do injustice is more disgraceful Soc.

•

nor any man, would rather, do than

Pol. True.

Pol. Clearly.

And

I,

Soc.

Then doing injustice

suffering injustice?

Soc.

nor

fer injustice; for to

Pol. Yes.

to say, in evil?

Pol. True.

Soc.

Pol. No, not according to this way of putting the case, Socrates. Soc. Then I said truly, Polus, thatneither you,

something which

Pol. Yes.

Soc.

267

And would you

prefer a greater evil or a

greater dishonour to a less one? Answer, Polus, and fear not; for you will come to no harm if

you nobly resign yourself into the healing hand of the argument as to a physician without shrinking, and cither say “Yes or “No” to me. Pol. I should say “No.” Soc. Would any other man prefer a greater ’

to a less evil?

Soc. And if he burns in excess or so as to cause pain, the thing burned will be burned in

the same way? Pol. Truly. Soc.

And if he cuts, the same argument holds

—there

will be something cut?

Pol. Yes.

Soc. And if the cutting be great or deep or such as will cause pain, the cut will be of the same nature?

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

268 Pol.

That

Soc.

Then you would

evident.

is

universal proposition which

I

was

just

norance and cowardice, and the like?

now as-

serting* that tne affection of the patient answers

to the act of the agent ^

Pol. Certainly

Soc. So then, in mind, body, and estate, which arc ihrec, you have pointed out three corre-

sponding

Pol, I agree. Soc, Then, as this

admitted,

is

whether being punished

is

let

me

ask

no

doubt of that. Soc. And suffenng implies an agent ^ Pol, Certainly, Socrates; and he is the pun-

them soul

he

who punishes

nghtly, punishes

therefore he acts justly^

who

Soc Then he

ful has

punished and suffers

is

retribution, suffers }ustly Pol.

That

IS

Soc.

And

that

?

evident.

which

is

been admit-

)ust has

ted to be honourable^ Pol, Certainly.

Then

the punisher docs what

ourable, and the punished suffers

what

is is

honhon-

it

most

the most disgraceful, then also

What do you mean, Socrates^ mean to say, that what is most disgrace-

I

been already admitted to be most pain-

Soc And now injustice and all evil in the soul has been admitted by us to be most disgraceful? Pol It has been admitted Soc And most disgraceful cither because most painful and causing excessive pain, or most hurtful, or both ? Pol. Certainly.

And

therefore to be unjust and intemand cowardly and ignorant, is more painful than to be poor and sick ? Pol Nay, Socrates, the pa in fulness docs not appear to me to follow from J^ur premises Then, if, as you would argue, not more perate,

Pol True. Soc, And if what is honourable, then what is good, for the honourable is either pleasant or

useful^ [477] Pol. Certainly

Then he who

good ^ Pol, That

tar the

Pol. Certainly.

Soc.

ourable^

Soc.

And

ful or hurtful, or both.

Pol. Justly.

is

By

Soc

Soc,

And

Is

?

Pol.

Pol.

Po/. Yes.

Soc.

of the evils is the most not the most disgraceful of injustice, and in general the evil of the

—

the worst ?

justly^

Soc.

injustitc, disease, jxivcrty?

And which

Soc.

disgraceful?

isher.

And

—

evils

True

Pol.

suffering or acting?

Pol, Suffenng, Socrates, there can be

•Soc.

And this you would call injustice and ig-

Soc.

agree generally to the

IS

is

punished suffers wTiat

painful, the evil of the soul

is

of

all evils

the

most disgraceful, and the excess of disgrace must be caused by some preternatural great-

true

Soc.

Then he is benefited ^

ness, or extraordinary hurtfulntss of the evil.

Po/.

Yes

Pol Clearly Soc And that which exceeds most in hurtfulncss will be the greatest of evils? Pol Yes,

Do

understand you to mean what I mean by the term “benefited”? I mean, that if he be justly punished his soul is unproved.

Soc

I

Soc.

Pol. Surely.

Soc Then he who is punished from the evil of his soul ?

is

delivered

And

Pol That is

greatest evil?

—

he not then delivered from the

Look

at the matter in iJiis

In respect of a man’s estate, greater evil than poverty ? Pol. There is no greater evil

do you

way

sec

any

Soc. Again, in a man’s bodily frame, you evil is weakness and disease

would say that the and deformity? Pol.

Soc.

1

likewise has Pol.

Soc.

IS

evident

Now, what

art

is

money ?

flelivcrs

making

,

Pol. Yes.

Soc.

^hich

thcj art of

there

us from poverty ? Docs not

»

And what

usjfrom disease? of medicine? art frees

Docs not the art Pol. Very true.

[ 4y8 ] Soc. And what from vice and injustice you arc not able to answer at once, ask yourself whither we go with the sick, and to whom wt take them. ?

not imagine that the soul

some evil of her own ?

Of course.

and intemperance, and

If

should.

And do you

injustice

greatest of evils'

Po/.Yes.

Soc

Then

in general the depravity of the soul, are the

Pol.

To the physicians, Socrates.

GORGIAS Soc.

And

to whom do wc go with the unjust

and intemperate?

To

Pol,

Soc

the judges, you mean.

not those who rightly punpunish them in accordance with a

Pol. Yes.

the art of money-making frees a from poverty; medicine from disease; and

from intemperance and injustice? That is evident. Soc. Which, then, is the best of these three? Pol. Will you enumerate them? Soc. Money-making, medicine, and justice. Pol. Justice, Socrates, far excels the two othPol.

[ 4yg] Soc. That

justice, if the best, gives the great-

Pol, Yes.

delivered

—

Pol. Certainly.

And would he be the happier man in his who is healed, or who never

bodily condition,

of health ?

Pol. Clearly he

who was

never out of health.

Soc. Yes; tor happiness surely does not con-

being delivered from evils, but in never having had them. Pol. True. Soc. And suppose the case of two persons who have some evil in their bodies, and that one of them is healed and delivered from evil, and another is not healed, but retains the evil which of them is the most miserable? Pol. Clearly he who is not healed. Soc. And was not punishment said by us to sist in

be a deliverance from the greatest of

evils, which

Soc.

a person

with the worst of diseases and pay the penalty to the phy-

and he is

—

Is

He would seem as if he did not know the nature of health and bodily vigour; and if we are right, Polus, in our previous conclusions, they arc in a like case who strive to evade justice, which they see to be painful, but arc blind to the advantage which ensues from it, not know'ing how far more miserable a companion a diseased soul is than a diseased body; a soul, I say, which is corrupt and unrighteous and unholy. And hence they do all that they can to avoid punishment and to avoid being released from the greatest of evils; they provide themsches with money and friends, and cultivate to the utmost their powers of persuasion. But if wc, Polus, arc right, do you see what follows, or shall we draw out the consequences in form ? Soc.

Pol. If

And

is

justice punishes us,

and

is

and makes us

the medicine ol our vice?

please.

uic

it

And

further, that to sutler

punishment

way to be released from this evil?

Pol. True.

Soc.

And

not to suffer,

is

to perpetuate the

evil?

True.

He, then, has the

who

first

place in the scale

has never had vice in his soul; for this has been shown to be the greatest of evils.

of happiness

you

not a fact that injustice, and the doing of injustice, is the greatest of evils? Pol. That is quite clear. Soc. Is

Soc.

Po/.Truc.

P©/.

afflicted

my

of proceeding,

will not be cured, because, like a child,

vice?

just,

way

sician for his sins against his constitution,

—

Soc.

is

not their

compared to the conduct of

Pol. Yes, truly, is

from a great evil; and this is the advantage of enduring the pain that you get well?

was out

May

not that a parallel case?

useful thing, then?

Soc. Yes, because the patient

more

^

friend, be

Pol. Yes.

Soc.

who com-

afraid of the pain of being burned or cut:

Pol. I think not.

A

worst

yet contrives not to

Soc. But is the being healed a pleasant thing, and are those who are being healed pleased? Soc.

lives

Po/.True.

who

advantage or both?

est pleasure or

he

and other tyrants and rhetoricians and potentates?

Soc.

And

is,

mits the greatest crimes, and who, being the most unjust of men, succeeds in escaping rebuke or correction or punishment; and this, as you say, has been accomplished by Archelaus

ers.

Soc.

lives worst, who, having been no deliverance from injustice?

Pol. Certainly.

Then

justice

is

Then he

Soc.

Pol, Clearly.

man

That is to say, he who receives admoniand rebuke and punishment?

unjust, has

certain rule of justice?

Soc.

who is de-

Soc. tion

And do

Soc,

he has the second place,

from vice?

Pol. True.

Pol. Yes. ish others,

And

Soc. livered

—Who arc to punish them?

,

269

Pol. Clearly.

Pol. Yes.

Soc.

To do wrong, then, is second only in

scale of evils; but to

punished, '

is first

Cf. Republic,

and

ix.

the

do wrong and not to be greatest of all?

579, 580.

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

270 Pol.

}

That is true. and was not

Soc, Well,

Do

this the point in dis-

my friend? You deemed Archelaus happy> borause he was a very great criminal and unpunished: I, on the other hand, maintained that he or any other who like him has done wrong and has not been punished, is, and pute,

ought to be, the most miserable of all men; and that the doer of injustice is more miserable than the sufferer; and he who escapes punishment, more miserable than he who suffers. Was not that what I said? Po/. Yes.

Soc.

And

PoL

Certainly.

it

has been proved to be true?

[480] Soc, Well, Polus, but if this is true, where is the great use of rhetoric? If we admit what has been just now said, every man ought in every way to guard himself against doing wrong, for he will thereby suffer great evil? Po/. True.

And if he, or any one about whom he does wrong, he ought of his own accord to go where he will be immediately punished; he will run to the judge, as he would to the physician, in order that the disease of injustice may not be rendered chronic and become the incurable cancer of the soul; must we not allow this consequence, Polus, if our former admisis any other inference consions are to stand: sistent with them? PoL To that, Socrates, there can be but one answer. Soc. Then rhetoric is of no use to us, Polus, in helping a man to excuse his own injustice, or that of his parents or friends, or children or country; but may be of use to anyone who holds that instead of excusing he ought to accuse himself above all, and in the next degree his family or any of his friends who may ^ doing wrong; he should bring to light the iniquity and not conceal it, that so the wrong-doer may suffer and be made whole; and he should even force himself and others not to shrink, but with closed eyes like brave men to let the physician operate with knife or scaring iron, not regarding the pain, in the hope of attaining the good and the honourable; let him who has done things worthy of stripes, allow himself to be scourged^ if of brads, to be bound, if of a fine, to be fined, if of exile, to be exiled, if of death, to die, himself being the first toaccuse himself and hisown relations, and using rhetoric to this end, that his and their unjust actions may be made manifest, and that they themselves may be delivered from injustice, which is the greatest evil. Then, Soc.

cares,

—

1

you Polus, rhetoric would indeed be useful. say *‘¥€ 5 ** or “No” to that? PoL To me, Socrates, what you are saying appears very strange, though probably in agreement with your premises. Soc. Is not this the conclusion, if the premises arc not disproven? PoL Yes; it certainly is. Soc. And from the opposite point of view, if indeed it be our duty to harm another, whether an enemy or not I except the case of self-defence—then I have to be upon my guard ^but if my enemy [ 48 1 injures a third person, then in every sort of way, by word as well as deed, I should try to prevent his being punished, or appearing before the judge; and if he appears, I should contrive that he should escape, and not suffer punishment: if he has stolen a sum of money, let him keep what he has stolen and spend it on him and his, regardless of religion and justice; and if he has done things worthy of death, let him not die, but rather be immortal in his wickedness; or, if this is not possible, let him at any rate be allowed to live as long as he can. For such purposes, Polus, rhetoric may be useful, but is of small if of any use to him who is not intending to commit injustice; at least, there was no such use discovered by us in the previous discussion.

—

—

CaL Tell me, Chacrephon,

is

Socrates in ear-

he joking? Chacr. I should say, Callicles, that he is in most profound earnest; but you may as well ask him. nest, or is

CaL By

the gods, and I will. Tell me, Socraarc you in earnest, or only in jest? For if you arc in earnest, and what you say is true, is tes,

not the whole of

human

lilc

turned upside

we

not doing, as would ap()ear, in everything the opposite of what we ought to

down; and

arc

be doing? Soc. O Callicles, if there were not some community of feelings among mankind, however

—

varying in different persons I mean to say, if every man’s feelings were peculiar to himself and were not shared by the rest lof his species I do not see how we could ever communicate our impressions to one another. Ifmake this remark l^cause I perceive that yoi| and I have a

—

common

feeling.

For we are

lovjsrs both,

—

and

both of us have two loves apiecC: I am the lover of Alcibiades, the son of Cleinias, and of philosc^hy; and you of the Athenian Demus, and of Demus the son of Pyrilampcs. Now, I observe that you, with all your cleverness, do not venture to contradict your favourite in any

GORGIAS word or opinion o{ his; but as he changes you change, backwards and forwards. When the Athenian Demus denies anything that you arc saying in the assembly, you go over to his opinion; and you do the same with Demus, the fair young son of PyrilamjJcs. For you have not the power to resist the words and ideas of your loves; and if a person were to express surprise at the strangeness of what you say from time to lime when under their influence, [482] you would probably reply to him, if you were honest, that you cannot help saying what your loves say unless they are prevented; and that you can only be silent when they are. Now you must understand that my words arc an echo too, and therefore you need not wonder at me; but if you want to silence me, silence philosophy, who is my love, for she is always telling

me what I am now telling you, my friend; neither is she capricious like my other love, for the son of Cleinias says one thing to-day and another thing to-morrow, but philosophy is always true. She **1 tkv. teacher at whose words you arc now wondering, and you have heard

Her you must refute, and either was saying, that to do injustice and to escape punishment is not the worst of all evils; or, if you leave her word unrefuted, by the dog the god of Egypt, I declare, O Calliclcs, that Calliclcs will never be at one with himself, bur that his whole life will be a discord. And yet, my friend, I would rather that my lyre should be inharmonious, and that there should be no music in the chorus which I provided; aye, or that the whole world should be at odds with me, and oppose me, rather than that I myself should be at odds with myself, and conher yourself.

show, as

1

tradict myself.

Cal,

O Socrates, you are a regular dcclaimcr,

and seem

to be

And now you

running

riot in

the argument.

arc declaiming in this

way

be-

cause Polus has fallen into the same error him^for he said self of which he accused Gorgias; that when Gorgias was asked by you, whether,

—

some one came to him who wanted to learn and did not know justice, he would

271

more dishonourable than to sufler was the admission which led to his being entangled by you; and because he was too nicest to say what he thought, he had his mouth slopped. For the truth is, Crates, that to

do

is

injustice, for this

who

pretend to be engaged in the now to the popular and vulgar notions of right, which are not natural, but only conventional. Convention and nature are generally at variance with one another: and hence, if a person is too modest to say what bethinks, f 48^] heiscompcllcd to contradict himself: and you, in your ingenuity perceiving the advantage to be thereby gained, slyly ask of him who is arguing conventionally a question which is to be determined by the rule of nature; and if he is talking of the rule of nature, you slip away to custom: as, for instance, you did in this very discussion about doing and suffering injustfec. When Polus was speaking of the conventionally dishonourable, you assailed him from the point of view of nature; for by the rule of nature, to suffer injustice is the greatei disgrace because the greater evil; but conventionally, to do evil is the more disgraceful. For the suffering of injustice is not the part of a man, but of a slave, who indeed had better die than live; since when he is wronged and trampled upon, he is unable to help himself, or any other about whom he cares. that you,

pursuit of truth, arc appealing

The

reason, as

I

conceive,

is

that the

makers of

laws arc the majority who are weak; and they make laws and distribute praises and censures with a view to themselves and to their own interests; and they terrify the stronger sort of

men, and those who are able to get the better of them, in order that they may not get the better of them; and they say, that dishonesty is shameful and unjust; meaning, by the word injustice, the desire of a man to have more than his neighbours; for knowing their own inferiority, I suspect that they are too glad of equality. And therefore the endeavour to have more than the many, is conventionally said to

plied that he would, because he thought that

be shameful and unjust, and is called injustice/ whereas nature herself intimates that it is just foi "he better to have more than the worse, the more powerful than the weaker; and in many

mankind

in general would be displeased if he answered “No”; and then in consequence of this admission, Gorgias was compcll^ to con-

ways she shows, among men as well as among animals, and indeed among whole cities and races, that justice consists in the superior ruling

tradict himself, that being just the sort of thing

over and having more than the inferior. For on what principle of justice did Xerxes invade Hellas, or his father the Scythians? (not to speak of numberless other examples). Nay, but

if

rhetoric,

teach

him

justice,

Gorgias in his modesty

re-

in which you delight. Whereupon Polus laughed

you deservedly, as I think; but now he has himself fallen into the same trap. I cannot say very much for his wit when he conceded to you at

*

Cf.

Rfpublic,

ii.

359.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

272

men who act according to nature: by Heaven, and according to the law of nature: not, perhaps, according to that artificial law, which we invent and impose upon our fellows, of whom we take the best and strongest from their youth upwards, and tame them like young lions, [4S4 ] charming them with the sound of the voice, and saying to them, that with equality they must be content, and that the equal is the honourable and the just. But if these are the yes,

—

man who had sufficient force, he would shake off and break through, and escape from all this; he would trample under foot all our formulas and spells and charms, and all our laws which are against nature: the slave would rise in rebellion and be lord over us, and the light of natural justice would shine forth. there were a

And

this I take to

be the sentiment of Pindar,

when he says in his poem, that Law IS the of all, of mortals as

well as of tm-

mortals; this, as

he

—

—

do not remember the exact words, but the meaning is, that without buying them, and I

without their being given to him, he carried off the oxen of Gcryon, according to the law of natural right, and that the oxen and other pos-

weaker and

inferior properly be-

long to the stronger and superior.

And

this is

you may ascertain, if you will leave philosophy and goon to higher things: for philosophy, Socrates, if pursued in moderation and at the proper age, is an elegant accomplishment, true, as

philosophy is the ruin of human life. Even if a man has good parts, still, if he carries philosophy into later life, he is necessarily ignorant of all those things which a gentleman and a person of honour ought to know; he is inex{)enenced in the laws of the State, and in the language which ought to be used in the dealings of man with man, whether private or public, and utterly ignorant of the pleasures but too

and

much

desiresof

mankind and of human chlSiracter

is

natural to his childish years. But

when

hear some small creature carefully articulating its words, I am offended; the sound is disagreeable, and has to my cars the twang of slavery. So when I hear a man lisping, or sec him playing like a child, his behaviour appears to me ridiculous and unmanly and worthy of stripes. And I have the same feeling about students of philosophy; when I sec a youth thus engaged the study apj^ears to me to be in character, and becoming a man of liberal education, and him who neglects philosophy 1 regard as an inferior man, who will never aspire to anything great or noble. But if I see him continuing the study in later life, and not leaving off, I should like to beat him, Socrates; for, as I was saying, such a one, even though he have good natural parts, becomes dieminaic. He flies from the busy centre and the market-place, in which, as the poet says, men become distinguished; he creeps into a corner for the rest of his life, and talks in a whisper with three or four admiring youths, but never speaks out like I

a freeman in a satislactory manner.

Now

I,

Socrates, arn \cry well inclined towards you,

my

may

be compared with that of Amphion, in the play of Euripides, whom I was mentioning just now: for I am disposed to say to you much what Zethus

and

feeling

Zcthiis towards

said to his brother, that you, Socrates, are careless

about the things of which you ought to be

careful;

Who

and

that

you

have a soul so noble, are rerharl^able for a

pt4 erile exterior; |

And

people of this sort, when they betake themselves to politics or business, are as ridiculous as I imagine the politicians to be, when they make their appearance in the arena of philosophy. For, as Euripides says, in general.

which

—

says,

Malles might to be right, doing violence with highest hand; as / infer from the deeds of Herodes, for unthout buytng them

sessions of the

from partiality to himself, and because he thinks that he will thus praise himself. The true principle is to unite them. Philosophy, as a part of education, is an excellent thing, and there is no disgrace to a man while he is young in pursuing such a study; but when he is more advanced in years, the thing becomes ridiculous, and I feel towards philosophers as I do towards those who lisp and imitate children. For I love to see a little child, who is not of an age to speak plainly, lisping at his play; there is an appearance of grace and freedom in his utterance,

[486] Neither in a court of justice apuld you a case, or give any reason or proo\. Or offer valiant counsel on another^ behalf.

And

state

you must not be offended, iny dear Soc-

rates, for I

am

speaking out of good-will toask whether you are not ashamed

shines in that and pursues that, and devotes the greatest portion of the day to that in

wards you,

which he most

excels,

but anything

in

the condition not of you only but of all those who will carry the study of philosophy too far. For suppose that some one were to take you, or

Every

man

which he

is

inferior,

[48$] he

avoids and depreciates, and praises the opposite

if I

of Icing thus defenceless;

which

I

affirm to

l>c

— GORGIAS zny one of your sort, off to prison, declaring that you had done wrong when you had done no wrong, you must allow that you would not know what to do: there you would stand giddy and gaping, and not having a word to say; and when you went up before the Court, even if the accuser were a poor creature and not good for much, you would die if he were dis-

—

posed to claim the penalty of death. what is the value of

And

yet,

Socrates, art

.'fn

who

is

which convirts a man of helpless,

scrisc into

a fool,

and has no power to save either

himself or others,

when he

is

in the greatest

danger and is going to be despoiled by his enemies of all his goods, and has to live, simply dehe being prived of his rights of citizenship? a man who, if I may use the expression, may be boxed on the ears with impunity. Then, my good friend, take my advice, and refute no more:

—

Learn the philosophy of business, and acquire the reputation of wtidom. Hut leair to others thew niceties,

whether they are

to be described as follies or

absurdities:

For they will only Give you poverty for the inmate of your dwelling. Cease, then, emulating these paltry splitters of words, and emulate only the man of substance

and honour, who Soc, If

my

is

well to do.

soul, Calliclcs,

were made of gold,

not rejoice to discover one of those stones with which they test gold, and the very best possible one to which I might bring my soul; and if the stone and I agreed in approv-

should

I

ing of her training, then

was

I

in a satisfactory state,

know

should

that

I

and that no other

was needed by me. CaL What is your meaning, Socrates?

test

Soc. in

I

will tell you;

I

think that

1

have found

you the desired touchstone.

CaL Why? I am sure that if you agree with me in any of the opinionswhich my soul forms,

Soc, Because

found the truth indeed. For I conman is to make a complete trial of the good or evil of the soul, [ qSy ] he ought to have three qualities knowledge, good-will, outspokenness, which are all possessed by you. Many whom I meet arc unable to make trial of me, because they arc not wise as you are; others I

have

at last

sider that

if

a

—

arc wise, but they will not tell me the truth, because they have not the same interest in me

273

which you have; and these two strangers, Gorgias and Pol us, arc undoubtedly wise men and my very good friends, but they are not outspoken enough, and they arc too modest. Why, their modesty is so great that they arc driven to contradict themselves, first one and then the other of them, in the face of a large company, on mattersof the highest moment. But you have all the qualities in which these others arc deficient, having received an excellent education; to this many Athenians can testify. And you are my friend. Shall I tell you why I think so? I know that you, Calliclcs, and Tisander of Aphidnae, and Andron the son of Androtion, and Naiisicydcs of the deme of Cholarges, studied together: there were four of you, and 1 once heard you advising with one another as to the extent to which the pursuit of philosophy should

be carried, and, as

I

know, you came

to the con-

clusion that the sixidy should not be pushed too

much into detail. You were cautioning one another not to be over wise; you were afraid that too much wisdom might unconsciously to yourselves be the ruin of you. And now when I hear you giving the same advice to me which you then gave to your most intimate friends, I have a sufficient evidence of your real goodwill to me. And of the frankness of your nature and freedom from modesty I am assured by yourself, and the assurance is confirmed by your last speech. Well then, the inference in the present case clearly is, that if you agree with me in an argument about any point, that point will

have been

sufficiently tested

by

us,

and

will

not require to be submitted to any further test. For you could not have agreed with me, cither

from lack of knowledge or from superfluity of modesty, nor yet from a desire to deceive me, for you arc my friend, as you tell me yourself.

And

therefore

when you and

I

arc agreed, the

be the attainment of perfect truth. Now there is no nobler enquiry, Calliclcs, than that which you censure me for making, What ought the character of a man to be, and what his pursuits, and how far is he to go, both in maturcr years and in youth? [488] For be assured that if I err in my own conduct I do not err intentionally, but from ignorance. Do not then desist from advising me, now that you have begun, until I have learned clearly what result will

this

is

which

I

am

to practise,

and how

I

may

acquire it. And if you find me assenting to your words, and hereafter not doing that to which I asscntcd,call me“dolt,’*and deem meunworthy

Once more, Pindar mean by

of receiving further instruction. then,

tell

me what you and

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

274

natural justice; Do you not mean that the superior should take the property of the inferior

by force; that the better should rule the worse» the noble have more than the mean? I not

Am

right in

my recollection?

Cal. Yes; that still

is

what

I

was

saying,

and so

I

Soc. And

do you mean by the better the same I could not make out what you were saying at the time ^whether you meant by the superior the stronger, and that the weaker must obey the stronger, as you seemed to imply when you said that great cities attack as the superior? for

—

small ones in accordance with natural right, because they are superior and stronger, as though the superior and stronger and better were the same; or whether the better may be also the inferior and weaker, and the superior the worse, or whether better is to be defined in the same way as superior: this is the point which I want to have cleared up. Are the superior and better and stronger the same or different? Cal. I say unequivocally that they are the

same.

Then

the

many arc by nature superior whom, as you were saying,

they make the laws? Cal. Certainly.

Then

the laws of the of the superior? Cal.

are the laws

—

Cal. Certainly.

Soc.

I

was thinking, Callicles, that something must have been in your mind, and

of the kind that

is

why

I

repeated the question

—What

is

wanted to know clearly what you meant; for you surely do not think that two the superior?

men

I

arc better than one, or that your slaves arc

you because they are stronger? Then and tell me who the better arc, if they arc not the stronger; and I will ask you, great Sir, to be a little milder in your instructions, or I shall have to run away from

better than

C mcnt; and this appears to me to be the wish of the rest of the company; I myself should very much like to hear what more you have to say. Soc, I too, Gorgias, should have liked to continue the argument with Callicles, and then [ might have given him an“Amphion”in return for his “Zethus”;

'

but since you, Calliclcs, are

I hope that you will and interrupt me if I seem to you to be in error. And if you refute me, I shall not be angry with you as you arc with me, but I shall inscribe you as the greatest of benefactors on

unwilling to continue, listen,

the tablets of

My

CaL

my soul.

good

fellow, never

mind me, but

get on.

—

about that.

And

is

the pleasant to be pursued

good ? or the good for the sake of the pleasant.^ The pleasant is to be pursued for the sake of the good. And that is pleasant at the presence of which we arc pleased, and that is good at the presence of which we are good? To be sure. And we are good, and all good things whatever arc good when some virtue is present in us or them? Thar, Calliclcs, is mv conviction. But the virtue of each thing, whether body or soul, instrument or creature, when given to them in the best way comes to them not by chance but as the result of the order and truth and art which are imparted to I not right? I maintain that I am. them: And is not the virtue of each thing dependent on order or arrangement? Yes, I say. And that which makes a thing good is the proper order inhering in each thing? Such is my view. And is not the soul which has an order of her own better than that which has no order? Certainly. And the soul which has order is orderly? Of course. And that which is orderly is temperate? [5^7] Assuredly. And the temperate soul is good? No other answer can I give, Callicles for the sake of the

Am

dear; have you any?

CaL Go on, my gixjd fellow. Then I shall proceed to add,

Soc.

temperate soul

is

and intemperate,

that'lf the

the good soul, the soul

in the opposite condition, that

And

is

is,

which

the foolish

the bad soul. Very true.

will not the temperate

man do what

Sec 485.

in his relation to the

holy;

he not be courageous? for the duty of a temperman is not to follow or to avoid what he ought not, but what he ought, whether things ate

or

men

or pleasures or pains, and patiently to

endure when he ought; and therefore, Calliclcs, the temperate man, being, as we ha\c described, also just and courageous and holy, cannot be other than a perfectly good man, nor can the good man do otherwise than well and perfectly whate\cr he docs; and he who does well must of necessity be happy and blessed, and the evil

man who he

does

whom

evil,

miserable:

now

this latter

—the intem-

you were applauding

who is the opposite of the temperate. my |x>sition, and these things T affirm to be true. And if they are tnic, then 1 further affirm that he who desires to be happy must purperate

Such

is

sue and practise temperance and run away from intemperance as fast as his legs will carry him: he had better order his life so as not to need punishment; but if cither he or any of his friends, whether private individual or city, are in need of punishment, then Justice must be

done and he must suffer punishment, if he would be happy. This appears to me to he the aim which a man ought to have, and towards which he ought to direct all the energies both of himself and of the stare, acting so that he may have temperance and justice present with him and be happy, not suffering his lusts to be unrestrained, and in the ncser-cnding desire to satisfy them leading a robber’s life. Such a one is the friend neither of God nor man, for he is incapable of communion, and he who is inca-

communion

is also incapable of friendphilosophers tell us, [$oS] C'alliclcs, that communion and friendship and orderliness and temperance and justice hind together heaven and earth and gods and men, and that this universe is therefore called Cosmos or order, not disorder or misrule, my friend. But although you arc a philosopher yoa seem to me never to have observed that geoniAncal equality IS mighty, both among gods afd men; you think that you ought to cultivate ^equality or ^Well, excess, and do not care about geomjetry.

pable of ship.

And

—

happy are the possession of justice and temperance, and the miserable miserable by the then, either the principle that thp

is

propcr,both in relation to the gods and to men; for he would not be temperate if he did not? Certainly he will do what is proper. In his relation to other men he will do what is just;

—

^

gods he will do what and he who does what is just and holy must be just and holy? Very true. And must is

is

Soc, Listen to me, then, while I recapitulate the argument: Is the pleasant the same as the good? Not the same. Calliclcs and I arc agreed

is

and

made happy by

possession of vice, must be refuted, or, if it is granted, what will be the consequences? All the

consequences which 1 drew before, Calliclcs, and aoout which you asked me whether I was

GORGIAS in earnest

when

I

said that a

man ought

cuse himself and his son and his friend

to ac-

he did anything wrong, and that to this end he should use his rhetoric all those consequences are true. And that which you thought that Polus was led to admit out of modesty is true, viz., that, to do injustice, if more disgraceful than to suffer, is in that degree worse; and the other position, which, according to Polus, Gorgias admitted out of modesty, that he who would truly be a rhetorician ought to be just and have a knowledge of justice, has also turned out to be true. And now, these things being as we have said, let us proceed in the next place to consider whether you are right in throwing in my teeth that I am unable to help myself or any of my friends or kinsmen, or to save them in the exif

—

tremity of danger, and that

I

am in the powxrof

anolher like an outlaw to whom anyone may do what he likes he may box my ears, which was a brave saying of yours; or take away my goods or banish me, or even do his worst and kill me; u condition which, as you say, is the height of disgrace. My answer to you is one which has been already often repeated, but may as well be repeated once more. I tell you. Call ides, that to be boxed on the ears wrongfully is not the Worst evil which can befall a man, nor to have my purse or my body cut open, but that to smite and slay me and mine wrongfully is far

—

disgraceful and more evil; aye, and to deand enslave and pillage, or in any way at all to wrong me and mine, is far more disgraceful and evil to the doer of the wrong than to me who am the sufferer. / 509 J These truths, which have been already set forth as I state them in the previous discussion, w^ould seem now to have been fixed and riveted by us, if I may use an expression which is certainly bold, in words which are like bonds of iron and adamant; and unless you or some other still more enterprising hero shall break them, there is no possibility of denying what I say. For my position has always been, that I myself am ignorant how these things are, but that I have never met any one who could say otherwise, any more than you can, and not appear ridiculous. This is my position still, and if what I am saying is true, and

more

spoil

injustice injustice,

is

the greatest of evils to the doer of yet there is if possible a greater

and

th:>n this greatest of evils,^ in

an unjust

man not

suffering retribution, what is that defence of which the want will make a man truly ridiculous? Must not the defence be one which will

avert the greatest of '

Cf Republic, .

ix.

human evils? And will not

578

£f.

285

alt defences be that with which a unable to defend himself or his family or his friends? and next will come that which is unable to avert the next greatest evil; thirdly that which is unable to avert the third greatest

the worst of

man

evil;

is

—

and

evil so

is

so of other evils.

As

is

the greatness of

the honour of being able to avert

them

and the disgrace of not

in their several degrees,

being able to avert them.

Am

I

not right Calli-

cles?

Cal. Yes, quite right.

Sor. Seeing then that there a re these two evils,

the doing injustice and the suffering injustice

—and we affirm that to do and

injustice

is

to suffer injustice a lesser evil

man

devices can a

a greater,

—by what

succeed in obtaining the

two advantages, the one of not doing and the other of not suffering injustice? must he have the power, or only the will to obtain them? I mean to ask whether a man will escape injustice if he has only tne will to escape, or must he have provided himself with the power? Cal. He must have provided himself with the power; that Soc.

is

clear.

And what do you say of doing injustice?

and will that prevent must he have provided himself with power and art; and if he has not studied and practised, w^ill he be unjust still? Surely you might say, Callicles, whether you think that Polus and I were right in admitting the conclusion that no one does wrong voluntarily, but that all do wrong against their wilP / 5/0/ Cal. Granted, Socrates, if you will only have done. Soc. Then, as would appear, power and art have to be provided in order that we may do no Is the will

only

sufficient,

him from doing

in)usticc, or

injustice

Cal. Certainly.

And what art will protect us from suffering injustice, if not wholly, yet as faras possible? I want to know whether you agree with me; for I think that such an art is the art of one who is either a ruler or even tyrant himself, or the equal and companion of the ruling power. Soc.

Cal.

serve

Well

how

said, Socrates;

ready

I

am

and please to obyou when you

to praise

talk sense.

Soc. Think and tell me whether you would approve of another view of mine: To me every man ap^^ears to be most the friend of him who ^likc to like, as ancient is most like to him sages say: Would you not agree to this?

—

Cal.

I

should.

Soc. But

when

the tyrant

is

rude and unedu-

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

286 cated» he is his

may be expected to fear any one who

superior in virtue,

and

will never be able

to be perfectly friendly with him.

CaL That

is

which saves men in courts of law, and which you advise me to cultivate? CaL Yes, truly, and very good advice too. Soc, WcU, my friend, but what do you think of swimming; is that an art of any great prerhetoric

true.

Soc, Neither will he be the friend of any one who is gready his inferior, for the tyrant wUl

despisehim, and will never seriously regard

him

as a friend.

CaL That again is Then the only

tensions?

true.

CaL No, indeed.

friend worth mentioning,

.

whom the

should be directed to prolonging life to the utand to the study of those arts which secure us from danger always; like that art of termost,

tyrant can have, will be one

who is

Soc,

And

yet surely

swimming

saves a

man

of the same character, and has the same likes and dislikes, and is at the same rime willing to be subject and subservient to him; he is the

from death, and there are occasions on which he must know how to swim. And if you despise the swimmers, I will tell you of another and

man who will have power in the state, and no one will injure him with impunity :-^is not that

greater art, the art of the pilot,

so?

properties from the extremity of danger, just

CaL

Yes.

And

if

—

seem to be the way he will accustom himself, from his youth upward, to feel sorrow and joy on the same occasions as his master, and will contrive to be as like

him as possible?

CaL Yes.

And

in this way he will have accomyou and your friends would say, the end of becoming a great man and not suffering

Soc.

who

not only

men, but also their bodies and

Yet his art is modest and impresuming: it has no airs or pretences of doing anything extraordinary, and, in return for the same salvation which is given by the pleader, demands only two obols, if he brings us from Aegina to Athens, or for the longer voyage from Pontus or Egypt, at the utmost two drachmae, when he has saved, as I was just now savlike rhetoric.

a young man begins to ask how he may become great and formidable, this would Soc,

saves the souls of

plished, as

injury?

Very true. Soc. Rut will he also escape from doing injury? Must not the very opposite be true, if he is to be like the tyrant in his injustice, and to have influence with him? [yi] Will he not rather contrive to do as much wrong as possible, and not be punished? Cal,

Cal. True.

Soc. And by the imitation of his master and by the power which he thus acquires will not his soul become bad and corrupted, and will

not this be the greatest evil to him ? Cal. You always contrive somehow or other, Socrates, to invert everything: do you not know that he who imitates the tyrant will, if he has a mind, kill him who docs not imitate him and take away his glace the sep-

from one another of twa things, and body; nothing else. And after they arc aration

soul sep-

m

arated they retain their several natures, as life; the body keeps the same habit, and the re-

treatment or accident are distinctly visfor example, he who by nature or training or both, was a tall man while he was sults of ible in

it:

GORGIAS remain as he was, after he is dead; man will remain fat; and so on; and the dead man, who in life had a fancy to have flowing hair, will have flowing hair. And if he was marked with the whip and had the prints of the scourge, or of wounds in him when he was alive, you might see the same in the dead body; and if his limbs were broken or misshapen when he was alive, the same appearance would be visible in the dead. And in a word, whatever was the habit of the body during life

293

unrighteous

alive, will

all

and the

among them,

fat

would be distinguishable after death, either measure and for a cer-

perfectly, or in a great

And 1 should imagine that this is equally true of the soul, Callicles; when a man is stripped of the body, all the natural or acquired affections of the soul arc laid open to view. And when they come to the judge, as tain time.

come to Rhadamanthus, he them near him and inspects them quite impartially, not knowing whose the soul is:

those from Asia places

perhaps he

may

great king, or of

who

has

lay

hands on the soul of the

some other king or

no soundness

in

potentate,

him, but his soul

found Archelaus,

what he suffers, and fear and become Those who are improved when they arc punished by gods and men, arc those whose sins arc curable; and they arc improved, as in this world so also in another, by pain and suffering; for there Ls no other way in which they can be delivered from their evil. But they who have been guilty of the worst crimes, and are incurable by reason of their crimes, are made examples; for, as they are incurable, the

time has

passed at which they can receive any benefit. They get no good themselves, but others get good when they behold them enduring for ever the most terrible and painful and fearful sufferings as the penalty of their sins there they arc, hanging up as examples, in the prison-house of

and

a

warning to

punishment

in the

world

power to do wrong, to live and to die justhard thing, and greatly to be praised, and few there are who attain to this. Such good and true men, however, there have been, and will be again, at Athens and in other states, who have fulfilled their trust righteously; and there is one who is quite famous all over Hellas, Aristeidcs, the son of Lysimachus. But, in gen-

eral, great

As

I

men

was

gets a soul

arc also bad,

my

friend.

Rhadamanthus, when he of the bad kind, knows nothing saying,

about him, neither who he is, nor who his parents arc; he knows only that he has got hold of a villain; and seeing this, he stamps him as curable or incurable,

and sends him away toTarta-

he goes and receives his proper recompense. Or, again, he looks with admiration on the soul of some just one who has lived in holiness and truth; he may have been a private man or not; and I should say, Callicles, that he is most likely to have been a philosopher who has done his own work, and not troubled himself with the doings of other men in his lifetime;

rus, whither

him Rhadamanthus

sends to the Islands of the

Aeacus docs the same; and they both have sceptres, and judge; but Minos alone has Ba.

sed.

a golden sceptre

Odysseus

in

and

Homer

is

seated looking on, as

declares that he

saw him:

Holding a sceptre of gold, and giving laws

to

the dead.

—

the world below, a spectacle

if

suffering everlasting

ly is a

sec

And

below: such were Tantalus and Sisyphus and Tityus. But no one ever described Thcrsiies, or any private person wfio was a villain, as suffering everlasting punishment, or as incurable. For to commit the worst crimes, as lam inclined to think, was not in his i-iower, and he was happier than those who had the power. No, Callicles, [ 526 ] the very bad men come from the class ol those who have power.^ And yet in that very class there may arise good men, and worthy of all admiration they arc, for where there is great

better.

thither.

confidently affirm, will be

Polus truly reports of him, is like him. Of these fearful examples, most, as 1 believe, are taken from the class of tyrants and kings and potentates and public men, for they arc the authors of the greatest and most impious crimes, because they have the power. And Homer witnesses to the truth of this; for they are always kings and potentates whom he has described as

is

may

1

and any other tyrant who

marked with the whip, and is full of the prints and scars ol perjuries and crimes with which each action has stained him, [ 525/ and he is all crooked with falsehood and imposture, and has no straightness, because he has lived without truth. Him Rhadamanthus beholds, full of all deformity and disproportion, which is caused by licence and luxury and insolence and incontinence, and despatches him ignominiously to his prison, and there he undergoes the punishment which he deserves. Now the proper office of punishment is twofold: he who is rightly punished ought either to become better and profit by it, or he ought to be made an example to his fellows, that they

men who come

as

Now ^

I,

Callicles,

Cf Republic, .

am

persuaded of the truth of

x. 615.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

2W these things,

and I consider how I

shall present

my soul wholeand undeiiled before the judge in that day.

Renouncing the honours

the world aims,

and

to live as well as

die as well as

power,

And,

I

I

exhort

can. all

I

at

which

know the truth, can, and, when I die, to

I desire

only to

And,

other

to the utmost of

men

to

do

my

the same.

in return for your exhortation of

me,

I

exhort you also to take part in the great combat,

which

is

the combat of

life,

every other earthly conflict.

and greater than

And

I

retort

your

reproach of me, and say, that you will not be

when the day of trial and judgment, of which I was speaking, comes upon you; you will go before the judge, [527] the son of Aegina, and, when he has got you in bis grip and is carrying you off, you will gape and your head will swim round, just as mine would in the courts of this world, and very likely some one will shamefully box you on the ears, and put upon you any sort of insult. Perhaps this may appear to you to be only an old wife’s tale, which you will contemn. And there might be reason in your contemning such tales, if by searching we could find out anything better or truer: but now you see that you and able to help yourself

Polus and Gorgias, who are the three wisest of dus Greeks of our day, are not able to show that we ought to live any life which does not profit in another world as well as in this.

And ol: all

diat has been said, nothing remains unshaken

but the saying, that to do injustice

is

more

to

be avoided than to suffer injustice, and that the reality and not the appearance of virtue is to

be followed above

all

things, as well in public

and that when any one has been wrong in anything, he is to be chastised, and that the next best thing to a man being just is that he should become just, and be chastised and punished; also that he should avoid all flattery of himself as well as of others, of the few or of the many: and rhetoric and any other art should be used by him, and all his actions should be done always, with a view to justice. Follow me then, and I will lead you where you will be happy in life and after death, a.s the argument shows. And never mind if some one despises you as a fool, and insults you, if he has a mind; let him strike you, by Zeus, and do you be of good cheer, and do not mind the insulting blow, for you will never come to any harm in the practise of virtue, if you are a really good and true man. When wc have practised virtue as in private

together,

wc

life;

will apply ourselves to politics,

that seems desirable, or

we

if

will advise about

whatever else may seem good to us, for wc shall be better able to judge then. In our present condition wc ought not to give ourselves airs, for even on the most important subjects we arc always changing our minds; so utterly stupid are

we! Let

way

of

tue in

us, then, take the

which has revealed

guide,

life is to practise justice

life

and death. This way

in this exhort all to

argument

to follow you; for that

ing worth.

and every let

in

vir-

us go; and

men to follow, 'Wot in

which you trust and

as our

to us that the best

the

way

which you exhort me

way,

Calliclcs, is noth-

]

THE REPUBLIC Persons of the Dialogue: Socrates,

who

is

the narrator; Glaucon; Adeimantus;

PoLEMARCHUs; Chphalus; Thrasymachus; Cleitophon; auditors.

The Scene is laid in

And others who are mute

the house of Cephalus at the Piraeus;

and the whole

dialogue is narrated by Socrates the day after it actually too\ place to Timaeus,

Hermocraies,

Critias,

BCXDK

and a nameless person, who are introduced

You

I

offer

up my I

Of

if

not more, beautiful.

finished our prayers

When we

and viewed the

was had

spectacle,

we

turned in the direction of the city; and at that instant Polemarchus the son of Cephalus chanced to catch sight of us from a distance as we were starting on our way home, and told his servant to run and bid us wait for him. The servant took hold of me by the cloak behind,

There he is, said the youth, coming after .you, if you will only wait. Certainly we will, said Glaucon; and in a few minutes Polemarchus appeared, and with him Adeimantus, Glaucon^s brother, Niceratus the son of Nicias, and several others who had

Bendis, the Thracian Artemis.

are you stronger than

not,

you

may

lie

ail

these? for

if

will

assured.

With horses! I replied; That is a novelty. Wiff horsemen carry torches and pass them one to

said: Polemarchus desires you to wait. turned round, and asked him where his master was. I

^

how many we

/ ^28] Adeimantus added: Has no one told you of the torch-race on horseback in honour of the goddess which will take place in the evening?

and

been at the procession. Polemarchus said to me: I perceive, Socrates, that you and your companion arc already on your way to the city.

said.

have to remain where you arc. May there not be the alternative, I said, that we may persuade you to let us go? But can you persuade us, if we refuse to listen to you? he said. Certainly not, replied Glaucon. Then we are not going to listen; of that you

to see in

the inhabitants; but that of the TTiracians equally,

I

he rejoined,

course.

And

prayers to the goddess;^ and also

wanted

see,

Timaeus

are?

what manner they would celebrate the festival, which was a new thing. I was delighted with the procession of l^cause

are not far wrong,

But do you

f }2j [ went down yesterday to the Piraeus with Cilaucon the son of Ariston, that I might

in the

another during the race? Yes, said Polemarchus, and not only so, but a festival will be celebrated at night, which you certainly ought to see. Let us rise soon after supper and see this festival; there will be a gathering of young men, and we will have a good talk. Stay then, and do not be perverse. said: I suppose, since you insist, must. Very good, I replied. Accordingly we went with Polemarchus to his house; and there we found his brothers

Glaucon

that

295

we

—

1

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

296

Lysias and Euthydemus, and with them Thrasymachus the Chalcedonian, Charmantidcs the Pacanian, and Clcitophon the son of Aristonymus. There too was Cephalus the father of Polcmarchus^ whom I had not seen for a long time, and I thought him very much aged. He was seated on a cushioned chair, and had a garland on his head, for he had been sacrificing in the court; and there were some other chairs

escaped the thing of which you speak; I feel as if I had escaped from a mad and furious master. His words have often occurred to my mind since, and they seem as good to me now as at the time when he uttered them. For certainly old age has a great sense of calm and freedom; when the passions relax their hold, then, as Sophocles says, we are freed from the grasp not of one mad master only, but of many. The

room arranged in a semicircle, upon which we sat down by him. He saluted me eagerly, and then he said: You don't come to see me, Socrates, as often as you ought: If 1 were still able to go and see you I would not ask you to come to me. But at my age I can hardly get to the city, and therefore you should come oftencr to the Piraeus. For let me tell you, that the more the pleasures of the body fade away, the greater to me is the pleasure and charm of conversation. Do not then deny my request, but makeour house your resort and keep company with these young men; we arc old friends, and you will be quite

truth

in the

home with

at

us.

nothing which for my part than conversing with aged men; for I regard them as travellers who have gone a journey which I loo may have to go, and of whom I ought to enquire, whether the way is smooth and easy, or rugged and difficult. And this is a question which I should like to ask of you who have arrived at that time which the poets call the ‘'threshold of old age” Is life harder towards the end, or w'hat reI

I

replied:

There

is

like better, Cephalus,

—

port do you give of it? [ ^29 7 I will tell you, Socrates, he said,

my own gether;

feeling

we

is.

Men

of

my

what

age flock

to-

are birds of a feather, as the old

proverb says; and at our meetings the talc of cannot cat, my acquaintance commonly is I cannot drink; the pleasures of youth and love arc fled away; there was a good time once, but now that is gone, and life is nolonger life. Some complain of the slights which are put upon them by relations, and they will tell you sjidly of how many evils their old age is the cause. But to me, S^rates, these complainers Slbem to

—

blame that which is not really in fault. For if old age were the cause, 1 too being old, and every other old man, would have felt as they do. But this is not my own experience, nor that of others whom I have known. How well 1 remember the aged poet Sophocles, when in answer to the question. How docs love suit with age, Sophocles

—are

you

still

the

man you

were? Peace, he replied; most gladly have

I

is, Socrates, that these regrets, and also the complaints about relations, arc to be attributed to the same cause, which is not old age,

but men's characters and tempers; for he who is of a calm and happy nature will hardly feel the pressure of age, but to him who is of an opposite disposition youth and age arc equally a burden. I listened in admiration, and wanting to draw him out, that he might go on Yes, Ceph.ilus, 1 said; but I rather suspect that people in general are not convinced by you when you speak thus; they think that old age sits lightly upon you, not because of your happy disposition, but because you are rich, and wealth is well known to be a great comforter. You arc right, he replied; they arc not con-

—

vinced: and there

something

is

say; not, however, so

much

in

what they

as they imagine.

might answer them asl'hcmistocles answ^cred who was abusing him .ind saying that he was famous, not fordtis own merits but because he was an Athenian: f j^oj “If you had been a native of my country or I of yours, neither of us would have l)ccn famous.” And to those w ho are not rich and are impatient of old age, the same reply may be made; for to the good poor man old «ige cannot be a light I

the Seriphian

burden, nor can a batl rich man ever have peace with himself. May I ask, Cephalus, whether your fortune was for the most part inherited or acquired by you? Acquired! Socrates; do you want to know how much I acquired? In the art of making money I have been midway betwern my father

and grandfather:

name

for

my

grandfather, whose

doubled and treblcckthe value of his patrimony, that which he inlicrited being much what I possess now; but ii^y father Lysanias reduced the property below what it is I

bear,

and 1 shall be satisfied if I leave to sons not less but a litde more than 1

at present:

these

my

received.

'Fhat

was why

replied, because

I

I

asked you the question,

see that

about money, which

is

I

you arc indifferent

a characteristic rather of

THE REPUBLIC those who have inherited their fortunes than of those who have acquired them; the makers

of fortunes have a second love of money as a creation of their own, resembling the affection of authors for their own poems, or of parents for their children, besides that natural love of for the sake of use

it

mon

them and

to

all

and profit which is commen. And hence they arc

very bad company, for they can talk about nothing but the praises of wealth.

That

is

true,

Yes, that

he

—

very true, but

may

I

your wealth? One, he said, of which I could not expect easily to convince others. For let me tell you, Socrates, that when a man thinks himself to be near death, fears and canes enter into his mind which he never had l^eforc; the talcs of a world below and the punishment which is exacted there of deeds done here were once a laughing matter to hinu but now he is tormented with the thought th,n ihw> may be true: cither from the weakness of age, or because he is now drawing nearer to that other place, he has a clearer view of these things; suspicions and alarms

crowd thickly upon him, and he l^cgins to reflect and consider w'hat wrongs he has done to others.

And when he

transgressions

is

like a child start

up

sum of his many a time

finds that the

great he will

in his sleep for fear,

and

with dark forebodings. But to him who is conscious of no sin, sweet hope, as Pindar charmingly says, is the kind nurse of he

IS

filled

his age: sottl of him who and holiness, and is the nurse of his hope ajic and the companion of his jouniey: which is mightiest to sway the restless soul of

Hope

[he says] cherishes the

liees in justice

—

man.

How

admirable arc his words!

And

the great

blessing of riches, I do not say to every man, but to a good man, is, that be has had no occasion to deceive or to defraud others, cither intentionally or unintentionally; and when he •departs to the world below' he

is

not in any ap-

prehension about otferings due to the gods or debts which he owes to men. Now to this peace of mind the possession of wealth greatly contributes;

and therefore

—

and to pay your debts ^nomore than this? And even to thb are there not exceptions? Suppose that a friend when in his right mind has deposited arms with me and he asks for them when he is not in his right mind, ought 1 to give them back to him? No one would say that I ought or that I should be right in doing so, any more than they would say that I ought always to sjx^ak the truth to one who is in his condition.

You

said.

ask another question? What do you consider to be the greatest blessing which you have reaped from is

297

I

1

say, that, selling

one

thing against another, of the many advantages which wealth has to give, to a man of sense this is in my opinion the greatest. Well said, Ccphalus, I replied; but as concerning justice, what is it? to speak the truth

—

arc quite right, he replied. But then. I .said, speaking the truth and paying your debts is not a correct definition of justice.

Quite correct, Socrates, if Simonides is to be Polemarchus interposing. I fear, said Cephalus, that I must go now, for I have to look after the sacrifices, and I hand over the argument to Polemarchus and the believed, said

company. not Polen^archus your heir? I said. be sure, he answered, and went away laughing to the sacrifices. Tell me then, thou heir of the argument, what did Simonides say, and according to you truly say, about justice? Is

To

O

He

said that the re-payment of a debt

is just,

he appears to me to be right. I should he sorry to doubt the word of such a w'ise and inspired man, but his meaning, though probably clear to you, is the reverse of clear to me. For he certainly does not mean, as we were just now saying, that I ought to return a deposit of arms or of anything else to one who asks for it when he is not in his right senses; and yet a deposit cannot be denied to be

and

in saying so

a debt,

True.

Then when the person who asks me is not in mind I am by no means to make the

his right

return? Certainly not.

When Simonides said that the repayment of a debt was justice, he did not mean to include that case?

Certainly not; for he thinks that a friend to do good to a friend and never

ought always evil.

You mean gold which

is

that the return of a deposit of to the injury

two parties ment of a debt ine him to say?

the

are friends,

—

^that is

t>f

is

the receiver, if not the repay-

what you w'ould imag-

Yes.

And owe

to

arc enemies also to receive

them?

what we

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

298

To be

he sasd» they are to receive what I take it, owes them^ and an enemy:, to an enemy that which is due or proper to

^

we owe

—that

him

is

to say, evil.

Simonides, then, after the manner of poetr, would seem to have spoken darkly of the nature of justice; for he really meant to say that justice is the giving to each man what is proper to him, and diis he termed a debt. That must have been his meaning, he said. By heaven! I replied; and if we asked him what due or proper thing is given by medicine, and to whom, what answer do you think that he would make to us? He would surely reply that medicine gives drugs and meat and drink to human bodies. And what due or proper thing is given by cookery, and to what? Seasoning to food.

And what whom?

is

that

which

justice gives,

and to

If, Socrates, we arc to be guided at all by the analogy of the preceding instances, then justice is the art which gives good to friends and evil to enemies. That is his meaning then? I think so.

And what similar use or powerof acquisition has justice in dime of peace? In contfiacts^ Socrates, justice is of use. And by contracts you mean partnerships? Exactly.

But is the just man or the skilful player a more useful and better partner at a game of draughts?

The

the builder?

Quite the reverse.

Then

to his

enemies

m time of sickness?

in playing the harp the harp-player

of money; for you do not want a just

in

And when you want wright or the

Then what

That is

is

that joint use of silver or gold

is

not wanted, but

lie?

That safe,

justice will be of

no

use?

is

useful

when money

the inference.

then justice

is

useful to the individual

when you want

to use

it,

then the art of the vine-dresser? Clearly.

And when you want and not

justice

time of peace

is

to the state; but

lyre,

No.

to sty, justice

And when you want to keep a pruning-hook and

of a pilot?

is

useless^

But when a man is well, my dear Polemarchus, there is no need of a physician? No. And he who is not on a voyage has no need

is

keep a shield or a you would say that but when you want to use to

to use them,

useful;

them, then the art of the soldier or of the musician?

am very far from thinking so.

Certainly.

[jSSJ You think that justice may be of use in peace as well as in war? Yes.

Like

husbandry

for

the

acquisition

of

And

all the other tlm^ft—justice is they arc useless, andfuseless when they are useful?

useful

so of

when

That

Then

corn? Yes.

Or

ship-

which the just man is to be preferred ^ When yo^ want a deposit to be kept safely.

ing alliances with the other.

I

to buy a ship, the would be better?

You mean when money

with a view

what result is the just man most able to do barm to his enemy and good to his friend ? In going to war against the one and in mak-

in

pilot

Precisely. sort of actions or

to

Then

to

I'ruc.

allowed to

what

man

Certainly.

pilot.

And

certainly

be your counsellor in the purchase or sale oi a horse; a man who is knowing about horses would be better for that, would he not?

in

the sea?

is

a better partner than the just man? In a money partnership. Yes, Polemarchus, but surely not in the use

The physician. Or when they arc on a voyage, amid the perils The

in what sort of partnership is the just a better partner than the harp-player, as

man

And who is best able to do good to his friends and evil

skilful player.

And in the laying of bricks and stones is the just man a more useful or better partner than

like

—

shoemaking for the acquisition of is what you mean?

shoes that Yes.

is

the inference.

justice is not

good for much. But

let

us consider this further point: Is not he who can best strike a blow in a boxing match or in any kind of fighting best able to ward off a

Uqw?

THE REPUBLIC

But see the consequence:

Certainly^

And he who is tnost skilful in preventing or escaping from a disease

one? True. And he

is

is

best able to create

the best guard of a

best able to steal

camp who

is

a march upon the enemy?

bi4] Certainly,

Then he who is

also a

good

That,

I

Then

is

a good keeper of anything

thief?

suppose, is to be inferred. the just man is good at keeping

if

is

a lesson

which

We should rather say that he is a friend who as well as seems,

is,

you must have learnt out of Homer;

for he,

who seems

speaking of Autolycus, the maternal grandwho is a favourite of his, a£Brms that He was excellent above all men tn theft and

father of Odysseus,

perjury.

you and Homer and Simonides are is an art of theft; to be practised however “for the good of friends and for the harm of enemies’’ that was what you were saying? No, certainly not that, though I do not now know what I did say; but I still stand by the

And

so,

agreed that justice

—

words. Well, there

latter

is

another question: By friends

and enemies do we mean tliose who are so really, or only in seeming? Surely, he said, a man may be expected to love those whom he thinks good, and to hate those whom he thinks evil. Yes, but do not persons often err about good and evil: many who are not good seem to be so, and conversely? That is true. Then to them the good will be enemies and the evil will be their friends? True.

And

in that case they will be right in doing

good to the

evil

and

evil to the

good?

just

and would not do an

injustice?

True.

Then according to injure those

Nay,

to your

argument

it is

just

who do no wrong?

Socrates; the doctrine

is

I like that better.

is

it is just to do good to our friends and our enemies, we should further say: It IS )ust to do good to our friends when they are good and harm to our enemies when they

that

first,

harm

to

arc evil? Yes, that appears to me to be the truth. But ought the )ust to injure any one at all? Undoubtedly he ought to injure those who arc

both wicked and his enemies.

When horses are

injured, are they

improved

or deteriorated?

The

latter.

Deteriorated, that

is

to say, in the

good qual-

of horses, not of dogs? Yes, of horses.

ities

And ities

dogs are deteriorated in the good qual-

of dogs, and not of horses?

Of

course.

not men who are injured be deteriorated in that which is the proper virtue of

And will

man?

And that human virtue is justice? To be sure. Then men who are injured are of made unjust? That is the result. But can the musician by

his art

necessity

make men

unmusical?

immoral.

Then I suppose that we ought to do good and harm to the unjust?

the just

and that he

good; [

and

not good, only seems to be and is not a friend; and of an enemy the same may be s^d. You would argue that the good are our friends and the bad our enemies? Yes. And instead of saying simply as we did at only,

Certainly.

Clearly.

But the good are

who

be or

suspect

is

—Many a man who

nature has friends

and in that case he ought to do harm to them; and he has good enemies whom he ought to benefit; but, if so, we shall be saying the very opposite of ^at which we afErmcd to be the meaning of Simonides. Very true, he said; and I think that we had better correct an error into which we seem to have fallen in the use of the words “friend” and “enemy.” What was the error, Polemarchus? I asked. We assumed that he is a friend who seems to

I

thief.

human

are bad friends,

Then after all the just man has turned out to

And this

ignorant of

who is thought good. And how is the error to be corrected ?

money, he is good at stealing it. That is implied in the argument. be a

299

I

to

Certainly not.

Or the horseman by horsemen?

his art

make them bad

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

300

Impossible. can the just by justice

And just)

folly, Socrates,

make men

un>

or speaking generally, can the good by

virtue

cannot.

moisture?

Clearly not. Nor can the good

harm any one?

the just

is

the good?

Certainly.

Then

I

to injure a friend or

any one

was

not look at

not the act of a just man, but of the opposite, who is the unjust?

believe that

think that what you say

is

quite true,

Socrates.

Then if a man says that justice consists in the repayment of debts, and that good is the debt which a man owes to his friends, and evil the debt which he owes to his enemies to say this is not wise; for it is not true, if, as has been clearly shown, the injuring of another

—

can be in no case just. I agree with you, said Polemarchus. Then you and I are prepared to take up arms against any one who attributes such a saying to Simonides or Bias or Pittacus, or any other wise man or seer? I am quite ready to do battle at your side, he said.

Shall

I tell

you whose

I

believe the

saying to be?

Whose? I believe that Periander or Pcrdiccas or Xerxes or ismenias the Theban, or some other rich and mighty man, who had a great opinion of

own

power, was the first to say that justice good to your friends and harm to your enemies.” Most true, he said. Yes, I said; but if this definition of justice also breaks down, what other can be ofhis

is

**doing

Several times in the course of the di^ussion

Thrasymachus had made an attempt to get the argument into his own hands, and had been put down by the rest of the company, who wanted to hear the end. But when Polemarchus and I had done speaking and there was a pause, he could no longer hold his peace; and, gathering himself up, he came at us like a wild beast, seeking to devour us. We were quite panicstricken at the sight of him.

roared out to the whole company:

I

to

justice

to

is,

What

and could

him without trembling. Indeed if I

I

had not fixed rny eye upon him,

should have been struck dumb: but

when

I

saw his fury rising, I looked at him first, and Was therefore able to reply to him. Thrasymachus, I said, with a quiver, don't be hard upon us. Polemarchus and I may have been guilty of a litde mistake in the argument, but I can assure you that the error was not intentional. If we were seeking for a piece of gold, you would not imagine that wc were “knocking under to one another,” and so losing our chance of finding it. And why, when we are seeking for justice, a thing moie precious than many pieces of gold, do you say that wc are weakly yielding to one another and not do ing our utmost to get at the truth? Nay. iny good friend, wc arc most wilfThg and anxious to do so, hut the fact is that wc cannot. And if so, you people who know ail things should pity us and not be angry with us. [ 3 ^ 7 ] How characteristic of Socrates! he replied, with a bitter laugh ^that’s your ironical have I not already told style! Did I not foresee you, that whatever he was asked he would refuse to answer, and try irony or any other shuffle, in order that he might avoid answering?

—

—

You plied,

what

are a philosopher, Thrasymachus, I reand well know that if you ask a person

make up twelve, taking care to him whom you ask frdm answering

nunil>crs

prohibit

fered?

He

do you knock under if you want really

say that

panic-stricken at his words,

else is

I

I

or advantage or profit or gain or interest, for this sort of nonsense will not do for me; I must have clearness and accuracy.

Impossible.

And

one another?

you should not only ask but answer, and you should not seek honour to yourself from the refutation of an opponent, but have your own answer; for there is many a one who can ask and cannot answer. And now I will not have you say that justice is duty

Assuredly not. Any more than heat can produce cold? It

has taken possession of you all?

sillybillies,

know what

make them bad?

Or drought

And why,

twice six, or three times four, or feix times two, or four times three, “for this soft of nonsense will not do for me” then obviously, if that is your way of putting the question, no one can answer you. But suppose that he were to

—

retort, “Thrasymachus, what do you mean? If one of these numbers which you interdict be tlte true answer to the question, am I falsely to say some other number which is not the right one? is that your meaning?” How would you answer him?

—

—

]

THE REPUBLIC Just as

if

the

two

cases

were

at all alike!

he

is

nothing

301

I

else

than the

interest of the stronger.

And now why do you

said.

Why should they not be?

I

replied;

and even

they are not, but only appear to l)c so to the person who is asked, ouji^ht he not to say what he thinks, whether you and I forbid him or not? I presume then that you are going to make one of the interdicted answers? I dare say that I may, notwithstanding the danger, if upon reflection I approve of any of them. But what if I give you an answer alx)ut justice other and l)ctter, he said, than any of these? What do you deserve to have done to you?

—

me* as becomes the ignorant, must learn from the w'isc that is what I deserve to have done to me. What, and no payment! a pleasant notion! I will pay when I have the money, I replied. But you have, Socrates, said Glaucon: and you, Thrasymachus, need l>e under no anxiety about money, for we will all make a contributo

—

me

I^et

if

Done

not praise

me? But

of

course you won’t. first

you

tice, as

understand you,

What, 'ITirasymachus,

You cannot mean as,

I

replied. Jus-

say, is the interest of the stronger.

meaning of this? Polydamstronger than we are, and is

the

to say that because

the pancratiast,

is

finds the eating of beef conducive to his bodily

strength, that to cat beef

is

therefore equally

good who are weaker than he is, and right and just for us? That’s abominable of you, Socrates: you take the words in the sense which is most damaging

for our

to the argument.

Not

at all,

my good sir, I said; I am

trying to

understand them; and I wish that you would be a little clearer. Well, he said, have you never heard that forms of governincnt differ; there are tyrannies,

and there arc democracies, and there are

aristoc-

racies?

Yes,

I

And

tion lor Socrates.

know.

the government

is

the ruling

power in

Yes, he replied, and then Socrates will do as he always does refuse to answer himself, but

each state?

take and pull to pieces the answer of some one

And the different forms of government make laws democratical, aristocratical, tyrannical, with a view to their several interests; and these laws, which are made by them for their own in-

—

else.

Why, my good friend, I said, how can any one answer who knows, and says that he knows, just nothing; and who, even if he has some faint notions of his own, is told by a man of authority not to utter them? [ ^jS] T he natural thing is, that the speaker should be some one like yourself who professes to know and can tell what he knows. Will you then kindly answer, for the edification of the company and of myself? Cdaucon and the rest of the company joined in my request and Thrasymachus, as any one might see, was in reality eager to speak; for he thought that he had an excellent answer, and would distinguish himself. But at first he affected to insist on my answering; at length he consented to begin. Behold, he said, the wisdom of Socrates; he refuses to teach himself, and goes about learning of others, to whom he never even says Thank you.

That

learn of others,

T

I

replied,

is

quite true;

am

ungrateful I wholly deny. Money I have none, and therefore I pay in praise, which is all I have; and how ready I am to praise any one who appears to me to speak well

but that

I

you will very soon find out when you answer; for I expect that you will answer well. Listen, then, he said; I proclaim that justice

Certainly.

which they deliver to and him who transgresses them they punish as a breaker of the law, and unjust. And that is what I mean when I say that in all states there is the same principle of justice, which is the interest of the government; and as the government must be supposed to have

terests, arc the justice

their subjects,

power, / the only reasonable conclusion is, everywhere there is one principle of jus-

that

tice,

which

Now

is

the interest of the stronger.

ami whether But let me remark, that in defining justice you have yourself used the word “interest” w'hich you I

understand you,

you are right or not

I

I

said;

will try to discover.

forbade me to use. It is true, however, that in your definition the words “of the stronger” arc added. A small addition, you must allow, he said. Great or small, never mind about that: we must first enquire whether what you arc saying is the truth. Now we arc both agreed that justice

is

interest of

some

sort,

but you go on

to say “of the stronger”; about this addition 1

am

not so sure, and must therefore consider

further.

Proceed.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

3Q2

and

I will;

b )ust

first

Ido. But are the

Do you admit that obey their rulers?

tdl me«

for subjects to

it

rulers of states absolutely infalli-

own interest; whence follows that the injury quite as much as the interest of the stronger. But, said Cleitophon, he meant by the internot for his

justice

is

what the stronger thought to be his interest this was what the weaker had to do; and this was affirmed by him to be jus-

or are they sometimes liable to err? To be sure, he replied, they are liable to err. Then in making their laws they may sometimes make them rightly, and sometimes not? True. When they make them rightly, they make them agreeably to their interest; when they arc mistaken, contrary to their interest; you admit

they arc,

that?

Thrasymachus,

ble^

And the laws which they make must be obeyed by their subjects and that is what you

—

call lustice?

Then

Those were not his words, rejoined Polcmarchus. I replied, if he now says that us accept his statement. Tell me,

Never mind, let

justice,

m

Yes.

Then you must also have acknowledged ju^ not to be for the interest of the stronger, the

whether I

according to your argument, is not only obedience to the interest of the stronger but the reverse? What is that you are saying? he asked. 1 am only repeating what you are saying, I believe. But let us consider: Have we not admitted that the rulers may be mistaken about what they command, and their own interest also that to obey them is justice? Has not that been admitted?

rulers

command their own In-

unintentionally

things to be done which arc to

For if, as you say, justice is the obedience which the sub|ect renders to their commands, in that case, O wisest of men, is there any escape from the conclusion that the weaker are commanded to do, not what is for the interest, but what is for the injury ol the stronger? Nothing can be clearer, Socrates, said Polcjury.

marchus. 1 ^40 ] Yes, said Cleitophon, interposing, if you are allowed to be his witness. But there is no need of any witness, said Polemarchus, for Thrasymachus himself acknowledges that rulers may sometinj^s command what is not for their own interest, and that for subjects to obey them is justice. Yes, Polemarchus ^Thrasymachus said that for subjects to do what wascommanded by their

—

rulers

tice.

really so or not? Certainly not, he said. I>o you suppose that call him who is mistaken the stronger at the

is just.

Yes, Cleitophon, but he also said that justice is the interest ot the stronger, and, while admitting both these propositions, he further ac-

knowledged that the stronger may command the weaker who are his subjects to do what is

when he

mistaken? impression was that you did so, when you admitted that the ruler was not infallible but might be sometimes mistaken. You argue like an informer, Socrates. Do you mean, for example, that he who is mistaken about the sick is a physician in that he is mistaken? or that he who errs in arithmetic or grammar is an arithmetician or grammarian at the time when he is making the mistake, in respect of the mistake? True, we say that the physician or arithmetician or grammarian has made a mistake, but this is only a way of speak-

time

Doubtless.

when

—

1 said, did you mean by justice what the stronger thought to be his interest,

Yes.

tice

est of the stronger

Yes,

I said,

is

my

ing; for the fact

is

that neither

me grammarian

nor any other person of skill ever makes a mistake in SO far as be is what his name implies; they none of them err unless their skill fails them, and then they cease to be skilled artists. No artist or sage or ruler errs at the time when he is what his name implies; though he is commonly said to err, and I adopt the common mode of speaking. But to be perfectly accurate, since you arc such a lover of accuracy, we should say that the ruler, in so far as he is a ruler, is unerring, / ^! / and, being unerring, always commands that which is for his own interest;

and the subject

is

required to execute

commands; and therefore, al I said and now repeat, justice is the interest

his

at first

of the

stronger.

Indeed, Thrasymachus, and flo I really appear to you to argue like an infolmer? Certainly, he replied. \ And do you suppose that I ask these questions with any design of injurying you in the

argument? Nay, he replied, “suppose” is not the word-— I know it; but you will be found out, and by sheer force of argument you will never prevail.

— THE REPUBLIC T shall near

if

we

imag-

ine something of^his kind: having given both

and the unjust power to do what us watch and see whither desire will lead them; then we shall discover in the very act the just and unjust man to be proceeding along the same road, following their interest, which all natures deem to be their good, and are only diverted into the path of justice by the force of law. The liberty which wc arc supposing may be most completely given to them in the form of such a power as is said to have been possessed by Gyges the ancestor of Croesus the Lydian. According to the tradition, Gyges was a shepherd in the service of the king of Lydia; there was a great storm, and an earthquake made an opening in the earth at the place where he was feeding his flock.

to the just

they will,

let

Amazed at the sight, he descended into the opening, where, among other marvels, he beheld a hollow brazen horse, having doors, at which he stooping and looking in saw a dead body of stature, as appeared to him, more than human, and having nothing on but a gold ring; this he took from the finger of the dead and reascended. Now the shepherds met together, according to custom, that they might send their monthly report about the flocks to the king; into their assembly he came having the ring on his finger, and as he was sitting among them he chanced to turn the collet of the ring inside his hand, when instantly he became invisible to the rest of the company and they began to speak of him as if he were no longer present. / j6o7 He was astonished at this, and again touching the ring he turned the collet outwards and reappeared; he made several trials of the ring, and always with the

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

312

—^when

he turned the collet inwhen outwards he reappeared. Whereupon he contrived to be chosen one of the messengers who were sent to the court; where as soon as he arrived he seduced the queen, and with her help conspired against the king and slew him, and took the kingdom. Suppose now that there were two such magic rings, and the just put on one of them and the unjust the other; no man can be imagined to be of such an iron nature that he

same result wards he became

would stand

invisible^

fast in justice.

No man

would

keep his hands off what was not his own when he could safely take what he liked out of the market, or go into houses and lie with any one at his pleasure, or kill or release from prison whom he would, and in all respects be like a God among men. Then the actions of the just would be as the actions of the unjust; they at last to the same point. And we may truly affirm to be a great proof that a man is just, not willingly or because he thinks

would both come

this

that justice

is

any good to him individually,

but of necessity, for wherever any one thinks that he can safely be unjust, there he is unjust.

For all

men believe in their hearts that

more profitable to the justice, and he who argues as is

far

injustice

individual than I

have been sup-

posing, will say that they are right. If you could imagine any one obtaining this power of beinvisible, and never doing any wrong or touching what was another's, he would be thought by the lookers-on to be a most wretched idiot, although they would praise him to

coming

one another’s faces, and keep up apf)carances with one another from a fear that they too might suffer injustice. Enough of this. Now, if we arc to form a real judgment of the life of the just and unjust, we must isolate them; there is no other way; and how is the isolation to be effected? I answer: Let the un-

be entirely unjust, and the just man is to be taken away from either of tliem, and both are to be perfectly furnished for the work of their respective lives. First, let the unjust be like other distinguished masters of craft; like the skilful pilot or physijust

man

entirely just; nothing

who knows intuitively his own powers and keeps within their limits, [^6 i] and who, if he fads at any point, is able to recover himself. So let the unjust make his unjust attempts in the right way, and lie hidden if he means to be great in his injustice (he who is found out cian,

nobody): for the highest reach of injustice is, to be deemed just when you arc not. Therefore

is

I

say that in the perfectly unjust

man we must

assume the most perfect

injustice; there is to

be no deduction, but we must allow him, while doing the most unjust acts, to have acquired the greatest reputation for justice. If he have taken a false step he must be able to recover himself; he must be one who can speak with eilcct, if any of his deeds come to light, and who can force his way where force is required by his courage and strength, and command of

money and friends. And at his side let us place the just man in his nobleness and simplicity, wishing, as Aeschylus says, to be and not to seem good. There must be no seeming, for if he seem to be just he will be honoured and rewarded, and then we shall not know whether he is just for the sake of justice or for the sake of honours and rewards; therefore, let him be clothed in justice only, and have no other covering; and he must be imagined in a state of life the opposite of the former. Let him be the best of men, and let him be thought the worst; then he will have been put to the proof; and we shall see whether he will be affected by the fear of infamy and its consequences. And let him continue thus to the hour of death; being just and seeming to be un)ust. When both have reached the uttermost extreme, the one of jus-

and the other of injustice, let judgment l>e ot them is the happier ot the two. Heavens! my dear Glaucon, I said, how energetically you polish them for the decision, first one and then the other, as if they were two statues. 1 do my best, he said. And now that we know what they are like there is no difficulty in tracing out the sort of life which awaits either of tice

given which

them. This I will proceed to describe; but as you may think the descript ion a litdc too coarse, I ask you to suppose, Socrates, that the words which follow arc not mine. Let me put them into the mouths of the eulogists of injustice: They will tell you that the just man who is thought unjust will be scourged, racked, bound will have his eyes burnt out; and, at last, after suffering every kind of evil, he will be impaled: Then he will understand that he ought to seem only, / ^ 62 ] and not to be, just; the words of Aeschylus mayfbe more truly spoken of the unjust than of ^e just. For the unjust is pursuing a reality; ie docs not live with a view to appearances—he wants to be really unjust and not to seem only:

—

His mind has a soil deep and fertile. Out of which spring his prudent counsels.

In the

first place,

he

is

thought

just,

and

there*

—

—

^

THE REPUBLIC fore bears rule in the city; he can marry whom he willj and give in marriage to whom he will; also

he can trade and deal where he

likes,

and

always to his own advantage, because he has no misgivings about injustice; and at every contest, whether in public or private, he gets the better of his antagonists, and gains at their expense, and is rich, and out of his gains he can benefit his friends, and harm his enemies; moreover, he can offer sacrifices, and dedicate gifts to the gods abundantly and magnificently, and can honour the gods or any man whom he wants to honour in a far Ixjttcr style than the just, and therefore he is likely to be dearer than they arc to the gods. And thus, Socrates, gods and men arc said to unite in making the life of the unjust better than the life of the just. 1 was going to say something in answer to Glaucon, when Adcimantus, his brother, interposed: Socrates, he said, you do not suppose that there is nothing more to be urged ? Why, what else is there? I answered. of all has not been even The strongest mentioned, he replied. Well, then, according to the proverb, “Let brother help brother” if he fails in any part do you assist him; although 1 must confess that Glaucon has already said quite enough to lay

—

me

in the dust,

and take from

me

the

power

of helping justice.

Nonsense, he replied. But let me add something more: There is another side to Glaucon’s argument about the praise and censure of jus-

and injustice, which is equally required in order to bring out what I believe to be his meaning. Parents and tutors are always telling their sons and their wards that they arc to be just; / ^6^7 but why? not tor the sake of justice, but for the sake of character and reputation; in the hope of obtaining for him who is reputed just some of those offices, marriages, and the like which Glaucon has enumerated among the advantages accruing to the unjust from the reputation of justice. More, however, is made of appearances by this class of persons than by the others; for they throw in the good opinion of the gods, and will tell you of a shower of benefits which the heavens, as they say, rain upon the pious; and this accords with the testimony of the noble Hesiod and Homer, the first of whom says, that the gods make the oaks of the just tice

To

bear acorns at their summit, and bees in the middle; And the sheep are bowed down with the weight of their fleeces.

II

313

and many other

blessings of a like kind are

And Homer

has a very

similar strain; for he speaks of one

whose fame

provided for them. is

As the fame god, Maintains

of

some blameless king who,

justice; to

whom

like

a

the black earth brings

forth

Wheat and

whose

barley,

trees are

bowed with

fruit.

And

his sheep never fail to bear,

him

and the

sea gives

fish.

grander arc the gifts of heaven which Musaeus and his son‘ vouchsafe to the just; they take them down into the world below, where they have the saints lying on couches at a feast, everlastingly drunk, crowned with Still

garlands; their idea seems to be that an immortality of drunkenness is the highest meed

of virtue. Some* extend their rewards yet further; the posterity, as they say, of the faithful

and

and fourth the style in which they praise justice. But about the wicked there is another strain; they bury them in a slough in just shall survive to the third

generation. TTiis

is

Hades, and make them carry water

in a sieve;

also while they are yet living they bring

them

and inflict upon them the punishments w'hich Glaucon described as the portion

to infamy,

who are reputed to be unjust; nothing else docs their invention supply. Such is their manner of praising the one and censuring the other. of the just

Once more, sider another

and

Socrates, T will ask

way

you

to con-

of speaking al^ut justice

which is not confined to the is found in prose writers. The universal voice of mankind is always declaring that justice and virtue are honourable, but grievous and toilsome; and that the pleasures of vice and injustice are easy of attainment, and arc only censured by law and opinion. They say also that honesty is for the most part less profitable than dishonesty; and they are quite ready to call wicked men happy, and to honour them both in public and private when they are rich or in any other way influential, while they despise and overlook those who may be weak and poor, even though acknowledging them to be better than the others. But most injustice,

poets,

[

4 ] but

all is their mode of speaking about virtue and the gods: they say that the gods apportion calamity and misery to many good men, and good and happiness to the wicked. And mendicant prophets go to rich ^ Eumolpus.

extraordinary of

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

314

men’s doors and persuade them that they have them by the g^s of making an atonement for a man's own or his ancestor's sins by sacrifices or charms, with rejoicings and feasts; and they promise to harm an enemy, whether just or unjust, at a small cost; with magic arts and incantations binding a power committed to

heaven, as they say, to execute their will. And the poets are the authorities to whom they appeal, now smoothing the path of vice with the words of Hesiod: Vice may be had in abundance without trouble; the way is smooth and her dwelltng-place is near. But before vtrtuc the gods have set toil,

and a tedious and

uphill road: then citing

mer as a witness that the gods enced by men; for he also says:

may

Ho-

be influ-

gods, too, may be turned from their purand men pray to them and avert their wrath by sacrifices and soothing entreaties, and by kbations and the odour of fat, when they have sinned and transgressed.

The

pose;

And

they produce a host of books written by Musaeus and Orpheus, who were children of the Moon and the Muses that is what they say according to which they perform their ritual, and persuade not only individuals, but whole cities, that expiations and atonements for

—

—

may

be made by sacrifices and amusements a vacant hour, and arc equally at the service of the living and the dead; [36^] the latter sort they call mysteries, and they redeem us from the pains of hell, but if we neglect them no one knows what awaits us. He proceeded: And now when the young hear all this said about virtue and vice, and the way in which gods and men regard them, how are their minds likely to be affected, my dear Socrates those of them, I mean, who are quick-witted, and, like bees on the wing, light on every flower, and from all that they hear are prone to draw conclusions as to what manner of persons they should be and in what way they should walk if they would make the best of life? Probably the youth will say to himself in the words of Pindar— sin

which

hli

—

Can

I by justice or by croohed ways of deceit ascend a loftier tower which may be a fortress to

me all my days? For what men say is that, if I am really just and am not also thought just, profit there is none, but the pain and loss on the other hand are unmistakeablc. But if, though unjust, 1

acquire the reputation of justice, a heavenly life is promised to me. Since then, as philosophers prove, appearance tyrannizes over truth and is lord of happiness, to appearance I must devote myself. I will describe around me a picture and shadow of virtue to be the vestibule and exterior of my house; behind I will trail the subde and crafty fox, as Archilochus, greatest of sages, recommends. But I hear some one exclaiming that the concealment of wickedness is often difficult; to which I answer, Nothing great is easy. Nevertheless, the argument indicates this, if we would be happy, to be the path along which we should proceed. With a

view to concealment wc will establish secret brotherhoods and political clubs. And there are professors of rhetoric

who

teach the art of

persuading courts and assemblies; and so, partly by persuasion and partly by force, 1 shall make unlawful gains and not be punished. Still I hear a voice saying that the gods cannot be deceived, neither can they be compelled. But what if there are no gods? or, suppose them to have no care of human things ^why in either case should wc mind about concealment ? And even if there arc gods, and they do care about us, yet we know of them only from tradition

—

and the genealogies of the the very persons

who

and these arc

poets;

say that they

fluenced and turned by “sacrifices

may

be

in-

and soothing

and by offerings.” Let us be consistent then, and believe both or neither. If the poets speak truly, [ 366 / why then wc had better be unjust, and offer of the fruits of injustice; for if wc arc just, although wc may escape the entreaties

vengeance of heaven, injustice; but, if

wc

wc

shall lose the gains of

arc unjust,

we

shall

keep

the gains, and by our sinning and praying, and praying and sinning, the g^s will be propiti-

and wc

not be punished. “But there which either wc or our posterity will suffer for our unjust deeds.” Yes, my friend, will be the reflection, but there arc mysteries and atoning deities, and ^ese have great ated, is

shall

a world below in

power. That is what mighty cities declare; and the children of the gods, vho were their poets and prophets, bear a lik< testimony. On what principle, then, shal wc any longer *

choose justice rather than the worst injustice? when, if wc only unite the latw with a deceitful regard to appearances, we shall fare to our mind Doth with gods and men,^n life and after death, as the most numerous and the highest authorities

tell us.

Knowing

all this,

Socrates,

hoiV can a man who has any superiority of mind or person or rank or wealth, be willing

THE REPUBLIC to honour itutice; or indeed to refrain from Uugfaing when he hears justice praised? And even if there should be some one who is able to disprove the truth of my words, and who is satisfied that justice is best, still he is not angry with the unjust, but is very ready to forgive them, because he also knows that men are not

own

just of their

free will; unless, fieradven-

be some one whom the divinity within him may have inspired with a hatred turc, there

of injustice, or

who has

attained

knowledge of

—but no other man. He only blames

the truth

who, owing to cowardice or age or some weakness, has not the power of being uninjustice

And

proved by the fact that when he obtains the power, he immediately becomes unjust as far as he can be. The cause of all this, Socrates, was indicated by us at the beginning of the argument, when just.

my

brother and

were ists

this is

to

hnd

I

told

that of

all

you how astonished wc the professing panegyr-

—beginning with the ancient he-

of justice

roes of

whom

anv memorial has been pre-

served to us, and ending with the men of our own time no one has ever blamed injustice

—

or praised justice except with a view to the glories, honours, and licncfits which flow from them. No one has ever adequately described either in verse or prose the true essential na-

ture of either of invisible to

any

them abiding

in the soul,

and

human or divine eye; or shown

all the things of a man’s soul which he has within him, justice is the greatest good, f jO?] and injustice the greatest evil. Had this

that of

been the universal strain, had you sought to persuade us of this from our youth upwards, wc should not have been on the watch to keep one another from doing wrong, but every one would have been his own watchman, because afraid, if he did wrong, of harbouring in himself the greatest of evils. I dare say that Thrasymachus and others would seriously hold the language which I have been merely repeating, and words even stronger than these about justice

and

injustice, grossly, as

I

conceive, pervert-

ing their true nature. But I speak in this vehement manner, as 1 must franldy confess to you, because I want to hear from you the opposite side; and I would ask you to show not only the superiority which justice has over injustice, but what effect they have on the possessor of them which makes the one to a good and the other an evil to him. And plea^, as Glaucon requested of you, to exclude reputations; for unless

you

away from each of them his true repuand add on the false, we shall say that

taiec

tation

11

315

you do not praise k;

we

shall

justice, but the appearance of think that you are only exhorting

us to keep injustice dark, and that you really agree with Thrasymachus in thinking that jus-

good and the interest of the and that injustice is a man’s own profit and interest, though injurious to the weaker. Now as you have admitted that justice is one of that highest class of goods which arc

tice is another’s

stronger,

desired indeed for their results, but in a far greater degree for their own sakes like sight

—

or hearing or knowledge or health, or any other real and natural and not merely conventional

—

tice to

would ask you in your praise of jusregard one point only: I mean the es-

sential

go^

good

tice

I

work

and evil which justice and injusin the possessors of them. Let others

and censure injustice, magnifying the rewards and honours of the one and abusing the other; that is a manner of arguing which, coming from them, I am ready to tolerate, but from you who have spent your whole life in the consideration of this question, unless I hear the contrary from your own lips, I expraise justice

pect something belter. And tlicrcfore, I say, not only prove to us that justice is better than injustice, but show what they either of them do to the jK)sscssor of them, which makes the one to be a good and the other an evil, whether seen or unseen by gods and men. I had always admired the genius of Glaucon and Adeimantus, but on hearing these words

was quite delighted, and

said: Sons of an [ j68J that was not a bad beginning of the Elegiac verses which the admirer of Glaucon made in honour of you after you had distinguished yourselves at the battle of Mcgara: I

illustrious father^

Sons of Art St on, divtne offspring of

dtustnons

hero.

The

epithet

is

very appropriate, for there

is

something truly divine in ^ing able to argue as you have done for the superiority of injustice, and remaining unconvinced by your own arguments. And 1 do believe that you are not convinced ^this I infer from your general character, for had I judged only from your speeches I should have mistrusted you. But now, the

—

greater

my confidence in you, the greater is my knowing what to say. For I am in

difficulty in

a

strait

is

between two; on the one hand

I feel

am unequal to the task; and my inability brought home to me by the fact that you

that

I

were not satisfied with the answer which I to Thrasymachus, proving, as I thought,

made

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

316

A

the superiority whidi justice has over injustice. And yet I cannot refuse to help:» while breath and speech remain to me; I am afraid that there

State, I said, arises, as I conceive^ out of the needs of mankind; no one is self-sufficing» but all of us have many wants. Can any other

would be an impiety in being present when jusspoken of and not lifting up a hand in her defence. And therefore I had best give

origin of a State be imagined? ITierc can be no other.

tice is evil

such help as

I

can,

Glaucon and the rest entreated me by all means not to let the question drop, but to proceed in the investigation. They wanted to arrive at the truth,

first,

about the nature of

jus-

and secondly, about their relative advantages. I told them, what I really thought, that the enquiry would be of a serious nature, and would require very good eyes. Seetice

and

— —

It is.

in the larger the quantity of justice

is

be larger and more easily discernible. I propose therefore that we enquire into the nature of justice and injustice, first as they apand secondly in the inpear in the State, [ dividual, proceeding from the greater to the lesser and comparing them. That, he said, is an excellent proposal. likely to

And

if

creation,

of inhabitants

True, he

injustice,

ing then, I said, that we are no great wits, I think that we had better adopt a method which I may illustrate thus; suppose that a shortsighted person had been asked by some one to read small letters from a distance; and it occurred to some one else that they might be found in another place which was larger and in which the letters were larger if they were the same and he could read the larger letters this would first, and then proceed to the lesser have been thought a rare piece of good fortune. Very true, said Adcimantus; but how docs the illustration apply to our enquiry? I will tell you, I replied; justice, which is the subject of our enquiry, is, as you know, sometimes spoken of as the virtue of an individual, and sometimes as the virtue of a Sute. True, he replied. And is not a State larger than an individual ^

Then

Then, as we have many wants, and many persons are needed to supply them, one takes a helper for one purpose and another for another; and when these partners and helpers arc gathered together in one habitation the body

we imagine the State in process of we shall see the justice and injustice

of the State in process of creation also.

dare say. the State is completed there may be a hope that the object of our search will be more I

When

easily discovered.

Yes, far

more easily.

But ought we to attempt to construct one? I said; for to do so, as I am inclined to think, will be a very serious Cask. Reflect therefore. I have reflected, said Adeimantus, and am anxious that you should proceed.

And one

is

termed a

State.

said.

they exchange with one another, and and another receives, under the idea

gives,

that the exchange will be for their good.

Very

true.

1 said, let us begin and create in idea a and yet the true creator is necessity, who is the mother of our invention. Of course, he replied. Now the first and greatest of necessities is food, which is the condition of life and exist-

Tlien,

State;

ence. Certainly.

The

second

is

a dwelling,

and the

third

clothing and the like.

True.

And now let

us sec

how our city

will

be able

demand: We may sup;x)sc that one man is a husbandman, another a builder, some one else a weaver shall wc add to them a shoemaker, or perhaps some other purto supply this great

—

veyor to our bodily wants? Quite right. The barest notion of a State must include four or five men. Clearly.

And how will they

proceed? Will each bring

the result of his labours into a common stock? the individual husbandman, for example,

—

producing for four, and labouring four times and as much as he need in the provision of food with which he supplies others as well as himself; or will he have noting to do with others and not be at the troul^le of producing for them, but provide forhims^lf alone a fourth of the food in a fourth of the jfime, f 370] and in the remaining three-fourties of his time be employed in making a hous| or a coat or a pair of shoes, having no partnership with others, but supplying himself all his own wants? Adeimantus thought that he should aim at oroducing food only and not at producing as long

everything.

Probably,

I

replied, that

would be the

better

—

J

THE REPUBLIC way; and when I hear you say this, I am myself reminded that we are not all alike; there are diversities of natures among us which are adapted to different occupations.

Very

true.

he has only one? When he has only one? Further, there can be no doubt that a work is spoilt when not done at the right time? doubt.

not disposed to wait until the doer of the business is at leisure; but the doer must follow up what he is doing, and make the business his first object. is

He must. And if so, we must

infer that all things are

produced more plentifully and easily and ot a quality when one n\an docs one thing which is natural to him and docs it at the right time, and leaves other things. Undoubtedly. Then more than four citizens will be re-

Ixrttcr

quired; for the

husbandman

will not

make

own plough

or mattock, or other implements of agriculture, if they arc to be good for

anything. Neither will the builder make his tools and he too needs many; and in like maimer the weaver and shoemaker.

—

True.

Then

carpenters,

and smiths, and many

other artisans, will be sharers in our

which

is

already beginning to

little

State,

grow?

True. Yet even if wc adtl neatherds, shepherds, and other herdsmen, in order that our husbandmen may have oxen to plough with, and builders as well as husbandmen may have draught cattle, and curriers and weavers fleeces and hides still our State will not be very large. That is true; yet neither will it be a very small State which contains

Then, again, there city

— to

find a place

imported

is

is

all

these.

the situation of the

where nothing need be

well nigh imiwssiblc.

Impossible.

Then

who

there

And therefore what they produce at home must be not only enough for themselves, but such both in quantity and quality as to accommodate those from whom their wants arc supVery

true.

Then more husbandmen and more

must

another class of citizens from an-

will bring the required supply

TTicy will.

Not

who

to

mention the importers and cxi^rtcrs,

arc called merchants?

Then wc

shall

want merchants?

We shall. And

if

merchandise

is

how

ITien, again, within the city,

will they

exchange their jStoductions? To secure such an exchange was, as you will remember, one of our principal objects when we formed them into a society and constituted a State. Clearly they will buy and sell. Then they will need a market-place, and a money-token for purposes of exchange. Certainly.

Suppose now that a husbandman, or an arsome production to market, and he comes at a time when there is no one to exchange with him is he to leave his calling and sit idle in the market-place ? Not at all; he will find people there who, seeing the want, undertake the office of salesmen. In well-ordered states they are commonly

tisan, brings

—

those

who

are the weakest in bodily strength,

and therefore

ot little use for any other purduty is to be in the market, and to give money in exchange for goods to those who |X)Sc; their

desire to sell

and

to take

money from

those

who

desire to buy.

This want, then, creates a traders in our State.

which

is

Is

class of retail-

not “retailer** the term

applied to those

who sit

in the

market-

engaged in buying and selling, while those who wander from one city to another arc called merchants? Yes, he said. place

And

there

is

another class of servants,

who

on the

com-

There must. But if the trader goes empty-handed, [ having nothing which they require who would supply his need, he will come back empty-

panionship;

lings,

handed.

the price of their labour. certain.

carried over the be needed, and in

considerable numlicrs? Yes, in considerable numbers.

arc intellectually hardly

is

to

sea, skilful sailors will also

other city?

That

artisans

will be required?

Yes.

For business

his

317

plied.

And will you have a work better done when the workman has many occupations, or when

No

II

still

they have plenty of bodily

which accordingly they do not mistake, hirehire being the name which is given to

strength for labour, sell,

level of

and arc

True.

called, if I

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

318

Then hirdiogs will population?

hdp

to

make up our

Yes,

And now, Adcimantus, is our State matured think

Where, then^ is and in what spring up? [37 ^] Pi'obably

a State, but

created;

so.

tice,

which you would have me consider

how

and perfect^? I

sofas, and dine off tables, and they should have sauces and sweets in the modern style. Yes, T said, now I understand: the question

justice,

and where

is

injus-

part of the State did they in the dealings of these

citi-

cannot imagine that they are more likely to be found any where

zens with one another.

I

else.

dare say that you are right in your suggestion, I said; we had better think the matter out, and not shrink from the enquiry. Let us then consider, first of all, what will be their way of life, now that we have thus established them. Will they not produce corn, and wine, and clothes, and shoes, and build houses for themselves^ And when they are housed, they will work, in summer, commonly, stripped and barefoot, but in winter substantially ciothedandshod.They willfeedon barleymeal and Bour of wheat, baking and kneading them, making noble cakes and loaves; these they will serve up on a mat of reeds or on clean leaves, themselves reclining the while upon beds strewn with yew or myrtle. And they and their children will feast, drinking of the wine which they have made, wearing garlands on their heads, and hymning the praises of the gods, in happy converse with one another. And they will take care that their families do not exceed their means; having an eye to poverty or war. But, said Glaucon, interposing, you have not given them a relish to their meal. True, I replied, I had forgotten; of course they must have a relish salt, and olives, and cheese, and they will boil roots and herbs such as country people prepare; for a dessert we shall give them hgs, and peas, and beans; and they will roast myrtle-berries and acorns at the fire, drinking in moderation. And with such a diet they may be expeaed to live in peace and health to a good old age, and bequeath a simiI

—

lar life to their children after

Yes, Socrates, he said,

and

them. if you were pro-

how

and possibly there

for in such a State

we

is,

not only

a luxurious State is

shall

no harm in

is

this,

be more likely to

and injustice originate. In my opinion the true and healthy constitution of the State is the one which 1 have described. But if you wish also to see a State at fever-heat, I have no objection. For I suspect that many will not see

how

justice

be satisfied with the simpler way of life, f ^ 7 ^] will be for adding sofas, and tables, and other furniture; also dainties, and perfumes,

They and

incense,

and courtesans, and cakes,

all

these not of one sort only, but in every variety;

we must go beyond the necessaries of which I was at first speaking, such as houses, and clothes, and shoes: the arts of the painter and the embroiderer will have to be set in motion, and gold and ivory and all sorts of materials must be procured.

True, he said. llien we must enlarge our borders; for the original healthy State is no longer sufficient. Now will the city have to fill and swell with a multitude of callings which are not required by any natural want; such as the whole tribe of hunters and actors, of wh|yii one large class have to do with forms and colours; another will be the votaries of music jx>cts and their attendant train of rhapsodists, players, dancers, contractors; also makers of divers kinds of articles, including women’s dresses. And we shall want more servants. Will not tutors be also in request, and nurses wet and dry, tire-

—

women and barbers, as well as confectioners and cooks; and swineherds, too, who were not needed and therefore had no place in the former edition of our State, but arc needed now.? They must not be forgotten: and there will be animals of many other kind% if people cat them. Certainly.

And

living in this

way we

sliali

have

much

greater need of physicians than|before?

Much greater. And the country which was Enough

to supbe too smdl

viding for a city of pigs, how else would you feed the beasts? But what would you have, Glaucon? 1 re-

port the original inhabitants

ified.

Then a slice of our neighbours’ land will be wanted by us for pasture and tillage, and they will want a slice of ours, if, like ourselves, they exceed the limit of necessity, and give them-

Why, he

said,

you should give them the

ordinary conveniences of life. People who are to be comfortable are accustomed to lie on

wjill

now, and not enough? Quite true.

THE REPUBLIC up to the unlimited accumulation of wealth? That, Socrates, will be inevitable. And so we shall go to War, Glaucon. Shall wc not? Most certainly, he replied. Then, without determining as yet whether war does good or harm, thus much we may affirm, that now wc have discovered war to be derived from causes which are also the causes of almost ail the evils in States, private as well

selves

as public.

Undoubtedly, And our State must once more enlarge; and this time the enlargement will be nothing short which will have to of a whole army, / go out and fight with the invaders for all that

wc

have, as well as for the things

and persons

whom wc were describing above. Why? he said; arc they not capable

of de-

No, I said; not if we were right in the principle which wau acka^uwlcdged by all of us when we were framing the State: the principle, as you will remember, was that one man can-

many

arts

with success.

Very true, he said. But IS not war an art ? Certainly.

And an art requiring shocmaking? Quite

as

much

attention as

the shoemaker was not allowed by us husbandman, or a weaver, or a builder in order that wc might have our shoes well made; but to him and to every other worker was assigned one work for which he was by nature fitted, and at that he was to continue working all his life long and at no other; he was not to let opportunities slip, and then he would become a good workman. Now nothing can be more important than that the work of a soldier should he well done. But is war an art

—

so easily acquired that a

man may

be a warrior

husbandman, or shoemaker, or other artisan; although no one in the world would be a good dice or draught player who merely took up the game as a recreation, and had not from his earliest years devoted himself to this and nothing else? No tools will make a

man

Yes, he said, the tools which

would teach

men their own use would be beyond price. And the higher the duties of the guardian, more time, and

said, the

plication will

and be needed by him? skill,

art,

I

and ap-

No doubt, he replied. Will he not also require natural aptitude for his calling?

Certainly.

Then it will be our duty to select, if wc can, natures which are titled for the task of guarding the city? It will.

And

no easy matter, be brave and do our best.

the selection will be

said; but

we must

I

We

must. noble youth very like a well[ 375 ] bred dog in respect of guarding and watching^

mean

that both of them ought to be quick and swift to overtake the enemy when they see him; and strong too if, when they have caught him, they have to fight with him. I

to see,

All these qualities, he replied, will certainly be required by them. Well, and your guardian must he brave if he is to fight well? Certainly. is he likely to be brave who has no whether horse or dog or any other animal ? Have you never observed how invincible and uncon(]uerable is spirit and how the presence of it makes the soul of any creature to be absolutely fearless and indomitable?

spirit,

And

is

whether with heavy-armed or any other kind of troops?

And

true.

to be a

who

319

What do you mean?

fending themselves^

not practise

II

also a

a skilled workman, or master of defence, nor be of any use to him who has not learned how to handle them, and has never bestowed any attention upon them. How then will he who takes up a shield or other implement of war become a good fighter all in a day.

have.

I

Then now wc have a clear ily qualities

notion of the bodin the guard-

which arc required

ian.

True.

And be

also of the

mental ones; his soul

is

to

full of spirit?

Yes.

But are not these spirited natures apt to be savage with one another, and with everybody else?

A he

difficulty

by no means easy to overcome,

replied.

Whereas,

I

ought to be dangerous and gentle to their friends; if

said, they

to their enemies,

not, they will destroy themselves without waiting for their enemies to destroy them. True, he said. What is to be done then? I said; how shall wc find a gentle nature which has also a great

—

]

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

320 spirit, for

the one

is

the contradiction of the

True.

He wilt not be a good guardian who is wanting in either of these two qualities; and yet the combination of them appears to be impossible; and hence we must infer that to be a good guardian is impossible. I

am

They

are the same, he replied.

And may we not say confidently of man also, that he who is likely to be gende to his

other?

afraid that

what you say

is

true,

he

re-

plied.

Here feeling perplexed I began to think over what had preceded My friend, I said, no wonder that we are in a perplexity; for we have lost sight of the image which we had be-

—

fore us.

What do you mean? he said. mean to say that there do

I

exist natures

gifted w'ith those opposite qualities.

And where do you find them? Many animals, I replied, furnish

examples

of them; our friend the dog is a very good one: you know that well-bred dogs are perfeedy gende to their familiars and acquaintances, and

friends

and acquaintances, must by nature be a wisdom and knowledge?

lover of

That we may

Then he who

safely affirm.

to be a really good ami noble guardian of the State will require to unite in himself philosophy and spirit and swiftness is

and strength? Undoubtedly. ITicn we have found the desired natures; and now that we have found them, how arc they to be reared and educated? Is not this an enquiry which may be cxfiectcd to throw light on the greater enquiry which is our final end How do justice and injustice grow up in States? for we do not want cither to omit what is to the point or to draw out the argument to an inconvenient length.

Adcimantus thought that the enquiry would be of great service to us. Then, I said, my dear friend, the task must not be given up, even if somewhat long. Certainly not.

the reverse to strangers. Yes, I know. Then there is nothing impossible or out of the order of nature in our finding a guardian

stdry-tclling,

who has a similar combination of qualities?

tion of our heroes.

By

Certainly not.

not he who is fitted to be a guardian, besides the spirited nature, need to have the qualities of a philosopher? I do not apprehend your meaning. [ ^y6 ITie trait of which I am speaking, I replied, may be also seen in the dog, and is remarkable in the animal.

Would

What trait? Why, a dog, whenever he sees a stranger, is angry; when an acquaintance, he welcomes him, although the one has never done him any harm, nor the other any good. Did this never strike you as curious?

The matter never

struck

me

before; but I

quite recognise the truth of your remark.

And

dog is very a true philosopher.

surely this instinct of the

charming

Why?

—your dog

is

Why,

because he distinguishes the face of a and of an enemy only by the criterion of knowing and not knowing. And must not an friend

animal be a lover of learning who determines what he likes and dislikes by the test of knowledge and ignorance?

Most

assuredly.

And

is

Come

not the love of learning the love of wisdom, which is philosophy?

all

and let us pass a leisure hour in and our story shall be the educa-

then,

means.

And what

shall

be their education?

Can wc

find a belter than the trndiiMHinl sort?

—and

has two divisions, gymnastic for the body, and music for the soul. True. Shall we begin education with music, and go on to gymnastic afterwards? this

By

all

means.

And when you

speak of music, do you include literature or not?

Ido.

And literature may be either true or false? Yes. / ^yy] And the young should be trained in both kinds, and we begin with the false? 1 do not understand your mea|\ing, he said. You know, I said, that we bckin by telling children stories which, though ndt wholly des-

main (ctitious; and them wheij they are not

titute of truth, are in the

these stories arc told

of an age to learn gymnastics.

Very

true.

my meaning when I said must teach music before gymnastics. ITiat

was

Quite right, he

You know

wc

said.

also that the

most important

that

beginning

is

the

part of any work, especially in

THE REPUBLIC the ease of a young and tender thing; for that is the time at which the character is being

formed and the desired impression

more

is

readily taken.

few indeed.

Why, yes, said he, those stories arc extremely

we

allow children to hear any casual talcs which may be devised shall

just carelessly

by casual persons, and to receive into their minds ideas for tlie most part the very opposite of those which we should wish them to have when they arc grown up?

We cannot. Then

the first thing will be to establish a censorship of the writers of fiction, and let the censors receive any tale of fiction which is good, and reject the bad; and we will desire mothers and nurses to tell their children the authorised ones only. Let them fashion the

mind with such tales, even more fondly than mould the body with their hands; but

they

most of those which arc now in use must be discarded.

Of what tales are you speaking? he said. You may find a imulcl of the lesser in the greater,

same

said; for they arc necessarily of the

I

and there

type,

is

the same spirit in both

of them.

Very

I

do not

know what you would term the

greater.

likely,

ITiose,

he replied; but

said,

I

and Hesiod,

as yet

which arc narrated by Homer

ane fearless of death, or will he choose death in battle rather than defeat and slavery, who l>elievcs the world below to be and

real

terrible?

Impossible.

Then we must assume a

control over the nar-

rators of this class of tales as w'ell as over the

and beg them not simply to revile, but commend the world below, intimating to them that their descriptions, are untrue, and will do harm to our future warriors. That will be onr duty, he said. Then, T said, we shall have to obliterate many

others,

rather to

me

then,

I

said, that this is

the second type or form in which wc should write and speak about divine things. I'he gpds are not magicians who transform themselves, neither do they deceive mankind in any way.

grant that. Then, although we are admirers of Homer, wc tlo not admire the lying dream which Zeus sends to Agamemnon; neither will we praise the verses of Aeschylus in which Thetis says that Apollo at her nuptials 1

Was celebrating in song her jau progeny whose days were to be long, and to f{now no stcl^ness. And when he hud spoken of my lot us tn all things blessed of heaven he raised a note of tnumph and cheered my sotd. And I thought that the word of Phoebus, being dii me and full of prophecy, would not fail. And now he himself who uttcied the Strain, he who was present at the banquet, and who he it is who has slam my son. said this

—

These are the kind of sentiments about the gods which will arouse our anger; and he who utters them shall be refused a chorus; neither shall we allow teachers to make use of them in the instruction of the young, meaning, as we do, that our guardians, as far as

men

can be,

obnoxious passages, beginning with the verses,

would

/

and

mun

who have come to

We

must

how

us

on the land of a poot than rule over all the dead

rather he a serf

portionless

also

nou\iht}

expunge the

verse,

which

tells

Pluto feared,

Jjcst the mansions gum and squalid which the gods iihhoi should be seen both of mortals and im~ mortals .

And again: O heavens! verily in soul

Again of /

the

home

and ghostly form hut no

oi

Hades there at all!

is

*

Tiresias:

To him even

after death did

Pfrsephone grant

mind,] that he alone should be wise, but the other souls are flitting shades.*" ^

Odyssey,

*

Iliad, XX. C4.

ix.

489.

'Iliad, xxiii. 103. *

Odyssey,

x. 495.

—

^

j

—

^

THE REPUBLIC Again:

III

325

cient for himself

The soul flying from the limbs had gone to Halamenting her fate, leaving manhood and

des,

youths

therefore

is

True, he

And

and

least in

own

his

happiness, and

need of other men.

said.

for this reason the loss of a son or

brother, or the deprivation of fortune,

him

Again: [ 8 y] lil(e

And

the soul, with shrilling cry, passed smof^e beneath the earth.

And As bats in hollow of mytsic cavern, whenever any of them has dropped out of the string and falls from the rocl{, fly shrilling and cling to one another, so did they with shrilling cry hold together

moved

as they

And wc must beg Homer and not to be angry if wc strike out

the other [X)cls these and simi-

lar passages, not

because they are unpoetical, or unattractive to the popular car, but because the greater the poetical charm of them, the less are they meet for the ears of boys and men who arc meant to be free, and who should fear slavery more than death.

Undoubtedly. Also we shall have to reject all the terrible and appalling names which describe the world C'oeytus and Styx, ghosts under the bclow^ earth, and sajilcss shades, and any similar words of which the very mention causes a shudder to pass through the inmost soul of him who hears them. I do not say that these horrible stories may not have a use of some kind; but there is a danger that the nerves of our guardians may be rendered too excitable and effeminate by them. There is a real danger, he said. Then we must have no more of them. True. Another and a nobler strain must be composed and sung by us.

—

shall wc proceed to get rid of the weepand wailings of famous men? They will go wdth the rest. But shall wc be right in getting rid of them.? Reflect: our principle is that the good man will not consider death terrible to any other good

befall

He

will not.

Such an one,

as

we

further maintain,

is suffi-

dirt, calling

my misery! my sorrow.^

Alasl

But

if

Alas! that I bore the biavcst to

he must introduce the gods, at any rate

him not dare

so completely to misrepresent the greatest of the gods, as to .make him

let

say

frii

*

and

heavens^ with my eye< verily I heboid a dear of mine chased round and round the city,

J

my

heart is sorrowful.*

Or again: Woe IS me

that /

*

Iliad, xxiv. 10.

®

Ibid, xviii. 23. Ibid, x\ii. 414.

Ibid,

"

*

Ibid, xxii. 168,

6.

loudly by his

more earnestly will wc beg of him at all events not to introduce the gods lamenting and saying,

’

Odyssey, xxiv.

man

Still

^Ibid, xxiii. 100.

Iliad, xvi. 856.

each

name^

*

'

to

him.

Rolling in the

his

thing terrible?

is

least terrible.

Then wc shall be right in getting rid of the lamentations of famous men, and making them over to women (and not even to women who arc good for anything), [^ 88 ] or to men of a baser sort, that those who arc being educated by us to be the defenders of their country may scorn to do the like. That will l>c very right. Then we will once more entreat Homer and the other poets not to depict Achilles,^ who is the son of a goddess, first lying on his side, then on his back, and then on his face; then sLirling up and sailing in a frenzy along the shores of the barren sea; now taking the sooty ashes in lx>th his hands ® and pouring them over his head, or weeping and wailing in the various modes which I lomcr has deli neated. Nor should he describe Priam the kinsman of the gods as praying and beseeching,

()

comrade. Yes; that is our principle. And therefore he will not sorrow for his departed friend as though he had suffered anyis

men

Yes, he will feel such a misfortune far less than another.

And

man who

all

Assuredly. And therefore he will be least likely to lament, and will bear with the greatest equanimity any misfortune of this sort which may

Clearly.

ings

of

w ni. 54.

am

fated to hatte Sarpedon,

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

S26

P4

-

patient or the pupil of a gymnasium not txk speak the truth about his own bodily illnesses

seri-

to the physician or to the trainer, or for a sailor not to tell the captain what is happening about

dearest 0/ men to me^ subdued at the hands of troclus the son of Menoetius^

For

if,

my

sweet Adeimantus, our youth

ously listen to such unworthy representations of the gods^ instead of laughing at them as they ought, hardly will any of them deem that he himself, being but a man, can be dishonoured by similar actions; neither will he rebuke any inclination which may arise in his mind to say and do the like. And instead of having any shame or self-control, he will be always whin-

ing and lamenting on slight occasions.

the ship and the rest of the crew, and how things are going with himself or his fellow sailors.

Most

true,

he

said.

then, the ruler catches anybody beside himself lying in the State, If,

^ny of the craftsmen, whether he be pnest or physician or carpenter,*

Yes, he said, that is most true. Yes, I replied; but that surely is what ought not to be, as the argument has tust proved to

he will punish him for introducing a practice

and by that proof we must abide until it is disproved by a better. It ought not to be. Neither ought our guardians to be given to laughter. For a fit of laughter which has been

State

us;

w'hich is equally subversive and destructive of ship or Stale,

Most

certainly, he said, if our idea of the ever carried out. In the next place our youth must be temper-

ate?

indulged to excess almost always produces a I

believe.

Then

Certainly.

Arc not the chief elements of temperance, speaking generally, obedience to commanders

violent reaction.

So

persons of worth, even

if

only mortal

and

men, must not be represented as overcome by laughter, and still less must such a representation of the

is

gods be allowed.

self-control in sensual pleasures^

True. of

Then we shall approve such language as that Diomede in Homer,

gods, as you say, he

[1^9]

Ft lend,

replied.

Then we

shall not suffer

such an expression

to be used about the gods as that of

when he

and obey

my wordf

and the verses which follow,

Homer The Creeps marched breathing piowessf in silent awe of their leaders f

how

describes

sit still

,

Inextinguishable laughter arose among the bless-

ed gods, when they saw Hephaestus bustling about the mansion* On your views, we must not admit them.

On my

you like to father them on me; that we must not admit them is certain. views,

if

Again, truth should be highly valued;

we were

saying, a He

is

if,

useless to the gods,

useful only as a medicine to

men, then the use

them. Clearly not, he said.

have the {jxivilege of lying, the rulers of the State should be the persons; and they, in their dealings either with enemies or with their own citizens, may be allowed to lie for the public good. But nobody else should meddle with anything of the kind; and although the rulers have this privilege, for a private man to lie to them in return is to be deemed a more heinous fault than for the *

if

any one

Ibid, xvi. 433.

*lbid/u^S9-

at all is to

Wc shall. What

of this line,

O heavy with

wine, who hast the eye^ of a dog and the heart of a stag^

as

and

of such medicines should be restricted to physicians; private individuals have no business with

Then

and other sentiments of the same kind.

and of the words which follow ? [ ^90] Would you say that these, or any similar impertinences which private individuals are supposed to address to their rulers, whether in verse or prose, arc well or ill spoken?

They arc ill spoken. They may very possiUy

afforfl some amusement, but they do not conduce |o temperance.

And

therefore they arc likely tp

our young

men

—

xvii.

383

^you

there? Yes. *

Odyssey,

*

Iliad, iv. 412.

*

Odyssey,

*

Ibid, iv. 431. ibid, 1 1123.

*

iii.

8.

ff.

would

do harm

s|?rcc

with

to

me

THE REPUBLIC And tben^ again^ tsn make the wisest of men say that nothing in his opinion is more glorious lifaan

Wk€n the tables arc full of bread and meat, and the cup-bearer carries round wine which he draws from the bowl and poufs into the cups; ^ is it fit

man

or conducive to temperance for a words? Or the verse

young

to hear such

T he saddest of fates is to die and meet destiny from hunger}

*

What would you say again to the tale of Zeus, who, while other gods and men were asleep and he the only person awake, lay devising plans, but forgot them all in a moment through his lust, and was so completely overcome at the sight of Htrk that he would not even go into the hut, but wanted to lie with her on the ground, declaring that he had never been in such a state of rapture before, even met one another

when

they

first

Without the hnou 4edge of their parents;

*

or that other talc of how Hephaestus, because of similar goings on, cast a chain around Arcs

and Aphrodite?

*

Indeed, he said, I am strongly of opinion ought not to hear that sort of thing. But any deeds of endurance which arc done or told by famous men, these they ought to sec and hear; as, for example, what is said in the that they

verses.

He smote his breast, and thus reproached his heart, Endure, my heart; far worse hast thou endured I * we must not let them be re-

ceivers of gifts or lovers of

money.

Certainly not.

Neither must

we

sing to

Gifts persuading gods,

them

of

and persuading

revet end kings.

Neither is Phoenix, the tutor of Achilles, to be approved or deemed to have given his pupil g on the words? Certainly.

Wc were saying, when wc sfx)ke of the sub-

to be a shoemaker and not a pilot also, and a husbandman to be a husbandman and not a dicast also, and a soldier a soldier and not a trader also, and the same throughout?

[ ^g8]

—

Yes, he said; so

is also

and their attendants, and with the world in

guess.

At any

we mean

to

hedth the rougher and

employ for our severer poet or

who will imitate the style of the virtuous duly, and will follow those models which wc prescribed at first whci>|,wc began story-teller,

the education of our soldiers.

ject-matter, that

tions

and

wc had no need

strains of

of lamenta-

sorrow?

True.

And which sorrow?

You

arc the harmonies expressive of are musical,

and can

The harmonies which you mean

tell

me.

arc the

mixed or tenor Lydian, and the full-toned or and such like. These then, 1 said, must be banished; e\en

bass Lydian, to

women who

they arc of

no

have a character to maintain and much less to men.

use,

Certainly.

In the next place, drunkenness and softness utterly unbecoming the character of our guardians.

and indolence arc

Lltcrly unbecoming.

And which

are the soft or drinking harmo-

nies?

The

Ionian, he replied, and the Lydtermed “relaxed.” Well, and arc these of any military use? Quite the reverse, he replied; and if so the Dorian and the Phrygian ore the only ones which you have left.

[ 399

ian; they arc

]

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

332 I

answered:

ing, but

I

Of

want

the harmonies

I

know

to have one warlike, to

the note or accent which a brave

man

noth-

utters in

and stern resolve, or when his cause is failing, and he is going to wounds or death or is overtaken by some other evil, and at every such crisis meets the blows of fortune with firm step and a determination to endure; and another to be used by him in times of peace and freedom of action, when there is no pressure of necessity, and he is seeking to per^ suade God by prayer, or man by instruction and admonition, or on the other hand, when the hour of danger

he

is

expressing his willingness to yield to per^

suasion or entreaty or admonition, and which represents

him when by prudent conduct he

has attained his end, not carried away by his success, but acting moderately and wisely under the circumstances, and acquiescingin theevent. These two harmonies 1 ask you to leave; the strain of necessity and the strain of freedom, the strain of the unfortunate and the strain of the fortunate, the strain of courage, and the strain of temperance; these, I say, leave. And these, he replied, are the Dorian and Phrygian harmonics of which I was just now speaking.

Then,

I

said, if these

and these only arc to

be used in our songs and melodies,

want

multiplicity of notes or a

we shall not

panharmonic

suppose not.

Then we

shall not maintain the artificefs of with three corners and complex scales, or the makers of any other many-stringed curiously-harmonised instruments.?

Certainly not.

But what do you say to flute-makers and Would you admit them into our State when you reflect that in this composite use of harmony the flute is worse than all the flute-players?

stringed instruments put together; even the

panharmonic music

is

only an imitation of the

flute?

Clearly not.

There remain then only the lyrc«.and the harp for use in the city, and the shepherds may have a pipe in the country. That is surely the conclusion to be drawn from the argument. The preferring of Apollo and his instruments to Marsyas and his instruments is not at strange,

Not

I

said.

he replied. by the dog of Egypt, we have been unconsciously purging the State, which not

And

rhythms will natand they shouhl be subject to the same rules, for we ought not to seek out complex systems of metre, or metres of every kind, but rather to discover what rhythms arc the expressions of a courageous and harmonious life; [ 400 and when we have found them, wc shall adapt the foot and the melody to words having a like spirit, not the words to the foot and melody. To say what these rhythms arc will be your duty you must teach me them, as you have already taught me the harmonics. But, indeed, he replied, I cannot tell you. I only know that there are some three principles of rhythm out of which metrical systems are in order to harmonies,

—

*

framed, just as in sounds there are four notes out of which all the harmonics arc com(X)sed; that is an observation which I have made. But of what sort of lives they arc severally the imitations I am unable to say. Then, I said, wc must take Damon into our counsels; and he will tell us whai rhythms arc expressive of meanness, or insoleiicr, or fury, or other unworthincss, and what arc to be reserved for the expression ol opposite feelings.

And

I

think that

I

have an indistiiul

recollec-

tion of hismentioningacomplcxCretic rhythm;

and Re arranged them some manner which I do not quite understand, making the rhythms equal in the rise and fall of the foot, long and short alternating; in

lyres

all

Next

urally follow,

also a dactylic or heroic,

scaled I

we termed luxurious. And we have done wisely, he replied. Then let us now finish the purgation, I said.

long ago

sound

at

all,

so,

and, unless I am mistaken, he spoke ol an iambic as well as of a trochaic rhythm, and assigned to them short and long quantities. Also in some cases he appeared to praise or censure the movement of the foot quite as much as the rhythm; or picrhaps a combination of the two; for I am not certain what he meant. These matters, however, as 1 was saying, had better be referred to Damon himself, for the analysis of the sub|cct would be difficult, you know? Rather so, I should say. ^ But there is no difficulty in sifting that grace or the absence of grace is an cfcct of good or

bad rhythm.

None at all.

And

good and bad rhythm natugood and bad style; and that harmony and discord in like manner follow style; for our principle is that rhythm and harmony are regulated by the words, and not the word%Jby them. also that

rally assimilate to a

'

i'hc four notes of the tetrachord.

—

—

THE REPUBLIC he said, they should follow the words* And will not the words and the character of the style depend on the temper of the soul? Yes,

he

replied.

is

way

Yes.

and good rhythm depend on

a

more potent instrument than any rhythm and harmony find their the inward places of the soul, on

other, because

tlic style?

Then beauty of style and harmony and

grace

simplicity

mean

the true simplicity of a rightly and nobly ordered mind and character, not that other simplicity which is only an euphemism for folly?

into

which they mightily fasten, imparting grace, and making the soul of him who is rightly educated graceful, or of him who is ill-educated ungraceful; and also because he who has received this true education of the inner being

Very

true,

will

And

if

in art

he replied. our youth are to do their work in

must they not make these graces and harmonics their perpetual aim?

life,

They must. [ 401 ] And surely the art of the painter and every other creative and constructive art arc full of them weaving, embroidery, architecture, and every kind of manufacture; also nature, animal and vegetable in all of them there is grace or the absence of grace. And ugliness and discord and inharmonious motion arc nearly allied to ill words and ill nature, as grace and harmony are the twin sisters of goodness and virtue and bear their likeness. That is quite true, he said. But shall our superintendence go no further, and are the poets only to be required by us to express the image of the good in their works, on pain, if they do anything else, of expulsion from our Stale? Or is the same control to be extended to other artists, and are they also to be prohibited from exhibiting the opposite forms of vice and intemperance and meanness and indecency in sculpture and building and the other creative arts; and is he who cannot conform to this rule of ours to be prevented from practising his art in our State, lest the taste of our citizens be corrupted by him? would not have our guardians grow up amid images of moral deformity, as in some noxious pasture, and there browse and feed upon many a baneful herb and flower day by day, little by little, until they silently gather a festering mass of corruption in their own soul. Let our artists rither be those who are gifted to discern the

—

—

We

most shrewdly perceive omissions or faults and nature, [402 ] and with a true taste, while he praises and rejoices over and receives into his soul the good, and becomes noble and good, he will justly blame and hate the bad, now in the days of his youth, even before he is able to know the reason why; and when reason comes he will recognise and salute the friend with whom his education has made him long familiar. Yes, he said, I quite agree with you in thinking that our youth should be trained in music and on the grounds which you mention. Just as in learning to read, I said, we were satisfied when we knew the letters of the alphabet, which arc very few, in all their recurring sizes and combinations; not slighting them as unimportant whether they occupy a space large or small, but everywhere eager to make them out; and not thinking ourselves perfect in the art of reading until we recognise them wher^ ever they arc found:

True— Or, as

we

the letters themselves; the same art and study giving us the knowledge of both:

Exactly so, as I maintain, neither we nor our guardians, whom we have to educate, can ever become musical until we and they know the essential forms, in all their combinations, and can recognise them and their images wherever they arc found, not slighting them cither in small things or great, but believing them all to be within the sphere of one art and study.

Even

Most

And when

and sounds, and receive the good in every^ing; and beauty, the effluence of fair works, shall flow into the eye and ear, like a health-giving breeze from a purer region, and insensibly draw the soul from earliest years into likeness and sympathy with the beauty of reason.

when we

know

will

and graceful; then our youth dwell in a land of health, amid

recognise the reflection of letters

in the water, or in a mirror, only

true nature of the beautiful fair sights

that,

And therefore,! said, Glaucon, musical training

everything else on

333

There can be no nobler training than

Just so,

And

III

assuredly.

a l^autiful soul harmonises with a beautiful form, and the two are cast in one mould, that will be the fairest of sights to him who has an eye to sec it?

The

fairest indeed.

And

the fairest

is

also the lovelkst?

That may be assumed. '

Cf.

ii.

368.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

334

And the man who has the spirit of harmony will be

most

in love

him who

will not love

but he of an inharmonious

with the is

loveliest;

soul?

That

is true,

in his soul; but

he if

replied, if the deficiency be there be any merely bodily

defect in another he will be patient of

it,

and

will love all the same, I perceive, I said, that

cj^Tcricnces of this sort,

you have or have had and 1 agree. But let

me

ask you another question: Has excess of pleasure any affinity to temperance? How can that be? he replied; pleasure de-

prives a man of the use of his faculties quite as much as pain. Or any affinity to virtue in general ? [ 40^] None whatever. Any affinity to wantonness and intemper-

ance? Yes, the greatest. is there any greater or keener pleasure

And

than that of sensual love?

No, nor a madder. Whereas true love is a love of beauty and order temperate and harmonious?

—

Quite true, he said. Then no intemperance or madness should be allowed to approach true love? Certainly not. Hicn mad or intemperate pleasure

must

never be allowed to come near the lover and his beloved; neither of them can have any part in it if their love is of the right sort? No, indeed, Socrates, it must never come near them. Then 1 suppose that in the city which we are founding you would make a law to the effect that a friend should use no other familiarity to his love than a father would use to his son, and then only for a noble purpose, and he must first have the other’s consent; and this rule is to limit

him

in all his intercourse,

and he

is

never to be seen going further, or, if he exceeds, he is to be deemed guilty of coarseness

and bad

taste.

quite agree, he said. Thus much of music, which I

makes a

fair

ending; for what should be the end of music if not the love of beauty? I agree,

he

body as far you say? Yes,

I

as this

may be

possible.

What do

agree.

to the mind when adequately trained, we shall be right in handing over the more par-

Then,

ticular care of the

prolixity

body; and in order to avoid

we will now only give the general out-

lines of the subject.

Very good. Tliat they

must

abstain

from

intoxication

has been already remarked by us; for of all persons a guardian should be the last to get drunk and not know where in the world he is. Yes, he said; that a guardian should require another guardian to take care of him is ridiculous indeed. But next, what shall we say of their food; for the men are in training for the great contest of all arc they not? Yes, he said. [ 404] And will the habit of body of our ordinary athletes be suited to them ? Why not? 1 am afraid, I said, that a habit of body such as they have is but a sleepy ^rt of thing, and rather perilous to health. Do you not observe

—

that these athletes sleep away their lives, and are liable to most dangerous illnesses if they depart, in ever so slight a degree, from their

customary regimen? Yes,

I

do.

Then,

I said, a finer sort of training will be required for our warrior athletes, who arc to be like wakeful dogs, and to see and hear with the utmost keenness; amid the many changes of water and also of food, of summer heat and winter cold, which they will teve to endure when on a campaign, they mu^ not be liable to break down in health. That is my view.

The

really excellent

gymnast!:

is

twin

of that simple music which we|were just describing.

sister

now

*

How so?

said^

After music comes gymnastic, in which our youth are next to be trained. Certainly.

Gymnastic as wdl as music should begin in early years; the training in

is a matter upon which I should like to have your opinion in confirmation ct my own, but my own belief is^not that the good body by any bodily excellence improves the soul, but, on the contrary, that the good soul, by her own excellence, improves the

lief is'-**aad this

it

and should continue through

should be careful life.

Now my be-

Why,

I conceive that there is a gymnastic which, like our music, is simple ^nd good; and especially the military gymnastic.

What do you mean? may be

lAy meaning he,

you know, feeds

learned

from Homer;

his heroes at their feasts,

THE REPUBLIC when they are campaigning, on soldiers^ fare; they have no fish^ although they are on the shores of the Hellespont, and they arc not allowed boiled meats but only roast, which is the food most convenient for soldiers, requiring only that they should light a Arc, and not involving the trouble of carrying alK>ut pots and pans.

True.

And I can hardly be mistaken in saying that sweet sauces are nowhere mentioned in Homer, In proscribing them, however, he is not singular;

all

professional athletes arc well aware

man who

is to be in good condition should take nothing of the kind. Yes, he said; and knowing this, they are quite right in not taking them. Then you would not approve of Syracusan dinners, and the refinements of Sicilian cookcry? I think not. Nor, if a man is to be in condition, would you allow him to have a Corinthian girl as his

that a

fair friend?

Certainly not.

Neither would you approve of the delicacies, Athenian confectionary?

as they arc thought, of

Certainly not. All such feeding and living may be rightly compared by us to melody and song composed in the panharmonic style, and in all the

rhythms. Exactly,

There complexity engendered licence, and here disease; whereas simplicity in music was the parent of temperance in the soul; and simplicity in gymnastic of health in the body.

Most true, he said. [40$] But when intemperance and disease multiply in a State, halls of justice and medicine are always being opened; and the arts of the doctor and the lawyer give themselves airs, finding how keen is the interest which not only the slaves but the freemen of a city take about

Would you say ^‘most,” I replied, when you consider that there is a further stage of the evil in which a man is not only a life-long litigant, passing all his days in the courts, either as plaintiff or defendant, but is actually led by his bad taste to pride himself on his litigiousness; he imagines that he is a master in dishonesty; able to take every crooked turn, and wriggle into and out of every hole, bending like a withy and getting out of the way of justice: and all

And

yet

what

greater proof can there be of

bad and disgraceful

education than this, that not only artisans and the meaner sort of people need the skill of first-rate physicians and judges, but also those who would profess to have had a liberal education? Is it not disgraceful, and a great sign of want of goodbreeding, that a man should have to go abroad for his law and physic because he has none of his own at home, and must therefore surrender a

state of

—

what? in order to gain small points not worth mentioning, he not knowing that so to order his life as to be able to do without a napping judge is a far higher and nobler sort of for

Is not that still more disgraceful ? Yes, he said, that is still more disgraceful. Well, Lsaid, and to require the help of medicine, not when a wound has to be cured, or on

thing.

occasion of an epidemic, but just because, by

indolence and a habit of life such as we have been describing, men fill themselves with waters and winds, as if their bodies were a marsh, compelling the ingenious sons of Asclcpius to find

more names for

and

catarrh;

diseases, such as flatulence not this, too, a disgrace? Yes, he said, they do certainly give very strange and newfangled names to diseases. Yes, I said, and I do not believe that there is

were any such diseases in the days of Asclepius; and this 1 infer from the circumstance that the hero Eurypylus, after he has been wounded in Homer, 1 406] drinks a posset of Pramnian wine well besprinkled with barley-meal and grated cheese, which are certainly inflammatory, and yet the sons of Asclepius who were at the Trojan War do not blame the damsel who gives him the drink, or rebuke Patroclus,

who is treating his case. Well, he said, that was surely an extraordinary drink to be given to a person in his condition.

in

course.

335

himself into the hands of other men whom he makes lords and judges over him? Of all things, he said, the most disgraceful.

them.

Of

III

Not so extraordinary, I replied, if you bear mind that in former days, as is commonly

said, before the time of Herodicus, the guild of Asclcpius did not practise our present system of medicine, which may be said to educate diseases. But Herodicus, being a trainer, and

himself of a sickly constitution, by a combination of training and doctoring found out a way of torturing first and chiefly himself, and secondly the rest of the world.

How was that? By

he

said.

the invention of lingering death; for he

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

336

had a mortal disease which he perpetually tend* and as recovery was out of the question, he passed his entire life as a valetudinarian; he could do nothing but attend upon himself, and he was in constant torment whenever he departed in anything from his usual regimen, and ed)

so dying hard, by the help of science he struggled on to old age.

A

rare

Yes,

1

reward of his skill! said; a reward which a

man might

who

never understood that, if Asclepius did not instruct his descendants in valetudinarian arts, the omission arose, not from ignorance or inexperience of such a branch of medicine, but because he knew that in all wcllHordcrcd states every individual has an occupation to which he must attend, and has therefore no leisure to spend in continually being ill. This we remark in the case of the artisan, but, ludicrously enough, do not apply the same rule to people of the richer sort. fairly

expect

How do you mean? I

but rather ask ourselves: Is the

on the rich man,

or can he live without it? And if obligatory on him, then let us raise a further question,

whether this dieting of disorders, which is an impediment to the application of the mind in carpentering and the mechanical arts, does not equally stand in the Phocylidcs?

way

of the sentiment of

Of that, he replied, there can be no doubt; such excessive care of the body, when earned beyond the rules of gymnastic, is most inimical to the practice of virtue.

Yes, indeed,

and equally incomof a house, an of stale; and, what is most

replied,

I

management

patible with the

army, or an office important of all, irreconcileable with any kind of study or thought or self-reflection ^therc is a constant suspicion that headache and giddiness are to be ascribed to philosophy, and hence

—

all

making

practising or

trial

of virtue in the

that sort of thing, he replies at once

higher sense is absolutely stopped; for a man is always fancying that he is being made ill, and is in constant anxiety about the state of his body. Yes, likely enough. And therefore our politic Asclepius may be supi^>scd to have exhibited the power of his art only to persons who, l-ieing generally of

no time to be ill, and that he sees which is spent in nursing his

healthy constitution and habj^s of lilc, had a definite ailment; such as the.se he cured by

mean

this:

When

he

said.

a carpenter

is ill

he asks

the physician for a rough and ready cure: an emetic or a purge or a cautery or the knife these are his remedies. scribes for

him

that he

and

ail

that he has

no good

this, I said;

practice of virtue obligatory

him

And

if

some one and

a course of dietetics,

pretells

must swathe and swaddle his head,

in a life

disease to the neglect of his customary employment; and therefore bidding good-bye to this sort of physician, he resumes his ordinary habits, and cither gets well and lives and does his business, or, if his constitution fails, he dies and has no more trouble. Yes, he said, and a man in his condition of life ought to use the art of medicine thus far only. 1 407] Has he not, I said, an occupation; and what profit would there be in his life if he were

purges and operations, and bade them State; but bodies

But with the rich man this is otherwise; of him we do not say that he has any specially appointed work which he must perform, if he would live. He is generally supposed to have nothing to

statesman.

Then you never heard soon as a

of the saying of Phoman has a livelihood

he should practise virtue? Nay, he said, I think that he had better begin somewhat sooner. Let us not have a dispute with him about

disease

had penetrated

—

State.

cylides, that as

which

through and through be would not have attempted to cure by gradual processes of evacuation and infusion: he did not want to lengthen out good-for-nothing h\es, or to have w’cak fathers begetting weaker sons if a man was not able to live in the ordinary way he had no business to cure him; for such a cure would have been of no use cither to himself, or to the

deprived of his occupation? Quite true, he said.

do.

live as

usual, herein consulting the interests of the

Then, he Clearly;

said,

and

you regard Asclepius

his character

isr

further

as a

illus-

Note that th^y were heroes in the days of old and practisedithc medicines I40H] of which I am speaking ht the siege of Troy: You will remember hoiv, when Pantrated by his sons.

darus

wounded Menclaus,

they

Suc\ed the blood out of the wound, and sprinkled soothing remedies,^

but they never prescribed what the patient ^iliad, iv. 218.

THE REPUBLIC was afterwards to cat or drink Menclaus, any more than in the

in the ease of

case of Eurypthe remedies, as they conceived, were enough to heal any man who before he was yliis;

III

337

That is very true, he said. [409] But with the judge it is otherwise; since he governs mind by mind; he ought not therefore to have been trained

among

vicious

wounded was

healthy and regular in his habits; and even though he did hapixm to drink a posset of Pramnian wine, he might get well all the same. But they would have nothing to

minds, and to have associated with them from youth upwards, and to have gone through the whole calendar of crime, only in order that he may quickly infer the crimes of others as he

do with unhealthy and intemperate subjects, whose lives were of no use either to themselves or others; the art of medicine was not designed for their good, and though they were as rich as Midas, the sons of Asclepius would have de> dined to attend them. They were very acute persons, those sons of

might their bodily diseases from his own sclfconsciousness; the honourable mind which is to form a healthy judgment should have had

Asclepius.

Naturally so, I replied. Nevertheless, the tragedians and Pindar disobeying our behests, although they acknowledge that Asclepius was the son of Apollo, say also that he was brilxd into healing a rich man who was at the point of death, and for this reason he was struck by 'ircordancc with the prinlightning. Rut we, ciple already affirmed by us, will not believe

m

them when they

us both

tell

—

if

he was the

son of a god,

we maintain that he was not avari-

cious; or,

he was avaricious, he was not the

if

son of a god. All that, Socrates, like to

is

excellent; but

put a question to you:

Ought

1

should

there not

no experience or contamination of

when young. And youth good

evil habits

why in men often appear to be simple, and this

is

the reason

upon by the dishonest, because they have no examples of what evil is in arc easily practised their

own

souls.

Yes, he said, they are far too apt to be deceived.

Therefore, I said, the judge should not be young; he should have learned to know evil, not from his own soul, but from late and long observation of the nature of evil in others: knowledge should be his guide, not personal experience. Yes, he said, that is the ideal of a judge. Yes, I replied, and he will be a good man (which is my answer to your question); lor he is good who has a good soul. But the cunning and suspicious nature of which we spoke he who has committed many crimes, and

to be

—

best those

fancies himself to be a master in wickedness,

good physicians in a State, and arc not the who have treated the greatest number of constitutions good and bad? and arc not the best judges in like arc acquainted with

manner those who

all sorts

of moral natures?

would have good judges and good physicians. Rut do you know whom I think good? Will you tell me? I will, if 1 can. Let me however note that in the same question you join two things which Yes,

said,

1

1

too

are not the same.

How

so? he asked.

Why,

1

said,

you

join physicians

and judges.

Now the most skilful physicians are those who, from their youth upwards, have combined with the knowledge of their art the greatest experience of disease; they had belter not be robust in health, and should have had all manner of diseases in their own persons. For the body, as I ccnccive, is not the instrument with which

when he

amongst his fellows, is wonderful which he takes, l-iecause he judges of them by himself: but when he gets is

in the precautions

into the company of men of virtue, who ha\c the experience of age, he appears to be a fool again, owing to his unseasonable suspicions;

he cannot recognise an honest man, because he has no pattern of honesty in himsclt; at the same time, as the bad arc more numerous than the good, and he meets with them oftener, he thinks himself, and is by others thought to be, rather wise than foolish. Most true, he said. Then the good and wise judge whom we arc seeking is not this man, but the other; for vice cannot know virtue too, but a virtuous nature, educated by time, will acquire a knowledge bolh of virtue and vice: the virtuous, and not the vicious man has wisdom in my opinion.

—

And

in

'This

is

mine

they cure the body; in that ease we could not allow them ever to be or to have been sickly; but they cure the Iwdy with the mind, and the mind which has become and is sick can cure

state.

nothing.

tures, giving health

also.

the sort of medicine, and this is the which you will sanction in your

sort of law,

[410! ITiey

will minister to better na-

both of soul and of body;

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

338

who are diseased

but those

in their bodies they

and the corrupt and tncurabie put an end to themselves.

will leave to die,

souls they will

That

dearly the best thing both for the for the State. And thus our youth, having been educated only in that simple music which, as we said, inspires temperance, will be reluctant to go to is

law. Clearly.

And the musician, who, keeping to the same content to practise

is

^

simple gym-

have nothing to do with medicine unless in some extreme case.

nastic, will

That

I

quite bdieve.

The very exercises and toils which he undergoes are intended to stimulate the spirited element of his nature, and not to increase his strength; he will not, like common athletes, use exercise and regimen to develop his muscles. Very right, he said. Neither arc the two arts of music and gymnastic really designed, as is often supposed, the one for the training of the

soul, the other for

the training of the body. What then is the real object of them? I Wieve, 1 said, that the teachers of both

have in view

chiefly the

improvement of the

soul.

How can that be?

he asked.

or the opposite

an exclusive

effect of

devotion to musk? In what way shown? he said.

and effeminacy,

I

replied. I am quite aware that the mere becomes too much of a savage, and that the mere musician is melted and softened beyond what is good for him. Yet surely, I said, this ferocity only comes from spirit, which, if rightly educated, would

Yes, he said,

athlete

give courage, but, liable to

That

On

if

too

become hard and

much

intensified, is

brutal.

v

quite think. the other hand the philosopher will have I

the quality of gendeness. And this also, when too much indiilged, will turn to softness, but, if

educated rigt^dy, will be gende and moder-

ate.

True.

And in our opinion the guardians ought to have both these qualities? Assuredly.

ish?

Very true. Andi when a man allows music to play upon him and to pour into his soul through the nel of his ears those sweet and soft and melancholy airs of which we were just now speaking, and his whole life is passed in warbling and the delights of song; in the

first stage of the process the passion or spirit which is in him is tem-

pered like iron, and

made useful, instead of brit-

and useless. But, if be carries on the softening and soothing process, in the next stage he begins to melt and waste, until he has wasted away his spirit and cut out the sinews of his soul; and he becomes a feeble warrior. Very true. tle

If

him

the element of spirit is naturally weak in the change is speedily accomplished, but

he have a good deal, then the power ot music weakening the spirit renders him excitable on the least provocation he flames up at once, and is speedily extinguished; instead of having spirit he grows irritable and passionate and if

quite impracticable.

Exaedy.

And

so in gymnastics,

and

if

a

man takes violent

and the reverse and philosophy, at first the high conditioQ of his body fills him with pride and spirit, and he becomes twice exercise

is

a great feeder,

of a great student of music

The one producing a temper of hardness and ferocity, the other of softness

Yes.

And the inharmonious is cowardly and boor-

IS

Did you never observe, I said, the cflEect on the mind itself of exclusive devotion to gymnastic,

bothtshould be in harmony? Beyond question. [411 / And the harmonious soul is both temperate and courageous?

and

patients

track,

And

the man that he was. Certainly.

And what happens^ if he do nothing else, and holds no converse with the Muses, docs not even that intelligence which there may be in him, having no taste of any sort of learning or enquiry or thought or cultuit, grow feeble and didl and blind, his mind ncyer waking up or receiving nourishment, and ^his senses not being purged of their mists? True, he said. And he ends by becoming a l|ater of philosophy, uncivilized, never using |he weapon of persuasion he is like a wild be4st, all violence and fierceness, and knows no bother way of dealing; and he lives in all igndrance and evil conditions, and has no sense of propriety and

—

grace.

That

is

quite true, he said.

And as there are two principles of human na-

THE REPUBLIC turcy

one the

spirited

and the other the

phil-

some God, as I should say, has given mankind two arts answering to them (and oAophjcal,

only indirectly to the soul and body), [412] in order that these two principles (like the strings of an instrument) may be relaxed or drawn tighter until they arc duly harmonized. That appears to be the intention. And he who mingles music with gymnastic in the fairest proportions, and best attempers them to the soul, may be rightly called the true musician and harmonist in a far higher sense than the tuner of the strings.

You

arc quite right, Socrates.

And such a presiding genius will be always required in our State if the government is to last.

lU

339

Then there must be a selection. Let us note s^ong the guardians those who in their whole show the greatest eagerness to do what is good of their country, and the greatest repugnance to dp what is against her interests. Those are the right men.

life

for the

And

they will have to be watched at every we may see whether they preserve their resolution, and never, under the influence either of force or enchantment, forget or cast off their sense of duty to the State.

age, in order that

How cast off?

he

said.

will explain to you, I replied.

I

A resolution

may go out of a man's mind either with his w'ill or against his will; [41^] with his will when he gets rid of a falsehood and learns better, against his will Whenever he is deprived of a

Yes, he will be absolutely necessary. Such, then, arc our principles of nurture and education: Where would be the use of going

truth.

into further details about the dances of

our about their hunting and coursing, their gymnastic and equestrian contests? For these all follow the gencial principle, and having found that, we shall have no difficulty in discovering them. I dare say that there will be no difficulty. Very good, I said; then what is the next question ? Must we not ask who are to be rulers and

have yet to learn.

citizens, or

Why, I said, do you not sec that men arc unwillingly deprived of good, and willingly of evil ? Is not to have lost the truth an evU, and

that

who

their will.

subjects?

Certainly.

There can be no doubt that the elder must Clearly.

is

must

also clear.

those

Yes. as

wc

for our city,

are to have the best of guardians

must they not be those who have

most the character of guardians? Yes.

And

to this

and

efficient,

end they ought to be wise and have a special care of the

to

that

man

a

will be

most

likely to care

about

which he loves?

he regards as having the same himself, is

interests

with

and that of which the good or evil forat any time most to

supposed by him

affect his

Very

he

do not understand you. must have been talking darkly, like the tragedians. 1 only mean that some men are changed by persuasion and that others forget; argument steals away the hearts of one class, and time of the other; and this I call theft. Now you understand me? replied, I

that

1

Yes.

Those again who are forced arc those whom the violence of some pain or grief compels to change their opinion. I

understand, he said, and you are quite

own?

true,

he replied.

also

enchanted arc those cither

To be sure. And he will be most likely to love that which

tune

And is not this involuntary deprivation caused either by theft, or force, or enchant-

And you would

True.

And

are deprived of truth against

right.

State? *

mankind

I fear

rule.

Now, are not the best husbandmen who are most devoted to husbandry?

And

to possess the truth a good? and you would agree that to conceive things as they are is to possess the truth? Yes, he replied; I agree with you in thinking

Still,

that the best of these

That

understand, he said, the willing loss of a yeaning of the unwilling I

ment?

rule the younger.

And

I

resolution; the

under the

acknowledge that the their minds

who change

softer influence of pleasure, or

the sterner influence of fear? Yes, he said; everything that deceives

may

be said to enchant. Therefore, as

enquire

own

who

I

was just now saying, we must

are the best guardians of their

conviction that

what they think the

terest of the State is to

be the rule of their

in-

lives.

]

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

340

Wc

must watch them from their youth upwards, and make them perform actions in which they arc most likely to forget or to be deceived, and he who remembers and is not deceived is to be selected, and he who fails in the trial is to be rejected. That will be the way? Yes.

And

there should also be toils and pains

and

them, in which they will be made to give further proof of the same

conflicts prescribed for

right,

And then,

he

I said,

we must try them with en-

—

the third sort of test and see what will be their behaviour: like those who take colts amid noise and tumult to see if they are of a timid nature, so must we take is

our youth amid terrors of some kind, and again pass them into pleasures, and prove them more thoroughly than gold is proved in the furnace, that we may discover whether they arc armed against all enchantments, and of a noble bearing always, good guardians of themselves and of the music which they have learned, and retaining under all circumstances a rhythmical and harmonious nature, such as will be most serviceable to the individual

and

to the State.

And he who at every age, as boy and youth and in mature life, has come out of the trial victorious and pure, [414] shall be appointed a ruler and guardian of the State; he shall be honoured in life and death, and shall receive sepulture and other memorials of honour, the greatest that wc have to give. But him who fails, wc must reject. I am inclined to think that this is the sort of way in which our rulers and guardians should be chosen and appointed. I speak generally, and not whh any pretension to exactness.

And, speaking generally, he said.

I

agree with you,

And

perhaps the word “guardian” in the fullest sense ought to be applied to this higher class only who preserve us against foreign enemies and maintain peace among our citizens at home, that the one may not have the will, or the others the power, to harm us. The young men whom we Ixfore called guardians may be more properly designated auxiliaries and supporters of the principles of the rulers. I

agree with you, he said.

How then may wc devise one of those needone royal that

—

which we lately spoke just which may deceive the rulers, if be possible, and at any rate the rest of the

ful falsehoods of

city?

lie

have made the world ^licve), though not in our time, and I do not know whether such an event could ever happen again, or could now even be made probable, if it did. How your words seem to hesitate on your lips I

tion

replied.

—that

chantments

sort of lie? he said. Nothing new, I replied; only an old Phoenician* talc of what has often occurred before now in other places (as the poets say, and

You will not wonder, I replied, at my hesitawhen you have heard.

qualities.

Very

What

Speak, he said, and fear not. Well then, 1 will speak, although I really know not how to look you in the face, or in what words to utter the audacious fiction, which I propose to communicate gradually, first to the rulers, then to the soldiers, and Listly to the people. They are to be told that their youth was a dream, and the education and training which they received from us, an appearance only; in reality during all that time they were being

formed and fed in the womb of the earth, where they themselves and their arms and appurtenances were manufactured; when they were completed, the earth, their mother, sent them up; and so, their country being their mother and also their nurse, they are bound to advise for her good, and to defend her against attacks, and her citizens they arc to regard as children of the earth and their'*6wn brothers. You had good reason, he said, to be ashamed of the he which you were going to tell. [ 41^ True, 1 replied, but there is more coming; I have only told you half. Citizens, wc shall say to them in our talc, you arc brothers, yet God has framed you differently. Some of you ha\e the |>owcr of command, and in the composition of these he has mingled gold, wherefore also they have the greatest honour; others he has made of silver, to be auxiliaries; others again who are to l>e husbandmen and

craftsmen he has composed of brass and iron; and the sjiccies will generally be preserved in the children. But as all arc of the same original stock, a golden parent will sometimes have a silver son, or a silver parent a golden son. And God proclaims as a first principle to the rulers, and above all else, that there is nothing which they should so anxiously guarc^ or of which they arc to be such good guardians, as of the purity of the race. ITiey should observe what elements mingle in their offspring; for if the son of a golden or silver parent has an admi.uure of brass and iron, then nature orders * Cf. Laws, 11. 663.

J

THE REPUBLIC a transposition of ranks, and the eye of the ruler must not be pitiful towards the child because he has to descend in the scale and become

I I

III

341

my dear Glaucon, am much more certain that they ought

cannot be so confident,

said;

I

and

to be,

may

that true education, whatever that

a husbandman or artisan, just as there may be sons of artisans who having an admixture of gold or silver in them are raised to honour, and

civilize

become guardians or

their protection.

says that

the State,

when it

auxiliaries.

there any possibility of

is

For an oracle

man

of brass or iron guards will be destroyed. Such is the tale; a

making our

citizens

believe in it?

Not there

sons

is

in the present generation,

may be made

their sons* sons, I sec

he replied;

no way of accomplishing this; but and

to believe in the talc,

their

and

I

replied; yet the foster-

have the greatest tendency to

and humanize them in their relations to one another, and to those who arc under

Very

true,

he replied.

And

not only their education, but their habitations, and all that belongs to them, should be such as will neither impair their virtue as guardians, nor tempt them to prey upon the other citizens. Any man of sense must acknowl-

edge

that.

He

posterity after them.

the difficulty,

be, will

must.

Then

us consider what will be their way they are to realize our idea of them.

let

ing of such a belief will make them care more for the city and for one another. Enough, how-

of life, In the

which may now fly abroad upon the wings of rumour, while we arm our earth-born heroes, and lead them forth under the command of their rulers. Let them look round and sclccl a .>^*1 whence they can best suppress insurrection, if any prove refractory within, and also defend themselves against enemies, who like wolves may come down on the fold from without; there let them encamp, and when they have encamped, let them sacrifice to the proper Gods and prepare their

any property of

ever, of the fiction,

dwellings. Just so,

he

said.

Ancen played out, and now ])roj)erly enough comes the turn of the women. Of them I will proceed to speak, and the more readily since I am invited by you. For men born and educated like our citizens, the only way, in my opinion, of arriving at a right conclusion about the possession and use of women and children is to follow the path serious injury

shall

hand of the homicide, and

on which we that the

men

originally started,

when we

said

were to be the guardians and

result accords

we

shall see

with our design.

What do you mean? What I mean may be

put into the form of a into hes and shes, or do they both share equally in hunting and in keeping watch and in the other duties of dogs ? or do we entrust to the males the entire and exclusive care of the flocks, while wc leave the females at home, under the idea that the bearing and suckling their puppies is laquestion,

Yes, he said.

lieved that

whether the

I

said:

Arc dogs divided

bour enough for them ? No, he said, they share alike; the only difference between them is that the males arc stronger and the females weaker. But can you use different animals for the same purpose,' ‘unless they arc bred and fed in the same way.?

You

cannot.

Then, if women arc to have the same duties as men, they must have the same nurture and education.? [ 4^ 2 ]

Yes.

The education which was

assigned to the

men was music and gymnastic. Yes.

Then women must be taught music and gymnastic and also the art of war, which they

must

practise like the

men?

I suppose. should rather expect, I said, that several of our proposals, if they arc carried out, being unusual, may appear ridiculous.

lliat

is

the inference,

I

No

doubt of

it.

Yes, and the most ridiculous thing of all will be the sight of women naked in the palaestra, exercising with the men, especially arc

no longer young; they

when

they

certainly will not

be a vision of beauty, any more than the enthusiastic old men w'ho in spite of wrinkles and ugliness continue to frequent the gymnasia.

Yes, indeed, he said: according to present notions the proposal would be thought ridiculous.

But then,

we have determined to wc must not fear the jests of

I said, as

speak our minds,

the wits which will lx: directed against this sort of innovation; how they will talk of women’s

attainments both in music and gymnastic, and above all about their wearing armour and riding upon horseback!

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

358

Very

true, he replied. Yet having begun we must go forward to the rough places of die law; at the same time begging of diese gendemen Bor once in their life serious. Not long ago, as we shall remind to them> the Hellexies were of the opinion, which

k

among

generally received

is still

ians, that the sight of a

naked

the barbar-

man was ridicu-

lous and improper; and when first the Cretans and then the Lacedaemonians introduced the custom, the wits of that day might equally

have ridiculed the innovation.

No

doubt.

But when experience showed that to let all things be uncovered was far better than to cover them up, and the ludicrous effect to the outward eye vanished before the better principle which reason asserted, then the man was perceived to be a fool who directs the shafts of his ridicule at any other sight but that of folly and vice, or seriously inclines to weigh the beautiful by any other standard but that

will

one who offers these objections ? That is not an easy question to answer when asked suddenly; and I shall and I do beg of you to draw out the case on pur side. These are the objections, Glaucon, and there are many others of a like kind, which I foresaw long ago; they made me afraid and reluctant to take in hand any law abput the possession and nurture of women and children. By &US, he said, the problem to be solved Is anything but easy. Why yes, I said, but the fact is that when a man is out of his depth, whether he has fallen into a

little

swimming bath

he replied. then, whether the question

true,

is to be First, put in jest or in earnest, let us come to an understanding about the nature of woman: capable of sharing either wholly [453} or partially in the actions of men, or not at all?

some other miraculous help may save us? I

suppose

so,

and

arc different.

not? he said. let us put a speech into the mouths of our opponents. They will say: '^Socrates and Glaucon, no adversary need convict you, for you yourselves, at the first foundation of the State, admitted the principle that everybody

was

to

ture.”

do the one work

And

certainly, if

I

am

own

nanot mistaken,

suited to his

such an admission was made by us. ^And do not the natures of men and women differ very much indeed?” And we shall reply: Of course they do. Then we shall be asked, “Whether the tas^ assigned to men and to women should not be different, and such, as are agreeable to their different natures?” Certainly they should. !"But if s(v. have you not fallen into a serious inconsistency in saying that men and women,

whose natures are

so entirely different,

ought

any way of escape

that men’s

and women’s natures

And now what arc we

saying?

that different natures ought to have the

pursuits

—

this

Precisely.

Then

if

that different natures ought to have different pursuits,

she can or can not share? That will be the best of commencing the enquiry, and will probably lead to the fairest conclusion. That will be much the best, way. Shall we take the other side first and begin by arguing against ourselves; in this manner the adversary’s position will not be undefend-

Why

said.

us see

We acknowledged —did we not?

charged upon

ed.

he

let

And is the art of war one of those arts in which way

or into mid-ocean,

he has to swim all the same. Very true. And must not we swim and try to reach the shore: we will hope that Arbn’s dolphin or

Well then, can be found.

of the good.

Very

same actions?”T*What defence you make for us, my good Sir, against any

to pcriorm the

is

same

the inconsistency which

is

us.

^

[454] Verily, Glaucon, I said, glorious the power of the art of contradiction! Why do you say so?

is

Because 1 think that many a man falls into the practice against his will. When he thinks that he

is reasoning he is really disputing, just because he cannot define and divide, and so know that of which he is speaking; and he will pursue a merely verbal opposition in the spirit of contention and not of fair discussion. Yes, he replied, such is very often the case; but what has that to do with us and our argu-

ment?

A great deal; for there

j

is

certunly a danger

of our getting unintentionally poto a verbal opposition. In what way? we valiantly and pugt^ciously insist upon the verbal truth, that di^rent natures ought to have different pursuits^ but we never

Why

considered at all what was Xm meaning of sameness or difference of nature, or why wc distinguished them when wc assigned different pursuits to different natures and the same to

the same natures.

THE REPUBLIC V Why, by

no^ be said, that

was never considered

us. I said:

we were

Suppose that by way of

illustration

to ask the question whether there

is

not an opposition in nature between bald men and hairy men; and if this is admitted by us, then, if t^ld men are cobblers, we should forbid the hairy men to be cobblers, and conversely?

That would be a Yes, I said, a

jest,

jest; and

he

No one

meant when we constructed the

State, that the

opposition of natures should extend to every dillcrence, but only to those differences which affected the pursuit in which the individual is

engaged;

we should

have argued, for example,

and one who is in mind a physician may be said to have the same nature.

that a physician

True.

Whereas the physician and the carpenter have different natures? Certainly.

And if, I said, the male and female sex appear to differ in their fitness for any art or pursuit, we should say that such pursuit or art ought to be assigned to one or the other of them; but

if the difference consists only in bearing and men begetting children, this does not amount to a proof that a woman differs from a man in respect of the sort of education she should receive; and we shall therefore continue to maintain that our guardians and their wives ought to have the same pur-

women

will

deny

that.

And

can you mention any pursuit of mankind in which the male sex has not all these gifts and qualities in a higher degree than the female? Need I waste time in speaking of the art of weaving, and the management of pancakes and preserves, in which womankind does really appear to be great, and in which for her to be beaten by a man is of all things the most absurd ? You arc quitp right, he replied, in maintaining the general inferiority of the female sex: although many women are in many things superior to

say

many men, yet on the whole what you

true.

is

And special

if

so,

my

friend,

I

said, there is

no

faculty of administration in a state

which a woman has because she is a woman, or which a man has by virtue of his sex. but the gifts of nature are alike diffused in both; all the pursuits of men arc the pursuits of women also,

a

but in

man. Very

all

of

them a woman

is

inferior to

true.

arc we to impose all our enactments on men and none of them on women?

Then

suits.

Very

learning will lead the one to discover a great deal; whereas the other, after much study and application, no sooner learns than he forgets; or again, did you mean, that the one has a body which is a good servant to his mind, while the body of the other is a hindrance to him?— would not these be the sort of differences which distinguish the man gifted by nature from the one who is ungifted ?

said.

why? because we never

359

true,

he

said.

Next, we shall ask our opponent how, in reference to any of the pursuits or arts of civic life, / ^55/ the nature of a woman differs from that of a man? That will be quite fair. And perhaps he, like yourself, will reply that Co give a sufficient answer on the instant is not easy; but after a litde reflection there is no dif-

That

will never do.

One woman has a gift of healing, another not; one is a musician, and another has no music in her nature? [^56 ]

Very

true.

And one woman

has a turn for gymnastic

and military exercises, and another like and hates gymnastics?

is

unwar-

Certainly.

ficulty.

one woman is a philosopher, and anan enemy of philosophy; one has spirit, and another is without spirit?

And

Yes, perhaps.

Suppose then that we invite him to accompany us in the argument, and then we may hope to show him that there is nothing peculiar in the constitution of

women which would

af-

them in the administration of the State. By all means. Let us say to him: Come now, and we will ask you a question: when you spoke of a na-

fect

—

ture gifted or not gifted in any respect, did

you mean to say that one man will acquire a thing easily, another with difficulty; a little

other

is

I'hat

is

also true.

Then one woman

will have the temper of a guardian, and another not. Was not the selection of the male guardians determined by differences of this sort? Yes. Men and women alike possess the qualities which make a guardian; they differ only in their comparative strength or weakness.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO Obvipusly, And those women who have such qualities am tc worthy of the name which they bear, there must be willingness to obey in the one and the power of command in the other; the guardians must themselves obey the I

laws,

them

and they must also imitate the spirit of in any details which arc entrusted to

their care*

Thai You,

right,

is I

said,

he

who

True,

I said;

Then

clearly the next thing will

will

f459J Exactly.

And how can marriages be made

most beneput to you, because 1 see in your house dogs for hunting, and of the nobler sort of birds not a few. Now, I beseech you, do tell me, have you ever attended to their pairing and breeding? In what particulars? Why, in the first place, although they are all of a good sort, afe not some better than others? True. And do you breed from them all indifferently, or do you take care to breed from the best only ? ficial?

—that

From

is

a question

which

I

the best.

And do you

take the oldest or the youngest,

or only those of ripe age?

choose only those of ripe age. if care was not taken in the breeding, your dogs and birds would greatly deteriorate? I

And

Certainly.

the

same of horses and animals in gen-

eral?

Undoubtedly.

Good heavens my

dear friend, I said, what consummate skill will our rulers need if the same principle holds of the human sj^cies! Certainly, the same principle holds; but why ^

docs this involve any particular skilP Becau.se, I said, our rulers will often have to practise upon the body corporate with medi-

Now

you know that when patients do

cines.

not require medicines, but have only to be put under a regimen, the inferior sort of practitioner is deemed to be good enough; but when medicine has to be given, then the doctor should be more of a man.

—

own; they will be together, be brought up together, and will as-

gymnastic exercises. And so they will be drawn by a necessity of their natures to have intercourse with each other necessity is not too strong a word, I think? Yes, he said necessity, not geometrical, but sociate at

—

—

be to make

matrimony sacred in the highest degree, and what is most beneficial will be deemed sacred ?

arc their legislator, having

specially his or her

and

mass of mankind. and this, Glaucon, like all the rest, must proceed after an orderly fashion; in a city of the blessed, licentiousness is an unholy thing which the rulers will forbid. Yes, he said, and it ought not to be permitted.

straining to the

said.

men, wull now select the women and give them to them they must be as far •as possible of like natures with them; and they must live in common houses and meet at common meals. None of them will have anything selected the

361

another sort of necessity which lovers know, and which is far more convincing and con-

And

bility.

V

That is quite true, he said; but to what arc you alluding? I mean, I replied, that our rulers will find a considerable dose of falsehood and deceit necessary for the good of their subjects: we were saying that the use of

might we were very

as medicines

And

all

these things regarded

of advantage. right.

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO Ami this lawful use of them seem$ likely to be often needed in the regulations of marriages and births.

How so? Why,

I said,

the principle has been already

down

that the best of cither sex should be united with the best as often, and the inferior

laid

with the

inferior, as

seldom as possible; and

that they should rear the offspring of the one sort of union, but not of the other, if the flock IS

to be maintained in first-rate condition.

Now

of the guardians

have a

termed, breaking out into rel^llion.

ing children.

Very

ants.

You

suppose the wives of our guardians to time of it when rficy are hav-

fine easy

Why,

true.

Had we

to be kept pure.

bring the mothers to the fold when they are full of milk, taking the greatest possible care that no mother recognises her own child; and other wet-nurses may be engaged if more arc required. Care will also be taken that the process of suckling shall not be protracted too long; and the mothers will have no getting up at night or other trouble, but will hand over all this sort of thing to the nurses and attend-

on must be a secret which the rulers only know, or there will be a further danger of our herd, as the guardians may be these goings

is

They williprovide for their nurture, and will

and so they ought. Let us, howWe were saying that the parents should be in the prime of said

I,

not better appoint certain festivals at which we will bring together the brides and

ever, proceed with our scheme.

bridegrooms, [460] and

life?

sacrifices will

be

of-

and suitable hymeneal songs composed by our poets: the number of weddings is a matter which must be left to the discretion of the rulers, whose aim will be to preserve the average of population ? There are many other things which they will have to consider, such as the effects of wars and diseases and any fered

similar agencies, in order as far as this sible to

is

pos-

prevent the State from becoming cither

too large or too small. C4srtainly,

he replied.

We shall have to invent some ingenious kind which the less worthy may draw on each occasion of our bringing them together, *and then they will accuse their own ill-luck and of lots

not the rulers. To he sure, he said. And I think that our braver and bcttcryouth, besides their other honours and rewards, might have greater facilities of intercourse with women given them; their bravery will be a reason, and such fathers ought to have as many sons as possible. True. And the proper ofEcers, whether male or female or both, for offices are to be held by wom-

en as well as by

men

Very

it not be defined as a period of about twenty years in a

woman’s

life,

and

thirty in a

man’s?

Which years do you mean to include? A woman, I said, at twenty years of age may begin to bear children to the State, and continue to bear them until forty; a man may begin at fivc-and-twenty, when he has passed the point at which the pulse of life beats quickest, and continue to beget children until he be fifty-five,

[461] Certainly, he

women

said,

both in

men and

those years arc the prime of physical

as well as of intellectual vigour.

Any one above or below the prescribed ages who takes part in the public hymeneals shall be said to have done an unholy and unrighteous thing; the child of which he is the father, if it steals into life, will have been conceived under auspices very unlike the sacrifices and prayers, which at each hymeneal priestesses

and

priests

and the whole

city will offer, that

the

new generation may be bettor and more use-

ful

than their good and useful parents, whereas darkness and 0^

his child will be the offspring

strange lust.

Yes—

Very

The proper officers will

And

take the offspring of the goc^ parents to the pen or fold, and there they will deposit them with certain nurses who dwdl in a separate quarter; but the offspring of the inferior, or of the better when they chance to be deformed, will be put away in some mysterious, unknown place, as they should be.

Yes, he said, that

true.

And what is the prime of life? May

true,

he

a^

connection with any woman i^ the prime of life without the sanction of tho rulers; for wc shall say that he is raising up a bastard to the State, uncertified and unconsecrated.

Very

true,

he

ITiis applies,

must be done

if

the breed

replied.

the same law will appl4 to any one of those within the prescribed who forms a

replied.

who arc we allow

however, only to those

within the specified age; after that

—

THE REPUBLIC V them to fange at will, except that a man may not marry his daughter or hisdaughter’sdaugh' ter, or his mother or his mother’s mother; and women, on the other hand, are prohibited from marrying their sons or fathers, or son’s son or father’s father,

and so on

in either direction.

And we

grant all this, accompanying the permission with strict orders to prevent any embryo which may come into being from seeing the light; and if any force a way to the birth, the parents must understand that the offspring of such an union cannot be maintained, and

arrange accordingly.

That also, he said, is a reasonable proposiBut how will they know who are fathers and daughters, and so on P They will never know. TTie way will be this: dating from the day of the hymeneal, the bridegroom who was then married will call all the male children who are born in the seventh and ten month afterwards his sons, and the female children his daughters, and they will call him father, and hr will call their children his grandchildren, and they will call the elder generation grandfathers and grandmothers. All tion.

—

who were thers their

begotten at the time

when

their fa-

and mothers came together will be brothers and sisters, and these, as

called I

was

saying, will be forbidden to intermarry. This,

however,

is

not to be understood as an absolute

prohibition of the marriage of brothers and sisters; if the lot favours them, and they receive the sanction of the Pythian oracle, the law will

363

And there is unity where there is community of pleasures and pains where all the citizens are glad or grieved on the same occasions of

—

and sorrow?

joy

No doubt. Yes; and where there private feeling a State

is is

no common but only

—when

disorganized

you have one half of the world triumphing and the other plunged in grief at the same events happening to the city or the citizens? Certainly.

Such

differences

commonly

originate in a

disagreement about theuseof the terms “mine” and “not mine,’* “his” and “not his.” Exactly

so.

And

not that the best-ordered State in

is

which the greatest number of persons apply the terms “mine” and “not mine” in the same way to the same thing? Quite true. Or that again which most nearly approaches to the condition of the individu^ as in the body, when but a finger of one of us is hurt, the whole frame, drawn towards the soul as a centre and forming one kingdom under the ruling power therein, feels the hurt and sympathizes ail together with the part affected, and we say that the man has a pain in his finger; and the same expression is used about any other part of the body, which has a sensation of pain at suf-

—

fering or of pleasure at the alleviation of sutfering.

Very

true,

he replied; and

I

agree with you

allow them.

that in the best-ordered State there

Quite right, he replied. Such is the scheme, Glaucon, according to which the guardians of our State arc to have their wives and families in common. And now you would have the argument show that this community is consistent with the rest of our polity, and also that nothing can be better would you not?

est

[462] Yes,

certainly.

find a common basis by asking of ourselves what ought to be the chief aim of the legislator in making laws and in the organization of a State what is the greatest good, and what is the greatest evil, and then consider whether our previous description has the stamp of the good or of the evil?

Shall

wc try to

—

By all means. Can there be any

approach to this

and distraction and plurality where unity ought to reign? or any greater good than the bond of unity? There cannot. '

the near-

describe.

Then when any one ences any good or

make

his case their

of the citizens experithe whole State will

evil,

own, and

will cither rejoice

or sorrow with him? Yes, he said, that is what will happen in a well-ordered State. It will now be lime, I said, for us to return to our State and see whether this or some other form is most in accordance with these funda-

mental principles. Very good.

[46^] Our State and subjects?

like every other has rulers

True. All of

greater evil than discord

is

common feeling which you

whom will call one another citizens?

Of course. But is there not another name which people give to their rulers in other States? Generally they call them masters, but in democratic States they simply

call

them

rulers.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

364

And

in

our State what other name besides

do the people give the rulers? They arc called saviours and helpers, he re-

that of citizens plied.

And what do

the rulers call the people?

Their maintainers and

And what do they

call

foster-fathers.

them

in other States?

Slaves.

And what do

the rulers call one another in

other States? Fellow-rulers.

And what

in ours? Fellow-guardians. Did you ever know an example in any other State of a ruler who would speak of one of his colleagues as his friend and of another as not

being his friend ? Yes, very often.

And the friend he regards and describes as one in w'hom he has an interest, and the other as a stranger in whom he has no interest? But would any of your guardians think or speak of any other guardian as a stranger? Certainly he would not; for every one whom they meet will be reganled by them either as a brother or sister, or father or mother, or son or daughter, or as the child of parent of those arc thus connected with him.

Capital,

said; but let

I

me ask you once more: name

Shall they be a family in

they in

all

only; or shall

their actions be true to the

name?

For example, in the use of the word “father,” would the care of a father be implied and the filial reverence and duly and obedience to him which the law commands; and is the violator of these duties to be regarded as an impious and unrighteous person who is not likely to receive much good either at the hands oi God or of man? Are these to be or not to be the strains which the children will hear re|>eatcd in their ears

by

all

the citizens about those

them

are intimated to

to

l^e

their parents

who and

the rest of their kinsfolk?

These, he said, and none other; for what can be more ridiculous than for them to utter the names of family tics with the lips only and not to act in the spirit of

Then

them?

in our city the language of

me

it is

f464J Most

And

well” or “it

harmony

is ill.”

true.

mode of thinking and not saying that they will

agreeably to this

speaking, were

we

good

to the Slate?

Certainly.

And

this

agrees with the other principle

—

which we were affirming that the guardians were not to have houses or lands or any other property; their pay was to be their food, which they were to receive from the other citizens, and they were to have no private expenses; for wc intended them to preset \c their true character of guardians.

Right, he replied. Both the community of property and the

community of families, as I am saying, tend to make them more truly guardians; they will not tear the city in pieces by differing about “mine” and “not mine”; each man dragging any acquisition which he has made into a separate house of his ow'n, where he has a separate wife and children and private pleasures and pains; but all will be affected as far as may be by the same pleasures and pains because they arc all of one opinion about what is near and dear to them, and therefore thty all tend towards a common end. Certainly, he replied.

And

as they

which they can

and concord will be more often heard than in any other. As I was describing before, when any one is well or ill, the universal word will be “with

pain ? Yes, far more so than in other Stales. And the reason of this, over and above the general constitution of the State, will be that the guardians will have a community of women and children? That will be the chief reason. And this unity of feeling we admitted to be the greatest good, as was implied in our own comparison of a well-ordered State to the relation of the lK)dy and the members, when affect' cd by pleasure or pain? That we acknowledged, and very rightly. Then the community of wives and children among our citizens is clearly the source of the greatest

Exactly.

who

have their pleasures and pains in common? Yes, and so they will. And they will have a common interest in the same thing which they will alike call “my own,” and having this common interest they will have a common feeling of pleasure and

have nothing

bujf their

own,

persons

and complaints will have no existence *among them; they will be delivered from all those quarrels of which money or children or relations are call their

luils

the occasion.

Of

course they will. Neither will trials for assault or insult ever be likely to occur among them. For that equals should defend themselves against equals we

1»

THE REPUBLIC V maintain to be honourable and right;

shall

[46^] we

shall

make

the protection of the per-

son a matter of necessity. That is good^ he said. Yes; and there a

viz., that if

is

man

a further good in the law;

the elder shall be assigned the duty of

Clearly,

there be a doubt that the younger

do any other violence

an elder, unless the magistrates command him; nor will he slight him in any way. For there arc two guardians, shame and fear, mighty to prevent him: shame, which makes men refrain from laying hands on those who arc to them to

in the relation of parents; fear, that the in-

who

jured one will be succoured by the others are his brothers, sons, fathers.

That

true,

is

Then

he

’-eplicd.

way

in every

the laws will help the

as the guardians will

never quarrel

themselves there will be no danger of

the rest of the city being divided either against

None I

against one another.

whatever.

hardly like even to mention the

nesses of

which they

little

mean-

will be rid, for they arc

Iwneath notice: such, for example, as the tery of the rich

by the poor, and

all

flat-

the pains

and pangs which men experience in bringing up a family, and in finding money to buy necessaries for their household, borrowing and then repudiating, getting how they can, and giving the money into the hands of women and slaves the many evils of so many kinds which to keep people Slider in this way are mean enough and obvious enough, and not worth speaking of. Yes, he said, a man has no need of eyes in

—

order to perceive that.

And from

all

these evils they will be de-

and their life will be blessed as the of Olympic victors and yet more blessed. fivered,

life

How so? The Olympic victor, I

said,

is

deemed happy

in receiving a part only of the blessedness

which

won

a

is

who

have

glorious victory and have a

more

secured to our citizens,

more

is

Do

you remember,

I

said,

how

in the course

some one who shall be nameless accused us of making our [ 466 ] guardians unhappy they had nothing and might have possessed all things to whom we replied that, if an occasion offered, we might of the previous discussion

*

—

—

perhaps hereafter consider this question, but that, as at present advised,

we would make

our guardians truly guardians, and that we were fashioning the State with a view to the greatest happiness, not of any particular class, but of the whole? Yes, I remember. And w'hat do you say, now that the life of our protectors is' made out to be far better and nobler than that of Olympic victors is the life of shoemakers, or any other artisans, or of husbandmen, to be compared with it?

—

Certainly not.

keep the peace with one another? Yes, there will be no want of peace.

them or

crowned

that life needs; they receive

Yes, he said, and glorious rewards they are.

citi7cns to

And among

their children are

ail

burial.

has a quarrel with another

ruling and chastising the younger.

Nor can

the fulness of

rewards from the hands of their country while and after death have an honourable

Certainly.

will not strike or

which they and

living,

he will satisfy his resentment then and there, and not proceed to more dangerous lengths.

To

365

complete maintenance at the public cost. For the victory which they have won is the salvation of the whole State; and the crown with

At the same time I ought here to repeat what have said elsewhere, that if any of our guardians shall try to be happy in such a manner that he will cease to be a guardian, and is not content with this safe and harmonious life, which, in our judgment, is of all lives the best, but infatuated by some youthtul conceit of happiness which gets up into his head shall seek to appropriate the whole state to himself, then he will have to learn how wisely Hesiod spoke, when he said, “half is more than the whole.” If he were to consult me, I should say to him: Stay where you arc, when you have the offer of such a life.

I

You agree then, I said, that men and women common way of life such as we

arc to have a

—

have described common education, common children; and they are to watch over the citizens in common whether abiding in the city or going out to war; they are to keep watch together, and to hunt together like dogs; and always and in all things, as far as they arc able, women are to share with the men? And in so doing they will do what is best, and will not violate,

but preserve the natural relation of the

sexes. I

agree with you, he replied.

I said, has yet to l^ made, whether such a community will be found pos-

llie enquiry,

sible '

—

^as

among

Sections

iv.

other animals, so also

419, 420

ff.

among

m

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

men-Hitid if po$$iMe» in what way possible? You have anticipated the question which I was about to suggest.

There is no difficulty^ I said, in seeing how war will be carried on by them.

True.

And they will place them under the command of experienced veterans who will be and teachers? Very properly.

their leaders

How?

Still,

Why,

of course they will go on expeditions together; and will take with them any of their children who are strong enough, that, after the

manner ot the artisan's child, they may look on at the work which they will have to do when they arc grown up; [46y] and besides looking on they will have to help and be of use in war, and to wait upon their fathers and mothers. Did you never observe tn the arts how the potters* boys look on and help, long before they touch the wheel? Yes, I have.

The

idea

whom,

is

is

ridiculous,

he said. on the parents, with

also the effect

with other animals, the presence of their young ones will be the greatest incentive as

to valour.

That

is

quite true, Socrates; and yet if they which may often happen in war,

are defeated,

how

great the danger

is I

the children will be

and the Sute will never recover. True, I said; but would you never allow

lost as well as their parents,

them I

to

run any nsk^

am far from saying that.

Well, but if they arc ever to run a risk should they not do so on some occasion when, if they escape disaster, they will be the better for it? Clearly.

Whether the future soldiers do or do not see war in the days of their youth is a very important matter, for the sake of which some risk

may fairly be

them? True.

Then against such chances the children must be

at

once furnished with wings, in order that

in the hour of need they

may

fly

away and

es-

cape.

What do you mean? he said. mean that we must mount them on horses in their earliest youth, and when they have I

them on horseback to see war: the horses must not be spirited and warlike, but the most tractable and yet the swiftest that can be had. In this way they will get an excellent view of what is hereafter to be their own [468] business; and if there is danger they have only to follow their elder leaders and learnt to ride, take

And shall potters be more careful in educate ing their children and in giving them the opportunity of seeing and practising their duties than our guardians will be^ There

the dangers of war cannot be always is a good deal of chance about

foreseen; there

incurred.

Yes, very important.

escape. believe that you are right, he said. Next, as to war; what arc to be the relations of your soldiers to one another and to their enemies^ I should be inclined to propose that the soldier who leaves his rank or throws away his arms, or is guilty ot any other act of cowardice, should be degraded into tTTe rank of a husbandman or artisan. What do you think? By all means, 1 should say. And he who allows himsclt to be taken prisoner may as well be made a present of to his enemies; he is their lawful prey, and let them do what they like with him. I

Certainly.

But the hero who has distinguished himself, shall be done to him? In the first place, he shall receive honour in the army from his youthful comrades; every one of them succession shall crown him. What 4 o you say?

what

m

I

This then must be our first step—to make our children spectators of war; but we must also contrive tl^t they shall be secured against danger; then all will be well. True. Their parents may be supposed not to be blind to the risks of war, but to know, as far as human foresight can, what expeditions are

approve.

^

And what do you right

say to hi^ receiving the

hand of fellowship?

To that

too,

I

agree.

But you wUl hardly agree tq

my

next pro-

posal.

What

is

your proposal?

the safe expedi-

That he should kiss and be kissed by them. Most certainly, and I should be disposed to go further, and say: Let no one whom he has a mind to kiss refuse to be kissed by him while the expedition lasts. So that if there be a lover

tbns and be cautious about thedangcrousoncs?

in the army, whether his love be youth or

and what dangerous? That may be assumed.

safe

And they

will

uke them on

'

THE REPUBLIC V maiden, he

may be more eager to win the prize

of valour* Capital, I said. That the brave man is to have more wives than others has been already determined: and he is to have first choices in such matters more than others, in order that he may have as many children as possible? Agreed. Again, there is another manner in which, according to Homer, brave youths should be honoured; for he tells how Ajax,' after he had distinguished himself in battle, was rewarded with long chines, which seems to be a compliment appropriate to a hero in the flower of his age, being not only a tribute of honour but also a very strengthening thing. Most true, he said. Then in this, T said, Homer shall be our

and we

and on the honour the brave according to the measure of their valour, whether men or women, with hymns and those other distinctions which we were mentioning; also with

teacher;

too, at sacrifices

like occasions, will

scats of precedence,

and meats and

full cups;

and in honouring them, we shall be at the same time training them. That, he replied, is excellent. Yes, I said; and when a man dies gloriously in war shall we not say, in the first place, that he

is

of the golden race?

To

be sure.

Nay, have we not the authority of Hesiod for afflrming that when they arc dead [ 460 ] They are holy angels upon the earth, authors of good, averters of evil, the guardians of speech -gifted men} Yes; and

We

we accept his authority. of the god how we

must learn

all

And

means.

in ages to

come we

and kneel before

will reverence

them

their sepulchres as at the

And

not only they but any who are deemed pre-eminently good, whether they die from age, or in any other way, shall be admitted to the same honours. That is very right, he said. Next, how shall our soldiers treat their enemies? What about th^s? In what respect do you mean? graves of heroes.

‘

Iliad, vii. 321.

^ Iliad, yin, 162.

First of all, in regard to slavery? Do you think it right that Hellenes should enslave Hellenic States, or allow othersto enslave them, if they can help? Should not their custom be to spare them, considering the danger which is that the whole race may one day under the yoke of the barbarians?

there

fall

To

spare them is infinitely better. Then no Hellene should be owned by them

as a slave; that is a rule which they will observe and advise the other Hellenes to observe. Certainly, he said; they will in this way be united against the barbarians and will keep their hands off one another. Next as to the slain; ought the conquerors, I said, to take anything but their armour ? Does not the practice of despoiling an enemy afford an excuse for not facing the battle? Cowards

skulk about the dead, pretending that they arc fulfilling a duty,, and many an army before now has been lost from this love of plunder.

Very

true.

And

is

there not illiberality and avarice in robbing a corpse, and also a degree of meanness and womanishness in making an enemy of the dead body when the real enemy has flown away and left only his fighting gear behind him is not this rather like a dog who cannot get at his assailant, quarrelling with the stones

—

which strike him instead? Very like a dog, he said. Then we must abstain from spoiling the dead or hindering their burial? Yes, he replied, we most certainly must. Neither shall wc offer up arms at the temples of the gods, least of all the arms of Hellenes, [4^0] if wc care to maintain good feeling with other Hellenes; and, indeed, wc have reason to fear that the offering of spoils taken

are to

order the sepulture of divine and heroic personages, and what is to be their special distinction; and we must do as he bids?

By

367

men may

be a pollution unless the god himself?

Very

from

kins-

commanded by

true.

Again, as to the devastation of Hellenic territory or the burning of houses, what is to be the practice?

May I have the pleasure, he said, of hearing your opinion? Both should be forbidden, in my judgment; I would take the annual produce and no more. Shall 1

tell

you why?

Pray do. Why, you

sec, there is

a difference in the

names “discord” and “war,” and that there

is

I

imagine

also a difference in their natures;

the one is expressive of what is internal and domestic, the other of what is external and

—

a

,

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

368

and the first of the two is termed disand only the second, war. That is a very proper distinction, he replied.

—men, women, and children

foreign;

lation of a city

cord,

are equally their enemies, for they

And may

I

not observe with equal propriety is all united together by

war

the guilt of

is

know

that

always confined to a few

persons and that the

many

are their friends.

that the Hellenic race

And for all these reasons they will be unwilling

of blood and friendship, and alien and strange to the barbarians^

enmity to them

ties

Very good, he

said.

And therefore when Hellenes fight with barand barbarians with Hellenes, they will be described by us as being at war when they fight, and by nature enemies, and this kind of antagonism should be called war; but when Hellenes fight with one another we shall say that Hellas is then in a state of disorder and discord, they being by nature friends; and such enmity is to be called discord. barians

I

agree.

Consider then, I said, when that which we have acknowledged to be discord occurs, and a city is divided, if both parties destroy the lands and burn the houses of one another, how wicked docs the strife appearl No true lover of his country would bring himself to tear in pieces his own nurse and mother: There might be reason in the conqueror depriving the conquered of their harvest, but still they would their hearts and have the idea of peace

m

would not mean

to

Yes, he said, that

go on fighting for ever a better temper than the

is

other

And wdl

not the city, which you are foundan Hellenic city ^ It ought to be, he replied Then will not the citizens be good and civ-

ing, be

ilised?

Yes, very civilised. And will they not be lovers of Hellas, and think of Helias as their own land, and share in the

common

Most

temples?

certainly.

And any difference which arises among them will be regarded

quarrel

among

—

by them as discord only [471J which is not to

friends,

be called a war?

and

rase their houses; their

will only last until the

many

innocent sufferers have compelled the guilty few to give satisfaction? I agree, he said, that our citizens should thus deal with their Hellenic enemies; and with barbarians as the Hellenes now deal with one another. Then let us enact this law also for our guardians* ^ihat they are neither to devastate the lands of Hellenes nor to burn their houses. Agreed; and we may agree also in thinking that these, like all our previous enactments, arc very good.

—

But

still I

must

say, Socrates, that

if

you arc

m

allowed to go on this way you will entirely forget the other question which at the com

mencement

—

of this discussion

you thrust

aside.

such an order of things possible, and hov\ if at all? For I am quite ready to acknowledge that the plan which you propose, if only icasiIs

ble,

would do all sorts of good to the Stale I what you have omitted, that your citi-

will add,

zens will be the bravest of warriors, md will never leave their ranks, lor they will all know' one another, and each will calPthc other father, brother, son, and if you suppose the women to join their armies, whether in the same rank or in the rear, cither as a terror to the enemy, or as auxiliaries in case of nccd,l know that they will then be absolutely iiiMucible; and there are many domestic advantages which might also be mentioned and which I also lully acknowl edge* but, as I admit all these advantages and as many more as you please, if only this State of yours were to come into existence, we need say no more about them, assuming then the existence of the State, let us now turn to the question of possibility rest

may

be

—the

and ways aad means

left.

.

as they are Hellenes themselves they

for a momenf, you instantly upon me, I said|{ and have no mercy; I have hardly escapedi the first and second waves, and you seem n^t to be aware that you are now bringing upon me the third, which IS the greatest and heaviest. When you have seen and heard the third wave, I think you will be more considerate and will acknowledge that some fear and hesitation was natural

burn

respecting a proposal so extraordinary as that

Certainly not. Then they will quarrel as those

some day

to be reconciled

[472 /

who

intend

?

Certainly,

They will use friendly correction, but will not enslave or destroy their opponents; they will be correctors, not enemies? Just so.

And

to waste their lands

will not devastate Hellas, nor will they

houses, nor even suppose that the whole popu-

make

which

If I loiter

a raid

I

have

now

to state

and

investigate.

,

THE REPUBLIC V The more appeals of this sort which you make, he said, the more determined are we that you shall tell us how such a State is possible: speak out and at once. Let me begin by reminding you that we found our way hither in the search after justice and injustice. True, he replied; but what of that? I was only going to ask whether, if we have discovered them, we arc to require that the just

man should in nothing fail of absolute justice; may we be satisfied with an approximation,

or

and the attainment of justice than

is

in

to be

The approximation

him

found

of a higher degree in other men?

will be

enough.

We arc enquiring into the nature of absolute

369

posed, you will admit that we have discovered the possibility which you demand; and will be contented. I am sure that I should be contented will not you?

—

Yes, I will. Let me next endeavour to show what is that fault in States which is the cause of their present maladministration, and what is the least

change which will enable a State to pass into the truer form; and let the change, if possible, be of one thing only, or, if not, of two; at any rate, let the changes be as few and slight as possible. Certainly, he replied. I think, I said, that there might be a reform of the State if only one change were made, which is not a slight or easy though still a pos-

and into the character of the perfectly and into injustice and the perfectly unjust, th.tt we might have an ideal. We w^re to look at these in order that we might judge of our own happiness and unhappiness according to the standard which they exhibited and the degree in which wt -^semblcd them, but not with any view of showing that they could

sible one.

exist in fact.

said: Until philosophers are \ings, or the kings and princes of this world have the spirit and power of philosophy, and political greatness and wisdom meet in one, and those commoner natures who pursue either to the exclusion of the other are compelled to stand aside no, cities will never have rest from their evils nor the human race, as I believe and then only will this our State have a possibility of life and behold the light of day. Such was the thought, my dear Crlaucon, which I would fain have uttered if it had not seemed too extravagant; for to be convinced that in no other State can there be h.*ppiness private or public is indeed a hard thing.

justice

just,

a perfect State ?

To he sure. And is our theory a

worse theory because

we

arc unable to prove the possibility of a city be-

ing ordered in the manner described^ Surely not, he replied.

That

is

I

1 said. But if, at your reand show how and under

the truth,

am

to try

what conditions the possibility is highest, I must ask you, having this in view, to repeat your former admissions. What admissions^ ,

[47^]

I

want

to

know whether

ideals arc

ever fully realized in language? Docs not the word express more than the fact, and must not the actual, whatever a man may think, always, in the nature of things, fall short of the truth?

What do you I

is it?

Now

then,

he

said.

go to meet that which I liken to the greatest of the waves; yet shall the 1

said, I

word be spoken, even though the wave break and drown me in laughter and dishonour; and do you mark my words. Proceed. I

True, he said. Woulil a painter be any the worse because, after having delineated with consummate art an ideal of a perfectly beautiful man, he was unable to show that any such man could ever have existed ? He w^ould be none the Avorse. Well, and were we not creating an ideal of

quest,

What

say?

agree.

Then you must not insist on my proving that the actual State will in every re.s(7cct coincide with the ideal: if we arc only able to discos cr how a city may be governed nearly as we pro-

—

—

Socrates, what do you mean? I would have you consider that the word which you have uttered is one at which numerous persons, and very respectable persons too, I474] in a figure pulling off their coats all in a moment, and seizing any weapon that comes to hand, will run at you might and main, before you know where you are, intending to do heaven knows what; and if you don’t prepare an answer, and put yourself in motion, you will be “pared by their fine wits,” and no mistake.

got me into the scrape, I said. And I was quite right; however, I will do all

You

I can to get you out of it; but I can only give you good-will and good advice, and, perhaps, I may l)C able to fit answers to your questions better than another that is all. And now, hav-

—

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

iTO

ing «uch an auxiliary^ you must do your best

show the unbelievers

to

you are since you offer that

right.

honoured by lesser and meaner people-^but honour of some kind they must have. sons, they are glad to be

me such And 1 think that, if there is to be a chance of our escaping, we must explain to them whom we mean when we say

any

that phUosophers are to rule in the State; then

part only?

I

ought to try,

I said,

invaluable assistance.

we

be able to defend ourselves: There will be discovered to be some natures who ought to study philosophy and to be leaders in the State; and others who are not born to be philosophers, and are meant to be followers rather than leaders.

Exactly.

Once more

for a definition, he said.

Follow me,

I said,

and

some way or other be

I

hope

that

able to give

may

you a

in

satis-

factory explanation.

Proceed.

you remember, and thereremind you, that a lover, if he is worthy of the name, ought to show his love, not to some one part of that which he lo\'cs, but I dare say that

fore I need not

to the whole.

do not understand, and therefore my memory. Ano^er person, I said, might fairly reply as you do; Imt a man of pleasure like yourself ought to know that ail who are in the flower of youth do somehow or other raise a pang or emotion in a lover’s breast, and are thought by him to be worthy of his affectionate regards. Is not this a way which you have with the fair: one has a snub nose, and you praise his charming face; the hook-nose of another has, you say, a royal look; while he who is neither snub nor hooked has the grace of regularity: the dark I really

beg of you

visage

is

to assist

manly, the

not say of the philosopher that a lover, not of a part of wisdom only, but of the whole? Yes, of the whole.

he

fair are children of the

gods; and as to the sweet ^*honey pale,” as they arc called, what is the very name but the invention of a lover who talks in diminutives, and IS not adverse to paleness if appearing on the check of youth? 1 47$] In a word, there 1 $ no excuse which you will not make, and nothing which you will not say, in order not to lose a single flower that blooms in the springtime of youth. If you make me an authority in matters of love, for the sake of the argument, I assent. And what do you say of lovers of wine? Do you not see them doing the same? They are glad of any pretext of drinking any wine.

And he who

Very true, he said. Whereas he who has a taste (or e\ery sort of knowledge and who is curious to learn and 15 never satisfied, may be )usdy termed a phi-

true of ambitious

men;

if

and important

per-

not right

I

Glaucon said: If curiosity makes a philosopher, you will find many a strange being wiH have a title to the name. All the lovers of sights have a delight in learning, and must thereloic be included. Musical amateurs, too, arc a lolk strangely out of place among i^hilosophcrs, lor they are the last persons in the world who would come to anything like a philosophical discussion, if they could help, while they run al)out at the Dionysiac festivals as if they had let out their cars to hear every chorus; whether the performance is in town or country that makes no difference they are there. Now arc we to maintain that all these and any who have

—

—

similar tastes, as well as the professors of quite

minor

arts,

are philosophers^

Certainly not,

1

replied; they arc only

an

imitation.

He said: Who then are thetruephilosophers^ Those,

1

said,

who

are lovers

rtioned

to

and gracious

mind, which will move sponiancously towards the true being of everything. Certainly.

Well, and do not all these qualities, which we have been enumerating, go together, and arc they not, in a manner, necessary to a soul, which is to ha\ e a full and perfect participation of being? 1

is

ring. For

That is certain. Labouring in vain, he must end in hating

To

tion

48 ^] They arc absolutely necessary, he

re-

Then how can you be justified

in saying that not cease from evil until philosophers rule in them, when philosophers are acknowledged by us to be of no use to them? You ask a question, 1 said, to which a reply can only be given in a parable. YcwS, Socrates; and that is a way of speaking to w'hich you are not at all accustomed, 1 sup-

cities will

pose. I

at

perceive, I said, that

having plunged

me

you are

vastly

amused

into such a hopeless dis-

And must not that be a blameless study which he only can pursue who has the gift of a good

now hear the parable, 1 488 ] and then you will be still more amused at the meagrencss of my imagination: for the manner in

memory, and

which the

cussion; but

plied.

is

i]|uick

to learn

—noble,

gra-

cious, the friend of truth, justice, courage, tem-

perance,

who are his kindred?

The god find

no

of jealousy himself, he said, could with such a study.

fault

And to men like him, 1 said, when perfected by years and education, and to these only you will entrust the State.

Here Adeimantus interposed and said: To no one can offer a

these statements, Socrates, reply;

but

when you

talk in this way, a strange

feeling passes over the

They fancy

minds

of your hearers;

that they are led astray a

little

at

each step in the argument, owing to their own want of skill in asking and answering questions; these litilcs accumulate, and at the end of the discussion they are found to have sustained a mighty overthrow and all their former notions appear to he turned upside down. And as unskilful players of draughts are at last shut up by their more skilful adversaries and have no

best

men

arc treated in their

own

no single thing on earth is comparable to it; and therefore, if 1 am to plead their cause, 1 must have recourse to fiction, and put together a figure made up of many Slates

is

so grievous that

and which arc found in pictures. Imagine then a fleet or a ship in which there is a captain who is taller and stronger than any of the crew but he is a little deaf and has a similar infirmity in sight, and his knowledge of navigation is not

things, like the fabulous unions of goats stags

.

much

better.

The

sailors arc quarrelling

—every one

one another alxnit the steering

wiUi is

of

opinion that he has a right to steer, though he has never learned the art of navigation and cannot tell who taught him or when he learned, and will further assert that it cannot be taught, and they are ready to cut in pieces any one who says the contrary. They throng about the captain, begging and praying him to commit the helm to them; and if at any time they do not

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

376

but others arc preferred to them, they the others or throw them overboard, and having hrst chained up the noble captain's prevail, kill

senses

w ith drink

or

some

narcotic drug, they

mutiny and take possession ot the ship and make tree with the stores, thus, eating and drinking, they proceed on their \oyage in such a manner as might be exj'iected of them Him who IS their partisan and cleverly aids them in their plot tor getting the ship out of the cap tain s

hands into their own w hether bv lorcc or

persuasion, they compliment with the sailor, pilot, able

nimc

of

seaman, and abuse the other

sort of man, whom they call a good tor nothing, but that the true pilot must pay attention to the year and seasons and sky and stirs and winds, and whatever else belongs to his art, it he in tends to be really qualdied for the commantl ot a ship, and that he must and will be the stcerer, whether other people like or not the possi bilily of this union of authority w ith the stecrcr’s art has never seriouslv entered into their thoughts or been made part ot their calling in vessels which are in a state of [ 4S 9 } mutiny and by sailors who are niutinttrs, how will the true pilot be regarded^ Will he not be

—

Now

called

by them a prater, a

star ga7er, a

good

for nothing^

Of course, said Adcimintus Then you will hardlv need I said, interpretation of the figure,

to hear the

which describes

the true philosopher in his relation to the State, tor

ernors ot mankind are of a different stamp; they may be justly compared to the mutinous sailors, and the true helmsmen to those who arc called by them good for nothings and stargazers

he said or these reasons, ind among men like these, philosophv, the noblest pursuit ot ill, is not likely to be much esteemed by those of the opposite taelion not tint the greitest and most i isting injury is done to her by her opponents, but bv her own professing followers, the same ot whom you suppose the lecuscr to say, that ihe greater number ol them ire in ant rogues, and the best au useless, in which op nion I agreed. Precisely so,

I

Yes

And the re ison why now been explained^ Tnic 1 hen sh

we

ill

riiplion ot the

that this

IS

arc useless

h is

proceed to show that the cor

m ijoriiy

not to be

is ilso iin

latcl

lo the

uoid

ihle, iiid

eh irge ot philos

ophy an> more thin the other ^ By ill means And let us isk and answer in turn first go ing biek to the description ol iht gentle ind noble nature [ 490 ] I ruth, as vou will remcin her, was his Itader whom he tollovvcd ilways and in all things failing in this he vv is in ini poster, and had no pirt or lot in true philoso

phy Well, and

Certainly

Then suppose you now the gentleman

who

is

t

ikc this parable to

surprised at hnding that

no

others, greatly at variance with piesent

thit the true lover ol

ordinary

iiig alter

C erlainly, \ii(l

no

him^

lions of

philosophers have no honour in their cities ex plain It to him and try to convince him that their hav ing honour would be far more extra

he said

have we not being

a right to siv in his defence,

knowledge

— ihit

is

is

ilw lys striv

his nature

he will not

which is an appearance onlv hut will go on- the keen edge will not he hlunicd, nor the force ol his rest in the multiplicity ol inchviduils

I will

Say to him,

that, in

deeming the best votaries

of philosophy to be useless to the rest of the world, he is right, but also tell him to attribute their uselessness to the fault ot those who will

1 he pilot should not humbly beg the sailors o be com manded by him that is not the order of na lure, neither are “the wise to go to the doors of the rich” the ingenious author of this saying

not use them, and not to themselves

—

— —

^but

the truth

is,

that,

when a nun

is

whether he be rich or poor, to the physician he must go, and he who wants to be governed, to him who IS able to govern 1 he ruler who is good for anything ought not to beg his subjects to be ruled by him, although the present govill,

good

Yes, that was siid is not this one quality, to mention

you understand already

told a lie

the

desire abitc until he have alt lined the know edge of the true niturc ot evpry essence by a sympathetic and kinelrc crs and tastes of the motley multitude, whether in painting or music, or, finally, in politics, differ Irom him whom I have been describing? For when a man consorts with the many, and exhibits to

them his poem or other work of art or the servwhich he has done the State, making them

ice

when he is not obliged, the so-callcd Diomede will oblige him to pro-

is

his judges

been, nor

necessity of

—

truly say. I

quite assent, he replied. let me crave your assent also to a fur-

Then

ther observation.

What are you going to say? Why, that all those mercenary individuals, whom the many call Sophists and whom they deem to be their adversaries, do, in fact, teach nothing but the opinion of the many, that is to say, the opinions of their assemblies; and this is their wisdom. I might compare them to a man who should study the tempers and desires of a

—

mighty strong beast who is fed by him ^hc would learn how to approach and handle him, also at what times and from what cau^s he is dangerous or the reverse, and what is the meaning of his several cries, and by what sounds, when another utters them, he is soothed or infuriated; and you may suppose further, that when, by continually attending upon him, he has become perfect in all this, he callshis knowledge wisdom, and makes of it a system or art, which he proceeds to teach, although he has no real notion of what he means by the principles

duce whatever they

praise.

And yet the

reasons

arc utterly ludicrous which they give in con-

own notions about the honourable and good. Did you ever hear any of them which were not? firmation of their

No, nor am

You

I

likely to hear.

recognise the truth ot

wlwt

I

have been

saying? Then let me ask you to consider further whether the world will ever be induced to believe in the existence of absolute beauty rather than of the many beautiful, l4g4] or of the absolute in each kind rather than of the many in each kind? Certainly not. I'hcn the world cannot possibly be a philos-

opher? Impossible.

And fall

therefore philosophers must inevitably under the censure of the world ?

They must.

And of individuals who consorf with the mob and seek to please them? That is evident. Then, do you sec any way in wh ch the

philos-

opher can be preserved in his ailing to the end? and remember what wc vfere saying of him, that he was to have quickne^and memory and courage and magnificence these were admitted by us to be the true philosopher’s gifts.
2] Let him then be set over against democracy; he may truly be called the democratic

unnecessary pleasures. Yes, he said, the change in

man.

is

visible

Let that be his place, he said. Last of all comes the most beautiful of all, man and State alike, tyranny and the tyrant;

After this he lives on, spending his

money

these

him

enough.

and labour and time on unnecessary pleasures quite as much as on necessary ones; but if he be fortunate, and is notdoo much disordered in his wits, when years have elapsed, and the hey-

—

supposing that he then is over rc-admits into the city some part of the exiled virtues, and does not wholly give himself up to

day of passion

we have now to consider. Quite true, he said. Say then, my friend, In what manner does that it has a democratic origin tyranny arise

—

is

evident. Clearly.

And

does not tyranny spring from democ-

racy in the same

manner

as

democracy from

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

412

—

oligarchy

I

mean,

after a sort?

tutors;

The good which oligarchy proposed to itself and the means by which it was maintained was excess of wealth

—am

I

not right?

Yes.

And

the insatiable desire of wealth and the all other things for the sake of money-

neglect of

getting

was

also the ruin of oligarchy ?

own good, of which the insatiable desire brings her to dissolution? What good ? Freedom, I replied; which, democracy,

is

as they tell

the glory of the State

that therefore in a

democracy alone

you

—and

will the

freeman of nature deign to dwell. is in everybody’s mouth. going to observe, that the insatiable de-

Yes; the saying I

w^as

of this and the neglect of other things introduces the change in democracy, which occasions a demand for tyranny. sire

How so?

praises

Now,

men

after her

own

and honours both

heart,

in private

whom and

she

public.

in such a State, can liberty have any lim-

it?

Certainly not.

By degrees vate houses,

the anarchy finds a way into priand ends by getting among the

animals and infecting them.

How

do you mean?

mean

that the father grows accustomed to descend to the level of his sons and to fear them, and the son is on a level with his father, he having no respect or reverence for either of his parents; and this is his freedom, and the metic is equal with the citizen and the citizen with the metic, [ and the stranger is quite I

as

good

other.

Why not, as Aeschylus says, utter the word which rises to our lips? That is what I am doing, I replied; and I must add that no one who docs not know would believe, how much greater is the liberty which the animals who arc under the dominion of

man

have in a democracy than in any other

State: tor truly, the shc-dogs, as the proserb

When a democracy which is thirsting for freedom has evil cup-bearers presiding over the feast, and has drunk too deeply of the strong wine of freedom, then, unless her rulers arc very amenable and give a plentiful draught, she calls them to account and punishes them, and says that they are cursed oligarchs. Yes, he replied, a very common occurrence. Yes, I said; and loyal citizens are insultingly termed by her slaves who hug their chains and men of naught; she would have subjects who are like rulers, and rulers who are like subjects: these arc

Quite true, he said. last extreme of popular liberty is when the slave bought with money, whether male or female, is just as free as his oi her purchaser; nor must I forget to tell of the liberty and equality of the two sexes in relation to each

The

True. And democracy has her

in a

and the scholars despise their masters and young and old arc all alike; and the young man is on a level with the old, and is ready to compete with him in word or deed; and old men condescend to the young and are full of pleasantry and gaiety; they are loth to be thought morose and aiuhorilalive, and therefore they adopt the manners of the young. ars,

How?

as either.

Yes, he said, that is the way. And these are not the only evils, I said there are several lesser ones: In such a slate of society the master fears and flatters his schol-

says, are as

good

as their she-mistrcsscs,

horses and asses have a

with

all

way

and the

of marching along

the rights and dignities of freemen;

run at any body who comes in he does not leave tlie road clear lor them: and all things are just ready to burst with

and they their

way

will if

liberty.

When I take a country walk, he said, 1 often experience what you descrilic. You and 1 have dreamed the same thing. And above all, I said, and as the result of all, see how sensitive the citizens become; they chafe impatiently at the least touch of authority and at length, as you know, they cease to care even for the laws, written or unwritten; they will have no one over them. Yes, he said, I know it too well. Such, my friend, I said, is the fair and glorious beginning out of which springs tyranny. Glorious indeed, he said. But what is the next step? T’hc ruin of oligarchy is the ruih of democracy; the same disease magnified and intensithe fied by liberty overmasters democracy truth being that the excessive incitase oi anything often causes a [ 564 ! rcactioh in the opposite direction; and this is the casi not only in the seasons and in vegetable and animal life, but above all in forms of government.

—

True. Tlii*

excess of liberty, whether in States or

individuals, seems only to pass into excess of slavery.

THE REPUBLIC

VIII

413

who have little.

Yes, the natural order. And so tyranny naturally arises out of democracy, and the most aggravated form of

out of people

tyranny and slavery out of the most extreme

That is pretty much the case, he said, TTic people arc a third class, consisting of those who with their own hands; they arc

form of

liberty ?

As we might

I

believe,

your

—

question you rather desired to know what is that disorder which is generated alike in oligarchy and democracy, and is the ruin of both? Just so,

he

Well,

said, I

I

replied.

meant to

idle sj^ndthri£ts,of

refer to the class of

whom the more courageous

and the more timid the followsame whom we were comparing to drones, some stinglcss,and others having stings.

arc the leaders

the

ers,

A

this

is

very just comjiarison.

not politicians, and have not much to live u[X)n. This, when assembled, is the largest and most powerful class in a democracy. True, he said; but then the multitude is seldom willing to congregate unless they get a little honey. And do they not share? I said. Do not their leaders deprive the rich of their estates and distribute them among the people; at the same time taking care to reserve the larger part for themselves? Why, yes, he said, to that extent the people

These two classes are the plagues of every city in which they are generated, being what phlegm and bile are to the body. And the good physician and lawgiver of the State ought, like the wise bee-master, to keep them at a distance and prevent, if pns^'Me, their ever coining in; and if they have anyhow found a way in, then he should have them and their cells cut out as

of change, the others charge

speedily as possible.

against the people

Yes, by

all

means, he

'rhen, in order that

we the

said.

we may

arc doing, let us imagine

divided, as indeed first

it is,

and the

called the wealthy class,

drones feed u})on them.

wwk

expect.

however, was not, as

ITiat,

And

see clearly

democracy

what to

be

into three classes; for in

place freedom creates rather

more

do

share.

And

whose property

the persons

from them

is

taken

are compelled to defend themselves

before the people as they best can? What else can they do?

And

then, although they

may have no desire

them with plotting and being friends of oli-

garchy? True.

And ple,

the end not of their

is

that

own

when

they sec the peo-

accord, but through igno-

rance, and because they are deceived by inform-

seeking to do them wrong, then at

drones in the democratic than there were in the

ers,

oligarchical State.

they arc forced to become oligarchs in reality; they do not wish to Ixr, but the sting of the

I'hat

And

is

true.

last

democracy they arc certainly more

drones torments them and breeds revolution in them.

Because in the oligarchical State they arc disqualified and driven from office, and therefore they cannot train or gather strength; whereas in a democracy they arc almost the entire ruling power, and while the keener sort speak and act, the rest keep buzzing about the bema and do not suffer a word to be said on the other side; hence in democracies almost everything is managed by the drones. Very true, he said. Then there is another class which is always being severed from the mass.

Then come impeachments and judgments

in the

intensified.

How

That

so?

What is that?

said, there is little to

trials

exactly the truth.

of one another.

True.

The

people have always some champion

whom they set over them and nurse into greatness.

Yes, that is their way. This and no other is the root from which a tyrant springs; when he first appears above ground he is a protector. Yes, that I

is

quite clear.

low then does

a protector begin to

into a tyrant? Clearly

They arc the orderly class, which in a nation of traders is sure to be the richest. Naturally so. They arc the most squeezable persons and yield the largest amount of money to the drones.

Why, he

and

is

be squeezed

man

is

said to

do

when he

change

docs what the

in the tale of the

Arcadian

temple of Lycaean Zeus.

What tale? The tale is that he who has tasted the entrails of a single human victim minced up with the entrails of other victims is destined to

become

—

]

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

414

Did you never hear

a wolf.

man, and

it?

O yes. And

like

the protector of the people

having a

mob

is

like

entirely at his disposal,

he

him; is

Yes, he said,

At

not

from shedding the blood of kinsmen; by the favourite method of false accusation he brings them into court and murders them, making the life of man to disappear, and with unholy tongue and lips tasting the blood of his fellow citizen; some he kills and others he banishes, at the same time hinting at the abolition of debts and partition of lands: and after this, [^6 what will be his destiny? Must he not either perish at the hands of his enemies, or from being a man become a well -that is, a restrained

tyrant?

I

he who begins to make a party

against the rich?

The same. After a while he is driven out, but comes back, in spite of his enemies, a tyrant full

grown. That

they are unable to expel him, or to get him condemned to death by a public accusation, they conspire to assassinate him. Yes, he said, that is their usual way. Then comes the famous request for a bodyguard, which is the device of all those who have got thus far in their tyrannical career “Let not the people’s friend,” as they say, “be if

them.”

Exactly.

The for

people readily assent;

him

Very

—

^they

all

their fears arc

—

true.

quite right too, said he, for

if

he would never be ashamed again. But if he is caught he dies.

he were,

one

is

whom I

people and his

and distributing land to the followers, and wanting to be so

kind and good to every oncl Of course, he said. But when he has disposed of foreign enemies by conquest or treaty, [$6y J and there is nothing to fear from them, then he is always stirring up some war or other, in order that the people may require a leader.

be sure.

Has he not also another object, which is that they may be impoverished by payment of taxes, and thus compelled to devote themselves their daily wants and therefore less likely conspire against

to to

him?

And if any of them are sus|)ected by him of having notions of freedom, and of resistance to his authority, he will have a good pretext for destroying them by placing them at the mercy ot the enemy; and tor all these reasons the tyrant must be always getting up a war. He must. ^ Now he begins to grow unpopular.

A necessary result. Then some of those who joined in setting him up, and who are in power, speak their minds lo him and to one another, and the

Yes, that

And

may be

them

what

cast in his teeth

expected.

he means to rule, must get them; he cannot stop while he has a friend or an enemy who is good for anything. the tyrant,

if

rid of

He cannot. And therefore he must look about him and see who is valiant, who is high-mii|ded, who is wise, who is wealthy; happy mah, he is the them all, and must seek occasion them whether he will or 10, until he

of

against

whom we

of

being done.

enemy

v

Of course.

And

salutes every

liberating debtors,

is

‘

And

and he

more courageous

have none for themselves.

And when a man who is wealthy and is also accused of being an enemy of the people sees this, then, my friend, as the oracle said to Croesus: “By pebbly Hcrnius’ shore he flees and rests not, and is not ashamed to be a coward.”

us consider that.

let

in the early days of his power, he

Clearly. is clear.

And

lost to

which a creature

he meets he to be called a tyrant, who is making promises in public and also in private

To

said, is

first,

full of smiles,

Inevitably,

This,

also of the State in

him is generated.

No doubt, he said.

has made a purgation of the State Yes, he said, and a rare purgatic^i. Yes, I said, not the sort of purgation which the physicians make of the body; ft>r they take away the worse and leave the better part, but he does the reverse. If he is to rule, I suppose that he cannot help

And now let us consider the happiness of the

himself.

he, the protector of

spoke,

is

to be seen, not “larding the plain” with his

bulk, but himself the overthrower of many, standing up in the chariot of State with the reins in his hdnd, no longer protector, but tyrant absolute.

*

Herodotus,

i.

55.

What

a blessed alternative,

I

said:

—

^to

be

]

THE REPUBLIC compelled to dwell only with the many bad, and to be by them haled, or not to live at ail I

Yes, that

And

is

the alternative.

more detestable his actions are to the citizens the more satellites and the greater devotion in them will he require? the

are the devoted band,

and where

he procure them? They will flock to him, he said, of their own accord, if he pays them. By the dog! I said, here are more drones, of every sort and from every land. Yes, he said, there arc. But will he not desire to get them on the will

spot?

How do you mean ? He

he

then set them free and enrol them in his body-guard. To be sure, he said; and he will be able to

them

What

best of

this

tyrant be; he has put to death the others

and

a blessed


orted by his father, but that the father should be supported by the son? [$6g] The father did not bring him into being, or settle him in life, in order that when his son became a man he should himself be the servant of his own servants and should support him and his rabble of slaves and companions; but that his son should protect him, and that by his help he might be emancipated from the government of the rich and aristocratic, as they are termed. And so he

him and his companions depart, just as any other father might drive out of the house a riotous son and his undesirable associates. By heaven, he said, then the parent will discover what a monster he has been fostering in his bosom; and, when he wants to drive him out, he will find that he is weak and his son

bids

strong.

Why, you do

not

mean

to say that the tyrant

What! beat

his father if he opposes him? Yes, he will, having first disarmed him. Then he is a parricide, and a cruel guardian of an aged parent; and this is real tyranny, about which there can be no longer a mistake: as the saying is, the people who would escape the smoke which is the slavery of freemen, has fallen into the fire which is the tyranny of slaves. Thus liberty, getting out of all order and

will use violence?

—

7

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

416

reason^ passes into the harshest

form of

and

bitterest

True> he

BOOK Last of

all

free to contemplate and aspire to the knowledge of the unknown, whether in past, tion,

said.

Very well; and may we not rightly say that we have sufficiently discussed the nature of tyranny, and the manner of the transition from democracy to tyranny? Yes, quite enough, he said.

/57 /

interfering with the [$72] higher principle— leaves in the solitude of pure abstrac-

which he

slavery.

IX

comes the tyrannical man;

when

again he has allayed he has a quarrel against anyone I say, when, after pacifying the two irrational principles, he rouses up the third, which is reason, before he takes his rest, then, present, or future:

the passionate element,

if

—

as

you know, he

attains truth

is

least likely to

be the sport of fantastic and

most nearly, and

lawless visions.

about whom we have once more to ask, how is he formed out of the democratical? and how does he live, in happiness or in misery? Yes, he said, he is the only one remaining. There is, however, I said, a previous question which remains unanswered. What question? I do not think that wc have adequately determined the nature and number of the appetites, and until this is accomplished the enquiry will always be confused. Well, he said, it is not too late to supply the

quite agree. In saying this I have been running into a digression; but the point which 1 desire to note is that in all of us, e\cn in good men, there is a lawless wild-beast nature, which jiccrs out in sleep. Pray, consider whether I am right, and you agree with me.

omission.

aged the saving appetites

Very true, I said; and observe the point which I want to understand: Certain of the unnecessary pleasures and appetites I conceive to be unlawful; c\cry one appears to have them, but in some persons they are controlled by the laws and by reason, and the better desires prevail

over

them—either

they are wholly ban-

become few and weak; while in' the case of others they are stronger, and there arc more of them. Which appetites do you mean? I mean those which arc awake when the reasoning and human and ruling power is ished or they

asleep; then the wild beast within us,

gorged

with meat or drink, starts up and having shaken off sleep, goes forth to satisfy his desires; and there is no conceivable folly or crime not excepting incest or any other unnatural union, or parricide, or the eating of forbidden food which at such a time, when he has parted company with all shame and sense, a man may not be ready to commit. Most true, he said. But when a man’s pulse is healthy and temperate, and when before going to sleep he has awakened his rational powers, and fed them on noble thoughts and enquiries, collecting himself in meditation; after having first indulged his appetites neither too much nor too little, but just enough to lay them to sleep, and prevent them and their enjoyments and pains from

—

I

Yes,

1

agree.

And now

remcinlx^r the character which

wc

man. He was supyouth upwards to base I'lcen

attributed to the democratic

posed from his

trained under a miserly parent, in

who

encour-

him, but discoun-

tenanced the unnecessary, which aim only

at

amusement and ornament? True. And then he got into the company of a more

and taking to wanton ways rushed into the opposite extreme from an abhorrence of his father’s meanness. At last, being a belter man than h’S corruptors, he was draw^n in both directions until he halted midway and led a life, not of vulgar and slavish passion, but of what he deemed moderate indulgence in various phas iircs. After this manner the democrat was genrefined, licenlious sort of jxroplc, their

all

erated out of the oligtirch?

Yes, he said; that w^as our view of him, and is

so

still.

And now, I

said, years will

have passed away,

and you must conceive this man, such as he is, 10 have a son, who is brought up iq his father’s principles. I

^

can imagine him.

Then you must

j

further imagii^e the same

thing to happen to the son which^bas already

happened

to the father:

—

^lic

is

d|awn

into a

which by h\$ seducers is termed perfect liberty; and his father and friends take part with his moderate desires, and perfecily lawless

life,

the opposite ])arly assist the opposite ones. As soon as these dire magicians and tyrant-makers find

if

at they arc losing

him, they contrive

[57^] their hold on

to implant in

him

a master

THE REPUBLIC and spendmonstrous winged drone that is the only image which will adequately describe him. Yes, he said, that is the only adequate image of him. passion, to be lord over his idle

thrift lusts

—

—a

sort of

And when his other lusts, amid clouds of incense and perfumes and garlands and wines, and

the pleasures of a dissolute

all

life,

now

let

come buzzing around him, nourishing utmost the sting of desire which they implant in his dronc-like nature, then at last this lord of the soul, having Madness for the captain of his guard, breaks out into a frenzy; and if he finds in himself any good opinions or ap[>ctites in process of formation, and there is in him any sense of shame remaining, to these better principles he puts an end, and casts them forth until he has purged away temperance and brought loose,

to the

in

madness

to the full.

Yes, he said, that is the way in rannical man is generated.

which the

ty-

And is not this rh'' reason why of old love has been called a tyrant I should not wonder. Imither, I said, has not a drunken man also r'

the spirit of a tyrant.^

Then

IX

417

conics debt

and the cutting down of

his projxrty. f)f course.

When

must not his deyoung ravens, l5y4] be crying aloud for food; and he, goaded on by them, and especially by Love himself,

who

he has nothing

crowding

sire.s,

is

frenzy,

left,

in the nest like

manner the captain of them, is in a and would fain discover whom he can

in a

defraud or despoil of his property, in order that he may gratify them ? Yes, that is sure to be the case. I le must have money, no matter how, if he is to escape horrid pains and pangs. He must. And as in himself there was a succession of pleasures, and the new got the belter of the old and took away their rights, so he being younger will claim to have more than his father and his mother, and if h^ has spent his own share of the property, he will take a slice of theirs. No doubt he will. And if his parents will not give way, then he will try first of all to cheat and deceive them.

Very

true.

And

it

he fails, then he will use force and plunder them. Yes, probably.

lie has.

And

deranged and not right in his mind, will fancy that he is able to rule, not only over men, but also over the gods? I'liat he will.

if the old man and woman fight for own, what then, my friend? Will the creature feci any compunction at tyrannizing over them? Nay, he said, T should not feel at all comfort-

the tyrannical man in the true sense of into l>cing when, cither under the influence of nature, or habit, or both, he becomes drunken, lustful, passionate? () my

able about his parents.

And you know

that a

man who

is

And

the

word comes

friend,

is

not that so?

Assuredly. Such is the man and such is his origin. And next, how docs he live? Sup})osc, as people facetiously say, you were to

tell I

me.

imagine,

said, at the

I

next step in his

progress, that there will be feasts and carousals and rcvellings and courtesans, and all that sort of thing;

l^ve

is

within him, and orders

the lord of the house all the concerns of his

soul.

That

is

certain.

Yes; and every day and every night desires their de-

grow up many and formidable, and mands arc many. They arc indeed, he said. His revenues, True.

if

he has any, arc soon spent.

their

But,

O heavens!

Adcimantus, on account of

a harlot, who is anything but a necessary connection, can you believe that he would strike the mother who is his ancient friend and necessary to his very existence, and would place her under the authority of the other, when she is brought under the same root with her; or that, under like circumstances, he would do the same to his withered old father, first and most indispensable of friends, for the sake of some newly-found blooming youth who is the reverse of indis-

some new-fangled love of

pensable ? Yes, indeed, he said;

I

believe that he would.

Truly, then, I said, a tyrannical son ing to his father and mother. He is indeed, he replied.

He fails,

first

takes their property, and

and pleasures arc

iTCginiiing to

is

a bless-

when that swarm in

the hive of his soul, then he breaks into a house,

some nightly wayfarer; next he proceeds to clear a temple. Meanwhile

or steals ihegarmcntsof

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

418

the old opinions which he had

when

a child,

and which gave judgment about good and evil, are overthrown by those others which have just been emancipated, and are now the body*guard of love and share his empire. These in his democratic days, when he was still subject to the laws and to his father, were only let loose in the dreams of sleep. But now that he is under the dominion of Love, he becomes always and in waking reality what he was then very rarely and in a dream only; he will commit the foulest murder, or eat forbidden food, or be guilty of any other horrid act. fs7$] Love is his tyrant, and lives lordly in him and lawlessly, and being himself a king, leads him on, as a ivrant leads a State, to the performance of any reckless deed by which he can maintain himself and the rabble of his associates, whether those whom evil communications have brought in from without, or those whom he himself has allowed to break loose within him by reason of a similar evil nature in himself. Have wc not here a picture of his

way if

the end of his passions and desires. Exaedy. When such men are only private individuals and before they get power, this is their character; they associate entirely with their own flatterers or ready tools; or if they want anything from anybody, they in their turn are equally ready to bow down before them: [376] they profess every sort of affection for them; but when they have gained their point they know them no more. is

Yes, truly.

They

arc always either the masters or serv-

and never the friends of anybody; the tyrant never tastes of true freedom or friendship.

ants

Certainly not.

And may we

not rightly call such

men

treacherous? No question.

Also they are utterly unjust,

if

wc were right

in our notion ot justice?

of life?

Yes, indeed, he said.

And

young retainers whom he has in** troduced to be their rulers and masters. This jection to his

wc were ^jerteedy sum up in a word, I

Yes, he said, and

there arc only a

few of them

in the

Let us then

right.

said, the the waking

and the rest of the people are well disposed, they go away and become the bodyguard or mercenary soldiers of some other tyrant who may probably want them for a war; and if there is no war, they stay at home and do

character of the worst

many little pieces of mischief What sort of mischief?

in the city.

more of a tyrant he becomes. That is certain, said Glaucon, taking

thieves, burglar^,

turn to answer. And will not he who has been shown to be the wickedest, be also the most miserable? and he who has tyrannized longest and most, most continually and truly miserable; although this may not be the opinion of men in general ? Yes, he said, inevitably. And must not the tyrannical man be like the tyrannical State, and the democratical man like the democratical State; and the same of the others?

State,

For example, they are the

cut-purses, footpads, robbers of temples,

community; or

man-

they are able to speak they turn informers, and bear false witness, and take bribes. small catalogue of evils, even it the perstealers of the

if

A

petrators of

them

are

few

in

numl)cr

Yes, I said; but small and great are comparative terms, and all these things, in the misery and evil which they inflict upon a State, do not come within a thousand miles of the tyrant; when this noxious class and their followers grow numerous and become conscious of their strength, assisted by the infatuation of the people, they choose from among themselves the one who has most of the tyrant in his own soul, and him they create their tyrant. Yes, he said, and he will be the most fit to be a tyrant. If the people yield, well and good; but if they resist him, as he began by beating his own father and mother, so now, if he has the power, he beats them, and will keep his dear old fatherland or motherland, as the Cretans say, in sub-

reality of

Most

And

man: he

is

what wc dreamed.

true. this

is

he

who

a tyrant bears rule,

being by nature most of

and the longer he

Certainly.

And ness, so

To

as State is

man

lives the

his

;

is

to State in virtu^

in relation to

and happi-

man ^

be sure.

Then comparing our

original f city, which was under a king, and the city whiih is under a tyrant, how do they stand as to virtue? They arc the opposite extrcmcs,c he said, for one is the very best, the other the very worst. There can be no mistake, I said, as to which is which, and therefore I will at once enquire whether you would arrive at a similar decision about their relative happiness and misery. And

S

THE REPUBLIC we must

here

not allow ourselves to be panic-

striken at the apparition of the tyrant,

who

A

fair invitation,

he replied; and

I

see, as

every one must, that a tyranny is the wretchedest form of government, and the rule of a king the happiest.

And

men too, may I not a like request, J 77 l that 1 should have a judge whose mind can enter into and see through human nature? he must not be like a

fairly

in estimating the

looks at the outside and is dazzled at the pompous aspect which the tyrannical nature assumes to the licholder, but let him be

who has a clear

May

suppose that the judgment is given in the hearing of us all by one who is able to judge, and has dwelt in the same place with him, and been present at his daily life and known him in his family relations, where he nVv* he seen stripped of his

one

tragedy

attire,

—

insight.

and again

in the

danger he shall tell us about the happiness and misery of the tyrant when compared with other

And rant

men?

is

capable of doing what she desires; there a gadfly which goads her, and she is full of trouble and remorse? Certainly. is

And is the city which is under a tyrant rich or poor? Poor.

[378 ] And the tyrannical ways poor and insatiable?

And must be always

is

Is

And

yet, as

you

sec, there arc

well as masters in such a State?

freemen as

not the same rule prevail? his soul is full of meanness and vulgarity the best elements in him are enslaved; and there is a small ruling part, which is also the worst aiid maddest.

—

And

And would you

man

there any

is

more ot this sort cal man, who is

say that the soul of such

an

in

whom

you

will find

of misery than in the tyranniin a fury of passions

and de-

Impossible.

upon

Reflecting

these and similar evils,

you

held the tyrannical State to be the most miserable of States?

And

I

was

Certainly,

right, I

said.

he

said.

And when you see the same

evils in the tyrannical

man, what do you

say of

him? I

is

by far the most miserable of

said, I

think that you are beginning

say that he

men. I

go wrong. What do you mean? 1 do not think that he has utmost extreme ot misery.

to

as yet reached the

Then who is more miserable? One of whom I am about to speak. is

that?

He who is of a tyrannical nature, and instead of leading a private

life

has been cursed with

the further misfortune of being a public tyrant. From what has been said, I gather that you arc right.

Yes,

I

replied, but in this

should be a

little

more

Very

true,

he

said.

high argument you and should not

certain,

conjecture only; for of specting good and evil

Inevitably.

more

pain? Certainly not.

Who

—

Yes, he said, 1 see that there arc a few; but the people, speaking generally, and the best of them are miserably degraded and enslaved. Then if the man is like the State, 1 said, must

man

not such a State and such a

full of fear?

there any State in which you will find

There,

slaved.

al-

of lamentation and sorrow and groaning and

asked.

free or enslaved?

must be

Yes, indeed.

all

No city, he said, can be more completely en-

soul

IVue.

conditions?

Beginning with the State, I replied, would you say that a city which is governed by a ty-

enslaved under a ty-

is

least

sires?

rant

the State which

utterly incapable of acting voluntarily?

Utterly incapable.

Thai again, he said, is a very fair proposal. Shall I assume that wc ourselves are able and experienced judges and have before now met with such a person ? Wc shall then have some one who will answer our enquiries. By all means. I^t me ask you not to forget the parallel of the individual and the State; bearing this in mind, and glancing in turn from one to the other of them, will you tell me their respective

What do you mean? he

soul of a freeman, or of a slave?

And also the soul which is under a tyrant (1 am speaking of the soul taken as a whole) is

I

hour of public

419

He has the soul of a slave, in my opinion.

make

who

child

one is the

is

only a unit and may perhaps have a few retainers about him; but let us go as we ought into every corner of the city and look all about, and then we will give our opinion.

IX

all is

questions, this re-

the greatest.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

420

Let me then offer you an illustration, which may, I think, throw a light upon this subject. What is your illustration?

The possess

case of rich individuals in cities

many

slaves,

an idea of the have

more

who

from them you may form

tyrant’s condition, for they

slaves; the only difference

is

that

both

he has

slaves.

Yes, that

is

You know nothing

to

What

the difference.

and have apprehend from their servants? that they live securely

should they fear?

Nothing. But do you observe the reason of

mean—whom you just now decided most miserable of all ^will not he be yet more miserable when, instead of leading a cal

man,

I

—

to be the

life, he is constrained by fortune to be a public tyrant? He has to be master of others when he is not master of himself: he is like a diseased or paralytic man who is compelled to pass his life, not in retirement, but fighting and combating with other men. Yes, he said, the similitude is most exact. Is not his case utterly miserable? and does not the actual tyrant lead a worse life than he whose life you determined to be the worst?

private

Certainly.

this?

Yes; the reason is, that the whole city is leagued together for the protection of each individual.

He who is the real tyrant, whatever men may think,

is

the real slave,

and

is

obliged to prac-

the greatest adulation and servility, and to be the flatterer of the vilest of mankind. He has tise

Very true, I said. Rut imagine one of these owners, the master say of some fifty slaves, together with his family and property and slaves, carried off by a god into the wilderness, where there arc no freemen to help him will he not be in an agony of fear lest he and his tvife and children should l)e put to death by his

desires which he is utterly unable to satisfy, and has more wants than any one, and is truly poor, if you know how to inspect the whole soul of him: all his life long he is beset with fear and is full of convulsions, and distractions, even as the State which he resembles: and surely

slaves?

the resemblance holds?

—

1 579] Yes, fear.

The time

he

said,

he

will be in the

when he

utmost

comand make many promises to them of freedom and other he will have to things, much against his will has arrived

will be

pelled to flatter divers of his slaves,

—

cajole his

own servants.

Yes, he said, that will be the only saving himself.

way

ot

Very true, he said. l$So] Moreover, as wc were saying Ix^fore, he grows worse from h.tving power: he becomes and is of necessity more Jealous, more faithless,

more

unjust,

more

frigndlcss,

more

impious, than he was at first; he is the purveyor and chcrishcr of every sort of vice, and the consequence is that he is ‘Jiiprcmcly miserable, and that he makes everybody else as miserable as

And suppose the same god, who carried him away, to surround him with neiglibours who will not suffer one man to l>e the master of another. and who, if they could catch the offender,

himself.

would take His case

you also decide who in your opinion is first in the scale of happiness, and who second, and in what order the others follow: there are five of them in all they arc the royal, timocratical,

his life?

you sup|X)se him to be everywhere surrounded and watched by enemies. And is not this the sort of prison in which the tyrant will be bound he who being by nature such as we have described, is full of all sorts of fears and lusts ^ His soul is dainty and greedy, and yet alone, of all men in the city, he is never allowed to go on a journey, or to see the things which other freemen desire to see, but he lives in his hole like a woman hidden in the house, and is jealous of any other citizen who goes into foreign parts and secs anything of will be

still

worse,

if

—

interest.

Very

true,

he

said.

And amid evils such as these will not he who the tyranniis ill-governed in his own person

—

No man of any sense will dispute your words. Come then,

I

said,

and

as the general

umpire do

in theatrical contests proclaims the result,

—

oligarchical,

The

democrat ical, tyrannical.

decision will be easily given> he replied;

they shall be choruses coming on the stage, and I must judge them in the order in| which they enter, by the criterion of virtue anc^ vice, happiness

and misery.

'

Need wc

hire a herald, or shall J announce, that the son of Ariston | the best lias decided |

and jusiesi is also the happiest, and that this is he who is the most royal man and king over himself; and that the worst and most unjust man is also the most miserable, and that this is he who l)cing the greatest tyrant of that the best

himself

is

also the greatest tyrant of his State?

2

THE REPUBLIC Make the proclamation yourself, he said. And shall I add, “whether seen or unseen by gods and men'*? Let the words be added. 'Then this, I said, will he our there

another, which

is

may

also

and have some proof;

derived from the nature

three pleasures corresjxind; also three desires

and governing powers. How do you mean? he said. I'here is one principle with which, as we were saying, a man learns, another with which he is angry; the lliird, having many forms, has no sprci.il name, but is denoted by the general term appetitive, fr'^rnthecxtr.iordinary strength and vtliemence of the desires oi eating and drinking and the other sensual appetites which are the main elements of it; [^8/ / also moneyloving, because such desires are generally satisfied b) the help of 'I’hat IS true,

we were

he

money. said.

to say that the loves

and pleasures

of this third part were concerned with gain,

we

fall

back on a single no-

and might truly and

intelligibly describe

should then be able to

gain or money. agree w'lth you. Again, is not the passionate element wholly set on ruling and conquering and getting fame? this part of the soul as loving I

True.

Suppose wc call it the contentious or ambiwould the term be suitable? Extremely suitable. On the other hand, every one sees that the principle of knowledge is wholly directed to the truth, and cares less than cithcrof the others

—

for gain or fame.

Far less. “Lover of wisdom,” “lover of knowledge,” arc

titles

w^hich

we may

fitly

apply to that part

of the soul ?

class of

which

true.

Now, if you examine the three classes of men, and ask of them

in

turn which of their lives is found praising his own

principle prevails in the souls of one

men, another

in others, as

may happen

True, he

And

said.

—

what will he his opinion? Will he not think that the pleasure of riches is vulgar, while die pleasure of learning, if it brings no distinction, is all smoke and nonsense to

Very

the lover of honour

him? true.

And are we to suppose, T said, that the philosopher sets any value on other pleasures in comparison with the pleasure of knowing the truth, and in that pursuit abiding, ever learning. not so far indeed from the heaven of pleasure' Does he not call the other pleasures necesunder the idea that if there were no necesthem, he would rather not have them? There can be no doubt of that, he replied. Since, then, the pleasures ot each class and the life of each are in dispute, and the question is not which life is more or less honourable, I ^8 J or better or worse, but which is the more sary,

sity fi>r

—

pleasant or painless how' shall we know who speaks truly? I cannot myself tell, he said. Well, but what ought to be the criterion? Is any better than experience and wisdom and reason ? I’hcre cannot be a better, he said.

Then, I said, reflect. Of the three individuals, which has the greatest experience of all the pleasures which we enumerated ? Has the lover of gain, in learning the nature of essential truth, greater experience of the pleasure of

knowledge

than the philosopher has of the pleasure of gain? The philosopher, he replied, has greatly the advantage; for he has of necessity alw^ays

known the taste of the oiher

pleasures from his

childhood upwards: but the lover of gain in all or, his experience has not of necessity tasted I should rather say, even had he desired, could hardly have tasted the sweetness of learning

—

and knowing

Yes.

Then wc may begin by assuming that there men lovers of wisdom,

are three classes of

and depreciating that of others: the moneymaker will contrast the vanity of honour or of learning if they bring no money with the solid advantages of gold and silver?

—

Certainly.

One

there arc three kinds of pleasure,

Very first

of the soul: seeing that the individual soul, like the Slate, has been divided by us into three principles, the division may, I think, furnish a new demonstration. Of what nature? It seems to me that to these three principles

tious

And

pleasantest, each will be

What is that? The second proof is

tion;

Exactly. arc their several objects?

weight.

If

IX

—

lovers of honour, lovers of gain?

truth.

I'hcn the lover of wisdom has a great advantage over the lover of gain, for he has a double cxpcricnc®?

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

422

Twice

Yes, very great.

Again, has he greater experience of the pleasures of honour, or the lover of honour of the pleasures of wisdom ? Nay, he said, all three arc honoured in proportion as they attain their object; for the rich

man and the brave man and the wise man alike have their crowd of admirers, and as they all honour they all have experience of the pleasures of honour; but the delight which is to be found in the knowledge of true being is receive

known to the philosopher only. His experience, then,

will

him

self? I

is

the only one

who

has

wisdom

as

is

not pleasure opposed to pain?

And there is a neutral state which pleasure nor pain ? There is. A state which

Certainly.

Further, the very faculty which is the instrument of judgment is not possessed by the covetous or ambitious man, but only by the philoso-

is

neither

is intermediate, and a sort of repose of the soul about cither that is what

—

you mean? Yes.

pher?

What

You remember what

faculty?

Reason, with

whom,

as

we were

saying, the

people say

when

they

arc sick?

What do

decision ought to rest.

they say? nothing is pleasanter than health. But then they ne\cr knew this to be the greatest of pleasures until ihc) were ill. Yes, 1 know, he said. And when persons arc suffering from acute pain, you must have heard thenTsay that there is nothing pleasanter than to get nd of their pain? I have.

That

Yes.

And reasoning is peculiarly his instrument? Ccruinly. If wealth and gain were the criterion, then the praise or blame of the lover of gain would surely be the most trustworthy? Assuredly. honour or victory or courage, in that judgment of the ambitious or pugnacious would be the truest? if

case the

And

after all

there arc

many

other cases of suffering

which the mere rest and cessation of pain, and not any positive enjoyment, is extolled by them as the greatest pleasure? Yes, he said; at the time they are pleased and in

Clearly.

But since experience and wisdom and reason are the judges The only inference possible, he replied, is that pleasures which arc approved by the lover

wisdom and

reason are the truest. And so we arrive at the result, that the pleasure of the intelligent part of the soul is the pleasantest of the three, ls 8 j] and that he of us in whom this is the ruling principle has the

of

the subject and you shall an-

questions.

True.

well as experience?

Or

my

Say, then,

Far better. he

work out

will

Proceed.

to

Judge better than any one?

And

man

—

swer enable

in succession, then, has the just

overthrown the unjust in this conflict; and now comes the third trial, which is dedicated to Olympian Zeus the saviour: a sage whispers in my ear diat no pleasure except that of the wise is quite true and pure ^all others are a shadow only; and surely this will prove the greatest and most decisive of falls? Yes, the greatest; but will you explain your-

well content to be at

rest.

Again, when pleasure ceases, that sort of or cessation will be painful ? Doubtless, he said.

rest

Then the intermediate state of rest will be pleasure and will also be pain? ^

j

pleasantest

life.

^

Unquestionably, he said, the wise man speaks with authority when he approves of his own

4

is

neither

should say not. both pleasure and pain the soul, are they not? I

And

life.

And what does the judge affirm to be the life which

is

next,

and the pleasure which

is

next?

Clearly that of the soldier and lover of honour;

So It would seem. But can that which

who

is

nearer to himself than the money-

maker.

[^84] But that which is neither was just to be rest and not motion, and in a mean between them? Yes.

How,

said.

motions of

s

now shown

Very

he

|

arj^

Yes.

Last comes the lover of gain? true,

become both?

then, can

we be

right in supposing

THE REPUBLIC that the absence of pain is pleasure, or that the absence of pleasure is painP

Impossible.

This then reality; that

is

moment and and painful

an appearance only and not a

to say, the rest

is

is

pleasure at the

what is painful, comparison of what is pleasant;

in comparison of

in

when

by the

but

all

test

of true pleasure, are not real but a sort of

these representations,

tried

IX

423

inexperienced in the truth, as they have wrong many other things, should also have wrong ideas about pleasure and pain and the intermediate state; so that when they arc only being drawn towards the painful they feel pain and think the pain which they experience to be real, [$ 8 $] and in like manner, when ideas about

drawn away from pain

to the neutral or inter-

mediate state, they firmly believe that they have reached the goal of satiety and pleasure; they,

imposition? That is the inference. Look at the other class of pleasures which have noantecedent pains and you will no longer suppose, as you perhaps may at present, that pleasure is only the cessation of pain, or pain

not knowing pleasure, err in contrasting pain with the absence of pain, which is like contrasting black with grey instead of white can you wonder, I say, at this? No, indeed; I should be much more disposed

of pleasure.

to

What

are they, he said, and

where

shall I

them? There arc many of them: take as an example the pleasures of smell, which are very great and have no antecedent pains; they come in a moment, and when they depart leave no pain befind

hind them.

—

wonder at the opposite. Look at the matter thus:

and the Yc.s.

ignorance and folly are inanitions of the soul ?

True. And food and wisdom arc the corresponding satisfactions of either?

of pleasure.

which has

the more numerous and violent pleaswhich reach the soul through the body arc

generally of this sort

That

IS

—they are

reliefs of pain.

true.

And the anticipationsof future pleasures and pains are of a like nature? Yes. Shall

Let

I

give you an illustration of

And

from that

the satisfaction derived

is

less

or from that which has

more

allow,

I said,

that there

is

in na-

should. if a person were to go from the lower to the middle region, would he not imagine that he is going up; and he who is standing in the I

And

middle and sees whence he has come, would imagine that he is already in the upper region, if he has never seen the true upper world? To be sure, he said; how can he think otherwise?

would arise out of his ignorance of and middle and lower regions.?

the true upper

Yes.

who

—

^those

of all

kinds of sustenance are examples, or the class which contains true opinion and knowledge and mind and all the different kinds of virtue? Put the question in this way: ^Which has a more pure being that which is concerned with the invariable, the immortal, and the true, and is of such a nature, and is found in such natures; or th.it which is concerned with and

found

in the variable

variable

are

and mortal, and

is itself

and mortal?

Far purer, he replied, is the being of that is concerned with the invariable.

which

And does the essence of the invariable partake of knowledge in the same degree as of essence? knowledge

in the

same degree.

And of truth in the same degree? Yes. will also

that persons

have a greater share

which food and drink and condiments and

And, conversely,

scending? No doubt.

Then can you wonder

which has more.

of pure existence in your judgment

Yes, of

he were taken back again he would imagine, and truly imagine, that he was deif

All that

that

classes of things

—

an upper and lower and middle region?

But

from

Clearly,

What

—

them?

me hear.

You would ture

Certainly.

existence the truer?

Still,

ures

thirst,

And

Most true, he said. Let us not, then, be induced to l>elieve that pure pleasure is the cessation of pain, or pain

No.

—Hunger,

like, are inanitions of the Ix^dily state?

have

less

that which has less of truth

of essence?

Necessarily.

Then, in general, those kinds of things which arc in the service of the body have less of truth and essence than those which are in

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

424 the service of the soul?

tentious, or

And has not the body essence than the soul?

itself less

of truth and

sense?

Yes.

What

is filled

with more

real existence,

and

more real existence, is more really filled than that which is filled with less real existence and is less real ? actually has a

Of

envious and ambitious, or violent and conangry and discontented, if he be seeking to attain honour and victory and the satisfaction of his anger without reason or is

Far less.

Yes, he said, the

happen with the

will

Then may we not confidently assert that the money and honour, when they seek

lovers of

their pleasures

course.

And if there be a

same

spirited element also.

under the guidance and

in the

that

company of reason and knowledge, and pursue after and win the pleasures which w'isdom

is

shows them,

pleasure in being filled with

which is according to nature, that which more really filled with more real being will more really and truly enjoy true pleasure; whereas that which participates in less real being will be less truly and surely satisfied, and will participate in an illusory and less real pleasure?

Unquestionably. [^86] Those then

and and as

not

and arc alw'ays busy with gluttony go down and up again as far the mean; and in this region they move at life,

And when

but they never pass

do they ever find

way, neither arc they truly filled with true being, nor c the reason. And therefore, being desirous of placing him

under a rule like that of the best, wc s.\y that he ought to be the servant of the best, in whom the Divine rules; not, as Thrasymachus sup-

And

this

is

clearly seen to

the law, which

is

be^e intention

the ally of the whole city;

of

and

is seen also in the authority w’hich we exercise over children, and the refusal to let them be

free until

we have

established in

them

a prin-

ciple analogous to the constitution of a state,

/59/ / and by cultivation of this higher element have set up in their hearts a guardian and ruler like our own, and when this is done they may go their ways. Yes, he said, the purpose of the law is manifest.

From what point of view, then, and on what ground can we say that a man is profited by injustice or intemperance orothcr baseness, which will make him a worse man, cvjbn though he acquire money or power by his vickedness? From no point of view at all. f

What shall

he

profit, if his injiistice

be unde-

and unpunished ? He whq is undetected only gets worse, whereas he who s detected and tected

punished has the brutal part of his nature silenced and humanised; the gentler element in

him

liberated, and his whole soul is perand ennobled by the acquirement of justice and temperance and wisdom, more than the body ever is by receiving gifts of beauty, is

fected

THE REPUBLIC X and health, in proportion as the more honourable than the body.

strength

soul

BOOK X

is

Uf

many

Certainly, he said.

f59SJ

To

ceive in the order of our State, there

purpose the man of understanding will devote the energies of his life. And in the first place, he will honour studies which impress these qualities on his soul, and this nobler

In the next place, he will regulate his bodily and so far will he be from yielding to brutal and irrational pleasures, that he will regard even health as quite a secondary matter; his first object will be not that he may be fair or strong or well, unless he is likely thereby to gain temperance, but he will always desire so to attemper the

the

harmony of the

soul

body

as to preserve

?

Certainly he will, if he has true music in him. And in the acquisition of wealth there is a principle of order

and harmony which he

will

he will not allow himself to be dazzled by the foolish applause of the world,

also observe;

and heap up riches to his own infinite harm? Certainly not, he said. He will look at the city which is within him, and take heed that no disorder occur in it, such as might arise cither from superfluity or from want; and upon this principle he will regulate his projicrty and gain or sjiend according to his means. Very true. And, for the same reason, he will gladly accept and enjoy such honours as he deems likely

make him

man; /592/ but those, or public, which arc likely to

a better

whether private

disorder his life, he will avoid ? Then, if that is his motive, he will not be a

statesman.

By which

the is

dog of Egypt, he his

own he

will! in the city

certainly will,

though in

reflection pleases

me

I

is

per-

none

better than

1 o what do you refer?

which

the rejection of imitative poetry,

certainly

habit and training,

which

excellences

the rule about ixictry.

To

Clearly, he said.

the

which upon

will disregard others?

to

427

ought not to be received; as

more clearly now

I

see far

that the parts of the soul have

been distinguished.

What do you mean ? Speaking in confidence, for 1 should not like to have my words repeated to the tragedians and the rest of the imitative tribe but I do not

—

mind saying

to you, that

all

poetical imitations

arc ruinous to the understanding of the hearers, and that the knowledge ot their true nature is

the only antidote to them.

Explain the purport of your remark. Well, I will tell you, although I have always from my earliest youth had an awe and love of I lomer, which ev en now makes the words falter on my lips, for he is the great captain and teacher of the whole of that charming tragic company; but a man is not to be reverenced more than the truth, and therefore I will speak out.

Very good, he

me

Listen to

said.

then, or rather, answer me.

Put your question.

Can you tell me what imitation ly

is? for I real-

do not know.

A likely thing, then, that I

should know.

[ 596 / Why not? for the duller eye may often see a thing sooner than the keener. Very true, he said; but in your presence, even if I had any faint notion, I could not muster courage to utter it. Will you enquire yourself? Well then, shall w’c begin the enquiry in our

usual manner:

Whenever a number of individ-

common name, we assume them to

the land of his birth perhaps not, unless he

uals have a

have a divine call. T understand; you mean that he will be a

have also a corres{x>nding idea or form: do you understand me? Ido. Let us take any common instance; there arc beds and tables in the world aplenty of them,

ruler in the city of

and which

which we are the founders, I do not besuch an one anywhere on

exists in idea only; for

lieve that there is

earth ?

In heaven, I replied, there is laid up a pattern of it, methinks, which he who desires may behold, and beholding, may set his own house in order. But whether such an one exists, or ever will exist in fact, is no matter; for he will live after the manner of that city, having nothing to do with any other. I think $0, he said.

—

—

are there not? Yes. But there arc only

two ideas or forms of them

—one the idea of a bed, the other of a

tabic.

True.

And the a bed or he

of cither of them makes a table for our use, in accordance with the idea that is our way of speaking in this and similar instances ^but no

maker makes

—

—

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

428

makes the

artificer

themselves;

ideas

No wonder, then, that

how

could he? I

wonder. Suppose now' that by the

like to

One who

is

the

maker

of

all

the works of

all

workmen.

for

and there will be more reason your saying so. For this is he who is able to

make

little,

not only vessels of every kind, but plants

—

and animals, himself and all other things the earth and heaven, and the things which are in heaven or under the earth; he makes the gods also.

He must be a wizard and no mistake. Oh! you arc incredulous, arc you? Do you mean that there is no such maker or creator, or that in one sense there might be a maker of all these things but in another

there all

is

a

way

in

not.'^

Do you sec that

which you could make them

yourself?

What way ?

An

way enough; or

easy

many ways

rather, there are

might be quickly and easily accomplished, none quicker than that of turning a mirror round and round ^you would soon enough make the sun and the heavens, and the earth and yourself, and other animals and plants, and all the other things of which wc were just now speaking, in ihemirror. Yes, he said; but they would be appearances in w'hich the feat

—

only.

Very good, I said, you arc coming now'.

And

to the point

ihc painter too is, as I conceive, just a creator of appearances, is he

such another not?

—

Of course. But then

I

suppose you will say that what he

untrue. And yet there is a sense in which the painter also creates a bed? Yes, he said, but not a real bed. [597 ] And what of the maker of the bed? were you not saying that he too makes, not the idea which, according to our view', is the'essence creates

is

an

in-

light of the

exam-

If you please. Well then, here arc three beds; one existing in nature, which is made by God, as 1 think that we may say lor no one else can be the maker? No. There is another which is the vvoik ot the

—

What an extraordinary man! a

too

ples just offered we enquire who this imitator is?

Who is he?

Wait

work

No

Impossible.

And there is another artist— should know what you would say of him.

other

his

distinct expression of truth.

is

of the bed, but only a particular bed? Yes, 1 did. Then if he docs not make that which exists

he cannot make true existence, but only some semblance of existence; and if any one were to

work of the maker of the bed, or of any other workman, has real existence, he could say that the

hardly be supposed to be speaking the truth. At any rate, he replied, philosophers would say that he was not speaking the truth.

carpenter? Yes. And the work of the painter is a third ? Yes. Beds, then, arc of three kinds, and there .nc three artists w'ho superintend them: God, the maker of the bed, and the painter? Yes, there are three of them. God, whether from choice or from neccssiiy, made one Ised in nature and one only; two or more such ideal beds neither e\er ha\e bten nor ever will be made by God. Why is that? Because even if He had made but two, a third

would still appear behind them would have for their

tliem

which both

of

idea, and that w'ould

be the ideal bed and not the two others.

Very

true,

he

said.

God knew this, and maker

I

Ic desired to

he the real

a real bed, not a pailicular

oi:

maker

of

and therefore He created a essentially and by nature one only.

a particular bed,

bed which is So we believe. Shall wc, then, speak of Him as the natural author or maker of the bed ^ Yes, he replied; inasmuch as by the natural process of creation He is the author of this and of

all

other things.

And

w'hat shall

not he also the

wc

say of the carpenter

maker

-is

of the bed?

Yes.

But would you maker?

call

the paintc^ a creator aiul

Certainly not. Yet if he is not the maker, w^at lation to the bed ?

is

he

in re-

|

I

think, he said, that

him

we may

as the imitator of that

make. Good,

fairly designate

which the others

then you call him who is third from nature an imitator? Certainly, he said. And the tragic poet is an imitator, and therefore, bkc all other imitators, he is ihricc rcI

said;

in chc descent

S

THE REPUBLIC moved from

the kin^ and from the truth?

That appears to

Then to

alx>ut the imitator

know whether he may which

wc are

—

agreed. I

And

would

like

be thought to imitate

originally exists in nature^ or only

the creations of artists?

I'he latter. As they are or as they appear? you have

still

to determine this.

the same of

all

things.

Yes, he said, the difference

is

—

the art of painting designed to be an imitation of things as they are, or as they appear of is

—

apf^arance or of reality? Of appearance. I'hcn the imitator,

i

said,

is

a long

way

off

do all things because he lightsmall part of them, and that

the truth, and can

touches on a

A painter will or any other aitist, though he knows nothing of their arts; and, if he is a good artist, he may deceive children or simple persons, w'hen he shows them his picpart an image. For example:

j)aint a cobbler, carpenter,

ture of a carpenter

from

able to

a distance,

and they

do you suppose that

make

if

a person were

the original as well as the image,

he would seriously devote himself to the imagemaking branch? Would he allow imitation to be the ruling principle of his life, as if he had nothing higher in him?

only apparent.

Now let rne ask you another question: Which

ly

when they saw

removed from the truth, f599] and could easily be made without any knowledge of the truth, because they are appearances only and not realities? Or, after all, they may be in the right, and poets do really know the things about which they seem to the many to speak so well ? The question, he said, should by all means be

Now

look at a bed from different points of view, obliquely or directly or from any other prjint of view, and the l^ed will appear different, but there is no difference in

And

not have remembered

considered.

What do you mean? I mean» that you may

reality.

may

429

their works that these were but imitations thrice

l>c so.

what about the painter? f 9 ^] that

they

X

I

should say not.

who knew what he was imiwould be interested in realities and not in imitations; and would desire to leave as memorials of himself works many and fair; and, instead of being the author of encomiums, he would prefer to be the theme of them. Yes, he said, that would he to him a source of mu^'h greater honour and profit. Then, I said, we must put a question to Homer; not about medicine, or any of the arts to which his poems only incidentally refer: we arc not going to ask him, or any other poet, whether he has cured patients like Asclcpius, The

real artist,

tating,

or

Iclt

behind him a school of medicine such as

will fancy that they are looking at a real car-

the Asclepiads were, or whether he only talks

penter.

about medicine and other arts at second-hand; but we have a right to know respecting mili-

Certainly.

And vvhenc\er any one informs us that he has found a man w^ho knows all the arts, and all things else that anybody knows, and every single thing with a higher degree of accuracy than any other man whoever tells us this, I think that wc can only imagine him to be a simple creature who is likely to have been deceived by some wizard or actor whom he met, and whom he thought all-knowing, because he

tary tactics, politics, education,

himself was unable to analyse the nature of knowledge and ignorance and imitation. Most true.

ever better governed by your help? The good order of Lacedaemon is due to Lycurgus, and many other cities great and small have been

when we hear jicrsons saying that Homer, who is at their head,

similarly benefited by others; hut who says that you have been a good legislator to them and have done them any good? Italy and Sicily boast of Charondas, and there is Solon who is renowned among us; but what city has anything to say about you?” Is there any city which he might name? I think not, said Glaucon; not even the Homerids themselves pretend that he was a legis-

—

And

so,

the tragedians, and

know

all things human, virtue and divine things too, lor that the good poet cannot compose well unless he knows his subject, and that he who has not this knowledge can never be a poet, we ought to consider whether here also there may not be a all

the arts and

as well ns vice,

similar illusion. Perhaps they across imitators

may have come

and been deceived by them;

chiefest

and noblest subjects of

which are the poems, and

his

we may

fairly ask him about them. “Friend Homer,” then wc say to hiin,“if you arc only in the second remove from truth in what you say of virtue, and not in the third ^not an image maker or imitator and if you are able to discern what pursuits make men better or worse in private or public life, tell us what State was

—

lator.

—

]

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

430

[600] Well, but is there any war on record which was carried on success^lly by him, or aided by his counsels, when he was alive? There is not. Or is there any invention of his, applicable to

human

such as Thales the Milesian or Anacharsis the Scythian, and other ingenious men have conceived, which is atthe arts or to

tributed to

There

is

life,

him? absolutely nothing of the kind.

Homer

but the truth they never reach ? The who, as wc have already observed, will make a likeness of a cobbler though he understands nothing of cobbling; like,

[Sot

poet

is

and

like a painter

his picture is

good enough

for those

know no more than he does, and and

colours

Quite

who

judge only by

figures.

so.

In like manner the poet with his words and phrases may be said to lay on the colours of the

never did any public service,

several arts, himself understanding their nature

was he privately a guide or teacher of any? Had

only enough to imitate them; and other people, who are as ignorant as he is, and judge only from his words, imagine that if he speaks of cobbling, or of military tactics, or of anything else, in metre and harmony and rhythm, he speaks very well such is the sweet influence which melody and rhythm by nature have. And I think that you must have observed again and again what a poor appearance the tales of poets make when stripped of the colours which music puts upon them, and recited in simple

But,

if

he in his lifetime friends who loved to associate with him, and who handed down to posterity an Homeric way of life, such as was established by Pythagoras who was so greatly beloved for his wisdom, and whose followers are to this day quite celebrated for the order which was

nam^ after him ? Nothing of the kind

recorded of him. For companion of Homer, that child of flesh, whose name always makes us laugh, might be more justly ridicul^ is

surely, Socrates, Crcophylus, the

Homer was greathim and others in his own day

for his stupidity,

neglected by

ly

if,

as

is

said,

—

prose.

Yes, he said.

They

arc like faces which were never really

and now the away from them?

when he was alive?

beautiful, but only blooming;

Yes, I replied, that is the tradition. But can you imagine, Glaucon, that if Homer had real-

bloom

been able to educate and improve mankind if he had possessed knowledge and not been a mere imitator can you imagine, I say, that he would not have had many followers, and been honoured and loved by them? Protagoras of Abdcra, and Prodicus of Ceos, and a host of others, have only to whisper to their contemporaries; “You will never be able to manage citlicr your own house or your own State until you appoint us to be your ministers of educaand this ingenious device of theirs has tion’' such an effect in making men love them that their companions all but carry them about on ly

—

—

—

And

conceivable that the contemporaries of Homer, or again of Hesiod, would have allowed either of them to go about as rhapsodists, if they had really beea^ible to make mankind virtuous? Would they not have their shoulders.

is it

been as unwilling to part with them as with and have compelled them to stay at home with them? Or, if the master would not stay, then the disciples would have followed him about everywhere, until they had got education gold,

enough? Yes, Socrates, that,

I

think,

is

quite true.

Then must we not infer that all these poetical individuals, beginning with Homer, are only imitators; they copy

images of virtue and the

of youth has passed

Exactly.

Here is another point: The imitator or maker image knows nothing oftruc existence; he knows appearances only. Am I not right?

of the

Yes.

Then

let us have a clear understanding, and not he satisfied with half an explanation. Proceed.

Of the painter wc say that he will and he

paint reins,

will paint a bit?

Yes.

And

the worker in leather and brass will

make them? Certainly.

But docs the painter know the right form of the bit and reins? Nay, hardly even the workers in brass and leather who make diem; only the

horseman who knows how to psc them

knows

—he

their right form.

Most

true.

And may wc not

say the

What?

samdof all things? :

That there are three arts whicharc concerned with all things: one which uses, another which makes, a third which imitates them? Yes.

And the excellence or beauty or truthof every structure,

action of

animate or inanimate, and of every

man,

is relative

to the use for which

—

THE REPUBLIC X nature or the artist has intended them. True, Then the user of them must have the greatest experience of thcm» and he must indicate to the maker the good or bad qualities which develop themselves in use; for example, the flute-player will tell the flute-maker which of his flutes is satisfactory to the performer; he will tell him how he ought to make them, and the other will attend to his instructions?

Of course. The one knows and therefore

speaks withau-

thority about the goodness and badness of flutes,

while the other, confiding in him, will do what he is told by him ? True. The instrument is the same, but about the excellence or badness of it the maker will only attain to a correct belief; and this he will gain from him who knows, by talking to him and being compelled to hear what he has to say, [ 602 ] whereas the user will have knowledge? True. But will the imitator have cither? Will he

know from

use whether or no his drawing

is

correct or beautiful? or will he have right opin-

from being compelled to associate with anwho knows and gives him instructions about what he should draw? ion

other

Neither.

Then he will no more have true opinion than he will have knowledge about the goodness or Kadness of his imitations? I suppose not. The imitative artist will be in a brilliant state of intelligence about his own creations? Nay, very much the reverse. And still he will go on imitating without knowing what makes a thing good or bad, and may be expected therefore to imitate only that which appears to be good to the ignorant multitude? pretty well agreed that

no knowledge worth mentioning of what he imitates. Imitation is only a kind of play or sport, and the tragic poets, whether they write in lambic or in Heroic verse, arc imitators in the highest degree? the imitator has

Very

And now tell me, I which

conjure you, has not imito be concerned with thrice removed from the truth?

shown by us is

Certainly.

And what imitation

tance?

True.

And the same object appears straight when looked at out of the water, and crooked when in the water; and the concave becomes convex, owing to the illusion about colours to which the sight is liable. Thus every sort of confusion is revealed within us; and this is that weakness human mind on which the art of conjuring and of deceiving by light and shadow and other ingenious devices imposes, having an of the

effect

upon us

is

is

the faculty in

addressed?

man

to

which

like

magic.

True.

And the arts of measuring and numbering and weighing come to the rescue of the human understanding there is the beauty of them and the apparertt greater or less, or more or heavier, no longer have the mastery over us, but give way before calculation and measure and weight? Most true. And this, surely, must be the work of the calculating and rational principle in the soul?

—

To be sure. And when this

principle measures and certisome things are equal, or that some are greater or less than others, there occurs an apfies

that

parent contradiction? True, But were wc not saying that such a contradiction is impossible the same faculty cannot have contrary opinions at the same time [ 60 ^] about the same thing?

—

Very

true.

Then

that part of the soul

which has an opinnot the same with that which has an opinion in accordance with ion contrary to measure

is

measure? True. that

the better part of the soul

is

likely to

be

which trusts to measure and calculation ?

Certainly.

And

that

which

is

opposed to them

is

one of

the inferior principles of the soul?

No doubt. This was the conclusion at which

when I

I

was

seek-

drawing, and imitation in general, when doing their own proper work, arc far removed from truth, and the companions and friends and associates of a principle within us which is equally removed from reason, and that they have no true or healthy aim. ing to arrive

true.

tation been

that

What do you mean? I will explain; The body which is large when seen near, appears small when seen at a dis-

And

|ust SO.

Thus far then we arc

431

said that painting or

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

432

to indulge his sorrow?

Exactly.

The an

imitative art

and has

inferior,

Very

is

an

inferior

who marries

inferior offspring.

And is this confined to the sight only, or does extend to the hearing also, relating in fact to what we term poetry? Probably the same would be true of poetry. Do not rely, I said, on a probability derived from tlie analogy of painting; but let us examine further and see whether the faculty with which poetical imitation is concerned is good all

means.

We may state the question thus: —^Imitation imitates the actions of men, whether voluntary or involuntary, on which, as they imagine, a good or bad result has ensued, and they rejoice or sorrow accordingly. Is there anything more?

No, there But in all

is

nothing else.

this variety of

unity with himself

circumstances

—or

is

the

rather, as in the

was confusion and opsame things, so here also is there not strife and inconsistency instance of sight there

position in his opinions about the in his life?

Though

question again, for

I

I

need hardly

remember

raise the

that all this has

been already admitted; and the soul has been acknowledged by us to be full of these and ten thousand similar oppositions occurring at the same moment.^ And we were right, he said. Yes, I said, thus far we were right; but there was an omission which must now be supplied. What was the omission? Were we not saying that a good man, who has the misfortune to lose his son or anything else which is most dear to him, will bear the loss with more equanimity than another? Yes.

But

of them of the law?

will

he have no sorrow, or

shall

we

say

moderate

his

The latter, he

sorrow?

is

ready to follow the guidance

How do you

mean ? The Law would say that

suffering

best,

is

and

that

to be patient

we

under

should not give

no knowing and nothing is gained by impatience; also, because no human thing is of serious importance, and grief stands in the way of that which at the moment is most required. What is most required? he asked. That we should take counsel about what has Lippencd, and when the dice ha\e been thrown order our affairs in the way which reason deems best; not. like children who have had a fall, keeping hold of the part struck and wasting to impatience, as there

is

whether such things arc good or

evil;

time in setting up a howl, but always aci us toming the soul forthwith to apply a remedy, raising

up

that

which

is

and

sickly

fallen, ban-

ishing the cry of sorrow by the healing art.

Yes, he said, that

is

Yes,

I

said;

way

the true

^

the attacks of fortune.

of

and the higher principle

to follow this suggestion of reason

meeting is

reaily

?

Clearly,

And the other principle, which inclines

us to

our troubles and to lamentation, and can never have enough of them, we may call irrational, useless, and cowardly? Indeed, wc may. recollection of

— mean the rebellious —furnish a great variety of materials

And does not the latter principle

that although he cannot help sorrowing, he will

Certainly.

One

way

or bad.

man at

But when a man is drawn in two opposite and from tlie same object, this, as we affirm, necessarily implies two distinct principles in him?

directions, to

true.

it

By

True.

I

for imitation? Whereas the wise and calm temperament, being always' nearly equable, is not

when imitated, u^cn a promis-

easy to imitate or to appreciate

said, is the truer statement,

especially at a public Icstnal

/604/ Tell me: will he he more likely to and hold out against his sorrow when he is seen by his equals, or when he is alone? It w'ill make a great difference whether he is

cuous crowd

seen or not.

[6 o^J Then the imitative pott who aims at being popular is not by nature made, nor is his

struggle

When he is by himself he

will not

mind

say-

many things which he would be ashamed of any one hearing or seeing him do? ing or doing

True.

There is a principle of law and reason in him which bids him resist, as well as a feeling of his misfortune which is forcing him

is

assembled in a t^icatrc. I'or the is one to which they are

feeling represented

strangers.

Certainly.

art intended, to please or to affect the rational

principle in the soul; but he sionate

and

fitful

w'ill

temper, which

prefer the pasis

easily imitat-

ed? Clearly.

And now wc may

fairly take

him and

place

THE REPUBLIC X

433

him by the side of the painter, for he is like him in two ways; first, inasmuch as his creations

of us, not having been sufficiently trained by reason or habit, allows the sympathetic clement

have an inferior degree of truth in this, I say, he is like him; and he is also like him in being concerned with an inferior part of the soul; and therefore we shall be right in refusing to admit him into a well-ordered State, because he awak-

to break loose because the sorrow

—

ens and nourishes and strengthens the feelings and impairs the reason. As in a city when the evil are permitted to have authority and the good are put out of the way, so in the soul of man, as we maintain, the imitative poet implants an evil constitution, for he indulges the

which has no discernment of but thinks the same thing at one time great and at another small he is a manufacturer of images and is very far removed from the truth. irrational nature

greater and

less,

—

But we have not

yet

brought forward the

heaviest count in our accusation:

—the power

which poetry has of harming even the good (and there are vc^y icw who are not harmed) is surely an awful thing? Yes, certainly, if the effect is what you say. Hear and ju decay, and carried away honiC to be buried. And on the iwelilh da>, as he was lying on the funeral pile, he returned to life and told them what he had seen m the other world, lie said that when his soul left the body he went on a journey with a great company, and that they came to a mysterious place at which there were two openings in the earth; they were near together, and over against them were two other just

received from us a full

ojicnings in the heaven above. In the intermediate space there

repeat of the

is

good things which

yet, I said, all these

manded

which you were attributing to the fortunate unjust. I shall say of them, what you were saying of the others, that as they grow older, they become rulers in their own city it they care to be; they marry whom they like and give in marriage to whom they will; alMhat ypu said of the others I now say of these. And, on the other hand, of the unjust I say that the greater number, even though they escape in their youth, are found out at last and look foolish at the end of their course, and when they cohiC to be old and miserable arc flouted alike by stranger and cilizca; they are beaten and

say

herself provides.

True.

And now you must allow me to

men

dition to the other

bestow.

just the blessings

what you

said,

/6/.// These, then, arc the prizes and rewards and gifts which are bestowed upon the just

must be our notion

poverty or sickness, or any other seeming misfortune, all things will in the end work together for good to him in life and death: for the gods have a care of any one whose desire is to become just and to be like Cyod, as far as man can attain the divine likeness, by the pursuit of virtue? Yes, he said; if he is like (iod he will surely

to

remainder of your talc of horrors. But will you me assume, without reciting them, that

let

/ 6/^/ And the friend of the gods may be supposed to receive from them all things at their best, excepting only such evil as is the necessary consctjuence of former sins?

Then

437

were judges

seated,

who com-

the just, after they had given judgment

on them and had bound their sentences in front of them, to ascend by the heavenly way on the right hand; and in like manner the unjust were

bidden by them to descend the lower w^ay on the left hand; these also bore the symbols of their deeds, but fastened on their backs. He drew near, and they told him that he was to be the messenger who would carry the report of the other world to men, and they bade him hear and sec all that was to be heard and seen in that place. Then he beheld and saw on one side the souls departing at either opening of heaven and earth when sentence had l^ecn given on them: and at the two other openings other souls, some ascending out of the earth dusty and worn with travel, some descending out of heaven clean

and

bright.

And

they seemed to have

arriving ever and

anon

come from a long journey,

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

438

and they went forth with gladness into the meadow, where they encamped as at a festival; and those who knew one another embraced and conversed, the soulswhich came from earth curiously enquiring about the things above,

which came from heaven about And they told one another of what had happened by the way, those from below weeping and sorrowing at the remembrance of the things which they had endured /6i57 and seen in their journey beneath the

and the

souls

the things beneath.

earth (now the journey lasted a thousand years), while those from above were describing heavenly delights

and

visions of inconceivable beauty.

ITie story, Glaucon,

but the

sum was

would take too long to tell;

this:

—He said that for every

wrong which they had done

to any one they hundred years such being reckoned to be the length of man's life, and the penalty being thus paid ten times in a thousand years. If, for example, there were any who had l^en the cause of many deaths, or had betrayed or enslaved cities or armies^ or been guilty of any other evil beha\iour, for each and all of their offences they received punishment ten times over, and the rewards of beneficence and justice and holiness were in the same proportion. I need hardly repeat what he said concerning young children dying almost as soon as they were born. Of piety and impiety to gods and parents and of murderers, there were retributions other and greater far which he described. He mentioned that he was present when one of the spirits asked another, **Whcre is Ardiacus the Great?” (Now this

suffered tenfold; or once in a

Ardiaeus lived a thousand years before the time of Er: he had been the tyrant of some city of Pamphyha, and had murdered his aged father and his elder brother, and was said to have committed many other abominable crimes.) The answer of the other spirit was; “He comes not hither and will never come. And this,” said

“was one of the dreadful sights which we ourselves witnessed. We were at the mouth of he,

the cav-ern, and, having completed periences,

were about

to rcasccnd,

all

our

when

ex-

of a

sudden Ardiaeus appeared and several others, most of whom were tyrants; and there were also besides the tyrants private individuals who had been great criminals: they were just, as they fancied, about to return into the upper world, but the mouth, instead of admitting them, gave a roar, whenever any of these incurable sinners or some one who had not been sufficiently punished tried to ascend; and then wild men of fiery aspect, who were standing by and heard

the sound, [6i6] seized and carried them off; and Ardiacus and others they bound head and

down and flayed and dragged them along the road at the side, carding them on thorns like wool, and declaring to the passers-by what were their crimes, and that they were being taken away to be cast into hell.” And of all the many terrors which they had endured, he said that there was none like the terror which each of them felt at that moment, lest they should hear the voice; and when there was silence, one footand hand, and threwthem

them with

scourges,

by one they ascended with exceeding joy. These, said Er, were the penalties and retributions, and there were blessings as great. Now when the spirits wh ich were in the meadow had tamed seven days, on the eighth they were obliged to proceed on their journey, and, on the fourth day after, he said that they came to a place where they could see from above a line of light, straight as a column, extending right through the whole heaven and through the earth, in colour resembling the rainbow, only brighter and puicr; another day's journey brought them to the place, and ihcic, the

m

midst of the light, they saw the ends ot the chains of heaven let er side, and on their lower side all together form one continuous whorl. This is pierced by the spindle, which i| driven home through the centre of the cighthi The first and outermost whorl has the rim brqadcst, and the seven inner whorls arc narrowerj in the following proportions the sixth is nfxt to the first in size, the fourth next to the six|h; then comes the eighth; the seventh is fifth, tfie fifth is sixth, the third is seventh, last and eighth comes the

—

second.

The largest

for fixed stars] is spangled, is brightest; the eighth

and theseventh [orsun]

[or moon ] coloured by the reflected light ol the seventh; [617} the second and fifth [Saturn and Mercury] are in colour like one another,

]

THE REPUBLIC X aod yellower than the preceding; the third {Venus] has the whitest light; the fourth [Mars]

reddish; the sixth [Jupiter] is in whiteness second. N'ow the whole spindle has the same motion; but, as the whole revolves in is

one direction, the seven inner ly

in the other,

and of

circles move slow-

these the swiftest

is

the

eighth; next in swiftness arc the seventh, sixth,

and

fifth,

which move together; third

ness appeared to

in swift-

move according to the law of

motion the fourth; the third appeared fourth and the second fifth. 'Fhe spindle turns on the knees of Necessity; and on the upthis reversed

per surface of each circle

is

a

siren,

who

goes

round with them, hymning a single tone or note. The eight together form one harmony; and round about, at equal intervals, there is another band, three in number, each sitting upon her throne: these are the Fates, daughters of Necessity, who arc clothed in white robes and have chaplets upon their heads, Lachesis and

Clotho and AtropoSjWho accompany with their

—

harmony of the sirens Lachesis singing ot the past, Clotho of the present, Atropos ot the future; Clotho from time to time assisting with a touch of her right hand the revolution of the outer circle of the whorl or spindle, and Atropos with her left hand touching and guiding the inner ones, and I^achesis laying hold ot cither in turn, first with one hand and then with the other. When Er and the spirits arrived, their duty was to go at once to Lachesis; but first of all there came a prophet who arranged them in onJer; then he took from the knees of Lachesis voites the

samples of lives, and having mounted a high pulpit, spoke as follows: “Hear the word of Lachesis, the daughter of Necessity. Mortal souls, behold a new cycle ot life and mortality. Your genius will not be allotted to you, but you will choose your genius; and let him who draws the first lot have the first choice, and the life which he chooses shall be his destiny. Virtue is free, and as a man honours or dishonours her he will have more or less of her; the responsibility is with the chooser Ciod is justified.” When the Interpreter had thus spoken he scatlots anwards in all manner of ways to their birth, like stars shooting He hirnsell was hinderc i from drinking the water. But in what

THK REPUBLIC X manner or by what means he returned

to the

441

and follow after

justice

and

virtue always, con-

immortal and able to

body he could not say; only, in the morning, awakening suddenly, he found himself lying

endure every sort of good and every

on the pyre.

Thus

And

thus, Glaucon, the talc has been saved

sidering that the soul

shall

safely over the river of Forgetfulness and our

shall

is

that

we hold

fast

my counsel

ever to the heavenly

way

sort of evil.

dear to one another and to

conquerors in the games

gather

Wherefore

live

the gods, both while remaining here and when,

and has not perished, and will save us if we are obedient to the word spoken; and we shall pass soul will not be defiled.

we

is

like

gifts,

we

who go round And

receive our reward.

be well with us both in this

life

and

pilgrimage of a thousand years which

been describing.

to it

in the

we have

TIMAEUS Persons of the Dialogue: Socrates; Critias; Timaeus; Hermocrates

[17] Socrates, One, two, three; but where, my is the fourth of those w'ho were

dear Timaeus, yesterday

my guests and arc to be my entertain-

Timaeus.

He has been taken

ill,

Socrates; for

he would not willingly have been absent from

Then, if he is not coming, you and the two others must supply his place. Tim. Certainly, and we will do all that we can; having been handsomely entertained by you yesterday, those of us who remain should Soc,

be only too glad to return your hospitality.'

Do you remember w'hat were the points

Tim.

I

whom

they were by nature friends, but fierce

required you to speak?

We remember some of them, and

will be here to

you remind us of anything which we

Tim. Very Soc.

our memories? Soc.

the chief theme of my was the State how conand of what citizens composed it would

To be sure I will:

stituted

—

seem likely to be most perfect. Tim. Yes, Socrates; and what you said of it was very much to our mind. Soc. Did wc not begin by separating the husbandmen and the artisans from the class of de-

And when wc had given to each one that employment and

them

true.

consider gold or silver or anything else to be their own private property; they W’erc to be like hired troops, receiving pay for keeping guard

—

from those who were protected by them the pay was to be no more than wQuld suffice for men of simple life; and they w^e to spend in

common, and

to live together in the continual

practice of virtue,

which was

particular art

which

was suited to his nature, we spoke of those who were intended to be our warriors, and said that they were to be guardians of the city against attacks from within as well as from without, [18] 442

up be their sole

pursuit.

Tim, That was also said.

whom wc

Tim. Yes. Soc.

across

And being thus trained they were not to

Soc. Neither did

fenders of the State?

single

came

Wc said, if I am not mistaken, that the guardians should be gifted with a temperament in a high degree both passionate and philosophical; and that then they would be as they ought to be, gentle to their triends'^and fierce with their enemies, Tim, Ortainly. Soc. And what did wc say of their education ? Were they not to be trained in gymnastit, and music, and all other sorts of knowledge which were proper jor them?

you, will you briefly recapitulate the whole, and then the particulars will be more firmly fixed

yesterday’s discourse

they

Tim. Exactly.

have forgotten: or rather, if we are not troubling

in

when

in battle.

Soc.

this gathering.

Soc.

to be merciful in Judging their subjects, of to their enemies,

ers to-day?

of which

and to have no other employment; they wen-

wc

forget

women;

of

declared, that their natures should

be assimilated and brought into harmony with of the men, and that common pursuits should be assigned to them both in time of war and in their ordinary life. tliose

Tim, That, again, was as you say. And what about the procreation of chil-

Soc.

TIMAEUS Or rather was not the proposal too singube forgotten? for all wives and children were to be in common, to the intent that no one should ever know his own child, but they were to imagine that they were all one family; those who were within a suitable limit of age were to be brothers and sisters, those who were of an elder generation parents and grandparents, and those of a younger, children and grandchildren. dren? lar to

Tim. Yes, and the proposal is easy to rememyou say. Soc* And do you also remember how, with a view of securing as far as we could the best breed, we said that the chief magistrates, male and female, should contrive secretly, by the use

ber, as

of certain lots, so toarrange thenuptial meeting,

bad of either sex and the good of either might pair with their like; and there was to be no quarrelling on this account, for they would imagine that the union was a mere accident, and was to be attributed to the lot? Tim. 1 rcmeinlxjr. Soc. And you remember how we said that the children of the good parents were to be educated, / 79 / and the children of the bad secretly dispersed among the inferior citizens; and while they were all growing up the rulers w’ere to be on the look-out, and to bring up from below in their turn those who were worthy, and those among themselves who were unworthy were to take the places of those who came up? Tim. True. Soc. Then have I now given you all the heads of our yesterday’s discussion ? Or is there anything more, my dear Timaeus, which has been that the sex

omitted?

Tim. Nothing, have

Socrates;

it

was

just as

you

said.

Soc. I should like, before proceeding further,

how

about the State which we have described. 1 might compare myself to a person who, on beholding beautiful animals either created by the painter’s art, or, better still, alive but at rest, is seized with a desire of seeing them in motion or engaged in some struggle or conflict to which their forms appear suited; this is my (ccling about the State which we have been describing. There arc conflicts which all cities undergo, and I should like to hear some one tell of our own city carrying on a struggle against her neighbours, and how she went out to war in a becoming manner, and when at war showed by the greatness of her actions and the magnanimity of her words in dealing with other cities a result worthy of her training and education. Now I,Critiasand Herto tell

you

I feel

443

mocrates, am conscious that I myself should never be able to celebrate the city and her citizens in a befitting manner, and 1 am not surprised at

my own incapacity; to me the wonder

rather that the poets present as well as past arc no better not that I mean to depreciate is

—

them; but every one can see that they are a tribe of imitators, and will imitate best and most easily the life in which they have been brought up; while that which is beyond the range of a man’s education he finds hard to carry out in action, and still harder adequately to represent in language. I am aware that the Sophists have plenty of brave words and fair conceits, but I am afraid that being only wanderers from one city to another, and having never had habitations of their own, they may fail in their conception of philosophers and statesmen, and may not know what they do and say ijj, time of war, when they are fighting or holding parley with their enemies.

And

thus people of your class arc the only ones who are fitted by nature and education to take part at once both in politics and philosophy. Here is Timaeus, [20J oi Locris in Italy, a city which has admirable laws, and who is himself in wealth and rank the equal of any of his fellow-citizens; he has held the most im-

remaining

portant and honourable

offices in his

own state,

and, as 1 believe, has scaled the heights of all philosophy; and here is Critias, whom every Athenian knows to be no novice in the matters of which we are speaking; and as to Hermocrates, I am assured by many witnesses that his genius and education qualify him to take part in any speculation of the kind. And therefore yesterday when I saw that you wanted me to describe the formation of the State, I readily assented, being very well aware, that, if you only

would, none were better qualified to carry

the discussion further, and that when you had engaged our city in a suitable war, you of all men living could best exhibit her playing a fitting part. When I had completed my task, I in return imposed this other task upon you. You conferred together and agreed to entertain me to-day, as I had entertain^ you, with a feast of

Here am I in festive array, and no can be more ready for the promised ban-

discourse.

man quet.

Her. And we too, Socrates, as Timaeus says, be wanting in enthusiasm; and there no excuse for not complying with your re-

will not is

As soon as we arrived yesterday at the guest-chamber of Critias, with whom we are staying, or rather on our way thither, we talked the matter over, and he told us an ancient traquest.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

444

which

clition,

I

wish, Cntias, that you would remay help us to ]udge

peat to Socrates, so that he

whether it will Cnt, 1 will,

requirements or not Timaeus, who is our other

satisly his if

I

qiiitcappro\e.

my

great grandiather, Dropidcs, as he

him

manv

passages of his poems, and he told the storv to Cntias, mv grandiather, who remembered and repeated it to us. 1 here were of old, he said, grcit and marvellous actions of self sa}s in

the Athenian city, [ 21 ] which have passed in through lapse of time and the de-

to oblivion

struction of

greater than

mankind, and one in particular, all the rest This wc vv ,11 now rc

gratitude to you, and a

monumcni of our hymn of praise true and

worthy

on

hearse.

It

will bt a fitting

of the goddess,

this her

day

ot festi

val.

Soc Very good \nd what is this ancient la moiis action of tht Athenians, which Cntias declared, on the authority of Solon, to be not a mere legend, but an actual fact^ Cnt I will tell an old vvorld story w'hich I heard from an aged man, for Cntias, at the time of telling It, was as he said, nearly ninety years of age, and I was about ten Now the day was that day ot the Apaturia which is called the Registration of Youth, at which, according to custom, our parents gave pri/cs for recitations, and the poems of several poets were recited by us boys, and many ot us sang the poems of So Ion, which at that time had not gone out of fashion One ot our tribe, either because he thought so or to please Critns, said that in his judgment Solon w as not only the wisest of men, but also the noblest of poets The old man, as I ycry well remember, brightened up at hearing this and said, smiling Yes, Amynander, it So Ion had only, like other poets, made poetry ihc business of his hie, and had completed the tale which he brought with him from hgypt, and had not been compelhu, by reason of the fac tions and troubles which he found stirring in his own country when he came home, to at tend to other matters, in my opinion he would have been as famous as Homer or Hesiod, or

—

He replied In the Egyptian Delta, at the head of which the river Nile divides, there is a certain district which is called the district of Sais, and the great city ot the distiict is also called Siis, ind is the cit) from wdiich K.ing Amasis came The citi/ens have a deity for ihcir loiMulress

she

is

called in tht I gypti in

tongue Veith, and is asserted by them to lx* the same whom the Hellenes call Athene, they are great lovers ot the Athenians, and sav tint tiny arc in some way related to them 1 o this rity came Solon, and was received there with great honour, [ 22 ] he asked the priests who were most skiltul in such matters, about antiquity, and made the discovery that ncilhci he nor any other Hellene knew anything worth mention mg about the tunes of old On one ixcasion, wishing to dr ivv them on 10 speak ol antiquity, he began to tell ihout the mo't uicicnt things ibout Phoroiuus,who iiiour[)irtof the world and about Niobc and IS c illcd “the first man, after the Deluge, ol the survival ol Deuca’ion and Pyrrha; and he traced the genealogy ol their descendants, and reckoning up the d ites, tried to comput»how many years ago the events of which he was spe ikuig haopened 1 here upon one of the priests, who vv is i>t a very great age, sud O Solon, Solon, you Hellenes are never anything but children, and there is not an old man among you Solon in return asked him what he meant 1 mean to say, he re plied, that in mmd you are all young, there is no old opinion hindcd down among you by ancient tradition, nor any science whu h is hoary with age And I will tell you why. 'I here h ive

— ’

many destruclions of many causes, the great

been, and will be again,

mankind

arising out ot

said

which the Atheni and which ought to have Uen the

declination ot the bodies moving in the heavens around the earth, and a great conflagration of things upon the earth, which recurs after

And what was

the talc about,

Cntus^

Amynander ans ever did,

heard this veritable

have been brought alxmt by the agencies of and water, and other lesser ones by mnu merahlc other cauj^es. There is a story, which even you have pre4:rvcd, that once upon a time Phaethon, the sonbf Helios, having yoked the steeds in his father’s chariot, because he was not able to drive iJlcm the path ol his father, burnt up all that Was upon the earth, and was himself destroyed by a thunderbolt. Now this has the form ot a myth, but really signifies a

any poet.

About the

to us

Tell us, said the other, the whole story, and tradition.

Cnt. Then listen, Socrates, to a tale which, though strange, is certainly true, having been attested bv Solon, who was the wisest of the se\ en sages I le was a relative and a dear friend of

down

how and from whom Solon

partner, approv es

Tim

most famous, but, through the lapse of time and the destruction of theactors,it hasnotcomc

greatest action

est

fire

m

TIMAEUS long intervals; at such times those who live upon the mountains and in dry and lofty places are more liable to destruction than those who dwell by rivers or on the seashore. And from this calamity the Nile, who is our never-failing

and preserves us. When, on the other hand, the gods purge the earth with a deluge of water, the survivors in your country saviour, delivers

herdsmen and shepherds who dwell on the mountains, but those who, like you, live in cities are carried by the rivers into the sea. Whereas in this land, neither then nor at any other time, does the water cofnc down from above on the fields, having always a tendency to come up from below; for which reason the traditions preserved here are the most ancient. The fact is, that wherever the extremity ot winter frost or of summer sun does not prevent, mankind exist, sometimes in greater, [2^] sometimes in lesser numbers. And whatever happened either in your country or in ours, or in any other region of which wc are informed if there were any actions noble or great or in any other way remarkable, they have all licen written dowm by us of old, and are preserved in our temples. Whereas just when you and other nations are beginning to be provided with letare

445

in order about these former citizens.

come to hc;ir alx^ut them, Solon,

You arc wel-

said the priest,

both for your own sake and for that of your and above all, for the sake of the goddess who is the common patron and parent and educator of both our cities. She founded your city a thousand years before ours,' receiving from the Earth and Hephaestus the seed of your race, and afterwards she founded ours, of which the constitution is recorded in our sacred registers to be eight thousand years old. As touching your citizens of nine thousand years ago, [24] city,

inform you of their laws and of most famous action; the exact particulars ot the whole we will hereafter go through at our leisure in the sacred registers themselves. If you compare these very laws with ours you will I will briefly

their

many of ours arc the counterpart of yours as they were in the olden time. In the first find that

place, there

rated

from

is

the caste of priests, which

all

is

sepa-

the others; next, there are the

—

who ply their several crafts by themscKcs and do not intermix; and also there is the class of shepherds and of hunters, as tvell as

ters

husbandmen; and you will observe, too, Egypt arc distinct from all the other classes, and are commanded by the law to devote themselves solely to military pursuits; moreover, the weapons which they carry are shields and spears, a style of equipment which the goddess taught of Asiatics first to us,

and the other

requisites of civilized

life,

from hea\en, like a pestilence, comes pouring down, and leaves only those of you who are destitute of letters and education; and so you ha\c to begin all over again like children, and know nothing of what happened in ancient times, either among after thcusual interval, the stream

us or

among

yourselves.

As

for those genealo-

which you just now recounted to us, Solon, they are no better than the tales of children. In the first place you remember a single deluge only, but there were many previous ones; in the next place, you do not know gies of yours

that there formerly dwelt in your land the fair-

and noblest race ot men which ever li\cd, and that you and your whole city arc descended from a small seed or remnant ot them which survived. And this was unknown to you, heest

cause, for

many

generations, the survivors of

no written word. For there was a time, Solon, Ixjfore the great deluge of all, when the city which now is Athens was first in war and in every way the best governed of all cities, and is said to have performed the noblest deeds and to have had the fairest constitution of any of which tradition tells, unthat destruction died, leaving

der the face of heaven. Solon marvelled at his words, and earnestly requested the priests to inform him exactly and

artificers,

that of

that the warriors in

world first to you. Then wisdom, do you observe how our law from the very first made a study ol the whole order of things, extending even to prophecy and medicine which gives health, out of these divine elements dcri\ing what wms needful for human life, and adding every sort ot knowledge which was akin to them. All this order and arrangement the goddess first imparted to you when establishing your city; and she chose the spot of earth in which you were born, because she saw that the happy temperament ot the seasons in that land would produce the wisest of men. Wherefore the goddess, who was a lover both of war and of wisdom, selected and first of all settled that spot which was the most likely to produce men likest herself. And there you dwelt, having such laws as these and still better ones, and excelled all mankind in all virtue, as became the children and disciples of the gods. Many great and wonderful deeds are recorded of your state in our histories. Hut one of them c.xcceds all the rest in greatness and valour. For these histories tell of a mighty power which unas in )our part of the as to

^

Cf. Crtttas, 108.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

446

provoked made an expedition against the whole of Europe and Asia^ and to which your city put an end. This power came forth out of the Atlantic Ocean, for in those days the Atlantic was navigable; and there was an island situated in front of the straits which arc by you called the Pillars of Heracles; the island was larger than Libya and Asia put together, [2$] and was the way to other islands, and from these you might pass to the whole of the opposite continent which surrounded the true ocean; for this sea which is within the Straits of Heracles is only a harbour, having a narrow entrance, but that other is a real sea, and the surrounding land may be most truly called a bounilless continent.

Now in this

was a great and wonempire which had rule over the whole and several others, and over parts of the

island of Atlantis there

derful island

continent, and, furthermore, the

men

of Atlan-

had subjected the parts of Libya within the columns of Heracles as far as Egypt, and of Europe as far as Tyrrhcnia. This vast power, tis

gathered into one, endeavoured to subdue at a blow our country and yours and the whole of the region within the straits; and then, Solon, your country shone forth, in the excellence of her virtue and strength, among all mankind. She was pre-eminent in courage and military skill, and was the leader of the Hellenes. And when the rest fell off from her, being compelled to stand alone, after having undergone the very extremity of danger, she defeated and triumphed over the invaders, and preserved from slavery those who were not yet subjugated, and generously liberated all the rest of us who dwell within the pillars. But afterwards there occurred violent earthquakes and floods; and in a single day and night of misfortune all your warlike men ina body sank into the earth, and theisland of Atlantis in like manner disappeared in the depths of the sea. For which reason the sea in those parts is impassable and impenetrable, because there is a shoal of mud in the way; and this was caused by the subsidence of the island. I have told you briefly, Socrates, what the aged Critias heard from Solon and related to us. And when you were speaking yesterday about your city and citizens, the tale which I have just been repeating to you came into my mind, and 1 remarked with astonishment how, by some mysterious coincidence, you agreed in almost every particular with the narrative of Solon; but 1 did not like to speak at the moment. [26] For a long time had elapsed, and I had forgotten too much; I thought tha^ I must first of all run over the narrative in my own

mind, and then I would speak. And so I readily assented to your request yesterday, considering that in

such cases the chief difficulty

all

is

to

find a tale suitable to our purpose, and that with

such a tale

And

we should be fairly well

provided.

Hermocrates has told you, on my way home yesterday I at once communicated the tale to my companions as I remembered it; and after I left them, during the night by thinking I recovered nearly the whole of it. Truly, as is often said, the lessons of our childhood make a wonderful impression on our memtherefore, as

ories; for I am not sure that I could remember all the discour.se of yesterday, but I should be much surprised if I forgot any of these things which I have heard very long ago. I listened at the time with childlike interest to tlic old man’s narrative; he was very ready to teach me, and I asked him again and again to repeat his words, so that like an indelible picture they were branded into my mind. As soon as the day broke, I rehearsed them as he spoke them to my companions, that they, as well as myself, might have

something to say. And now, Socrates, to make an end ot my preface, I am ready to tell you the whole tale. I will give you not only the general heads, but the particulars, as they were told to

me. The

city

and

citizens,

described to us in fiction, to the world oi reality.

which you yesterday

wc

will

now

transfer

be the ancient city of Athens, '^nd we will suppose that the citizens whom you imagined, were our veritable ancestors, of whom the priest spoke; they will perfectly harmonise, and there will be no inconsistency in saying that the citizens of your republic are these ancient Athenians. Let us divide the subject among us, and all endeavour according to our ability gracefully to execute It shall

the task which you have imposed upon us. Consider then, Socrates, if this narrative is suited to the purpose, or whether

some other Soc.

we

should seek for

instead.

And what

other, Critias, can

that will be bettef than this,

which

is

we

find natural

and suitable to thd festival of the goddess, and has the very great id vantage of being a fact and not a fiction? Hoi f or where shall we find ancannot, [2j] and other if wc abandc n this ? \

Wc

muf tell the talc, and good luck 1 in ri^turn for my yesterday’s dis-

therefore you

to you; and course will now rdst and be a listener. Crit. Let me proceed to explain to you, Socrates, the order in which we have arranged our entertainment. Our intention is, that Timacus, who is the most of an astronomer amongst us, and has made the nature of the universe his

TIMAEUS special study, should speak

first, beginning with

the generation o£ the world and going down to the creation of man; next, I am to receive the

men whom

he has created of whom some will have profited by the excellent education which you have given them; and then, in accordance with the tale of Solon, and equally with his law,

we

into court and make them were those very Athenians whom the sacred Egyptian record has recovered from oblivion, and thenceforward we will speak of them as Athenians and fellow-citizens. will bring

them

citizens, as if they

447

body, and therefore sensible; and all sensible things are apprehended by opinion and sense and are in a process of creation and created.

Now that which is created must, as wc affirm, of necessity be created by a cause. But the father and maker of all this universe is past finding out; and even if we found him, to tell of him is

men would be impossible. And there a question to be asked alx>ut him; of the patterns had the artificer in view

to all

still

Which when he made

the world

—the pattern of the

of the nature of the universe,

unchangeable, or of that which is created? [2^] If the world be indeed fair and the artificer good, it is manifest that he must have looked to that which is eternal; but if what cannot be said without blasphemy is true, then to the created pattern. Every one will sec that he must have looked to the eternal; for the world is the fairest of creations and he is the best of causes. And having been created in this way, the world has been framed in the

how existing

likeness of that

Soc,

I

see that

I

shall receive in

my turn a per-

and splendid feast of reason. And now, Timaeus, you, I suppose, should speak next, after duly calling upon the Gods. Tim, All men, Socrates, who have any degree fect

of right feeling, at the beginning of every enterprise, whether small or great, always call upon God. And we, too, who are going to discourse

how created or without creation, if we be not altogether out of our wits, must invoke the aid oi Gods and Goddesses and pray that our words may be acceptable to them and consistent with themselves. Let this, then, be our invocation of the Gods, to which I add an exhortation of myself to speak in such manner as will be most intelligible to you, and will most accord with my

own

is

apprehended by

rea-

unchangeable, and must therefore of necessity, if this is admitted, be a copy of something. Now it is all-important that the beginning of everything should be according to nature. And in speaking of the copy and the original wc may assume that words arc akin to the matter which they describe; when they is

and permanent and intelought to be lasting and unalterable,

relate to the lasting

intent.

First then, in

which

son and mind and

my

judgment,

we must make

and ask, What is that which always is and has no becoming; and what is that which is always becoming and never is? That which is apprehended by intelligence and reason is always in the same state; [28I but that which is conceived by opinion with the help of sensation and without reason, is always in a process of becoming and perishing and never really is. Now everything that becomes or is created must of necessity be created by some a distinction

cause, for without a cause nothing can be cre-

The work of the creator, whenever he looks to the unchangeable and fashions the form and nature of his work after an unchangeable ated.

must necessarily be made fair and perbut when he looks to the created only, and uses a created pattern, it is not fair or perfect. Was the heaven then or the world, whether called by this or by any other more appropriate name ^assuming the name, I am asking a question which has to be asked at the beginning of an enquiry about anything was the world, I say,always in existence and without beginning? or created, and had it a beginning? Created, I reply, being visible and tangible and having a pattern,

fect;

—

—

ligible, they

and, as far as their nature allows, irrefutable and immovable nothing less. But when they express only the copy or likeness and not the eternal things themselves, they need only be likely and analogous to the real words. As being is to becoming, so is truth to belief. If then, Socrates, amid the many opinions about the gods and the generation of the universe, we are not able to give notions which arc altogether and in every respect exact and consistent with one another, do not be surprised. Enough, if wc

—

adduce probabilities as likely as any others; for wc must remember that I who am the speaker, and you who are the judges, arc only mortal men, and wc ought to accept the talc which is probable and enquire no further. Soc, Excellent, Timaeus; and wt will do precisely as you bid us. The prelude is charming, and is already accepted by us may wc beg of you to proceed to the strain ? Tim, Let me tell you then why the creator made this world of generation. He was good, and the good can never have any jealousy of anything. And being free from jealousy, he desired that all things should be as like himself as

—

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

448 they could be. This

is

in the truest sense the

and of the world, [^o] as we shall do well in believing on the testimony of wise men: God desired that all things should be good .and nothing bad, so far as this was attainable. Wherefore also finding the whole visible sphere not at rest, but moving in an irregular and disortlcrly fashion, out of disorder he origin of creation

broughtorder, considering that this wasinevery way better than the other. Now the ilccds of the best could never be or have been other than the fairest; and the creator, reflecting on the things which arc by nature visible, found that no unintelligent creature taken as a whole was fairer than the intelligent taken as a whole; and that intelligence could not be present in any-

thing which was devoid of soul. For which reason, when he was framing the universe, he put intelligence in soul, and soul in body, that he might be the creator of a work which was by nature fairest and best. Wherelore, using the language of probability, we may say that the world became a living creature truly endowed with soul and intelligence by the providence of C^od. This being supposed, let us proceed to the next stage: In the likeness of what animal did the Creator make the world? It would be an unworthy thing to liken it to any nature which exists as a part only; for nothing can be beautiful which is like any imperfect thing; but let us suppose the world to be the \ery image of that whole of which all other animals both individually

and

in their tribcs-arc portions.

the original of the universe contains in intelligible beings, just as this

For

itself all

world compre-

other visible creatures. For the Deity, intending to make this world like the fairest and most perfect of intelligible beings, framed one visible animal comprehending within itself all other animals of a kindred nature. [^i] Arc wc right in saying that there is one world, or that they arc many and infinite.^ There must be one only, it the created copy is to accord with the original. For that which includes all other intelligible creatures cannot have a second or companion; in that case there

hends us and

all

would be need of another living being which would include both, and of which they would Ixr parts, and the likeness would be more truly said to resemble not them, but that other which included them. In order then that the world solitary, like the perfect animal, the creatormade not twoworldsoran infinite number of them; but there is and ever will be one only-begotten and created heaven. Now that which is created is of necessity cor-

might be

and tangible. And nothwhere there is no fire, or tangible which has no solidity, and nothing is solid without earth. Wherefore also C^od in the beginning of creation made the body of the universe to consist of fire and earth. But two things canporeal,

ing

and

also visible

visible

is

not be rightly put together without a third; must be some bond of union between

there

them. And the

fairest

bond

the most complete lusion of

is

that

which makes

itself and

the things

which it combines; ami proportion isbest adapted to elTect such a union. For whenever in any three numlxrs, whether culsc or square, there is a mean, which is to the Iasi term what the and again, when the first term is to it; mean is to the first term as the last term is to the mean then the mean becoming first and last, and the first and last both becoming means, they will all of them of necessity come to be the same, and having become the same with one another will he all one. If the universal frame had been created a suriace only and having no depth, a single mean would have sufficed to bind together itself and the other terms; but now, as the world must be solid, and solid bodies are always compacted not by one mean but by two, God placed water and air in the mean between fire and earth, and made them to have the same proportion so far as was possible (as fire is to air so is air to water, and as air is to water so is watrrto earth); and thus he lx)und and put together a visible and tangible heaven. And for these reasons, and out of such elements which arc in number four, thebody of the world was created, and it was harmonised by proportion, and therefore has the spirit of friendship; and having been reconciled to itself, it was indissoluble by the hand of any other than the

—

framer.

Now the creation took up the whole of each of the tour elements; for the Creator com pounded the world out of all the fire and all the water and all the air and all the earth, leaving no part of any of them nor any power of them outside. His intention was^in the first place, that tlic animal should be as fer as possible a perfect whole

and of perfect

secondly, that

pirts:

it

should be one, leaving no remnants out of which another such worljd might be created: and also that it should be free from old age and unaffected by disease. Considering that if heat and cold and other powerful forces which unite bodies surround and attack them from without when they arc unprepared, they decompose them, and by bringing diseases and old age upon them, make them waste away for tliis cause and on

—

TIMAEUS made

these grounds he

having every part

the world one wliole, and being therefore

entire,

and not liable to old age and disease. he gave to the world the figure which was suitable and also natural. Now to the animal perfect

And

which was to comprehend all animals, that figure was suitable which comprehends within itself all other figures. Wherefore he made the v/orld in the form of a globe, round as Irom a lathe,

having

extremes in every direction

its

equidistant from the centre, the most perfect and the most like itself of all figures: for he considered that the like

infinitely fairer

is

unlike. This he finished ofT,

than the

making the

surface

around for many reasons; in the first place, because the living being had no need of eyes when there was nothing remaining outside him to be seen; nor of ears when thert was nothing to he heard; and there was no surrounding atmosphere to be breathed; nor would there have been any use of organs by the help of which he might receive his food or get nd of what he had already digested, since there was nothing which went from him or came into him: for there w’as nothing beside him. Of design he was

smooth

all

created thus, his food, and

all

and by

own

waste providing his

own

that he did or suffered taking place

For the Creator conceived which was self sufficient would be far more excellent than one which lacked anything: and, as he had no need to take an) thing or delend himself against any one, the Creain

hiniscll.

that a being

tor did not think

it

necessary to bestow

upon

him hands: nor had he any need nor of the whole

movement

of feet, j ^4] apparatus of walking; but the

suited to his spherical

signed to him, being ol is most appropriate to

and he was made and on the same

to

all

form was aswhich

the seven that

mind and intelligence; move in the same manner

spot, within his own limits revolving in a circle. All the other six motions were taken away from him, and he was made not to partake of their deviations. And as this circular movement required no icet, the uni-

was created without legs and without feet. Such was the whole plan of the eternal God about the god that was to be, to whom for this reason he gave a body, smooth and even, hav-

verse

ing a surface in every direction equidistant

from the centre, a body e ntire and perfect, and formed out of perfect bodies. And in the centre he put the soul, which he diffused throughout the body," making

it

also to be the exterior en-

and he made the universe a circle moving in a circle, one and solitary, yet by reason of its excellence able to converse with vironment of

it;

449

and needing no other friendship or acquaintance. Having these purposes in view he created the world a blessed god. Now (Hod did not make the soul after the body, although we arc speaking of them in this order; for having brought them together he would never have allowed that the elder should be ruled by the younger; but this is a random itself,

manner of speaking which we have, because somehow wc ourselves too arc very much under the dominion of chance. Whereas he made the soul in origin

and excellence prior

to

and older

than the body, to be the ruler and mistress, of whom the body was to be the subject. And he made her out of the following elements and on this wise: [ ^5/ (Hut of the indivisible and unchangeable, and also out of that which is divisible and has to do w'ith material bodies, he compounded a third and intermediate kind of essence, partaking of the nature of the same and of the other, and this compound he placed accordingly in a mean between the indivisible, and thedivisibleand material. He tookthethrcc elements of the same, the other, and the essence, and mingled them into one form, compressing by force the reluctant and unsociable nature of the other into the same. When he had mingled them with the essence and out of three made one, he again divided this whole into as many portions as was fitting, each portion being a compound of the same, the other, and the essence. And he proceeded to divide after this manner: First of all, he took aw'ay one part of the whole 1 1, and then he separated a second part which was double the first [2], and then he took away a third part which w'as half as much again as the second and three times as much as the first 3], and then he took a fourth part which was twice as much as the second [4 ], and a fifth part which was three times the third [9], and a sixth part which was eight times the first [8], and a seventh part which was twcniyse\ en times the first [ 27 J After this he filled up the double intervals |i. e. between i, 2, 4, 8J and 7^6 /the triple [i.e.hetwecn 1,3, 9, 27], cutting off yet other portions from the mixture and placing them in the intervals, so that in each interval there were two kinds of means, the one exceeding and exceeded by equal parts of its extremes as for example i, f't, 2, in wdtich the mean is one-third of i more than i, and onethird of 2 less than 2 j,the other being that kind of mean which exceeds and is exceeded by an equal number. Where there were intervals of 'h and of Vm, made by the connecting and of terms in the former intervals, he filled up all

—

[

[

.

I

%

DIALOGUES OF PLATO %

with the interval of leavthe intervals of ing a fraction over; and the interval which this fraction expressed was in tlie ratio of 256 to 243* And thus the whole mixture out of which he cut these portions was all exhausted by him. This entire compound he divided lengthways into two parts, which he joined to one another at the centre like the letter X, and bent them into a circular form, connecting them with themselves and each other at the point opposite to their original meeting-point; and, comprehending them in a uniform revolution upon the same axis, he made the one the outer and the other the inner circle. Now the motion of the outer circle he called the motion of the same, and the motion ot the inner circle the motion of the other or di\ erse. The motion of the same he carried round by the side to the right, and the motion of the diverse diagonally to the left. And he gave dominion to the motion of the same and like, for that he left single and undivided; but the inner motion he divided in six places and made seven unequal '

**

having their intervals in ratios of two and bade the orbits proceed in a direction opposite to one another; and three [Sun, Mercury, Venus he made to move with equal swiftness, and the remaining four Moon, Saturn, Mars, Jupiter J to move with unequal swiftness to the three and to one another, but in due proportion. Now when the Creator had framed the soul according to his will, he fornitd within her the corporeal universe, and brought the two togethcircles

and

three, three of each,

]

I

er,

and united them centre

to centre.

The

soul,

interfused everywhere from the centre to the

circumference of heaven, of which also she is the external envelopment, herself turning in herself, began a divine beginning ol neverceasing and rational life enduring throughout time, [^j] The body of heaven is visible, but the soul is invisible, and partakes of reason

all

and harmony, and being made by the best of intellectual and everlasting natures, is the best of things created. And because she is composed of the same and of the o^er and of the essence, these three, and is divided and united in due proportion, and in her revolutions returns upon herself, the soul, when touching anything which has essence, whether dispersed in parts or undivided, is stirred through all her powers, to declare the sameness or difference of that

thing and some other; and to what individuaU

and in what world of generation and in the world of immutable being. And when reason, which works with equal arc related,

and by what

affected,

way and how and when, both

truth,

whether she be in the

—

in the

circle of the di-

same in voiceless silence holding her onward course in the sphere of the sclfmo\ed when reason, I say, is hovering around the sensible world and when the circle of the diverse also moving truly imparts the intimations of sense to the whole soul, then arise opinions and bcliets sure and certain. But when reason is concerned with the rational, and the circle of the same moving smoothly declares it, then intelligence and knowledge are necessarily perfected. And if any one affirms that in which these two are lound to be other than the soul, verse or of the

—

he will say the very opposite of the truth.

When the father and creator saw the creature which he had made moving and living, the created image of the eternal gods, he rejoiced, and in his )oy determined to make the copy still more like the original; and as this was eternal, he sought to make the universe eternal, so

far

might be. Now the nature of the ideal being was everlasting, but to Ixistow this attribute in Its fulness upon a creature was impossible. Wherefore he lesolved to have a moving image of eternity, and when he set in order the heaven, he madiTlhis image eternal but moving according to number, while eternity itself rests in unity; and this image we call lime. For there were no days and nights and months and years before the heaven was created, but when he constructed the heaven he created them also. 'ITicy arc all parts of time, and the past and future arc created species of time, which we unconsciously but wrongly transfer to the eternal as

essence; for

wc

say that he “was,'' he “is,” he

“will be,” but the truth

is that “is” alone is properly attributed to him, /jS/ and that “was” and “will be” are only to bespoken of becoming in time, tor they ate motions, but that which is cannot become older or immovably the younger by time, iior ever did or has become, or hereafter will be, ©Idcr or younger, nor is sub-

ject at all to

any of Ihose

states which affect mov-

* I. c. of the rectangular figure supposc^l to be inscribed in the circle of the same. ^ i. e. across the rectangular figure from corner

ing and sensible things and of which generation is the cause. Thcsdarc the forms of tunc, which imitates eternity ^nd revolves according to a law of number. Moreover, when we say that what has become fs become and what becomes is becoming, and that what will become is about to become and that the non-existent is

to corner.

non-existent

—

all

these are inaccurate

modes of

TIMAEUS But perhaps this whole subject will be more suitably discussed on some other ocexpression. casion.

Time, then, and the heaven came into being same instant in order that, having been created together, if ever there was to be a dissolution of them, they might be dissolved together. It was framed after the pattern of the eternal nature, that it might resemble this as far as was possible; for the pattern exists from eternity, and the created heaven has been, and is, and will be, in all time. Such was the mind and at the

thought of (iofl in the creation of time. The sun and moon and five other stars, which are called the planets, were created by him in order to dis-

and preserve the numbers of time; and when be had made their several Ixidies, he placed them in the orbits in which the circle of “ in seven orbits sevthe other was revolving en stars. First, there was the moon in the orbit nearest the earth, and next the sun, in the second orbit above the earth; then came the morning star and the star sacred to I Icrmes, moving ill gibus which have an equal swiftness with the sun, but in an opposite direction; and this is the reason w'hy the sun and Hermes and Lucifer overtake and arc overtaken by each othcr. To enumerate the places which he assigned to the other stars, and to give all the reasons why tinguish

—

he assigned them, although a secondary matter, would give more trouble than the primary.

These things at some future time, when we are at leisure, may have the consideration which

451

and slowness as they proceeded in their eight courses, God lighted a fire, which we now call the sun, in the second

their relative swiftness

from the earth of these orbits, that it might gi’X light to the whole of heaven, and that the animals, as many as nature intended, might participate in number, learning arithmetic from the revolution of the same and the like. Tims, then, and for this reason the night and the day were created, being the period of the one most intel-

And the month is accc/inwhen the moon has completed her orbit and overtaken the sun, and the year when the sun has completed his own orbit. Mankind, ligent revolution.

plishcd

with hardly an exception, have not remarked the periods of the other stars, and they have no

name for them, and do not measure them against one another by the help of number, and hence they can scarcely be said to know that their wanderings, being infinite in number and admirable for their variety, make

no

up time. And

yet there

difficulty in seeing that the perfect

is

numlier

of time fulfils the perfect year when all the eight revolutions, having their relative degrees of swiftness, are accomplished together and attain their completion at the same time, measured

by the rotation of the same and equally moving. After this manner, and for these reasons, came into being such of the stars as in their heavenly progress received reversals of motion, to the end that the created heaven might imitate the eternal nature, and be as like as possible to the perfect

and

intelligible animal.

sary to the creation of time

I'hus far and until the birth of time the created universe was made in the likeness of the original, but inasmuch as all animals were not

tion suitable to

yet

they deserve, but not at present.

Now, when

which were neceshad attained a mothem, and had become living

all

the stars

creatures havingbodics fastened by vital chains,

/jg/ moving motion of the diverse, which is diagonal, and passes through and is governed by the mo-

and

learnt their appointed task,

in the

tion of the same, they revolved,

and some

in a lesser orbit

some

in a larger

—those which had

the lesser orbit revolving faster, and those which by reason of had the larger more slowly.

Now

the motion of the same, those which revolved fastest ap|3cared to be overtaken by those which moved slower although they really overtook

them; for the motion of the same made them all turn in a spiral, and, because some went one way and some another, that which receded most slowly from the sphere of the same, which was the swiftest, appeared to follow it most nearly. That there might be some visible measure of Cf. Parmenides, 141. •Cf. 36.

‘

comprehended

therein,

it

was

still

unlike.

What

remained, the creator then proceeded to fashion after the nature ot the pattern. Now as in the ideal animal the mind perceives ideas or species of a certain nature and number, he thought that this created animal ought to have SjK'cics of a like nature and number. There arc four such; [40] one of them is the heavenly race of the gods; another, the race of birds whose way is in the air; the third, the watery species; and the fourth, the pedestrian and land creatures. Of the heavenly and divine, he created the greater part out of fire, that they might be the brightest of

all

things and fairest to behold, after the likeness of the

and he fashioned them

universe in the figure of a circle, and made them follow the intelligent motion of the supreme, distributing them over the whole circumference of heaven, which was to be a true cosmos or glorious world spangled with them all over.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

452

And

he gave to each of them two movements:

Now, when

the

all of them, both those who visappear in their revolutions as well as those other gods who are of a more retiring nature,

to think consistently the

had come

the

first,

a

movement on

the

same spot

after

same manner, whereby they ever continue same thoughts about the same things; the second, a forw^ard movement, in which they are controlled by the revolution of the same and the like; but by the other motions they were unaffected fcf. 43], in order that each of them might attain the highfive

est perfection.

stars

And

were created,

for this reason the fixed

to be divine

and eternal an-

imals, ever-abiding and revolving after the same

manner and on the same spot; and the other which reverse their motion and are sub-

stars

ject to

de\iations of this kind, were created in

the manncralready described. The earth,

which

our nurse, clinging around the pole which is extended through the universe, he framed to be the guardian and artificer of night and day, first and eldest of gods that are in the interior of heaven. Vain would be the attempt to tell all is

them

circling as in dance, and and the return of them in their revolutions upon themselves, and their approximations, and to say which of these deities in their conjunctions meet, and which of them are in opposition, and in what order they get behind and before one another, and when they arc severally eclipsed to our sight and again reapi^ar, sending terrors and intimations of the

the figures of

their juxtapositions,

future to those whocannot calculate their mo\ cments to attempt to tell of all this without a

—

visible representation of the heavenly

system would be labour in vain. Enough on this head; and now let what we have said about the nature of the created and visible gods have an end.

To know vinities

is

or

tell

beyond

traditions of the

the origin of the other di-

us,

men

and we must accept the of old time

who

affirm

—

themselves to be the offspring of the gods that and they must surely have is what they say known their own ancestors. I low can we doubt the word of the children of the gods^ Although they give no probable or certain proofs, still, as they declare that they arc speaking of what look

—

place in their own family, vve must conform to custom and believe them*. In this manner, then, according to them, the genealogy of these gods is to be reccivcil and set forth. Oceanus and 7 cihys were the children of Earth and Heaven, and from these sprang Phorcys and Cronos and Rhea, and all that generation; [41] and from Cronos and Rhea sprang Zeus and I lere, and all those who are said to be their brethren, and others who were "he chil-

dren of these.

ibly

into l>eing, the creator of the universe addressed them in these words: “Gods, children of gods, who arc my works, and of whom I am

the artificer

and

father,

my

creations arc indis-

is bound may be being would wish to undo that which is harmonious and happy. Wherefore, since ye arc but creatures, ye arc not altogether immortal and indissoluble, but ye shall certainly not be dissolved, nor be liable to the fate of death, having in my will a greater and mightier bond than those with which ye were bound at the time of your birth. And

soluble,

if

so

I

will. All that

undone, but only an

now

listen to

evil

my instructions: —Three tribes of

—

mortal beings remain to be created without them the universe will be incomplete, for it will not contain every kind ol animal which it ought to contain, if it is to be perfect. On the odicr hand, if they were created by me and received life at my hands, they would be on an equality with the gods. In order then that they may be mortal, ami that this universe may be truly universal, do ye, according to )our natures, betake yourselves to the formation of animals, imitating the power which wms shown by

me in creating you. The the is

p.irt

name immortal, which

of

is

them

w^orthy of

called divine

the guiding principle of those

who

and

arc will-

—

ing to follow justice and you of that divine I will myself sow the seed, and having made a beginning, I will hand the work over part

And do yc then interweave the mortal with the immortal, and make and beget living creatures, and give them f(X)d, and make them to grow\ and receive them again in death.’* Ihus he spake, and once more into tlic cup in which he had previously mingl(‘d the soul of the universe he poured the remains of the elements, and mingled them in much the same manner; they w'crc not, however, pure as before, but diluted to, the second and third degree. And having inadejt he divided the whole mixto you.

ture into souls

cc]ii$l

in

number to the stars, and

and having there he showed them the nature of the universe, and declared to them the laws of destiny, according to which their first birth would be one and the same for all, no one should suffer a disadvantage at his hands; they were to be sown in the instruments of time severally adapted to them, [42I and to come forth the most religious of animals; and as human nature was of two kinds, the sui)erior a.ssigned each sou| to a star;

placed

—

them

as inja chariot,

TIMAEUS race would hereafter be called man. Now, when they should be implanted in bodies by necessity, and be always gaining or losing some part of their bodily substance, then in the first place it would be necessary that they should all have in them one and the same faculty of sensation, arising out of irresistible impressions; in the second place, they must have love, in which pleasure and pain mingle; also fear and anger, and the feelings which arc akin or opposite to them; if they conquered these they would live righteously, and if they were conquered by them, unrighteously. He who lived well during his appointed time was to return and dwell

and there he would have a blessed and congenial existence. Hut if he failed in attaining this, at the second birth he would pass into a woman, and if, when in that state of being, he did not desist from evil, he would continually be changed into some brute who resembled him in the evil nature which he had acc]uircd, and would not cease from his toils and*:» 'n^ifiirmations until he followed the revolution of the same and the like within him, and overcame by the help of reason the turbulent and irrational mob of later accretions, made up of fire and air and water and earth, and returned to the form of his first and better state. in his native star,

Having given

453

and clBux.

Now

these courses, detained as in

a vast river, neither overcame nor were over-

come; but were hurrying and hurried to and fro, so that the whole animal was moved and progressed, irregularly however and irrationally and anyhow, in all the six directions of motion, wandering backwards and forwards, and right and left, and up and down, and in all the six directions. For great as was the advancing and retiring flood which provided nourishment, the affections [iroduced by external contact caused still greater tumult when the Iwdy of any one met and came into collision with some

—

fire, or with the solid earth or the gliding waters, or was caught in the tempest borne on the air, and the motions produced by any of these impulses were carrietl through the body to the soul. All such motions have consequently received the general name of “sensations,” which they still retain. And they did in fact at that time create a very great and mighty movement; uniting with the everflowing stream in stirring up and violently shaking the courses of the soul, they completely stopped the revolution

external

of the

dered

same by their opposing current, and hinit from predominating and advancing;

and they

so disturbed the nature of the other or

diverse, that the three double intervals

and the three

that he

tween f, 2, 4, fi.c. between

ol

mean terms and connecting

all

these laws to his creatures,

might be guiltless of future evil in any them, the creator sowed some of them in

the earth, and some in the moon, and some in the other instruments of time; and when he had

sown them he

cominittcil to the younger gods

the fashioning of their mortal bodies, and desired them to furnish what was still lacking to the

human

soul,

and having made

able additions, to rule over them,

all

and

the suitto pilot

the mortal animal in the best and wisest manner which they could, and avert from him all

but

self-inflicted evils.

When

the creator had

made

all

these ordi-

nances he remained in his own accustomed nature, and his children heard and were obcilient to their father's w'ord,

and receiving from him

8J, i,

3,

(>,

[

i.c.

be-

triple intervals

27], together with the links which are

expressed hy the ratios of 3 : 2, and 4 : 3, and 8 these, although they cannot be wholly undone except by him who united them, were twisted by them in all sorts of ways, and the circles were broken and disordered in every

of 9

:

—

manner, so that when they moved they were tumbling to pieces, and moved irrationally, at one lime in a reverse direction, and then again obliquely, and then upside down, as you might imagine a person who is upside down and has his head Iccining upon the ground and his feet up against something in the air; and when he is in such a position, both he and the possible

s|>cctator fancy that the right of either

when

is

his left,

the immortal principle of a mortal creature, in imitation of their own creator they borrowed portions of fire, and earth, and water, and air

and

from the world, [4^] which were hereafter to be restored these they look and welded them together, not with the indissoluble chains by which they were themselves bound, but with little pegs too small to be visible, making up out of all the four elements each separate body, and

thing, [ 4^1 either of the class of the same or of the other, they s|>cak of the same or of the other

—

fastening the courses of the immortal soul in a in a state of perpetual influx

body which was

left right. If,

powerfully experienc-

ing these and similar effects, the rc\olutions of the sou)

come

in contact

with some external

in a manner the very opposite of the truth; and they become false and foolish, and there is no course or revolution in them which has a guiding or directing |>ower; and if again any sensations enter in violently from without and drag after them the whole vessel of the soul.

.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

454

then the courses of the soul, though they seem to conquer, arc really

And soul,

conquered

by reason of

when encased

all

these aflections, the

in a mortal body,

now,

as in

the beginning, is at first without intelligence; but when the flood of growth and nutriment abates, and the courses of the soul, calming

down, go

their

own way and become

steadier

time goes on, then the several circles return to their natural form, and their revolutions arc as

and they call the same and the other by their right names, and make the possessor corrected,

them to become a rational being. And if these combine in him with any true nurture or education, he attains the fulness and health of the perfect man, and escapes the worst disease of all; but if he neglects education he walks lame to the end of his life, and returns imperfect and good for nothing to the world below. This, however, is a later stage; at present we must treat more exaedy the subject before us, which inof

volves a preliminary enquiry into the generation of the

body and

its

members, and

how

—

as to

the soul was created for what reason and by what providence of the gods; and holding fast to prolwbility, we must pursue our w^ay. First, then, the gods, imitating the spherical shape of the universe, enclosed the two divine courses in a spherical body, that, namely, which we now term the head, being the most divine part of us and the lord of all that is in us: to this the gods, when they put together the body, gave all the other members to be servants, considering that it partook of every sort of motion. In orderthen that it might not tumble about among the high and deep places of the earth, but might be able to get over the one and out of the other, they provided the body to be its vehicle and means of locomotion; which consequently had length and was furnished with four limbs extended and flexible; these God contrived to be instruments of locomotion with which it might take hold and find support, [ 4^] and so be able to pass through all places, carrying on high the dwelling-place of the most sacred and divine part of us. Such waf the origin of legs and hands, which for this reason were attached to every man; and the gods, deeming the front part of man to be more honourable and more fit to command than the hinder part, made us to move mostly in a forward direction. Wherefore man must needs have his front part unlike

and distinguished from the

And

rest

of his body.

so in the vessel of the head, they

first

put a face in which they inserted organs to minister in all things to the providence of of

all

the soul, and they appointed this part, which has authority, to be by nature the part which is in front. And of the organs they first contrived the eyes to give light, and the principle according to which they were inserted was as follows: So much of fire as would not burn, but gave a gentle light, they formed into a substance akin to the light of cvery-day life; and the pure fire which is within us and related thereto they made to flow through the eyes in a stream smooth and dense, compressing the whole eye, and especially the centre part, so that it kept out everything of a coarser nature, and allowed to pass only this pure element. When the light of day surrounds the stream of vision, then like falls upon like, and they coalesce, and one body is formed by natural affinity in the line of vision, wherever the light that falls from within meets with an external object. And the whole stream

of vision, being similarly affected in virtue of motions of what it touches or what touches it over the whole body, until they reach the soul, causing that perception

similarity, diffuses the

which wc call sight. Hut when night comes on and the external and kindred fire departs, then the stream of vision

is

to an unlike clement

cut off; for going foith

it

is

changed and

extin-

guished, being no longer of one nature with the surrounding atmosphere which is now deprived of fire: and so the eye no longer sees, and wc feel

disposed to sleep. For

when

the eyelids,

which

the gods invented for the preservation of sight, arc closed, they keep in the internal fire; and the power of the fire diffuses and equalises the inward rnotions; when they are equalised, there

and when the rest is profound, [ 46 ] comes over us scarce disturbed by dreams; but where the greater motions still remain, of whatever nature and in whatever Iwality, they engender corresponding visions in dreams, which are remembered by us when wc arc awake and in the external world. And now there is no longer any difficulty in understanding the creation of images in mirrors and all smooth and bright surfaces. For from the communion of the internal and external fires, and again from the union of them and their numerous transformiitions when they meet in the is rest,

sleep

mirror,

when

all

the

these appearances of necessity arise,

fire froifi

the face coalesces with the

from the eye ob the bright and smooth surface, And right appears left and left right, because the visual rays come into contact with the rays emitted by the object in a manner contrary fire

to the usual

mode of meeting; but the right apleft, when the position

pears right, and the left

TIMAEUS of one of the

two concurring lights

is

reversed;

happens when the mirror is concave its smooth surface repels the right stream of vision to the left side, and the left to the right.

and and

this

Or

if the mirror be turned vertically, then the concavity makes the countenance appear to be all upside down, and the lower rays arc driven upwards and the upper downwards. All these arc to be reckoned among the sec-

ond and co-operative causes which God,

carry-

ing into execution the idea of the best as far as possible, uses as his ministers. They arc thought by most men not to be the second, but the prime causes of all things, because they freeze and heat, and contract and dilate, and the like. But they are not so, for they arc incapable of reason or intellect; the only being which can properly

have mind

is

the invisible soul, whereas hre and

water, and earth and bodies.

The

air,

are

of them visible and knowledge

all

lover of intellect

ought to explore causes of first

of

bein,«:

all,

intelligent nature and, secondly, of those things which,

moved by others,

And

arc compelled to

move

what wc too must do. Both kinds of causes should be acknowledged by us,

others.

this is

made between those endowed with mind and are the

but a distinction should be

which are

workers of things fair and good, and those which arc deprived of intelligence and always produce chance effects without order or design.

Of

the second or co-operative causes of sight, to give to the eyes the power which

455

to the perturbed; and that wc, learning them and partaking of the natural truth of reason, might imitate the absolutely unerring courses of God and regulate our own vagaries. The same may be affirmed of speech and hearing: they have been given by the gods to the same end and for a like reason. For this is the principal end of speech, whereto it most contributes. Moreover, so much ot music as is adapted to the sound of the voice and to the sense of hearing is granted to us for the sake of harmony; and harmony, which has motions akin to the revolutions of our souls, is not regarded by the intelligent votary of the Muses as given by them with a view to irrational pleasure, which is deemed to be the purpose of it in our day, but as meant to correct any discord which may have arisen in the courses of the soul, and to be our ally in bringing her into harmony and agreement with herself; and rhythm too was given by them for the same reason, on account of the irregular and graceless ways which prevail among mankind generally, and to help us

against them.

Thus far in what wc have been saying, with small exception, the works of intelligence have and now wc must place by the our discourse the things which come into being through necessity for the creation is mixed, [^fS] being made up of necessity and mind. Mind, the ruling power, persuaded been

set forth;

side of

them

in

—

which help

necessity to bring the greater part of created

they now possess, enough has been said. I will therefore now proceed to speak of the higher use and purpose for which God has given them

things to perfection, and thus and after this manner in the l>eginning, when the influence of reason got the belter of necessity, the universe

to us.

/^7 /TTic sight in

my opinion is the source

had we never seen the stars, and the sun, and the heaven, none of the words which we have spoken about the universe would ever have been uttered. But now the sight of day and night, and the months and the revolutions of the years, have created number, and have given us a conception of time, and the power ot enquiring about the nature of the universe; and from this source wc have derived philosophy, than which no greater good ever was or will be given by the gods to mortal man. This is the greatest boon of sight: and of the lesser benefits why should I speak? even the ordinary man if he were deprived of them would bewail his loss, but in vain. Thus much let me say however: God invented and gave us sight to the end that we might behold the courses of intelligence in the heaven, and apply them to the courses of our own intelligence which are akin to them, the unperturbed of the greatest benefit to us, for

was the

But if a person will truly tell of which the work was accomplished,

created.

way

in

he must include the other influence of the able cause as well. Wherefore,

wc must

vari-

return

again and find another suitable beginning, as about the former matters, so also about these. To which end we must consider the nature of fire, and water, and air, and earth, such as they were prior to the creation of the heaven, and what was happening to them in this previous state; * for no one has as yet explained the manner of their generation, but we speak of fire and the rest of them, whatever they mean, as though men knew their natiires,and we maintain them to l)e the first principles and letters or elements of the whole, when they cannot reasonably be compared by a man of any sense even to syllables or first compounds. And let me say thus much; I will not now speak of the first principle or principles of all things, or by whatever ^Cf.53.

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

456

name

they arc to be called, for this reason

cause

It IS

difficult to set forth

my

—

^be-

opinion ac-

cording to the method ot discussion which we art at present employing Do not imagine, any more than I can bring ni) self to imagine, that I should be right in undertaking so great and difficult a task. Remembering what I said at hist about probability, I will do my best to give as probable an explanation as any other—or rather, more probable, and I will first go back to the beginning and try to speak of eac h thing ind of all. Once more, then, at tlic coinmenccincnt of my discourse, I call upon God, and beg him to be our savionr out ot a str.uige and unwonted enquiry, and to bring us to the ha\cn of probability So now let us begin igain This new beginning of our discussion of the universe requires a fuller division tlinn the former, for then we made two classes, now a third must be revealed The two sufficed for the tormcr discussion one, w hich we assumed, w as a pattern intelligible and always the s and the second w is only the mutation ot the pattern, generated and visible There is also a third kind which we did not distinguish at the limc,concciv mg that the two would be enough But now the argument seems to require that w e should set forth words mother kind, which hat IS difficult of explanation and dimly seen nature arc wc to attribute to this new kind of reply, that it is the receptacle, and being ^ in a manner the nurse, of all generition I have spoken the truth, but I must* express myself in clearer language, and this will be an arduous task tor many reisons, and in particular be cause I must first raise questions concerning fire and the other elements, and determine what each ot them is, for to say, with any probability or certitude, which ot them shoulcl be called water rather than fire, and which should be called any ot them rather than all or some one of them, IS a difficult matter. How, then, shall wc settle this point, and what questions about the elements may be fairly raised^

m

W

Wc

In the

first

place,

wc

see that

what wc

just

now called water, by condensation, I suppose, becomes stone and earth, and this same element, when melted and dispersed, passes into vapour and air. Air, again, when inflamed, becomes fire; and again fire, when condensed and ex tinguished, passes once more into the form of air, and once more, air, when collected and condensed, produces cloud and mist; and from these, when still more compressed, comes flowing water, and from water comes c< rth and stones once more, and thus generation appears

to be transmitted

1 hus, then,

cle

from one to the other

m a cir-

as the several elements never

present themselves in the same form, how tan any one hive the assurance to assert positively that any ol them, whatever it may be, is one thing ruhtr than mother^ No one cm Hut

much

speak ol them as folsec to be continual ly ch inging, as, lor example, fire, wt must not call “this” or “that,” but rather say that it is ol such a nature \ nor let us speak of water as “this,’ but always as “such”, nor must we ini ply that there is any stibAity in any of those thingswhich wciiulic lit bv the useol the words ‘ this and ‘that, supposing ourselves to signi ly something thercb\ loi they are loo volatile to be detained in any such expn ssions is this,” or ‘that,” or “rclatnc to this,’ oi any other mode ol speaking which represents them as permanent We ought not to apply “this” to any ot them, but rather the word ‘such”, which

lows

the safest plan

is

to

—Anything which we

‘

*

,

expresses the similar principle ciiculiting in

each md ill of them, for tximplc, thit should be called hre which is of suih a lulurc al ways, and so of everything th u h is gent ration which the elements sever illy grow up, That and ippcir, ind dccav, is alone to be c died bv the name this oi th U /50/ but thit which IS of a certun n Hurt, hot or white, or my thing which ad mitsol opposite cju ilities,and ill things that arc compounded ol them, ought not to be so denominated Let me make another attempt to explain my meaning more clearly Suppose a person to make all kinds of figures ol gold and to be always transmuting one form into all ‘

m

‘

,

—

the rest somebody points to one of them md asks what it is Hy lar the safest and truest an swer is,l hat is gold, and not to call the triangle

or anv other ligurcs vvhieh are lormcd in the gold ‘these,” as though they hid existence, since they are in process of change while he is making the assertion, but if the questioner bt willing to take the safe and indefinite expres sion, “such,” we should be satisfied \nd the same argument ajf plies to the universal n iturc which receives alljbodies —that must bt always called the same, f^r, while receiving all things, she ncvci dcpirtstat all from her own nature, and never in any Way, or at any time, assumes a form like that o( any of the things which en-

ter into her, she is the natural recipient of all

impressions, and is stirred and informed by them, and appears different from time to time by reason of them But the forms which enter into

and go out of her are the likenesses of

rc.il

existences modelled after their patterns in a

TIMAEUS wonderful and inexplicable manner, which we will hereafter investigate. For the present we have only to conceive of three natures: first, that which is in process of generation; secondly, that in which the generation takes place; and thirdly, that of which the thing generated is a resemblance.

And we may

liken the receiving

and the source or spring and the intermediate nature to a child;andmayrcmark£urther,that if the model principle to a mother,

to a father,

is

to take every variety of form, then the matter

which the model is fashioned will not be duly prepared, unless it is formless, and free from the impress of any of those shapes which it is hereafter to receive from without. For if the matter were like any of the supervening forms, then whenever any opposite or entirely diilerent nature was stamped upon its surface, it would take the impression badly, because it would intrude its own shape. Wherefore, that which is to receive all forms should have no form; as in making perfumes they first contrive that be liquid substance which is to recenc the scent shall be as inodorous as possible; or as those who wish to impress figures on soft substances do not allow any previous impression to remain, j $1] bur begin by making the surface as even and smooth as possible. In the same in

way

which is to receive perpetually and whole extent the resemblances of all eternal beings ought to be devoid of any [)articular form. Wherefore, the mother and receptacle of all created and visible and in any way sensible things, is not to be termed earth, or air, or fire, or water, or any of their comjwunds or any of the elements from which these are derived, but is an invisible and formless being which receives all things and in some mysterious way partakes of the intelligible, and is most that

through

its

incomprehensible. In saying this wc shall not be far wrong; as tar, how'cver, as we can attain to a knowledge of her from the previous considerations,

wc may

truly say that fire

is

that

which Iroin time to time is inflamed, and water that which is moistened, and that the mother substance becomes earth and air, in so far as she receives the impressions part of her nature

of them. Is

Let us consider this question more precisely. there any sclf-cxistcnt fire.'* and do all those

things which wc call sclf-cxistcni exist or are only those things which we see, or in some way perceive through the bodily organs, truly existand nothing whatever besides them ? And is all that which wc call an intelligible essence

ent,

nothing

at all,

and only a name? Here

is

a ques-

tion

457

which we must not leave unexamined or

undetermined, nor must we affirm too confidently that there can be no decision; neither must we interpolate in our present long d scourse a digression equally long, but if it is possible to set forth a great principle in a words, that is just what wc want.

lew

—

Tlius I state my view: If mind and true opinion arc two distinct classes, then I say thaf there certainly arc these sclf-cxistcnt ideas unperccived by sense, and apprehended only by the mind if, however, as some say, true opinion differs in no respect from mind, then everything that wc perceive through the body is to be regarded as most real and certain. But we must affirm them to be distinct, for they have a ;

distinct origin and are of a different nature; the one is implanted in us by instruction, the other by persuasion; the one is always accompanied b> true reason, the other is without reason; the one cannot be overcome by persuasion, but the other can: and lastly, every man may be said to

share in true opinion, but

mind

is

the attribute

few men. Wherefore also we must acknowledge that there is one kind of being which is always the same, [^2] uncreated and indestructible, never receiving anything into itself from without, nor itself going out to any other, but invisible and imperceptible by any sense, and of which the conof the gods and of very

templation is granted to intelligence only. And is another nature of the same name with it, and like to it, perceived by sense, created, alwa\ s in motion, becoming in place and again vanishing out ol place, which is apprehended by opinion and sense. And there is a third nature, which is space, and is eternal, and admits not of destruction and provides a home for all created things, and is apprehended without the help of sense, by a kind of spurious reason, and is hardly real; which we beholding as in a dream, say of all existence that it must of necessity be in some place and occupy a space, but that w’hat is neither in heaven nor in earth has no existence. Of these and other things of the same kind, relating to the true and waking reality of nature, wc have only this dreamlike sense, and w'c are unable to cast oft .sleep and determine the truth about them. For an image, since the reality, after which it is modelled, docs not belong to it, and it exists ever as the fleeting shadow of some other, must be inferred to be in another f i.c. in space], grasping existence in some way or other, or it could not be at all. But true and exact reason, vindicating the nature of true being, maintains that while two things [i.e. the there

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

458

image and space] are different they cannot exist one of them in the other and so be one and also two at the same time. Thus have I concisely given the result of my thoughts; and my verdict is that being and space and generation, these three, existed in their three ways before the heaven; and that the nurse of generation, moistened by water and inflamed by fire, and receiving the forms of earth and air, and experiencing all the affections which accompany these, presented a strange variety of appearances; and being full of powers which were neither similar nor equally balanced, was never in any part in a state of equipoise, but swaying unevenly hither and thither, was shaken by them, and by its motion again shook them; and the elements when moved were separated and carried continually, some one way, some another; as, when grain is shaken and winnowed by fans and other instruments used in the threshing of corn, [ the close and heavy particles are borne away and settle in one direction, and the loose and light particles in another. In this manner, the four kinds or elements were then shaken by the receiving vessel, which, moving like a winnowing machine, scattered far away from one another the elements most unlike, and forced the most similar elements into close contact. Wherefore also the various elements had dilferent places before they were arranged so as to form the universe. At first, they were all without reason and measure. But when the world began to get into order, fire and water and earth and air had only certain faint traces of themselves, and were altogether such as everything might be expected to be in the absence of God; this, I say, was their nature at that time, and God fashioned them by form and number. Let it be consistently

maintained by us in

made them best,

all

that

we say that God

as far as possible the fairest

and

out of things which were not fair and

And now

endeavour to show you the disposition and generation of them by an unaccustomed argumcnt,whichlam compelled to use; but I believe that you will be able to follow me, for your education has made you familiar with the methods of science. good.

I will

In the first place, then, as is evident to all, fire and earth and water and air are bodies. And every sort of body possesses solidity, and every solid must necessarily be contained in planes; and every plane rectilinear figure is composed of triangles; and all triangles are originally of two kinds, both of which arc made up of one right and two acute angles; one of them has at

either end of the base the half of a divided right

angle, having equal sides, while in the other is divided into unequal parts, having unequal sides. These, then, proceeding by a combination of probability with demonstration, we assume to be the original elements of fire and the other bodies; but the principles which are prior to these God only knows, and he of men who is the friend of God. And next we have to determine what are the four most beautiful bodies which are unlike one another, and of which some are capable of resolution into one another; for having discovered thus

the right angle

much, we shall know the true origin ot earth and fire and of the proportionate and intermediate clcmcnis.

And

then

we

shall not

be

willing to allow that there arc any distinct kinds

of visible bodies fairer than these. Wherefore we must endeavour to construct the four forms of bodies which excel in beauty, and then we

be able to say that wc have sufficiently apprehended their nature. [^ 4 ] Now ot the two triangles, the isosceles has one form only; the scalene or unequal-sided has an infinite number. Of the infinite forms we must select the most beautiful, if wc are to proceed in due order, and any one who can point out a more beautiful form than ours for the construction of these bodies, shall carry off the palm, not as an enemy, but as a friend. Now, the one which wc maintain to Tie the most beautiful of all the many triangles (and we need not speak of the others) is that of which the double forms a third triangle which is equilateral; the reason of this would be long to tell; he who disproves what wc arc saying, and shows that wc are misshall

may claim a friendly victory. Then let us choose two triangles, out of which fire and the other elements have been constructed, one isosceles, the other having the square of the longer side equal to three times the square of taken,

the lesser side.

Now is the lime to explain what was before obscurely said: theltc was an error in imagining that all the four elements might be generated by and into one anolher; this, I say, was an erroneous supposition, for there are generated from the trianglesjwhich wc have selected four kinds ^thrcc froni the one which has the sides unetiual; the fourm alone is framed out of the isosceles triangle. Hence they cannot all be re-

—

solved into one another, a great

number of small

bodies being combined into a few large ones, or the converse. But three of them can be thus resolved and compounded, for they all spring from one, and when the greater bodies arc

TIMAEUS broken up, many small bodies will spring up out of them and take their own proper figures; Of, again, when

many small bodies are dissolved

they become one, they will form one large mass of another kind. So much for their passage into one another. I have now to speak of their several kinds, and show out of what combinations of numbers each of them was formed. The first will be the simplest into their triangles,

if

and smallest construction, and its element is which has its hypothenuse twice the lesser side. When two such triangles arc joined at the diagonal, and this is repeated three times, and the triangles rest their diagonals and shorter sides on the same point as a centre, a single equilateral triangle is formed out of six triangles; and four equilateral triangles, if put that triangle

together,

make out

of every three plane angles

being that which is nearest to and out the most obtuse of plane angles; of the combination of these four angles arises the first solid form which distributes into equal

one

solid angle,

and similar inscribed.

parts the

whole

circle in

which it is is formed

The second species of solid

out of the same triangles, which unite as eight and form one solid angle out of four plane angles, and out of six such angles the second body is completed. And the third body is made up of 120 triangular elements, forming twelve solid angles, each of them included in five plane equilateral triangles, having altogether twenty bases, each of

equilateral triangles

which

ment

is

an equilateral triangle, llic one

ele-

the triangle which has its hypothenuse twice the lesser side] having generated [that

is,

these figures, generated no more; but the isosceles triangle

which

produced the fourth elementary

fig-

compounded

of four such trianangles in a centre, and forming one equilateral quadrangle. Six of these united form eight solid angles, each of which is ure,

is

gles, joining their right

made by

the combination of three plane right

angles; the figure of the

body thus composed

is

a cube, having six plane quadrangular equilateral bases.

There was yet a

which Cmd used

fifth

combination

in the delineation of the uni-

459

are one; another, regarding the question from another point of view, will be of another mind.

But, leaving this enquiry,

let

us proceed to dis-

which have now among the four elements.

iribuic the elementary forms,

been created in idea,

To earth, then, let us assign the cubical

form;

the most immoveable of the four and the most plastic of all bodies, and that which has the most stable bases must of necessity be of for earth

is

Now, of the triangles which we assumed at first, that which has two equal sides is by nature more firmly based than that which has unequal sides; and of the compound figures which arc formed out of either, the plane equilateral quadrangle has necessarily, a more such a nature.

stable basis than the equilateral triangle, both in the

whole and

in the parts, f$6]

probability;

and

to water

Wherefore,

we adhere

to

we assign that one

of

in assigning this figure to earth,

the remaining forms which

is the least moveand the most moveable of them to fire; and to air that which is intermediate. Also we assign the smallest body to fire, and the greatest to water, and the intermediate in size to air; and, again, the acutest body to fire, and the next in acuteness to air, and the third to water. Of all these elements, that which has the fewest bases must necessarily be the most moveable, for it must be the acutest and most penetrating in every way,and also the lightest as being com-

able;

posed of the smallest number of similar partiand the second body has similar properties in a second degree, and the third b(^y in the third degree. Let it be agreed, then, both according to strict reason and according to probacles:

pyramid is the solid which is the and seed of fire; and let us assign the element which was next in the order of generation to air, and the third to water. We must imagine all these to be so small that no bility,

that the

original clement

single particle of any of the four kinds

is

by us on account of their smallness: but

many

of

them

are collected together their ag-

gregates are seen. bers, motions,

God,

seen

when

And

the ratios of their

and other

num-

properties, everywhere

as far as necessity allowed or gave conhas exaedy perfected, and harmonised in

verse.

sent,

Now, he who, duly reflecting on all this, enquires whether the worlds arc to be regarded as indefinite or definite in number, will be of opin-

due proportion.

ion that the notion of their indefiniteness is characteristic of a sadly indefinite and ignorant mind. He, however, who raises the question whether they are to be truly regarded as one or five, takes up a more reasonable position. Arguing from probabilities,! am of opinion that they

clusion is as follows:

From all that we have just been saying about the elements or kinds, the most probable confire

—

and dissolved by

earth, when meeting with

its

sharpness, whether the

dissolution take place in the fire itself or per-

haps in some mass of

air or water, is borne and thither, until its parts, meeting together and mutually harmonising, again be-

hither

^

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

460

come earth; for they can never take any other form. But water, when divided by fire or by on re-forming, may become one part lire and two parts air; and a single volume of air divided becomes two of fire. Again, when a small body of fire is contained in a larger body of air or watef or earth, and both are moving, and the fire struggling is overcome and broken up, then two volumes of fire form one volume of air; and when air is overcome and cut up into small pieces, two and a half parts of air are condensed into one part of water. Let us consider the matter in another way. When one of the other elements is fastened upon by fire,/ 57/ and is cut by the sharpness of its angles and sides, it coalesces with the fire, and then ceases to be cut by them any longer. For no element which is one and the same with itself can be changed by or change another of the same kind and in the same state. But so long as in the process of transition the weaker is fighting air,

against the stronger, the dissolution continues. Again, when a few small particles, enclosed in

many

larger ones, are in process of decomposi-

extinction, they only cease from their tendency to extinction when they consent to pass into the conquering nature, and fire be-

tion

and

comes

air

and

air water.

But

bodies ot an-

if

other kind go and attack them i.c. the small particles], the latter continue to be dissolved until, being completely forced back and dispersed, they make their escape to their own kindred, orelsc, being overcome and assimilated to the conquering power, they remain where |

Unless a person comes to an understanding about the nature and conditions of rest and motion, he will meet with many difficulties in the discussion which follows. Something has been said of this matter already, and something more remains to be said, which is, that motion never exists in whai is uniform. For to conceive that anything can be moved without a mover is hard or inilecd impossible, and equally im})ossible to conceive that there can be a mover unless there be something which can be moved motion cannot exist where cither of these are want-

—

ing,

and

uniform

for these to be

wherefore

we must

and motion

to the

is

impossible;

assign rest to uniformity

want

of uniformity. / 8 ]

Now inequality is the cause of the nature which is

wanting

in uniformity;

and of

this

we have

already described the origin. But there still remains the further point why things when divided after their kinds do not cease to pass

—

through one another and

—which we

to

change

their place

now

proceed to explain. In the revolution of the universe are compiehcnJed all the four elements, and this being circular and having a tendency to come together, compresses everything and will not allow any place to be left void. Wherefore, also, fire above all things penetrates everywhere, and air next, as being next in rarity of the elements; and the two other elements in like manner penetrate accord ing to their dcg?stes of rarity. For those things will

which are composed of the largest particles have the largest void left in their compositions, and those which are composed of the smallest partihave the least. And the contraction caused by the compression thrusts the smaller particles

they are and dwell with their victors, and from being many become one. And owing to these affections, all things are changing their place, for by the motion of the receiving \essel the

cles

bulk of each class is distributed into its proper place; but those things which become unlike themselves and like other things, are hurried by the shaking into the place of the things to

larger,

into theinlcrstiLesof the larger. And thus,w'hen

the small parts are placed side by side with the

and the

lesser divide the greater

greater unite the lesser,

down and own places;

borne up and

hither

wards

for the

their

and the

the elements are

all

and thither tochange in the

position in space.

And

an inequality which

is al-

which they grow like. Now all unmixed and primary bodies are produced by such causes as these. As to the subordinate species which are included in the

ways maintained, find is continually creating a perpetual motion 4f the elements in all time.

greater kinds, they arc to be attributed to the varieties in the structure of the two original

there arc divers ki|ids of

size of each

changes

these causes generate

In the next pla^c

its

we have fire.

to consider tha(t

There

are, for ex-

sizes as there are species of the four elements.

flamej and secondly, those emanations of flame whi^fh do not burn but only give light to the eyes; thirdly, the remains of fire, which arc seen in red-hot embers after the flame

Hence when they arc mingled with themselves and with one another there is an endless variety of them, which those who would arriv*; at the probable truth of nature ought duly to consider.

has been extinguished. I'here are similar differences in the air; of which the brightest part is called the aether, and the most turbid sort mist and darkness; and there are various other

trianglcs.For either structure did not originally

produce the triangle of one size only, but some larger

and some

smaller,

and there are

as

many

ample,

first,

TIMAEUS nameless kinds which arise from the inequality of the triangles. Water, again, admits in the first place of a division into two kinds; the one liquid and the other fusilc. The liquid kind is composed of the small and unequal particles of water; and moves itself and is moved by other bodies owing to the want of uniformity and the shape of its particles; whereas the fusilc kind, being formed of large and uniform particles, is more stable than the other, and is heavy and compact by reason of its uniformity. But when

461

and moderate pastime. Let us grant ourselves this indulgence, and go through the probabilities relating to the same subjects which follow next in order.

and de-

Water which is mingled with fire, so much is fine and liquid (being so called by reason of its motion and the way in which it rolls along the ground), and soft, because its bases give way and are less stable than those of earth, when separated from fire and air and isolated, becomes more uniform, and by their retirement is compressed into itself; and if the condensation

has greater mobility, and becoming fluid is thrust forth by the neighbouring air and spreads upon the earth; and

be very great,the water above the earth becomes hail, but on the earth, ice; and that which is congealed in a less degree and is only half solid,

fire gets in

and

dissolves the particles

stroys the uniformity,

it

this dissolution of the solid

masses

is

called

melting, /59/ and their spreading out upon the earth flowing. Again, when the fire goes out of the fusilc substance, it docs not pass into a vacu-

um, but

into the neighbouring air; and the air which is displaced forces together the liquid and still moveable mass into the place which was i-. -'Mpicd by the fire, and unites it with itself. Thus compressed the mass resumes its equability, and is again at unity with itself, because the fire which was the author of the inequality has retreated; and this departure of the fire is called cooling, and the coming together which follows upon it is termed congealment. Of all the kinds termed fusilc, that which is the densest and is formed out of the finest and most uniform parts is that most precious possession called gold, which is hardened by filtration through rock; this is unique m kind, and has both a glittering and a yellow' colour. A shoot of gold, which is so dense as to be very hard, and takes a black colour, is termed adamant. There is also another kind which has parts nearly like gold, and of which there arc several species; it is denser than gold, and it contains a small and fine portion of earth, and is therefore

harder, yet also lighter because of the great interstices which it has within itself; and this sub-

which is one of the bright and denser kinds of water, when solidified is called copper. 'Inhere is an alloy of earth mingled with it, which, when the two parts grow old and are stance,

disunited, rust.

shows

itself

separately

and

The remaining phenomena

is

of the

he

will thus gain a pleasure not to

and secure

unequal admixture of these fluids creates a vamost of them arc nameless, but four which are of a fiery nature are clearly distinguished and have names. First, there is wine, which warms the soul as well as the body; riety of species;

is the oily nature, which is smooth and divides the visual ray, and for this reason is bright and shining and of a glistening

secondly, there

appearance, including pitch, the juice of the castor berry, oil itself, and other things of a like kind: thirdly, there is the class of substances which expand the contracted parts of the mouth, until they return to their natural state, and by reason of this property create sweetness; these are incluilcd under the general name of honey: and, lastly, there is a frothy nature, ’

—

which

from all juices, having a burning which dissolves the flesh; it is called

differs

quality

opos (a vegetable acid). As to the kinds of earth, that which is filtered through water passes into stone in the following manner: The water which mixes with the earth and is broken up in the process changes

—

and taking this form mounts into its But as there is no surrounding vacuthrusts away the neighbouring air, and

into air,

own

place.

um

it

same

this

being rendered heavy, and,

which are probable only;

of,

when above the earth is called snow, and when upon the earth, and condensed from dew, hoarfrost. Then, again, there are the numerous kinds of water which have been mingled with one another, and arc distilled through plants which grow in the earth; and this whole class is called by the name of juices or saps. [GoJ The

called

kind there will be no difficulty in reasoning out by the method of probabilities. A man may sometimes sec aside meditations about eternal things, and for recreation turn to consider the truths of generation

as

be repented

for himself while he lives a wise

when

it is

placed, having been poured around the it and whence the new

dis-

mass of

earth, forcibly compresses

drives

the vacant space

air

it

into

had come

up; and the earth when compressed by the air into an indissoluble union with water becomes rock. I'he fairer sort *

Cf

.

65, 66.

is

that

which

is

made up

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

462

of equal and similar parts and is transparent; that which has the opposite qualities is inferior.

But when all thewatery part

suddenly drawn is formed, to which we give the name of pottery. Sometimes also moisture may remain, and the earth which has been fused by fire becomes, when cool, a certain stone of a black colour. A like separation of the water which had been copiously mingled with them may occur in two subout by

fire,

a

more

brittle

is

substance

stances composed of finer particles of earth and of a briny nature; out of either of them a halfsolid body is then formed, soluble in water

the one, soda, which oil

and earth, and

is

other,

used for purging away salt,

which harmonizes

so well in combinations pleasing to the palate,

and

is,

as the

the gods.

law

testifies,

The compounds

a substance dear to

of earth

and water and

arc not soluble by water, but by fire only, for this reason ;

—Neither

fire

nor air melt masses

of earth; for their particles, being smaller than

the interstices in

room

to

its

have plenty of forcing their way, and

structure,

move without

so they leave the earth unmeited

and undis-

solved; but particles of water, f6i] which arc larger, force a passage, and dissolve and melt

the earth. Wherefore earth when not consolidated by force is dissolved by water only; when consolidated, by nothing but fire; for this is the only body which can find an entrance. The cohesion of water again, when very strong, is dissolved by fire only ^when weaker, then either by air or fire the former entering the interstices, and the latter penetrating even the triangles. But nothing can dissolve air, when strongly condensed, which does not reach the elements or triangles; or if not strongly condensed, then only fire can dissolve it. As to bodies composed of earth and water, while the water occupies the vacant interstices of the earth

—

—

them which arc compressed by force, the parof water which approach them from without, finding no entrance, flow around the entire mass and leave it undissolved; but the par-

in

ticles

ticles of- fire,

entering into the interstices of the

do to the water what water docs to earth and fire to air, and are the sole causes of the compound body of earth and water liquefying and becoming fluid. Now these bodies are of two kinds; some of them, such as glass and the water,

fusible sort of stones, have less water than they have earth; on the other hand, substances of the nature of wax and incense have more of water

entering into their composition. I have thus shown the various classes of bodies as they are diversified by their forms and

combinations and changes into one anodier, and now I must endeavour to set forth their affections and the causes of them. In the first place, the bodies which I have been describing arc necessarily objects of sense. But we have not ^et considered the origin of flesh, or what beiongs to flesh, or of that part of the soul which is mortal. And these things cannot be adequately explained without also explaining the affections which are concerned with sensation, nor the latter without the former: and yei to explain them together is hardly possible; for which reason we must assume first one or the other and afterwards examine the nature of our hypothesis. In order, then, that the affections may follow regularly after the elements, let us presuppose the existence of body and soul. First, let us enquire what wc mean by saying that fire is hot; and about this we may reason from the dividing or cutting power which it exercises on our bodies. Wc all of us feel that fire is

sharp; and

we may

further consider the

and the sharpness of the angles, and the smallness of the particles, and the swiftness of the motion all this makes the action of fire violent and sharp, [62] so that it cuts whatever it meets. And we must not forfineness of the sides,

—

get that the original figure of fire

f

i.c.

the pyra-

mid], more than any other form, has a dividing power which cuts our bodies into small and thus naturally produces pieces that affection which wc call heat; and hence the origin of the name ( Oepfw^y Ktpiia ) posite of this less

we will

is

not

.

Now, the op-

sufficiently manifest; neverthefail

it. For the larger which surround the body,

to describe

particles of moisture

entering in and driving out the lesser, but not being able to take their places, compress the moist principle in us; and this from being unequal and disturbed, is forced by them into a

due to equability and comBut things which are contracted contrary to nature arc by nature at war, and force themselves apart; and to this war and convulsion the name o| shivering and trembling is given; and the wf ole affection and the cause of the affection arc Moth termed cold. That is called hard to which oiir flesh yields, and soft which ields to our flesa; and things are also termed ard and soft re|itively to one another. That which yields has^a small base; but that which rests on quadrangular bases is firmly posed and belongs to the cla)s which offers the greatest resistance; so too docs that which is the most compact and therefore most repellent. The nature of the light and the heavy will be best understate of rest, which is

pression.

TIMAEUS stood when examined in connexion with our notions of above and below; for it is quite a

463

parted

And we may detect ourselves who arc upon the earth doing precisely the same thing. For wc often separate earthy natures, and

into

two regions, separate from and opposite to each other, the one a lower to which all things tend which have any bulk, and an upper to which things only ascend against their will. For as the universe is in the form of a sphere, all the extremities, being equidistant from the centre, arc equally extremities, and the centre, which is equidistant from them, is equally to be regarded as the opposite of them all. Such being

sometimes earth itself, and draw them into the uncongenial element of air by force and contrary to nature, both clinging to their kindled elements. But that which is smaller yields to the impulse given by us towards the dissimilar clement more easily than the larger; and so we call the former light, and the place towards which it is impelled wc call above, and the contrary state and place we call heavy and below' respec-

the nature of the world, when a person says that any of these points is above or below, may he

the relations of these must necesbecause the principal masses of the different elements hold opposite positions; for that which is light, heavy, below or above in one place will be found to be and become contrary and transverse and every way diverse in relation to that which is light, heavy, below or above in an opposite place. And about all of tbeni this has to be considered: that the tendency of each tow'ards its kindred clement makes the body which is moved heavy, and the place towards which the motion tends below,

mistake to suppose that the universe

is

not be justly charged with using an improper expression? For the centre of the world cannot be rightly called either above or below, but is

the centre and nothing else; and the circumference is not the centre, and has in no one part of itself

whal

when

a different relation to the centre from has in any of the opposite parts. Indeed, it is in every direction similar, how can

it

one rightly give to it names which imply of>posivl* For if there were any solid body in equipoise at the centre of the [ 6^] universe, there would be nothing to draw it to this extreme rather than to that, for they are all perfectly similar; and if a person were to go round the world in a circle, he would often, when standing at the anli|X>des of his former position, speak of the same point as above and below; for, as 1 was saying just now, to speak of the whole which is in the form of a globe as having one part above and another below is not like a sensible

man.

reason why these names arc used, and the circumstances under which they are ordinarily applied by us to the division of the heavens, may be elucidated by the following sup-

The

—

position: if a person were to stand in that part of the universe which is the appointed place of fire, and where there is the great mass of fire to which fiery bodies gather if, I say, he were to

—

ascend thither, and, having the power to do this, were to abstract particles of fire and put

them

in scales

and weigh them, and then,

rais-

ing the balance, were to draw the fire by force towards the uncongenial element of the air, it would be very evident that he could compel the smaller mass more readily than the larger; for when two things are simultaneously raised by one and the same power, the smaller body must necessarily yield to the superior power with less reluctance than the larger; and the larger body is called heavy and said to rend downwards, and the smaller body is called light and said to

tend upwards.

tively.

Now

sarily vary,

—

but things which have an opposite tendency wc by an opposite name. Such arc the causes

call

which we assign to these phenomena. As to the smooth and the rough, any one who secs them can explain the reason of them to another. For roughness is hardness mingled with irregularity, /6^7 and smoothness is produced by the joint effect of uniformity and density. The most important of the affections w'hich concern the whole body remains to be considered that is, the cause of pleasure and pain in the perceptions of which I have been speaking, and in all other things which are perceived by sense through the parts of the body, and have both pains and pleasures attendant on them. Let us imagine the causes of every affection, whether of sense or not, to be of the following nature, remembering that we have already distingui.shcd between the nature which is easy and which is hard to move; for this is the direction in which we must hunt the prey which we mean to take. A body which is of a nature to be easily moved, on receiving an impression however slight, spreads abroad the motion in a circle, the parts communicating with each other, until at last, reaching the principle of mind, they announce the quality of the agent. But a body of the opposite kind, being immobile, and

—

not extending to the surrounding region, merely receives the impression, and does not stir any of the neighbouring parts; and since the parts do not distribute the original impression to oth-

— DIALOGUES OF PLATO

464

cr parts, it has no ciScct of motion on the whole animal, and therefore produces no effect on the

This is true of the bones and hair and more eaithy parts of the human body; whereas what was said above relates mainly to sight and hearing, because they have in them the greatest amount of fire and air Now we must conceit c of pleasure and pain in this way patient.

other

other affections, for whenever earthy particles enter into the small veins which are the testing mstrumenisof the tongue, reaching to the heart,

and flesh

upon the

fall

moist, delicate portions ot

—^when,as they arc dissolved, they contract

and dry up the

turc

little veins, they are astringent they arc rougher, but if not so rough, then only harsh 1 hose ot them which are ot in ab stergent nature, and purge the whole surface ot the tongue, li they do it in execss, and so en-

pression of sense which

croach as to tonsume some part ot the flesh it self, like potash and soda, are all termed bitter But the particles which are dehcicnt in the al kaline quality, and which cleanse only niodcr

An

impression produced in us contrary to na and violent, if sudden, is pamtul; and, again, the sudden return to nature is pleasant, but a gendc and gradual return is imperceptible and vice veisa On the other hand the imIS

most readily

felt,

pam; such,

pleasure or

is

but

is

most easily produced not accompanied by

for example, are the af-

fections ot the sight, which, as

we sud

abo\c,

a body naturally uniting with our body in the day time (45); for cuttings and burnings and

IS

other affections which happen to the sight do not give pain, nor is there pleasure when the sight returns to its natural state, but the sensa tions are clearest and strongest according to the

manner and

m whu h the eye

is

affected

and tomhes

by the

there

it

and hiving no

atcly, are called salt,

biiterness

or roughness, are regarded as rather agree able

than otherwise Bodies which share in and arc made smooth by the heat ot the mouth, and which arc inflamed, and again in turn inflame thit which belts them, ind which arc so light

upwards to the sensations and c ut all that comes in iheir way, by reason of these qualities in them, arc all termed pungent But when these simt par that they are cirricd

ot the he ad, [(16]

is

tides, refined by putre taclion, enter into the

no violence cither in the contraction or dilation of the eye But bodies formed of larger particles yield to the agent only with a struggle, and then they impirt their motions to the whole and cause pleasure and pain pam when alien ated from their natural conditions, 765/ ami pleasure when restored to them Things which experience gradual withdraw mgs and emptyings of their nature, and great and sudden re

narrow veins, and are duly projKirtioned to the particles ot earth and air which aie there, they set them whirling ihout one anolher,an(l while they are m a whiil cause them to dish against and enter into one another ind so form hollows surroiinduig the particles that enter which watery vessels of air (lor i film ot mois ture, sometimes earthy, some Units pure, is spread around the air) are hollow spheres ot

object,

itself strikes

it,

—

plenishments, fail to perceive the emptying, but are sensible of the replenishment, and so they occasion no pain, but the greatest pleasure, to the mortal part of the soul, as is manifest the case of perfumes. But things which arc changed all of a sudden, and only gradually and with difficulty return to their own nature, have effects in every way opposite to the former, as 1$ evident in the case of burnings and cuttings of the body. Thus have we discussed the general affections of the whole body, and the names of the agents which produce dhem And now I will endeavour to speak of the affections ot particular parts, and the causes and agents of them, as far as I am able. In the hrst place let us set Jorth what was omitted when we were speaking of juices, concerning the affections peculiar to the tongue. These too, like most ot the other affections, appear to be caused by certain contrac tions and dilations, hut they have besides more of roughness and smoothness than is found in

m

them wh’ch

water, and those ol transparuit,

and are

are pure, ire

called bubbles,

w hilc

those

composed ol the earthy liquid, which is m a state of genual agitation and effervescence, are said to boil or ferment

—of

all

these affections

termed acid And there is the op positc affection arising from an opposite cause, when the mass of entering particles, immersed in the moisture of the mouth, is congenial to the tongue, and srqoothsand oil sever the roughness, and relaxes the parts which are unnaturally contracted, and,contracts the parts which are relaxed, and dispoiesthem all according to thor the cause

—

is

remedy of violent affec^nd agreeable to every man, and has the name sweet But enough ot this 1 he faculty of smell docs not admit of dif-

nature tions

is

that sort^ of

pleasant

ferences of kind;* for

all

smells are of a half-

formed nature, and no element is so proportioned as to have any smell The veins about the nose arc too narrow to admit earth and water, and too wide to detain lire and air; and ior

TIMAliUS no one ever perceives the smell of any of them; but smells always proceed from bodies that are damp, or putrefying, or liquefying, or evaporating, and are perceptible only in

this reason

465

heal ingbodics which we termed pungent. White

and black arc similar

effects of contraction

and

dilation in another sphere,

and

for this reason

and all of them are That which is passing out of air into water is mist, and that which is passing from water into air is vapour; and hcnccall smells arc thinner than water and thicker than air. 7Tie proof of this is, that when there is any obstruction to the respiration, and a man draws in his breath by force, then no smell filters

have a different appearance. Wherefore, we ought to term white that which dilates the visual ray, and the opposite of this is black. The re is also a swifter motion of a different sort of fire which strikes and dilates the ray of sight until it reaches the eyes, [68] forcing a wa) through their passages and melting them, and eliciting from them a union of fire and water which we call tears, being itself an opposite fire which comes to them from an opposite diiec-

through, but the air without the smell alone

tion

[byj Wherefore the varieties of smell have no name, and they have not many, or definite and simple kinds; but they art distinguished only as painful and pleasant, the one sort irritating and disturbing the whole cavity which is situated between the head and the navel, the other having a soothing influence, and restoring this same region to an agreeable and

and the outer finds a way in and is extinguished in the moisture, and all sorts of colours are generated by the mixture. This affection is termed dazzling, and the object which produces it is called bright and flashing. There is another sort of fire which is intermediate, and which reaches and mingles with the moisture of the eye without flashing; and in this, the fire mingling with

natural condition. r'psidcring the third kind of sense, hearIr.

blood, to

the intermediate state, into air

and

when water

is

changing

air into water;

cither vapor or mist.

penetrates,

we must

speak of the causes in which

—the inner

fire flashes

forth like lightning,

the ray of the moisture, produces a colour like which we give the name of red. A

it

bright hue mingled with red and white gives

We may in general assume sound to

anates

The law of proporhowever, according to which the several colours are formed, even if a man knew he would be foolish in telling, for he could not give any necessary reason, nor indeed any tolerable or probable explanation of them. Again, red, when mingled with black and while, becomes purple, but it becomes umber when the colours arc burnt as well as mingled and the black is more thoroughly mixed with them, blamecolour is produced by a union of auburn and dun, and dun by an admixture of black and white; pale yellow, by an admixture ot white and auburn. White and bright meeting, and falling upon a full black, become dark blue, and w'hen dark blue mingles w ith w'hite,a light blue colour is formed, as flamc-colour with black

cles

makes

causes wdiich generate sight, and in this place it will be natural and suitable to give a rational

how a^d by what mixtures the colours derived from these are made according to the rules of probability. He, however, who should

ing,

originates.

be a blow which passed through the ears, and

is

transmitted by means of the air, the brain, and the blood, to the soul, and that hearing is the vibration of this blow, which begins in the head and ends in the region of the liver. The sound

which moves svvittly is acute, and the sound which moves slowly is grave, and that which is regular is equable and smooth, and the reverse is harsh. A great body of sound is loud, and a small body ot sound the reverse. Respecting the harmonies ot sound I must hereafter speak. There is a fourth class of sensible things, having many intricate varieties, which must now

They are called by the genname of colours, and arc a flame which em-

be distinguished. eral

from every sort of body, and has particorresponding to the sense of sight. I have spoken already, in what has preceded, of the

theory of colours. Of the particles coming from other bodies which fall ujx)n the sight, some are smaller and some are larger, and some are equal to the parts of the sight itself, 'fhose which arc equal arc imperceptible, and we call them transparent. The larger produce contraction, the smaller dilation, in the sight, exercising a

power akin

to

and cold bodies on the flesh, or of astringent bodies on the tongue, or of those that of hot

the colour called auburn.

tion,

leek green.

There will be no difficulty

in

seeing

attempt

tf)

verify

all this

by experiment, would human and divine

forget the difference of the

God only has the knowledge and power which are able to combine many things into one and again resolve the one into many. But no man either is or ever will be able

nature. For also the

to accomplish cither the one or the other operation.

These arc the elements, thus of necessity then which the creator of the fairest and

subsisting,

,

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

466

per-

head and breast, to keep them apart. And in die breast, and in what is termed the thorax, they

God, using the necessary causes as his min-

encased the mortal soul; and as the one part of

best of created things associated with himself>

when he made fect

isters in

the self-sufficing

and most

the accomplishment of his work, but

himself contriving the good in

all

his creations.

this

was superior and the other inferior they di-

vided the cavity of the [yo] thorax into two

Wherefore we may distinguish two sorts of causes, the one divine and the other necessary, and may seek for the divine in all things, as far as our nature admits, [69] with a view to the blessed life; but the necessary kind only for the

parts, as the

sake of the divine, considering that without

tled nearer the head,

them and when isolated from them, these higher things for which we look cannot be apprehended or received or in any way shared by us. Seeing, then, that

we have now

prepared for

our use the various classes of causes which are the material out of which the remainder of our discourse

must be woven,

wood

just as

is

women's and men s apartments are

divided in houses, and placed the midriff to be a wall of partition between them. That part of the interior soul

which

is

endowed with cour-

age and passion and loves contention they riff

and the neck,

in order that

it

might be un-

der the rule of reason and might join with controlling

set-

midway between the mid-

and restraining the

desires

it

in

when

own accord command issuing from the

they arc no longer willing of their to

obey the word of

citadel.

The

the

heart, the knot of the veins

and the

material of the carpenter, let us revert in a few

fountain of the blood which races through

words to the point at which we began, and then endeavour to add on a suitable ending to the

was set in the place of guard, that when the might of passion was roused by reason making proclamation oi any wrong assailing them from without or being perpetrated by the desires within, quickly the whole power of

beginning of our

As 1

said at

order

God

itself,

and

all

tale.

first,

when all

things were in dis-

created in each thing in relation to

in

all

things in relation to each other,

which they

the measures and harmonies

could possibly receive. For in those days nothing had any proportion except by accident; nor

did any of the things which deserve to be fire,

named

at

now have names

all—as, for example,

water, and the rest ol the elements. All

and out of them he constructed the universe, which was a single animal comprehending in itself all other animals, mortal and immortal. Now of the divine, he himself was the creator, but the creation of the mortal he committed to his offspring. And they, imitating him, received from him the immortal principle of the soul; and these the creator

first set

in order,

around this they proceeded to fashion a mortal body, and made it to be the vehicle of the soul, and constructed within the body a soul of another nature which was mortal, subject to terrible

and

—

irresistible affections

first

of

all,

pleas-

ure, the greatest incitement to evil; then, pain,

which deters from good; also rashness and fear, two foolish counsellors, anger hard to be appeased, and hope easily led astray these they mingled with irrational sense and with all-daring love according to necessary laws, and so framed man. Wherefore, fearing to pollute the divine any more than was absolutely unavoid-

—

aUe, they gave to the mortal nature a separate

body placing the neck between them to be the isthmus and boundary, which they constructed between the

habitation in another part of the

all

the limbs

feeling in the body, perceiving these

commands

might obey and follow through every turn and alley, and thus allow the princiand

threats,

ple of the best to have the

command

in all of

them. But the gods, foreknowing that the pitation of the heart

pal-

m the expectation of dan-

ger and the swelling and excitement of passion

was caused by

hre,

formed and implanted

as a

supporter to the heart the lung, which was, in the

first

place, soft

and

bloodless,

and

also

had

within hollows like the pores of a sponge,

m

order that by receiving the breath and the drink,

it

might give coolness and the power of and alleviate the heat. Wherefore

respiration

they cut the air-channels leading to the lung,

and placed the lung about the heart as a soft spring, that, when passion was rife within, the heart, beating against a yielding body, might be cooled and suffer less, and might thus become more ready to join with passion in the service of reason,

The part of the foul which

desires meats

drinks and the othkr things of which

it

and

has need

by reason of the bpdily nature, they placed between the midriff pnd the boundary of the navel, contriving inafl this

region a sort of manger

tor the food of thd body; it

down

and there they bound which was chained

like a wild animal

up with man, and must be nourished if man was to exist. They appointed this lower creation his place here in order that he might be always feeding at the manger, and have his

— TIMAEUS dwelling as far as might be from the councilchamber, making as little noise and disturbance as possible^ [ji] and permitting the best part to advise quiedy for the good of the whole. And knowing that this lower principle in man would not comprehend reason, and even if attaining to some degree of perception would never naturally care for rational notions, but that it would be led away by phantoms and visions night and day to be a remedy for this, Crod combined with it the liver, and placed it in the house of the lower nature, contriving that it should be solid and smooth, and bright and sweet, and should also have a bitter quality, in

—

order that the power of thought, which proceeds from the mind, might be reflected as in a mirror which receives likenesses of objects and gives back images of them to the sight; and so

might strike

terror into the desires,

when, mak-

ing use of the bitter part of the liver, to which it is akin, it comes threatening and invading, and diffusing this bitter element swifdy through

the whole liver produces colours like bile, and

contracting every part makes it wrinkled and rough; ^ having ofTered my prayer I dc hver up the argument to Critias, who is to * speak next according to our agreement Cntia< And f, Tiinacus, accept the trust, and as you at first said that you were going to speak ot high matters, and begged that some forbear ance might be shown to you, I too ask the same or greater forbearance for what I am about to say And although I very well know that my request may appear to be somewhat ambitious

and discourteous, I must make it nevertheless [ I oy] For will any man of sense deny that you have spoken well? I can only attempt to show that I ought to have more indulgence than you, because my theme is more difficult, and I shall argue that to seem to speak well of the gods to

men men*

is

far easier than to speak well of

for the inexperience

and

men

to

utter ignorance

of his hearers about any subject is a great assistance to him who has to speakof it, and we know how ignorant we are concerning the geds But I should like to make my meaning clearer, if * Ttmaeus, 27,

Will follow me All that is siid by any of us can only be imitation and representation hor if we consider the likenesses which painters mike of Ixidics divine ind heavenly, and the different degrees of gr itific ition with which the eye of the spectator receives them, we shill see that we are satishcd with the artist who is able in any degree to imitate the earth and its mountains, and the rivers, and the woods, and the universe, ind the things that arc and move therein, and further, lint knowing nothing pie cist about such luattcrs, we do not ex iminc or analyze the painting, all that is required is a sort ot indistinct and deceptive mode ot shad owing them forth But when a jicison endeav ours to paint the human form wc arc quick at hnding out detects, and our familiar knowl edge makes us severe judges of an) one who dots not lender every point ol similarity And wc may observe the same thing to happen in discourse, we are satisfied with a picture ol di vine and heavenly things which has very little likeness to them, but we are more precise in our criticism of mortal and human things. Where tore if at the moment of speaking I cannot suit ably express my meaning, you must excuse me, considering that to form approved likenesses of human things is the reverse of easy. This is what I want to suggest to you, / 108 ] and at the same time to beg, SjDcrates, that I may have not less, but more indulgence conceded to me in what I am about ta say. Which favour, if I am right in asking, 1 Hope that you will be ready

you

to grant. Socrates. Certainly, Critias,

wc

will grant

your request, and wc will grant the same by anticipation to Hermocrates, as well as to you

478

CRITIAS and Timaeus; for I have no doubt that when comes a little while hence, he will make the same request which you have made. In or^ der, then, that he may provide himself with a fresh beginning, and not be compelled to say the same things over again, let him understand his turn

that the indulgence

ipation to him.

already extended by antic-

is

And now, friend

Critias, I will

announce to you the judgment of the

theatre.

They are of opinion that the last performer was wonderfully successful, and that you will need a great deal of indulgence before you will be able to take his place.

Hermocrates. The warning, Socrates, which you have addressed to him, 1 must also take to myself. But remember, Critias, that faint heart never yet raised a trophy; and therefore you must go and attack the argument like a man. First invoke Apollo and the Muses, and then let us hear you sound the praises and show forth the virtues of your ancient citizens. Crit, Friend Hermocrates, you, who arc stationed last and have another in front of you, have not lost heart as yet; the gravity of the situ-

ation will soon be revealed to you; I

meanwhile

accept your exhortations and encouragements.

But besides the gods and goddesses whom you have mentioned, I would specially invoke Mnemosyne; for all the important part of my discourse is dependent on her favour, and if 1 can recollect and recite enough of what was said by the priests and brought hither by Solon, I doubt the requirements of this

not that

I shall satisfy

theatre.

And now, making no more

excuses, I

will proceed.

Let me begin by observing first of all, that nine thousand was the sum of years which had elapsed since the war which was said to have taken place between those who dwelt outside the Pillars of Heracles and all who dwelt within

them;

this

war

I

am

going to describe. Of

the combatants on the one side, the city of Athens was reported to have been the leader

and to have fought out the war; the combatants on the other side were commanded by the kings of Atlantis, which, as I was saying, was an island greater in extent than Libya and Asia, and when afterwards sunk by an earthquake, became an impassable barrier of

mud

to voyagers sailing

from hence to any part of the ocean. [ J09] The progress of the history will unfold the various nations of barbarians and families of Hellenes which then existed, as they successively appear

on the scene; but

I

must describe

first

of

all

Athenians of that day, and their enemies who fought with them, and then the respective pow-

479

ers and governments of the two kingdoms. Let us give the precedence to Athens. In the days of old the gods had the whole earth distributed among them by allotment.' There was no quarrelling; for you cannot rightly suppose that the gods did not know v^hat was proper for each of them to have, or, knowing this, that they would seek to procure for themselves by contention that which more prop-

belonged to others. They all of them by apportionment obtained what they \vanted, and peopled their own districts; and when they had peopled them they tended us, their nurselings and possessions, as shepherds tend their erly

just

excepting only that they did not use

flocks,

blows or lx)dily force, as shepherds do, but governed us like pilots from the stern of the vessel, which is an easy way of guiding animals, holding our souls by the rudder of persuasion according to their own pleasure; ^thus did they g^ide all mortal creatures. Now different gods had their allotments in different places which they set in order. Hephaestus and Athene, who were brother and sister, and sprang from the same father, having a common nature, and be-

—

ing united also in the love of philosophy and both obtained as their common portion this land, which was naturally adapted for wisdom and virtue; and there they implanted brave children of the soil, and put into their minds the order of government; their names arc preserved, but their actions have disappeared by reason of the destruction of those who received the tradiart,

and the lapse of ages. For when there were any survivors, as I have already said, they were men who dwelt in the mountains; and they were ignorant of the art of writing, and had heard only the names of the chiefs of the

tion,

land, but very

little

about their actions.

The

names they were willing enough to give to their children; but the virtues and the laws of their

knew

only by obscure tradiand their children lacked for many generations the necessaries of life, they directed their attention to the supply of their wants, and of them they conversed, [no] to the neglect of events that had hai> pened in times long past; for mythology and the enquiry into antiquity arc first intr^uced into cities when they begin to have leisure,* and when they see that the necessaries of life have already b^n provided, but not before. And this is the reason why the names of the ancients have predecessors, they

tions;

and

as they themselves

been preserved to us and not their actions. This

^Ct • Ct

Statesman, 271 ff. Aristodc, Metaphysics,

I. i.

981^* I3-24,

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

480 I

infer because Solon said that the priests in

their narrative of that

the

names which

war mentioned most of

arc recorded prior to the time

and Erechtheus, and Erichthoniiis, and Erysichthon, and the names ol the women in like manner. Moreover, since military pursuits were then common to men and women, the men of those days in accordance with the custom of the time set up a figure and image of the goddess in full armour, to be a testimony that all animals which associate together, male as well as female, may, if they please, practise in common the virtue which belongs to them without distinction of sex. Now the country was inhabited in those days by various classes of citizens; there were artisans, and there were husbandmen, and there was also a warrior class originally set apart by divine men. The latter dwelt by themselves, and had all things suitable tor nurture and education; neither had any of them anything of their own, but they regarded all that they had of Theseus, such as Cecrops,

—

as

common

property; nor did they claim to re-

cehc of the other

citizens anything

their necessary food.

And

more than

they practised

all

the

which we yesterday described as those of our imaginary guardians. Concerning the country the Egyptian priests said what is not pursuits

only probable hut manifestly true, that the boundaries were in those days fixed by the Isthmus, and that in the direction of the continent they extended as lar as the heights of Cithaeron

and Fames; the boundary

lin^

came down

in

the direction of the sea, having the district of

Oropus on the right, and with the river Asopus on the left. The land was the best in the world, and was therefore able in those days to support a vast army, raised from the surrounding people. Even the remnant of Attica which now" exists may compare w'iih any region in the world for the variety and excellence of its fruits and the suitableness of its pastures to ///// every sort of animal, which proves what I am saying; but in those days the country was fair as now and yielded far more abundant produce. How shall I establish my words? and what part of it can be truly called a remnant of the land that then was? The whole country is only a long promontory extending far into the sea away from the rest of the conas the limit

while the surrounding basin of the sea is everywhere deep in the neighbourhood of the shore. Many great deluges have taken place during the nine thousand years, for that is the number of years which have elapsed since the time of which 1 am speaking; and during all

tinent,

this time and through so many changes, there has never been any considerable accumulation

coming down from the mountains, away all round and sunk out of sight. The consequence is, that in comparison of what then was, of the

soil

as in other places, but the earth has fallen

there arc remaining only the bones oi the wasted

body, as they small islands,

may

having

be called, as in the case of

the richer

all

and

softer parts of

away, and the mere skeleton of the land being left. But in the primitive state ol the country, its mountains were high hills coscred with soil, and the plains, as they arc termed by us, of Phellcus were full of rkh earth, and there wms abundance of wood in the mountains. Of this last the traces still remain, for although some of the mountains now onl) afford sustenance to bees, not so very long ago there were still to he seen roofs of umber cut from trees growing there, which were ot a size the

soil

fallen

cover the largest houses; ami there were many other high trees, cultnatcd by man and hearing abundance of food for cattle. More over, the land reaped tlie bcnclil ot the annual sufficient to

rainfall,

not as

now

whab

losing thf vvMter

flows ofl the hare earth into the sea, hut, hal-

ing an abundant supply in ccjving

It

into herself

all places,

and treasuring

and re up in

it

into the hollows the absorbed from the heights, providing eserywfaere abundant fountains and rivers, of which there may still he ohs(M\ed sacred memorials in places where fountains once existed; and this proves the truth of what I am

the close clay

soil, it let off

streams which

it

saying.

Such was the natural slate of the country, which was cultivated, as we may well belies c, by true husbandmen, who made husbandry their business, and were lovers of honour, and of a noble nature, and had a soil the best in the world, and abundance of water, and in the heaven above ancxccllcntly attempered climate. Now the city in those days was arranged on this wnsc. In the first place the Acro|X)lis

wms

not as now. [ 112 ] For the fact is that a single night of excessive ifeiin washed away the earth and laid hare the lick; at the same time there

were earthquakes, fand then occurred the

ex-

traordinary inundation, which was the third before the great destiiiction ol Deucalion.

primitive times the

hill

But

m

of the Acropolis ex-

tended to the Eridanus and Ilissus, and included the Pnyx on one side, and the Lycabettus as a boundary on the opposite side to the Pnyx, and was all well covered with soil, and level at the top, except in one or two places.

— CRITIAS

481

Outside the Acropolis and under the sides of the hill there dwelt artisans, and such of the husbandmen as were tilling the ground near; the warrior class dwelt by themselves around the temples of Athene and Hephaestus at the summit, which moreover they had enclosed with a single fence like the garden of a single hoUsSC. On the north side they had dwellings in common and had erected halls for dining in

he recovered the meaning of the several names and when copying them out again translated them into our language. My great-grandfather, Dropidcs, had the original writing, which is still in my possession, and was carefully studied by me when I was a chi Id. Therefore if you hear names sucli as are used in this country, you must not he surprised, for I have told how they came to be introduced. The tale, which was of

winter, and had all the buildings which they needed for their common life, besides temples, but there was no adorning of them with gold

great length, began as follows: I have before remarked in speaking of fhc allotments of the gods, that they distributed the

and

silver, for

they

made no

use of these for

any purpose; they took a middle course between meanness and ostentation, and built modest houses in which they and their children’s children

grew old, and they handed them down

who were like themselves, always the same. But in summer-time they left their gardens and gymnasia and dining halls, and then the southern side of the hill was made use of by them for the same purpose. Where the Acropto others

olis

now

is

was

there

a fountain,

choired by the earthquake, and has

tew small streams which

still

which was left

only the

exist in the vi-

but in those days the fountain gave an abundant supply of water for all and of suitable temperature in summer and in winter. This is how they dwelt, being the guardians of their own citizens and the leaders of the Helcinity,

lenes,

who were

their willing followers.

And

they took care to preserve the same number of men and women through all time, being so

many

as

then as sand.

were required

now

—

for w^arlike purjxises,

^that is to say,

about twenty thou-

Such were the ancient Athenians, and

alter this

manner

tered their

own land and

they righteously administhe rest ot 1 lellas; they

over Europe and Asia for the beauty of their persons and for the many

were renowned

all

and of all men who lived in those days they were the most illustrious. And next, if I have not forgotten what I heard when I was a child, I will impart to you the character and origin of their adversaries. For friends should not keep their stories to themselves, but have them in common. [ ii^] Yet, before proceeding further in the narrative, I ought to warn you, that you must not be surprised if you should perhaps hear Hellenic names given to foreigners. I will tell you the reason of this: Solon, who was intending to use the tale for his poem, enquired into the mcaliing of the names, and found that the early Egyptians in writing them down had translated them into their own language, and virtues of their souls,

whole earth into portions differing in extent, and made for themselves temples and instituted sacrifices.

And

Poseidon, receiving for his

lot

the islandof Atlantishegatchildren by a mortal woman, anti settled them in a part of the island,

which I will describe. Looking towards the sea, but in the centre of the whole island, there was a plain wliich is said to ha\e been the fairest of all plains and very fertile. Near the plain again,

and

also in the centre of the island at a distance

was a mountain not very high on any side. In this mountain there dwelt oneof thccarlhl)orn primeval men of that country, whose name was Evenor, and he had a wife named Leucippe, and they had an only daughter who was of about fifty stadia, there

The maiden had already reached womanhood, when her father and mother died;

called Clcito.

Poseidon fell in love with her and had intercourse with her, and breaking the ground, inclosed the hill in which she dwell all round, making alternate zones of sea and land larger and smaller, encircling one another; there were two of land and three of water, svhich he turned as with a lathe, each having its circumference equidistant every

ro man could

way from

the centre, so that

get to the island, for ships and

voyages were not as yet. He himself, being a god, found no difficulty in making special arrangements for the centre island, bringing up two springs of water from beneath the earth, one of warm water and the other of cold, and making every variety of food to spring up abundantly from the soil. He also begat and brought up five pairs of twin male children; and dividing the island of Atlantis into ten portions, he gave to the first-born of the eldest pair his mother’s dwelling and the surrounding allotment, which was the largest and best, and made him kingover the rest; the others he made princes, and gave them rule over many men, and a large tenitory. And he named them all; the eldest, who was the first king, he named Atlas, and after him the whole island and the

482

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

ocean were called Atlandc.To his twin brother^ who was born after him, and obtained as his lot the extremity of the island towards the Pillars of Heracles, facing the country which is now called the region of Gades in that part of the world, he gave the name which in the Hellenic language is Eumelus, in the language of the country which is named after him, (kdeirus. Of the second pair of twins he called one Amphercs, and the other Evaemon. To the elder of the third pair of twins he gave the name Mneseus, and Autochthon to the one who followed him. Of the fourth pair of twins he called the elder Elasippus, and the younger Mestor. And of the fifth pair he gave to the elder the name of Azaes, and to the younger that of Diaprepes. All these and their descendants for many gen-

were the inhabitants and rulers of divers islands in the open sea; and also, as has been already said, they held sway in our direction erations

over the country within the Pillars as far as Egypt and Tyrrhenia. Now Atlas had a numerous and honourable family, and they retained the kingdom, the eldest son handing it on to his eldest for many generations; and they had such an amount of wealth as was never before possessed by kings and potentates, and is not likely ever to be again, and they were furnished with everything which they needed, both in the city and country. For because of the greatness of their empire many things were brought to them from foreign countries, and the island itself provided most of what was required by them for the uses of life. In the first place, they dug out of the earth whatever was to be found there, solid as well as fusile, and that which is now only a name and was then something more than a name, orichalcum, was dug out ol the earth in many parts of the island, being more precious in those days than anything except gold. There was an abundance of wood for carpenter’s work, and sufficient maintenance for tame and wild animals. Moreover, there were a great number of elephants in the island; / ii$] for as there was provision tor all other sorts of animals, both for those which

and marshea^and rivers, and also mountainsand on plains, so there was for the animal which is the largest and most voracious of all. Also whatever fragrant things there now arc in the earth, whethlive in lakes

for those which live in

er roots, or herbage, or woods, or essenceswhich distil from fruit and flower, grew and thrived in that land;also the fruit which admits of culti-

which is given us for nourishment and any other which we use for

vation, both the dry sort,

food—we

call them all by the common name and the fruits having a hard rind, affording drinks and meats and ointments, and good store of chestnuts and the like, which furnish pleasure and amusement, and arc fruits which spoil with keeping, and the pleasant kinds of dessert, with which we console our-

of pulse,

selves after dinner,

—

^all

when we arc tired of eating

these that sacred island

which then

be-

held the light of the sun, brought forth fair and wondrous and in infinite abundance. With such blessings theearth freely furnished them; meanwhile they went on constructing their temples and palaces and harbours and docks* And they arranged the whole country in the following

manner: First of all they bridged over the zones of sea

which surrounded the ancient metropolis, making a road to and fiom the royal palace. And at

m

the very beginning they built the palace the habitation ol the god and of their ancestors,

which they continued

to

ornament in successhc

generations, every king surpassing the one wiio

went before him until they

made

to the

utmost of his power,

the building a marvel to bt-

hold for size and ior beauty. And beginning from the sea they bored a canal of three hundred feet in wiclth and one hundred feet in depth and fifty stadia in length, which they carried through to the oiitcnnost zone, making a passage from the sc.i up to this, which became a harbour, and leaving an opening sufficient to enable the largest vessels to find ingress. Moreover, they divided at the bridges the zones of land which parted the zones of sea, leaving room for single trireme to pass out of one zone into another, and they covered over the channels so as to leave a way underneath for the ships; for the banks were raised considerably abo\e the water. Now the largest of the zones into which a passage was cut from the sea was three stadia in breadth, and the zone of

land which came next of equal breadth; but the next two zoncs,^thc one of water, the other of land, were two .stadia, and the one which surrounded the central island was a stadhim The island in which the only in width. [ii palace was situatec had a diameter of five stadia. All this includi ig the zones and the bridge, which was the sixtlj part of a stadium in width, they surrounded b j a stone wall on every side, placing towers and' gates on the bridges where the sea passed in. The stone which was used in the work they quarried from underneath the centre island, and from underneath the zones, on the outer as well as the inner side. One kind

CRITIAS was white, another

and a third red, and same time hollowed out double docks, having roofs formed black,

as they quarried, they at the

out of the native rock. Some of their buildings were simple, but in others they put together different stones, varying the colour to please the eye, and to be a natural source of delight. The entire circuit of the wall, which went round the outermost zone, they covered with a coating of brass, and the circuitof thenext wall they coated with tin, and the thirssiblc, for neither can the like be unlike, nor the unlike like is that your position? Just so, said Zeno. And if the unlike cannot be like, or the like unlike, then according to you, being coiilcl not be many; for this would involve an impossibility. In all that you say have you any other purpose except to disprove the being of the many? and is not each division of your treatise intended to furnish a separate proof of this, there being nf)6nt

—

many proofs of the iiot-hcing of the many as you have composed arguments^ Isthat

in all as

your meaning, or have I misunderstood you? [ 128 ] No, said Zeno; you have correctly understood

my general

purpose,

Parmenides, said vSocrates, that Zeno would like to be not only one with you in friendship but your second self in his writings too; he puts what you say in another W'ay, and would fair* !:c believe that he is telling us something which is new. For you, in your poems, say The All is one, and of this you adduce excellent proofs; and he on the other hand says There is no many; and on behalf of this he of1

see,

m

fers

overwhelming evidence. You affirm unity,

he denies plurality. And so you deceive the world into believing that you are saying difTerent things when really you arc saying much the same. This is a strain of art beyond the reach of most of us. Yes, Socrates, said Zeno. But although you arc as keen as a Spartan hound in pursuing the track, you do not fully apprehend the true motive of the composition, which is not really such an artificial work as you imagine; for what you speak of was an accident; there was no pretence of a great purpose; nor any serious intention

The truth is, that these writings of mine were meant to protect the arguments of Parmenides against those who make fun of him and seek to show' the many ridiculous and contradictory results which they suppose to follow from the affirmation of the one. My answer is addressed to the partisans of the of deceiving the world.

many, whose attack I return with interest by retorting upon them that their hypothesis of the being of many, if carried out, appears to be still more ridiculous than the hypothesis of the being of one. Zeal for my master led me to write the book in the days of my youth, but some one stoic the copy; and therefore F had no choice whether it should be published or not; the mo-

487

however, of writing, was not the ambition man, but the pugnacity of a young one. This you do not seem to see, Socrates; though in other respects, as I was saying, your tivc,

of an elder

notion is a very just one. I understand, said Socrates, and quite accept your account. But tell me, Zeno, do you not further think that there is an idea of likeness in itself, [i 2 gj and another idea of unlikencss, which is the opposite of likeness, and that in these two, you and I and all other things to which we apply the term many, participate things which participate in likeness become in that degree and manner like; and so far as they participate in unlikeness become in that degree unlike, or both like and unlike in the degree in which they participate in both? And may not all things partake of both opposites, and he both like and unlike, by reason of this participation? Where is the wonder? Now if a {vrson could prove the absolute like to become unlike, or the absolute unlike to become like, that, in my opinion, would indeed be a w'onder; but there is nothing extraordinary, Zeno, in showing that the things which only partake of likeness and unlikencss experience both. Nor, again, if a person were to show that all is one by partaking of one, and at the same time many by partaking of many, would that be very astonishing. But if he were to show me that the absolute one w'as many, or the absolute many one, I should be truly amazed. And so of all the rest: I should be surprised to hear that the natures or ideas themselves had these opposite qualities; but not if a person wanted to prove of me that I was many and also one.

—

When

he wanted to show that I was many he would say that I have a right and a left side, a.id a front and a back, and an upper and a lower half, for I cannot deny that I partake of multitude; when, on the other hand, he wants to prove that

I

am

one, he will say, that

we who

am one and partake of the one. In both instances he proves his case. So again, if a person shows that such things as wood, stones, and the like, being many arc also one, wc admit that he shows the coexistence of the one and many, but he does not show that the many are one or the one many; he is uttering not a paradox but a truism. If however, as I just now suggested, some one were to abstract simple notions of like, unlike, one, many, rest, motion, and similar ideas, and then to show that these admit of admixture and separation in themselves, I should be very much astonished. This [.>art of the argument are here assembled are seven,

and

that

I

—

]

DIALOGUES OF PLATO appears to be treated by you, Zeno, in a very spirited manner; but, as I was saying, I should be far more amazed if any one found in the ideas themselves which arc [i^oj apprehended by reason, the same puzzle and entanglement

which you have shown

to exist in visible ob-

jects.

While Socrates was speaking, Pythodorus thought that Parmenides and Zeno were not altogether pleased at the successive steps of the

argument; but

they gave the closest attenat one another, and smiled as if in admiration of him. When he had finished, Parmenides expressed their feelings in the following words: Socrates, he said, I admire the bent of your mind towards philosophy; tell me now, was tion,

this

still

and often looked

your own distinction between ideas in them-

and the things which partake of them? and do you think that there is an idea ol likeness apart from the likeness which we possess, and of the one and many, and of the other things which Zeno mentioned? selves

I

think that there are such ideas, said Soc-

rates.

Parmenides proceeded:

make ful

And would you also

absolute ideas of the just and the beauti-

and the good, and of

Yes, he said,

I

all

men. But I should like to know whether you mean that thcie arc certain ideas of which all other things paitake, and from which they derive their names; f rj/ that similars, for example, become similar, because they partake of similarity; and great things become great, because they partake of greatness; and that just and bcautitul things become just and beautiful, because they partake of justice and beauty? Yes, certainly, said Socrates, that is my mean-

ions of

ing.

Then each

individual partakes cither of the

whole of the idea or else of a jiart of the idea? Can there be any other mode ol participation? There cannot be, he said. I'hen do you think that the whole idea is one, and yet, being one, is iii each one of the many ? Why not, Parmenides? said Socrates. Because one and the same thing will exist as a whole at the same time in niany separate individuals, and will therefore be in a stale of separation Jrom itself. Nay, but the idea may be like the day whuh is one and the same in many places at once, and yet continuous

should.

I

of fire and water? I am often undecided, Parmenides, as to whether I ought to include them or not. And would you feel equally undecided, Soc-

about things of which the mention may provoke a smile? I mean such things as hair, mud, dirt, or anything else which is vile and paltry; woukl you suppose that each of these has an idea distinct from the actual objects with which we come into contact, or not?

—

like

many

m this way each idea m all at the same time.

iih itsclt;

may be one and the same

that class?

And would you make an idea of man apart from us and from all other human creatures, or

rates,

despise even the meanest things; at your age, you arc too much disposed to regard the opin-

your way, Socrates, of making one

places at once.

You mean

to say, that

in

il I

were to spread om a sail and co\er a number of men, there would be one whole including many is not that your meaning?

—

I

think

so.

And would you

say that the w’hole

cludes each man, or a part of ferent parts difTcrent

it

only,

sail in-

and

dif-

men?

I'hc latter.

Certainly not, said Socrates; visible things

Then, Socrates, the ideas themselves will be and things which participate in them will have a part of them only and not the whole idea existing in each of them?

like these are such as they

appear to us, and 1 would be an absurdity in

I’hat seems to follow.

am

Then would you like to say, Socrates, that the

afraid that there

assuming any idea of them, although

I

some-

times get disturlicd, and begin to think that there is nothing without an idea; but then again, when I have taken up this position, I run away, because I am afraid that 1 may fall into a bottomless pit of nonsense, and perish; and so I return to the ideas of which 1 was just now speaking, and occupy myself with them. Yes, Socrates, said Parmenides; that is because you are still young; the time will come, if I am not mistaken, when philosophy will have a firmer grasp of you, and then you will not

divisible,

one idea

is

really divisible

and yet remains one?

Certainly not, heisaid. Suppose that yoi| divide absolute greatness,, and that of the rna^iy great things, each one is great in virtue of a rtortion of greatness less than absolute grcatness4-is that conceivable?

No.

Or will each equal thing, if possessing some small portion ol equality less than absolute equality, be equal to some other thing by virtue of that portion only? impossible.

PARMENIDES Or

suppose one of us to have a portion of is but a part of the small, and

smallness; this

ihcicforc the absolutely small

is

greater;

if

the

which the be smaller and

absolutely small be greater, that to

part of the small is added will not greater than before. How absurd!

Then

what way,

in

Socrates, will all things

participate in the ideas, participate in

them

they are unable to

if

either as parts or wholes^

Indeed, he said, you have asked a question is not easily answered. Well, said Parmenides, and what do you say of another question? What question? I imagine that the way in which you are led to assume one idea of each kind is as follows: You see a numlier of great objects, and 1 1^2 J

which

—

when you

lcx>k at

them

there seems to you lobe

one and the same idea (or nature) in them all; hence you conceive of greatness as one. Very true, said Socrates. And if you go on and allow your mind in like manner to embrace in one view the idea of greatness and of great things which are not the idea, and to compare them, will not another greatness arise, which will appear to be the source of It

all

these?

would seem

so.

I’hcn another idea of greatness now omcs into view over and above absolute greatness, and the individuals which partake of it; and then another, over and above all these, by virtue of which they wdll all be great, and so each idea instead of being one will be infiiiilcly *

But may not the ideas, asked Socrates, he thoughts only, and have no proper existence except in our minds, Parmenides^ For in that ease each idea may still be one, and not experience this infinite multiplication. And can there be individual thoughts which are thoughts of nothing? Inq^ossible, he said. The thought must he of something? Yes.

something which

Of something which

is

or which

is

not?

is.

Must it not l)c of a single something, which the thought rccogniy.cs as attaching to all, being a single form or nature? Yes.

And hended

something which is appreone and the same in all, be an idea?

will not the ^is

From that, again, there Then,

thing else participates in the ideas, must you not say either that everything is made up of thoughts, and that all things think; or that they arc thoughts but have no thought? The latter view, Parmenides, is no more rational than the previous one. In my opinion, the ideas arc, as it were, patterns fixed in nature, and other things arc like them, and resemblances of

them -what

is

meant by the

pation of other things in the ideas, similation to them.

is

partici-

really as-

But if, said he, the individual is like the idea, must not the idea also be like the individual, in is

a resemblance of the

like,

cannot be conceived

so far as the individual

idea?

That

vv'hich

is

of as other than the like of like.

Impossible.

And when two

things arc alike, must they not partake of the same idea? They must. And will not that of which the two partake, anil which makes them alike, be the idea itself? Certainly.

Then

the idea cannot he like the individual, or the individual like the iilca; for if they are alike, son’ic further idea of likeness will always

be coming to light, f and if that be like anything else, another; and new ideas will be always arising, if the idea resembles that which partakes of

it?

Quite true.

The theory, then, that other things

participate

by resemblance, has to be given up, and some other mode of participation devised? in the ideas

It

would seem

so.

Do

multiplied.

(’)f

489

said Parmenides,

is

if

no escape. you say that every-

you see then, Socrates, liow great is the difficiiity oi affirming the ideas to be absolute^ Yes, indeed.

And, further, let me say that as vet you only understand a small part of the difficulty which is involved if you make of each thing a single idea, parting it off from other things. What difficulty? he said. There are many, but the greatest of all is this: If an opponent argues that these ideas, being such as we say they ought to be, must remain unknown, no one can prove to him that he is wrong, unless he who denies their existence be a man of great ability and knowledge, and is willing to follow a long and laborious demonstration; he will remain unconvinced, and still insist that they cannot he known. What do you mean, Parmenides? said Soc-

—

rates.

In the first place, I think, Socrates, that you, or any one who maintains the existence of ab-

DIALOGUES OF PLATO

490

soluteessences, will admit that they cannot exist

It

in US.

I

No^

said Socrates; for then they

would be no

longer absolute. True, he said; and therefore when ideas arc what they are in relation to one another, their essence is determined by a relation among them^ selves, and has nothing to do with the resemblances, or whatever they are to be termed,

which are

in

we

our sphere, and from which

receive this or that

name when we

partake of

And

the things which are within our sphere and have the same names with them, are likewise only relative to one another, and not to the ideas which have the same names

them.

would seem

so.

think that there

is

a stranger consequence

still.

What is it? Would you,

or

would you not

solute knowledge,

say, that ab-

such a thing, must he a far more exact knowledge than our knowledge; and the same of beauty and of if

there

is

the rest? Yes.

And

if

there be such a thing as participation

in absolute knowledge,

than

God

no one

is

to have this most exact

more

likely

knowledge?

Certainly.

But then,

will

God, having absolute knowl-

human things?

with them, but belong to themselves and not to them.

edge, have a knowledge of

What do you mean P said Socrates. may illustrate my meaning in this way, said Parmenides: A master has a slave; now there

Because, Socrates, said Parmenides, we have admitted that the ideas arc not valid in relation to human things; nor human things in relation to them; the relations of either are limited to

I

—

nothing absolute in the relation between them, which is simply a relation of one man to another. But there is also an idea of mastership in the

is

abstract,

which

is

relative to the idea of slavery

in the abstract. [1^4 / These natures have nothing to do with us, nor we with them; they are concerned with themselves only, and we with ourselves.

Do you

And

will not

knowledge

my meaning?

see

Yes, said Socrates,

I

quite see your meaning.

knowledge

—^answer

—

I

mean

absolute

Why not?

their respective spheres.

Yes, that has been admitted. And if God has this perfect authority, and perfect knowledge, his authority cannot rule us,

nor lus knowledge know us, or any human tiling; just as our authority docs not extend to the gods, nor our knowledge know anything which IS divine, so by parity ol reason they, being gods, are not our masters, neither do they

know

to absolute truth?

the things of men.

Yet, surely, saul Socrates, to deprive

Certainly.

And

each kind of absolute knowledge will answer to each kind of absolute being?

knowledge

is

But the knowledge which we have, will answer to the truth which we have; and again, each kind of knowledge which we have, will be a knowledge oi each kind ot being which we have? Certainly.

we

Bui the ideas themselves, as you admit, have not, and cannot have?

No, we cannot. And the absolute natures or kinds are known severally

// J5/ These, Socrates, said Parmenides, are and only a few of the difficulties in which we are involved if ideas really are and we determine each one of them to be an absolute unity. He who hears what may be said against them will deny the very existence of them and even if they do exist, he will say that they must of necessity be unknown to man; and he will seem to have reason on his side, and as wc were remarking just now, will be very difficult to convince; a man must be gifted with very considerable ability before he can learn that everything has a class and an| absolute essence; and still

by the absolute idea of knowledge?

—

Yes.

more remarkable

And we have not got the idea of knowledge?

these things for hiihself,

No.

ly investigated

of the ideas are known to us, because we have no share in absolute knowledge?

Then none

suppose not. Then the nature of the beautiful in

good

in itself,

and

all

itself,

and

other ideas which

we suppose to exist absolutely, are unknown to

^ill

than

others.

he be is

who

discovers

all

and having thoroughable to teach them to

(

agree with yoi^ Parmenides, said Socrates; is very much to my mind. And yet, Socrates, said Parmenides, if a man, fixing his attention on these and the like difficulties, does away with ideas of things and will not admit that every individual thing has its I

and what you say

1

us?

of

a few%

Yes.

of the

God

inonsirous.

PARMENIDES own determinate idea which

is

always one and

the same^ he will have nothing on which his mind can rest; and so he will utterly destroy the power of reasoning, as you seem to me to have particularly noted.

Very

true,

Whither

he

said.

what

But, then,

is

wc

shall

to

become

turn,

if

of philosophy?

the ideas arc un-

known? I

certainly

do not

see

my way at present.

Yes, said Parmenides; and

I think that this out of your attempting to define the beautiful, the just, the goixl, and the ideas generally, without sufficient previous training.I noticedyourdcficiency,whciiI heard you talking here with your friend Aristotclcs, the day before yesterday. The impulse that carries you towards philosophy is assuredly noble and divine; but there is an art which iscalled by the \ iilgaridle talking, and which is often imagined to be useless; in that you must train and exercise yourself, now that you are young, or truth will elude your grasp. Aiy.l what is the nature of this exercise, Parmenides, which you would recommend? That which you heard Zeno practising; at

arises, Socrates,

the

him

same time, I give you that you did nor care

credit for saying to

to

examine the

per-

plexity in reference to visible things, or to consider the question in that way; but only in reference to objects of thought, and to what may be called ideas. Why, yes, he said, there appears to me to be

no difficulty

in

showing by this method

things arc like and unlike and ence anything. ible

that vis-

may experi-

Quite true, said Parmenides; but 1 think that you should go a step further, and consider not onl> the consequences which flow from a given hypothesis, fi^6] but also the consequences which flow from denying the hypothesis; and that will be still better training for you. What do you mean? he said. I mean, for example, that in the case of this very hypothesis of Zeno’s about the many, you should inquire not only what will be the consequences to the many in relation to themselves to the one, and to the one in relation to itself and the many, on the hypothesis ot the being of the many, but also what will be the consequences to the one and the many in their relation to themselves and to each other, on the

and

opposite hypothesis. Or, again, if likeness is or is not, what will be the consequences in either of these cases to the subjects of the hypothesis, and to other things, in relation both to them-

491

and to one another, and so of unlikeness; and the same holds good of motion and rest, of generation and destruction, and even of being and not-bcing. In a word, when you suppose anything to be or not to be, or to be in any way affected, you must look at the consequences in re lation to the thing itself, and to any other things which you choose to each of them singly, to more than one, and toall; and so of other things, you must look at them in relation to themselves and to anything else which you suppose either to be or not to be, if you would train yourself perfectly and see the real truth. That, Parmenides, is a tremendous business of which you speak, and T do not quite understand you; will you take some hypothesis and go through the steps? ^then I shall apprehend you selves

—

—

belter.

That, Socrates, a

is

a serious task to impose on

man of my years. Then will you, Zeno?

said Socrates.

Zeno answered with a

smile:

—

^Lct

us

make

our petition to Parmenides himself, who is quite right in saying that you arc hardly aware of the extent of the task which you are imposing on him; and if there were more of us I should not ask him, for these arc not subjects which any one, especially at his age, can well speak of before a large audience; most people arc not aware that this round-about progress through all things is the only way in which the mind can attain truth and wisdom. And therefore, Parmenides, I join in the rc