The Segovia Manuscript: A European Musical Repertory in Spain, c. 1500 1783274638, 9781783274635

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he Segovia Manuscript (Cathedral of Segovia, Archivo Capitular, s.s.) has puzzled musicologists ever since its rediscovery at the beginning of the twentieth century. It is unique: no other manuscript of the period transmits a comparable blend of late fifteenth-century music, consisting of 204 sacred works and vernacular pieces in Flemish, French, Italian, and Spanish. An important group of pedagogical pieces by French and Flemish composers may preserve transcriptions of instrumental improvisation. This summary might suggest a messy collection, but on the contrary the manuscript is arranged with care, copied by one proficient scribe (except perhaps for the Spanish texts), who obviously followed a predetermined master plan. But which plan, who designed it, and why was the person responsible so interested in this combination?

Contributors: Bonnie J. Blackburn, Wolfgang Fuhrmann, Leofranc Holford-Strevens, Tess Knighton, Kenneth Kreitner, Honey Meconi, Emilio Ros-Fábregas, Cristina Urchueguía, and Rob C. Wegman.

Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music Design: Toni Michelle Cover: The Alcázar de Segovia. © Fernando de Antonio Jiménez.



A European Musical Repertory in Spain, c.1500

Wolfgang Fuhrmann is Professor of Musicology at Leipzig University. Cristina Urchueguia is Professor of Musicology at the University of Bern.

Edited by Wolfgang Fuhrmann and Cristina Urchueguía

The essays here aim to treat every dimension of this fascinating source. New discoveries help date the manuscript and explain how it came to Segovia; particular attention is paid to the main scribe, now determined to be Flemish, and his relation with northern composers and repertory, above all that of Jacob Obrecht, Alexander Agricola, and Henricus Isaac; and the vexed question of the conflicting attributions is considered afresh and found to affect only a few of the fascicles. The contributors also look at questions of ownership and function.

The Segovia Manuscript

T

A European Musical Repertory in Spain, c. 1500

Edited by Wolfgang Fuhrmann and Cristina Urchueguía

studies in medieval and renaissance music 20

The Segovia Manuscript

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Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music issn 1479-9294 General Editors Tess Knighton Helen Deeming This series aims to provide a forum for the best scholarship in early music; deliberately broad in scope, it welcomes proposals on any aspect of music, musical life, and composers during the period up to 1600, and particularly encourages work that places music in an historical and social context. Both new research and major re-assessments of central topics are encouraged. Proposals or enquiries may be sent directly to the editor or the publisher at the addresses given below; all submissions will receive careful, informed consideration. Professor Tess Knighton, Institució Milà i Fontanals/CSIC, c/ Egipcíaques, Barcelona 08001, Spain Dr Helen Deeming, Department of Music, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham, Surrey TW20 0EX Boydell & Brewer, PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF Previously published titles in the series are listed at the back of this volume.

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The Segovia Manuscript A European Musical Repertory in Spain, c. 1500 Edited by

Wolfgang Fuhrmann and Cristina Urchueguía

the boydell press

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© Contributors 2019 All Rights Reserved. Except as permitted under current legislation no part of this work may be photocopied, stored in a retrieval system, published, performed in public, adapted, broadcast, transmitted, recorded or reproduced in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the copyright owner First published 2019 The Boydell Press, Woodbridge

ISBN 978-1-78327-463-5

The Boydell Press is an imprint of Boydell & Brewer Ltd PO Box 9, Woodbridge, Suffolk IP12 3DF, UK and of Boydell & Brewer Inc. 668 Mt Hope Avenue, Rochester, NY 14620–2731, USA website: www.boydellandbrewer.com

A CIP catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library The publisher has no responsibility for the continued existence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate This publication is printed on acid-free paper

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Contents List of Illustrations   Notes on Contributors   Abbreviations   Preambulum: A Source in Segovia   Cristina Urchueguía and Wolfgang Fuhrmann

vii xi xiii 1

1

In Search of Origins: The Afterlife of a Renaissance Manuscript   7 Cristina Urchueguía

2

New Light on the Segovia Manuscript: Watermarks, Foliation, and Ownership   Emilio Ros-Fábregas

37

3

Segovia’s Repertoire: Attributions and Datings (with Special Reference to Jacob Obrecht)   Wolfgang Fuhrmann

91

4

What Was Segovia For?   Kenneth Kreitner

129

5

The Latin Texts of the Segovia Manuscript   Leofranc Holford-Strevens

145

6

The Segovia Manuscript as Chansonnier   Honey Meconi

167

7

The Segovia Manuscript: Another Look at the ‘Flemish Hypothesis’   Rob C. Wegman

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193

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vi

CONTENTS

8

The Segovia Manuscript: Speculative Notes on the Flemish Connection   Bonnie J. Blackburn

215

9

The Written Transmission of Polyphonic Song in Spain c. 1500: The Case of the Segovia Manuscript   Tess Knighton

231

10

Inventory of Segovia, Archivo Capitular de la Catedral, MS s.s.   Wolfgang Fuhrmann

271

Bibliography   Index of Compositions   General Index  

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307 323 335

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List of Illustrations plates

1.1 1.2



1.3 1.4



1.5



1.6



1.7



2.1 2.2

The Alcázar de Segovia   The first concert during the musicological exhibition in the reading room of the Biblioteca Central de Barcelona on 18 May 1941, from Anglés, Exposición, p. [3]   Inquisition mark in Segovia, fol. 1r (previously fol. 5r)   Inquisition mark in St Augustine’s Sermones (Basel: Johannes Ammerbach, 1494–5)   Inquisition mark in Guido de Cauliaco, Chirurgia, vel inventarium seu collectorium in parte chirurgicali medicinae (Ilerda: Henricus Botel, c. 1479–80)   Inscription on Nicolaus de Lyra, Postilla super Psalterio (Basel: Michael Wennsler, c. 1474)   Teacher’s receipt dated to 1536 for classes in grammar and logic; Archivo de la Catedral de Segovia, 18-12   Double foliation in Segovia   The two inscriptions ‘Don Rodrigo’ and ‘Muy manyfico señor don Rodrigo manrique’ on the last folio of Segovia  

5.1 Pipelare, Missa sine nomine, superius of Credo, Segovia, fol. 57 v, showing deletion of text   5.2 Anon., Imperatrix reginarum, superius, Segovia, fol. 148v, showing awkward text underlay   5.3 Anon., Aleph. Vie sion lugent mislabelled aleph instead of deleth, Segovia, fol. 153v   5.4 Anon., Ave verum corpus, Segovia, fols. 155v–156r, showing problematic text underlay owing to intrusion of domini nostri Iesu Christi   5.5 Isaac, Gentile spiritus, Segovia, fols. 192v–193r  

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10 20 23 23 23 24 28 61 67 146 154 156 157 161

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viii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS



5.6 5.7

‘Johannes vrede’, Pange lingua, Segovia, fol. 226v, superius   163 ‘Anthonius busnoys’, Fortuna disperata (superius and tenor), Segovia, fol. 174r   166



8.1

‘Johannes tinctoris’, Le souvenir, Segovia, fol. 203v  

Juan del Encina, Gran gasajo siento yo, Segovia, fols. 207v–208r   9.2 Anonymous, Ma damme helas et que serrace [Elend du hast], separate leaf with foliation ‘lx’, Tarragona, Arxiu Històric Arxidiocesà, fragments   9.3 Anonymous, Lealtat, o lealtat, included between fols. 234 and 235 of the original foliation of Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, Mss/2092 (olim G-126)   9.4 Anonymous, Viva el gran Re don Fernando, from Carlo Verardi, Historia Baetica (Rome: Eucharius Silber, 1493) (Cambridge, University Library, Inc. 4 B.2.27)   9.5 Anonymous, Non solvyda nin despyde memoria, flyleaf to Valerius Maximus, Factorum et dictorum memorabilium libri novem (MS copy c. 1450) (New York, Columbia University Library, Lodge MS 13, lower pastedown)   9.6 Anonymous, Bien sea venido (Real Monasterio de Santa Clara de Astudillo)   9.7 Juan de Valera, … tu Pedruelo (superius and tenor, verso); Anonymous, Antón Gil, el rebelado (contra and bassus, recto) (Ourense, Arquivo Histórico Provincial, Colleción de partituras musicais, Carp. 3/16, fol. xxx)  



9.1

222 239 243 246 249

251 254

258

figures

2.1

2.2a 2.2b 2.2c

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Watermark 1 and its twin Watermark 1* in Segovia (fols. v and cxlviii)   Sheet of paper of 30.5 × 44 cm (reduced size) showing position of watermark   Twin watermark Segovia W1* (reduced size) on fol. cxlviii   Quarto format of the manuscripts Colombina and Palacio showing position of the watermark  

41 42 43 44

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS



2.3



2.4



2.5



2.6



2.7



2.8



2.9

Two watermarks similar to Segovia W1 reproduced by Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript’, 78, from Pascual Gayangos’s unpublished drawings of Spanish watermarks in the Library of the New York Hispanic Society   Watermarks in the WIES collection similar to Segovia W1 and W1* in the incunabulum IBE 6090   Watermark Segovia W2 and its twin W2* (fols. lvii and cxxiiii), with Watermark 11139 in Briquet (Lucca, 1504) and a similar watermark in the WIES collection (IBE 2271.04) dated 1499   Watermarks similar to Segovia W2 and W2* in the earliest gatherings of Palacio and in a 1499 incunabulum   Watermark Segovia 3 and its twin W3* (fols. cxxxix and cxli), with the only similar watermark in Briquet (no. 11137, Provence 1498)   Watermark Segovia 4 and its twin W4* (fols. ccxii and ccviii), with two other similar watermarks dated 1498 and 1499   Hypothetical origin of the present Gatherings IV through VII in the division of two independent septernions  

ix

46 48

49 50 52 53 62

tables

2.1 2.2

Distribution of watermarks in Segovia by gathering   Chronological distribution of Spanish incunabula with watermarks similar to those in the Segovia manuscript   Abbreviated family tree with the three candidates for Rodrigo Manrique  

54



2.3



3.1 3.2

Spurious and dubious attributions sorted by composer   Chronological ordering of repertory according to concordant sources datable before 1500  

101



4.1

The organization of Segovia s.s.  

131



7.1 7.2

Manuscript structure of Segovia s.s.   The middle Dutch orthography of the main scribe of Segovia s.s.  

195

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56 68

107

200

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x

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

music example 8.1 Isaac, Salve virgo sanctissima (Segovia, fols. 87v–89), plea to David at bb. 164–94  

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227

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Notes on Contributors

Bonnie J. Blackburn is a member of the Faculty of Music at Oxford University. She specializes in music and music theory of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, with a particular interest in early printing and notation. She has edited two volumes of the New Josquin Edition. She has long been interested in the Flemish repertory of the Segovia manuscript. Wolfgang Fuhrmann teaches music sociology and music philosophy at the University of Leipzig, having previously taught at the Universities of Vienna and Mainz. His main fields of interest are the sociology of music, music and culture in the Middle Ages and Early Modern era, and Haydn. He is the author of Herz und Stimme: Innerlichkeit, Affekt und Gesang im Mittelalter (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2004) and books on Wagner and on Bizet’s Carmen. He is currently under contract with Laaber-Verlag, Laaber, to contribute a volume on the history of fifteenth-century music to the Handbuch der Musik der Renaissance. Leofranc Holford-Strevens is a classical scholar who worked at the Oxford University Press until 2011, retiring as Consultant Scholar-Editor. He has written on the Latin texts set by Du Fay, Obrecht, Regis, and Ciconia, and together with Bonnie Blackburn edited and translated Florentius de Faxolis: Book on Music (Cambridge, MA: I Tatti Renaissance Library, 2010). Tess Knighton is an ICREA Research Professor affiliated to the Institució Milà i Fontanals, CSIC, in Barcelona. Her research interests embrace music and culture in the Iberian world from the fifteenth to the early seventeenth centuries. She recently edited the Companion to Music in the Age of the Catholic Monarchs (Leiden and Boston, MA: Brill, 2017), and is currently preparing a monograph based on new research on the urban musics of early modern Barcelona. Kenneth Kreitner is Benjamin W. Rawlins Professor of musicology at the University of Memphis. He is the author of Discoursing Sweet Music: Town

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xii

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

Bands and Community Life in Turn-of-the-Century Pennsylvania (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1990), and The Church Music of FifteenthCentury Spain (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), which won the Robert M. Stevenson Award from the American Musicological Society. Honey Meconi has published extensively on music before 1600, including Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), Hildegard of Bingen (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2018), Early Musical Borrowing (ed., New York, NY: Routledge, 2004), and Fortuna desperata: Thirty-Six Settings of an Italian Song (ed., Middleton, WI: A-R Editions, 2001). Formerly Vice President of the American Musicological Society, she is joint recipient of the Noah Greenberg Award for distinguished contribution to the study and performance of early music. Emilio Ros-Fábregas is a researcher at the CSIC [Spanish National Research Council], Institució Milà i Fontanals in Barcelona. He obtained a Ph.D. in Musicology at the Graduate Center, City University of New York. He currently leads a research and development project to catalogue books of Hispanic polyphony (https://hispanicpolyphony.eu) and the Fondo de Música Tradicional CSIC-IMF (https://musicatradicional.eu). Cristina Urchueguía is Professor Extraordinarius at the University of Bern, where she has taught since 2010. She studied at the Conservatorio Superior de Música in Valencia and then completed her Ph.D. at the University of Würzburg. She published Mehrstimmigen Messen in Quellen aus Spanien, Portugal und Lateinamerika ca. 1490–1630 (Munich: Henle, 2005). She has also collaborated in editions and catalogues of the trio sonata genre, and the works of Johann Sebastian Bach and Arcangelo Corelli. In 2012 she was elected President of the Swiss Musicological Society. Rob C. Wegman is Associate Professor of Musicology at Princeton University, and specializes in music from the twelfth to early sixteenth centuries. He has written extensively on music and culture in Renaissance Europe, and is currently working on Ars Antiqua polyphony.

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Abbreviations manuscripts

Amsterdam M6



Augsburg 25



Augsburg 142a



Barcelona 5



Barcelona 454



Basel F.IX.22



Basel F.X.1–4



Basel F.X.5–9



Basel F.X.10



Basel F.X.22



Basel kk.II.32



Berlin 40013



Berlin 40021



Berlin 40026

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Amsterdam, Plantin-Moretus Museum, Bibliotheek, MS M6 (fragments) Augsburg, Staats- und Stadtbibliothek, MS 4° Mus. 25 Augsburg, Staats- und Stadtbibliothek, MS 4° Mus. 142a Barcelona, Centre de Documentació de l’Orfeó Català, CEDOC 1.5.1 MS 5 Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, MS M.454 Basel, Öffentliche Bibliothek der Universität, MS F.IX.22 Basel, Öffentliche Bibliothek der Universität, MS F.X.1–4 Basel, Öffentliche Bibliothek der Universität, MS F.X.5–9 Basel, Öffentliche Bibliothek der Universität, MS F.X.10 Basel, Öffentliche Bibliothek der Universität, MS F.X.22 Basel, Öffentliche Bibliothek der Universität, MS kk.II.32 Berlin, former Preußischer Staatsbibliothek, MS Mus. 40013 (now in Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellońska) Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, MS Mus. 40021 Berlin, Staatliches Institut für Musikforschung, Bibliothek, MS 40026 (Kleber organ tablature)

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xiv

ABBREVIATIONS



Berlin 40098



Berlin 40632



Berlin 40634



Berlin theor. 1175



Bloomington 8



Bologna A 71



Bologna Q16



Bologna Q17



Bologna Q18



Bologna Q19



Bologna SP 29



Bratislava Inc. 33



Brno 15/4 Brussels 228



Brussels 11239



Brussels II.270

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Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, MS Mus. 40098 (‘Glogauer Liederbook’ or ‘Sagan partbooks’) Berlin, former Preußischer Staatsbibliothek, MS Mus. 40632 (now in Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellońska) Berlin, former Preußischer Staatsbibliothek, MS Mus. 40634 (now in Kraków, Biblioteka Jagiellońska) Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Mus. ms. theor. 1175 Bloomington, Indiana University, Lilly Library, Latin American Manuscripts, Guatemala, Music MS 8 Bologna, Museo Internazionale e Biblioteca della Musica di Bologna, MS A 71 Bologna, Museo Internazionale e Biblioteca della Musica di Bologna, MS Q16 Bologna, Museo Internazionale e Biblioteca della Musica di Bologna, MS Q17 Bologna, Museo Internazionale e Biblioteca della Musica di Bologna, MS Q18 Bologna, Museo Internazionale e Biblioteca della Musica di Bologna, MS Q19 Bologna, Archivio Musicale della Fabbriceria di San Petronio, MS A.XXIX Bratislava, Miestne Pracovisko Matice Slovenskej, Inc. 33 (missing) Brno, Archiv města Brna, sg. 15/4 Brussels, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique/Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België, MS 228 Brussels, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique/ Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België, MS 11239 Brussels, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique/Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België, MS II.270

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ABBREVIATIONS



xv

Brussels, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique/Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België, MS IV.90 Brussels IV.1274 see Brussels/Tournai Brussels/Tournai Brussels, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique/ Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België, MS IV.90 (S) and IV.1274 (A), and Tournai, Bibliothèque de la Ville, MS 94 (T) Cambrai 18 Cambrai, Médiathèque municipale, MS 18 Cambrai 125–128 Cambrai, Médiathèque municipale, MSS 125–128 (olim 124) Cape Town Grey 3.b.12 Cape Town, South African Public Library, MS Grey 3.b.12 Capirola Chicago, Newberry Library, VAULT Case MS -VM 140 .C25 Casale Monferrato M(D) Casale Monferrato, Archivio e Biblioteca Capitolare, Duomo, MS M(D) Coimbra 12 Coimbra, Biblioteca Geral da Universidade, MS M. 12 Coimbra 32 Coimbra, Biblioteca Geral da Universidade, MS M. 32 Coimbra 48 Coimbra, Biblioteca Geral da Universidade, MS M. 48 Coimbra 53 Coimbra, Biblioteca Geral da Universidade, MS M. 53 Colombina Seville, Catedral Metropolitana, Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina, MS 7-I-28 (Cancionero Musical de la Colombina) Copenhagen 1848 Copenhagen, Det Kongelige bibliotek, MS Ny kongelige Samling 1848, 2° Cortona/Paris Cortona, Biblioteca Comunale, MSS 95–96 (S and A) and Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des Manuscrits, nouv. ac. fr. 1817 (T) Dijon 517 Dijon, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 517 Dresden 1/D/505 Dresden, Sächsische Landesbibliothek, Ms. Mus. 1/D/505 (olim Annaberg, Bibliothek der St. Annenkirche, MS 1248)

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Brussels IV.90

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xvi

ABBREVIATIONS



Dresden 1/D/506



Elvas



EscB



Florence 27



Florence 107bis



Florence 117



Florence 121



Florence 164–167



Florence 176



Florence 178



Florence 229



Florence 2356



Florence 2439



Florence 2442



Florence 2794 Florence II.I.232



Frankfurt 20



Gotha A.98



Greifswald 640–641



Heilbronn X.2

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Dresden, Sächsische Landesbibliothek, Ms. Mus. 1/D/506 (olim Annaberg, Bibliothek der St. Annenkirche, MS 1126) Elvas, Biblioteca Muncipal (Públia Hortênsia), MS 11793 San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio, IV.a.24 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Panciatichi 27 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Magliabechi XIX.107bis Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Magliabechi XIX.117 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Magliabechi XIX.121 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Magliabechi XIX.164–167 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Magliabechi XIX.176 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Magliabechi XIX.178 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Banco Rari 229 (olim Magliabechi XIX.59) Florence, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica Luigi Cherubini, MS Basevi 2356 Florence, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica Luigi Cherubini, MS Basevi 2439 Florence, Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica Luigi Cherubini, MS Basevi 2442 Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, MS 2794 Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS II.I.232 (olim Magliabechi XIX.58) Frankfurt am Main, Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek, Fragm. lat. VII 20 Gotha, Forschungsbibliothek Gotha, Schloss Friedenstein, MS Chart. A. 98 Greifswald, Universitätsbibliothek, MSS BW 640–641 Heilbronn, Stadtarchiv, Musiksammlung, MS X/2

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ABBREVIATIONS

xvii

Hradec Králové II A 20



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Hradec Králové, Krajske Muzeum, Knihovna, MS II A 20 Iserlohn fragments Iserlohn, Evangelische Kirchengemeinde, Varnhagen Bibliothek, fragments from binding of incunabulum IV 36 F124 Jacaltenango 7 Jacaltenango, Parroquia de la Purificación, Archivo, Ms. Mús. 7 Jena 31 Jena, Thüringer Universitätsund Landesbibliothek, MS 31 Jena 32 Jena, Thüringer Universitätsund Landesbibliothek, MS 32 Leiden 1443 Leiden, Gemeentearchief, Archieven van de Kerken, MS 1443 Leipzig 49 Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, Bibliotheca Albertina 49 Leipzig 51 Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, MS Thomaskirche 51 Leipzig 1494 Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, MS 1494 (Chorbuch des Nikolaus Apel) Lisbon 60 Lisbon, Biblioteca Nacional, Collecção Dr. Ivo Cruz, MS 60 London 20 A. xvi London, British Library, Royal MS 20 A. xvi London 1070 London, Royal College of Music, MS 1070 London 31922 London, British Library, Add. MS 31922 London 35087 London, British Library, Add. MS 35087 Lucca 238 Lucca, Archivio di Stato, Biblioteca Manoscritti, MS 238 (plus Lucca, Archivio Arcivescovile, MS 97 and Pisa, Archivio Arcivescovile, Biblioteca Maffi, Cartella 11/III) Milan 2266 Milan, Archivio della Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo, Sezione Musicale, Librone [4] (olim 2266) Milan 2267 Milan, Archivio della Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo, Sezione Musicale, Librone 3 (olim 2267) Milan 2268 Milan, Archivio della Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo, Sezione Musicale, Librone 2 (olim 2268)

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xviii

ABBREVIATIONS



Milan 2269



Modena α.F.9.9



Modena α.M.1.2



Modena α.X.1.11



Modena IX



Monte Cassino 871



Munich 19



Munich 41



Munich 260



Munich 322–325



Munich 326



Munich 328–331



Munich 374



Munich 718



Munich 1502



Munich 1516



Munich 3154



Nuremberg 83795



Ourense 25



Oxford Ashmole 831

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Milan, Archivio della Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo, Sezione Musicale, Librone 1 (olim 2269) Modena, Biblioteca Estense e universitaria, MS α.F.9.9 Modena, Biblioteca Estense e universitaria, MS α.M.1.2 (olim Lat. 457) Modena, Biblioteca Estense e universitaria, MS α.X.1.11 (olim Lat. 471) Modena, Duomo, Biblioteca e Archivio Capitolare, MS Mus. IX Monte Cassino, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, MS 871 (olim 871N) Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung, Mus. Ms. 19 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung, Mus. Ms. 41 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung, Mus. Ms. 260 Munich, Universitätsbibliothek der LudwigMaximilians-Universität, MSS 8° 322–325 Munich, Universitätsbibliothek der LudwigMaximilians-Universität, MS 8° 326 Munich, Universitätsbibliothek der LudwigMaximilians-Universität, MSS 8° 328–331 Munich, Universitätsbibliothek der LudwigMaximilians-Universität, MS 4° Liturg. 374 Munich, Universitätsbibliothek der LudwigMaximilians-Universität, MS 4° 718 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung, Mus. Ms. 1502 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Musiksammlung, Mus. Ms. 1516 Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mus. ms. 3154 (Codex of Nikolaus Leopold) Nuremberg, Bibliothek des Germanischen Nationalmuseums, MMS 83795 Arquivo Histórico Provincial de Ourense, Carpeta no. 3/Pergaminos MSS/25 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Ashmole 831

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ABBREVIATIONS





xix

Padua A 17 Padua, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS A 17 Palacio Madrid, Real Biblioteca, MS II-1335 (Cancionero Musical de Palacio) Paris 27 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de la Musique, Rés. Vmd. 27 Paris 676 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de la Musique, Fonds du Conservatoire, Rés. Vm7 676 Paris 851 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département de la Musique, Fonds du Conservatoire, MS Rés. Vma 851 (‘Bourdeney MS’) Paris 1596 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des Manuscrits, f. fr. 1596 Paris 1597 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des Manuscrits, f. fr. 1597 (‘Lorraine Chansonnier’) Paris 2245 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des Manuscrits, f. fr. 2245 Paris 4379 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des Manuscripts, nouv. acq. fr. 4379 Paris 15123 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des Manuscripts, f. fr. 15123 (‘Chansonnier Pixérécourt’) Perugia 431 Perugia, Biblioteca Comunale Augusta, MS 431 Perugia 1013 Perugia, Biblioteca Comunale Augusta, MS 1013 Pesaro 1144 Pesaro, Biblioteca Oliveriana, MS 1144 Poznań 7022 Poznań, Bibloteka Uniwersytecka im. Adama Michewicza, MS 7022 Regensburg 940/941 Regensburg, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek, MS A.R. 940–941 Regensburg B 216–219 Regensburg, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek, MS B. 216–219 (3 partbooks) Regensburg C 120 Regensburg, Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek, MS C. 120 Rome 2856 Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, MS 2856 Sankt Gallen 461 Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 461

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xx

ABBREVIATIONS



Sankt Gallen 462 Sankt Gallen 463



Sankt Gallen 530 Segovia s.s.



Seville 5-5-20



Seville 7-1-28



Seville/Paris



Siena K.I.2



Speciálník



Stuttgart 39



Stuttgart 47



Stuttgart HB 26



Tarazona 2/3



Tarazona 5



TarragFrag



Toledo 21



Tournai 94 Trent 89



Trent 91



Turin I. 27

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Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 462 Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 463 (‘Tschudi Liederbuch’) Sankt Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, MS 530 Segovia, Archivo Capitular de la Catedral, MS s.s. Seville, Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina, MS 5-5-20 Seville, Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina, MS 7-1-28 Seville, Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina, MS 5-1-43, and Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des Manuscrits, nouv. acq. fr. 4379 Siena, Biblioteca Comunale degli intronati, MS K.I.2 Hradec Králové, Krajské Muzeum, Knihovna, MS II A 7 (‘Speciálník’) Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, MS Musica folio I 39 Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, MS Musica folio I 47 Stuttgart, Würtembergische Landesbibliothek, MS HB XVII/26 Tarazona, Archivo Capitular de la Catedral, MSS 2/3 Tarazona, Archivo Capitular de la Catedral, MS 5 Tarragona, Arxiu Històric Arxidiocesà/ Tarragona, Archivo Histórico Archidiocesano, fragmentary bifolio Toledo, Biblioteca Capitular de la Catedral Metropolitana, MS B. 21 Tournai, Bibliothèque de la Ville, MS 94 Trento, Museo Provinciale d’Arte, Castello del Buon Consiglio, MS 1376 (olim 89) Trento, Museo Provinciale d’Arte, Castello del Buon Consiglio, MS 1378 (olim 91) Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria, MS Riserva musicale I. 27

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ABBREVIATIONS



Ulm 237



Uppsala 76a



Uppsala 76e



Valladolid C 5



Valladolid P s.s.



Vatican CG XIII.27



Vatican Chigi 234



Vatican CS 15



Vatican CS 26



Vatican CS 35



Vatican CS 41



Vatican CS 42



Vatican CS 51



Vatican CS 63



Vatican SP B 80



Verona 757 Verona 758 Verona 759 Verona 761 Vienna 11778

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xxi

Ulm, Münsterbibliothek, Von Schermar’sche Familienstiftung, MS 237 Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket, MS Vokalmusik i Handskrift 76a Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket, MS Vokalmusik i Handskrift 76e Valladolid, Catedral Metropolitana, Archivo de Música, MS 5 Valladolid, Iglesia de Santiago Apóstol, Archivo, MS s.s. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Cappella Giulia XIII.27 (Cappella Giulia Chansonnier) Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Chigi C. VIII. 234 (Chigi Codex) Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Cappella Sistina 15 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Cappella Sistina 26 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Cappella Sistina 35 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Cappella Sistina 41 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Cappella Sistina 42 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Cappella Sistina 51 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Cappella Sistina 63 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS San Pietro B. 80 Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS DCCLVII Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS DCCLVIII Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS DCCLIX Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS DCCLXI Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Handschriften- und Inkunabelsammlung, MS 11778

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xxii

ABBREVIATIONS



Vienna 11883



Vienna 18688



Vienna 18810



Vienna 18832



Warsaw 364



Warsaw 5892



Washington Laborde

Washington Wolffheim

Wolfenbüttel 78



Wrocław I F 428



Zurich 906 Zwickau 78/2



Zwickau 78/3

Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Handschriften- und Inkunabelsammlung, MS 11883 Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung, MS 18688 Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung, MS 18810 Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Musiksammlung, MS 18832 Warsaw, Biblioteka Narodowa, Polinski 364 (destroyed; formerly Kraków, Bibliotheca St. Spiritus) Warsaw, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, Oddział Zbiorów Muzycznych, MS Rm 5892 (olim Mf. 2016) Washington, DC, Library of Congress, Music Division, MS M1.1.L25 Case (‘Laborde Chansonnier’) Washington, DC, Library of Congress, Music Division, MS M2.1.M6 Case (‘Wolffheim Fragment’) Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Ms. 78 Quodlibetica 4˚ Wrocław, Biblioteka Universytecka, Oddział Rękopisów, MS I-F-428 (‘Viadrina Codex’) Zurich, Zentralbibliothek, MS Q 906 Zwickau, Ratsschulbibliothek, MS LXXVIII, 2 Zwickau, Ratsschulbibliothek, MS LXXVIII, 3

prints Aich, Lieder

Arnt von Aich, In dissem Buechlyn fynt man LXXV. hubscher Lieder (Cologne; RISM [1519]5) Antico, Canzoni nove Antico, Canzoni nove (Rome; RISM 1510)

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ABBREVIATIONS

xxiii

Attaingnant, Treze motetz Attaingnant, Treze motetz musicaulx (Paris; RISM 15315; Brown 15317) Cancionero de Upsala Scotto, Villancicos de diversos autores (Venice; RISM 155630) Caneto, Frottole L. II Caneto, [Frottole libro secondo] (Naples; RISM [c. 1516]2) Egenolff, Lieder [Egenolff, Lieder zu 3 & 4 Stimmen] [Frankfurt a. M.] (RISM [c. 1535]14) Formschneider, TVC Formschneider, Trium vocum carmina (Nuremberg; RISM 15389) Gerle, Tabulatur Gerle, Tabulatur auff die Laudten (Brown 15331) Glarean, Dodekachordon Heinrich Glarean, Dodekachordon (Basel, 1547) Gonzalo de Baena, Arte Gonzalo de Baena, Arte novamente inventada pera aprender a tanger (Lisbon, 1540) Henestrosa, Libro de Cifra Nueva Henestrosa, Libro de cifra nueva (Alcalá, 1557; Brown 15572) Heyden, De arte canendi Sebald Heyden, De arte canendi (Nuremberg, 1540) Heyden, Musica Sebald Heyden, Musica (Nuremberg, 1537) Mewes, Concentus Mewes, Concentus harmonici quattuor missarum (Basel, [c. 1510]; RISM O8) Montanus & Neuber, Tertia pars Montanus & Neuber, Tertia pars magni operis musici (Nuremberg; RISM 15592) Müller, Lautten Buch Müller, Lautten Buch (Strasbourg; RISM 156224) Newsidler, Lautenbuch 1 Petreius, Ein newgeordent künstlich Lautenbuch (Nuremberg; RISM 153612; Brown 15366) Newsidler, Lautenbuch 2 Petreius, Der ander theil des Lautenbuchs (Nuremberg; RISM 153613; Brown 15367) Ott, 115 Liedlein Ott, Hundert und fünfftzehen guter newer Liedlein (Nuremberg; RISM 154420)

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xxiv

ABBREVIATIONS

Petreius, TVC Petreius, Trium vocum cantiones centum (Nuremberg; RISM 15412) Petrucci, Canti B Petrucci, Canti B (Venice, 1502 n.s.; RISM 15022) Petrucci, Canti C Petrucci, Canti C (Venice; RISM 15043) Petrucci, Corona L. III Petrucci, Motetti de la corona. libro tertio (Fossombrone; RISM 15192) Petrucci, Missarum diversorum Petrucci, Missarum diversorum auctorum, liber primus (Venice; RISM 15091) Petrucci, Misse Jzac Petrucci, Misse Henrici Jzac (Venice, 1506; RISM I88) Petrucci, Misse Josquin Petrucci, Misse Josquin (Venice, 1502; RISM J666) (repr. Petrucci [1506] and 1516 [ J667, J668], and unknown publisher 1560 [ J677] Petrucci, Misse Obreht Petrucci, Misse Obreht (Venice, 1503; RISM O7) Petrucci, Motetti A Petrucci, Motetti A (Venice; RISM 15021) Petrucci, Motetti C Petrucci, Motetti C (Venice; RISM 15041) Petrucci, Motetti L. IV Petrucci, Motetti libro quarto (Venice; RISM 15052) Petrucci, Odhecaton Petrucci, Harmonice musices Odhecaton A (Venice; RISM 1501) Rhaw, Tricinia Rhaw, Tricinia (Wittenberg; RISM 15428) Spinacino L. I Petrucci, Intabulatura de Lauto Libro primo (Venice; RISM 15075; Brown 15071) Spinacino L. II Petrucci, Intabulatura de Lauto Libro secondo (Venice; RISM 15076; Brown 15072) Wilphlingseder, Erotemata Ambrosius Wilphlingseder, Erotemata musices practicae (Nuremberg, 1563)

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ABBREVIATIONS

xxv

other abbreviations 1.p. prima pars 2.p. secunda pars A altus Agricola OO Alexander Agricola, Opera omnia, ed. Edward R. Lerner, 5 vols., CMM 22 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1961–70) AIM American Institute of Musicology B bassus Baker Norma Klein Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript of Polyphony in the Archives of the Cathedral of Segovia: Its Provenance and History’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1978) Barbireau OO Jacobus Barbireau, Opera omnia, ed. Bernhard Meier, 2 vols., CMM 7 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1954–7) Brumel OO Antoine Brumel, Opera omnia, ed. Barton Hudson, 6 vols., CMM 5 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1969–72) Caron OC Philippe (?) Caron, Les Œuvres complètes, ed. James Thomson, 2 vols., Collected Works, 6 (Brooklyn, NY: Institute of Mediaeval Music, 1971–6) Census-Catalogue Census-Catalogue of Manuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music 1400–1550, ed. Herbert Kellman and Charles Hamm, 5 vols., RMS 1 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart: HänsslerVerlag and American Institute of Musicology, 1979–88) CMM Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae Compère OO Loyset Compère, Opera omnia, ed. Ludwig Finscher, 5 vols., CMM 15 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1958–72) Ct / C contratenor D discantus EDM 33 Der Mensuralkodex des Nikolaus Apel (MS. 1494 der Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig), ed. Rudolf Gerber, Teil II, Das Erbe Deutscher Musik, 33; Abteilung Mittelalter, 5 (Kassel and Basel: Bärenreiter, 1960)

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xxvi



ABBREVIATIONS

EDM 83

EM EMH Ghizeghem OO Isaac OO

JM JRMA KVNM

MB 18

MD MGG2 MME MQ NG II



NJE 6



NJE 20



NJE 23

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Der Kodex des Magister Nicolaus Leopold: Staatsbibliothek München 3154, ed. Thomas Noblitt, Teil IV, Das Erbe Deutscher Musik, 83; Abteilung Mittelalter, 20 (Kassel and London: Bärenreiter, 1996) Early Music Early Music History Hayne van Ghizeghem, Opera omnia, ed. Barton Hudson, CMM 74 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1977) Henricus Isaac, Opera omnia, ed. Edward R. Lerner, 11 vols., CMM 65 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart: HänsslerVerlag and American Institute of Musicology, 1974–2011) Journal of Musicology Journal of the Royal Musical Association Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis Music at the Court of Henry VIII, ed. John Stevens, Musica Britannica, 18 (London: Stainer and Bell Ltd, 1962) Musica disciplina Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2nd edn., ed. Ludwig Finscher, 26 vols. (Kassel: Bärenreiter, and Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler, 1994–2007) Monumentos de la Música Española Musical Quarterly New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 2nd edn., ed. Stanley Sadie and John Tyrrell, 29 vols. (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2001), online at www.oxfordmusiconline.com/ Josquin des Prez, Masses Based on Secular Monophonic Songs II, ed. Jesse Rodin, New Josquin Edition 6 (Utrecht: KVNM, 2014) Josquin des Prez, Motets on Texts from the New Testament 2, ed. Martin Just, New Josquin Edition 20 (Utrecht: KVNM, 2006) Josquin des Prez, Motets on Non-biblical Texts 3: De beata Maria virgine 1, ed. Willem Elders, New Josquin Edition 23 (Utrecht: KVNM, 2006)

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ABBREVIATIONS



NJE 25



NJE 27



NJE 28



NOE NOE 1



NOE 4



NOE 6



NOE 9



NOE 12



NOE 15



NOE 16



NOE 17

Odhecaton Pipelare OO

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xxvii

Josquin des Prez, Motets on Non-biblical Texts 5: De beata Maria virgine 3, ed. Willem Elders, New Josquin Edition 25 (Utrecht: KVNM, 2009) Josquin des Prez, Secular Works for Three Voices, ed. Jaap van Benthem and Howard Mayer Brown, New Josquin Edition 27 (Utrecht: KVNM, 1987) Josquin des Prez, Secular Works for Four Voices, ed. David Fallows, New Josquin Edition 28 (Utrecht: KVNM, 2005) New Obrecht Edition (KVNM, Utrecht) Jacob Obrecht, Missa Adieu mes amours, Missa Ave regina celorum, ed. Barton Hudson, New Obrecht Edition 1 (Utrecht: KVNM, 1983) Jacob Obrecht, Missa De tous biens playne, Missa Fors seulement, Missa Fortuna desperata, ed. Barton Hudson, New Obrecht Edition 4 (Utrecht: KVNM, 1986) Jacob Obrecht, Missa L’homme armé, Missa Libenter gloriabor, ed. Thomas Noblitt, New Obrecht Edition 6 (Utrecht: KVNM, 1986) Jacob Obrecht, Misssa Pfauenschwanz, Missa Rose playsante, ed. Thomas Noblitt, New Obrecht Edition 9 (Utrecht: KVNM, 1989) Jacob Obrecht, Missa Si dedero, Missa Sub tuum presidium, Missa Veci la danse Barbari, ed. Thomas Noblitt, New Obrecht Edition 12 (Utrecht: KVNM, 1992) Jacob Obrecht, Motets I, ed. Chris Maas, New Obrecht Edition 15 (Utrecht: KVNM, 1995) Jacob Obrecht, Motets II, ed. Chris Maas, New Obrecht Edition 16 (Utrecht: KVNM, 1996) Jacob Obrecht, Secular Works and Textless Compositions, ed. Leon Kessels and Eric Jas, New Obrecht Edition 17 (Utrecht: KVNM, 1997) Harmonice musices odhecaton A, ed. Helen Hewitt and Isabel Pope (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1942) Matthaeus Pipelare, Opera omnia, ed. Ronald Cross, 3 vols., CMM 34 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1966–7)

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xxviii



ABBREVIATIONS

Renaissance Manuscript Studies Recent Researches in Music of the Middle Ages and Renaissance S superius T tenor Tinctoris OO Johannes Tinctoris, Opera omnia, ed. William Melin, CMM 18 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1976) TroJa Trossinger Jahrbuch für Renaissancemusik TVNM Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis Vaqueras OO Bertrand Vaqueras, Opera omnia, ed. Richard Sherr, CMM 78 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart: Hänssler-Verlag and American Institute of Musicology, 1978) ZfMw Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft

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RMS RRMMAR

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Preambulum: A Source in Segovia Cristina Urchueguía and Wolfgang Fuhrmann The Segovia Manuscript, preserved in the Archivo Capitular of the beautiful late Gothic cathedral of Segovia in the Spanish region of Castilla-León, has puzzled scholars ever since its rediscovery at the beginning of the twentieth century. Curiously, it is the only musical manuscript in this archive that lacks a signature, a sign of its singularity. In content and form it is unique: no other extant Spanish manuscript transmits a comparable combination of late fifteenth-century music: the Segovia manuscript contains music by northern French, Flemish, and Spanish composers. The repertory is mixed, containing sacred works and vernacular pieces in Spanish, Flemish, French, and Italian, and, last but not least, some instrumental pieces. This summary might suggest a haphazard, messy collection, but on the contrary we find a manuscript arranged with care, copied by a few proficient scribes, who obviously followed a predetermined masterplan. But which plan, who designed it, and why was the person responsible so interested in this combination of works? Let us first introduce the main features of the manuscript. A new examination of the manuscript in 2008 confirmed the description given in RISM B XV1: 207 paper sheets of an original minimum of 228 have survived, measuring 291 × 215 mm. The pages have been trimmed: some ascriptions of the 204 transmitted pieces have been partially cut at the top but all are still legible. Four numbered folios are missing at the beginning and others at several points in the volume, causing the fragmentation of some works; a single folio (now 9b) has been displaced – details may be found in the inventory at the end of this book. A limp parchment binding with the inscription ‘canto de organo’ – the Spanish expression for polyphonic music in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries – preserves the extant portion of the book, which was probably damaged very early after its production, and certainly before binding. At some point between 2000 and 2007 the manuscript underwent a very careful and respectful restoration, which included essential measures for its preservation, including cleaning, the stabilization of the most badly

1

RISM B XV, pp. 157–9.

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2

CRISTINA URCHUEGUÍA AND WOLFGANG FUHRMANN

damaged sheets, the prevention of ink corrosion, and the renewal of the seams of the binding. The Archivo Capitular holds other Renaissance and late-Renaissance musical manuscripts, both of Gregorian chant and polyphony, but none of the latter shows any connection with the Segovia Manuscript.2 The books with polyphony were produced more than half a century later and contain a completely different repertory – mainly Roman composers of the Palestrina period and Spanish music of the post-Morales generation. From a codicological point of view they share the characteristics of Spanish cathedral codices for liturgical use dating after 1540: magnificent atlas-size parchment manuscripts with heavy leather covers over wooden boards, blind or gold tooling, and metal clasps. Our ‘humble’ manuscript was never kept with these choirbooks; instead the Segovia Manuscript was treated as an exceptional item in the archive. The collection of philosophical, scientific, and theological manuscripts and incunabula from the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries preserved in Segovia Cathedral is one of the most significant and exquisite Renaissance book collections worldwide that are still kept in their original place: the books were incorporated the cathedral’s library between the end of the fifteenth and the middle of the sixteenth century. Most of the books were purchased by the fifteenth-century bishop of Segovia, Juan Arias de Ávila y González (1436– 97), better known as Juan Arias Dávila, for the use of the cathedral, more precisely for the Estudio General he founded in 1465. Most of them belonged to his personal library, entrusted to the cathedral after his death. Others came to the cathedral as gifts made by later bishops and clerics. No one expected to find a musical manuscript amongst this intimidating collection of books by Aristotle, Homer, Thomas of Aquinas, and many others, but eventually a musicologist came upon it. The first notice on the Segovia manuscript was published 1933 by Higinio Anglés.3 In his first appearance on the scholarly stage, the pioneer of Spanish musicology recalled having found it 1922. What followed was a masterpiece of musicological obfuscation. On the one hand Anglés withheld the circumstances under which he found the manuscript; on the other hand a shoal of red herrings

José María López-Calo, La Música en la Catedral de Segovia, 2 vols. (Segovia: Diputación Provincial, 1988–9). 3 Higinio Anglés, ‘Die spanische Liedkunst im 15. und am Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts’, in Hermann Zenck (ed.), Festschrift Theodor Kroyer (Regensburg: G. Bosse, 1933), 62–8. 2

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A SOURCE IN SEGOVIA

3

kept his colleagues working for decades on the wrong track. He linked the manuscript to the royal house of Isabella of Castille and conjectured that the northern repertoire mirrored the dynastic relationship between the Netherlands and Spain. Until the mid-1970s no one challenged Anglés’s narrative, although the contents of the manuscript, its concordances with other manuscripts, and its unique works were taken into account individually by editors, mainly those concerned with Spanish Renaissance music and Josquin’s and Obrecht’s works. Even getting access to the manuscript before the end of the twentieth century was not easy: a journey to Segovia could end in disappointment. The local Savings Bank of Segovia sponsored a facsimile edition in 1977, edited by Ramón Perales de la Cal. The choice of this manuscript was merely random: the reason for this facsimile was the celebration of the centenary of the bank and the second millennium of the Roman aqueduct, by far the most popular building in the city.4 The rather short preface did nothing to expand our knowledge. Norma Klein Baker’s dissertation of 1978 was the first monographic attempt to unravel the mystery of the manuscript’s contents, provenance, and context.5 Her work was fundamental in achieving a more holistic view, but unwittingly, instead of providing a definitive answer to the questions about the origin of the manuscript, it highlighted the fragility of all previous assumptions. In addition to some studies related to the Spanish text of the villancicos transmitted in the final part of the manuscript, which completely ignored the music,6 two further contributions have tried to establish new points of view. 1996–7, the 500th anniversary of Bishop Juan Arias Dávila’s death was celebrated with suitable academic pomp: an exhibition accompanied by an elaborate and voluminous catalogue, and a scholarly, interdisciplinary

Cancionero de la Catedral de Segovia: Edición facsimilar del Códice de la Santa Iglesia Catedral de Segovia, ed. Ramón Perales de la Cal, F. Albertos, and Hilario Sanz y Sanz (Segovia: Caja de Ahorros y Monte de Piedad, D.L., 1977). 5 Norma Klein Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript of Polyphony in the Archives of the Cathedral of Segovia: Its Provenance and History’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1978). 6 Marciano Cuesta Polo, Manuscrito musical del Archivo de la Catedral de Segovia: primeros años del siglo XVI. Primer cuaderno, las 38 obras castellanas (Segovia: Asociación Andrés Laguna para la Promoción de las Ciencias de la Salud, 2000), and Cancionero musical de la Catedral de Segovia, ed. Víctor de Lama de la Cruz ([Valladolid]: Junta de Castilla y León Consejería de Cultura y Turismo, 1994). 4

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4

CRISTINA URCHUEGUÍA AND WOLFGANG FUHRMANN

conference that was transmuted into a volume of proceedings as bulky as it was enlightening.7 Both present a fascinating portrait of this highly interesting man, but unfortunately no musicologist was invited to the party. The second new view of the Segovia Manuscript re-examined the content itself. Whereas Hispanic studies had insisted on a direct northern connection, in what was the most detailed study of the manuscript’s non-Spanish contents since Baker, Joshua Rifkin proposed in 1999 a Florentine alternative, at least for some of the pieces.8 But the main questions remain unanswered. This was the point of departure for our study. *** The present volume, which goes back to a double panel at the conference of the International Musicological Society in Zurich in 2007, attempts to address every dimension of a source that, as Honey Meconi remarks in her chapter, ‘for many of us, is the most fascinating Spanish manuscript of all’. The first four contributions are devoted to general aspects of the manuscript: Cristina Urchueguía sheds light on the political reasons that led Anglés to associate his newly discovered manuscript with the court of the Catholic kings. Taking a clue from a seemingly meaningless scribble on the first extant page of the source, Urchueguía also opens an important path to another, hitherto disregarded, possible context of Segovia: the Estudio General, a university founded in Segovia by Bishop Juan Arias Dávila (1436–97). Emilio Ros-Fábregas’s investigation of the watermarks and foliation in the manuscript demonstrates that there are four watermarks in the paper instead of one, as Norma Klein Baker believed, and that all the papers date from the last decade – even the last two or three years – of the fifteenth century. Moreover, the organization of the manuscript seems to be much less straightforward than it would appear today, expanding from the centre instead. Finally, RosFábregas offers a new deciphering of a note on the last folio of the manuscript

Carlos Sánchez Díez (ed.), Segovia en el Siglo XV: Arias Dávila. Obispo y Mecenas. Exposición conmemorativa del V Centenario (Segovia, 1997). Ángel Galindo García (ed.), Arias Dávila: Obispo y Mecenas. Segovia en el Siglo XV, Bibliotheca Salmanticensis, Estudios, 197 (Salamanca: Publicaciones Universidad Pontificia de Salamanca, 1998). 8 Joshua Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy: The Evidence of Two Songs’, in Paula Higgins (ed.), Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 505–71. 7

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A SOURCE IN SEGOVIA

5

(‘muy manyfyco señor don Rodrigo Manrique’), and consequently claims that Segovia may have been owned by one of the members of the important aristocratic family of Manrique named Rodrigo. Wolfgang Fuhrmann attempts to tackle the thorny question of the authenticity of Segovia’s ascriptions, noting that there are some portions of the repertoire – northern, especially Netherlandish sacred music – that have fared much better than others. Attempts to date the repertoire chime with Ros-Fabrégas’s codicological data: the bulk, and probably all, of the music contained in Segovia seems to date from before 1500. Throughout, Fuhrmann notes, there appears to be some special relationship of the Segovia scribe not only to certain geographical centres, but also to certain composers – Johannes Tinctoris, and especially Jacob Obrecht. Finally, Kenneth Kreitner considers the possible functions of the manuscript’s diverse contents. Unwilling to let the idea of an aristocratic owner go, Kreitner argues for ‘a pedagogical and/or recreational purpose, at or near the Castilian court, for some young person preparing for an educated secular life’. It is obvious that several of the ideas offered above, especially on ownership and purpose, are mutually exclusive, and as editors we have felt it important not to impose a single view but to let the dissenting voices stand. In fact, Segovia may be regarded as almost destined to produce dissent, and the following five chapters deal with such different aspects that the unprepared reader might almost assume that they refer to several different manuscripts. While Leofranc Holford-Strevens critically reviews the scribe’s Latinity – with devastating results – Honey Meconi looks at the section(s) of the source that could be called chansonniers, noting similarities to other ‘real’ contemporary chansonniers, discussing dating, and strengthening the claim for Italy as one of its major musical sources. The hypothesis that the scribe was of Flemish origin and entertained strong connections to at least one major Flemish musical centre is investigated linguistically by Rob C. Wegman and musically by Bonnie J. Blackburn; both emphatically confirm the ‘Flemish hypothesis’, and Blackburn suggests (among other observations) an interesting, if speculative, connection between Henricus Isaac’s motet Salve virgo sanctissima, which mentions the name ‘David’, and David of Burgundy, Bishop of Utrecht (d. 1496). Finally, Tess Knighton discusses the Spanish songs, placing the manuscript in the context of other recently surfaced sources of Spanish secular music of the fifteenth century. The inventory, prepared by Wolfgang Fuhrmann, expands considerably (as is inevitable after so many years) on Norma Klein Baker’s list of concordances and editions compiled fifty years ago.

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CRISTINA URCHUEGUÍA AND WOLFGANG FUHRMANN

*** Thanks are due to all the participants of the 2007 panel for their patience during the long time it took to produce this book; with two exceptions, they all provided their (duly updated) contributions for publication. We are also indebted to the Fundación de Universidades de Castilla y León ( Junta de Castilla y León) that provided the grants for the original conference. We wish especially to thank Bonnie J. Blackburn, whose supreme experience both of Renaissance music and of editing books helped to bring this volume to press. Our thanks also go to Marina Schwarz and Philipp Kehrer (Leipzig), who helped in preparing the Index of Compositions. Our hope is that the studies in this volume will generate even more scholarly (and musical) interest in a manuscript that has, despite our joint efforts, been recalcitrant in disclosing all its mysteries.

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chapter 1

In Search of Origins: The Afterlife of a Renaissance Manuscript Cristina Urchueguía

a find does not necessarily make a discovery I have always wondered why, despite its exquisite content and challenging context, the Segovia manuscript has not enjoyed the same interest and scholarly attention in the twentieth century as have other sources with comparable characteristics. It is intriguing that the attitude towards the manuscript has varied enormously among different groups of scholars: whereas Spaniards were quite reluctant to deal with the manuscript, colleagues in Renaissance music in other countries have pointed out the knowledge gap resulting from this reluctance. On the other hand, they too seemed to be unwilling to do anything beyond what Norma Klein Baker had accomplished in her doctoral dissertation,1 seemingly expecting their Spanish colleagues to take over that tacit assignment. The ones who could did not want to; the ones who wanted to did not consider themselves in charge. We all know that there is an epistemological relationship between the scholarly context and the constitution of any historical source. In this case, it became obvious to me that this relationship mattered in a very compelling way. This was the starting point of my present consideration. I first attempt to reconstruct the fortuna critica of the Segovia manuscript, linking it to political and historiographical developments in the regional and national identity of Spain as constituted in the twentieth century. I then discuss new evidence that allows us to relocate the creative context of the manuscript. Owing to the scholarly tradition in which Segovia s.s. had been discussed, this evidence could have been taken into consideration earlier. Everything begins with a find. The discovery of the Segovia manuscript in the archive of Segovia Cathedral in 1922 could have gone down in history as an early twentieth 1

Norma Klein Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript of Polyphony in the Archives of the Cathedral of Segovia: Its Provenance and History’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1978).

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century milestone in recent Spanish musicology, had the event not been overshadowed by two circumstances. On the one hand, the historiographical path which this milestone should have marked out proved rather puzzling and has remained so to this very day. On the other, the manuscript did not warrant a euphoric ‘eureka’, let alone prompt publication for the happy finder. The source which the up-and-coming musicologist Higinio Anglés located ‘hidden away in an enormous archive that also functioned as a library’ in Segovia Cathedral was obviously the wrong manuscript at the wrong time.2 Anglés’s phenomenal assiduity failed him completely, and eleven years went by before he even mentioned the manuscript in passing in the Festschrift for Theodor Kroyer in 1933, in an article about Spanish secular song. There he promised ‘to give a precise description of the content at another time’. 3 The interest in the repertory of secular song could be connected with one of the central topics of the congress held in Cambridge in 1933 by the Société Internationale de Musicologie, namely ‘secular music’.4 This meeting was organized by Edward Joseph Dent and John Brande Trend, the first Professor of Hispanic Studies in Cambridge. Higinio Anglés attended and successfully suggested the city of Barcelona as the venue for the 1936 SIM Congress. A brief article in the journal Acta Musicologica followed in 1936.5 Anglés explained the delay by mentioning that the archive’s holdings had been inaccessible until 1932 because of ‘the creation of the Segovia Cathedral Museum’. 6 This lack of urgency is all the more astonishing as Anglés otherwise made every effort to secure the ius primae noctis for himself when it came to important topics. He was graced with superhuman scholarly diligence, was free of any hint of writer’s block, and had an imperturbable self-confidence. It was simply impossible that a scholar of his reputation, a member of the clergy and head of the music section of the Biblioteca de Catalunya, could be refused access to holdings in the possession of the Church. What is more, 2 Higinio

Anglés, ‘Die spanische Liedkunst im 15. und am Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts’, in Hermann Zenck (ed.), Festschrift Theodor Kroyer (Regensburg: G. Bosse, 1933), 62–8 at 67–8. 3 Ibid. 67–8. 4 I am grateful to María Cáceres for pointing out this connection. See ‘Société Internationale de Musicologie: Congress at Cambridge July 29 – August 4, 1933’, Acta Musicologica 5 (1933), 1–2. 5 Higinio Anglés, ‘Un manuscrit inconnu avec polyphonie du XVe siècle conservé à la cathedrale de Ségovie (Espagne)’, Acta musicologica 8 (1936), 6–17. 6 Ibid. 7: ‘En raison de la création du musée de la cathedrale de Ségovie, il ne nous fût pas possible de le retrouver avant l’année 1932’.

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the creation of the Cathedral Museum seems like a poor excuse. The Museo Catedralicio de Segovia was founded in 1824 by Bishop Manuel Castro Alonso and is still extant today on the original premises beside the cathedral cloister.7 Nothing is known about interminable reconstruction work in the 1920s. The only official mention of Segovia Cathedral in the period from 1922 to 1932 concerns its nomination as a ‘Monumento histórico-artístico perteneciente al Tesoro Artístico Nacional’ by the Second Spanish Republic in 1931, a purely administrative measure by the national historical preservation authority which did not affect the museum.8 The manuscript does not seem to have enjoyed prime position on Anglés’s list of priorities; he had better things to do. Although Anglés had been ordained a priest in 1912, he developed his entire career in the context of music research and bibliography. With his studies in harmony, composition, and musicology, the latter under the direction and proactive patronage of Felipe Pedrell, he primarily pursued the improvement of religious music on a historical basis. Eventually his insights led to a shift in his direction: an intrinsic interest in music history relegated the practical aspects to a secondary place. Pedrell, the pioneer and spiritus rector of modern Spanish musicology at the turn of the century, recommended Anglés as director of the music department of the Biblioteca de Cataluña. But as musicology had not yet achieved the status of a discipline in the Spanish academy, neither in the conservatory nor in the university, Anglés could not obtain an academic degree that would have provided a standard methodological framework and gained him international recognition. Germany became the country of his choice to close this gap. In 1923–4 he studied in Freiburg im Breisgau under Willibald Gurlitt, and in 1928 in Göttingen and Munich under Friedrich Ludwig and Heinrich Finke. In Barcelona he was assigned one new position or responsibility after the other until 1933. In brief: what was missing was the will and the way. 7

Webpage of the Junta de Castilla y León: Entry on Museo Catedralicio de Segovia: http://www.cultura.jcyl.es/web/jcyl/Cultura/es/Plantilla100Directorio/128429 3003730/1284293713584/1261041370928/DirectorioPadre, accessed 20 June 2016. 8 On 3 June 1931 Segovia Cathedral, along with many other emblematic religious and civil buildings in all Spanish provinces, was declared by the provisional government of the Second Spanish Republic (proclaimed on 14 April 1931) to be a ‘Monumento histórico-artístico perteneciente al Tesoro Artístico Nacional’ (national art-historical monument belonging to the National Art Treasure). This declaration implemented a decree of 9 August 1926 and at the same time the young Second Spanish Republic conferred the possessions of the Church and the former Royal House on the State. See Gaceta de Madrid, no. 155 (4 June 1931), 1181–5.

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Plate 1.1. The Alcázar de Segovia. Photo: Fernando de Antonio Jiménez

The study of Spanish secular song that Anglés published in 1933, in which he touches briefly on the Segovia manuscript, was also not what he considered to be a suitable place to present the music-historical importance of the source in detail. Yet Anglés did not fail to make assertions, with a soberly apodictic casualness, as to its dating and place of origin – both of which are still causing researchers headaches. In 1933 he classified Segovia as ‘a source of 15th-century Spanish secular song’ in the illustrious company of the Cancionero de Palacio, Cancionero de Colombina, and Barcelona 454. His summary description begins with the following statement: ‘This … source of 15th-century Spanish secular song surely stems from the Real Alcázar during the time of the “Catholic Monarchs”, possibly also from the time of Philip the Fair’.9 Despite, or because of, its proximity to the modifier ‘possibly’, the adverb ‘surely’ conveys a certain tentativeness, especially as any source data, any proof, and even any argumentation are lacking here, as they are in later publications, which dispense with adverbs altogether. In the meantime, two 9 Anglés,

‘Die spanische Liedkunst’, 67–8: ‘Diese dritte Quelle der spanischen Liedkunst des 15. Jahrhunderts stammt sicher aus dem Real Alcazar aus der Zeit der “katholischen Könige”, möglicherweise auch aus der Zeit Philipps des Schönen’.

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generations of scholars have followed the trail to Alcázar, the city’s medieval fortified castle enthroned on the striking cliffs bracketed by the rivers Eresmas and Clamores (see Plate 1.1) – so far, without any success.10 In this first statement the link with the court of the Catholic Monarchs establishes only a general, vague scenario of the temporal connection between the manuscript and the court. Given that historiographical narratives consider causality much more attractive than mere simultaneity, it was only a short step from a manuscript dating from the time of the Monarchs to a manuscript from their estate. In 1936 Anglés embellished the context of the manuscript’s genesis with an adventurous scenario and developed the hypothesis of a provenance from the estate of Queen Isabella of Castile. Note the dramatic ellipsis between the two paragraphs in the following statement: This [inventory which Queen Isabella had drawn up of her jewels, instruments, books about music, which she preserved in the royal Alcázar of Segovia in 1503] lists eight books of canto dé organo …, among them three French chansonniers. Unfortunately the instruments as well as the books of music mentioned in the inventory were lost in the fire at the Alcázar in Segovia in 1862. To convey some idea of what those books of music in the old castle of Segovia were about, we today present the following manuscript, which escaped the fire because it was in Segovia Cathedral at the time of the disaster.11

A castle, a queen, a cathedral, a manuscript, and a devastating fire – perfect ingredients for a romantic atmosphere in the style of Walter Scott, with an additional soupçon of suspense: mention of the total destruction by fire in

10

The medieval Alcázar de Segovia with its nineteenth-century historicist silhouette was one of the models for Snow White’s castle in Walt Disney’s eponymous film. 11 Anglés, ‘Un manuscrit inconnu’, 6–7: ‘Dans cet [inventaire que la reine Isabelle fit faire des joyaux et des instruments et des livres de musique qu’elle conservait dans l’Alcazar royal de Ségovie en 1503] on note huit livres de canto de órgano … et parmi eux trois Chansonniers français. Malheureusement dans l’incendie du Alcazar de Ségovie en 1862 furent perdus les instruments ainsi que les livres de musique mentionnés dans l’inventaire. Pour donner une idée de ce qui étaient ces livres de musique de l’ancien château de Ségovie, nous présentons aujourd’hui le manuscrit suivant sauvé de l’incendie parcequ’il se trouvait au moment du désastre à la cathédrale de Ségovie’.

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1862 cannot fail to take one’s breath away. And then the moment of relief: one manuscript survived! A beautiful, incredible, invented story. One reason for Anglés’s composure when publicizing and analysing what is, from our viewpoint, a spectacular source, may well have been its contents. Although he recognized the high value of the manuscript, in his characterization thereof we detect that he did not aspire to any responsibility for it: ‘The Segovia manuscript is particularly interesting because the corpus of Castilian court song is placed in between Latin Church works from the Netherlandish School of Obrecht, Isaac, Agricola, etc., and alongside Flemish, French and Italian songs’.12 At that time, it was regarded as self-evident that a Spanish researcher would be interested in these Castilian works, but we shall see later that this was not the case with Anglés. Moreover, he did not feel called upon to feign the slightest interest in the Franco-Flemish repertory. In Anglés’s view, the contents of Segovia testified to the fact that Spanish composers were familiar with the works of their colleagues from the north, which was a credit to them. Yet this corpus ought not to be part of the agenda of a Spanish musicologist of the early twentieth century, who viewed it as his exclusive duty to unearth indigenous achievements that had unjustifiably been neglected. A fleeting glance at the manuscript immediately indicates that the ‘repertory of the Castilian court song’ does not stand between or alongside other works, but forms an explicitly demarcated section, which is significantly smaller than those containing the other genres. The number of works is small compared with other sources of secular Castilian vocal polyphony – merely thirty-eight pieces of more than 200 – and more than half of them are unica, with the result that concordances are of no help in determining an institutional provenance. Anglés’s somewhat disconcerting guardedness about Segovia as a Castilian song manuscript flanked by non-Spanish works can be extrapolated from his historiographical self-understanding. Until 1936 Higinio Anglés was responsible, by conviction as well as by obligation, for the history not of Spanish but of Catalan music.13 As a rule, he investigated Catalan sources,

12

Anglés, ‘Die spanische Liedkunst’, 67: ‘ Die Handschrift Segovia gewinnt ein ganz besonderes Interesse dadurch, daß zwischen lateinischen kirchlichen Werken der niederländischen Schule Obrecht, Isaac, Agricola usw. und neben flämischen, französischen und italienischen Liedern das Repertorium des kastilischen höfischen Liebesliedes steht’. 13 See Juan José Carreras, ‘La formación de un musicólogo: Higini Anglès (1912– 1922)’, in Antonio Addamiano and Francesco Luisi (eds.), Atti del Congresso internazionale di Musica Sacra: In occasione del centenario di fondazione del PIMS: Roma, 26 maggio – 1 giugno 2011 (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2013),

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authors, or works, and published his texts in the regional language; preferably, he placed his contributions in Catalan publications even when he was not dealing with Catalan sources, as in the case of the codex of Las Huelgas, which originated in the heart of Castile, near Burgos.14 In his 1936 essay on Segovia, in which he includes not only codicological information but also a first inventory with concordances, Anglés even insists on invoking the merits of Catalan as opposed to Castilian music history: ‘Regarding the music history of Catalonia in the fifteenth century, we have myriad historical documents that illustrate this point. As for Castile, we know nothing about the history of music prior to Ferdinand V (1471–1516) and Isabella (†1504)’.15 The chronological precedence of Catalan music is totally irrelevant to his further remarks, but he clearly could not miss an opportunity, albeit unsolicited, to draw the borderline between Catalonia and Castile, or the rest of Spain, as separate music-historical entities. It is significant that until the Civil War, Anglés mentioned the Segovia manuscript only in articles that were published outside Spain and in translation. Abroad, Anglés waved the Spanish flag; at home, the Catalan flag. At the same time, he never failed to emphasize clearly the borderline between Catalonia and the rest of Spain when outside the country. This journalistic and scholarly thrust made use of musicological and historical arguments to support a musical Catalanism that had found its most influential cultural-political activist in Lluis Millet (1867–1941), cofounder of Orfeo Catala, and friend and fellow-student of Anglés. The Catalan Renaixença, an offshoot of national state movements in the nineteenth century, sought to buttress a Catalan identity based on language, culture, and history that could be used to strengthen the political position of Catalonia as opposed to the Spanish central government. Anglés, a priest and active member of the anti-modernist movement that aimed to reintroduce Gregorian chant 33–44, and Carreras, ‘Problemas de la historiografía musical: El caso de Higinio Anglés y el medievalismo’, in Andrea Bombi (ed.), Pasados presentes: Tradiciones historiográficas en la musicología europea (1870–1939) (Valencia: Publicaciones de la Universidad de Valencia, 2015), 19–52. 14 El Còdex Musical de las Huelgas (Música a veus dels segles XIII–XIV), ed. Higinio Anglés, i: Introducció; ii: Facsímile; iii:: Transcripció, Biblioteca de Catalunya, Publicaciones del Departament de Musica VI (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 1931). 15 Anglés, ‘Un manuscrit inconnu’, 6: ‘De l’histoire musicale de la Catalogne au XVe siècle nous possedons une infinité de documents historiques qui apporteront des éclaircissements sur cette question. En ce qui concerne la Castille nous ne connaissons pas l’histoire de la musique à une époque antérieure aux rois Ferdinand V (1474–1516) et Isabelle (+ 1504)’.

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subsequent to the Motu Proprio of 1903, became the self-appointed musichistorical mouthpiece of a Christian, culturally conservative Catalanism. Anglés’s attitude towards the Segovia manuscript was of the same halfhearted objectivity that he held towards the issue of ‘core Spanish’ music until the Civil War. That information on this source lent itself only to being published abroad prior to the Civil War gives eloquent testimony to this fact. Unlike the stunning codex Las Huelgas, which he had discovered together with the German musicologist Peter Wagner at the Huelgas monastery in 1926 and which he published in 1931, Segovia provided no real reason to make an exception. As evidence of the early re-Christianization and the international networking of Christian Spain at the beginning of the fourteenth century, Las Huelgas stirred the clergyman’s blood. Segovia, however, indicated precisely the opposite of what the Iberian researchers, irrespective of their regional affiliation, were seeking in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.16 It could not be admired for the independence of Spanish compositional styles symbolically reflecting the political strength of Spain in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; rather, it revealed the close interconnectedness and compatibility of Spanish composers with the pan-European environment.

segovia and the ‘mystical style’ of castile The shift from a culturally conservative, liberal Catalanism to Spanish nationalism began for Anglés only after the Spanish Civil War in 1939. From the viewpoint of the Francoists, what stood him in good stead was the fact that he could not be accused of left-wing activism despite his Catalan prehistory. As a priest, he had fled to Germany in 1936 in the face of the anarchistic anticlerical excesses in Barcelona; a persecuted priest was politically acceptable in a nationalist Catholic country despite the Catalan sins of his youth. Anglés’s return to Spain in 1939, due to the outbreak of the Second World War, was in no way ultimate proof of his loyalty to the Franco regime. However, Franco’s cultural elite wanted to use his competence and his international reputation despite the residual risk. Too many scholars and creative artists had left the country. Ideological pedantry had to give way to controlled pragmatism in the treatment of those who returned. In 1943 Anglés was commissioned to found the Instituto Español de Musicología, having been thoroughly vetted

16

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For more on Anglés and the Codex Las Huelgas see Carreras, ‘Problemas de la historiografía musical’, 31–2.

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in advance. To be absolutely certain, he was placed under the surveillance of Nemesio Otaño, a fanatical Francoist and populist, whom he fervently despised. As a tiny cog in this highly politicized institution he had little other option. Looking back on the dark days of the Spanish post-war era, it is hard to judge in a personality like Anglés just how far the drive to sheer self-preservation in the face of the Franco regime’s extreme repression of regionalist movements was paramount and how much was due to inner conviction. Only now is musicology starting to examine the impact of Francoism on the discipline.17 If Segovia was not Catalan enough in Anglés’s eyes before the Spanish Civil War, afterwards the manuscript resisted being monopolized by the ‘Spanish’ musical identity desired by Francoism. To be declared a national treasure, the Segovia manuscript was lacking three of the necessary prerequisites: taken as a whole it was neither exclusively national nor Catholic, nor even royal. Nothing much could be done about the first two features. Subsequently the manuscript was separated into pieces as required, instead of being viewed as a whole. As for the third feature, the link to the royal court, Anglés had worked on this from the very beginning and had not allowed himself to be deterred by the obstacles inherent in the source material. For example, the lack of knowledge about Castilian music before the era of the Catholic Monarchs contradicts Anglés’s assertion of its stylistic independence: ‘Everything indicates that when Philip the Fair arrived in Spain in 1501–2 to marry Princess Juana, daughter of Ferdinand V and Isabella, the Castilian repertory was well defined and exhibited special characteristics’.18 What does ‘everything’ mean here? If only the Catalan repertory had a known prehistory, what exactly was it that one ought to know about Castilian music? Without further proof, this claim repeats a regional variant of the decades-long national chauvinism found in the incunabula of Spanish music historiography, such as Mariano Soriano Fuertes’s four-volume Historia de la música española desde la 17

To mention just a few contributions: Juan José Carreras, ‘Hijos de Pedrell: La historiografía musical española y sus orígenes nacionalistas (1780–1980)’, Il Saggiatore musicale 8 (2001), 121–69; Gemma Zalduondo et al. (eds.), Music and Francoism (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013); Eva Moreda Rodríguez, ‘Early Music in Francoist Spain: Higini Anglès and the Exiles’, Music & Letters 96 (2015), 209–27, and Moreda Rodríguez, Music and Exile in Francoist Spain (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015). 18 Anglés, ‘Un manuscrit inconnu’, 6: ‘Tout démontre que quand Philippe le Beau vint en Espagne pour se marier avec la princesse Jeanne, fille de Ferdinand et d’Isabelle, en 1501–1502, le répertoire castillan était bien défini, avec des caracteristiques [sic] spéciales’.

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venida de los fenicios hasta el año de 1850 (published 1855–9). Nationalism is eloquently formulated as the epiphany of Spanish national pride, and Anglés observed this credo until the Civil War with a Catalan bias.19 With an almost sporting enthusiasm the small community of Spanish music historians of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries showered scorn on the musical ‘Españolismo’ of Soriano Fuertes – with one of them caustically calling it a ‘delirium tremens’. 20 Yet none of those colleagues, from Hilarión Eslava to Felipe Pedrell, had in any way earned the right to cast the first stone. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the discourse was coloured by musical nationalism as an unrivalled paradigm. Soriano Fuertes’s scholarly creativity had merely somewhat exaggerated this. The assumption of a characteristic musical style gained particular popularity in the version expressed by Henri Collet in his Le Mysticisme musicale espagnole au XVI e siècle (1913).21 The Spanish Style corresponded to a ‘mysticisme catholique’ or ‘mysticisme du moyen âge’, marked by stringency, directness, expressivity, and seriousness, making the Franco-Flemish style seem, by contrast, to be overly sophisticated and narcissistic in a major way.

Mariano Soriano Fuertes, Historia de la música española: Desde la venida de los fenicios hasta el año de 1850, 4 vols. (Madrid: Martín y Salazar, 1855–9). See also Juan José Carrera’s illuminating introduction to the facsimile of 2007, ‘“Desde la venida de los Fenicios”: The National Construction of a Musical Past in 19th Century Spain’, Musica e storia 16 (2008), 65–78. 20 Antonio Peña y Goñi, La ópera española y la música dramática en España en el siglo XIX (Madrid: Impr. y Estereotipia de el Liberal, 1881), 32. 21 Henri Collet, Le Mysticisme musical espagnol au XVIe siècle (Paris: Félix Alcan, 1913), 1. Mysticism was discussed not only as a feature of Spanish music but as a national pan-cultural phenomenon: see Hilaire Kallendorf (ed.), A New Companion to Hispanic Mysticism (Leiden: Brill, 2010), with an essay on music by Tess Knighton: ‘“Through a Glass Darkly”: Music and Mysticism in Golden Age Spain’, 411–36. Pilar Ramos López, ‘The Construction of the Myth of Spanish Renaissance Music as a Golden Age’, in Early Music – Context and Ideas I, International Conference in Musicology, Kraków (Kraków: University of Kraków, 2003), available online at www.campusvirtual.unirioja.es/titulaciones/ musica/cv_ramos.html; Ramos López, ‘Mysticism as a Key Concept of Spanish Early Music Historiography’, in Early Music – Context and Ideas II, International Conference in Musicology, Kraków (Kraków: University of Kraków, 2003), available online at www.campusvirtual.unirioja.es/titulaciones/musica/cv_ramos. html; and Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Cristobal de Morales: A Problem of Musical Mysticism and National Identity in the Historiography of the Renaissance’, in Owen Rees and Bernadette Nelson (eds.), Cristóbal de Morales: Sources, Influences, Reception (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2007), 215–34. 19

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The enticing mysticism of Spanish music in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries has even reached the mass media, including Wikipedia. In the article ‘Cancionero de Palacio’ we read about the ‘circumspect and expressive style characteristic of the reign of the Catholic Monarchs’; the source of this judgement is not difficult to recognize.22 The assumption that the manuscript came from the possessions of the royal family is just as persistent, with the result that subsequent research has proffered ever new family members as primary owners.23 Step by step, Anglés intensified and personalized the link between the manuscript and the entourage of the Catholic Monarchs, fleshing it out, as it were. This ascription thrived in the course of the manuscript’s further appearance in Anglés’s writings, but it was made even more specific after the Civil War. Anglés initiated his re-entry into Spanish musicology in the Franco era with a fanfare, or rather with two fanfares – the acid test of his leadership role and interpretational sovereignty in musicology. As librarian of the former Biblioteca de Catalunya in Barcelona, which was retained by the Franco government as the Biblioteca Central, he curated an ambitious musicological exhibition entitled La música española desde la edad media hasta nuestros días (Spanish Music from the Middle Ages to the Present) to mark the centenary celebrations in honour of the composer and music researcher Felipe Pedrell from 18 May to 25 June 1941.24 At the same time, an edition of sacred Spanish 22

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cancionero_de_Palacio, accessed 6 January 2015. On this, see the chapter by Tess Knighton in this volume, Ch. 9. In this respect, one of the most recent missed opportunities is the essay by Francisco de Paula, ‘Una hipótesis de trabajo sobre el Cancionero de la Catedral de Segovia’, in Ángel Galindo García (ed.), Arias Dávila: Obispo y Mecenas. Segovia en el siglo XV (Salamanca: Universidad Pontificia de Salamanca, 1998), 343–53. Although he had been a fervent admirer of the manuscript since the 1970s, and the initiative to have the facsimile made by the Segovia Savings Bank in 1997 was his, he does not seem to have engaged directly with the book. All his data were taken from the secondary literature: for example, p. 345: ‘La procedencia del manuscrito tampoco suscita diferencias entre los investigadores, y todos coinciden en afirmar que lo es del tesoro de Castilla, custodiado en el alcázar de Segovia’ (‘The original manuscript did not give rise to a discussion among the researchers and all agreed that it was from the Castilian Treasure preserved in the Alcázar of Segovia’). That same year a kind of counter-statement appeared in Estudios Segovianos by Alfonso María Frechel Merino: ‘La música de Segovia en tiempo del Obispo Arias Dávila’, Estudios Segovianos 96 (1997), 149–71. But no new insight on the Segovia manuscript or its provenance was provided. 24 The contents of the exhibition were published in catalogue form with numerous facsimiles: Higinio Anglés, La Música Española desde la Edad Media hasta Nuestros 23

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vocal polyphony was published under the title La Música en la Corte de los Reyes Católicos – the first volume in the series Monumentos de la Música Española.25 The Internationale Musik- und Theaterwesen Ausstellung (International Music and Theatre Exhibition) in Vienna in 1892, of which Anglés is known to have been aware, functioned as a model for the synchronous presentation of musicological themes in the form of an exhibition and a Denkmalreihe.26 Guido Adler curated the musicological exhibition and co-edited the ‘noughth’ issue of the series Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich (DTÖ) in 1892. The participation of the Spanish Monarchy was under the patronage of the Infanta Isabel de Borbón and resulted in a special section within the music-historical exhibition. Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo functioned as the overriding father-figure of this historical enterprise, under the guidance of Francisco Asenjo Barbieri, Jesús de Monasterio, Emilio Arrieta, the Conde de Morphy, and others. In the catalogue for the Spanish section we find many of the exhibits which Higinio Anglés showed in Barcelona in 1941.27 While the ‘noughth’ issue of the DTÖ contained the works of the Austrian emperors, the first issue of the Monumentos de la Música Española was dedicated to the music of the court of the Catholic Monarchs.28 Was this purely a matter of chance? It is astonishing that funds were available for these enterprises so shortly after the Civil War and during the deprivation of the early post-war years. The Días. Catálogo de la Exposición Histórica en conmemoración del primer centenario del maestro Felipe Pedrell (Barcelona: Diputación Provincial de Barcelona, 1941) (hereafter Anglés, Exposición). 25 Higinio Anglés, La Música en la Corte de los Reyes Católicos, i: Polifonía religiosa, MME 1 (Madrid: CSIC, Instituto Diego Velázquez, 1941). 26 Die internationale Ausstellung für Musik- und Theaterwesen Wien 1892, hrsg. von Siegmund Schneider, unter dem Protectorate ihrer Durchlaucht der Frau Fürstin Pauline von Metternich-Winneburg, unter officieller Mitwirkung der AusstellungsCommission, sämmtlicher Special- und der internationalen Comités (Vienna: Verlag von Moritz Perles, 1894). 27 Internationale Ausstellung für Musik- und Theaterwesen, Wien 1892: Katalog der Ausstellung des Königreiches Spanien, ed. Salvador Sanpere i Miquel and G. Roca y Sanpere, transl. Rudolf Beer; ed. by the exhibition commission (Vienna: J. N. Vernay, 1892). In La Música en la Corte de los Reyes Católicos, i. 93 Anglés lists eleven sources from the Katalog der Ausstellung des Königreichs Spanien with reference to the serial numbers in that catalogue, which were lost after the exhibition. 28 Musikalische Werke der Kaiser Ferdinand III., Leopold I. und Joseph I. Im Auftrage des k.k. Ministeriums für Cultus und Unterricht hrsg. von Guido Adler, 2 vols. (Vienna: Artaria, 1892).

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issue was published in Madrid by the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, which had been newly founded on 24 November 1939 but still bore the colophon of the Instituto Diego Velázquez.29 The Instituto Español de Musicología, which would later edit the series, was founded by decree, but not until 27 September 1943, with its headquarters in Barcelona.30 The exhibition and the publication acted as test drilling for the historiographical ideals of the Institute, as well as having a common agenda evident in the overlap between the structure and content of the exhibition and its associated concerts, and of the music series Monumentos de la Música Española. Two so-called ‘Conferencias Concierto’ took place in the Biblioteca Central during the exhibition, on 18 May and 1 June 1941, both chaired by Higinio Anglés (see Plate 1.2).31 The concerts narrate a coherent music history that is oriented around the ‘strong’ Spanish Kings – the Catholic Monarchs and the so-called ‘Austrias Mayores’ Carlos I/V and Felipe II – and that views the later seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as a period of decadence in which a burgeoning music culture was transformed into a barren wasteland, as stated in the official founding decree of the Instituto Español de Musicología:32 Since the eighteenth century the Spanish state has simply and in­ comprehensibly forgotten to grant music the importance it deserves, has failed to preserve the treasures handed down by the old masters, and has forgotten to encourage vocations in good time and train men to study and teach it.33 Boletin oficial del Estado, 28 November 1939, pp. 6668–71. Boletín oficial del Estado, 10 October 1943, pp. 9804–5. 31 Anglés, Exposición, 6–8: 1.a Conferencia Concierto sobre ‘La música amorosa y la instrumental en las Cortes de los Reyes Católicos y Carlos V: Música de los Reyes Católicos … Música de Carlos V’; 2.a Conferencia Concierto sobre ‘La música de cámara en la Corte de Felipe II y de la España del siglo XVII y principios del XVIII: Música en la corte de Felipe II … La música de la España del siglo XVII y principios del XVIII’. 32 The volumes of MME 5 (1947), 10 (1951), and 14 (1954/1965) also belong to this subseries. Vol. 2: Higinio Anglés, La Música en la Corte de Carlos V. Con la transcripción del ‘Libro de Cifra Nueva para tecla, arpa y vihuela’, de Luys Venegas de Henestrosa (Alcalá de Henares, 1557) (Barcelona: CSIC, 1944; 2nd edn. 1984). 33 Boletín oficial del Estado, 10 October 1943, p. 9804: ‘Sólo por un olvido inconcebible, desde el siglo XVIII dejó el Estado español de dar a la Música la importancia que merece, no ocupándose de conservar los tesoros legados por los antiguos maestros y olvidando el despertar a tiempo vocaciones y formar hombres para su estudio y divulgación’. 29 30

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Plate 1.2. The first concert during the musicological exhibition in the reading room of the Biblioteca Central de Barcelona on 18 May 1941, from Anglés, Exposición, p. [3]. Photo: Author

Higinio Anglés was now speaking in the name of the new Franco Regime, commissioned by a new leader who would allay this inexplicable disgrace, and he mastered his task brilliantly. In the exhibition and the edition he offered only the very best. The exhibition showed a fantastic overview of manuscripts and prints relating to the history of music from all over Spain, including, as No. 28, the ‘Cancionero Musical del Real Alcázar de Segovia’, i.e. the Segovia manuscript.34 The brief description contained in the catalogue added nothing new apart from the fancy and succinct name. Published in the edition were two mass sections by Juan de Anchieta that are transmitted in Segovia.35 Within seven years, ‘Segovia, archive of the cathedral, without a signature’ (1933), the ‘manuscrit innconnu … conservé a la cathédrale de Ségovie’ (1936), had been transformed into the resonant ‘Cancionero Musical del Real Alcázar de

Exposición, 29. MME 1, pp. 38–54. However, at the time Tarazona 2/3 was used as the reference manuscript and the mass sections were edited as part of a composite mass.

34 Anglés, 35

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Segovia’ from the court of the Catholic Monarchs (1941). It had thus become a manuscript based on three lies: it is not a cancionero, nor was it held at the Alcázar, nor was it from the court of the Catholic Monarchs. On the basis of the latest research on the development of the royal library, the obsession with the royal family that has grown from Anglés’s initial discussion can today be exposed as false. In 2004 Elisa Ruiz was able to reconstruct the queen’s books, including their afterlife. She found no trace of our manuscript.36 The various inventories of the queen’s possessions were made with extreme care, and even though jewellery, tapestries, fabrics, and even the smallest piece of scented soap are described much more meticulously than the books – which are probably not the most important objects in the inventories – an oversight is out of the question. The manuscript was certainly not part of the royal holdings.

willst du immer weiter schweifen? sieh, das gute liegt so nah (goethe) So, where did this manuscript originate, and how did it come to Segovia? To date, musicology has excluded Segovia and its cathedral from the debate, as if it were a medieval provincial nest without any cultural environment. The presence of the Segovia manuscript in this archive has been viewed as pure coincidence. Consequently, no alternative has been suggested that might challenge the royal hypothesis, partly because almost no researchers had even had a glance at the actual manuscript. Microfilms were used prior to 1977, and after 1977 the facsimile published by Perales de la Cal was at a remove from the scholarly discourse, albeit in keeping with the edition standards of its time.37 The institution that funded the facsimile was neither the Instituto Español de Musicología, which held the musicological monopoly, nor some analogous municipal or local cultural organization, but the local savings bank, Caja de Ahorros y Monte de Piedad de Segovia, on the occasion of the 2000th Elisa Ruiz García, Los libros de Isabel la Católica: Arqueología de un patrimonio escrito, Serie maior, 6 (Salamanca: Instituto de Historia del Libro y de la Lectura, 2004). See also the contribution by Tess Knighton, Ch. 9 below. 37 Cancionero de la Catedral de Segovia; Edición facsimilar del Códice de la Santa Iglesia Catedral de Segovia, ed. Ramon Perales de la Cal, F. Albertos, and Hilario Sanz y Sanz (Segovia: Caja de Ahorros y Monte de Piedad, D.L., 1977). The production of this facsimile was proposed by the director of the Segovia Savings Bank, Francisco de Paula. See Paula, ‘Una hipótesis’, 344. 36

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anniversary of the construction of the Segovia aqueduct. The bank had the attractive facsimile produced as a special gift for selected clients. Consequently, the book was difficult to acquire. Segovia is a very charming, sleepy Castilian hollow in the middle of nowhere. Its architectural treasures, such as the Roman aqueduct, the Alcázar, and the cathedral, are insider tips for the culturally inclined tourist seeking to recuperate on a day trip to the periphery of the capital, Madrid. It is easy to avoid metropolitan stress in Segovia as there is simply nothing to do in the evening. Moreover, until very recently the opening hours of the archive were quite restricted and the quality of the workplace allotted was dependent on the whim of the archivists – all in all, not great prerequisites for attracting researchers. I would like to emphasize, however, that today’s staff leave nothing to be desired. In order to come closer to a solution we have to leave the paths of official musicology and plunge headlong into the lowlands of provincial research. What is more, we also have to think and look outside the musicological box. Medievalists in particular, with the almost imperceptible support of literary scholars, have studied the cultural history of Segovia with great precision and competence. Obsessed by the manuscript’s supposed royal provenance, official musicology, and all studies by other disciplines relying on this research, were blind to more obvious contexts, which, as we shall see, have illuminated a fascinating environment. An ignored, inconspicuous scrawl in the manuscript points us in the right direction (see Plate 1.3). On the first page of the preserved manuscript, in the header, is a kind of pen trial, a scribble. When compared with other tomes from the archive, this sign turns out to be a certification mark used by the Inquisition. The same sign is to be found in a whole series of other works from the holdings of the Archivo de la Catedral, such as a copy of St Augustine’s Sermons, printed in Basel in 1494/95 (see Plate 1.4).38 More of these marks are placed next to an owner’s mark, like the one from Guido de Cauliaco’s Chirurgia shown in Plate 1.5, indicating that the book is the property of the cathedral: ‘es del archivo de la cathedral de Segobia’. 39 Others certify the inoffensiveness of the work, such as the sign in Nicolaus de Lyra’s Postilla super Psalterio: ‘non indiget expurgatione’ (see Plate 1.6).40

Segovia Catedral, Catálogo General de Incunables (CGI), no. 113. In deciphering the signs and seeking other examples I was able to benefit from the generosity and knowledge of the archivist Bonifacio Bartolomé Herrero. 39 Segovia Catedral, CGI, no. 2765. 40 Segovia Catedral, CGI, no. 4104. 38

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Plate 1.3. Inquisition mark in Segovia, fol. 1r (previously fol. 5r). Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

Plate 1.4. Inquisition mark in St Augustine’s Sermones (Basel: Johannes Ammerbach, 1494–5). Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

Plate 1.5. Inquisition mark in Guido de Cauliaco, Chirurgia, vel inventarium seu collectorium in parte chirurgicali medicinae (Ilerda: Henricus Botel, c. 1479–80). Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

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Plate 1.6. Inscription on Nicolaus de Lyra, Postilla super Psalterio (Basel: Michael Wennsler, c. 1474). Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

Numerous other examples could be given. Musicologists, including the bibliophile Anglés – which is astonishing – failed to acknowledge that the archive of Segovia Cathedral, with its 519 volumes, owned a collection of incunabula that was unsurpassed both in quantity and quality, not to mention countless exquisite manuscripts with key texts from the late Middle Ages and early Renaissance.41 The mark in Segovia indicates that, in archival terms, this manuscript was not treated as a music manuscript – as other music manuscripts have no markings – but was listed in the collection of incunabula and manuscripts as early as the sixteenth century.42 I even suspect that it was counted among the holdings of fine manuscripts and incunabula and considered as part of that corpus of books. In addition, this sign indicates that Segovia was already a fragment at the time of the visit from the Inquisition. The first four folios were certainly missing, as the mark was placed on fol. 5r (new 1r); the flyleaf was used in all the other books. The manuscript does not

See Cristino Valverde del Barrio, Catálogo de incunables y libros raros de la Santa Iglesia Catedral de Segovia (Segovia: El Adelantado, 1930), and Tesoros bibliográficos de la Catedral de Segovia: Catálogo de la Exposición (Segovia: Colegio Universitario Domingo de Soto, 1986). 42 In his catalogue of the Cathedral’s music collection José María López-Calo did not consider this manuscript and made no mention of the other rich holdings. For scholars the manuscript remained historically isolated. José María López-Calo, La música en la Catedral de Segovia, 2 vols. (Segovia: Diputación Provincial de Segovia, 1988–9). 41

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seem to have been used for performance: at 291 × 215 mm it is too small, and it shows no signs of use. In the absence of documents, it is not known precisely when the Inquisition pored over the books from Segovia in order to purify the archive of Protestant heresy. Palaeographically, the handwriting of the entries about ownership and inoffensiveness belongs to the second half of the sixteenth century.43 The Inquisition tribunal was deployed in Segovia in 1486, initially to deal with the local tensions between the Christian and the Jewish populations. Book censorship adhered to central guidelines; occasionally there were clashes between royal censorship, focused on taxes, and church censorship, focused on content.44 From 1515 onwards, the Inquisition was commissioned to censor books before they were printed. On the Iberian Peninsula, a region with a very fragile printing industry and dependent on imported books, the Inquisition dealt with border controls at the ports and the monitoring of libraries and book collections. Examinations of the latter were not carried out systematically, but in response to clues from informers. Until the publication in 1559 of the Index Librorum prohibitorum, the Spanish Inquisition adhered to the index published in Louvain in 1551. It turned its attention to the Protestant threat in particular, after dangerous Protestant hot spots were discovered in Valladolid and Seville in 1557–9. In our search for the origin of the astonishing wealth of incunabula in a supposedly peripheral cathedral archive we come upon a colourful personality and a forgotten institution: Bishop Juan Arias Dávila (b. c. 1436 in Segovia, d. 1497 in Rome) and his Estudio General, a university that was founded on the basis of a royal privilege in 1466 but failed to survive in the sixteenth century. In 1563 the Estudio was amalgamated into a Jesuit school and disappeared from the radar till 2015. Prior to that, in 1951 Eduardo Quintanilla edited, without commentary, a royal confirmation of the privilege dated to 1508.45 In 1970 we find a brief mention in a survey essay on the diocese of Segovia; both articles appeared in the local scholarly

43

At this point I would like to thank the archivist Don Bonifacio Bartolomé Herrero for his much appreciated collaboration, his thoughtful help and patience, and his support in determining and dating the palaeographical information. 44 José Pardo Tomás, Ciencia y censura: La inquisición española y los libros científicos en los siglos XVI y XVII (Madrid: Consejo superior de investigaciones científicas, 1991), 23–93. 45 Mariano Quintanilla, ‘Documentos: Estudio de gramática y filosofía’, Estudios Segovianos 3 (1951), 234–46.

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journal Estudios Segovianos.46 Since 1949 this journal had devoted itself to monographs on the history and culture of the province of Segovia; the holistic programme stems from the pen of a colourful collective of authors, ranging from serious medievalists and art historians, art lovers, and hobby historians to chatty patriots, aimed mainly at a local readership. Yet the achievement of this journal should not be underestimated. The articles are often not only based directly on sources (many of these historical texts, such as confirmation of the privilege of the Estudio General, were edited only in this context), but also provide an outstanding insight into the research paradigms that prevailed over a long period. The royal privilege granted by Henry IV on 30 May 1466 ordered that a total of 38,000 maravedis be levied annually from congregations and parishes in the areas liable for taxation by the Crown and be used to found and finance a school of grammar, logic, and moral philosophy. This privilege was subsequently confirmed by Isabel of Castile in 1480 and by her legal successor, her oldest daughter Queen Joanna, in 1508. In the latter confirmation, which cites all the previous ones unchanged, we read: It seems to follow from this that the said 38,000 maravedis which they should receive, from the declarations and our inquiries, of which we are speaking, are due to them by royal privilege every year on the basis of the last will for the above-mentioned Estudio, for evermore. With it, grammar, logic, moral philosophy, and other sciences are to be taught. To do this, and to pay the teachers and professors and bear the costs incurred by the Estudio and schools, the said maravedis should be distributed and granted for the purposes mentioned. All of this in keeping with the discretion and the criterion of his Reverence the current Bishop of Segovia and each of the later bishops.47

J. García Hernando, ‘Apuntes para la historia de la diócesis de Segovia’, Estudios Segovianos 64 (1970), 119–45 at 133. 47 Quintanilla, ‘Documentos’, 239. A copy of the document is preserved in the Archivo Diocesano, no. 168, albalá inserto de Isabel I; 29 de marzo de 1481: ‘por la qual paresce que los dichos treynta e ocho mill maravedis que ansi an de aver e los quedaron por las dichas nuestras cartas declaratorias e pesquisas segund dicho es los tenia por merced en cada un año por juro de heredad para siempre jamas para que en el dicho estudio se leyese gramatica e logica e filosofia moral e otras ciencas para lo asy fazer e pagar los letores e catedraticos para conplir todos los otros gastos que ocurrieren al dicho estudio e escuelas los quales dichos maravedis se oviesen de repartir e destribuyr para las cosas suso dichas a vien vista 46

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The foundation privilege and the two royal confirmations predating 1508 are indicators of the high importance which the school had for the cathedral. When its activities began, it seems that the Estudio was located in the rooms of the new episcopal palace erected on land owned by the bishop.48 Despite minor fluctuations in the payment morale of the taxpayers, the school’s uninterrupted activity is confirmed by annual protocols concerning the payment of the earmarked taxes, the so-called alcabalas.49 The cathedral also houses a bound collection of loose-leaf receipts and payment records to named teachers in the three disciplines over the course of the first half of the sixteenth century.50 The money was levied more or less regularly and spent for the specified purpose (see Plate 1.7). According to Eduardo Juárez, who wrote the first summary article on the Estudio in 2015, Segovia was home to a university institution financed by the Crown and under the protection of the Church as well as the famous Bishop Juan Arias Dávila for almost a century.51 The founder of the Estudio, the fascinating Bishop Juan Arias Dávila, was an energetic Catholic church reformer, a humanist of the first order, and, fortunately for us, a great book lover. He was fully up to date on international developments in book production. So far, Arias Dávila’s initiative regarding the introduction of book printing to Spain has attracted the most scholarly attention.52 Like the establishment of the Estudio General, the promotion of book printing was also a component of his programme to reform and improve

e discrecion del reverendo padre obispo de Segovia que agora es e de cada uno de los otros obispos que despues del fuesen’. 48 Eduardo Juárez Valero, ‘El estudio de Juan Arias Dávila, obispo de Segovia’, Edad Media: Revista de historia 16 (2015), 199–224 at 212. 49 Ibid. 217. 50 Archivo de la Catedral de Segovia, signature 18-12. 51 Juárez, ‘El estudio’, 200: ‘durante casi un siglo, Segovia gozó de una institución universitaria de relevancia, financiada par la corona y bajo la protección de la iglesia y, sobre todo, de la prestigiosa figura del obispo Juan Arias Dávila’. 52 The 500th anniversary of his death was the most recent occasion to focus more extensively on the figure of the bishop. Under the leadership of Ángel Galindo García, an exhibition and symposium in his honour were organized with an accompanying catalogue plus substantial conference proceedings in Segovia in 1997. Carlos Sánchez Díez (ed.), Segovia en el Siglo XV: Arias Dávila. Obispo y Mecenas. Exposición conmemorativa del V Centenario (Segovia, 1997). Ángel Galindo García (ed.), Arias Dávila: Obispo y Mecenas. Segovia en el Siglo XV, Bibliotheca Salmanticensis, Estudios, 197 (Salamanca: Publicaciones Universidad Pontificia de Salamanca, 1998).

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Plate 1.7. Teacher’s receipt dated to 1536 for classes in grammar and logic; Archivo de la Catedral de Segovia, 18-12. Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

the Church in Segovia.53 The first incunabulum printed in Spain was also to be the protocol of the first synod that he organized, held in Aguilafuente in 1472; in it, Arias Dávila enunciated the basic features of his reform, accessible 53

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Documents relating to the Pastoral Inspections in the 1440s testify to untenable conditions in the village communities and in the city: animals were kept in the churches, even the simplest liturgical items were lacking, and the priests could neither read nor write, least of all Latin. See Bonifacio Bartolomé Herrero, ‘Una visita pastoral a la diócesis de Segovia durante los años 1446 y 1447’, En la España Medieval 18 (1995), 302–49.

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for each and every one. To produce the so-called Sinodal de Aguilafuente, the Bishop invited the Heidelberg printer Juan de Parix, i.e. Johannes Parix, to Segovia. Like all the other German printers active in Spain in the fifteenth century, Parix probably travelled from Rome, and he stayed in Segovia until 1474 or 1475. During that period he produced at least eight or nine other books on jurisprudence and theology – though this is difficult to confirm in the absence of place and date in the colophon – before going on to settle in Toulouse, where he died in 1502.54 Arias Dávila was born in 1436, the second son of a rich and politically influential family of Jewish converts. During the era of Henry IV of Castile and the Catholic Monarchs many members of the elite had a similar family background. They formed the vanguard of highly qualified professional state officials required by the Catholic Monarchs to establish the new state system. Their political task was to mediate between the old decentralized political structures, where royal authority was very weak, and the new central power claimed by the Catholic Monarchs. This cooperation was promoted by two complementary needs: the Conversos received protection from the anti-Semitic hostilities of the old aristocracy, who despised them as parvenus and subverters of their old privileges; in return, the Monarchs were sure of the loyalty of the Conversos. They were of inestimable value as tools in supporting and empowering the Catholic Monarchs against the local aristocracy and received considerable patronage. Nevertheless, from a sociopolitical viewpoint, the situation of the Conversos remained very fragile.55 Juan’s father, Diego Arias Dávila, was secretary, head ‘contador’, or bookkeeper, and scribe for Henry IV, which guaranteed him both considerable influence at court and rewards such as his elevation to the peerage. He

54

Fermín de los Reyes Gómez, ‘Segovia y los orígenes de la imprenta española’, Revista General de Información y Documentación 15 (2005), 123–48, and ‘Orígenes de la imprenta española: Estado de la cuestión’, in Juan Parix: Primer impresor en España (Segovia: Fundación Instituto Castellano y Leonés, Caja Segovia, 2004), 65–82 at 70. 55 On the problem of the Conversos in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and the precise circumstances of the trial of the Arias Dávila family see María del Carmen Mena García, Un linaje de conversos en tierras americanas: Los testamentos de Pedrarias Dávila, Gobernador de Castilla del Oro y Nicaragua (León: Universidad de León, 2004). On the accusations which the bishop suffered at the end of his life due to the suspicion of crypto-Judaism in his family see Carlos Carrete Parrondo, Proceso inquisitorial contra los Arias Dávila segovianos: Un enfrentamiento social entre judíos y conversos (Salamanca: Universidad Pontificia de Salamanca, 1986).

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founded the Majorat de Pruñonrostro.56 Being the second oldest son, Juan was destined for a position in the Church and was also given the best possible education at the University of Salamanca. A stellar career followed: at the age of 19 he was ordained priest and made chaplain to the king; in 1458 he became apostolic protonotary; and in 1461, at the age of 24, he was appointed bishop by Pope Pius II, but had to wait until 1466 to assume that office because of his age. His initiatives regarding the well-being of the cathedral were extensive: three synods, structural reforms, ambitious building projects, such as the construction of the cloister by the Breton sculptor and architect Juan Guas (alias Jean Was), the establishment of the Estudio General, and the introduction of book printing, to mention just a few. Popular media have even attributed the ‘composition’ of the Segovia manuscript to him, although this is an interpretation that is out of the question.57 In fact, the owner or collector of Segovia could not have been Arias Dávila. He died in Rome in 1497 while trying desperately to clear his parents and his grandmother of the accusation of crypto-Judaism by the Inquisition. The date 1497 puts a strain on attempts at dating Segovia. What brings Arias Dávila into purview, however, is the fact that he established the preconditions and environment necessary to make the presence of our manuscript in Segovia Cathedral plausible from a cultural-historical viewpoint. Yet the argumentation is indirect and not focused on a single person. Instead it points to the intellectual groundwork that made the Segovia manuscript possible,

56

Genealogical table of the dynasty of Arias Dávila, starting with the founder of the Majorat, Diego Arias Dávila, father of the bishop Juan: Real Academia de la Historia, MS 25, fol. 49v (new foliation), available online at http://bibliotecadigital. rah.es/dgbrah/es/consulta/registro.cmd?id=49818, accessed 25 March 2016. 57 The article on Juan Arias Dávila on Wikipedia implies that he composed the Segovia manuscript: ‘Finalmente compuso el Cancionero de la Catedral de Segovia, que contiene 204 piezas musicales de música sacra y profana, escrita e interpretada durante sus más de tres décadas como obispo de la diócesis’ (https://es.wikipedia. org/wiki/Juan_Arias_D%C3%A1vila, accessed 20 May 2016). As the source of this claim the article simply cites Carlos Sánchez Díez, ‘Arias Dávila: Mecenas’, in Sánchez Díez (ed.), Segovia en el Siglo XV: Arias Dávila, 41. There, however, we simply read: ‘En un momento en el que la polifonía va adquiriendo madurez, el Cancionero de la Catedral de Segovia [the Segovia manuscript] es la prueba material y tangible del nivel alcanzado por la música en este momento; las 204 composiciones que lo integran nos ofrecen la posibilidad de conocer la música sacra y profana que se escribía e interpretaba durante los treinta y seis años del episcopado de Juan Arias Dávila’ – a further indicator that Wikipedia functions like Chinese whispers.

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as the fruit of the networking of an internationally oriented community of humanists, and in a hitherto underrated place such as the cathedral of Segovia. Arias Dávila was a member of an intellectual and political elite and studied at the leading university in Salamanca, where he familiarized himself with the body of knowledge of his time. Having been born into a very wealthy family, he could afford everything that was in circulation in Europe in book form and recognized the political impact of book printing as a new cultural technique. In any case, acquiring books presupposed intense communication with the production sites and with book agents at home and abroad. In Arias Dávila’s eyes, books represented an investment in the future of the diocese, for not only did he buy those books with a view to the needs of the Estudio, but in addition to generous donations to the diocese, he also ordained – in his last will and testament of 20 October 1497 – that all his books should go to the cathedral: ‘Item, he gave the church in Segovia each and every book from all (parts) of Spain. Furthermore, he commanded, under pain of excommunication, that none of them be sold, exchanged, or pawned, or removed from the church without the express permission of the respective bishop’. 58 He was not the first to entail his books to the cathedral. His father the Protonotary Diego Arias did so in his last will, and there are earlier indications of deceased priests bequeathing books to the cathedral.59 But none of the legacies can have been as extensive and influential as that of Juan Arias Dávila. A book list has not survived, but twenty-eight manuscripts and fourteen of the incunabula could be counted as part of his bequest on the basis of an ex-libris and other conclusive features.60 He thus appears to have laid the foundation for the 58

Jean-Paul Le Flem, ‘La Première Version castillane du testament de Don Juan Arias Davila, éveque de Ségovie’, Estudios segovianos 64 (1970), 17–47 at 29. This is a translation of his testament in Castilian; the first version in Latin, dated 20 October 1497, has survived in the Archivo Diocesano de Segovia, Leg. 1, No. 2. I quote from the edition by Le Flem: ‘Otrosy dio a la dicha yglia de segovia todos y qualesquier libros en las [partes] de españa queriendo como quiso y ansimismo mando sola dicha pena de excomunion trina canonica monicione premissa que ninguno los pueda vender ni vendan troquen ni enpeñen ni los saquen de la dicha yglia sin expresa licencia y facultad del obispo que por tiempo fuera’. 59 Diego Arias Dávila, a relative of Juan, who was also an Apostolic protonotary and priest of the Cathedral, also left his books to the church: his will and testament dated to 1486 decrees: ‘otrosy mando todos mys libros a la fabrica de la dicha Yglesia’ (‘Item, I command that all my books be given to the archive of said church [Segovia Cathedral]’); Archivo de la Catedral de Segovia, G 35, fol. 1v. 60 An amply illustrated list was published in Fermín de los Reyes Gómez, ‘El obispo Bibliófilo: Arias Dávila y los libros’, in Juan Parix: Primer impresor en España, 225–61.

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marvellous library. While classes at the Estudio were held in the rooms of the episcopal palace, the books were apparently kept in the neighbouring cathedral, as suggested by a document from 1509, which records the construction of a chapel for the local patron San Frutos and a lybreria, or library.61 By founding the Estudio General Arias Dávila established a connection with the international university network and put Segovia on the map of the republic of scholars. No evidence exists about the academic cultivation of music as part of the curriculum of the Estudio, though the royal privileges allowed the pursuit of other studies apart from the disciplines of grammar, logic, and moral philosophy, which were promoted explicitly. A curriculum that might indicate the implementation of the educational mandate in detail has not survived. Documents or traces of music studies are also absent from the bibliographical holdings. According to Fermín de los Reyes, whom Juárez Valerio followed with good reason, the appointment of Juan de Parix in Segovia was causally linked with the need for books for use in the Estudio General.62 In the case that this proved to be true, the list of books printed by Parix would provide insight into the orientation and objective of the study courses: in addition to the Sinodal de Aguilafuente, books on civil law as well as theological works had to be available for the students in large numbers. The latter must have been a field of application of moral philosophy, the former a practical application area for the discipline of logic. A library copy of the basic theoretical texts may well have sufficed, which is why no further copies were printed. Under the aegis of a bibliophile Renaissance bishop, therefore, the Estudio trained priests and legal scholars who could later serve as officials of the Crown and/or the Church. The legacy of Juan Arias Dávila caught on, so that sixty-two of the 519 surviving incunabula have been preserved with an owner’s mark, thus revealing by name a whole group of scholars of and donors to the Segovia Estudio: people like Juan Ruiz de Medina (seventeen incunabula) or Rodrigo de la Rua (five incunabula) stand out because of their large number of books and their outstanding political position. Ruiz de Medina was a cleric, politician, and 61 62

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Juárez, ‘El estudio’, 212. Ibid. 218. I list here three titles which in the fields of civil law and theology clearly serve as the equivalent of the academic textbook: Andrés Escobar, Modus confitendi (1473); Pedro de Osma, Commentaria in Symbolum Athanasii (1472); and Joannes N. de Milis, Repertorium Iuris (1474). Juárez Valero refers to the renowned specialist Fermín De los Reyes Gómez, ‘El modus confitendi y Andrés de Escobar’, in Andrés de Escobar, Modus Confitendi: Manual para la confesión (Burgos: Fundación Instituto Castellano Leonés de la Lengua, 2004), 27–61.

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diplomat under the Catholic Monarchs, as well as president of the Chancilleria of Valladolid. Between 1502 and 1505 he was bishop of Segovia. Rodrigo de la Rua was of ancient noble stock. He was a bookkeeper for the Catholic Monarchs and Charles V. These are just the two most prominent of the fifteen known former owners of incunabula.63 In the best of all possible worlds we could end this chapter with a triumphant fanfare stating that this Rodrigo de la Rua could be the one referred to on the last page of the manuscript as the owner of the book (see below, Figure 2.10). In fact the name Rodrigo can easily be read in the middle of the page, but it is highly unlikely that ‘Don Rodrigo’ should be understood as referring to ownership. The random placement of the name on the last page of the book and the messy appearance of the page itself do not support this assumption. But considering the thin evidence, we cannot afford to dismiss the evidence that someone wrote a name that in one way or another is connected to the narrower or broader context of the manuscript. The Archivo de Simancas preserves a letter from Rodrigo de la Rua to the secretary of the Royal Council of Castile Bartolomé Ruiz de Castañeda dated between 1520 and 1522.64 The handwriting is very similar to the calligraphy we find on the last page of Segovia, but the sample in the latter is too short to consider the matching letters as unimpeachable evidence. Besides, the letter may have been written by some secretary and only signed by de la Rua. In fact it is precisely the signature that differs the most from the name quoted in Segovia. If, on the other hand, the name refers to Rodrigo de Tordesillas, as Norma Klein Baker dared to suggest with all due caution in 1978, or to Rodrigo de Manrique, as Emilio Ros-Fábregas posits, we must remain equally cautiously undecided.65 The fact that Rodrigo de la Rua is known to have left at least five books to the library does not resolve the problem. Rodrigo de la Rua died after 1523, yet the very common first name Rodrigo alone is not conclusive evidence. Many more sources would be required to support this hypothesis. Of course, an absolutely watertight name would be sensational, yet irrespective of whose book donation enabled the Segovia manuscript to come into the library, the consolidation of the Estudio General 63

Juárez, ‘El estudio’, 255. Other former owners of the manuscripts are listed in Valverde, Catálogo de incunables, 504–5. 64 Carta de Rodrigo de Rua al Secretario Castañeda. Archivo General de Simancas, ES.47161.AGS/4.2.62//PTR,LEG,3,DOC.29, available online at http://pares.mcu. es/ParesBusquedas/servlets/Control_servlet?accion=2&txt_id_fondo=13789. 65 Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript’, 217–18. For Emilio Ros-Fábregas’s proposal see below, Ch. 2.

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library through the subsequent donations and legacies seems to constitute a convincing context for the manuscript and its entry into the library. With some luck, a more in-depth study of the wills and archival papers in the region could unearth the former owner. To conclude this journey let us return to our bishop, Arias Dávila. After all, in a publication about a music manuscript belonging to the cathedral of Segovia it is only right and proper to provide at least a rudimentary musical portrait of the host. Although his own musical interests may not be directly connected with the manuscript, his general attitude to music forms part of the self-image of the humanist scholar and politician. Although caution is always advisable when it comes to extrapolations, this information is not without relevance to a model for that kind of personality at that precise time. Music was important for the liturgy, and the bishop also seems not to have been adverse to music in his private life. From the will of his nephew Pedro Arias Dávila, also known as Pedrarias Dávila – an adventurous Conquistador and governor of Castilla de Oro in Panama and Nicaragua from 1524 to 1531 – we learn that the bishop owned instruments privately and bequeathed these to his nephew, the chef de famille. In the will and testament of Pedrarias Dávila, written on 20 March 1514, we read: 54. Item, a cembalo and the silk damask fabrics and the other tapestries and carpets in the monastery of Santa Maria del Parral in Segovia, and a paper organ that is at said monastery, and all other movable and immovable goods besides those mentioned above, everything which I ever owned and which was bequeathed to me in the will of the mentioned bishop my uncle, God rest his soul, I would like, and command my successor to list individually and declare them to a public notary, if it is considered necessary to describe them more precisely, so that it is always clear in the future that they belong to the Primogeniture.66 García, Un linaje, 147. Testamento de Pedrarias Dávila, Gobernador y Capitán General de Castilla del Oro, Sanlúcar de Barrameda, 20 de marzo de 1514 [Archivo histórico Nacional, Madrid, Sección Consejos de Castilla, Procesos, legajo 4.793]: ‘54. Item un clavecímbano y los paños de raz damisiamiles y la otra tapicería y alfombras que están en el monasterio de Santa María del Parral de Segovia, y unos órganos de papel que están en el dicho monasterio del Parral y todos los otros bienes muebles e raíces demás y allende de los suso declarados que paresciere en cualquier tiempo que yo hube y heredé del dicho obispo, mi señor, que santa gloria haya, y él me dejó en su testamento, los cuales quiero e mando que toda vez que parecieren que puedan ser más particularmente expresados de lo que es dicho, los ponga e declare el que sucediere en mi mayorazgo por auto

66 Mena

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In his will the bishop bequeathed to the nephew a cembalo and a paper organ that had been in the family for a longer period of time. These instruments suggest that he enjoyed music privately. Thus music, as an element in both spiritual and pleasurable enjoyment, rounds off the image of the Renaissance scholar. Even if he himself is not a suitable candidate to have been the former owner of the Segovia manuscript, his entourage is certain to have partaken of his cultural disposition. The search for a name will stir up a lot of archival dust and demand a close reading of many provincial pamphlets, but I assure interested parties that Castile as a region and Segovia as a city are worth a trip. All these considerations are not much help in narrowing down the field of possible owners, compilers, or ‘composers’ of this manuscript. On the contrary, they widen that field considerably. In my view, however, the complexity of a humanist environment made up of educated and internationally linked bibliophile scholars now reconstructed is a much more appropriate milieu for this manuscript than the court of the Catholic Monarchs, from which this same manuscript has now hopefully been dismissed.

ante notario público para que adelante e siempre parezca que son bienes del dicho mayorazgo’. In 1530 the testament was newly drafted in Nicaragua in order to take a new wife into consideration. The cembalo, tapestries, and carpets were now to go to the new wife, Isabel de Bobadilla. Mena García, Un linaje, 155: Testamento de Pedrarias Dávila, Gobernador y Capitán General de Castilla del Oro. León (Nicaragua), 23 de noviembre de 1530 [Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, Justicia, legajo 714, N.2, R.1]: ‘75. Item un clavecímbano y los paños de yamisis yamilis y la otra tapicería e alfombras que dejé en el monasterio de Santa María del Parral en Segovia, que yo escribí que diesen e han dado a doña Isabel de Bobadilla, mi legítima mujer, y unos órganos de papel que están en el dicho monasterio del Parral e todos los otros bienes e raíces demás e allende de los suso declarados que parescieren en cualquier tiempo que hube y heredé del dicho obispo mi señor, que santa gloria haya, e él me dejó por su testamento, los cuales quiero e mando que cade vez [fol. 299] que parecieren que puedan ser más particularmente expresadas de lo que dicho es lo ponga e declare el que sucediere en mi mayorazgo por auto e ante escribano público para que adelante siempre parezcan que son bienes del dicho mayorazgo, e los pueda pedir e demandar a cualquier persona que lo tuviere e poseyere’.

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chapter 2

New Light on the Segovia Manuscript: Watermarks, Foliation, and Ownership * Emilio Ros-Fábregas The Segovia manuscript has received more scholarly attention than any other Iberian music manuscript of the Renaissance, owing to its abundant international repertoire.1 Here I will present new evidence concerning the

* I would like to thank Cristina Urchueguía and Wolfgang Fuhrmann for organizing

the sessions devoted to the Segovia manuscript at the 18th Congress of the International Musicological Society (Zurich, 2007), and for inviting me to participate. This chapter is an expanded version of the paper I delivered, on the Segovia watermarks, and I would like to thank Bonnie Blackburn for her comments and suggestions. The Segovia manuscript, without signature (referred to here as Segovia), went through a long process of restoration, but is again available for consultation; I would like to thank the Segovia Cathedral archivist, Bonifacio Bartolomé Herrero, for facilitating the final stages of my research in the summer of 2007. Earlier consultation of the manuscript took place when the archivists were first Father Hilario Sanz and then Father Benedicto Cuesta. The present publication is part of the results of the research and development project ‘Polifonía hispana y música de tradición oral en la era de las humanidades digitales’ (HAR201675371-P; Spanish Ministerio de Economía, Industria y Competitividad), located at the CSIC, Institución Milá y Fontanals in Barcelona. 1 The idea of ‘Passagen’ or ‘Transitions’, the general leitmotif of the Congress, seems most appropriate in connection with this manuscript, which has attracted the interest of many scholars from different countries for many different reasons. In the program, Ulrich Konrad, Chair of the Programme Committee, explained ‘Transitions’ as follows: ‘By this we mean all kinds of historical and cultural processes of transition, as well as “shifts” in the intellectual and reception history of music during so-called “transitional periods”, phenomena of transition and transfer that arise from encounters between different epochs and regions, and changes in forms of musical expression and perspective within the social, cultural, or compositional paradigms of a single musical culture’. Transitions: 18th Congress of the International Musicological Society Programme (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2007), p. xv. Segovia reflects the reception of Franco-Flemish polyphony in Spain in a period of multiple changes. Some time ago, Ludwig Finscher even suggested that the beginning of the musical ‘Europäisierung’ of Spain should be placed c. 1500 owing precisely to the international repertoire in Segovia: Ludwig Finscher

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watermarks, gathering structure, foliation, and two inscriptions in Segovia relevant to its compilation process and original ownership.2 This evidence suggests that the compilation of the manuscript may have been more fragmented than previously thought; Segovia shares this characteristic with other Spanish manuscripts of that period and I will refer to them briefly. A comparison of the Segovia watermarks with those in Spanish incunabula will contribute to the discussion about the origins of this manuscript and the transmission of its repertoire in the context of the compilation process; in addition, and based on a hitherto unnoticed second foliation, I will propose a hypothesis about an early stage in the compilation of the manuscript. The abundant Franco-Flemish repertoire in Segovia has been traditionally explained by the journey of Philip the Fair’s Flemish chapel to the Castilian (ed.), Die Musik des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts (Teil 1), Neues Handbuch der Musikwissenschaft, ed. Carl Dahlhaus, 3/1 (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 1989), 52. 2 Segovia was discovered by Higinio Anglés in the Segovia Cathedral archive in 1922. He published an inventory of its contents in ‘Un manuscrit inconnu avec polyphonie du XVe siècle conservé a la cathedrale de Ségovie (Espagne)’, Acta musicologica, 8 (1936), 8–17, and a revised version in La música en la Corte de los Reyes Católicos, i: Polifonía religiosa, Monumentos de la Música Española, 1, 2nd edn. (Barcelona: CSIC, 1960), 106–12. The most important study of the manuscript to date is that by Norma Klein Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript of Polyphony in the Archives of the Cathedral of Segovia: Its Provenance and History’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1978); it includes a detailed inventory and an edition of the unpublished works. A facsimile edition of the manuscript – now out of print – was published in 1977 by the Caja de Ahorros y Monte de Piedad de Segovia, with a preface by Ramón Perales de la Cal, F. Albertos, and Hilario Sanz. For a description and abbreviated inventory, see Census-Catalogue, iii. 137–8, emended in iv. 475. José López-Calo, ‘Música flamenca y música española’, in Paul Becquart and Henry Vanhulst (eds.), Colloquia Europalia, III: Actes du Colloque musicologique international (Brussels, 28–9 October 1985) (Leuven: Peeters, 1988), 16, announced the publication of his edition of the manuscript, but it never came out. The catalogue of the music at Segovia Cathedral published by LópezCalo, La Música en la Catedral de Segovia, 2 vols. (Segovia: Diputación Provincial, 1988–9), does not include Segovia among the polyphonic choirbooks. Víctor Lama de la Cruz, Cancionero musical de la Catedral de Segovia (Salamanca: Junta de Castilla y León, 1994), presented a study of the texts. Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript’, i. 6–33, reviewed references to Segovia in the literature; a discussion of the manuscript and its Spanish sacred repertoire appears in Kenneth Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), 80–103. For a recent discussion of Segovia, see Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Manuscripts of Polyphony from the Time of Isabel and Ferdinand’, in Tess Knighton (ed.), Companion to Music in the Age of the Catholic Monarchs (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 404– 68, especially 428–42.

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court in 1501, but Spanish contact with Flemish art and music had taken place well before that date and the absence in the manuscript of music by Philip’s chapelmaster, Pierre de la Rue, seems at odds with the traditional explanation.3 Different hypotheses have been suggested regarding the original ownership of Segovia and its date of compilation, covering a period from after 1495 to c. 1508.4 However, the evidence presented here about the watermarks indicates a narrower chronological period, and the identification of the ‘Don Rodrigo’ mentioned in an inscription at the end of the manuscript connects Segovia to a Castilian noble family with strong ties to the royal family.5 We do not know 3

Detailed scrutiny of the repertoire in Segovia has been very enlightening, pointing to the variety of its sources from diverse geographical origins. See, for instance, Honey Meconi, ‘Poliziano, Primavera, and Perugia 431: New Light on Fortuna desperata’, and Joshua Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy: The Evidence of Two Songs’, both in Paula Higgins (ed.), Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 463–503 and 505–71. See also the other contributions in the present volume. 4 It has been proposed that the manuscript was compiled at the court of Queen Isabel between 1500 and 1504, or for her son, Prince Juan (after 1495, when Juan de Anchieta became his chapelmaster), or for her daughter Juana (between 1504 and 1508). For a review of the different hypotheses, see Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M.454: Study and Edition in the Context of the Iberian and Continental Manuscript Traditions’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1992), i. 206–23, and Kreitner, Church Music, 81. In a recent article, Ángel Manuel Olmos Sáez, ‘En torno al Cancionero Musical de Palacio y Cancionero Musical de Segovia: Análisis de su origen y utilidad’, Nassarre: Revista Aragonesa de Musicología 28 (2012), 43–66, esp. 54, insists that Segovia was compiled during Anchieta’s period of service for Juana in 1503–5 or after 1506, without considering Anchieta’s previous service at the Castilian court since 1489 for Queen Isabel and her son Juan. Cristina Urchueguía (Ch. 1 above, p. 35), suggests that the ‘humanist environment’ of the Estudio General created in Segovia by the Bishop Juan Arias Dávila ‘is a much more appropriate milieu for this manuscript than the court of the Catholic Monarchs, from which this same manuscript has now hopefully been dismissed’. It should be pointed out, however, that the Estudio enjoyed royal patronage (as she herself mentions), and, since she has not been able to document the direct relationship of the manuscript with any particular donor or compiler, it is not possible to dismiss categorically Segovia’s possible connection with the broad court circle of the Catholic Monarchs. 5 There is a consensus among scholars regarding the connection of the manuscript with the composer Juan de Anchieta (c. 1462–1523), and perhaps Segovia was among his possessions at the time of his death; in the 1523 codicil of Anchieta’s will from the previous year there is one music book with covers of parchment whose description is close to Segovia. Robert Stevenson, Spanish Music in the

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how the manuscript ended up in the archive of Segovia Cathedral. Perhaps, as suggested by Anglès, the manuscript was saved from the 1862 fire that destroyed the Segovia Alcázar, where some music books connected to the royal family had been kept.6 Descriptions of music books in the 1503 inventory of the Segovia Alcázar do not match the Segovia manuscript, and thus Segovia would have been deposited at the Alcázar at a later date.7

the watermarks in segovia: a comparison with those in spanish incunabula The most complete physical description of Segovia is that by Norma Klein Baker, who stated the following: ‘A single watermark appears throughout Segovia, indicating that the same paper was used throughout the manuscript and suggesting that the manuscript was copied in one place and completed within a relatively short span of time’. 8 However, in Segovia there are four pairs of twin watermarks; that is, each of the four different watermarks has a closely related watermark with slight changes.9 See Figures 2.1, 2.2, 2.5, 2.7, and 2.8.

6 7 8 9

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Age of Columbus (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1960), 132, cited Anchieta’s codicil: ‘Yten, dos libros enquadernados de canto, y otro libro de canto cosido en pergamino’ (two bound songbooks, and another parchment-bound songbook). Anglès, ‘Un manuscrit inconnu’, 7. For a discussion of this 1503 inventory, see Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript’, 213– 18. Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript’, i. 67. It should be mentioned that in Spanish libraries and archives the technique of betaradiography to photograph watermarks is not available and tracing them is usually forbidden. The technique of rubbing used by some scholars offers good results, but, according to the director of a major Spanish institution, after she had permitted it to be used, she realized that manuscripts had been damaged and would no longer allow it. I was able to overcome the director’s resistance to tracing watermarks by demonstrating that my method – notwithstanding its limitations – was different and safe. I have tried to trace the watermarks of Segovia from the ‘mold side’ of the paper, but often it is difficult to distinguish it from the ‘felt side’; when in doubt I have opted for the side that would offer a better and the most complete view (sometimes the only possible one) of the watermark. I have included in the tracings the so-called sewing dots that were visible. On twin watermarks, see Allan H. Stevenson, ‘Watermarks Are Twins’, Studies in Bibliography, 4 (1951), 57–91, and Alan Tyson, Mozart: Studies of the Autograph Scores (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 1–9.

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Figure 2.1. Watermark 1 and its twin Watermark 1* in Segovia (fols. v and cxlviii)

Figure 2.1 shows the first watermark and its twin, indicated with an asterisk; Segovia W1 and W1* measure 9.2 × 3.5 cm and 8.4 × 3 cm, respectively.10 The pages of Segovia (folio format) measure 29.4 × 20.9 cm, and thus the complete sheet probably measured 30.5 × 44 cm. See the disposition (folio format) of Segovia W1 and W1* in Figures 2.2a and 2.2b in comparison with the disposition (quarto format) in Figure 2.2c of the watermarks in the Cancionero Musical de la Colombina (Colombina) and the Cancionero Musical de Palacio (Palacio), the other two Spanish manuscripts of polyphony of approximately the same period.11 10 Baker,

‘An Unnumbered Manuscript’, 65–80, gave a complete description of Segovia’s first watermark, but her drawing incorrectly shows a fourth finger equal in length to the third finger of this hand with flower. 11 According to O. Valls i Subirá, Paper and Watermarks in Catalonia, Monumenta Chartae Papyracae Historiam Illustrantia, 12/1 (Amsterdam: Paper Publications Society, 1970), 18, the four standard sizes of an entire paper sheet were: (a) 28/29 × 46/47 cm; (b) 25/27 × 43/45 cm; (c) 29/30 × 40/41 cm; and (d) 30.5 × 44 cm. The pages of Colombina measure 22 × 15 cm (quarto format) and those of Palacio 19 × 14 cm (also in quarto format). Thus, sheets of paper of size (d) could have been used for Colombina and Segovia, while Palacio could have used size (c) or (d).

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Figure 2.2a. Sheet of paper of 30.5 × 44 cm (reduced size) showing position of watermark. The watermark is centered on one side. The dotted line indicates the division of the sheet in two (folio size as in Segovia); the watermark shown here is W1 in Segovia (reduced size) on fol. v

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Figure 2.2b. Twin watermark Segovia W1* (reduced size) on fol. cxlviii

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EMILIO ROS-FÁBREGAS

Figure 2.2c. Quarto format of the manuscripts Colombina and Palacio showing position of the watermark. The format results from the division in four of an entire sheet such as the one shown in Figure 2.2a/b. The watermark (reduced size) appears divided in two at the binding. The watermark shown here (very different from the ones in Segovia) is one of the two hands with flower in Colombina (fols. xix–xx [15–16])

Curiously enough, Segovia W1 is not the watermark most frequently found in the manuscript. In fact, it appears only on fol. v of the incomplete first gathering, and it does not reappear (with Segovia W1*) until Gatherings XIX, XX, XXII, XXIII, and XXIV; in two of these gatherings (XX and XII) it is found together with another watermark (Segovia W3). See the gathering structure of Segovia in the Appendix. None of the watermarks of the type hand with flower or star presented by Briquet compares in size and shape to watermarks W1 and W1* in Segovia.12 I have checked the watermarks in the Libros de Actas at Segovia Cathedral from the period 1492–1509, and, although the hand with flower or star is the most 12

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Charles M. Briquet, Les Filigranes: Dictionnaire historique des marques du papier dès leur apparition vers 1282 jusqu’en 1600, 4 vols. (Paris, 1907; repr. New York, NY: Hacker Art Books, 1985), iii.

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frequently found, none of the watermarks in those books is similar to the ones in the Segovia manuscript. Moreover, none of the ninety-one hands dating from after 1500 described by Galloso Carreira bears any resemblance to the hand watermarks found in Segovia or, for that matter, in Colombina and Palacio.13 Of the several watermarks reproduced by Baker as being similar to Segovia W1, only two (dated 1493 and 1499, respectively) bear some resemblance to this Segovia watermark, but they are taken from an unpublished collection of watermarks without measurements or indication of chain lines at the Library of the New York Hispanic Society of America, and thus their usefulness is very limited (see Figure 2.3).14 The watermarks that bear more resemblance to those in Segovia can be found in the online collection WIES (Watermarks in Incunabula Printed in España).15 These characteristics – applied also to the selection of watermarks 13

G. Gayoso Carreira, ‘La filigrana de la “mano” en documentos de Galicia (España), de los siglos XVI y XVII’, Historia del papel en España, 3 vols. (Lugo: Diputación Provincial, 1994), iii. 193 ff. I have seen other examples of ‘hand’ watermarks in Spanish documents of the fifteenth century in Gérman Orduna, ‘Registros de filigranas de papel en códices españoles (cont.)’, Incipit, 7 (1987), 1–6, and in María del Carmen Hidalgo Brinquis, ‘Características del papel del fondo documental de Isabel I en el Monasterio de Guadalupe’, Bienes Culturales, 4 (2004), 69–80. I have tracings of the watermarks in Colombina and Palacio, but, except for one in Palacio (see below), all the hands with flowers in those two manuscripts are different from the ones in Segovia; they are the subject of another study, since a discussion of them in the context of the compilation process of those manuscripts is beyond the scope of this chapter. See Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Manuscripts of Polyphony from the Time of Isabel and Ferdinand’, in Tess Knighton (ed.), Companion to Music in the Age of the Catholic Monarchs (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 404–68. 14 Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript’, 78. I have chosen these two watermarks since they are the only ones she illustrates that show the thumb extended at approximately a 40° angle and the correct differences in length of the fingers. 15 www.ksbm.oeaw.ac.at/wies. I would like to thank Rob Wegman for suggesting that I consult this online collection of watermarks, which has been very useful in my research. The WIES collection presented by Gerard van Thienen is organized by bibliographic number such as IBE (‘Catálogo General de Incunables en Bibliotecas Españolas’) and HBI (‘Haebler Bibliografia Iberica’). Following the instructions on the webpage of the WIES collection, I have found the data (author, title, imprint) corresponding to each IBE number in the international database of incunabula of the British Library (www.bl.uk/catalogues/istc). Although the hand with flower in Segovia W1 is characterized by a second finger shorter than the fourth and a thumb extending at approximately a 40° angle, two incunabula also contain another watermark of the type Segovia W4. These two incunabula are: IBE 5668.31 (1482) and IBE 4899.03 (1494). Although, as we will see

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Letter, Pedro de Castilla, Nobleman (1493)

‘Coblas de Juan de Mena’, Seville (1499)

Figure 2.3. Two watermarks similar to Segovia W1 reproduced by Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript’, 78, from Pascual Gayangos’s unpublished drawings of Spanish watermarks in the Library of the New York Hispanic Society (no measurements or chain lines are indicated)

similar to Segovia W2, W3, and W4 – have been helpful in establishing an objective criterion with which to select a good number of watermarks similar to the Segovia watermark types; as we will see, this selection, in turn, will be useful in order to find the simultaneous presence of two or more types of Segovia watermarks in Spanish incunabula. Thus, the main evidence to suggest the approximate period in which the combination of papers found in Segovia was used will not be based only on the date of individual below in Table 2.2, these two cases of coincidence of watermark types Segovia W1 and Segovia W4 do not seem relevant, I thought it would be appropriate to include them to show a complete picture of coincidences in a broad chronological timeline with other, I believe more significant, coincidences of watermarks in Spanish incunabula. After an initial selection among the many watermarks of the type Segovia W1 and W1* in the WIES collection, the following ones have also been rejected: IBE 1745.01/06; IBE 1764.03; IBE 1943.03; IBE 2060.04; IBE 2075.08/26; IBE 2076.05; IBE 2077.15; IBE 2087.12/16/19; IBE 2278.03; IBE 4414.01; IBE 4839.01; IBE 6090.09/12/13/16; and IBE 6147.07/08/11.

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watermarks, but on the dates of those incunabula with at least three types of Segovia watermarks.16 The abundant number of watermarks similar to those in Segovia found among Spanish incunabula is by itself significant, since no other database or collection of watermarks I have consulted has watermarks that would meet the criteria of similarity established above.17 The chronology of the watermarks spans the period 1482 to c. 1503, but the watermarks most similar to Segovia W1 and W1* appear in incunabula dated between 1496 and c. 1503; for example, watermarks similar to Segovia W1 and W1* are found in an incunabulum dated 1499 (see Figure 2.4). The date of this incunabulum seems particularly significant, since this same volume also contains watermarks of the type Segovia W3 and W4; see below.18 By far the most frequent watermarks in Segovia are W2 and its twin W2*, found always by themselves from Gathering II through Gathering XVII; they measure 8.5 × 2.7 cm and 9 × 2.7 cm, respectively. Figure 2.5 shows Segovia W2 and W2* together with (1) the only similar watermark in Briquet, but somewhat shorter in length (7.7 × 2.6 cm) and thus not meeting the criteria of similarity; and (2) a watermark of the same size and similar shape (8.5 × 2.7 cm) found in the WIES collection of incunabula.19 Notice the characteristic wavy wrist of this type of watermark, showing that it is not a hand but a glove or gauntlet. pointed out by Allan Stevenson, ‘Paper as Bibliographical Evidence’, The Library, Ser. 5, 17 (1962), 197–212 at 199: ‘unless we can be sure of the identity of two marks, beyond any peradventure, we have little chance of solving convincingly, through paper evidence, such problems as the date of an incunable’. Indeed, none of the watermarks in Segovia can be identified exactly with any of the rubbings of watermarks published in the WIES collection. However, the evidence provided by a broad range of similar watermarks in Spanish incunabula and, especially, the coincidence of two or more types of Segovia watermarks in the same incunabulum may serve as a valuable reference that should at least be considered. 17 Among the databases of watermarks consulted were: Watermarks in Incunabula printed in the Low Countries, and Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart-Bestand J340 Wasserzeichenkartei Piccard. See also other sources cited in http://watermarks. kb.nl. 18 Among the incunabula with watermarks of the type Segovia W1 there are two of musical interest: (1) the poetic Cancionero by Juan del Encina (Salamanca, 1496), and (2) the music treatise Glosa sobre Lux bella by Domingo Marcos Durán (Salamanca, 1498). 19 Briquet, Les Filigranes, iii, watermark 11139 (Lucca, 1504). The incunabulum IBE 2271.04 is Franciscus Ximenes, Regiment de la cosa publica (Valencia: Christoph Kaufmann, 28 January 1499). 16 As

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Figure 2.4. Watermarks in the WIES collection similar to Segovia W1 and W1* in the incunabulum IBE 6090: Enrique de Villena, Los doze trabajos de Hércules. Add. Juan de Lucena: Vita beata. Burgos: Juan de Burgos, 8 August 1499

This glove or gauntlet type of watermark seems to be, in comparison with Segovia W1, a less frequent type of watermark; there are only four watermarks in the WIES collection similar to Segovia W2 and W2* and they are dated 1498–9. It should be pointed out that Segovia W2 and W2* are very similar to the glove watermark found in the earliest gatherings of Palacio; Figure 2.6 shows the two glove watermarks in Palacio and a strikingly similar one in an incunabulum dated 1499.20

20

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Although the date at which Palacio began to be compiled is a matter of controversy, since the glove watermark (especially Palacio W12) is strikingly similar in size and shape to the watermark in the incunabulum IBE 460.24 dated Salamanca, 12 August 1499 (see Figure 2.6), the hypothesis that Palacio originated at the Alba de Tormes (Salamanca) court of the Duke of Alba in the 1490s while Juan del Encina worked there becomes even more plausible. A discussion of the many watermarks in Palacio is beyond the scope of this chapter.

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Figure 2.5. Watermark Segovia W2 and its twin W2* (fols. lvii and cxxiiii); to their right is Watermark 11139 in Briquet, of similar type, but shorter in length (Lucca, 1504), and a similar watermark in the WIES collection (IBE 2271.04) dated 1499

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Palacio W12 (fols. cix–cxii)

Salamanca, 1499

Figure 2.6. Watermarks similar to Segovia W2 and W2* in the earliest gatherings of Palacio and in a 1499 incunabulum

Palacio W8 (fols. lii–lvii)

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Watermarks Segovia W3 and W3* – of the glove or gauntlet type, like Segovia W2 and W2*, but a bit larger – appear in Gatherings XVIII, XXI, and XXVI by themselves, and together with Segovia W1 and W1* in Gatherings XX and XXII. They measure 10 × 3 cm and 10.3 × 3 cm, respectively; see Figure 2.7, where they are shown with the only similar watermark in Briquet (no. 11137, Provence 1498), but relatively smaller in size (9.3 × 2.9 cm). All watermarks in the WIES collection similar to Segovia W3 and W3* are dated between 1496 and 1500.21 Finally, watermark Segovia W4 and its twin Segovia W4* make their appearance in Gathering XXV and in the last three gatherings (XXVII, XXVIII, and XXIX) of the manuscript, the latter three coinciding with the Spanish secular repertoire; they measure 8.3 × 2.9 cm and 8.6 × 3.2 cm, respectively (see Figure 2.8). This type of watermark, like Segovia W1 and W1*, seems to appear in Spanish incunabula much more frequently than Segovia W2 and W3. The WIES collection includes no fewer than twentyseven watermarks that meet the criteria I had established to compare them with Segovia W4; they are dated from c. 1480 to 1500. It should be emphasized that the presence of Segovia W4 and W4* is not associated exclusively with the Spanish secular repertoire of the last three gatherings, since the same watermark also appears in Gathering XXV with works ascribed to Ysaac, Compère, Agricola, and ‘Ferdinandus et frater eius’ (the latter ascription most likely refers to the brothers Johannes and Carolus Fernandes). The distribution of all the watermarks in the Segovia gatherings is shown in an abbreviated form in Table 2.1; see also Segovia’s gathering structure in the Appendix. As to the approximate dates of the watermarks in Segovia, see Table 2.2, which shows a chronological distribution of Spanish incunabula (by IBE number in the WIES collection) with watermarks similar to the types of watermarks found in Segovia.

21

A type of watermark similar to Segovia W3 and W3 appears in the same two volumes cited above in n. 16.

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Figure 2.7. Watermark Segovia 3 and its twin W3* (fols. cxxxix and cxli); to their right is the only similar watermark in Briquet (no. 11137, Provence 1498), but relatively smaller in size

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Figure 2.8. Watermark Segovia 4 and its twin W4* (fols. ccxii and ccviii); to their right are two other similar watermarks dated 1498 and 1499

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– – –

– – ‘vi’ ‘vi[i]

‘vi[ii] ‘ix’ ‘x’ ‘xi’ ‘x[ii]’ ‘x[iii]’ – – ‘xv’ ‘xvi’

I (incomplete) II III

IV V VI VII

VIII IX X XI XII XIII XIV (incomplete) XV XVI XVII

(fol. lvr) (fol. lxiiir) (fol. lxxir) (fol. lxxixr) (fol. lxxxviir) (fol. xcvr) (fol. ciiir) (fol. cxr or cxir) (fol. cxixr) (fol. cxxviir)

(fol. xlir) (fol. xlviir)

Old gathering numbers and location

Gatherings

W2 + W2* W2 + W2* W2* W2 + W2* W2* W2 W2* W2 + W2* W2 + W2* W2 + W2*

W2 + W2* W2 + W2* W2 + W2* W2 + W2*

W1 W2 + W2* W2 + W2*

Watermarks

}

initials: fol. cxxxivv

initials: fol. cx

initials: fols. xcivv–xcvir

initials up to fol. liir

contains old fol. [i]

Isaac mass (W1 + W2) (6vv)

Comments

Table 2.1. Distribution of watermarks in Segovia by gathering: A comparison between the current gatherings of Segovia and the old gathering numbers found in the upper right corner of the first folio of eighteen gatherings a

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‘xx[v]’

–

‘xxv[ii?]’ – –

XXV

XXVI (incomplete)

XXVII XXVIII (incomplete) XXIX (incomplete

a

‘xxiii’ ‘xxiiii’

XXIII XXIV

W4 + W4* W4 W4 + W4*

W3

W4 + W4*

[‘aquí comienzan …’]

‘Agricola’ mass (3vv) ⎫ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎬ Sacred ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎭ ⎫ ⎪ ⎪ ⎬ Secular ⎪ ⎪ ⎭

The braces and arrow indicate expansion/continuation of the collection from the central section (with watermarks Segovia W3 and W1) to the first gathering of the manuscript; this incomplete first gathering contains part of an Isaac mass (with W1) that ends in Gathering II (with W2).

(fol. ccviir) (fol. [ccxvr]) (fol. [ccxxiiir])

(fol. [cxcixr])

(fol. cxcir)

(fol. clxxvr) (fol. clxxxiiir)

(fol. clir) (fol. clixr) (fol. clxviir)

‘xx’ ‘x[xi]’ ‘xx[ii]’

XX XXI XXII

W1 + W1* + W3 W3 + W3* W3 + W3* + W1 + W1* W1 + W1* W1 + W1*

‘xvii’ (fol. cxxxvr) W3 + W3* W1 + W1* [‘xviii’]? (fol. cxliiir) [‘xix’]? [Perhaps the missing old gathering was moved to the front of Segovia (Gathering I) to initiate a sacred section of masses for more than 3 vv]

XVIII XIX

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–

2276.07 *

–

–

29/XII/1495

1497

1498

–

11/IV/1495

20/VI/1496

4899.03

16/IX/1494

2075.12/21 +

–

–

–

–

–

–

– 2075.04/06/07/22/24

–

–

1084.08

2060.03

4899.18/19

2055.03

6147.09

–

5688.08/09

–

5668.04/07/27

1184.05

3921.03

W4–W4*

1133.08/13

2276.08

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

I/1490

1/III/1491

–

–

4839.04 +

1489

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

W3–W3*

–

–

c. 1485

–

5668.31

6258.02/20 *

12/XI/1482

–

c. 1480–85

9/IV/1985

–

–

c. 1479–84

W2–W2*

W1–W1*

Dates of incunabula

Watermark types of Segovia

2

0

2

0

0

2

0

0

0

0

0

2

0

0

Coincidence of watermark type

Table 2.2. Chronological distribution of Spanish incunabula with watermarks similar to those in the Segovia manuscript a

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2271.04 –

–

6090.03 +/05 *

28/I/1499

8/VIII/1499

2284.05/07

3510.01 + 2184.01 +

c. 1500 c. 1500–3 – –

–

– – –

–

2180.01 – –

–

–

2076.01/03

0 0

0

0

3

0

2

0

0

4

0

0

2

3

3

The incunabula are cited by their IBE number in the WIES collection. Those with three and four types of watermarks found in Segovia are in bold; they are dated between 1498 and 1500. A cross (+) indicates those watermarks similar to Segovia W1 with the characteristic second finger shorter than the fourth, and an asterisk (*) indicates those watermarks similar to Segovia W1*.

2373.01 +

c. 1500

a

–

5/XII/1500

– 2087.15

– 2087.01

–

–

3500.01 +

2087.10 +

12/IV/1500

15/V/1500

–

–

– –

2076.02 +

– 462.01

29/III/1500

460.24 –

–

–

6090.07/21/23

–

2584.21/2

–

1584.17

–

12/VIII/1499

6090.18

–

–

2284.04/10

1584.12

2216.06

c. 1499

–

–

–

–

30/VII/1498

1584.15 +

14/VII/1498

2216.07

20/XII/1498

2216.09 +

17/VI/1498

58

EMILIO ROS-FÁBREGAS

From this study of the Segovia watermarks in the context of the gathering structure and the comparison of the watermarks with those in Spanish incunabula, we may posit the following preliminary conclusions: 1. Segovia watermarks, but especially their particular combination in the manuscript, indicate that the paper used was similar to that of Spanish incunabula, and thus it seems most likely that Segovia was copied in Spain, notwithstanding its abundant unica of non-Iberian repertoire and a main scribe not only familiar with the Flemish language but with fluent Flemish handwriting.22 2. The distribution of the four types of watermarks (with twins) indicates that the compilation of Segovia did not proceed from the beginning to the end of the manuscript, as suggested by the organization of the repertory.23 3. Segovia’s compilation process was more fragmented than previously thought, expanding from the center of the manuscript (watermarks Segovia W3 and W1) with additions placed before and after, marked by change of watermark.24

22

See Rob C. Wegman, ‘The Segovia Manuscript: Another Look at the “Flemish Hypothesis”’, in the present volume (Ch. 7). 23 The Census-Catalogue, iii. 137, indicates the following ordering of contents in Segovia: (1) four-voice masses, Salve Regina settings, Magnificats, and motets; (2) four-voice secular pieces; (3) three-voice masses (in fact only one mass), Magnificats, and motets (one for four voices); (4) three-voice secular pieces and motets; (5) proportional duos; (6) sacred and secular works by Spanish composers. For a more detailed listing, see the Appendix to Honey Meconi’s chapter in this volume (Ch. 6). 24 Watermarks W3 and W3* appear for the first time in Gathering XVIII, coinciding precisely with a three-voice mass attributed here to Agricola, but to Aulen in three contemporary German manuscripts. At first it may seem out of place in relation to the rest of the masses found at the beginning of the manuscript. I would like to thank Honey Meconi for pointing out to me after my presentation in Zurich that this piece opens the section of sacred music for three voices in Segovia (Gatherings XVIII–XX), and thus its position in the manuscript is justified. It is odd, though, that the change in sections from four voices to three would coincide exactly with a change of watermark; Agricola’s mass begins on the first recto of Gathering XVIII and thus it is independent of the previous gathering. Moreover, the brief presence of watermark W1 in a fourvoice incomplete mass by Isaac in Gathering I – far away from the three-voice section of the manuscript where we find that same watermark – suggests that, at some point, Isaac’s mass could have been removed from its original position

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4. Even the section of the manuscript with only the watermark Segovia W2 (Gatherings II through XVII) could have been in turn the result of a previous, independent process of copying and expansion (starting with the present Gathering IV with old fol. [i]) (see below for details), before being joined to the section with watermarks W1 and W3. 5. In contrast to the wide chronological period in which the types of watermark Segovia W1 and Segovia W4 appear in Spanish incunabula (1482–c. 1503 and c. 1479–1500, respectively), the main watermark in the manuscript (Segovia W2) is found only in incunabula dated 1498–9. 6. The dates of Spanish incunabula in the WIES collection with a combination of three and even four watermarks of the types found in Segovia are confined to the period 1498–1500: IBE 2216 (Salamanca, 1498), IBE 1584 (Toledo, 1498), IBE 6090 (Burgos, 1499), and IBE 2087 (Salamanca, 1500). The best codicological evidence we have to date Segovia is the narrow chronology of the Segovia W2 type of watermark and the coincidence of three types of watermarks in the manuscript with those in Spanish incunabula. This evidence would suggest that Segovia was compiled c. 1498–1500.

(music with W3 and W1 in the center of Segovia) in order to initiate/expand a section of masses and other works for four voices right at the beginning of Segovia; this would have facilitated the subsequent incorporation of the repertoire in gatherings with watermark W2. Since the initial fragment of Isaac’s mass concludes in Gathering II with watermark W2, this piece in a sense shows a certain continuity or connection between the two main sections of Segovia (from section with W3 + W1, in the middle of Segovia, to the section with W2, towards the beginning of the manuscript). This compilation process is similar to that of Barcelona 454. The oldest section (454/A) of Barcelona 454 also starts in the middle of the manuscript with the same Agricola/Aulen mass (followed by Brumel Magnificats, etc.) as in Segovia, and the manuscript was later expanded by placing in front of 454/A other masses (starting with one that had been left incomplete at the end of 454/A). The readings of the Agricola/Aulen mass in Segovia and Barcelona 454 (the piece here was also copied by a non-Iberian scribe) are independent of each other; see Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript’, i. 69 and 274–8. The pre-eminent position of the Agricola/Aulen mass at the beginning of perhaps one of the earliest sections of Segovia could be significant; it was clearly a much-admired mass, though Agricola’s authorship has been doubted and it does not appear in his Opera omnia.

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old gatherings and double foliation: towards a reconstruction of the compilation process Besides the different watermarks and their distribution in the manuscript, irregularities in the gathering structure and foliation confirm the fragmentary nature of Segovia’s compilation process. A series of Roman numerals appears in the upper right corner of the first folios of many gatherings; these numbers, which could be confused with folio numbers, are in fact gathering numbers that were added at the time of compilation. A comparison of these old gathering numbers with the present position occupied by the gathering (see Table 2.1 above) indicates that: (1) of Segovia’s eighteen numbered gatherings, fifteen numbers coincide with the present position of the gathering; (2) gatherings in the manuscript with numbers ‘xv’, ‘xvi’, and ‘xvii’ are misplaced, since they are now Gatherings XVI, XVII, and XVIII, respectively; (3) as shown in Table 2.1, between old gathering numbers ‘xiii’ and ‘xv’ there are now two gatherings instead of one, and thus one of these must have been inserted after the gatherings were numbered; and (4) between gatherings numbered ‘xvii’ and ‘xx’ there is only one gathering, instead of two (gathering numbers ‘xviii’ and ‘xix’ do not appear). It is not possible to reconstruct the original disposition of the gatherings, but it seems clear that even when the copyist had a plan regarding the order of gatherings, he changed it. The ornamented initials in Segovia (see Table 2.1 above) also seem to suggest that works with ornamented initials originally situated closer together could at some point have been separated by genre (masses and motets) to insert between them other works without initials. This would explain why we find ornamented initials up to fol. liir, stopping abruptly in the middle of a mass, but reappearing later on in two motets by Anchieta (fols. xcivv–xcvir), in a fragment of another motet by Compère (fol. cxr), and in a song by Obrecht (fol. cxxxivv). There is clear evidence that some folios in Segovia have been renumbered. In at least two cases a Roman numeral v has been changed to a x; in other cases the folio number mixes dark and light ink, indicating that a previous number was reused; and sometimes the erasure of a folio number is still noticeable. In all these cases, however, it is not possible to ascertain the previous number.25 However, in one instance the copyist did not erase the old folio number, and thus on present fol. xlviii we can also see a hitherto unnoticed old folio 25

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The light brown color of the ink used to copy the final section of the manuscript coincides with that of the folio numbers in most of the manuscript, suggesting that the final foliation took place during the last stage of the compilation process.

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Plate 2.1. Double foliation in Segovia. Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

number ‘xviii’ that had been entered by another scribe (notice the different Roman numeral ‘x’ in Plate 2.1).26 If we count backwards from this old folio xviii, old folio [i] would correspond exactly to the beginning of Obrecht’s Missa Rose playsante in Gathering IV; in the Appendix, I have indicated this double foliation in Gatherings IV to VII. I believe this mass, which started on folio [i], marks the beginning of an early stage in the compilation process of Segovia. However, we could wonder why this old folio [i] appears towards the end of a gathering and not, as one would expect, at the beginning of a gathering. I would like to suggest a hypothesis about the compilation process of Gatherings IV through VII that would account for this anomaly and that would also explain why two masses by Obrecht in this section are incomplete; see Figure 2.9. Let us suppose that the scribe started to copy Obrecht’s Missa Rose playsante on old folio [i] where one would expect, at the beginning of a large gathering (see the left side of Figure 2.9). The only way for the first opening of Missa Rose playsante to end up in its present position towards the end of Gathering IV is if the scribe had moved the empty folios left at the end of the original large gathering to the front of the music he had just copied, thus creating two gatherings (IV and V) out of a large one (see the right side of Figure 2.9). This would also explain why Obrecht’s Missa Adieu mes amours

26

All the Roman numerals ‘x’ in the foliation of Segovia are of the same type, except the ‘x’ in this old folio ‘xviii’.

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Obrecht, Missa Adieu mes amours

empty staves empty staves empty staves

IV

Obrecht, Missa Rose playsante

(added bifolio) Obrecht, Missa Rose playsante

(fol. xxxi) [i]

xxvi (incomplete)

xxxi [i]

V Obrecht, Missa Fortuna desperata

empty staves empty staves

xxxix (incomplete)

empty staves empty staves empty staves empty staves empty staves empty staves

VI empty staves

Isaac, Missa Quant j’ay au cueur

Isaac, Missa Quant j’ay au cueur

(fol. xlvi) (fol. xlviii) xviii

xlvi xlviii / xviii

VII

empty staves empty staves empty staves

Figure 2.9. Hypothetical origin of the present Gatherings IV through VII in the division of two independent septernions

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in Gathering IV is incomplete; even though it appears before Missa Rose playsante, it would have been copied afterwards and there was no space left in Gathering IV to complete it. The same strange copying procedure may have taken place with Gatherings VI and VII (see the lower part of Figure 2.9). In this case, a large and independent gathering with Isaac’s Missa Quant j’ay au cueur would have been the origin of the smaller Gatherings VI and VII; and again another mass by Obrecht, Missa Fortuna desperata, could have not been completed for lack of space. If I am correct, the compilation process of these four gatherings, in which we already find two incomplete masses, shows that in the earliest stages of Segovia the scribe had no plan whatsoever of compiling a large manuscript. Everything could have started with two independent large gatherings, one with Obrecht’s Missa Rose playsante and another with Isaac’s Missa Quant j’ay au cueur; these two independent gatherings could have constituted the kernel of perhaps one of the earliest sections of the manuscript. The idea for a larger manuscript may have come up afterwards with the addition of more music. Joshua Rifkin has examined very thoroughly possible alternatives for the provenance of sources used by the Segovia scribe, and after commenting upon the most recent bibliography reached the following conclusion: Perhaps we can best account for the evidence in all its contradictions if we imagine Segovia and the Florentine manuscripts as the outer points of a triangle with a third location – probably a Flemish urban centre – at its apex. … An incident in Obrecht’s biography raises the possibility of a slightly different configuration. In 1494/95 the composer played host at Antwerp to Bartholomaeus Martini, bishop of Segorbe in Spain and master of the papel chapel. … Perhaps, then, we could envisage Rome as the nodal point through which music flowed not only to and from Florence and the Netherlands, but also from both places to Spain. Yet this seems needlessly complex, not to say geographically extravagant; and it becomes even more implausible if we recall how easily Flemish texts deteriorated in any path of transmission involving non-native speakers.27

I suggest that Rifkin’s conclusion may not be as geographically extravagant or implausible as he indicates. The presence of a main copyist who was Flemish, and Baker’s statement that Segovia had a single watermark have contributed

27

Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy: The Evidence of Two Songs’, 542 and n. 159.

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to the notion that the manuscript is a homogeneous manuscript ‘copied in one place within a relatively short span of time’. 28 Thus it is very difficult to reconcile, on the one hand, the contradictory evidence regarding the provenance of the repertoire and, on the other, Baker’s unified conception of the compilation process. As we have seen, the variety of paper watermarks, the irregularities found in the gathering numbers, the ornamented initials, and the changes of foliation point to a compilation process of Segovia much more fragmented than previously thought.29 With this new perspective, some of the problems regarding the transmission of the repertoire might be explained, and some of the contradictions reconciled, since distinct sections of the manuscript may reflect the different provenance of the sources used at different stages of the compilation process. From this point of view, the geographical diversity of the sources used by the copyist may not be so problematic, and, in fact, might be a characteristic of Iberian manuscripts in general. The other Spanish manuscript from this period with an abundant international repertoire, Barcelona 454, does not reflect a single stemmatic tradition either: the diversity of the sources for this manuscript is even more obvious than for Segovia owing to the variety of scribes (more than thirty) who participated in its compilation.30 In my opinion, the reliability of an attribution to a composer in Segovia may depend on the gathering in which it appears and not on the total number of correct ascriptions to that particular composer in the entire manuscript.31 In this respect, I believe

28

Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript’, i. 67. This is particularly true in the case of the last three gatherings of the manuscript with Spanish secular pieces, since only one of the three gatherings is complete, which illustrates the piecemeal way in which Spanish secular music of this period has survived. Contrary to the perception of unity provided by the term cancionero, applied to the Colombina, Palacio, and Segovia manuscripts by traditional Spanish musicology, a detailed codicological study of these manuscripts reveals that the compilation process of this extant Spanish secular repertoire was very fragmented. 30 For a study of the international scope of Barcelona 454 and its relationship to a wide variety of Continental manuscripts see Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript’, i. 347–67 and 391–411. 31 I reached this conclusion independently of Wolfgang Fuhrmann, ‘An Obrechtian View of the Segovia Codex’ (paper read at the Obrecht Quincentenary Conference, Antwerp, 2005, and incorporated in revised form in the present volume, Ch. 3); he had already pointed out that ‘almost all attributions firmly to be rejected tend to concentrate in fascicles 22 through 25. … In addition, it may be noted that the only Obrecht ascription in Segovia seriously challenged by 29

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that there is still room for further research on the codicological aspects of Segovia that might uncover details of the compilation process relevant to the transmission of the repertoire. A detail about the main copyist of Segovia should be pointed out. The last work he copied at the end of the manuscript, after the Spanish secular pieces without ascriptions, is the Pange lingua with the ascription ‘Johannes vrede’. Perhaps the identity of this scribe and the milieu in which he copied Segovia has something to do with this final attribution to the Flemish composer Johannes Wreede, who worked in Castile.32 A later addition, by another scribe, of a sacred piece by Alonso de Mondéjar, could indicate that Segovia moved to a different milieu or that the manuscript reflects the dissemination of Mondéjar’s works after his arrival to the Castilian court in 1502.33

modern scholars … happens to be found just in one of the “unreliable” fascicles, number 24’. (I would like to thank him for sending me a copy of his paper after the IMS Conference in Zurich.) These ‘unreliable’ fascicles have watermarks W1, W3, and W4, and are found outside the central corpus of Segovia (Gatherings II–XVII), which has watermark W2. Likewise, the composition date of Vive le noble roy by Compère (possibly connected with the battle of Fornovo in 1495) cannot be used as terminus post quem of Segovia (as I had suggested previously), since it appears in Gathering XXIII (with watermark W1) and thus it may serve as a reference date – if at all – only for that section of the manuscript. The dating of Compère’s song is also considered by Honey Meconi in her contribution to this volume. 32 Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy’, 528 n. 101, after commenting on the scribe’s ‘predilection for Flemishisms’, pointed out the following: ‘This unexpected linguistic propensity on the part of someone who plainly learned to write in Castile prompts speculation about the scribe’s identity: we may surely regard him as either a Netherlander who emigrated early to Spain or as the Castilianborn child of a Flemish parent. Could Johannes Wrede have had a son?’ In light of the last ascription entered in Segovia by its main scribe, Rifkin’s suggestion that Wreede’s son could have had something to do with the manuscript is even more attractive and could perhaps be applied to Wreede himself, since we do not know his whereabouts after 1482, and Tess Knighton, ‘Urrede, Juan de’, Grove Music Online (accessed 8 June 2008) states: ‘Possibly he died in the period between 1482 and 1484, although there is some evidence to suggest he may have lived substantially longer’. 33 According to Tess Knighton, Música y músicos en la Corte de Fernando el Católico, 1474–1516, transl. Luis Gago (Zaragoza: Institución ‘Fernando el Católico’, 2001), 338, Mondéjar was appointed Queen Isabel’s chaplain and singer on 17  August 1502, but he was paid from the beginning of that year; after Isabel’s death in 1504, he served King Ferdinand until 1516.

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the original ownership of segovia: ‘don rodrigo’ and the connection with the manrique family Two inscriptions on the last folio of Segovia should be considered regarding the original ownership of the mansucript. They read: ‘Don Rodrigo’ and ‘muy manyfyco señor don Rodrigo Manrique’, respectively (see Plate 2.2).34 The Manrique de Lara lineage is one of the most illustrious of the Spanish nobility, and I will discuss briefly three possible candidates who could be the Rodrigo Manrique mentioned in Segovia.35

34

The different ‘d’ and ‘R’ in the two inscriptions suggests that they could have been written by two different scribes, but a line connects both inscriptions, perhaps to indicate that the second inscription clarifies the identity of Don Rodrigo. Baker understood the first inscription (she did not mention the second) as a reference to Rodrigo de Tordesillas, regidor of the city of Segovia; however, as I pointed out (‘The Manuscript’, i. 217–18), the 1503 inventory of the Alcázar refers to the regidor simply as Rodrigo de Tordesillas, and therefore it is most unlikely that he was entitled to use the title ‘Don’. Following a reading of the second inscription as ‘Muy manyfico señor don Pedro … [or Rodrigo]’, provided by an archivist at the Archivo Nacional in Madrid, I suggested (‘The Manuscript’, i. 218–21) that the two inscriptions could refer to the Cardinal don Pedro González de Mendoza and his illegitimate son Don Rodrigo. A few years later, another archivist at the Archivo General de Simancas offered me a complete, and I believe definitive, reading of the second inscription: ‘muy manyfyco señor don Rodrigo Manrique’. On the same folio, a different scribe, probably the same musician who wrote what seems to be composition exercises (and isolated note shapes), entered two rules of counterpoint that are also found in the fifteenth-century anonymous Tractatus de musica plana et mensurabili (Anonymous XI): ‘Sex paritas scandit, descendit quatuor ymas / Imparitus que novem scandit bassatur ad unam’; see http://chmtl. ucs.indiana.edu/tml/15th/ANO11TRA_TEXT.html, accessed 23 May 2016. A comment about these interesting brief music excerpts is beyond the scope of this chapter. It should be pointed out that in the context of the crowded page, the Rodrigo inscriptions, centered in the lower part, do not look simply like scribbles of a copyist trying his pen. 35 Cristina Urchueguía (Ch. 1 above, p. 33–4), mentions, as did Baker, only the first inscription, ‘Don Rodrigo’, and suggests that it could refer to one Rodrigo de la Rua. She concludes that the identification of this ‘Don Rodrigo’ with Rodrigo de Tordesillas (Baker), or Rodrigo de la Rua (Urchueguía) or Rodrigo Manrique (Ros-Fábregas) ‘must remain equally cautiously undecided’. This is not so, however, since the present discussion refers to the second inscription, just below ‘Don Rodrigo’, which reads ‘muy manyfyco señor don Rodrigo Manrique’, most likely referring to the same ‘Don Rodrigo’, and thus the Manrique option should have preference over the other two unsupported options.

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Plate 2.2. The two inscriptions ‘Don Rodrigo’ and ‘Muy manyfico señor don Rodrigo manrique’ on the last folio of Segovia. Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

During the second half of the fifteenth century there were three persons called Rodrigo Manrique who were entitled to use the ‘Don’ and, as in the Segovia inscription, they were referred to as ‘magnifico’ in contemporary documents.36 Table 2.3 shows an abbreviated family tree that includes these three Rodrigo Manriques.37 The first Rodrigo Manrique (1406–76) died well before the compilation of Segovia;38 he married three times and his third wife, Elvira de Castañeda,

to the Diccionario de la lengua castellana (known as ‘Diccionario de Autoridades’) (Madrid, 1734), 457, the term ‘magnífico’ is used also as an honorific title given by kings to knights: ‘Magnífico. Se toma también por título de honor que dán los Reyes à los Caballeros’. 37 For a detailed biography of the members of the Manrique de Lara family, one of the most illustrious of the Spanish nobility, see Luís de Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica de la Casa de Lara justificada con instrumentos, y escritores de inviolable fe. Por Don Luís de Salazar y Castro, Comendador de Zurita, y Fiscal de la Orden de Calatrava, de la Cámara de S[u] M[ajestad] y su Coronista Mayor. Dividida en XX libros, 4 vols. (Madrid: Imprenta Real, Mateo de Llanos y Guzmán, 1696). 38 For a biography of Rodrigo Manrique, first Count of Paredes and Maestre (Master) of the powerful military Order of Santiago, see Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica, ii. 283–321; on p. 316, his gravestone at the Convent of Uclés (province of Cuenca) reads as follows (emphasis mine): ‘aqvi yace el magnifico señor don rodrigo manrique maestre de santiago, hijo del adelantado don pedro manriqve, y de doña leonor de castilla: el qval venció 36 According

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Diego

=

Inés Camarera Mayor of Queen Isabel

Rodrigo (d. 1518) Comendador de Yeste 1496: Joanna’s Mayordomo Mayor 1506: Ambassador in Portugal

Rodrigo (d. 1536) 3rd Count of Paredes (1482–1536) 1503: ‘al muy Magnifico …’

Pedro 2nd Count of Paredes (1476–82)

Rodrigo Manrique (1406–76) 1st Count of Paredes Maestre of the Order of Santiago 1476: ‘Aqvi yace el magnifico …’

Magdalena

Jorge (d. 1479; poet) Coplas por la muerte de …

Enrique

Alonso

1. Mencía de Figueroa = 2. Beatriz de Guzmán (without succession) = 3. Elvira de Castañeda (as elderly widow served Queen Joanna after 1510)

Table 2.3. Abbreviated family tree with the three candidates for Rodrigo Manrique (in bold)

Rodrigo (d. 1529)

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as an elderly widow, served Queen Joanna after 1510.39 This Rodrigo should be mentioned since one of his sons, the poet Jorge Manrique (d. 1479) wrote in his memory the Coplas por la muerte de su padre, a well-known ‘Ubi sunt’ poem that was perhaps in the mind of the Segovia scribe who entered Rodrigo’s name on the last folio, where we also find the responsory for the Office of the Dead ‘Ne recorderis’.40 Interestingly, the poem of Justa fue mi perdiçion, the first piece in the section of Spanish secular pieces, could be by Jorge Manrique, thus reinforcing the possible connection of Segovia with the Manrique family.41 The second Rodrigo Manrique (d. 1518), a son of the previous Rodrigo, accompanied Joanna the Mad to Flanders in 1496; he was her ‘Mayordomo

xxiv batallas de moros y cristianos. mvriò año de m.cccc.lxxvi. a xi de noviembre’. [Here lies the magnificent lord Don Rodrigo Manrique, Master of (the Order of) Santiago, son of the ‘Adelantado’ Don Pedro Manrique and of Doña Leonor of Castile; he won twenty-four battles of Moors and Christians. He died on 9 November 1476]. 39 Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica, ii. 321. This third marriage of Rodrigo and Elvira de Castañeda produced three sons: D. Enrique, D. Alonso (Cardinal, Bishop of Tortosa, Badajoz, and Córdoba, Chaplain to Charles V, Archbishop of Seville and General Inquisitor), and D. Rodrigo Manrique de Ayala, ‘Comendador de Mançanares’. This Rodrigo Manrique (d. 1529) cannot be the the Don Rodrigo mentioned in Segovia, since his tombstone in the Monasterio de la Madre de Dios in Toledo refers to him and his wife as ‘illustrious’; see Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica, ii. 439. 40 To find a retrospective literary reference in a folio with annotations such as the last verso of Segovia is not uncommon. The last folio of Barcelona 454 contains, among scribbles and annotations, the inscription ‘Al muy prepoten/te Don Johan el/Segundo’ [To the most powerful Don Johan the Second]. These are the first lines of the poem Laberinto de Fortuna (1444), also known as Las trescientas, by Juan de Mena (1411–56), and they refer to Juan II of Castile (1403–54), who obviously had nothing to do with the compilation of that manuscript from the early sixteenth century. In the case of Segovia, though, ‘Muy manyfico señor don Rodrigo manrique’ is not a quotation from Jorge Manrique’s long poem, and thus I am inclined to think that the inscription does not refer to this candidate, who had been dead for at least twenty years at the time the manuscript was compiled. 41 For a discussion of the anonymous text of Justa fue mi perdiçion and its possible attributions, see Lama de la Cruz, Cancionero musical, 315–19. Another important poet in the Manrique family, very influential at the courts of Enrique IV and the Catholic Monarchs, was Gómez Manrique (1412–90), brother of our first Rodrigo Manrique. See Brian Dutton, El Cancionero del Siglo XV, c. 1360–1520, 7 vols. (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1991), vii. 383–4.

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Mayor’.42 Rafael Domínguez Casas described the duties of Queen Isabel’s ‘Mayordomo Mayor’ as follows: The ‘Mayordomo Mayor’ was the true lord of the Royal House, the top of the hierarchical pyramid of court officials. His signature was indispensable in the books of accounts and sometimes, if he is present in the chamber where the Queen eats, he serves the large dishes even in the presence of aristocrats of higher rank.43

Although Segovia is not a ‘libro de asientos’, perhaps the inscription ‘Don Rodrigo’ has something to do with Rodrigo Manrique’s duties as ‘Mayordomo Mayor’.44 The fleet that had taken Joanna to marry Philip the Fair returned to

Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica, ii. 390: ‘Pero la confiança que los reyes tenían en él, y la estimación de sus virtudes era tal que quando el año 1496 embiaron a Flandes a la Infanta Doña Juana su hija, para celebrar su matrimonio con Felipe Archiduque de Austria, Duque de Borgoña, dieron a D. Rodrigo el puesto de Mayordomo Mayor desta Princesa con que la fue sirviendo hasta las entregas, y assi dice Zurita: “Llevava la Archiduquesa gran casa, è iban en su servicio D. Luis Ossorio, Obispo de Jaen, y D. Rodrigo Manrique por Mayordomo Mayor y por su Camarera Mayor à la Condesa de Camiña, y llevava a Doña María de Velasco, madre del Almirante de Castilla, y à Doña Ana de Beaumonte, y muchas Dueñas, y Damas”’. [But the confidence the kings (Isabel and Ferdinand) had in him and the appreciation of his virtues was such that when in 1496 they sent their daughter Joanna to Flanders, to celebrate her marriage with Philip, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, they gave to Don Rodrigo the position of Mayordomo Mayor of this Princess, whom he served until her presentation, and Zurita (the chronicler) says thus: ‘the Archduchess brought a great retinue and in her service went Don Luis Ossorio, Bishop of Jaen, and Don Rodrigo Manrique, as Mayordomo Mayor, and as Camarera Mayor the Countess of Camiña, and also went Doña María de Velasco, mother of the Almirante of Castile, Doña Ana of Beaumonte, and many other Dueñas and ladies’.] 43 Rafael Domínguez Casas, Arte y etiqueta de los Reyes Católicos: Artistas, residencias, jardines y bosques (Madrid: Alpuerto, 1993), 238: ‘Era el “Mayordomo Mayor” el verdadero dueño y señor de la Casa Real, la cúspide de la pirámide jerárquica de los oficiales de la Corte. Su firma es imprescindible en los libros de asientos y a veces, si está presente en la sala donde come la Soberana, sirve las Fuentes aunque estén delante otros aristócratas de rango superior’. 44 Regarding certain gaps in account books of Queen Isabel, Domínguez Casas, Arte y etiqueta de los Reyes Católicos, 238, states the following: ‘los libros de los “contadores mayores de cuentas” no se guardaban en la Corte, pues a la muerte de Doña Isabel estos oficiales se retiraron a sus casas y haciendas llevándolos consigo. Eran los inconvenientes producidos por la falta de un archivo de Estado, centralizado 42

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Castile in February of 1497 with Margaret of Austria to marry Prince John, but Rodrigo Manrique remained in Joanna’s service as ambassador until 1498.45 Thanks to the detailed documentation published by Miguel-Ángel Ladero Quesada, we know the names of the musicians who accompanied Joanna, and these journeys back and forth to the Low Countries would have provided an opportunity for musicians and Rodrigo Manrique to have access to the kind of Franco-Flemish repertory transmitted in Segovia.46 In

y permanente, que sirviese para recoger la documentación de la Casa Real de Castilla’. [The account books of the ‘contadores mayores’ were not kept at the Court, since after the death of Queen Isabel these officials went to their houses and properties, taking with them the account books. These were the inconveniences produced by the lack of a state archive, permanent and centralized, to keep the documentation of the Royal House of Castile.] The way in which account books were lost illustrates what could have happened to many music manuscripts that originated at the Royal Court of Castile, since at the treasury of the Segovia Alcázar in 1503 there were only fourteen music books. See Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Libros de música en bibliotecas españolas del siglo XVI (I–III)’, Pliegos de Bibliofilia, 15–17 (2001–2), 37–62, 33–46, and 17–54. 45 Bethany Aram, La reina Juana: Gobierno, piedad y dinastía (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2001), 77 n. 38. 46 According to Miguel-Ángel Ladero Quesada, La armada de Flandes: Un episodio en la política naval de los Reyes Católicos (1496–1497) (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 2003), 87–90, the retinue of c. 200 people to serve Joanna on her first voyage to Flanders included the following personnel: ‘Capellán mayor’: D. Diego Ramírez de Villaescusa, master of theology, dean of Jaén; ‘Maestro of the Archduchess’ (without giving his name, but most likely fray Andrés de Miranda) and his companion fray Gregorio; ‘Mayordomo mayor’: D. Rodrigo Manrique, comendador de Yeste; Chaplains: Andrés Jiménez, Juan de Ortega, Juan Dellorto, Eloy de Galarreta, Alonso Fernández de Luque, and Pascual Muñoz or Monoz; vihuela players: Rodrigo Donayre and ‘his companions’ Alonso de Baena and Diego de Medina; ‘clavezinbano’ player: Barrionuevo; ministriles: Pedro de Narbona, his father-in-law, Jaime, Madrid, and Alonso de Ochoa; atabaleros: Pedro de Ribera and Francisco de Ocaña; trumpets: Cristóbal Brizeño, Francisco de Arévalo, Juan de Segovia, Gonzalo de Bustamante, Juan de Santa Gadea, and Pedro de Santa Gadea. Besides the ‘Mayordomo Mayor’, there are two other Rodrigo Manriques in Joanna’s service on her journey to Flanders: (1) Don Rodrigo Manrique, son of Honorato de Mendoza, lord of Cañete, as ‘Copero mayor’, but it is unlikely that he could be the ‘magnifico Don Rodrigo’ of the Segovia manuscript; he appears in another list without the ‘Don’ as ‘Servidor de copa’; and (2) another ‘Rodrigo Manrique’ appears together with other people without specific function, but his name is not preceded by the ‘Don’ as with other people in the same list. See Ladero Quesada, La armada de Flandes, 87 and 90–1). The fleet departed on 22 August 1496 and after multiple incidents

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1506 King Ferdinand sent this second Rodrigo Manrique as ambassador to Portugal to inform King Manuel about the arrangement with Archduke Philip concerning the government of Castile;47 afterwards Ferdinand named him Governor of the province of León (a position he had held previously) and later corregidor of Baza and other towns in Andalusia. He died in the castle of Yeste (province of Albacete) on 8 April 1518.48 The third Rodrigo Manrique, probably the best candidate, was third Count of Paredes (1482–1536) and head of the Manrique family when Segovia was compiled.49 A document dated 16 February 1503 refers to him with the same treatment (‘muy magnifico’) found in the Segovia manuscript: ‘al muy Magnifico Señor D. RODRIGO MANRIQVE Conde de Paredes …’. 50 His possessions had been confirmed on 30 October 1496 by the son of the Catholic Monarchs, Prince John, and since this Rodrigo seems to have been only slightly older than Prince John, perhaps the education he received, especially in music, would have been modeled after that of the Prince. There is also an interesting similarity between them regarding marriage among brothers of two families. Rodrigo’s first wife, Isabel Fajardo, was the eldest daughter of Juan Chacón, Queen Isabel’s ‘Contador Mayor’ (the highest official, together

reached Middleburg on 8 September. After the loss of many lives owing to hunger and low temperatures in the months of December and January, the fleet returned (with Margaret of Austria to marry Prince John) in February of 1497, and reached the Spanish coast of Santander during the first few days of the following month. 47 Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica, ii. 391. 48 A document dated 10 December 1515 refers to this second Rodrigo as ‘magnifico’; see Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica, ii. 391: ‘Lugarteniente (assi dice) de Corregidor de la dicha Ciudad, y su tierra por el Magnifico Señor el Señor D. RODRIGO MANRIQVE Corregidor, y Justicia Mayor de Baza, Guadix, Almeria, Purchena, Vera, y sus tierras’. [Deputy (so he says) of the Corregidor of the said town and its land by the magnificent lord the lord D. Rodrigo Manrique Corregidor and ‘Justicia Mayor’ of Baza, Guadix, Almería, Purchena, Vera, and their lands.] 49 According to Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica, ii. 339 and 356, in 1491 this Rodrigo was still under the tutelage of his mother. His first marriage, however, took place shortly thereafter in 1493, and – according to his father’s testament – it should have been arranged by his mother and his uncle, the Rodrigo who would later become ‘Mayordomo Mayor’ of Joanna. 50 Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica, ii. 357.

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with the ‘Mayordomo Mayor’),51 and Rodrigo’s sister, Magdalena, married a brother of Rodrigo’s wife. While this kind of marriage among brothers of two families may have been frequent, perhaps we could see in this engagement between the Chacón and Manrique families an emulation of the engagement that had been arranged by the Catholic Monarchs and Emperor Maximilian for their children ( John and Joanna with Margaret and Philip). Rodrigo, third Count of Paredes, and other nobles supported King Ferdinand in his differences with Philip the Fair, and thus the connection of this Rodrigo with royal circles also seems to be very clear.52 That the expression ‘muy magnifico’ was not used for all the members of the Manrique family is shown in the late-sixteenth-century gravestone of one of Rodrigo’s sons: the son (also named Rodrigo!) and his wife are referred to as ‘yllustres’, but his parents, the third Counts of Paredes, as ‘muy magnificos’. 53 This gravestone not only confirms that Rodrigo Manrique, third Count of Paredes, was considered ‘muy magnifico’, but also suggests that perhaps this expression could have been a kind of standard formula to distinguish the holder of

51

According to Salazar y Castro, ibid. 359, Juan Chacón was ‘Mayordomo Mayor’ of Queen Isabel: ‘Señor de Oria, Albox, Alborea, Albanchez, y Benitaglat, Adelantado y capitan mayor del Reyno de Murcia, Contador mayor de Castilla, Mayordomo mayor de la Reyna Catolica, Comendador de Caravaca, y Trece de Santiago’. However, according to Rafael Domínguez Casas, Arte y etiqueta de los Reyes Católicos, 238–9, Juan Chacón was not ‘Mayordomo Mayor’ of Queen Isabel, but ‘Contador Mayor de la Despensa y Raciones de los Oficiales’, in addition to being ‘Adelantado del Reino de Murcia’ and ‘Contador Mayor de Castilla’. 52 Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica, ii. 359. 53 José Ángel Montañés Bermúdez, ‘Lectura y estudio de la “lápida de los Condes de Paredes” del cementerio de Villapalacios, Albacete’, Al-Basit: Revista de estudios albacetenses, 41 (1997), 51–76, esp. 53; the relevant text of the partially damaged tombstone of Rodrigo Manrique, son of the third Count of Paredes, and his wife Catalina Zúñiga reads as follows (emphasis mine): ‘aquí yazen sepultados / los yllustres señores: / d rodrigo manrique d lara / 13 d la horden de santiago i co / mendador d biedma … vi / … llarubia (hijo legitimo d / los mvi magnificos: s. … / manrique d lara y doña / ysavel fajardo y chacon / terceros condes de paredes) … v … r doña catalina de …’. [Here lie buried the illustrious lords D. Rodrigo Manrique de Lara 13 of the Order of Santiago and Comendador of Biedma … VI … (legitimate son of the most magnificent … Manrique de Lara and Doña Isabel Fajardo y Chacón, third Counts of Paredes) … V … R Doña Catalina].

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EMILIO ROS-FÁBREGAS

the title of Count of Paredes at any given time from other members of the family. Although the three candidates presented here were referrered to as ‘magnifico’, only the third Count of Paredes is mentioned as ‘muy magnifico’ (as in Segovia) and precisely at the approximate time when the manuscript was compiled. Segovia could have fallen into the hands of the Manriques or could have been the result of unknown musical activity of this family, particularly that of Rodrigo Manrique, third Count of Paredes. Owing to his connection with the royal family, and in particular that of his uncle as Joanna’s ‘Mayordomo Mayor’ during her journey to the Low Countries, the young Rodrigo Manrique could have had access to repertoire performed by the royal chapel, including Flemish music. *** In conclusion, a detailed examination of Segovia’s physical evidence shows that the manuscript has not one but four watermarks with their respective twins; a comparison of these watermarks with those in Spanish incunabula supports the hypothesis that the process of compilation most likely took place in Castile c. 1498–1500. The distribution of watermarks, the survival of the original gathering numbers, the changes of foliation, the irregular presence of illuminated initials, and different colors of ink point to a compilation process much more fragmented than previously thought. This fragmentation may contribute to an explanation of the diverse provenances of the manuscript’s sources for its international repertoire and the problems associated with its date and place of origin. Further study of some codicological aspects of Segovia, such as the color of the ink used in different sections and other changes of foliation, may contribute to refine our knowledge of the compilation process. Finally, the inscriptions on the last folio of the manuscript mentioning one ‘muy magnífico’ Rodrigo Manrique establishes

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75

a connection of the manuscript to the Manrique branch of the Counts of Paredes, who had close ties with the royal family. Further archival research on Rodrigo Manrique, ‘Mayordomo Mayor’ of Joanna, and his nephew the ‘muy magnífico’ Rodrigo Manrique, third Count of Paredes, could open new vistas into the music patronage of the Spanish nobility.54

54 The

traditional emphasis of Spanish musicology on the royal courts has overshadowed the patronage of noble families. The first studies of music patronage of the nobility in Spain were by José Subirá, La Música en la Casa de Alba: Estudios históricos y biográficos (Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, 1927) and José Romeu, ‘Mateo Flecha el Viejo, la Corte literariomusical del Duque de Calabria y el Cancionero llamado de Uppsala’, Anuario Musical, 13 (1958), 25–102. More recently, María Ester-Sala, ‘El mecenazgo de la nobleza en la música del siglo XVI’, Nassarre, 4/1–2 (1988), 37–58, pointed out the need to pursue this topic. Other studies are: Eleanor Russell, ‘Music in the House of the Third Duke of Béjar: ca. 1520–1544’, in David Crawford and G. Grayson Wagstaff (eds.), Encomium Musicae: Essays in Memory of Robert J. Snow (Hillsdale, NY: Pendragon Press, 2002), 285–303; Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Cardona and Fernández de Córdoba Coats of Arms in the Chigi Codex’, EMH 21 (2002), 223–58; and Roberta Freund Schwartz, ‘“En busca de liberalidad”: Music and Musicians in the Courts of the Spanish Nobility, 1470–1640’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2001). Two more recent and complete studies of music patronage of a Spanish noble family are by Juan Pablo Fernández-Cortés, La Música en las Casas de Osuna y Benavente (1733– 1882): Un estudio sobre el mecenazgo musical de la alta nobleza española (Madrid: Sociedad Española de Musicología, 2007), who includes references back to the sixteenth century, and by Lucía Gómez Fernández, Música, nobleza y mecenazgo: Los duques de Medina Sidonia en Sevilla y Sanlúcar de Barrameda, 1445–1615 (Cádiz: Universidad de Cádiz, 2017). The holdings at the Archivo Histórico Nacional (Sección Nobleza) at the Hospital Tavera in Toledo are particularly rich for pursuing fruitful research on music patronage of the Spanish nobility.

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Appendix Gathering structure of Segovia, Archivo de la Catedral, s.s., showing the original gathering numbers where visible (in quotation marks), the distribution of watermarks (W1, W1*, W2, W2*, W3, W3*, W4, and W4*), foliations, and ascriptions to composers, given as they appear in the manuscript (italics indicate the resolution of abbreviations). Dotted lines indicate missing folios. The additional lines in gatherings I–II, XIV–XV and XVIII show where incomplete gatherings have been joined. After the restoration of the manuscript, a new foliation (1–207) in pencil was added in the upper right corner of each recto, starting on fol. v.

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EMILIO ROS-FÁBREGAS

Front cover

Cover of parchment Pastedown Flyleaf Endpaper

Gathering Structure Watermark

Folio

Manuscript attribution

[i] [ii] [iii] I

[iv] W1

v [vi] [vii] [viii]

II

W2

ix

W2*

x

W2*

xi

W2*

xii

{

r v

Josquin du pres

xiii xiiii xv xvi

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APPENDIX

Gathering structure Watermark

Folio

79

Manuscript attribution

xvii xviii

{

r v Jacobus hobrecht

{

r v Jacobus hobrecht

{

r v Jacobus hobrecht

{

r v Jacobus hobrecht

xix III

xx W2

xxi

W2*

xxii

W2*

xxiii

W2*

xxiiii

xxv xxvi xxvii IV

V

xxviii W2*

xxix

W2

xxx

W2*

xxxi [i]?

W2*

xxxii [ii]?

W2*

xxxiii [iii]?

W2

xxxiiii [iiii]?

W2*

xxxv [v]?

W2

xxxvi [vi]? xxxvii [vii]? xxxviii [viii]? xxxix [ix]? xl [x]?

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EMILIO ROS-FÁBREGAS

Gathering structure Watermark

‘vi'

Folio

Manuscript attribution

xli [xi]? xlii [xii]? xliii

VI

W2

xliiii [xiiii]?

W2*

xlv [xv]?

W2

xlvi [xvi]?

‘vi[i]’

{

r v ysaac

{

r v Matheus pipelare

xlvii [xvii]? xlviii [xviii] W2

xlix l

VII

W2

li lii

‘vi[ii]’

W2*

liii

W2

liiii

W2

lv lvi

W2 VIII

lvii lviii

W2*

lix lx

W2*

lxi lxii

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APPENDIX

Gathering structure Watermark ‘ix’

Folio

lxiii W2

lxiiii

W2*

lxv

81

Manuscript attribution

{

r v Johannes anxeta

{

r v Jo. ancheta

{

r v ysaac

{

r v Jacobus hobrecht

{

r v Alr agricola

{

r v Josquin du pres

{

r v Jacobus hobrecht

{

r v Jacobus hobrecht

{

r v Josquin du preß

{

r v Josquin du preß

lxvi

IX

W2

lxvii lxviii lxix

‘x’

W2*

lxx

W2*

lxxi

W2*

lxii lxiii lxiiii

X

W2*

lxxv

W2*

lxxvi lxxvii lxxviii

‘xi’

lxxix lxxx lxxxi

XI

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lxxxii W2*

lxxxiii

W2*

lxxxiiii

W2

lxxxv

W2

lxxxvi

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EMILIO ROS-FÁBREGAS

Gathering structure Watermark

‘x[ii]’

Folio

Manuscript attribution

{

r v ysaac

{

r v Jacobus hobrecht

xciiii

{ { { {

r v r v r v r v

W2

xcv

{

r v Johannes ancheta

W2

xcvi

W2

xcvii

{

r v Johannes ancheta

W2

xcviii

{

r v Johannes ancheta

W2*

lxxxvii lxxxviii lxxxix

W2*

XII

xci

‘x[iii]’

XIII

xc

W2*

xcii

W2*

xciii

Jacobus hobrecht Matheus pipelare Jacobus hobrecht Johannes ffarer ysaac Johannes ancheta

xcix c ci cii

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APPENDIX

Gathering structure Watermark

Folio

ciii

83

Manuscript attribution

{

r Jacobus hobrecht v Jacobus hobrecht

{

r v Johannes Martini

{ { { { { {

r v r v r v r v r v r v

[ciiii] [cv] [cvi]

XIV

[cvii] [cviii] [cix] W2*

cx

[cxi] W2

cxii cxiii

XV

cxiiii W2*

cxv

W2*

cxvi cxvii

Anthonius busnoys alexander agricola Caron ysaac Johannes tinctoris ysaac

cxviii

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EMILIO ROS-FÁBREGAS

Gathering structure Watermark

‘xv’

Folio

W2*

cxix

W2

cxx cxxi cxxii

XVI

W2*

cxxiii

W2*

cxxiiii cxxv cxxvi

‘xvi’

cxxvii cxxviii cxxix

XVII

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cxxx W2*

cxxxi

W2

cxxxii

W2*

cxxxiii

W2*

cxxxiiii

Manuscript attribution

{ { { { { { { {

r v r v r v r v r v r v r v r v

{ { { { { { { {

r v r v r v r v r v r v r v r v

Matheus pipelare Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Roelkyn Jacobus hobrecht Loysette compere Jacobus hobrecht

Loysette compere Josquin du preß Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht

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APPENDIX

Gathering structure Watermark ‘xvii’

Folio

cxxxv

85

Manuscript attribution

{

r Alexander agricola v

{

r v Anthonius brumel

{

r Johannes anxeta v

{ { {

r v Anthonius brumel r v Anthonius brumel r v Jacobus hobrecht

cxxxvi W3

cxxxvii cxxxviii

XVIII

W3

cxxxix cxl

W3*

cxli

W3*

cxlii

W1

[cxliii] cxliiii cxlv

W1

XIX

cxlvi cxlvii

W1*

cxlviii

W1

cxlix cl

‘xx’

W1*

cli

W1

clii cliii

XX

cliiii W3

clv

W1*

clvi clvii clviii

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EMILIO ROS-FÁBREGAS

Gathering structure Watermark

‘x[xi]’

Folio

clix W3

clx clxi clxii

XXI

W3*

clxiii

W3*

clxiiii clxv

‘xx[ii]’

W3*

clxvi

W3

clxvii clxvii[i]

W3*

XXII

W1*

clxix clxx clxxi clxxii

W1

clxxiii clxxiiii

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Manuscript attribution

{ { ⎧ ⎨ ⎩

{ { { { { { { ⎧ ⎨ ⎩

{ { { { {

r v r v r

Petrus elinc Alexander agricola Alexander agricola Alexander agricola Roelkin Loysette compere v Alexander agricola r v Alexander agricola r Scoen heyne v Scoen heyne r scoen heyne v Petrus elinc r Jacobus hobrecht v Petrus elinc r Jacobus barbiriau v Alexander agricola r v r v r v r v r v r v r v r v

Jacobus hobrecht ysaac Johannes ancheta Anxieta Marturia

Alexander agricola Jacobus hobrecht Josquin du preß ysaac Johannes Martini Petrus elinc Alexander agricola Anthonius busnoys Alexander agricola

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APPENDIX

Gathering structure Watermark

‘xxiii’

Folio

clxxv W1*

clxxvi

W1

clxxvii

W1

clxxviii

XXIII clxxix clxxx clxxxi W1

‘xxiiii’

XXIV

clxxxii

clxxxiii W1*

clxxxiiii

W1*

clxxxv clxxxvi

W1

clxxxvii clxxxviii clxxxix

W1

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cxc

87

Manuscript attribution

{ { { ⎧ ⎨ ⎩

{ { { { { { ⎧ ⎨ ⎩

{ { { { {

r v r v r v r v

Alr agricola ysaac Anthonius brumel ysaac ysaac pipelare Alexander agricola Loysette compere Adam Loysette compere r ysaac v Anthonius bus brumel r Loysette compere v Alexander agricola r v Loysette compere r Loysette compere v Josquin du pres r v r v r

ysaac scoen heyne Loysette compere Loysette compere Loysette compere Johannes Martini v Loysette compere r ysaac v Scoen heyne r Anthonius brumel v Jacobus hobrecht r v Alexander agricola r Johannes Joye v Johannes Martini r Loysette compere v ysaac

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EMILIO ROS-FÁBREGAS

Gathering structure Watermark

‘xxv’

Folio

W4

cxci

W4

cxcii cxciii

XXV

cxciiii W4*

cxcv

W4

cxcvi cxcvii cxcviii

Manuscript attribution

{ { { { {

r v r v r v r v r v

{ {

r v ysaac r v ysaac

{ { { {

r v r v r v r v r

Loysette compere Loysette compere ysaac Alexander agricola Alexander agricola ferdinandus et frater eius

[cxcix]

XXVI

W3

cc

W3

cci ccii

W3

cciii cciiii

⎧ ⎨ ⎩

ccv

{

Alexander agricola Jacobus hobrecht Adam Alexander agricola jo. tinctoris Roelkin

Johannes tinctoris Johannes tinctoris Johannes tinctoris v Jo. tinctoris r v Johannes tinctoris

[ccvi]

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APPENDIX

Gathering structure Watermark

Folio

89

Manuscript attribution

In the upper margin of fol. ccvii r an inscription reads: ‘aquí comienzan las obras / castellanas’ ‘xxv[ii?]’

W4*

ccvii

W4*

ccviii ccix

{ { {

r v r v r v r

[Francisco de la Torre] Justa fue mi perdiçion [ Juan del Encina] Gran gasajo siento y[o] [ Juan del Encina] Pues que jamas olvidaros [ Johannes Wreede] Nunca fue pena mayor [Gijón] Al dolor de mi cuidado [ Juan del Encina] Romerico tu que vienes [Anon.] O que chapado plazer [Francisco de la Torre] Damos gracias a ti dios [Francisco de la Torre] Peligroso pensamiento [Anon.] Dezi flor rresplandeçiente [Anon.] Contento soy que dolais dolor [Anon.] Al del hato [ Juan del Encina] Ya no quiero tener fe [Anon.] El descanso de uos ver [Anon.] Amor quiso que os quisiesse [ Juan del Encina] Por muy dichoso se tenga [Encina] Ay triste que vengo [Anon.] Mas lo precio cmi enrrique [Anon.] No cese hasta que os vi [Anon.] Qual estavades anoche

ccx

⎧ ⎨ ⎩

W4*

ccxi

⎧ ⎨ ⎩

W4

ccxii

⎧ ⎨ ⎩

r v

ccxiii

⎧ ⎨ ⎩

r v

ccxiiii

⎧ ⎨ ⎩

r

ccxvi

⎧ ⎨ ⎩

r

ccxvii

⎧ ⎨ ⎩

[ Juan del Encina] Ya no quiero ser vaquero [Anon.] [Textless] v [Anon.] Harto de tanta porfia r [Anon.] Oyga tu merced y crea v [Anon. or Francisco de la Torre] Adoramus te señor dios

{

r [Lagarto] Andad pasiones andad v [Anon.] O si vieras al moçuelo

{

r [Anon.] Nuevas nuevas de plazer v [Anon.] Nuevas nuevas por tu fe

XXVII

v r v

v

[ccxv]

[ccxviii]

XXVIII

[ccxix] W4

ccxx [ccxxi] ccxxii

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EMILIO ROS-FÁBREGAS

Gathering structure Watermark

Folio

Manuscript attribution

[ccxxiii] W4*

ccxxiiii

ccxxv

ccxxvi XXIX W4

ccxxvii

W4

ccxxviii

⎧ ⎨ ⎩

⎧ ⎨ ⎩ ⎧ ⎨ ⎩

{ {

r

[Anon.] Como nos lievas amor [Anon.] Quanto mas lexos de ti v [Anon.] Quedose do quedo yo r [ Juan del Encina] Para verme con ventura [Anon.] Con temor y con plazer v [Anon.] Ve temor busca do’stes [Anon.] Desdichado fue nacer r [Anon.] Vos partistes yo quede [Anon.] Sobime a lo alto v Johannes Vrede, Pange lingua [last ascription by main copyist] r v Alonso de mondejar, Ave rex noster r v [Francisco de la Torre] Ne recorderis Inscriptions read: ‘Don Rodrigo’ / ‘Muy manyfyco señor don Rodrigo Manrique’

Back cover

Endpaper Flyleaf Pastedown Closing cover of parchment

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chapter 3

Segovia’s Repertoire: Attributions and Datings (with Special Reference to Jacob Obrecht) Wolfgang Fuhrmann

the flemish influences The Segovia manuscript has always been regarded as the first document of extensive Franco-Flemish musical influence on the Iberian peninsula, and the controversies surrounding its origin and function were largely rooted in this fact.1 It is especially the Flemish faction of internationally renowned composers that is massively represented here: Alexander Agricola boasts nineteen attributions and Henricus Isaac eighteen (probably nineteen if the first page of the Missa Wol auff gesell von hynnen were not lost). But no fewer than thirty-one works bear an ascription to ‘Jacobus Hobrecht’ in this source. This not only gives Obrecht the top position in Segovia’s repertoire, but the manuscript also represents the summit among Obrecht sources; no other source contains so many Obrechtiana. Moreover, of these thirty-one ascriptions, only ten are confirmed elsewhere, and no fewer than eighteen compositions are transmitted solely in Segovia, whereas Isaac and Agricola come a distant second with six unica respectively.2 It is small wonder that

1 2

See Cristina Urchueguía’s contribution to this volume, Ch. 1. My contribution developed out of a paper delivered at the Obrecht Quincentenary Conference, Antwerp 2005, where the focus was on Obrecht’s works in the Segovia codex. This conference was the impetus for Cristina Urchueguía’s and my idea of a conference and a subsequent book focusing exclusively on the Segovia codex. I am indebted to the participants at the conference, and especially Rob C. Wegman, Bonnie Blackburn, David Fallows, and Fabrice Fitch. I also wish to express here my gratitude to Cristina for her energetic contribution in organizing (and providing funding for) the Zürich conference. Special thanks go to Eric Jas for graciously pointing out a number of errors and inaccuracies (too numerous and embarrassing to list in detail) both in this chapter and in the inventory.

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Segovia has always been regarded as a source of special significance for the transmission of Obrecht’s works. The observation that the three composers best represented in Segovia were of Flemish, not French, origin neatly chimes with the demonstration that Segovia’s scribe-compiler was most definitely Flemish.3 One cannot help but think that he must have maintained good contacts with at least one major musical centre in the Low Countries. ( Joshua Rifkin and Honey Meconi speculate that he also had direct contact with Florence.4) There is evidence that not only a large portion of the secular repertoire but also of the sacred pieces came from the Low Countries. For example, all of the eleven pieces ascribed to Isaac in Segovia with concordances elsewhere can be dated in the 1480s or early 1490s. Some of them may come from the early years of Isaac’s Italian sojourn (as I will argue below), and some may be misattributions, but quite a few may be taken to confirm Martin Picker’s view that they allow us some glimpses of the composer’s early career in the Low Countries. Obrecht, of course, spent most of his career in the North, and this might suggest that the compiler of Segovia had easier access to his music than to that of Isaac and Agricola after they travelled south. How did the Flemish music come to Spain? Did the scribe bring it with him when he came to Spain, did he benefit from contacts with specific musicians or institutions that provided him with new works? Reinhard Strohm has proposed the attractive hypothesis that Johannes Tinctoris, another composer of Flemish origin who is present here with no fewer than seven works, had a hand in collecting the repertoire of Segovia or even in providing a direct link to the Flemish compiler.5 To strengthen this hypothesis, Strohm drew attention to two particularly puzzling pieces in the codex. The textless piece Cecus non judicat de coloribus (no. 149, ‘The blind man does not judge colours’) is ascribed to ‘Ferdinandus et frater ejus’, who (as Strohm proposes) may be identified with the blind brothers Johannes and Carolus Fernandes. These are the ‘avugles’ whose playing at the Burgundian court was envied by Du Fay and 3

See the contributions by Rob C. Wegman and Bonnie J. Blackburn to this volume, Chs. 7 and 8. 4 See the remarks by Honey Meconi on Fortuna disperata in her contribution to this volume, Ch. 6, and Joshua Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy: The Evidence of Two Songs’, in Paula Higgins (ed.), Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 505–71, esp. 542, where he proposes a geographical triangle with Florence as one of the outer points, the other being Segovia and the apex ‘a third location – possibly a Flemish urban centre’. 5 Reinhard Strohm, Music in Medieval Bruges (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), 143.

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93

Binchois, according to the report of Martin Le Franc,6 and whose art of vielle playing later astonished Tinctoris in Bruges.7 The name Fernandes may point to Spain, though both musicians were active at Bruges. The heading in Segovia would, then, exceptionally refer to the performers rather than the composer (who, in other sources, is identified as Isaac or Agricola). But this hypothesis is by no means the only possible or even the most plausible one. First, there is a tradition of blind instrumentalists at least from Francesco Landini through Conrad Paumann, Arnold Schlick, and Antonio de Cabezón, to name only the most renowned. Second, the identification of the brothers Fernandes with ‘Ferdinandus et frater ejus’ is problematic: the Latin inscription refers to ‘Ferdinand and his brother’, not ‘the brothers Ferdinand’. And third, the piece is for three parts, not two. Sadly, Strohm’s second observation does not help to give the connection to Tinctoris more weight, for the two-part arrangement of Tout a part moy with an ‘extravagantly florid upper part’ ascribed to Tinctoris (no. 161) that comes just a few folios after Cecus cannot be the transcription of the performance of the original discantus and tenor sung simultaneously by Gherardus of Brabant, as pointed out by Rifkin.8 Alternatively, one might speculate that the whole section of clearly instrumental duos that starts just three folios after Cecus may owe something to the repertoire of Ferdinandus and his brother, who were probably blind instrumentalists even if they are not to be identified with the brothers Fernandes. It is true that some pieces involve complex proportions and seem therefore unlikely to have been of the repertoire of the brothers, but thinking of Landini, we should be careful not to underestimate the ability of blind musicians to grasp the complications of mensurations and proportions. In any case, other pieces, like Roelkin’s De tous biens playne, or Tinctoris’s just-mentioned Tout a part moy, clearly come from the context of instrumental virtuoso performance and might even be writtendown improvisations. But they may also have been intended for a pedagogical context. Moreover, Bonnie J. Blackburn has demonstrated that four of the duos ascribed to Tinctoris do not follow his own rules of indicating proportions

6

Cf. David Fallows, ‘The Contenance Angloise: English Influence on Continental Composers of the Fifteenth Century’, Renaissance Studies 1 (1987), 189–208 at 208. 7 Karl Weinmann, Johannes Tinctoris und sein unbekannter Traktat ‘De inventione et usu musicae’: Eine historisch-kritische Untersuchung (Regensburg: Schiele, 1917), 45. 8 Rifkin; ‘Busnoys and Italy’, 536, and his discussion of Strohm’s thesis generally, 530–8.

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(nos. 157, 158, 159, 161).9 This certainly does not prove that they are not his; they may have passed through the hands of some copyist who preferred the old habits, and then assembled by the scribe of Segovia with some more authentic versions of Tinctoris’s other duos.10 But as Blackburn notes, they speak against a direct relationship of the Segovia manuscript with Tinctoris – and therefore with Naples. Though Strohm’s ‘Tinctoris connection’ remains provocative and fascinating, in this chapter I will try to explore a different path: given the prominence of Obrecht’s works in the source, could there have been a special relationship between the compiler of Segovia and Obrecht? The manuscript has been addressed repeatedly for its value as a source for Obrecht’s music; we may just as well ask how much value the presence of Obrecht’s music might have for understanding Segovia. Without restricting the following observations to Obrecht’s music, then, it might be interesting to focus on Segovia, so to speak, from an Obrechtian point of view in particular. But such a perspective is not possible without taking the whole manuscript, and its contents, into consideration. I will not focus on Segovia’s interesting, if sometimes self-contradictory, attempts at systematic ordering – by number of voices, genre, the sacred/secular division and language – as they are treated extensively elsewhere in this volume.11 Rather, I will discuss two other aspects of the repertoire encompassed in this fascinating source: first, authenticity, and second, dating, before returning to Obrecht in the coda.

attributions and authenticity Not all of Segovia’s attributions are credible. Indeed, in reviewing the scholarship on the manuscript’s contents, one feels tempted to paraphrase Schiller’s famous lines from Wallensteins Lager. For just like his anti-hero Wallenstein, it might be said of this source: ‘Von der Parteien Gunst und Hass verwirrt / schwankt sein Charakterbild in der Geschichte’ (Confused by favour and hatred of the parties, [its] character’s portrait vacillates in history).12 Such vacillation concerns not so much the musical source value but the ascriptions:

9

See her contribution to this volume, Ch. 8. For this reason, I have not included them in my discussion of doubtful and spurious pieces. 11 Especially in Honey Meconi’s chapter, Ch. 6. 12 Friedrich Schiller, Prologue to Wallensteins Lager (1800). 10

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some scholars regard the credibility of Segovia’s attributions quite highly, while others have damned the manuscript as totally unreliable.13 Indeed, many of Segovia’s ascriptions are demonstrably false, and others should be regarded with considerable caution. But any attempt at generalization leads to prejudices, which have their own very concrete consequences. To illustrate this claim, take the example of no. 19, the motet Salve virgo sanctissima, ascribed to Isaac in Segovia and also transmitted anonymously in the Vatican manuscript CS 15. Martin Just, Martin Picker, and Martin Staehelin have not accepted the motet as an authentic Isaac work, allegedly on grounds of style, but also for chronological reasons and, above all, a general mistrust in Segovia’s attributions. Picker, in particular, has claimed that Salve virgo and the strambotto Morte che fay (no. 151), ‘both in the homophonic Italian style’, are of ‘doubtful’ authenticity and that their ‘appearance in Segovia is anomalous’. This assumption rests on Picker’s conviction that all music by Isaac in Segovia must date from his early years in the Low Countries: ‘If (Salve virgo and Morte che fay) are by Isaac, they must have been composed before his arrival in Italy in 1484 or early 1485. However, they stand so isolated in the Segovia manuscript that they should be considered uncertain at best’.14 Emma Kempson, on the other hand, notes in her New Grove II entry on Isaac’s motets that both Salve virgo sanctissima and Morte che fay bear a strong stylistic resemblance to Prophetarum maxime, a motet that has been accepted into the Isaac canon by all scholars without quibbles.15 Moreover, Bonnie Blackburn convincingly argues for the authenticity of Salve virgo in her contribution to this volume, pointing out a possible connection to David of Burgundy, bishop of Utrecht. Nevertheless, both pieces are grouped among the ‘Zweifelhafte und unterschobene Werke’ in Martin Staehelin’s Isaac entry in MGG2 and Morte che fay is considered a For quotations, see Cristina Urchueguía, Die mehrstimmige Messe im ‘Goldenen Jahrhundert’: Überlieferung und Repertoirebildung in Quellen aus Spanien und Portugal (ca. 1490–1630), Würzburger musikhistorische Beiträge, 25 (Tutzing: Schneider, 2003), 177 n. 38. 14 Martin Picker, ‘Isaac in Flanders: The Early Works of Henricus Isaac’, in Albert Clement and Eric Jas (eds.), From Ciconia to Sweelinck: Donum natalicium Willem Elders, Chloe: Beihefte zum Daphnis, 21 (Amsterdam and Atlanta, GA: Rodopi, 1994), 153–65 at 156. 15 Specifically, Kempson writes: ‘The motets Prophetarum maxime, a prayer to St John the Baptist, patron saint of Florence and its baptistery, and Salve Virgo sanctissima, a devotional motet apparently influenced by the idiom of the lauda, are similar in style’. See Reinhard Strohm and Emma Kempson, art. ‘Isaac [Ysaak, Ysac, Yzac], Henricus [Heinrich; Arrigo d’Ugo; Arrigo Tedesco]’, in NG II, section 2.iii. 13

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‘doubtful work’ in the respective entry in New Grove II.16 (In the Appendix and Table 3.1, I consider both pieces authentic.) Such puzzling scholarly discrepancies in judging the source value of Segovia – and other examples could be cited – are at least partially explained by the fact that most discussions of the manuscript have concentrated on its value for particular composers or repertoires. There are just two extended discussions of Segovia’s attributions as a whole that I know of – the pioneering, critical, but inevitably dated one by Norma Klein Baker and the extended and very sophisticated one by Rifkin in his discussion of Busnoys and Fortuna desperata.17 Rifkin’s painstaking discussion is the point of departure for every future account, and I hope to have done justice to his many insights in the commentary section of the list of critical cases in the Appendix. However, I suggest a slightly different approach. Instead of delving even further into the fine details of transmission and variants, let us step back and try to look at the picture as a whole. In the Appendix, all conflicting attributions – and all pieces anonymous in Segovia but attributed elsewhere – are grouped according to two divisions: international vs. Spanish repertoire and sacred vs. secular music.18 Even without statistics, it is plainly evident that there are, first, different policies concerning the international – or FrancoFlemish – and the Spanish pieces; while the international pieces bear more attributions than in most sources of the period, the ones by composers active in Spain are, apart from the pieces ascribed to Juan de Anchieta,19 far less consistently attributed, though no fewer than seventeen works can be

16 Martin

Staehelin, art. ‘Isaac, Isaak, Ysac, Ysach, Ysac u. ä., Heinrich, Henrich, Henricus, Arrigo di Fiandra/di Alemania, Arrigo d’Ugo/Ugonis; Arrigo Tedesco u. ä.’, in MGG2, Personenteil 9, cols. 672–91 at 680. 17 Norma Klein Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript of Polyphony in the Archives of the Cathedral of Segovia: Its Provenance and History’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1978), i. 34–62; Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy’, 520–43. 18 As there is no conflicting attribution in the (largely anonymous) Spanish repertoire (but see n. 20), the Appendix encompasses only international sacred and secular as well as Spanish sacred music. Almost needless to say, the decisions on whether an ascription is trustworthy, dubious, or spurious are, in the last instance, mine and always open to argument, given the widely and wildly differing opinions in the scholarly literature (see, for instance, nos. 14, 19, 46, 106, or 110). 19 Apart from Anchieta, there are only two composers represented with one unicum, Marturia and Johannes Ffarrer. Alonso de Mudéjar is credited with an Ave rex noster in an addition by a later hand.

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attributed through concordances with contemporary Spanish sources.20 The extent of lacking information is slightly disturbing considering that Segovia was, by all accounts, written in Spain; in any case, the Spanish songs form a group in themselves, and their texts were written by another scribe.21 As far as I, as a non-specialist in the Spanish repertoire, can judge, they pose no authenticity problems of the kind encountered in the ‘international’ works, with the single exception of O  bone Jhesu, where there is intriguingly also a non-Spanish composer among the possible candidates (the piece is ascribed to Anchieta in Segovia but elsewhere to Peñalosa, Ribera, and Compère).22 It is the international repertoire, then, on which I will concentrate exclusively. Among the non-Spanish pieces in Segovia, another tendency is evident: the bulk of the conflicting attributions in Segovia can be found among the secular international works; only three of the thirty-four attributed sacred works in Segovia (nos. 13, 66, 77–8 can easily be explained) are challenged elsewhere, while two further works have been put under doubt, but almost a quarter of the secular pieces are of at least doubtful authenticity.23 If we try to evaluate these attributions, we see that only one of the sacred pieces has been universally rejected (no. 66), while nos. 13 and 14 remain moot – but almost twenty of the ninety-three secular ascriptions are dubious or plainly false. The conclusion seems inevitable that Segovia’s compiler was considerably less well informed about secular repertoire than about sacred. It is harder to tell whether he was misled by his source(s), or worked from largely anonymous copies and trusted his stylistic instincts too much in attributing the pieces, or consciously committed fraud, especially if this was, as seems likely, a manuscript destined for (his?) private use. It is true that sometimes an auctor obscurior is replaced by

20

Nos. 164, 171, 172, and 188 are attributed to Francisco de la Torre in Palacio (and other sources ascribe the later addition no. 204 Ne rrecorderis to the same composer); nos. 165, 166, 169, 176, 179, 180, 184, and 196 are by Juan del Encina on the authority of musical and text sources; 167, the famous Nunca fue pena mayor, is of course by Wreede (Urrede); no. 168 is attributed elsewhere to Gijon and no. 189 to Lagarto. No. 30, Veni Sancte Spiritus/Veni Creator Spiritus, though not on a Spanish text, is attributed to Alonso d’Alva in Tarazona 2/3. 21 For a differing opinion, see Blackburn, ‘The Flemish Connection’, in this volume, Ch. 8, n. 3. 22 See the discussion in Kenneth Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), 117–22. 23 I have taken into account the work-lists in MGG2 and NG II; further scholarship is noted where appropriate.

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a prominent composer (see nos. 56, 66, or 110), but in cases such as nos. 125, 126, 136, 139, or 145, the evidence is far less unambiguous. These observations can be further refined by noticing that nearly all of the attributions firmly to be rejected are concentrated in fascicles 22 through 25 (nos. 96–151). These fascicles contain at least ten misattributions, as opposed to only four in the remaining twenty-five fascicles (cf. the Appendix). This includes the (in)famous ascription to ‘Anthonius Busnoys’ of the original three-voice version of Fortuna desperata in fascicle 22,24 an observation that does not exactly strengthen the case for Busnoys’s authorship.25 On the other hand, Obrecht’s sixteen Netherlandish songs, including no fewer than eleven unica, are found prominently in fascicles 14 through 17; only one piece follows in fascicle 21. As it happens, one of the only two ascriptions to Obrecht in Segovia that seem problematic, Nec michi nec tibi, is found precisely in one of the ‘unreliable’ fascicles, number 24.26 How can we account for the concentration of misattributions in these fascicles? Emilio Ros-Fábregas’s important new findings concerning the origins and production of Segovia show that the fascicles we have singled out as especially problematic are mostly from the ‘central part’ of the manuscript, i.e. the part of it that probably originated first, in its present state fascicles 18 through 24 and the incomplete fascicle 26.27 This portion uses paper with the watermarks W1 and W1* and/or W3 and W3*, not found elsewhere in the manuscript. Both types of watermark are found in Spanish incunabula of a chronologically relatively broad range, but the closest resemblances come from incunabula of 1498–1500. According to Ros-Fábregas, these are also the only books to combine all four watermarks together. On the contested authorship of Fortuna desperata, see Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy’, and Honey Meconi, ‘Poliziano, Primavera, and Perugia 431: New Light on Fortuna desperata’, in Paula Higgins (ed.), Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 465–503. 25 But note that the scribe evidently knew Busnoys’s secular work well; apart from the (correct) ascription of Je ne demande (no. 41), he started to write down ‘Anthonius bus’ at the head of Jamays (no. 122), then crossed out ‘bus’ and wrote ‘brumel’. The song is based on the same ‘popular’ melody as Busnoys’s Mon mignault musequin/Gracieuse plaisant meuniere, which might account for the Segovia scribe’s confusion. However, there is a conflicting attribution to Isaac for this particular piece that still needs sorting out (see commentary in the Appendix). See David Fallows, A Catalogue of Polyphonic Songs, 1415–1480 (Oxford and New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1999), 172; cf. also Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy’, 562. 26 For a short discussion, see below, pp. 112–13. 27 See Emilio Ros-Fábregas’s contribution to this volume, Ch. 2. 24

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Though most of what I have called the ‘central part’ contains secular music, fascicle 18 starts with one of the few spurious attributions of Segovia’s sacred repertoire: the three-voice mass ascribed here to Agricola but more probably by Johannes Aulen with regard to transmission and style.28 According to RosFábregas, at some time there was placed – immediately before this piece – the six-voice Missa Wol auff gesell von hynnen by Isaac that was later transferred to the beginning of the manuscript as the scribe started to order the music by number of voices as well as by genre. He decided to leave the Agricola/Aulen mass where it stands, however, so this work opens the section of three-voice pieces instead of closing the mass section in the first part. Apart from this single instance, even among these ‘unreliable’ fascicles the ascriptions of sacred works are generally more often corroborated by other sources than is the case with the secular repertoire. On the other hand, fascicle 25, with the different watermarks W4 and W4*, has also no fewer than five cases of conflicting attributions. It seems, then, that neither fascicles nor watermarks and/or the ordering of the manuscript seem to be relevant to this question, and that it is rather the genre that makes a difference here. It is secular international repertoire where Segovia is most unreliable – an observation suggestive, perhaps, that the compiler was active in an ecclesiastical context rather than a court chapel (despite his sometimes sloppy Latin).29 It seems strange to me that the scribe would use another type of paper mostly for the three-voice music and not for the rest of the manuscript. Though I have referred to this as the ‘central part’, following Ros-Fábregas, one might even venture a doubt whether the specific sort of paper really tells us much about the internal chronology of the manuscript – there may have been some utterly simple and practical reason to use this paper for this secular repertoire (for example, that the scribe had access to this repertoire only at a certain place where only this sort of paper was available). In any case we may rule out the idea that the scribe wished to conceive an exclusively three-voice manuscript in the first place, for the Isaac mass, part of the original layout, would not fit in, especially considering the possibility that this copy seems to have consisted mostly of the six-voice sections of this mass.30 28

I am indebted to Fabrice Fitch for sharing his views on this matter (email, 27 November 2018). 29 See Leofranc Holford-Strevens’s contribution, Ch. 5. 30 This piece, in its now fragmentary state in Segovia, poses its own problems. Isaac’s mass probably originated as a mass for four voices, to which later the six-voice sections, many of them built around canons, were added or substituted. (The original four-voice version may have been sung alternatim. But an alternatim

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Apart from the sacred/secular divide, there seems also to be another, if less decisive, factor in the reliability of the attributions. There is a tendency in Segovia to be relatively trustworthy in the case of some composers, and relatively untrustworthy in the case of others. This aspect has probably contributed the most to the fact that its ‘character’s portrait vacillates in history’. The Flemish emphasis of the manuscript seems to be balanced by a certain lack of information about composers coming from France and/ or active in France or Italy (see Table 3.1). This is already evident in the spelling of their names: Josquin des Prez is spelled ‘Josquin du pres’ or even ‘josquin du preß’; and Compère is consistently transgendered as ‘Loyset(t)e compère’. Poor Compère is also among the top list of composers most often credited with pieces not by them: there are at least four, and possibly as many as six wrong ascriptions in Segovia – all secular works (in contrast, there is only one, at the most two pieces that are unlikely to be by Josquin); the number may be even higher.31 Small wonder that Ludwig Finscher, who performance for a mass on a secular cantus firmus is perhaps a little strange even for Isaac, and there are other possible explanations, of course.) Isaac’s mass is a massive work, taking up seventeen openings in Munich 3154, a manuscript more densely written and with more staves per page than Segovia. But in the latter source in its present state, Isaac’s mass starts on fol. 9ar with ‘Pleni sunt celi’, and seems to have taken only eleven openings (including fol. 9b, olim fol. 5). In other words, the piece must have been transmitted in a version considerably shorter than that of Munich 3154. I suggest that Segovia seems to have contained mostly the six-voice sections. This is, at least, what is suggested by fol. 9b, olim 5. The following is an attempt at reconstructing the folios at the beginning, with extant folios in bold type. All sections are for six voices except as indicated otherwise: fols. 1v–2r: Kyrie 1 and Kyrie 2 fols. 2v–3r: Et in terra pax fols. 3v–4r: Gratias agimus fols. 4v–5r: Qui sedes (Patrem omnipotentem 3v!) fols. 5v–6r: Deum de deo fols. 6v–7r: Crucifixus 4v?, Resurrexit 4v?, Confiteor unum baptismam fols. 7v–8r: Sanctus fols. 8v–9r: Pleni sunt (4v!) fol. 9v: Osanna fol. 10r: Benedictus fol. 10v: Agnus I (= Munich 3154: Osanna I) fol. 11r: Agnus II (= Munich 3154: Agnus I) 31 I am particularly suspicious of the extremely small-scale three-voice homophonic setting of ‘Vergironette savosienne’ (= Bergerette savoyenne, no. 85), which nonetheless features among Compère’s accepted works in the complete edition and all work-lists.

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Table 3.1. Spurious and dubious attributions sorted by composer Composer

Total attributions

Spurious *

Dubious *

Agricola Anchieta Barbireau Brumel Busnoys Compère

19 8 1 12 2 15 (probably 16; see no. 38) 4 1

66 – – 136 110 56, 125, 126, 145

13, 109, 147 33 – 122 – 130, 132

– –

80 149

5 18 (probably 19; see nos. 1 and 2) 7 1 3 31 4 7

– 44, 106, 128, 142, 150 (?) 127 139 39 – – –

– 46

Elinc Ferdinandus et frater eius Hayne Isaac Josquin Joye Martini Obrecht Pipelare Tinctoris

15

14 – 132 – – – 12 (no. 132 counted twice)

* Piece number in Inventory

wrote his doctoral thesis on Compère, lost no opportunity to voice his distrust in Segovia’s ascriptions. But surprisingly, the list of wrongly ascribed composers is headed by Isaac, with at least four, possibly five or six misattributed works. This seems to damage the thesis of the scribe’s excellent knowledge of all things Flemish. Now Isaac was, of course, Flemish, but in view of the revised dating of Segovia (nearer to 1500 than to 1485) one can argue, pace Picker, that at least some of these pieces post-date Isaac’s move to Florence, and therefore one must allow for a greater geographical distance, and more room for errors in transmission. The more credible attributions all come from Italian sources, and refer to composers active in Italy. This is most probably true for Fortuna disperata I (no. 44), more likely by Martini, for Ortus de coelo flos est (no. 106 = La stangetta by Gaspar van Weerbeke), and La martinella (no.

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150), a problematic case: though the piece is certainly by Martini, in Segovia it has a new contratenor, possibly composed by Isaac, so that the attribution might be at least partially true. A Florentine origin may also be argued for the more disputed Fortuna disperata/Sancte Petre/Ora pro nobis (no. 46). The two other pieces, however, bear Flemish texts. But both are attributed to other composers in Florence 229, an authoritative Isaac source (no. 128, Het es al ghedaen by Jacobus Barle, and no. 142, Comt hier, which seems to be a contrafact of the French Pour mieulx valoir by ‘F. Rubinet’, a composer active at Florence). At the very least one might argue that all of these pieces circulated in Italy, and may have come from there to the compiler; on their way the name of Florence’s most famous composer may have been attached to them. Given the avid circulation of music by international stars such as Isaac, it seems absolutely possible that music from his Florentine sojourn reached the scribe of Segovia indirectly. This, of course, somewhat weakens the theory of a direct Florentine connection proposed by Rifkin and Meconi: pieces that originated in Florence, where Isaac worked and lived, would probably not have come directly from there to Segovia with a wrong composer’s name attached. As should be obvious by now, the information provided by Table 3.1 is ambiguous and needs to be treated with extreme caution. For a true assessment one should, for instance, also take into account the evidence of pieces ascribed elsewhere more plausibly to composers represented (with other pieces) in Segovia. For instance, of the three pieces attributed to Johannes Martini in Segovia, one is spurious and one at least dubious, but there are also two currently accepted pieces by Martini that have been ascribed elsewhere to another composer (no. 44 and no. 150, both to Isaac). In other words, it is possible that just one piece out of five is correctly attributed to Martini in Segovia. However one interprets such information, one aspect is clear: reliability differs considerably between the composers represented, and among these Jacob Obrecht’s special position emerges with particular clarity.

dating The foregoing discussion has repeatedly alluded to the question of dating, and indeed much of the scepticism concerning this manuscript and its attributions arose from questions of dating. For instance, in his remarks on Isaac’s Salve virgo sanctissima and Morte che fay quoted earlier (see p. 95), Martin Picker took it for granted that all of Isaac’s works in Segovia must stem from his pre-

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Italian time (that is, before 1485), though there is much to object to in this view, as I have tried to show in the foregoing paragraphs. The dating of Segovia has, of course, made enormous progress owing to Emilio Ros-Fábregas’s investigation of the watermarks in his contribution to this volume, so another attempt might seem superfluous. But dating a manuscript does not necessarily affect the dating of the repertoire in it. Music entered into a manuscript may be much older than the source itself, as is patently the case with the Hayne chansons in Segovia, for instance. On the other hand, old paper may be used to enter new pieces, sometimes as an addition on a blank page. So it may still be interesting to date the manuscript on the basis of its contents, and to demonstrate, again, the peculiarities of Segovia. In my original contribution to the Obrecht conference in 2005, I proposed ‘that a dating between 1495 and, at the latest, 1500 for Segovia is not far from the mark’. 32 That proposal was received with great scepticism by some participants in the conference, and I am happy to note that RosFábregas’s findings by and large provide solid evidence for what was only my informed guess. Much of the repertoire assembled in Segovia, as far as a reasonable dating can be proposed at all, comes from the mid-1480s to early 1490s. Of course, this cannot be proven for every single piece, but a remarkable amount of internal and external evidence suggests that many pieces were indeed composed well before 1500. Apart from Obrecht’s masses, the dating of which will be treated in the last section, let us note that the other masses in Segovia seem to come from just about the same time – that is, the early 1490s: Isaac’s Missa Wohlauf Gesell von hinnen, which opens the manuscript, was copied into Munich 3154 around 1488/1489, and his Missa Quant j’ay au cor was entered into Vatican Cappella Sistina 35 between 1487 and 1490. This leaves Josquin’s Missa L’homme armé sexti toni, which exists in two variant transmissions; the version transmitted in Segovia is unrelated to Italian sources, but found in German and Netherlandish manuscripts. This northern version is generally considered to be a ‘revision’ of the earlier Italian one, but Jesse Rodin, who edited this work recently for the New Josquin Edition, has adopted a more cautious stance and proposes a date in the late 1490s.33 However one wishes 32

Wolfgang Fuhrmann, ‘An Obrechtian View of the Segovia Codex’, unpublished paper read at the Obrecht Quincentenary Conference, Antwerp 2005. 33 Josquin des Prez, Missa L’homme armé sexti toni, ed. Jesse Rodin, NJE 6 (Utrecht: Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 2014), Critical Commentary, 25–43. At p. 43 Rodin rejects the idea that Josquin composed two

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to date this piece, there can be no doubt that both Ave Maria … virgo serena (even with the revised dating proposed by Rifkin) and Que vous, madame/In pace in idipsum must count among Josquin’s works from early to mid-1480s. O intemerata virgo and O Maria nullam tam gravem form part of the motet cycle Vultum tuum deprecabuntur, which has been linked by Patrick Macey to the Milanese court, and therefore may be assigned to the 1480s as well.34 There remains Bergerette savoienne, a piece published by Petrucci in 1501. Table 3.2 shows that of the 163 ‘international’ pieces in Segovia, no fewer than fifty-nine are found in sources copied in the 1480s and early to mid-1490s (while some of these pieces are considerably older), and at least fourteen others can be dated with some confidence before 1500 on the basis of contemporary sources: that makes seventy-three. Of the remaining ninety pieces, eighty-one are unica and therefore provide us with no external basis for dating. I believe that one can safely argue that the bulk of the manuscript was assembled during the late 1480s and early to mid-1490s. In addition, it may also be pointed out that four of the six pieces (nos. 165, 176, 179, 184) by Juan de Encina seem to have been composed before 20 June 1496, when Encina published their texts in his Cancionero; three other Spanish pieces can be dated before 1500.35 Finally, some pieces can be dated on evidence different versions of the piece. Concerning dating, Rodin claims that ‘the Mass could be dated within a window as wide as 1480–1498’, but attempts to narrow the chronological span to between the time Josquin left the Sistine Chapel (in or some time after March 1494), and 1498 – the date he believes Ros-Fábregas has assigned to Segovia (pp. 25–8). This would make the mass by far the most recent among Segovia’s masses. I suggest that there may be several reasons why the Missa L’homme armé sexti toni was not entered into the Cappella Sistina manuscripts during Josquin’s stay there – claims of exclusive use by a patron such as Ercole d’Este, or Josquin’s notorious reluctance to let his works circulate in public. At least some of the differing readings of the mass might be more easily explained as a ‘leak’ of one work in several stages of revision. See also the discussion by Bonnie Blackburn in her contribution to this volume, Ch. 8, p. 220. 34 See Patrick Macey, ‘Galeazzo Maria Sforza and Musical Patronage in Milan: Compère, Weerbeke and Josquin’, EMH 15 (1996), 147–212. Though we now know that Josquin was not Galeazzo’s singer, we also know that he had connections to Milan in the 1480s; see the postscript to Lora Matthews and Paul A. Merkley, ‘Josquin Desprez and his Milanese Patrons’, JM 12 (1994), 434–63. In the inventory, these two pieces are treated as one, considering evidence brought forward in the contribution by Bonnie Blackburn to this volume, pp. 216–19. 35 Cancionero de las obras de Juan del Enzina [sic] (Salamanca: [Same printing shop as Antonius Nebrissensis, Gramática castellana] 1496). The print is dated 20 June 1496.

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other than musical sources; for instance, Craig Wright has demonstrated that Brumel’s Ave Maria, gratia dei plena, a motet for three equal high voices, was most likely composed for a liturgical foundation at Notre-Dame de Paris, where Brumel was active from 1498 to 1500.36 Given that Brumel’s Ave ancilla trinitatis (no. 77) and Mater patris (no. 78), adjacent in Segovia, were composed for three equal middle and low voices, respectively, the same time and place of origin is strongly suggested.37 Another example is Obrecht’s Christe from his Missa Si dedero (no. 104), to be dated in the early 1490s (see the next section). In addition, the total absence of music by Jean Mouton, Pierre de la Rue, or Gaspar van Weerbeke (the star of Petrucci’s first motet book from 1502) – composers who quickly rose to international fame after 1500 – can be taken as an argumentum ex silentio. There are still a few compositions in Segovia that have no concordance prior to or around 1500 (if they have a concordance at all). But the majority of the datings discussed here corroborate the evidence provided by RosFábregas, that the manuscript originated in a comparatively short time-span between 1498 and 1500. And this suggests strongly (even if it may appear as both circular and wishful thinking) that the missing earliest source for the remaining pieces might, indeed, be Segovia. Leaving it to the reader to judge on and evaluate the proposed datings of Table 3.2 – inevitably slippery ground – I close this section by discussing three pieces that provide some hard evidence. The first is certainly the most problematic. In his study of Barcelona 454, Emilio Ros-Fábregas pointed out that the chanson Vive el noble rey (no. 123) by Compère might refer to Charles VIII’s military campaign in Italy, and especially the battle of Fornovo on 6 July 1495, and therefore proposed 1495 as a terminus post quem for this piece.38 But in Fornovo both sides lost Craig Wright, ‘Antoine Brumel and Patronage in Paris’, in Iain Fenlon (ed.), Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Patronage, Sources and Texts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 37–60 at 51–4. 37 This hypothesis is admittedly weakened somewhat by the absence of Ave Maria, gratia dei plena in Segovia. 38 Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454: Study and Edition in the Context of the Iberian and Continental Manuscript Traditions’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1992), i. 208 f. The two concordances of this piece that give its title in correct French as Vive le noble roy, each of them transmitting the text, are both somewhat younger: Florence 117, fols. 13v–14r, and Uppsala 76a, fol. 48v–49r. The piece is edited in Loyset Compère, Opera omnia, ed. Ludwig Finscher, CMM 15 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1972), v. 60. 36

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heavily, and both claimed victory – possibly not a suitable occasion for a laudatory chanson. Moreover, the second stanza names the Florentines, who had no part in the Holy League against Charles. If the chanson refers to Charles’s campaign, it would be more appropriate to place it on 22 February 1495, when Charles had his triumphant entry into Naples, or sometime earlier. But in any case we should be especially cautious in dating the piece based on this observation. In Segovia, the voices have only the incipit, and this is garbled in a way which suggests Spanish rather than French; no other French text is treated this way. Was the Segovia scribe copying from a Spanish contrafactum? Looking closer at the piece’s transmission, the fact that no version of this chanson offers a satisfying match between text and musical structure leads me to suspect that the French original might have been a contrafactum in the first place.39 It would not be the first time that a composition was adapted as a contrafactum to suit an occasion where music was needed quickly; and a victorious battle or triumphant entry would be, of course, just such an occasion. On the other hand, if this piece was not composed for Charles VIII, but for the later campaign by Louis XII around the turn of the century, the need for a contrafactum might have been even more pressing, because Compère seems to have spent the years 1498–1500 in Cambrai and was clearly not available on the spot.

39

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In Finscher’s edition, presumably based on Florence 117, the first line ‘Vive le noble roy de france’ is repeated at the end; however, the music at the end is not a repetition of the beginning, but of the immediately preceding bars. In Uppsala 76a (see the facsimile in Renaissance Music in Facsimile, 19, introduction by Howard Mayer Brown) this repetition is mirrored in texting: the last line, ‘Plusieurs en a mys en souffrance’ is repeated. But under the text of the second stanza, notated separately in this source, the scribe placed the line ‘Vive le noble roy de France’. Should this indicate that the first stanza was to be repeated? The text scribe indicated no return of the first line in the middle, as he did in several rondeaus in the manuscript. The only other chanson in this source that also has its first line as an appendix to the second stanza is also by Compère, A qui diray je ma pensée (fols. 73r–74v), and it is intriguing to see that this was originally a virelai, preserved in Uppsala 76 without its second part: see Fallows, A Catalogue of Polyphonic Songs, 88. Could Vive le roy in its original form have been a virelai, too? Lastly, in Segovia, which transmits the chanson only with the garbled incipit, each line is crowned by a corona, something which would seem rather to destroy the understanding of the text’s syntactic construction.

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a

On the dating of sources, see the Key. Only sources falling in the margin of an (estimated) decade after the earliest are listed. For full concordances, please refer to the Inventory.

38 Compère, [Ave Maria … virgo serena] 98 Anon., Sancta Maria 110 Busnois (?), Fortuna disperata (3vv and 4vv versions) 135 Hayne, Penser 136 Brumel/Isaac, Pour vostre amour 137 Obrecht/Virgilius, Nec michi nec tibi 150 Isaac/Martini, La martinella 151 Isaac, Morte che fay Perugia 431 (c. 1485?), Paris 2245 (1490–8) Perugia 431 (c. 1485?), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4) Perugia 431 (c. 1485?), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4) Perugia 431 (c. 1485?), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4) Perugia 431 (c. 1485?)

Dijon 517, Washington Laborde (1st layer, c. 1465–70) Washington Laborde (1st layer, c. 1465–70) external evidence: from Liber de arte contrapuncti (1477) Berlin 40098 (1480?) Berlin 40098 (1480?) Berlin 40098 (1480?), Rome 2856 (1485–90), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4) Berlin 40098 (1480?) Berlin 40098 (1480?), Munich 3154 (1485), Berlin 40021 (1488–90), Bologna Q17 (c. 1495) Berlin 40098 (1480?), Bologna Q16 (c. 1487) Siena K.1.2 (1481? 1486?), Vatican CS 35 (c. 1487–90), Berlin 40021 (1490), Florence 229 (1492–3), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4), Warsaw 5892 (c. 1490–1500) Siena K.1.2 (1481? 1486?), Warsaw 5892 (Piccard: 1493–9/Briquet: 1489?), Vatican CS 15 (c. 1495–7) Perugia 431 (c. 1485?) Perugia 431 (c. 1485?), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4)

43 131 160 53 107 129 130 149 150 8

Caron, Hélas Compère, Puis que Tinctoris, textless Obrecht, Lacen adieu Martini, O intemerata Hayne, Amours Compère/Tinctoris, Hélas le bon temps Ferdinandus et frater /Agricola/Isaac, Cecus Isaac/Martini, La martinella Isaac, Missa [Quant J’ay au cor]

Earliest source(s) and date(s)

Number and composition

Table 3.2. Chronological ordering of repertory according to concordant sources datable before 1500 a

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Munich 3154 (c. 1485), Berlin 40021 (1488–90), Warsaw 5892 (Piccard: 1493–9/Briquet: 1489?) Lucca 238 (1485), Warsaw 5892 (Piccard: 1493–9/Briquet: 1489?) Washington Laborde (3rd layer, c. 1485–90), Rome 2856 (1485–90), Florence 2794 (before 1488?), Paris 2245 (1490–8) Washington Laborde (3rd layer, c. 1485–90, Rome 2856 (1485–90), Florence 2794 (before 1488?), Paris 2245 (1490–8) Washington Laborde (3rd layer, c. 1485–90), Rome 2856 (1485–90), Florence 2794 (before 1488?), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4), Bologna Q17 (c. 1495), Paris 2245 (1490–8) Rome 2856 (1485–90), Florence 2794 (before 1488?) Rome 2856 (1485–90), Florence 2794 (before 1488?), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4) Rome 2856 (1485–90) Rome 2856 (1485–90), Bologna Q17 (c. 1495) Rome 2856 (1485–90), Bologna Q16 (c. 1487), Florence 2794 (before 1488?), Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4), Bologna Q17 (c. 1495) Rome 2856 (1485–90), Florence 229 (1492–3), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4), Bologna Q17 (c. 1495) Rome 2856 (1485–90), Bologna Q16 (c. 1487) Rome 2856 (1485–90) Rome 2856 (1485–90) Rome 2856 (1485–90) Bologna Q16 (c. 1487), Florence 2794 (before 1488?), Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4) Bologna Q16 (c. 1487), Florence 2794 (before 1488?), Florence 229 (1492–3) Florence 2794 (before 1488?), Paris 2245 (1490–8), Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4) Florence 2794 (before 1488?), Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4), Bologna Q17 (c. 1495)

17 Josquin, Ave Maria … virgo serena 121 Isaac, Christe from Missa Chargé de deuil 88 Hayne/Okeghem, Che nest pas jeu

Busnois, Je ne demande Agricola, Je nay deuil Isaac/Martini, Fortuna Agricola, Oblier suis Agricola/Isaac/Obrecht, Si dedero

Josquin/Agricola, In pace Busnois (?), Fortuna disperata (6vv version) Agricola, O venus Martini, Scoen kint Compère/Agricola, Je ne puis plus Compère/Agricola, Jay bieau huwer Hayne, Amours Agricola In minen zin Agricola, Soit long

41 42 44 83 103

105 110 111 140 145 126 129 81 87

90 Hayne, Mon souvenir

89 Hayne/M. Agr., Allez regretz

Earliest source(s) and date(s)

Number and composition

Table 3.2 (continued)

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Compère/Busnoys/Mureau, Je ne fay

Isaac, Missa [Wol auff gesell von hynnen] Agricola/Aulen, Missa Obrecht, Missa Fortuna disperata Roelkin, Vrucht en Obrecht, Missa Rosa playsante Isaac, Salve regina Obrecht, Tmeiskin was jonc Busnois, Je ne demande Agricola, Je nay deuil Caron, Hélas Elinc/Agricola, Dat ic my lijden Hayne/M. Agr., Allez regretz Martini, O intemerata Isaac, La morra Isaak/Barle, Het es al ghedaen Compère/Tinctoris, Hélas le bon temps Compère, En attendant Isaac, My my Obrecht/Virgilius, Nec michi nec tibi Agricola, O venus Joye/Josquin/Japart, Jay bien nourri Martini, Scoen kint Compère, Beaulté Isaac/Barle, Moyses

125

1+2 66 7 84 6 11 36 41 42 43 80 89 107 113 128 130 133 134 137 138 139 140 141 143

Florence 2794 (before 1488?), Paris 2245 (1490–8), Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4), Bologna Q17 (c. 1495) Munich 3154 (1488–9) Munich 3154 (1488–90), Berlin 40021 (1485–8), Warsaw 5892 (Piccard: 1493–9/Briquet: 1489?) Berlin 40021 (1489–93) Leipzig 1494 (1490–1504) Munich 3154 (1491–3) Florence 229 (1492–3), Berlin 40021 (1492–5), Warsaw 5892 (Piccard: 1493–9/Briquet: 1489?) Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4), Bologna Q17 (c. 1495) Florence 229 (1492–3) Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4), Bologna Q17 (c. 1495) Florence 229 (1492–3) Florence 229 (1492–3), Bologna Q17 (c. 1495) Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4), Bologna Q17 (c. 1495) Florence 229 (1492–3) Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4) Florence 229 (1492–3) Florence 229 (1492–3) Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4) Florence 229 (1492–3) Florence 229 (1492–3), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4) Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4) Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4) Florence 229 (1492–3) Florence 229 (1492–3) Florence 229 (1492–3)

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Florence 229 (1492–3), Florence 178 (c. 1492–4) Florence 229 (1492–3) Florence 178 (c. 1492–4), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4) Florence 178 (c. 1492–4), Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4), Bologna Q17 (c. 1495) Berlin 40021 (1492–5), Vatican CS 15 (c. 1492–1503) Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4), Berlin 40021 (1498) Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4) Warsaw 5892 (Piccard: 1493–9/Briquet: 1489?) Bologna Q17 (c. 1495) external evidence: on the battle of Fornovo 1495? Vatican CS 15 (c. 1495–7) Sankt Gallen 461 (c. 1500) Sankt Gallen 461 (c. 1500) Sankt Gallen 461 (c. 1500), Turin I. 27 (c. 1500), Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), Bologna Q18 (1502–5) Poznań 7022 (c. 1500?), Petrucci, Misse Josquin (1502) Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501) Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501) Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501) Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501) Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501) Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501) Petrucci, Canti B (1502)

145 150 116 167 13 50 94 157 120 123 19 22 51 144 3 39 51 59 78 106 109 56

Compère/Agricola, Je ne puis plus Isaac/Martini, La martinella Isaac, Helas que Urrede/Enrique, Nunca fue pena mayor Agricola, Magnificat Obrecht, Wat willen wij Barbireau/Isaac/Obrecht, Een vroylic wesen Roelkin, De tous biens Compère, Si j’ay parle Compère, Vive le noble roy Isaac, Salve virgo sanctissima Pipelare/La Rue, Exortum est Obrecht, Tsaat een Compère, Garisse moy Josquin, Missa L’homme armé sexti toni Martini/Busnois, Jay pris amours Obrecht, Tsaat een Josquin, Bergerette Brumel, Mater patris Isaac/Obrecht, La Stangetta Agricola/Bourdon, De tous biens playne Compère/Vaqueras, Veci la dancha barbari

Earliest source(s) and date(s)

Number and composition

Table 3.2 (continued)

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Berlin 40021 (c. 1485–1500) Berlin 40098 (1480?) Bologna Q16 (c. 1487) Bologna Q17 (c. 1495) Dijon 517 (Fallows: c. 1470, Alden/Christoffersen: c. 1465–70) Florence 178 (c. 1492–4) Florence 229 (1492–3) Florence 2794 (before 1488?) Leipzig 1494 (1490–1504) Lucca 238 (1467–1500), datings according to Strohm, Facsimile edition Munich 3154 (c. 1466–1511), datings according to fascicle (see EDM 80–3) and Rifkin, ‘Munich, Milan, and a Marian Motet’. Paris 2245 (1490–8) Perugia 431 (c. 1485?) Poznań 7022 (c. 1500?) Rome 2856 (1485–90) Sankt Gallen 461 (c. 1500)

Key to sources and their dating (adding supplementary information as necessary)

Prints: Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501) Petrucci, Canti B (1502) Petrucci, Misse Josquin (1502)

Siena K.1.2 (1481? 1486?) Turin I. 27 (c. 1500) Vatican CG XIII.27 (c. 1492–4) Vatican Chigi 234 (c. 1505?) Vatican CS 15 (c. 1495–7) Vatican CS 35 (c. 1487–90) Warsaw 5892 (olim 2016) (1490–1500), datings according to watermarks follow Paweł Gancarczyk, Musica scripto: Kodeksy menzuralne II połowy XV wieku na wschodzie Europy Łacińskiej (Warsaw, 2001), 141. Washington Laborde (third layer; Fallows: c. 1485, Alden/Christoffersen: c. 1485–90)

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The one piece in the manuscript which allows us a secure terminus post quem is no. 171, Francisco de la Torre’s Damos gracias a ti Dios, which refers not directly, but unmistakably to the capture of Granada in 1492 (and as is typical for the Spanish songs, all the text is given in Segovia). It might be noted in passing that the other source for de la Torre’s villancico, the Cancionero de Palacio, contains a textual reference to ‘nuestro gran rey don Fernando’, while Segovia, often believed to have been copied for the Catholic kings, does not.40 The third occasional piece – incidentally immediately preceding Josquin’s Ave Maria … virgo serena, for which a dating in the mid-1480s has been proposed 41 – is Obrecht’s motet Mille quingentis, composed after 22 November 1488, the death-date of the composer’s father Willem, and destined probably for Willem’s first anniversarium a year later. And this quite personal composition should give us pause to rethink the relationship, on several occasions alluded to before, of the manuscript Segovia and the composer Jacob Obrecht.

a segovian view of obrecht The foregoing sections on authenticity and dating are directly relevant for evaluating the importance of Obrecht’s music for Segovia. Let us, first, remember that even Flemish composers such as Agricola and Isaac had their share of misattributions. On the other hand, there are thirty-one pieces by Obrecht, and only two of them have been challenged, though without definite result. T’meiskin was jonc (no. 36, fol. 103r) has conflicting ascriptions to Japart and Isaac, but attempts to give it to Japart have not convinced the editors of the New Obrecht Edition. Nec michi nec tibi (no. 137, fol. 187v–188r), transmitted anonymously in four sources and credited to a certain Virgilius in the Cappella Giulia chansonnier, is also far from being a proven case in favour of one or the other (or none), but has been included in the NOE (see also the Appendix). It may well be that both pieces are by Obrecht after all,

Cancionero musical de la Catedral de Segovia, ed. Víctor de Lama de la Cruz ([Valladolid]: Junta de Castilla y León Consejería de Cultura y Turismo, 1994), 336–7. It might also be noted that the text compares the liberation of Spain from the Moors with the liberation of Spain from the Goths in the early Middle Ages; could it be that the name of ‘Don Rodrigo’ written at the last page of Segovia refers to the mythical figure of that war – El Cid – rather than any living person? But see Ros-Fábregas’s contribution, Ch. 2, pp. 66–74. 41 Joshua Rifkin, ‘Munich, Milan, and a Marian Motet: Dating Josquin’s Ave Maria … virgo serena’, JAMS 56 (2003), 239–350. 40

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giving him the pole position in Segovia not only regarding the number of works but also the excellence of the ascriptions. Other evidence also suggests that Segovia is a particularly significant source for Obrecht’s music, starting with the composer’s name, which is always given as ‘Jacobus Hobrecht’ with a silent H, as the composer would write it himself, and just as it is spelled on his portrait.42 To discuss this significance, we must once again take up the question of dating. The very first pieces by Obrecht in Segovia are four masses, and it seems that they originated chronologically in close proximity, representing the very moment in the early 1490s where Obrecht broke through to what Rob Wegman has called his ‘mature style’. The Missa Fortuna disperata and the Missa Rosa playsante are Wegman’s chief examples for this breakthrough; both of them can be dated on the basis of watermarks to around 1491–3. The Missa Adieu mes amours has been considered Obrecht’s creative answer to the new, more transparent and relaxed style of Josquin and Gaspar van Weerbeke, and it certainly gives the impression of having been composed during Obrecht’s stay in Ferrara in 1487/1488 or shortly afterwards. The Missa Libenter gloriabor, finally, has been called by Wegman ‘a mass whose stylistic idiom is so similar to that of Fortuna desperata that it must be of approximately the same date’.43 In addition, let us note that Obrecht’s Missa Si dedero – only the Christe is transmitted in Segovia – employs exactly the same kind of ‘parody technique’ as the Missa Rosa playsante from the early 1490s, and may also be dated in close chronological proximity to this work. The four masses and the one mass section assembled in Segovia seem, then, to provide a kind of snapshot of Obrecht’s creative coming of age shortly after 1490. Other observations enhance the view that these masses by Obrecht, or at least three of them, form a kind of special parcel. First, in three of them the model is named. In the masses Libenter gloriabor, Rose playsante, and Fortuna desperata, the respective model’s text incipit is quoted in the tenor voice of the opening page – that is, the Kyrie.44 Such an identification, common enough in The portrait is reproduced as the frontispiece of Rob C. Wegman, Born for the Muses: The Life and Masses of Jacob Obrecht (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994). 43 Ibid. 233. 44 Libenter gloriabor is given as Libenter gloriabo, which, while grammatically possible, changes the meaning entirely. In the light of the many misspellings of Latin in this manuscript, as pointed out by Leofranc Holford-Strevens in his contribution to this volume (Ch. 5), it might be regarded a minor sin. In the mass Fortuna desperata, the tenor’s reading Fortuna disperata, though unusual, might even be the original spelling of the famous Italian song. 42

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musical manuscripts of the time, is an exception in Segovia: no other mass in this source identifies its model by quoting its text, let alone by giving a title. It is strange that Obrecht’s Missa Adieu mes amours, coming directly between Libenter gloriabor and Rose playsante, should not bear such a tag, though the Kyrie is the only fully texted opening while, ironically, the other movements have only incipits. Moreover, these seem to be the only masses where a riddle canon was resolved: both the canon in the tenor of Libenter gloriabor’s Gloria and the canon in the tenor of Fortuna desperata are notated in their original form and in a resolution ‘ad longum’, in the latter case similar to (but not dependent on) Petrucci’s print. Given that all the masses in the opening part of Segovia come from the late 1480s/early 1490s, one almost wonders whether they might have been among the newest music the Flemish musician brought with him when he set sail to Spain. Apart from these considerations, several of Obrecht’s other works open up fascinating perspectives, and I will discuss them in turn. Mille quingentis, previously mentioned, and its companion piece in Segovia, Inter preclarissimas virtutes, have, of course, always been the two pièces de résistance of any attempt to address Segovia’s significance as an Obrechtian source. But still, their very existence can be a source of astonishment. Consider how improbable it is that both of these works found their way into this manuscript. Mille quingentis, it is true, must have had a certain circulation, as it is found in Florence 2439 (anonymous) and in Petrucci’s Motetti C (ascribed), both times only with the text incipit of the cantus firmus, Requiem aeternam. But how far can it have circulated with its original text? The prayer for Willem Obrecht’s soul was certainly not of public appeal. Indeed, one would expect to find such a piece only in a manuscript like Segovia – a manuscript guided at least in part by a private interest in music. It seems reasonable that the piece in its original version did not circulate far from the place where it was to be sung, most probably as part of an endowment. This place would most likely have been Ghent. Might this have been the ‘Flemish urban centre’ (Rifkin) where so much music came from?45 Or was it Bruges, where the composer must have been when he learned of his father’s death?46 Concerning Inter preclarissimas virtutes, scholarship has tried repeatedly to uncover the dedicatee of this motet, who is addressed only in the most vague

45 46

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Cf. n. 4, above. Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy’, 531 notes that ‘(n)ot a single one of the major works that Obrecht supposedly composed for Bruges makes its way into Segovia’.

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terms. It might be that the cantus firmus – Estote fortes in bello – still holds the clue; but I suggest that the motet is so very imprecise exactly because it was not destined for a single person, but sent as an unsolicited application to several potential patrons, perhaps after the war in Italy started in 1494. At any rate, just like Mille quingentis, its circulation must have been extremely limited. That both pieces are grouped side by side in Segovia might suggest that the compiler was aware of their biographical significance. This is an attractive thought, but there is, I fear, an alternative explanation: both motets treat their respective cantus firmi according to the very old-fashioned principle of the proportional motet (though Inter preclarissimas is more closely related to Obrecht’s segmentation technique), and the compiler, whose keen musical eye is evident elsewhere, may have grouped them together for exactly this reason. There is another piece by Obrecht which has biographical implications: the proportional motet Regina celi, a piece of pedagogical – or, as Rob Wegman has claimed – even scholarly intent. Depending on which interpretation is preferred, one may construct the piece written by Obrecht the magister puerorum or Obrecht the magister artium, but in any case its circulation must have been, again, severely limited. It has been claimed that this and the other two-voice pieces may have been copied directly from a theoretical manuscript, but still it raises the tantalizing and fascinating question of Obrecht’s relationship to Tinctoris, whose theory of proportions this motet adopts.47 Lastly, I would like to draw attention to a much more inconspicuous group of pieces by Obrecht. These are the simple liturgical pieces that are found, all of them unica, in Segovia: the hymns Ave maris stella and Cuius sacrata 47

This is the place to reconsider the famous but very thin threads connecting Tinctoris to Obrecht: first, the fact that ‘Jacobus Obrechts’ is mentioned among the most famous composers of the fifteenth century in a late copy of Tinctoris’s Complexus effectuum musices. The sole source of this revised version of Complexus was made in Ghent in 1504 (Ghent, Universiteitsbibliotheek, MS 70), and whether it was Tinctoris who was responsible for adding Obrecht’s name, as well as those of ‘Jacobus Carlier’ and Robert Morton, to the standard stock of names in his other composers’ lists, or if someone else, is open to discussion; Ronald Woodley and Rob Wegman have argued for the authenticity of the work. See Ronald Woodley, ‘Tinctoris’s Italian Translation of the Golden Fleece Statutes: A Text and a (Possible) Context’, EMH 8 (1988), 173–205 at 192–3; Wegman, Born for the Muses, 73 n. 10. (In passing, it may be pointed out that Segovia demonstrates Tinctoris’s esteem of Morton by transmitting two arrangements of Morton’s Le souvenir de vous me tue by the theorist, nos. 45 and 158). It is a great leap of faith, of course, to conclude from Tinctoris’s probable knowledge of Obrecht’s music a personal acquaintance. But the Regina caeli adds credibility to this view.

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viscera, the latter in two settings, and the tropes Benedicamus in laude and Omnis spiritus laudet. These are, by all accounts, the only pieces of liturgical functional music that we have from Obrecht’s pen – if the Magnificat and the hymn Haec deum caeli, both transmitted in later German sources, should be considered spurious, as I think they should.48 Such rather humble pieces usually did not circulate widely, though there are some surprising counterexamples: among the music in Segovia, Binchois’s fauxbourdon setting of the Te Deum for instance, and the very simple anonymous setting of Sancta Maria ora pro nobis that has a four-voice counterpart in the manuscript Perugia 431 – a manuscript of Neapolitan origins. However, Obrecht’s liturgical music did not enjoy extensive circulation; that it is present so massively in Segovia suggests another special relationship. Such music is likely to have been composed by Obrecht in one of his positions as choir master in Bruges, Antwerp, or Bergen op Zoom – it is interesting that the very simple pieces to celebrate the ending of a liturgical service are closely related, in their declamatory style, to Inter preclarissimas. (That the compiler was interested in such humble and functional music is, by the way, another index of his attachment to an ecclesiastical institution; there are other specimens of liturgical music following on the heels of Anchieta’s Magnificat, nos. 69–76. This is also the longest sequence of anonymous pieces in Segovia outside the Spanish songs, a fact that may well indicate their Spanish origins.49) Taking all together, one can hardly escape the impression that the compiler of Segovia had a direct or indirect relationship with Obrecht – just too many coincidences would be needed to account for such a mixed bag of rare pieces. I hesitate to spell this conclusion out in any hypothesis directly concerning the origins of the manuscript, for there are (as always) too many variables in play, especially given the possible connection to the university of Segovia Concerning the Magnificat, see, for instance, the following comment in NOE 15, at p. xl: ‘[T]he consistent use of b-flat in this composition points to a psalmody of the fifth tone in the so-called German dialect, which can be found in the Magnificat composition in the same tone by, e.g., Adam Rener. Composers of the Low Countries, such as Pierre de la Rue, prefer a psalmody formula using b-natural for this tone’. Concerning Haec deum caeli: first, it was published in 1542 by Georg Rhaw, who had brought out Obrecht’s ‘Passio’ four years earlier. Second, the piece shows an unmistakable relationship in its (quasi-)canonic structure with the immediately preceding Quod chorus vatum by Heinrich (?) Finck (based on the same hymn melody) – and several details suggest to me that Finck’s setting came first. 49 See Kreitner, Church Music, 80–103, who also reclaims these and other anonymous pieces for Spain. 48

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suggested by Cristina Urchueguía in her contribution to the present volume. The compiler may have had only indirect contact with Obrecht through an intermediate source; but he may also have been active at an institution where Obrecht wrote. In any case, some kind of special relationship would be needed to account for this intimate portrait of Obrecht – no other composer, not even Tinctoris, is represented in such a knowing way.

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Appendix: Conflicting and Contested Attributions in Segovia key Bold = attribution in Seg accepted; + = attribution in Seg rejected; ? = authenticity unclear. Letters after numbers in secular works indicate language: F = French; G = German; I = Italian; L = Latin; NL = Flemish; Sp = Spanish. Author names are standardized whenever possible. For the exact spelling, see the Inventory at the end of this volume. Bio-bibliographical entries in NG II and MGG2 are cited in the format IsaacNG and IsaacMGG respectively. Only literature that is related to authenticity problems is cited: the aim is more to represent consent or dissent among scholars than to give a complete overview; for a near-complete overview of the relevant literature, see Rifkin 520–43. The following abbreviations are used (see the Bibliography for full citations): Baker Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript of Polyphony’ Brown A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown Fallows Fallows, A Catalogue of Polyphonic Songs JapartCW Atlas, ed., Jean Japart: The Collected Works Just1 Just, Studien zu Heinrich Isaacs Motetten Just2 Just, ‘Heinrich Isaacs Motetten’ Kämper Kämper, ‘La stangetta – eine Instrumentalkomposition Gaspars van Weerbeke?’ Kempson Kempson, ‘The Motets of Henricus Isaac’ Kreitner Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain Maas Maas, Geschiedenis van het meerstemmig Magnificat Meconi Meconi, ‘Poliziano, Primavera, and Perugia 431’ Picker Picker, Henricus Isaac PickerC Picker, The Chanson Albums of Marguerite of Austria Rifkin Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy’ Strohm Strohm, Music in Medieval Bruges

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Ascription in Segovia (and other sources)

Agricola

Josquin

Isaac

Agricola

Number, piece, and folios in Segovia

? 13 Magnificat, 73v–76r

? 14 Magnificat, 76v–78r

19 Salve virgo sanctissima, 87v–89r

+ 66 Missa, 135r–142r

Vatican CS 63: Brumel

Berlin 40021 and Leipzig 1494: ‘Officium Auleni’; Warsaw 5892: ‘Officium Aule’

–

–

Fascicle and watermark dating according to Rós-Fabregas a Comments and discussions in literature b

XVIII W3 + W3* (1496/1500)

XII W2* (1498/99)

–

X W2* (1498/99)

Composer probably identical with Johannes Aulen, whose (stylistically not very similar) motet Salve virgo virginum was published in Petrucci, Motetti L. IV; not in Agricola’s style. The ‘ascription’ in Regensburg B 216–219, ‘αδηλον’, is simply Greek for ‘unknown’.

Vatican CS 15: anon. Considered doubtful by Picker 156, after Just 1 i. 159 and Just 2 4. Not accepted in CMM 65/10 or in IsaacMGG; but accepted by Kempson and in IsaacNG, as well as by Blackburn in the present volume.

Unicum; NJE 20.2*, not accepted by JosquinNG, considered dubious by JosquinMGG.

Segovia and Vatican CS 63 are the only sources of this widely disseminated work to bear an ascription and to include an expanded version of ‘Et misericordia ejus’. Regarded as doubtful in AgricolaNG and AgricolaMGG, not mentioned in BrumelNG and BrumelMGG. Maas 115 f. argues strongly in favour of Agricola.

sacred international

Conflicting ascription(s) in other source(s)

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Brumel (also in Canti B) As Ave Maria in Petreius TVC: Mouton XX W1 + W1* (1482–1503) [+ W3 (1496– 1500)]

Ascription to Mouton in late and not particularly reliable German source: Baker 36; it may be noted additionally that Brumel composed three 3-voice Marian motets for equal voices in the high, middle, and low registers respectively; the one for low voices follows immediately adjacent in Segovia as no. 78.

b



XII W2* (1498/99)

Florence 178: Japart; XIV [W2 +] W2* Bologna copy of Petrucci, (1498/99) Odhecaton (1st edn.): Isaac; Schlick, Tabulaturen: isack

Petrucci, Canti B: Fors seulement, La Rue

Rifkin 529 n. 105; ascription to Isaac withdrawn in later Odhecaton reprints. JapartNG opts for Japart’s authorship; JapartCW xli is more circumspect: this would be his only Netherlandish chanson. Considered dubious in ObrechtMGG but authentic in ObrechtNG and in NOE.

Baker 35 f., LaRueNG

Fascicle watermarks not on the same folios as the piece in question are shown in brackets. Unless otherwise specified, remarks like ‘rejected’ or ‘accepted’ always refer to the ascription in Segovia. c Nos. 106 and 121 (Isaac, ‘Vostre amour’ [= Christe from Missa Chargé de deuil, but also transmitted independently and textless]) have been counted as songs without words.

a

Obrecht

36 T’meiskin was jonc (NL), 103r



Pipelare

22 Exortum est, 92r

secular international (language indicated) and songs without words c

78 Mater patris et Brumel (also in Florence Spinacino L. II: Francesco XX W1 + W1* The ascription to Spinacino refers to the intabulator of the volume; filia mulieris, 27, Petrucci, Odhecaton, Spinacino; Formschneider, (1482–1503) [+ the Christian name ‘Henricus’ must be an error. 157v–158r Newsidler, Lautenbuch 2) TVC: Henricus Brumel W3 (1496–1500)]

77 Ave ancilla trinitatis, 156v–157r

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Martini

Isaac

Isaac

Compère

Obrecht

+ 39 Jay prijs amours (F), 110v

+ 44 Fortuna disperata (I), 115v–116r

? 46 Fortuna disperata/ Sancte Petre/ Ora pro nobis (I/L), 117v–118r

+ 56 Veci la dancha barberi (F), 125v–126r

64 Ic weinsche alle scoene vrauwen eere (NL), 133v–134r

Petrus Elinc ? 80 Dat ic my lijden (NL), 159r

Ascription in Segovia (and other sources)

Number, piece, folios

XV W2, W2* (1498/99)

XV W2, W2* (1498/99)

XIV [W2 +] W2* (1498/99) (now attached to XV)

Fascicle and watermark dating

Florence 229: ‘Jannes Agricola’

Ott, 115 Liedlein: Ich wünsch alln frawn ehr (G), Thomas Stoltzer XIX W1 + W1* (1482–1503)

XVII W2, W2* (1498/99)

Petrucci, Canti B: Vaqueras XVI + XVII W2, W2* (1498/99)

No concordance

Rome 2856: Martini

Petrucci, Odhecaton: Busnoys

Conflicting ascription(s) in other source(s)

NOE 17, p. xxxiii.

Not accepted in CompèreMGG and CompèreNG, but see Baker 46–7.

Attribution doubted by Just 2 167–8 and Rifkin 542 n. 158; defended by Picker; not accepted in MGG; accepted in NG.

‘This setting is probably by Johannes Martini, to whom it is attributed in a major source of Martini’s works’, Picker 125 (under Doubtful Secular Works); see also Baker 42–3.

Probably by Busnoys; Rifkin 523 and n. 75; Fallows 198.

Comments and discussions in literature

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Barbireau (also in Copenhagen 1848 as Quen dites vous (F), and in Jena copy of Formschneider, TVC)

Agricola (and 10 other sources; see Inventory)

Josquin (also in Bologna Petrucci, Canti C, Rhaw, Q17, Rome 2856; Tricinia: Agricola Vatican CG XIII.27; Florence 178; Florence 229; London 20 A.xvi)

94 Een vroylic weesen (NL), 166r

103 Si dedero (L), 170v

105 [‘Que vous madame’ /] In pace in idipsum ([F&]L), 171v

XXI W3 + W3* (1496–1500)

XXII W1 + W1* (1482–1503), W3 + W3* (1496–1500)

XXII W1 + W1* (1482–1503), W3 + W3* (1496–1500)

Chanson-motet more often transmitted with Latin text only; ascription to Josquin in 6 other sources (of which only the London manuscript contains the bilingual version) and now generally accepted (for earlier doubts, see PickerC, n. 47, 110); cf. NJE 27/Commentary.

Majority of reliable sources favours Agricola.

Ascription accepted by Picker 129 and BarbireauNG; Greifswald ascription not accepted by IsaacNG.

Leipzig copy late contrafactum; ‘M. Agr.’ probably refers to the person who adapted the new text to the music.

Baker, 34 f. Attribution to Ockeghem not accepted in OckeghemNG, OckeghemMGG.

d

I have not included the ascription to ‘Bourbon’ in Paris 2245 since Fallows 82 + 728 has convincingly suggested that this refers to the poet, Jean II, duc de Bourbon.

Newsidler, Lautenbuch 2, Formschneider, TVC ( Jena copy): Obrecht; Basel F.IX.22: Isaac; Sankt Gallen 463: Verbonet

Greifswald 640–641: Isaac; XXI W3 + W3* Sankt Gallen 462: Obrecht (1496–1500)

as Dulcis conjugi bonum sit XXI W3 + W3* omen Leipzig 49: ‘M. Agr.’ = (1496–1500) Martin Agricola d

Hayne (and 9 other sources including entry in Jena copy of Formschneider, TVC; see Inventory)

89 Aletz regretz (F), 163v

Rome 2856: Ockeghem

Hayne (also in Florence 2794, Paris 2245)

88 Che nest pas jeu (F), 163r

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Vatican CG XIII.27: Felice; XXII W1 + W1* Augsburg 142a: Agricola (1482–1503), W3 + W3* (1496–1500)

XXIII W1 + W1* (1482–1503)

Bologna Q17, Florence 229: Busnoys; Florence 176, Paris 2245, Vatican CG XIII.27: Gil Mureau

+ 125 Je ne fais plus (F), 181v

Compère

Basel F.IX.22 (intabulation: XXIII W1 + W1* Isaac) (1482–1503)

? 122 Jamays (F), Anthonius Brumel 179v [originally ‘Bus(noys)’ crossed out]

Busnoys

XXII W1 + W1* (1482–1503), W3 + W3* (1496–1500)

XXII W1 + W1* (1482–1503), W3 + W3* (1496–1500)

+110 Fortuna desperata (I), 174r

Petrucci, Odhecaton: Uuerbech; Zwickau 78/3: Obrecht

Fascicle and watermark dating

Petrucci, Odhecaton: ‘Pe. bourdon’ (also in later reprints)

Isaac

+106 Ortus de coelo flos est (L (Instr.)), 172r

Conflicting ascription(s) in other source(s)

Agricola ? 109 De tous biens playne (F), 173v

Ascription in Segovia (and other sources)

Number, piece, folios

By Mureau; Baker 57–8; Rifkin 523 n. 72.

Fallows 172 seems to accept the Brumel attribution. Accepted both for Brumel and Isaac in respective NG entries, though the former does not mention the conflicting attribution and in the latter it is mistakenly stated ‘tablature only’. The song is based on a voice from Busnoys’s Mon mignault musequin / Gracieuse plaisant meuniere.

Firmly rejected by Rifkin; challenged but accepted by Meconi; not generally accepted today. ‘Felice’ probably refers to composer of substitute A and/or B parts, but see Rifkin 563–71. ‘Agricola’ probably refers to three added voices.

[= ‘La stangetta’]; almost certainly by Gaspar van Weerbeke; see Kämper and now Eric Jas’s contribution to the Salzburg conference on Weerbeke proceedings (in preparation).

Comments and discussions in literature

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Compère/Martini

? 132 Cayphas (L?), 185r

[= ‘Helas le bon temps’]; Florence 27, Petrucci, Odhecaton: Tinctoris

Obrecht

Vatican CG XIII.27: ‘Virgilius’

Compère

? 130 Elaes Abrayam (NL?), 184r

Florence 229: Jacobus Barle

137 Nec michi nec tibi (L), 187v–188r

Isaac

+ 128 Het es al ghedaen (NL), 183r

None

Vatican CG XIII.27: Digan a les donzelles (Sp), Isaac

Josquin

+ 127 Fortuna desperata (I), 182v

Florence 178, Petrucci, Odhecaton, Zwickau 78/3: Agricola

+ 136 Pour vostre Brumel amour (F), 187r

Compère

+ 126 Jay bieau huwer / Jay prijs amours (F), 182r

XXIV W1 + W1* (1482–1503)

XXIV W1 + W1* (1482–1503)

XXIV W1 + W1* (1482–1503)

XXIV W1 + W1* (1482–1503)

XXIV W1 + W1* (1482–1503)

XXIII W1 + W1* (1482–1503)

XXIII W1 + W1* (1482–1503)

Accepted by NOE. The identification of ‘Virgilius’ with the Florentine singer ‘Ser Virgilio’ is problematic for reasons of chronology; see Rifkin 529–30, esp. n. 106.

Baker 41–2. Picker 100 f.: ‘The Vatican manuscript, of Florentine origin, carries greater weight than the Segovia source, and Isaac is the more likely composer’.

Both ascriptions in Segovia; no concordances. CompèreNG: by Martini; no decision in MartiniNG.

Baker 59–60 (though not decisive). NG: by Tinctoris.

Baker 36–40; Picker 125: doubtful.

The ascription possibly refers, as in 150, to the new contratenor to the original piece, though this is considered ‘particularly implausible’ by Rifkin 568 n. 268; not accepted in NG; NJE 27 / Commentary 78: ‘cannot be accepted without serious reservation’.

Baker 58–9.

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Florence 178, Rome 2856: Agricola [= ‘Helas madame’] Seville/Paris: ‘Pietrequin’ [? only partially readable]) Speciálník: Isaac; Sankt XXV W4 + W4* Gallen 462, Sankt Gallen (1479–1500) 530, Formschneider, TVC: Agricola

Isaac

Compère

+145 Je ne puis plus (F), 192r

? 147 Elaes Agricola (NL?), 193v–194r

Ferdinandus et frater ? 149 Cecus eius non judicat de coloribus (Instr), 195v–197r

XXV W4 + W4* (1479–1500)

XXV W4 + W4* (1479–1500)

[= ‘Pour mieulx valoir’ (F)] XXIV W1 + W1* Florence 229: ‘F. Rubinet’ (1482–1503)

XXIV W1 + W1* (1482–1503)

+142 Comt hier (NL), 190v

Florence 178: Josquin; Florence 229: ‘Jannes Japart’

Johannes Joye

Fascicle and watermark dating

+ 139 Jay bien nori (F), 189r

Conflicting ascription(s) in other source(s)

Ascription in Segovia (and other sources)

Number, piece, folios

Conflicting ascriptions not mentioned in AgricolaNG or AgricolaMGG; ascription to Agricola accepted in IsaacNG; ascription in Segovia may concern performers Johannes and Carolus Fernandes (cf. Strohm 143).

Considered doubtful in AgricolaNG.

Baker 59; not accepted in CompèreNG; ascription to Agricola accepted in AgricolaNG.

Baker 36–40; Picker 126: ‘Probably by Rubinet, to whom it is attributed in a central source for Isaac’s works’.

There is no other work known by a Johannes Joye. Strohm 143: Gilles Joye? Refuted by Rifkin 531 n. 112. Rifkin advocates Japart, as does NG entry on Josquin. NJE 27/Comm. 113 is slightly in favour of Japart. JapartCW xli ascribes the Segovia ascription to ‘faulty orthography, the name “Joye” being a corruption of “Japart”.’

Comments and discussions in literature

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Isaac

Anchieta (also in Seville 5-5-20; Tarazona 2/3; Valladolid P s.s.)

151 Morte que fay (I), 198v

26 Domine Jesu Christe, 94v–95r

Anchieta ? 33 O bone Jhesu, 100v–101r

Isaac (also in Basel F.IX.22, but see comment)

+(?) 150 La martinella (Instr), 197v–198r

Barcelona 454: Peñalosa; Tarazona 2/3: Ribera; Petrucci, Corona L. III: Compère

Tarazona 5: Peñalosa

Modena α.F.9.9, Paris 676, Perugia 431: anonymous

XIII W2 (1498/99)

XII W2* (1498/99) + XIII W2 (1498/99)

sacred spanish

XXV W4 + W4* (1479–1500)

Florence 229, Paris/ XXV W4 + W4* Seville, Rome 2856, (1479–1500) Vatican CG XIII.27, Trent 89: Johannes Martini

Kreitner 117–22 argues cautiously for Anchieta, but also considers Compère a strong candidate.

Kreitner 116–17 argues for Anchieta’s authorship.

The piece is among the ‘Zweifelhafte und unterschobene Werke’ in IsaacMGG and also in IsaacNG (where the Paris concordance is ignored).

The version in Segovia has an entirely new Ct not found elsewhere; perhaps Isaac composed this elegant voice. The tablature version ascribed to Isaac in Basel F.IX.22 does not contain this Ct, however. On the various revisions of the piece, see Brown ii. 29; Fallows 530–1.

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chapter 4

What Was Segovia For? Kenneth Kreitner The Segovia manuscript was made by somebody, for somebody, for some purpose. Is it a fool’s errand to wonder who and what those were? Very possibly, the answer is yes: there were a lot of musicians, professional and amateur, alive in Spain in the 1490s, and we know useful things about only a very few. So the odds, we should recognize, are much against us. Yet somehow the quest is an irresistible one. Quite apart from its value as a source for music we care about, there is something wonderfully human about Segovia that makes the book itself rise up as a character in the way composers are characters. Its modest appearance and motley (though distinguished) contents seem to speak not of institutions, not of displays of wealth and power, but of the lives and struggles and joys of flesh-and-blood musicians. But who was it for? At the moment, no one knows. Yet there is one clue that seems particularly significant. Most of Segovia’s Spanish repertory is unattributed there, even Urrede’s world-famous Nunca fue pena mayor and the half-dozen songs that we know are by Encina, yet there are no fewer than nine attributions to Juan de Anchieta. The obvious, even if not airtight, deduction is that Segovia originated somewhere around Anchieta, and we happen to know that from 1489 until his retirement thirty years later, Anchieta was an employee of one or another of the royal courts of Castile.1 This in turn has led a few of us, beginning with Emilio Ros-Fábregas in 1992, to notice the court of the best-known musician 1

The classic study of Anchieta’s biography is Adolphe Coster, ‘Juan de Anchieta et la famille de Loyola’, Revue hispanique, 79 (1930), 1–322. For summaries and updates, see for example Robert Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1960), 127–35; Tess Knighton, Música y músicos en la corte de Fernando el Católico, 1474–1516, transl. Luis Gago (Zaragoza: Institución Fernando el Católico, 2001), 323–4; Kenneth Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), Ch. 7; and Tess Knighton and Kenneth Kreitner, The Music of Juan de Anchieta (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019). Briefly, he served the following royal patrons: Isabel 1489–95; Juan 1495–7; Isabel 1497–1504; Juana 1504–15; Fernando 1515–16; Charles 1516–19. He died in 1523.

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KENNETH KREITNER

in the family, Prince Juan, the only son of Fernando and Isabel, as an attractive possibility for the manuscript’s original owner.2 And so I maintained – with suitable circumspection, I hope – for some years. But more recently, in his chapter for the present collection, Ros-Fábregas has shown that Segovia was almost certainly copied just after the prince’s death at age 19 in October 1497.3 I am not quite finished with Prince Juan, but clearly he can no longer be, even hypothetically, our candidate. Instead, let me start with something that is probably worth stating clearly here, even if it seems obvious: Segovia is a very peculiar book. It is vividly familiar to most of us who work on polyphony of the Josquin era, but at the same time hard to see fairly and whole. Everyone is interested in it, but most of us are interested on the way to something else – northern masses and motets, Flemish or French songs, Fortuna desperata only, Spanish songs, or in my own case Spanish sacred music – and each of us has brought our own more or less distorted perspective to the general picture. It presents a bewildering variety of music, but it is not merely a random assortment. There are a number of ways to describe the careful ordering of this manuscript;4 mine can be found in Table 4.1. The process of compilation behind Segovia was, as Ros-Fábregas has demonstrated, not completely straightforward,5 but the finished product shows a clear and elegant overall structure comprising quartets, trios, duos, Spanish songs, and a few (somewhat later) odds and ends. Within the quartet and trio sections, there is some effort to separate large-scale works from smaller ones, sacred from secular, northern from Spanish. Discrete sections may be aimed at instrumentalists rather than singers.6 In short, from a purely 2

Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M. 454: Study and Edition in the Context of the Iberian and Continental Manuscript Traditions’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1992), i. 206–23; for my own previous thoughts, see Kreitner, Church Music, esp. 100–3. 3 See Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘New Light on the Segovia Manuscript: Watermarks, Foliation, and Ownership’, Ch. 2 in the present volume. 4 See various other chapters in this volume and, for example, Norma Klein Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript of Polyphony in the Archives of the Cathedral of Segovia: Its Provenance and History’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1978), i. 83–92, and Cancionero musical de la catedral de Segovia, ed. Víctor de Lama de la Cruz ([Valladolid]: Junta de Castilla y León Consejería de Cultura y Turismo, 1994), 111–12. The numbers in the table refer to Baker’s inventory. 5 See Ros-Fábregas, ‘New Light on the Segovia Manuscript’, above, Ch. 2. 6 In addition to my own thoughts in the table, see Jon Banks, ‘Performing the Instrumental Music of the Segovia Codex’, EM 28 (1999), 294–309, and Banks,

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Table 4.1. The organization of Segovia s.s.

Quartets

Nos.

Repertory

1–8

Northern masses, in four voices except for the first, now fragmentary, in six. All were probably attributed, although some are now damaged. Texting is variable. They include both widely circulated works (‘warhorses’) and unica, and some of them have rather advanced canons, not always realized. A Spanish analogue, sort of – but Spain had not yet caught the trend for the cyclic mass, so what goes into this section are a Credo and a troped Gloria, both by Anchieta; their positions are reversed, and their tessituras are not compatible. Northern Latin compositions in four voices (±), all attributed and most fully texted. The section is itself orderly: two Salve regina settings, two Magnificats, two quasi-ceremonial motets by Obrecht, then more conventional motets. A Spanish analogue; the first three attributed to Anchieta and the others anonymous, at least here. Northern songs in four voices, attributed and given only text incipits (substantial ones, some of them, but not enough to sing from), and mixing Flemish, French, and Italian titles promiscuously. Many unica, but quite a few international ‘warhorses’.

9–10

11–25

26–35 36–65

Trios

66–7 68–76

77–9 80–95 96–7 98–102

103–7

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A northern mass and Magnificat in three voices, attributed and fully texted. A Spanish analogue, dovetailed onto the preceding section with Anchieta’s Magnificat a 3 and continuing with anonymous works. Most, possibly all, are fully texted. A northern continuation: three-voice church music, attributed and texted. Three-voice northern songs, attributed and given incipits only; again, a mixture of Flemish, French, and Italian titles. Two three-voice northern motets, attributed but given only incipits. Three-voice Spanish motets, fully or partially texted. Two are anonymous, two attributed to Anchieta, one to Marturià [Prats], paired with an Anchieta hymn. A curious section of three-voice northern music straddling the line (one way or another) between sacred and secular. All attributed, all with incipits.

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Table 4.1 (continued) Nos.

Repertory

(Trios)

108–51

More three-voice northern secular music, attributed, with incipits only. Includes a number of pieces (e.g. La martinella, Agricola’s De tous biens plaine settings) with a principally instrumental profile. Brumel’s Ave crux, texted ttt, is an odd intrusion. Here also is the famous Busnoys attribution of Fortuna desperata, texted tii, unusually for this section. Is it, essentially, a section of music reserved for instrumentalists?

Duos

152–63

Duos, most with conspicuous proportions. Many by Tinctoris, but not all.

Spanish

164–201

‘Las obras castellanas’. Most in three voices, usually texted tii (rare elsewhere in the MS). All anonymous here, though many identified in other sources. Some ‘warhorses’, some unica.

?

202

A Pange lingua setting attributed to Urrede; related to but separate from his famous setting in Tarazona 2/3, etc.

?

203–4

A later insertion: miscellaneous sacred music, too small for a clear profile.

practical point of view it is a manuscript made to be easy to get around in, but there is a rough-hewn quality to this practicality: the scribe has made no special attempt, say, to group the works of a composer together, to separate high- and low-clef music, to follow the church year, or to separate mass music from office music. As all who have lived with the facsimile know,7 Segovia is not an article de luxe; it is neat and legible, with a few ornamented initials, but otherwise gives no particular impression that effort has gone into its visual impact. It was made to be used – but used by whom? It is not, despite the modern title of the facsimile, a cancionero; there is far too much sacred and foreign music for that. On the other side, the number of secular songs and the liturgical hodgepodge rule it out as a cathedral manuscript. Indeed, the duo section The Instrumental Consort Repertory of the Late Fifteenth Century (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), esp. 148–51. Banks sees the Flemish pieces, nos. 48 to 65, as being copied, and possibly written, for wind ensembles. 7 Cancionero de la Catedral de Segovia: Edición facsimilar del Códice de la Santa Iglesia Catedral de Segovia, ed. Ramón Perales de la Cal, F. Albertos, and Hilario Sanz y Sanz (Segovia: Caja de Ahorros y Monte de Piedad, D.L., 1977).

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seems to resist the idea of conventional public performance at all. Latin music tends (though not always) to be fully texted, while music originally in French or Flemish generally gets incipits only (relatively long incipits, but still not enough to sing from), and the Spanish songs are texted in the top voice only – all the familiar patterns of this time, but especially curious in combination. Who exactly would find this odd combination of music useful enough to have a collection like this copied? Two possibilities suggest themselves: either a tight-knit court where chapel, instrumentalists, and maybe some amateur musicians mingled freely, or some sort of educational situation – or, of course, both; the two are by no means incompatible. How, then, does this square with the particular music the Segovia scribe chose to include? Much of Segovia’s repertory needs no elaborate explanation from me. As the Inventory (Ch. 10), and perhaps especially Honey Meconi’s chapter (Ch.  6), show most eloquently, the manuscript is bursting with masses, motets, and especially songs that were popular elsewhere. And it seems safe to suppose that Fortuna desperata and De tous biens plaine and Compère’s Ave Maria are there for the usual reason. They are useful and satisfying pieces, and Segovia, along with various other surviving sources from Spain, was part of the worldwide commerce of useful, satisfying music.8 Of your five favorite pieces from the late fifteenth century, it is likely that at least two will be in this manuscript, and I have no trouble imagining that this would also have been the case for anyone in the 1490s. More interesting for my purpose, then, are the masses, the Spanish repertory, and the duos; and perhaps it makes sense to begin with the duos, nos. 152–63. These twelve pieces have attracted some attention over the years from people interested in didactic examples, and rightly so: this is the largest collection of such music from this time outside an overtly theoretical source,9 and it does include some very interesting specimens. But looked at

an overview, see, for example, Kenneth Kreitner, ‘Ave festiva ferculis and Josquin’s Spanish Reputation’, JRMA 128 (2003), 1–29, especially the table on pp. 6–7. 9 Lawrence F. Bernstein, in ‘French Duos in the First Half of the Sixteenth Century’, in John Walter Hill (ed.), Studies in Musicology in Honor of Otto E. Albrecht: A Collection of Essays by his Colleagues and Former Students at the University of Pennsylvania (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1980), 43–87, calls Segovia (p. 53) ‘the most important source for the late fifteenth-century variety of duos’. See also especially Bonnie J. Blackburn, ‘A Lost Guide to Tinctoris’s Teachings Recovered’, EMH 1 (1981), 29–116. 8 For

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from the user’s point of view, it is actually a more complex story than that: no, this may not be a practical performing repertory,10 but neither is it a mere museum of curiosities. One of the twelve does not really belong. Number 162 is an anonymous mouse-brown Magnificat verse, probably cut adrift from a now-lost Magnificat that changed scorings from verse to verse,11 and put here to fill in a corner left by the voices of another duo. It has no proportions, coloration, or other vexations. The others all have at least a little of something out of the ordinary, and they share a structure that combines a tenor line from a well-known song or chant with a clever new superius. None has more than an incipit of text. I divide them into three types. At the one end is no. 157, Roelkin’s De tous biens plaine, with its ten-line, three-clef staff and commensurately wide range, a famous novelty number but not particularly educational except as a kind of elementary clef-reading exercise and astigmatism test.12 At the other extreme are nos. 153, 154, 158, and 160, which do seem to be designed as demonstrations: two well-discussed examples are Adam’s De tous biens plaine, which starts in    and takes us methodically through proportions labelled tripla, quadrupla, qui[n]dupla, sexdupla, and sesquioctava,13 and Obrecht’s Regina celi, which Helen Hewitt and others have written about as an advanced study in cumulative proportions.14 The other two members of this group, both by Tinctoris, appear in theoretical sources as well as here.15 I would call these four textbook pieces: exhibitions of the principles of notation, or of Tinctoris’s own innovations, more than a practical preparation for anything a Spanish musician was likely to encounter in real life. 10

Though compare Banks, ‘Performing the Instrumental Music’, 300–4. Kirsch, Die Quellen der mehrstimmigen Magnificat- und Te DeumVertonungen bis zur Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts (Tutzing: Schneider, 1966), no. 460. See, for example, Banks, ‘Performing the Instrumental Music’, esp. 300–4 (edition p. 301, facsimile pp. 302–3) and Instrumental Consort Repertory, 18–22 et passim (edition on pp. 19–20). Discussed by Bernstein in ‘French Duos’, 53–7; he identifies Adam as Adam von Fulda, but see David Fallows, A Catalogue of Polyphonic Songs, 1415–1480 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 677. Helen Hewitt, ‘A Study in Proportions’, in Essays on Music in Honor of Archibald Thompson Davison (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Department of Music, 1957), 69–81; see also Rob C. Wegman, Born for the Muses: The Life and Masses of Jacob Obrecht (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 74–5. Blackburn, ‘Lost Guide’.

11 Winfried 12

13

14

15

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But it is the other six that catch my attention because, one way or another, they all revolve around one important but rather unspectacular thing: ways of dealing with triple and duple meters.16 Here the pedagogy goes from showing to doing, and to doing something that people had to do. Obrecht’s Regina celi, if you can get through it, is a good way to impress your friends, but a piece like Tinctoris’s D’ung aultre amer, no. 159, showing in turn the effects of the numeral   , the reversed   , and black notation, strikes me above all as a prudent exercise for anyone who wanted to sing or play the rest of the music in Segovia. This brings us to the eight northern masses at the beginning, which loom rather small in the inventory but actually take up more than a quarter of Segovia’s pages. It is easy to take them for granted, but on reflection, their presence here is fairly startling: for Spanish musicians at the end of the fifteenth century had not yet truly gotten the idea of the cyclic mass – as can be seen right after, with items 9 and 10. Clearly the scribe wanted to follow the northern-mass section with a Spanish-mass section, but the best he could come up with was two isolated movements by Anchieta. The only earlier precedent surviving is a modest little three-movement ferial mass in the Cancionero de la Colombina, and it appears that the remarkable Spanish mass tradition of the early sixteenth century, with Peñalosa and others, arose very quickly in the years immediately after Segovia was copied.17 So the presence of these eight substantial masses by Obrecht, Isaac, Josquin, and Pipelare at the beginning of Segovia is not at all suggested by the local musical practices of the time, but does – and this may be significant – fit with the politicocultural program of Fernando and Isabel, and their fascination with northern practices and ceremony.18 If Segovia was indeed from one of the royal courts, then, these masses may represent a deliberate gesture toward reform.

Number 152 has the sequence  ,   ,   ,  , triplets,  ,   ,  ,   ,  , black,  ,  , black,  , black,   ,  ,  . Number 155 has the sequence  ,  ,  ,  ,  . Number 156 has the sequence  ,  ,  ,  ,   ,   ,  ,  , black. Number 159 has the sequence  ,  , black,  , black,  . Number 161 has its tenor in  and a superius with the sequence  ,  ,  ,  ,  ,  , black. And no. 163, which is incomplete for loss of the second folio, begins  ,  ,  , black,  ,  . 17 Kenneth Kreitner, ‘Spain Discovers the Mass’, JRMA 139 (2014), 261–302. 18 See especially Tess Knighton, ‘Northern Influence on Cultural Developments in the Iberian Peninsula during the Fifteenth Century’, Renaissance Studies, 1 (1987), 221–37. 16

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There has been a great deal of discussion about where the masses came from and how they got to Spain, whether directly from a northern urban center or through Italy.19 Those that have been dated point to the late 1480s and early 1490s.20 They probably did not all arrive in a coherent unit: some are carefully texted, others have incipits only. They include one famous piece, the Missa L’homme armé sexti toni, but otherwise, unless the Missa Quant j’ay au cuer was chosen for its popular Benedictus, which seems doubtful, I see no obvious reason to copy these eight in particular. It looks to me as though the order was out for top-quality masses wherever they could be found, and as though whoever filled the order did a reasonable job without paying much attention to the hit machine. Once they were in there, however, the masses would have presented considerable challenges to musicians in Spain. The most spectacular is the canonic tenor of Obrecht’s Missa Rose playsante, which breaks the original tune into segments, distributes the segments over the whole mass, splits each segment into fragments with changes of meter, and repeats each segment several times with different metrical schemes, which seldom match the meters of the other voices.21 Segovia provides a resolutio for the Kyrie I and II, but leaves the performers on their own for the other movements. The 19

See Joshua Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy: The Evidence of Two Songs’, in Paula Higgins (ed.), Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 505–71, esp. 525–33 and 542; Honey Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 80–2; and the other chapters in this volume, perhaps particularly those of Rob Wegman, ‘The Segovia Manuscript: Another Look at the “Flemish Hypothesis”’ (Ch. 7), and Wolfgang Fuhrmann, ‘Segovia’s Repertoire: Attributions and Datings (with Special Reference to Jacob Obrecht)’ (Ch. 3). 20 Bonnie J. Blackburn, ‘Masses Based on Popular Songs and Solmization Syllables’, in Richard Sherr (ed.), The Josquin Companion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 51–87 at 62–9, dates the Missa L’homme armé sexti toni before 1489; Rob Wegman, in Born for the Muses, dates Obrecht’s Missa Adieu mes amours possibly to 1487–8 (pp. 189–99) and puts the other Obrecht masses among the ‘1491–3 masses’ (pp. 220–39). And as Wolfgang Fuhrmann observes elsewhere in this volume (p. 103), Isaac’s Missa Wolauff gesell was copied (in its four-voice version) into Munich 3154 around 1489 or 1490, and the Missa Quant j’ay au cor into Vatican CS 35 between 1487 and 1490. 21 For more detailed discussions, see Thomas Noblitt’s introduction to Jacob Obrecht, Missa Rose playsante, NOE 9 (Utrecht: Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 1989), pp. xxvii–xxviii; and Wegman, Born for the Muses, 234–9.

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abstruse canons of Obrecht’s Missa Fortuna desperata, on the other hand, are all resolved (and a good thing too).22 Milder canons of the ‘wait x beats and sing interval y above or below’ variety are explained but not resolved, as in the last movements of the Missa Quant j’ay au cuer, whose third Agnus has two rubrics: firstly, ‘whoever wants to make me into a baritone part will sing me at the tenth’ and then, more prosaically, ‘for Agnus Dei III refer to the discantus, by the tenth below, beginning at the same time’. 23 But again, much of the potential confusion I see comes from the act of switching from duple to triple meter and back, which these masses of course do a lot, but not always in an orderly way. In at least three instances, the changes are staggered so that there are some daunting bars of genuine twoagainst-three;24 several of the masses feature the kind of ambiguity of tempo that comes with successive sections in, for example,  ,  , and  ;25 and, at one point in the Gloria of the Missa Fortuna desperata, all three of the active voices switch simultaneously from duple to triple, one as   , one as simply  , and one as black notes – the very sort of thing that the duos work so hard at.26 I do not want to oversell this point: none of this is exactly Missa prolationum material. I suggest, though, that to anyone weaned on the kind of polyphony preserved in Colombina, it would have been very exciting music. Whoever got these masses and tried to sing them must have been grateful for the pedagogical duos at the other end of the manuscript. Born for the Muses, 220–33; see also Barton Hudson’s edition and commentary in NOE 4 (1986). 23 Translations adapted from Baker, ‘Unnumbered Manuscript’, 295. The Missa Wolauff has a few canons of this general sort too. 24 Missa Rose playsante, Credo, bb. 208 ff.; Missa Libenter gloriabor, ed. Thomas Noblitt, NOE 6 (1986), Gloria, bb. 190 ff. and Credo, bb. 38 ff. All of these (and the ones to follow) are found in Segovia’s reading too, even when the editions are made from other sources. 25 I speak of the Kyrie and Sanctus of the Missa L’homme armé sexti toni, ed. Jesse Rodin, NJE 6 (Utrecht: Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 2014); the Kyrie of Pipelare’s Missa sine nomine, in Opera omnia, ed. Ronald Cross, CMM 34 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1967), iii. 71 ff.; and the Sanctus of Isaac’s Missa Quant j’ay au cueur, in Heinrich Isaac, Collected Works, ed. Edward R. Lerner, CMM 65 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart: Hänssler-Verlag and American Institute of Musicology, 1984), vii. 43 ff. See also Richard Sherr, ‘The Performance of Josquin’s L’homme armé Masses’, EM 19 (1991), 261–8. 26 Missa Fortuna desperata, ed. Barton Hudson, NOE 4 (1986), Gloria, b. 97; see also Josquin, Missa L’homme armé sexti toni, Credo, b. 237. 22 Wegman,

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It was the Spanish sacred music that drew me into Segovia’s world in the first place, and I do not have anything very new to say about it here. Let me just briefly repeat myself three times. First: the pattern of attributions is curious and significant. Unlike the northern masses and motets, which are virtually all ascribed to composers, virtually all of the Spanish sacred music is anonymous – unless it happens to be by Anchieta, or closely associated with him.27 This, as I said earlier, has led most of us to associate Segovia with the Castilian courts where Anchieta spent his career, or at the very least suggests that its compiler was an aficionado of this one composer’s work. Second: two of the nine Anchieta attributions are actually separate parts of the same piece; Domine non secundum, which sets the first verse of the tract a 3 and the second a 4, is split between trio and quartet sections of the manuscript (numbers 99 and 28), which I take as further evidence, if such be needed, that Segovia was intended from the beginning for recreational or pedagogical use independently from the liturgy.28 Third, and perhaps most germane to the present purpose: the anonymous works in these sections tend to be a good deal simpler, more breve-heavy and (dare I say) plodding than Anchieta’s works, and much more so than those of Obrecht, Isaac, Josquin, Agricola, et al. – so much so that it is hard to spend much time studying them without wondering once again, who exactly would have a use for both? It is hard to imagine a musician capable of negotiating, or an audience capable of appreciating, the Missa L’homme armé sexti toni that could still find much of interest in some of these native products. Yet obviously I am wrong; Segovia is after all the largest source of Spanish sacred polyphony between Las Huelgas and the sixteenth century. Whoever put Segovia together, in other words, had a reason to preserve the modest native tradition alongside the northern cutting edge; and again, my eye at least is drawn toward the royal courts and the balance they were working to strike between the local and the international. There are thirty-eight Spanish songs in Segovia, all together in a cluster, most in three voices but with some quartets mingled in, headed ‘Aqui See Kreitner, Church Music, chs. 6–7; by ‘closely associated with him’ I refer to Segovia no. 101, Marturià [Prats]’s Conditor alme siderum, which is paired with Anchieta’s related setting of the same hymn, no. 100 (see Church Music, 83–4). Note too that Segovia no. 30, anonymous there and called Veni sancte spiritus, is actually Alonso de Alba’s Veni creator spiritus, also in Tarazona 2/3 (ibid. 82–3). The Pange lingua attributed to Urrede near the end of Segovia is probably a later addition (and a somewhat problematic one; see ibid. 72–8). 28 Ibid., 106–7. 27

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comiensan las obras castellanas’. All are anonymous here, though a fair number can be identified through concordances in the Cancionero de Palacio, the Cancionero de la Colombina, and/or the poetical works of Encina. Of the thirty-seven songs with texts, I call eighteen courtly, with three more that seem to straddle the line between courtliness and religiosity,29 and three (all by Encina) that put courtly sentiments into a pastoral setting.30 Thirteen are overtly religious, with nine talking about Christmas from the shepherds’ point of view, which may betray a link between this repertory and the Christmas drama.31 All of this has been commented on previously.32 What I notice, however, is the conspicuous absence of the rustic sort of songs about barmaids, goatherdesses, randy clerics, and ugly old women that liven up Colombina and Palacio.33 This cannot be a matter of mere chronology, Colombina being by all accounts earlier, and Palacio later than Segovia; nor does it seem likely that naughty songs were geographically localized. I suggest that the compiler of Segovia was at deliberate pains to keep this section clean, which in turn points at least obliquely toward the act of teaching someone who, at least in somebody’s mind, needed protection from the seamier side of Castilian poetry. All of this brings me back to Prince Juan (1478–97) – or rather, to a description of his early musical life that has often been quoted in short fragments, but which is worth reading in its entirety.34 It comes from near the 29

Numbers 172, 187, and 194. Numbers 169, 180, and 184. 31 Numbers 165, 170, 175, 181, 183, 190, 191, 192, and 193. The more generically religious ones are nos. 171 (thanks for victory in Granada), 173 (BVM/Christmas), 176 (BVM), and 188 (Adoramos te). 32 For example, by Maricarmen Gómez Muntané in ‘On the Origins of the Christmas “Villancicos”’, in Jane Morlet Hardie and David Harvey (eds.), Commemoration, Ritual, and Performance: Essays in Medieval and Early Modern Music, Musicological Studies, 84 (Ottawa: The Institute of Mediaeval Music, 2006), 53–69. See also Gómez, ‘Cancionero Musical de Segovia: Los villancicos de Navidad’, in Kathleen Nelson and Maricarmen Gómez (eds.), A Musicological Gift: Libro Homenaje for Jane Morlet Hardie, Musicological Studies, 101 (Lions Bay, Canada: Institute of Mediaeval Music, 2013), 105–21, and Tess Knighton, ‘The Written Transmission of Polyphonic Song in Spain c. 1500: The Case of the Segovia Manuscript’ in the present volume (Ch. 9). 33 See, for a convenient example, Robert Stevenson’s classic summary of the songs of Juan de Triana in Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus, 209–13. 34 The closest thing to a full-length biography of Prince Juan is Gabriel Maura Gamazo, Duque de Maura, El Príncipe que murió de amor: Don Juan, primogénito 30

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end of Gonzálo Fernández de Oviedo’s Libro de la cámara real del Príncipe don Juan:35 Menestriles e diuersos músicos.

Minstrels and various musicians.

Por que no sea trajedia, nj acabe como ella éste mi tractado, he querido concluyrle en los menestriles e diferentes géneros de músicas. Era el Príncipe don Johan, mj señor, naturalmente inclinado a la música, e entendíala muy bien, avnque su voz no era tal, como el era porfiado en cantar; e para eso, en las siestas, en espeçial en verano, yuan a palaçio Johanes de Ancheta, su maestro de capilla, e quatro o çinco muchachos, moços de capilla de lindas bozes,

So that this not be a tragedy, nor my treatise here end like one, I wanted to conclude it with the minstrels and different types of music.36 Prince Juan, my lord, was naturally inclined to music, and understood it very well, even though his voice was not equal to his persistence in singing. And so, during the siesta, especially in summer, Juan de Anchieta, his chapelmaster, came to the palace, along with four or five youths, choirboys with beautiful voices, among whom was one Corral, a

de los Reyes Católicos, El legado de la historia, 31 (Madrid: Alderabán, 2000), originally published in 1944; see also José Camón Aznar, Sobre la muerte del Príncipe Don Juan (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1963); Diego Ramírez Villaescusa (1459–1537): Fundador del Colegio de Cuenca y autor de Los cuatro diálogos sobre la muerte del Príncipe Don Juan, ed. Félix González Olmedo (Madrid: Ed. Nacional, 1944); and the primary sources cited below. Important primary sources on his education include Alonso Ortiz, Diálogo sobre la educación del Príncipe Don Juan, Hijo de los Reyes Católicos, transl. Giovanni Maria Bertini (Madrid: Porrúa Turanza, 1983) and Pedro Mártir de Anglería, Epistolario, i: Libros I–XIV, Epístolas 1–231, Castilian transl. José López de Toro (Madrid: Góngora, 1953). More recent accounts, though they treat the prince more as a supporting character than as a main subject, can be found in Jocelyn Nigel Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976–78); Nancy Rubin, Isabella of Castile: The First Renaissance Queen (New York, NY: St. Martin’s, 1991); and Peggy K. Liss, Isabel the Queen: Life and Times (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1992). 35 Castilian text from Jon Vincent Blake, ‘“Libro de la cámara real del Príncipe don Juan e offiçios de su casa e serviçio ordinario” de Gonzálo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés – según el manuscrito autógrafo Escorial E.IV.8: Estudio, transcripción y notas’ (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1975), 123–4, apparatus omitted. 36 Or, perhaps more likely, ‘different types of musician’, if the original word was músicos.

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de los quales era vno Corral, lindo tiple, e el Príncipe cantaua con ellos dos oras, o lo que le plazía, e les hazía thenor, e era bien diestro en el arte.

beautiful treble; and the prince would sing with them for two hours, or as long as he wanted to, and he took the tenor, and was very skillful in the art.

En su cámara avía vn claui organo e organos e claue çinbanos e clauicordio e vihuelas de mano e vihuelas de arco e flautas; e en todos esos instrumentos sabía poner las manos.

In his room he had a claviorgan and organs and harpsichords and a clavichord and vihuelas and viols and flutes; and he knew how to handle all these instruments.

Tenía músicos de tamborinos e duçaynas e de harpa, e vn rrabelico muy preçioso, que tañía vn Madrid, natural de Caramanchel, de donde salen mejores labradores que músicos, pero éste lo fue muy buene.

He had players of tabors and dolzainas and harp, and a very precious rebec, which a certain Madrid played, a native of Caramanchel, whence come better workers than musicians, but this one was very good.

Thenía el Príncipe muy gentiles menistriles37 altos de sacabuches, e cheremias e cornetas e trompetas bastardas, e çinco o seys pares de atabales; e los vnos e los otros muy habilies en sus ofiçios, e como conuenían para el serujçio e casa de tan alto Príncipe.

The prince had very refined loud minstrels with trombones, shawms, cornetts, and slide trumpets,38 and five or six pairs of timpani; and all of them were very skillful in their duties, as was appropriate for the service and household of such a distinguished prince.

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A couple of things to say about this right away. First, apart perhaps from a few understandable confusions of terminology, I believe it was written quite a long time after the prince’s death – most of the book was completed in 1535 and the rest, including this passage, in 154839 – but it is an eyewitness account from a (by then) eminent historian who had actually been there, as

37

Blake adds a comma here, which I have removed. I suspect, from the order of things, Oviedo may mean natural trumpets, not slide trumpets, and may be misusing the by then antique term ‘trompeta bastarda’. 39 On Oviedo’s life and work, and the bibliographic details of the Libro, see Blake, ‘Libro de la camara real”’, pp. v–xlvii. 38

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one of a group of noble and intellectual boys brought to live at court as the prince’s companions, and the little gratuitous slap at the prince’s voice lends a bracing verisimilitude within a book otherwise suspiciously nostalgic and admiring. (And the names, not only of Anchieta but of Antonio de Corral and Juan de Madrid, can indeed be found in the archives.40) Second, if the prince is already singing tenor, evidently his voice has changed, which allows us to place the scene in the early 1490s, the years before his marriage to Margaret of Austria in the spring before his death. Most of all, perhaps you can see why Prince Juan once seemed such a tempting target for the owner of Segovia s.s. The image of him singing as an amateur with Anchieta and the choirboys, playing the instruments of the soft band himself (notice, no shawms or trombones in the primogenitor’s room41), and employing a soft band and a loud band – it all fits.42 The Anchieta connection fits. The need to combine local sacred styles with the most advanced masses and motets from the north fits. The G-rated songs fit. The pedagogical duos fit, and in some ways tie it all together. But again, Prince Juan cannot be the man, for he died just before our manuscript was copied, beginning, we now think, perhaps in 1498. On reflection, however, it is not Juan himself who is necessarily at issue, so much as the value of his story as a rare and vivid snapshot of something that is seldom easy to see at all: the place of music in the domestic lives of royal (and perhaps, by extension, noble 43 or otherwise wealthy 44) young people in Spain at the end of the fifteenth century. We must tread a bit carefully here. Fernández de Oviedo clearly means to portray this amateur musicianship Música y músicos, 86–8 and 153–4. On the unsuitability of wind instruments for a gentleman, see, for example, James Haar, ‘The Courtier as Musician: Castiglione’s View of the Science and Art of Music’, in his The Science and Art of Renaissance Music, ed. Paul E. Corneilson (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), 20–37, esp. 27. This stricture, borrowed from antiquity and the aulos, probably did not apply rigidly to recorders and transverse flutes. 42 The prince’s trumpeters, if any (see n. 38), would presumably not have been involved with a book of conventional polyphony. 43 The musical lives of Spanish nobility in this period are only very recently beginning to come to light in any detail; see especially Roberta Freund Schwartz, ‘En busca de liberalidad: Music and Musicians in the Courts of the Spanish Nobility, 1470–1640’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana, 2001), and Juan Ruiz Jiménez, ‘Power and Musical Exchange: The Dukes of Medina Sidonia in Renaissance Seville’, EM 27 (2009), 401–16. 44 See the contribution by Cristina Urchueguía in this volume (Ch. 1). 40 Knighton, 41

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as something at least a little unusual or surprising in the prince’s character, and it would be dangerous to extend his account too literally to an entire generation. At the same time, however, it is equally clear that the historian approves – that he sees Juan’s hobby as an intellectual strength rather than (as we might reasonably fear) a deficiency of manliness. What we are seeing in this passage, then, seems to be a routine part of the prince’s education that, as he turned from a child to a teenager, became a chosen and cherished hobby and was supported by the court establishment around him. Juan may have been the most prominent person in Spain in this position in the 1490s, but he was surely not the only one. He had, for starters, three younger sisters, all presumably receiving similar educations with Anchieta equally nearby, of whom Juana (who we know was also an enthusiastic amateur musician in later life) was married and gone by 1498,45 but María was just turning 16 and Catalina (later Catherine of Aragon) 13; could it be one of them that Segovia was made for? I don’t see why not; but in the end I am less interested in a particular name than in what this manuscript can tell us about the world it came out of. I believe the encyclopedic contents and pragmatic organization of Segovia  s.s. make most sense if we see them as collected for a pedagogical and/or recreational purpose, at or near the Castilian court, for some young person preparing for an educated secular life. Whoever put it together seems to have been keenly aware that he and his pupil(s) were facing a time of dramatic change in Spain, and that music, especially sacred music, was going to be very different in the sixteenth century. And so it proved. There is no doubt, in any case, that the forces that made the Segovia manuscript were the forces that would make Peñalosa, and Morales, and the future.

especially Mary Kay Duggan, ‘Queen Joanna and her Musicians’, MD 30 (1976), 73–95.

45 See

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chapter 5

The Latin Texts of the Segovia Manuscript * Leofranc Holford-Strevens An examination of Obrecht’s Latin-texted motet Inter preclarissimas virtutes 1 conducted for the 2005 conference on him in Antwerp found that the Segovia manuscript exhibited errors not attributable to the author and omissions not required by the setting.2 It therefore seemed appropriate to survey the other Latin texts. In masses, we are not surprised when words are selectively underlaid, as they are in the Isaac mass at the beginning; but in Josquin’s Missa L’homme armé sexti toni there is nearly a full texting, presumably because the source had it. To the scribe’s credit be it noted that throughout the early mass section ‘Kyrie eleyson’ and ‘Christe eleyson’ are written with their full complement of es, contrary to (for instance) some Cappella Sistina manuscripts;3 though later, in Agricola’s mass beginning on fol. 135r, we find ‘Leyson’ five times and ‘eleyson’ four. Still, our man could underlay the mass text in his sleep, and sometimes did: on fol. 57v (Plate 5.1), in the superius of the Credo of Pipelare’s first Missa sine nomine – the one shared with Jena 32 – after ‘deum verum de deo vero’ he first wrote ‘genitum non factum’, which is the next phrase of the NicenoConstantinopolitan Creed, then crossed it out when he discovered that in that voice Pipelare, not fearing any recrudescence of the Arian heresies, had



* I am grateful to Bonnie J. Blackburn and Wolfgang Fuhrmann for their help and

suggestions. Ed. Chris Maas, New Obrecht Edition (hereafter NOE) 16 (Utrecht: KVNM, 1996), 55–68. 2 Leofranc Holford-Strevens, ‘The Latinity of Jacob Obrecht’, Journal of the Alamire Foundation, 2 (2010), 156–66. 3 Cf. Bonnie J. Blackburn, ‘How to Sin in Music: Doctor Navarrus on SixteenthCentury Singers’, in Melania Bucciarelli and Bertha Joncus (eds.), Music as Social and Cultural Practice: Essays in Honour of Reinhard Strohm (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2007), 86–102 at 89. 1

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Plate 5.1. Pipelare, Missa sine nomine, superius of Credo, Segovia, fol. 57 v, showing deletion of text. Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

skipped over both this phrase and ‘consubstantialem Patri’ to ‘per quem omnia facta sunt’. Likewise unrevealing are the Salve regina and Magnificat texts that follow the masses; it is original Latin that is significant. The first piece of this nature is Obrecht’s Inter preclarissimas virtutes (excerpt 1), whose transmission is very far from being amongst the most illustrious virtues of this manuscript. Not only are there verbal differences between the voices, but the text in several places needs emendation; Albert Smijers made a good start, on which I have attempted to advance.4

1 ‘Jacobus hobrecht’, fols. 78v–81r I. SCB Inter preclarissimas virtutes tuas ingentesque animi dotes, pietas iuxta apostolum ad omnia valens [Smijers: vales cod.] magnopere illustratur [Smijers: illustrans cod.]. Quo fit ut animum semper promptum

4

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Albert Smijers, ‘Twee onbekende Motetteksten van Jacob Hobrecht’, TVNM 16/2 (1941), 129–34.

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benivolumque exibeas ad hoc ut pluribus ministeriis [Holford-Strevens:5 misteria cod.], cum peregrinos et pauperes instituis [Holford-Strevens: distincte CB: instincte S: institutis Smijers], tua musica manu [om. S] sublevetur. Laudat te enim cleri largitas, tua namque excellens magnificentia multo magis excellit iustos promovens [Smijers: promoves cod.]. Gloriosa apud Deum condicio tua. Pauperes nutris, virtuosos ditas, ecclesiam fabricas, humiles elevas, ex quibus odor bonus commendaris. Estote fortes in bello. T Estote fortes in bello. II. SCB Eya, propter tuam paternitatem talem ac tantam [tantam ac talem B] in meis semper carminibus iubilans, non quas debeo sed quales possum laudes resono, presensque [presens quoque CB] pagina rudi armonie stilo confecta ad Dei laudem tuamque [que S] consolationem humiliter offero.6 Nam quid aliud nunc pro servitio impendere possum nescio. Pecuniis non indiges, sensu ac prudentia abundas, prosperitate et letitia consolaris, tranquillitate et pace letaris, inter dignitatum cultores laudaris. Estote fortes in bello. T Estote fortes in bello. III. SCTB Igitur hoc presens carmen musicale et me Jacobum Hobrecht, humillimum servorum tuorum,7 benignus accipe et pro tuo libito. Manda et rege feliciter et longevus.

In the following piece, the same composer’s Mille quingentis (fols. 81v–83r), the scribe did rather better: despite the odd omission, the text is otherwise clean enough. The two Obrecht motets are followed by Josquin’s Ave Maria … virgo serena (fols. 84v–85r) (excerpt 2):

Smijers wrote misteriis but translated ‘personeel’, as if thinking of ministris. Smijers emends to presentemque paginam … confectam, which in superius and contratenor entails breaking a breve into two semibreves; Rob C. Wegman, Born for the Muses: The Life and Masses of Jacob Obrecht (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 372 takes pagina … confecta as ablative, the page being the medium through which Obrecht offers his praises. An alternative would be emending offero to offertur. 7 Smijers misstates the tenor reading as servum tuum. 5

6

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2

‘Josquin du preß’, fols. 83v–84v Ave Maria, gratia plena, Dominus tecum, virgo serena. True text

Tacets

Ave cuius conceptio solemni plena gaudio caelestia terrestria nova replet laetitia.

Errors in Segovia

celestia terrestia [sic]

Ave cuius natiuitas nostra fuit solemnitas, ut Lucifer lux oriens, verum solem praeveniens.

TB SA

Ave pia humilitas, sine viro fecunditas, cuius annunciatio nostra fuit redemptio.

TB SA TB SA

aue cuius nostra fuit solempnitas T

aue vera virginitas S aue vera humilitas A aue vera fecunditas TB

Ave vera virginitas, immaculata castitas, cuius purificatio nostra fuit purgatio. Ave praeclara omnibus angelicis virtutibus, cuius fuit assumptio nostra glorificatio.

nostra fuit glorificatio SATB

O mater Dei memento mei. Amen.

Here the scribe had an unfamiliar text to copy, and did not always come out on top. In the superius, he writes Ave cuius virginitas one stanza too soon, where he ought to have written Ave pia humilitas, before repeating it in the right place in stanza 4. In the altus (which, by the way, is placed where one would expect to find the tenor, and vice versa) he begins the third stanza Ave vera before switching to the right noun. In the tenor, not realizing despite the rests he has just written that the line Ave cuius nativitas is not sung in that voice, he puts in the first two words before writing nostra fuit solempnitas, and in the third stanza substitutes for sine viro fecunditas the hotchpotch ave vera fecunditas, a concoction which reappears in the bassus. Was he offended by the notion of

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pregnancy without a man? Finally, in all four voices, he splices into the last line of the poem, nostra glorificatio, the verb fuit already present in the line before. To be sure, other people too had trouble with this text,8 but this scribe has made a worse mess of it than most. For example, the interpolation of fuit before glorificatio is found in all sources before Petrucci, but only Segovia and Munich 3154 have it in all four voices. Our man has also tampered with the notation of the superius and tenor as if to accommodate the extra syllables, writing semibreve plus minim instead of dotted semibreves – which confirms that he really meant them, and therefore that he had no notion either that he had been copying octosyllables or that Josquin had been setting them; that fatal combination of tunnel vision and the urge to interfere that is the worst vice of copyists – and copy-editors. There follows Josquin’s O intemerata virgo (excerpt 3), perhaps not yet the tertia pars of Vultum tuum (see Blackburn, below, Ch. 8), in which the merit acquired by Segovia in presenting the O needed for the dotted semibreve is soon dissipated by the ungrammatical que redemptoris Israel peperisti in all four voices, with intrusive punctuation (virgule) after Israel, where we need the accusative redemptorem.9 In the bassus, peperisti appears as poporisti, just as in the Exortum est in tenebris lumen ascribed to Pipelare, being a contrafact of his Fors seulement, the superius has lumon instead of lumen – no doubt a simple misreading of an ambiguous letter, but a scribe who thought in Latin would have got it right. In the quarta (or secunda?) pars, in the sentence O Maria, nullam tam grauem possumus habere culpam pro qua apud tuum filium non possis impetrare veniam (‘O Mary, we can have no fault so heinous that thou canst not obtain mercy for it from thy son’), not only has possumus become the subjunctive possimus, but qua has changed gender to quo in all voices except the tenor, which leaves out pro qua altogether for want of room; but that is the scribe’s own fault for misunderstanding the relation of text and music.

Willem Elders, New Josquin Edition, 23, Critical Commentary (Utrecht: KVNM, 2006), 93–4. 9 On the readings in concordant sources for this text see Bonnie J. Blackburn, Ch. 8 in the present volume. 8 See

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3 ‘Josquin du preß’, fols. 85v–87r O intemerata virgo que redemptoris [recte redemptorem] Israel peperisti, et post partum virgo permansisti, dei genitrix intercede pro nobis, ne despicias preces nostras quia ore indigno nomen sanctum tuum invocamus, o gloriosa domina, pro nobis Christum exora. interata T; Israel/; poporisti B; quia] qui B; nostros S; Inuocamus te A; domina et B

O Maria nullam tam grauem possimus [recte possumus] habere culpam pro quo [recte qua] apud tuum filium non possis impetrare veniam nichilque est tibi impossibile apud tuum filium, quem genuisti de tuo sacro corpore, mater misericordie. pro quo om. T; apud filium tuum (non) S; tibi om. ATB; impossibile om. S; nichil A; de om. S

The next few pieces all exhibit sporadic errors that attest to imperfect command of Latin: at the end of the Salve virgo sanctissima attributed to Isaac (excerpt 4), in the phrase et tandem ipsius perhenne gloriam assequamur we should expect the adjective perennem found in Vatican CS 15; to be sure Segovia’s vincis is clearly superior to CS 15’s vincet, but the preceding mark of punctuation divides the object from its verb.

4 ‘Ysaac’, fols. 87v–89r Salve virgo sanctissima super omnes feminas benedicta, tu puritate cunctos vincis angelos, omnesque sanctos pietate superas, o virga Iesse, mundissima, peccatorum nescia, o vita nostra, o salus nostra, o spes nostra, redemptio ac consolatio, o refugium consilium et [om. S] auxilium nostrum. Ora precor mater dulcissima, ora quaeso mater piissima pro tuo Christiano populo, precarique digneris pro me David indigno tuo famulo ut tuis sacratissimis precibus filii tui gratia repleamur et tandem ipsius perhenne gloriam assequamur. Amen. Variations in Vatican CS 15: tu] que ATB; vincis] vincet; dulcissima … piissima] piissima … dulcissima; David] N SB, K AT; famulo tuo SAB; sacratissimis] sanctissimis ST; tui] tui dulcissimi; repleamur] om. B; perhenne] perhempnem

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In Obrecht’s Omnis spiritus laudet dominum (excerpt 5),10 while the other three voices are silent, the superius and secundus discantus have an intrusive et in pro universis {et} beneficiis tuis, singing which in the superius would require breaking of a ligature; in the altus, conseruet is written conserueruet; and both there and in the bassus the subjunctive tradat becomes the future indicative tradet. 5 ‘Iacobus hobrecht’, fols. 89v–90v Omnis spiritus laudet dominum, tu autem domine miserere nobis. Deo gratias. Agimus tibi gratias rex omnipotens deus pro vniuersis {et} beneficiis tuis qui viuis et regnas deus per omnia secula seculorum. Amen. Pro rege nostro. Dominus conseruet [conserueruet A] eum et beatum faciat [faciet AB] eum in terra et non tradat eum in manus inimicorum eius.

Such things are not unknown in the manuscripts of classical authors; but in Obrecht’s Benedicamus in laude Iesu (excerpt 6),11 the relative pronoun referring to Jesus is feminine que instead of masculine qui. 6

‘Iacobus hobrecht’, fol. 91v Benedicamus in laude Ihesu que [recte qui] sue matri marie benedixit in eternum domino.

In Johannes Ffarer’s Domine non secundum peccata nostra (excerpt 7) the subjunctive facias of the plea ‘do not unto us according to our sins’, has become the future facies, either a confident ‘thou wilt not do’ or a peremptory ‘thou shalt not do’, the tense of the Decalogue. 7 ‘Iohannes ffarer’, fol. 93r Domine non secundum peccata nostra facies [recte facias] nobis, neque secundum iniquitates nostras retribuas nobis. Tuam crucem adoramus, domine, tuam recolimus passionem.

10 11

NOE 16, 43–8. NOE 15 (1995), 23–5.

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In Anchieta’s Domine ne memineris (excerpt 8) the words cito anticipent nos misericordiae tuae, from Ps. 78:8 iuxta LXX, appear in all four voices with the singular misericordia tua despite the plural verb; the normal origin of this corruption is from the æ ligature, which can indeed look very much like a simple a, but this would be remarkably early for that character to have been used in a music manuscript. 8 ‘Iohannes ancheta’, fols. 97v–98r Domine ne memineris iniquitatum nostrarum antiquarum; cito anticipent nos misericordia tua [recte -diae tuae] quia pauperes facti sumus nimis.

On fol. 99v the anonymous O crux aue spes unica has incipits only; the second voice down, the only one to begin without rests, omits O crux, and in the third voice aue is written aues, but with the non-final form of s; the scribe evidently intended to write spes and then realized it should begin further to the right. However, there follows on the very next page, fol. 100r, a troped Kyrie with a text incorporating matter already copied two folios earlier, but what was there correctly written traxisti now appears nonsensically in all four voices as transisti (excerpt 9(a)). Was the source a text written by a Francophone who thought of trans(s)ir ‘to die’?

9(a) Anon., fol. 98v Kyrie eleyson Qui expansis in cruce manibus traxisti omnia ad te secula. 9(b) Anon., fol. 100v Kyrie eleyson Qui passurus aduenisti propter nos, expansis in cruce manibus transisti omnia ad te secula, Qui prophetice promisisti: ero mors tua mors.

In all four voices of the O bone Iesu ascribed on fol. 100v to Anchieta and in other manuscripts variously to Compère, Peñalosa, and Antonio de Ribera (excerpt 10),12 the praeualui of Ps. 12:5 has become third-person preualuit.

12

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See Kenneth Kreitner, The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), 119–20.

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10 ‘Johannes Anchieta’, fol. 101r O bone Ihesu illumina oculos meos, ne unquam obdormiam in morte, nequando dicat inimicus meus, preualuit [recte preualui] aduersus eum. In manus tuas domine commendo spiritum meum, redemisti me domine deus veritatis. O messias locutus sum in lingua mea, notum fac michi domine finem meum.

Sometimes one does not know whether to blame the scribe or the composer. On fols. 148v–149r there is a Marian text Imperatrix reginarum (excerpt 11): 11 Anon., fols. 148v–149r Imperatrix reginarum, sanctarum [sanctorum B] animarum [+ animarum TB], et vera saluatrix earum, excellentissima regina celorum, veneranda domina angelorum, flos florum et lilium conuallium, rosa sine spina et stella, et stella matutina, virgo inviolata, virgo intacta, virgo decorata, virgo mater, virgo pia, virgo dulcis, aue Maria

Comparing it with other versions, one might have expected laus, meaning the object of praise, before sanctarum animarum, and no et before vera; as it is, one may find ‘Empress of queens, of saintly souls and their true saviour’ a rather odd expression; but it is even odder at this date to find a rest, in the superius, after the na of reginarum (see Plate 5.2), as if the composer had misremembered the text as imperaturix regina and not corrected his error. Is this a botcher’s contrafact? The awkward fit with the music of flos florum et lilium conuallium might suggest so. However, unless the scribe was himself the contrafactor, it is hard to blame him for the awkward setting. In the following text, a troped Hosanna (excerpt 12(a)),13 after the two relative pronouns, ‘thou that createdst’ and ‘thou that camest’, it is a jolt to find that the third relative looks not back to the same implicit antecedent tu but forwards to an implied antecedent eum: ‘him whom Lucifer had deceived’:

13

At least formally; but see ibid. 95–6.

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Plate 5.2. Anon., Imperatrix reginarum, superius, Segovia, fol. 148v, showing awkward text underlay. Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

12(a) Anon., fols. 149v–150r Osanna, saluifica tuum plasma, qui creasti simul omnia, qui de patris genitus gremio aduenisti summo, quem deceperat Lucifer fraude nequam kallidissime serpentino coniugis dente nunc dignare saluare, Ihesu Christe superne. In excelsis.

However, when we look further into the matter, we see that the scribe has neglected to write out the second halves of the paired versicles in a trope not unfamiliar in Spain, which show the antecedent of quem to have already been expressed as hominem (excerpt 12(b)).

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12(b) Corpus Troporum, vii. 178, no. 138 Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus, Dominus deus sabaoth, Pleni sunt caeli et terra gloria tua, Osanna in excelsis. Benedictus qui venit in nomine domini. 1a Osanna, Salvifica tuum plasma, qui creasti simul omnia.

1b Temet laus decet, honor et gloria, rex aeterne, in saecula.

2a Qui de patris gremio genitus advenisti summo.

2b Redimere perditum hominem sanguine proprio.

3a Quem deceperat Lucifer fraude nequam callidissime serpentino coniugis dente,

3b Quem expulerat propere hoc innexum crimine paradisi cardine atque limine,

4a Tu dignare salvare,

4b Iesu Christe superne In excelsis.

Biblical knowledge is no less lacking in the Lamentations setting on fols. 153v–155r, where the scribe mislabels ch. 1, v. 4 Vie syon lugent with aleph instead of deleth (see Plate 5.3); in v. 5, instead of he, the fifth letter, he appears to have put heth, which is the eighth, but that is how he writes beth, correctly used for v. 2, in the preceding piece. It is not how he writes capital B in Benedictus; evidently he was shaky on the Hebrew alphabet.14 In the anonymous Ave verum corpus, fols. 155v–156r (excerpt 13), the measure is disrupted in line 1 by the intrusion after corpus of domini nostri Iesu Christi, without enough notes to avoid text-setting chaos (see Plate 5.4); to quote Kenneth Kreitner: ‘there is no good way to cram in all the manuscript’s given text (full in all four voices) without omitting words and breaking ligatures and even notes’.15 Note too the pile-up in the bassus.

14 15

Cf. ibid. 92–3. Ibid. 88.

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Plate 5.3. Anon., Aleph. Vie sion lugent mislabelled aleph instead of deleth, Segovia, fol. 153v. Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

13 Anon., fols. 155v–156r Ave verum corpus domini nostri Iesu Christi natum ex Maria virgine vere passum immolatum in cruce pro homine, cuius latus perforatum vere fluxit sanguine esto nobis pregustatum in mortis examine.

natum om. B vere vere B perforatus T sanguinem TB

In Brumel’s Ave ancilla Trinitatis (excerpt 14), there are two verbal variants from the text published by Barton Hudson from manuscripts in Munich and Seville:16 the Virgin is called the ‘shining whiteness’, or possibly

16

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Antoine Brumel, Opera omnia, ed. Barton Hudson, CMM 5 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1972), v. 1–3.

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Plate 5.4. Anon., Ave verum corpus, Segovia, fols. 155v–156r, showing problematic text underlay owing to intrusion of domini nostri Iesu Christi. Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

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the ‘benevolence’, of the angels (aue candor angelorum) instead of their sister (soror), and the mediatrix of the apostles instead of their teacher, doctrix. The superius writes auer with intrusive r before mater, omits aue mediatrix apostolorum, and compensates by writing o fons et plenitudo twice; in the other two voices aue mediatrix apostolorum precedes aue confortatrix martirum in the tenor but follows it in the altus. Such transpositions in these serial laudations are easy enough to make, since the sense is not affected. 14 ‘Anthonius Brumel’, fols. 156v–157r Segovia Ave ancilla trinitatis aue filia sempiterni patris, aue sponsa spiritus sancti aue [auer S] mater domini nostri Iesu Christi aue candor angelorum angelorum aue promissa prophetarum aue regina celorum aue mediatrix apostolorum aue confortatrix martirum aue fons et plenitudo confessorum aue decus viduarum aue corona virginum sanctorum sanctarumque omnium mecum sis in omnibus tribulationibus meis. Amen.

Hudson (om. T)

aue soror angelorum

(om. S) (before preceding C) (aue … plenitudo bis S, om. T) (om. T)

aue doctrix apostolorum

But in the following piece, the same composer’s Mater patris (excerpt 15),17 the scribe has disgraced himself by not only writing exaudi, which is a syllable too many, instead of audi, but adding an extra note to fit; whether that reading is due to the preceding eximia, or to the belief that prayers to the

17

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Ibid. 63–4.

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Virgin are automatically acted on, is not for me to say. Then, in the next line, he fails to understand Regina poli curie, ‘Queen of the court of heaven’, and writes the last two words as one, pollicurie with double l. If we compare this setting with other evidence for the text, it is not his fault that the composer had had to set the version of the text used by his employers at Notre-Dame de Paris,18 omitting the last line of the second stanza and garbling the third; but it is the scribe, in his rank innumeracy, who has turned the eight syllables of Maria propter filium, which accords with the consistent octosyllabic measure of the poem, into the irregular hendecasyllable O Maria propter filium tuum. In the last two lines, where Brumel’s text expands on the simple octosyllables, the Segovia scribe’s O bone Iesu allows for a better underlay than Bone Iesu in Hudson’s other sources, but in the superius he forgets his manners so far as to tell Christ donabis regnum patris, once again the future of command, instead of dona nobis. On the other hand, the closing regnum patris is clearly right against remedium, which has slipped in from two lines earlier.

15(a) ‘Anthonius brumel’, fols. 157v–158r Segovia Mater patris et filia mulierum leticia stella maris eximia exaudi nostra suspiria Regina pollicurie mater misericordie in hac valle miserie O Maria propter filium tuum dona nobis remedium, O bone Iesu, fili Dei, nostras preces exaudi Et precibus nostris dona nobis [donabis S] regnum patris Amen.

18

Hudson

audi poli curiæ

Maria propter filium Confer O om. nobis remedium

See Craig Wright, ‘Antoine Brumel and Patronage in Paris’, in Iain Fenlon (ed.), Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Patronage, Sources and Texts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 37–60 at 51–4; the relevance of this fact was kindly brought to my attention by Wolfgang Fuhrmann.

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15(b) Composite text of Mater patris, with variants, from Analecta Hymnica, xv. 26 ad 6; xlvi. 202, no. 152; xlix. 321, no. 656 Mater patris et filia mulierum laetitia stella maris eximia audi nostra suspiria.

var. supernorum

var. caeli

Regina poli curiae mater misericordiae in hac valle miseriae Sis reis porta veniae.

varr. reis sis, sis nobis; vena; gloriae

Maria propter filium confer nobis remedium; bone fili, prece matris dona tuis regna patris.

var. Per tuum virgo filium varr. confer nobis, nobis confer; praesidium var. bone Iesu varr. dona nobis, perduc nos ad; regnum

We saw in Domine non secundum peccata nostra (excerpt 7 above) that the present subjunctive of the verb facere caused our scribe some difficulties; when Anchieta set the same text (fol. 168r), the ending this time is correct, -as, but in the superius the stem is misspelt, giving faceas, as if the e of facies were still floating in the scribal head. In Brumel’s O crux aue spes unica (excerpt 16),19 words the scribe had managed to copy on fol. 99v, he now loses a syllable by writing Aue crux spes unica, and further corrupts hoc in hoc passionis tempore into the vocative particle o. 16 ‘Anthonius brumel’, fol. 176r Segovia

Hudson

Ave crux spes unica, O passionis tempore auge piis iustitiam reisque dona veniam

O crux ave hoc

On fols. 192v–193r there is a brief composition ascribed to Isaac underlaid at the start with the two words Gentile spiritus (see Plate 5.5); presumably an

19

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Ibid. 65–6.

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Plate 5.5. Isaac, Gentile spiritus, Segovia, fols. 192v–193r. Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

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instrumental piece given the paucity of rests, more especially since one of those rests, five notes into the bassus (with Γ3 clef) on the recto, precludes the singing of the six syllables Gen-ti-le spi-ri-tus. But what language did the scribe think he was writing? It looks like a thoroughly incompetent attempt at Latinizing Petrarch’s canzone Spirto gentil che quelle membra reggi, by someone who knew neither that gentile is neuter nor that the Latin for ‘having the virtues of noble birth’ is generosus.20 At the end of the manuscript, following the Spanish-texted compositions, there are three Latin pieces of Spanish origin. The main scribe wrote the text of Urreda’s Pange lingua setting (excerpt 17), which shows the uncompromisingly medieval spellings misterium with mi for my and gencium with ci for ti (see Plate  5.6). Instead of praestet fides supplementum sensuum defectui we have preter, as if he were thinking of Praeter rerum seriem, and then se sensum, altogether producing total nonsense in words of no common significance, expressing the mysterium fidei; the scribe may have known the text of the Ordinary by heart, but he did not know what the Mass was all about.

17 ‘Iohannes vrede’, fols. 226v–227r Pange lingua gloriosi corporis misterium sanguinisque preciosi quem in mundi precium fructus ventris generosi rex effudit gencium. Tantum ergo sacramentum veneremur cernui, et antiquum documentum nouo cedat ritui, preter fides supplementum se sensum defectui.

recte prestet se sensum] recte sensuum

To be sure, he was not the only scribe to err; Mondéjar’s Ave rex noster (excerpt  18), evidently in another hand, shows two misspellings, a wrong case-ending, and a corruption of second-person es to third-person est,

20

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Contrast the elegant rendering of De tous biens pleine as Omnium bonorum plena, where plena takes the Ciceronian genitive, rather than the Imperial ablative.

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Plate 5.6. ‘Johannes vrede’, Pange lingua, Segovia, fol. 226v, superius. Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

possibly encouraged by Acts 8:32 tamquam ouis ad occisionem ductus est, ‘he was led like a sheep to the slaughter’. 21 The tenor presents the telltale Spanish initial double r in rrex, with which one then might spell, and still pronounces, Spanish rey. 18 ‘Alonso de Mondejar’, fols. 227v–228r Ave rex [rrex T] noster, tu solus miseratus nostros herrores [recte errores] patri obediens ductus est [recte es] ad crucem mansuetus ut agnus ad ocisionem [recte occisionem]. Tibi triumphus et victoria tibi summe laude [recte laudes] et honor et corona, Dominus meus et deus meus. In manus tuas domine commendo spiritum meum.

21

Was the scribe mentally translating Spanish third-person es?

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This erre recurs in a fragment on the last preserved page [fol. 228v], again not by the main scribe, ‘Ne rrecorderis Dirige dum veneris Kirie leysson’, which is the superius from Francisco de la Torre’s Ne recorderis. The last phrase is spelt with one s too many and one e too few, reflecting not only fusion of vowels but a determination to show that the s sound was unvoiced.22 Let us now consider scribal spelling in greater detail. In general Latin is spelt in the standard late-medieval fashion, e for classical ae, intrusive p between m and n, intrusive h in perhenne, and so on. The Hosanna trope in excerpt 12 above shows kallidissime spelt with a k, a haphazard realization of the grammatical doctrine that that letter is found before a,23 as in Kalendae and Karthago and sometimes in karus, but in this manuscript I have not noticed it elsewhere. In the four-voice version of Binchois’s Te Deum beginning on fol. 101v, the word maiestatis, in all voices save the tenor, is written with a g, a spelling attested elsewhere and accepted or even preferred at the time in most vernaculars including Dutch. It is no surprise that the scribe so sadly lacking in Latin should have no Greek: in the third line of Mille quingentis he spells sicilides (in the superius scicilides) instead of Sicelides, though since that is also the spelling in late manuscripts of Vergil it may be due to Obrecht. More damningly, on fol. 19v, Obrecht’s canonic inscription (missing in the work’s other source) for the tenor in the Gloria of the Missa Libenter gloriabor appears as ‘tu tenorista per antifrazim canta’, with a z in place of the s of antifrasim.24 This may well represent current pronunciation, but fond as Obrecht is of this word in his canons, this is the only place where the New Obrecht Edition records that spelling, which leaves open the possibility that it is due to the copyist even though on fol. 110v, in Busnoys’s J’ai pris amours (which he ascribes to Martini), he writes the word correctly. This brings us to the question of vernacular languages and possible vernacular influence. If the z is scribal, it would not of itself rule out a Spanish scribe, because at that date intervocalic s and z, though properly representing It was only in the course of the sixteenth century that the voiced sibilants g/j s z were devoiced to become homophonous with x ss ç, which led to the ousting of the latter consonants from Spanish orthography. 23 Grammarians exhibit a wide range of opinion, but see the extreme statement by Donatus, Ars maior 1.2: those who deem K superfluous ‘nesciunt quotiens A sequitur K litteram praeponendam esse, non C’: Louis Holtz, Donat et la tradition de l’enseignement grammatical (Paris: Centre National de la recherche scientifique, 1981), 604–5. 24 Ed. Thomas Noblitt, NOE 6 (1986), 35–70; see p. xxv for the canon. 22

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different sounds, are sometimes confused. Even if he had not been shown to be Flemish, one would prefer to suppose an interference from Flemish or French, which both used it – the former less often and the latter more often than in modern orthography – but, in contrast to the scribe’s native competence in Flemish, his French sinks to crass and consistent errors in the proper names ‘Josquin du press’ and ‘Loysette Compere’. When he has to write the plural imperative ‘cure me’ (‘loysette compere’, fol. 191v), correctly garisses moy (cf. modern guérissez-moi), he spells it ‘Guarisse [Garisse S] moy’, leaving off the final s, already in accordance with pronunciation, [ɡarisemwɛ], but certainly not in accordance with educated spelling. Consistently with Flemish origin, he also exhibits northern or north-eastern features: Che n’est pas jeu (‘Scoen heyne’, fol. 163r) for the other sources’ Ce; bieau for beau (‘loysette compere’, fol. 182r) along with a Flemish-looking w in huwer for huer in the same voice (the bassus spells both words correctly) and ij (perhaps better interpreted as ÿ), in the tenor, ‘Jay prijs amour’, a spelling also used in the two other settings in the manuscript (fols. 110v, 118v). In the Italian text of the Fortuna desperata ascribed to Busnoys (fol. 174r) (Plate 5.7), Segovia presents the Tuscan disperata (as also for Isaac on fols. 115v, 116r, 117v, and 118r, and Josquin fol. 182v) but non-Tuscan denegata, writes Italian che as if it were French que, and misspells donna as done with single n as in Venetian, and final e as in the plural (or French). It is still disputed whether Spanish texts were entered by a native speaker rather than a fluent Fleming;25 but in any case, that the main scribe was more familiar with Spanish than French is evident from fol. 180r, where in Compere’s Vive le noble roi the noun is given as Rey instead of Roy and in the superius the article appears as el instead of le. On fols. 65v, 94v, 95v, 100v and 168v he spelt Anchieta’s name with ch, and on fols. 63v, 146r, and 169r with x, which in those days was pronounced [ ʃ ]. Only the last of these has an i before the e, anxieta, everywhere else ancheta or anxeta; as a new import, being the Basque word for a gull, it may not have acquired a fixed form in Spanish, least of all when even now the most elaborate modern dictionary of Basque gives it as variously antxeta, antxita, and antxieta.26 For the softening of /ntʃ/ to /nʃ/ we may compare the older English spelling frensshe for French. The most telling 25

For a Spanish scribe, see Fuhrmann, above, Ch. 3; Wegman, below, Ch. 7; Ángel Manuel Olmos Sáez, ‘En torno al Cancionero Musical de Palacio y Cancionero Musical de Segovia: Análisis de su origen y utilidad’, Nassarre 25 (2012), 43–66 at 53–4. Against: Ros-Fábregas, above, Ch. 2; cf. Blackburn, Ch. 8. 26 Luis Michelena, Diccionario Vasco General/Orotariko Euskal Hiztegia, 16 vols. (Bilbao: Desclée de Brouwer, 1987–2005), ii. 156.

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Plate 5.7. ‘Anthonius busnoys’, Fortuna disperata (superius and tenor), Segovia, fol. 174r. Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

orthography, however, is surely in the composer’s name above Pange lingua (excerpt 17 above) (see Plate 5.6 above): not Urreda with Spanish double r and final a, but ‘vrede’ with single r and final e. Surely this is vrede, Dutch for ‘peace’, substituted for his original name de Wreede, ‘the cruel’. Most of us had always assumed a Flemish scribe, even before Rob Wegman’s demonstration that he could be nothing else (see below, Ch. 7). But whatever we make of the scribe’s vernacular competence, where Latin is concerned he was never better than his sources, and sometimes worse. Editors should not hesitate to doubt his readings, even when he is the earliest authority for a work; on the other hand, they should not dismiss him out of hand, since other scribes are also capable of erring. Just as the best manuscript may be wrong, so may the worst be right; alas, in Latin texts Segovia is closer to worst than best.

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chapter 6

The Segovia Manuscript as Chansonnier * Honey Meconi The Segovia manuscript is routinely referred to as either a chansonnier or a cancionero.1 It is neither. It is a mixed manuscript of basically three collections in one: a sacred compilation and both a chansonnier and a cancionero, now laid out mostly in that order and usually arranged by descending number of voices.2 There are various other means of internal organization as well. Of these three collections, the sacred one fills the largest part of Segovia. Itself divided into three main sections, it takes up about 60 percent of the



* I would like to thank the organizers and participants of the Segovia session at the

2007 International Musicological Society Congress for generously sharing their comments, ideas, and papers before, during, and after the conference. 1 My interest in Segovia arose many years ago because it did not contain any music by Pierre de la Rue, the leading Habsburg-Burgundian composer, despite supposedly having been compiled while that court was sojourning in Spain in 1502. My previous work on Segovia can be found in Honey Meconi, ‘Art-Song Reworkings: An Overview’, JRMA 119 (1994), 1–42 at 15–16; ‘Poliziano, Primavera, and Perugia 431: New Light on Fortuna desperata’, in Paula Higgins (ed.), Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 465–503 at 485; my edition of Fortuna desperata: Thirty-Six Settings of an Italian Song, RRMAR, 37 (Middleton, WI: A-R Editions, 2001), passim. See also Meconi, Pierre de la Rue and Musical Life at the Habsburg-Burgundian Court (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 80–2, and Amanda Zuckerman Wesner, ‘The Chansons of Loyset Compère: Authenticity and Stylistic Development’ (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1992), 36–40. 2 Norma Klein Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript of Polyphony in the Archives of the Cathedral of Segovia: Its Provenance and History’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1978), i. 2, subdivides these still further as ‘a mass choirbook, a Latin motet and Magnificat collection, a French chansonnier, a Dutch songbook, and a Spanish cancionero’. Two other collections typically considered chansonniers, however, also have significant proportions of Flemish songs: London 35087 and the Brussels/Tournai partbooks (Brussels IV.90 and IV.1274; Tournai 94).

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manuscript. Yet despite this dominance, the tendency to think of Segovia as secular is understandable, given that the secular pieces have received far more attention than the sacred ones and that we are not always fastidious in our descriptions of manuscripts. Although the secular works take up less space, they are greater in number than the sacred ones. The cancionero section is an important example of its type, while the chansonnier component contains some extremely interesting compositions that have elicited a good deal of scholarly scrutiny, and sometimes controversy as well. Close attention to the specific part of Segovia that we might most accurately refer to as a chansonnier provides additional context for the manuscript, strengthening several of the hypotheses about the origins of the collection’s contents. Chansons in general are not a major presence in Iberian manuscripts surviving from the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. The Census-Catalogue lists barely two dozen manuscripts originating in Spain or Portugal during this period.3 Few contain chansons, and nowhere are they the significant presence they are in Segovia. Yet the chanson was far from unknown in Spain.4 The inventory made at Queen Isabella’s request in 1503 shows no fewer than three separate manuscripts described as chansonniers: two specifically as French cancioneros and one as a manuscript of polyphony in French.5 A 1505 inventory made after her death lists another ‘songbook in French’. 6 The presence of so many chansons in Segovia, then, was not an isolated phenomenon, even if it may look that way to us now.

Census-Catalogue, v. 288–9. See Tess Knighton, ‘Isabel of Castile and her Music Books: Franco-Flemish Song in Fifteenth-Century Spain’, in Barbara F. Weissberger (ed.), Queen Isabel I of Castile: Power, Patronage, Persona, Colección Támesis, Serie A, Monografías, 253 (Woodbridge: Támesis, 2008), 29–54, who traces the presence of French chansons in Spain back to the fourteenth century. 5 The relevant entries are given in Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M.454: Study and Edition in the Context of the Iberian and Continental Manuscript Traditions’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1992), i. 378, 380; and Knighton, ‘Isabel of Castile’, 41. 6 See Knighton, ‘Isabel of Castile’, 41; this essay provides a nuanced interpretation of the books listed in the 1503 and 1505 inventories as well as of other collections with Spanish connections. 3

4

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chansonnier structure The Appendix provides a condensed inventory of Segovia, giving a breakdown by gathering structure 7 and listing the number of breves used for some of the Latin-texted works, which enables us to distinguish rapidly between shorter works of the kind often found in chansonniers and more substantial ones not usually transmitted with chansons.8 The Appendix indicates as well the general number of sources for each work: an asterisk for a piece unique to Segovia, no mark for a work in one other source, and so on.9 It also classifies each piece by language or genre. These classifications are determined largely by how the piece appears in the manuscript, not by what we musicologists know about the original identity of these works.10 Italics are used to signal works that are ‘disguised’ in Segovia; they are also used to highlight significant alterations of the original text, which usually trigger a disguise as well. The Appendix further gives a detailed list of contents starting with Gathering  14, where the secular works begin, and extending through Gathering 26, the unusual set of duos that concludes the chansonnier portion of Segovia. Except where otherwise indicated, the pieces in the chansonnier are for three voices and are transmitted with little or no text. This practice is in contrast to sacred music in Segovia, which usually receives full texting in all voices. As for the gatherings, Norma Klein Baker noted years ago that changes in gathering typically corresponded to significant repertoire changes

7 Baker,

‘An Unnumbered Manuscript’, 87, was the first to give the gathering structure of Segovia; see Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘New Light on the Segovia Manuscript: Watermarks, Foliation, and Ownership’, Ch. 2 in the present volume, for the most detailed study of the manuscript’s construction. 8 Short pieces can sometimes take up a fair amount of space in the manuscript, however, as is the case with the rapid figurework of no. 146, Gentile spiritus. 9 This practice was inspired by the handout to Kenneth Kreitner, ‘The Segovia Manuscript and the Education of Prince Juan’, paper read at the conference ‘Reading and Writing the Pedagogy of the Renaissance’, Peabody Institute and Johns Hopkins University, June 2005 (Kreitner’s paper is included in the present volume under the title ‘What Was Segovia For?’, Ch. 4). The categories are subject to change as fresh concordances come to light, but the basic points made in this chapter should stay the same. 10 Thus, for example, Agricola’s reworking of Helas madame, no. 146, is called Flemish since it is given a Flemish incipit. However, users of the manuscript would have no way of knowing which works use fixed forms (rondeau quatrain, etc.) but would simply see such works as chansons.

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as well.11 We can certainly see that here: Gathering 14 marks the beginning of the chansonnier, Gathering 18 begins a three-voice sacred interruption, Gathering 21 starts the three-voice secular section, Gathering 22 marks a second three-voice sacred section, Gathering 26 is dedicated to bicinia, and the cancionero begins with Gathering 27. Baker’s observation is especially pertinent in respect to Emilio RosFábregas’s new examination of the manuscript, which has revealed multiple watermarks and a complex campaign of compilation for the manuscript, still only imperfectly understood.12 If we summarize the contents of the gatherings with this information, we see the following basic layout:13 Gatherings 1–13 (various gathering indications) sacred for four or more voices (Watermarks 2/2* with a single leaf of W1)14 Gathering 14 (no gathering indication) 4v, mostly secular (W2) currently but not originally conjoined 15 with Gathering 15 Gathering 15 (opening folio missing) secular or devotional for four or five voices (W2/2*) Gathering 16 (gathering indication: xv) 4v, mostly Flemish (W2/2*) composition 57 begins in Gathering 16 and concludes in Gathering 17 Gathering 17 (gathering indication: xvi) 4v, mostly Flemish (W2/2*)

11

Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript’, 88; see also pp. 101–2 on the number of staves changing between gatherings. 12 See Ros-Fábregas, above, Ch. 2. Watermark indications given below are taken from his chapter; Ros-Fábregas has also been the first to investigate the still visible (yet incomplete) gathering indications. As his chapter makes clear, the gathering indications do not necessarily correspond to the order in which the music was copied. 13 For full details see Ros-Fábregas, above, Ch. 2. 14 The single leaf is all that remains of the first gathering; see the table of Segovia’s gathering structure in the contribution by Ros-Fábregas, above, Ch. 2. 15 My thanks to Emilio Ros-Fábregas for this information (personal communication, 4 February 2008).

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Gathering 18 (gathering indication: xvii) sacred, mostly 3v (W3/3*) composition 67 begins in Gathering 18 and concludes in Gathering 19 Gathering 19 (no gathering indication) sacred, mostly 3v (W1/1*) Gathering 20 (gathering indication: xx) sacred, mostly 3v (W1/1* & W3) Gathering 21 (gathering indication: x) 3v secular (W3/3*) Gathering 22 (gathering indication: xx) 3v, mostly sacred; final four pieces secular (W3/3* & W1/1*) Gathering 23 (gathering indication: xxiii) one hymn plus secular works, mostly 3v (W1/1*) Gathering 24 (gathering indication: xxiiii) 3v, mostly secular (W1/1*) Gathering 25 (gathering indication: xx) 3v, mostly secular (W4/4*) Gathering 26 (opening folio missing) duos, mostly pedagogical (W3) Gatherings 27–9 (gathering indication for 27: xxv; no other indications) Castilian songs, with three Latin works appended (W4/4*)

The broad picture suggested by this layout is that large groups of pieces were copied in approximate units: works for four or more voices on paper type 2, three-voice works plus the duos on paper types 1 and 3, and the Castilian songs as well as one quasi-‘leftover’ gathering of three-voice works on paper type 4. This plan is obviously approximate; e.g. paper type 1 (used for a sixvoice work) appears at what is now the beginning of the manuscript.16 Of particular interest is the intermingling of paper types 1 and 3 in two separate gatherings, 20 and 22. Gathering 20 is sacred music, all for three voices except for a single four-voice motet copied across two different paper types. Similarly, Gathering 22 emphasizes sacred music until the end of the

16

See Ros-Fábregas, above Ch. 2, for the possibility that the manuscript was not originally planned to open as it currently does.

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gathering, and two of its pieces are copied across two different paper types. In Segovia’s current order, Gatherings 20 and 22 are separated by a gathering of three-voice secular works, but it is entirely possible that Segovia’s threevoice music was originally planned just as the four-voice music is now organized, with sacred pieces first and then secular ones. The fact that the intermingling of paper types 1 and 3 appears only in Gatherings 20 and 22, gatherings that may once have been adjacent or copied about the same time, supports that idea. Why then might these gatherings have been ordered as they are? The choice of works in gatherings 20 and 22 is possibly informative here; see the Appendix for the list of pieces. Not surprisingly, Gathering 20 opens with compositions not usually found in a chansonnier: two substantial motets and two sections of Lamentations. It closes, though, with an interesting series of four pieces, nos. 76 to 79, of which three begin with ‘Ave’, including the otherwise ‘out of place’ four-voice motet Ave verum corpus Domini, doubtless situated here because of its text. No. 78, Brumel’s motet Mater patris, is obviously not an ‘Ave’ work, but it is surely copied here because it is a virtual twin of the preceding composition, Ave ancilla trinitatis. The stylistic connections between these two works were first observed and discussed by Helen Hewitt;17 especially noteworthy is that both works are written for three voices almost equal in their ranges.18 This relatively rare trait is shared by the piece that follows, no. 79, Obrecht’s rather small-scale Marian hymn. These last three works are precisely the kind of devotional work that appears from time to time in true chansonniers, which I would suggest calling ‘devotional polyphony’ as opposed to ‘liturgical polyphony’. While Obrecht’s hymn survives only in Segovia, Mater patris is found in the Odhecaton, and Ave ancilla trinitatis is contained in Canti B. When the secular gathering follows, these four devotional works effect a graceful transition between the sacred and secular realms. Most of the Latin works of Gathering 22 are even more at home in a chansonnier setting. Although nos. 97 and 99 are substantial motets, no. 97 exhibits the lack of text characteristic of secular rather than sacred works in Segovia. Nos. 96, 100, and 101 are short hymns (no. 96 lacking its text), and no. 98 is an inconsequential work that presents the third litany of the collection. The fully texted Ave sanctissima Maria sets a non-liturgical Marian Petrucci: Harmonice musices odhecaton A, ed. Helen Hewitt (Cambridge, MA: The Mediaeval Academy of America, 1942; repr. New York, NY: Da Capo 1978), 72–3. 18 Wolfgang Fuhrmann has kindly brought to my attention a third three-voice work by Brumel for equal voices, his Ave Maria, gratia dei plena (personal communication, 21 May 2016). 17

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prayer that is closely associated with books of hours, as Bonnie Blackburn has demonstrated,19 and a setting of a version of this prayer by Pierre de la Rue opens Margaret of Austria’s own chansonnier, Brussels 228. With nos. 103 through 107 we are completely within the repertoire of chansonniers. The sacred tricinium no. 103, Agricola’s most famous work, is ubiquitous in chansonniers of the period, and it is usually presented just as in Segovia, without text. Obrecht’s Christe, paired here with Agricola’s work, appears elsewhere in a printed chansonnier; Josquin’s very popular motetchanson, no. 105, appears almost exclusively in chansonniers with a French text; and both 106 and 107 appear in other chansonniers as well, typically as textless tricinia.20 We could argue, then, that, in contrast to Gatherings 18 to 20, the sacred works in Gathering 22 look more like a continuation of a chansonnier than an interruption of one. We thus have a chansonnier roughly split into two parts, interrupted by three-voice sacred music. Four-voice secular works occupy Gatherings 14 to 17; three-voice secular and devotional works, with duos tacked on at the end, are found in Gatherings 21 to 26.21 And it is easy from here to imagine a different and more generically stable layout, with Gatherings 1–13 (fourvoice sacred music) followed by Gatherings 18, 19, 20, and 22 (three-voice sacred music until the very end). The hymns that end Gathering 20 and begin Gathering 22 would be adjacent, and Gathering 22 would effect a transition from liturgical music through devotional music to close with secular music. The secular gatherings would follow: four-voice (14–17), three-voice (21, 23–25), and two-voice (26). Segovia’s scribe, had he wished, could have generated a distinct chansonnier within the manuscript. Based on his codicological findings, Ros-Fábregas has suggested that the copyist’s original plan was not to generate a single manuscript, but rather a series of gatherings.22 This certainly seems true for the four-voice 19 Bonnie

J. Blackburn, ‘The Virgin in the Sun: Music and Image for a Prayer Attributed to Sixtus IV’, JRMA 124 (1999), 157–95. On books of hours and chansonniers, see Honey Meconi, ‘A Cultural Theory of the Chansonnier’, in M. Jennifer Bloxam, Gioia Filocamo, and Leofranc Holford-Strevens (eds.), ‘Uno gentile et subtile ingenio’: Studies in Renaissance Music in Honour of Bonnie J. Blackburn (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), 649–57. 20 See the concordances in the Inventory, below, Ch. 10. 21 With some exceptions, each four-voice secular work appears on a single opening, while two three-voice works share each opening. Longer three-voice works are mostly clustered at the end of Gathering 25. 22 Ros-Fábregas, Ch. 2 above.

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sacred portion of the collection, where Ros-Fábregas has demonstrated ways in which gatherings were reshaped and ultimately reordered. It is not necessarily the case for the chansonnier portion of the collection, though, for most of the gatherings are fairly specific in character and suggest at least some elements of planning vis-à-vis an overall scheme. Within the fourvoice section, Gathering 14 is difficult to characterize because six folios are missing today. Gathering 15, however, is comprised of works that are either of extraordinary popularity themselves (Busnoys’s Je ne demande, Agricola’s Je nay deul/Je ne demande,23 and Caron’s Helas que pourra) or were inspired by ‘big hits’ of the day: Fortuna desperata, Jay pris amours,24 Le souvenir, and – to a lesser extent – Fortune par ta cruaulté. After this ‘popular’ gathering we move to two gatherings of mostly Flemish works with two reasonably wellknown chansons tucked in. Gathering 21 is almost evenly divided between Flemish and French works, again with an emphasis on works that are either popular in their own right, sometimes wildly so, or based on a well-known model (nos. 82, 85, and 91). Gathering 22, as noted above, includes many works of devotional polyphony so typical of chansonniers. With the last three gatherings of the chansonnier section, though, we move to a much more miscellaneous selection of works, some very difficult to pin down, that include not just the usual French and Flemish pieces but Italian and Latin compositions and at least one whose text makes it look Spanish (no. 123) even though we know that it is actually a French work.25 The compiler has thus now moved away from gatherings that are mostly or completely unified in content to those that Agricola’s work does not actually use text or music from Je ne demande. If the scribe believed it did (based on his own ideas or his exemplar), the work is an obvious pairing with Busnoys’s piece, but it may also just represent a copying error, as some have suggested. 24 The piece is incomplete, presenting only superius and tenor voices on the left side of an opening that happens to be the last verso of a gathering. No page is missing at this point, and the scribe evidently did not want to continue on a fresh gathering, so wrote instead ‘vacat’ over the voices (for a different interpretation, see Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript’, 88). The work is presumably a fourvoice reworking of the famous original, since it is in the four-voice section of Segovia and presents the superius and tenor, both transposed down a step, of the original three-voice chanson. 25 The last three sections contain more works of uncertain genre than elsewhere in the chansonnier, as the question marks in the Appendix indicate. Many of these are found without text in any source, not just Segovia, leading to the assumption that they were conceived instrumentally. 23

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seem to contain a haphazard selection of leftovers – just the type of pieces we might expect in a stand-alone chansonnier, especially one from Italy. The ‘leftover’ moniker seems especially appropriate for Gathering 25.26 The layout of paper types in Segovia suggests that the chansonnier – composed of paper types 1, 2, and 3, was supposed to end with the gathering of duos, Gathering 26, which uses paper type 3. The cancionero that follows the duos is on paper type 4. So, however, is Gathering 25, which currently precedes the duos. The combination of separate paper type and mixed repertoire for Gathering 25 implies that it was copied later than any of the other chansonnier sections, and then tucked in before the duo gathering to join the other three-voice compositions.27 Organization by number of voices is by no means unknown with chansonniers. Famous examples include the Casanatense chansonnier from Ferrara (Rome 2856), the Basevi Codex (Florence 2439), Margaret of Austria’s last and largest chansonnier (Brussels 228), and the very first printed chansonnier, Petrucci’s Odhecaton. Although chansonniers at this time are not usually inserted into larger miscellanies and interlarded with liturgical polyphony, as in Segovia, the mixture of French chansons with other secular genres (and with devotional polyphony) that we find in Segovia is standard for chansonniers.28 And as we shall discuss shortly, the texting practices of Segovia match those of numerous other chansonniers as well. But first let us turn our attention to the question of dating.

26

The contents of Gathering 25 are decidedly mixed: Latin, Italian, French, and Flemish-appearing works jostle together here. Four works do not lend themselves readily to categorization, and the two Italian pieces, which will be discussed shortly, are highly unusual in the context of the manuscript. Numbers 146 through 150 are also among the longest three-voice works of the chansonnier. Finally, Gathering 25 also contains the only unattributed secular piece in the entire manuscript. In all other instances where an ascription is missing, the folio that would have contained the attribution is also missing. Segovia’s scribe is unusual in his zeal for naming composers, though he was not always accurate in doing so. 27 On the other hand, the sequestering of longer three-voice works to Gathering 25 suggests some kind of preliminary planning. Were these pieces set aside and only remembered later? 28 This is true whether a chansonnier is of northern or Italian origin, though variety is perhaps more pronounced in Italian chansonniers. Indeed, there are very few music chansonniers that include nothing but French chansons, and they are all from France (though not all French chansonniers are so restricted); see Meconi, ‘A Cultural Theory of the Chansonnier’.

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dating I have shown elsewhere that La Rue’s absence in a manuscript whose repertoire might come in part from the Habsburg-Burgundian court in the 1490s is entirely reasonable, and that objections are based on misunderstandings of the nature of the court manuscripts, the position of La Rue within the court, and unrealistic expectations that a manuscript can only contain music by composers who work at the court, etc.29 Further, diplomatic contact between the courts of Spain and Burgundy extends at least as far back as 1483, when Maximilian began negotiations with Spain about a royal wedding.30 But possibly Segovia is not a Castilian court manuscript and Habsburg-Burgundy had little or nothing to do with it. The late 1490s, though, still remain an excellent time for Segovia’s compilation (as several of us have suggested), and the specific contents of the chansonnier bolster that idea. A key component of dating is obviously Compère’s Vive le noble roy, whose date of composition serves as a terminus post quem for Segovia.31 The issue at stake is whether or not the text refers to Charles VIII’s victory at Fornovo in 1495. Compère was with Charles at this time, thus making that battle a logical impetus for the composition. Another possibility suggested is that the song is about Louis XII’s conquest of Milan in 1500. This hypothesis provides a closer fit in terms of textual reference, but is problematic in that Compère was no longer with the French court. Given that the full text is not present in Segovia but only in later sources, I would suggest that still another scenario might be at play: that these later sources present a textual revision by someone (not necessarily Compère) after Louis’s victory to reflect the Milanese conquest more accurately, and that the piece was first written by Compère to celebrate the achievement of Charles.32 This would not be a unique example of such a practice: retexting is found with other occasional compositions of the time.33 See Meconi, Pierre de la Rue, 81. See Jean-Marie Cauchies, Philippe le beau: Le dernier duc de Bourgogne, Burgundica, 6 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 43. See also Tess Knighton, ‘Northern Influence on Cultural Developments in the Iberian Peninsula during the Fifteenth Century’, Renaissance Studies, 1 (1987), 221–37. 31 For a summary of the issues surrounding the date of Vive le noble roy, see Wesner, ‘The Chansons of Loyset Compère’, 30–4. 32 Working independently and in greater detail, Wolfgang Fuhrmann has also suggested that the surviving text for Vive le noble roy is not the original one; see Ch. 3. 33 E.g. the substitution of names in Févin’s motet Adiutorium nostrum.

29 30

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The secular works in Segovia fit nicely with a date in the later 1490s. This congruence is explored by Wolfgang Fuhrmann in this volume; a few additional observations reinforce his conclusions. First, the specific choice (or exclusion) of certain Flemish works fits extremely well with this dating. Een vrolic wesen is present only in its original version, not in any of its myriad reworkings (despite the fact that Segovia is a rich source of art-song reworkings in general; see the Appendix), and the slightly later and almost as popular O waerde mont is not present at all. Second, the proportion of threevoice to four-voice secular works matches perfectly what we know of the 1490s. Segovia contains more than twice as many three-voice as four-voice secular works, and when we look only at the French works, that proportion is about 75 percent for three-voice texture and 25 percent for four voices. We can place that in context by comparing Segovia with two important secular collections, one from the beginning of the 1490s and one from very early in the sixteenth century. Florence 229, from the early 1490s, has a repertoire that is about 80 percent for three voices and 20 percent for four or more voices. In comparison, the Odhecaton, from 1501, is about evenly split between three- and four-voice works. Segovia falls between these two collections in its proportions, and it may fall between in date as well. It is possible that the repertoire that Segovia’s scribe received was slightly outdated when it arrived. But the manuscript seems to have a very recent Flemish repertoire, for the four-voice section – the most forward looking in terms of texture – is dominated by Flemish compositions. Gatherings 16 and 17, for example, are almost entirely Flemish. The large number of Flemish works in the most up-to-date, four-voice texture is further evidence – if any more were needed – of extremely close and arguably very current ties between Segovia’s scribe and some conduit to Flanders.34

texting Texting practice within the chansonnier provides important evidence for another source of Segovia’s repertoire: Italy. Non-Castilian secular works in Segovia, as noted earlier, are normally presented with little or no text, which is standard for non-French chansonniers of this period.35 This overwhelming 34

For the latest on the use of Flemish in Segovia see Rob C. Wegman, ‘The Segovia Manuscript: Another Look at the “Flemish Hypothesis”’, Ch. 7 in the present volume. 35 For a recent discussion of texting practices, see Warwick Edwards, ‘Agricola’s Songs without Words: The Sources and the Performing Traditions’, in Nicole Schwindt

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tendency makes the few exceptions to this rule especially noteworthy. There are only three non-Flemish pieces with either an extended incipit or a fullytexted voice. The first is no. 115, the only bicinium outside of Gathering 26, and a work that does not necessarily provide an Italian connection despite its presumed authorship by Isaac. This work is a rare example of an unusual genre, an art-song reworking that combines a cantus firmus with a quodlibet. Fifteen short excerpts from famous popular or courtly songs make up the quodlibet; three of the songs quoted appear elsewhere in Segovia.36 Some of the musical quotations are extremely short: five of them are only four or five notes long.37 The inclusion of the words signals and emphasizes the musical quotations, some of which might have been possible to overlook otherwise, making this a very desirable text for inclusion.38 The other two pieces with significant text are Italian, and here it is worth looking first at Italian, Italian-seeming, or Italianate pieces within Segovia. There are at least ten of these. No. 40, Fortuna vincineta, is a reworking of Vincenet’s Fortune par ta cruaulté, and thus possibly but not necessarily Italian. Three other works, all Italian instrumental tricinia, are disguised in Segovia: La stangetta (no. 106, of uncertain authorship, in Segovia as a song motet, Ortus de celo flos est), Martini’s textless work (no. 107), placed after no. 106 as another song motet, and Isaac’s La morra (no. 113, with

(ed.), Alexander Agricola: Musik zwischen Vokalität und Instrumentalismus, TroJa 6 (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2006), 83–121. Italian chansonniers earlier in the fifteenth century often included texted chansons, with the practice fading in the last few decades of the Quattrocento. I would note that Italian song itself undergoes a revival at precisely this time and suggest that the two phenomena are quite probably linked. 36 These are no. 139, Jay bien nori; no. 42, Je nay deul; and no. 47, Jay prijs amours. The last is given in the quodlibet just as in no. 47, with the famous melody transposed down a step. As for the Je nay deul quote, it is likely that the quodlibet is not citing Ockeghem’s contratenor here, as sometimes thought, but rather Agricola’s work (no. 42), which uses the same motive very audibly in all four voices in imitation at the beginning of the piece. 37 In the case of ‘A que mon enfant’ there are more syllables than notes. 38 The text displays the scribe’s typical lack of ease in French: ‘se’ for ‘ce’, ‘ma bouche rijt’, and so on. On the possible biographical significance of the text of the final excerpt, ‘Je suis dallemagne’, see Bonnie J. Blackburn, ‘The Segovia Manuscript: Speculative Notes on the Flemish Connection’, Ch. 8 in the present volume. It is curious, though, that Isaac, if he is really the composer of this unique work, quotes a version of ‘Et je boi d’autant’ that differs from that used in his own four-voice setting (if the latter is indeed by him).

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the Flemish incipit ‘Elaes’).39 An undisguised work is no. 150 (a reworking of Martini’s La martinella, with a new contratenor possibly by Isaac). Three other compositions are reworkings of Fortuna desperata, nos. 44, 46, and 127. Of these eight pieces, almost all seem to have been conceived without text. The exception is no. 46, the five-voice Fortuna disperata/Sancte Petre/Ora pro nobis confection (by Isaac?) where the two parts with Latin incipits readily fit the rest of the litany text.40 In other words, most of the ‘Italian’ works in Segovia do not need text. The remaining two Italian works in Segovia both ‘need’ text and receive it, in contrast to the dozens of other (non-Castilian) secular works in the manuscript that might have included text. In one of these pieces, there is still not that much text provided. Isaac’s Morte che fai (here as no. 151, Morte que fay) has the lower two voices with just the first three words alone. The superius is sparsely texted but texted nonetheless, and relative to its surroundings – all those secular works in the manuscript with full text elsewhere but not in Segovia – it is eye-catching. The piece is anomalous in other ways; it is one of the few overtly Italian pieces in the collection, as we have seen, and it directly follows another Italian work, La martinella. Both come at the end of the rather odd Gathering 25. The last texted work is the very much maligned Fortuna desperata, no. 110. While I have dealt with this work extensively elsewhere,41 more remains to be said by scrutinizing the work in the context of the Segovia chansonnier. Segovia is famous for containing the only attributed copy of the original three-part version; it is also a rich source for derivative settings (three secular or secular-type reworkings plus the Obrecht mass). The position of the original version within Segovia is telling; it comes at the end of Gathering 22, a gathering mostly given over to devotional polyphony. Four secular works close the gathering; two Flemish works frame a French and an Italian one. No. 108, Hoert hier myn liever gheselle, is unique, but the other three works occupy rather different places in the pantheon. Number 109 is a reworking of the most widely copied French chanson of the fifteenth century, De tous biens playne. Number 110 is the original Fortuna desperata, the most popular Italian song of the fifteenth century. No. 111 is a reworking of one of the most popular Flemish works of the fifteenth century, O venus bant. Indeed, one We might well add Martini’s Fuga la morie (no. 140, again with Flemish incipit, Scoen kint) to this group of Italianate textless works. 40 See Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi, no. 10. 41 See Meconi, ‘Poliziano, Primavera, and Perugia 431’ and Fortuna desperata, especially p. xxxvi, n. 48 and n. 49, where I rebut criticisms made of the earlier essay. 39

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wonders whether O venus bant, to the scribe of Segovia, was the most popular Flemish song of the time. In retrospect we know Een vrolic wesen to have enjoyed greater popularity, but that popularity manifests itself in the sixteenth rather than the fifteenth century. With Gatherings 23, 24, and 25 the scribe heads into a more miscellaneous repertoire than before; does he purposely close Gathering 22 with an inclusive gesture to the huge hits of the French, Flemish, and Italian repertoires of the time? Or, if my earlier hypothesis about rearranging the gatherings to form a chansonnier is correct, these pieces would introduce the chansonnier proper, simultaneously advertising the varied sources of the repertoire and the predilection of the scribe for extremely popular pieces and reworkings. Segovia’s musical reading of Fortuna desperata suggests a connection with Italy. The dissemination of Fortuna desperata readings in general is by no means as logical or as easy to plot as one might expect.42 Take, for example, the reading in Paris 4379, which presents the most standard version of the song and is an extremely early source to boot; it is about as close to the original as we are likely to get.43 The versions closest in reading to this (probably Neapolitan) manuscript are those in Perugia 431 (second version, also likely to be Neapolitan), Canti C (printed in Venice), Florence 27 (probably Mantuan), Cape Town Grey (northern Italy), and, rather unexpectedly, the German manuscript Wolfenbüttel 78, especially for the superius and tenor lines.44 This last source, in fact, has a tenor line that is almost identical with the probable original version. The point here is that a manuscript that is both temporally and geographically distant from an original Italian source can nonetheless be closely linked to that original.45 As for Segovia’s specific reading of Fortuna desperata, there are two unique variants; such variants are the rule rather than the exception with Fortuna desperata sources, and it is a rare manuscript of this work that does not contain one or more unique variants.46 Segovia’s reading overall is closest to those of For a discussion of variant readings see Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi, pp. xvi–xxvi. For a discussion of why this is the best version, see ibid., esp. p. xvi. 44 Perugia 431, Canti C, and Florence 27 all contain FD 2; the Wolfenbüttel manuscript transmits FD 1, and Cape Town Grey has FD 4. For FD numbers see Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi. Si placet voices are obviously not being considered. 45 The Wolfenbüttel manuscript, from about 1505, is probably twenty to thirty-five years younger than Paris 4379. 46 All variants to Fortuna desperata sources and settings (except for masses) are found in the Critical Commentary to Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi, 157–88, with discussion earlier on pp. xvi–xxvi. 42

43

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three Italian sources: Cape Town Grey (a unique si placet setting), the second version in Perugia 431 (the most common si placet setting), and Florence 121 (like Segovia, the original version). This last manuscript was compiled around 1510 in Florence; significantly, this city was the birthplace of Fortuna desperata itself.47 Segovia’s bassus reading is especially close to the original and is one of only two sources to match it in disposition of accidentals in this tricky part.48 The other, interestingly, is Wolfenbüttel 78 again, but its bassus line is otherwise not as close to the original version as that of Segovia.49 More important for interpreting Segovia’s version, though, is the text. Many sources contain Fortuna desperata; very few provide text. Of those few, only three give the text with a refrain, as the original poem requires.50 Segovia is one. Significantly, the other two are the very earliest sources to contain Fortuna desperata: the first part of Paris 4379 and Perugia 431. Again, both are Italian (probably Neapolitan). Two further points strengthen the Italian connection. Of all texted sources of Fortuna desperata, Segovia’s reading and layout are most closely aligned to the phrase structure of the composition, which, as stated before, originated in Florence.51 Still more telling is Segovia’s use of disperata rather than desperata; disperata is the original reading and all surviving Florentine sources save one use that form of the word.52 All derivative settings of Fortuna desperata in Segovia, including the Obrecht mass, use disperata as well.53 In fact, disperata is almost unknown outside of Italy, and the only other non-Italian source that the Florentine origin of the song, see Meconi, ‘Poliziano, Primavera, and Perugia 431’, esp. 466–78. 48 See Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi, p. xxi. 49 Joshua Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy’, in Paula Higgins (ed.), Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 505–71 at 533, points out shared variants with the northern source Sankt Gallen 462 and its derivative, Sankt Gallen 463. Two of these three variants appear in other sources (one in many other sources), including specifically Italian ones. Further, MS 462 shares variants not found in Segovia with firmly Italian manuscripts. Variants are listed in Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi. 50 On the text, see Meconi, ‘Poliziano, Primavera, and Perugia 431’, 466–70; and Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi, pp. xvi–xix. 51 See Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi, p. xviii. 52 The anomalous source is Vatican CG XIII.27. On the use of ‘disperata’ see Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi, p. xvii, as well as Table 3, pp. xxvii–xxxiii, which lists all titles of all Fortuna desperata works (not just those in Florentine sources) and indicates whether they are designated ‘desperata’ or ‘disparata’. 53 Fortuna desperata pieces in Segovia share some but not all musical variants. 47 On

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uses it, curiously, is another Spanish manuscript, Tarazona 3, for the Missa Fortuna disperata attributed to ‘Periquin’. 54 Thus, Segovia’s presentation of Fortuna desperata is truly unique. Although a stemma of the work is virtually impossible to construct, Segovia’s musical reading is closest to that of Italian sources, including one from Florence itself. Its textual layout is the best match of any source to the phrase structure of the work (surely coming from the exemplar, since Segovia’s scribe is not strong in Italian).55 Its textual reading is one of only three to include the original refrain; the other two sources are Italian. Of these three, Segovia is the only one to include the original reading ‘disperata’. This is an extraordinary combination of factors.56 Clearly it is time for a rehabilitation of Italy as one conduit towards Segovia. Only three non-Castilian secular works in Segovia have texting beyond incipits. Two of these are Italian. One, Fortuna desperata, displays strong and sometimes unique ties to what must have been the original song. It is very difficult to account for all of this other than by accepting an Italian origin – possibly Florentine – for some of Segovia’s repertoire. *** Although a mixed manuscript, Segovia has a non-Castilian secular repertoire largely organized as a chansonnier, and possibly more or less conceived as one originally. In its mix of materials, including chansons, Italian compositions, Flemish songs, devotional polyphony, and other works, it matches most 54 Neither

‘disperata’ nor ‘desperata’ is Castilian. According to Jean Baptiste Weckerlin, La Chanson populaire (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1886), 115, a Fortuna disperata mass by Pierre de la Rue was to be found in a library in Vienna or Munich. This is likely to be a copy of the mass now surviving only in Tarazona, whose composer is Pierrequin de Therache, not La Rue. 55 See Leofranc Holford-Strevens, ‘The Latin Texts of the Segovia Manuscript’, Ch. 5 in the present volume, who points out the scribe’s use of Latin ‘que’ rather than Italian ‘che’ (he does this consistently in no. 151, Morte che fay, as well). The scribe also incorrectly uses the plural ‘done’ (instead of ‘donna’). The use of a single ‘n’ is found in multiple locations in Italy, however; see Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi, p. xviii. As so often in Segovia, then, the Flemish scribe has made errors in the copying of the text of a language he clearly did not know, but these few errors in detail do not detract from the very strong connections with Italy that the amount and nature of the text affirm. 56 Does all of this strengthen the attribution to ‘Busnois’? Possibly, though I remain agnostic as to whether he wrote the work or not (see Meconi, ‘Poliziano, Primavera,

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chansonniers of the time, especially those originating outside France, and its laconic texting practice is typical for non-French chansonniers as well. Numerous methods of organization (number of voices, language, genre) play important roles in structuring the collection. Ultimately the desire to group pieces with the same number of voices, whether sacred or secular, trumped any possible plan for presentation of an internal chansonnier. The compositions were thus subdivided accordingly.57 The secular works nonetheless offer guidelines for dating the repertoire and perhaps the copying of the manuscript, and point anew to Italy as one of its musical sources. The repertoire for Segovia came from many different places,58 as we should logically expect for a manuscript compiled in a country that was a major player on the European political scene and that had a rich musical life of its own. ‘A manuscript is as complicated as a cathedral’ someone once wrote. Let us not be like politicians on the campaign trail, proposing simple solutions for complex problems, but let us remain open to a many-textured story behind what, for many of us, is the most fascinating Spanish manuscript of all.

and Perugia 431’, esp. 489–94; and Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi, pp.  xiv and xxxvi). Certainly there have been many suggestions as to why Segovia’s scribe might have erroneously ascribed the piece to Busnoys. 57 This preference affected sacred music as well. Kenneth Kreitner, ‘What Was Segovia For?’, Ch. 4 in the present volume, points out how one work by Anchieta has the four-voice prima pars (no. 28) physically separated from the three-voice secunda pars (no. 99), with no indication that they belong together. Number 98 circulates elsewhere with a fourth voice, and no. 114 is missing its altus (canonic with the superius, but with no indications for the derivation), but these are somewhat different matters. 58 Meconi, ‘Art-Song Reworkings’, 16, and Pierre de la Rue, 81.

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Appendix: Gatherings and Selected Contents of Segovia Unless otherwise indicated, all works have textual incipits only. Italics indicate alteration of the original language or a ‘disguised’ work. Final longs are not included in the number of breves.

abbreviations IB imperfect breves PB perfect breves ASR art-song reworking R4 rondeau quatrain R5 rondeau cinquain V virelai T text i incipit m missing * unicum $ 2–7 other sources ££ 8+ other sources + conflicting attribution elsewhere or attribution otherwise questioned

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a

119r–134v

16–17

4 4 4 4 4 4

‘4v’ 4 4 4 4 4 5 ?4

Flemish song Flemish song Flemish song Flemish song Flemish song Flemish song

Matheus pipelare Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht

Anon. (opening folio missing) Anthonius busnoys alexander agricola Caron ysaac + Johannes tinctoris ysaac + Anon.

Morkin ic hebbe * Laet u ghenoughen * Wat willen wij $ Tsat een cleen meiskin $ Waer sij dij han * Lacen adieu wel zoete $

Fortuna vincineta * = Fortune par ta cruaulté Je ne demande ££ Je nay deul/Je ne demande ££ Elaes = Helas que pourra (R5) ££ Fortuna disperata Le souvenir * Fortuna disperata/Sancte Petre/Ora pro nobis * Jay prijs amours * (vacat)

The work is in fact the secunda pars of Compère’s motet Ave Maria … Virgo serena. My thanks to Bonnie Blackburn for this identification.

48 49 50 51 52 53

40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47

[1 folio missing] ASR R4 V ‘Flemish song’ ASR ASR ASR/litany ASR

112r–118v

Sancte Michael ora pro nobis (m, T, m, T) ££ Jay prijs amours

Anon.a (opening folios missing) Johannes Martini +

15

4 4

38 39

Tmeiskin was jonc $ Sullen wij langhe * (incomplete)

Composition

Jacobus hobrecht + Jacobus hobrecht

Flemish song Flemish song [6 folios missing] [motet]/litany ASR

4 4

36 37

103 –110

14

r

Sacred music for four or more voices

v

Attribution in MS

[1]–102v

No. Voices Genre

1–13

Gathering Folios

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66 67 68 69 70 71 72

73 74 75 76

135r–150v

151r–158v

18–19

20

54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

3 3 3 4

3 2–4 2–3 3 3 3 3

4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4

Motet Lamentation Lamentation Motet

Mass Magnificat Magnificat Motet Hymn Osanna ? Motet

Flemish song Flemish song Popular song Flemish song Popular song Popular song Flemish song Flemish song Flemish song Flemish song Flemish song Flemish song

Anon. (100 IB) Anon. Anon. Anon. (76 IB)

Alexander agricola + Anthonius brumel Johannes anxeta Anon. (80 IB + 8 PB) Anon. (53 PB) Anon. (90 IB) Anon. (62 IB)

Roelkin Jacobus hobrecht loysette compere + Jacobus hobrecht loysette compere Josquin du pres Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht Jacobus hobrecht + Jacobus hobrecht

Alleluya salve virgo mater dey * (i, i, T) Aleph. Quomodo obscuratum * (T, T, T) Aleph. Vie Syon lugent * (T, T, T) Ave verum corpus Domini * (T, T, T, T)

Missa [sine nomine] (T, T, T) $ Magnificat * (T, T, T) (split across gatherings 18 and 19) Et exultavit (T, T, T) Salve sancta facies * (T, T, T) Imperatrix reginarum * (T, T, T) Osanna salvifica … in excelsis * (T, T, T) Alleluya *

Zart Reyne vrucht * Den haghel ende * Veci la dancha [danse] barberi $ Weet ghij * (split across gatherings 16 and 17) Mon pere ma done mari $ Bergironette savosienne $ Ic hoerde de clocskins luden * Als al de weerelt in vruechden * Ic draghe de mutse clutse * Ic hebbe gheen ghelt * Ic weinsche alle scoene $ Meiskin es u cutkin ru $

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80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95

96 97 98

159 r–166 v

167r–174v

22

3 3 3

3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3

Hymn Motet Litany

Flemish song Flemish song ASR ? Flemish song Popular song Flemish song R4 R4 R5 R4 Flemish song Flemish song Flemish song Flemish song Flemish song Jacobus hobrecht (43 IB) ysaac (85.5 IB) Anon. (12 IB, repeated)

Petrus elinc + Alexander agricola Alexander agricola Alexander agricola Roelkin loysette compere Alexander agricola Alexander agricola Scoen heyne + Scoen heyne + Scoen heyne Petrus elinc Jacobus hobrecht Petrus elinc Jacobus barbiriau + Alexander agricola Cuius sacrata viscera * Gracias refero tibi Domine * Sancta Maria ora pro nobis (T, T, T)

Dat ic mijn lijden $ In minen zin ££ Dung aultre amer * Oblier suis = Oublier veuil tristesse ££ Vrucht ende moet es gar dahin $ Bergironette savosienne * Tandernaken al up den Rijn $ Soyt loing ou pres $ Che nest pas jeu $ Aletz regretz ££ Mon souvenir ££ Adieu natuerlic leven mijn * Moet mij lacen u vriendelic schijn * Verlanghen ghij doet mijnder Een vroylic wesen ££ Mijn alder liefste moeselkin *

Ave ancilla trinitatis (T, T, T) $ Mater patris (T, T, T) ££ Ave maris stella * (i, i, T)

Anthonius brumel + (67 IB + 20 PB) Anthonius brumel + (58 IB + 14 PB) Jacobus hobrecht (52 IB)

‘Song motet’ ‘Song motet’ Hymn

77 78 79

3 3 3

Composition

Attribution in MS

No. Voices Genre

21

Gathering Folios

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23

175r–182v

112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123

99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111

3 3 3 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3

3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3

? ‘Flemish’ song Hymn ASR ‘Flemish’ song Flemish song Popular song ? R4 ‘Chanson’ ? ‘Spanish’

Motet Hymn Hymn Motet Sacred tricinium Christe ‘Song motet’ ‘Song motet’ ‘Song motet’ Flemish song ASR Italian song Flemish song Alr agricola ysaac Anthonius brumel (31 IB) ysaac ysaac pipelare (Alexander agricola excised) Loysette compere Adam Loysette compere Ysaac Anthonius (‘bus’ excised) brumel + Loysette compere

Johannes ancheta (80 IB) Anxieta (23 IB) Marturia (23 IB) Anon. (61 IB + 16 PB) Alexander agricola + (75 IB) Jacobus hobrecht (66 IB) Josquin du preß + (60 IB) ysaac+ (59.5 IB) Johannes Martini (32 IB + 22 PB) Petrus elinc Alexander agricola + Anthonius busnoys + Alexander agricola Princesse de toute beaulte * Elaes = La morra (instrumental tricinium) ££ Ave crux spes unica (T, T, T) De tous biens playne/Et qui lui dira * (i / T) Elaes = ASR of Helas que devera mon cuer ££ Mijns liefskins bruyn oghen $ Reveille toy franc cuer * Adieu comment joye * Si jay parle aucunement $ Vostre amour = Christe of M. Chargé $ Jamays * Vive el noble rey = Vive le noble roy $

Domine non secundum * (T, T, T) Conditor alme siderum * (T, i, i) Conditor alme siderum * (T, i, i) Ave sanctissima Maria * (T, T, T) Si dedero ££ Christe Si dedero $ In pace in idipsum = motet chanson Que vous madame/In pace ££ Ortus de celo flos est = instrumental tricinium ‘La stangetta’ $ O intemerata = instrumental tricinium $ Hoert hier mijn lieve gheselle * De tous bien playne Fortuna disperata (T, i, i) ££ O venus bant

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128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142

143 144

183r–190v

191r–198v

25

3 3

3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3

? R5

Flemish song R5 ‘Flemish’ song R5 ? R5 ? R4 ? ? Instr. Flemish song Popular song ‘Flemish’ song ? ‘Flemish’ song Anon. loysette compere

ysaac + Scoen heyne loysette compere + Loysette compere Loysette compere/Johannes Martinj + Loysette compere ysaac Scoen heyne Anthonius brumel + Jacobus hobrecht + (98 IB) Alexander agricola Johannes Joye + Johannes Martini Loysette compere ysaac +

Alexander agricola loysette compere + loysette compere + Josquin du pres +

ASR R5 R5 ASR

124 125 126 127

3 3 3 3

Attribution in MS

No. Voices Genre

24

Gathering Folios

Moyses Garisse moy $

Het es al ghedaen Amours amours ££ Elaes Abraham = Helas le bon temps R4 $ Puis que $ Cayfas * En attendant $ My my Penser en vous $ Pour vostre amour Nec michi nec tibi $ O venus bant $ Jay bien nori $ Scoen kint = Fuga la morie (inst.) $ Beaulte damours Comt hier = Pour mieulx valoir (? genre) $

De tous biens playne * Je ne fay plus ££ Jay bieau huwer/Jay prijs amours ££ Fortuna disperata *

Composition

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200r–205v

207r–228v

26

27–29

152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163

145 146 147 148 149 150 151

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

3 3 3 3 3 3 3

loysette compere + ysaac (30 PB) Alexander agricola + Alexander agricola Ferdinandus et frater eius + ysaac + ysaac

Cancionero + three Latin works

Duos, mostly pedagogical on borrowed melodies [1 folio missing] Motet Alexander agricola Antiphon Jacobus hobrecht ASR Adam ASR Alexander agricola ASR Jo. tinctoris Roelkin ASR ASR Johannes tinctoris ASR Johannes tinctoris ? Johannes tinctoris ASR Jo. tinctoris Magn. section Anon. ASR Johannes tinctoris [1 folio missing]

? ? ‘Flemish’ song ASR ? ASR Strambotto

Gaudeamus omnes in Domino * (incomplete) Regina celi * De tous biens playne * Comme femme * De tous biens playne * De tous biens playne $ Le souvenir * Dung aultre amer $ textless = Alleluya $ Tout a par moy * Fecit potentiam * Comme femme * (incomplete)

Je ne puis plus $ Gentile spiritus * Elaes = Helas madame que feriage ASR De tous biens playne * Cecus non judicat de coloribus ££ La martinella * Morte que fay = Morte che fai $

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chapter 7

The Segovia Manuscript: Another Look at the ‘Flemish Hypothesis’ Rob C. Wegman Although the various types of paper used in the Segovia choirbook have not been securely dated, it is clear from the common related watermark they share that the manuscript must have been compiled in Spain. In the late fifteenth century that watermark – a raised hand surmounted by a five-petalled flower – was almost as common in Spanish paper manuscripts and prints as it was rare in northern European sources.1 Yet here is the odd and well-known paradox about the Segovia choirbook: while the manuscript is unquestionably of Spanish origin, and while it contains two gatherings devoted, respectively, to Castilian songs and music by Juan de Anchieta, in almost every other respect it looks like a regional western Flemish source. Much of Segovia’s repertory can only have originated in Flanders, or at least in the Southern Netherlands, and is not otherwise known to have enjoyed international transmission. The manuscript offers unique glimpses, for example, into the compositional activities of Jacob Obrecht in Bruges during the late 1480s – including his autobiographical motets Mille quingentis and Inter preclarissimas virtutes, not to mention his numerous songs on Flemish texts. Another superlative Flemish composer for whom the Segovia choirbook is a uniquely important source is Matthaeus Pipelare. It transmits, amongst others, that breathtaking masterpiece by Pipelare that must sadly languish under the generic title Missa Sine nomine (fols. 54v–63r), as well as the only known copy of his middle Dutch song Morkin ic hebbe ter scolen 1 For

the preponderance of this watermark among paper types in Spanish incunabula, see the collection published on the website Watermarks in Incunabula printed in España (WIES), http://www.bernstein.oeaw.ac.at/databases/wies, accessed 25 July 2019, which contains nearly 600 samples of hand watermarks for the period 1474–1500 alone. Compare this with the handful of samples documented in Watermarks in Incunabula printed in the Low Countries (WILC), http://watermark.kb.nl, accessed 25 July 2019. For the most recent findings concerning the watermarks of the Segovia manuscript, see the contribution by Emilio Ros-Fábregas to this volume (Ch. 2).

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gheleghen. While we do not know anything about Pipelare’s life except for the two years he spent in ’s-Hertogenbosch (1498–1500), the surname Pipelart (or Pippelart) was very common in French Flanders, especially in Lille and St-Omer – two places that are known to have had regular musical exchanges with Bruges. It would be easy to give more examples. There are, for example, the unica by the composer identified by the Segovia scribe as Roelkin (‘Little Roland’), perhaps the Bruges organist Roeland Wreede, who died in 1482. Or the otherwise unknown composer Petrus Elinc – his last name is a contraction of the common Bruges family name Edelinc. Or the only known ascription in any source to Johannes and Carolus Fernandes, two blind brothers who were Bruges natives. With this and much else, the Segovia manuscript appears to open a direct window onto regional Flemish musical activity during the 1480s and 1490s, in a way no other surviving musical source does. It is only natural to assume, then, that even though the Segovia scribe was active in Spain, he must have been either a Fleming or at least very well connected with Flemish musical circles. It is the aim of this contribution to examine that assumption by taking a closer look at the scribe’s working habits, especially the way he sought to organize his repertory, and the orthography of his Flemish texts. It has long been known that the Segovia scribe wrote almost flawless Flemish, though in principle this could still mean that he was a Spaniard who happened to be exceptionally punctilious about copying texts in languages other than his own. What we need is evidence that can settle this question more definitively, and in what follows I hope to demonstrate that the Segovia manuscript contains such evidence – enough to make the scribe’s nationality a matter of virtual certainty. Let us begin by considering the manuscript as a whole. Table 7.1 shows the basic layout of the Segovia codex. There are altogether twenty-nine gatherings, numbered here in Roman numerals, corresponding to the numerals entered by the scribe himself on the first pages of the individual gatherings. A separate numbering system for gatherings is rare, so far as I know, and it is worth asking why the scribe would have introduced it. Obviously, there would have been a point to numbering the gatherings only up to the time at which they were to be bound together. Loose gatherings that are lying around on a desk or a shelf, say, or that are kept in a portfolio from which individual items can be taken out and later returned, have to be clearly identifiable if they are not to end up in the wrong order. After binding, on the other hand, gathering numbers could have served no conceivable purpose. Even if one were to go to the trouble of locating the first page of some gathering, which would take rather more patient searching now, that page would only give the number that was to be expected anyway – unless

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Table 7.1. Manuscript structure of Segovia s.s. Gatherings Folios

Sheets Initials Repertory

Parts

a

4

P  Polyphonic mass cycles by Isaac, Obrecht, Josquin, and Pipelare

I II III IV V VI VII VIII

[1]–8 9–16 17–24 25–32 33–40 41–6 47–54 55–64

4 4 4 4 4 3 4 5

P P P P P P O

IX X XI XII

65–70 71–8 79–86 87–94

3 4 4 4

O O O O

Miscellany of liturgical settings and motets

XIII

95–102

4

P b

Anchieta

XIV XV XVI XVII

103–10 111–18 119–26 127–34

4 4 4 4

O O O P c

Dutch, French, and Italian songs

XVIII XIX XX

135–42 143–50 151–8

4 4 4

O O O

Mass cycle and miscellaneous liturgical settings

XXI

159–66

4

O

Dutch, French, and Italian songs

XXII

167–74

4

O

Miscellaneous liturgical settings

XXIII XXIV XXV

175–82 183–90 191–8

4 4 4

O O O

Dutch, French, and Italian songs

XXVI

199–206

4

O

Two-part arrangements

XXVII XXVIII XXIX

207–14 215–22 223–8

4 4 3

O O O

Castilian songs

3

2 3–4

a

Up to fol. 52. Only the first two openings of gathering XIII. c Decorated initials on last page of gathering XVII (Obrecht, Meiskin es u cutkin ru). b

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perhaps the gatherings had been bound out of order. But of course that is precisely the point: evidently the scribe was worried that unless he numbered them, the gatherings might be mixed up, either by himself or by the binder – and numbering them was the easiest way to help verify the correct order before binding. It follows that the scribe must have been quite particular about the order of the gatherings, and this in turn suggests that he observed an organizational principle of some kind. The two columns on the far right of the table show what this principle might have been. It is clear, first of all, that the scribe planned the main body of the manuscript in four major sections: one for music in four (or sometimes five) parts, one for music in three parts, a single gathering with music in two parts, and then the Castilian songs. Although I cannot prove it, I believe that this arrangement must reflect the planning of the Segovia scribe himself, not that of the exemplars from which he copied the music. In the original sources (assuming he worked from more than one) the repertory was probably mixed up, four-part pieces alternating with three- and two-part pieces, and Flemish songs alternating with Spanish, French, and occasionally Italian songs. If that was the case, then our scribe, while he was in the process of copying from the various originals, would have needed to decide for each piece which of the four sections it needed to go into – four-part, three-part, two-part, or Castilian. This is the sort of process in which it would have been easy to make mistakes, and perhaps that might explain some of the misattributions that have cast doubt on the Segovia scribe’s reliability in the past. An interesting case is the middle Dutch song Mijns liefkins bruyn oghen, on fol. 177v. At first the scribe attributed it to Agricola, but later on he crossed out that name and attributed the song to Pipelare instead. How could he have made such an error, and, having made it, how did he catch it? I assume that in the source from which he was copying, the three-part Pipelare song was on a page facing a twoor four-part song by Agricola, that the scribe looked at the wrong piece when he copied the composer’s name, and discovered the error only after he had finished the song. This is not the place to reopen the vexed Fortuna desperata question – the celebrated song whose unique attribution to Busnoys is found only in the Segovia manuscript – yet it is worth asking if the scribe might have made this kind of error elsewhere without catching it.2 We all know from the experience of compiling tables for our handouts how easy it is to get the wrong 2

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On the attribution, see Joshua Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy: The Evidence of Two Songs’, in Paula Higgins (ed.), Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 505–71 at 519–71. See also Honey Meconi, ‘The Segovia Manuscript as Chansonnier’, Ch. 6 in this volume.

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name with the wrong piece, and how the error may completely escape us unless somebody points it out. The repertorial arrangement of the Segovia manuscript is methodical not only on the level of the major sections, but also on a more detailed level. Within the first two sections there is a further division between (1) cyclic masses, (2) motets and miscellaneous liturgical pieces, and (3) secular pieces. The three- and four-part sections follow broadly the same organization in this regard, so once again it makes sense to assume that the scribe had been working on them concurrently. It is quite possible that our scribe was copying not from two, but from three or perhaps even four sources – say, a mass choirbook with a motet section, and a chansonnier, or some other collection. Or perhaps he was conflating and rearranging a Flemish source and one from Spain. Whatever the case, he ended up creating a mixture of sacred and secular that is quite uncommon for later fifteenth-century music manuscripts. It is this mixture that led Heinrich Besseler to view Segovia as a late example of what he dubbed the gemischte Quarthandschrift.3 This was the type of quarto-size manuscript, like the Trent Codices or the Aosta Codex, in which we find masses, motets, and songs side by side, and which was supplanted, by the middle of the fifteenth century, by two distinct types: the choirbook in folio and the chansonnier in octavo. The Segovia manuscript was the apparent exception to the rule, yet for Besseler it was easily explained away as the sort of thing one might expect in some outpost in Spain, which was after all a peripheral Randgebiet. Yet I do not think that Segovia can be usefully described as a gemischte Quarthandschrift. Apart from anything else, it is not actually in quarto (that is, folio folded twice, with the watermark typically positioned along the fold), but in the smaller of two standard folio sizes that were current in the fifteenth century (about 30 × 45 and 40 × 60 cm for the sheets, and 30 × 22.5 and 40 × 30 cm for the single pages). Genuine choirbooks, like Brussels 5557, were usually made of the larger of the two sizes, what is called grand-in-folio in French. This type of paper was not typically produced for use by private individuals, but for

3 ‘Das

Typus der “gemischten Quarthandschrift” ist in den Randgebieten auch nach 1430 durch mehrere wichtige Denkmale vertreten … Wie lange man den Typus kannte, zeigt in Spanien die Quarthandschrift Segovia (29,1 × 21,5 cm), die um die Jahrhundertwende nochmals ein gewaltiges Repertoire von Messen, Motetten und kleineren liturgischen Werken, Liedern und Liedbearbeitungen aller Art zusammenfaßt’. Heinrich Besseler, Bourdon und Fauxbourdon: Studien zum Ursprung der niederländischen Musik, 2nd edn., ed. Peter Gülke (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1974), 128.

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formal presentation and display manuscripts. We find it used most often for the financial accounts of major institutions, as the next-best thing to parchment, and for that very reason it is not especially common. The smaller folio size, on the other hand, was widespread indeed, and could be used for almost any kind of purpose – whether chapter acts, minor accounts, prints, or indeed any book somebody might want to copy for their own personal use. It is the latter category that Segovia belongs to: big enough to allow the copying of masses and motets, but no bigger than was necessary or convenient. I strongly suspect that the Segovia scribe copied the manuscript for his own private use. There are indications that seem to support this. While the main scribe’s hand is far from illegible, it certainly is not formal, nor is it easily read from more than a few feet away. I suspect it would have been quite hard to sing from it in a dimly lit chapel. A man of his experience would have been perfectly able to produce a neatly written copy for use in a polyphonic establishment, at least if he were paid for his labor, or if he intended to offer the manuscript as a gift. The fact that he chose not to do so means, in all probability, that he did not expect this copy to be used outside a small personal circle. The overall organization of the manuscript may point to the same conclusion. The basic classification in works for four, three, and two voices, overriding even questions of genre or function, suggests a musician who could not always be sure how many companions there would be around to sing with. If there were only two singers to join in music-making, then all he needed to do was browse through the three-part section and he was sure to find something suitable. Needless to say, this is not the sort of issue that would have quickly arisen in a household chapel or cathedral choir. On the other hand, the compiler of the Segovia manuscript was clearly a music collector as well as a practical musician – somebody for whom the repertory as a whole was more than the sum of its parts. The presentation of that repertory demanded a certain degree of care that went beyond the immediate needs of everyday music-making. For the book he copied presents a rare example of the kind of methodical repertorial organization that was ubiquitous in the great thirteenth-century books of organum associated with the Notre Dame school, and it contrasts markedly with the ad hoc copying typical of fifteenth-century scribes, usually resulting in musical sources resembling commonplace books. The repertory as a body had a certain significance to him, a significance that went beyond the merits of the settings individually. The Segovia codex is the work of one musical scribe. Although Norma Klein Baker and others have argued that the final three gatherings, the section with the Castilian songs, is in a different hand, the musical notation there is

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identical to that of the rest of the manuscript.4 It is only the verbal texts that were written by a different scribe. Evidently the main scribe was not confident enough in his Spanish to copy those song texts himself, even though he still notated the music. I assume he asked a Spanish colleague or friend to copy the Castilian texts for him. This hypothetical scenario is confirmed by the apparent exception: there is one non-Spanish piece that ended up in the final section, the setting of Pange lingua by Johannes Wreede (fols. 126v–127r). The words of the hymn are in Latin, of course, so there was no need to get the Spanish scribe to copy them – and indeed, in this one piece in the final section the familiar textual hand of the main scribe returns. It is helpful to know that the scribe was not too confident of his written Spanish. For while the paper types of the Segovia manuscript unambiguously confirm its origin on the Iberian peninsula, it is apparent that the scribe must have been a foreigner, perhaps a recent settler. Since he did write French, Italian, Latin, and Flemish texts himself, we may infer that he felt confident, or at least confident enough, of his knowledge of these latter languages. He was an educated musician, and quite possibly a well-traveled man. I will not venture to judge his command (or lack of it) of the first three languages, but it is worth offering some observations about his Flemish. None of the Flemish songs in Segovia is texted much beyond the opening four or five words, but all the songs taken together do add up to a substantial amount of text. I have brought all of this text together in the Appendix, and have summarized the conclusions in Table 7.2. As one might expect, the scribe’s Flemish is not completely without fault, though there are actually only two errors that a Fleming would immediately have corrected if he had noticed them. These are the non-existent word wans or waus (for was), and the abbreviation lenen (to lend or borrow) for leven (to live). These are minor errors, however: both are found in one voice part only, with the correct spelling in the other voice parts. I am inclined to view them as the sorts of scribal errors likely to occur when one is copying in haste, and do not think they cast serious doubt on the scribe’s proficiency in Flemish. Nor do I attach much weight to the claim, apparently going back to Norma Klein Baker, that the main scribe’s hand is typically Spanish. As far as I can see, there is nothing about the script that would be untypical for a Fleming – and I can honestly say that I have seen a very broad spectrum of fifteenth-century

4

Norma Klein Baker, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript of Polyphony in the Archives of the Cathedral of Segovia: Its Provenance and History’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1978), 92–107.

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Table 7.2. The middle Dutch orthography of the main scribe of Segovia s.s.: A summary of features bearing on the question of his origins and nationality a Arguments in favor of Flemish origin 1. The scribe shows fluency and confidence in writing typically Flemish ligatures, and letters connected in one movement, reflecting long experience: drucke (2) Roelkin; moeselkin (25) meiskin (1, 6, 17); clocskins (12); liefskins (28) langhe (2); ghenoughen (4); haghel (10); jonghen (11); gheen ghelt (15); verlanghen (24); gheselle (27); oghen (28); ghedaen (29) (The ligature ch is not included here, since it was common in other languages as well.) 2. The scribe uses typically Flemish abbreviations, whose resolution would not have been apparent to non-Flemish speakers: ende (10, 19) mijn (15, 18, 22, 26, 27); mijnder (11, 24); schijn (23); pijn (24); mijns (28) her (11) mijnder (11, 24); lijden (18); alder (26) 3. With the exception of the errors noted below, all spelling variations are firmly within the range of what was usual in middle Flemish: cleen / cleyn / cleeyn (6) bloxkin / blocskin (6) die / dij / di (7) vruechden / vruchden (13) scoene / schoone (16) Arguments against Flemish origin 1. Spelling error: wans or waus (neither of which was a word in Flemish) for was (1). 2. Abbreviation error: lenen rather than leuen (2). a

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Flemish hands during nearly two decades years of archival research in the city archives of Ghent, Bruges, and other places. The arguments in favor of Flemish origin, on the other hand, are overwhelming. Those arguments are not principally to do with questions of Flemish spelling and orthography. I do think it is important to emphasize that all spelling variants (with the exception of the two errors mentioned) are firmly within the range of what was typical in middle Flemish texts, as summarized in Table 7.2. But this is not a completely watertight argument for the scribe’s Flemish origin. After all, even a scribe who was completely unfamiliar with the language could still decide to copy the texts letter by letter, and to proofread his transcription painstakingly – at least if he had a peculiarly humanistic reverence for textual integrity. However, even if we allow that possibility, slim though it may be, there are two things that a non-Fleming would have found extremely difficult, if not downright impossible, to read and copy: abbreviations and ligatures. To begin with ligatures – that is, combinations of letters written as one character – there are certain combinations of letters that occur so frequently in Flemish that native scribes wrote them in one movement without any further thought. For example, it was exceptional for the letter g not to be followed by h, and h in turn not to be followed by a vowel – just as exceptional as it would be in Romance languages to see the letter q without a u behind it, as in the words ‘quarto’ or ‘quintessential’. So the combination gh was usually written in one fluent movement, almost as though it were a single, composite character. This would have been far from easy for any scribe not used to this: a scribe who copied the text character by character would not have joined together g and h in this way, nor would he necessarily have understood gh as a unit. A Fleming knows that ghenoughen or haghel are hyphenated ghe-nou-ghen and ha-ghel, but for a Spaniard it might as well have been ghen-oug-hen or hag-hel. Yet writing gh as a single typographical entity was clearly second nature to the Segovia scribe, as shown in the Appendix. The same is true of the ligatures ck, lk, and sk, which the Segovia scribe habitually wrote in one continuous, fluent movement, as though they made up one character. This may sometimes make it difficult for non-Flemings to decipher them. (Remember how the name of the composer Roelkin, with the lk ligature in it, was read for a long time as ‘Roellrin’.) Yet the Segovia scribe connected ck, lk, and sk without any further thought, and this, too, I think, is a compelling indication that he was Flemish. Even more compelling is the evidence from abbreviations. When one is transcribing a text in an unfamiliar language – as would be true in my case of Provençal – one can get a long way just transcribing the text character by

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character, but abbreviations are an obvious and insurmountable stumbling block. Their shape does not necessarily reveal anything about the particular combination of letters that is being abbreviated, nor is it easy to guess the correct reading if one’s command of the language is less than perfect. The abbreviations shown in Table 7.2 illustrate this. They are all very common middle Flemish abbreviations, though the symbols are found in other languages as well, where of course they have different meanings. Let us consider, for example, how they would have to be read in Latin. The first abbreviation, an encircled en, can be read as enim in Latin, but unless I knew the particular scribe really well, I would not actually be certain even of that. The second abbreviation, an encircled mj, was used by the Segovia scribe in his Latin texts: when preceded by o it can mean omnium. The third abbreviation, h with a line through the ascender, usually means hoc in Latin, but may also be an abbreviation for the first three letters in words like habere or habitatio. As for the last one, a d with downward tail to the right, I am not sure if it necessarily stands for any particular string of letters, and in Latin it would not surprise me to find it used for words beginning with de-, dis-, or des-, or indeed at the endings of many words. In Flemish, on the other hand, these abbreviations are completely unambiguous: the first stands for the word ende, meaning ‘and’ – a word so frequent that the Flemish did not ever spell its four letters if they could help it. Yet there is no conceivable way that a non-Fleming could have guessed what the abbreviation en must stand for. The second abbreviation stands for mijn, as in mijn herte, ‘my heart’, or mijnder herten, ‘with my heart’, once again a very common word in Flemish. The third stands for her, as in ‘her Jacob Obrecht’, Sir Jacob Obrecht, the title of a priest. But here it is used in the combination herten, or heart – only a Fleming could have come up with that kind of non-etymological use. (It is a bit like using the abbreviation for per in Latin sperare.) The fourth abbreviation, finally, can stand for the letters dem, den, or der, depending on the particular Flemish word that it is being used in. Unless one can guess which word is meant, however, or indeed what case it must be in, there is no way to tell which of the three readings is the one required. What is the upshot of all this? When the scribe copied the Flemish songs, he took the specifically Flemish meanings of these abbreviations as totally selfevident, and paid no regard to the possibility that non-Flemings might ever have to read them. This confirms the impression that he copied the music for his own use and perhaps that of a few Flemish friends. Speaking more generally, this is the impression I have always had about Segovia: going through the middle Dutch songs is like entering a cosy

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Flemish circle from which non-Flemish speakers are unavoidably barred – not just because they cannot read or understand the incipits, but because they do not know the lyrics that follow. This impression is confirmed by the scribe’s apparent familiarity with Flemish and Burgundian composers personally, almost as if he had been on first-name terms with them: Roelkin, or ‘little Roland’, Adam, and, most telling of all, ‘scoen Heyne’ for Hayne van Ghizeghem, a nickname not found in any other known source. The word scoen, for fair, or beautiful, was typically used for women or youths, and in this case it may signify either that Hayne was somewhat youthful or effeminate in appearance, or else, if the epithet was used ironically, that he was heavily built and not especially good-looking. Then there is the unique attribution of the textless Cecus non judicat de coloribus to ‘Ferdinandus et frater eius’, meaning Johannes and Carolus Fernandes, who had been born and were resident in Bruges until moving to France in 1483–5, yet who had evidently faded to a dim memory twenty years later. Still, the scribe, or that of his exemplar, evidently remembered that they were brothers and were blind, and obviously recalled the name Ferdinandus, surely because it was exceedingly rare in medieval Flanders. In sum, I would venture, first, that Segovia’s main scribe had a good part of his career in the North behind him by the time he settled in the Spanish lands, and second, that when he copied the manuscript he had lived in this part of Europe long enough to have professional ties with Spanish musicians, yet not long enough to have mastered the language. It should not prove difficult to identify a musician who meets this particular description in Spanish archival sources from around 1500 – especially given Emilio Ros-Fábregas’s new findings concerning the dates of the paper used in the Segovia manuscript – and if his life turns out to be well documented we might conceivably discover the answer to Segovia’s greatest mystery: how and by what route the musical repertory traveled from Flanders to Castile, and how the manuscript managed to end up in the library of Segovia Cathedral.

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Appendix: The Middle-Dutch Song Texts in Segovia s.s. In many cases, the first letter of the incipit was meant to be written in the space set aside for ornamented initials, and is therefore not shown here.

1. fol. 103r. Obrecht: Tmeiskin was jonc wel van passe S C T B The ligature sk (in ‘meiskin’) is rare in languages other than middle Dutch; wans or waus for was (T) is an error. 2. fol. 103v. Obrecht: Sullen wij langhe in drucke moeten leuen S C T B Note the single movement for gh (langhe; C) and the ligature ck (drucke; C B); the abbreviation len with an overline for leuen (B) must be an error: the normal way to write it was .

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3. fol. 119r. Pipelare: Morkin ic hebbe ter scolen gheleghen S C T B 4. fols. 119v–120r. Obrecht: Laet v ghenoughen lieuer johan S C T B Note the single movement for gh in ghenoughen (T). 5. fols. 120v–121r. Obrecht: Vvat willen wij metten budel spelen / ons ghelt es vut S C T B 6. fols. 121v–122r. Obrecht: Tsat een cleen meiskin al up een bloxkin S C T B Note the ligature sk (in meiskin, but not blocskin); the spelling variants cleen / cleyn / cleeyn and bloxkin / blocskin are common in Flemish texts of this period.

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7. fols. 122v–123r. Obrecht: Waer sij di han / Wie roupt ons daer S C T B The spelling variants die / dij / di are normal for Flemish texts. 8. fol. 123v. Obrecht: Lacen adieu wel zoete partye S C T B The spelling zoet (for ‘sweet’) is more typical of Brabant than Flanders, where the normal spelling was suet. 9. fol. 124r. Roelkin: Zart reyne vrucht S C T B The word zart (for ‘soft’ or ‘tender’) is German, not Flemish; the first line of Roelkin’s other middle Dutch song (no. 19 below) also incorporates German words.

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10. fols. 124v–125r. Obrecht: Den haghel ende die calde snee S C T B Note the single movement for gh in haghel, and the uniquely Flemish abbreviation for ende in all voices. 11. fols. 126v–127r. Obrecht: Vveet ghij wat mijnder jonghen herten deert S C T B Note the abbreviations for mijn en der (in mijnder) and her- (in herten) in B; in Flemish the latter is the standard abbreviation for the title her or heer (‘sir’) before the name of priests; gh in jonghen written in one movement (B). 12. fols. 129v–130r. Obrecht: Ic hoerde de clocskins luden S C T B Ligature sk (in clocskins) in T but not the other voice parts.

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13. fols. 130v–131r. Obrecht: Als al de weerelt in vruechden leeft S C T B Al de weerelt to be understood as Fr. tout le monde, i.e. everybody. Spelling variants vruchden / vruechden are common in Flemish texts from this period. Note the strange variant in T: in vruchden vrucht. 14. fols. 131v–132r. Obrecht: Ic draghe de mutse clutse S C T B ‘My cap’s askew’ means: I’m madly in love; cf. Tghevecht van Minnen: Naar de Antwerpse postinkunabel van 1516, ed. Robrecht Lievens (Leuven: Nauwelaerts, 1964), vv. 3, 6, 203, 845–84. 15. fols. 132v–133r. Obrecht: In hebbe gheen ghelt in mijn bewelt S C T B in = ic + en. Note the abbreviation for mijn, and the single movement for gh in gheen ghelt.

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16. fols. 133v–134r. Obrecht: Ic weinsche alle scoene vrauwen eere S C T B The variants scoene / schoone (‘fair’) are normal in Flemish texts of this period. 17. fol. 134v. Obrecht: Meiskin es v cutkin ru / Wat heb dier me te doene S C T B Note the ligature sk (in meiskin); dier = di + er. The middle-Dutch adjective ru means hairy or hirsute. In the song, a man addresses a maiden and asks her in the coarsest language if she has hair on her private parts, and if she will let him touch it. In canon law the age of consent was defined by the growth of pubic hair, so the difference was not inconsequential. The maiden must be in her early teens, as the man cannot tell from her appearance whether she is of legal age or not. 18. fol. 159r. Elinc: Dat ic mijn lijden aldus helen moet S C

–

T B Note the abbreviations for mijn and for -den in lijden (S).

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19. fol. 159v. Agricola: In minen zin S T B 20. fol. 161r. Roelkin: Vrucht ende moet es gar da hin S T B Gar da hin is German, not Flemish; it is exceptional for the letter g not to be followed by h in middle Flemish; is for es (S) is highly uncommon in Flemish; note the abbreviation for ende. 21. fols. 161v–162r. Agricola: Tandernaken al vp den rijn S T B 22. fol. 164v. Elinc: Adieu natuerlic leuen mijn S T B Natuerlic leuen (‘natural life’) means the life devoted to the business of Nature, i.e. amorous pursuits; note the abbreviation for mijn.

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23. fol. 165r. Obrecht: Moet mij lacen v vriendelic schijn S T B Note the abbreviation -ijn in S and T. 24. fol. 165v. Elinc: Verlanghen ghij doet mijnder herten pijn S T B Note the single movement for gh in verlanghen and ghij, and the abbreviations for mijn- and -der in mijnder, and for pijn (S). 25. fol. 166r. Barbireau: Een vroylic wesen S T B The lengthening of the vowel in vroylic (rather than Flemish vrolic) is typical of Brabants; Barbireau was of course born and bred Brabander. 26. fol. 166v. Agricola: Mijn alder liefste moeselkin S T B Moeselkin or muselkin means bagpipe (Fr. musette); unless this song was an ode to a musical instrument, one could perhaps read moeselkin as a Flemish variant of French musequin, pretty girl.

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27. fol. 173r. Elinc: Hoert hier mijn lieue gheselle S T B Note the single movement for gh in gheselle, and the abbreviation for mijn. 28. fol. 177v. Pipelare: Mijns liefskins bruyn oghen S T B Note the ligature sk (in liefskins), the single movement for gh in oghen, and the abbreviation for mijns (T). 29. fol. 183r. Isaac: Het es al ghedaen S T B Note the single movement for gh in ghedaen. 30. fol. 189v. Martini: Scoen kint S T B 31. fol. 190v. Isaac: Comt hier S T B

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chapter 8

The Segovia Manuscript: Speculative Notes on the Flemish Connection Bonnie J. Blackburn Like many scholars who are not directly involved with Spanish music, I have dealt with the Segovia manuscript as a concordant source on several occasions. And like everyone else, I have wondered about the presence of Dutch texts in a Spanish source and the sprinkling of wrong attributions in the French and Italian pieces. Years ago, when I studied Lupus Hellinck’s Missa Intemerata Virgo,1 based on the third and fourth partes of Josquin’s motet cycle Vultum tuum deprecabuntur, I noticed that the Segovia manuscript had the much more plausible textual reading ‘O intemerata Virgo’, and this made me wonder whether the Segovia recension was closer to the composer’s original than Petrucci’s Intemerata Virgo. When I investigated Obrecht’s use of a distinctive mensuration sign for sesquialtera,   , I was pleased to see that the Segovia manuscript not only transmitted the Dutch texts of his songs but also followed Obrecht’s propensity to use this sign.2 The Flemish hypothesis for a good part of this repertory is a very attractive one, and Rob Wegman’s contribution to this volume (Ch. 7) is a welcome confirmation of it. The present study is more in the nature of random notes on Segovia’s notation and texts. Having now looked through every page of the manuscript, my impression is that Segovia was copied by a Flemish cleric who had been in Spain for some time, and that it was intended as a private collection of music, not primarily for performance, and least of all for presentation: there seems

1

Bonnie J. Blackburn, ‘The Lupus Problem’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1970). This mass is included in Lupus Hellinck, Three Four-part Masses, ed. Bonnie J. Blackburn, Exempla Musica Zelandica (Middelburg: Koninklijk Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Weterschappen, 2016). 2 Bonnie J. Blackburn, ‘The Sign of Petrucci’s Editor’, in Giulio Cattin and Patrizia Dalla Vecchia (eds.), Venezia 1501: Petrucci e la stampa musicale/Venice 1501: Petrucci, Music, Print and Publishing. Atti del Convegno internazionale Venezia – Palazzo Giustinian Lolin, 10–13 ottobre 2001 (Venice: Edizioni Fondazione Levi, 2005), 415–29 at 421–2 and 429.

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to be no reason to connect it with a court unless the owner happened to be a singer at a court. I see only one music hand except for the last piece (Ave rex noster, by Alonso de Mondéjar) and the fragment at the end (the superius of an anonymous Ne recorderis ascribed to Francisco de la Torre in three other sources); the slight change of text hand in the Spanish section may represent the main scribe’s ‘Spanish’ hand rather than a different scribe.3 Clearly the scribe was thoroughly at home in Spain, because sometimes he uses Spanish terminology in the earlier portion of the manuscript, for example ‘tiple’ for superius (fols. 9v, 10v, though this may have been added later). But a good part of his repertory comes from the north, and the Dutch texts are accurate. The manuscript was proofread, but the corrections consist mostly of passages that were skipped in copying. The scribe certainly did not catch all the wrong notes, another indication that performance was not the main objective of this manuscript.

two josquin motets The two motets by Josquin from the Vultum tuum cycle (fols. 85v–87) – O intemerata Virgo and O Maria nullam tam gravem – also appear as a pair in Barcelona 454, Cambrai 125–128, and Milan 2266 (Librone 4), and, as mentioned above, Hellinck based his mass on this pair, as if he had assumed that his model was a motet in two partes.4 That may have been the original form. The cycle as a whole has a very chequered history: it is found complete

3

There was a good deal of discussion at the IMS session whether the hand was the same or not, the consensus being that while the music hand was the same, the scribe of the texts of the Spanish pieces was different. Still, I think it strange that a scribe who cared enough to copy Spanish pieces into his manuscript would not be capable of writing the Spanish texts, and it was very common at the time to change text style when writing in another language. On the question of the scribe and his nationality, see also the contributions by Rob C. Wegman (Ch. 7) and Leofranc Holford-Strevens (Ch. 5). 4 The sources for these two partes (or motets), in addition to Petrucci, Motetti libro quarto (1504) are: Barcelona 454 (anon., fols. 128v–130), Cambrai 125–128 (anon., fols. 86v–87, a fourth lower without flat), and Milan 2266 (fragmentary, fols. 104v–106, together with Mente tota and Ora pro nobis). Sources that lack the secunda pars (or second motet) are Padua A 17 (Intemerata, fols. 3v–4, together with all except O Maria and Ora pro nobis, scattered) and the late German source Ulm 237 (fol. 9v, together with Sancta Dei genitrix, Mente tota, and Ora pro nobis).

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only in Petrucci’s Motetti libro quarto of 1504. When he prepared the Josquin edition, Albert Smijers knew only this source plus separate occurrences of the fifth motet, Mente tota.5 The scattered transmission of this cycle has much in common with that of the motetti missales repertory, and indeed these two motets and two others of the cycle are found in the burnt Milan 2266; Patrick Macey has posited that the ‘little’ Ave Maria was also part of this cycle.6 Like the Segovia setting of the pair of motets, the versions in Cambrai and Barcelona (but altus and bassus only) also begin O intemerata. Certainly this was Josquin’s original texting, perfectly matching the dotted semibreve, minim, and two semibreves of the opening, but it is easy to explain the transmission without ‘O’, if initials were not copied by the text scribe. The transmission of these two motets is worth examining. There are several differences in the text:7 Text in Segovia, with variants in Barcelona 454 (Ba), Cambrai 125–128 (C), Milan 2266 (M), Padua A 17 (Pa), and Petrucci, Motetti libro quarto (P): O intemerata virgo

O lacking Ba (ST), M, P, Pa

que redemptoris Israel peperisti [poporisti B]

quem Ba (AB), C (A); redemptorem Ba, C, M; redemptorem seculi P, Pa

et post partum virgo permansisti, virgo inviolata P, Pa

5

dei genitrix intercede pro nobis. Ne despicias preces nostras [nostros S] et ne M, P, Pa

quia ore indigno nomen sanctum tuum invocamus [invocamus te A]. que Ba (S); nomen sacrum Pa; tuum sanctum C (B); invocavimus P, Pa (TB); invocare presumimus Pa (SA)

Werken van Josquin des Prés, ed. Albert Smijers, Motetten, Deel 1, Bundel 4 (Amsterdam: G. Alsbach & Co., and Leipzig: Fr. Kistner & C. F. W. Siegel, n.d. [1926]), no. 24. 6 Patrick Macey, ‘Josquin’s “Little” Ave Maria: A Misplaced Motet from the Vultum tuum Cycle?’, TVNM 39 (1989), 38–53. On the transmission of the individual pieces, see p. 43. 7 I omit the instances in the concordances where a word is lacking in one of the parts (which is not infrequent, as is evident in Segovia itself). 5

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O gloriosa domina, pro nobis Christum exora [et pro B]. nobis semper Ba (AB), P, Pa

O Maria nullam tam gravem possimus habere culpam possumus Ba, C (S), M (A), P

pro quo apud tuum filium non possis impetrare veniam [pro quo lacking T; filium tuum S] qua Ba, M, P; filium tuum Ba (SAT), C (S), M, P; apud filium tuum pro quo Ba (B), C (A); apud filium Ihesum Christum C (T); possimus M (T)

10

nichilque est tibi impossibile apud tuum filium [nichil A; tibi lacking ATB; impossibile lacking S]

nichil Ba, C (T), M (ST, lacking A); tibi lacking Ba, C (ATB), M (TB), P (ATB); impossibile lacking C (S), M (SA), P; filium tuum Ba (SA), C (S), M, P

quem genuisti de tuo sacro corpore, mater misericordie. [de lacking S, also in Ba S] Textual variants between sources, often ignored by editors, can provide valuable stemmatic information. In the present case, some of the different readings, I suspect, can be laid at the door of Petrucci’s editor, Petrus Castellanus:8 in line 3 ‘virgo inviolata’ rather than ‘virgo’, in line 7 ‘nobis semper’ rather than ‘nobis’, and, most important, in line 2 ‘redemptorem seculi’ (focusing more on Christianity) instead of ‘redemptorem Israel’ (Segovia’s ‘redemptoris’ is an error). Where all sources except Segovia and possibly Barcelona 454 post-date Petrucci, we want to know whether the later sources have been copied from Petrucci. None of the sources except Padua A 17 follows Petrucci in writing ‘seculi’, ‘virgo inviolata’, and ‘nobis semper’ except two voices of Barcelona 454 for the latter (‘semper’ may well have crept in from the memory of that line in the antiphon Ave Regina caelorum, which often has ‘semper’ in polyphonic settings). Confirming what has

8

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I have demonstrated elsewhere that Castellanus sometimes changed the texts, especially when they contradicted Dominican doctrine. See Bonnie J. Blackburn, ‘Petrucci’s Venetian Editor: Petrus Castellanus and his Musical Garden’, MD 49 (1995), 15–45 at 34–6, repr. in Blackburn, Composition, Printing and Performance: Studies in Renaissance Music (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), article VI. Willem Elders (personal communication) has pointed out another instance: in Josquin’s Gaude Virgo mater Christi, ‘que per aurem concepisti’ has been changed to ‘que per fidem concepisti’ in Petrucci’s Motetti libro quarto.

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been noted before, the closest source to Petrucci is Padua A 17, dated 1522. Stanley Boorman posited that many of the motets in that source had been copied from Petrucci,9 but I reached a different conclusion, having discovered that the scribe, Giordano Passetto, had been the organist in the Venetian church of SS Giovanni e Paolo during Petrus Castellanus’s tenure as maestro di cappella.10 The strong similarity in readings between the manuscript and Petrucci’s publications suggests that the ultimate source for both was the repertory of SS Giovanni e Paolo, the manuscripts of which unfortunately have not survived. This would explain the occasional discrepancies that would be unlikely if the scribe were copying a printed source (for example, in the text cited above where Pa differs from P); moreover, we do not know at what point Castellanus’s editing took place; it is likely that he gave Petrucci separate exemplars, not the church choirbooks.11 The number of variants between voices in Barcelona 454, Cambrai 125–128, and Milan 2266 is surprising, though the puzzling textual duplications between lines 8 and 9 may be partly responsible. Musically speaking, I cannot see that any two of the manuscripts are particularly close. Therefore it would be difficult to claim that the Segovia version came directly from the north, and if the two motets really belong to a motetti missales cycle, it would seem more likely that they were written while Josquin was in Milan, or possibly fashioned there into a motetti missales cycle by adding the other motets.12

9

See Stanley Boorman, ‘Petrucci’s Type-setters and the Process of Stemmatics’, in Ludwig Finscher (ed.), Formen und Probleme der Überlieferung mehrstimmiger Musik im Zeitalter Josquins Desprez, Wolfenbütteler Forschungen, 6 = Quellenstudien zur Musik der Renaissance, 1 (Munich: Kraus, 1981), 245–80 at 260, repr. in Blackburn, Studies in the Printing, Publishing and Performance of Music, article II. 10 See Blackburn, ‘Petrucci’s Venetian Editor’, 37–8. 11 See ibid. 38. 12 Macey discusses this possibility: ‘Josquin’s “Little” Ave Maria’, 44–6; in his reconstruction the cycle also includes Tu lumen. At the time he wrote the article it was assumed that the Josquin at the Sforza court in the 1470s, presumed to be the time of origin of the motetti missales, was Josquin des Prez. We now know that it was a different Josquin, but also that Josquin des Prez was in Milan in 1484 and perhaps earlier, and again as a ducal singer in 1489. A summary of his movements is found in Richard Sherr, ‘Chronology of Josquin’s Life and Career’, in Richard Sherr (ed.), The Josquin Companion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 11–20, and more fully in David Fallows, Josquin (Turnhout: Brepols and Centre d’Études Supérieures de la Renaissance, 2009), 353–82.

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josquin’s missa l’homme armé sexti toni Jeremy Noble thought that the Segovia version of Josquin’s Missa L’homme armé sexti toni belongs to a northern tradition, along with Jena 31, Vatican Chigi 234, Vienna 11778, and some later sources.13 Curiously, however, this is the only composition in Segovia to use the rather unusual ascending oblique c.o.p. ligature, a notation that occurs frequently in Vatican CS 14 and 51 (and also in the examples in Tinctoris’s treatises) but not in northern sources, which may suggest a different line of transmission for this mass. Moreover, all five complete sources of this mass have an Agnus II for three voices, but in Segovia the Agnus II is to be sung to the music of the Christe. Many of the northern sources (Vatican Chigi 234, Stuttgart 47, Jena 31, Leipzig 51) lack both the Agnus II and III, and the Chigi codex and Stuttgart 47 have neither Sanctus nor Agnus I as well. Petrucci is the earliest source to have the grand Agnus III for six voices; it is just possible that he got his hands on a revised version of Josquin’s mass, but since many of the manuscript sources are fragmentary, too much weight should not be put on this point. The manuscript sources, moreover, have better readings of the canonic voices, which have been resolved in Petrucci.14 In any case, positing northern sources for Josquin on the theory that the works were composed in the north is problematic because he cannot be placed definitively at any place in northern France in his early career. We should also take into account that the traffic in music was not one-way: works composed in Italy could certainly have been sent or taken north, not least by the northern composers themselves.15 Thus the question of ‘northern’ sources becomes rather moot.

13

Personal communication; see Bonnie J. Blackburn, ‘Masses on Popular Songs and Solmization Syllables’, in Sherr (ed.), The Josquin Companion, 51–87 at 69 n. 42. His conclusion was reached after a collation of the sources for his edition of the mass in the New Josquin Edition. This mass has now been edited by Jesse Rodin instead, and I am grateful to him for his observations on the present chapter. See Masses Based on Secular Monophonic Songs, 2, NJE 6 (Utrecht: Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 2014). 14 On the disposition of the sources, see Blackburn, ‘Masses on Popular Songs and Solmization Syllables’, 68, and on the canons p. 64 and n. 33, and Jesse Rodin’s evaluation of the sources in the Commentary volume, pp. 25–49, and for Segovia, p. 32. 15 See, for example, the exchange of compositions between Nantes and Florence in the 1480s and 1490s documented in Blake Wilson, ‘Heinrich Isaac among the Florentines’, JM 23 (2006), 97–152.

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the duo section Having studied a number of didactic duos in my article on Tinctoris’s pedagogical motet Difficiles alios,16 I have naturally been interested in the collection of twelve duos at the end of the first section of the Segovia manuscript (fols. 200–205v): fol. 200 Alexander Agricola, Gaudeamus omnes in domino fol. 200v Jacobus Hobrecht, Regina celi fol. 201 Adam, De tous biens playne fol. 201v Alexander Agricola, Comme femme desconforte[e] fol. 202 Jo. Tinctoris, De tous biens playne fol. 202v Roelkin, De tous biens playne fol. 203v Johannes Tinctoris, Le souvenir fol. 204 Johannes Tinctoris, D’ung aultre amer fol. 204 Johannes Tinctoris, textless fol. 204v Jo. Tinctoris, Tout a par moy fol. 205 Anon., Fecit potentiam fol. 205v Johannes Tinctoris, Comme femme (ending missing) The duo section starts with two unica, by Agricola and Obrecht, both of which have a long succession of proportions, mixing single numbers, ratios, and a variety of signs. In such pieces it would be very difficult to question authenticity. In my presentation at the 2007 conference I was suspicious on notational grounds of some of the six duos attributed to Tinctoris. The textless duo on fol. 204, which appears in the Liber de arte contrapuncti as an ‘Alleluia’,17 is certainly authentic: as Tinctoris counselled, it uses only ratios to indicate proportions:  ,   ,  ,  . This and D’ung aultre amer are also   found in the two main collections of didactic duos, Perugia 1013 (written in Venice in 1509) and Bologna A 71 (probably Bologna, second decade of the sixteenth century), where they are both anonymous.18 One of the Bonnie J. Blackburn, ‘A Lost Guide to Tinctoris’s Teachings Recovered’, EMH 1 (1981), 29–116, repr. in Blackburn, Composition, Printing and Performance, article I; see esp. 33–43 and 47–51. 17 Johannes Tinctoris, Opera theoretica, 2, ed. Albert Seay ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1975), 119. It appears in the Tinctoris Opera omnia, ed. William Melin, CMM 18 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1976), 128. 18 See Blackburn, ‘A Lost Guide’, 36–7 and 48–9. In Bologna A 17 the textless duo has an incipit ‘Si bona’. 16

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unica based on chanson tenors, Comme femme, is plausibly by Tinctoris, alternating  and  . But the four others contradict Tinctoris’s very decided opinions on how to indicate proportions (in his Proportionale musices) because they use single figures in place of ratios (Tout a par moy) and signs in place of ratios. De tous biens playne has the very Obrechtian  for sesquialtera, whereas Tinctoris would have used coloration or  , and D’ung aultre amer has single figures and  , indicating sesquitertia proportion,

Plate 8.1. ‘Johannes tinctoris’, Le souvenir, Segovia, fol. 203v. Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

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which Tinctoris would have written as  . It seems unlikely that the scribe  would have changed these signs. On the other hand, Le souvenir (fol. 203v) (see Plate 8.1) would pass muster if the initial sign,    , were in fact what is written later in the piece,    ; the music shows that it is not the mensuration sign for modus perfectus, tempus imperfectum ( ) but tempus perfectum diminutum with respect to the tenor’s tempus perfectum. Perhaps the scribe simply forgot to write the 1 underneath, but there is also a  that should have been  if the piece had come from Tinctoris’s pen. The rest of the proportions are written correctly from Tinctoris’s point of view as  ,  6 ,   , and    . If it has been tempting to think of a Neapolitan connection  6 8 for Segovia on the basis of the Tinctoris pieces, I would cast doubt on that hypothesis, although there always remains the possibility that the scribe changed the sign to one that was more familiar to him. Undeniably there is interest in such duos in Italy, but the main path seems to come from the north, as indicated by the names Obrecht, Agricola, Roelkin, and the unknown Adam (and Tinctoris, too, of course). Roelkin’s duo on De tous biens playne, written on a ten-line stave, is also in the Perugia manuscript, where it is anonymous and textless, and in the remote source Warsaw 5892.19 Whoever this Flemish ‘little Roeland’ is, his piece was very widely travelled.

henricus isaac’s salve virgo sanctissima In addition to the presence of pieces by Roelkin, Obrecht, and Agricola, Segovia has a strong Flemish orientation in the works of Henricus Isaac. Some years ago Martin Picker called attention to the nineteen works of the composer in the manuscript.20 The name is spelt with Isaac’s characteristic Flemish (and French) Y, as we know from the inscription ‘Ysaac de manu sua’ in his autograph in Berlin 40021.21 All but one of the pieces are attributed; the other, the first composition in the manuscript, lacks an attribution only because the 19

On this piece see Fritz Feldmann, ‘Zwei weltliche Stücke des Breslauer Codex Mf. 2016’, ZfMw 13 (1930–1), 263–4. 20 Martin Picker, ‘Isaac in Flanders: The Early Works of Henricus Isaac’, in Albert Clement and Eric Jas (eds.), From Ciconia to Sweelinck: Donum natalicium Willem Elders, Chloe: Beihefte zum Daphnis, 21 (Amsterdam and Atlanta, GA: Rodopi, 1994), 153–78. 21 See most conveniently Jessie Ann Owens, Composers at Work: The Craft of Musical Composition 1450–1600 (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1997), 264.

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first folios are missing. Eight have concordances, two of which are anonymous, and four are unica. Five works are attributed elsewhere to other composers.22 Not much scholarly attention has been paid to the Isaac unica (De tous bien playne/Et qui luy dira, Fortuna desperata/Sancte Petre, Gratias refero tibi, Domine, and Gentile spiritus) and the two motets with anonymous concordances, Salve virgo sanctissima and Ave regina celorum, because they mostly have not been published, apart from in the dissertation of Norma Klein Baker: Segovia was not known to Isaac’s first editor, Johannes Wolf, and the edition by Edward Lerner reached the motets only in 2011. The motets have been discussed by Martin Just 23 and by Emma Kempson.24 The question is, of course, whether we are dealing with early works by Isaac, written before he left Flanders. Since the date of Segovia appears to be the years around 1500, works by Isaac could have come directly from the north or from Italy. It seems likely that Segovia has some sort of an Italian link for the French and Italian pieces, and especially with Florence, if Fortuna desperata originated in that city; moreover, a number of the secular pieces have concordances in Florentine manuscripts. Joshua Rifkin, in his consideration of Segovia’s attribution to Busnoys of the famous Fortuna desperata, posited a triangle between Segovia, the North, and Florence.25 The piece that interests me the most among the Isaac motets is Salve virgo sanctissima (fols. 87v–89), which has an anonymous concordance in the papal chapel manuscript Vatican CS 15, a source perhaps contemporary with Segovia, in a fascicle Richard Sherr has dated c. 1495–7.26 There are no other motets attributed to Isaac in Vatican CS 15, but nearly all the motets 22

See the Inventory below, nos. 1, 8 (masses), 11, 19, 25 (motets), 44, 46, 97, 106, 113, 115, 116, 121, 128, 134, 142, 146, 150, 151 (secular pieces). The conflicting attributions are all among the secular works (nos. 44, 106, 128, 142, and 150, though in the last the attribution in Segovia may refer to the new contratenor). On these works, see the contribution by Wolfgang Fuhrmann, Ch. 3 above. 23 Martin Just, ‘Studien zu Heinrich Isaacs Motetten’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., Tübingen, 1960). 24 Emma Clare Kempson, ‘The Motets of Henricus Isaac (c.1450–1517): Transmission, Structure and Function’ (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1998); see esp. 50–74. 25 Joshua Rifkin, ‘Busnoys and Italy: The Evidence of Two Songs’, in Paula Higgins (ed.), Antoine Busnoys: Method, Meaning, and Context in Late Medieval Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 505–71 at 520–43, esp. 542. 26 Richard Sherr, Papal Music Manuscripts in the Late Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries, RMS 5 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart: Hänssler-Verlag and American Institute of Musicology, 1996), 116.

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are anonymous, and some are unica, including the two before and two after Salve virgo sanctissima. The authenticity of this piece was doubted by Martin Just because of what he considered the general unreliability of the Segovia attributions,27 something that has been disputed and needs to be considered in connection with the provenance of the different parts of the repertory, as both Emilio Ros-Fábregas and Wolfgang Fuhrmann have pointed out in their contributions to this volume (Chs. 2 and 3). Picker thought that if the motet was by Isaac it would be an early work, but, together with the strambotto Morte che fay, it was isolated in the Segovia MS and therefore uncertain.28 Emma Kempson, however, was less sceptical: she pointed out that Salve virgo occurs in the first part of the manuscript, among the Marian motets, and this repertory is not plagued by misattributions. Moreover, she found it stylistically similar to Isaac’s Prophetarum maxime and Quis dabis capiti meo aquam, suggesting that all three motets were composed in Florence and that Salve virgo was transmitted from there to Rome.29 It is known that Isaac himself paid a brief visit to Rome in September 1492, as part of a group of three singers accompanying Piero de’ Medici to offer congratulations to the newly elected pope Alexander VI.30 This would have been a good occasion for Isaac to meet the singers of the papal chapel and perhaps exchange compositions. He may also have met a great fan of his music, the Venetian ambassador to the papal court, Girolamo Donato, who was to be the dedicatee of Petrucci’s Odhecaton: in July 1491 Donato had received from Lorenzo de’ Medici a music manuscript by ‘our favorite Henricus Isaac, most eminent in that art, whose compositions have always given me wondrous pleasure’, as we learn from his thank-you letter.31 27

Martin Just, ‘Studien zu Heinrich Isaacs Motetten’, i. 124. In the article on Isaac by Martin Staehelin in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie (London, 1980), ix. 336, the motet is listed among the ‘doubtful and misattributed works’. It is probably for this reason that it does not appear in Edward Lerner’s edition of the motets in the Opera omnia, where it is not even mentioned. 28 Picker, ‘Isaac in Flanders’, 156. 29 Kempson, ‘The Motets of Henricus Isaac’, 72–4. 30 The three singers (the other two were Carlo de Launoy and Pietrequin Bonnel) were each given a robe, beret, tunic, and hat. See Frank A. D’Accone, ‘Some Neglected Composers in the Florentine Chapels, ca. 1475–1525’, Viator, 1 (1970), 263–88 at 273; repr. in Music in Renaissance Florence: Studies and Documents (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), article VIII. 31 See Bonnie J. Blackburn, ‘Lorenzo de’ Medici, a Lost Isaac Manuscript, and the Venetian Ambassador’, in Irene Alm, Alyson McLamore, and Colleen Reardon (eds.), Musica Franca: Essays in Honor of Frank A. D’Accone (Stuyvesant, NY:

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I do not see any problem in accepting Salve virgo sanctissima as a work by Isaac. What gave Just pause, the ‘lauda-like’ style,32 is attributable to the devotional nature of the text in the first place and its more intimate setting in four voices. Thus it is not surprising that it is not like Isaac’s grand ceremonial motets and lacks the busy counterpoint of the secular pieces. The text praises the Virgin – blessed above all women, more pure than the angels, more pious than the saints, not knowing sin – and uses epithets reminiscent of the Salve regina: ‘o vita nostra, o spes nostra’. In the secunda pars we discover that it is a prayer in the first person with the startling ‘Pray O sweetest mother, pray I beg you, most pious mother, for your Christian people, and deign to pray for me, David, your unworthy servant’, emphasizing this section with longheld chords (see Example 8.1). And then it switches back to the plural: ‘that we may be filled with grace and with your son achieve everlasting glory’. 33 Who is this David? He is not named in the Cappella Sistina MS, where the name appears as ‘N’ in the superius and bassus and ‘K’ in the altus and tenor – unless this is two different ways of writing the same initial: one would expect ‘N’, as ‘nomen’, that is, ‘insert the name here’. It is curious that a personal motet should appear in a Vatican MS, unless the person to be sung for was the pope. Isaac has in fact set the name so it can be sung to two, three, or four syllables, making ‘Alexandro’ a possibility. David is a rather unusual name. I know of no composer named ‘David’ at this time.34 Is it a commissioned work? The name has a certain resonance in Florence; one has only to think of Donatello’s and Michelangelo’s David statues, though Michelangelo’s dates from 1501–4. But I would like to propose another, northern, hypothesis, which so far I have been unable to prove. The Virgin is asked to intercede first for ‘your Christian people’, and then specifically for David, as if he were a representative of the Christian people: ‘Ora, precor, mater dulcissima, ora queso, mater piissima, pro tuo Pendragon Press, 1996), 19–44 at 21, repr. in Blackburn, Composition, Printing, and Performance, article V. 32 Just, ‘Studien zu Heinrich Isaacs Motetten’, i. 159. 33 For the text and the variant readings in Vatican CS 15 see the contribution by Leofranc Holford-Strevens in this volume, Ch. 5, p. 150. 34 Richard Sherr (personal communication, citing sources in the Archivio Segreto Vaticano) has drawn my attention to a singer David le Galloys, a cleric of Rouen and singer in the chapel of Charles of Savoy, 1506–c. 1510, who held benefices in 1509 and died in August 1513 (as we know because Antoine Bruhier petitioned for them). He had evidently once been a member of the papal chapel and lived in Rome in the household of Cardinal Galleotto della Rovere (d. 1506).

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Example 8.1. Isaac, Salve virgo sanctissima (Segovia, fols. 87v–89), plea to David at bb. 164–94

#

164

° b & W pre

W &b ‹ pre

&b W ‹ pre ? ¢ b W pre

ca

-

-

ca

-

ca

U W

- ris

&b W ‹ gne w™ œ œ &b ‹ ?b W - ris

184

W

-

vid

W &b ‹ &b W ‹ ?b W -

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b W W

U W

ris

U W

ris

ri

-

W

vid

W vid

W

vid

di - gne

∑ W

di - gne

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que

di - gne

-

∑ w w

W W que

-

W

di - gne

W

W

∑ w™ ˙ w w

# me w w W

∑ W

W

pro

pro

me

W

pro

∑ W

U W

U W

- gno U ww W

W

-

di

U W

in

-

di

U W

in

W

in

-

-

W

di

-

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-

di

-

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˙ w

di

-

w

w

w

-

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-

W

W

w™ œ œ w

w W

Da

me

W

U W

W tu

W

-

U W

tu

W

-

U W

tu

gno

tu

gno

gno

o U W

-

W

W

Da -

-

-

W

w w W

Da -

Da -

# W

W

U W

U W

fa

W

-

mu

-

lo

U W

fa

-

mu

-

lo

-

U W o

fa

W

-

mu

-

lo

-

o

fa

-

mu

-

lo

W

o

œœ

-

w

-

-

W W

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Ów

me

U W

W

in

W

W

W

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ww ˙ œ œw

que

w

w

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W w™ ˙ w w w™

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ca

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U W

U W

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Christiano populo, precarique digneris pro me David indigno tuo famulo’. There is a David who would fit this bill: David of Burgundy, an illegitimate son of Philip the Good, was bishop of Utrecht from 1456 to his death in 1496. He was, as befits his Burgundian heritage, a great lover of music. A contemporary chronicler, Arnold Heymerick, reported that he had a personal chapel of around twenty singers, who sang daily the seven offices. Moreover, he said, the apostolic legate told him that in the ornateness of the ceremonies and the beauty of the singing it excelled the imperial chapel and nearly that of the papal chapel.35 This may be hyperbole, because it is a life of the bishop, written in 1477, but it must have some validity. In 1473 David petitioned the pope, Sixtus IV, for an indult so his singers could enjoy benefices in absentia, which he duly received.36 Unfortunately, the petition does not include the

Schriften des Arnold Heymerick, ed. Friedrich Wilhelm Dediger, Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde, 49 (Bonn: Peter Hanstein, 1939), 129: ‘Viginti circiter sacerdotes et clericos, quos cantores vocant, arte musica toto orbe memorabiles singulis diebus singulas septem horas in capella pontificali angelica iubilacione concinere audivimus. Erat autem per id tempus apostolicus legatus penes antistitem michi haud ignotus, qui de ea capella mecum senciens eam cantu, ceremoniis ac ornatu cessaream [sic] excellere persancte affirmavit, ymmo vix papalem tam sonoram atque armoniacam esse addidit’. I am grateful to Wolfgang Fuhrmann for pointing out that ‘arte musica’, ‘angelica iubilacione’, and ‘armoniacam’ specifically refer to polyphony. 36 See Gisbert Brom, Archivalia in Italia belangrijk voor de Geschiedenis van Nederland, 1, pt. 2: Rome. Vaticaansch Archief, tweede stuck (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1909), 604, no. 1702, 3 April 1473. According to the register he consulted, the document is ‘David episcopus Trajectensis. Indultum percipiendi fructus capellanis et cantoribus suae capellae’ in the ‘Reg. later. Sixti IV Tom. IV an III f. 99’. Brom says that it is missing; Richard Sherr has kindly confirmed that it is still missing, and that Brom must have taken the reference from Index 332 in the Sala Indici: ‘Index Bullarum Sixti IV Complectens Annos I, II, et III eius Pontificatus Tomus Primus ab Antonio Malocardi Bullarum custode transcriptus de anno domini MDCCLXI’. However, Sherr tracked down the corresponding document in the Reg. Supplic. 689, fol. 193r–v, of which he kindly provided a preliminary transcription and which I was able to complete through a photocopy supplied by the Archivio Segreto Vaticano: 35

‘Beatissime pater. Ut cantores et alii cappellani quos devota creatura vestra David episcopus Traiectensis pro suis horis canonicis in quadam ipsius episcopi capella celebrandis et decantandis hactenus tenere consuevit eo libentius apud dictam capellam resideant illique in divinis laudabiliter deserviatur, supplicat s. v. prefatus episcopus quatenus omnibus et singulis cantoribus capellanis et aliis servitoribus dicte capelle pro tempore existentibus, ut ipsi quamdiu in dicta capella deservientes fructus, etc. quorumcumque beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum cum cura vel sine cura

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names of the singers in this admirable chapel (it was meant to apply to all his chaplains and singers at the time and in the future), but it is likely that David employed at least some well-known singers of the time. In S. B. J. Zilverberg’s book on David of Burgundy, it is stated that the chapel was under the direction of Obrecht, but there is no documentation for that.37 Since nothing is known of Isaac’s early career, is it possible that he was a singer in David of Burgundy’s chapel? An intriguing question here is Isaac’s native language. One of the Isaac unica in Segovia is the quodlibet duo De tous bien playne/Et qui luy dira (normally ‘Et qui la dira’) on fol. 176v. The tenor ends with a snippet from the well-known chanson Je suis d’Allemagne, which should continue ‘je parle allemand’, but here it says: ‘Je suis de allemange et je parle franchoys’; ‘franchoys’ is the north-eastern dialectal form for françoys. ‘Allemagne’ at this time would mean the Empire. It is likely that Isaac

quatenus quibusvis ecclesiis sive locis obtinent et imposterium obtinebunt etiam si beneficia ipsa canonicatus et prebende ac dignitates etiam maiores vel principales personatus administrationes vel officia etiam curatus et electus in cathedralibus etiam metropolitanis vel collegiatis ecclesiis fuerint, cum ea integritate, quotidianis distributionibus dumtaxat exceptis, cum qua illa perciperet si in dictis ecclesiis sive locis personaliter residerent libere percipere valeant et ad residendis interim in eisdem non teneantur, vel ad id agere compelli possint quomodolibet inviti, concedere et indulgere dignetur non obstantibus et clausulis necessariis et opportunis Fiat ut petitur F Et pro tempore existentibus capellanis etc. quamdiu in dicta capella deservientibus Et de beneficiis obtentis vel obtinendis ipsi canonicatus et prebende ac dignitates etiam maiores vel principales in cathedralibus etc. Fiat F Datum Rome apud sanctum Petrum tertio nonas aprilis anno secundo. [In margin: Indultum]’.

Boudewijn Johan Zilverberg, David van Bourgondië, bisschop van Terwaan en van Utrecht (c. 1427–1496) (Groningen: J. B. Wolters, 1951), 112. He probably leapt to this conclusion based on the statement in Pieter Opmeer’s Opus chronographicum of 1611 that Obrecht was Erasmus’s teacher in Utrecht; see Rob C. Wegman, Born for the Muses: The Life and Masses of Jacob Obrecht (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 78. Wegman considers the hypothesis attractive, but so far not provable. In n. 27 on p. 79 he calls attention to two singers, Jean Keysere and Pasquier Blideman, who were said to be among the ‘meilleurs chantres’ in David’s chapel in 1480, citing Alexandre Pinchart, Archives des arts, sciences et lettres: Documents inédits, i/3 (Ghent: Hebbelynck, 1881), 163–4. The bishop sent them to the young Maximilian to console him during his illness. See Nicole Schwindt, Maximilians Lieder: Weltliche Musik in deutschen Landen um 1500 (Kassel: Bärenreiter and Stuttgart: Metzler, 2018), 68.

37 Siegfried

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spoke both Dutch and French,38 which is surely the case also with David of Burgundy, who was born in Arras. Some of the registers of his episcopate are still preserved in the Rijksarchief in Utrecht, but an examination of them yielded no information about his personal chapel. Thus the hypothesis that the motet was written for David of Burgundy remains nothing more than that. A northern transmission of the motet to Segovia could have been direct, but nothing precludes a Florentine transmission, for Isaac, who turns up at the Innsbruck court in 1484 as ‘componist’ shortly before arriving in Florence, surely had packed copies of his earlier music in his luggage. Nevertheless, the presence in the Segovia manuscript of a specific name is more likely to refer to the original recipient than the ‘N’ of a different source. The Segovia manuscript is a jigsaw puzzle, with too many pieces still missing; I hope what is offered here will be contiguous with some others. As more pieces fall into place, perhaps we shall one day have a full picture of this tantalizing source.

38

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He was a member of the Flemish confraternity of S. Barbara in Florence: see Giovanni Zanovello, ‘“Master Arigo Ysach, Our Brother”: New Light on Isaac in Florence, 1502–17’, JM 25 (2008), 287–317.

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chapter 9

The Written Transmission of Polyphonic Song in Spain c. 1500: The Case of the Segovia Manuscript Tess Knighton While there can be no doubt that Castilian-texted songs were transmitted orally in the fifteenth century,1 the loss of the considerable number of songbooks belonging to Queen Isabel,2 as well as others listed in the inventories of the possessions of Spanish nobles, points to a wider practice of song transmission in notated form – at least by the mid-fifteenth century and possibly earlier – than might be suggested by the few surviving musical cancioneros dating from the years around 1500. The assumption that a lack of surviving songbooks with notated music necessarily reflects a strong oral tradition should thus be nuanced: both modes of transmission, oral and written, flourished throughout the reign of Ferdinand and Isabel and beyond.3 The popularity – 1

David Fallows, ‘A Glimpse of the Lost Years: Spanish Polyphonic Song, 1450–60’, in Josephine Wright and Samuel A. Floyd, Jr. (eds.), New Perspectives in Music: Essays in Honor of Eileen Southern, Detroit Monographs in Musicology/Studies in Music, 11 (Warren, MI: Harmonie Park Press, 1992), 19–36; Ángel Manuel Olmos, ‘La Transmission orale de la polyphonie en France et en Espagne pendant les XVe et XVIe siècles: Essai d’interprétations philologiques de la notation de la musique en langue vernaculaire’ (Ph.D. diss., Université Paris Sorbonne-Paris IV, 2006); and Giuseppe Fiorentino, ‘Música española de Renacimiento entre tradición oral y transmisión escrita: El esquema de la folía en procesos de composición e improvisación’ (Ph.D. diss., Universidad de Granada, 2009). 2 Tess Knighton, ‘Isabel of Castile and her Music Books: Franco-Flemish Song in Fifteenth-Century Spain’, in Barbara F. Weissberger (ed.), Queen Isabel I of Castile: Power, Patronage, Persona (Woodbridge: Tamesis, 2008), 29–54. The data for this study were drawn largely from Elisa Ruiz García, Los libros de Isabel la Católica: Arqueología de un patrimonio escrito (Salamanca: Instituto de Historia del Libro y de la Lectura, 2004). 3 Recent research by Giuseppe Fiorentino has afforded much greater insight into improvisatory and semi-improvisatory practices in the Iberian world during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; on polyphonic song settings in particular,

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and the practicality – of the ‘se canta al tono de’ tradition bears witness to a memory bank of widely disseminated song melodies.4 The symbiosis – or at least cross-over points – between oral and written transmission is relevant to a consideration of the Castilian-texted repertory in the Segovia manuscript, and the way in which songs were transmitted.5 The focus of this chapter is to review in what formats songs were notated in fifteenth-century Spain, and how notation might relate to function, from the section headed ‘Aqui comiensan las obras castellanas’ in Segovia to some isolated leaves from an otherwise lost manuscript, very different in nature to Segovia. Questions as to the structure and use of this discrete section of the Segovia manuscript are also raised: its inclusion clearly forms part of the comprehensive anthologizing of a polyphonic repertory that includes sacred and secular works by Franco-Netherlandish and indigenous composers (principally Juan de Anchieta). The section itself might be considered a ‘cancionero’ or songbook, in that it is dedicated to songs, but historiographically the term has been used – misleadingly – as an umbrella term for the whole manuscript.6 The mise-en-page, texting, and other see Giuseppe Fiorentino, ‘Unwritten Music and Oral Traditions at the Time of Ferdinand and Isabel’, in Tess Knighton (ed.), Companion to Music in the Age of the Catholic Monarchs (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 504–48, especially the section on ‘Oral and popular traditions in songbooks’. 4 Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Melodies for Private Devotion at the Court of Queen Isabel’, in Weissberger (ed.), Queen Isabel I of Castile, 82–107. On the tradition outside Spain, see Blake Wilson, ‘Song Collections in Early Renaissance Florence: The “Cantasi come” Tradition and its Manuscript Sources’, Recercare 10 (1998), 69–104. 5 See Tess Knighton, ‘Song Migrations: The Case of Adorámoste, Señor’, in Tess Knighton and Álvaro Torrente (eds.), Devotional Music in the Iberian World, 1450–1800: The Villancico and Related Genres (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 53–76, esp. 69. 6 The use of the term ‘cancionero’ with regard to the Segovia manuscript dates back at least to the time of Anglés and was also applied to other mixed-repertory manuscripts such as Barcelona 454, which has often been referred to as the Cancionero Musical de Barcelona. Neither the Segovia or Barcelona manuscripts is primarily a songbook. A parallel debate of a slightly different nature has taken place among philologists since the term ‘cancionero’ was similarly used to denote collections of verse that was never intended to be sung, and which might even include prose: see Dorothy Severin, ‘Cancionero: Un género mal nombrado’, Cultura Neolatina 54 (1994), 95–105. See also Jane Whetnall, ‘Secular Song in Fifteenth-Century Spain’, in Knighton (ed.), Companion to Music in the Age of the Catholic Monarchs, 60–96, esp. 60–5.

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notational features of the polyphonic songs, as well as the nature of the repertory itself, suggest that the songs were written down as part of a process of memorialization of a repertory that had meaning and currency for a particular centre of musical activity at a specific moment in time.7 As Marisa Galvez has argued, ‘cancioneros were intertwined with the daily social and cultural realities of courtiers and lettered men’. 8 In the case of the Segovia manuscript, its repertory and likely dating have traditionally suggested that its centre of production could have been the royal courts of Isabel (d. 1504), Prince Juan (d. 1497), or Princess Juana (from 1504 Queen of Castile). As Cristina Urchueguía argues in her introductory chapter to this volume, this tradition stemmed largely from Higinio Anglés’s inclusion of Segovia among the polyphonic manuscripts associated with the royal courts.9 Nonetheless, the presence of works by Anchieta interspersed among others by FrancoNetherlandish composers, and his close association with all three of the royal households mentioned above, including an extended sojourn in Flanders in the service of Juana, could indeed suggest some kind of royal connection. Segovia could also have been compiled for an aristocratic court satellite to the royal court; Emilio Ros-Fábregas suggests in this volume and elsewhere the possibility that the manuscript was connected to the noble Manrique family, several of whose members were closely linked to Ferdinand, Isabel, and Juana – one of his pieces of evidence concerns the first song in the ‘Aqui comiensan las obras castellanas’ section, as I shall discuss below.10 Or, indeed, the manuscript could have been put together in an educational environment, associated with the Estudio General in Segovia, as suggested by Cristina Urchueguía in this volume. All these more or less self-contained, tightly knit circles – royal or noble court and educational environments – inhabited and activated by ‘courtiers and lettered men’ would have been fertile ground for

the raison d’être and compilation of poetic anthologies that are usually denominated ‘songbooks’ (cancioneros), see Marisa Galvez, Songbook: How Lyrics Became Poetry in Medieval Europe (Chicago, IL and London: University of Chicago Press, 2012), esp. Ch. 4: ‘Cancioneros and the Art of the Songbook’, 167–202. 8 Ibid. 201. 9 Higini Anglés, ‘Un manuscrit inconnu avec polyphonie du XVe siècle conservé à la cathédrale de Segovie (Espagne)’, Acta musicologica 8 (1936), 3–17, and La música en la Corte de los Reyes Católicos, i, MME 1 (2nd edn., Barcelona: CSIC, 1960), 107. 10 Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘New Light on the Segovia Manuscript: Watermarks, Foliation, and Ownership’ (Ch. 2 above); and Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Manuscripts of Polyphony from the Time of Isabel and Ferdinand’, in Knighton (ed.), Companion to Music in the Age of the Catholic Monarchs, 404–68, esp. 428–42. 7 On

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the compilation of a relatively informal manuscript of mixed repertory such as Segovia. While it would be helpful to establish exactly which centre of musical activity produced the manuscript, it is not strictly necessary in order to gain an idea of how the polyphonic song repertory was transmitted and came to be written down, and this is the aim of this chapter. I will consider briefly the broader context for the section of Castilian-texted songs in Segovia – and for the few other extant songbooks with musical notation – taking into account the cancioneros that have been lost, as suggested by inventories of music books from the period. The various inventories of the royal collections of books around the time of Isabel’s death in 1504 give some indication of the proportion of polyphonic songbooks that have been lost; analysis of those inventories would also appear to confirm what Emilio Ros-Fábregas has long suggested as regards the Segovia manuscript: that there is no single songbook entry that would seem to correspond exactly to it, despite the assertion that this was the case by both Higinio Anglés and Norma Klein Baker.11 The entry in the 1503 inventory of the royal patrimony at the Alcázar before Isabel’s death in November 1504 relating to a ‘cançionario [sic] françes’ does not correspond to the inscription, ‘canto de organo’, on the extant binding, which is generally assumed to be original, or at least of the period. However, the other material characteristics mentioned in this entry are compatible with Segovia: folio format (‘de pliego entero’) and vellum binding (‘coberturas de pergamino’). Moreover, as mentioned above, although the manuscript became known as the ‘Cancionero de Segovia’ following Anglés (who characteristically overlooked the sacred polyphony by Franco-Netherlandish composers, which opens and forms the large part of the manuscript’s contents, in order to focus on the small collection of Castilian-texted songs at the end), it is highly unlikely that it would have been inventoried as such, and much more likely that it would have appeared under the generic heading ‘libro de canto de organo’ commonly found – to the frustration of the music historian – in inventories of the period. A number of unspecified ‘libros de canto de organo’ are found in the Isabeline inventories and elsewhere, most of these being described as of paper and bound in vellum, but without specific details, such entries cannot serve to identify Segovia. However, it is worth noting that some of the books 11

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Emilio Ros-Fábregas, ‘Libros de música en bibliotecas españolas del siglo XVI (I– III)’, Pliegos de Bibliografía 15 (2001), 37–62; 16 (2002), 33–46; 17 (2002), 17– 54; vol. 15 at 60. It is a moot point whether the book would have been inventoried as a ‘cancionero’ in any case, since it begins with Latin Masses.

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described as ‘songbooks’ contained ‘French’ songs (that is, songs with French texts), confirming the circulation of this international song repertory in the peninsula; none of these can be identified with Segovia.12 The 1505 inventory of the Alcázar books, drawn up post mortem, describes a French songbook with a distinctive binding of old brown leather with various clasps, and indicates that the material used for copying was vellum rather than paper, and so cannot be a reference to the Segovia manuscript. Other inventories indicate that Isabel owned a number of French songbooks, including the intriguing ‘book of French and Castilian songs, notated’, which she acquired some time between December 1474 and April 1483 (too early for the Segovia manuscript), and another small-format volume bound in red leather.13 The fact that Isabel owned a number of ‘French’ songbooks does not, of course, necessarily imply that the Segovia manuscript belonged to her, only that such books were found in royal circles in Spain in this period. Ros-Fábregas’s most recent research may point towards a non-royal but aristocratic owner of the manuscript,14 and this is entirely plausible, since songbooks were clearly owned by members of the nobility of c. 1500. A relatively early example is found in an inventory dated 1507 of the possessions of Juan de Guzmán, Third Duke of Medina Sidonia, which includes a number of cancioneros, among them a ‘libro cancionero de las tablas quebradas de canto de órgano’.15 12

For more details, see Knighton, ‘Isabel of Castile and her Music Books’. I will not consider here the so-called Cancionero de la Colombina (Seville, Catedral Metropolitana, Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina, MS 7-1-28), a compilation, like Segovia, of sacred and secular and indigenous and international repertory, or the Cancionero Musical de Palacio (Madrid, Biblioteca Real, MS II-1335); for the latest thinking on these manuscripts, see Ros-Fábregas, ‘Manuscripts of Polyphony’. 13 Knighton, ‘Isabel of Castile and her Music Books’, 42: ‘Otro libro de cançiones castellanas e françesas apuntadas’ (acquisitions, 1474–83); 47: ‘Un libro de canto de organo, pequeño, con canciones francesas, guarnecido con sus tablas y cuero colorado viejo’ (inventory made in Granada, 1536); see also Ruiz García, Los libros de Isabel, 414 and 562. 14 Ros-Fábregas, Ch. 2 above. 15 See Ros-Fábregas, ‘Libros de música (I)’, 61; also cited in Juan Ruiz Jiménez, ‘Power and Musical Exchange: The Dukes of Medina Sidonia in Renaissance Seville’, EM 37 (2009), 401–16 at 414 n. 28; and Lucía Gómez Fernández, ‘El mecenazgo musical de los duques de Medina Sidonia en Sevilla y Sanlucar de Barrameda (1445–1615)’ (Ph.D. diss., Universidad de Cádiz, 2015), 97–100. Gómez Fernández makes an intriguing case for linking this reference to the Cancionero Musical de la Colombina [CMC], although the evidence is essentially circumstantial; ibid. 104–19. On Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, and his possible ownership of EscB, see Knighton, ‘Isabel of Castile and her Music Books’, 48–9.

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Inventories, while useful in establishing ownership of music books, are generally rather blunt tools, and it is more often than not impossible to relate the incomplete, almost cryptic descriptions found in them to existing music books, such as the Segovia manuscript. However, those inventory entries that include indications of the materiality of the book can afford some insight into their function and hint at how a particular repertory circulated during the fifteenth century. It is clear from the material descriptions in the Isabeline and other inventories of around 1500 that while several of the songbooks, and especially the chansonniers, were presentation manuscripts,16 copied on vellum and with red or brown leather covers, others were copied on paper and bound in vellum, and given a simple generic description. These less luxurious songbooks may still have served as gifts, but it is perhaps more likely that they were repositories of the repertory performed in a particular circle, that is, a written record of performances experienced in that milieu. As mentioned above, Marisa Galvez has considered how the writing of lyric verse and compiling of cancioneros was ‘an important ritual among coteries of different social classes associated with the Castilian and Aragonese courts’,17 and the section of songs included at the end of the Segovia manuscript (fols. 207–28) and marked ‘Aqui comiensan las obras castellanas’ would appear to have been a compilation of some of the best-known Castilian-texted songs of the latter part of the fifteenth century, together with a high proportion of works that have not survived outside this source. The section represents the song repertory known to a particular circle,18 but in the context of the Segovia manuscript it also reflects an impulse to gather together different kinds of repertory – sacred and secular, international and local – in a kind of anthology or compendium by an individual who, for whatever reason, wished to record that repertory in notated form, whether for his own interests or for those of the circle. The lack of composer attributions and traces of oral transmission in these songs, both textually and musically, would support the view of a repertory familiar to that circle and that individual within it, as would the mise-en-page, texting, and other notational features adopted by the copyist-compiler. The Appendix gives a summary of the Castilian-texted song section of the Segovia manuscript, which will serve as a reference tool for the following discussion. 16

Knighton, ‘Isabel of Castile and her Music Books’, 43 n. 22. Cancionero, 168–9. 18 For a detailed study of the musical and literary concordances of these songs, see Cancionero Musical de la Catedral de Segovia, ed. Víctor de Lama de la Cruz ([Valladolid]: Junta de Castilla y León Consejería de Cultura y Turismo, 1994), 315–78, nos. 164–201. 17 Galvez,

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The evidence of the gathering structure and the paper used in the Segovia manuscript,19 and the continuity of the music hand with the rest of the volume,20 suggest that the song section was copied in a relatively short period of time as a discrete part of the larger volume; there is no indication that it originally formed a separate manuscript, although several folios are missing so that, as Ros-Fábregas points out, none of the three gatherings into which the songs were copied is complete.21 If we can assume that the missing folios contained music, then somewhere between eight and sixteen songs (depending on whether one or two songs were copied on each page) are missing from the corpus. There is no index, but the section heading ‘Aqui comiensan las obras castellanas’ would confirm that the Segovia manuscript was compiled as part of a comprehensive anthology of repertories of different kinds that would not have been considered complete without a section of Castilian-texted songs. If Rob Wegman is correct in identifying the scribe as Flemish, who continued to copy the music of the Castilian-texted songs, but was forced to draw upon the help of a Castilian-speaking copyist for the texts, in a language with which he was not very familiar, this would have implications for his familiarity with this song repertory. He may well have – in at least some instances – had access to notated versions, possibly in fascicle form, especially of those songs that were clearly in wide circulation, the ‘hits’ of the day, but in other instances, particularly with the relatively high proportion of songs not found in any other extant musical or poetic anthologies and thus unique to Segovia (almost 50 per cent), he may also have written down songs that he heard performed in court circles – and that were known to his Castilian-text copyist. However, sacred works are attributed to Anchieta, Marturià, Ffarrer, and ‘Ferdinandus et frater ejus’ (possibly a reference to the Fernández brothers) in the earlier sections of the Segovia manuscript, so the scribe was thus inconsistent in his approach to the section of songs, perhaps a further indication that they were transmitted orally. Víctor Lama has indicated that in a number of cases substantial variants between textual concordances would suggest that at least some of the songs were copied from memory,22 while it has

19

See Ros-Fábregas’s chapter in this volume, Ch. 2. See Rob Wegman’s chapter in this volume, Ch. 7. 21 The copying in separate fascicles, which were subsequently bound together, is a common procedure also found in non-musical cancioneros. See Severin, ‘“Cancionero”: Un género mal nombrado’. 22 Cancionero musical, ed. Lama de la Cruz, 326, 343, 344, 349, 351. 20

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also been argued that musical variants in some songs reflect oral transmission.23 Certainly, the text scribe assumed that the repertory was well known to the circle in which this section was compiled: in the majority of songs the lyrics are not copied complete in the superius (the voice most commonly notated as the text-bearing voice while the lower voices have incipits only), but only the lines of the estribillo and the first couplet of the mudanza. That is, the text scribe usually only added those lines of verse that corresponded with the music the first time it was sung (AB) and, in ten of the songs (see Appendix, nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 18, 23, 27, 28), the second couplet of the mudanza and the vuelta were omitted, while in several others at least (Appendix, nos. 11, 12, 14, and 22), the text is clearly incomplete in one way or another. Thus, Segovia could not have been used for performance unless the texts were so well known that they could be supplied by those performing the songs, again implying a hermetic circle of production and consumption.24 On the basis of the Castilian-texted song section alone, the Segovia manuscript was clearly not intended as a presentation manuscript, even though both music and text hands are reasonably neat and clear. Rather, the mise-en-page would confirm that this music book was to be used a repository of repertory from a specific circle. Only one song, Encina’s Gran gasajo siento yo (fols. 207v–208r), is presented in choirbook format with the music, though concise and thus leaving a number of blank staves, spread over a full opening (Plate 9.1). The remaining songs are presented with the different voice parts aligned vertically on only one side of an opening, consistently from high voice to lower, and with marginal indication of the two lower voice parts.25 This format is found in other song manuscripts, notably the Tarragona fragments discussed below. The significance of the use of choirbook presentation for one song, and for this song in particular, is difficult to establish. Encina was, of course, the leading poet-composer of his generation,26 many of whose song texts were published in his Cancionero (Salamanca, 1496), including the Christmas villancico Gran gasajo siento yo, which appears at fol. 105r–v, with a total of six strophes. It is notable that while the piece is copied in the more formal – or more performative – choirbook layout, it is the only song that has

La Transmission orale, and Knighton, ‘Song Migrations’, 69. It is also possible that the scribe, especially if he was indeed a Flemish scribe, simply did not understand the basic structure of the villancico form. 25 This is usually ‘t’ for tenor and ‘b’ for bassus, although for a few songs ‘Tenor’ and ‘Bassus’ are written in full (Appendix, nos. 27, 29, and 32–4). 26 See Whetnall, ‘Secular Song’, 86–9. 23 Olmos, 24

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Plate 9.1. Juan del Encina, Gran gasajo siento yo, Segovia, fols. 207v–208r. Reproduced with kind permission of the Catedral de Segovia

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no more than an incipit in all voices. Was this precisely because the full text was readily available in the recently published anthology of Encina’s verse? There are other Christmas songs in Segovia, but these do not follow immediately on from Gran gasajo, so it cannot be considered as significant as the first song in a subsection of Christmas songs. Perhaps the most logical explanation is that it was originally the first song of the ‘obras castellanas’, with the scribe initially adopting the choirbook format layout and then realizing that this would be a wasteful – or unnecessary – way to notate the Castilian-texted song repertory, with its brief musical sections. The customarily much longer sections of the French-texted song repertory are generally copied in choirbook format, often with the tenor spilling over from verso to recto in the opening, which again might indicate that the copyist only realized the wastefulness of that layout for the villancico form after he copied Gran gasajo.27 If Encina’s Gran gasajo were originally intended as the first piece in the Castilian-texted section of the Segovia manuscript, the previous song on fol. 207r (Justa fue mi perdición), currently the first song under the ‘Aqui comiensan’ heading, was added later to use the otherwise blank (though ruled) recto at the start of Gathering XXVII, at which point the heading ‘Aqui comiensan’ was also added. However, Ros-Fábregas argues that the choice of Justa fue mi perdición as the opening song of the section was deliberate, since the text is by the poet Jorge Manrique, a member of the Manrique family and for whom, he believes, the Segovia manuscript may have been compiled.28 If this were indeed the case, the copying of Encina’s Gran gasajo siento yo in choirbook format would have no special significance, and it was simply an aberration or experiment on the part of the copyist if, indeed, he had wanted to open the new song section with the Manrique setting. It is possible that the use of the recto of an opening that included a piece that was not a Castilian-texted song on the verso would have necessitated the addition of the generic heading ‘Aqui comiensan las obras castellanas’. However, this is impossible to verify since, as the Segovia manuscript survives at present, fol. 206 is missing; the work on fol. 205v is a setting of Comme femme ascribed to Tinctoris. Of course, even if Justa fue mi perdición were added after Gran gasajo, it might still have had significance for becoming, in effect, the opening song. In any case, Justa fue mi perdición

The choirbook format was not adopted merely because Gran gasajo was for four voices; the following song, on fol. 208v, Pues jamás olvidaros, is also for four voices, but these are presented one above the other on the verso of the opening. 28 See Ros-Fábregas’s chapter in this volume, pp. 69–74, and Ros-Fábregas, ‘Manuscripts of Polyphony’, 437–42. 27

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was one of the great ‘hits’ of the day,29 as were many of the songs copied into Segovia, notably in the original copying of the first part of the section. This becomes particularly apparently if the songs added in the blank lower staves are omitted from consideration of the song repertory copied here, especially in the earlier part of the section. Whatever the reason for the copying of Gran gasajo in choirbook format, it is clear that the copyist wanted to make the most of the space available to him within the three gatherings, and added a substantial number of songs in a second wave of copying, filling up blank staves where these occurred at the bottom of the page once the first song had already been copied. He was aware of the congestion on the page that this often caused, marking these added songs ‘aliud’, and consistently applying the ‘t’ and ‘b’ indications in the left-hand margin to clarify the layout. That the ‘aliud’ songs were added afterwards is suggested by their often having been squeezed to fit the available space: in the case of no. 11 (Contento soy que dolais), the bass part had to spill over onto the bottom of the recto of the opening and, even more telling, in no. 13 (Ya no quiero tener fe) the tenor and bass voice parts had to be made to fit round the extra lines of text copied previously for no. 12 (Al del hato) at the bottom of the page. If these added songs (for example, nos. 7, 11, 14, 19, and 22) are stripped away, the corpus that remains can be considered canonic in the song repertory of the time; possibly these added songs, unique to the Segovia manuscript, reflect a more local, less widely disseminated repertory. The copying of the voices in a vertical format does occur in other sections of the Segovia manuscript, again probably to maximize paper use (not usually a consideration in presentation manuscripts), or possibly out of convention where a manuscript was intended to serve as a more or less informal repository of repertory rather than a book used for performance. Both formats are used in the Cancionero Musical de Palacio, but in this instance it is much clearer that the copying of the original layer of songs began in choirbook format, whether for purposes of presentation or performance (or both), and that later additions were squeezed into whatever blank staves remained, the layout varying according to the space available. These distinct modes of presentation are also to be found in the Cancionero Musical de la Colombina.30 Both 29

Roger Boase, ‘“Justa fue mi perdición”: The Context, Authorship and Abiding Popularity of a Courtly Canción’, Revista de Cancioneros Impresos y Manuscritos 6 (2017), 26–39. 30 A facsimile edition of the Colombina Songbook is available, published by the Sociedad Española de Musicología with the Asociación Española de Documentación Musical in 2006.

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manuscripts are complex in structure, and fall beyond the scope of this study. However, several recently discovered fragments including polyphonic songs help to shed some light on their written transmission in the years before and after 1500. A leaf preserved at the Arxiu Històric Arxidiocesà in Tarragona (TarragFrag) contains two three-voice songs in the vertical mode of layout.31 According to Romà Escalas’s preliminary study, two separate leaves from the same fifteenth-century manuscript were used to bind some parish registers (‘lligalls parroquials’): one contains the two songs, the other – which is in a poor state of preservation – a setting of the Lamentations for Holy Saturday.32 The hand of both leaves – the two secular songs and the Lamentations – is very similar, and the scissors watermark found, cut in half, on each sheet is the same. The leaves are thus likely to have been from the same manuscript, implying that both secular and sacred repertory was included in it.33 The song leaf bears the folio number ‘lx’, with an anonymous three-voice setting of Madame helas on what would have been the recto (fol. 60r), and Cornago’s Aun [Non] gusto del mal estraño on fol. 60v.34 In each case, the three voices are presented vertically, in the order superius/tenor/contra, with a blank stave between each voice part (see Plate 9.2). The two songs – one in Italianized Castilian by Cornago [‘Cornaco’], the other anonymous and in French (but which Fallows has identified as a version of the widely diffused Elend du

31 Romà

Escalas, ‘Dues cançons polifòniques del segle XV a l’Arxiu Històric Arxidiocesà de Tarragona’, Revista Catalana de Musicologia 3 (2005), 35–43. The song leaf is also included in David Fallows, A Catalogue of Polyphonic Songs, 1415–1480 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), with separate entries on the two songs. 32 I was able to study the leaves on a recent visit to the Arxiu in Tarragona (March 2017). A modern pencil inscription identifies the leaves as having come from San Martí de Muldà, a village now in the province of Lleida. A further inscription in ink on the second leaf with the Lamentations comprises the dates ‘1561 a 1562. 1563. 1564’. This may be an indication of when the manuscript was broken up to be used as covers to the notarial documents, or it may simply be a doodle. Until 1763, members of the clergy acted as notaries in small villages in Catalonia. 33 It seems less likely that, even though the top half of the scissors is found on the song leaf and the bottom half on the Lamentations sheet, the two leaves were originally contiguous in the original manuscript, as suggested by Romà, ‘Dues cançons polifòniques’, 36. Unfortunately, the top of the Lamentations leaf is badly deteriorated and any sign of a foliation mark has been lost. 34 This foliation number is not mentioned by Escalas, although it is included by Fallows, and can be seen clearly in the top right-hand corner of the leaf.

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Plate 9.2. Anonymous, Ma damme helas et que serrace [Elend du hast], separate leaf with foliation ‘lx’, Tarragona, Arxiu Històric Arxidiocesà, fragments. All rights reserved © Arxiu Històric Arxidiocesà de Tarragona

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hast)35 – immediately suggest a Neapolitan provenance, since Cornago was active there until he returned to Spain around 1475;36 possibly the manuscript returned with him. The leaf bears witness to another lost songbook – of at least sixty folios – that mixed sacred and secular repertory and international and widely diffused Castilian-texted songs that reached Spain in the fifteenth century, even if in this case the manuscript was originally compiled in Naples. Its script and layout is neat, with the three voices being copied vertically, and with the text underlaid in the superius and incipits only in the two lower voices, without the decorated elegance of a presentation manuscript. In contrast to the Tarragona fragment that clearly formed part of a larger repository of polyphonic repertory in the manner of Segovia, individually notated songs have been preserved as the result of a more deliberate and official process. These songs were recorded in notation because they commemorated a specific event or individual, and were included not in songbooks but in other written contexts, one manuscript and one printed. These two examples are well known, but have not been studied as regards their significance for the development of the transmission of polyphonic song in written form or for their materiality. The anonymous romance Lealtat, o lealtat, headed in the unique source ‘Versos fechos en loor del Condestable’, and until recently considered to be the earliest surviving Castilian-texted polyphonic song,37 was incorporated as part of a chronicle dedicated to the life of Don Miguel Lucas de Iranzo, Constable of Castile (1458–73).38 This romance forms, in effect, a kind of musical mini-chronicle, a song designed to reflect the importance A Catalogue of Polyphonic Songs, 434–5. For the concordances for these songs, see Fallows, A Catalogue of Polyphonic Songs, 265 and 434–5 (‘Elend du hast’) and 621–2 (‘Non gusto del male estranio’). 37 Robert Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague: Martinus Nijnhoff, 1960), 204–6; Juan de Mata Carriazo, Los hechos del Condestable don Miguel Lucas de Iranzo, Colección de Crónicas Españolas, 3 (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1940), p. xxv. See also Maricarmen Gómez Muntané, ‘La música laica en el reino de Castilla en tiempo del Condestable Don Miguel Lucas de Iranzo (1458–1473)’, Revista de Musicología 19 (1996), 25–45 at 28–9; and Tess Knighton, ‘Spaces and Contexts for Listening in 15th-Century Castile: The Case of the Constable’s Palace in Jaén’, EM 25 (1997), 661–77. 38 In addition to Mata Carriazo’s edition, two further editions have appeared more recently: Catherine Soriano, Los hechos del Condestable don Miguel Lucas de Iranzo: Estudio y edición, 2 vols. (Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 1993); and Relación de los hechos del muy magnífico e más virtuoso señor, el señor don Miguel Lucas, muy digno condestable de Castilla, ed. Juan Cuevas Mata, Juan del Arco Moya, and José del Arco Moya ( Jaén: Ayuntamiento de Jaén, 2001). 35 Fallows, 36

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and image of an individual noble, while in effect extolling the institution of monarchy. It was bound into the chronicle (between fols. 234 and 235 of the original foliation of Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional 2092 (olim G-126)), and was therefore added after the book had been foliated. It is copied in a formal bookhand with the voices presented in choirbook format (Plate 9.3). The chronicle narrates events up to 1471, so the song must have been bound into the manuscript after that time, although it could have been composed and copied earlier than this given it was in circulation as a fascicle manuscript. The point at which the song was inserted narrates the events relating to 1466, and there is a clear connection, as Mata Carriazo points out, between the defence of Andújar, loyal to the king, and the text of the song: ‘con Jahen y con Andújar / tus reynos recobrarás’. 39 The chronicler, who some believe to have been Pedro de Escavias, the alcaide of Andújar, a royal servant and loyal to both the king and the Constable,40 also mentions that songs were composed and sung following the successful defence of Jaén for the monarchy the previous year (ch. XXVI): And there can be no doubt about it, since only the Constable served him [Enrique IV] as well and in such a distinguished manner; and in every way he gave him and confirmed him in the royal crown of these kingdoms. And as was sung in the many verses and songs that were composed at the time, it was said by many that he [the king] reigned in Castile thanks to this Lord [the Constable].41

The message conveyed by Lealtat, o lealtat was certainly along these lines and there can be little doubt that the romance was composed in 1465–6.42 The fact that the paper on which the song was copied is different from that of the rest of the chronicle suggests that it probably had a life outside it, though whether it was written down by a specialist music scribe for the purpose of being included for the historical record or whether it was ever used for performance Mata Carriazo, Los hechos del Condestable, 328. Ibid., pp. xxvii–xxix. 41 Ibid., p. xxx: ‘Y no es dubda ninguna sinó que en esto solo el dicho señor Condestable le fizo muy grande e muy señalado serviçio; y de todo punto le dió y afirmó la corona real destos reynos. Y como en muchas coplas y cantares que a la sazón fizieron, por muchos se dixo que por este señor regnava en Castilla’. Indeed, it is possible that this reference in the text prompted the inclusion of the bifolio with the romance. 42 For the complete text and an English translation, see Knighton, ‘Spaces and Contexts’, 662. 39 40

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Plate 9.3. Anonymous, Lealtat, o lealtat, included between fols. 234 and 235 of the original foliation of Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, Mss/2092 (olim G-126). Reproduced with the permission of the Biblioteca Nacional de España

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is impossible to ascertain. It may have been that the bifolio was simply among the Constable’s papers and was bound, whether by the chronicler or someone else, in an appropriate place in the chronicle. Given its person-specific imagemaking function, it is perhaps not surprising that it is not preserved in any other source, though its support of the king, Enrique IV (r. 1458–74), might also suggest it had further reach and relevance.43 Thus, it is probable that Lealtat, o lealtat was composed for a specific occasion and then copied out in a formal manner for posterity. Indeed, there may have been a wider tradition for including not only the texts for occasional songs but also the music to mark or commemorate specific events or performances.44 This was certainly the case with the song Viva el gran Re don Fernando included in the play by the Roman humanist Carlo Verardi (1440– 1500) and printed as part of his Historia Baetica (Rome: Eucharius Silber, 1493).45 Verardi wrote his play for performance in the palace of his patron, Cardinal Raffaele Riario, in honour and celebration of the completion of the Reconquest of Granada with the entry of the Catholic Monarchs into that city on 2 January 1492. The celebrations held in Rome, many under the auspices of the Valencian Pope Alexander VI, Rodrigo de Borja, were sumptuous and extended; they are described in general terms in Verardi’s preface dedicated to Cardinal Riario, together with his reasons for attempting to recreate the ancient Roman practice of marking events with plays in Latin.46 Triumphal processions, bullfights, and many other entertainments were held when news of Ferdinand’s victory reached Rome on 1 February 1492; on 19 February the bishop of Badajoz, Bernardino de Carvajal, and the bishop of Astorga, Juan Ruiz de Medina, celebrated Mass and, with their patronage, a representation of the taking of Granada was performed in the square. The triumphal procession

43

On music at the court of Enrique IV, see Francisco de Paula Cañas Gálvez, ‘La música en la corte de Enrique IV (1454–1474): Una aproximación institucional y prosopográfica’, Revista de Musicología 29 (2006), 217–316. 44 In most instances, however, it is only the text that survives, often as part of a relación of a specific event, as in the case of the royal entries into Seville and Valladolid in the first decades of the sixteenth century; see Tess Knighton and Carmen Morte García, ‘Ferdinand of Aragon’s Entry into Valladolid in 1513: The Triumph of a Christian King’, EMH 18 (1999), 119–63. 45 For a modern edition (together with Spanish translation and a useful introductory study), see María Dolores Rincón González, Historia Baetica de Carlos Verardi (drama humanístico sobre la Toma de Granada) (Granada: Universidad de Granada, 1992). 46 Ibid. 134–47.

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that passed through the streets of Rome was organized by Cardinal Riario himself.47 A number of works in Latin were written in honour of the event in addition to Verardi’s play, including the Panegyricon ad Ferdinandum regem et Isabellam reginam Hispaniarum by Ugolino Verino (1438–1516), Alfonso de Palencia’s Epistola ad Joannem episcopum Astorciensem de bello Granatensi (Seville, 1492), and Pietro Martire’s now lost De Ferdinandi Regis et Hellisabes Reginae Laudibus, as well as a number of Castilian-texted songs by Juan del Encina and others.48 The Italian text of the strophic song performed at the end of Verardi’s play, presumably by the singer-actors, is included at the end of the printed text, and separately from the music. This is preserved only in the 1493 Roman edition; subsequent editions of the Historia Baetica (including Basel and Salamanca (1494), Valladolid (c. 1497), and Nuremberg (between 1497 and 1500)) do not include the music.49 The music is printed using woodblocks and is presented in choirbook format (Plate 9.4).50 The problems presented by the woodblock method of printing music are clear: the noteheads are uneven, though legible, and while the names of the voice parts are included, the text is not underlaid since its necessarily small size in this context (the book is printed in quarto) would have been impossible to achieve using type. However, in at least two surviving copies, the text has been added by hand, with the whole of the refrain and first verse copied in the superius part, and incipits only in the lower voices.51 In addition, in the copy held in Cambridge University Library the words ‘vt supra’ have been added at the end of the bass part, suggesting either that this copy was used for performance, or that the rubric was added to enable the ‘reader’ to follow the structure of the song. An inscription in this exemplar, printed on vellum and undoubtedly a presentation copy, reveals that it belonged to the Bishop of Astorga, one of the prelates who had been responsible for the solemn Mass and play held on 19 February, and who was not only present in Cardinal Riario’s house for the performance of Verardi’s Historia Baetica but, 47

Ibid. 56–8. Ibid. 71–6; Encina’s romance Qu’es de ti, desconsolado, like Verardi’s play, puts praise for Ferdinand’s military prowess in the mouth of his adversaries. 49 Ibid. 118–23. 50 Iain Fenlon, Music, Print and Culture in Early Sixteenth-Century Italy (London: British Library, 1995), 18. 51 The reproduction in Rincón González (Historia Baetica de Carlos Verardi, 111) does not specify which copy was used; the different copy used in Fenlon, Music, Print and Culture, 16–17, is that preserved in Cambridge, University Library, Inc. 4 B.2.27. 48

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Plate 9.4. Anonymous, Viva el gran Re don Fernando, from Carlo Verardi, Historia Baetica (Rome: Eucharius Silber, 1493) (Cambridge, University Library, Inc. 4 B.2.27). Reproduced by kind permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library

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together with his colleague the Bishop of Badajoz, supported publication of it.52 To what extent this song circulated in the Iberian Peninsula, given that the music was not included in the Spanish editions, is not clear,53 but the effort taken to reproduce it in print, some years before Petrucci’s first printed music book, the Odhecaton A of 1501, confirms the importance of such occasional pieces. These two surviving examples reflect the desire on the part of patron or chronicler to preserve the songs from the vicissitudes of oral tradition and to record them for posterity. Songs were not always copied in the exalted and materially luxurious circumstances that characterized Verardi’s Historia Baetica. The anonymous pieces written on the endpapers of a fifteenth-century manuscript copy of Valerius Maximus’s Factorum et dictorum memorabilium libri novem in Castilian translation by Juan Alfonso de Zamora (1422–1500) were clearly jotted down by the user of the book, or by someone who had access to it (Plate 9.5).54 The copy of Zamora’s translation, now in Columbia University Library, New York, is thought to date from c. 1450, which would provide a terminus post quem for the copying of the pieces. Their fragmentary nature, and the density of inaccuracies, would suggest that either the copyist attempted to note them down from memory, with only limited success, or his (or her) knowledge of mensural notation and/or the rules of composition was limited. The threevoice untexted piece copied incompletely onto the front endpaper of the book displays the familiar vertical format with the two lower voices being marked ‘t[enor]’ and ‘c[ontra]’ respectively, similar to the procedure in Segovia. It can surely be assumed that these songs were written down by an individual, who at some point owned or had access to the book, perhaps as a personal record or as an attempt to compose new settings; none of the songs is complete or performable as they are preserved. Polyphonic songs were also recorded in written form for posterity not just for or by individuals, but also in an institutional context. In this case, the song(s) may well have formed part of an established ceremonial ritual, with the implication of repeated use. This would seem to have been the case with Rincón González, Historia Baetica de Carlos Verardi, 48–52. At least one work by Verardi is listed among Isabel’s possessions when she died, but unfortunately the inventory does not specify the title nor clarify whether the book was printed or manuscript. See Ruiz García, Los libros de Isabel la Católica, 513–14. 54 Ángel Manuel Olmos, ‘New Polyphonic Fragments from Fifteenth-Century Spain: A Preliminary Report’, EM 32 (2004), 244–51. Only one of these fragmentary songs, Non s’olvyda nin despyde, is texted; it is not included in Fallows, A Catalogue of Polyphonic Songs, and has no known concordances. 52 53

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Plate 9.5. Anonymous, Non solvyda nin despyde memoria, flyleaf to Valerius Maximus, Factorum et dictorum memorabilium libri novem (MS copy c. 1450) (New York, Columbia University Library in the City of New York, Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Lodge Ms. 13, lower pastedown)

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another two-voice song that dates from around 1450, or possibly slightly earlier. The song, Nuevas, nuevas de alegría, has particular significance in the context of this chapter, since it is an example of a Christmas song, closely related in terms of both music and text to the simple examples of the genre found in the Segovia manuscript, even including a short dialogue section as occurs in, for example, Nuevas, nuevas de plazer (Segovia, fol. 222r) or ¡Nuevas, nuevas! Por tu fe (Segovia, fol. 222v). This earlier two-voice version of the ‘News, news’ topos, drawn from the Officium pastorum or Christmas Matins shepherd play tradition, is copied into a miscellaneous manuscript,55 compiled for use at the Franciscan convent of Santa Clara in Astudillo, founded in 1354 by María de Padilla, mistress of Pedro I of Castile (r. 1350–69).56 Pedro Cátedra’s extended study of the ‘Cancionero Musical de Astudillo’ places it in the context of the devotions and liturgy of late medieval convents populated largely by women of noble birth, and addresses the question of when vernacular texts were introduced into liturgical celebrations, notably during the Christmas period.57 He concludes that the cuadernos preserved at Astudillo record the elements necessary for the celebration of the Officium pastorum at the convent – specifically those elements that fell outside the liturgy, which would otherwise have been included in the customary liturgical books – either because it was a newly developed ceremony or because at some point it was decided to commit what had become essentially an institutionalized ceremony to the conventual memory.58 In fact, the cuadernos include two works – the ‘cancionero’ and a processional of Franciscan use – which, Cátedra believes, were deliberately bound together in the sixteenth century for the use of the convent since they were inextricably linked in terms of function.59

55

Now referred to as the ‘Cancionero Musical de Astudillo’, although it is by no means only a songbook or ‘cancionero’ but a miscellany of different text types. 56 The manuscript has been studied in detail by Pedro Cátedra in his Liturgia, poesía y teatro en la Edad Media (Madrid: Gredos, 2005). A study of the music by Alejandro Luis Iglesias, together with his transcription of ‘Nuevas nuevas de alegría’, is included at pp. 621–31. 57 On this question, see also Knighton, Música y músicos, 136–7; Pepe Rey, ‘Weaving Ensaladas’, in Knighton and Torrente (eds.), Devotional Music in the Iberian World, 15–51; and Maricarmen Gómez Muntané, ‘On the Origins of the Christmas “Villancicos”’, in Hardie and Harvey (eds.), Commemoration, Ritual and Performance, 53–69. 58 Cátedra, Liturgia, poesía y teatro, 198. 59 Ibid.: ‘por tratarse de conmemoraciones locales, incorporadas a la memoria de la comunidad’.

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The ‘cancionero’ includes the two-voice villancico Nuevas nuevas de alegría, a monophonic setting of Bien sea venido (also mensurally notated), and eight other song texts without music, all relevant to Christmas and the feast of St John the Evangelist (27 December). Although these song texts are preserved without music, and although the indication ‘cantar al tono de …’ does not appear in the Astudillo manuscript, they may well have been sung to existing melodies or polyphonic settings, as was also the practice in the Italian laude spirituale tradition.60 Indeed, the ‘Cantica de Sant Juan Evangelista’ that follows the monophonic Bien sea venido shares the first line of the estribillo with a villancico preserved in a four-voice setting in the Cancionero Musical de la Colombina: Astudillo, fol. 3r Virgen digna de honor çierto eres tú, señor evangelista sant Juan, amigo del Redemptor.

Colombina, fols. 88v–89r Virgen digna de honor de ti naçió el Salvador.

The text of the widely performed Bien vengades, los pastores, a vernacular version of the ‘Pastores dicite’ from the office of Lauds for Christmas Matins, is also copied on fol. 5v,61 and many other correspondences between the texts in the Astudillo manuscript and other surviving Christmas songs remain to be studied. Suffice to say here that there are many examples of the kind of ‘recycling’ suggested by Maricarmen Gómez.62 Cátedra’s detailed codicological study of the Astudillo ‘cancionero’ suggests that it was copied in around 1450, or slightly earlier, by more than one hand in a fairly careful manner,63 indicative of production in an institutional context in accordance with internal needs, and with varying degrees of professionalism. 60

Ros-Fábregas, ‘Melodies for Private Devotion’, and Wilson, ‘Song Collections in Renaissance Florence’. 61 Gómez, ‘On the Origins of the Christmas “Villancicos”’, 60–1; the text of the verses in the Astudillo manuscript varies from that found in the later 1585 Toledo Ceremonial cited by Gómez. 62 Maricarmen Gómez Muntané, ‘Cancionero Musical de Segovia: Los villancicos de Navidad’, in Kathleen Nelson and Maricarmen Gómez (eds.), A Musicological Gift: Libro Homenaje for Jane Morlet Hardie, Musicological Studies, 101 (Lions Bay, Canada: Institute of Mediaeval Music, 2013), 105–21. 63 Cátedra, Liturgia, poesía y teatro, 198–210. Iglesias also proposes a date of around 1450 based on the use of white mensural notation (ibid. 621–2).

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Plate 9.6. Anonymous, Bien sea venido (Real Monasterio de Santa Clara de Astudillo). Reproduced by kind permission of the Abbess

The copying of the two songs, the two-voice Nuevas nuevas de alegría – with one voice copied on the verso of the opening, the other on the recto, and the remaining verses of text spread out in the blank (i.e. unruled) space beneath (Plate 9.6) – and the monophonic ‘Bien sea venido’ on the verso of the following opening, is of professional standard. The decorated initials also reflect a degree of professionalism not found elsewhere in the ‘cancionero’, as

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does the care taken with the presentation of the text, though ultimately Cátedra suggests that the manuscript might represent a rare example of copying by the nuns themselves.64 Cátedra believes that the use of symbols and signs, principally vertical double lines, might indicate the division between tutti and solo in performance.65 Iglesias deduces that, given the copying of the two-voice song over a single opening, two nuns could have sung from the manuscript, and also comments on the lack of initial rests in the copy, indicating that the performers would have had to have been familiar with the structure of the piece from an existing local performance tradition.66 Iglesias thus raises an interesting point as to the extent to which the Astudillo manuscript might reflect the transition from oral to written transmission of a specific repertory. Given the lack of accuracy in the notating of the miniature dialogue at the opening of the coplas, it would appear that the piece was written down primarily as a record of convent ceremonial and only secondarily as a performance tool, that is, as an aide-mémoire for an established performance context that probably did not involve singing from the book. This brief exchange very probably involved solo singers who would have known their parts and thus rendered the notation of the corresponding rests unnecessary. Moreover, singing from a book or cuaderno would have been at odds with a dramatization, however basic, of the shepherd scene. This overlap between written and oral traditions would also explain the features common to the surviving vestiges of the early Christmas villancico tradition.67 As Maricarmen Gómez has noted, shared material, both textual and melodic, is found across a number of the surviving Christmas songs,68 and we now have at least three songs beginning ‘Nuevas nuevas’: this duet from the Astudillo manuscript and the two three-voice settings in Segovia. All three share characteristics such as alternation of sections in duple and triple metre, and 64

Ibid. 209. He also points out that it seems to be more ‘un códice con canciones en romance de uso litúrgico en el seno de cofradías centro-italianas, que un cancionero español del siglo XV’. 65 Ibid. 202–3. 66 Ibid. 626–7. 67 Olmos, La Transmission orale de la polyphonie, 1, 96–8, discusses various issues of oral transmission including new combinations of existing elements, mutation through repetition, and the role of memory in the standardization of difference. He raises a further point of interest in his conclusions (p. 284) as regards the role of learning a work by heart by writing it down. These possible approaches could usefully be studied for the Christmas repertory. 68 Gómez, ‘Cancionero Musical de Segovia’.

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brief dialogues (usually in duet form). These mini-dialogues, as well as the custom of introducing named ‘shepherds’, confirm the dramatic context for the performance of these songs envisaged by Cátedra and discussed in more detail in Gómez’s study.69 The copying of the sequence of religious song texts in cuadernos which were later bound together to form what was clearly a repository of repertory or record of practice at Christmas Matins as celebrated in the convent of Santa Clara de Astudillo reflects a procedure that, as Cátedra has pointed out,70 must have been fairly common among ecclesiastical institutions of all kinds. The compilation process was probably not dissimilar to that lying behind the putting together of Segovia, yet there the impulse or motivation behind compiling the repertory was quite different: the Christmas songs, as Gómez points out, are not grouped together but interspersed through the gatherings of ‘obras castellanas’ without any detectable sense of order. Also lacking in Segovia is any sign of the kind of professional or semi-professional scribe found in the Astudillo manuscript, who, if not based in an institutional scriptorium (which, as Cátedra indicates, would have been unlikely in a Franciscan convent such as that in Astudillo in the fifteenth century),71 might have been commissioned by the convent. Segovia does not appear to be an institutional book in this sense, but rather a private anthology of pieces, including a number of very possibly well-known and orally transmitted Christmas songs, copied by or for an individual. Until now, the traces of the polyphonic vernacular Christmas repertory that survive in Segovia and the Colombina manuscript (curiously, none are found in the Palace Songbook despite its section dedicated to ‘Villançicos omnium sanctorum’) have confirmed the idea of a practice that gathered momentum in the latter part of the fifteenth century, and the haphazard survival pattern has also suggested a more or less informal practice, although Gómez has convincingly proposed that the grouping of songs in the Colombina might reflect a cycle of villancicos for Christmas Matins such as was to emerge more clearly later in the sixteenth century.72 The Astudillo Liturgia, poesía y teatro, 248. Ibid. 210: ‘El testimonio de nuestro cancionerillo sería también fundamental desde esta perspectiva, sobre todo porque nos presenta un tipo de soporte cancioneril inédito, relacionado con los cuadernos litúrgicos, que no debía de ser raro en el ámbito religioso’. 71 Ibid. 207. 72 Maricarmen Gómez Muntané, ‘La polifonía vocal española del Renacimiento hacia el Barroco: El caso de los villancicos de Navidad’, Nassarre. Revista Aragonesa de 69 Cátedra, 70

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manuscript pushes back the date for this practice to considerably earlier in the fifteenth century, as would also be indicated by recent research regarding the tradition in Toledo and Seville Cathedrals.73 The discovery of two leaves from what was clearly an institutional collection of Christmas songs from the early sixteenth century suggests that by this date at least the preservation of this repertory in written form – and in a more complete and formal arrangement – was well established.74 Four Christmas villancicos are preserved incompletely on two vellum leaves that were used in the mid-1660s to bind notarial documents in the Arquivo Histórico Provincial in Ourense (Ourense 25; for the second leaf see Plate 9.7).75 The leaves were used as protective covers to documents issued by the seventeenth-century notary Jerónimo Rodríguez, but whether they originated in Ourense or how they might have reached that city is not known.76 Clearly, the leaves originally belonged to a larger compilation: one bears the Roman foliation ‘XXV’, the other ‘XXX’. The fact that the leaves were not contiguous clearly indicates that in all likelihood they formed part of a larger anthology, possibly with a section dedicated to Christmas songs.77

Musicología 17 (2001), 77–114; Kenneth Kreitner, The Church Music of FifteenthCentury Spain (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), 42–3. 73 Gómez, ‘On the Origins of the Christmas “Villancicos”’; see also Juan Ruiz Jiménez, ‘From mozos de coro towards seises: Boys in the Musical Life of Seville Cathedral in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries’, in Susan Boynton and Eric Rice (eds.), Young Choristers 650–1700 (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2008), 86–103. 74 These leaves have been studied in Maricarmen Gómez Muntané, ‘Fray Ambrosio de Montesino y el repertorio navideño cancioneril, con especial atención al bifolio carp. 3/16 del Archivo Histórical Provincial de Orense’, Cuadernos de Música Iberoamericana 27 (2014), 27–47, and Tess Knighton, ‘Spanish Songs for Christmas Eve from the Early 16th Century’, EM 43 (2015), 455–69, with a reconstruction of the four songs preserved incompletely. 75 I am very grateful to Juan Carlos Asensio, who drew my attention to these songs and sent me photocopies of them. 76 The dates 1664 and 1665 are found on the leaf marked ‘XXV’. 77 Assuming that one song was copied per opening, there would have been at least three more Christmas songs between fols. XXV and XXX, making a total of seven songs, and possibly reflecting a Christmas Matins cycle. On the other hand, if the whole manuscript was dedicated to Christmas songs, there originally would have been at least thirty.

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Plate 9.7. Juan de Valera, … tu Pedruelo (superius and tenor, verso); Anonymous, Antón Gil, el rebelado (contra and bassus, recto) (Ourense, Arquivo Histórico Provincial, Colleción de partituras musicais, Carp. 3/16, fol. xxx)

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It also means that all four villancicos are incomplete.78 The four songs are apparently unica, but all are typical Christmas villancicos, similar to those found in the Segovia manuscript, either with mini-dialogues or with a lively dramatic nature, and again display structural, melodic, and textual elements in common with the known extant repertory. In particular, the refrain of Escobar’s ¡Que hu que ha! is closely related to Encina’s Gran gasajo siento yo. The presentation and mise-en-page of these songs contrast strongly with that of the Segovia manuscript, and share some aspects with the Astudillo manuscript, though they are copied on vellum rather than paper. Each song is copied in choirbook format over a single opening, and the text is underlaid in full in all voices. Further verses are added in the spaces left at the end of each voice part as necessary. The underlay is careful, and in the one instance of textual repetition (at the end of the estribillo in the anonymous ‘… / de muy grande alegría’), the text is written out in full. Every aspect of the copying – music, text, and decorated initials – is professional: there are no errors in the music copying, and only minor orthographical inconsistencies in the song texts. Ten staves were ruled onto each page, using a rastrum, and with a vertical rule to delineate the right-hand margin. The clefs, mensuration signs, diamond-shaped noteheads, and custodes are consistent with the copying of the songs by a professional music scribe, and in several instances the copyist has also clarified the structure of the song by adding a signum congruentiae, and the note and syllable to return to in the estribillo, or internal repeat signs. Indeed, the slight but subtle structural variation in these otherwise straightforward villancicos is notable, and the scribe clearly felt that such indications were necessary to aid correct realization in performance. The strapwork decorated initials (which follow the initial letter in each voice part and so differ within each song), again clearly indicate the work of a professional scribe. The formality of the mise-en-page and the care and accuracy of the scribe all point to an institutional context for the copying of these leaves; the use of signa congruentiae and repeat signs suggests that the repertory was copied from written materials that were used for performance, or at least for rehearsal or learning purposes, or that the scribe added these to make the structure 78

Knighton, ‘Spanish Songs for Christmas’, 457: the verso of the first sheet has the superius and tenor of Escobar’s ¡Que hu que ha!; the recto (numbered XXV) has the contra and bassus of the anonymous … de muy grande alegria; the verso of the second sheet has the superius and tenor of Valera’s … tu Pedruelo; and the recto (numbered XXX) has the contra and bassus of the anonymous Antón Gil el rebelado.

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clear for performance. Given the dramatic nature of these shepherd songs, and the surviving references that indicate the costuming of the singer-actors,79 it seems unlikely that in the context of Christmas Matins they would have been performed with the four singers gathered around the facistol or lectern, although this remains a possibility. Whereas simple homophonic songs in two or three parts might well have been improvised or semi-improvised according to well-established practices relating to harmonic realization of a melody,80 some of these songs, especially the anonymous Antón Gil el rebelado, with its overt reference to the art of contrapunto (‘cantemos contrapuntando’), develop a more imitative idiom that would not have been so easily improvised, unless perhaps by highly skilled professional singers. Both the greater structural subtlety and the more contrapuntal approach would point to the development of the Christmas villancico as an increasingly ‘composed’ genre during the fifteenth century. These leaves, as was also the case with the Astudillo manuscript, reflect a utilitarian need on the part of the instigating institution: to record the repertory that was sung at Christmas Matins, whether for reuse (either in the same institution or elsewhere) or as a written testimony of its ceremonial. The presence of the leaves in seventeenth-century Ourense may or may not be linked to performance at the cathedral there. It is surely significant that two cancioneros are included in a 1539 inventory of the cathedral’s music books, though these were not necessarily related to the leaves preserved in the notarial archive in that town.81 One of these songbooks is described as ‘half-full’, but no further details are provided, and it can only be assumed that they contained polyphonic settings. Nevertheless their presence is striking in that they appear under the heading ‘Libros del coro para cantar’ with over twenty other entries that all refer to liturgical books (breviaries, dominicals, prayerbooks, lectionaries, sanctorals, and processionals) with no mention of polyphony. On 79

Rey, ‘Weaving Ensaladas’, 15–21; see also Alberto del Río, ‘The Villancico in the Works of the Early Castilian Playwrights (with a Note on the Function and Performance of the Musical Parts)’, in Knighton and Torrente (eds.), Devotional Music in the Iberian World, 75–98. 80 I have explored this aspect of song composition in Tess Knighton, ‘Gaffurius, Urrede and Studying Music at Salamanca University around 1500’, Revista de Musicología 34 (2011), 11–36. See also Giuseppe Fiorentino, ‘La música de “hombres y mugeres que no saben de música”: Polifonía oral en el Renacimiento español’, Revista de Musicología 30 (2008), 9–40, and Fiorentino, ‘Unwritten Music’. 81 Ros-Fábregas, ‘Libros de música en bibliotecas españolas del siglo XVI (II)’, 40– 41: ‘Otro Cancionero’ and ‘Otro Cancionero mediado’.

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the other hand, the ascriptions to Juan de Valera and Pedro de Escobar, as well as certain physical features of the copying, might rather place these songs at Seville Cathedral at an early point in their history. Both Valera and Escobar were employed at Seville in the early years of the sixteenth century: Escobar was chapelmaster from 1507 to 1514 and Valera was magister puerorum from 1504 until his death three years later.82 While a Sevillian provenance cannot yet be proved, the presence of works by Valera and Escobar is certainly suggestive, especially given the well-established tradition of performing polyphonic songs in the vernacular at Seville Cathedral. According to Juan Ruiz Jiménez, the earliest documented payment to singers at the Cathedral for the singing of Christmas chanzonetas dates from 1419, and this document clearly refers to an already established practice.83 A reference to the copying of chanzonetas ‘de Sancta Maria e de Ihesuchristo’ is recorded in Toledo the previous year,84 and it seems likely that such songs would also have been copied at Seville from at least the fifteenth century onwards.85 References to books of chanzonetas in inventories are found from the first decades of the sixteenth century: for example, those of Granada Cathedral dating from the 1530s.86 Finally, the strapwork initials in the Ourense leaves, as well as the formal layout and script, conform closely to those found in music manuscripts produced by the Seville

82

Juan Ruiz Jiménez, ‘“The Sounds of the Hollow Mountain”: Musical Innovation and Tradition in Seville Cathedral to about 1500’, EMH 29 (2010), 189–239. 83 Ibid., near n. 46. The document refers to four singers who sang at Christmas Matins, and then to five other adult singers (including the ‘maestro de los mozos’) and five choirboys who sang the chanzonetas. In 1423 the numbers had risen to seven adult singers and seven choirboys. On the boys’ involvement in Christmas Matins, see Ruiz Jiménez, ‘From mozos de coro towards seises’, 86–103 at 95 and 99. 84 Ibid. n. 47; from Francisco Barbieri, Biografías y documentos sobre música y músicos españoles (Legado Barbieri) (Madrid: Fundación Banco Exterior, 1988), 1, 434–5, and François Reynaud, La Polyphonie tolédane et son milieu (Paris: CNRS, 1996), 348, 360. 85 Juan Ruiz has not yet encountered references to the copying of villancicos at Seville Cathedral from the early part of the sixteenth century (personal communication, 23 September 2009). 86 Ros-Fábregas, ‘Libros de música (II)’, 37: ‘Otro cuatro libros de chanzonetas de las cuatro fiestas’. It is not clear whether the entry refers to songs copied in four partbooks, containing the repertory for the major feasts, or one book of songs for each feast. A slightly later inventory (1535) of the same collection lists ‘Cinco libros de chanzonetas, de marca pequeña’, which would suggest partbook format, and another shift in material preservation according to sixteenth-century trends.

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Cathedral scriptorium in the sixteenth century.87 Seville was not the only ecclesiastical institution where such an anthology of Christmas villancicos could have been copied – the example of Toledo has already been mentioned – but the format and presentation would certainly point to an institution with access to a professional scriptorium, and the composer attributions would suggest Seville as a starting point, even if the books were later acquired by or reached Ourense. The ‘obras castellanas’ in Segovia, including the scattered Christmas songs, were clearly copied in a different milieu to that of the Ourense leaves, and probably with a different function in mind. The material remains of the fifteenth-century and early sixteenth-century song repertory discussed here point to a variety of contexts as regards transmission, compilation, and function. The Tarragona fragments offer evidence of the loss of a mixed anthology quite similar to Segovia in terms of layout and other physical characteristics. Songs, especially those born of an image-making function, could also be deliberately recorded for posterity as miniature musical ‘chronicles’, in the manner of Lealtat, o lealtat or Viva el gran re don Fernando, where the medium of choice was a formally presented manuscript copy in the first instance, and a printed woodcut in the second. It is not clear how widely disseminated the earlier of these songs would have been, but the second would have been available to at least those who secured a copy of the first Roman edition of Verardi’s Historia Baetica. The fact that the text was added (in one instance, with some basic performance instructions) by hand in at least some of these copies suggests that the ‘reader’ was able to follow – or possibly even recreate – the performance of the song. The Christmas songs found in the Astudillo manuscript and the Ourense leaves were copied not so much to record an isolated event but to transmit an established ceremonial practice of importance and utility to a specific ecclesiastical institution. Such institutions might also have wished to record the songs for posterity as part of the musical repertory pertaining to their liturgical practice and use in a context of continuity and tradition. The preservation of at least four Christmas songs in a professionally copied and probably institutionally sponsored book challenges the idea that, at least in

87

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See Juan Ruiz Jiménez, La librería de canto de órgano: Creación y pervivencia del repertorio del Renacimiento en la actividad musical de la catedral de Sevilla (Granada: Junta de Andalucía, 2007), esp. 41–50 and illustrations 19–22, although this concerns a presumably later manuscript of Vespers music copied in the 1570s at the instigation of Francisco Guerrero. On the similarity of these strapwork initials with those found in music manuscripts copied in Seville, see Knighton, ‘Spanish Songs for Christmas Eve’, 457–9.

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the early sixteenth century, villancicos were considered ephemeral works that were composed anew each year. The care and expense taken with the copying of the Ourense songs suggests a level of investment in the repertory as part of the musical canon of an institution. Yet it seems unlikely that this expensive process would have been undertaken, as with Latin-texted liturgical polyphony copied into books of very similar appearance, for use in performance at the facistol, since Christmas songs were often performed in a dramatic context in character and sometimes with dancing, but rather to create an aide-mémoire. The songs noted down in the endpapers of the copy of Valerius Maximus reflect a different dynamic between performance and notation, whether they represent a rather amateur attempt at composition or inaccurately memorized versions of songs heard in performance. The section of ‘obras castellanas’ in the Segovia manuscript sits somewhere in the middle of this sliding scale of the notated record of song from the highly professional and institutionalized at one extreme and the informal and amateur at the other. The copying was clearly undertaken by an individual (who was probably Flemish) with knowledge of polyphonic music and mensural notation, so probably a professional musician, or at least a person with musical training. Yet the relative informality of the script and mise-en-page, and the casual approach to adding songs within the gatherings dedicated to the ‘obras castellanas’, point away from a scriptorium and a highly institutionalized context. The mix of widely diffused and well-known songs and pieces that have not been preserved elsewhere and which may have had only a local circulation suggests that Segovia reflects the copying of a repertory within reach of an individual working or active in a specific milieu. The traces of an earlier oral musical tradition, especially, but not exclusively, in the Christmas songs in Segovia, may reflect the notating of some of the songs from memory, but not necessarily so: in a hermetic and mono-functional genre such as that of the Christmas Matins chanzoneta, with its roots in the liturgical Officium pastorum, it is not surprising that shared melodic and textual traits should arise. Religious songs in the vernacular were being written down from early in the fifteenth century, according to documentary records at Seville and Toledo Cathedrals, a tradition confirmed by the Astudillo manuscript and Ourense 25, while the surviving fragments of secular songs in the endpapers of a fifteenth-century book represent the tip of the iceberg as regards the many polyphonic settings of Castilian verse that have been lost.

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Appendix Songs included in the last section of the Segovia manuscript, fols. 207 r–226 r; the shaded entries represent songs that were added after the original copying.

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Justa fue mi perdiçion

1

r

ccixv

ccxr

5 Al dolor de mi cuidado

Romerico, tu que vienes

O que chapado plazer ‘Aliud’

Damos gracias a ti, Dios

Peligroso pensamiento

Dezi, flor resplandeçiente

Contento soy que dolais ‘aliud’

6

7

8

9

10

11

ccxiv–ccxiir

ccxiv

ccxir

ccxv

ccxr

ccixr

Nunca fue pena mayor

4

ccviiiv

Pues que jamas olvidaros

ccviiv–ccviiir

ccvii

Fol.

3

2 Gran gasajo siento yo

First line

No.

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

4

3

Vv.

Anon. / Anon.

Anon. / Anon.

Torre / Anon.

Torre / Anon.

Anon. / Anon.

Encina / Encina (?)

Juan Pérez de Gijón / Anon.

Juan de Urrede / I Duque de Alba (?)

Encina / Encina (?)

Juan del Encina / Juan del Encina

Francisco de la Torre / Jorge Manrique (?)

UNICUM

UNICUM

music: 1 [CMP]; text: 0

music: 1 [CMP]; text: 0

UNICUM

[S]tb

[S]tb

[S]tb

[S]tb

[S]tb

i-i-i

t-i-i; complete in S with remaining lines at end of S

t-i-i; complete in S with remaining lines at end of T

t-i-i; complete in S with remaining lines below S

t-i-i; partial in S, lacks text for music BA

t-i-i; partial in S, lacks text for music BA

t-i-i; partial in S, lacks text for music BA

[S]tb

music: 2 [CMP, CMC]; text: over 15 [S]tb

t-i-i; complete in S with remaining lines at end of S

[S]tb

music: over 20 [CMP]; text: over 15

music: 1 [CMP]; text: 9

t-i-i; partial in S, lacks text for music BA

t-i-i-i; partial in S, lines 1 & 5 only

t-i-i; partial in S, lacks text for music BA

[S]tb

[S]tcb

[S]tb

Mise-en-page a Texting

music: 1 [CMP]; text: 6

music: 0; text: 1

music: 1 [CMP]; text: over 30

Composer / Poet Concordances

courtly love

Christmas

courtly love

historical (Granada)

Christmas

pastoral

courtly love

courtly love

courtly love

Christmas

courtly love

Theme

Dutton 4212 Lama 340

Dutton 4211 Lama 339

Dutton 3686 Lama 337–38

Dutton 3683 Lama 336–37

Dutton 4210 Lama 335

Dutton 1142 Lama 332–34

Dutton 1961 Lama 330–32 Fallows, 605

Dutton 0670 Lama 326–30 Fallows 624–25 d

Dutton 1953 Lama 322–26

Dutton 4209 Lama 319–22

Dutton 1955 b Lama 315–19 c

Comments

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Amor quiso que os quisiesse

Por muy dichoso se tenga

Ay, triste que vengo ‘Aliud’

Mas lo precio que mi Enrique

No cese hasta que os vi ‘Aliud’

Qual estavades anoche

15

16

17

18

19

20

b

ccxiiiiv

ccxiiiiv

ccxiiiir

ccxiiiv

ccxiiiv

ccxiiir

ccxiiv

ccxiiv

ccxiir

4

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

Anon. / Anon.

Anon. / Anon.

Anon. / Anon.

Encina / Encina

Encina / Encina

Anon. / Anon.

Anon. / Anon.

Encina / Encina

Anon. / Anon.

music: 1 [CMP lost]; text: 4

UNICUM

UNICUM

music: 1 [CMP]; text: 1

music: 0 text: 1

music: 1 [CMP lost]; text: 1

UNICUM

music: 0 text: 1

UNICUM

[S]tcb

[S] Tenor b

[S]tb

[S]tb

[S]tb

[STB]

[S]tb

[S]tb

[S]tb

t-t-t-t; remaining lines and vs. 2 & 3 at end of S

t-i-i; underlay complete in S (vs. 1)

t-i-i; partial in S, lacks text for music BA

t-i-i; complete in S, remaining lines and vs. 2 at end of S

t-i-i; complete in S, remaining lines at end of T; vs. 4 at end of B

t-i-i; complete in S, extra lines at end of S

t-i-i; complete in S?

t-i-i; complete in S, remaining lines and verses 2 & 4 at bottom of page, between T & B of ‘aliud’

t-t-t; incomplete

drinking

courtly love

Dutton 3884 Lama 353–54

Dutton 4217 Lama 352

Dutton 4216 Lama 351

Dutton 3823 Lama 348–50

pastoral

Christmas

Dutton 3802 Lama 346–49

Dutton 38010 Lama 345–46 courtly love

courtly love

Dutton 4214 Lama 344

Dutton 3868 Lama 341–43

Marian

courtly love

Dutton 4213 Lama 340–41

Christmas

With the exception of no. 2, in choirbook format, all songs are arranged vertically. Brian Dutton, El cancionero español del siglo XV, c.1360–1520, 7 vols. (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1990–1). Víctor Lama de la Cruz, Cancionero musical de la Catedral de Segovia ([Valladolid]: Junta de Castilla y León Consejería de Cultura y Turismo, 1994). David Fallows, A Catalogue of Polyphonic Songs, 1415–1480 (Oxford and New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1999).

El descanso de vos ver ‘Aliud’

14

a

Ya no quiero tener fe

13

c d



Al del hato

12

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Oyga tu merçed y crea

Adoramus te, señor

–

–

24

25

–

–

ccxxv

O, si vieras al moçuelo

–

27

–

ccxxir–v

ccxx

26 Andad, pasiones, andad

r

ccxixr–v

ccxviiir–v

ccxviiv

–

MISSING

Anon. / Anon.

Pedro de Lagarto / Anon.

3

3

MISSING

MISSING

Torre / Anon.

Anon. / Juan de Mena

Anon. / Anon.

Anon. / Anon.

–

–

4

3

3

ccxviv– ccxviir

Harto de tanta porfia

23

ccxviir

3

ccxvir

[textless] ‘Aliud’

Encina / Encina

3

–

UNICUM

music: 2 [CMP, CMC]; text: 11 [CG]

–

–

music: [2] [CMP]; text: 1

music: 0 text: 1

music: 1 [CMP]; text: 0

UNICUM

music: 0 text: 1

–

MISSING

–

r

22

ccxv

Composer / Poet Concordances

Vv.

r–v

Fol.

ccxvi

–

First line

21 Ya no quiero ser vaquero

–

No.

–

[S] Tenor Bassus

[S]tb

–

–

[S]tb

[S]tb

[S]tb

[S]tb

[S]tb

–

–

t-i-i; partial text in S, lacks text for music BA

t-i-i; complete in S, remaining lines at end of S

–

–

t-i-i; complete in S, remaining lines at end of S

t-i-i; vs. 2 complete in S, remaining lines at end of B

t-i-i; partial text in S, lacks text for music BA

/-/-/

t-t-t; remaining lines and vs. 2 at end of S

–

Mise-en-page Texting

–

Christmas [nativity]

courtly love

–

–

redemption

courtly love

courtly love

unknown

pastoral

–

Theme

–

Dutton 4218 Lama 366

Dutton 1998 Lama 364–65

–

–

Dutton 4532 Lama 361–63

Dutton 1051 Lama 359–61 Fallows 626–27

Dutton 0678 Lama 357–59 Fallows 617–18

Lama 357

Dutton 3827 Lama 354–57

–

Comments

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Quedose do quedo yo

Para verme con ventura

Con temor y con plazer ‘Aliud’

Ve, temor, busca dostes

Desdichado fue nacer ‘Aliud’

Vos partistes, yo quede

Sobime a lo alto ‘Aliud’

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

ccxxvir

ccxxvir

ccxxvv

ccxxvv

ccxxvr

ccxxvr

ccxxiiiiv

ccxxiiiir

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

Anon. / Anon.

Anon. / Anon.

Anon. / Anon.

Anon. / Anon.

Anon. / Anon.

Encina / Encina (?)

Anon. / Anon.

Anon. / ‘Obispo de Tarazona’

Anon. / Anon.

3

Quanto mas lexos de ti [aliud]

MISSING

–

Anon. / Anon.

Anon. / Anon.

r

3

3

ccxxiiir–v

31

–

–

ccxxiiv

ccxxiiii

Nuevas, nuevas por tu fe

29

ccxxiir

30 Como nos lievas, amor

Nuevas, nuevas de plazer

28

UNICUM

UNICUM

UNICUM

UNICUM

UNICUM

music: 4 [CMP]; text: 3

UNICUM

music: 0; text: over 10 [CG]

UNICUM

–

UNICUM

UNICUM

[S] tb

[S] tb

[S] tb

[S] tb

[S] Tenor Bassus

[S] Tenor Bassus

[S] Tenor Bassus

[STB]

[STB]

–

[S] Tenor Bassus

[S]tb

t-i-i; partial text in S, lacks text for music BA

t-i-i; text underlaid in S

t-i-i; text underlaid in S

t-i-i; text underlaid in S

t-i-i; partial text in S; underlaid incorrectly?

t-i-i; partial text in S, lacks text for music BA

t-i-i; text underlaid in S in full

t-i-i; partial text in S, lacks text for music BA

t-i-i; text underlaid in S in full

–

t-i-i; partial text in S, lacks text for music BA

t-t-t; partial text in S, lacks text for music BA

courtly love

pastoral

courtly love / sacred

courtly love

courtly love / sacred

courtly love

courtly love

courtly love / sacred

courtly love / sacred

–

Christmas

Christmas

Dutton 4228 Lama 378

Dutton 4227 Lama 377

Dutton 4226 Lama 376

Dutton 4225 Lama 375

Dutton 4224 Lama 374

Dutton 3840 Lama 372–73

Dutton 4223 Lama 371–72

Dutton 4222 Lama 370

Dutton 4221 Lama 368–69

–

Dutton 4220 Lama 368

Dutton 4219 Lama 367

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chapter 10

Inventory of Segovia, Archivo Capitular de la Catedral, MS s.s. Wolfgang Fuhrmann The number given in the left-hand column is the Baker no. The Incipit, Ascription and Folios are given for each piece, with concordances and remarks given below where relevant.

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missing folios

a

2

1

anon. [Isaac; there was probably an ascription on the opening page, now missing]

–

9ar–v/10r–11r (ff. 6–8 missing): 9ar Pleni sunt celi; 9av Osanna I (= Munich 3154: Osanna II); [9br–v, see no. 2]; 10r Benedictus; 10v Agnus I (= Munich 3154: Osanna I); 11r Agnus II (= Munich 3154: Agnus I)

1–4, 6–8 (fol. 5 = 9b, see no. 2)

[Isaac]

9br–v [inserted folio, originally fol. 5 in gathering I]

For details on the distribution of watermarks in the individual fascicles, see the appendix in Emilio Ros-Fábregas’s contribution to this volume.

Concordances  See no. 1. Fol. 9br contains ‘Deum de deo’ section of Credo, fol. 9bv ‘Qui sedes’ section of Gloria

Gloria/Credo fragment from Missa [Wol auff gesell von hynnen], 6vv

Remarks  EDM 83, no. 172. Isaac OO, viii, no. 4. For details concerning the various versions, see EDM 83, 396–7.

Concordances  6-voice version: Munich 3154, no. 94, ff. 179r–196r (lacking Qui venit), ‘H. Y.’ = no. 172, ff. 456v–463v, ‘h ysac’: ‘Qui sedes’, ‘Deum de Deo’, ‘Pleni sunt’, ‘Hosanna’, ‘Benedictus’, ‘Hosanna I’, ‘Agnus I’ (lacking Ct II and B of Agnus Dei II). 4-voice version: Milan 2267, f. 87v, ‘Enricus isaach’; Regensburg C 120, p. 5 (only fragments of Sanctus [= Gloria in 6-voice version] and Hosanna I [= Pleni in 6-voice version], anon. single movements: Qui tollis: Munich 328–331, S: ff. 24v–25r/T: ff. 60r–61r/B: ff. 15v–16v, ‘Wolauff gut gsell von hinnen’, anon.; Vienna 18810, no. 16, f. 9v–10r, ‘wolauff gut gsell von hinnen’, ‘Heinricus ysaac’. Et in spiritum: Bologna Q18, ff. 68v–69r, ‘Coment poult’, anon.; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 117v–118r, ‘Coment poit avoir yoye’, ysach; Zurich 906, no. 5, no. 16, Wolauff gut gsel von hinnen’ (only A II), anon.? Pleni: Vienna 18832, no. 67, no text (S I and II only), anon.; Egenolff, Lieder III (c. 1535), no. L, ‘Comment’ (Credo, S only, bb. 1–23)

Missa [Wol auff gesell von hynnen], 6vv

Gathering II (ff. 9–16): Watermarks a W2, W2*

–

[Gathering I (ff. 1–8)]

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Remarks  NJE 6, no. 2.

b

11v–18r: 11v–12r Kyrie I, Christe, Kyrie II; 12v–13r Et in terra; 13v–14r Qui tollis; 14v–15r Patrem; 15v–16r Et resurrexit; 16v[–17r] Et [in] unam

Josquin dupres

[16v–]17r Et [in] unam; 17v–18r Sanctus. Agnus I

Jacobus hobrecht

18v–25r: 18v–19r Kyrie I, Christe, Kyrie II; 19v–20r Et in terra; 20v–21r Qui tollis; 21v–22r Patrem; 22v–23r Et resurrexit; 23v–24r Sanctus. Pleni; 24v[–25r] Osanna I. Benedictus

Square brackets in this column indicates that the piece is continued from the previous gathering.

Remarks  NOE 6, no. 2. Model identified in tenor of Kyrie (cf. no. 6 and 7). Et in terra with tenor inscription ‘Tu tenorista per antifrasim canta’, resolved ‘ad longum’. Et resurrexit with tenor canonic inscription ‘Quatuor temporum pausa et in subdyapason fuga’. ‘agnus dei cantantur supra kyrie’.

Concordances  Berlin 40634, A: ff. 46v–53r/B: ff. 39v–45r, anon.

Missa Libenter gloriabor, 4vv

Remarks  Inscription at the end of Superius: ‘2m [Secundum] agnus supra Xpe [Christe]’, and similarly in the other voice parts.

[3]b Missa [L’homme armé, sexti toni, 2nd version], 4vv

4

Josquin dupres

Concordances  ‘1st version’ (italian tradition): Casale Monferrato MS M(D), ff. 91v–100r, untitled, Josquin de pres; Milan 2267, ff. 135v–141r (Gloria, Credo, Sanctus copied from Petrucci), Josquin; Paris 851, pp. 384–6, Josquin de Pres (Kyrie and Gloria only); Vatican CS 41, ff. 27v–37r, Josquin; Petrucci, Misse Josquin (1502), no. 5 and reprints, RISM J677 ‘Missa Josquini super L’homme arme. Sexti toni’, s. l. s. n. (1560). ‘2nd version’ (northern tradition, including segovia): Brno 15/4, no. 10, Josquin (lacking Agnus I AB, and Agnus II–III); Jena 31, ff. 199r–211r, untitled, anon. (lacks Agnus II–III); Leiden 1443, ff. 373v–384r, untitled, anon. (fragmentary Gloria, Credo, and Sanctus); Leipzig 51, ff. 12v–16r (only T and B), Josquini; Poznań 7022, III/3, untitled, anon. (fragments of Kyrie, Gloria, Credo); Stuttgart 47, ff. 75v–90v, untitled, anon. (lacks bb. 235–55 of Credo and Sanctus and Agnus); Vatican Chigi 234, ff. 191v–199r, untitled, Josquyn (Kyrie, Gloria, Credo only); Vienna 11778, ff. 23v–41r, Josquin (lacks Agnus II). version not identifiable: Glarean, Dodekachordon (1547), 220, Iodoci Pratensis (Benedictus); Heyden, Musica (1537), 12, anon. (Benedictus); Heyden, De arte canendi (1540), 12, anon. (Benedictus); 64, Iosquini (T of Kyrie 63–71); 156–9, Iosquini (Agnus III); Wilphlingseder, Erotemata (1563), p. 18, Iosquini (Benedictus); pp. 234–5, anon. (Kyrie bb. 63–71, TB); pp. 268–70, Iosquini (Credo bb. 235–45, STB). tablature: Capirola, ff. 53v–55v, anon. (Et resurrexit)

Missa [L’homme armé, sexti toni, 2nd version], 4vv

Gathering III (ff. 17–23): Watermarks W2, W2*

3

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Jacobus hobrecht

25v–30r: 25v–26r Kyrie I, Christe, Kyrie II; 26v–27r Et in terra; 27v–28r Qui [tollis]; 28v–29r Patrem; 29v–30r Et incarnatus

[24v–]25r Osanna I. Benedictus

Jacobus hobrecht

30v–38r: 30v–31r Kyrie I, Christe, Kyrie II; 31v–32r Et in terra; 32v[–33r] Qui tollis

Missa Fortuna disperata, 4vv

7

Jacobus hobrecht

38v–45r: 38v–39r Kyrie I, Christe, Kyrie II; 39v–40r Et in terra; 40v[–41r] Qui tollis

[32v–]33r Qui tollis; 33v–34r Patrem; 34v–35r Et incarnatus; 35v–36r Sanctus; 36v–37r Osanna. Benedictus; 37v–38r Agnus I + II

Remarks  NOE 4, no. 3. Model identified in tenor of Kyrie (cf. no. 4 and 6). Et in terra tenor with canonic inscription ‘Cancriza. In medio consistet virtus’ with resolution ‘ad longum’.

Concordances  Berlin 40021, ff. 150v–158r, ‘O Fortuna’, anon.; Florence 107bis, ff. 37v–40r [one folio lost]: Christe, Pleni [B missing], Benedictus [S and large part of T missing], Agnus II, anon.; Florence 2439, ff. 33v–36r, ‘Fortuna Hobrecht’ (= Kyrie II, Sanctus, Osanna), Hobrecht; Modena α.M.1.2, ff. 96v–114r, Ia. Hobreth; Sankt Gallen 530, ff. 15v–16r, ‘Imprepel Frantaz sequitur’, Benedictus (Index: ‘Im pro po poll’, by all accounts a garbled incipit of a contrafactum), anon.; Mewes, Concentus (c. 1510), no. 2; Petrucci, Misse Obreht (1503), no. 4; Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 5, no text (‘Pleni sunt celi’)

Missa Rose playsante, 4vv

[6]

Jacobus hobrecht

Remarks  NOE 9, no. 2. Kyrie with tenor ‘ad longum’. Model identified in tenor of Kyrie (cf. nos. 4 and 7).

Concordances  Modena α.M.1.2, f. 2r–19r, anon.; Munich 3154, ff. 236r–237v, anon. (Sanctus + Osanna + Benedictus + Agnus Dei; but two masses ascribed to ‘Hobrecht’ follow [Missa carminum, Missa Beata viscera], so this one was in its complete state presumably ascribed to Obrecht too)

Missa Rose playsante, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 1, no. 1.

Gathering V (ff. 33–40): Watermarks W2*, W2

6

Missa [Adieu mes amours], 4vv

5

Jacobus hobrecht

Concordances  Berlin 40634, A: ff. 66r–73v, Jacobus Obrecht / B: ff. 54v–60v, Jacobus hobrecht; Jena 32, ff. 142v–158r, anon.

Missa Libenter gloriabor, 4vv

[4]

Gathering IV (ff. 25–32): Watermarks W2, W2*

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Missa [Quant j’ay au cor], 4vv

8

ysaac

Jacobus hobrecht

45v–54r: 45v–46r Kyrie I, Christe, Kyrie II; 46v[–47r] Et in terra

[40v–]41r Qui tollis; 41v[–42r] Patrem; 41v–42r Patrem; 42v–43r Et incarnatus; 43v–44r Sanctus. Pleni; 44v–45r Osanna. Benedictus

Missa (sine nomine), 4vv

9

v

Remarks  Pipelare OO, iii. 71–93. ‘lare’ is notated DG.

Concordances  Jena 32, f. 233 , anon. (no Agnus II)

Missa [Quant j’ay au cor], 4vv

[8]

Gathering VII (ff. 47–54): Watermarks W2, W2*

Remarks  Isaac OO, vii, no. 2.

Matheus pipe[lare]

ysaac

54v–63r: 54v[–55r] Kyrie I, Christe, Kyrie II

[46v–]47r Et in terra; 47v–48r Qui tollis; 48v–49r Patrem; 49v–50r Et incarnatus; 50v–51r Et iterum; 51v–52r Sanctus; 51v–52r Sanctus. Pleni; 52v–53r Osanna. Benedictus; 53v–54r Agnus I, II, III

Concordances  Berlin 40021, ff. 103r–112r, anon.; Jena 31, ff. 36v–50r, anon.; Milan 2268, ff. 144v–151r (Gloria through Sanctus), Missa de ysac (in Index); Siena K.I.2, ff. 137r–148r (only A and B of Christe and Kyrie II, Gloria, Credo, and first part of Sanctus complete), anon.; Uppsala 76e, no. 3, ‘Henrici Izac’; Vatican CS 35, ff. 28v–37r, Ysach; Vienna 11883, ff. 42v–51r (no Agnus), anon.; Warsaw 5892, ff. 49v–57r, Officium Ysaac (no Agnus); Petrucci, Misse Jsac (1506), no. 3. single movements: Kyrie II: transmitted in a number of theoretical sources: Berlin theor. 1175, ff. 6v–7r, anon.?; Heyden, Musica, pp. 60–1 + 68–9; Heyden, De arte canendi, pp. 68–9 + 74–5; Glarean, Dodekachordon, pp. 216–17; Wilphlingseder, Erotemata, pp. 173–6, 193–9. Et incarnatus: Warsaw 5892, f. 153r, anon., no text. Benedictus: original 3-voice version: Florence 107bis, f. 20v, anon.; Florence 229, ff. 9v–10r, Henricus yzac; Heilbronn X.2, no. 9 (Ct only), Isaac; London 31922, ff. 3v–4r, anon.; Paris 676, ff. 77v–78r, ‘Absque verbis’, Isach; Regensburg 940/941, no. 190, anon.; Turin I. 27, f. 35r, Isach; Ulm 237, no. 30, D: f. 22v/T: f. 20r–v/B: f. 21r–v, anon.; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 57v–58r, Ysach; Washington Wolffheim, ff. 88v–89r, anon.; Zwickau 78/3, no. 9, Jsaac; [Egenolff, Lieder] (c. 1535), III, no. 46 (S), anon.; Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 30, no text, anon. ( Jena copy: H. Isac); Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), f. 82v, Izac. 4-voice version with added altus: Basel kk.II.32, f. 43r (handwritten fragment of T entered in Antico, Canzoni nove), anon.; Bologna Q18, ff. 63v–64r, ‘Absque verbis’, anon.; Florence 27, ff. 17v–18r, ‘Isachina Benedictus’; Sankt Gallen 462, pp. 22–3, ‘Plitzgan’ or ‘Bassus plytzgen’, H.I.; Verona 757, f. 29v–30r, anon. tablature: Basel F. IX.22, ff. 30v–32r, ‘Isaac’ (organ); Berlin 40632, ff. 19v–20r, anon. (lute); Munich 718, T: f. 136v/B: f. 150v, anon. (lute tablature turned into viol parts); Vienna 18688, ff. 86v–87 (only T and B), anon. (lute); Warsaw 364, pp. 244–6, anon. (organ); Spinacino L. I (1507), no. 2, ‘Benedictus de Isach’; Newsidler, Lautenbuch 1 (1536), no. 49; Heckel, Lautten Buch (1562), f. 46r

Missa Fortuna disperata, 4vv

[7]

Gathering VI (ff. 41–6): Watermarks W2, W2*

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Missa (sine nomine), 4vv

Johannes anxeta (Credo) Jo. ancheta (Gloria)

63v–65r/65v–67r: 63v–64r Patrem omnipotentem; 64v–65r Cuius regni; 65v–66r Bone voluntatis (with chant intonation ‘Et in terra pax hominibus’ in T); 66v–67r Qui tollis

[62v]–63r Agnus I, II

[54v–]55r Kyrie I, Christe, Kyrie II; 55v–56r Et in terra; 56v–57r Qui tollis; 57v–58r Patrem; 58v–59r Et incarnatus; 59v–60r Et iterum; 60v–61r Sanctus. Pleni; 61v–62r Osanna. Benedictus; 62v– [63r] Agnus I, II

ysaac

67v–71r: 67v–68r Salve regina; 68v–69r Ad te clamamus; 69v–70r Eya ergo advocata nostra; 70v–[71r] O clemens

Remarks  Isaac OO, x/2, no. 39.

Jacobus hobrecht

12

Remarks  NOE 16, no. 25.

(Salve regina), Vita dulcedo, 4vv

ysaac

[11] Salve Regina, 4vv

71v–73r: 71v–72r Vita dulcedo; 72v–73r Benedictum fructum

[70v]–71r O clemens

Concordances  Berlin 40021, ff. 69v–72r, ‘Heyn. Ysack’ (added later in MS; Index: ‘Salve regina, h. Isaac etc.’); Dresden 1/D/505, pp. 436–45, ‘H. Jsack’; Stuttgart 39, ff. 149v–184r, ‘Salve rex misericordiae’, anon.; Warsaw 5892, ff. 73v–77r, anon. Ad te clamamus: Bologna Q18, ff. 77v–80r, ‘Thysis’; Florence 229, ff. 272v–273r, no text, Henricus yzac; Florence 27, ff. 105v–106r, ‘Alleluya’, anon.; Paris 676, ff. 50v–51r, ‘Gratis accepistis et gratis date’, anon.

Salve Regina, 4vv

Remarks  With trope ‘Spiritus et alme’

Gathering X (ff. 71–8): Watermark W2*

11

[Missa de Beata Virgine], 4vv

10

Matheus pipe[lare]

Matheus pipe[lare]

Concordances  Missa de nuestra Señora, Kyrie, Gloria, Credo: Tarazona 2/3, ff. 209v–215r, Jo. Ancheta; Gloria: Barcelona 454, f. 38v, anon. combined with other mass movements in a Missa de nostra donna

Missa (sine nomine), 4vv

[9]

Gathering IX (ff. 63–70): Watermarks W2, W2*

[9]

Gathering VIII (ff. 55–62): Watermarks W2, W2*

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Alr. Agricola [Brumel]

Remarks  NOE 15, no. 11. Tenor: Estote fortes in bello.

Inter preclarissimas virtutes, 4vv

Remarks  NJE 20, no. 2.

(Magnificat), Et exultavit, 4vv

r

81v–83r: 81v–82r Mille quingentis; 82v–83r Cecilie ad festum

[78v]–79r Inter preclarissimas virtutes; 79v–80r Eya propter; 80v–81r Tranquillitate et pace

78v–81r: 78v–[79r] Inter preclarissimas virtutes

76v–78r: 76v–77r Et exultavit; 77v–78r Fecit potentiam

Josquin du preß

83v–85r: 83v–84r Ave Maria … Virgo serena; 84v–85r Ave vera virginitas

Remarks  NJE 23, no. 6.

Concordances  Barcelona 5, ff. 56v–57r, anon.; Barcelona 454, ff. 124v–126r, Jusquin; Berlin 40013, ff. 170v–173r, ‘Ave maria … ne timeas’, anon.; Berlin 40021, ff. 51v–52r, anon. (text: Verbum incarnatum); Florence 164–167, no. 77, anon.; Florence II.I.232, ff. 111v–113r, ‘Iosqvin’; Gotha A.98, ff. 100v–103r, ‘Ave maria … ne timeas’ (text = Berlin 40013), anon.; Leipzig 1494, f. 202v (fragment, S and B), anon.; London 1070, pp. 62–5 (ff. 31v–33r), anon.; Milan 2266, ff. 118v–120r, anon.; Modena IX, ff. 24v–26r, Josquin; Munich 19, ff. 38r–43r, Josquin; Munich 41, ff. 226v–238r (anon., 2 additional voices); Munich 322–325, no. 1, D: f. 3r–v/A, T, B: f. 4r–v, Jusquinus auctor; Munich 326, ff. 21r–22r (A only) anon.; Munich 3154, ff. 147v–148r, anon.; Nuremberg 83795, ff. 166v–168v (T)/124v–125v (B), ‘Ave maria … ne timeas’ (text = Berlin 40013), anon.; Sankt Gallen 463, no. 148, Josquinus Pratensis (S and A only); Speciálník, pp. 64–67, anon.; Stuttgart HB 26, ff. 78v–79r, mm. 94–109 only, anon.; Ulm 237, no. 2, D: ff. 2v–3r/A: ff. 2v–3r/T: f. 1r–v/B: ff. 1v–2r anon.; Vatican CS 42, ff. 22v–24r (‘Josquin des pres’); Warsaw 5892, ff. 7v–8r, anon.; Glarean, Dodekachordon (1547), pp. 358–61, Iodocus Prate[n]sis; Petrucci, Motetti A (1502), ff. 2v–4r, Josquin. tablature: Berlin 40026 (Kleber), ff. 81v–85v, anon.; Sankt Gallen 530, no. 116, ff. 92v–93v, anon. ‘Das lang Ave Maria’

Ave Maria … Virgo serena, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 16, no. 16. Tenor: Requiem eternam.

Concordances  Florence 2439, ff. 47 –48 , Incipit: ‘Requiem aeternam’ ‘Obreht’; Petrucci, Motetti C (1504), S 9 –10r, A 10v–11r, T 9v, B 9r–v, ‘Requiem’, anon. r

Jacobus hobrecht

v

16

Mille quingentis, 4vv

Jacobus hobrecht

Jacobus hobrecht

Josquin dupres

Remarks  Agricola OO, iii. 88–93. Segovia has the short version, but shares with Vatican CS 63 the expanded version of ‘Esurientes’ (texted ‘Et misericordia eius’ in CS 63).

[15] Inter preclarissimas virtutes, 4vv

17

73v–76r: 73v–74r Et exultavit; 74v–75r Fecit potentiam; 75v–76r Sicut erat locutus est

Concordances  short version (alternatim): Berlin 40021, ff. 93r–95r, anon.; Dresden 1/D/506, pp. 186–95, anon.; Munich 260, ff. 43v–44r, ‘Esurientes’, anon. long version (musical sections repeated with new text): Vatican CS 15, ff. 108v–117r, anon.; Vatican CS 63, ff. 77v–85r, Brumel

(Magnificat quarti toni) Et exultavit, 4vv

Gathering XI (ff. 79–86): Watermarks W2, W2*

15

14

13

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Josquin du preß

Remarks  NJE 25, no. 14.

22

21 Matheus pipe[lare] [La Rue]

Jacobus hobrecht

92r

91v

89v–91r: 89v–91r Omnis spiritus laudet; 89v–91r Fidelium anime

87v–89r: 87v–88r Salve virgo sanctissima; 88v–89r Ora precor, mater dulcissima

[86v]–87r O Maria nullam tam gravem

Remarks  Pipelare OO, i. 34–5 (‘Exortum est in tenebris’) and i. 11–13 (‘Fors seulement’).

v

Concordances  Basel F.X.1–4, no. 118, ‘Fors seulement’, Mathias Pipilari; Brussels 228, f. 17 , no. 16, ‘Fors seulement’, anon.; Brussels/Tournai, f. 22v (S)/7r–v (A)/21v (T), anon.; Bologna Q19, f. 1v, ‘Fors seulement’, anon.; Florence 164–167, no. 61, ‘Fors seulement’, anon.; Paris 1597, f. 60v, ‘Forseulement’ Pipelare; Regensburg C 120, f. 336v, ‘Forseulment’, Pipelare; Sankt Gallen 461, f. 8v, no text, M. Pipelare; Aich, Lieder (1519), f. 74r, ‘Fors seulment’, anon.; [Egenolff, Lieder] (c. 1535), I, no. 31 (S only), anon.; Petrucci, Canti B (1502), ff. 31v–32r, ‘Fors seulement’, Pe de la Rue

Exortum est in tenebris, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 15, no. 5.

Benedicamus in laude Jesu, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 16, no. 19.

Omnis spiritus laudet, 5vv

Remarks  Not in Isaac Opera omnia. See Blackburn, Ch. 7 above.

Concordances  Vatican CS 15, f. 173v, anon. Jacobus hobrecht

ysaac

19

Salve virgo sanctissima, 4vv

Josquin du preß

[18] O Intemerata virgo, 4vv

20

85v–87r: 85v–86r O Intemerata virgo; 86v–[87r] O Maria nullam tam gravem

Concordances  [3rd part of motet cycle Vultum tuum deprecabuntur, usually ‘Intemerata virgo’. See Blackburn, Ch. 7 above.] sources containing [o] intemerata virgo: Barcelona 454 (parts 3–4), ff. 128v–130r, anon.; Cambrai 125–128 (parts 3–4), ff. 86v–87r , anon.; Milan 2266 (parts 3–6), ff. 104v–105r, anon.; Padua A 17 (parts 1–3, 5, 7), ff. 4v–5r, anon., ‘Intemerata Virgo’; Ulm 237 (parts 2–6), no. 7, D: ff. 8v–12r/A: ff. 9r–12v/T: ff. 6r–9r/B: ff. 7v–10v anon.; Petrucci, Motetti L. IV (1505) (only source for whole cycle), no. 39, Josquin de Pres; [part 5 only: Berlin 40021; Munich 19: Regensburg C 120; Vatican CS 26; Sankt Gallen 463; Warsaw 5892; Montanus & Neuber, Tertia pars. tablature: Berlin 40026 (Kleber); Sankt Gallen 530]

O Intemerata virgo, 4vv

Gathering XII (ff. 87–94): Watermark W2*

18

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ysaac

Johannes ffarer

Jacobus hobrecht

r

Johannes ancheta [Peñalosa]

v

Johannes ancheta

Kyrie eleyson … Qui expansis, 4vv

29

32

31

anon. [Alonso d’Alva]

anon.

Johannes ancheta

Remarks  Baker, no. 9.

Kyrie eleyson … Qui passurus, 4vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 8

O crux ave spes unica, 4vv anon.

anon.

Concordances  Tarazona 2/3, f. viij, ‘Veni Creator Spiritus’, Alonso Dalua

Veni Sancte Spiritus/Veni Creator Spiritus, 4vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 7.

Domine ne memineris, 4vv

28

Concordances  Seville 5-5-20, f. 11v, de Anchieta; Tarazona 2/3, f. 257v, Jo. Anchieta

Virgo et mater, 4vv

27

r

Johannes ancheta [Peñalosa]

v

[26] Domine jhesu christe qui hora diei, 4vv

30

v

r

94v–[95r]

93v–94r

93r

92v

100r

99v

99r

98v

97v–98r

95v–97r: 95v–96r Virgo et mater; 96v–97r In passione Domini

[94v]–95r

Concordances  Coimbra 12, ff. 191 –192 , anon.; Coimbra 32, ff. 32 –34 , anon.; Seville 5-5-20, ff. 18 –19 , de Ancheta; Tarazona 2/3, ff. 279v–280r, Jo. Ancheta; Tarazona 5, 85v–87r, Peñalosa; Valladolid P s.s., ff. 94v–95r [AB], Anchieta; Valladolid C 5, 75v–77r, anon.

Domine jhesu christe qui hora diei, 4vv

Remarks  Isaac OO x/1, no. 7. 1.p. only.

Concordances  tablature: Sankt Gallen 530, ff. 109v–111r (complete)

Ave regina celorum, 4vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 6.

Domine non secundum peccata nostra, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 15, no. 7.

Cuius sacrata viscera, 4vv

Gathering XIII (ff. 95–102): Watermark W2

26

25

24

23

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–

37

36

Johannes ancheta [Compère, Peñalosa, Ribera]

100v–101r

anon.

101v–102r

Remarks  Baker, no. 11.

Juste judex Jhesu Christe, 4vv

Remarks  Binchois, Sacred Music, ed. Kaye, 254–6.

Jacobus hobrecht [Isaac, Japart]

103r

102v

v

r

Jacobus hobrecht

103v (B incomplete)

missing folios

–

104v–109r

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 13. Concordance identified by Rob Wegman, at http://www.princeton.edu/~wegman/mass/htm. On the mass, see Rifkin, ‘A Song Mass in Siena’.

v

Concordances  Siena K.I.2, ff. 154 –155 , anon. = Et in spiritum of an anon. mass perhaps by Obrecht

Sullen wij langhe in drucke moeten leven, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 45; A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 339–41; Odhecaton, no. 27; Jean Japart, ed. Atlas, no. 23a.

v

Concordances  Bologna Q17, f. 68 , ‘De tous in busc’, anon.; Florence 107bis, f. 4 , ‘De tusche in busche’, anon.; Florence 178, f. 75v, ‘De tusche in busche’, Japart; Florence 229, f. 162v, ‘De tusch in busch’, anon.; London 35087, ff. 52v–53r, 3vv (without A), ‘T’meiskin was jonck’, anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 29v–30r (27), ‘T’meiskin’, Isac (1st edn.)/anon. (2nd & 3rd edn.). tablature: Schlick, Tabulaturen, pp. 68–70, ‘Metzkin’, isack (for lute and voice)

Tmeiskin was jonc wel van passe, 4vv

anon.

Concordances  This piece is a four-voice falsobordone arrangement of a three-voice fauxbourdon by Binchois; cf. Kirsch, Quellen, 163. 531–2; Kreitner, Church Music, 85–6. The sources for the original version are: Milan 2269, f. 118v, ‘a faux bourdon’, ‘Binchoys’; Modena α.X.1.11 (lat. 471), ff. 24v–27r, ‘Binchois’; Vatican SP B 80, f. 242v, ‘Tenor a faulx bourdon’, anon.; Verona 761, f. 222v, ‘Contra a faulx bourdon’, anon.

Te Dominum confitemur, 4vv

Remarks  Compère OO, iv. 27–8.

Concordances  Barcelona 5, f. 69r, anon.; Barcelona 454, ff. 135v–136r, Penyalosa; Bloomington 8, ff. 26v–27r, 58v–59r; Coimbra 12, ff. 190v–191r, anon.; Coimbra 32, ff. 17v–18r, anon.; Coimbra 48, ff. 36r–v, anon.; Coimbra 53, f. 131v–132r, anon.; Jacaltenango 7, ff. 33v–34r, anon.; Lisbon 60 ff. 14v–16r, anon.; Tarazona 2/3, ff. 272v–274r, Antonio Ribera; Petrucci, Corona L. III (1519), no. 14, Compere

O bone Jhesu illumina oculos, 4vv

Gathering XIV (ff. 103–10): Watermark W2* (?)

35

34

33

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anon. [Loyset Compere; there may have been an ascription on the opening page, now missing]

110r

v

r

Johannes Martini [Busnoys]

110v

Remarks  Martini, Secular Pieces, no. 18; Odhecaton, no. 39. Tenor canonic inscription: ‘Antifrasis tenorizat yposdum epitonluzat’.

Concordances  Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 44 –45 , ‘J’ay pris amours tout au rebours’, Busnoys

Jay prijs amours, 4vv

Remarks  Compère OO, iv. 8–10.

Concordances  Barcelona 454, ff. 126v–128r, anon.; Berlin 40021, ff. 206v–208r, anon., ‘Ave maria gratia plena cum letaniis’; Bloomington 8, ff. 24v–25r (1.p. only); Milan 2267, ff. 187v–189r, Loyset; Siena K.I.2, ff. 110v–111r (folio missing: only S and T of 1.p.; A and B of 2.p.), anon.; Tarazona 2/3, ff. 281v–282r, Luiseth; Toledo 21, ff. 58v–62r, Lysset; Vatican Chigi 234, ff. 140v–142r, Loyset côpe; Vatican CS 15, ff. 185v–187r, Loyset Compere; Verona 758, ff. 2v–4r, anon.; Warsaw 5892, ff. 93v–95r, anon.; Wrocław I F 428, ff. 206v–208r, anon.; Petrucci, Motetti A (1502), ff. 28v–31r, Compere. tablature: Sankt Gallen 530, no. 79, ff. 69v–70r anon. (1.p. only);

Sancte Michael, ora pro nobis (= 2.p. of Ave Maria … virgo serena), A and B, 4vv

anon.

– 112r

111

v

r

Anthonius busnoys r

112v–113r

Remarks  A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 306–9; Odhecaton, no. 42.

Concordances  Bologna Q18, ff. 39 –40 , anon.; Cambridge, Trinity College Library, MS R.2.71, f. 1 (T, B of 2.p.); Florence 229, ff. 151v–152r, anon.; Paris 15123, ff. 153v–155r, anon.; Rome 2856, ff. 151v–153r, ‘Busnoys’; Seville/Paris, ff. 105v–107r (olim O7v–9), anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 47v–48r, ‘Je ne demande aultre degré’, Busnoys. tablature: Spinacino L. II, ff. 9r–10r, anon.

Je ne demande, 4vv

Remarks  The two voices fit with the S and T of Vincenet’s Fortune, par ta cruaulté when transposed up a fourth; Collected Works, 167–70.

Fortuna vincineta, Ct and B of 4vv

41

missing folio

–

40

Gathering XV (ff. 110–18): Watermarks W2, W2* (folio 110 now constitutes the first folio of XV instead the last of XIV)

39

38

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46

45

44

43

42 r

alexander agricola v

r

r–v

113v–114r

r

Caron v

114v–115r

v

r

ysaac [Martini]

Remarks  Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi, no. 10.

Fortuna disperata/Sancte Petre/Ora pro nobis, 5vv

Remarks  Tinctoris OO, 135–6.

Le souvenir, 4vv ysaac

Johannes tinctoris

Remarks  Martini, Secular Pieces, no. 9; Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi, no. 9.

Concordances  Rome 2856, ff. 147 –149 , Jo. Martini

Fortuna disperata, 4vv

Remarks  Caron, OC, ii. 175–8; A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 478–81; Odhecaton, no. 13.

117v–118r

116v–117r

115v–116r

Concordances  3-voice version: Augsburg 25, f. 4 , ‘Des mayen lust’, anon.; Berlin 40098, no. 8, S: f. A3 /T: f. A3v/Ct: f. A3v, ‘Der ßeyden schwantcz/Ave sydus clarissimum’, anon.; Bologna Q16, ff. 114v–114bisr, ‘[H]elas que pour devenir’, anon.; Bratislava Inc. 33, no. 1 (S and T only, transp. down a 4th), ‘Myt treuen herzen’, anon.; Copenhagen 1848, p. 97, anon.; Dijon 517, ff. 78v–79r, Caron; Florence 229, ff. 222v–223r, ‘Helas que poura devenir’, Caron; Paris 676, ff. 12v–13r, anon.; Perugia 431, ff. 59v–60r, anon.; Paris 15123, ff. 33v–34r, anon.; Rome 2856, ff. 45v–46r, ‘Hellas mon ceur’, Caron; Seville/Paris, ff. 39v–40 (olim g3v–g4r), ‘Hellas’, anon.; Trent 89, no. 770, ff. 416v–417r, no text, anon.; Uppsala 76a, ff. 13v–14r, anon.; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 71v–72r, Caron; Verona 757, ff. 19v–20r, anon.; Washington Laborde, ff. 12v–13r, Caron, ‘Helas mamour’; Washington Wolffheim, ff. 49v–50r, anon. 4-voice version: Bologna Q18, ff. 35v–36r, ‘Helasso’, anon.; Florence 27, ff. 35v–36r, ‘Helas’, Caron; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 15v–16r, Caron. tablature: Gonzalo de Baena, Arte (1540), no. 34, ff. 30r–31r

Elaes, 4vv

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 7–11. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 392–6; Odhecaton, no. 38. The Segovia version ends at b. 28, lacking the second section.

v

Concordances  Bologna Q17, ff. 69 –71 , A. Agricola; Brussels 228, ff. 20 –22 , anon.; Cortona/Paris, f. 1 (B partbook lost), anon.; Florence 178, ff. 0v–2r, Alexander; Florence 229, ff. 183v–185r, Alexander agricola; Florence 2794, ff. 28v–30r, Agricola; Iserlohn fragments, no. 46, (only 1.p., S complete, T fragmentary, B almost complete), ‘Agricola’ (as incipit); London 20 A. xvi, ff. 24v–26r, anon.; Regensburg C 120, pp. 308–11, Agricola; Rome 2856, ff. 162v–164r, Agricola; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 45v–47r, Agricola; Verona 757, ff. 34v–36r, anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 42v–43r, Agricola. tablature: Sankt Gallen 530, ff. 79v–80r, ‘Agricola’

Je nay deul/Je ne demande, 4vv (incomplete)

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54

53

52

51

50

49

48

anon.

118v

Jacobus hobrecht

Jacobus hobrecht

v

r

120v–121r

119v–120r

119r

r

Jacobus hobrecht

121v–122r

Jacobus hobrecht

Jacobus hobrecht

123v

122v–123r

Remarks  Baker no. 14.

Zart Reyne vrucht, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 8. Roelkin

124r

Concordances  Berlin 40098, S: f. M6r/T: f. N2v/Ct: f. N7r, anon., no text; A missing; Speciálník, f. 209v, ‘Largire nunc mitissime’, anon.

Lacen adieu wel zoete partye, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 17.

Waer sij dij han/ Wie roupt ons daer, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 16; Odhecaton, no. 92.

Concordances  Sankt Gallen 461, p. 90, ‘Saat ein miskin uas iunck’, Obrecht; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 96v–97r, ‘Tsat een mesin’, Obrecht

Tsat een cleen meiskin al up een bloxskin, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 18.

v

Concordances  Berlin 40021, ff. 225 –226 , ‘Re mi fa sol mi’, anon.; Basel F.X.5–9, ff. 6 –7 (without A, no text), anon.; Speciálník, ff. 170v–171r, ‘Precantibus’, anon.; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 32v–34r, ‘Maule met’, J. Obrech; Petrucci, Canti B (1502), f. 38v, ‘Va uilment’, Obrecht

Wat willen wij metten budel spelen ons ghelt es uut, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 9.

Laet u ghenoughen liever Johan, 4vv

Remarks  Pipelare OO, i. 7–8. ‘lare’ notated DG.

Morkin ic hebbe ter scolen gheleghen, 4vv

Matheus pipe[lare]

Remarks  D and T of the well-known anonymous setting, down a tone. Headed ‘vacat’. Fallows, Catalogue, 196 speculates about a possible identity with the version in London 31922, ff. 41v–42r, 3vv, anon. (ed. MB 18, p. 31); see pp. 195–7 for the many versions of this song.

Concordances 

Jay pris amours, S and T of 4?vv

Gathering XVI (ff. 119–26): Watermarks W2, W2*

47

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Remarks  NOE 17, no. 19.

Weet ghij wat mijnder jonghen herten deert, 4vv

Remarks  Vaqueras OO, 149–51.

62

61

60

59

loysette compere

58

Josquin du preß

128v–129r

127v–128r

[126v]–127r

126v–[127r]

125v–126r

124v–125r

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 3.

Ic draghe de mutse clutse, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 1.

Als al de weerelt in vruechden leeft, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 4.

Ic hoerde de clocskins luden, 4vv

Remarks  NJE 28, no. 6; Odhecaton, no. 10.

Jacobus hobrecht

Jacobus hobrecht

Jacobus hobrecht

131v–132r

130v–131r

129v–130r

Concordances  Florence 107bis, ff. 18v–19r, ‘Biageretta savoiana’, Iosquin; Sankt Gallen 463 (index; missing in MS); Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 12v–13r, ‘Bergerette savoyene’, Josquin

Bergironette savoisienne (Bergerette savoyenne), 4vv

Remarks  Compère OO, v. 38–40.

Concordances  Florence 2442, no. 34 (B missing), L. Compere; Petrucci, Canti B (1502), f. 66 , Compere

Mon pere ma done mari (Mon père m’a donné mari), 4vv

Jacobus hobrecht

[57] Weet ghij wat mijnder jonghen herten deert, 4vv

Jacobus hobrecht

v

loysette compere [Vaqueras]

Jacobus hobrecht

Concordances  Florence 107bis, f. 13v, anon.; Petrucci, Canti B (1502), f. 26v, Vaqueras

Veci la dancha barberi, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 2.

Den haghel ende die calde snee, 4vv

Gathering XVII (ff. 127–34): Watermarks W2, W2*

57

56

55

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r

v

Jacobus hobrecht [Stoltzer]

133v–134r

132v–133r

Jacobus hobrecht

r

134v

135r–142r: 135r Kyrie I, Christe, Kyrie II; 135v–136r Et in terra; 136r–137r Qui tollis; 137r–138r Patrem; 138r–139r Et incarnatus; 139r–140r Et in spiritum; 140r–141r Sanctus. Pleni; 141r–142r Osanna. Benedictus

Remarks  Brumel OO, vi. 1–6.

(Magnificat) Anima mea Dominum, 3vv

Remarks  EDM 33, no. 110 (after Berlin 40021).

[67] (Magnificat) Anima mea Dominum, 3vv

Anthonius brumel

Anthonius brumel

[142v]–143v Et exultavit; 143v–144v Quia fecit; 144v–145r Esurientes; 145v Sicut erat

142v–145v: 142v–[143v] Et exultavit

Concordances  Barcelona 454, no. 27, ff. 74r–82r, anon. [The presumptive author name ‘Cuvenor’ should be read ‘Superior/us’]; Berlin 40021, ff. 41v–46r, Offi[cium] Auleni; Leipzig 1494, ff. 151v–156r, Offi[cium] auleni; Munich 3154, no. 145, ff. 400r–407v, anon. (Kyrie and beginning of Gloria missing); Regensburg B 216–219, no. 9, αδηλον; Warsaw 5892, ff. 1r–6r, Officium Aule

Missa (sine nomine), 3vv (no Agnus dei)

alexander agricola [Aulen]

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 10; A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 383–4; Odhecaton, no. 96.

Concordances  Florence 27, f. 72v, 3vv; ‘Meskin’ (T conflated version of original T + Ct); Florence 178, f. 76v, ‘Adiu, adiu’, Jacobus Obret; Florence 229, f. 179v, no text, Jacobus Obrech; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), f. 103v, ‘Meskin es hu’, anon.

Meiskin es u cutkin ru, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 6.

v

Gathering XIX (ff. 143–50): Watermarks W1, W1*

67

66

v

Jacobus hobrecht

Concordances  Ulm 237, no. 33, S: ff. 23 –24 /T: f. 21 /B: ff. 22 –23 , anon.; Ott, 115 Liedlein (1544), no. 35, ‘Ich wünsch alln frawn ehr durch’, Thomas Stoltzer

Ic weinsche alle scoene vrauwen eere, 4vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 7.

In hebbe gheen ghelt in mijn bewelt, 4vv

Gathering XVIII (ff. 135–42): Watermarks W3, W3*

65

64

63

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Remarks  Baker, no. 18.

Alleluya, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 17.

Osanna salvifica tuum plasma, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 16.

Imperatrix reginarum, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 15.

Salve sancta facies nostri redemptoris, 3vv

Concordances  Tarazona 2/3, ff. 24v–26r, Jo Ancheta

(Magnificat), Et exultavit 3vv

76

75

74

73

anon.

anon.

anon.

anon.

anon.

anon.

anon.

anon.

Johannes anxeta

155v–156r

153v–155r: 153v–154r Aleph. Vie Syon lugent; 154v–155r Facti sunt hoste

151v–153r: 151v–152r Aleph. Quomodo obscuratum est; 152v–153r Quomodo reputati sunt

151r

150v

149v–150r

148v–149r

148r

146r–147v: 146r Et exultavit; 146v–147r Fecit potentiam; 147v Sicut erat

Remarks  Baker, no. 22.

Concordances  – (but Ave verum corpus natum in Tarazona 2/3, no. 49, with an ascription to Peñalosa later crossed out, seems to be somehow related: either one is a reworked version of the other or one of these is some scribe’s aural recording of a sung performance of the other; see Kreitner, Church Music, 87–9)

Ave verum corpus Domini, 4vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 21.

Aleph. Vie Syon lugent, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 20.

Aleph. Quomodo obscuratum est, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 19.

Alleluya Salve Virgo Mater Dey, 3vv

Gathering XX (ff. 151–8): Watermarks W1, W1*, W3

72

71

70

69

68

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82

81

80

Anthonius brumel [Martini]

156v–157r

Anthonius brumel [Henricus Brumel, Spinacino (arr.)]

157v–158r

Remarks  NOE 15, no. 2.

Ave maris stella, 3vv

Remarks  Brumel OO, v. 63–4; Odhecaton, no. 62.

Petrus elinc [ Jan/Johannes Agricola]

Alexander agricola

159v

159r

158v

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 88–9.

Dung aultre amer, 3vv

Alexander agricola

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 63–4. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 134–5. 160r

Concordances  Basel F.X.1–4, no. 81, anon.; Brussels II.270, ff. 125v–126r, ‘Mijns herten troest’, anon.; Cape Town Grey 3.b.12, f. 119r (Ct, T fragment), ‘Nolite sanctum dare’, anon.; Copenhagen 1848, p. 385, anon.; Florence 178, ff. 8v–9r, Alexander; Florence 229, ff. 67v–68r, no text, Alexander agricola; Florence 2794, ff. 61v–62r, ‘Le second jour d’avril’, Agricola; Kassel 53/2, ff. 2v–3r, ‘In meynem sinn’ (S only), anon.; Paris 2245, ff. 21v–22r, agricola; Rome 2856, ff. 125v–126r, ‘In minen sin’, Agricola; Sankt Gallen 462, f. 45v, ‘Sy j’ayme mon amy’, anon.?; Uppsala 76a, ff. 18v–19r, ‘Le segond jour d’avril’, Agricola

In minen zin, 3vv

Remarks  A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 46–7.

Concordances  Bologna Q17, f. 20v, no text, anon.; Florence 229, f. 21v, no text, Jannes Agricola

Dat ic mij lijden aldus helen moet, 3vv

Jacobus hobrecht

Concordances  Barcelona 454A, ff. 136v–137r, anon.; Bologna Q18, ff. 75v–76r, anon.; Florence 27, ff. 101v–102r, Brumel; Munich 322–325, no. 18, A: ff. 13v–14r/T: f. 16r/B: f. 16r–v, anon.; Seville 5-5-20, ff. 19v–20r, anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 67v–68r, Brumel; Newsidler, Lautenbuch 2 (1536), no. 5, A. Brumel; Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 55, Henricus Brumel. tablature: Spinacino L. II (1507), ff. 33v–34v, Francesco Spinacino; Gonzalo de Baena, Arte (1540), no. 30

Mater patris et filia, 3vv

Remarks  Brumel OO, v. 1–3.

Concordances  Munich 322–325, no. 17, A: f. 13r–v/T: ff. 15v–16r/B: ff. 15r–16r, ‘Trium ad aequales’, anon.; [Egenolff, Lieder] (c. 1535), III, no. 14, S only, anon.; Petrucci, Canti B (1502), ff. 41v–42r, Brumel; Petreius, TVC (1541), no. 46, ‘Ave Maria’, ‘Io. Mouton’

Ave ancilla trinitatis, 3vv

Gathering XXI (ff. 159–66): Watermarks W3, W3*

79

78

77

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88

87

86

85

84

83

Alexander Agrico[la]

160v

Roelkin

161r

Alexander agricola

Loysette compere

v

v

r

Alexander agricola

162v

161v–162r

161r

Scoen heyne (= Hayne van Ghizeghem) [Ockeghem]

163r

Remarks  Ghizeghem OO, 10–11.

Concordances  Florence 2794, ff. 43v–44r, ‘heyne’; London 20 A. xvi, ff. 18v–19r, anon.; Paris 2245, ff. 14v–15r, ‘Hayne’; [Ockeghem] Rome 2856, ff. 48v–49r, ‘Se ne pas jeulx’, Ockeghem; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 105v–106r [opening 99], ‘Se mieulx ne vient’, anon.; Washington Laborde, ff. 104v–105r, anon.

Che nest pas jeu, 3vv

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 37–8. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 582–4.

Concordances  Bologna Q17, ff. 38 –39 , ‘Soit loing soit pret’, A. Agricola; Copenhagen 1848, p. 372, anon. = p. 443, anon.; Florence 229, ff. 267v–268r, ‘Soit long soit pres’, Alexander; Florence 2794, ff. 72v–73r, anon.; London 20 A. xvi, ff. 15v–16r, ‘Soit pres ou loint’, anon.; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 43v–44r, ‘Aint long’, anon.

Soyt loing ou pres, 3vv

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 99–101.

Concordances  Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 99, anon.; Petrucci, Canti C (1504), f. 144 , Agricola

Tandernaken al up den Rijn, 3vv

Remarks  Compère OO, v. 13. In margin: ‘aliud’; cf. no. 59.

Bergironette savosienne, 3vv

Concordances  Leipzig 1494, f. 53r, no text, anon.; Ulm 237, no. 19, S: ff. 17v–18r/T: f. 15v/B: ff. 16v–17r, ‘Veiid end meitt’, anon.

Vrucht ende moet es gar da hin, 3vv

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 60–1. ‘la’ is notated D.

Concordances  Bologna Q17, ff. 3v–4r, ‘Oublier veul’, A Agrico(la); Florence 2439, ff. 73v–74r, ‘Ublier veuil tristiesse’, Allexander; Paris 1596, ff. 3v–4r, ‘Oublier veult douleur’, anon.; Regensburg C 120, pp. 294–5, 4vv (added Ct), ‘Oblier’, Agricola; Rome 2856, ff. 118v–120r, ‘Oblier veult tristesse’, Agricola; Vienna 18810, S: ff. 29v–30/T: 26v–27r/B: 27v–28r, ‘Carmen’, Alexander Agricola; Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 58, no text, anon. (‘Agric’ in Jena copy). tablature: Capirola, no. 3, ff. 6v–7v

Oblier suis, 3vv

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93

92

91

90

89

Scoen heyne (= Hayne van Ghizeghem) [Martin Agricola/Bourdon]

163v

v

r

scoen heyne [Hayne van Ghizeghem]

164r

v

Concordances  London 35087, f. 38 , anon.

Verlanghen ghij doet mijnder herten pijn, 3vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 11.

Moet mij lacen u vriendelic schiin, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 24.

Adieu natuerlic leven mijn, 3vv

Remarks  Ghizeghem OO, 34–5; Odhecaton, no. 83.

Petrus elinc

Jacobus hobrecht

Petrus elinc

165v

165r

164v

Concordances  Bologna Q17, ff. 32 –33 , Hayne; Copenhagen 1848, p. 122, ‘Mon souvenir mi fait morir’, anon. = p. 364 f., ‘Mon souvenir mi fait morir’, anon. = p. 450, ‘Mon souvenir my fait mourir’, anon.; Florence 178, ff. 27v–28r, Ayne; Florence 2356, ff. 8v–9r, anon.; Florence 2794, f. 75v (S only), ‘Mon souvenir me fait mourir’, Hayne; London 20 A. xvi, ff. 27v–28r, ‘Mon souvenir me fait morir’, Heyne; London 35087, ff. 28v–29r, ‘Mon souvenir me fait languir’, Heyne; Paris 1597, ff. 26v–27r, ‘Mon souvenir my fait mourir’, anon.; Paris 2245, ff. 1v–2r, ‘Mon souvenir my fait mourir’, Hayne; Rome 2856, f. 124v, Haine; Uppsala 76a, f. 25r (T and Ct only); Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 52v–53r, anon.; Washington Laborde, f. 110v, ‘Mon souvenir me fait mourir’, anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), f. 90v, anon. tablature: Spinacino L. I (1507), ff. 35v–36r

Mon souvenir, 3vv

Remarks  Ghizeghem OO, 3–5. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 527–9; Odhecaton, no. 57.

Concordances  Bologna Q17, ff. 30v–31r, Hayne; Brussels 11239, ff. 2v–4r, anon.; Brussels/Tournai, anon., S: ff. 1v–2v/no A/T: 1v–3; Copenhagen 1848, p. 414, anon.; Florence 27, ff. 97v–98r, ‘hayne’; Florence 107bis, ff. 43v–44r, anon.; Florence 117, ff. 38v–39r [orig. fol.], anon.; Florence 178, ff. 42v–43r, ‘Hayne’; Florence 229, ff. 242v–243r, anon.; Florence 2356, ff. 91v–92r, anon.; Florence 2794, ff. 58v–59r, ‘Heyne’; Leipzig 49, S: f. 211r–v; T –; B: f. 210v [contrafactum ‘Dulcis conjugi bonum sit omen’ = 2.p. of motet ‘Nuptiae factae sunt’, ascription: ‘M. Agr.’ = Martin Agricola]; London 20 A. xvi, ff. 20v–21r, anon.; London 31922, ff. 5v–6r, anon.; Paris 1597, ff. 11v–12r, anon.; Paris 2245, ff. 17v–18r, ‘Hayne’; ‘Bourbon’ by Discantus [Fallows, Catalogue, 82 + 728 takes this to mean that Jean II, duc de Bourbon, wrote the chanson’s text]; Rome 2856, ff. 96v–98r, Haine; Turin I. 27, f. 12v, anon.; Uppsala 76a, f. 1r (fragmentary; A and T only), anon.; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 27v–28r, Hayne; Verona 757, ff. 28v–29r, no text, anon.; Washington Laborde, ff. 140v–142r, anon.; Zwickau 78/3, no. 11, no text, anon.; Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 7, anon.; Jena copy: Hayne; [Egenolff, Lieder] (c. 1535), III, no. 26 (S only), anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 62v–63r, Hayne. tablature: Capirola, no. 21, ff. 37v–38v, anon.; Berlin 40026 (Kleber), ff. 21r–22v; Gerle, Tabulatur (1533), no. 34, ff. 43v–44v

Aletz regretz, 3vv

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Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 65. ‘la’ is notated D.

Mijn alder liefste moeselkin, 3vv

Remarks  Barbireau OO, ii. 11–12.

r

r

r

v

Remarks  Baker, no. 31.

102 Ave sanctissima maria mater dey, 3vv

anon.

Remarks  Baker, no. 30. Marginal ascription: ‘aliud’ (to distinguish this setting from Anxieta’s on the same page).

Marturia

101 Conditor alme siderum, 3vv

Johannes ancheta

anon.

ysaac

Jacobus hobrecht

Anxieta

Remarks  Baker, no. 29.

Domine non secundum peccata nostra, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 28.

Concordances  Perugia 431, f. 58 (48 ), 4vv, anon.

Sancta Maria ora pro nobis, 3vv

Remarks  Isaac OO, x/1, no. 16.

Gracias refero tibi domine ihesu christe, 3vv

Remarks  NOE 15, no. 6.

Cuius sacrata viscera, 3vv

Alexander agrico[la]

100 Conditor alme siderum, 3vv

99

98

97

96

Jacobus barbiriau [Isaac, Obrecht]

166r

169v–170r

169r

169r

168 (misnumbered as 167)v

168 (misnumbered as 167)r

167v–168 (misnumbered as 167)r

167r

166v

Concordances  Basel F.X.10, f. 4 (B only), ‘Frölich wesen’, anon.; Brussels/Tournai, f. 26 (S)/no A/15 (T), ‘Een vraulic wesen’, anon.; Copenhagen 1848, p. 373, ‘Quen dites vous’, Maistre Jacques d’anvers = p. 418, ‘Quen dites vous’, anon.; Greifswald 640–641, no. 54 (S and B only), ‘Ein frolic wesenth’, Isaac; Iserlohn fragments, no. 68, ‘Ein frölich wesen’; London 31922, f. 3v, ‘En frolyk wesen’, anon.; Munich 328–331, S: ff. 69v–70r/A: ff. 44v–45r/T: ff. 121v–122r/B: f. 58r–v, 4vv, ‘Ain frölich wesen’, anon.; Munich 718, f. 130r; Sankt Gallen 462, f. 23v, 4vv, ‘Ein Frölich wesen’, Obrecht; Sankt Gallen 463, no. 153 (S and A only), ‘Ein frolich wesen’, Jacobus Obrecht; Ulm 237, ff. 16, 14, 15, ‘Eyn vroelich wesen’, anon.; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 16v–17r, ‘Se une fois avant’, anon.; Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 28, ‘Een frölic wesen’, anon. ( Jena copy: Barbireau)

Een vroylic wesen, 3vv

Gathering XXII (ff. 167–74): Watermarks W1, W1*

95

94

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Alexander agrico[la] [Isaac, Obrecht, Ghiselin/Verbonnet]

170v

Jacobus hobrecht

171r

Josquin du preß [Alexander Agricola]

171v

ysaac [Obrecht, Weerbeke]

172r

Remarks  Odhecaton, no. 49.

Concordances  Florence 27, f. 34v, ‘La stangetta’, anon.; Heilbronn X.2, no. 29 (B only), anon.; Zwickau 78/3, no. 18, no text, Obrecht; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 54v–55r, ‘La stangetta’, Uuerbech (1st ed.)/anon. (2nd & 3rd edn.); Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 44, ‘La stangetta’, anon.; [Egenolff, Lieder] (c. 1535), III (S), ‘La stangetta’, anon.

106 Ortus de celo flos est, 3vv

Remarks  NJE 27, no. 33. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 87–9. The French text is ‘Que vous, madame’.

Concordances  [L = Latin text or incipit only, FL = French + Latin text or incipits.] Bologna Q17, ff. 35v–36r, ‘Josquin’ (L); Brussels 11239, ff. 31v–32r, anon. (L); Florence 178, ff. 51v–52v, ‘Josquin Depres’ (L); Florence 229, ff. 43v–44r, ‘Josquin’ (L); London 20 A. xvi, ff. 30v–31r, ‘Josquin’ (FL); Paris 1597, ff. 45v–46r, anon. (FL); Rome 2856, ff. 114v–115r, ‘Joskin’ (L); Sankt Gallen 463, no. 31 (S only), anon. (L); Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 18v–19r, ‘Josquin’ (L); Warsaw 5892, f. 60v, no text, anon.; Washington Wolffheim, ff. 89v–90r, anon. ‘Im pace’; Petrucci, Canti C (1504), ff. 104v–105r, ‘Agricola’ (FL); Rhaw, Tricinia (1542), no. 25, Alexander Agricola (L). tablature: Basel F.IX.22, ff. 2r–4r, anon. (L); Gonzalo de Baena, Arte (1540), no. 28, ff. 25–6; Spinacino L. II (1507), no. 33, anon. (L)

105 In pace in id ipsum, 3vv (Latin text)

Remarks  NOE 12, 4–6.

Concordances  Christe only: Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 14; Spinacino L. II (1507), ff. 4v–5r. Whole mass or several mass movements: Florence 107bis, ff. 40v–44r (Christe, Pleni, Benedictus, Agnus II), anon.; Leipzig 1494, ff. 131v–134v (Kyrie + fragment of Gloria), anon.; Munich 374 (handwritten fragment of Sanctus on inner side of front cover of two Petrucci prints, with the remark: ‘In Missa. Si dedero. ad longum’), anon.; Munich 3154, ff. 449v–456r (+ resolutio of T ff. 447r–448r; no Agnus III), ‘Ja Obrecht’; Uppsala 76e, no. 11 (S only; no Agnus III), anon.; Petrucci, Missarum diversorum (1509), no. 1

104 Christe si dedero, 3vv

Remarks  Agricola OO, iv. 50–1; A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 138–40; Odhecaton, no. 56. ‘la’ is notated D.

Concordances  Bologna Q16, ff. 120v–121bisr, anon.; Bologna Q17, ff. 34v–35r, ‘A . Agricola’; Bologna Q18, ff. 70v–71r, ‘Sydedero’, anon.; Brussels 11239, ff. 32v–33r, anon.; Copenhagen 1848, pp. 100–1, anon.; Florence 27, ff. 57v–58r, Alex. Agricola; Florence 107bis (according to index on lost ff. 31v–32); Florence 178, ff. 31v–32r, ‘Alexander’; Florence 229, ff. 69v–70r, ‘Alexander agricola’; Florence 2356, ff. 76v–77r, anon.; Florence 2794, ff. 14v–15r, anon.; Greifswald 640–641, ff. 9v–10r (S and B only), anon.; Paris 1597, ff. 7v–8r, anon.; Rome 2856, ff. 100v–102r, Agricola; Sankt Gallen 462, ff. 35v–36r, anon.; Sankt Gallen 463, no. 16, ff. 8v–9r (S only), Verbonet; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 25v–26r, Agricola; Verona 757, ff. 24v–25r, anon. (‘Allexander’ added in pencil); Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 61v–62r, ‘Alexander’; Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 13, anon. ( Jena copy: ‘Se dedero’; Berlin, HdK [former UdK] copy: Obrecht). tablature: Basel F.IX.22, no. 9, Henricus Isack componebat (solo keyboard); Capirola, no. 35, ff. 58r–59v; Sankt Gallen 530, no. 19a, alexander (solo keyboard); Newsidler, Lautenbuch 2 (1536), no. 46, Ja. Obrecht (solo lute); Spinacino L. II (1507), no. 23, ff. 29v–30v, anon. (solo lute). 4-voice versions: Barcelona 454, f. 106v, anon.; Paris 676, ff. 30v–31r (different Ct), ‘Agricola’

103 Si dedero, 3vv

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Johannes Martini v

172v

173v

173r

Anthonius busnoys [Alexander Agricola, Felice]

174r

Remarks  Fortunata desperata, ed. Meconi, no. 1.

Concordances  3-voice version (= seg): Florence 121, ff. 25v–26r, anon.; Frankfurt 20, f. 1r (S: ‘Fortuna de[s]perata’ + T: ‘O panis vite venerande’ only), anon.; London 35087, ff. 11v–12r, anon.; Perugia 431, ff. 83v–84r, anon.; Seville/Paris, ff. 40v–41r (olim n11v–n12r), anon. (4th voice added by later hand); Wolfenbüttel 78, f. 2v, anon. 4-voice version: Basel F.X.10, f. 8r (B only), anon.; Cape Town Grey 3.b.12, ff. 78v–79r, ‘Poi che t hebi nel core’, anon.; Florence 27, ff. 22v–23r, ‘Poi che te hebi nel core’ (different version of added A), anon.; Leipzig 1494, f. 62r ‘Virginis alme parens’ = f. 162v ‘Ave stella fulgida’ (S and Ct only), anon.; Paris 676, ff. 24v–25r, anon.; Perugia 431, ff. 84v–85r, anon.; Sankt Gallen 462, pp. 20–1, anon.; Sankt Gallen 463, no. 144 (S and A only), ‘Fortuna desperata quae te dementia cepit’, anon.; Seville/Paris, ff. 40v–41r (olim n11v–n12r) (fourth voice added by later hand), anon.; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 63v–64r (+ alternative bass voice; see 3vv with new Ct), Felice; Zwickau 78/2, no. 54, anon.; Petrucci, Canti C (1504), ff. 126v–127r, anon. 3 vv, new ct: Bologna Q16, ff. 132v–133r, anon. 3 vv, new ct altus: London 31922, ff. 4v–5r, ‘Fortune esperee’, anon. 3 vv, new ct bassus: Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 63v–64r (+ alternative bass voice), ‘Felice’. 3 vv, new ct bassus: Segovia, no. 127 ( Josquin). 6 vv: Augsburg 142a, ff. 46v–48r, ‘Allexaunderr A’. 6 vv: Rome 2856, ff. 147v–149r, ‘Jo martini’; Segovia no. 44 (Isaac). tablature: Berlin 40026 (Kleber), ff. 63v–64v (‘H. B.’ = Hans Buchner) + 132r–133v; Munich 718, S: f. 119r/T: ff. 129v–130r, B f. 141r, anon.; Paris 27, ff. 52r–53r; Pesaro 1144, pp. 31–35, anon. (and a very free paraphrase of S on pp. 25–7); Attaingnant, Treze motetz (1531), no. 2, anon.; Spinacino L. I (1507), no. 29, anon.

110 Fortuna disperata, 3vv

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 82–3; De tous biens plaine, ed. Cyrus, no. 19; Odhecaton, no. 73.

Concordances  Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 79 –80 , ‘Pe. Bourdon’ (main body)/‘bourdon’ (index) (in 2nd and 3rd edn. only in index) r

Alexander agricola [Bourdon] v

109 De tous biens playne, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 32.

Petrus elinc

v

108 Hoert hier mijn lieve(r) gheselle, 3vv

Remarks  Martini, Secular Pieces, no. 5. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 256–8.

r

Concordances  Berlin 40098, no. 255, ‘Der newe pawir schwantcz’ (S: f. L2 /T: f. L9 /Ct: f. M2 ), anon.; Florence 229, f. 129v, no text, anon.; Verona 759, f. 2r, ‘Crucifixus surrexit tertia die’ (S and T only), anon.

107 O intemerata, 3vv

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ysaac

113 Elaes [=La morra, =Donna gentil], 3vv v

175v

175r

174v

Anthonius brumel

ysaac

ysaac

177r

176v

176r

Remarks  A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 11–13; Odhecaton, no. 50. Based on Caron’s Helas que pourra devenir = no. 43.

Concordances  Bologna Q34, ff. 6v–8r, no text, Josquini; Florence 27, f. 138v, ‘Helas’, Isach; Florence 229, ff. 5v–6r, ‘Helas que devera mon cuer’, Henricus Yzac; Heilbronn X.2, no. 31 (B only), ‘Helas’, Henri. Isaac; Hradec Králové II A 20, p. 101, H. I., Ct only, no text; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 76v–77r, ‘Hellas’, Ysaac; Verona 757, ff. 20v–21r, no text, anon.; Zwickau 78/3, no. 23, no text, anon.; Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 3, anon. ( Jena exemplar: ‘Helas je suis mary’, H. Isac); [Egenolff, Lieder] (c. 1535), III, no. 55 (S only), anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 55v–56r, ‘Helas’, Yzac. tablature: Sankt Gallen 530, no. 30, Heinrich Isaac, inc. ‘Helas’ (keyboard)

116 Elaes [=Helas que devera mon cuer], 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 33. In margin: ‘Duo’.

115 De tous bien playne (+ 14 other song quotations)/Et qui luy dira, 2vv

Remarks  Brumel OO, v. 85–6.

Concordances  Dresden 1/D/506, p. 208, 4vv, ‘O crux ave spes unica’, Brumell

114 Ave crux spes unica [hymn Vexilla regis], 3vv

Remarks  A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 23–5; Odhecaton, no. 44.

v

Concordances  Bologna Q18, f. 72 , ‘La mora’, anon.; Copenhagen 1848, p. 412, no text, anon.; Florence 27, f. 33 , ‘La mora’, anon.; Florence 107bis, f. 56v, ‘La mora’, Izac; Florence 178, f. 29v, ‘La mora’, Enricus Ysac; Florence 229, f. 11v, no text, Henricus Yzac; Heilbronn X.2, no. 14 (B only), ‘La morra’, Isaac; Leipzig 1494, f. 85v, no text, H.Y. + 245v–246r: ‘Antiphona ad invocandum spiritum sanctum Veni sancte spiritus’; Paris 676, f. 40v, ‘La morra; Donna gentile’, Isach; Sankt Gallen 462, f. 64v, ‘O regina’ 4vv, Isaac; Sankt Gallen 463, f. 176r (S and A only), ‘la morra’, Henricus Isac; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 90v–91r, ‘Donna gentil’, Ysach; Verona 757, f. 39v, no text, anon.; Zwickau 78/3, no. 25, no text, Isaac; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 49v–50r, ‘La morra’, Yzac; Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 29, no text, anon.; [Egenolff, Lieder] (c. 1535), III, no. 34 (S only), ‘La morra’, anon. tablature: Spinacino L. I (1507), no. 13, anon. (F. S. refers to the intabulator)

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 62.

Alr. agricola

Alexander agricola

112 Princesse de toute beaulte, 3vv

Gathering XXIII (ff. 175–82): Watermarks W1, W1*

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 98.

Concordances  Rome 2856, f. 77v, Agricola

111 O venus bant, 3vv

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Pipe[lare] (Alexander agricola crossed out) 177v

Loysette compere

v

ysaac v

179r

178v

178v

178r

Anthonius brumel (originally ‘Anthonius 179v bus’; scribe then changed his mind, crossed out ‘bus’ and wrote ‘brumel’) [Isaac]

Remarks  Brumel OO, vi. 79.

Concordances  Augsburg 142a, fol. 58r, no text, anon. tablature: Basel F.IX.22, no. 5: ‘Graciensi plaisat’, Henricus Isac Author

122 Jamays, 3vv

Remarks  Isaac OO, vi. 2–3. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 34–5.

Concordances Christe only: Cape Town Grey 3.b.12, f. 102 , ‘Memento mei domine’, anon.; Florence 178, f. 52 , no text, anon.; Florence 229, f. 15v, no text, Henricus Yzac. Mass cycle: Bologna SP 29, ‘Missa Sarge de Doglia’ (according to index; piece missing in fragmentary MS); Cambrai 18, ff. 137v–153r, ‘Missa Sergies de Deul’, anon.; Lucca 238, ff. 35v–36r, anon. (fragments: S, T of Kyrie I; ‘Et iterum’; A, B of ‘Et incarnatus’); Milan 2268, ff. 151v–159v, ‘Jsach’ (no Kyrie, no Agnus II); Speciálník, pp. 313–25 (Credo and Sanctus only: ‘Patrem rosarum’, ‘Sanctus Rosarum’), anon.; Uppsala 76e, ff. 1r–11v ‘Charge de deul … Henrici Izac’ (S only); Warsaw 5892, ff. 13v–16r (Kyrie, Gloria), 17v–22r (‘Et incarnatus’ through Agnus Dei), ‘Officium Rosarum’, anon.; Petrucci, Misse Jzac (1506), no. 1. other isolated movements: Kyrie I: Cape Town Grey 3.b.12, ff. 122v–123r, ‘Homo cum in honore’, anon.. Qui tollis I: Copenhagen 1848, p. 447, ‘Or mauldist soyt’, ‘Ysaac’; Florence 27, ff. 52v–53r, ‘Omnis laus in fine canitur’, anon.; Florence 178, ff. 69v–70r, ‘Fortune contrent’, Ycac. Agnus I: Cape Town Grey 3.b.12, ff. 122v–123r, ‘Omnis laus’, Jsaac. tablature: Berlin 40026 (Kleber), ff. 49v–50v, ‘Lalahe in ut’ (= Benedictus), anon.

121 Vostre amour [= Christe from Missa Chargé de deuil], 3vv

Remarks  In margin: ‘Aliud’. Compère OO, v. 48–9.

Concordances  Bologna Q17, ff. 22 –23 , anon.; Copenhagen 1848, p. 132, anon.

Remarks  Baker, no. 34. r

120 Si jay parle aucunement, 3vv

v

Adam

119 Adieu comment joye y bon temps, 3vv

Remarks  Compère OO, v. 46–7.

Loysette compere

118 Reveille toy franc cuer, 3vv

Remarks  Pipelare OO, i. 6–7. ‘lare’ is notated DG.

Concordances  Munich 1502, no. 38, anon.; Munich 1516, no. 137, D: ff. 23v–24r/T: f. 21v/B: ff. 22v–23r, anon.; Ulm 237, no. 33, anon.

117 Mijn liefskins bruyn ooghen, 3vv

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Loysette compere

Alexander agrico[la] Loysette compere [Busnoys, Mureau]

181v

180v–181r

180r

r

Loysette compe[re] [Alexander Agricola] v

r

v

Remarks  A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 274–5.

Concordances  Florence 229, f. 135 , no text, Jacobus Barle

128 Het es al ghedaen, 3vv

Gathering XXIV (ff. 184–90): Watermarks W1, W1*

Remarks  NJE 27, no. 11; Fortuna desperata, ed. Meconi, no. 8.

127 Fortuna disperata, 3vv

ysaac [Barle]

Josquin du pres

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 28–9. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 44–6; Odhecaton, no. 82. ‘re’ is notated A.

v

182r

183r

182v

Concordances  Bologna Q16, ff. 13 –14 , ‘Jay bien et honore’, anon.; Florence 178, ff. 19 –20 , no text, Alexander; Florence 229, ff. 20v–21r, ‘J’ai beau huer’, anon.; Florence 2794, ff. 41v–42r, ‘Jay beau huer avant que bien avoir’, anon.; Turin I. 27, f. 19r, ‘Jay beau huer’, anon.; Verona 757, ff. 8v–9r, ‘Iai bian hauer amant’, anon.; Zwickau 78/3, no. 20, no text, Agricola; [Egenolff, Lieder] (c. 1535), III (S only), ‘Robert’, anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 89v–90r, ‘Jay bien haver’, Agricola

126 Jay bieau huwer (B ‘beau huer’)/Jay prijs amours, 3vv

Remarks  A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 109–10; Odhecaton, no. 8.

Concordances  Bologna Q17, ff. 37v–38r, ‘Je ne fais’, A busnois; Copenhagen 1848, p. 97, anon.; Florence 121, ff. 26v–27r, anon.; Florence 176, ff. 73v–75r, G. Murean; Florence 178, ff. 40v–41r, anon.; Florence 229, ff. 54v–55r, Antonius Busnoys; Florence 2356, f. 2v, incipit: ‘Jenaphai’, anon.; Florence 2794, ff. 50v–51r, anon.; Paris 2245, ff. 23v–24r, mureau; Paris 15123, ff. 177v–178r, anon.; Sankt Gallen 462, p. 85 = f. 39v, anon.; Seville/Paris, ff. 25v–26 (olim D1v–2r), anon.; Turin I. 27, f. 47r, ‘Au joly moys du may’, anon.; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 19v–20r, Gil Murieu. tablature: Berlin 40026 (Kleber), ff. 51r–52r, anon.; Paris 27, no. 7, ff. 16v–17r = no. 106, ff. 54r–54v, anon.; Spinacino L. I (1507), ff. 21r–23r, anon. 4vv version: Washington Wolffheim, ff. 90v–91r, 4vv (4th voice probably not added before the 20th century; cf. Fallows, Catalogue, 209), anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 10v–11r, 4vv (Ct altus: ‘Si placet’), anon.

125 Je ne fay plus, 3vv

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 82–3; De tous biens plaine, ed. Cyrus, no. 20. ‘la’ is notated D.

124 De tous biens playne, 3vv

Remarks  Compère OO, v. 60.

Concordances  Florence 117, f. 13v, anon.; Uppsala 76a, ff. 48v–49r, anon.

123 Vive el noble rey, 3vv

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scoen heyne [Hayne van Ghizeghem]

183v

v

v

r

Loysette compere [Tinctoris]

184r

Loysette compere

184v

Loysette compere

Loysette compere/Johannes Martinj

185v

185r

v

Remarks  A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 29–31.

Concordances  Florence 229, f. 13 , no text, Henricus Yzac

134 My my, 3vv

ysaac

Remarks  Compère OO, v. 20–1. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 485–7. 186r

Concordances  Bologna Q18, ff. 91v–92r, anon.; Copenhagen 1848, pp. 356–7, anon. = p. 449, anon.; Florence 178, ff. 18v–19r, anon.; Florence 229, ff. 225v–226r, Loyset Compere; Turin I. 27, f. 13r, ‘En attendant d’avoyr’, anon.; Uppsala 76a, ff. 1v–2r, anon.

133 En attendant, 3vv

Remarks  Compère OO, v. 66–7.

132 Cayfas [S]/Cayphas [Ct/T], 3vv

Remarks  Compère OO, v. 45–6.

Concordances  Bologna Q16, ff. 9v–10r, ‘Aime la plus bella’, anon.; Uppsala 76a, ff. 12v–13r, anon.; Washington Laborde, ff. 20v–21r, ‘Puis que si bien m’est advenu’, anon.

131 Puis que [= Aime le plus bella], 3vv

Remarks  Tinctoris OO, 130–1. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 460–2; Odhecaton, no. 52.

Concordances  Berlin 40098, no. 267, S: L8 /T: M4 /Ct: M9 , no text, anon. [letter ‘K’ refers neither to author nor text, but is part of an alphabetical ordering of textless compositions]; Florence 27, ff. 47v–48r, ‘Helas’, Tinctoris; Florence 229, ff. 214v–215r, ‘Hellas’, anon.; Seville/Paris, ff. 44v–45 (G8v–9r), ‘Helas le bon temps que i avois’, anon.; Zwickau 78/3, no. 21, no text, anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 57v–58r, ‘Helas’, Tinctoris

130 Elaes Abraham, [= Helas le bon temps], 3vv

Remarks  Ghizeghem OO, 5–7. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 629–32; Odhecaton, no. 9.

Concordances  Berlin 40098, no. 259, S: f. L4v/T: f. L12v/Ct: f. M5r, anon.; Bologna Q16, ff. 14v–15r, anon.; Florence 229, ff. 285v–286r, anon.; Florence 2794, ff. 21v–22r, anon.; Monte Cassino 871, ff. 152v–153r = pp. 382–3, anon.; Paris 15123, ff. 84v–85r, anon.; Perugia 431, ff. 85v–86r, anon.; Rome 2856, ff. 50v–51r, Haine; Seville/Paris = Paris 4379, ff. 17v–18r [earlier f. 10v–f. 11r], anon.; Trent 89, ff. 25v–26r, no text, Heyne; Uppsala 76a, ff. 11v–12r, anon.; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 107v–108r, anon.; Washington Laborde, ff. 93v–94r, anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 11v–12r, 4vv, Hayne. tablature: Paris 27, no. 105, ff. 53v–54r, anon.; Spinacino L. I (1507), no. 17, anon.

129 Amours amours, 3vv

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Scoen heyne [Hayne van Ghizeghem]

186v

r

Anthonius brumel [Isaac]

v

Jacobus hobrecht [Virgilius] v

r

187v–188r

187r

Alexander agricola

Johannes joye [ Japart, Josquin]

189r

188v

v

Johannes Martini

v

r

Loysette compere

Remarks  Compère OO, v. 12. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 278–9.

Concordances  Florence 229, ff. 137 –138 , ‘Seraige’, anon.

141 Beaulte damours, 3vv

Remarks  Martini, Secular Pieces, no. 12. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 300–1.

v

Concordances  Florence 229, f. 148 , no text, Jannes Martini; Rome 2856, f. 102 , ‘Fuge la morie’, Jo. Martini

140 Scoen kint, 3vv

Remarks  A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 91–3; Jean Japart, ed. Atlas, no. 21.

190r

189v

Concordances  Florence 178, ff. 32v–33r, ‘Nay bien no rise tans’, Josquin Despres; Florence 229, ff. 45v–46r, Jannes Japart; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 26v–27r, anon.

139 Jay bien nori, 3vv

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 97. A Florentine Chansonnier, 141–2.

Concordances  Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 15v–16r, anon.; Florence 178, f. 28v, anon.; Florence 229, f. 70v–71r, anon.

138 O venus bant, 3vv

Remarks  NOE 17, no. 28. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 638–42.

r

Concordances  2-voice version (s and t): Perugia 431, ff. 90 –91 , ‘Helas’, anon.; Turin I. 27, ff. 45 –46 , ‘Nech michi Nec tibi, Sed divi datur’, anon. 2 voices + added bass: Florence 229, ff. 288v–289r, no text, anon.; Speciálník, pp. 384–5, no text, anon.; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 62v–63r, Virgilius

137 Nec michi nec tibi, 3vv

Remarks  Brumel OO, vi. 87–8.

v

Concordances  Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 118 –119 , ‘Digan a les donzelles’, Ysach

136 Pour vostre amour [= Digan a les donzelles], 3vv

Remarks  Ghizeghem OO, 35–6.

Concordances  Paris 1597, ff. 22v–23r, anon.; Paris 2245, ff. 8v–9r, Hayne [note values halved, as in Segovia]; Washington Laborde, ff. 148v–149r, anon.

135 Penser en vous, 3vv

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ysaac [Rubinet]

190v

v

anon.

191r

v

r

Loysette compere

191v

Loysette compe[re] [Alexander Agricola]

192r

Alexander agricola [Pietrequin(?)]

ysaac

193v–194r

192v–193r

Alexander agricola

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 83–4; De tous biens plaine, ed. Cyrus, no. 21. ‘la’ is notated D.

148 De tous biens playne, 3vv

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 125–7. 194v–195r

Concordances  Seville/Paris, ff. 125v–127r (originally Q5v–7r), ‘Helas madame que feriage’, fragmentary attribution, probably ‘Pietrequin’

147 Elaes, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 35.

146 Gentile spiritus, 3vv

Remarks  A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 54–5.

Concordances  Cape Town Grey 3.b.12, f. 120v, ‘Benedic anima mea’, anon.; Florence 178, ff. 54v–55r, ‘Je ne puis haver’, Alexander; Florence 229, ff. 26v–27r, ‘Je nem puis’, anon.

145 Je ne puis plus, 3vv

Remarks  Compère OO, v. 27; Odhecaton, no. 58.

Concordances  Bologna Q18, ff. 90 –91 , ‘Garises moi’, anon.; Sankt Gallen 461, pp. 48–9, ‘Barises moy’, Compere; Turin I. 27, ff. 13v–14r, ‘Guerisses moy’, anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 63v–64r, ‘Garisses moy’, Compere; Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 53, no text, anon.

144 Garisse moy, 3vv

Remarks  A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 276–77. Baker (36–40 and index) claims that 143 is ascribed to Isaac in Segovia; however, there is no trace of this in the facsimile.

Concordances  Florence 229, f. 136 , no text, Jacobus Barle

143 Moyses, 3vv

Gathering XXV (ff. 191–8): Watermarks W4, W4*

Remarks  A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 214–15.

Concordances  Florence 229, ff. 108v–109r, ‘Pour mieulx valoir’, F. Rubinet; Washington Wolffheim, ff. 96v–97r, no text, anon.

142 Comt hier [= Pour mieulx valoir], 3vv

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Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 102–5.

195v–197r

r

r

v

ysaac [Martini]

197v–198r

ysaac

198v

Alexander agrico[la]

–

Remarks  NOE 16, no. 22. In margin: Duo.

153 Regina celi, 2vv

Jacobus hobrecht

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 106–7. In margin: Duo. In margin: Duo. ‘la’ is notated D.

152 Gaudeamus omnes in domino, 2vv, incomplete

missing folio

Gathering XXVI (ff. [199]200–205[206]): Watermark W3

200v

200r

199

Concordances  Modena α.F.9.9 (on pages now missing); Paris 676, ff. 85v–86r, 4vv; Perugia 431, ff. 46v–47r, ‘Morte che fai’, 4vv, anon.

151 Morte que fay, 3vv

Remarks  Martini, Secular Pieces, no. 22. A Florentine Chansonnier, ed. Brown, 26–9.

Concordances  Berlin 40098, no. 266, S: L8 /T: M4 /Ct M8 , no text, anon. [letter ‘J’ refers neither to author nor text, but is part of an alphabetical ordering of textless compositions]; Bologna Q16, ff. 78v–79r, ‘La martinella’, anon.; Florence 229, ff. 12v–13r, ‘Martinella’, Jannes Martini; Paris 15123, ff. 145v–147r, ‘La martinella’, anon.; Rome 2856, ff. 55v–57r, ‘La martinelle’, ‘Jo martini’; Seville/Paris, no. 5, f. 14v (olim B5v) anon. (S and fragmentary Ct only); Trent 89, no. 752, ff. 389v–390r, textless, ‘Johannes Martini T’; Trent 91, ff. 257v–258r, ‘la martinelle’, anon.; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 36v–38r, ‘Martinella’, Johannes Martini; Verona 757, ff. 17v–18r, no text, anon.; Warsaw 5892, ff. 57v–58r, ‘Ave spes et salus’, anon. = ff. 113v–114r, no text, anon.; Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 36, no text, anon. ( Jena copy: ‘La martinelle’). tablature: Basel F.IX.22, ff. 27v–30r, ‘Isacio compositore La martinella’

150 La Martinella, 3vv (unique new Ct)

–

Ferdinandus et frater eius [Alexander Agricola, Isaac]

Concordances  Amsterdam M6, Bifolio 2 (fol. 8), ‘Imno: Exultet [celum?] laudibus, 2.p., anon.; Berlin 40021, ff. 49v–51r, ‘Regali quem decet laude venerari’, anon.; Bologna Q17, ff. 12v–16r, ‘Cecus’; Leipzig 1494, ff. 171v–172r, ‘Gaude virgo singularis’ = 2.p. only, anon.; Munich 3154, ff. 70v–72r, ‘Gaudent in celis’, anon.; Sankt Gallen 462, pp. 132–5 (ff. 62v–64r), no text, Alexander; Sankt Gallen 530, ff. 12r–14v, ‘Diva parens Alexander Agricola’; Speciálník, pp. 198–201, ‘Ave ancilla trinitas’, ‘Isaac aureus’; Formschneider, TVC (1538), no. 27 ( Jena copy: ‘Alexander Agricola. Caecorum’). tablature: Gonzalo de Baena, Arte (1540) no. 35; Newsidler, Lautenbuch 1 (1536), g4v–h4v ‘Alexander agricola’; Newsidler, Lautenbuch 2 (1536), P2r–R4r, ‘Alexan. agricola’

149 Cecus non judicat de coloribus [T: valoribus], 3vv

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v

Roelkin

Jo. tinctoris

Alexander agrico[la]

Adam

v

Johannes tinctoris

Johannes tinctoris

Johannes tinctoris

204r

204r

203v

202v–203r

202r

201v

201r

Remarks  Baker, no. 42. In margin: Duo.

162 Fecit potentiam, 2vv

Remarks  Tinctoris OO, 138–40. In margin: Duo.

161 Tout a par moy, 2vv

Remarks  Tinctoris OO, 128–9. In margin: Duo.

anon.

Jo. tinctoris

205r

204v–205r

Concordances  Bologna A 71, p. 290; Perugia 1013, f. 82v, anon.; Tinctoris, Opera theoretica, 2: Liber de arte contrapuncti, II. xxi, with incipit ‘Alleluya’

160 No text, 2vv

Remarks  Tinctoris OO, 143. In margin: Duo.

Concordances  Bologna A 71, p. 297; Perugia 1013, f. 89 , no text, anon.

159 Dung aultre amer, 2vv

Remarks  Tinctoris OO, 137–8. In margin: Duo.

158 Le souvenir, 2vv

Remarks  In margin: Duo.

r

Concordances  Perugia 1013, f. 139 , no text, anon.; Warsaw 5892, f. 25 , anon.

157 De tous biens playne, 2vv

Remarks  Tinctoris OO, 141–2. In margin: Duo.

156 De tous biens playne, 2vv

Remarks  Agricola OO, v. 76–7. In margin: Duo.

155 Comme femme desconforte, 2vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 38. In margin: Duo.

154 De tous biens playne, 2vv

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Remarks  Tinctoris OO, 144–6. In margin: Duo.

missing folio

v

anon. [F. de la Torre]

–

Johannes tinctoris

207r

206

205v

anon. [Encina]

207v–208r

anon. [Encina]

r

anon. [Urrede] v

r

209r

208v

anon. [Gijon]

209v

Remarks  Text: Biblioteca de Palacio Ms. No. 617 (129), f. 165r, refrain only (see Fallows, Catalogue, 605 for 2 further sources).

Concordances  Palacio, ff. 29v–30r, gijon; Seville 7-1-28, f. 58v, Gijon

168 Al dolor de mi cuidado, 3vv

Remarks  Text: Biblioteca de Palacio Ms. No. 617(126), f. 164v, refrain only.

Concordances  3-voice version: Bologna Q17, f. 11 (S and T only), anon.; Bologna Q18, ff. 89 –90 , anon.; Florence 107bis, ff. 40v–41r (lost; according to index); Florence 176, ff. 91v–92r, anon.; Florence 178, ff. 37v–38r, anon.; Florence 2356, ff. 24v–25r, anon.; Palacio, ff. 1r–2v, Jo Urrede; Paris 15123, ff. 99v–100r, anon.; Seville 7-1-28, ff. 16v–17r, Jo. Urede; Vatican CG XIII.27, ff. 28v–29r, Enrique; Petrucci, Canti C (1504), ff. 21v–23r, anon. tablature: Capirola, no. 32, ff. 51v–53r; Spinacino L. I (1507), no. 19, ff. 33v–35r, ‘Nunquam fuit pena maior’, anon. first 4-voice version: Bologna Q16, ff. 119v–120r, 4vv, anon.; Oxford Ashmole 831, f. 261v (S and end of Ct only), anon.; Perugia 431, ff. 77v–78r, Jo Urede. second 4-voice version: Sankt Gallen 463, no. 161 (S and A only), anon.; Verona 757, ff. 57v–58r, no text, anon.; Petrucci, Odhecaton (1501), ff. 6v–7r, 4vv, anon.

167 Nunca fue pena mayor, 3vv

Remarks  Text: Biblioteca de Palacio MS No. 617, f. 163r, refrain only.

v

Concordances  Palacio, f. 20 , J. dell Enzina; Caneto, Frottole L. II (1516)

166 Pues que jamas olvidaros, 4vv

Concordances  – (composer identified through textual concordance in Juan del Encina, El Cancionero de todas las obras … (Salamanca, 1496))

165 Gran gasajo siento yo, 4vv

Remarks  Inscription on upper margin: ‘aquí comienzan las obras castellanas’. Text: MadP 617: Biblioteca de Palacio Ms. No. 617 (118), f. 163v, verses of refrain only, Cançion de costana.

Concordances  Palacio, f. 31 , 4vv, F. de la Torre

164 Justa fue mi perdicion, 3vv

Gathering XXVII (ff. 207–14): Watermarks W4, W4*

–

163 Comme femme, S only of 2vv, incomplete

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v

v

anon.

175 Al del hato ca los angeles, 3vv

anon.

anon.

Remarks  Baker, no. 48.

Concordances  according to index of Palacio, once on now missing f. 184

178 Amor quiso que os quisiesse, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 47. In margin: Aliud.

177 El descanso de vos ver, 3vv

Concordances  Palacio, f. 257v, J. dell Enzina

176 Ya no quiero tener fe señora, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 46.

Remarks  Baker, no. 45.

anon. [Encina]

anon.

174 Contento son que dolais dolor, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 44.

anon.

anon [F. de la Torre]

anon [F. de la Torre]

anon.

anon. [Encina]

173 Dezi flor rresplandeciente, 3vv

Concordances  Palacio, f. 32 , F de la Torre

172 Peligroso pensamiento, 3vv

Concordances  Palacio, f. 22v, F de la Torre

171 Damos gracias a ti dios, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 43. In margin: Aliud.

170 O que chapado plazer, 3vv

v

Concordances Elvas f. 94 , anon.; Palacio, f. 248 , J. Ensina

169 Romerico tu que vienes, 3vv

213r

212v

212v

212r

211v–212r

211v

211r

210v

210r

210r

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v

anon.

anon.

anon.

anon. [Encina]

v

anon.

anon.

anon. [Encina]

–

213v

216v–217r

216r

216r

215

214v

214r

214r

213v

Remarks  Text: Biblioteca de Palacio Ms. No. 617 (116), f. 163r, verses of refrain only, Cançion de Garçi Sanchez. Cancionero general, 1514.

Concordances  Monte Cassino 871 (lost; according to index); Palacio, ff. 16v–17r, 4vv (Ct later addition), anon.

186 Harto de tanta porfia, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 52. In margin: Aliud.

185 No text, 3vv

Concordances  Palacio, f. 211 , J. dell Enzina

184 Ya no quiero ser vaquero, 3vv

missing folio

Gathering XXVIII (ff. [215]216–22): Watermark W4

Remarks  Baker, no. 51.

Concordances  according to index of Palacio, once on now missing f. 178

183 Qual estavades anoche, 4vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 50. In margin: Aliud.

182 No cese hasta que os vi, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 49.

181 Mas los precio, 3vv

Remarks  In margin: Aliud.

Concordances  Palacio, f. 207 , J. dell Enzina

180 Ay triste que vengo, 3vv

–

anon. [Encina]

Remarks  Composer identified through textual concordance in Juan del Encina, El Cancionero de todas las obras … (Salamanca, 1496)

Concordances  none, but piece was once part of Palacio

179 Por muy dichoso se tenga, 3vv

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v

missing folios

Concordances  Palacio, f. 289 , F. de la Torre

v

r

anon.

anon. [Lagarto]

–

anon. [F. de la Torre]

anon.

194 Quanto mas lexos de ti, 4vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 57.

Remarks  Baker, no. 55.

anon.

missing folio

193 Como nos liebas amor, 3vv

–

Gathering XXIX (ff. [223]224–8): Watermarks W4, W4*

Remarks  Baker, no. 55. –

anon.

192 Nuevas nuevas por tu fe, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 54.

anon.

–

anon.

191 Nuevas nuevas de plazer, 3vv

missing folio

Remarks  Baker, no. 53.

190 O si vieras al mocuelo, 3vv

Remarks  Text: Biblioteca de Palacio Ms. No. 617, f. 164v, verses of refrain only (173, 173b) f. 180v, Villançico.

Concordances  Palacio, ff. 199v–200r, Lagarto; Seville 7-1-28, f. 53r, anon.

189 Andad pasiones andad, 3vv

–

r

217r

224r

224r

223

222v

222r

221

220v

220r

218r–219v

217v

Remarks  Text: Biblioteca de Palacio Ms. No. 617 (130), f. 165r, verses of refrain only, Cançion de Dom Pedro Manruq. Duq. de Nagera.

188 Adoramus te señor dios, 4vv

–

v

Concordances  Palacio, ff. 18 –19 , anon.; Seville 7-1-28, ff. 21 –22 , incomplete, anon.

187 Oyga tu merced, 3vv

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v

anon. [Encina]

anon.

Johannes vrede

anon. 226v–227r

226r

226r

225v

225v

225r

225r

224v

r

r

anon. r

Alonso de mondejar

228v

227v–228r

Remarks  For a (considerable) list of sources after 1550 and up to the 18th century with various other ascriptions, see Wagstaff, Music for the Dead, 138–9 (one of these includes another volume in Segovia, Archivo capitular de la Catedral MS 3, late 16th/early 17th centuries, where the composition is ascribed to ‘Cristobal de Morales’). The fragment is followed by several inscriptions and what seem to be fragments of mensural notation, probably for pedagogical purposes (see Fig. 1.10 above).

v

Concordances  Barcelona 454, ff. 68 and 73 , anon.; Tarazona 2/3, ff. 227 –228 Francisco de la Torre; Tarazona 5, ff. 87r–88r Sanabria; Toledo 21, ff. 121v–122r Francisco de la Torre

204 Ne rrecorderis (S only)

Remarks  Baker, no. 64.

203 Ave rex noster, 4vv

Remarks  Edited in Higinio Anglès, ‘El “Pange lingua” de Johannes de Urreda, maestro de capilla del Rey Fernando el Católico’, Anuario musical, 7 (1952), 193–200 at 199–200. Not identical with Urrede’s other and very popular setting, in Spanisches Hymnar um 1500, ed. Rudolf Gerber, Das Chorwerk, 60 (Wolfenbüttel: Möseler, 1957), 17–9.

202 Pange lingua, 4vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 63. In margin: Aliud.

201 Sobime a lo alto, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 62.

200 Vos partistes yo quedo, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 61. In margin: Aliud. anon.

anon.

199 Desdichado fue nacer, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 60.

anon.

anon.

198 Ve temor busca, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 59. In margin: Aliud.

197 Con temor y con plazer, 3vv

Concordances  Palacio, f. 240 , J. del Ensina; Cancionero de Upsala, no. 10, anon.

196 Para verme con ventura, 3vv

Remarks  Baker, no. 58.

195 Quedose do quedo yo, 3vv

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Bibliography Anglés, Higinio, ‘Un manuscrit inconnu avec polyphonie du XVe siècle conservé à la cathedrale de Ségovie (Espagne)’, Acta musicologica 8 (1936), 8–17 (corrected version in La música en la Corte de los Reyes Católicos, i: Polifonía religiosa, Monumentos de la Música Española, 1, 2nd edn. (Barcelona: CSIC, 1960), 106–12). Anglés, Higinio, La Música en la Corte de Carlos V. Con la transcripción del ‘Libro de Cifra Nueva para tecla, arpa y vihuela’, de Luys Venegas de Henestrosa (Alcalá de Henares, 1557) (Barcelona: CSIC, 1944; 2nd edn. 1984). Anglés, Higinio, La Música en la Corte de los Reyes Católicos, i, MME 1 (Madrid: CSIC, Instituto Diego Velázquez, 1941; 2nd edn., Barcelona: CSIC, 1960). Anglés, Higinio, La Música Española desde la Edad Media hasta Nuestros Días. Catálogo de la Exposición Histórica en conmemoración del primer centenario del maestro Felipe Pedrell (Barcelona: Diputación Provincial de Barcelona, 1941). Anglés, Higinio, ‘Die spanische Liedkunst im 15. und am Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts’, in Hermann Zenck (ed.), Festschrift Theodor Kroyer (Regensburg: G. Bosse, 1933), 62–8. Aram, Bethany, La reina Juana: Gobierno, piedad y dinastía (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2001). Baker, Norma Klein, ‘An Unnumbered Manuscript of Polyphony in the Archives of the Cathedral of Segovia: Its Provenance and History’, 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1978). Banks, Jon, The Instrumental Consort Repertory of the Late Fifteenth Century (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006). Banks, Jon, ‘Performing the Instrumental Music of the Segovia Codex’, EM 28 (1999), 294–309. Barbieri, Francisco, Biografías y documentos sobre música y músicos españoles (Legado Barbieri) (Madrid: Fundación Banco Exterior, 1988). Bernstein, Lawrence F., ‘French Duos in the First Half of the Sixteenth Century’, in John Walter Hill (ed.), Studies in Musicology in Honor of Otto E. Albrecht: A Collection of Essays by his Colleagues and Former Students at the University of Pennsylvania (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1980), 43–87.

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308

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Besseler, Heinrich, Bourdon und Fauxbourdon: Studien zum Ursprung der niederländischen Musik, 2nd edn., ed. Peter Gülke (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1974). Binchois, Gilles, The Sacred Music of Gilles Binchois, ed. Philip Kaye (Oxford and New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1992). Blackburn, Bonnie J., ‘How to Sin in Music: Doctor Navarrus on SixteenthCentury Singers’, in Melania Bucciarelli and Bertha Joncus (eds.), Music as Social and Cultural Practice: Essays in Honour of Reinhard Strohm (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2007), 86–102. Blackburn, Bonnie J., ‘Lorenzo de’ Medici, a Lost Isaac Manuscript, and the Venetian Ambassador’, in Irene Alm, Alyson McLamore, and Colleen Reardon (eds.), Musica Franca: Essays in Honor of Frank A. D’Accone (Stuyvesant, NY: Pendragon Press, 1996), 19–44; repr. in Composition, Printing, and Performance, article V. Blackburn, Bonnie J., ‘A Lost Guide to Tinctoris’s Teachings Recovered’, EMH 1 (1981), 29–116; , repr. in Composition, Printing and Performance, article I. Blackburn, Bonnie J., ‘The Lupus Problem’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1970). Blackburn, Bonnie J., ‘Masses Based on Popular Songs and Solmization Syllables’, Richard Sherr (ed.), The Josquin Companion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 51–87. Blackburn, Bonnie J., ‘Petrucci’s Venetian Editor: Petrus Castellanus and his Musical Garden’, MD 49 (1995), 15–45, repr. in Composition, Printing and Performance: Studies in Renaissance Music (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), article VI. Blackburn, Bonnie J., ‘The Sign of Petrucci’s Editor’, in Giulio Cattin and Patrizia Dalla Vecchia (eds.), Venezia 1501: Petrucci e la stampa musicale / Venice 1501: Petrucci, Music, Print and Publishing. Atti del Convegno internazionale Venezia – Palazzo Giustinian Lolin, 10–13 ottobre 2001 (Venice: Edizioni Fondazione Levi, 2005), 415–29. Blackburn, Bonnie J., ‘The Virgin in the Sun: Music and Image for a Prayer Attributed to Sixtus IV’, JRMA 124 (1999), 157–95. Blake, Jon Vincent, ‘“Libro de la cámara real del Príncipe don Juan e offiçios de su casa e serviçio ordinario” de Gonzálo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés – según el manuscrito autógrafo Escorial E.IV.8: Estudio, transcripción y notas’ (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1975). Boase, Roger, ‘“Justa fue mi perdición”: The Context, Authorship and Abiding Popularity of a Courtly Canción’, Revista de Cancioneros Impresos y Manuscritos 6 (2017), 26–39.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

309

Boorman, Stanley, ‘Petrucci’s Type-setters and the Process of Stemmatics’, in Ludwig Finscher (ed.), Formen und Probleme der Überlieferung mehrstimmiger Musik im Zeitalter Josquins Desprez, Wolfenbütteler Forschungen, 6 = Quellenstudien zur Musik der Renaissance, 1 (Munich: Kraus, 1981), 245–80. Briquet, Charles M., Les Filigranes: Dictionnaire historique des marques du papier dès leur apparition vers 1282 jusqu’en 1600, 4 vols. (Paris, 1907; repr. New York, NY: Hacker Art Books, 1985). Brom, Gisbert, Archivalia in Italia belangrijk voor de Geschiedenis van Nederland, 1, pt. 2: Rome. Vaticaansch Archief, tweede stuck (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1909). Brumel, Antoine, Opera omnia, ed. Barton Hudson, 6 vols., CMM 5 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1969–72). Camón Aznar, José, Sobre la muerte del Príncipe Don Juan (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1963). Cañas Gálvez, Francisco de Paula, ‘La música en la corte de Enrique IV (1454–1474): Una aproximación institucional y prosopográfica’, Revista de Musicología 29 (2006), 217–316. Cancionero de la Catedral de Segovia: Edición facsimilar del Códice de la Santa Iglesia Catedral de Segovia, ed. Ramón Perales de la Cal, F. Albertos, and Hilario Sanz y Sanz (Segovia: Caja de Ahorros y Monte de Piedad, D.L., 1977). Cancionero musical de la Catedral de Segovia, ed. Víctor de Lama de la Cruz ([Valladolid]: Junta de Castilla y León Consejería de Cultura y Turismo, 1994). Carreras, Juan José, ‘“Desde la venida de los Fenicios”: The National Construction of a Musical Past in 19th Century Spain’, Musica e storia 16 (2008), 65–78. Carreras, Juan José, ‘La formación de un musicólogo: Higini Anglès (1912– 1922)’, in Antonio Addamiano and Francesco Luisi (eds.), Atti del Congresso internazionale di Musica Sacra: In occasione del centenario di fondazione del PIMS: Roma, 26 maggio – 1 giugno 2011 (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2013), 33–44. Carreras, Juan José, ‘Hijos de Pedrell: La historiografía musical española y sus orígenes nacionalistas (1780–1980)’, Il Saggiatore musicale 8 (2001), 121–69. Carreras, Juan José, ‘Problemas de la historiografía musical: El caso de Higinio Anglés y el medievalismo’, in Andrea Bombi (ed.), Pasados presentes: Tradiciones historiográficas en la musicología europea (1870–1939) (Valencia: Publicaciones de la Universidad de Valencia, 2015), 19–52.

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Sánchez Díez, Carlos (ed.), Segovia en el Siglo XV: Arias Dávila. Obispo y Mecenas. Exposición conmemorativa del V Centenario (Segovia, 1997). Schriften des Arnold Heymerick, ed. Friedrich Wilhelm Dediger, Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde, 49 (Bonn: Peter Hanstein, 1939). Schwartz, Roberta Freund, ‘“En busca de liberalidad”: Music and Musicians in the Courts of the Spanish Nobility, 1470–1640’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2001). Schwindt, Nicole, Maximilians Lieder: Weltliche Musik in deutschen Landen um 1500 (Kassel: Bärenreiter and Stuttgart: Metzler, 2018). Severin, Dorothy S., ‘“Cancionero”: Un género mal nombrado’, Cultura neolatina 54 (1994), 95–105. Sherr, Richard, ‘Chronology of Josquin’s Life and Career’, in Richard Sherr (ed.), The Josquin Companion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 11–20. Sherr, Richard, Papal Music Manuscripts in the Late Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries, RMS 5 (Neuhausen-Stuttgart: Hänssler-Verlag and American Institute of Musicology, 1996). Sherr, Richard, ‘The Performance of Josquin’s L’homme armé Masses’, EM 19 (1991), 261–8. Smijers, Albert, ‘Twee onbekende Motetteksten van Jacob Hobrecht’, TVNM 16/2 (1941), 129–34. Soriano, Catherine, Los hechos del Condestable don Miguel Lucas de Iranzo: Estudio y edición, 2 vols. (Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 1993). Soriano Fuertes, Mariano, Historia de la música española: Desde la venida de los fenicios hasta el año de 1850, 4 vols. (Madrid: Martín y Salazar, 1855–9). Staehelin, Martin, Die Messen Heinrich Isaacs, iii: Studien zu Werk- und Satztechnik in den Messenkompositionen von Heinrich Isaac, Publikationen der Schweizerischen Musikforschenden Gesellschaft, ser. II, 28III (Bern and Stuttgart: Paul Haupt, 1977). Stevenson, Allan, ‘Paper as Bibliographical Evidence’, The Library, Ser. 5, 17 (1962), 197–212. Stevenson, Allan, ‘Watermarks Are Twins’, Studies in Bibliography 4 (1951), 57–91. Stevenson, Robert, Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1960). Strohm, Reinhard, Music in Medieval Bruges (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985). Subirá, José, La Música en la Casa de Alba: Estudios históricos y biográficos (Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, 1927).

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Tesoros bibliográficos de la Catedral de Segovia: Catálogo de la Exposición (Segovia: Colegio Universitario Domingo de Soto, 1986). Tinctoris, Johannes, Opera omnia, ed. William Melin, CMM 18 ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1976). Tinctoris, Johannes, Opera theoretica, 2, ed. Albert Seay ([Rome]: American Institute of Musicology, 1975). Tyson, Alan, Mozart: Studies of the Autograph Scores (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987). Urchueguía, Cristina, Die mehrstimmige Messe im “Goldenen Jahrhundert”: Überlieferung und Repertoirebildung in Quellen aus Spanien und Portugal (ca. 1490 – 1630), Würzburger musikhistorische Beiträge, 25 (Tutzing: Schneider, 2003). Valls i Subirá, O., Paper and Watermarks in Catalonia, Monumenta Chartae Papyracae Historiam Illustrantia, 12/1 (Amsterdam: Paper Publications Society, 1970). Valverde del Barrio, Cristino, Catálogo de incunables y libros raros de la Santa Iglesia Catedral de Segovia (Segovia: El Adelantado, 1930). Vincenet, The Collected Works of Vincenet, ed. Bertran E. Davis, RRMMAER 9–10 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, 1978). Wagstaff, George Grayson, ‘Music for the Dead: Polyphonic Settings of the “Officium” and “Missa pro defunctis” by Spanish and Latin American Composers before 1630’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, 1995). Weckerlin, Jean Baptiste, La Chanson populaire (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1886). Wegman, Rob C., Born for the Muses: The Life and Masses of Jacob Obrecht (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994). Weinmann, Karl, Johannes Tinctoris und sein unbekannter Traktat “De inventione et usu musicae”: Eine historisch-kritische Untersuchung (Regensburg: Schiele, 1917). Wesner, Amanda Zuckerman, ‘The Chansons of Loyset Compère: Authenticity and Stylistic Development’ (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1992). Whetnall, Jane, ‘Secular Song in Fifteenth-Century Spain’, in Tess Knighton (ed.), Companion to Music in the Age of the Catholic Monarchs (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 60–96. Wilson, Blake, ‘Heinrich Isaac among the Florentines’, JM 23 (2006), 97–152. Wilson, Blake, ‘Song Collections in Early Renaissance Florence: The “Cantasi come” Tradition and its Manuscript Sources’, Recercare 10 (1998), 69–104. Woodley, Ronald, ‘Tinctoris’s Italian Translation of the Golden Fleece Statutes: A Text and a (Possible) Context’, EMH 8 (1988), 173–205.

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Wright, Craig, ‘Antoine Brumel and Patronage in Paris’, in Iain Fenlon (ed.), Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Patronage, Sources and Texts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 37–60. Zalduondo, Gemma, et al. (eds.), Music and Francoism (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013). Zanovello, Giovanni, ‘“Master Arigo Ysach, Our Brother”: New Light on Isaac in Florence, 1502–17’, JM 25 (2008), 287–317. Zilverberg, Siegfried Boudewijn Johan, David van Bourgondië, bisschop van Terwaan en van Utrecht (c. 1427–1496) (Groningen: J. B. Wolters, 1951).

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Index of Compositions Compositions in the Segovia manuscript are listed in the spelling given there and include the number in the Inventory, the attribution (if any) in the original spelling, and alternative texts. Names in square brackets are taken from concordances. Figures and music examples are indicated with italics.

A qui diray je ma pensée (Compère)  106 Adieu comment joye y bon temps (no. 119; Adam)  189, 294 Adieu natverlic leuen mijn (no. 91; Petrus elinc)  188, 289 text 211 Adiu, adiu see Meiskin es u cutkin ru (no. 65) Adoramus te señor dios (no. 188; anon. [F. de la Torre])  89, 268, 304 Aime la plus bella see Puis que (no. 131) Aint long see Soyt loing ou pres (no. 87) Al del hato ca los angeles (no. 175; anon.)  89, 241, 267, 302 Al dolor de mi cuidado (no. 168; anon.; [Gijon])  89, 266, 301 Aleph. Quomodo obscuratum est (no. 74; anon.)  187, 286 Aleph. Vie Syon lugent (no. 75; anon.) 155, 156, 187, 286 Aletz regretz (no. 89; Scoen heyne [Hayne van Ghizeghem])  108, 109, 188, 289 attribution to Martin Agricola  123 Alleluia see textless duo (no. 160) Alleluya (no. 72; anon.)  187, 286 Alleluya Salve Virgo Mater Dey (no. 73; anon.)  187, 286

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Als al de weerelt in vruechden leeft (no. 61; Jacobus hobrecht)  187, 284 text 209 Amor quiso que os quisiesse (no. 178; anon.)  89, 267, 302 Amours amours (no. 129; scoen heyne [Hayne van Ghizeghem])  107, 108, 190, 296 Andad pasiones andad (no. 189; anon. [Lagarto])  89, 268, 304 Antiphona ad invocandum spiritum sanctum Veni sancte spiritus see Elaes (no. 113) Antón Gil, el rebelado (anon.)  258, 259 n. 78, 260 Au joly moys du may see Je ne fay plus (no. 125) Aun [Non] gusto del mal estraño (Cornago) 242 Ave ancilla trinitatis (no. 77; Anthonius brumel; = Ave Maria/Trium ad aequales)  105, 172, 188, 289 attribution to Mouton  121 texting  156, 158 see also Cecus non judicat de coloribus (no. 149)

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Ave crux spes unica (no. 114; Anthonius Brumel; = O crux ave spes unica)  132, 189, 293 text 160 Ave Maria (Mouton) see Ave ancilla trinitatis Ave Maria, gratia dei plena (Brumel)  105 n. 37, 172 n. 18 Ave Maria gratia plena ( Josquin)  217 Ave Maria … virgo serena (no. 17; Josquin du preß)  104, 108, 112, 277 texting 147–9 Ave Maria … virgo serena (no. 38; anon. [Loyset Compère])  133 Ave maris stella (no. 79; Jacobus hobrecht)  115, 172, 188, 287 Ave regina celorum (no. 25; ysaac)  224, 279 Ave rex noster (no. 203; Alonso de mondejar)  90, 96 n. 19, 164, 216, 305 texting 162–3 Ave sanctissima Maria (La Rue)  173 Ave sanctissima maria mater dey (no. 102; anon.)  172–3, 189, 290 Ave stella fulgida see Fortuna disperata (no. 110) Ave sydus clarissimum see Elaes (no. 43) Ave verum corpus Domini (no. 76; anon.)  157,187, 286 placed with Ave pieces  172 relation to Ave verum corpus natum (Peñalosa?) 286 texting 155, 156 Ay triste que vengo (no. 180; anon. [Encina])  89, 267, 303 Beaulte damours (no. 141; Loysette compere; = Seraige) 109, 190, 298

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Benedic anima mea see Je ne puis plus (no. 145) Benedicamus in laude Jesu (no. 21; Jacobus hobrecht)  115, 278 texting 151 Bergironette savoisienne (Bergerette savoye[n]ne) (no. 59; Josquin du preß; = Biageretta savoiana) 104, 110, 187, 284 Bergironette savosienne (no. 85; Loysette compere)  100 n. 31, 188, 288 Bien sea venido (anon.)  254 Bien vengades, los pastores (anon.)  253 Caecorum see Cecus non judicat de coloribus (no. 149) Carmen see Oblier suis (no. 83) Cayfas/Cayphas (no. 132; Loysette compere/Johannes Martinj)  125, 190, 296 Cecus non judicat de coloribus (no. 149; Ferdinandus et frater eius; = Imno: Exultet [celum?] laudibus/Regali quem decet laude venerari/Cecus/ Gaude virgo singularis/Gaudent in celis/Diva parens /Ave ancilla trinitas/Caecorum)  107, 191, 299 attribution to Isaac and Agricola 126 and blind players  92–3, 203 Charge de deul … Henrici Izac see Vostre amour (no. 121) Che nest pas jeu (no. 88; Scoen heyne [Hayne van Ghizeghem]; = Se ne pas jeulx/Se mieulx ne vient) 108, 123, 186, 288 attribution to Ockeghem  123 Christe si dedero (no. 104; Jacobus hobrecht)  105, 113, 173, 189, 291

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Comme femme (no. 163; Johannes tinctoris)  191, 221–2, 240, 301 Comme femme desconforte (no. 155; Alexander agrico[la])  191, 221–2, 300 Como nos liebas amor (no. 193; anon.)  90, 269, 304 Comt hier (no. 142; ysaac; = Pour mieulx valoir)  190, 298 attribution to Rubinet  102, 126 text 213 Con temor y con plazer (no. 197; anon.)  90, 269, 305 Conditor alme siderum (no. 100; Anxieta)  138 n. 27, 189, 290 Conditor alme siderum (no. 101; Marturia)  138 n. 27, 189, 290 Contento son que dolais dolor (no. 174; anon.)  89, 241, 266, 302 Crucifixus surrexit tertia die see O intemerata (no. 107) Cuius sacrata viscera (no. 96; Jacobus hobrecht)  115, 188, 279, 290 Damos gracias a ti dios (no. 171; anon. [F. de la Torre])  89, 266, 302 reference to capture of Granada  112 Dat ic mij lijden aldus helen moet (no. 80; Petrus elinc)  109, 188, 287 attribution to Jannes Agricola  122 text 210 De tous bien[s] plaine settings  133, 162 n. 20 De tous biens playne (no. 154; Adam)  134, 221, 300 De tous biens playne (no. 109; Alexander agricola)  110, 132, 179, 189, 292 attribution to Bourdon  124

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De tous biens playne (no. 124; Alexander agrico[la])  132, 190, 295 De tous biens playne (no. 148; Alexander agricola)  132, 191, 298 De tous biens playne (no. 156; Jo. tinctoris)  191, 221–2, 300 De tous biens playne (no. 157; Roelkin) 134 De tous bien playne/Et qui la dira (no. 115; ysaac)  189, 224, 229, 293 text 178 Den haghel ende die calde snee (no. 55; Jacobus hobrecht)  187, 284 text 208 Der newe pawir schwantcz see O intemerata (no. 107) Der ßeyden schwantcz see Elaes (no. 43) Des mayen lußt see Elaes (no. 43) Desdichado fue nacer (no. 199; anon.)  90, 269, 305 Dezi flor rresplandeciente (no. 173; anon.)  89, 266, 302 Difficiles alios (Tinctoris)  221 Digan a les donzelles (Isaac) see Pour vostre amour (no. 136) Diva parens see Cecus non judicat de coloribus (no. 149) Domine Jhesu Christe qui hora diei (no. 26; Johannes ancheta)  279 attribution to Peñalosa  127 Domine ne memineris (no. 28; Johannes ancheta)  127, 183 n. 57, 279 attribution to Peñalosa  97 texting 152 Domine non secundum peccata nostra (no. 24; Johannes ffarer)  138, 160, 279 texting 151

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Domine non secundum peccata nostra (no. 99; Johannes ancheta)  138, 183 n. 57, 189, 290 texting 160 Donna gentil see Elaes (no. 113) Dulcis conjugi bonum sit omen (Martin Agricola) see Aletz regretz (no. 89) Dung aultre amer (no. 82; Alexander agricola)  188, 287 Dung aultre amer (no. 159; Johannes tinctoris)  135, 191, 221–2, 300 Een vroylic wesen (no. 94; Jacobus barbiriau; = Frölich wesen/Een vraulic wesen/Quen dites vous/Ein frolic wesenth/Ein frölich wesen/ En frolyk wesen/Ain frölich wesen/ Ein frolich wesen/Eyn vroelich wesen/Se une fois avant/Een frölic wesen)  110, 177, 180, 188, 290 attribution to Isaac and Obrecht 123 text 212 El descanso de vos ver (no. 177; anon.)  89, 267, 302 Elaes (no. 43; Caron; = Helas que pour[a] devenir/Helas[so]/Hellas mon cueur/Helas mamour/Des mayen lußt/Der ßeyden schwantcz/Ave sydus clarissimum/Myt treuen herzen)  107, 109, 174, 186, 282 Elaes (no. 113; ysaac; = La mor[r]a/ Antiphona ad invocandum spiritum sanctum Veni sancte spiritus/ La morra; Donna gentile/Donna gentil)  109, 178–9, 189, 293 Elaes (no. 116; ysaac; = Hel[l]as/Helas que devera mon cuer/Helas je suis mary)  110, 189, 293

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Elaes (no. 147; Alexander agricola; = Helas madame que feraige)  169 n. 10, 191, 298 attribution to Pietrequin  126 Elaes Abraham (no. 130; Loysette compere; = Hel[l]as/Helas le bon temps que i avois)  107, 109, 190, 296 attribution to Tinctoris  125 Elend du hast (anon.)  242–4 En attendant (no. 133; Loysette compere; = En attendant d’avoyr)  109, 190, 296 Et qui luy dira see De tous bien playne (no. 115) Exortum est in tenebris (no. 22; Matheus pipe[lare])  110, 278 attribution to La Rue  121 texting 149 Fecit potentiam (no. 161; anon.)  134, 221 Fecit potentiam (no. 162; anon.)  134, 191, 221, 300 Fors seulement (La Rue) see Exortum est (no. 22) Fortuna disperata settings  92 n. 4, 133, 167 n. 1, 174, 179–82, 224 Fortuna disperata (no. 44; ysaac)  101, 108, 179, 186, 282 attribution to Martini  122 Fortuna disperata (no. 110; Anthonius busnoys = Fortuna de[s]perata/O panis vite venerande/Poi che t[e] hebi nel core/Virginis alme parens/ Ave stella fulgida/Fortuna desperata quae te dementia cepit/Fortune esperee)  96, 98, 107, 108, 124, 132, 165, 166, 174, 179–82, 189, 196, 224, 292

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INDEX OF COMPOSITIONS

attributions to Agricola, Buchner, and Martini 292 attribution to Felice  124 readings 179–82 spelling 165, 166 text 180–2 Fortuna disperata (no. 127; Josquin du pres)  125, 179, 190, 295 Fortuna disperata/Sancte Petre/Ora pro nobis (no. 46; ysaac)  102, 122, 179, 186, 224, 282 Fortuna vincineta (no. 40; anon.)  178, 186, 281 relation to Vincinet’s Fortune, par ta cruaultè 281 Fortune par ta cruaulté (Vincenet)  174, 178, 281 Fuge la morie see Scoen kint (no. 140) Garisse moy (no. 144; Loysette compere; = Garises moi/Barises moy/Guerisses moy/Garisses moy)  110, 165, 190, 298 Gaude virgo mater Christi ( Josquin)  218 n. 8 Gaude virgo singularis see Cecus non judicat de coloribus (no. 149) Gaudeamus omnes in domino (no. 152; Alexander agrico[la])  191, 221, 299 Gaudent in celis see Cecus non judicat de coloribus (no. 149) Gentile spiritus (no. 146; ysaac)  169 n. 8, 191, 224, 298 texting 160, 161, 162 Gracias refero tibi domine ihesu christe (no. 97; ysaac)  188, 224, 290 Gran gasajo siento yo (no. 165; anon. [Encina]) 89, 239, 259, 301 choirbook format  238, 239, 240–1

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Haec deum caeli (Obrecht)  116 Harto de tanta porfia (no. 186; anon.)  89, 268, 303 Helas see Nec michi nec tibi (no. 137) Helas je suis mary see Elaes (no. 116) Helas le bon temps (Compère) see laes Abraham (no. 130) Helas le bon temps que i avois see Elaes Abraham (no. 130) Helas madame (Agricola) see Elaes (no. 147) Helas madame (Pietrequin) see Elaes (no. 147) Helas madame que feriage see Elaes (no. 147) Helas mamour see Elaes (no. 43) Helas que devera mon cuer see Elaes (no. 116) Helas que pour[a] devenir see Elaes (no. 43) Helas que pourra (Caron)  174 Hellas mon cueur see Elaes (no. 43) Het es al ghedaen (no. 128; ysaac)  102, 109, 190, 295 attribution to Barle  125 text 213 Hoert hier myn lieve(r) gheselle (no. 108; Petrus elinc)  179, 189, 192 text 213 Ic draghe de mutse clutse (no. 62; Jacobus hobrecht)  187, 284 text 209 Ic hoerde de clocskins luden (no. 60; Jacobus hobrecht)  187, 284 text 208 Ic weinsche alle scoene vrauwen eere (no. 64; Jacobus hobrecht; = Ich wünsch allen frauen ehr/Ich wünsch alln frawn ehr durch)  187, 285

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attribution to Stoltzer  122 text 210 Ich wünsch alln frawn ehr (Stoltzer) see Ic weinsche alle scoene vrauwen eere (no. 64) Imperatrix reginarum (no. 70; anon.)  187, 286 texting 153, 154 In hebbe gheen ghelt in mijn bewelt (no. 63; Jacobus hobrecht)  187, 285 text 209 In minen zin (no. 81; Alexander agricola; = Mijns herten troest/Nolite sanctum dare/Le second jour d’avril/In meynem sinn/In minen sin/Sy j’ayme mon amy/Le segond jour d’avril)  108, 188, 287 text 211 In pace in id ipsum (no. 105; Josquin du preß; = Que vous madame/In pace in idipsum)  104, 108, 173, 189, 291 attribution to Agricola  123 Inter preclarissimas virtutes (no. 15; Jacobus hobrecht)  277 and autobiography  193 dedicatee 114–15 errors in text  145 text 146–7 Jamays (no. 122; Anthonius brumel)  98 n. 25, 189, 294 attribution to Isaac  124 changed attribution in Segovia  294 Jay bieau huwer/Jay prijs amours (no. 126; Loysette compe[re]; = Jay b[i] eau hu[w]er/Jay prijs amours/Jay bien et honore/J’ai beau huer/Jay beau huer avant que bien avoir/Iai bian hauer amant/Robert/Jay bien haver)  108, 125, 165, 190, 295

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attribution to Agricola  125 Jay bien et honore see Jay prijs amours (no. 126) Jay bien nori (no. 139; Johannes joye; = Nay bien no rise tans)  109, 178 n. 36, 190, 297 attribution to Josquin and Japart  126 Jay pri[j]s amours settings 174 Jay prijs amours (no. 39; Johannes Martini)  110, 165, 178 n. 36, 186, 281 attribution to Busnoys  122 texting 164 Jay prijs amours (Compère) see Jay bieau huwe/Jay prijs amours (no. 126) Jay pris amours (no. 47; anon.)  174, 178 n. 36, 186, 283 Je nay deul/Je ne demande (no. 42; alexander agricola)  174, 178 n. 36, 186, 282 Je ne demande (no. 41; Anthonius busnoys)  98 n. 25, 108, 109, 174, 186, 281 Je ne fay plus (no. 125; Loysette compere; = Je ne fais/Jenaphai/Au joly moys du may)  109, 190, 295 attribution to Agricola  126 attribution to Busnoys and Mureau 124 Je ne puis plus (no. 145; Loysette compe[re]; = Benedic anima mea/ Je ne puis haver/Je nem puis) 108, 110, 126, 191, 298 attribution to Agricola  298 Je suis d’Allemagne (anon.)  229 Justa fue mi perdicion (no. 164; anon. [F. de la Torre])  69, 89, 266, 301 later addition  240–1 poem  69, 240 Juste judex Jhesu Christe (no. 35; anon.) 280

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Kyrie eleyson … Qui expansis (no. 29; anon.) 279 texting 152 Kyrie eleyson … Qui passurus (no. 32; anon.) 279 texting 152 La Martinella (no. 150; ysaac [Martini]; = Martinella/La martinelle/Ave spes et salus Isacio compositore La martinella)  101, 107, 110, 127, 132, 179, 191, 299 La mor[r]a see Elaes (no. 113) La stangetta see Ortus de celo flos est (no. 106) Lacen adieu wel zoete partye (no. 53; Jacobus hobrecht; = Largire nunc mitissime)  107, 186, 283 text 207 Laet u ghenoughen liever Johan (no. 49; Jacobus hobrecht)  186, 283 text 206 Lamentations, texting of  155, 156 Largire nunc mitissime see Lacen adieu wel zoete partye (no. 53) Le second jour d’avril see In minen zin (no. 81) Le souvenir settings  115 n. 47, 174 Le souvenir (no. 45; Johannes tinctoris, 4 vv)  115 n. 47, 174, 186, 282 Le souvenir (no. 158; Johannes tinctoris, 2 vv)  115 n. 47, 191, 221, 222, 223, 300 Le souvenir de vous me tue (Morton)  115 n. 47 Lealtat, o lealtat (anon.)  244–5, 246, 247, 262 Madamme helas et que serrace [Elend du hast] (anon.)  242, 243, 244

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Magnificat (Obrecht)  116 (Magnificat) Anima mea Dominum (no. 67; Anthonius Brumel)  187, 285 (Magnificat), Et exultavit (no. 14; Josquin dupres)  120, 277 (Magnificat), Et exultavit (no. 68; Johannes anxeta)  116, 187, 286 (Magnificat quarti toni) Et exultavit (no. 13; Alr. Agricola)  110, 120, 277 attribution to Brumel  277 Martinella see La Martinella (no. 150) Mas los precio (no. 181; anon.)  89, 267, 303 Mater patris et filia (no. 78; Anthonius brumel)  105, 110, 121, 172, 188, 287 attribution to Spinacino and Henricus Brumel 121 texting 158–60 Maule met see Wat willen wij metten budel spelen, ons ghelt es uut (no. 50) Meiskin es u cutkin ru (no. 65; Jacobus hobrecht; = Meskin/Adiu, adiu/ Meskin es hu)  187, 285 initial  195 n. c text 210 Memento mei domine see Vostre amour (no. 121) Mente tota ( Josquin)  216 n. 4, 217 Mijn alder liefste moeselkin (no. 95; Alexander agrico[la])  188, 212, 290 text 212 Mijn liefskins bruyn ooghen (no. 117; Pipe[lare])  189, 196, 294 text 213 Mijns herten troest see In minen zin (no. 81) Mille quingentis (no. 16; Jacobus hobrecht)  112, 115, 277

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autobiography 193 as Requiem aeternam 114 texting  147, 164 Missa (sine nomine) (no. 9; Matheus pipe[lare])  137 n. 25, 275, 276 texting 145, 146, 193 Missa (sine nomine) (no. 66; alexander agricola)  55, 111, 187, 285 conflicting attribution to Aulen  99, 120 position in Segovia  58 n. 24 texting 145 Missa [Adieu mes amours] (no. 5; Jacobus hobrecht)  61, 62, 113, 114, 136, 274 [Missa de Beata Virgine] (no. 10; Johannes anxeta/Jo. ancheta)  276 Missa Fortuna disperata (no. 7; Jacobus hobrecht)  62, 63, 109, 113, 181, 274, 275 canons 137 proportions 137 Missa Fortuna disperata (attr. La Rue)  182 n. 54 Missa Fortuna disperata (Periquin = Pierrequin de Therache)  182 n. 54 Missa Intemerata Virgo (Hellinck)  215–16 Missa [L’homme armé sexti toni, 2nd version] (no. 3; Josquin dupres)  103, 103 n. 33, 104, 110, 136, 136 n. 20, 137 n. 25, 137 n. 26, 138, 273 text underlay  145 transmission 220 Missa Libenter gloriabor (no. 4; Jacobus hobrecht)  137 n. 24, 273, 274 canon 114 dating 113 texting 164

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Missa [Quant j’ay au cor] (no. 8; ysaac)  62, 63, 103, 107, 136, 136 n. 20, 137 n. 25, 275 enigmatic canons  137 watermark  58–9 n. 24 Missa Rose playsante (no. 6; Jacobus hobrecht)  113, 114, 137 n. 24, 274 position in Segovia  61–3 segmentation of tenor  136 Missa Sarge de Doglia see Vostre amour (no. 121) Missa [Wol auff gesell von hynnen] (nos. 1–2 [Isaac])  99, 103, 109, 137 n. 23, 272 placement in Segovia  91 version in Segovia  99 Moet mij lacen u vriendelic schiin (no. 92; Jacobus hobrecht)  188, 212, 289 text 212 Mon pere ma done mari (no. 58; loysette compere; = Mon père m’a donné mari)  187, 284 Mon souvenir (no. 90; scoen heyne [Hayne van Ghizeghem]; = Mon souvenir mi fait morir/Mon souvenir my fait mourir/Mon souvenir me fait mo[u]rir/Mon souvenir me fait languir)  108, 188, 289 Morkin ic hebbe ter scolen gheleghen (no. 48; Matheus pipe[lare])  186, 193–4, 206, 283 text 206 Morte que fay (no. 151; ysaac; = Morte che fai)  95, 102, 107, 127, 182 n. 55, 191, 225, 299 texting 179 Moyses (no. 143; anon. [Barle])  109, 190, 298 My my (no. 134; ysaac)  109, 190, 296 Myt treuen herzen see Elaes (no. 43)

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INDEX OF COMPOSITIONS

Nay bien no rise tans see Jay bien nori (no. 139) Ne rrecorderis (no. 204; anon. [F. de la Torre])  69, 90, 97 n. 20, 216, 305 texting 164 Nec michi nec tibi (no. 137; Jacobus hobrecht; = Helas/Nech michi Nec tibi, Sed divi datur)  98, 107, 109, 112, 190, 297 attribution to Virgilius  125 No cese hasta que os vi (no. 182; anon.)  89, 267, 303 Nolite sanctum dare see In minen zin (no. 81) [Non] gusto del mal estraño see Aun gusto del mal estraño Non solvyda nin despyde memoria (anon.)  251 Nuevas nuevas de alegría (anon.)  253–4, 252 Nuevas nuevas de plazer (no. 191; anon.)  89, 255–6, 269, 304 Nuevas nuevas por tu fe (no. 192; anon.)  89, 252, 255–6, 269, 304 Nunca fue pena mayor (no. 167; anon. [Urrede]; = Nunquam fuit pena maior)  89, 97 n. 20, 110, 129, 266, 301 O bone Jhesu illumina oculos (no. 33; Johannes ancheta)  280 attribution to Peñalosa, Ribera, and Compère 127 conflicting attributions  97 texting 152–3 O crux ave spes unica (no. 31; anon.) 279 texting 152

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331

O crux ave spes unica (Brumel) texting 160 O intemerata (no. 107; Johannes Martini; = Der newe pawir schwantcz/ Crucifixus surrexit tertia die) 107, 109, 189, 292 O intemerata virgo (no. 18; Josquin du preß)  104, 278 texting 149–50 transmission 216–20 variants 217–19 O Maria ( Josquin)  216 n. 4 O panis vite venerande see Fortuna disperata (no. 110) O que chapado plazer (no. 170; anon.)  89, 266, 302 O si vieras al mocuelo (no. 190; anon.)  89, 268, 304 O venus bant (no. 111; Alexander agricola)  108, 179–80, 189, 293 O venus bant (no. 138; Alexander agricola)  109, 190, 297 O waerde mont (anon.)  177 Oblier suis (no. 83; Alexander agricola; = Oublier veul/Ublier veuil tristiesse/Oublier veult douleur/ Oblier/Oblier veult tristesse/ Carmen)  110, 188, 288 Omnis spiritus laudet dominum (no. 20; Jacobus hobrecht)  116, 278 texting 151 Ora pro nobis ( Josquin)  216 n. 4 Ora pro nobis see also Fortuna disperata (no. 46) Ortus de celo flos est (no. 106; ysaac; = La stangetta)  101, 110, 124, 178, 291 attribution to Weerbecke and Obrecht 124

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332

INDEX OF COMPOSITIONS

Osanna salvifica tuum plasma (no. 71; anon.)  187, 286 texting  153–5, 164 Oyga tu merced (no. 187; anon.)  89, 268, 304 Pange lingua (no. 202; Johannes vrede)  65, 90, 132, 138 n. 27, 166, 305 scribe 199 texting 162, 163 Para verme con ventura (no. 196; anon. [Encina])  90, 269, 305 Passio (Obrecht)  116 n. 48 Peligroso pensamiento (no. 172; anon. [F. de la Torre])  89, 266, 302 Penser en vous (no. 135; Scoen heyne [Hayne van Ghizeghem])  107, 190, 297 Poi che t[e] hebi nel core see Fortuna disperata (no. 110) Por muy dichoso se tenga (no. 179; anon. [Encina])  89, 267, 303 Pour mieulx valoir see Comt hier (no. 142) Pour vostre amour (no. 136; Anthonius brumel [Isaac]; = Digan a les donzelles)  107, 125, 190, 297 attribution to Isaac  125 Precantibus see Wat willen wij metten budel spelen, ons ghelt es uut (no. 50) Princesse de toute beaulte (no. 112; Alr. agricola)  189, 293 Prophetarum maxime (Isaac)  95, 225 Pues que jamas olvidaros (no. 166; anon. [Encina])  89, 240 n. 27, 301 Puis que (no. 131; Loysette compère; = Aime la plus bella/Puis que si bien m’est advenu)  107, 190, 296

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Qual estavades anoche (no. 183; anon.)  89, 267, 303 Quanto mas lexos de ti (no. 194; anon.)  90, 269, 304 ¡Que hu que ha! (Escobar) 259 Que vous madame see In pace in idipsum (no. 105) Quedose do quedo yo (no. 195; anon.)  90, 269, 305 Quen dites vous see Een vroylic wesen (no. 94) Quis dabit capiti meo aquam (Isaac) 225 Quod chorus vatum (Heinrich Finck)  116 n. 48 Re mi fa sol mi see Wat willen wij metten budel spelen, ons ghelt es uut (no. 50) Regali quem decet laude venerari see Cecus non judicat de coloribus (no. 149) Regina celi (no. 153; Jacobus hobrecht)  115, 134–5, 191, 221, 299 Reveille toy franc cuer (no. 118; Loysette compere)  189, 294 Robert see Jay prijs amours (no. 126) Romerico tu que vienes (no. 169; anon. [Encina])  89, 266, 302 Saat ein miskin uas iunck see Tsat een cleen meiskin al up een bloxkin (no. 51) Salve Regina (no. 11; ysaac)  109, 276 (Salve regina), Vita dulcedo (no. 12; Jacobus hobrecht)  276 Salve sancta facies nostri redemptoris (no. 69; anon.)  187, 286 Salve virgo sanctissima (no. 19; ysaac)  5, 102, 110, 120, 227

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INDEX OF COMPOSITIONS

authenticity  95, 223–6 connection with David of Burgundy  226, 228–30 texting 150 Salve virgo virginum (Aulen)  120 Sancta Dei genitrix ( Josquin)  216 n. 4 Sancta Maria ora pro nobis (no. 98; anon.)  107, 116, 188, 290 Sancte Michael, ora pro nobis (no. 38; [Compère])  186, 281 Sancte Petre see Fortuna disperata (no. 46) Scoen kint (no. 140; Johannes Martini; = Fuge la morie)  108, 109, 179 n. 39, 190, 297 text 213 Se mieulx ne vient see Che nest pas jeu (no. 88) Se une fois avant see Een vroylic wesen (no. 94) Seraige see Beaulte d’amours (no. 141) Si dedero (no. 103; Alexander agrico[la]; = Sydedero/Se dedero)  108, 123, 189, 291 attribution to Obrecht, Isaac, and Verbonnet 123 Si jay parle aucunement (no. 120; Loysette compere)  189, 294 Sobime a lo alto (no. 201; anon.)  90, 269, 305 Soyt loing ou pres (no. 87; Alexander agricola; = Aint long)  108, 188, 288 Sullen wij langhe in drucke moeten leven (no. 37; Jacobus hobrecht)  186, 280 text 205 Sy j’ayme mon amy see In minen zin (no. 81)

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333

Tandernaken al up den Rijn (no. 86; Alexander agricola)  188, 288 text 211 Te Dominum confitemur (no. 34; anon.) relation to Binchois  280 texting 164 textless (no. 107; Johannes Martini)  178, 292 textless (no. 160; Johannes tinctoris; = Alleluia)  107, 134, 191, 221, 300 textless (no. 185; anon.)  303 Tmeiskin was jonc wel van passe (no. 36; Jacobus hobrecht)  109, 186, 280 attribution to Japart and Isaac 121 text 205 Tout a par moy (no. 161; Jo. tinctoris)  93, 191, 221–2, 300 Trium ad aequales see Ave ancilla trinitas (no. 77) Tsat een cleen meiskin al up een bloxskin (no. 51; Jacobus hobrecht; = Saat ein miskin uas iunck)  186, 283 text 206 … tu Pedruelo ( Juan de Valera)  258, 259 n. 78 Ublier veuil tristiesse see Oblier suis (no. 83) Va uilment see Wat willen wij metten budel spelen ons ghelt es uut (no. 50) Ve temor busca (no. 198; anon.)  90, 269, 305 Veci la dancha barberi (no. 56; loysette compere)  110, 187, 284 attribution to Vaqueras  122 Veiid end meitt see Vrucht ende moet es gar da hin (no. 84)

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INDEX OF COMPOSITIONS

Veni Sancte Spiritus/Veni Creator Spiritus (no. 30; anon. [Alonso d’Alva])  97 n. 20, 138 n. 27, 279 Verlanghen ghij doet mijnder herten pijn (no. 93; Petrus elinc)  188, 289 text 212 Virginis alme parens see Fortuna disperata (no. 110) Virgo et mater (no. 27; Johannes ancheta) 279 Viva el gran Re don Fernando (anon.) 247–8, 249, 250, 262 Vive el noble rey (no. 123; Loysette compère)  65 n. 31, 110, 176 n. 32, 189, 295 as a contrafact  106 dating and occasion  176 occasion for which written  105–6 texting 165 possible textual revision  176 Vos partistes yo quedo (no. 200; anon.)  90, 269, 305 Vostre amour (no. 121; ysaac; = Memento mei domine/Christe of Missa Sarge de Doglia/Missa Sergies de Deul/ Charge de deul)  121 n. c, 189, 294 Vrucht ende moet es gar da hin (no. 84; Roelkin; = Veiid end meitt) 109, 188, 288

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text 211 Vultum tuum deprecabuntur ( Josquin)  102, 104, 149, 215 transmission 216–20 Waer sij dij han/Wie roupt ons daer (no. 52; Jacobus hobrecht)  186, 207, 283 text 207 Wat willen wij metten budel spelen, ons ghelt es uut (no. 50; Jacobus hobrecht; = Re mi fa sol mi/ Precantibus/Maule met/Va uilment)  110, 186, 206, 283 text 206 Weet ghij wat mijnder jonghen herten deert (no. 57; Jacobus hobrecht)  187, 284 text 208 Ya no quiero ser vaquero (no. 184; anon. [Encina])  89, 268, 303 Ya no quiero tener fe señora (no. 176; anon. [Encina])  89, 241, 267, 302 Zart Reyne vrucht (no. 54; Roelkin)  187, 283 text 207

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General Index Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations.

Adam  134 n. 13, 203, 223 see also Index of Compositions: Adieu comment joye y bon temps (no. 119); De tous biens plaine (no. 154) Adler, Guido  18 Agricola, Alexander  51, 99 attributions in Segovia MS  91–2 spurious and dubious attributions  101, 112 corrected attribution to Pipelare  87 duos 223 see also Index of Compositions: Cecus non judicat de coloribus (no. 149; Ferdinandus et frater eius); Comme femme desconfortee (no. 155); De tous biens playne, 3 vv. (no. 109); De tous biens playne, 3 vv. (no. 124); De tous biens playne, 3 vv. (no. 148); D’ung aultre amer (no. 82); Elaes (no. 147; = Helas madame que feraige); Fortuna disperata (no. 110; Busnoys); Gaudeamus omnes in Domino (no. 152); Helas madame que feriage see Elaes (no. 147); In minen zin (no. 81); In pace in idipsum (no. 105; Josquin); Jay bieau huwer/Jay prijs amours (no. 126; Compère); Je nay deul/Je ne demande (no. 42); Je ne fais plus

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(no. 125; Compère); Je ne puis plus (no. 145; Compère); (Magnificat quarti toni) (no. 13); Mijn alder liefste moeselkin (no. 95); Missa (sine nomine) (no. 66); O venus bant, 3 vv (no. 111); O venus bant, 3 vv (no. 138); Oblier suis (no. 83); Pour vostre amour (no. 136); Princesse de toute beaulte (no. 112); Si dedero (no. 103); Soyt loing ou pres (no. 87); Tandernaken al up den Rijn (no. 86) Agricola, Jannes see Index of Compositions: Dat ic mij lijden aldus helen moet (no. 80; Elinc) Agricola, Martin see Index of Compositions: Dulcis conjugi bonum sit omen see Aletz regretz (no. 89; Hayne van Ghizeghem) Alba, Duke of  48 n. 20 Alexander VI, Pope  225, 247 Alfonso de Palencia  248 Alva, Alonso d’  97 n. 20 see also Index of Compositions: Veni Sancte Spiritus/Veni Creator Spiritus (no. 30; anon.) Anchieta, Juan de  39 nn. 4–5, 96, 129, 135, 232 association with Segovia MS  138, 233

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GENERAL INDEX

chapelmaster of Prince Juan  140, 142 mass sections in Segovia MS  20 and royal court  143 spelling of name  165 spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 see also Index of Compositions: Conditor alme siderum (no. 100); Domine Jhesu Christe qui hora diei (no. 26); Domine ne memineris (no. 28); Domine non secundum peccata nostra (no. 99); (Magnificat) (no. 68; [Missa de Beata Virgine] (no. 10); O bone Jhesu illumina oculos (no. 33); Virgo et mater (no. 27) Anglés, Higinio  233–4 attitude to Castilian music  12–21 career  9, 14–21 and the Segovia MS  2–3, 8–20, 20, 21 Arias Dávila, Bishop Juan  2–3, 25, 27–35 books given to Cathedral  31 musical interests  34–5 Arias Dávila, Diego  29–30 books given to Cathedral  31 Arias Dávila, Pedro (Pedrarias Dávila) 34–5 musical interests  34–5 Aulen, Johannes see Index of Compositions: Missa (sine nomine) (no. 66 Agricola); Salve virgo virginum Baker, Norma Klein  3, 7, 33, 46, 169–70, 224, 234 on Segovia attributions  96 on Segovia scribe  198–9

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on watermarks and copyists  39, 63–4 Barbireau, Jacob spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 see also Index of Compositions: Een vroylic wesen (no. 94) Barle, Jacobus see Index of Compositions: Het es al ghedaen (no. 128; Isaac); Moyses (no. 143; anon.) Besseler, Heinrich  197 Binchois, Gilles see Index of Compositions: Te Dominum confitemur (no. 34; anon.) Blackburn, Bonnie J.  93–5, 173 Blideman, Pasquier  229 n. 37 Bonnel, Pietrequin  225 n. 30 book printing in Spain  27–32 Boorman, Stanley  219 Bourdon, Petrus see Index of Compositions: De tous biens playne (no. 109; Agricola) Bruges  93, 114 Bruhier, Antoine  226 n. 34 Brumel, Antoine Magnificats  59 n. 24 spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 see also Index of Compositions: Ave ancilla trinitatis (no. 77); Ave crux spes unica (no. 114); Ave Maria, gratia plena; Jamays (no. 122); (Magnificat) (no. 13; Agricola); (Magnificat) (no. 67); Mater patris et filia (no. 78); O crux ave spes unica; Pour vostre amour (no. 136) Brumel, Henricus see Index of Compositions: Mater patris et filia (no. 78; Brumel)

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GENERAL INDEX

Busnoys, Antoine spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 see also Index of Compositions: Fortuna disperata (no. 110); Jay prijs amours (no. 39; Martini); Je ne demande (no. 41); Je ne fais plus (no. 125; Compère) Cancionero Musical de la Colombina see under Manuscripts: Colombina Cancionero Musical de Palacio see under Manuscripts: Palacio cancionero (term)  232 cancioneros  233, 235–36, 260 canons 114 enigmatic 136–7 Carlier, Jacobus  115 n. 47 Caron see Index of Compositions: Elaes (no. 43; = Helas) Carriazo, Marta  245 Carvajal, Bernardino de, bishop of Badajoz 247 Castellanus, Petrus  218 maestro di cappella at SS Giovanni e Paolo 219 Castro Alonso, Bishop Manuel  9 Catalina of Castile (Catherine of Aragon) 143 Cátedra, Pedro  252–3, 255–6 chansonniers in Spain  11 chansons in Spanish manuscripts  168 Charles VIII, King of France, military campaign in Italy  105–6, 176 Christmas songs  252–3, 255–7, 259–63 Collet, Henri  16 Compère, Loyset  51, 97 in Cambrai  106

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spelling of name in Segovia MS  100, 165 spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 see also Index of Compositions: A qui diray je ma pensée; Ave Maria … virgo serena (no. 38); Beaulte d’amours (no. 141); Bergironette savosienne (no. 85); Cayfas (no. 132); Elaes Abraham (no. 130; = Helas le bon temps); En attendant (no. 133); Garisse moy (no. 144); Jay bieau huwer/ Jay prijs amours (no. 126); Je ne fais plus (no. 125); Je ne puis plus (no. 145); Mon pere ma done mari (no. 58); O bone Jhesu illumina oculos (no. 33; Anchieta); Puis que (no. 131; = Aime le plus bella or Puis que si bien m’est advenu); Reveille toy franc cuer (no. 118); Si jay parle aucunement (no. 120); Veci la dancha barberi (no. 56); Vive el noble rey (no. 123) Conversos and the Catholic Monarchs 29 Cornago, Juan  244 see also Index of Compositions: Aun gusto del mal estraño Corral, Antonio de  140–2 David le Galloys  226 n. 34 David of Burgundy, bishop of Utrecht  95, 226–30 chapel of  228–9 Della Rovere, Cardinal Galleotto  226 n. 34 Donato, Girolamo  225

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338

GENERAL INDEX

Elders, Willem  218 n. 8 Elinc, Petrus  194 spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 see also Index of Compositions: Adieu natuerlic leven mijn (no. 91); Dat ic mij lijden aldus helen moet (no. 80); Hoert hier mijn lieve(r) gheselle (no. 108); Verlanghen ghij doet mijnder herten pijn (no. 93) Encina, Juan de  48 n. 20, 248 Cancionero 238 dating of works in Segovia MS  104 poetical works  139 see also Index of Compositions: Ay triste que vengo (no. 180; anon.); Gran gasajo siento yo (no. 165; anon.); Para verme con ventura (no. 196; anon.); Por muy dichoso se tenga (no. 179; anon.); Pues jamás olvidaros (no. 166; anon.); Romerico tú que vienes (no. 169; anon.); Ya non quiero ser vaquero (no. 184; anon.); Ya no quiero tener fe señora (no. 176; anon.) Enrique (Henry) IV, King of Castile  7, 30, 69 n. 41, 245, 247 Escalas, Romà  242 Escavias, Pedro de  245 Escobar, Pedro de  261 see also Index of Compositions: ¡Que hu que ha! Estudio General see under Segovia (city) Fallows, David  242 Felice see Index of Compositions: Fortuna disperata (no. 122; Busnoys) Ferdinand of Castile, King  72–3, 112 Ferdinandus et frater eius

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spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 see also Index of Compositions: Cecus non judicat de coloribus (no. 149) Fernandes, Johannes and Carolus  51, 92–3, 126, 194, 203, 237 Fernández de Oviedo, Gonzálo  140, 142 Ffarer, Johannes see Index of Compositions: Domine non secundum peccata nostra (no. 24) Finck, Heinrich see Index of Compositions: Quod chorus vatum Finscher, Ludwig  100 Formschneider, TVC  121, 123, 126 Francoism, impact on music  14–20 Fuhrmann, Wolfgang  177, 225 Galvez, Marisa  233, 236 Gayangos, Pascual  46 Ghent  114, 115 n. 47 Gherardus of Brabant  93 Gijon see Index of Compositions: Al dolor de mi cuidado Gómez, Maricarmen  253, 255–6 González de Mendoza, Cardinal Pedro  66 n. 34 Granada, conquest of  12, 247–8 Granada Cathedral, books of chanzonetas 261 Guas, Juan ( Jean Was)  30 Guzman, Juan de  235 Hayne van Ghizeghem nickname ‘Scoen Heyne’  165, 203 spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 see also Index of Compositions: Aletz regretz (no. 89); Amours amours (no. 129); Che nest pas jeu

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GENERAL INDEX

(no. 88); Mon souvenir (no. 90); Penser en vous (no. 135) Hellinck, Lupus see Index of Compositions: Missa Intemerata Virgo Henry IV, King of Castile see Enrique IV Hewitt, Helen  134, 172 Heymerick, Arnold  228 Hudson, Barton  156 Iglesias, Alejandro Luis  255 Inquisition certification of book and manuscripts in Segovia  22–5, 23, 24 and crypto-Judaism  30 instrumentalists, blind  93 Isaac, Henricus  51, 112 attributions in Segovia  91–2, 95 early career  229 music given to Girolamo Donato 225 native language  229 in Rome  225 spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 unica in Segovia MS  224 see also Index of Compositions: Ave maris stella (no. 79); Ave regina celorum (no. 25); Cecus non judicat de coloribus (no. 149; Ferdinandus et frater eius); Comt hier (no. 142; = Pour mieulx valoir); De tous bien playne/Et qui la dira (no. 115); Digan a les donzelles see Pour vostre amour (no. 136); Donna gentil see Elaes (no. 113); Een vroylic wesen (no. 94; Barbireau); Elaes (no. 113; = La morra; = Donna gentil); Elaes (no. 116; = Helas que devera mon cuer);

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339

Fortuna disperata (no. 44); Fortuna disperata/Sancte Petre/Ora pro nobis (no. 46); Gentile spiritus (no. 146); Gracias refero tibi domine ihesu christe (no. 97); Het es al ghedaen (no. 128); Jamays (no. 122; Brumel); La martinella (no. 150); La morra see Elaes (no. 113); Missa Chargé de deuil see Vostre amour (no. 121); Missa [Quant j’ay au cor] (no. 8); Missa [Wol auff gesell von hynnen] (nos. 1–2); Morte que fay (no. 151); My my (no. 134); Ortus de celo flos est (no. 106; = La stangetta); Pour mieulx valoir see Comt hier (no. 142); Pour vostre amour (no. 136; Brumel); Prophetarum maxime; Quis dabit capiti meo aquam; Salve Regina (no. 11); Salve virgo sanctissima (no. 19); Si dedero (no. 103; Agricola); T’meiskin was jonc (no. 36; Obrecht); Vostre amour (no. 121; = Christe from Missa chargé de dueil) Isabel of Castile, Queen  33 confirmation of Estudio General  26 court officials  70 inventory of books  168 inventory of music books  11, 231, 234–5 inventory of possessions  21 and the Segovia MS  11 singers of  65 n. 33 Japart, Johannes  112 see also Index of Compositions: Jay bien nori (no. 139; Joye); T’meiskin was jonc (no. 36; Obrecht)

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340

GENERAL INDEX

Josquin des Prez  113, 135 and dating of Segovia MS  104 n. 33 in Milan  219 spelling of name in Segovia MS  100, 165 spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 see also Index of Compositions: Ave Maria gratia plena; Ave Maria … virgo serena (no. 17); Bergironette savoisienne (no. 59); Fortuna disperata (no. 127); In pace in idipsum (no. 105); Jay bien nori (no. 139; Joye); (Magnificat) (no. 14); Mente tota; Missa L’homme armé sexti toni (no. 3); O intemerata virgo (no. 18); O Maria; Ora pro nobis; Que vous madame/ In pace in idipsum see In pace in idipsum (no. 105); Sancta Dei genitrix; Vultuum deprecabuntur Joye, Johannes  126 spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 see also Index of Compositions: Jay bien nori (no. 139) Juan ( John), Prince  72, 130, 233 musical proficiency  139–43 Juan Alfonso de Zamora  250 Juan de Parix ( Johannes Parix)  29, 32 ( Juana), Princess, then Queen of Castile  69–71, 143, 233 confirmation of Estudio General  26 musicians of  71 Just, Martin  95, 224–6 ‘Justa fue mi perdiçion’ (poem)  69 Kempson, Emma  95, 224–5 Keysere, Jean  229 n. 37 Kreitner, Kenneth  155

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La Rue, Pierre de  105 absence from Segovia MS  39, 105, 167 n. 1, 176 see also Index of Compositions: Ave sanctissima Maria; Fors seulement see Exortum est (no. 22; Pipelare); Missa Fortuna disperata Lagarto  97 n. 20 see also Index of Compositions: Andad pasiones, andad (no. 189) Lama, Víctor  237 Las Huelgas Codex  14 Launoy, Carlo de  225 n. 30 Le Franc, Martin  93 Lerner, Edward  224 Louis XII, King of France  176 Lucas de Iranzo, Don Miguel, Constable of Castile  244 Macey, Patrick  104, 217 Madrid, Juan de  141–2 Manrique, Gómez  69 n. 41 Manrique, Jorge  69 Manrique, Rodrigo (d. 1476)  67–9 Manrique, Rodrigo (d. 1518)  68–72 Manrique, Rodrigo (d. 1536)  38, 68, 72–5 Manrique, Rodrigo, identity of  66–74 Manrique de Lara family  66–74 Manuel, King of Portugal  72 manuscripts Amsterdam M6  299 Astudillo  252–4, 255–7, 259, 262–3 Augsburg 25  282 Augsburg 142a  124, 292, 295 Barcelona 5  277, 280 Barcelona 454  10, 59 n. 24, 64, 69 n. 40, 105, 127, 216–19, 232 n. 6, 276–8, 280–1, 285, 287, 291, 305

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compilation process  59 n. 24 sources 64 Basel F.IX.22  123–4, 127, 275, 278, 291, 285, 299 Basel F.X.1–4  287 Basel F.X.5–9  283 Basel F.X.10  290, 292 Basel kk.II.32  275 Berlin 40013  277 Berlin 40021  107–10, 120, 223, 274–8, 281, 283, 285, 299 date 111 Berlin 40026  277–8, 289, 292, 294–5 Berlin 40098  107, 282–3, 292, 296. 299 date 111 Berlin 40632  275 Berlin 40634  273–4 Berlin theor. 1175  275 Bloomington 8  280–1 Bologna A 71  221, 300 Bologna Q16  107–10, 282, 291–2, 295–6, 299, 301 date 111 Bologna Q17  107–10, 123, 280, 282, 287–9, 291, 294–5, 299, 301 date 111 Bologna Q18  110, 272, 275–6, 281–2, 287, 291, 293, 297–8, 301 Bologna Q19  278 Bologna SP 29  294 Bratislava Inc. 33  282 Brno 15/4  273 Brussels 228  173, 175, 278, 282 Brussels 5557  197 Brussels 11239  289, 291 Brussels II.270  287 Brussels IV.90  167 n. 2

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Brussels/Tournai  167 n. 2, 278, 289–90 Cambrai 18  294 Cambrai 125–128  216–19, 278 Cape Town Grey 3.b.12  178, 180–1, 287, 292, 294, 298 Capirola  273, 288–9, 291, 301 Casale Monferrato M(D)  273 Coimbra 12  279–80 Coimbra 32  279–80 Coimbra 48  280 Coimbra 53  280 Colombina  10, 64 n. 29, 135, 137, 139, 235 n. 15, 241–2, 253, 256 size and watermarks  41, 44–5 Copenhagen 1848  123, 282, 287–91, 293–5, 297 Cortona/Paris 282 Dijon 517  107, 282 date 111 Dresden 1/D/505  276 Dresden 1/D/506  277, 293 Elvas 302 EscB  235 n. 15 Florence 27  121, 125, 180, 275–6, 282, 285, 287, 289, 291–4, 296 Florence 107bis  274–5, 280, 284, 289, 291, 293, 301 Florence 117  105 n. 37, 106 n. 39 Florence 121  181, 292, 295 Florence 164–167  277–8 Florence 176  124, 295, 301 Florence 178  108–10, 121, 123, 125–6, 280, 282, 285, 287, 289, 291, 293–5, 297–8, 301 date 111 Florence 229  102, 107–10, 122–7, 177, 275–6, 280–2, 285, 287–9, 291–9 date 111

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Florence 2356  289, 291, 295, 301 Florence 2439  114, 175, 274, 277, 288 Florence 2442  284 Florence 2794  108–9, 123, 282, 287–9, 291, 295–6 date 111 Florence II.I.232  277 Frankfurt 20  292 Gotha A.98  277, 290–1 Greifswald 640–641  123 Heilbronn X.2  275, 291, 293–4 Hradec Králové II A 20  294 Iserlohn fragments  282, 290 Jacaltenango 7  280 Jena 31  220, 273, 275 Jena 32  145, 274–5 Leiden 1443  273 Leipzig 49  123, 289 Leipzig 51  220, 273 Leipzig 1494  109, 120, 277, 285, 288, 291–3, 299 date 111 Lisbon 60  280 London 20 A.xvi  123, 282, 288–9, 291 London 1070  277 London 31922  275, 283, 289–90, 292 London 35087  167 n. 2, 280, 289, 292 Lucca 238  108, 294 date 111 Milan 2266  216–17, 219, 277–8 Milan 2267  272–3, 281 Milan 2268  275, 294 Milan 2269  280 Modena α.F.9.9  127, 299 Modena α.M.1.2  274 Modena α.X.1.11  280

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Modena IX  277 Monte Cassino 871  296, 303 Munich 19  277–8 Munich 41  277 Munich 260  277 Munich 322–325  277, 287 Munich 326  277 Munich 328–331  272, 290 Munich 374  291 Munich 718  275, 290, 292 Munich 1502  294 Munich 1516  294 Munich 3154  100 n. 30, 103, 136 n. 20, 107–9, 149, 272, 274, 277, 285, 291, 299 date 111 Nuremberg 83795  277 Ourense 25  257, 258, 260–3 Oxford Ashmole 831  301 Padua A 17  216 n. 4, 217–19, 278 Palacio  10, 17, 64 n. 29, 112, 139, 235 n. 12, 241, 301–5 date  48 n. 20 size and watermarks  41, 44–5, 48, 50 Paris 27  292, 295–6 Paris 676  127, 275–6, 282, 291–3, 299 Paris 851  273 Paris 1596  288 Paris 1597  278, 289, 291, 297 Paris 2245  107–9, 123, 287–8, 289, 295, 297 date 111 Paris 4379  180–1, 296 Paris 15123  281–2, 295–6, 299, 301 Perugia 431  107, 116, 127, 180–1, 282, 290, 292, 296–7, 299, 301 date 111

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Perugia 1013  221, 223, 300 Pesaro 1144  292 Poznań 7022  110, 273 date 111 Regensburg 940/941  275 Regensburg B 216–219  120, 285 Regensburg C 120  272, 278, 282, 288 Rome 2856  107–8, 122–3, 126–7, 175, 281–2, 287–9, 291–3, 296, 298–9 date 111 Sankt Gallen 461  110, 278, 283–4, 298 date 111 Sankt Gallen 462  123, 126, 181 n. 49, 275, 287, 290–3, 295, 299 Sankt Gallen 463  123, 181 n. 49, 277–8, 290–1, 293, 301 Sankt Gallen 530  126, 274, 277–9, 281–2, 291, 294, 299 Seville 5-5-20  127, 279, 287 Seville 7-1-28  301, 304 Seville/Paris  126–7, 281–2, 292, 295–6, 299 Siena K.1.2  107, 275, 280–1 date 111 Speciálník  126, 277, 283, 294, 297, 299 Stuttgart 39  276 Stuttgart 47  220 Stuttgart HB 26  277 Tarazona 2/3  20 n. 35, 97 n. 20, 127, 132, 138 n. 27, 166 n. 27, 182, 276, 279–81, 286, 305 Tarazona 5  127, 279, 305 TarragFrag  238, 242, 243, 244, 262 Toledo 21  281, 305 Tournai 94  167 n. 2

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Trent 89  127, 282, 296, 299 Trent 91  299 Turin I. 27  110, 275, 289, 295, 297–8 date 111 Ulm 237  216 n. 4, 275, 277–8, 285, 288, 290, 294 Uppsala 76a  105 nn. 37–8, 106 n. 39, 282, 287, 289, 295–7 Uppsala 76e  275, 291, 294 Valladolid C 5  279 Valladolid P s.s.  127, 279 Vatican CG XIII.27  107–10, 112, 123–5, 127, 181 n. 52, 272, 275, 282–3, 288–97, 299, 301 date 111 Vatican Chigi 234  111, 220, 273, 281 Vatican CS 15  95, 103, 107, 110, 120, 150, 224, 226, 277–8, 281 date 111 Vatican CS 26  278 Vatican CS 35  107, 136 n. 20, 275 date 111 Vatican CS 41  273 Vatican CS 42  277 Vatican CS 51  220 Vatican CS 63  120, 277 Vatican SP B 80  280 Verona 757  275, 282, 289, 291, 293–5, 299, 301 Verona 758  281 Verona 759  292 Verona 761  280 Vienna 11778  220, 273 Vienna 11883  275 Vienna 18688  275 Vienna 18810  272, 288 Vienna 18832  272 Warsaw 364  275

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GENERAL INDEX

Warsaw 5892  107–10, 120, 223, 275–8, 281, 285, 291, 294, 299, 300 date 111 Washington Laborde  107–8, 282, 288–9, 296–7 date 111 Washington Wolffheim  275, 282, 291, 295, 298 Wolfenbüttel 78  180–1, 292, 305 Wrocław I F 428  281 Zurich 906  272 Zwickau 78/2  292 Zwickau 78/3  124–5, 275, 289, 291, 293–6 María of Castile  143 Martini, Bartholomaeus, bishop of Segorbe 63 Martini, Johannes attributions in Segovia MS  102 spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 see also Index of Compositions: Fortuna disperata see Fortuna disperata (I) (no. 44; Isaac); Fuge la morie see Scoen kint (no. 140); Jay prijs amours (no. 39); La martinella; La martinella (no. 150; Isaac); Scoen kint (no. 140; = Fuge la morie); textless (no. 107) Meconi, Honey  92, 102, 133 Medici, Lorenzo de’  225 Medici, Piero de’  225 Millet, Lluis  13 Mondéjar, Alonso de  65 see also Index of Compositions: Ave rex noster (no. 203) Morton, Robert  115 n. 47 motetti missales  217, 219 Mouton, Jean  105

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see also Index of Compositions: Ave Maria see Ave ancilla trinitatis (no. 77; Brumel) Mureau, Gilles see Index of Compositions: Je ne fais plus (no. 125; Compère) music books in Spanish inventories 234–6 mysticism, Spanish musical  16–17 Naples  94, 106, 244 Newsidler, Lautenbuch 2  121 Noble, Jeremy  220 Obrecht, Jacob attributions in Segovia MS  91–2, 94, 98 dating of masses  103 as director of chapel of Bishop David of Burgundy  229 duos 223 spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 use of mensuration signs  215, 222 works in Segovia  193, 112–17 see also Index of Compositions: Als al de weerelt in vruechden leeft (no. 61); Ave maris stella (no. 79); Benedicamus in laude Jesu (no. 21); Christe, Si dedero (no. 104); Cuius sacrata viscera, 3 vv. (no. 96); Cuius sacrata viscera, 4 vv (no. 23); Den haghel ende die calde snee (no. 55); Een vroylic wesen (no. 94; Barbireau); Haec deum caeli; Ic draghe de mutse clutse (no. 62); Ic hoerde de clocskins luden (no. 60); Ic weinsche alle scoene vrauwen eere (no. 64); In hebbe gheen ghelt in mijn bewelt

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(no. 63); Inter preclarissimas virtutes (no. 15); Lacen adieu wel zoete partye (no. 53); Laet u ghenoughen, liever Johan (no. 49); Magnificat; Meiskin es u cutkin ru (no. 65); Mille quingentis (no. 16); Missa [Adieu mes amours] (no. 5); Missa Fortuna disperata (no. 7); Missa Libenter gloriabor (no. 4); Missa Rose playsante (no. 6); Missa Si dedero see Christe, Si dedero (no. 104); Moet mij lacen u vriendelic schiin (no. 92); Nec michi nec tibi (no. 137); Omnis spiritus laudet dominum (no. 20); Ortus de celo flos est (no. 106; Isaac); Passio; Regina celi (no. 153); Si dedero (no. 103; Agricola); Sullen wij langhe in drucke moeten leven (no. 37); Tmeiskin was jonc (no. 36); Tsat een cleen meiskin als up een bloxskin (no. 51); Waer sij dij han/Wie roupt ons daer (no. 52); Wat willen wij metten budel spelen, ons ghelt es uut (no. 50); Weet ghij wat mijnder jonghen herten deert (no. 57); Vita dulcedo (no. 12) Obrecht, Willem  112, 114 Ockeghem, Johannes see Index of Compositions: Che nest pas jeu (no. 88; Hayne van Ghizeghem) Otaño, Nemesio  15 Ott, 115 Liedlein 122 Ourense, music books in  260 Passetto, Giordano  219 patronage of noble Spanish families  75 n. 54 Pedrell, Felipe  9, 16–17

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Peñalosa, Juan de  97 see also Index of Compositions: Domine Jhesu Christe qui hora diei (no. 26; Anchieta); O bone Jhesu illumina oculos (no. 33; Anchieta) Periquin see Therache, Pierrequin de Petrarch, ‘Spirto gentil che quelle membra reggi’  162 Petreius, TVC 121 Petrucci, Ottaviano  219 Canti B  110, 121–2, 172 Canti C  123, 180 Corona L. III 127 Misse Josquin  110, 220 Motetti C 114 Motetti L. IV  120, 216 n. 4, 217–18 Odhecaton  110, 121–2, 124–5, 172, 175, 177, 225 Philip the Fair  72–3 Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy 228 Picker, Martin  92, 95, 102, 223, 225 Pietrequin (?) see Index of Compositions: Elaes (no. 147; Agricola) Pietro Martire  248 Pipelare, Matthaeus spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia MS  101 see also Index of Compositions: Exortum est in tenebris (no. 22; = Fors seulement); Fors seulement (no. 22); Mijns liefkins bruyn ooghen (no. 117); Missa (sine nomine) (no. 9); Morkin ic hebbe ter scolen gheleghen (no. 48) Prats, Marturià  131, 237 see also Index of Compositions: Conditor alme siderum (no. 101) proportions  115, 134–5, 221–3 complex 93–4

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Rhaw, Tricinia 123 Riario, Cardinal Raffaele  247–8 Ribera, Antonio de  97, 152 see also Index of Compositions: O bone Jhesu illumina oculos (no. 33; Anchieta) Rifkin, Joshua  4, 63, 93, 104, 114, 224 on contact of scribe-compiler with Florence  92, 102, 224 on Segovia attributions  96 Rodin, Jesse  103 Rodríguez, Jerónimo  257 Roelkin  194, 203 orthography of name  201 see also Index of Compositions: De tous biens playne (no. 157); Vrucht ende moet es gar da hin (no. 84); Zart reyne vrucht (no. 54) Ros-Fábregas, Emilio  98–9, 103, 105, 129–30, 170, 173–4, 225, 233–4, 237, 240 Rua, Rodrigo de la  32–3, 66 n. 35 Rubinet, F. see Index of Compositions: Pour mieulx valoir see Comt hier (no. 142; Isaac) Ruiz, Elisa  21 Ruiz de Medina, Juan  32–3 Ruiz Jiménez, Juan  261 Schlick, Tabulaturen 121 Scoen Heyne, as nickname for Hayne 203 Segovia (Cathedral) archive 24 book collections  2 Segovia (city) Alcázar 10, 10, 11 and the court of the Catholic Monarchs 10–11

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Estudio General  2, 25–8, 30–2, 39 n. 4 donors to  32–3 Inquisition mark in books and manuscripts 22, 23–4, 24–5 teacher’s receipt 28 Segovia (manuscript) absence of rustic songs  139 and Anglés  8–21 anonymous Spanish works  138 appearance  132, 263 art-song reworkings in  177–8 ascriptions to composers  77–90 attributions 225 and authenticity  94–102 and datings  91–127 of Spanish works  138 canons, enigmatic in  164 Castilian songs  231–63 added songs  241 format 238–40 incomplete texts  238, 250 missing folios  237 oral and written sources  237–8 variants in text  237 change of attributions in  196 as chansonnier  167–91 Christmas songs in  240 chronological ordering of repertory 107–11 compilation  58–65, 130, 132–3 conflicting and contested attributions in  119–27, 224 copyists see scribes dating of  59, 65 n. 31, 102–6, 176–7 dating of masses  136 n. 20 discovery of  7–8 duos  93–4, 133–5, 221–3 facsimile edition  21–2

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Flemish connection  92, 95, 193–213 Flemish repertory  193–8 Flemish scribe see under scribes Florentine connection  63, 92, 101–3, 191–2, 224 foliation 60, 61, 77–90 gathering numbers  60 old numbers  54–7 , 60–1, 61, 62 gathering structure  54–63, 77–90 and paper  237 purpose of  94–6 and repertory  169–75, 186–91 hypotheses on provenance and ownership 38–40 Anchieta  39 n. 5, 129 Estudio General  233 Manrique  66–75, 232–3, 235, 240 royal  17, 20–1, 38, 129–30, 143, 233 scribe  198, 215 initials  54, 60 inscriptions on last folio  33, 66, 67, 74 instrumental music in  132 Isaac in  223–30 Italian connection  180–1, 224; see also Florentine connection; Roman connection Italian pieces in  178 Latin texts  145–66 see also texting below misattributions in  196 missing folios  24, 240 Neapolitan connection doubted 223 northern masses  135–7 ordering of contents  58 n. 23

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organization  130–2, 167–75, 185–91, 194–8 physical description  1 proofreading by scribe  216 provenance of sources  63–5 reliability of attributions  64 reorganization of  99, 173–5, 180 resolution of canons  114, 136 restoration of  1–2 Roman connection  63, 225 scribes  58, 63–5, 92, 97 of Castilian texts  199, 237–8 Flemish  194–213, 215, 237, 263 of music  216 scribal spellings  164–6 size  25, 41, 197–8 songs copied in vertical format 241–4 Spanish masses  135 Spanish sacred music  138 Spanish songs  138–9 spelling of names  100 texting 169 awkward text underlay  154, 156 corrections in  146 mistakes in  156 of non-Castilian repertory  177– 82 vernacular influence on language 164–6 watermarks 41, 41–3, 44–9, 49, 51, 52–3, 77–90, 98–9, 103, 193, 170–1 and dating  37–59 and gatherings  54–5, 78–90 watermarks similar to Segovia’s  44, 46, 48, 50, 56–7 Seville Cathedral  261 Sherr, Richard  224, 228 n. 36

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GENERAL INDEX

Sixtus IV, Pope  228 Smijers, Albert  146–7, 217 songbooks, lost  244 songs, Spanish, transmission of oral and written  231–2, 237–8, 255 sources 231–63 Soriano Fuertes, Mariano  15–16 Spinacino, Francesco  121 see also Index of Compositions: Mater patris et filia (no. 78; Brumel) Spinacino, L. II  121 Staehelin, Martin  95 Strohm, Reinhard  92–4 Stoltzer, Thomas see Index of Compositions: Ic weinsche alle scoene vrauwen eere (no. 64; Obrecht); Ich wünsch alln frawn ehr see Ic weinsche alle scoene vrauwen eere (no. 64; Obrecht)

souvenir, 4 vv (no. 45); Le souvenir, 2 vv (no. 158); textless duo (no. 160; = Alleluia); Tout a par moy (no. 161) Tordesillas, Rodrigo de  33, 66 nn. 34–5 Torre, Francisco de la  97 n. 20 see also Index of Compositions: Adoramus te señor dios (no. 188; anon.; F. de la Torre); Damos gracias a ti Dios (no. 171; anon.; F. de la Torre); Justa fue mi perdiçion (no. 164; anon.; F. de la Torre); Ne rrecorderis (no. 204; anon.; F. de la Torre); Peligroso pensamiento (no. 172; anon.; F. de la Torre)

Therache, Pierrequin de see Index of Compositions: Missa Fortuna disperata Tinctoris, Johannes  134 Complexus effectuum musices 115 n. 47 oblique ligature in treatises  220 Proportionale musices 222 spurious and dubious attributions in Segovia 101 suggested link with Segovia MS 92–4 see also Index of Compositions: Comme femme (no. 163); De tous biens playne (no. 156); Difficiles alios; Dung aultre amer (no. 159); Helas le bon temps see Elaes Abraham (no. 130; Compère); Le

Valera, Juan de  261 see also Index of Compositions: … tu Pedruelo Vaqueras, Bertrandus see Index of Compositions: Veci la dancha barberi (no. 56; Compère) Verardi, Carlo  247 Verbonnet, Johannes see Index of Compositions: Si dedero (no. 103; Agricola) Verino, Ugolino  248 Virgilio, Ser  125 Virgilius 112 see also Index of Compositions: Nec michi nec tibi (no. 137; Obrecht)

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Urchueguía, Cristina  116, 233 Urrede see Wreede (Urrede), Johannes

Was, Jean see Guas, Juan Weerbeke, Gaspar van  105, 113

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see also Index of Compositions: Ortus de celo flos est (no. 106; Isaac = La stangetta) Wegman, Rob  113, 115, 166, 215, 237 Wolf, Johannes  224 Wreede (Urrede), Johannes  65 spelling of name  166

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349

see also Index of Compositions: Nunca fue pena mayor (no. 167; anon.); Pange lingua (no. 202) Wreede, Roeland  194 Wright, Craig  105 Zilverberg, S. B. J.  229

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Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music volumes already published Machaut’s Music: New Interpretations edited by Elizabeth Eva Leach The Church Music of Fifteenth-Century Spain Kenneth Kreitner The Royal Chapel in the time of the Habsburgs: Music and Court Ceremony in Early Modern Europe edited by Juan José Carreras and Bernardo García García Citation and Authority in Medieval and Renaissance Musical Culture: Learning from the Learned. Essays in Honour of Margaret Bent edited by Suzannah Clark and Elizabeth Eva Leach European Music, 1520–1640 edited by James Haar Cristóbal de Morales: Sources, Influences, Reception edited by Owen Rees and Bernadette Nelson Young Choristers, 650–1700 edited by Susan Boynton and Eric Rice Hermann Pötzlinger’s Music Book: The St Emmeram Codex and its Contexts Ian Rumbold with Peter Wright Medieval Liturgical Chant and Patristic Exegesis: Words and Music in the Second-Mode Tracts Emma Hornby

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Juan Esquivel: A Master of Sacred Music during the Spanish Golden Age Clive Walkley Essays on Renaissance Music in Honour of David Fallows: Bon jour, bon mois et bonne estrenne edited by Fabrice Fitch and Jacobijn Kiel Music and Ceremony at the Court of Charles V: The Capilla Flamenca and the Art of Political Promotion Mary Tiffany Ferer Music and Meaning in Old Hispanic Lenten Chants: Psalmi, Threni and the Easter Vigil Canticles Emma Hornby and Rebecca Maloy Music in Elizabethan Court Politics Katherine Butler Verse and Voice in Byrd’s Song Collections of 1588 and 1589 Jeremy L. Smith The Montpellier Codex: The Final Fascicle. Contents, Contexts, Chronologies edited by Catherine A. Bradley and Karen Desmond A Critical Companion to Medieval Motets edited by Jared C. Hartt Piety and Polyphony in Sixteenth-Century Holland: The Choirbooks of St Peter’s Church, Leiden Eric Jas Music, Myth and Story in Medieval and Early Modern Culture edited by Katherine Butler and Samantha Bassler

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he Segovia Manuscript (Cathedral of Segovia, Archivo Capitular, s.s.) has puzzled musicologists ever since its rediscovery at the beginning of the twentieth century. It is unique: no other manuscript of the period transmits a comparable blend of late fifteenth-century music, consisting of 204 sacred works and vernacular pieces in Flemish, French, Italian, and Spanish. An important group of pedagogical pieces by French and Flemish composers may preserve transcriptions of instrumental improvisation. This summary might suggest a messy collection, but on the contrary the manuscript is arranged with care, copied by one proficient scribe (except perhaps for the Spanish texts), who obviously followed a predetermined master plan. But which plan, who designed it, and why was the person responsible so interested in this combination?

Contributors: Bonnie J. Blackburn, Wolfgang Fuhrmann, Leofranc Holford-Strevens, Tess Knighton, Kenneth Kreitner, Honey Meconi, Emilio Ros-Fábregas, Cristina Urchueguía, and Rob C. Wegman.

Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Music Design: Toni Michelle Cover: The Alcázar de Segovia. © Fernando de Antonio Jiménez.



A European Musical Repertory in Spain, c.1500

Wolfgang Fuhrmann is Professor of Musicology at Leipzig University. Cristina Urchueguia is Professor of Musicology at the University of Bern.

Edited by Wolfgang Fuhrmann and Cristina Urchueguía

The essays here aim to treat every dimension of this fascinating source. New discoveries help date the manuscript and explain how it came to Segovia; particular attention is paid to the main scribe, now determined to be Flemish, and his relation with northern composers and repertory, above all that of Jacob Obrecht, Alexander Agricola, and Henricus Isaac; and the vexed question of the conflicting attributions is considered afresh and found to affect only a few of the fascicles. The contributors also look at questions of ownership and function.

The Segovia Manuscript

T

A European Musical Repertory in Spain, c. 1500

Edited by Wolfgang Fuhrmann and Cristina Urchueguía