The Sentence in Biblical Hebrew [2nd printing. Reprint 2012 ed.] 9783110876659, 9789027926739

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JANUA L I N G U A R U M STUDIA M E M O R I A E N I C O L A I VAN WIJK DEDICATA edenda curat C. H. VAN S C H O O N E V E L D Indiana University

Series Practica, 231

THE SENTENCE IN BIBLICAL HEBREW by FRANCIS L ANDERSEN

MOUTON PUBLISHERS · THE HAGUE · PARIS · NEW YORK

First edition: 1974 Second printing: 1980 ISBN 90 279 2673 5 © Copyright 1974 by Mouton Publishers, The Hague, The Netherlands No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers Printed in Great Britain

PREFACE

Recent advances in linguistic theory and method make desirable a fresh examination of the sentence systems of natural languages. Ancient Hebrew is practically a virgin field for such research. The existing literature contains no systematic treatment of the subject. I am grateful to the Church Divinity School of the Pacific and to the National Endowment for the Humanities of the United States Government for supporting this project--the former by its generous policy of sabbatical leave, the latter by a grant (#R0-5068-72-155). The findings and conclusions presented here do not necessarily represent the view of the Endowment. Thanks are due to many persons. To Dr. Anne Draffkorn Kilmer, Chairman of the Department of Near Eastern Languages, University of California, Berkeley, and to Dr. William G. Dever, Director of the William Foxwell Albright Institute of Archaeological Research, Jerusalem, for hospitality in their respective institutions. To the Reverend Esther H. Davis for help in typing. Last and best, to my wife Lois for unfailing encouragement and support. It is a pleasure to dedicate this study to John Arthur Thompson, my first Hebrew teacher, whose lifelong devotion to biblical studies has been a constant inspiration. Jerusalem October, 1972

CONTENTS

PREFACE

5

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

14

THE TRANSLITERATION OF HEBREW

16

1. INTRODUCTION 1.0. Traditional Grammar 1.1. Discourse Grammar Notes

17 17 18 19

2. THE SENTENCE IN HEBREW 2.0. Definition of Sentence 2.1. The Clause as a Sentence Element 2.2. Sentence Types 2.3. Complex Sentences 2.4. Compound Sentences 2.5. Relationships Between Sentence Types 2.6. Surface Grammar and Deep Grammar 2.6.0. The English Relative Clause 2.6.1. Head is a Proper Noun 2.6.2. Head is a Pronoun 2.6.3. Head is a Definite Noun 2.6.4. Head is an Indefinite Noun 2.6.5. Coordination as Alternative Realization. . 2.6.6. An Exception 2.6.7. Naming Two Persons 2.6.8. The Use of the Nominalizer 2.6.9. Conclusions Notes

21/ 21 22 24 26 27 28 29 29 30 30 30 31 31 32 32 34 34 35

3. APPOSITION SENTENCES 3.0. Deep Grammar of Apposition 3.1. Surface Grammar of Apposition 3.2. Verbal Repetition in Apposition 3.3. Synonymous Apposition

36 36 37 37 38

8

TABLE OF CONTENTS 3.4.

Epic Repetition in Apposition 3.4.0. Introduction 3.4.1. Verb Patterns in Epic Apposition 3.4.2. Discourse Function of Epic Apposition. . . 3.4.3. Alternative Realization in Sequential Clauses 3.5. Apposition for Emphasis 3.5.0. Formal Features 3.5.1. Antithesis in Apposition 3.5.2. Apposition in Another Perspective 3.5.3. Climactic Repetition in Apposition . . . . 3.5.4. Coordination of Emphatic Repetition. . . . 3.6. Resumption and Distribution in Apposition . . . . 3.6.0. Resumption 3.6.1. Distribution 3.7. Explanation in Apposition 3.7.0. The Semantics of Apposition 3.7.1. Specifying Apposition 3.7.2. Exposition in Apposition 3.7.3. An Example of Explication 3.7.4. A Summary in Apposition 3.7.5. Titles and Colophons 3.8. Curses and Blessings 3.9. Multiple Apposition 3.10. Apposition Instead of Other Constructions . . . . 3.10.0. Alternative Deep Relationships 3.10.1. Coordinate Commands in Apposition . . . . 3.10.2. Coordinated Declarative Clauses in Apposition 3.10.3. Coordinate Questions in Apposition. . . . 3.10.4. Antithetical Clause in Apposition . . . . 3.10.5. Apposition Instead of Subordination . . . 3.10.6. Apposition Instead of a Relative Clause . 3.10.7. Apposition Instead of Sequence Notes 4. COORDINATION 4.0. Kinds of Coordination 4.1. Upper-level Coordination 4.1.0. Heterogeneous Speeches 4.1.1. Coordination of Units of Narrative . . . . 4.1.2. Stories in Juxtaposition 4.1.3. Coordinated Stories 4.1.4. Story-level Episodes 4.1.5. Episode-level Paragraphs 4.2. Paragraph-level Coordination 4.2.0. Introduction 4.2.1. Sequential Coordination 4.2.2. Paragraph-level Circumstantial Clause. . . 4.2.3. Paragraph-level Adjunctive Clause 4.2.4. Paragraph-level Surprise Clause

39 39 39 40 42 43 43 43 44 44 45 45 45 45 46 46 47 49 50 53 53 54 55 56 56 56 57 57 57 58 59 59 59 61 61 61 61 62 62 63 63 64 64 64 64 65 66 66

TABLE OF CONTENTS

9

4.3. Sentence-level Coordination 4.3.0. Sentence or Paragraph? 4.3.1. Conjunctive Coordination 4.3.2. Chiastic Coordination 4.3.3. Alternative (Disjunctive) Sentence . . . . 4.3.4. Contrastive Coordination 4.3.5. Antithetical Coordination 4.4. Inclusive and Exclusive Coordination 4.4.0. Deep Grammar 4.4.1. Inclusive Coordination 4.4.2. Exclusive Coordination 4.5. Inter-clausal Relationships in Precative and Predictive Discourse 4.6. Summary 4.7. Back-looping (Rank-shifting) 4.8. Alternative Surface Realizations 4.9. Empirical Testing Notes

66 66 67 67 68 68 69 69 69 69 70

5. CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES 5.0. Introduction 5.1. Episode-marginal Circumstantial Clauses 5.1.0. Nucleus and Margin 5.1.1. Episode-initial Circumstantial Clauses . . 5.1.2. Episode-final Circumstantial Clauses . . . 5.1.3. Circumstantial Clause Beside an Episode. . 5.2. Sentence-level Circumstantial Clauses 5.2.0. Sentence versus Paragraph 5.2.1. Clauses Circumstantial to Time Margin. . . 5.2.2. Circumstance of a Circumstance 5.3. Pseudocircumstantial Sequential Clauses 5.4. Pseudosequential Circumstantial Clauses 5.5. Circumstantial Clauses as Alternatives to Noncircumstantial Constructions 5.5.0. Introduction 5.5.1. Circumstantial Form for Deep Subordination 5.5.2. Circumstantial Form for a Relative Clause. Notes

77 77 78 78 79 80 82 86 86 86 87 87 88 88 88 89 90 91

6. ADJUNCTIVE CLAUSES 6.0. Structure 6.1. Function 6.2. Adjunctive Clauses Used Circumstantially. . . . . 6.3. Other Forms Notes

92 92 92 93 93 93

7. SURPRISE CLAUSES 7.0. Form 7.1. Participant Perspective 7.2. Dream Reports 7.3. Other Uses 7.4. Other Forms

94 94 94 95 96 96

71 73 74 75 76 76

10

TABLE OF CONTENTS

8. CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES 8.0. The Form of a Conjunctive Sentence 8.0.0. Optimum Realization 8.0.1. Double-duty Items 8.0.2. Multiple Coordination 8.1. Declarative Conjunctive Sentences 8.1.0. Introduction 8.1.1. Reports of Accomplished Fact Using 'Perfect' Verbs 8.1.2. Conjoined Predictive Clauses 8.1.3. Conjoined Verbless Clauses 8.1.4. Reports of Present Facts Using Quasiverbal Clauses 8.1.5. Circumstantial Conjunctive Sentences . . . 8.1.6. Conjoined Clauses in Poetry 8.1.7. Dissimilar Clauses Conjoined 8.1.8. Successive Events in Conjoined Clauses . . 8.2. Distributive Coordination 8.3. Conjoined Precative Clauses 8.3.0. The Variety of Combinations 8.3.1. Conjoined Verbless Precative Clauses . . . 8.3.2. Conjoined Imperative Clauses 8.3.3. Conjoined Jussive Clauses 8.3.4. Conjoined Cohortative Clauses 8.3.5. Mixed Linkages of Precative Clauses. . . . 8.4. Negation in Conjunctive Sentences 8.5. Conjoined Prohibitions 8.6. Coordination of Questions 8.7. Conjoining of Surprise Clauses 8.8. Coordination of Subordinate Clauses 8.9. Coordination of Relative Clauses 8.10. Conjunctive Sentences Instead of Other Constructions 8.10.0. Introduction 8.10.1. Hendiadys in Conjunctive Sentences. . . . 8.10.2. Coordination Instead of Apposition. . . . 8.10.3. Coordination Instead of Subordination . . Notes 9. CHIASTIC SENTENCES 9.0. The Form of Inter-clause Chiasmus 9.1. The Surface Grammar of Chiastic Sentences . . . . 9.2. The Deep Grammar of Chiasmus 9.3. Chiasmus in Narrative Prose 9.3.0. An Illustration 9.3.1. Chiasmus in Poetic Discourse 9.3.2. Chiasmus in Epic Narrative 9.3.3. Three-clause Chiasmus 9.4. Grammatical Aspects of Chiasmus 9.4.0. Introduction 9.4.1. Verbless Predicators 9.4.2. Perfect Verbs

97 97 97 98 98 99 99 99 99 100 101 101 101 102 103 103 104 104 107 108 Ill Ill 112 113 113 114 115 115 116 117 117 117 117 117 118 119 119 120 121 122 122 123 123 126 127 127 127 127

TABLE OF CONTENTS

9.5.

9.6. 9.7. 9.8. 9.9. 9.10. 9.11. 9.12. 9.13. Notes

9.4.3. Subjects in Chiasmus 9.4.4. Objects in Chiasmus 9.4.5. Indirect Objects in Chiasmus 9.4.6. Other Clause-level Elements 9.4.7. Other Verbal Patterns 9.4.8. Chiasmus with Negation 9.4.9. Chiasmus not Involving the Verbs. . . . Chiasmus in Predictive Discourse 9.5.0. Verb Patterns 9.5.1. Subjects in Chiasmus 9.5.2. Objects in Chiasmus 9.5.3. Mixed Constructions 9.5.4. Indirect Objects in Chiasmus 9.5.5. Other Clause-level Tagmemes in Chiasmus 9.5.6. Other Verb Forms in Chiasmus Chiasmus in Precative Discourse Chiasmus in Prohibition Incompletely Formed Chiasmus Discontinuous Chiastic Sentences Chiasmus as a High-level Node Chiastic Sentence as Nucleus Chiasmus a Distortion Sequential Clauses in Chiasmus

10. DISJUNCTIVE SENTENCES 10.0. Disjunctive Coordination 10.1. Phrase-level Disjunction 10.1.0. Introduction 10.1.1. 10.1.2. 10.1.3. 10.1.4.

A or Β Either A or Β Either A and Β whether A or Β

10.2. Disjunctive Coordination above Phrase Level. . 10.2.0. Transformations up and down the Hierarchy 10.2.1. Disjunctive Sentences 10.2.2. Paragraph-level Disjunction 10.2.3. Disjunction of Paragraphs 10.3. Disjunctive Questions 10.3.0. Fully Formed Disjunction 10.3.1. Interrogated Disjunctive Sentence. . . 10.3.2. The Normal Construction 10.3.3. Phrase-level Disjunction of Questions. 10.3.4. Redundant Antithetical Tag Question. . 10.4. Disjunctive Realization of Conjunctive Relationships ' 10.5. Coniunctive Realization of Disiunctive

11 127 128 129 129 130 130 131 131 131 131 132 132 133 133 133 133 135 135 136 136 139 139 139 140 141 141 141 141 141 142 142 142

142 142 146 146 146 147 147 147 147 148 148 148

12

TABLE OF CONTENTS

11. CONTRASTIVE SENTENCES 11.0. The Degree of Contrast 11.1. Contrastive Sentences and Other Constructions . 11.2. Contrast with Pronoun Subjects 11.3. Contrast with Nouns as Subjects 11.4. Contrast with Objects 11.5. Other Items in Contrast 11.6. Exceptions 11.7. Contrast Sentence with Asyndeton

150 150 151 151 152 152 152 153

12. INCLUSIVE SENTENCES 12.0. Inclusion and Addition 12.1. Phrase-level Coordination Using GAM 12.1.0. Introduction 12.1.1. Inclusive Phrases 12.1.2. Compound Conjunction 12.1.3. Duals 12.2. Trans-sentence Inclusive Phrases 12.3. Double Coordination 12.4. Inclusive Coordination and Sentence Types 12.4.0. Introduction 12.4.1. Inclusive Chiastic Sentences 12.4.2. Inclusive Conjunctive Sentences . 12.4.3. Inclusive 'Contrast' Sentences 12.4.4. Circumstantial Clauses 12.4.5. Surprise Clauses 12.4.6. Paragraph-level Inclusive Linkage 12.4.7. Predictive Discourse 12.4.8. Other Constructions 12.4.9. Inclusive Complex Sentences 12.4.10. H p Equivalent to GAM 12.5. Inclusive Coordination and Negation 12.6. The Implication of Inclusive Coordination 12.7. Noninclusive Uses of GAM 12.7.0. Introduction 12.7.1. Coordination 12.7.2. Compound Inter-clause Conjunction 12.8. GAM not a Conjunction 12.8.0. Introduction 12.8.1. Appositive GAM 12.8.2. Emphasizing GAM 12.8.3. Focussing GAM 12.9. The Hierarchical Significance of GAM Notes

154 154 154 154 155 155 155 155 157 157 157 158 158 159 160 161 161 161 162 162 162 163 163 164 164 164 165 165 165 165 166 166 166 167

. . . . . .

. . .

. . .

. . .

13. EXCLUSIVE SENTENCES 13.0. Signals of Exclusive Relationships 13.1. The Form of the Exclusive Relationship 13.2. Phrase-level Exclusion 13.3. Trans-sentence Exclusive Phrases 13.4. Exclusive Sentences 13.5. Exclusive Forms used for Antithetical Relationships

150

168 168 170 172 172 173 173

TABLE

OF

CONTENTS

13.6. Exclusive Forms Used for Coordination or Apposition 13.7. Exclusive Relationships Realized by Antithetical Forms 13.8. Phrase 'Adverb* and Clause 'Adverb' 13.9. Limitative 'Adverbs' 13.10. Limitative Clause-modifier 13.11. Summary Notes

13

174 174 175 175 177 177 178

14. ANTITHETICAL SENTENCES 179 14.0. Antithesis between Clauses 179 14.1. The Form of Antithetical Sentences 179 14.2. Antithesis with Implicit Negation 180 14.3. Antithesis by Means of Antonyms 181 14.4. Antithesis by Negation 181 14.5. Antithesis After Negation 183 14.5.0. Introduction 183 14.5.1. Antithetical WÜ183 14.5.2. Antithetical Sequential WÄW 183 14.5.3. Antithetical ΚΪ 183 14.5.4. Antithetical ΚΪ 1 1M 184 14.5.5. Antithetical 1 1M LÖ"1 184 14.5.6. Antithetical ^IM. 184 14.5.7. Antithesis Using Exclusive Forms. . . . 185 14.6. Antithetical Questions 185 14.7. Antithesis in Apposition 185 Notes 185 15. SURFACE REALIZATIONS AND DEEP RELATIONSHIPS 15.0. Introduction 15.1. Alternative Surface Realizations 15.2. Limitations in Alternative Realizations . . . . 15.3. Juxtaposition and Concatenation 15.4. Coordination and Subordination

186 186 186 186 190 190

INDEX OF BIBLICAL REFERENCES

192

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

*

+ +

11


A Aj Adv Alt Ant AV Ch Cir Cj CI Cn Co D Dc Dj Ep Eq Ex Exc Hb ΙΑ If Inc Int L Μ Mg

Unattested form Obligatory Optional Paragraph (enclose) Symbol of a relationship or syntagmeme Apposition Adjunctive Adverb Alternative Antithes is Antithetical Authorized (King James) Version Chiasmus Chiastic Circumstantial Conjunction Conjunctive (Clause or Sentence) Clause Contrastive Coordination Discourse Declarative Disjunctive Episode Equative Equivalent Exclamative Exclusive Hebrew Infinitive Absolute Infinitive Inclusive Interrogative Locative Modification (Member -- Dik) Margin Marginal

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS Ν Nd Ni Nom Np Ns Nuc 0 OC OT Ρ Pc Ph Pp Pr Pt Q QV Rel Res S Se Seq Sub Sur Sus sy Τ Ti V VC VI VJ VL VP VS Wd WP WS

Noun Definite noun Indefinite noun Nominalized construction Nominalizer Proper noun Suffixed noun Nucleus Object Object complement Old Testament Predicate, Predicator Predication Precative Phrase Preposition Pronoun Participle Quotation Quasiverbal Relative Resumption Subject Sentence Sequence Subordinate Subordination Surprise Suspended, Casus pendens Syntagmeme Tagmeme Time Verb Cohortative verb Imperative verb Jussive verb Verbless (clause) Prefixed (imperfect) verb Suffixed (perfect) verb Word Wäv-consecutive with VP (sequential past) Wäv-consecutive with VS (sequential future)

15

THE TRANSLITERATION OF HEBREW

I apologize to Hebraists for not citing texts in Hebrew characters. Inflation has been hard on books with exotic scripts. The use of transcription should make this study more useful to linguists who do not read Hebrew, and the taxonomy of the Hebrew sentence system is not altogether without interest for universal grammar. For purposes of syntax the finer points of Massoretic phonology are not often pertinent. The original can always be consulted. The system of transliteration used here is a normalized quasi-phonemic representation of the conventional orthography. Variations in spelling due to the inconsistent use of matres lectionis have been ignored. All long vowels are represented as v, no matter what their historical development has been; for example, long /o/ is δ whether e?et-näl}ör (Ge I I 2 9 )

Similar patterns are found in ISa 8 2 (Samuel's two sons), ISa 253 (Nabal and Abigail). Compare IChr 7 1 5 , and the names of Job's three daughters in Job 421 **, where, however, the construction is the object of a verb. A similar pattern of apposition followed by coordination is used for the names of the four rivers of paradise in Ge 2 1 1 " 1 * , but the fourth clause switches to the use of a SUSPENDED

(Sus) followed by a RESUMPTIVE

(Res)

subject. The names of Azel's six sons are given quite differently: Sissä bänlm wS^elle semStäm..., six sons, and these (are) their names (the list follows) (IChr 8 3 β , θ"''). Ru l 2 also shows that #2.6.7 is not used for more than two names. Here three clauses are coordinated as in #2.6.7, but the whole is coordinated as in #2.6.5. 2.6.8.

The Use of the Nominalizer

There are two passages in which information about two names is connected to an antecedent by the relative "WK.

THE SENTENCE IN HEBREW nnayn nna® ηηκη ο® (Ex l 1 5 ) nyio n*urn osn to

the

Hebrew who

midwives the name and the name

of of

tbx

the the

one (was) Shipra second (was) Pua

Also Moses' two sons (Ex 18 3 ). It could be significant that the antecedents here are definite, but this is not enough to explain the use of ibx ; for the antecedent is definite in ISa 14 2 9 and nwx is not used, and can be used in other constructions when the antecedent is indefinite. The use of the nominalizer brings the construction down the hierarchy to the level of phrase, as the following diagram shows. NPh

2.6.9.

Conclusions

To sum up. The deep construction χ - his name is y can be realized by several different surface structures in Hebrew. For one person: or

+X +C1:(+P:Y +S:55mo)(#2.6.4) +X :ü- +Cl:(+S:semö +P:Υ) (#2.6.5)

For two persons: +X's +Se: (+C1![SP] +C1 2 [SP]) (#2.6.7) or +X's +Se:(Cl![SP] +Cl 2 [SP])(#2.6.8) There is both freedom and constraint in this system. For one person, coordination of a SP clause is preferred, with apposition of a PS clause as an acceptable alternative. For two persons, a conjunctive sentence (both clauses with SP sequence) may be in apposition or nominalized. For a larger cast (Ge 2 1 1 " 1 " , Ru l 2 , IChr 8 3 8 , 9****) other constructions again are used. The use of the same semantic materials with the same grammatical functions (S:S?mö, P:Np) gives a methodological control, and highlights the arbitrary nature of the various surface realizations which are preferred for each number of participants. A point to emphasize is the different placement in the grammatical hierarchy of the alternative realizations. A nominalized ('relative') clause (#2.6.8) is phrase-level. A coordinated ('circumstantial') clause (#2.6.5) is sentence-level. A clause ('specifying ')(# 2 . 6 . 4) or sentence ('expository') (#2.6.7) in apposition is more detached, being virtually parenthetical on paragraph-level. There is a further moral in this. An induction of the most general kind would lead to a descriptive statement that all the constructions listed above 'occur' or are 'possible.' But as soon as such a formulation is used generatively without constraints a false

THE SENTENCE IN HEBREW

35

impression is given. The formula will be overproductive. Thus SP and PS sequences are both used; , , and are all used. But the combinations actually found are restricted. Some constructions produced by a general formula are not used at all, and some are less common alternatives. And the latter cannot be accounted for by statistics. Here the matter passes over to rhetoric, and questions must be asked about the different effects, staging, for example, of the alternatives available. The example also illustrates a practical problem in the organization of a grammar. Beginning with surface features as a basis for classification, constructions with similar deep structure would be scattered. Beginning with the same deep structure would gather together under the same heading constructions which are formally diverse. In the present study we prefer to describe surface features systematically, making cross-references to other constructions which seem to be alternative realizations of the same deep structure. NOTES 1

William Wiekes, Λ Treatise on the Accentuation of the three so-called Poetical Books of the Old Testament, Psalms, Proverbs and Job (l88l); and. A Treatise on the Accentuation of the Twentyone so-called Prose Books of the Old Testament (1887). Reprinted in one volume by KTAV Publishing House (1970). 2 Harris' definition of 'sentence' is at once phonological and grammatical: "sentences may be characterized as those segments of speech (or writing) over which certain intonations occur or within which certain structures occur" (String Analysis of Sentence Structure: Papers on Formal Linguistics [The Hague: Mouton, 1962D: p. 7). The two alternative criteria yield two sets of segments called 'sentences'. Even if the two sets largely overlap, as they'probably will, the fact remains that we are talking about two distinguishable, albeit inseparable, components of language. 3 Confusion can be diminished if we call a unit in discourse that is 'complete' a PERIOD. A period may be non-predicative (less than one clause); it may be one clause; or it may be a 'sentence' defined grammatically as an integral coirstruction of two or more clauses. * Or head of the predicate (predicator) . If predicate is defined as all in the clause nucleus that is not the subject, then a predicate without a subject is a contradiction in terms, at least so far as surface structure is concerned. Infinitives often realize deep-structure predication without surfacestructure clause formation.

3

APPOSITION SENTENCES

3.0. DEEP GRAMMAR OF APPOSITION Sentence-level apposition resembles phrase-level apposition. A typical phrase-level apposition places in juxtaposition two words or phrases with a common referent, or at least some overlap in their fields of reference. Examples: Dr. Livingstone, the explorer;

red

apple.

Dr.

Livingstone

and

the

explorer

are

identical.

The phrase in apposition identifies the Head. In Dr. Livingstone, an explorer, the apposition phrase classifies the Head. Red and apple are both class names; the apposition phrase refers to the overlap class of objects which are both red and apple. Juxtaposition without a conjunction is found also in phrases which may be called lists. These are alternative realizations of some, kind of coordination. Conversely, when two items in apposition are joined by a coordinating conjunction, the resulting construction embodies a figure called hendiadys. Thus we can distinguish the normal surface realization of a deep structure relationship from aberrant, but not ungrammatical, alternative surface realization. Surface form

Juxtaposition Concatenation

Deep relationship

Apposition

Coordination

An apposition sentence consists of two or more clauses in juxtaposition (no conjunction). Such sentences may be arranged on a spectrum depending on how much semantic overlap there is between the constituent clauses. At one end of the spectrum the two clauses may be completely identical (#3.2). At the other end, the two juxtaposed clauses may have nothing in common at all. At this extreme we have incoherent discourse, and there is no point in talking about a sentence when there is rio coherent structure. Most apposition sentences lie somewhere between these two extremes.

APPOSITION

SENTENCES

37

3.1. SURFACE GRAMMAR OF APPOSITION The juxtaposition of two clauses is the simplest form of apposition sentence. Resumptive kl, yea'. may sometimes intervene (Ex 31 1 ). Se

Although we have used clauses in apposition to illustrate the construction, there is no constraint on the items in juxtaposition. The lead item and/or the apposed item could be clause, sentence, paragraph, episode, etc. Two-clause apposition sentences are, however, the easiest to talk about for a start. The ubiquitous Hebrew 'and' is less common in vernacular speech than in narrative and other more literary discourse. This may account for the rather jerky effect of the high level of asyndeton in Pharoah's speech. Your father and your brothers have come to you the land of Egypt is at your disposal in the best part of the land settle your father and your brothers let them reside in the land of Goshen (Ge 4 7 s " 6 ) . The preamble to the speech in De 5 contains four clauses (or sentences) in apposition (De 5 2 " 5 ) . This is unusual. Such conjunctionless transition within a rather disjointed speech will not be considered as sentence-level apposition, especially when a speech is a heterogeneous concatenation of discourses of different genres, such as DECLARATIVE (Dc), INTERROGATIVE (Int), PRECATIVE (Pc). Examples: Ge 2 2 3 , 4 S > 1 0 , 1 8 2 * , etc. But conjunctionless transition between a curse (Pc) and a prediction (Dc) will be regarded as apposition when the prediction expounds the curse (#3.8). Conjunctionless juxtaposition which formally resembles apposition is also used to insert in a text extraneous remarks which, in modern punctuation, would be placed in parenthesis, or glosses which, in modern books, would be printed as footnotes. Examples: Ge 61*, 39 8 , De 3 9 . These do not belong in the present treatment. Nor do we include the rare instances when a new paragraph begins without conjunction. Examples: Ge 8 s , 221*. A construction may present an appearance of apposition when three clauses are coordinated. While 'and' may be used twice-Cli and Cl 2 and C l 3 , it is equally acceptable to use 'and' only once — Clj, C l ? , and Cl 3 . It would be a mistake to say that Cl 2 is in apposition in the latter instance. The term 'asyndeton' is properly used for such conjunctionless coordination (#3.10).

3.2. VERBAL REPETITION IN APPOSITION The simplest kind of apposition is the repetition of an entire clause. The nearest approach to this in Genesis is Ge 4 8 1 9 : yäda^ti b?ni yäda^tl, I know, my son, I know. Note the repeti-

38

APPOSITION

SENTENCES

tion of nelek in an apposition clause in Ex 10®. mille^ repeats waySmalle"1.

In Ex 35 3 5

3.3. SYNONYMOUS APPOSITION When two clauses in apposition are identical in both meaning and grammatical structure, the result is the parallelismus membroram so highly favoured in Hebrew, especially in poetry. Example:

f

ädä vesillä sema^an qöli n??e lemek ha^zennä ^imrätl

Ada and Zilla, heed my-voice'. Wives of Lemek, hear my- speech'.

(Ge 4 2 3 )

Everything occurs exactly twice, and corresponding items come in the same sequence. Example:

hSmälök timlök 'älenü 1im-ma?01 timäföl bänü Will

you

really

Will

you really

reign rule

over over

us? us?

(Ge

378)

A question may be repeated in apposition. Example:

ma-ppis^I ma hattä^tl What

is my

offence?_

What

is my failure?

(Ge

3136)

The parallel items may be arranged in chiasmus. Example:

yaqnl'ühü 'bfzärlm b?t0^eböt yak^isühü They With

Example:

made him jealous with foreign gods: abominations they infuriated him. (De

32ls)

hahödes hazze läkem rö 1 ? hodäsim rl^äfön hü^ läkem lffhodse haS?änä This head

Other Examples:

month for you (is) head of months it (is) for you of months of the year

(Ex

122)

Ex 302 5 , Le 2 1 3 t , De 2 2 7 .

In Ge 41 3 3 311 Joseph reinforces his advice to Pharoah by repeating it in apposition, but with different vocabulary and different grammatical constructions.

APPOSITION SENTENCES

39

3.4. EPIC REPETITION IN APPOSITION 3.4.0.

Introduction

In this construction the same (or very similar) semantic content is expressed twice in two items in apposition. The items in apposition may be single clauses; but entire sentences, paragraphs or episodes might exercise the same functions. There may be some measure of verbal repetition. Unlike the use of identical grammatical sequences as in #3.3 above, however, similar grammatical elements are characteristically placed in chiasmus. If coordination rather than apposition connected the clauses together, the result would be what we call below a chiastic coordination sentence (Chapter 9). The use or non-use of 'and' is not a matter of chance. Chiastic apposition is a feature of high style in the old sagas, and this is why we have called it 'epic.1 The result is not a poetic bicolon, because the two parts can be of any length, and may be quite disproportionate. 3.4.1.

Verb Patterns in Epic

Apposition

When the lead clause in epic apposition is a familiar paragraphlevel WP clause, the clause in apposition often uses the same root in a VS. Example: wayyäbS^ nöh...^el-hattebä... min-habbehemä... bä^ü ^el-nöh ^el-hattebä, and Soah went...into the ark...: animals ...went in to Soah into the ark (Ge 7 7 " 8 ) ; wayyese^-nöh... kol-hahayyä...yäs5^ü min-hattebä, and Noah went out...: all the animals...went out from the ark (Ge 8 l e ~ 1 9 ) . The composition of these apposition sentences matches commands and predictions made in other parts of the same story. Ge 7 7 " 8 obeys the command: bö^ ^attä... mikkol habbShemä...tiqqählffkä..., you will go in..., some of all animals.... you will take to yourself... (Ge 7 1 " ) . Compare the similar prediction in Ge 6 1 9 " 2 0 . The verbs, however, are not the same. Similarly, Ge 8 1 β " 19 obeys the command: se1 min-hattebä...: kol-hahayyä... hawse^ ^ittfik, go out from the ark...: all the animals...bring out'with you (Ge 8 1 6 " 1 7 ) . In both 8 1 7 and 8 1 9 the versions point to wkl (coordination, not apposition). It is easy to see what has happened here. Archaic chiastic apposition has been modernized to classical chiastic coordination. Ge 7 2 and 7°, however, have escaped this, and support the authenticity of MT against the versions in Ge 8 1 7 and 8 1 9 . An apposition sentence is used to make a prediction in Ge 6 1 7 . The lead clause is infinitival. lelahet kol-bäsär ^äser-bö rüh hayyim mittahat hassämäyim köl ^aSer bä^äres yigwa^, to obliterate all flesh which (has) living spirit in it from under the sky: all that (is) in the world will expire. The two parts are synonymous. In the subsequent reported fulfilment, a similar apposition sentence is used, but the pattern of verbs is different: vayyigva^ kol-bäSär... köl ^ääfer nismat ruh hayylm b?^appäyw mikkol ^ä?er behäräbä metü, and expired all

1*0

APPOSITION

SENTENCES

flesh...all that (had) breath of living spirit in its nostrils from all that (was) in the dry land died (Ge 7 2 1 ' 2 2 ) . Besides the chiasmus within each apposition sentence, there is also some chiasmus between prediction and fulfilment. Ge 4 6 6 * 7 has an apposition sentence exactly like Ge 8 1 8 " 1 9 in grammatical structure: wayyäbö^ mi^räymä ya^Sqöb...: bänäyw... hebi^ ^ittö misräymä, and-went to Egypt Jacob...: his sons... he brought with him to Egypt. Compare Ex l 1 . This is highly repetitious; the complete text also reiterates and all his seed with him. The significance of this kind of construction has generally escaped literary critics. Either they assign parallel passages to different 'sources' as 'doublets', thus destroying the fabric of the composition; or else they speak disparagingly of its tedious redundancy. But if the text is left as it is, and its grammatical structure is taken seriously as serving artistic purposes, more positive conclusions about the integrity of a passage and the solemnity of its style are possible. Sentences from the Flood Epic used in the present chapter cut across passages generally assigned to the 'J' and 'Ρ' documents. The same is true of the chiastic coordination to be described in Chapter 9. This means that if the documentary hypothesis is valid, some editor has put together scraps of parallel versions of the same story with scissors and paste, and yet has achieved a result which, from the point of view of discourse grammar, looks as if it has been made out of whole cloth. The epic of the rape of Dinah (Ge 34) is considered a patchwork of J and E 1 . But if the text is left as it is, the climax displays several examples of the chiastic epic repetition we are describing here. In Ge 3 4 2 7 vayyäbö^ü and bä^ü are in chiasmus. In Ge 3 4 2 6 wayyiqhü and läqähü are in chiasmus. And so on. The clause-terminal VS is particularly striking, since most Hebrew clauses begin with the verb. This extreme of chiasmus, which amounts to an inclusio for the entire sentence, which then begins and ends with a verb with the same root, is a hallmark of epic, whether apposition or coordination is used. In Ge 411,8 the objects are chiastic with the verbs (vayyitten ... nätan). Other examples: Ex 8 1 3 (vay?hi... häyä), Ex 8 2 0 (different verbs). In prediction the corresponding sequence of verbs is WS... VP. Example: w ^ ä k e l ü ^et-habbälär ballaylä hazze: seliges... yö^kelühü, and they will eat the meat this night: fireroasted... they will eat it (Ex 12°). Similarly Ex 12 1 ". 3.4.2.

Discourse

Function

of Epic

Apposition

The rhetorical effect of this kind of epic repetition is to slow down the pace of the narrative. It holds the picture a little longer and enforces it on the mind. This may be done at the beginning of a story to achieve a slow build-up. This is illustrated by the opening clauses of Ge 14, a chapter that

APPOSITION

SENTENCES

Iii

is full of archaic epic devices. There is a preliminary statement of the time setting which also anticipates some details of the major battle to be described later (Ge 1 4 1 " 3 ) . This serves as a kind of title for the whole epic. It consists of two clauses in apposition. Then the narrative proper begins, again in apposition, building up slowly by means of a traditional numerical series. In the and in and in

12th year they paid the 13th year they the 14th year came

homage to refused, Chedorlaomer.

Chedorlaomer,

. . (Ge 141*"5)

Then the pace suddenly quickens, and a series of WP clauses develops the narrative in a classical manner. A similar drawnout list of initial circumstances, using apposition, is found in Ge 4 4 3 . The Flood Epic has an elaborate and suspenseful prelude to the onset of the deluge. In Ge 7 1 0 _ l e there are four references to the date, all in apposition. after a week in the 600th on that day on that exact

(710) year...

(7llb) day

(7lla) (713)

Compare the similar repetition of b e r e s e m hayyöm hazze, on that very day, at the beginning of clauses in apposition in Ge 1721* and 2 6 . Again, the slackening of narrative pace by means of epic repe tition in apposition can sustain tension at some high point in a story. The climax of the Flood Epic is a majestic description of the rising of the waters. Two whole and parallel paragraphs are placed in apposition. wShammayim gäberü me"* öd me'Sd ^al-hä^äres wayekussü kol-hehärim haggeböhim ^aser-taliat kol-haäfs ämäyim hamei 'esre ^ammä milma^lä gäb?rü hammäyim wayekussü hehärlm and and

the waters prevailed very very over the were covered all the high mountains that all the sky:

15 cubits upwards prevailed the waters and were covered the mountains (Ge 719-20)

earth are

under

There is chiasmus of SV... VS (the words are identical) between the first and third clauses. Ex 3 5 2 1 " 2 9 is a similar climactic passage full of repetition. The ten verbs all have the same root bw^ , came, brought. The clauses are either conjoined or in apposition. The relaxation of the pace of narrative by means of epic repetition in apposition can also be used to wind down a story at its end. Thus Ge 4 6 7 , already referred to above, marks the

h2

APPOSITION

SENTENCES

end of a major episode. The apposition clause at the end of Ge 25 l e similarly marks the end of the life of Ishmael. The repetitive ken räää, thus he did (Ge 6 2 2 , Ex 1 2 2 8 » 5 0 , 39 3 2 ' 113 ) marks the end of a paragraph. Contrast Ge 7 s . 3.4.3.

Alternative Realizations

in Sequential

Clauses

Epic repetition in apposition halts the movement of a story by giving two pictures of the same situation. Time stands still. When the same thing is done by means of two WP clauses in succession, violence is done to their normal function of reporting events which come after each other in time (past perfect sequential). The result is a striking alternative presentation without apposition. Chiasmus is possible only if a VS clause comes first. At episode onset. Example:

weyhwh päqad ^et-Särä ka^Sser ^ Smar vayya^al yhwh lesärä ka^&ser dibber, And Yahweh visited Sarah as he had said: And-did Yahweh for Sarah as he had spoken

(Ge 21 1 )

Compare Ge 47 1 3 . At episode climax. Example:

vayyimah ^ et-kol-hay?qüni. . . wayyimmähü min-hä^äre?, And he wiped out everything that stood... And they were wiped out from the earth (Ge 7 2 3 )

Compare Ge 4 s b . In Ge 1 4 1 1 " 1 2 there is epic repetition of consecutive verbs (WP) at the climax: vayyiqhü... wayyelekü wayyiqtyü wayyelekü. In Ge 343 there is a three-fold repetition in WP clauses to underscore the intensity of Shechem's passion. At episode end. After a note on his testamentary disposal of his property (Ge 25 s " e ) and another on his age at death (25 7 ) , the account of Abraham's life ends by piling up clauses reporting his decease. wayyigwa ( wayyämot ^abrähäm b5Sebä töbä zäqen νes\äbe f wayye^äsep ^el-'ammäyw, And he

expired

And died Abraham

in good old-age venerable and satisfied And he was collected to his relatives (Ge 25 e ) Compare Ge 3 5 2 9 , 49 3 3 . There follows an elaborate description of his burial, again with repetition in apposition. The resump-

APPOSITION

SENTENCES 10b

tive use of ?ämmä there in Ge 2 5 resembles the use of ken thus in Ge 6 2 2 . A new story begins with 2 5 1 1 . As in poetry, so in this epic prose, the repetition may involve the use of the same vocabulary (repetitive parallelism), or it may use conventional synonyms (synonymous parallelism), which often come in an established sequence. Example:

vayesall5]jehü yhvh ^elöhim miggan-^eden... wayegäre? ^et-hä^ädäm, and Yahweh God expelled him from the garden and he drove out the man (Ge 3 2 3 - 2 * )

of Eden . , ,

This marks the end of the story of the Fall. Note that the lead clause has the anaphoric him, while the following clause has the explicit noun object the man. The same thing happens with the subject Abraham in Ge 25 8 quoted above.

3.5. APPOSITION FOR EMPHASIS 3.5.0.

Formal

Features

Synonymous parallelism of two clauses in the course of a piece of narrative does not necessarily mean that here we have a scrap of poetry, proving, perhaps, that the present forms· of Israel's early traditions rest on a poetic substratum, as many have surmised. The addition of an equivalent clause in apposition may be used in prose to underscore an important point. The poetic effect is real, but incidental. Although this construction may not be very different from epic apposition (#3.4), in its typical form it uses neither the repetition of the same vocabulary nor the chiastic arrangement of epic traditions. 3.5.1.

Antithesis

in

Apposition

One device used to drive a point home is the redundant repetition of the same material by means of the negation of an antonym. Example:

kenim ^änatjnü 15^ häyinü meraggellm, we are honest men: we are not spies (Ge 42 3 1 )

Example:

vattehl läray ^äqärä ^ en läh wäläd, Saray was sterile: she had no children (Ge l l 3 0 )

Example:

wehabbör req ^en bö mäyim, and the cistern was empty: there was no water it (Ge 37 2 ")

Example:

vayyäsar he^äröb... nisOar ^eljäd, and the flies departed...: not one remained similarly Ex Ι Ο 1 9 ' 2 3 , 1 4 2 " )

in

(Ex 8 2 7 ;

Μ

Example:

APPOSITION

SENTENCES

wS^ene yiSrä^el käbedü mizzöqen lö^ yükal lir^öt, Now

Israel's

see (Ge 4 8 1 0 )

eyes

were

heavy

with

age:

he

could

not

It is important to underscore this point, to bring it into line with Ge 27 l . Ex 5 8 . Ι Ο 2 6 , 1 3 2 1 - 2 2 , 1 8 1 8 b , 1 9 1 2 b with

Other examples:

( d i s c o n t i n u o u s l y ) , 25 , D e 2 2 ' 3 * » 3 6 (we took all the < A > there wasn't a city too strong for us < A > Yahweh

13ab

cities... gave us

everything), De 3", 4 2 2 , 4 2 6 (th is has an antithetical sentence in apposition with the lead clause), 4 3 5 » 3 9 5 2 " 3 (antithetical sentence in apposition), 6 1 3 " 1 * , 7 2 > 2 2 ' 2 " » 2 *.

A command may be issued as a positive injunction and then repeated in apposition as a negative prohibition. Example:

zekör "> al-tiSkäh , remember',

don't

Ge 4 5 s

Other examples:

forget:

(De

( c o m e down

97)

to me;

don't

Ex 16 2 9 (rest...don't go out...), 29 3 *, De 5 2 9 . 3.5.2.

Apposition

in Another

stay

there'.),

Perspective

What are essentially the same facts may be presented twice, from two different points of view, in two clauses in apposition. Example:

^änöki ^e^erbennü miyyädl tebaq.sennü, I'll hand

be responsible you will seek

for him [ J u d a h ' s side].· from him [ J a c o b ' s s i d e ] (Ge 4 3 9 )

my

Similar apposition sentences in which the first clause states a fact from the speaker's point of view and the second clause states the same fact from the addressee's point of view are found in Ge 3 1 $ , 1 5 1 , 3 1 s 9 . In Ge 3911* Potiphar's wife accuses first her husband, then Joseph in apposition. In Ge 8 2 1 " 2 2 two sentences are in apposition: the first (a sentence of two conjoined clauses) in first person; the second (with the verb in clause-final epic position as episode terminus) in third person. Other examples: Ex i 1 * , 14 3 , 2 2 2 6 , 2 3 1 3 , De 7 6 . 3.5.3.

Climactic

Repetition

in

Apposition

Several short clauses in apposition create tension and sometimes mount to a climax. Israel's terrible cry in Ge 3 7 3 3 consists of three such clauses in apposition: It's my son's cloak: A wild animal has eaten him: Joseph has s u r e l y been torn to

pieces.

APPOSITION SENTENCES

1+5

The postponement of the name 'Joseph' heightens the effect. The protest in Ge 4 2 1 0 " 1 1 consists of four short clauses in apposition. The commands in Ge 1 9 1 7 stand in discontinuous f

himmälet

apposition.

al-nap?ekä

hähärä himmälet Flee To

for the

your

life'.

mountains

flee I

This is also climactic, since the second clause is more specific than the first. 3.5.4.

Coordination

of

Emphatic

Repetition

Various kinds of coordination may also be used rather than apposition with this kind of emphatic repetition. Example:

Example

lema^an yitab 1Ϊ ba^Sbürek weljayetä naps! biglälek,

so that it may be Iso thatl my soul

good will

for me because of you and live on your account (Ge 1 2 1 3 )

(discontinuous): welö^-näSä^ ^ötäm hä^äre^ läsebet yahdäw...velö^ yäkelü läsebet yahdäw, and the land did not support ...: and they could not live

them to live together together (Ge 13 )

3.6. RESUMPTION AND DISTRIBUTION IN APPOSITION 3.6.0.

Resumption

A clause may be repeated in apposition, using deictic or anaphoric pronouns in order to continue discourse. Example:

And

the sons of these three

all mankind 10 3 2 )

Noah...were were Noah's

spread

out

Shem, sons,

(Ge 9 1 8 " 1

Ham and

Japheth these

, compare with

Note the resumptive time reference in Ge 1 5 1 8 , 3.6.1.

and from

172S.

Distribution

A distributive subject or other distributive item is often placed in a separate apposition clause, with repetition of the verb. Example:

vayyiptär-länü ^ et-halömötenü ^ is kaljalömö pätär, and

he

interpreted

to

us

our

dreams:

each

according

U6

APPOSITION SENTENCES to his dream he in terpreted

(Ge 4 1 1 2 )

Note the WP...VS pattern of verbs with the same root, present also in the preceding Ge 41 11 . Other examples:

Ex l l , 12*, 16 1 6 « 1 8 , 28 2 I b . 3.7. EXPLANATION IN APPOSITION

3.7.0.

The Semantics of

Explanation

In the forms of apposition studied so far there has been a large measure of semantic overlap, even identity, between the two juxtaposed clauses, and also a considerable degree of grammatical similarity between them. Often the same vocabulary is used in each part. Such constructions doubtless contain redundant material, but this also serves important rhetorical functions . We have moved along the spectrum from constructions with almost complete identity in apposition (#3.3) to constructions in which the juxtaposed clauses match less closely (#3.6). If the material in apposition adds as well as repeats there is less overlap, and we have moved a little further along the spectrum. The clause or sentence or paragraph in apposition develops the theme a little further. Example:

weyitten-11 ^et-me^ärat hammakpelä äs er-ΐδ ^aser biqse sädehü bSkesep mäle^ yittenennä II betökekem la^ähuzzat qäber, V:and let him sell IO:me 0:the Makpela Cave which he owns, which is at the edge of his field: Price: for full money V:let him sell 0:it IO:to me L:in your midst OC:to be a freehold tomb (Ge 23®)

All this could have been done in one clause, without repeating let him sell it to me. But the clause would have been long, a thing Hebrew does not like. But the placing of the reference to Price at the beginning of the apposition highlights this point. Grammatically everything in the first clause is repeated in the second:

Cj

V

10

0

Price

V

0

10

L

OC

The second adds to this common nucleus the further details about Price, Location, and the role of the object (OC). Ex 252 has similar repetition and addition in apposition. Ex 30 10 repeats and adds one item. De 8 2 0 repeats tö'bedün and adds a simile. These examples partly repeat, partly develop. While there are many kinds of additive apposition--specifying, explicating, augmenting, etc.--no attempt will be made here to force all examples into rigidly defined categories. We shall

APPOSITION

SENTENCES

distinguish two-clause apposition in which the second is more specific than the first from the apposition to a lead clause of a more extended exposition in a juxtaposed sentence or paragraph. 3.7.1.

Specifying

Apposition

The second clause makes explicit some detail lacking or present only in a general way in the first clause. Example:

we^attä täbö^ ^el-^äböteykä besälöm tiqqäber besebä töbä, and you, you will go to your ancestors in peace: you will be buried in good old-age (Ge 15 )

To be buried is equivalent to joining one's ancestors; the circumstance of ripe old-age specifies what is meant by dying 'in peace.' Example:

y eme sene megüray 130 sänä me^at werä^im häyü yeme sene hayyay..., the days of the years of my sojournings are 130 years: few and evil have been the days of the years of my life... (Ge 4 7 9 )

The apposition clause adds the unexpected comment that Jacob's life-span was brief. The common subject is repeated with a minor vocabulary alteration in chiasmus. Example:

wayyitten ^el-hägär säm ^al-sikmäh, and he gave CitD to Hagar: he put tit 3 on her shoulder (Ge 21 1 *)

Other examples: Ge l 2 8 (specifies the purpose of fruit and vegetables), 6 1 6 (specifies first, second and third), 6 1 9 (specifies male and female), 8 5 (specifies the emergence of mountains --note the chiasmus SVTi TiVS), 9 6 (specifies capital punishment for murder), 1 7 1 3 (specifies that home-born and purchased slaves are to be circumcised, as well as sons), 1 7 1 $ (specifies that kings will descend from Sarah--comparison with Ge 17 6 shows that it needs only the addition of we- to make this a well-formed chiastic sentence [Chapter 9]), 1 7 2 0 (specifies the number of promised children), 18' 1 (specifies menopause as the feature of old-age that is pertinent to the narrative, Sarah's inability to have children), 20 9 (specifies that Abraham's great crime is something absolutely forbidden), 2 3 1 1 (specifies that the sale must be formalized in public), 26 2 (specifies the imminence of death as a result of extreme old age), 29 7 (specifies that the early hour is not the time to assemble flocks), 30 3 3 (specifies the exact nature of Jacob's responsibility for missing animals), 3 1 3 9 (similar), 3 4 1 2 (specifies that there is no limit to what he will pay--compaTe Ge 23 9 ), 3 5 1 1 (specifies the nature of Jacob's progeny), 39 9 (specifies Joseph's greatness), 3 9 2 3 (emphasizes total delegation--the repetition here is also climactic),

1»8

APPOSITION

SENTENCES

42 6 (specifies that Joseph was in charge of sales), 42 (specifies the aim of their spying), 48® (the apposition clause names the two sons in question and specifies in what capacity they will now be Jacob's sons), 48 6 (specifies the rights of Joseph.'s children in the matter of inheritance), 481'* (a note about Jacob's gesture), 5 0 2 3 (the apposition clause specifies the great-grandchildren), Ex 6 2 6 » 2 7 (states who Moses and Aaron are), 711* (specifies the outcome of hard-heartedness), 8 1 9 (specifies time), 12 ~ 5 (contains three successive clauses in apposition each specifying a different rule about the Passover lamb), 1 2 1 6 (explains what a miqrä"1 qödes is), 1 2 1 7 " 2 0 (four apposition clauses in succession explaining the eating of massot) , 13 2 (the rule applies to both man and beast), 14 2 (lo-' cates the camp), 1 5 2 5 ° (an aetiological note), 1 6 2 δ (spells out the pattern of manna), 1 6 3 5 (specifies the exact moment the manna ceased; this apposition clause, with its verbal repetition and chiasmus, also provides heavy rhetorical underscoring in apposition with a circumstantial clause that ends an episode, marking a climax), Ιδ 1 * (the second question is more specific than the first), 1 9 1 2 (specifies the death penalty for encroachment), 1 9 1 5 b (one specific ban), 21311 (prescribes money payment), 2 2 3 0 (torn flesh for dogs), 23 (rules for unleavened bread), 2 5 1 1 (inside and outside; note the chiasmus), 2 5 ϊ β (gold plate; this clause is inserted INTO the lead clause, a very rare event in Hebrew), 2 5 1 9 ' 2 0 (chiastic with a circumstantial clause), 2 5 2 7 (placement of the rings), 2 5 2 9 (specifies pure gold), 2 5 3 1 (two such clauses in succession), 2 S 3 S (all one piece), 2 5 3 9 (specifies weight), 26 1 (material of the curtains),26 (number of curtains), 26® (size of curtains), 2 6 3 1 (specifies embroidery), 27 1 (a clause saying that the altar is square, which is in fact redundant, is inserted parenthetically into the clauses stating the three dimensions), 2 7 2 a B (horns continuous with body) , 2 7 3 b (everything bronze), 27® (the altar is hollow) , 2 7 1 7 (materials), 2 7 l e (dimensions), 2 7 2 1 (specifies Aaron's duties), 283 2 b (binding), 283 7 b (exact location), 28" 2 b (exact pattern), 2 9 2 b (ingredients), 293 * (it's not to be eaten.'), 2 9 3 5 ' 3 7 a (specifies period), 29 3 (holiness is contagious), 3 0 l b (material), 30 2 (square — inserted in a conjunctive sentence), 3 0 3 b (location), 3 0 2 9 b (holiness contagious), 303 3 > 3 β (prescribes excommunication), 3031* (recipe), 3i Ilf bA,i5b (prescribes death), 3 1 1 7 (the sabbath a sign), 3 2 1 5 (written on both sides}, 3 4 1 β (festival rules), 3 4 ? l b (keep sabbath in busy times), 3 5 S b (death for sabbath breaking), 35 3 (an additional rule about fire), 35 s (lists materials). 36 11*' (number), 3 6 3 5 (material), 3 7 7 b > e b . 1 * > 1 7 · 2 2 > 2 \ 3 8 2 . 3 > ' b , 39". \ 40 3 *, Le l 3 b , 4 1 2 b (location), De 4 3 0 > 3 3 (specifies what 'this great thing 1 is), 9 1 6 (three clauses), etc. In Ge 4 3 2 7 the second question (in apposition)--is he still alive?--is more general than the first--Js he well?--which already assumes an affirmative answer to the second. The effect is electric. The reply repeats the pattern. Ge 6 l e shows that a specifying clause (with the dimensions of the window) can be placed in coordination rather than in appo-

APPOSITION

1*9

SENTENCES

sition (See #3.7.3). In Ge 17 1 2 specification of the age of circumcision is made in coordination, not apposition. This alternative realization is, however, rare. 3.7.2.

Exposition

in

Apposition

The main feature here is a more extended exposition in apposition of material which is not necessarily implicit in the lead clause. Instead of one clause in apposition, which we have called 'specification1 (#3.7.1), a sentence or paragraph of at least two clauses is used for exposition. Example:

wehithattenü ^ötänü bSnötekem titt?nü länü w?^et-bSnötenü tiqehü läkem, And you will inter-marry with us: your daughters you will give to us, and our daughters you will take to you ^(Ge 3 4 s )

This spells out the details of the clause of the proposed treaty dealing with inter-marriage and restricts it also to the exchange of women. The expository sentence is in the form we have called 'contrast.1 See Chapter 11. Example:

vayyippäredü ^iäf me ^al ^ähiw 1 abräm yäüfab be^ eres-k5nä^an welöt yäsab be^äre hakkikkär, And they separated each from his brother: Abram resided in the land of Canaan, and Lot resided in the cities of the plain

(Ge 1 3 1 1 ~ 1 2 ) Example:

vay?happes baggadSl hehel übaqqätön killä, And he searched: with the eldest he began and with the youngest he ended

Joiion2 calls this 'circumstantial.' comparison with Ge 12°. wayyet ^oholöh bet- 1 el miyyäm w?hä^ay miqqedem, And he pitched his tent: Bethel (was) to the West And Ay was to the East.

(Ge

4412)

The construction invites

50

APPOSITION

SEHTENCES

This too has been called 'circumstantial'--and he pitched his tent with Bethel to the West and Ay to the East.3 A single circumstantial clause is usually coordinated (#5.1.3.3), and a circumstantial sentence also can be coordinated (#5.2.2). If, however, Ge 12 8 contains a circumstantial sentence, the switch from coordination to apposition is just like the difference between the one-clause coordination in #2.6.5 and the two-clause conjunctive sentence in apposition in #2.6.7. Our interpretation of the construction as expository apposition detaches the conjunctive sentence from the lead clause, making it more parenthetical than circumstantial. Other examples: Ge 3 1 5 (gives details of the enmity between the snake and the woman), 4 1 3 (details of Cain's expulsion), 9 5 (explains that both animals and men will be accountable for murder), 1 6 1 2 (expands on Ishmael's wildness), 1 9 1 7 (two prohibitions in apposition spell out the command to escape), 27® (gives detailed instructions; but the same thing in Ge 27" 3 uses coordination), 2 7 3 6 (recounts Jacob's two fraudulent acts) 2 8 1 7 (explains why the place is frightful), 311,1 (breaks the twenty years into fourteen plus six), 3 1 5 2 (both monuments are witnesses), 4 i 1 0 " 1 3 (this is in apposition with 4l' b , and expounds it), 4 1 1 3 (the respective fates of the two slaves), 4 1 2 6 ~ 2 7 (both clauses enlarge on the fact that the two dreams have the same meaning), 4 2 3 6 (three conjoined clauses list Jacob's bereavements), 45 (lists Joseph's various presents to members of his family), Ex 7 2 (explains in what sense Moses is 'god' and Aaron is 'prophet'), 9 2 7 (exonerates Yahweh and incriminates Pharoah) , 10*11 (points out the scale of the disaster), 1 2 1 5 (liturgical details), 121*2 (two clauses in successive apposition enforce the solemnity of the vigil), 12" 3 - 1 , 9 (a string of miscellaneous Passover regulations in apposition), 1 3 6 " 7 (Passover rules), 19 s (the respective roles of Moses and God), 2 0 1 9 (how to keep the Sabbath in detail), 2 2 2 9 (time schedule for devoting the first-born}, 2 3 1 5 " 1 6 (three festivals--note the inclusio with v . 1 7 ) , 25 (keep the poles in the rings), 2 5 1 0 and 30 2 (dimens ions), 3 0 7 ° ~ 8 a (a conjunctive sentence in apposition with two specified times), 31 l , 3 4 2 1 , 35 2 (expounds the detailed requirements of Sabbath keeping), 3 6 1 5 (dimensions 37 1 (dimensions). 37 6 (dimensions), 3 7 1 0 » 2 5 , 3 8 1 , 3 9 9 » 1 0 (the four rows), De 3 f l , 6 1 3 , 7 3 , 7 5 , etc. 3.7.3.

An Example

of

Explication

Ge 6 l l f " 1 6 gives a list of instructions for building the ark. There are eleven clauses in all, joined together in various ways by means of apposition and coordination. On first appearance there seems to be no system in the formal patterns of link age with a conjunction (vS- and), or conjunctionless juxtaposition. On closer study, however, the discourse proves to be well structured. The general command, using an IMPERATIVE VERB (VI)-- r aSe lekä tebat ^ä?e-göper, make yourself an ark of gopher-wood--is fol-

APPOSITION

SENTENCES

51

lowed, in apposition, by a paragraph which explicates the command, using predictive verbs. This paragraph consists of three sub-paragraphs, each of which deals in turn with one structural feature. Each successive feature is named by the first noun in each sub-paragraph--qinnim, rooms (RSV) or reeds (NEB), ?öhar window, petalj door. The three sub-paragraphs are coordinated (conjoined--Chapter 8), but because Hebrew often coordinates three items as A, Β and C, the second sub-paragraph ( 6 1 6 a A ) gives the appearance of being in apposition. That there are three sections (sub-paragraphs) is further confirmed by the repetition of an explicit reference to the tebä ark at the beginning of each sub-paragraph, followed by the use of an anaphoric pronoun within each sub-paragraph. The stippled arrows in the tree on page 52 trace these anaphoric connections. The first sub-paragraph consists of two parts coordinated together. The first part (6*" b ) is really a mini-paragraph, since the second clause is a typical paragraph-level WP clause, the only one in the passage. That is, wekäpartä, and you will cover, is an immediate continuation of the prescriptive ta^ase, you will make, not a noncontiguous continuation of the earlier imperative ^ase, make'. The second part of the first sub-paragraph ( 6 s ) is not a new beginning, in spite of ze this (#3.7.5.1), because ^ötäh it is anaphoric to hattebä, the ark (β1"*"), and shows that we are still in the same sub-paragraph. 6 1 5 gives the size and shape of the ark by means of an expository apposition sentence of the kind discussed in #3.7.2. The exposition consists of three clauses with identical internal structure (PS). These three clauses constitute a triple conjunctive sentence (#8.0.2) with the coordination pattern A , Β and C. (Similar sentences in Ex 2 5 1 0 » 2 3 have two and's and do not repeat the noun.) This conjunctive sentence has its own inner unity marked by the use of an explicit topic noun (hattebä) in the first clause, with anaphoric pronouns in the following two clauses. The second sub-paragraph (6 1 6 ) consists of two coordinated clauses, again with noun followed by anaphoric pronoun. 16aB-t> The third sub-paragraph ( 6 ) is a specifying apposition sentence (#3.7.1)." The exposition is thus seen to be hierarchical, passing from paragraph to sentence to clause as instructions become more specific. 5 Each of the three sub-paragraphs divides into two parts, the first being a general command to make rooms, window(s) and door(s) respectively, the second giving details and dimensions. It is surprising, therefore, that apposition is not used to connect the two parts (general and specific) of each sub-paragraph. In fact coordination is used in the first two, apposition only in the third. The result, however, is a neat pattern which is probably not accidental. Lead Clause

Co=0 and

Sub-paragraph Sub-paragraph Sub-paragraph

(11 and Se) (Cle and CI9) (Clio CI11)

52

APPOSITION SENTENCES

APPOSITION

SENTENCES

53

Another systematic pattern that unifies the whole is the steady movement of the verb to the end of the clause. Recognizing the seven paragraph-level clauses, namely, the lead clause of the whole, the lead clauses of the three sub-paragraphs (Cl 2 , Cl 8 , Clio), and the first following clause in each sub-paragraph ( C I 3 , Cl 9 , e i n ) , we have the following CI 1 Cl 2 CI 3 Cl e CI, Cl 1 0 Clu

V A A A A A A

A V V V Β BC

Β Β Β Β V V V

Because of the frequent explications and the arrangement of terms and conditions in lists, the Book of the Covenant is sparing in the use of coordination. On the other hand 1 ö or is used more often here than anywhere else in the Torah. 3.7.4.

A Summary

In G e 4 1 9 b

in

Apposition

t h e b u t l e r s a y s My

faults

1 recollect

today

and pro-

ceeds to supply the details in apposition. Such a summary statement can also come in apposition after the details are given. Example:

y o u have

done

evil

by

doing

what

up in apposition the preceding accusations.

you

did

(Ge 4 4 s )

sums

Other examples: Ge 42 3 6 (the obscure ^älay häyü kullänä seems to sum up the preceding), Ex 2 6 e b (all curtains the same size), 2 6 1 7 b (all boards the same). 26 2 , , t , 31 1 1 , 34 2 3 (sums up like the inclusio in 2 3 1 7 ) , De 9 " (summarizes verses 7 ~ 2 3 ) . 3.7.5. 3.7-5.0,

Titles

and

Colophons

Introduction

Hebrew commonly uses verbless clauses and sequence SP, S:Pr to describe the content of a unit of literature. 6 Example: ^ e l l e h a d d ? b ä r l m . . . , these Moses uttered... (De l 1 )

are

the

speeches

which

Without S:Pr, the predicate would be like one of our titles. Debärlm speeches is in fact the conventional Hebrew name for Deuteronomy. Such a clause used as a title may precede the work it names, or come at its end as a colophon.

5U 3.7.5.1.

APPOSITION SENTENCES Titles

A construction in which a clause title is followed by a complete literary piece is a special case of a general statement followed by exposition (#3.7.2). Example: zö^t ^öt-habberit... ^et-qastl nätattl be f änän... this is the covenant-sign...: my bow I have placed in the clouds (Ge 9 1 2 ; but in 9 1 1 the content of the covenant is coordinated). Other examples: Ge 5 1 , 6 9 ' 1 5 , Ι Ο 1 , l l 1 0 » 2 7 , 1710 , 201 3 , 2 5 1 2 ' 19 , 34 1 5 , 36 l »9,10,12, etc. 4 2 3 3 ) 4012,18) 4 1 1 β > 4 3 n f 45 ' 1 7 , Ex 3 1 2 , ό 1 " · 1 6 , 7 1 7 , 9 1 * (note repeated ba f äbür), 12* 3 , 21 1 , 29 ' 3 8 , 35 , etc. 3.7.5.2.

Colophons

A summary statement at the end of a piece (#3.7.4) may likewise function as a concluding title or colophon. Examples: Ge 2 " % 10 2 0 ' 3 1 ' 32 , 22 2 S , 2S 1 , b > 1 6 , 3 5 2 6 b , Ex 6 Y 5 i ' 1 9 ' 2 , , b ' 2 5 6 , 19 , 38 2 i .

36sb,

De 4 1 * 5-1,9 is either a colophon of extraordinary length that rounds off De 1-4, or it is the title to De 5ff. Compare Ge 9 1 7 , which acts as inclusio with a similar clause in 9 1 2 . Similarly, Ge 5 2 (bSyöm hibbäre"läm) stands in apposition as an inclusio with the similar construction at the beginning of the chapter. In De 4**** the colophon is in coordination. 3.8. CURSES AND BLESSINGS 7 It is customary for a curse or blessing to take the form of a general first statement in precative mood, followed, in apposition, by a detailed prediction, in indicative mood, of what the curse or blessing will entail. It differs from the constructions discussed in #3.7 in the switch in mood at the point of apposition. Example: ^ärür kenä^an ^ebed. ^abädimyihye le^ehäyw, cursed (be) Canaan: slave of slaves he will be to his brothers (Ge 9 2 6 ) . Other examples:

Ge 3 l k > 1 7 , 4 1 1 .

The lead curse may itself be indicative (predictive), followed in apposition by exposition. Examples: Ge 3 1 5 ' 1 6 , De 711*. A conditional prediction may be followed, in apposition, by an exposition of the alternatives using IF X,, THEN Ύι; AND (NOT ">0 or) IF X2 , THEN Y 2 . Examples: Ge 13 9 , 31*, 34 1 5 , 43 ,( " 5 . In legal texts, a series of such conditions may be listed in apposition (Ex 2 1 3 " 6 ) . When we- is used, as in Ex 21 s , it means but.

APPOSITION

SENTENCES

55

3.9. M U L T I P L E A P P O S I T I O N W h e n three (or m o r e ) clauses (or similar elements) s t a n d in app o s i t i o n , the c o n s t r u c t i o n may be formally ambiguous.

CI ι C l 2 a n d C l 3 together c o u l d c o m p r i s e an a p p o s i t i o n w h i c h , as a u n i t , is in a p p o s i t i o n w i t h Cli. Example:

sentence

w S h ä ^ a n ä s i m s u l l e h ü h e m m ä w a h ä m ö r e h e m h e m y ä s e ^ ü ^et-hä^Ir lö^ h i r h l q ü , and the men were sent away, they they had left the city: they had not gone far (Ge 4 4 3 )

and

their

asses:

The last clause specifies the s e c o n d l a s t , and b o t h together exp l a i n the first. A n o t h e r e x a m p l e : Ge J 1 7 i ' " a . Or Cli and C l 2 t o g e t h e r c o u l d c o m p r i s e an a p p o s i t i o n s e n t e n c e w h i c h , as a u n i t , has CI3 in a p p o s i t i o n w i t h it. Example:

wayyibrä^ ^ e l ö h l m ^ e t - h ä ^ ä d ä m b ? s e l m ö b ? s e l e m ^elöhim bärä^ ^δΐδ zäkär ü n e q e b ä bärä^ ^ötäni, and created God in the image of male and female

man in his image: God he created him: he created them (Ge

l27)

The first two clauses are an excellent example of epic r e p e t i tion (note the c h i a s m u s ) . The third clause is a n i c e instance of s p e c i f y i n g a p p o s i t i o n , in a p p o s i t i o n w i t h the p r e c e d i n g sentence (compare Ge 6 1 S ; see Ge 5 also). A g a i n it is p o s s i b l e for C l 2 and C l 3 to be s e v e r a l l y in appos i t i o n w i t h CI χ. A s such they are c o o r d i n a t e d , and could be conn e c t e d by AND. Example:

nöh "'i? saddlq t ä m i m h ä y ä b ? d 5 r ö t ä y v ^et-hä^elöhim hithallek-nöh , Noah Lwasl a righteous man: perfect he was in his generations: with God walked Noah (Ge 6 s )

APPOSITION SENTENCES

56

There are two aspects of Noah's righteousness --his perfection as a man (Cl 2 ), his relationship with God ( C I 3 ) . The two aspects of Cain's curse stand in successive apposition with Ge 4 l 2 --his failure as a farmer and his existence as a fugitive. In Ex 26 1 " 3 the details about the tabernacle are supplied in apposition. 2 6 l b B is a clause that specifies the material; 26 2 is an apposition sentence (consisting of a conjunctive sentence and an apposition clause) which, as a whole, specifies the dimensions; 26 is another clause in apposition. So each successive item in apposition deals with a different aspect of the lead clause. In Ex 32 7 " 8 there are three clauses in successive apposition, each more specific than the preceding (reproduced in De 9 1 2 and in De 9 1 6 but with verbs in different sequence in the latter). The piling up of four clauses in apposition has a cumulative effect in Ge 9*" 3 . The alternation of two pairs of identical verbs gives a sequence ABA'B 1 . The clauses become more and more and more specific. (Similar clauses occur in the reverse sequence in Ge 12S.) 3.10. APPOSITION INSTEAD OF OTHER CONSTRUCTIONS 3.10.0.

Alternative

Deep

Relationships

In all of the examples discussed so far there has been a connection between the two clauses or other elements in juxtaposition which permits us to speak of a relationship of apposition. There is some measure of semantic overlap between the two parts. When there is no such connection, either the discourse is incoherent or formal apposition may be used as an alternative realization of a relationship normally realized by means of a conjunction of some kind, or by means of the RELATIVE ^ i e r . 3.10.1.

Coordinate

Commands

in

Apposition

The juxtaposition of two imperative or cohortative verbs which command the first of a series of actions results in an apposition complex that could be called a VERB PHRASE, that is, a phrase consisting of closely knit verbs and functioning as a single predicator.® The first verb is typically one of movement, usually derived from bv^ come, hlk walk, yq^ , go out, yrd, go down, qwm,

stand

Example:

up, qum

swb, return

qah

(do

it

again),

^ e t - ^ iJftekä, get

up:

sllj take

send. your

wife'.

(Ge 1 9 1 5 ) . The first verb becomes semantically empty, functioning merely as a hortatory particle. So in Ge 27 1 9 qüm-nä^, please stand up, is followed by the contradictory sit down and eat: Or and come-17 go '. (Ge 45 ) . It is a token of the exclamatory function of the first verb that it rarely receives additional clause elements, except for nä^; nothing intervenes between the two verbs.

APPOSITION

SENTENCES

57

A further indication of the drift of the first imperative verb to the role of an exclamation is seen in the fact that the masculine singular form may be used for all numbers and genders, especially the long intensive foTm. So häbä give (Ge l l 3 ' " ' 7 ) is purely hortatory. Compare lkh in Ge 1 9 3 2 (which Sam. reads Iky) . Examples:

3.10.2.

bw"1 - Ex 6 1 1 hlk - Ge 19 3 2 , 27 1 3 , 29 7 , 37 l,f , 4 5 1 7 , Ex 4 1 9 , 5 s (apposition alternates with coordination in these texts), S 1 1 ' 1 7 ' 1 8 , 8 2 1 , 10». 2 \ 12 3 , 1 9 2 \ 32 7 ' 3 " , 33 , De 5 2 7 - Ex 17 s yrd - Ex 1 9 2 1 ngs - 2Sa l 1 5 qvm - Ge 1 3 l " , 1 9 » \ 21 1 8 , 27 1 9 . 1 * 3 , 28 2 , 31 1 3 , 3 S 1 , 43 1 3 , 44*, Ex 1 2 3 l a , 3 2 1 , De 2 2 \ 9 1 2 , 1 0 1 1 Svb - Ge 4 3 2 , 4 4 2 5 - Ex 9 1 9 Coordinated

Declarative

Clauses

in

Apposition

In ##3.2-3.6 there is a considerable measure of semantic overlap between two items in juxtaposition. In ##3.7-3.9 the juxtaposed material develops the discourse with new material. When all the following material is new, it is no longer appropriate to speak of an apposition. The construction is better described as asyndetic coordination. Since there is usually some connection between successive clauses, the boundary between these two kinds of construction remains indeterminate. Example: De 5 2 6 . 3.10.3. Example: 3.10.4.

Coordinate

Questions

in

Apposition

2

Ex 17 . Antithetical

Clause

in

Apposition

Example: vePattem hSsabtem ^älay rä'ä ^elöhim hasäbäh le•Jöbä, and you thought (of it) against me (for) evil: (but) God thought of it for good (Ge 5 0 2 0 ; note use of ki in Ge 45 s ). Example: contrary)

^al-ti?p?kü-däm ... hazze, don't shed blood: throw him into this cistern (Ge 3 7 2 2 ) .

(on the

Other examples of prohibition followed by opposite command: Ge 2 1 1 2 , Ex 3 s , De 7 1 β , 9 2 6 " 2 7 . See also Ex 8 2 3 , 2 3 3 0 , De 1 3 β , 4 3 5 (but you have been shown...'). Compare #3.5.1. Deuteronomy likes to follow up the antithesis with a positive statement. Example:

And requiting his enemies (sic'.) to his face He won't be behindhand to his enemy To his face he will requite him (De 7 1 0 )

APPOSITION

58 Note the chiasmus.

De g 2 6 " 2 7

3.10.5.

I n s t e a d of

Apposition

SENTENCES

has

Neg-Pos-Neg. Subordination9

Two clauses w h i c h s t a n d in some k i n d of causal relationship to each o t h e r may be p l a c e d in simple j u x t a p o s i t i o n instead of using the usual s u b o r d i n a t i n g c o n j u n c t i o n s . Example: §ehö , 26 , 27 , 29" ' 15 ' 1 7 ' i1 , 33 έ , 36 3 (This leads on to the deputation rather than being a further part of the preceding relative construction.), De 4 2 1 , 9 2 1 , 10 6 , etc. This device is not always used when it might have been expected. The chain of WP clauses can continue right through a natural break in the story. It is entirely an option of the speaker (or writer) whether to highlight this new point of departure by using a circumstantial clause, or whether to smooth it over. Thus at Ge 2 1 1 1 , _ 1 5 there is a new development --And

when

the

water

from

the

bottle

was

used

up,

she

threw

the boy under one of the bushes. But the chain of WP clauses is unbroken. A major new episode begins with a WP clause in 10 Ge 2 8 , and this kind of thing often happens. The means for optimum marking of episode onset are not always availed of. 5.1.2.

Episode-Final

Circumstantial

Clauses

It is usually supposed that a new paragraph begins at Ge 6 9 . This leaves Ge 6 , a circumstantial clause, as the close-out of the preceding material to which it is adversative--But

CIRCUMSTANTIAL

CLAUSES

81

Noah found gxa.ce in the eyes of the Lord. On the other hand, in view of Ge 37 1 " 2 , we must ask (#5.1.1) whether 6 8 hegins a new paragraph in spite of the traditional punctuation. The first episode in the story of Noah's drunkenness ends, after an unbroken chain of eleven WP clauses, with a pair of conjoined circumstantial clauses: ügenehem ^ahörannit we^ervat ^äbihem lö^ rä^ü, And their faces were backwards and their father's nudity they did not see (Ge 9 2 3 ) This is repetitive, echoing the language of the two preceding clauses. This is another device of Hebrew story-telling, whether the grammatical form of a circumstantial clause is used or not, to recapitulate some climactic point as an episode closeout. Sometimes a marginal time reference at the opening of a story is a note about someone's age at the time of the events, as in Ge 17 1 . Similar information may be supplied by means of a circumstantial clause at the end of a story, to round it off. Examples: Ge 1 6 1 6 , 17 21 ·- 25 (two clauses conjoined), 25 2 6 , Ex 7 7 . The same kind of clause sometimes comes in the middle of a story, but always at some juncture between episodes (Ge 12 3 , 21 5 , 41"®). It is sometimes unclear whether such a clause ends one episode or begins the next (Ge 7 6 ) . Other examples of circumstantial clauses ending an episode or paragraph are Ge 18 2 2 , 3 3 (Note the chiasmus.), 19®, between 1 9 ™ and 1 1 (Note the chiasmus of ^et-lS-fc and ^ethä^änäslm.), 24 2 1 (The new episode begins with vayehl.), 27 s , 3 0 ä 6 b (Note the repetition of the subject in the next clause, whereas the anaphoric bö in Ge 32 2 shows that veya^aqob hälak. . . begins a new episode, even though its chiasmus with the preceding clause suggests that it ends the preceding episode. The same relationships obtain between Ge 33 1 6 and . See also the extended discussion of Ge 18 2 2 below [#5.1.3.2 (ν)].), 3 2 2 2 , 37 1 1 (Note the chiasmus. Furthermore, this clause makes an inclusio with veyiSri^el ^ähab ^et-yösep [37 3 ], the circumstantial clause which opens the episode.), 37 3 6 (This clause is a detached and delayed epilogue to the episode almost concluded in 37 2 e ; note particularly that ^öt5 in 37 3 6 is anaphoric to ^et-yösep in 37 2 8 .) , 415If, 5 7 , Ex 1 s t , 12" 0 , 16^ s , 36 7 (Repetitious and redundant, but its effect is to mark majestically the end of the episode.), etc. The majority of these circumstantial clauses at paragraph and episode boundaries have VS in narrative prose. In future tense discourse (predictive or precative) VP has a similar role. Example: Ge 46". Ge 47 1 3 has a quasiverbal circumstantial clause at the onset of a new episode, followed by WP.

82

CIRCUMSTANTIAL

CLAUSES

Since the same kind of circumstantial clauses can be used to mark either paragraph or episode onset or paragraph or episode end, the direction in which such clauses are attached may sometimes be in doubt. Compare the discussion of Ge 1 2 a and Ge 2 20ΐ) in #5.1.1 above. In most cases the content shows whether the circumstantial clause gives preliminary circumstantial information, such as the time setting or something about a new dramatis persona, or whether it gives a summary wrapup. When two such clauses come in succession, the episode boundary is likely to be between them. Thus Ge 13 , although it anticipates a later theme, ends an episode because a new episode obviously begins with the next clause. A similar sequence of clauses marks a paragraph boundary between Ge 18 16 and 1 7 . 5.1.3.

Circumstantial

5.1.3.0.

Circumstance

Clause as

beside

an

Episode

parenthesis

The best-known circumstantial clauses are those which come alongside the main thread of discourse. They generally report some coetaneous event or state, hence the name 'circumstantial'. For the same reason they are sometimes described as subordinate or 'adverbial', and not always distinguished from parenthetical information placed in apposition. We pay more attention to surface features, and distinguish circumstantial clauses carefully from conjunctionless apposition. It is a token of this standing alongside the main time stream that predicators in such circumstantial clauses are predominantly tenseless, neither past nor future, even when the rest of the discourse is either past or future. Verbless clauses, and clauses with participles or quasiverbals as predicators, when used circumstantially, take their tense from the lead clause or from the paragraph as a whole. 5.1.3.1.

Participial

circumstantial

clauses

Example: vayyitten lipnehem wehu^-^ömed ^alehem tahat h ä ^ e s , and he [is/was]

he put [it] in front of them, and [=while] standing beside them under the trees CGe 1 8 " ) .

Other examples: Ge l 2 t . 2 1 0 , 13 7 , 14J 2 , 1 3 a , 1 βΐ3, 15 2 , 246 2 , 25 , 28 12 , 32 3 2 , 372 5 , Ex 2 5 , 5 1 3 , 1 8 i iob 19i 9 2 * (like Ge l 2 b ). 132 1 , 148t>,*7 a S ,25 t , 18 i,,bB , 20 1 5 , 25 32 , 371 β , De 4 1 1 , 9 I 5 a , etc. 5.1.3.2.

Quasiverbal

circumstantial

clauses

Since the commonest quasiverbal predicator used in circumstantial clauses is U n , is not, does not exist,

something

should be said here about its syntax. It has three dintinct

CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES

83

functions. Ci) It is the negative of existential yes,, (it)

Example: yes-ll

r ä b , exists

to-me

abundant,

exists.

I have

plenty

(Ge 33 9 ); Negative: ^en läh wäläd, does-not-exist to-her child, she had no children (Ge l l 3 0 ) . As an existential predicator, ^en or yes is clause-initial, and is used in independent declarative clauses in apposition or conjoined or else subordinated by kl (Ge 4 4 3 1 ) . Cii) It is the negative of the locational-temporal predicator hinne, it is present here and now. In particular it resembles the use of hinne in surprise clauses, which are coordinated (Chapter 7). Negative surprise clauses begin we 1 en... Example: w(P en mayim listöt h ä ^ ä m , and

there

was

no

water

for

the

people

to

drink

(Ex 17 1 ). Other examples: Ge 3 9 1 1 , 41", 2 ", Le 26«. It is even possible to combine the two predicators, hinne emphasizing the ingredient of surprise. Example: vehinne 1

e n y ö s e p b a b b ö r , and

tern

(Ge 3 7 2 S ) .

behold,

Joseph

was

not

in

the

cis-

(iii) It is the negator of verbless clauses, and, when such a clause is used circumstantially, '•en comes after the subject, in contrast with its clause-initial sequence pattern in (i) and (ii) above. Example: we^arba r -jne^öt 'Is

^ i m m ö , and

four

hundred

men

[are]

with

him

(Ge 3 2

7

;

negative: wehanna^ar ^enennü ^ittänü, and the lad is not with us (Ge 4 4 3 0 ; note the redundant optional pronoun subject suffix, and compare Ge 4 4 2 6 , 31*). Other examples: Ge 1 9 3 1 , De 1 . This kind of clause can also realize antithetical coordination (see Chapter 14). The correlation of the sequence pattern we- +S + ^en + ... with the functions of circumstantial clauses while the sequence w e 1 e n +S +... is more independent explains the subtle but important difference between the otherwise similar clauses in the dream episodes of the Joseph s t o r y . In Ge 40° a n d 4 1 1 5 no one who could interpret

ü p ö t e r ^en ^ ö t S , and there it, is c i r c u m s t a n t i a l b u t

was

matter-of-fact. After all, you would not expect to find a qualified oneiromancer in a prison. But iii Ge 41°

(compare 41 2 l t ) w i P e n - p ö t i r ^ötäm l e p a r ^ S , and no one able to interpret them for Pharoah, is c o n s e q u e n t i a l

was

but with a touch of surprise -- (ii) above. After all, where else would you expect to find a good dream interpreter, if not in Pharoah's court? (iv) The same patterns are met with the temporal quasiverbal predicator f 5d, still (or now) is.^Contrast the independent declarative clause r öd-yösep benl fcay, Joseph 28 my son is still alive (Ge 4 5 ) , with the circumstantial clause wehü^ ^ödennü ssun, and (while) he is (was) still there (Ge 44 1 *), where the use of both the explicit subject pronoun hü' and the subject pronoun suffix -ennü makes possible the circumstantial sequence we- +S +P.

81»

CIRCUMSTANTIAL

CLAUSES

Cv) With these patterns in mind, we can take a closer look at Ge 18 22t) , already listed in #5.1.2 as a circumstantial clause marking the close of an episode. There is discontinuity between 182 2 t and 1 8 2 3 a . The repetition of the subject noun Abraham supports the conclusion that there is a major break between these verses and that 18 2 2 rounds off the preceding paragraph. But this is not the main problem. Ge 18 2 2 also stands in chiasmus with 1 8 2 2 a , a pattern compatible with its concomitant function of ending the episode which began with the arrival of the three 'men' in Ge 18 2 . Here the travellers part. Two go to Sodom (Ge 19 1 ), one remains. Seen in this light, the obvious subject for the circumstantial clause is the third member of the party -- Yahweh, not Abraham. Furthermore, this would secure chiasmus of the two subjects the men and Yahweh within Ge 18 2 2 followed by a further chiasmus in the subsequent treatment of these topics in the sequence Yahweh ( 1 8 2 3 " 3 3 ) and the men (Ge 19 1 ). Everybody knows that this is the first of the celebrated Tikkun sopherim, allegedly altered in the interests of piety. All the versions agree with MT and Ge 19 2 7 supports it. The first hint that it was ever any different is given in Bereshith Rabba, which quotes the opinion of Rabbi Simeon (2nd century A.D.), that the original reading *vyhvh fvdnv... had been altered by the scribes. How can we decide the correct reading? Hitherto discussion has relied on general arguments. The authority of the (late) notices about the Tikkun sopherim is countered by arguments that the scribes had too much reverence for the text to tamper with it, even when motivated by concern for the dignity of God. But if that be so, where did the competing reading come from? How could the scribes decide between reverence for the text and reverence for God? The piety that removed it as abhorrent would never have invented it. R. Simeon must have known a variant tradition if not text. And variants are known from the earliest recensions which betray theological anxiety. If the unanimity of the versions is not quite overwhelmed by the principle of lectio difficilior, an argument from discourse grammar might tip the scales. So long as the two contending clauses are looked at in isolation, their grammar is identical and favours neither. But as soon as we stand back and look at sentence structure and paragraph structure, the odds are against the MT. The framework is provided by the clauses 18 1 6 wayyäqümü missäm hä^änäslm 182 2 a vayyipnü missäm hä^anäsljn wayyelekü sedömä *veyhwh 'wdnw fmd lpny ^brhm 18 3 3 wayyelek yhvh ve'atirähäm sab limqSmS

CIRCUMSTANTIAL

CLAUSES

85

The parting of the company is delayed by Yahweh's decision (deliberated in 1 8 1 7 " --a circumstantial clause!) to confide 20 21 his plans to Abraham, which he does in 1 8 " . This episode ends by stating what the travellers do in a chiastic sentence in which Yahweh is matched more appositely with the other two than Abraham is. Then Yahweh's tarrying with Abraham (a different idiom from the objectionable 'md lpny in the posture of a servant) is matched by Abraham's initiative in approaching with his intercessions (18 2 3 ). This does not prove the point fully. But it shows how discourse grammar provides the text critic with an additional tool. 5.1.3.3. Verbless circumstantial clauses'* Example: nibne-llänü ^ir ümigdäl build ourselves a city and a tower and sky (Ge 11") .

bassämayim, let us (with) its head in the

Other examples: Ge l 2 a B , 2 19 » 1 2 , 1 2 6 , 13 2 1 4 1 3 b 2, 16> 18 9 > 7 1 obB, 11 ,1 2% 13 > 2 7 192° 20 * 24 »'* 25 29 »*7a»3'° 32 33 1 (note the unusual sequence PS. in contrast with 3 2 7 ) , 3 4 1 9 ' 3 0 , 3 7 2 \ 46 3 2 , Ex 1 4 2 2 , 15 2 *, 1 6 3 1 , 17 9 , 2 1 2 8 , 2 4 i J ' 1 7 , apposition), 26 1 *, 3 4 2 9 , 2 5 2o,3-»35,3β ( t h i s k i n d i s o £ t e n i n 3 7 2 0 , Le 23 »1 0 , De 2 1 * , 9 l s b , etc. 5.1.3.^. Circumstantial clauses with perfect verbs The circumstantial clauses described in #5.1.1 and #5.1.2 are part of the chain of events , and VS is generally used in them in narrative prose. By way of contrast, circumstantial clauses outside the stream of events (##5.1.3.1 - 5.1.3.3) do not generally use VS. But some do, and then it has special functions . (i) It may serve as a flash-back, translated by an English pluperfect. Example: verähel läqShä..., now Rachel had stolen... (Ge 31 3 ). Other examples: Ge 3 4 % 39®, Le 5 1 . (ii) It may have Stative meaning, translated by an English present. Example: wa^Äni zäqanti, and I am old (Ge 1 8 1 3 , compare zäqen in 1 8 1 2 ) . Other examples: Ge 2 4 3 1 » 5 6 , 2 6 2 7 , 2 9 I 7 ° , 4 8 1 0 , Le 5 2 · 3 ' " . The use of häyä in such clauses raises the question of whether it should be translated had been or was. So, in Ge 1 5 1 7 and it came to pass, when the sun had set, and when darkness had fallen (häyä = näp?lä in 1 5 1 2 ) , that... But in Ge 2 9 1 6 and Rachel was pretty... Does häyü in Ge 34 5 mean that Jacob's sons WERE in the field when their father heard about Dinah, or that they HAD BEEN in the field when she was raped? The latter is more probable, because contemporaneous circumstance is adequately covered by a verbless clause. Hence it is more likely that Ge l 2 a means the earth had become (or had come to be)... as a circumstance prior to the first fiat recorded in Ge l 3 , than that it means the earth was... as a circumstance accompanying the first fiat. This disposes of the argument that

86

CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES

Ge l 2 a cannot be circumstantial because it is not verbless. Compare Ge 7 6 > 1 0

and E x 1 s t — a n d

Joseph

was

already

in

Egypt

(iii^ It can be used with 'present' (contemporaneous) mean ing: w e h e m lö^ y a d e T u k l . . . and (all the time they were talk ing) they (Pr for p r e v e r b a l S ) don't know that... (Ge 4 2 2 3 ) .

Other examples: Ex 1 2 3 β · 3 β 19 1 8 .

(note gam), 1 3 j e , 1 4 2 9 a , l? 1 2 *,

5.1.3.5. Circumstantial clause with imperfect verb A general concomitant future state of affairs can be placed alongside a piece of predictive discourse by means of a cir cumstantial clause using VP. Example: wehä^abänlm tihyeynä '"al-s emöt bene-yiSrä1 el. . . , and

the

stones

will

match

the

n a m e s of

the

sons

of

Israel...

(Ex 2 8 2 1 ) . Other examples: Ex^4 1 2 (simple consequence could use we"1 ehye or wehäyltl: the we- +S +V sequence is distinctly circumstan tial), 4 1 5 ' (close of speech^ 5 e , 7 1 S (0 before V), De 251 (a general truth; sequential wehäyä would be less appropriate) . 5.2. 5.2.0.

Sentence

SENTENCE-LEVEL CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES versus

Paragraph

So far the circumstantial clauses have been described as structurally marginal to paragraphs, related in some way to paragraph-level WP (or WS) clauses, or to a paragraph as a whole. Circumstantial clauses can also be related to clauses or phrases which are not paragraph-level. 5.2.1.

Clauses

Circumstantial

to Time

Margins

A paragraph or episode often begins with a marginal time ref erence, realized as a prepositional phrase, or infinitival construction, or a clause. An additional circumstance may be attached to this head. (i) After a PpPh. Example: Ge 22 1 , which reads literally, after

these

events,

and

God

tested

Abraham,

and

he

said

to

him... Also Ge 41 1 , Ex 12 2 ®. (ii) After an IfPh. The classic example is Ge 2* 6 , where the initial time is followed by a list of accompanying circumstances in the six clauses of Ge 2 5 " 6 . The first event follows in Ge 2 7 . Ge l 1 " 2 has the same structure. Ge 1 is a circumstantial sentence comprised of three conjoined circumstantial clauses, the whole circumstantial to the open ing time (Ge l 1 ). The first event is reported in Ge l 3 . Another example: Ge 44 3 0 (two clauses). (iii) After a clause. Example: The time and circumstances of the flood are r e p o r t e d

in Ge 6 1 . When

mankind

began

to

CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES

87

become numerous over the surface of the land, and daughters had been born to them, the sons of the gods saw... Cj :ki governs both clauses instead of coordinating *k.I-hehel...w?ki yullSdü... Other examples: Ge 1 5 1 2 > 1 7 , 19"> 2 3 , 2 7 3 0 , 29 s . 37 2 , 42 1 6 (in precative mood), 42 1 9 (precative) , 5021*, Ex 10 3 b (the morning and the wind came at the same time). 5.2.2. Circumstance of a Circumstance A circumstantial clause may be conjoined with another circumstantial clause. Another way of describing this is to say that a conjunctive sentence (see Chapter 8) may be used circumstantially if the lead clause is circumstantial. Example: vesäray ^ elet ^abräm lö^ yäleds lö w?läh siphä misrit üä'Smäh hägär, (i) and Sara y, Abram's wife, had borne him no children, (ii) and she had an Egyptian slave, (iii) and her name was Hagar (Ge 16 1 ). Here the third clause is circumstantial to the second and these two as a whole are circumstantial to the first which, along with them, is circumstantial (episodeinitial) to the ensuing narrative. Other examples: Ge l 2 (three conjunctive clauses circumstantial to the preceding) 2l,t'"6 (three circumstantial sentences of two clauses each, the whole circumstantial to creation), 1 8 l 0 b , 19 2 3 (three coincident circumstances of the over-throw of the cities--tAe sun rose. Lot reached Zoar, Yahweh rained fire. The three-clause complex is episode-initial.), 2 9 1 6 , 31 2 5 (Compare this coordination with the apposition used in Ge 131 2 .),6 345 , etc. It is possible that the clause in Ge 2 9 has three objects (three kinds of tree). It is more likely that Ge 29t> is a circumstantial clause, the subject being the coordination phrase 'es hahayyim...v?'es hadda'at tob wärä' realized discontinuously--with the tree of life and the tree of the knowledge of good and evil tbothl in the middle of the garden. These two specified trees are included in the kol- f es of 2 9 a , not additional, because Ge 3 ε says that the tree of knowledge was good for food. Ge 2 1 0 is equivocal. It could be"a new circumstantial clause inaugurating a new paragraph. But we are inclined to think that Ge 2 10 " Yl * is to be coordinated with Ge 2 9 b as a sentence circumstantial to 2 9 a . The trees and the rivers go together to make up the garden. (See above #5.1.1.) 5.3. PSEUDOCIRCUMSTANTIAL SEQUENTIAL CLAUSES A string of WP clauses in narrative prose stages events as occurring in a time sequence one after the other. It is implied that one is finished before the next begins, so it is possible to speak of the verbs as 'perfective* in aspect. So the successive generations are described in Ge 5 and in parts of Ge 10 and 11 by a series of clauses beginning wayyöled, and he engendered .

88

CIRCUMSTANTIAL

CLAUSES

Such a time sequence is normally broken by a circumstantial clause, which represents an event as contemporaneous; at least it does not place it in sequence. It is therefore surprising and unaccountable that Ge 4 l e uses clauses of the kind v?-X yälad ^et-Y, even though a sequence of generations is being traced, and simultaneity is out of the question. These pseudocircumstantial clauses are restricted to the genealogies, and are commonly ascribed to the J source. Examples: Ge 4 1 β > * 6 , 2 2 2 3 , 253 . The genealogies also alternate 10 8,13,1S,2V,26 > wayglji x with νέ-Χ hay (ll 12 » 11 *) with no evident difference in discourse function. Apart from these examples confined to genealogical texts, this happens rarely. Ge 22 l b could be an example. Ge 44" is another. Here the first event in the new episode (and not a preliminary circumstance) is vgyösep ^Smar... instead of the expected wayyö^mer yösep. This is preceded by an elaborate time margin of four clauses. In Ge 38 2 5 the sequence hi1 müs e U wShi 1 äaiShä ^el-hämihä is a strange alternative to *w?hl1 müge^t vattislah... This is the more surprising in view of Ge 38's impeccable use of WP clauses. The Flood Story contains a possible example in Ge 7 6 --wehammabbül häyä instead of *way?hl hammabbül as the first event, rather than the circumstance of the deluge. Compare the similar but more celebrated probl em of Ge l 2 with v?hä^äres hay?ta rather than *wattehl hä^äre§, if this is the first event of creation. Ge 4 2 2 is chiastic, and authentically circumstantial. Note gam-hi1 (compare Ge 4"). In Ge 4 2 5 " 2 6 , 1 0 2 1 » 2 5 the passive is used in the circumstantial clause. 5.4. PSEUDOSEQUENTIAL CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES The converse of the phenomenon described in #5.3 is the use of paragraph-level WP (or WS) clauses which normally place events in sequence, to represent events which can hardly have occurred in sequence but which obviously are contemporaneous. This is an artistic option for a writer, but it strains the system. It seems to have been rarely used. Thus the gift of Zilpah to Leah as a slave took place at the time of her marriage, and we might have expected this event to be staged as circumstantial to the marriage. Instead it is presented by means of a WP clause (Ge 292lt) as if it took place after the marriage, or even during the bridal night. The same for Bilhah and Rachel in Ge 29 2 9 . 5.5. CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES AS ALTERNATIVES TO NONCIRCUMSTANTIAL CONSTRUCTIONS 5.5.0.

Introduction

In most languages there seems to be a close connection in the system of complex sentences between relationships of time and relationships of cause and effect. The same conjunctions and

CIRCUMSTANTIAL CLAUSES

89

prepositions are often used with analogical meanings in both systems. The same in Hebrew; ki has several meanings, including when and because. Circumstantial clauses typically function as time margins, so we- is often fittingly translated by a time conjunction such as when or while. Whenever the time connection between two clausal statements is paramount to a logical connection a circumstantial clause can be recognized as an alternative realization of a subordinate clause — conditional, concessive, causal, etc. A circumstantial clause can also function as an alternative realization of a relative clause nominalized by means of n * < When dealing with a dead language, the categorization of a particular construction in a given text as an alternative surface realization of a deep-structure relationship optimally realized by different formal means is a risky business. For lack of a living informant, the modern scholar may fall back on his own competence. This can suggest, but it cannot decide. Optimum realizations can be distinguished from alternative realizations by testing the constraints on the interchangeability of the contrastive formal features, especially such demarcative items as conjunctions. Such a test can be addressed to extant texts, but it is not enough to show that the alternative constructions 'exist 1 ; if we assume that all surviving texts were acceptable to the scribes at some stage of their transmission and that there were limits to the degree of gibberish they were prepared to copy, and refrain from correcting their work because it seems gibberish to us, it does not follow that all the evidence should be accepted uncritically as equally grammatical. The test of substitutability of conjunctions must be aided by deeper analysis of the semantic content before we can say that two constructions are 'the same.' Fortunately the abundant use of parallel texts supplies us with plenty of material amenable to such control. Even so, when dealing with literature which is the precipitate of hundreds of years of oral and scribal transmission, factors of dialect and historical change complicate the picture with other parameters. In the dynamics of language evolution, alternative realizations may move from the margins of grammaticality to the centre, and oust the former optimum realization from its prestige. So far as Hebrew is concerned, this history has yet to be written. 5.5.1.

Circumstantial

Form for Deep

Subordination

Jeremiah protested his disqualification from the prophetic office by saying, X cannot speak, for (ki = because) I am a youth (Je I s ) . Even here, in sequal to negation, ki could be adversative, but, on the contrary. Moses expressed a similar protest differently. The cause is stated as a fact, the effect as a question: hen ^ani f aral S5pätayim we^ek yisma f 1 elay par^ö, look, I (am) uncircumcised of lips, and (=so) how will Pharoah understand me? (Ex 6 3 0 ) . The question is rhetorical, and tantamount to a negative declaration. In Ex 6 1 2 , however, the question comes first and the cause is realized in the form

90

CIRCUMSTANTIAL

CLAUSES

of a circumstantial clause: vS^ek yisme^enl par '"ö wa^äni raral lepätäyim, and (=but) how will Pharoah understand me and (=seeing that) I (am) uncircumcised of lips? Other examples of a question that is virtually a negation because of some vitiating factor supplied in the form of a circumstantial clause are Ge 15 2 , 18 12 >'3 >17 243 1 , 262 7 , Jdg 13 l e . After negation or prohibition: Ge 24 , De 9 2 9 . If the circumstances conditioning the question are hypothetical, the equivalent conjunction in the optimum subordinate clause would be H i if. Example: For how can I go up to my father

and

(=if) the boy is not with

us?

(Ge 44 31 *; question

1S

plus circumstance, compare Jdg 16 ); But we cannot see the man's

face

and

(if)

our

little

brother

is

not

with

(Ge 4 4 2 6 ;

us

negation plus circumstance). See also #13.7. A declarative statement of fact may be followed by a statement of the actual cause in the form of a circumstantial clause. Example: You are in mortal peril and (=because) she is a man's wife (Ge 2 0 3 ) ; And you could not realize side them, and (=because) their appearance at first (Ge 4 1 2 1 ) .

that they had was just as

gone inbad as

Another function of the conjunction kl is to subordinate a concessive clause.7 A circumstantial clause can realize the same relationship. Example: Behold, I have presumed to speak to Yahweh, and (=even though) I am dirt and dust (Ge 1 8 2 7 ) ; And Israel stretched out his right hand and put it on Ephraim's head and (even though) he was the younger, and his left hand upon Manasseh's head (he crossed his arms) although (ίϊ) Man11 asseh was the firstborn (Ge 48 *). 5.5.2.

Circumstantial

Form

for

a Relative

Clause.

In #2.6.5 it was shown that a clause circumstantial in form could be used to supply the name of a person as an alternative realization of an apposition relationship whose optimum realization is a relative clause. The same thing can be done with other material. In introducing a new character, it is common to supply his address along with his name. Example: A man of the

hill

country

of

Ephraim

(Jdg 1 7 1 ) ;

a man

from

Bethlehem

(Ru I 1 )· In Ge 3 6 3 2 f · the birth (or capital?) cities of the Edomite kings are introduced in this way: Bela ben-Beor (and) the name of whose city was Dinhaba. Ge 44 20 has three conjoined circumstantial clauses equivalent to relative clauses: We have an aged father and a young 'old-age' boy (whose) brother is dead and he (who) is the only child of his mother and his (whose) father loves

and his surviving him. Deep

relationships concealed in alternative surface realizations have not always been recognized by translators. NOTES 1

brew3

S. R . D r i v e r , A Treatise on the Use of the Tenses ( O x f o r d , 1 8 9 2 ) : A p p e n d i x I (pp. 1 9 5 - 2 1 1 ) . See

in Healso

CIRCUMSTANTIAL

CLAUSES

91

Τ. J. Meek, "The Coordinate Adverbial Clause in Hebrew",

Jour-

nal

of the American Oriental Society 1»9 ( 1 9 2 9 ) : p p . 1 5 6 - 1 5 9 . 2 A c c o r d i n g t o W . H . B e n n e t t (.Hebraica 5 C1888-18893 : p.203). t h e n a r r a t i v e p o r t i o n s of t h e O l d T e s t a m e n t , w h i c h h e d o e s not l i s t , u s e t h e v e r b s as f o l l o w s :

VS WP

Clearly past 7,>*20 13,11*9

Not clearly past 1+2 It

WS VP

Clearly future -3,362 6 ,U35

Not clearly 272 253

future

3

On w?lö^ clauses as antithetical see Chapter lU.

11

F.

I. A n d e r s e n ,

The

Hebrew

Verbless

Clause...,

pp.

69-76.

5

Driver, Tenses..., §16. 6 When the constituent clauses of a conjunctive sentence are distributive, apposition rather than coordination may serve for circumstantial linkage according to Driver on Ge 12 e (Tenses...: p. U9). We call this exposition., (see p. k9 above). 7 Th. C. Vriezen, "Einige Notizen zur Ubersetzung des Bundeswortes

KI",

von

Vgarit

nach

Qumran,

Beihefte

zur

Zeitschrift

für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 77 (1958) CEissfeldt Festschrift]; pp. 266-273; James Muilenburg» "The Linguistic and Rhetorical Usages of the Particle in the Old Testament", Hebrew

Union

College

Annual

XXXII

(1961):

pp.

135-160.

6

ADJUNCTIVE CLAUSES

6.0. STRUCTURE A well-formed adjunctive clause has a distinctive-contrastive internal structure which correlates extensively with the realization of a deep-structure coordination that is more tangential to the main stream of discourse than circumstantial coordination. There is always explicit coordination by means of we-, and, rarely gam or wegam. A marked break in the flow of discourse is achieved by fresh topicalization (casus pendens)1 whose opening sequence of we- +S resembles a salient pattern in circumstantial clauses. Because of this structural similarity, adjunctive clauses have not hitherto been recognized as a category distinct from other kinds of coordination; they have generally been classified as 'circumstantial1. But adjunctive clauses differ from circumstantial clauses, as described in this monograph, by the obligatory use of an explicit resumptive pronoun. While the suspended topic is commonly resumed by the grammatical subject, it may correspond to some other clause-level tagmeme, such as object. Casus pendens with subsequent pronominal resumption can also be used to announce a fresh topic, especially at the beginning of a speech. Examples: Ge 28 l3t> , 34 s , Le 7 3 3 , Jos 9 , 2Ki l*. There is no coordinating conjunction, so we do not regard such clauses as adjunctive. 6.1. FUNCTION The information supplied in an adjunctive clause is generally less germane to the main discourse than the information typically supplied in a circumstantial clause. It resembles the kind of material which in English would be introduced by means of By the way,... It is tangential rather than marginal, and because of this loose attachment it is not used as an alternative realization of subordinate relationships, the way circumstantial clauses can be (#5.5). Adjunctive clauses can, however, function circumstantially (#6.2).

ADJUNCTIVE

CLAUSES

93

Example: vehäm hü^ ^abl kenä^an, and (as for) Ham -- he is the father

of Canaan

(Ge 9 1 8 ) .

This clause sits loosely in the passage, which would flow on quite smoothly without it. Other examples: Ge 17 1 *, 21 13 (The adjunctive clause avoids giving Ishmael the same rank as Isaac, in spite of gam, which does link the two sons together [Chapter 12]), 261 , 28 2 2 b (makes tithing incidental), 42* (The story returns to the main thread after this as ide.), 431 , 47 1 (This is an impressive example; it has nothing to do with the rest of the story.), Ex 16 3 ®, 321 6 , 3 9 s . D e 2 2 3 (The note on the fAvwim is subsidiary.), 14 2 7 (The rule about the Levite is an afterthought.)

6.2. ADJUNCTIVE CLAUSES USED CIRCUMSTANTIALLY An adjunctive clause deviates momentarily down a little side-track, to make a remark about somebody who does not figure anywhere else in the story, like Nahor's concubine Reumah (Ge 2221*), or to say something about a character that does not contribute to the plot, like the scrap of demographical information in Ge 47 2 1 . The judgment as to whether a piece of information is relevant or not is obviously a subjective one, so that the line between an adjunctive and a circumstantial relationship to the context is not always easy to draw. Some clauses, adjunctive in form, bring in information that does contribute to the development of the plot, and may be described as alternative realizations of circumstantial clauses. Thus Jd 17s is an adjunctive clause that marks a new beginning (#5.1.1). The adjunctive clauses in Ge 21 **^, 1915 , and 31"3 have a climactic effect (#5.1.2). Ge 15 i b is simply circumstantial. 6.3. OTHER FORMS 15

In De 2 vegan introduces an extra comment without having its usual inclusive function (Chapter 12). NOTES 1 In his treatment of casus pendens (Tenses..., Appendix V), Driver found the explanation of this kind of construction largely in aesthetic considerations. Doubtless the lyrical effect provided an additional motivation for its u s e , but the g r a m m a t i c a l factor of topicalization is primary.

7

SURPRISE CLAUSES

7.0. FORM An unexpected turn of events can be marked in Hebrew by adding to a clause the deictic-exclamatory hinne, traditionally translated lo or beholdi Its quasi-imperative attention-rousing function is supported in Hebrew, not by etymology, but by limited interchangeability with VI:re^ 5 , look', and other such hortatory verbs. Its usual LXX translation χδοΰ is a verb with similar usage. The morphology of hinne is intriguing. It can be inflected with personal pronoun suffixes which realize the subject of the clause, not the object of hinne unless one insists on the imperative verbal meaning of the latter. But clauses with hinne are declarative. Hinne predicates present and local existence. Hinneni means I'm here! rather than Look at met Furthermore, the subject of hinne as predicator can be a free-form pronoun or noun, and in either case a concordant subject pronoun suffix is optional, not obligatory as with finite verbs. In some of its occurrences hinne is complemented by a predicative participle, adjective, adverb, or prepositional phrase, even VS (VP once), and for this reason is often called an 'adverb'. But there is no agreed nomenclature among Hebraists, and many are content to call it vaguely a 'particle'. 7.1. PARTICIPANT PERSPECTIVE The difference between a clause like Ge 18 e b -- vehü 1 ^ömed ^alehem, and he is standing beside them -- and Ge 24 3 0 -- vehinne ^ömed ^al-haggemalllm^ and behold he is standing beside the camels — is that the latter is seen through Laban's eyes. This component, that something comes into the view of one of the participants, is prominent in the commonest idiom in which a vehinne clause is used--wayyar^ vehinne..., and he looked, and behold... It is this feature of the unexpected that we describe as 'surprise' in such clauses.

SURPRISE

CLAUSES

95

Examples: Ge l " 6 1 2 . 8 1 3 . 1 8 2 , 19 2 8 , 2 2 1 3 , 24 6 3 , 2 6 e , 29 2 , 31 2 » , 33 l . 37 , 40 , 4 2 * \ Ex 2 e , 3 2 , 1 4 , 0 t , 32* , 34 3 0 , 39 ^ 3, De 9 1 3 > ' 6 , etc. In Ge 31 2 the h i s t o r i a n reports: wayyar 1 y a r ä q ö b "'et-pgne läbän w S h i n n e ^ e n e n n ü ^immS kitmöl δΐΐδδπι, as if Jacob h a d made a d i s c o v e r y . In reporting to his w i v e s , J a c o b says: r5^e ^änSkl ^et-p5ne ^äbiken k i - ^ e n e n n ü ^ elay kitmöl sil55m (Ge 3 1 s ) , w h i c h is more m a t t e r of fact. A w ? h i n n e clause c a n be u s e d to report a surprise development after other verbs b e s i d e s rä^ä, especially verbs of motion. Examples: Ge 8 1 1 . 2 4 1 5 , 3 0 , ^ 5 . 2 5 2 \ 3 7 1 5 , 2 9 , 4 2 3 5 , 47 1 , 4 8 1 1 , Ex 2 , 4 6 > 7 , ΐ 6 ι β , etc.

4321,

7.2. D R E A M REPORTS The i m p l i c a t i o n of visual e x p e r i e n c e comes to the fore in the d e s c r i p t i o n of d r e a m s . A n element of the m a r v e l l o u s is also p r e s e n t , of course. The n a r r a t i v e ingredient is not well d e v e l o p e d in the dreams r e p o r t e d in Genesis. There is usually only one event clause; all the other i n f o r m a t i o n is supplied by means of w e h i n n e c l a u s e s , w h i c h may accumulate into quite a string. O t h e r w i s e they occur one at a time. So J a c o b ' s d r e a m begins w i t h three w S h i n n e c l a u s e s , w i t h God's s p e e c h as the d r e a m event (Ge 2 8 1 2 " 1 5 ) . Each clause has the structure w e h i n n e +S:N +P:PtPh. The d r e a m in Ge 3 1 1 0 begins in the same way. The dreams in the J o s e p h story are p a r t i c u l a r l y impressive in this regard. The d r e a m of the sheaves has three w S h i n n e c l a u s e s f o l l o w e d by the event clause (Ge 3 7 6 " 7 ) . The speech even b e g i n s w i t h w e h i n n e . T h e third clause is the only instance in the entire Bible of hinne followed by a n imperfect verb. The d r e a m report in Ge 37 9 consists of one hinne clause a n d one w ? h i n n e clause. Compare the single w ? h i n n e clause in the v i s i o n of Ge IS1*. The b u t l e r ' s d r e a m consists of one w ? h i n n e clause followed by a string of four c i r c u m s t a n t i a l clauses w h i c h set the scene. This is followed by three event clauses. Then I picked And I squeezed And I put the

the grapes. them into Pharoah's cup, cup on Pharoah's palm.

In contrast to this the b a k e r ' s d r e a m consists of c i r c u m s t a n c e s only -- one w ? h i n n e clause plus two c i r c u m s t a n t i a l clauses. There is no event. In Pharoah's first d r e a m (the cows) there are three w ? h i n n e clauses (with p a r t i c i p l e s ) . The only event is the skinny cows eating the fat ones (41*"*). The s e c o n d d r e a m (the wheat) consists of two w g h i n n e +S:N +P:PtPh clauses plus the event clause in w h i c h the s h r i v e l l e d w h e a t devours the p l u m p wheat ( 4 1 5 - 7 ) . Pharoah's reports repeat the p a t t e r n s , except that the first is e m b e l l i s h e d w i t h some comments of his own (Ge 4 1 1 7 " 2 " ) . The abundant use of w S h i n n e clauses is thus a feature of d r e a m reports in classical H e b r e w .

96

SURPRISE

CLAUSES

7.3. O T H E R U S E S T h e r e are other uses of v e h i n n e clauses in w h i c h the f e a t u r e of a n u n e x p e c t e d v i s u a l e x p e r i e n c e is not p r o m i n e n t or m a y b e q u i t e absent. A n e w episode o f t e n begins w i t h v a y e h l + M a r ginal T i m e + W P C 1 for the first event. In a few instances a time m a r g i n is f o l l o w e d by a v e h i n n e c l a u s e , w h i c h looks like the first event c l a u s e , a n d n o t c i r c u m s t a n t i a l . Examples: Ge 1 5 ' 2 > 1 7 , 29 2 5 , 3 8 2 7 ' 2 9 . A v e h i n n e c l a u s e c a n also p r e d i c t a n impending event (Ge 6 1 3 , c o m p a r e Ge 6 1 7 " 1 9 ) . 7.4. O T H E R FORMS S u p p l e m e n t a r y i n f o r m a t i o n c a n be s u p p l i e d by a c l a u s e b e g i n ning gam hinne (Ge 3 2 3 1 ) or v e g a m hinne (Ge 38 21 *). T h e latter seems to express a s t o n i s h m e n t at s o m e t h i n g q u i t e s e n s a t i o n a l . f But gam hinne abdekä ya r äqöfc ^ a h a r e n ü in Ge 3 2 2 1 is m e r e l y a v a r i a n t of v e h i n n e gam-hiP ^ a h a r e n ü (Ge 3 2 l s ) .

8

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

8.0. THE FORM OF A CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCE 8.0.0. Optimum

Realization

A conjunctive sentence comes nearest to the ideal coordination construction defined in the grammars. At the same time, it is the least specialized of all the coordination constructions. It is unmarked for sequence, contrast, or antithesis and, while not specially marked for simultaneity or similarity, it is compatible with these relationships and generally implies them. It does not, however, highlight similarity or simultaniety. Furthermore, as the most neutral coordination construction, a conjunctive sentence can be used as an alternative but insipid realization of most of the deep coordination relationships (#4.6; see also p. 189). In a typical conjunctive sentence two clauses are joined by we- and, and each constituent clause has (or could have) the same grammatical function as the conjunctive sentence as a whole. The 'sameness' of the two conjoined clauses is functional, not necessarily semantic, although it may be semantic also. The lead clause and the conjunctive clause usually have the same kind of predication and, if the predicators are verbs, they usually have the same tense-aspect and mood and often the same subject. Furthermore, the two conjoined clauses often have other clause-level tagmemes besides subject and predicator in common, and the common tagmemes are realized in the same sequence in both clauses. The result is a kind of grammatical rhyme. We do not wish to insist on this high level of formal congruence as necessary for well-formedness in a conjunctive sentence, for the majority of conjunctive sentences fall short of this ideal. Similarity of external function, rather than similarity of internal content or structure, unites them. But obviously two clauses must be compatible in order to have similarity of external function. Hence it is unlikely to meet a change of tense-aspect, mood, or subject person in the clearer instancesof conjunctive sentence.

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

98

As already stated in #4.3.1, a conjunctive sentence typically links together two similar actions performed by one and the same participant, generally realized as subject of both clauses. It implies that the actions are contemporaneous (occurring in the same general time), if not actually simultaneous; at least, it does not represent the actions as occurring in sequence. Similar actions by two participants can also be conjoined, but such a relationship is more likely to be handled by some other form of coordination. 8.0.1.

Double-Duty

Items

A common subject of two successive clauses is seldom repeated on sentence level. It does 'double-duty' in both clauses and helps unite them. Other items may similarly appear in one or other of the clauses while functioning equally in both. While this diminishes the measure of formal similarity between the two conjoined clauses, it actually enhances the grammatical integrity of the resulting sentence, since neither clause is grammatically complete without material in a neighbouring clause. This feature of Hebrew composition can be exploited to a high degree of sophistication, especially in poetry. Example:

and

nilbenä veniSrepä V:let V:let

lebenlm liSrepä

us brick us burn

Itheml

0: bricks 0C:to-burnt

(Ge

ll3)

The first clause supplies the object, the second the object complement. Each conjoined clause can be grammatically complete if the double-duty items are marginal modifiers. Example:

kö

tö^mar tagged

Thus

you you

weand

will will

15bet ya^aqob libne yiärä^el say report

to to

the the

house of Jacob sons of Israel

(Ex

193)

kö belongs in both clauses, not just the first. Its function can be described as modifying the conjunctive sentence as a whole. 8.0.2.

Multiple

Coordination

Unlike antithetical, chiastic, contrastive, alternative, exclusive, and inclusive sentences, all of which are strictly binary in form, conjunctive sentences are recursive. There is no theoretical limit to the number of clauses that may be coordinated. With the fondness of Hebrew for 'and' it is common to have A and Β and C and D and.·. Sometimes, however, for three, A, B, and C is used; and, for four, A and B, C and D, especially if both A and B, C and D are natural pairs. These patterns are met in phrases and sentences.

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

99

Examples: Three clauses, A, B, and C, Ge 6 ll, b-i6 (features of the ark: stories, windows, and doors [#3.7.3]), 6 l i b (d lmensions: length, breadth, and height), 4 9 3 1 , Ex 1 2 1 1 . Four clauses, A and B, C and D, Ge 9 7 (both pairs hendiadys). In Ge 2 7 a e " 2 9 eight clauses are grouped in four conjoined pairs.

8.1. DECLARATIVE CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES 8.1.0.

Introduction

These are used to make statements of two (or more) related and contemporary facts which are not contrastive nor antithetical. The facts may be past (using 'perfect' verbs--VS), future (using 'imperfect* verbs--VP), or timeless (using quasiverbals--QV--or verbless [VL] predication) . 8.1.1. Reports

of Accomplished

Fact using

'Perfect'

äfäm säm 1δ höq. ümispat wesäm nissähü, There he set a rule and a custom and there he tested him (Ex I S 2 5 )

Verbs

Examples:

lehem ümayim bread and water Another Example: 8.1.2. Conjoined

lo"1 ^ äkal lö^ äfätä, he did not eat he did not drink

for him

(Ex 3 4 2 8 )

Ge 3 1 3 8 . Predictive

Clauses

Clauses referring to concomitant or parallel future events by means of VP are likely to be conjoined. Since VP clauses rarely begin with the verb, conjunctive sentences with VP often resemble contrastive sentences (Chapter 11) , and whether such a sentence is antithetical or not is determined more by semantic content alone, more in this case than others. Example

f

al-gehönekä telek wS'äpär tö^kal Upon your belly you will walk, and dust you will eat (Ge 3 1 )

The clauses have a similar pattern of a clause-level tagmeme before VP, although it is Location in the first, Object in the second. The marginal time: kol-ySme hayyeykä, all the days of your life, modifies this conjunctive'sentence as a whole. Other Examples: Ge 3 l 7 b B - i « a (again köl ySme hayyeykä [in hinge position] goes with both clauses), 9 s (same verb repeated), 1 6 Y 2 , 2 2 1 7 (the conjunctive sentence is subordinated with kl), 27"

100

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

34® (correlative actions), 34 2 1 (chiastic in 34 1 S ), 3 5 1 2 (conjunctive sentence is nuclear after suspended topic), 411*0 (same thing from two different points of view), 42 2 (=43 , conjunction of a negated antonym), 42 3lf , 46lt (same S:Pr twice), 4 8 1 9 , Ex 9 2 9 b , 21 2 '32 , 23® (The common subject does double duty and ki governs the conjunctive sentence. The VP's express a timeless truth.), 23 1 1 ' 1 2 , 34 1 3 (three clauses), 35" , De 2 2 β , 6 1 3 (three clauses), 7 5 (four clauses), 9 3 (S:Pr), 10 i o (four clauses , effectively precative). Ge 27 3 7 has three conjoined clauses, each with an item (not subject) before VS. The three conjunctive clauses in Ge 4 5 2 2 each has an indirect object before VS, resembling a contrastive sentence (Chapter 11). 8.1.3. Conjoined

Verbless ' Clauses

Concomitant present or timeless facts can be expressed in verbless clauses and conjoined. Example:

Yhwh hassaddiq wa^ani we^ammi häres ä ''im, The one in the right is Yahweh and the ones in the wrong are I and my people

(Ex 9 2 7 )

The sequence is PS in each clause. 1 Example:

habbänöt benötay w?habbänlm bänay w?ha§?ö^n weköl ^aser-^attä rö^e li-hü 1 The daughters are my daughters and the sons are my sons and the flock is my flock and all that you see--it's mine (Ge 311*3)

The final summary is an alternative realization in coordination of a construction usually in apposition (#3.7.4), but the clause has the form of an adjunctive clause (Chapter 6). Compare Ge 211*. The sequence SP is sustained throughout, which is abnormal for classifying clauses of this kind. The whole four-clause construction must be seen as having the structure +SSus:N... +P.. . +SRes: Pr. In other words, hü"1 acts as resumptive subject for all four suspended subjects, thus securing the normal PS sequence. Ge 41 2 6 and 2 7 are conjunctive sentences with SRes:Pr explicit in BOTH clauses. In Ge 3 6 the three verbless clauses which describe the virtues of the tree of knowledge are similar in grammatical structure, at least in PS sequence. kl ^ob hä f es lSma"1 äkäl w?kl ta^avä- hü^ le f enayim we- nehmäd hä^es l?haskil

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

101

The third clause is strange because it lacks kl and because S:N:hä r es is used after the progression S:N:hä f es, SiPrihü 1 . But it süould not be discarded for these reasons! Because, on the other hand, both patterns for coordinating ki clauses are found, either coordinating two clauses each with ki, or governing a single conjunctive sentence of two clauses with a common kl (see Ge 6 5 , 11®, 22 1 2 " 1 3 > 1 6 > 1 7 , 39 3 ). In the light of Ge 1 8 2 0 and other passages, however, it is possible that here ki is not a conjunction, but the elative--she saw how utterly good the tree was, etc. In 2 s the res is both nehmäd and tob, and the idea that it was pleasant to look at is also found. Furthermore, the idea of wisdom is important in the story. We have dwelt on this problem at length in order to make the point that conjunctive sentences are the most general kind of coordination and that clauses of differing patterns may be involved. Ge 423 8 , Ex 9 3 1 , 1 6 3 1 , De 1 0 2 1 .

Other examples:

But in Ge 2 7 2 2 a similar sentence, conjunctive in form, is antithetical in meaning. β.1.4.

Reports

Example:

Present

Facts

using

Quasiverbal

Clauses

yösep ^enennü w??im^ön ^enennü,

and 8.1.5.

of

Joseph Simon

is no wore is no more

Circumstantial

(Ge 4 2 3 6 )

Conjunctive

Sentences

The function of such sentences in discourse has already been discussed in #5.2.1. Since such successive circumstantial clauses have the same function in discourse, they constitute a conjunctive sentence. It remains to make a few remarks about their internal structure. The two conjoined circumstantial clauses in Ge 2 5 are closely parallel in grammatical structure. The three circumstantial clauses conjoined in Ge l 2 have different subjects and different kinds of predication--VS, VL, and Pt. But each has sequence SP. Other examples of circumstantial conjunctive sentences are Ge 7 6 , 9 2 3 , 17 2 "· 2 5 , 241 (in the parallel Ge 243 5 the slave artfully emphasizes the fact that Abraham was rich rather than old). 8.1.6.

Conjoined

Clauses

in

Poetry

Apart from the distributive coordination of identical clauses (#8.2) the closest similarity in conjunctive clauses is met in poetry and poetic discourse. A bicolon often consists of two similar lines (one clause each) joined by AND, not in apposition as in #3.3.

CONJUNCTIVE

102 Example: ze-saml veze zikri This this

and

SENTENCES

leCöläm led3r dör

is my is my

name title

for for

ever eternity

Example^za.faqat ^äqat se sedSm wa^ämörä wehattä ^ täm i^at^a^täm The outcry of their crime

and

Sodom

and

31S)

(Ex

kl-ra'b'bä ki käbedä me^öd Gomorra

[is] [is]

very very

great grave

indeed

(Ge 182 Such parallel clauses may be noncontiguous. Example: |anl üseml and

yhwh.. yhwh..

I (am) my name

(is)

Yahweh Yahweh

(Ex 6 2

)

Recognition of this parallelism solves an old problem. Misled by the apparent Neg lö1 and the sequence ">51 sadday, interpreters translated and by my name

(of) Yahweh

I did

not make

my-

history of the word All forced. The Ariadne thread of discourse grammar can lead us through the rhetorical maze. This tradition is rich with names of God —Yahweh, its rare variant ^Ehyeh, El Shadday, the God of our ancestors, etc. The emphasis is on what God has done, not a historical note about what he did not do. The parallelism with 1 Snl yhwh shows that semi yhwh is a conjunctive clause of identical structure, and not an apposition phrase--my name Yahweh. In the following speech (6 6 ~ e ) the repeated "'änl yhwh makes an inclusio. There is similar parallelism between the interlacing clauses . self

I

known

showed

I made

to them, and made inferences about the Yahweh, about sources, and other things.

myself myself

to Abraham, known

to

Israel

and

Jacob

them.

This compels recognition of l"1 as assertative. There is no hint in Exodus that Yahweh was a new name revealed first to Moses. On the contrary, the success of his mission depended on the use of the familiar name for validation by the Israelites. Moses interrogated the Revealer precisely to convince himself that it really was the god of the ancestors who had called him. Pharoah, of course, had never heard of Yahweh (Ex 5 2 ), but the secret name was certainly known to the Israelites and to God himself. It should be added that be- is essentiae, not instrumental, and there is no warrant for supplying it to the following semi.3 8.1.7.

Dissimilar

Clauses

Conjoined

So far we have emphasized the similarity of conjoined clauses, especially in the matter of tense, and even in the kind of

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

103 1

predication. This is not always the case. In Ex 10 * a past fact and a future prediction are joined. lepänäyw viPahäräyv Before after

and

lö^ häyä ken ^arbe kämöhü lo1 yihye-ken,

them there had them there will

not not

been so be so.

locusts

like

them

In Ge 241,1 the two conjoined clauses both have the same pronoun before the verb, but the tenses are different. 8.1.8.

Successive

Events

in

Conjoined

Clauses

Events reported in a conjunctive sentence are usually contemporaneous. Some of the pseudocircumstantial sequence clauses discussed in #5.3 come in coordinated chains, giving a cluster of clauses in which a succession of events is represented as concomitant. Thus in Ge l l 2 7 the use of vehärän hölld ^etlot represents the birth of Haran and the birth of his son Lot as'concomitant, telescoping two generations into one moment of narrative. In Ge 14 11 " 5 a series of dates is given in this way. 12 sänä ^äbedü... we 13 sänä märädü übe-14 sänä bä^... The whole is in epic parallelism with ^äsü milhämä in Ge 14 2 (p. 41). Two dates are similarly conjoined in Ge 8 1 3 . be-601 sänä bärlsön... übahödes hassen!... and

In in

the the

601st second

härebü hammayim... yäbesä hä^äres

year... the month...the

waters earth

dried dried

up up.

Some narrative WP clauses intervene. Each conjoined clause has the same grammatical structure. The time sequence is indicated semantically by the preverbal time references, not by the kind of verb. The series of cohortative (or imperfect) verbs in De 9 1 " record sequential acts. 8.2. DISTRIBUTIVE COORDINATION Distributive constructions in Hebrew generally involve repetition. Identical constructions can be coordinated, instead of being placed in apposition like a list. Example: mizze ^ehäd ümizze ^ehäd one

on

each

side

(Ex

1712)

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

ιοί*

Example: hämi5?im lülä^öt ta^äSe bayeri f ä hä^ehät wehämi^äTm lülä'öt ta^äSe biqse hayerl^ä... (Ex 26 s , fulfillment described identically in 36 1 2 ). Example:

yäd5 bakköl wSyad köl bö, His hand against everybody's hand

and

everybody against him.

(Ge

1612)

Here the chiasmus of -ö and köl overlays the grammatical congruence of the two clauses. The conjoining of two coordinate subjects list-wise is also accompanied by chiasmus in Ge 23 1 1 . hassäde wehanme 'ärä ^ aser b5 and

the the

field cave which

is

in

nätatti läk lekä netattlhä it

I have to you

sold to you I have sold

it.

Note the chiasmus of verb and indirect object. 8.3. CONJOINED PRECATIVE CLAUSES 8.3.0.

The

Variety

of

Combinations

The coordination of precative clauses requires special treatment for two reasons. First, a variety of clause types may be strung together in precative discourse, which may consequently become so heterogeneous in character that it might not be appropriate to talk about sentences at all. Secondly, a speaker has a variety of options in generating a precative text. A piece of discourse is marked as precative by the use of one or other of the distinctively precative verb forms--IMPERATIVE (VI), exclusively second person, JUSSIVE(VJ), mainly third person, and COHORTATIVE (VC), chiefly first person. If the first clause in a piece of discourse is precative, it may be continued in three ways. (i) by coordinating another clause that is formally precative; (ii) by coordinating a clause which uses VP and so is formally future indicative; (iii) by means of a WS clause, future sequential. +{VI,VJ,VC} {VI,VJ,VC} 2 6 . 3 1 1 2 ' 1 3 , 3711* (definitely two stages). 42 2 (two stages), 43 1 * (synchronic acts - -see below). 4 4 1 . 4 5 % 50 s . Ex 2® 79>ίβ, 81»12»16. 9 1 ' 1 3 , 1 0 1 1 ' 1 7 , 12 , 1 4 i 2 ' 1 6 ; 16 , 1 7 5 » 3 ' 1 * , 23 2 1 , 3 2 2 ' 1 * (a poetic bicolon), 3 4 1 " 2 (the lead clause is developed as a paragraph) , De 3 2 7 , 10 1 . Three VI clauses: Ge l 2 2 (followed by VJ in chiasmus), 9 1 (similar, with following VP clause in chiasmus), 19 2 (followed by WS), 22 2 (all in one complex, although time succession is involved), 34 1 0 , 35 1 »2 , 38* (synonyms), 4 3 1 6 , 4 5 1 7 " 1 8 Four VI clauses: Ge 4 2 3 3 (The first two have objects before the verb, to make a contrast sentence.). Five clauses: Ge l 2 8 , 27 3 (a definite succession of acts, where you would expect WS clauses to be used). The effect of conjoining VI clauses can be shown by a more detailed analysis of Jacob's speech in Ge 43 1 1 " 1 ' 1 . In spite of its brevity and apparent simplicity, it has an elaborate hierarchical structure, and several different inter-clause constructions are used in a variety of ways. The speech is in three parts: (i) A conditional command: if that's the wag it is, then do this...; (ii) a prayer for the mercy of God on the enterprise ( l l f a ); (iii) an act of resignation ( l l f b ). The

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

109

command consists of a general introduction, followed in apposition by detailed exposition (#3.7.2) in seven clauses. The detailed instructions are in two parts: (i) qehü... (Clj); (ii) weqümü ?ubü 'el-hä^Is (CI6 7 ) , take...and get up return to the man. We have recognized tliese two parts as constituents of a conjunctive sentence, but each is actually not a single clause but a complex of clauses. The second is an apposition sentence of the kind discussed in #3.1.0.1. The first is in three parts They are to get three things (i) some delicacies as a present, (ii) money, (iii) Benjamin. Each of these three commands is issued by using the same VI:q?hü take. (i) (ii) (iii)

^ wewe-

q.5hu + Oi + 0 2 + qShü + 0 3 + qähü

CI ι Cl 3 Cl 5

(i) continues as a well-formed conjoined clause ( C I 2 ) wffhöridü ..., the sentence being integrated just like Ge ll 3 by having the common object with the first verb and the common object complement with the second. In (ii) and (iii) we have most unusual constructions, clauses which do NOT begin with VI. The explanation is to be found in the use of chiasmus between (i) and (ii) to link together as two sides of a single action the taking of the present and the money. (ii) and (iii), however, being identical in grammatical structure, are conjoined. So both together make a conjunctive sentence. Hence Ge 43 1 1 aB-i3a is a construction in which a VI...w?VI conjunctive sentence is followed chiastically by a 0 + VI... w?-0 +VI conjunctive Se. There is an additional clause ( C I O ( 1 2 i > ) built into (iii). This has the structure we- + 0 + täslbü, so this too is chiastic, at least so far as the objects are concerned. But the use of VP rather than VI makes it a concomitant act, even though semantic content shows it to be a subsequent action. So far as time succession is concerned, the seven actions come in three stages. Stage 1

Stage 2

Clj Get delicacies Cl 3 Get double money CI 5 Get Benjamine

Cl 6 Arise

Stage 3 C I 7 Return to the man C l 2 Take down the present CI κ Return the original money

But the order in which the seven commands are given (shown by the numbers above) does not correspond to the order in which they are to be performed. The chiasm between Cli + CI2 and CI3 + Cls integrates the preparations. The conjoining of CI 3 and CI., brings out the feature that the money is in two parts. Finally a parenthetical comment (perhaps it was a mistake [12bB]) is made in apposition on the preceding CI*.

110

CONJUNCTIVE

SENTENCES

I SPEECH 1

I CONDITIONAL COMMAND K' I PRAYER

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES 8.3.3.

Conjoined

Jussive

111

Clauses

Example: _yehl räq.1 ^ betök hammayim vihi mabdil ben-mayim lämäyim, Let-be and-let-be

expanse division

in-midst between

the-water water to water

(Ge

l6).

Each clause has identical structure, +P:VJ +S:N +L:PpPh. The verbs are identical. The two nouns are synonyms, which suggests that the second is functioning as a subject noun, not as a predicate participle, which would make the second verb periphrastic and its subject anaphoric to the first noun. Let there be an expanse...and

let

[it]

be

No!5

dividing...

The

two

clauses

are

grammatically congruent. Not all conjunctive sentences are as well-formed as this. Other examples: Ge l 9 (As pointed out above, the two events are concomitant, but the second could have been represented as subsequent to or as the consequence of the first.), 9 2 7 , 27 2 9 (synonymous poetic parallelism), 27 3 1 (Since ^abl is surrogate for 'you', these VJ's are virtually VI.)(sequence is involved), 28 3 (The WS clause in the midst of these four VJ clauses is a continuation of VI in 28 2 [#8.3.2].), 4 1 3 3 (two such sentences in apposition; note that the lead verbs are formally VP), Ex 5 2 1 ,

8.3.4.

Conjoined

Cohortative

Clauses

A series of concomitant resolutions by the same speaker may be expressed in the form of conjoined VC clauses. Example: nis^ä wenelekä wenelekä lenegdekä, let us break and

let

us

set

out,

and

let

me

go

with

you

(Ge

camp

3312).

As already mentioned, we assume that all clauses that begin with a first person 'prefixed 1 verb are cohortative, even if the verb lacks the cohortative Sx:-ä, whether because the morphology does not provide for it (stem ends in a vowel and VP and VC are homonyms), whether because the position is preempted by a pronoun Sx (even though this construction can always be avoided by using nota accusativi or some other preposition for alternate realization of a pronoun object), whether because VP is used even when a contrastive VC is available. Thus there are three cohortative conjunctive sentences in Ge ll 3 >'*·11. Each is a pair of conjoined VC clauses and each is preceded by häbä. The verbs are nilbenä, nisrepä, nibne, na^ase, neredä and näbelä, and we call them all VC for reasons of syntax, even though nibne and na f ase are formally ambiguous (they can be VP). Other examples: Ge 12 2 , 17 2 , 1 8 2 1 , 1 9 3 2 (serial acts), 22 5 (serial acts), 2 4 5 7 (serial), 26 3 (two contemporaneous acts; it then switches to WS clauses for subsequent acts), 27 7 (serial), 35 3 , 3 7 2 0 (serial), 43" (serial), 4 3 β , 4 6 3 1 , 50 s , Ex 3 3 » 1 8 , 4 i J , 5 3 , De 3 2 * .

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

112 8.3.5.

Mixed

Linkages

of Precative

Clauses

8.3.5.0. The combinations VL, VI, VJ, and VC clauses which express various combinations of precative curses, blessings, commands, wishes, resolutions, etc. can be conjoined in order to represent the combination as concomitant. We have not found examples of all imaginable combinations. 8.3.5.1· Verbless plus jussive Example:

bärük yhwh ^elöhe sem wihi kena'an ^ebed lämö , Blessed be Yahweh, Shem's god, and let Canaan be a slave for him (Ge 9 2 6 )

8.3.5.2. Cohortative plus imperative ^Ssi^ä-nnä 1 ^ethen "'alekem wa^äsü lähen ka-ftöb be^enekem, let me bring them out to you and [you] do to them what you like

Example:

(Ge 1 9 7 )

Other examples: Ge 1931* (followed again by VC). 8.3.5-3. Cohortative plus jussive Example:

na^äse ^ädäm... veyirdü... let us make man... and let them dominate...

(Ge l 2 6 )

Another example: Ge 1 9 2 0 . 8.3.5·^· Imperative plus

cohortative

Example:

hö^i^em ^elenü wenede^ä ^ötäm, bring them out to us, and let us know them (Ge 1 9 s )

The clauses in this combination are usually related in a temporal and causal sequence. If you bring them out to us, then we will know them. Or Bring them out to us so that we may know them. Other examples: Ge 183 * 5 , 19 3 ", 2 3 * > 1 3 , 24 1 "» 5 6 , 27 7 (Se + Se), 27 2 5 , 29 2 1 , 3 2 1 0 , 4 4 2 1 , Ex 1 4 1 2 , 1 7 2 , 2 0 1 6 , 24 1 2 , De 91" (a series of WS clauses might have been expected).

113

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES 8.3.5.5· Imperative plus jussive Example:

häyi le^alpe rebäbä weyiras zar^ek ^ et sa^ar söne^äyw, be thousands of myriads, and let your seed possess his enemies' gate (Ge 2 4 6 0 )

Other examples: Ge 3821·, Ex 7 2 6 . 811 (deep structure is cause and effect), 8 1 6 , 9 3 · 2 2 , 10 3 » 7 > 1 2 ' 1 7 ' 2 1 , 14 2 (content of speech), 14 1 5 (speech), 1 4 2 6 , 1 9 1 0 , 25 2 . 8.3.5.6. Jussive plus cohortative Example:

tehi nä^ ^älä benötenü benenü übenekä wenikretä berit ^immäk Let there be an oath between us (between us and you), and let us cut a covenant with you (Ge 2 6 2 8 )

Other examples: Ge 27"2

(when...then...),

30 3

(parallel).

8.4. NEGATION IN CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES It is usual for negation to be repeated in each conjoined clause, rather than negating a conjunctive sentence as a whole. lö1 welö^ You and you

Example:

t ö ^ e l ü mimmennü tigge^ü bo, will not eat any of it will not touch it (Ge 3 3 )

Example: ^lö^-^öslp leqallel f 5d... welö^-^Ssip f öd lehakköt..., I will not curse again... and I will not again smite... (Ge 8 ') Note the chiasmus. Ge 9 1 1 is quite similar. Also De 4 2 , 7 2 b ~ 3 . A single negation, however, can do double duty by modifying a conjunctive sentence as a whole. Example: ^ en ze ki ^ im bet ^elöhlm weze safar hassämayim, This is nothing but the house of God and this is [nothing but] the gate of heaven

(Ge 2 8 1 6 )

Recognition of this can sometimes make quite a difference to interpretation. 8.5. CONJOINED PROHIBITIONS It is usual for the prohibition particle to be repeated in each clause, rather than making it modify a conjunctive sentence as a whole.

llU

CONJUNCTIVE

SENTENCES

^ai-tefäsehü

Example:

we^.al-yi&ar b e f e n e k e m ..., Don't be distressed and don't be angry with yourselves...

(Ge

45s)

Other examples: Ge 19 1 7 , 22 1 2 , De 2 9 ' 1 9 . 8.6. COORDINATION OF QUESTIONS It is usual for each coordinated clause to have its interrogative function separately marked, even if it means repeating the same interrogator. Example:

lämmä härä läk

w e l ä m m ä näpelü p ä n e y k ä , Why are you angry? and why has your face fallen?

(Ge 4 6 )

The clauses are parallel. Another example: Ge 16 8 . When ha- is the interrogator in the lead clause, it is common for 1 1m to be its parallel in the conjoined clause. This might account for the apparently extraneous vePim-särä sandwiched between two ha- questions in Ge 17 1 7 . It is also possible to join two clauses together and then to question the conjunctive sentence as a whole. Example:

halö^ ze ^aser yiste ^ädönl bö wehtP nahes yena^es bö,

and

Isn't this what my master drinks out of? (isn't) it (what) he divines with? (Ge 4 4 5 )

This might help to unravel the puzzle in Ge 4 7 . hälö^ ^im-te'fclb se^et w e U m lö^ te^Iti lappetafc hatta^t rSbe? Isn't there acceptance if you do well, and doesn't sin crouch at the door if you don't

do

well?

5

Another example: Ge 20 . Recognition of the sustained long-range influence of an opening interrogator can make a difference to the interpretation of a passage. So in Ge 31 2 6 Laban asks eight questions using only two explicit interrogators. There are three interrogative paragraphs in apposition. and and

Why did you do it? [why] did you rob my mind? [why] did you drag away my daughters the sword?

like

prisoners

of

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

115

Why did you sneak away? and [why] did you deceive me? and [why] didn't you tell me, so that I could send you off with joy and song, with drum and harp? and [why] didn't you let me kiss my grandsons and granddaughters? Now [why] did you act so stupidly? 8.7. CONJOINING OF SURPRISE CLAUSES As a kind of exclamation, hinne, Beholdl is clause-initial and, when it is not primarily the predicator in a declarative clause, is grammatically attached to the following text in only a loose way. Hinne can also be used to carry a resumptive subject after a suspended topic in an adjunctive clause. But if the ensuing text consists of two conjoined clauses, that is, a conjunctive sentence, the deictic function of the initial hinne may embrace this whole construction, especially when the conjoined clauses are closely parallel in grammatical structure and so secure a well integrated conjoined sentence. Example:

hinne +S:Pr: 1 änökl Cj : ü+S:NPh:hen5t ""anse hä f Ir Behold I and the women of the city

Example:

^hinne haggal hazze vehinne hammassebä... Behold this heap and behold this stone...

+P:PtPh:nissäb... +P : PtPhiyöss"1 öt. . . am standing... are coming out... (Ge 24 1 3 ) Similarly hen in Ge 27 3 7 carries three clauses. Without the initial conjunction, such clauses are more declarative than surprise. It is possible, however, that successive clauses of this kind are conjoined with hinne repeated in each. A vehinne clause following a hinne clause is then formally like a surprise clause, but may be simply declarative, as in dream reports (#7.2). Compare Ge IS 3 . When the initial hinne is used only once, as in Ge 24 1 3 above, it further integrates the conjoined clauses. So Abraham's slave draws attention to the situation at the well as a single scene. If, however, hinne is repeated with each clause, those clauses, although still conjoined, are somewhat more independent of each other. The effect is to paint two pictures, by drawing attention to two items in succession.

(Ge 3 1 5 1 )

8.8. COORDINATION OF SUBORDINATE CLAUSES When there are two clauses, two constructions are possible. (i) Each clause may be marked for subordination and then conjoined.

CONJUNCTIVE

ιι6 Example:

SENTENCES

kl ^ah.! ^äblh-ä hü"1 wekl ben-ribqä hü-1 That he is her father's brother and that he is Rebecca's son CGe 2 9 1 2 )

Other examples: Ge 91* O a k is repeated), 31 5 0 (the H m of disavowal in the oath formula is repeated for each clause in the treaty), 31 s 2 (like the preceding), 33 1 1 . In Ex 22 2 2 two conditional clauses are conjoined by kl as the coordinating conjunction. Um-^anne te^anne ^ötö yi§^aq ^elay If you degrade him and if he protests to me. ki

(ii) The two clauses may be conjoined, and then one subordinating conjunction governs the conjunctive sentence as a whole. Examples: Ge 6 5 , 22 1 7 , 286 (a rare coordination of VS with past tense meaning). The same patterns can be followed when there are more than two conjoined clauses. But with three or more it is possible to mix the patterns, as in Ge 3 6 (#8.1.3). The pattern in Ge 45 2 6 is strange because the conjunction ki is used only in the second clause. Perhaps it is assertative: Joseph is still alive, and he surely is ruler... 8.9. COORDINATION OF RELATIVE CLAUSES It is usual for the 'relative' ^aser to be repeated in each of two conjoined relative clauses. Example: v«P et-ma^äsäyv

and his deeds

^äse we 1 äser we 1 äser which and which and which and which

^äsä... he did... he did... he did... he did... (De ll 3 " 6 ) 8

Since a relative clause is a noun equivalent, the coordination of two or more of them together makes a noun phrase, not a sentence. It is possible, however, to coordinate two clauses together and then to nominalize the conjunctive sentence as a whole by means of ^äser. Example:

äser

kämShü lö nihyätä wekäjnöhü 1δ töslp of which the like never has been and the like never will be again

Other examples: De 8 3 , 9 2 .

(Ex ll6)

CONJUNCTIVE

SENTENCES

117

8.10. CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES INSTEAD OF OTHER CONSTRUCTIONS 8.10.0.

Introduction

In #4.6 it was suggested that the conjunctive sentence was available as an alternative realization of almost any other kind of more specialized coordination. Examples of this are noted, where appropriate, in the discussion of the various sentence types. See, for example, #10.5. Here we shall note only a few instances of the use of conjunctive sentences as alternative surface realizations of non-coordinate deep relationships. 8.10.1.

Hendiadys

in

conjunctive

sentences

Certain idiomatic sequences of coordinated verbs can amount to^a composite description of a single action. Thus perü

ü r e b ü , increase and m e a n s be abundantly 8.10.2.

multiply (Ge 1 fruitful.

Coordination

instead

of

,2β, 97,

3511,

etc.)

apposition

The availability of the so-called 'pleonastic' väw as a marker of phrase-level apposition is familiar to Hebraists. 7 In a similar way, a conjunctive sentence may be used as an alternative surface realization of some of the kinds of sentence-level apposition described in Chapter 3. See #3.0. Example: wehanna^arä töbat mar^e me"1 öd betülä vePis yedä^äh And the girl [she was] a and

Example: kl

no

one

was extremely virgin

had

had

sexual

good-looking intercourse

with

her

(Ge

2416)

^im-mä^en ^attä lesalleh

ve^ödekä mahäziq bäm For if you still refuse to release them and if you still hold on to them (Ex 9 2 )

For realizations in apposition of this kind of synonymous parallelism by means of a negated antonym, see #3.5.1. Other examples: Ge 1 6 1 1 , 38 8 (The explanation of the character of the act is conjoined, not in apposition [#3.7]), Le 213 (repeated a third time in apposition). 8.10.3.

Coordination

instead

of

subordination

The deep relationships between clauses that are primarily realized with the help of subordinating conjunctions are often sufficiently indicated by the content of the two clauses that are joined. The specialized subordinating conjunctions can

118

CONJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

then be replaced by and without loss of clarity. Succession in time is often enough to suggest a chain of cause and effect. This alternative is often resorted to in Hebrew composition, sometimes with effects that are subtle or coy. It is likely that the deep relationships remain elusive, or that the choice of coordination as a neutral linkage amounts to double talk that leaves it open to the listener to take it any way he likes. Example: I know that you fear God and Cwe-3 you did not withhold your son... (Ge 22 1 2 ). Here and means either because

or so that.

Example: Please don't let my lord become angry and I shall speak (VC)(Ge 18 3 0 ).

(VJ)

While it is possible that and here is conditional (Please don't become angry IF I speak), the sequence in which the clauses come, and the use of the cohortative form, suggest rather that and is consequential (if you won't be angry, THEN I would like to say something). The interchangeability of subordinating and coordinating conjunctions is illustrated by the use of lema^an in Ge 27z% while Ge 2 7 5 , 1 9 , 3 1 uses ba r äbür. But Ge 28® uses w-. NOTES 1 For discussion of this interpretation see F. I. Andersen, The Hebrew Verbless Clause in the Pentateuch (Nashville-New York, 1970): p. h2. 2 Either the mem is enclitic or the suffix -äm is f. dual, referring to the twin cities. 3 AV goes one further and supplies the name of to the preceding El Shadday, tut inconsistently does not italicize by in the following clause. ^ For evidence, and the conclusion that this leads to the abolition of the jussive, see Alexander Sperber, A Historical Grammar of Biblical Hebrew (Leiden, 1966): p. U36^ 5 *weyabdel (VJ) would be more likely than periphrasis in that case. And if mabdll was intended as subject complement, then le- would have been appropriate as in Ge 6 Other examples are conveniently accessible in Mandelkern's Concordance.... p. 1308f. 7 The appositional wäw needs to be distinguished from the so-called emphatic wäw. Considerable bibliography and more examples are found in Anton C. M. Blommerde, Northwest Semitic Grammar and Job (Rome, 1969): p. 29.

9 CHIASTIC SENTENCES

9.0. THE FORM OF INTER-CLAUSE CHIASMUS The importance of chiasmus in Hebrew composition has long been appreciated by students of prosody and rhetoric. 1 The name comes from the resemblance to the Greek letter χ of the cross-over pattern that results when the sequence A B B ' A' is arranged in two lines. A Β'

Β X

A'

This is considered by aesthetes to be more pleasing than the repetition of similar items in the same sequence. A

Β

A*

B'

If A and Β are found in one clause, and A' and B 1 are found in the next following clause, and if these two clauses are related to each other in a sentence, then both patterns are found in both apposition and coordination. Repetition in apposition is discussed in #3.3; repetition in chiasmus is discussed in #3.4. The repetition of the same pattern in coordination is characteristic of conjunctive sentences (Chapter 8) and contrast sentences (Chapter 11). The use of chiasmus between coordinated clauses constitutes a distinct type of sentence which we call 'chiastic.' Hitherto chiasmus has been chiefly noticed on the level of literary appreciation and hermeneutics. The present chapter examines the strictly grammatical functions of interclause chiasmus as the realization of a contrastive-distinctive construction in the sentence system. Chiastic sentences are a special type simply from the point of view of discourse syntax.

120

CHIASTIC

SENTENCES

9.1. THE SURFACE GRAMMAR OF CHIASTIC SENTENCES Carl Brockelmann 1 s brief account of the grammar of chiasmus is based on the statement W i e in a l l e n s e m i t i s c h e n S p r a c h e n r u f t das S c h l u s s g l i e d eines S a t z e s das e n t s p r e c h e n d e des f o l g e n d e n S a t z e s d u r c h A s s o z i a t i o n z u e r s t ins B e w u s s t s e i n , so d a s s e i n e c h i a s tische Wortstellung zustande kommt.2

This is too narrow. The item that crosses over need not be at the end of the first clause and at the beginning of the second. Furthermore, he does not distinguish chiasmus in apposition from chiasmus in coordination, and even includes examples of chiasmus in a subordinate clause. A chiastic sentence resembles a conjunctive sentence in joining together two compatible and closely similar clauses. It goes without saying that the two clauses satisfy the elementary requirement of coordination by having the same general external functions as each other and as the chiastic sentence in which they are constituents. Furthermore, the two clauses in a well-formed chiastic sentence have at least two clause-level tagmemes in common, represented by A and Β in the first and by A' and B 1 in the second. The difference between a conjunctive sentence and a chiastic sentence lies in the sequence of these similar elements when the structure of the sentence is viewed as a whole. In a typical conjunctive sentence the corresponding elements are in the same sequence in each clause; in a chiastic sentence at least two of the matching elements have a sequence in the second clause the inverse of their sequence in the lead clause. The commonest elements to be arranged in this way are S and P, that is S and V in most cases. Example: Cj

V

Β

wa+

ttehf

lähem

ci

s

ve-hahemär

SC hallebenä

lä1äben +

SC häyä

and-was for-them and-bitumen was

lahömer

the-brick for-them

for-stone for-mortar

(Ge II 3 )

Here the grammatical effect is the same as it is with a circumstantial clause, especially those which function on sentence level (#5.2). The two actions are certainly staged as contemporaneous or simultaneous. But more is involved than time relationships. The construction is more intimately interwoven and the result more integrated than one clause augmented by a circumstantial clause or than two clauses joined together in a conjunctive sentence. The latter are unified

CHIASTIC

121

SENTENCES

mainly by the fact that they have similar external functions. Clauses in chiasmus are unified by anetwork of relationships WITHIN the sentence. In contrast to a conjunctive sentence, where recursion admits no theoretical limit to the number of clauses that may be coordinated, a chiastic sentence is strictly a two-clause construction. Furthermore, apart from the banal fact that every clause (by definition) has a subject and a predicate, there is no need for the clauses in a circumstantial sentence or in a conjunctive sentence to have similar elements in common. It is not necessary for a conjunctive sentence to have similar elements in the same order; all that counts is that if they do have similar elements they will be in the same order, if only to avoid chiasmus. In other words, a conjunctive sentence is unmarked, a chiastic sentence is marked. While it does no harm to look on a chiastic clause as a special kind of circumstantial clause, the resemblance between them, for instance, the frequency of the sequence we- +S +V, is coincidental and arises from different causes. A circumstantial clause throws S (or something else) in front of V in order to break the chain of verb-initial clauses, and it is not necessary for the lead clause to have an explicit subject in order to secure this effect. A chiastic clause, on the other hand, will use the sequence SV precisely to secure a chiastic pattern with the sequence VS in the preceding clause. 9.2. THE DEEP GRAMMAR OF CHIASMUS In a chiastic sentence, a chiastic clause combines with the lead clause to give a single picture of two simultaneously occurring aspects of the same situation or event. It would be possible to ban idols by saying, 'You mustn't make yourselves silver or gold gods with me.' What Ex 20 2 0 actually says is lö^ ta^äsün ^ittl ^elöhe kesep we^löhe zähäb lö^ ta^äsü läkem, not you-will-make with-me gods of silver and gods of gold not you-will-make for-you

Β The negated verbs are the same. The accomative (^ittl) and the benefactive (läkem) do double duty. The objects are in chiasmus and are coordinated on sentence-level instead of in a phrase. The construction has the effect of a single prohibition and each clause makes an equal contribution to the total picture. The construction is balanced and symmetrical. Neither clause can be said to be in any way dependent on the other. Hence a chiastic sentence is never used as an alternative re-

CHIASTIC

122

SENTENCES

alization of any kind of subordinating relationship, as in conditional sentences or sentences of cause and effect. Even if the two clauses are antithetical in content, the chiastic arrangement subdues the antithesis. Proof of all this can be given only by placing numerous natural texts on the interpreter's workbench. 9.3. CHIASMUS IN NARRATIVE PROSE 9.3.0.

An

Illustration

The function of chiasmus in narrative may be illustrated from the text of Ge 4 2 " 5 --the story of Cain and Abel. Abel's part could be narrated: A Β C

wayehi-hebel rö ^e sö^n vayyäbe^ (hebel) mibbeköröt sö^nö ümehelbehen minhä leyhwh wayyisa^ yhvh ^el-hebel vtP el-minhätö

Cain's part could be told separately:' A' wayehl-qayin ^öbed hä^ädämä Β' vayyäbe^ (qayin) mipperl hä^ädämä minhä leyhwh C' welö^ sä^ä yhvh 1el-qayin wip el-minhäto The historian has not told his story this way. Instead he has chosen to group the six events into three closely related pairs of events, using three chiastic sentences. In each chiastic sentence a pair of similar events are joined together as circumstances of each other, using the same verb, first as WP, then as VS. A

wayehi-hebel

rö^e sö^n

A' veqayi^häyä 'öbed 'ädämä...

Β' weh^b£l^hebl^^gam-hü^ mibbeköröt sö^nö ümehelbehen C

wayyisa^ yhvh ^el-hebel ve^el-minhätö

C' w e P e l - q a y i n wep el-minhätö lö^

sä^ä

Since the story begins with the birth of Cain, then Abel, the names alternate four times. The rhetorical aspects of this pattern of names were first pointed out by Prof. D. N. Freedman

CHIASTIC

SENTENCES

123

(unpublished). The three sentences are also linked by chiasmus. When the verbs are the same, the subject changes; when the verb changes, the subject remains the same. The unchanging item is always switched chiastically. One result is a further chiasmus in the vocabulary of the first four clauses--Abel, Cain, Cain, Abel, and flock, earth, earth, flock. The even clauses are, of course, formally circumstantial to the odd clauses, but there are so many other ways in which it could have been done, that the consciously motivated choice of repeated chiasmus must be taken seriously. What is achieved throughout is an emphasis on the similarity and contemporaneity of the pairs of actions. Neither Cain nor Abel occupies the centre of the stage. It is not until the end that the mysterious partiality of Yahweh emerges. The chiasmus is not achieved only by a VSSV pattern. It is as participants and not just as grammatical subjects that the names of Cain and Abel alternate. The last clause is not *veyhvh lö^ sä f ä..., which would certainly have been circumstantial and chiastic, but more patently contrastive, changing the focus to the opposite attitudes of Yahweh rather than keeping it on the correlative involvement of the two brothers. It is as indirect objects that the two names are chiastic in the last sentence. 9.3.1. Chiasmus in Poetic Discourse The two lines of a poetic bicolon often consist of one clause each in some kind of parallelism (often synonymous) with a chiastic pattern between elements common to both clauses. This phenomenon is so widespread and so familiar to all students of Hebrev literature as to need no documentation. What the present study contributes to this subject is the insight that such a construction must be viewed as a whole, as one sentence, with complex integrating grammatical relationships between them. Chiasmus is a syntactic as well as an artistic device. Example: rä^ö rä^itl ^et-^δηΐ ^amml w«P et-?a^äqätäm säma^tl, I have surely seen my people's suffering and their crying I have heard (Ex 3 7 ) Example: wayyiddSm hassemes v e y ä r e h ^ämäd,

and-stopped the sun and (the) moon stayed (JoS 1 0 1 3 ) There is a similar juxtaposition of sun and moon in Is 60 2 0 . 9.3.2. Chiasmus in Epic Narrative As already shown in #9.3.0, chiasmus is often used in epic writing, which accordingly contains many sentences which have the appearance of well-formed poetic bicolons. This has fostered the

12U

CHIASTIC SENTENCES

impression that a book like Genesis is written in classical verse, but considerable violence has to be done to the text to force it into such a rigid mold. When that fails, the poetic fragments throughout the book are explained as the remnants of an epic substratum in which, presumably,the poetic form was more sustained than it is now. As a result of this explanation, Genesis is not treated as an example of pristine Hebrew composition in many works of Biblical criticism. We want to suggest that the text of Genesis is in better shape and has more artistic integrity than this. It is neither poetry nor prose, but epic composition containing both poetic devices and extended rhetorical structures in which chiasmus plays a key part. The Flood Story affordsmany illustrations . Example : nibqe ^ü kol-ma ^yenöt t ehöm rabbä wa^arubböt hassämayim niptähü, AiVlsplit B:Slall the springs of the great abyss and B':S :the water sluices of the sky A' '.V: opened (Ge 7 1 1 ) The preceding time reference is marginal to this sentence as a whole. The Flood was caused by the confluence of waters from the two great storages--the waters above the firmament and the waters below the firmament (Ge l 7 ). The whole complex of Ge 7 1 1 is sandwiched into another chiastic sentence. üme hammabbül vayehl haggesem and Slwaters of and V:was

häyü ^al-hä^äres Cverse 11J ^al-hä^äres, the flood V'.were Lion the earth... S:the rain Lion the earth (Ge 7 1 0 " 1 2 )

Again the preceding time reference is marginal to this chiastic sentence as a whole. The world was inundated by the simultaneous action of a vast tidal wave and massive pluviation. It is precisely the use of chiasmus that brings out these two sides of a single event. In Ge 4 i _ s the sequence of verb forms in a chiastic sentence is WP...VS. In Ge 7 i o " 1 2 this sequence is reversed (compare Ge 2 1 E x 23 2 8 ). Such an attachment of a WP clause chiastically to a preliminary Ep-marginal circumstantial VS clause makes the resulting chiastic sentence as a whole circumstantial to the ensuing episode. In Ge 7 1 0 " 1 2 the chiastic pattern between verse 10 and verse 12 shows that verse 12 does not continue verse 11. Nor is the WP clause in verse 12 the first moment in the epic with other clauses circumstantial and subsidiary, as in classical prose. The episode actually begins with yäbö^ in verse 7. The whole of Ge 7*" 1 6 is an elaborate piece of epic composition, in which there are only two events both already stated at the beginning, namely, the onset of the flood and the entry into the ark. Descriptions of these events alternate--flood (verse 6), entry (verses 7-9), flood (verses 10-12), entry (verses 13 -16a), flood (verse 17). A third event (the closing of the door) is mentioned only once (verse 16b).

CHIASTIC

SENTENCES

125

CHIASTIC PATTERNS IN GENESIS 7 6 ' 1 7

6

FLOOD

(Ti

ENTRY

Β

V-

V

A.

A' V Ti

Β

V

Ti

V

Β

FLOOD

1 ^

Ch

Ch

Β' V-

13 14-15

Ti ENTRY

V

Β'

V

A-

A' V-

Ch

Ch

16a

Α· V

16b

The LORD shut the door

17

FLOOD

(

V

B-

CHIASTIC

126

SENTENCES

Each of the other events has two aspects. There are two cau^ ses of the flood--the eruption of ocean waters (B) ajid the massive downpour (B1). There are two kinds of passengers in the ark--human CA) and animal (A1). These pairs as constantly repeated grammatical subjects are arranged in five chiastic patterns, interspersed with various time references. It is important not to identify verses 10-12 as two successive bicolons with synonymous parallelism, or the pattern is lost. Verse 11 is a fine chiastic sentence inserted into another chiastic sentence. The Shechem atrocities are described in epic style with frequent chiasmus of WP and VS of the same root. wayyiqehu... wayyäbö'ü... wayyahargü

0 0' häregü

and wayyiqefcu. . . wayyege 'G...

S wayyäbözzü Ο 0 and 0 wayyäbözzü 0

bä"1 G läqälyü säbü

The scheme is admittedly not symmetrical, and the chiastic clauses are mostly not contiguous. Some clauses are in epic apposition (#3.4.1). But the repetitions and parallelism are impressive all the same.3 Other examples: De 3 6 " 7 , β 2 2 " 2 9 , 9 e > 2 0 . 9.3.3. Three-Clause

Chiasmus

By its very nature, inter-clause chiasmus is restricted to a two-clause construction. The discussion on p. 120 shows that each new clause can be made chiastic to its precursor to create a closely woven fabric, but the pattern is seen by taking the clauses in pairs--Cl 2 is chiastic with Cli, Cl 3 is chiastic with Cl 2 , and so on. If, however, Cl 2 and Cl 3 are both chiastic with Clj in the same way, Cl 2 and Cl 3 will be congruent with each other and therefore typical of a conjunctive sentence. It does not make any difference, then, to call Cl 2 and Cl 3 together a conjunctive sentence in chiasmus with Clj. Example: laser hiqsapta ^et-yhwh ^elöheykä bammidbär... übeh.3reb hiqsaptem ^et-yhvh. . . Gbetab^erä...maqslpim heyitem ^et-yhvh... that you infuriated Yahweh your god in the wilderness... and at Horeb you infuriated Yahweh... and at Tabera...you were infuriating Yahweh (De 9'·.·«···»») See also p. 109 above.

CHIASTIC SENTENCES

127

9.4. GRAMMATICAL ASPECTS OF CHIASMUS 9.4.0.

Introduction

Chiasmus can occur between any pairs of clause-level tagmemes. It occurs most often between nuclear tagmemes, the predicate being usually one of them. Next to the predicate, the subject is likely to be involved. Hence S W S is the commonest pattern. But other items are eligible, and we have already seen examples of object, indirect object, or even marginal tagmemes like 'location' making the cross-over. 9.4.1.

Verbless

Predicators

It is possible for the predicate of a verbless clause to be placed in chiasmus with a verb. Example: kl ^im-tam hakkesep ümiqne habbehemä ^el-^ädönl that V:finished S:the silver and S:the stock of animals [is] Ρ '.to my lord (Ge 47 1 The two kinds of wealth are used up. In priestly discourse the dimensions of various cult objects are specified in conjoined verbless clauses with sequence either SP or PS throughout (Ge 6 1 5 , Ex 2 S 1 0 " 2 3 , 27 1 , etc.). Ex 38 l e is a rare chiastic variant of this. we'esrlm ^ammä ^örek weqömä beröhab hämes ^aramöt, and and

20 cubits height in

[is] width

[its] length 5 cubits

Chiasmus is seen at its best in verbal clauses. 9.4.2.

Perfect

Verbs

The chiastic clauses are most alike when VS is used in each. Examples: Ge 7 1 1 , Ex 3 7 (both quoted above), Ge 17 2 e , Ex 31® (identical verbs), 40 3 5 . 9.4.3.

Subjects

in

Chiasmus

The commonest kind of chiastic sentence in narrative prose embodies the pattern +WP +S:N wayyigberü hammayim we- S:N +VS vehammayLm gäberü (Ge 718

19

)

Usually the subjects are different, but the verbs are the same even having the same roots, when similar actions by two participants are reported as in Ge 4 2 " 5 . The similarity of this con struction to epic parallelism with chiasmus in apposition has

128

CHIASTIC

SENTENCES

already been pointed out in #3.4. That construction, however, is more likely to be used when the subject of both clauses is the same. Example:

wayekas he^änän ^et-^öhel mö '"ed ük?böd yhvh male 1 1 et-hammiskän , and-covered the cloud the tent of meeting and the glory of Yahweh filled the tabernacle (Ex 4031*)

Other examples: Ge 7 1 5 " 1 6 (the extreme, in which VS is right at the end of the chiastic clause), 1 4 l 6 b (VS at end. i g 3 7 " 3 « (Lot's two daughters; note reinforcement with gam-hi'), 25 2 8 (Isaac and Rebekah; the second verb is a participle in MT, making the clause circumstantial; but the roots are the same, and archaic VS:*"*ahabat may be suspected.), 311*7 , 35 1 8 , 36 s " (like 1 9 3 7 ~ 3 S ) , 3 7 1 1 (this makes an inclusio with 37 3 and closes the unit), 4 4 2 0 , 45 1 * (lead clause lacks explicit subject), Ex 9 2 3 (Concomitant actions of Moses and Yahweh are represented as simultaneous, even though a time sequence of cause and effect might be supposed. The effect of chiasmus is to abolish the time interval and to highlight the immediate response.), 9 3 3 (thunder and rain), 1 0 1 ? (like 9 2 3 ) , 20 1 " (the people and Moses). 9.4.4.

Objects

in

Chiasmus

Two objects can be arranged in chiasmus when two correlative actions are performed on different objects, especially when the actions are similar or when the same subject performs them. Example:

wayyiqqah mö5e has! haddäm wayyäsem bä^aggänöt vahasl haddäm zäraq. ^al-hammizbeh, and Moses took half the blood and put it in the basins and half the blood he threw over the altar (Ex 2 4 6 )

Other examples of objects in chiasmus: Ge 1 4 l s , 19 3 , 2 4 5 3 , 1 22 52 22 u , 40 41 " , 4315,»iE* Ex 14 6 (mobile and 39 22 ) } infantry units jointly mobilized), 36 (In the prediction in Ex 26 3 the second verb is omitted, so chiasmus is not realized and the sentence becomes a split-level clause.), 3 6 1 7 , 23-2·.,33-3·. 3 7 2 e b - 2 7 a (fulfilment of 30 3 " 11 ) , 3 9 1 7 , De 3 1 2 , 4 1 * , Jos l l i 0 , Jdg 7 2 5 , 9 * 5 , IKi 183 8 . In Ex 9 2 5 there is a more complex picture in three clauses of the joint activity of one subject on three objects. Clj Cl2 Cl 3

wayyak habbäräd...^et kol-^aser ballade v?'et kol- f e£eb halläde hikkä habbäräd we 1 et-kol-^es hasläde Sibber, and smote the hail...every man and beast in the field and all the vegetation of the field smote the hail and every tree of the field smashed (the hail)

CHIASTIC SENTENCES

129

CI2 and C I 3 , in which the subject is realized only once, are conjoined (Chapter 8). This sentence as a whole, with its OV (S) sequence, stands in chiasmus with Cli with its VSO sequence 9.4.5. Indirect Objects in Chiasmus In #9.3.0 it was pointed out that in Ge 4 2 " 5 the names of the participants are placed in chiasmus. But in Ge 4 l f ' ) " 5 a these names function, not as subjects, but as indirect objects. Such a chiastic sentence links together similar actions performed by one participant (S) on two other participants (the IO's). Example:

wayyiqrä^ ^elöhim lä'ör yöm wSlahöS'ek qärä^ läylä WP 10'

S:N

and-he-named and to-the-dark

God

Cj

10 VS

OC OC'

to-the-light he-named

day night

(Ge I s )

As in Ge 4 s , one realization of the subject as a noun does double duty for both clauses. Other examples of indirect objects in chiasmus: Ge l 1 0 , 17 2 0 (Isaac is the first topic, Ishmael the second), 2 0 l e , 2 3 1 1 , 25 s " 6 , 3 3 1 7 . Ge 3 9 " 1 9 contains an extended introversion. In conducting the inquiry, Yahweh God deals with the man, then the woman, then the snake. In pronouncing the curses, the sequence is snake, woman, man. The three are interrogated one after another, using WP clauses--wayyö^mer...wayyo^mer...wayyö 1 mer... The curses come in a bundle, by placing the indirect objects in chiasmus with the verbs. This chiasmus is realized only between the first and second clauses. The second and third are conjoined with identical patterns (compare the discussion of Ex 9 i s at the end of #9.4.4), that is, a conjunctive sentence is placed chiastically with the first clause. The A, B, and C type coordination also helps to unify the three. (Versions point to w? 1 el in the second clause; this is understandable, because the asyndeton makes it look like apposition. But MT is certainly to be preferred, and grammatical coordination recognized.) 9.4.6. Other Clause-Level

Elements

In Ge 18 s " 7 the elements that realize the goal of movement are placed in chiasmus. vay?maher ^abrähäm hä^ohelä... wS 1 el-habbäqär ras ^abrähäm, and hurried Abraham to the tent., and to the herd ran Abraham

130

CHIASTIC

SENTENCES

Since a time s e q u e n c e is i n v o l v e d , it c o u l d be a r g u e d that a n e w episode begins w i t h a c i r c u m s t a n t i a l c l a u s e (#5.1.1) at Ge 1 8 7 . But w e think that the chiasmus links the two a c t i o n s together in a single p i c t u r e , playing d o w n the time succession. Other e x a m p l e s : Ge 4 1 5 ^ (Location), D e 9 2 0 . O c c a s i o n a l l y the elements p l a c e d in chiasmus h a v e g r a m m a t i c a l functions in the two clauses. Example: l ä q a h y a ^ a q o b ^et kol-^Sser l e P S b l n ü üme^äser l e ' ä b l n ü ^äsä ^et k o l - h a k k ä b ö d and

Took from

Jacob all that is our father's what is our father's he made all

different

hazze, this

wealth

, „ ^ (Ge 3 1 1 ) T h e p h r a s e in c h i a s m u s p ä s e r le'äbinü) is o b j e c t in the first c l a u s e , source in the second. S i m i l a r l y , ^ablken is o b j e c t in Ge 3 1 s and c h i a s t i c subject in 3 1 7 . 9.4.7.

Other

verbal

patterns

In c o n t r a s t to the u b i q u i t o u s and

the r e v e r s e

WP χ-

X VS

X

VS

WP

X'

pattern

sequence

is rare.

Examples: Ge 7 1 0 w i t h 1 2 , 2 1 1 , Ex 7 2 1 . It is also p o s s i b l e to have VS in chiasmus w i t h a n infinitive . E x a m p l e : benogpS ^ e t - m i s r a y i m w«P e t - b ä t t e n ü and 9.4.8.

When he smote the Egyptians our families he rescued (Ex 1 2 2 7 )

Chiasmus

with

Example: wayebatter

Negation

^ötäm

battäwek

ve^et-!-h.assipp3r lö^ b ä t ä r , and

and the

he split birds he

them [the animalsJ down the did not divide (Ge 1 5 J 0 " 1 1 )

middle

A l t h o u g h these c l a u s e s are a n t i t h e t i c a l , the c o n t r a s t is n o t p l a y e d u p , as it m i g h t h a v e b e e n done by u s i n g , say, raq.

CHIASTIC

SENTENCES

131

When two negated clauses are in chiasmus, there is, of course, no antithesis. Example: welö^- h.efdlp hammarbe vreliammam^it lo^ heh.sld, and

And the

the one

one who

who gathered most had gathered least had no

no surplus shortage (Ex

161β)

(The hip('il participles are elative.) Another example: Ex 1621*. 9.4.9.

Chiasmus

not

involving

the

Verbs

The verb is the usual pivot around which, other clause-level items are arranged in various patterns. Sometimes clause-level elements not verbs are arranged chiastically. Thus •'öd is chiastic w i t h the infinitives in Ge 8 2 1 , and w i t h the subjects in Ge 9 1 1 . 9.5. CHIASMUS IN PREDICTIVE DISCOURSE 9.5.0.

Verb

Patterns

In past-tense narrative the story marches down a m a i n road paved w i t h WP clauses. A chiastic clause added in will produce the sequence WP...VS. (See #9.3) The corresponding pattern in predictions is WS...VP. It is also possible to use 'imperfect * verbs in both clauses in chiasmus. Example: wa^äbärakä mebärekeykä ümeqallelkä and-I-will-bless and-those-who-curse-you

those-who-bless-you I-will-curse (Ge

Other examples: Ge 2 5 2 3 b , Ex 9.5.1.

Subjects

in

15263213.

Chiasmus

Example: wehäyä yhwh II le^löhlm wehä^eben hazzö^t..yihye bet and

and-will-be this stone

123)

Yahweh will be

^elöhlm,

to me as God [to me] God's

house

(Ge

2821)

(Two aspects of a single vow) Other examples: Ge 1 5 1 3 (^attä is chiastic w i t h the preceding ^änöki), Ex 19 s CS is the same), Le 5 9 » 1 6 (concomitant actions of worshipper and priest, sequential in 5 2 6 ) .

132

CKIASTIC SENTENCES

9.5.2.

Objects

in

Chiasmus

Example: Veiäreg-ü ve^8t8k and

and you

yeha.yyü,

they they

will will

slay spare

me (Ge

1212)

Other examples: Ex 1212, 2 1 3 5 , 2 6 3 5 (symmetrical arrangement of lampstand and table), 28 2 1 f ~ 2 5 , 283e (materials contrast), 28 110 , 29 3 " (Aaron and his sons), 2 9 1 2 (two parts of blood ritual), 2911( (two acts of burning flesh), 3 0 3 τ \ 3 0 2 6 - 3 0 (two acts of anointing}, Le l 8 " 9 (coordinate treatment of parts to be was hed), l 1 5 (like l®" 9 ), 4 7 (two actions with blood), 4 1 7 " 1 ' (clusters several related liturgical acts by chiasmus), 4 3 0 " 3 1 ' 3 " " 3 5 , De 5 2 1 , 1 0 1 6 . 9.5.3.

Mixed

Constructions

There are also some mixed constructions, in which subject and object, or some such combination, are in chiasmus. Examples: Ge 6 l e b ~ 1 9 a 4721* (0 and S) .

(WS + S + and + 0 + VP), 17 6

The verse divisions at Ge 3 4 9 " 1 0

disrupt a chiastic

(OC and S),

sentence.

vehithattenü ^ötänü viPittänü tesebü, and and

with

you us

will you

intermarry will

with

us

settle.

A conjunctive sentence which expounds this sentence in apposition is inserted into this. The next paragraph begins with verse 10b, hot with 10a, as its circumstantial form shows. The detailed provisions for intermarriage are stated three times in this chapter. In Hamor's proposal, the two clauses are conjoined (34 9 ). benötekem tittenü-länü w

9 , "f 9 , "t 9 , •» 9 ' e £ c

13 2 ' '

DISJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

Ik 2

Examples of IfPhj "»-δ IfPh 2 ; Ex 28" 3 , 30 2 0 , Le 5" > 2 1 » 2 1 r 23 > 23 > 2 \ 13 5 9 , etc. 10.1.2.

Either

A

or

Β

An alternative but rare phrase type uses ^ö before both disjunctively coordinated items. Compare the syntax of gam (Chapter 12). Example: ^3-yömayim ^ö-hödes ^ö-yämim, whether days

or

10.1.3.

a month Either

or A

a

and

year

(Nu

92

two

).

Β

While the use of coordinating we- and as an alternative for ^ö is not uncommon (#10.5), the use of ve·^ and correlatively must be considered a curiosity. Example: ^δ yömam välaylä, whether (Nu 9 2 1 ) . 10.1.4.

Whether

A

or

by

day

or

by

night

Β

Example: "'im-behemä ^im-^is, whether (Ex 1 9 1 3 ) .

animal

or

human

Other examples: Le 27 2 6 , De 18 3 , Jos 24 1 5 . 10.2. DISJUNCTIVE COORDINATION ABOVE PHRASE LEVEL 10.2.0.

Transformations

up

and

down

the

hierarchy

Disjunctive coordination has fascinated logicians. But disjunction as a binary operation in symbolic logic is by no means simply related to the use of a conjunction like or in natural languages.1 One property of clause-level disjunctive phrases often remarked on is the expandability of the clause containing one of them to a sentence consisting of two clauses of similar structure in disjunctive coordination. So Ex 21lf — weyäledä-ΐδ bänlm ^ö bänöt, and she will bear to^him^sons or daughters, J/iould be equivalent to *weyäledä-lö bänlm ^δ yäledä-ΐδ bänöt, and she will bear to

him

sons

or

she

will2

bear

to

him

daughters.

The matter is not as simple as that. Sentence-level disjunction seems to have moved further away from the fact that phrase-level disjunctions are not necessarily exclusive. There seems to be more room in the phrase-level disjunction for the possibility that she might bear him both sons and daughters. This has been recognized in

DISJUNCTIVE SENTENCES English by the use of the barbaric "and/or", jneaning both and and or or either and or or. Such a conjunction or disjunction of conjunctions puts a strain on English, although constructions like "when and if" are tolerated, In Hebrew, however, such constructions are totally unknown, (English can also combine prepositions governing the same item, like "under and over the rope", rather than coordinating prepositional phrases -- "under the rope and over the rope". But Hebrew never coordinates prepositions in this way.) Keeping in mind that the Hebrew constructions adduced above might be realizing more than one deep structure, the transformation from clause to sentence represents a movement of "or" up the grammatical hierarchy. Movement of "or" down the hierarchy involves deletion of material repeated in the coordinated clauses. It is a curious feature of Hebrew that it insists on full repetition in phraselevel coordination, but avoids repetition in sentence-level coordination by eschewing sentence-level disjunction for the most part. Only rarely does function on sentence-level, joining disjunctively two clauses which have the same verb with the same subject. A clause of the type weki-yiggah sör ^et-^is ""δ ^et-^issä, and when a bull gores a man or a woman (Ex 21 2 8 ) is more common than a sentence of the type "'ö-ben yiggah ^ö-bat yiggah, whether it gores a son or it gores a daughter (Ex 21 3T )." #10.1.1 showed that alternative locations are readily joined by ^ö on phrase level. A rare example of the transformation of such a construction to sentence level with repetition of the verb is Nu 14 2 -- lü-matnü biPeres misrayim 'δ bammidbär hazze lü mätnü, would we had died in the land of Egypt or in this wilderness would we had died. Note the chiasmus. Another of the rare instances of the repetition of a verb when it is the subjects that are alternatives is Le 25"* 8 " 9 . ^ahad me^ehäyw yig^älennü ϊδ dödö ^ö-ben-dödö yig^älennü ^δ-misseP er besärö mimmispahtö yig^älennü ^ö-hissigä yädö venig^äl [When an Israelite is forced by poverty to sell himself to a non-Israelite] one [=any] of his brothers will redeem him or his uncle or his uncle's son will redeem him or any relative who is a member of his fratry will redeem him or, if he can raise the money, he will redeem himself. The need for a distinct clause to express the final alternative is unavoidable, since the verb is different. Furthermore the condition stated explicitly needs a verb to be attached to subordinately. But the other provisions are divided among

DISJUKCTiyE SENTENCES three clauses, each of which has the same verb, These, however, can hardly be reduced to one clause by joining all the subjects together and using the verb only once. The result would be grammatical, of course. But the listing of a set of alternative subjects in one clause would suggest that it is a matter of indifference which one does it. The listing of a set of alternative actions in four clauses in disjunction, as in the text, implies four grades of responsibility. First a member of his immediate family should redeem him. If he is unable to do it (so it is implied], then a near relative, such as an uncle, steps in. If that fails, the chain of obligation passes to more distant relatives, and only when that resort fails is the victim left to raise his own ransom. Nu 5 1 1 " 3 1 deals with the case of a man who suspects his wife of infidelity. The alternatives are simply whether she is guilty or not. In Nu 511* these alternatives are transferred to the husband. A paragraph of three clauses describes his suspicions in either case, and two such paragraphs are joined by "'δ. There is a lot of repetition. It is quite unusual to find ">ö pushed so high up the hierarchy, except in Leviticus. See #10.2.3. The tendency to keep ^ö as far down in the hierarchy as possible and to minimize sentence-level repetition results in Le 5 1 in a clause which has one common subject for three alternative verbs joined disjunctively, in one predicate. wehü^

^ed 1 δ rä^ ä ^ δ yäda ^

and he [is] witness or saw or knew Priorities are implied -- first the formal witness, then the eye-witness, and only then hearsay. It is also possible, however, that our translation is wrong. For if the construction type shown in #10.1.2 is being used, whether he saw or whether he knew is in apposition with witness and expounds it C#3.7.2). There are two kinds of witness, firsthand and hearsay. We suspect from this example that clause-level disjunction of predicates with a common subject is the least favoured alternative to sentence-level disjunction with repetition, that the use of a disjunctive subject is more acceptable, and that the use of a disjunctive phrase for object, location, etc., is definitely preferred to spreading out such alternatives in disjoined clauses. There are limits, however. In Ex 21 3 3 two clauses with common subject and object are not reduced by having onl£ the verbs in a disjunctive phrase: *wekl yiptah "'S yikre ^Is. I3r. Instead, each clause is fully generated, and even the conjunction is repeated:

DISJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

1^5

wek.1 yiptah H a b3r ^ö ki-yikre' ^la b5r and or

if if

someone someone

takes the excavates

cover

off

a a

cistern cistern

Other examples of ki ... ^δ kl ...: Le 5 1 " 5 , 13 J 6 , 15 2 5 . The conjunction H m , if, is not so prone to repetition in alternative conditional clauses linked by ^δ. Nu 35 1 6 " 2 3 spells out the exceptions to the provision of refuge in cases of accidental homicide. There are three kinds of circumstance, and each has three alternative conditions. (i) If the impliment used creates a presumption of premeditation -Verse 16

w P i m bikll barzel. . .

Verse 17

viPim begeben yäd ...

and

Verse 18

^ö

or

bikll ^es-yäd ...

but

if if

with

an

iron

weapon.

. .

with

a

stone

club

...

with

a wooden

club

...

These are murder. The 'redeemer' will kill the 'slayer'. (ii) If there is evidence of malice aforethought or of premeditation -Verse 20

v«P im-beSin1ä yehdopennü

and him

if

in

hatred

he

pushed

^δ hisllk ^äläyw bisdiyyä or Verse 21

^δ b«P ebä hikkähü beyädö

threw something at him from a hiding place... or in hostility struck him with his fist...

The 'smiter' is guilty of a capital offence. (iii) If the instrument is casual and there is no evidence of animosity -Verse 22

ve^im-bepeta^.. hädäpö... "'ö-hisllk

Verse 23

f

älSyw kol-kell

'3-bekol-"-eben, . .

and if on the spur of the moment he pushed him or threw something at him without hiding or made any stone fall on him without seeing...

This was presumably an accident; there must be a proper trial. The conditional conjunction ^im is always used with we-, even when the latter means or; but it is never "used with ^δ, even when the latter links disjunctively another conditional clause. The preference for coordinating nouns rather than verbs or clauses disjunctively is seen when alternative relative clauses

lit6

DISJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

are involved. Instead of "»Is ^aser X

Y

or

^Is ^äser X

^äser Y

use

^Is ^äser X ^ö

1

1s ^äser Y

Examples: Le 17 3 , 2 1 1 9 , 22" ,5. 10.2.1.

Disjunctive

Sentences

In view of the discussion in #10.2.0 clauses which state alternatives will be joined disjunctively on sentence level when they do not have elements in common or at least when the subject is the only clause-level tagmeme they have in common. Example:

kl s ä q S l ^ö-yärö for or

it it

yissäqel yiyyäre

will will

be be

stoned shot (Ex

1913)

Other examples: with common subject - - E x 2 2 1 3 , Nu 11®, 30 1 1 ; with change of subject -- Le 1 9 2 0 . 10.2.2.

Paragraph-level

Disjunction

When a series of future or conditional actions are described sequentially by means of WS clauses, and there is a branch in the chain due to alternative possibilities, ^ö may be used with VS and the tense is sequential future. In other words, ^ö acts just like wäv-consecutive in paragraph-level disjunction. Examples: Le 4 2 3 , 5 21 , 251'9, Nu 11®

(past frequentative).

In other contexts, however, VS after ^ö is simply past tense. 10.2.3.

Disjunction

of

Paragraphs

Whole paragraphs which represent alternative possibilities may be linked disjunctively by The commonest examples are those in which the initial clause in each paragraph states an alternative condition. Examples: Ex 2 1 3 6 , Nu 5 1 1 " 3 1 , and often in Leviticus. On this level of^the grammatical hierarchy, however, it is common to find we-, used as an alternative realization of the disjunctive conjunction. See #10.5.

DISJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

ll»7

10,3. DISJUNCTIVE QUESTIONS 20.3.0.

Fully

formed

Disjunction

For the disjunctive coordination of two YES/NO questions one might have expected that each clause would be marked by the interrogator hS- and then these two independentlyinterrogative clauses would be joined by But this construction is rarely realized. The only example I have found is Mai l e . hayirseks ^δ häyiisiä1 päneykä or

will will

he he

be favorable lift up your

to you? face?

Compare Job 16 3 , where the second question (af t e r is marked with ma, and Job 382 β , where the second question is marked with 11. 10.3.1.

Interrogated

Disjunctive

Sentence

Alternatively, the two clauses may be coordinated disjunctively, using^ö, and the whole questioned with ha-. Example: hateqasser ma^ädannöt kimä "•ö-möseköt kesll tepatteh Can you bind Or the cords

the chains of the of Orion [can] you

Pleiades? loose? (Job

3831)

In other pairs of questions in this passage the place of ">0 is occupied by either we- (#10.5) or ^im (#10.3.2). 10.3.2.

The

Normal

Construction

The common form for disjunctive questions is to have häon the first clause and ^im on the second clause. Example: hämälök timlSk fälenü Ί im-mäsQl ti_ms3l hänü Will [or]

you indeed reign over us? will you indeed rule us? (Ge

37e)

Other examples: 1 Ki 22 J 5 . Is ΙΟ 1 5 , Je 5 2 3 , Job 4 J 7 , 6 s ' 6 , 1 0 S 5 , ll 7 , etc. The exact role of "'im is not clear. If it substitutes for as used in #10.3.1, it is a conjunction meaning or. If it is parallel to ha- and synonymous with it, the clauses are in apposition (#3.3) and no formal mark of disjunction

ll»8

DISJUNCTiyE SENTENCES

is realized, That the second analysis is correct is supported by the occasional use of veVtm to coordinate a second question CJob 8 3 , II 2 , 211*, 22 3 ) , The analagous combination ^Im like ha- in #10.3.0 would clinch this, but it is not attested. 10.3.3.

Phrase-level

Disjunction

of

Questions

In accord with the principles outlined in #10.2.0 above, the alternates being questioned are more lilcely to be realized as an antithetical phrase in the predicate of a single clause. Example: hame^at hü^ ^im-räb Is

he

little

or

big?

CNu

13lebB)

Other examples: Nu 1 3 1 , a > i s t , Jos 5 1 3 . The phrase hehazSq... haräpe. is [he] strong or weak? is found as predicate in Nu 1 3 l S t A . The alternatives are joined by ^3 in Jos 1 8 1 9 , 2Ki 6 2 7 , and Ecc 2 1 9 . Finally Joel l 2 uses we 1 im in phraselevel disjunctive coordination of questioned items. 10.3.4.

Redundant

Antithetical

Tag

Question

A yes/ho question may be followed up by "'im 15"1, or not, which in effect restricts the YES possibility to hä-, is it

true

that?

Examples: Ge 24 2 1 , 27 2 1 , 3 7 3 2 , Ex 16", Nu I I 2 3 , De 8 2 . The antithetical correlatives yes and ^Syin yield the disjunctive combination häyes... 'im-^äyin, is there... or isn't there? (Ex 17 7 , Nu 1 3 2 0 ) . Once the combination ha-... ""im-^ayin is met (2Sa 17 6 ). 10.4. DISJUNCTIVE REALIZATION OF CONJUNCTIVE RELATIONSHIPS The disjunctive conjunction is sometimes used when the two items joined are not semantically exclusive alternatives, when "and" would seem to be more appropriate. The priests are to wash their hands and feet both when they enter the meeting tent and also when they draw near to the altar. These AND/OR conditions are joined by ^3 in Ex 281*3 and 3 0 2 0 . In Nu 15 s ^3 means and not or. 10.5. CONJUNCTIVE REALIZATION OF DISJUNCTIVE RELATIONSHIPS Items which are clearly alternatives are sometimes joined by "and" rather than by "or". Ex 21 3 7 recognizes two^things a thief might do with a stolen animal: üte.hähö ^3 jneiärS, and he

will

butcher

he

will

be

it

or

he

will

sell

it.

ButEx

2116

links

the

alternative means of disposing of a stolen human being by we-: ümekärö wenimsä 1 beyädö, and he will sell him and Tor J caught

in

his

possession.

DISJUNCTIVE SENTENCES

ll+9

In studying disjunctive questions in #10,3 it was already obseTvea that a variety of means of coordination can be used, sometimes in such contiguity that questions of dialect can» not enter. The interchangeability of conjunctive and disjunctive conjunctions does not seem to correspond in any way to the deep structure relationships between the linked questions, in particular whether the questions point to mutually exclusive answers, and so are disjunctive, or whether they all have the same answer, and so are conjunctive. In seeking an explanation of Abraham's conduct, Abimelek asks him two questions, only one of which can give the right answer. But they are joined by "and" not "or" CGe 20 9 ) . The questions Yahweh asks Moses in Ex 4 1 1 all have the same answer, but they are joined by "or" not "and". Here, however, there is both sentence-level and phrase-level disjunction, complicated by the ambiguity that "or" can mean "and/or". See also De 2 32 > 3 ". NOTES 1 2

D i k , Coordination...: VS can be consecutive

pp. 259-270. future after

^δ.

11

CONTRASTIVE SENTENCES

ll.O. THE DEGREE OF CONTRAST A mild contrast between two related clauses can be secured without advancing to the outright opposition between antithetical and exclusive clauses. The participants in two parallel but in some ways different activities are brought into prominence by realizing them as grammatically similar items in preverbal positions. A common way of doing this is to refer to the two participants by means of explicit pronoun subjects. Example: hü^ yesügekä rö^s

wePattä tesüpennü ^äqeb

He (on the one hand) will crush you head and you (on the other hand) will crush him heel (Ge 3 1 5 ) Here the identical verbs point to similarity, while 'head' versus 'heel' is contrastive. But neither of these pairs is brought into prominence. The contrast is between 'he' and 'you'. 11.1. CONTRASTIVE SENTENCES AND OTHER CONSTRUCTIONS The typical sequence (we- +S +V...) in a contrasting clause is just like the sequence in many circumstantial clauses and also in many chiastic clauses. It therefore needs to be emphasized that it is not the pattern in the coordinated clause alone that determines its grammatical function. It is the total pattern of the two clauses together that determines the total effect in the resultant sentence as a single construction. The contrastive sentence is marked for contrast in that both clauses have features which are unusual from the grammatical point of view, whereas the clauses in the neutral (unmarked) conjunctive sentence are more ordinary. There is, for instance, no obligation to use an explicit preverbal pronoun subject, as in the example above. Its very redundancy focuses attention on it, and brings the two participants into contrast.

CONTRASTIVE SENTENCES

151

In assessing a clause as 'unusual', allowance must be jnade for the different sequence patterns which are 'usual' for different verb forms. The verb is usually clause-initial when it is VSj VI, VC, or VJ, so any item preceding such a verb is in a striking position. VP and Pt are rarely clause-initial, so a preverbal position in a clause with ΎΡ or Pt is less likely to be contrastive, unless.contrast is secured by content. Many such sentences are listed as neutral (conjunctive) in Chapter 8. 11.2. CONTRAST WITH PRONOUN SUBJECTS Two balancing clauses joined in this way constitute a contrastive sentence. Example: htP yihye-llekä lepe we^attä tihye-ΙΙδ le^löhim, and

He will be a mouth for you you will be God for him (Ex

416)

The same pattern is repeated in Ex 7 2 -^You f^attSj will Aaron your brother will speak. These are Moses' and Aaron's contrasting roles. But when the arrangement of Ex 4 1 6 is presented as God's act, the two parts are more closely integrated by means of chiasmus. speak...and

netatti-kä ^elöhim lepar^ö wePaharön ^ähikä yihye nebi^ekä, and

I have appointed you god for Pharoah Aaron your brother will be your prophet

(Ex

71)

Another such mixture of noun and pronoun subjects is found in Ex 21". The respective duties of two partners in a contract or joint enterprise can be spelt out in paragraphs which begin with the same contrastive device. Example: wa^änl... (Ge 6 1 7 ) wePattä. .. (Ge 6 2 1 ) Other examples: Ge 9 7 with 9 9 ; l?" with 17 i 0 ; Ex 2 5 , 1 4 1 6 " 1 7 , De 4 2 1 . 11.3. CONTRAST WITH NOUNS AS SUBJECTS Explicit preverbal noun subjects can be used in coordination to bring out a slight contrast. Example: ^abrfim yäsab b«P eres-kenü^an velöt yäsab beware hakkikkär, and

Abram settled (while, butJ

in Lot

the land of Canaan settled in the cities

of

the

plain

(Ge 1 3 1 2 )

152

CONTRASTIVE

SENTENCES

Other examples; Ge 27 17 (.Leah and Rachel), Ge 4 2 1 3 ? 3 2 (Joseph, and Benjamin), 44 1 0 , 44 l f , Ex g 2 0 ' 2 1 (the heedful and unheedful), 19 1 9 . Noun subject followed by pronoun subject: Ge 27 1 1 , Ex 1411*, 211*, De l 3 9 "*«, 3 9 , De 4 3 "* (both preposed topics are resumed). In Ex 3 2 the same subject is repeated for purposes of contrast. wehinne hassene bö'er bä1 wehassene ^enennü 1 ukkäl, and and

behold, the bush is ablaze with fire (but) the bush is not being eaten.

11.4. CONTRAST WITH OBJECTS Example: ^ötl hesib 'al-kannl vtPötö tälä, and

Me he returned him he hanged

to my post (Ge 4 1 1 )

Contrast Ge 12 1 2 , where similar material is arranged chiastically, blending the two clauses into a single picture rather than setting them against each other. Two noun objects contrast in Ge 42 3 3 , Ex l 2 2 , 16 23 (three objects), 1 8 2 2 a > 2 6 b , 21311 (compare 21 36 ), 293 9 (repeated in 29 1 to attach more details). The contrasting rules for firstborn domestic animals, asses and humans are coordinated in Ex 13 1 2 " 1 3 . De 3 1 2 " 1 3 (contrasting allocation of tribal territory; in De 3 1 5 " 1 6 the recipients are in contrastlve positions). 11.5. OTHER ITEMS IN CONTRAST Very little contrast is involved in the listing of times. Example: ben häfarbayim tö^kelü bäsär, übabböqer tiSbe^ü lähem, and

In in

the the

evening morning

you you

will will

eat flesh be sated with

bread

(Ex

1612)

Compare Ex 16 1 3 and the even more sophisticated construction in Ex 16 6t> - 7a . 11.6. EXCEPTIONS Contrast is not necessarily involved when the same item is repeated in preverbal position in two successive coordinated clauses. Example: ^δηδίοΐ ^ered 'ijnmekä misraymä ve^änSkl ^a^alkä gam-^Slö, and

I will I will

go down with bring you up

you to Egypt (Ge 46"*)

CONTRASTIVE

SENTENCES

153

Compare De 3 2 8 , 9 3 . Here the focussed pronoun is exclusive and emphatic. Another example: kl beyäd hazäqä yesallehem übeyäd hazäqä yegäräsem me^arsö, For with a strong hand he will expel them and with a strong hand he will drive them out from his land (Ex 6 1 ) Correlative items like food and drink do not contrast in preverbal position (De 2 28 , 9 9 » 1 8 ) . Similarly, heaven and earth don't contrast in De 4 3 . Compare De 81*. 11.7. CONTRAST SENTENCE WITH ASYNDETON A

striking example is Ge 502 0 . vtP attem häsabtem ^älay rä^ä ^elöhlm Ijäsäbäh letöbä, And you meant (it) against me (for) evil [But] God meant it for good

König (490) thinks the asyndeton shows the complete disparity between the two modes of operation, and regards the 'and' or 'but1 of the versions as secondary. But there is no evidence that this surface structure realizes a high degree of antithesis. Early Hebrew did not have a special antithetical conjunction. See Chapter 14.

12

INCLUSIVE SENTENCES

12.0. INCLUSION AND ADDITION The Hebrew and English Lexicon of Brown, Driver, and Briggs calls 1 ap a "conjunction denoting addition" and gam an "adverb denoting addition." As we shall see, these two 'particles' are largely similar in their syntax. If anything, gam is a conjunction used secondarily as an 'adverb', while 'ap is an 'adverb' used secondarily as a conjunction. The primary function of gam is inclusive coordination, and in this ^ap resembles it to some extent. In many of its occurrences gam functions as a coordinating conjunction meaning and, and there is a considerable range of usage over which gam and we- are interchangeable without perceptible difference of meaning. But there are constructions containing we- which do not accept gam as a substitute. Thus gam can be used instead of we- in circumstantial, adjunctive, surprise, conjunctive and chiastic sentences (#12.4). But, unlike we-, gam is not used to link clauses in disjunctive, contrastive, exclusive, or anti-^ thetical sentences. Or, rather, if gam were substituted for wein such sentences, it would quite neutralize their adversative character. Furthermore, when gam is substituted for we- as the coordinating conjunction in circumstantial, adjunctive, surprise, conjunctive, or chiastic sentences, it is no longer possible to regard such constructions as alternative surface realizations of deep inter-clausal relationships that are adversative in character. Gam is the synthetic or inclusive coordinator par excellence, and when it is replaced by we-, which is not always possible, it loses some of its effect of adding and not just joining. When two clauses are linked by gam in this distinctive way, we have a construction which we call an INCLUSIVE SENTENCE (IncSe). 12.1. PHRASE-LEVEL COORDINATION USING GAM 12.1.0.

Introduction

That gam is primarily a conjunction is shown by its use to coordinate two nouns in a phrase (Ge 7 3 , 2011) . ^ ap is not so used.

INCLUSIVE 12.1.1.

Inclusive

155

SENTENCES

Phrases

The phrase-level coordination gam-X gam-Y means both

X and

Example: gam-^änahnü gam-^äbötenü, both (Ge 46 3 ") .

ancestors

we

and

our

Y.

Other examples: Ge 242 5 , 32 2 0 , 43 8 , 44 1 6 , 4 7 3 ' 1 9 , SO 9 , Ex 4 1 0 , 5 l ", 1231 , 12 32 , 18 18 , Nu 18 3 , De 32 2 5 , Jdg 8 22 , 191 9 , ISa 2 2 έ , 12 ,2 5 , 173 6 , 202 7 , 219 , 251 6 , 286 » 1 5 , 2Sa 3 1 7 , 5 2 , 162 3 , IKi 3 1 3 ' 2 8 . The first gam is almost never lacking when the phrase is continuous and NEVER replaced by we-. The following gam, however, can be replaced by we-, although this is rare. Examples: Ge 14 1 6 , Jdg 10 9 , 2Ki 17" 12.1.2.

Compound

Conjunction

In a rare variant of this phrase type, X wegam-Y is used. I

___

^

Examples: Ge 14 7 , De l 2 8 (Χ, Y wegam-Z). But gam-X wegam-Y is not found as a single continuous phrase. If X we-Y, X gam-Y, and X wegam-Y are all X Y, this renders void Dik's "criterion for coordinators"1 as a language universal. The translation and also begs the question and explains why gam has been called simply an 'adverb.' The double coordination analysed in #12.2 explains how two coordinators can function together each in its own way. In the light of the discussion ther« the phrase-level use of vegan as one conjunction is abnormal, on a par with the 'but however' that English purists object to. 12.1.3.

Duals

The dual inclusion in gam-X gam-Y explains gam-senehem in Ge 27"5. This cannot mean, 'why should I be bereaved of the two of them ALSO?' because there has been no previous bereavement. We suggest that it substitutes^for *gam-£aräqöb gam-^esäw. So in De 222 *gam-hä^Is

g a m - h ä ^ i s s ä = g a m - s e n e h e m (no one else ISa 2 5 " 3 . Similarly Ex 4 9 means if

pare De 2 3 , lieve

both

signs

is to die). they do not

Combe-

(there were only two).

12.2. TRANS-SENTENCE INCLUSIVE PHRASES An inclusive phrase of the form X gam-Y or gam-X gam-Y can be realized discontinuously with (gam-)X in one clause and gam-Y in another clause. Gam thus functions as a long range inter-clause conjunction which does not link the two clauses as wholes, but only single elements in each. X and Y have their own functions in their respective clauses. This means that both simultaneously realize two tagmemes. This can be avoided by replacing wegam-Y

156

INCLUSIVE

SENTENCES

by w?-Y garn-hü"* or the like. Y then realizes the clause-level tagmeme, while htO functions in the inter-clause inclusive phrase X...gam-hiO. Gam functions independently of, and side by side with, any other conjunction which links the two clauses together as wholes. The two clauses in which (gam-)X and gam-Y occur need not be contiguous, and need not be joined together at all, except in so far as gam joins one part (X) of one to one part (Y) of the other. Gam cannot be replaced by we- when it is used in this way. Example:

waye§aw ^et-härl 1 son . . . way?§av gam et-hasisenl. . . , and he commanded the first... and he commanded the second also...

(Ge 3 2 1 8 - 2 0 )

The phrase et-häri 1 sön. . . gam 1 et-hasseni spans the interval between two widely separated clauses. The clauses as such have their own conjunctions. Example:

(we-) gam-^I? ^al-yerä^ bekol-hähär garn-hasso"* η wehabbäqär ^al-yir^u "'el-mül hähär hahü"* , both a man let not appear in all the\mountain also the flocks and herds let not graze in front of that mountain (Ex 34 3 )

The two clauses are in apposition. The second gam links hassö^n to ^ϊδ; it does not link the second clause to the first. Gam-X ...gam-Y is an inclusive phrase linking man and flocks across this sentence. Gam coordinates pronouns in their free forms, not as suffixes. *gämö, he too, does not exist, only gam-hü"1 . When the item corresponding to Y is a pronoun affix, gam is attached to the corresponding free-form pronoun in apposition. Example:

+VSt +S:(PrAx gam-Pr) wayya f a§ gam-hü"1 mat ^ammim and he too prepared savoury

(Ge 2731 )

Also Ge 22 2 ", 303 » 30 , 381 1 , Le 262>t (lap is used in the same way in the preceding clause; compare De 2 1 1 » 2 0 ) , De 12 3 0 . Example:

+V + 0:(PrSx gam-Pr) bäräkenl gam- ^SnI, Bless me, me too (Ge 27 3, *> 38 )

Example:

+Pp +(PrSx gam-p r ) ^ äläyw gam-hü^ , Upon him, him also r

Contrast gam- äleyhä (Ge 26

21

(ISa 1 9 2 3 ) ).

INCLUSIVE SENTENCES

157

+N +(PrSx gam-Pr) beplw gam-hü^, in his mouth, his also (2Sa 17 5 ) Also IKi 21 l 9 . Even when Y is a free form, gam is sometimes attached to a pronoun in apposition with it, rather than to Y itself. Pr gam-Pr Ge 20® Pr g a m - N

2Sa

1710

Ge 411 . 2 2 , 2 6 , 10 2 1 , 19 3 ", 222 0 , Nu 4 2 \ Jdg l 2 2 , 831 Note the unique gam-Pr Ν Ν

gam-Pr

gam-hem hartumme misrayim (Ex 7 1 1 ) 12.3. DOUBLE COORDINATION When an inclusive phrase (gam-)X... gam-Y is distributed between two clauses, and gam-Y is clause-initial, and the second^clause is coordinated, the second clause begins vegam-Y, Here vegam is not a compound conjunction. Each conjunction operates independently on a different level of the grammatical hierarchy, we- is a sentence-level conjunction joining two clauses; gam is a phras level conjunction joining Y to X in a phrase^that cuts across a sentence. Furthermore, the clause to which we- links the ensuing clause need not be the same as the clause containing X to which gam links Y. Example: wayyiSme^Tl hä^äm ^-al-hitnaddebäm. . vegam däwid hammelek lämalj iimh.5 gedölä, and the people rejoiced because they offered themselves and David the king also rejoiced with great joy (lCh 29 Here we- joins the two clauses, while gam joins the two subjects in an inclusive phrase. Dik recognizes that a construction like this does not transgress his criterion for coordinators. He says that the two conjunctions in such a combination have different "scope". 2 12.4. INCLUSIVE COORDINATION AND SENTENCE TYPES 12.4.0.

Introduction

The calculus of sentence types in Hebrew makes provision for the marking of succession or simultaneity in time sequences (tenseaspect of verbs) in one dimension, and for the marking of similarity or contrast in activities, in another dimension. The plac ing of an inclusive phrase athwart any kind of sentence serves as an additional and unequivocal mark of similarity. If the sen-

INCLUSIVE SENTENCES

158

tence already expresses similarity, this is enhanced, as when gam is used in a chiastic clause. If it implies similarity, this is explicated. If it is equivocal, gam resolves the ambiguity in favour of similarity (circumstantial, alternative, surprise). If the sentence is unmarked, gam marks it for similarity (conjunctive sentence). If the sentence could imply contrast, gam cancels this (contrastive sentence). If the sentence is marked for contrast, gam cannot be imposed on it (alternative, exclusive, antithetical), as the following instance shows. In comparing Ge 1 2 1 2 with 4 1 1 3 above (p. 68) it was pointed out that the latter is contrastive. But the use of gam with a similar sentence in Nu 22 3 3 can hardly overcome the antitheses in the verbs. gam-^ötekä häragti we'ötäh heheyeti, I would spared

and 12.4.1.

Inclusive

have her

both

slain

Chiastic

you

Sentences

It has been shown that a chiastic pattern between two coordinated clauses links them very closely, and usually implies similarity between the items in chiasmus. This similarity can be placed beyond all doubt by the provision of an additional inclusive linkage between the items in chiasmus. Any two clauses which are neither wholly identical nor totally antithetical are likely to be partly similar, partly unlike. A contrastive sentence plays up contrast; a chiastic sentence plays up similarity. But a chiastic sentence can still be open to antithetical interpretation. The chiastic sentence in Ge 43'b-'*a reports the similar actions of Cain and Abel. But the gifts contrast, and if the focus is on this contrast, the sentence is antithetical --Cain

brought

vegetables

BUT

Abel

brought

animals.

This

inter-

pretation is banned by the use of gam to link Cain and Abel. They both brought gifts. Other examples: Ge 4 2 2 (Adah's and Zillah's actions similar), 4 2 6 (Seth like Adam), 1 0 2 1 (Shem like Japheth) , 1 4 1 6 (double rescue), 1 9 3 8 (both sisters alike), De 7*° (but nothing else is sent--this is an extra), Jdg 8 3 1 . Ge 5 0 2 3 has a chiastic clause in apposition; the expected v5gam is not used. 12.4.2.

Inclusive

Conjunctive

Sentences

While a conjunctive sentence is unmarked for contrast or similarity, some similarity is generally implied. This can be reinforced by means of gam. Example:

we"1 Is lö^-ya/äle fimmäk wegam-^Is "'al-yerä1 bekol-hähär,

INCLUSIVE and a man won't go also a man mustn't

and

SENTENCES

up with you appear in all

159 the

mountain

(Ex

343)

gam would go better with the verb. "Nobody must either ascend or appear." Example: gam ^äSö ta^äSe wegain yäk8l tükäl, you will BOTH ALSO succeed

and

do

(ISa 26 2 5 )

The use of gam... vegam... with the same pronoun subject in two successive clauses bespeaks a conjunctive sentence which, as a whole, is linked inclusively with the preceding text. Example: gam-hü"1 yihye-lle^äm wegam-hü"* yigdäl, He too a and 12.4.3.

he

(i.e., Manasseh as well as Ephraim) will

people, too will be

Inclusive

great

'Contrast'

become

4819)

(Ge

Sentences

If Rebekah had said to Abraham's servant *^attä sete v e l i g m a l l e y k a ^esP a b , you drink and for your camels I will

draw,

the two items in pre-verbal position would have been brought into prominence and into contrast (Chapter 11). and

(You look after I'll look after

yourself the camels).

What she actually said was gam-^attä sete vegan ligmalleykä ^esPäb, both you drink and also for the camels I will

draw

(Ge

241*'*)

The imposition of gam... wegam... on the structure of a contrastive sentence neutralizes the contrast and brings everything together. In Ex 21 28 the rules for a goring ox and its owner are stated . in chiasmus. s ä q ö l yissäq.el h a s s ö r . . . u b a 'al h a s s ö r n ä q l , The ox will be stoned and the ox's owner is not culpable

160

INCLUSIVE

SENTENCES

A l t h o u g h the fates c o n t r a s t , the c h i a s t i c s e n t e n c e plays d o w n the a n t i t h e s i s a n d t r a n s l a t i o n 'but' is not indicated. That w o u l d be done in a c o n t r a s t i v e sentence. *hass5r y i s s ä q e l ü b a ^ a l hassör näql W h e n the owner is r e s p o n s i b l e b o t h are liable to the d e a t h p e n alty. hassSr y i s s ä q e l wegam-be^äläyw yümat, and

The his

ox will be owners also

>

stoned will die

(Ex

2125)

T h e a d d i t i o n of gam links 'owner' a n d 'ox' a n d draws a t t e n t i o n to the s i m i l a r i t y of their fates. It thus r e v e r s e s the effect of placing 'ox' a n d 'owner' in j u x t a p o s i t i o n in a regular contrast sentence. W i t h o u t gam, Ex 2 1 2 S w o u l d be contrasting the d i f f e r e n t m o d e s of e x e c u t i o n . In a regular c o n t r a s t s e n t e n c e hü'1 ^ämar... wehi 1 ^ämerä... w o u l d be a n t i t h e t i c a l - - ' H e said this, but she said that.' The u s e of gam w o u l d o b v i a t e the a n t i t h e s i s , as in Ge 2 0 s . halö"1 and

hü"1 wehi^-gam-hl^

^ämar-ll äh5tö hi"! ^ämerä ^ ähl hü^

Didn't he say to me, "She's my [didn't] she also say, "He's my

sister" brother"?

Other e x a m p l e s : Ge 13 2 w i t h 5 (The p a r t i c i p a n t s , Abram a n d Lot, are in c l a u s e - i n i t i a l c o n t r a s t p o s i t i o n . [Abraham h a d silver a n d gold, but Lot h a d tents.] But gam blocks this and brings out the fact that they w e r e c o m p a r a b l y w e a l t h y , w h e r e a s Ge 13 1 , w h i c h lacks gam, contrasts A b r a m ' s a n d Lot's dwelling p l a c e s . ) , De 2 6 p ö k e l . . . w e g a m m a y i m ) . This d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n a n inclusive s e n t e n c e a n d a c o n t r a s t ive s e n t e n c e (Chapter 11) is n i c e l y i l l u s t r a t e d by Ge 4 4 9 " 1 0 . T h e b r o t h e r s insist o n their s o l i d a r i t y , u s i n g a n inclusive sentence--the

one

of

us

it

is

found

with

will

will

be

die

and

we

also

(gam-"1 anahnu) will be slaves to you. But J o s e p h ' s slave rep l i e s w i t h a c o n t r a s t i v e s e n t e n c e - - t h e one it is found wih will

be my

slave

but

you

(we^attem)

clear.

In

the

former gam u n i t e s d e a t h a n d slavery. In the s e c o n d the use of gam w o u l d be i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h the d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n slavery a n d freedom. Other examples: Ge 2 1 1 2 " 1 3 (links Isaac a n d Ishmael), Ge '»'t.ite.'te (Abraham's slave a n d the camels). 12.4.4.

Circumstantial

241"'

Clauses

E x a m p l e : Ex 1 8 2 3 ; the safe arrival of the p e o p l e is c o n c o m i tant w i t h M o s e s ' survival; but the a d d i t i o n of gam implies that M o s e s also will a r r i v e in p e a c e .

INCLUSIVE SENTENCES

l6i

Another example: Ex 1 9 2 2 . 12.4.5.

Surprise

clauses

Surprise clauses ( C h a p t e r 7 ) are fairly detached. But gam-Y in a surprise clause can tie it into context. Example: [God has

I never expected not only let m e

your seed as well

to see

see your face again, your face], God has

(gam ^et-zar^ekä) (Ge 4 8 1 1 )

Other examples of gam with hinne: Ge 12.4.6.

and behold let me see

Paragraph-Level

Inclusive

4222»28.

Linkage

When X and Y are explicit in WP clauses, X... gam-Y is paragraph-level . Example: wattasqeynä ^et-^ablhen yayin ballaylä hü^... wattasqeynä gam ballaylä hahü^ ^et-'ablhen yäyin, . and and

they they

made made

their father drink wine that that night also their father

(Ge 19 3 3 and

Wine

3i

night... drink

)

gam links the two similar nights. Note the chiasmus. Other examples: Ge 22 2 " (the concubine like the wife), 26 2 1 (They had already quarreled over one well; now they dug another

and

they

quarreled

over

it

TOO.),

2731

(Rebekah

had

already done the same--verse 14), 2 9 3 0 a A (as he had already done to Leah. The following clause, which has another gam, is c o n t r a d i c t o r y .

He

loved

also

Rachel

rather

than

Leah

[who

is called hated in the sequel]. But he had not previously loved someone else more than Leah, gam suggests he loved Rachel as well as Leah; hence its deletion in the versions.), 29 3 3 (she already had one son), 3 2 2 0 (as he has already instructed the first), 33 7 (the concubines had already approached), 3 8 1 0 (as he had already killed his brother), Ex and 11 " (Pharoah, like Yahweh, called his wise men and they, like Moses and Aaron, performed tricks), Nu 11" (The Israelites are like the camp followers.), De 3 3 (Og as well as Sihon), De

919

and

1010

(on

that

occasion

too,

as previously),

920

(for Aaron as for the people — linking wä^etnappal in verse 18 . with wä^etpallel in verse 20). 12.4.7.

Predictive

Discourse

When X and Y are explicit in WS clauses X... gam-Y is a paragraph-level linkage. Examples: Ge 3 2 2 (he has already taken from one tree), 2 9 2 7 (Laban has already given him Leah, referred to by the preceding z ö U ) , 3 0 1 5 (gam links to object of an identical verb),

\()Z

INCLUSIVE

SENTENCES

4 4 2 9 Can irony of the author; Jacob speaks as if he knows that they have already removed Joseph), Nu 16 J 0 (the priesthood on top of other priveleges), 27 (like Aaron, the comparison follows), De 3 2 0 (like the eastern tribes). 12.4.8.

Other

Constructions

X and Y explicit in miscellaneous constructions. Examples: Ge 19 3 * 0 ernes ...gam-hallaylä), 24 1 9 (she had already looked after the man), 38 1 1 (his brother had already died), Nu 12 2 (bemolie...gam-bänü), De 12 3 0 (haggöylm hä 1 eile ...gam-^ änl) . X implicit, with gam-Y in WP clause. Examples: Ge 3 s (She had previously given some to herself.), 50 1 8 (This suggests that the deportation was in two stages. If so, the first stage is now lost.) X implicit before gam-Y in miscellaneous clauses. Examples: Ge 19 2 1 (second boon like the first), 20 6 (I know it just as well as you do; compare 2Ki 2 3 ' 5 ) , 30 3 0 (as well as Leäh), 3 5 1 7 (this time also; the previous time it was also a son--Joseph), 4 8 1 9 (Manasseh as well as Ephraim), Ex 3 3 1 7 (second request to be granted like the first; compare Ge 1 9 2 1 ) , Nu 4 2 2 (like the other Levites already mentioned), 18 2 8 (Levites to tithe like the others), 24 1 2 (the messengers as well as you), De l 3 7 (twice)(Moses like the Israelites), 12 3 1 (they sacrifice animals [implied], they sacrifice their children as well). 12.4.9.

Inclusive

Complex

Sentences

An inclusive phrase can link together the two clauses in a complex sentence. Example: ^im-yükal ^Is limnöt ^et-^apar hä^äres gam-zar^akä y i m m ä n e , If anyone can count the dust of the also will be counted (Ge 1 3 1 6 ) . g a m c o n n e c t s Other examples: Jdg covenant.). 12.4.10

^ a p Equivalent

221

(j too to

will

not

keep

earth, your seed seed w i t h dust.

my

side

of

the

gam

The use of ^ap as an inclusive conjunction indistinguishable in meaning from gam is ullustrated by Ge 40 1 6 (x too, as well as the butler), De 2 1 1 (they also, like the Anaqim), 2 2 0 (that is, the land of Ammon, just like the land of Moab was considered a land of Eepha^im), De 15 1 7 (male and female slave alike), Jdg 5 2 9 (as well as her ladies).

INCLUSIVE SENTENCES

163

12.5. INCLUSIVE COORDINATION AND NEGATION In negated clauses, (gam-)X.... gam-Y means neither X nor Y, whether in a simple phrase or in a sentence-spanning phrase. Example: gam-ll gam-läk lö"1 yihye, it will be neither mine nor yours (IKi 3 26 ) . Rxample: gam-qöb lö^ tiqgobennü gam-bärek lö^ tebäräkennü, Seither curse him Nor bless him (Nu 2 3 2 5 ) Compare Is 48®. Example: vel5^-sät libbö gam-läzöH, and he paid no thought to this one EITHER (just as he had ignored the previous disaster) (Ex 7 2 3 ; 8 29 is similar). Example: wegam-^attä -higgadtä II wegam ^änökl lö'1 säma 'tl biltl hayyöm, (and) neither you told me (and) nor I heard except today (Ge 21 2 e ) 12.6. THE IMPLICATION OF INCLUSIVE COORDINATION In a well-formed inclusive sentence the phrase (gam-)X... gam-Y lies across the sentence. Attention is drawn to the similarity of X's and Y's involvement. If X and Y are subjects they do the same thing. If objects, they have the same thing done to them. If locations, the same thing happens at both of them. And so on. Even without the optional preliminary gam to mark it, X can usually be identified once gam-Y comes up, even if there is quite an interval between them. Sometimes, however, X is quite lacking in the text preceding gam-Y. The implication of gam-Y is that there has to be a similar X in there somewhere, either implicit in the text, or presupposed in the situation. Example: wayyitten gam-liPlsäh, and she gave it to her husband also^(Ge 3 s ). There is no preceding indirect object to match le^Isäh, but it is implied that the woman is that indirect obj ect. Example: venösap gam-hü^ ( al-sönePenü, and he too will join our enemies (Ex l T o ) . This implies that someone else has already joined the enemy and now Israel will do so TOO. There is nothing explicit or implicit in the preceding text about a gathering of enemies, but use of gam makes that the presupposition of the incompletely formed inclusive phrase. There is a similar effect in Ge 1 3 1 S , 1 6 1 3 , 19 2 1 . Inclusive linkage by means of gam has its most powerful effect when X and Y are both explicit with similar grammatical func-

INCLUSIVE SENTENCES

161»

tions, in contiguous clauses which are constituents of the same sentence. This happens in well-formed chiastic, conjunctive and constrastive sentences. 12.7. NONINCLUSIVE USES OF gam 12.7.0.

Introduction

There are instances when gam-Y does not link Y to any similar X in the context, and when, moreover, it is not even possible that such an X is implied or presupposed. Here gam cannot mean "also" or "too." 12.7.1.

Coordination

The use of gam as a coordinating conjunction virtually indistinguishable from we- is seen in its use as coordinator in a variety of sentence types. In inter-clause constructions, gam can be used in a circumstantial clause. This is rare. Example: gam hä^Is mSse gädöl i P o d , while the man Moses (was) very great (Ex ll3). Or in an adjunctive clause--very rare. Example: gam ^änökl hälllä 111, as for me, a curse be on me... (1 Sa 12 2 3 ). In a surprise clause (for vehinne). Example: gam hinne ^abdekä ya^äqöb ^ahärenü, behold, your slave Jacob (is) behind us (Ge 32 2 1 , which seems to be garbled from vehinne gam-hü' 'ahSrenü in 321 9 ). In a conjunctive sentence. Example: ^eres rä^äsä gam-sämayim nätäpü gam-^äblm nä^epü mayim, The earth convulsed and the sky collapsed and the clouds dropped down as water (Jdg 51*) In a chiastic sentence. Example: vayyakküm lepl-hereb... gam kol-he^ärlm...sillehü bä^es, and they smote them to the mouth of the sword... and all the cities... they sent into fire (Jdg 201*8) Other examples: Ex ΙΟ 2 ", ISa 28 l s .

INCLUSIVE SENTENCES

165

gam-^attä is occasionally used instead of wi^attä in high-level discourse transitions. Examples:

Ge 4 4 1 0 , ISa 12 1 6 .

Similarly in ISa 2 1 5 gam links two paragraphs dealing with similar abuses. Gam can be placed between two clauses in apposition, as with v5- also (#8.10.2). Examples: De 23 3 ',, (specifying apposition, 286 1 , Jos 2 4 l e b (makes an inclusio with the opening clause), ISa 28 2 0 , 2Sa 12 2 7 . In Ge 30 s , gam is used as a post-positive inter-clause coordinating conjunction.3 12.7.2.

Compound

Inter-Clause

Conjunction

Just as in #12.1.2 it was shown that vegan was equivalent to a single phrase-level conjunction, so, occasionally, this combination may be used to unite two clauses when there is no indication that gam is operating independently of we- to unite two items in these clauses in a trans-sentence phrase. At least in Ex 6 3 " 5 , where three clauses as wholes are coordinated by two occurences of vegan, gam-^Snl, I too, should not be construed, as the Massoretes were aware. For this would mean that someone else besides God had heard their cry, which is not the case. In each instance gam could go with the verb: I revealed myself... and

I also

raised

up my covenant...

and

I have

also

heard...

But

in the light of the observations made in #12.8 below, it is possible that here gam ^anl means ι myself. Other examples of Cli wggam-Cl2 are found in Ge IS 1 ", 1 7 l e , 2 0 1 2 , 21 1 3 . For the construction gam-Clj wSgam-Cl 2 see Ex 1 0 2 5 " 2 6 . 12.8. GAM NOT A CONJUNCTION 12.8.0.

Introduction

In #12.7.1 above gam is called a conjunction because it can be replaced by v8-. When this is not possible, it might be necessary to call gam an 'adverb', even though the name is hardly suitable, because gam so used modifies other things besides verbs. 12.8.1.

Appositive

gam

The use of v e g a n in Ge 15Ilf is not inclusive. There is no similar preceding element to link ^et-haggöy with. Compare Ge 38 2 2 Ge 17' 6 is even more remarkable, for here v e g a n links two verbs which are partly synonymous, and, furthermore, w?gam nätattl is

INCLUSIVE SENTENCES

166

future (=WS). Compare Ge 30® where v?gam iäma f beqöll specifies the meaning of dänannl ^elöhim, God has judged me and also he heard my voice, a relationship normally realized in apposition. 12.8.2.

gam"1

Emphasizing

Gam is sometimes placed before an infinitive absolute after a cognate verb, a thing which does not happen with w5-. Examples: Ge 3 1 1 5 , 461*, Nu 1 6 1 3 , ISa l 6 . the strange gm-brvx in Ge 2 7 3 3 ? ) The similarity of gam and ing g a m - ^ o m n ä , truly 13

1

Indeed

(Does this explain

a p as emphasizers is seen by compar(Ge 20

) with

1

ap

1

omnam,

really

and truly (Ge 1 8 ) . That the particles are assertative is seen by comparing ha^ap tispe, will you really destroy? (Ge 18 23 2lf > ) with hSki in Ge 2 7 3 6 - - J s n ' t he truly called Jacob? 12.8.3.

Focussing

gam

A construction like milkä gam-hl"1 , probably means Milkah herself, not Milkah she also, for there is no preceding participant for gam to link Milkah to (Ge 2 2 2 0 ) . Similarly, gam in IKi 4 1 5 is not inclusive, for no one else had married her. Other examples: Ge 20®, 3 2 1 9 , Ex 1 2 3 2 b , Nu 2 2 1 9 , Jos 9*, Jdg 9 " 9 , ISa 22 7 , 2Sa 1 2 1 3 ' 1 * . Similarly, 1 ap-hü^ means he himself in 2Ki 2 11 *, and ^ ap has the same effect in its several occurrences in Le 2 6 1 6 " . 12.9. THE HIERARCHICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF GAM Gam does not have a single function, but a range of functions with associated meanings. Its various uses are not simply miscellaneous, each with its own contrastive-distinctive features. There are priorities. Its 'typical' function has first claim, and only when that is eliminated as not applicable are less likely functions tried out. Gam-Y immediately suggests a phrase, X gam-Y, and if this is found, especially in its form gam-X gam-Y (#12.1.1), the role of gam as phrase-level inclusive coordinater is recognized. Otherwise, one looks for X (or remembers it) explicitly in the preceding context, or, failing that, implicitly, and gam is recognized as a clause-spanning phrase-level inclusive conjunction. If that fails, one tries out gam as a conjunction coordinating two clauses in a sentence (#12.7). Finally, when all else fails, and no coordination is found, gam is interpreted as an emphatic particle (#12.8.2), or 'adverb.'

INCLUSIVE SENTENCES

167

NOTES 1

Coordination..., p. Coordination. .. , p. 1»0. Dik's criterion is not flexible enough, for it absolutizes the category of a given form by making provision only for its classification as either a coordinator or a subordinator, like the old lexicons. But a conjunction might vary in its role from text to text, as the frequent examples of alternative surface realizations in the present study show. In the case of wegam we must distinguish a compound coordinator (#12.1.2, #12.3) from double coordination on different levels (#12.2) and also from a residue (#12.8.2) in which gam is a 'clause adverbal' or emphasizer. 3 F. I. Andersen, Journal of Biblical Literature 88 ( 1 9 6 9 ) : p. 200. " B. Jacob "Erklärung einiger Hiob-Stellen," Zeitschrift für die AlttestamentIiche Wissenschaft, 32 (1912) :pp.279-282 . The long note on pages 281-282 contains valuable observations on the similarity between gam and ^ap in this regard, and complains that such particles have not been adequately studied. Still true sixtyyears later. 2

13

EXCLUSIVE

SENTENCES

13.0. SIGNALS OF EXCLUSIVE RELATIONSHIPS A collation of 'particles' that have been called exclusive, restrictive, or limitative conjunctions by one writer or another yields the formidable list already given on page 70. The items on this list, which includes some compounds, are by no means all the same in their grammatical behaviour. The realization of relationships of exclusion is a complicated business in which the grammatical functions of conjunctions, prepositions, and 'adverbs' are brought into play, as the faltering treatment of this subject in the existing Hebrew grammars and lexicons shows. Either the issue is obfuscated by sweeping all such items under the elusive 'part of speech' PARTICLE, or else the assignment of an item to one part of speech or another is made so arbitrarily that much disagreement results. Nothing is gained by berating previous workers. The ensuing treatment will develop criteria for distinguishing conjunctions, prepositions, and 'adverbs' from one another by finding out the hierarchical level on which each functions. In brief, a conjunction, by definition, joins things, so its minimum manifestation is in a threeitem construction X-Cj-Y which is a sentence if X and Y are clauses or a phrase if X and Y are phrases or words. A preposition, as its name indicates, comes in front of something, and this might seem at first to be just a trivial structural fact. But the construction Pp-X, a prepositional phrase, is a relator-axis, which, as a whole, functions in relationship to something else, say Z. Since Cj-Y is also a relator-axis construction, there is a formal resemblance between prepositions and conjunctions. But a preposition is always followed by a nominal (noun, pronoun, noun equivalent [the last conceals a circularity in the the definitions]), whereas a conjunction always joins two things of the same kind. These differential criteria do not settle all questions; for instance, they do not tell us whether "except" is a conjunction or a preposition in "noone except me". But at least they permit us to put our finger on the reasons for the structural ambiguity in such cases. A n 'adverb' is not a joiner and not

EXCLUSIVE

SENTENCES

169

a relator, but a modifier. The name is misleading, for while an adverb like me 1 öd, very, can modify a verb, it can also modify an adjective -- töb m«P5d, very good. Furthermore some so-called 'adverbs' modify a clause as a whole, and there is no reason to attach them specifically to the verb in the clause. It is in this regard that 'adverbs' and conjunctions are sometimes indistinguishable, or rather, that it is not easy in some particular occurrences of a given word to tell whether it is functioning as an adverb or as a conjunction. In De 12 1 β raq haddäm lö^ tS^kelu, only the blood you shall not eat, begins with a conjunction if raq relates the following clause as a whole to the preceding general statement as a limitation to be imposed on it. you can do anything you like, except that you mustn't eat blood. But raq haddäm, only the blood, could be a phrase (the object of the verb) in which raq modifies haddäm (haddäm is a noun, so raq should not be called an 'adverb') marking it for exclusion from the list of permitted foods, YOU can eat anything except (=only not) blood, where anything except blood is a phrase in which except is a conjunction, an excluding coordinator. If, finally, raq were an adverb in the strict sense, it would modify the verb and so exclude eat from the list of permitted activities, rou can do what you like with blood, except eat it. The phraselevel only blood is easier to distinguish from the clauselevel only eat and from the clause-modifying (sentencelevel) only-*(eat blood) than the last two are from each other. Since the verb is the hub of the clause, a line cannot always be drawn between a verb modifier ('adverb') and a clause relator (conjunction). The excluding relator lebad is strictly a preposition, and so is the compound lebad min. 1 So lebad me^äser should not be called a conjunction, as is usually done, for this needlessly multiplies categories and flaunts the settled function of ^aser as a nominalizer. Zülätl except is usually a preposition, but it is used once (Jos l l 1 3 ) as a conjunction. Some of the allegedly exclusive conjunctions (or 'adverbs') are negatives, etymologically nouns, whose resemblance to adverbs or conjunctions is not only derivative in the historical sense, but secondary from the functional point of view, and not easy to disentangle from matters of translation. They are ^epes, biltl, bil^äde. The deepstructure relationships of negation, exclusion, and antithesis shade into each other, and so their surface realizations overlap to a considerable extent. Some conjunctions primarily antithetical (Chapter 14) have a secondary use in alternative realizations of exclusive relationships (#13.7). These are ^ im lö1 and kl h a . This leaves ^ak 2 and raq as the exclusiverestrictive 'particles' par excellence. These conversely have secondary usage in alternative surface realizations of deep antithetical relationships (#13.5). The reasons for presenting the material in this way have been explained on page 35.

170

EXCLUSIVE

SENTENCES

^ ak kl is sometimes listed as an exclusive (compound) conjunction. But the only occurrence is in ISa 8® where "*ak kl is not a compound. Each word has its own function; ^ak is exclusive, ki is assertative -- o.-ily you will certainly warn them. 13.1. THE FORM OF THE EXCLUSIVE RELATIONSHIP An exclusive or restrictive connection is a kind of coordination between two items, one of which represents a whole, the other a part which is excluded from that whole. Thus the whole set of a man's sisters comprises three subsets. (i) Full (same father and same mother) (ii) Paternal (same father, different mother) (iii) Uterine (same mother, different father) In Hebrew nomenclature a member of sets (i) and (ii) is (iv) bat-^äbi, my father's daughter. A member of sets (i) and (iii) is (v) bat-"1 imrni, my mother's daughter. Members of set (i) are the overlap of sets (iv) and (v). Members of set (ii} consist of set (iv) minus set (v) -bat-^äbi... ^ak lö' bat-^imml, my father's daughter... but not my mother's daughter (Ge 20 l 5 ). This construction is a phrase-level exclusive coordination. In a similar manner a clause which makes a blanket statement can be subsequently limited by excluding some of what it has comprehensively embraced. Example: wayyiqen yösep ^et-kol-^admat misrayim lepar^ö... raq ^admat hakköhanlm lö^ qänä and Joseph bought all the land of Egypt for Pharoah... except he did not buy the priests' land (Ge 47* °) There are three features to note in this fully formed exclusive construction, (i) The first clause makes a comprehensive statement of which the explicit mark is kol all. This feature is, however, often implicit; the land of Egypt in the absence of any limitation, implies ALL the land of Egypt. Furthermore, as soon as a limitation is applied, this first statement is shown to be not strictly true if it is left standing alone, (ii) The following exclusive clause negates part of the lead clause. The explicit mark is lö1 not. Negation may also be achieved by means of an antonym, (iii) The use of an exclusive conjunction (^ak or raq) to coordinate the excluded part with the comprehensive lead statement. Antithetical conjunctions may alternatively substitute for these (#13.7). Already in this example a problem emerges. As will be shown in #13.9, raq-X can be a phrase meaning only x. If this is what raq is doing in Ge 47 2 0 , it is not a conjunction joining the following clause as a whole to the preceding, exclusively. It modifies "^adrnat hakköhSnim, and

EXCLUSIVE

SENTENCES

171

the object of the verb buy is the priests' land only. In

clause-initial position, therefore, when the immediately following item qualifies for phrase-level modification, the function of rag is ambiguous. (The behaviour of "only" in English is equally ambivalent, and made worse by its greater mobility.) It could be a conjunction Cexcept, along with the negation) or an 'adverb' (only). That raq is here a conjunction is suggested by the similar clause in Ge 47 26 : raq ^admat hakkShanim lebaddäm lö^ häyetä lepar^ö, except the land of the priests^alone did not come to belong to Pharoah. The use of lebaddäm as a

restrictive 'adverb' modifying priests excuses raq from a similar role, and virtually drives it into the camp of antithetical conjunctions -- but. A similar use of "'ak with lebaddö in Ex 12 16 shows that there ">ak is an exclusive conjunction. Raq and "'ak are interchangeable in such constructions. kol-melä^kä lö-yä ^äse bähem ^ ak ^ aser ye^äkel leiol-nepes hü1 lebaddö yeräSe läkem all work will not be done among you except what is eaten for everyone, that alone will be done for you

The grammatical question is then whether raq or ^ak modifies the verb as nucleus of the whole clause (a so-called 'clauseadverb') and so governs the clause as a whole, which is tantamount to being a conjunction, since by modifying the clause as a whole in this way it gives it an exclusive function in the context, or whether it modifies merely one of the clauselevel elements, a noun or prepositional phrase, and so is a more deeply embedded part of the clause. When raq or ^ak precedes a noun or prepositional phrase and is not clauseinitial, it is certainly phrase-level (Ge 6 5 , 262®). When either of them is clause-initial and does not precede a noun or a prepositional phrase that it might conceivably modify, it is certainly an inter-clause conjunction (Ex 8 »2 s ). When it is clause-initial and also precedes a noun or a prepositional phrase that it might modify, it could be either a conjunction or an 'adverb*. This structural ambiguity can be resolved only by resort to semantic considerations, and then only sometimes. Thus Ex 8 5 they will remain ONLY in the Nile (phrase-level) is preferable to EXCEPT THAT they will remain in the Nile (sentence-level). In Ge 24® BUT you won't take my son back there (sentence-level) is preferable to my son ALONE you won't take back there (phrase-level). But

raq in Ge 19® makes equal sense on either level, but is better construed as antithetical (#13.5), since the prohibition of abusing the men does not constitute an exception to the permission to do what they like to the women. The negation in the exclusive coordination construction all x... excluding (only not) Υ can be distributed differently, using the surface features of antithesis. None of you

EXCLUSIVE

172 will

enter

the

land

(kl lim) Caleb...

that

SENTENCES

I promised

to settle

you

in

EXCEPT

and Joshua... (Nu 1 4 3 0 ) . Compare Nu 26 6 5 .

With a prepositional phrase -- There is no expiation for murder... mitted it

EXCEPT (kl (Nu 3 5 3 3 ) .

'im) by

the

death

of

the

one

who

com-

13.2. PHRASE-LEVEL EXCLUSION The preceding examples suggest that kl "'im is preferred as the excluding conjunction after negation, but that raq or ^ak is preferred when negation follows. Besides koi everything, mePümä anything can precede the exception. M e P ü m ä kl

' i m - h a l l e h e m , anything

me^ümä ki H m - ^ ö t ä k i anything

EXCEPT

EXCEPT

the

you

bread

(Ge

396);

(Ge 39®). In Ge 14 2 *

negation is repeated with the excluding conjunction raq.: I'll what me.

take nothing belonging the troops ate and the

to you EXCEPT (bil^ädl r a q ) share of the men who accompanied

We have seen that the exclusion of a subset Y from a set X consisting of Y and Ζ can be stated in two ways, ONLY Ζ = all

Χ EXCEPT

Υ or none

of

Χ EXCEPT

z. T o i d e n t i f y

Ζ as

not

Γ ONLY ζ is not exclusive, because the complete set is not mentioned. But this antithetical construction has the same surface form as the exclusive one, and this fluidity can penetrate also into deep structure. Thus Nu 26 33 lö^-häyä Ιό b ä n l m kl

^ i m - b ä n ö t , h e had

no

sons,

BUT

(only)

daughters,

is just like the exclusive constructions cited above. But h e r e sons

(Y) a n d daughters

(Z) c o m p r i s e t h e s e t

children

(Z). Here the lack of a common gender in Hebrew places a strain on the surface structure, for the use of the exclusive construction means he had no sons except daughters, which is a contradiction. But if the surface structure invades the lexicon, it gives bänim in this context the generic meaning (X) --he

had

no

children

except

daughters.

13.3. TRANS-SENTENCE EXCLUSIVE PHRASES In Chapter 12 there was considerable discussion of the spreading of an inclusive phrase across two clauses which may be otherwise joined together in a sentence. By analogy, the same kind of construction might have been expected with exclusive phrases. But this is rarely found. Unlike the double coordination realized by means of vegan, the combinations veraq and we^ak are almost totally unknown. Exclusion is secured either within a continuous phrase or entirely between clauses as wholes in a sentence. This constraint has doubtless something to do with the component of negation in exclusive constructions, but it would take more research into the deep semantic structure of exclusion than we have room for here to lay this matter bare. Example: vayyimalj et-kol-hayeqüm. . . vayyissä^er ^ak-nöh... and and

he obliterated survived ONLY

all that stood... Noah... (Ge 7 Z 3 " 2 1 f )

EXCLUSIVE

173

SENTENCES

Since ^epes has been called an "adverb of limitation"3 it is interesting to notice how Nu 23 13 says You will see nothing

of

him

EXCEPT

his

edge.

^epes qäsehü tir^e ve-kullö 1δΊ tir^e

and

only his edge you will see all of him you won't see.

13.4. EXCLUSIVE SENTENCES In the commonest exclusive sentences the lead clause states a general rule and the exclusive clause states a limiting exception, with negation. The conjunction in these instances is usually "'ak, and is equivalent to adversative however. Example: in

its

I have given you everything/ life {its blood) you will not

HOWEVER eat (Ge

Oak) 93"l>).

flesh

Note, however, that at this point the speech changes from declarative to what is virtually precative, and the use of "'ak is comparable to its use, utterance-initial, in the solemn premonitions studied in #13.10. Other examples: Le 21 2 3 , 27 2 S , 2 8 , Nu l"",18 3 , 1 5 , 1 7 , 31 2 2 . In Le ll 36 "'ak introduces the positive exception after a negation; it can also introduce a positive qualification after a positive statement (Nu 36®, Jos 311). In Jos ll 13 zülätl introduces the one positive exception to the preceding blanket negation (which is itself an exclusive clause that excludes the act of burning from the general acts of destruction just described, so that Jos ll* 3t is an exclusion from an exclusion). That zülätl is here a conjunction is shown by the otherwise redundant use of l e b a d d ä h . In contrast with ^ak as used in the above examples, raq is not so obviously a conjunction when it is used in similar constructions. Example: of in

Israel; Ashdod

W e r e n o t left Anakim r a q (but? however? they remained (Jos

in the land except?) in ll22).

of the children Gaza, in Gath, and

But this is sufficiently explained as phrase-level limitation: ONLY in Gaza,

etc. See #13.9, and the discussion of the clause-

initial position in #13.1. The same applies to Ge 50*, where clause-initial r a q t a p p ä m . . . follows a very comprehensive statement that everybody went to Jacob's funeral, EXCEPT ( c o n j u n c t i o n ) or ONLY ('adverb') in the land of Goshen.

their

infants...

they

left

13.5. EXCLUSIVE FORMS USED FOR ANTITHETICAL RELATIONSHIPS The formal similarity between exclusive constructions and antithetical constructions has already been remarked on sev-

171»

EXCLUSIVE

SENTENCES

eral times. In contrast with the preference for ak as the exclusive conjunction in priestly writings of the Pentateuch (#13.4), in the historical books and some prophets ^ak signals an adversative relationship that falls short of the outright opposition of full antithesis and is appropriately translated however, nevertheless. Examples: ISa 296 , 2Sa 2 1 0 , 3 1 3 , IKi 17 1 3 , 22"'* (In 2Ki 121* raq replaces 1 ak in an identical construction.), 2Ki 12 1 *. 136 , 227 , 23 s , 26 , 35 , Is 141 5 , 4 3 2 \ Je 26 1 5 . 2 " , 28 7 , 30 l f , Ezk 46 1 7 , Jon 2 5 , Zee l 6 . Deuteronomy uses 'ak only once in this way (De 18 2δ ); once raq (De 10 l s ) once "Upes kl (De 15"). There is outright antithesis with ^ak in ISa 20 3 9 . See also Nu Ιό 1 ", Ex 21 1 , Le ll* (= Del4 7 ). 13.6. EXCLUSIVE FORMS USED FOR COORDINATION OR APPOSITION #13.10 contains numerous examples of utterance-initial 1 ak which is assertative or an exclamation. When it comes between clauses that are in no way exclusive or antithetical it may be described as simply coordinative (Nu 26 s 5 ) or appositive (Nu 31 23 ). Also Ex 12 1 5 . 13.7. EXCLUSIVE RELATIONSHIPS REALIZED BY ANTITHETICAL FORMS The antithetical conjunction kl 1 im except is used to mark the exclusive condition that cancels a general rule. Examples: Ge 32 2 7 , Le 21 2 , 226. The variety of surface structures that can realize essentially the same deep relationships is illustrated by the several times that the exclusive condition for receiving audience with Joseph is stated. Ge 42 1 S :

im [= Neg . 1-tes?"1 ü mizze kl ^im-bebö' ^ählkem haqqätön hennä You won't go out EXCEPT when your

from here youngest brother

comes

here

Ge 433 > 5 : lö"1 tir">ü pänay bilti [= Neg.] ^ ähikem ^ittekem You won't see my face EXCEPT your brother is

with

you

Ge 44 2 6 : kl-lö^ nükal lir^St pene hä^is wePähinü haqqätön ^ enennü ^ittänü For we EXCEPT

cannot see [literally

the m a n ' s face a n d ] o u r youngest

brother

isn't

with

EXCLUSIVE

SENTENCES

175

In the last example the condition is simply coordinated. In Ge 44 2 3 the condition is stated first. ^im-lö^ yered ^ahlkem haqqätön ^ittekem lö^ töslpün lir^ot pänäy If your youngest you won't see my

brother does face again

not

come

down

with

you

13.8. PHRASE 'ADVERB' AND CLAUSE 'ADVERB' The combination raq-^ak is listed as a "restrictive particle."" Williams calls this "redundant."5 It occurs only in Nu 12 2 . häraq-^ak bemose dibber yhwh hSlö1-gam-bänü dibber, Did Did

Yahweh he not

only speak in Moses speak in us as well?

alone?

Here ^ ak bemose is a phrase of the type found in #13.9, and is the correlate of phrase-level gam-bänü. But raq is a clausemodifier of the rest of the clause as a whole, as discussed in #13.10. The two parts of the alleged compound thus function on different levels of the hierarchy. 13.9. LIMITATIVE 'ADVERBS' When ^ak and raq are used as modifiers of Y which they always precede, and there is no trace of another item X from which Y is to be excluded by the coordination X "^ak/raq Υ, X except Y, then ^ ak/raq Y is a complete construction meaning only Y. To call ^akandraq 'adverbs' in such phrases is a misnomer, since Y is not necessarily a verb. Examples with raq: raqra^, only

good

(Ge 41

110

(Ge

262®^,

raq

s

nothing but evil (Ge 6 ), h a k k i s s e \ only the throne

), raq baye'ör, they will

remain

only

in the

raq-t5b, (=1)

Nile

(Ex 8 5 » 7 ), Ex 9 2 6 (the land of Goshen was the only place where there wasn't hail), 10 1 7 (raq not clause-initial), 102,(, De 2 3 5 (we took

as spoil

only

the animals), 3 1 1

(the preceding

ki

shows that raq is not a conjunction). Examples with ^ak:

1

ak-happa r am, just the once

(Ge 1 8 3 2 , Ex 1 0 1 7 ,

J d g 6 3 9 , 1 6 2 8 ) , 3 4 1 5 ' 2 2 , E x 1 2 1 § (on the very first day), D e 1 6 1 5 ( n o t h i n g but joyous) , 2 8 2 ' ( n o t h i n g else but oppressed and robbed), I S a 18® ( n o t h i n g less than the kingship), 21s (merely from women), 2Sa 231" (with an infinitive, only to strip the slain), 2Ki 18 20 (=Is 36 5 ) (mere words), Is 167 (ut11 1 15 terly stricken), 19 ( u t t e r l y foolish), 34 *' (even there, not "yea, there. ."JTRSV]), 45 25 (only in Yahweh), Je 16 19 (noth-

ing but lies), 323 ® (definitely modifies a participle in midclause position), Hos 122 ( n o t h i n g but vanity), Zeph l l e (could

176

EXCLUSIVE

SENTENCES

be appositive, equivalent to gam), Ps 23 6 Cnothing but goodness and mercy', but usually interpreted as clause-level - 413 3 41"° 41** 41 * 8 41-" 41 5 0 52 41 5 41541 41 42

5 6 5 7 2

INDEX OF B I B L I C A L 96 96 80 101 128 172 37,85 47 182 83 44 128 47 95 83,182 54 177 162 54 128 68,182,183 95 86 95 83 50,53 50 46 46,79 50,68,152,158 83,181 176 95 90 95 83 50 100 100 54 79 38 111 100,175 176 81 40 80 128 81,130 80 81 100,108

REFERENCES

42·» 42 6 42" 42s 42 1 0 " 1 421 0 421 2 4213 421 5 421 6 4218 421 ® 422 0 422 2 422 3 422 7 422 8 42 3 1 42 3 2 42 3 3 42 3 42 3 5 42 3 8 42 3 8 43 1 432 43 3 43 1 * 43*-5 43 5 438 43' 43 1 1 _ 1 4311 43 1 2 4313 431 ^ 43 1 5 431 6

1

4321-22

432 432 44 1 44 3

1 7

44-

44 44

5 8

449-10

44 1 0 44 1 2 441 *

44 16

44

1 7

182 48,93 182 48 45 181,183 183 152 174 87 58 87 80 161 86 95 161 43 152 54,108,152 59,100 95 50,53,101 101 80 57 174 111 54 174 100,155 44 108,109 54,133 108,109 57 93,108,109 128,134 108 128 95 48 108,134 41,55 57,88 53,114 141 160 152,165 49 83 155 152

INDEX OF BIBLICAL R E F E R E N C E S 4 4 1 3 4420

44 2 1

4 4 2 3

4425

44"

4428 4429

44 3 0 44 3 1 44 3 3 4 4 3 -

45s 45" 45s 459 4510 4S1" 451 6 451 7 " 1 8 45 1 7 452 2 452 6 45 2 8 4646s-7 46 7 462 2 462 9 4631 463" 47.1

47 47

2

3 4 7 5 - 6

47s 47 1 3 47 1 s 47 1 9 47 2 9 47 2 1 47 2 ^ 47 2 6 48 5 48s 48 7 48 1 0 48 1 1 48 1 * 48 1 8 48 l s 49 49

31 33

141 90,128 112 175 57 8 3 , 9 0 , 1 7 4 , 182 177 162 83,86 83 134 83,90 114 57 184 44,108 54 128 79,80 108 54,56,57 50,100 116 83 81,100,152 ,166 40 42 85 79 111 155 95 79 155 37 47 42,79,81 127 155 170 93 132 171 48 48 59 44,85 95,161 48,90 183 37,100,159 ,162, 181 99 42

50s 50" 50» 501 8 50 2 0 50 2 3 502"

108,111 173 155 162 57,153 48,158 87

Exodus •1 1 5 1 7

110

ι 1 Ί

11 5 11 7 12 2 25 26 29 2 13 21* 21 6 22 2 31 32 33 3s 37 3 10 3 11 312 315 318 46 47 49 410 4 1 1

412 41 5 41 6 417 4 18 4 19 52 53 58 5 11 5 13 5 111 517

40,46 81,86 79 163 44 33 183 152 82 95 108,151 95 185 79 116 80 95,152 111 57 123,127 108 108 54 102 111 95 95 155 155,183 149 86 86 151 86 111 57 102,133 111,141 44,57,86 57 82 155 57

199

200 518 52 1 52 3 61 62"3 6 3"5 66 -6 611 612 61* 615 616 61 ® 62* 62 5 626 62 7 630 71 72 77 79 711 η 1 it 71 5 717 718 719 72 1 72 3 72 6

•J 2»

81 8* 85 87 812 8 13 gli 819 82 0 82 1 82 3 82* 82 s 828 91 92 93 96 91 3 916 915 g20-21

INDEX OF BIBLICAL REFERENCES 57,182 111 182 153 102 165 102 57 90 54 54 54 54 54 85 48 48 90 133,151 50,151 81 108 157,161 48 86 54 133 108 130 163 113 133 108 113 171,175 175 108 40 108,113 48 40 57 57 171 171 163 108 117 113 182 108 54 57,58,152 152

922 92 3 9 2 If 92 5 g2 6 92 7 92 9 931-32 931 933

103 107 108 109 1011 1012 1013 10l,( 1017 1019 1021 1023 102* 1025-26 1026 ll3 ll6 ll10 122 12 " 5 12" 12 6 12 8 12 9 12 1 0 12 1 1 12 1 2 12 1 12 1 5 12 1 6 12 1 7 " 2 0 12 2 1 12 2 7 1228 12 2 9 12 3 1 12 3 2 12 3 5 12 3 6 12 3 8 12 ^ 0 12 1 * 2 12 3 " " 9 12"3

113 128 82 128,129 175 50,100 100,182 182 101 128 113 113 57 37 108 113 87,128 50,103 108,113,175 44 113 44,181 57,164,175 165 44 164 116 80 38 48 46 171 40 184 183 58,99 132 40 50,174,175 48 48 108 130 42 86 57,155 155,166 80 86 86 81 50 50 54

INDEX OF BIBLICAL REFERENCES 3.2 5 0 132 136 7 13» I312-13 131 5 1 3 2 1 - 2 2 132 1 142 143 146 148 1410 141 2 1413 1411415 1416 "1 141 6 14 2 2 142 6 14 2 7 142 8 14 2 9 IS3 152 5 152 6 152 7 16 3 16* 166" 7 1610 16 1 2 16 1 3 1616"1 1618 16 2 3 16 2 * 162 5 162 6 162 9 16 3 1 16 3 3 16 3 5 16 3 6 171 172 175 17 7 17s 17 1 0 17 1 2 17 1 * 18 3

7

8

42 48 50 86 152 133 44 82 48,111,113 44 128 82 80,95 108,112 185 58,152 113 151 108 85 113 82 44 82,86 31,32 48,99 131 85 184 148 152 95 152 152 46 131 152 131,182 58 48 44 85,101 108 48,81 93 83 57,112 108,134 148 57,85,108 80 80,86,103 108 33,34

181* 18 1 7 18 1 8 1819 182 2 18 2 3 18 2 6 19 3 19 6 19s 19 1 0 191 2 1913 1915 1918 19 2 1 19 2 2 19 2 * 20 1 0 201 5 20 1 6 2018 2019 202 8 211 212 213 21" 21s 21 6 2113 211 6 211 8 21 2 0 21 2 1 21 2 6 21 2 7 21 2 8 21 2 9 2131 213 2 213 3 213* 213 5 213 6 213 7 22" 22s 22s 22 9 22 1 3 22 2 6 22 2 7

21

6

48,82 58 58,165 134 152 160 152 80,98 54,131 50 113 44,48 44 , 4 8 , 1 4 2 146 48 86 57 161 57,182 181 82 112 128 50 121 54 100 54 141,142,151,152 54,58 141 183 148 141 141 141,174 141 141 85,141,143,159 141,160 143 100,141 141,144 48,152 132 146,152 141,148 141 141 141 141 146 44 182

201

INDEX OF BIBLICAL REFERENCES

202

222' 22 3 0 23 3 231* 238 23 1 1 23 1 2 2313 231""17 2315 "1 6 23 1 s 231 7 232 1 232 5 23 2 8 23 3 0 24 1 24 2 24 s 24 1 0 24 1 1 24 1 2 2413 24 1 ^ 24 1 7 25-30 25 1 - 27 1 9 25 1 ~ 8 25 2 2510 "2 2 2510 "2 3 25 1 0 25 1 1 25 1 2 25 1 5 25 1 8 25 1 9 25 2 0 25 2 1 25 2 2 25 2 3 " 3 0 25 2 3 252 7 25 2 8 2529 2 531 ~ 0 25 3 1 25 3 2 25 31* 25 3 5 25 3 6 25 3 7 25 3 8 25 3 8 " 3 9

50 48 182 141 100,182 100 100 14 60 50 48 50,53 108 183 124,133 57 80 181 128 85 182 108,112 183 80 85 71 7

>

71 46,113 71 127 50,51 48 72 44,50 48 48,71 48,72,85 72,133 71 71 51 48 71 48 71 48 72,82 85 72,85 48 71 72,85 72

253 9 25"° 261 "3 0 261 ~ 3 261 262 263 26* 26s 26 7 26 8 2612 " 13 26 1 1 1 261 7 2618 "2 2 26 1 8 2619 2620-21 262 2 26 2 3 262" 2628 262 9 263 1 "3 7 26 3 1 26 3 5 27 1 " 8 27 1 27 2 27 3 27 8 27 9 " 1 9 27 1 7 27 1 8 272 0 27 2 1 28 2 28 2 1 28 2 - 2 5 28 3 2 28 3 7 28 3 9 28"° 28"2 28*3 29 1 292 293-.. 29s 291 2 29 1 ^ 291 5 291 7 29 2 3

48 71 71 56 48,56,71 56 56,128 72 104 48 48,23 72 85 53 72 72 72 72 72,80 72 53 72 71 71 48 72,132 71 48,127 48 48 48 71 48 48 80 46,48 133 86 132 48 48 132 132,133 48 142,148 54 48 132 80 132 58,132 80 80 181

INDEX OF B I B L I C A L REFERENCES 29 3 1 29 3 ^ 29 3 5 29 3 7 29 3 8 29 3 ® 291*1 301 30 2 3 0 3 " 11 30 3 30 7 " 8 3010 30 2 0 30 2 5 30 2 6 _ 3 30 2 3 30 3 3 303* 30 3 8 31 6 3111 311 3 311 3115 3117 32 1 32 2 32 7 " 8 32 7 32s 32 1 2 32 1 3 32 1 5 32 1 6 32 3 " 33 1 33 3 33 6 3311 331 7 33 2 6 34 1 - 2 34 3 34 1 3 34134» 8 34 2 1 34 2 3 34 2 8 34 2 9 34 3 0 35 1 35 2

0

80 44,48 48 48 54 152 152 48 48,50 128,132 48 50 46,182 142,148 38 132 48 48 48 48 127 53 177 37,48 48,50 48 57 108 56 57 95 108 131 48 93 57 57 182 80 182 162 182 108 156,159,182 100,183 31 48 48,50. 53 99 85 95 54 48,50,181

35 3 36* 35s 35 2 1 ~ 2 9 35 3 1 353" 35 3 5 363 367 3610 36 1 2 361 * 3615 361 7 3621 362 3 "2 7 3 6 2 3 -21* 36 3 3 " 3 ^ 363 5 37 1 37 6 37 7 37 8 37 1 0 37l* 37 1 7 37 1 8 37 2 0 37 2 2 37 2 37 2 5 3 7

2 6 - 2 7

38 1 38 2 38 3 38 7 38 2 1 39" 39 s 39 9 3910 39 1 39 1 7 39 3 2 39*3 40 1 " 40 2 40 1 2 40 1 40 1 7 40 2 9 403 2 403" 403 5

1 5

48 100 48 41 133 133 37 80 81 128 104 48 50 128 50 72 128 128 48 50 50 48 48 50 48 48 82 85 48 48 50 128 50 48 48 48 54 48 93 48,50 50 93 128 42 95 73 73 73 73 73 73 48 128 127

203

INDEX OF BIBLICAL REFERENCES

20k

Leviticus l

3

l10 l13 l1" 23 210 212 2 13 36 47 412 4

17-Ji

42 3 430-31 4 i