The Routledge International Encyclopedia of Sport and Exercise Psychology; Volume 2: Applied and Practical Measures 9781138734463, 9781315187228

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“This is the most comprehensive, up-to-date compendium in the psychology of sport and exer­ cise. Covering an array of topics from emotional experience to motor control, this volume is more than a just a reference, it’s a source of inspiration to researchers and practitioners.” – Richard M. Ryan, Institute for Positive Psychology and Education, Australian Catholic University, North Sydney, Australia “The Routledge International Encyclopedia of Sport and Exercise Psychology is a much-needed encyclopedia in the field of sport and exercise psychology. Most importantly, it has the hall­ mark of global authorities in this field. Their scholarly description of over 90 key topics will provide enormous assistance to lecturers and newcomers in the fields of psychology and sport sciences all over the world. Another monumental contribution to the field of sport and exercise psychology by Dieter Hackfort, Robert Schinke, and the International Society of Sport Psychology.” – Athanasios Papaioannou, University of Thessaly, Greece

THE ROUTLEDGE INTERNATIONAL

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF SPORT AND EXERCISE

PSYCHOLOGY

The Routledge International Encyclopedia of Sport and Exercise Psychology integrates the topics of motor control, physical education, exercise, adventure, performance in sports, and the performing arts, in several important ways and contexts, drawing upon diverse cultural per­ spectives. More than 90 overarching topics have been systematically developed by internation­ ally renowned experts in theory, research, and practice. Each contribution delves into a thematic area with more nuanced vocabulary. The termin­ ology drawn upon integrates traditional discourse and emerging topic matter into a state-of-the­ art two-volume set. Volume 1: Theoretical and Methodological Concepts is comprised of theor­ etical topic matter, spanning theories and terminology from psychology contextualized to sport and physical activity, sport psychology-focused theories, and expansive discussions related to philosophy of science and methodology. Volume 2: Applied and Practical Measures draws upon practical concepts that bridge theory and research and practice. Broader issues that extend beyond sport and physical activity participants are embedded within the entries, intended to augment physical, mental, and social well-being. This expansive encyclopedia is a must-have resource for all professionals, scholars, and stu­ dents in the fields of sport psychology and sport science. Dieter Hackfort is a retired professor of sport psychology. In his career he held professorships at the Center for Behavioral Medicine and Health Psychology at the University of South Florida, USA, the Institutes for Sport Science at the Universities in Heidelberg and Munich, Germany, and Qatar University in Doha, as well as an Honorary Professorship and a Guest Professorship at the Hubei University in Wuhan, China. Dr. Hackfort is former President of the German Asso­ ciation of Sport Psychology (ASP) and the International Society of Sport Psychology (ISSP). He also serves as a consultant for Olympic athletes, athletes in x-treme/adventurous sport activities, and professional athletes, including drivers in F1 and further motor sports. Robert J. Schinke is President for the International Society of Sport Psychology (ISSP) and a Past President of the Association for Applied Sport Psychology (AASP). Robert is a Full Professor and the Canada Research Chair of Multicultural Sport and Physical Activity at Laurentian University, in Canada, and a Distinguished Honorary Professor at Tsing Hua University, in Taiwan. Robert has worked extensively with world champion professional boxers featured on major television networks, consults also with an assortment of professional sport athletes across disciplines, and has served as Mental Training Consultant with several Canadian male and female national teams in each Olympic cycle since 1996.

INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON KEY ISSUES

IN SPORT AND EXERCISE PSYCHOLOGY

Series Editors: Robert J. Schinke, Thomas Schack, and

Athanasios Papaioannou

International Perspectives on Key Issues in Sport and Exercise Psychology is a series of edited books published in partnership with the International Society of Sport Psychology. Each title reflects cutting edge research in the psychological study of high-level sport, written by key researchers and leading figures in the field of sports psychology.　 Books in this series: Athletes’ Careers across Cultures Edited by Natalia B. Stambulova and Tatiana V. Ryba Routledge Companion to Sport and Exercise Psychology: Global Perspectives and Fundamental Concepts Edited by Athanasios Papaioannou and Dieter Hackfort The Psychology of Sub-Culture in Sport and Physical Activity: Critical Perspectives Edited by Robert J. Schinke and Kerry R. McGannon Psychology in Professional Sports and the Performing Arts: Challenges and Strategies Edited by Robert J. Schinke and Dieter Hackfort Encyclopedia of Sport and Exercise Psychology: Volume 1: Theoretical and Methodological Concepts Edited by Dieter Hackfort and Robert J. Schinke Encyclopedia of Sport and Exercise Psychology: Volume 2: Applied and Practical Measures Edited by Dieter Hackfort and Robert J. Schinke

THE ROUTLEDGE

INTERNATIONAL

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF SPORT

AND EXERCISE PSYCHOLOGY

Volume 2: Applied and Practical

Measures

Edited by Dieter Hackfort and Robert J. Schinke

First published 2020

by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

and by Routledge

52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2020 selection and editorial matter, Dieter Hackfort and Robert J. Schinke; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Dieter Hackfort and Robert J. Schinke to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book

ISBN: 978-1-138-73446-3 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-315-18722-8 (ebk)

Typeset in Futura

by Swales & Willis, Exeter, Devon, UK

VOLUME 2 CONTENTS

Volume 1 Contents Volume 1: Theoretical and Methodological Concepts: Board of Experts Volume 2: Applied and Practical Measures: Board of Experts List of Figures List of Tables List of Contributors List of Keywords Orientation for Volume 2: Theory to Practice Introduction Dieter Hackfort and Robert J. Schinke

xi

xv

xvi

xvii

xix

xx

xxxii

xl

1

1 Accreditation Richard Keegan and Stewart Cotterill

9

2 Affect and Music Jasmin C. Hutchinson and Leighton Jones

21

3 Anxiety Disorder and Treatment William D. Parham

37

4 Athletic Talent Development in Relation to Psychological Factors Daniel Gould, Ian Cowburn, and Emily Wright

45

5 Augmented Feedback Wolfgang Taube and Benedikt Lauber

64

vii

Volume 2 Contents

6 Career Assistance Programmes Miquel Torregrossa, Susana Regüela, and Marina Mateos

73

7 Career Development Paul Wylleman, Koen De Brandt, and Paul De Knop

89

8 Career Management – An Action-Theory Approach Dieter Hackfort

107

9 Career Transitions Natalia B. Stambulova and Roy David Samuel

119

10 Coaches’ Decision-Making John Lyle and Bob Muir

135

11 Coaches: Health, Well-Being, and Burnout Göran Kenttä, Peter Olusoga, and Marte Bentzen

154

12 Coaching Athletes with a Disability Danielle Alexander and Gordon A. Bloom

166

13 Cognitive Declines: Protection by Physical Activity Feng-Tzu Chen, Yu-Kai Chang, and Stefan Schneider

177

14 Conflict and Communication in Coach–Athlete Relationships Svenja Wachsmuth and Sophia Jowett

192

15 Continuing Education Stewart Cotterill and Richard Keegan

213

16 Cultural Praxis Stiliani “Ani” Chroni and Anna Kavoura

227

17 Depression: Prevention and Treatment Through Exercise Brandon L. Alderman, Christopher J. Brush, and Anthony J. Bocchine

239

18 Eating Disorders and Disordered Eating in Athletes Jessica Zarndt and Aurelia Nattiv

254

19 Emotion Regulation Montse C. Ruiz and Claudio Robazza

263

20 Ethical Issues Fabio Lucidi, Andrea Chirico, and Dieter Hackfort

281

viii

Volume 2 Contents

21 Evaluating Interventions Andy Pringle, Nicola Kime, Lorena Lozano-Sufrategui, and Stephen Zwolinsky

298

22 Exercise Behaviour Models Youngho Kim and Saengryeol Park

317

23 Goal-Setting Joanne Butt and Robert Weinberg

333

24 High-Performance Coaches Mathew Grey, Clifford J. Mallett, Katherine A. O’Brien, and Steven B. Rynne

343

25 Human Performance Pillars in Elite Sport Michael Bar-Eli and Ronnie Lidor

359

26 Injury Leslie Podlog and Stefanie Podlog

369

27 Intervention and Training in Young Athletes Antonio Hernández-Mendo, Juan González-Hernández, María Julia Raimundi, and Rafael E. Reigal

389

28 Mental Simulation and Neurocognition: Advances for Motor Imagery

and Action Observation Training in Sport Cornelia Frank, David J. Wright, and Paul S. Holmes

411

29 Mindfulness Training Chun-Qing Zhang and Ning Su

429

30 Neurocognitive Psychology for Sport Dirk Koester and Thomas Schack

440

31 New Technologies in Sport Psychology Practice Thomas Schack, John Elvis Hagan Jr., and Kai Essig

458

32 Performance and Brain in Sport Ming-Yang Cheng and Tsung-Min Hung

472

33 Performance of Closed Self-Paced Motor Tasks Ronnie Lidor

492

ix

Volume 2 Contents

34 Planning Exploiting Biopsychosocial Cues Carine Meslot and Christopher J. Armitage

503

35 Positive Youth Development Through Sport Nicholas L. Holt, Kurtis Pankow, and Helene Jørgensen

515

36 Practice Ernst-Joachim Hossner, Ralf Kredel, and David W. Franklin

532

37 Professional Development: Supervision, Mentorship, and Professional

Development in the Career of an Applied Professional Jamie L. Shapiro and Artur Poczwardowski

555

38 Quality Management in Sport and Performance Psychology

Programmes Sarah Castillo

575

39 Self-Talk and Emotions Alexander T. Latinjak and Emma Conyers-Elliff

587

40 Services for Young Talented Athletes Carsten Hvid Larsen and Daniel Gould

602

41 Substance Abuse in Athletics: A Biopsychosocial Approach to Assessment

and Management Atur V. Turakhia

617

42 T’ai Chi for Improving Brain Function and Cognition Mónica Muiños and Soledad Ballesteros

626

43 Talent Development and Expertise in Sport Jean Côté, Veronica Allan, and Jennifer Turnnidge

645

44 Talent Development Environments Kristoffer Henriksen, Camilla Knight, and Duarte Araújo

658

45 Transnational Athletic Career and Cultural Transition Tatiana V. Ryba, Natalia B. Stambulova, and Noora J. Ronkainen

671

Index

682

x

VOLUME 1 CONTENTS

Volume 2 Contents Volume 1: Theoretical and Methodological Concepts: Board of Experts Volume 2: Applied and Practical Measures: Board of Experts List of Figures List of Tables List of Contributors List of Keywords Orientation for Volume 1 Introduction Dieter Hackfort and Robert J. Schinke

xi

xv

xvi

xvi

xviii

xix

xxx

xxxviii

1

1 Adventurous Sport Activities Dieter Hackfort

9

2 Alexithymia Tim Woodman, Christine Le Scanff, and Olivier Luminet

25

3 Anticipation and Expertise Paul Ward, Joel Suss, Patrick Belling, and A. Mark Williams

31

4 Cliques and Subgroups Luc J. Martin

45

5 Cognitive Sport Psychology Aidan Moran

59

xi

Volume 1 Contents

6 Context-Driven Sport Psychology: A Cultural Lens Louise Kamuk Storm and Carsten Hvid Larsen

73

7 Culture Noora J. Ronkainen and Amy T. Blodgett

84

8 Depression and Athletes Erlanger A. Turner

97

9 Embodied Cognition Massimiliano L. Cappuccio and Jesús Ilundáin-Agurruza

105

10 Emotional Intelligence Emma Mosley, Matthew Watson, and Sylvain Laborde

124

11 Expertise: Nature and Nurture Joseph Baker and Stuart Wilson

136

12 Five-Factor Model (Big 5) and Its Relation to Sporting Performance Iain Greenless

147

13 Goals and Emotions Warren Mansell

160

14 Group Cohesion M. Blair Evans, Scott A. Graupensperger, and Svenja A. Wolf

175

15 Group Flow Fabian Pels and Jens Kleinert

192

16 Judgement and Decision-Making Markus Raab and Clare MacMahon

202

17 Leadership and Social Identity Katrien Fransen, Jamie B. Barker, and Matthew J. Slater

219

18 Measurement Quality Eva Pila, Mark G. Epp, and Kent C. Kowalski

232

19 Mental Fitness Dieter Hackfort and York-Peter Klöppel

249

20 Mental Health and Wellness William D. Parham

268

xii

Volume 1 Contents

21 Meta-Analysis and Meta-Synthesis Thomas Curran and Toni Louise Williams

275

22 Methods in Cognitive Sport Psychology Edson Filho and Gershon Tenenbaum

291

23 Mindfulness and Exercise Sarah Ullrich-French and Anne E. Cox

303

24 Motivation: Achievement Goal Theory in Sport and Physical Activity Glyn C. Roberts and Christina G. L. Nerstad

322

25 Motor Control Julian Rudisch, Nils Henrik Pixa, and Claudia Voelcker-Rehage

342

26 Motor Learning Nicole T. Ong and Nicola J. Hodges

356

27 Narcissism Katharina Geukes, Carolyn C. Morf, and Mitja D. Back

375

28 Organizational Culture in Sport Christopher R. D. Wagstaff and Suzanna Burton-Wylie

391

29 Perfectionism Andrew P. Hill, Daniel J. Madigan, Martin M. Smith, Sarah H. Mallinson-Howard, and Tracy C. Donachie

405

30 Personality and Physical Activity Ryan E. Rhodes and Kathryn E. Wilson

413

31 Personality and Team Effectiveness James Hardy, Alex J. Benson, and Matt W. Boulter

426

32 Personality Assessment I: An Integrative Approach Tristan J. Coulter, Clifford J. Mallett, and Dan P. McAdams

439

33 Personality Assessment II: Within-Person Variability Assessment Katharina Geukes and Steffen Nestler

455

34 Personality Research: Directions Harry Manley and Ross Roberts

467

xiii

Volume 1 Contents

35 Planned Exercise Behaviour Vassilis Barkoukis and Lambros Lazuras

475

36 Positive Youth Development: A Sport and Exercise Psychology Perspective Diane L. Gill and Michael A. Hemphill

490

37 Power and Privilege Sae-Mi Lee and Stephanie J. Hanrahan

507

38 Qualitative Methods Toni Louise Williams and Brett Smith

524

39 Research Philosophies Katherine A. Tamminen and Zoë A. Poucher

535

40 Resilience in Teams and Organizations Christopher R. D. Wagstaff, Kirsten J. Fasey, and Mustafa Sarkar

550

41 Self-Determination Theory Nikita Bhavsar, Nikos Ntoumanis, Eleanor Quested, Cecilie Thøgersen-Ntoumani, and Nikos Chatzisarantis

565

42 Self-Efficacy Timothy J. H. Budden, Ben Jackson, and James A. Dimmock

584

43 Self-Identity: Discursive and Narrative Conceptions and Applications Kerry R. McGannon and Brett Smith

595

44 Spirituality in Sport Thierry R. F. Middleton, Robert J. Schinke, Brennan Petersen, and Cole Giffin

609

45 Stress and Well-Being of Those Operating in Groups Lee Baldock, Brendan Cropley, Stephen D. Mellalieu, and Rich Neil

620

46 Trauma: The Invisible Tattoos William D. Parham

634

47 Validity and Reliability Katie E. Gunnell

644

Index

657

xiv

VOLUME 1: THEORETICAL AND

METHODOLOGICAL CONCEPTS:

BOARD OF EXPERTS

Affective Processes, Emotion, and Mood Dieter Hackfort, Faculty of Human Sciences, University AF Munich, Germany Robert Schinke, School of Human Kinetics, Laurentian University, Canada Cognitive Sport Psychology Markus Raab, Institute of Psychology, German Sport University Cologne, Germany Clare MacMahon, School of Allied Health, Human Services, and Sport La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia Motivation and Volition Nikos Ntoumanis, School of Psychology, Curtin University, Perth, Australia Nikos Chatzisarantis, School of Psychology, Curtin University, Perth, Australia Motor Learning, Memory, and Motor Control Claudia Voelcker-Rehage, Department of Neuromotor Behavior and Exercise, University of Münster, Germany Personality and Development Ross Roberts, Institute for the Psychology of Elite Performance, Bangor University, UK Harry Manley, Faculty of Psychology, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand Cultural Sport Psychology Tatiana Ryba, Faculty of Sport and Health Sciences, University of Jyväskylä, Finland Social and Organizational Psychology in Sport Chris Wagstaff, School of Sport, Health and Exercise Science, University of Portsmouth, UK Jens Kleinert, Institute of Psychology, German Sport University Cologne Measurement and Evaluation Catherine M. Sabiston, Faculty of Kinesiology & Physical Education, University of Toronto, Canada Thomas Curran, Department of Psychological and Behavioural Sciences, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK

xv

VOLUME 2: APPLIED AND PRACTICAL

MEASURES: BOARD OF EXPERTS

Psychology of Sports - Intervention and Training Gangyan Si, Hong Kong Sports Institute, Hong Kong, China Joaquin Dosil, Presidente Libredon, University of Vigo, Spain Exercise and Health Psychology Yu’Kai Chang, Department of Physical Education, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei Young Ho Kim, Department of Sport Sciences, Seoul National University of Science and Technology, Seoul, South Korea Talent, career development and transitions Natalia B. Stambulova, School of Health and Welfare, Halmstad University, Sweden Kristoffer Henriksen, Institute of Sport Science and Clinical Biomechanics, University of Southern Denmark, Odense, Denmark Education – Physical Education and Coaching Cliff Mallett, School of Human Movement and Nutrition Sciences, University of Queensland, Australia Mental Health and Clinical Issues in Sport Psychology William Parham, School of Education, Loyola Marymount University, Los Angeles, USA Neuro-cognitive Sport Psychology: Brain and Sport Performance Ernest Tsung-Min Hung, Department of Physical Education, National Taiwan Normal University Thomas Schack, Faculty of Psychology and Sport Sciences, Bielefeld University, Germany Performance Issues Ronnie Lidor, The Academic College at Wingate, Wingate Institute, Wingate, Israel Professional Development, Practice, and Ethical Issues Robert J. Schinke, School of Human Kinetics, Laurentian University, Canada Dieter Hackfort, Faculty of Human Sciences, University AF Munich, Germany

xvi

FIGURES

0.1 Relational systems, fundamental units of sport, and factors in sport

psychology approaches 0.2 A multi-triangle framing of sport and exercise psychology 1 A conceptual scheme for defining competencies and courses in sport and

exercise psychology, developed by Tenenbaum et al. (2003) 2 Career assistance programmes contexts, stages, and transitions 3 The holistic athlete career model representing transitions and stages

faced by athletes at athletic, psychological, psychosocial, academic/

vocational, financial, and legal levels of development. Wylleman (2019).

Reproduced with permission 4 CM orientation with an action-theory perspective 5 Essential aspects of CM in regard to the action situation 6 Objectives of a career management programme 7 Example of a network for CM 8 Components of the coach–athlete relationships according to Jowett’s 3 +

1C model 9 Three aspects of co-orientation according to Jowett (2007) 10 An evidence-based framework of interpersonal conflict within coach–

athlete relationships (adapted from Wachsmuth, 2018) 11 A framework for managing interpersonal conflict in sport relationships

(adapted from Wachsmuth, 2018) 12 Decision tree analysis for evaluation outcomes 13 Adapted stress-injury model by Williams and Andersen (1998) 14 Action situation as a person–environment–task constellation (see also

Nitsch & Hackfort, 1981; Schack & Hackfort, 2007) 15 Example of representation structures (dendrograms) for expert tennis-

players and non-players based on the hierarchical cluster analysis of

BACs for the tennis serve xvii

4

5

12

75

92

110

111

112

115

194

195

198

205

312

370

441

447

Figures

16 Levels of action architecture and related training methods for mental and technical preparation (adapted from Schack, Essig, et al., 2014, with permission) 17 Basic idea of intelligent coaching space. In a teacher–trainee scenario, the virtual coach supervises the acquisition of action sequences (e.g., in golf or T’ai Chi) by verbally instructing participants, signalling the move­ ments with gestures, and assessing changes of mental representation during skill learning Photo: CITEC. Reproduced with permission of Thomas Schack 18 The basic idea of ADAMAAS is the development of cognitive glasses that are able to anticipate potential failures of the user in advance by evaluat­ ing the mental representation of particular tasks. The mental representa­ tion is evaluated in advance with the help of the SDA-M diagnostic on a tablet PC (left). A particular computational algorithm then estimates the probability of failures in different steps of a particular action (e.g., build­ ing a nesting box in a workshop). Relevant and individualized prompts are provided in time in the AR component of the glasses to support antici­ pative processing of the user (right). Photo: CITEC. Reproduced with per­ mission of Thomas Schack 19 A model of positive youth development through sport. Reprinted from Holt et al., 2017, p. 36 20 A model of coaching life skills through sport. Reprinted with permission from Gould & Carson, 2008. Copyright 2008 by Taylor & Francis 21 A model for life skills transfer from sport to other life domains. Reprinted with permission from Pierce et al., 2017. Copyright 2017 by Taylor & Francis 22 Conceptual model for transfer of life skills in sport-based youth development. Reprinted with permission from Jacobs and Wright (2018). Copyright 2017 by Taylor & Francis 23 The theory of optimal feedback control (cf. Todorov & Jordan, 2002; illus­ tration modified by the authors) 24 Task spaces for dart throwing with hit probability as a function of velocityand angle-related motor commands (cf. Müller & Loosch, 1999; illustra­ tion modified by the authors) and experienced over angles either ranging (a) from 0° to 80° or (b) from 40° to 80° 25 The summarizing model of sport self-talk and emotions 26 The cultural transition model (Ryba et al., 2016)

xviii

448

460

463 521 523

524

526 534

537 595 673

TABLES

1 Summary of CAPs, country, target population, main characteristics, and link

to information on the internet 2 Examples of factors possibly influencing elite athletes’ decisions to engage in

a dual career categorized as push, anti-push, pull, and anti-pull (Fernandez

et al., 2006) at the six levels of development identified with the HAC model

(Wylleman, 2019) 3 Transfer of theoretical concepts to practical strategies (examples) 4 A three-step counselling programme for student-athletes 5 Conflict management strategies adapted from Kilmann and Thomas (1977)

and Rahim (2002) 6 Core competencies in professional psychology. Adapted from IAAP and IUPsyS

(2016) 7 Selected theories on the relationship between emotion-related constructs and

athletic performance 8 Risk factors increasing or decreasing concussion risk 9 Description of Schwartz’s model of universal values (adapted from, Schwartz,

1992, 1994) 10 Classification of virtues and human strengths by Peterson and Seligman

(2004) 11 Standards for fair play classification in the Brave League 12 SUPER workshops 13 Sample studies applying four main mindfulness training programmes for

athletic performance enhancement 14 Levels of motor action according to the cognitive architecture approach

(modified from Schack & Ritter, 2009) 15 Examples of closed self-paced tasks 16 Psychological techniques as part of the performance routine – examples 17 Main behavioural findings of studies conducted to investigate the effects of

T’ai Chi on cognition 18 Main findings of neuroimaging studies investigating the effects of T’ai Chi on

cognitive ageing xix

77

98

113

113

203

219

265

377

395

396

400

403

433

445

494

500

632

637

CONTRIBUTORS

Brandon L. Alderman Department of Kinesiology and Health The State University of New Jersey Rutgers, NJ, USA

University of Münster Münster, Germany Joseph Baker School of Kinesiology and Health Science York University Toronto, Canada

Danielle Alexander Department of Kinesiology & Physical Education McGill University Montreal, Canada

Lee Baldock Faculty of Life Sciences University of South Wales Pontypridd, Wales, UK

Veronica Allan School of Kinesiology and Health Studies Queen’s University Canada

Soledad Ballesteros Department of Basic Psychology II Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia, Madrid, Spain

Duarte Araújo Department of Sport and Health University of Lisbon Lisbon, Portugal

Michael Bar-Eli Department of Business Administration Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Beersheba, Israel

Christopher J. Armitage Manchester Biomedical Research Centre The University of Manchester Manchester, UK Atur V. Aturakhia La Jolla Village San Diego, CA, USA

Jamie B. Barker Centre for Sport, Health and Exercise Research Loughborough University Loughborough, UK

Mitja Back Department of Psychology xx

Contributors

Vassilis Barkoukis Department of Physical Education & Sport Sciences Aristotle University of Thessaloniki Thessaloniki, Greece

The State University of New Jersey Rutgers, NJ, USA Robert Brustad School of Sport and Exercise Science University of Northern Colorado Greeley, CO, USA

Patrick Belling Mamba Sports Academy Venture Lab Thousand Oaks, CA, USA

Timothy J. H. Budden School of Human Sciences The University of Western Australia Perth, Australia

Alex J. Benson School of Psychology Western University London, Canada

Suzanna Burton-Wylie Department of Sport and Exercise Science University of Portsmouth Portsmouth, UK

Marte Bentzen Department of Physical Education Norwegian School of Sport Sciences Oslo, Norway

Joanne Butt Centre for Sport and Exercise Science Sheffield Hallam University Sheffield, UK

Nikita Bhavsar School of Psychology Curtin University Perth, Australia

Massimiliano L. Cappuccio School of Engineering and information Technology University of New South Wales Canberra, Australia

Amy T. Blodgett School of Human Kinetics Laurentian University Sudbury, Canada

Sarah Castillo Department of Psychology National University Carlsbad, CA, USA

Gordon A. Bloom Department of Kinesiology & Physical Education McGill University Montreal, Canada

Yu-Kai Chang Department of Physical Education National Taiwan Normal University Taipei, Republic of China (Taiwan)

Anthony J. Bocchine Department of Kinesiology and Health The State University of New Jersey Rutgers, USA

Nikos Chatzisarantis School of Psychology Curtin University Perth, Australia

Matt W. Boulter Institute for the Psychology of Elite Performance Bangor University Bangor, Wales, UK

Feng-Tzu Chen Department of Physical Education National Taiwan Normal University Taipei, Republic of China (Taiwan)

Christopher J. Brush Department of Kinesiology and Health xxi

Contributors

Ming-Yang Cheng School of Psychology University of Sport Shanghai, China

Brendan Cropley Faculty of Life Sciences and Education University of South Wales Pontypridd, Wales, UK

Andrea Chirico Faculty of Medicine and Psychology Sapienza University of Rome Rome, Italy

Thomas Curran Department of Psychological and Behavioural Sciences London School of Economics and Political Science London, UK

Stiliani “Ani” Chroni Faculty of Social and Health Sciences University of Applied Sciences Elverum, Norway

Koen De Brandt Faculty of Physical Education and Physiotherapy Vrije Universiteit Brussel Brussels, Belgium

Emma Conyers-Elliff School for Science, Technology and Engineering University of Suffolk Ipswich, UK

Paul De Knop Faculty of Physical Education and Physiotherapy Vrije Universiteit Brussel Brussels, Belgium

Jean Côté School of Kinesiology and Health Studies Queen’s University Kingston, Canada

James A. Dimmock Department of Psychology James Cook University Townsville, Australia

Stewart Cotterill School of Psychology, Sport and Physical Activity AECC University College Bournemouth, UK

Tracy C. Donachie School of Sport York St John University York, UK

Tristan Coulter School of Exercise and Nutrition Sciences Queensland University of Technology Brisbane, Australia

Mark G. Epp College of Kinesiology University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon, Canada

Ian Cowburn Carnegie School of Sport Leeds Beckett University Leeds, UK

Kai Essig Faculty of Communication and Environment Applied University Rhein-Waal Kamp-Lintfort, Germany

Anne E. Cox Department of Educational Leadership, Sport Studies, and Educational/Counseling Psychology Washington State University Pullman, WA, USA

M. Blair Evans Department of Kinesiology Pennsylvania State University Stage College, PA, USA xxii

Contributors

Kirsten J. Fasey Department of Sport Science Nottingham Trent University Nottingham, UK

Scott A. Graupensperger Department of Kinesiology Pennsylvania State University Stage College, PA, USA

Edson Filho School of Psychology University of Central Lancashire Preston, UK

Iain Greenlees Institute of Sport University of Chichester Chichester, UK

Cornelia Frank Faculty of Psychology and Sports Science Bielefeld University Bielefeld, Germany

Mathew Grey Faculty of Health and Behavioural Sciences The University of Queensland Brisbane, Australia

David W. Franklin Department of Sport and Health Sciences Technical University of Munich Munich, Germany

Katie E. Gunnell Carleton University Ottawa, Canada

Katrien Fransen Department of Movement Sciences University of Leuven Leuven, Belgium Katharina Geukes Department of Psychology University of Münster Münster, Germany Cole Giffin Human Studies Program Laurentian University Sudbury, Canada Diane L. Gill Department of Kinesiology University of North Carolina at Greensboro Greensboro, USA Daniel Gould Institute for the Study of Youth Sports Michigan State University East Lansing, MI, USA

Dieter Hackfort Faculty of Human Sciences University AF Munich Munich, Germany John Elvis Hagan Jr. Department of Health, Physical Education, & Recreation University of Cape Coast Cape Coast, Ghana Stephanie J. Hanrahan School of Psychology The University of Queensland Brisbane, Australia James Thomas Hardy Institute for the Psychology of Elite Performance Bangor University Bangor, Wales, UK Michael A. Hemphill Department of Kinesiology University of North Carolina at Greensboro Greensboro, NC, USA

xxiii

Contributors

Kristoffer Henriksen Institute of Sport Science and Clinical Biomechanics University of Southern Denmark Odense, Denmark Juan González-Hernández University of Granada Granada, Spain Andrew P. Hill School of Sport York St John University York, UK Nicola Hodges School of Kinesiology University of British Columbia Vancouver, BC, Canada

Jesús Ilundáin-Agurruza Department of Philosophy Linfield College McMinnville, OR, USA Ben Jackson School of Human Sciences The University of Western Australia Perth, Australia Leighton Jones Academy of Sport and Physical Activity Sheffield Hallam University Sheffield, UK Helene Jørgensen Faculty of Kinesiology, Sport, and Recreation University of Alberta Edmonton, Canada

Paul S. Holmes Research Centre for Musculoskeletal Science and Sports Medicine Manchester Metropolitan University Manchester, UK

Sophia Jowett School of Sport, Exercise and Health Sciences Loughborough University Loughborough, UK

Nicholas L. Holt Faculty of Kenisiology, Sport, and Recreation University of Alberta Edmonton, Canada

Anna Kavoura Faculty of Sport and Health Sciences University of Jyväskylä Jyväskylä, Finland

Ernst-Joachim Hossner Institute of Sport Science University of Bern Bern, Switzerland

Richard Keegan Sport and Exercise Sciences University of Canberra Canberra, Australia

Tsung-Min Hung Department of Physical Education National Taiwan Normal University Taipei, Taiwan

Göran Kenttä Department of Sport and Health Sciences Swedish School of Sport and Health Sciences Stockholm, Sweden

Jasmin C. Hutchinson Department of Exercise Science and Athletic Training Springfield College Springfield, MA, USA

Youngho Kim Department of Sport Sciences Seoul National University of Science and Technology Seoul, South Korea

xxiv

Contributors

Alexander T. Latinjak School for Science, Technology and Engineering University of Suffolk Ipswich, UK

Nicola Kime Bradford Institute for Health Research Bradford Teaching Hospitals NHS Trust Bradford, UK Jens Kleinert Institute of Psychology German Sport University Cologne Cologne, Germany

Benedikt Lauber Department of Neurosciences and Movement Science University of Fribourg Fribourg, Switzerland

York-Peter Klöppel Athlete Performance Center Red Bull Salzburg Thalgau, Austria

Lambros Lazuras Department of Psychology, Sociology, & Politics Sheffield Hallam University Sheffield, UK

Camilla Knight College of Engineering Swansea University Swansea, Wales, UK

Sae-Mi Lee Department of Kinesiology California State University Chico, CA, USA

Dirk Koester Faculty of Business and Management BSP Business School Berlin, Germany

Ronnie Lidor The Academic College at Wingate Wingate Institute Wingate, Israel

Kent C. Kowalski College of Kinesiology University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon, Canada

Christine Le Scanff Sport and Human Movement Sciences Université Paris-Sud Paris, France

Ralf Kredel Institute of Sport Science University of Bern Bern, Switzerland

Lorena Lozano-Sufrategui School of Sport Leeds Beckett University Leeds, UK

Sylvain Laborde Department of Performance Psychology German Sport University Cologne Cologne, Germany

Fabio Lucidi Faculty of Medicine and Psychology Sapienza University of Rome Rome, Italy

Carsten Hvid Larsen Department of Sports Science and Clinical Biomechanics University of Southern Denmark Odense, Denmark

Olivier Luminet Psychological Sciences Research Institute

xxv

Contributors

Université catholique de Louvain Louvain, Belgium John Lyle Carnegie School of Sport Leeds Beckett University Leeds, UK Clare MacMahon School of Allied Health, Human Services, and Sport La Trobe University Melbourne, Australia Daniel J. Madigan School of Sport York St John University York, UK Clifford J. Mallett Faculty of Health and Behavioural Sciences The University of Queensland Brisbane, Australia Sarah H. Mallinson-Howard School of Sport York St John University York, UK Harry Manley Faculty of Psychology Chulalongkorn University Bangkok, Thailand Warren Mansell Faculty of Biology Medicine and Health University of Manchester Manchester, UK Luc J. Martin School of Kinesiology and Health Studies Queen’s University Kingston, ON, Canada Marina Mateos Performance and Wellbeing Melbourne, Australia

Dan P. McAdams Department of Psychology Northwestern University Evanston, IL, USA Kerry R. McGannon School of Human Kinetics Laurentian University Sudbury, Canada Stephen D. Mellalieu School of Sport & Health Sciences Cardiff Metropolitan University Cardiff, Wales, UK Antonio Hernández-Mendo Department of Social Psychology, Social Anthropology, Social Work and Social Services Universidad De Málaga Malaga, Spain Carine Meslot Manchester Centre for Health Psychology University of Manchester Manchester, UK Thierry R. F. Middleton Human Studies Program Laurentian University Sudbury, Canada Carolyn Morf Institute of Psychology University of Bern Bern, Switzerland Aidan Moran School of Psychology University College Dublin Dublin, Ireland Emma Mosley School of Sport, Health and Social Sciences Solent University Southampton, UK xxvi

Contributors

Mónica Muiños Faculty of Health Sciences Universidad Internacional de Valencia Valencia, Spain

Nicole T. Ong School of Kinesiology University of British Columbia Vancouver, BC, Canada

Bob Muir Carnegie School of Sport Leeds Beckett University Leeds, UK

Kurtis Pankow Faculty of Kinesiology, Sport, and Recreation University of Alberta Edmonton, Canada

Aurelia Nattiv Departments of Family Medicine and Ortho­ paedic Surgery University of California Los Angeles, CA, USA

William D. Parham School of Education Loyola Marymount University Los Angeles, CA, USA

Rich Neil School of Sport & Health Sciences Cardiff Metropolitan University Cardiff, Wales, UK

Saengryeol Park Department of Preventive Medicine Kyung Hee University Seoul, South Korea

Christina G. L. Nerstad Department of Public Administration and Leadership Oslo Metropolitan University Oslo, Norway

Fabian Pels Institute of Psychology German Sport University Cologne Cologne, Germany

Steffen Nestler Department of Psychology University of Münster Münster, Germany

Brennan Petersen Human Studies Program Laurentian University Sudbury, Canada

Nikos Ntoumanis School of Psychology Curtin University, Perth, Australia

Eva Pila School of Kinesiology, Faculty of Health Sciences Western University Ontario, Canada

Katherine A. O’Brien Faculty of Health Queensland University of Technology Brisbane, Australia Peter Olusoga Centre for Sport and Exercise Science Sheffield Hallam University Sheffield, UK

Nils Henrik Pixa Department of Neuromotor Behavior and Exercise University of Münster Münster, Germany Artur Poczwardowski Sport and Performance Psychology Graduate School of Professional Psychology

xxvii

Contributors

University of Denver Denver, CO, USA

University of Malaga Malaga, Spain

Leslie Podlog Department of Health, Kinesiology, & Recreation University of Utah Salt Lake City, UT, U.S.A

Ryan E. Rhodes School of Exercise Science University of Victoria Victoria, Canada

Stefanie Podlog School of Nursing University of St. Augustine for Health Sciences St. Augustine, FL, U.S.A Zoë A. Poucher Faculty of Kinesiology and Physical Education University of Toronto Toronto, Canada Andy Pringle College of Life and Natural Sciences University of Derby Derby, UK Eleanor Quested School of Psychology Curtin University Perth, Australia Markus Raab Institute of Psychology German Sport University Cologne Cologne, Germany María Julia Raimundi National Council of Scientific and Technical Research University of Buenos Aires Buenos Aires, Argentina Susana Regüela High Performance Center Sant Cugat Barcelona, Spain Rafael E. Reigal Facultad de Psicología

Claudio Robazza Department of Medicine and Aging Sciences “G. d’Annunzio” University of Chieti-Pescara Chieti, Italy Glyn C. Roberts Department of Coaching and Psychology Norwegian University of Sport Science Oslo, Norway Ross Roberts Institute for the Psychology of Elite Performance Bangor University Bangor, Wales, UK Noora J. Ronkainen Department of Psychology University of Jyväskylä Jyväskylä, Finland Julian Rudisch Department of Neuromotor Behavior and Exercise University of Münster Münster, Germany Montse C. Ruiz Faculty of Sport and Health Sciences University of Jyväskylä Jyväskylä, Finland Tatiana V. Ryba Faculty of Sport and Health Sciences University of Jyväskylä, Finland Steven B. Rynne Faculty of Health and Behavioural Sciences xxviii

Contributors

The University of Queensland Brisbane, Australia Roy David Samuel Baruch Ivcher School of Psychology Interdisciplinary Center (IDC) Herzliya, Israel Mustafa Sarkar Department of Sport Science Nottingham Trent University Nottingham, UK Thomas Schack Faculty of Psychology and Sport Science Bielefeld University Bielefeld, Germany Robert J. Schinke School of Human Kinetics Laurentian University Sudbury, Canada Stefan Schneider Institute of Movement and Neurosciences German Sport University Cologne Cologne, Germany Jamie L. Shapiro Sport and Performance Psychology in the Graduate School of Professional Psychology University of Denver Denver, CO, USA Matthew J. Slater Department of Sport and Exercise Staffordshire University Stoke-on-Trent, UK Brett Smith Department of Sport and Exercise Sciences Durham University Durham, UK Martin M. Smith School of Sport York St John University York, UK

Natalia B. Stambulova School of Health and Welfare Halmstad University Halmstad, Sweden Louise Kamuk Storm Department of Sports Science and Clinical Biomechanics University of Southern Denmark Odense, Denmark Ning Su Hong Kong Sports Institute Shatin, Hong Kong, China Joel Suss Faculty of Psychology Wichita State University Wichita, KS, USA Katherine A. Tamminen Faculty of Kinesiology and Physical Education University of Toronto Toronto, Canada Wolfgang Taube Department of Neurosciences and Movement Science University of Fribourg Fribourg, Switzerland Gershon Tenenbaum The Interdisciplinary Centre B. Ivcher School of Psychology Herzlia, Israel Cecilie Thøgersen-Ntoumani School of Psychology Curtin University Perth, Australia Miquel Torregrossa Facultat de Psicologia Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Bellaterra, Spain xxix

Contributors

Atur V. Turakhia Children, Youth, & Prevention Behavioral Health Services Orange County Health Care Agency Orange County, CA, USA

Michigan Technological University Michigan, MI, USA Matthew Watson Department of Performance Psychology German Sport University Cologne Cologne, Germany

Erlanger A. Turner Faculty of Psychology University of Houston-Downtown Houston, TX, USA

Robert Weinberg Department of Kinesiology and Health Miami University Miami, FL, USA

Jennifer Turnnidge School of Kinesiology and Health Studies Queen’s University Kingston, Canada

A. Mark Williams Department of Health, Kinesiology, and Recreation University of Utah Salt Lake City, UT, USA

Sarah Ullrich-French Department of Educational Leadership, Sport Studies, and Educational/Counseling Psychology Washington State University Pullman, WA, USA

Toni L. Williams Carnegie School of Sport Leeds Beckett University Leeds, UK

Claudia Voelcker-Rehage Department of Neuromotor Behavior and Exercise University of Münster Münster, Germany

Kathryn E. Wilson Department of Health Promotion University of Nebraska Medical Center Omaha, NE, USA

Kathryn E. Wilson Department of Health Promotion University of Nebraska Medical Center Omaha, NE, USA

Stuart Wilson School of Human Kinetics University of Ottawa Ottawa, Canada

Svenja Wachsmuth Institute of Sport Science Eberhard Karls University Heidelberg, Germany

Tim Woodman Institute for the Psychology of Elite Performance Bangor University Bangor, Wales, UK

Christopher R. D. Wagstaff School of Sport, Health and Exercise Science University of Portsmouth Portsmouth, UK

Svenja A. Wolf Work and Organizational Psychology Program University of Amsterdam Amsterdam, The Netherlands

Paul Ward Department of Cognitive and Learning Sciences

Emily Wright Institute for the Study of Youth Sports xxx

Contributors

Michigan State University East Lansing, MI, USA David J. Wright Research Centre for Musculoskeletal Science and Sports Medicine Manchester Metropolitan University Manchester, UK Paul Wylleman Faculty of Physical Education and Physiotherapy Vrije Universiteit Brussel Brussel, Belgium

Jessica Zarndt Departments of Family Medicine and Ortho­ paedic Surgery University of California Los Angeles, CA, USA Chun-Qing Zhang Hong Kong Sports Institute Shatin, Hong Kong, China Stephen Zwolinsky West Yorkshire & Harrogate Cancer Alliance Wakefield, UK

xxxi

KEYWORDS

(not covered by separate contributions; in addition to the subject index) Keyword

Chapter (volume, chapter)

Accreditation

Quality management in sport and performance psychology programmes (2, 38) Career management – an action-theory approach (2, 8) Mental fitness (1, 19) Mental simulation and neurocognition: Advances for motor imagery and action observation training in sport (2, 28) Planning exploiting biopsychosocial cues (2, 34) Adventurous sport activities (1, 1) Career management – an action-theory approach (2, 8) Mental fitness (1, 19) Mental fitness (1, 19) Performance of closed self-paced motor tasks (2, 33) Exercise behaviour models (2, 22) Mental fitness (1, 19) Adventurous sport activities (1, 1) Depression: Prevention and treatment through exercise (2, 17) Goals and emotions (1, 13) Group cohesion (1, 14) Embodied cognition (1, 9) Talent development environments (2, 44) Eating disorders and disordered eating in athletes (2, 18) Human performance pillars in elite sport (2, 25) Evaluating interventions (2, 21) Coaching athletes with a disability (2, 12) Narcissism (2, 27) Anxiety disorder and treatment (2, 3) Expertise: Nature and nurture (1, 11) Talent development and expertise in sport (2, 43) Career transitions (2, 9) Career development (2, 7)

Action Action observation Action planning Action situation

Adaptation Adherence Adjustment Adventure Aerobic exercise Affect Affiliation Affordances Anorexia nervosa Arousal Audit Autonomy Assessment Athlete anxiety Athlete development Athletic career Athletic career model

(Continued )

(Cont). Keyword

Chapter (volume, chapter)

Athletic retirement Attention Attitude Beliefs Bias Bias-perception conflict spiral Bulimia nervosa Bullying

Career transitions (2, 9)

Augmented feedback (2, 5)

Planned exercise behaviour (1, 35)

Self-talk and emotions (2, 39)

Judgement and decision-making (1, 16)

Conflict and communication in coach–athlete relationships (2, 14)

Eating disorders and disordered eating in athletes (2, 18)

Positive youth development: A sport and exercise psychology perspective

(1, 36)

Evaluating interventions (2, 21)

Evaluating interventions (2, 21)

Career management – an action-theory approach (2, 8)

Career development (2, 7)

Career management – an action-theory approach (2, 8)

Career development (2, 7)

Career development (2, 7)

Career management – an action-theory approach (2, 8)

Career assistance programmes (2, 6)

Career management – an action-theory approach (2, 8)

Organizational culture in sport (1, 28)

Accreditation (2, 1)

Career transitions (2, 9)

Judgement and decision-making (1, 16)

Embodied cognition (1, 9)

Motor control (1, 25)

Conflict and communication in coach–athlete relationships (2, 14)

High-performance coaches (2, 24)

Self-determination theory (1, 41)

Validity and reliability (1, 47)

Cognitive sport psychology (1, 5)

Methods in cognitive sport psychology (1, 22)

Neurocognitive psychology for sport (2, 30)

Mindfulness training (2, 29)

Cognitive declines: Protection by physical activity (2, 13)

Conflict and communication in coach–athlete relationships (2, 14)

Evaluating interventions (2, 21)

Trauma: The invisible tattoos (2, 46)

Ethical issues (2, 20)

Conflict and communication in coach–athlete relationships (2, 14)

Injury (2, 26)

Self-efficacy (1, 42)

Ethical issues (2, 20)

Validity and reliability (1, 47)

Research philosophies (1, 39)

Research philosophies (1, 39)

Measurement quality (1, 18)

Context-driven sport psychology: A cultural lens (1, 6)

Capability Capacity Career Career competencies Career counselling Career decision-making Career exploration Career networking Career transitions Ceremonials Certification Change-event Choice Choking Closed-Loop Closeness Coaching Coefficient H Cognition Cognitive architecture Cognitive defusion Cognitive performance Commitment Compassion fatigue Competence Complementarity Concussion Confidence Confidentiality Confirmatory factor analysis Constructionism Constructivism Construct validity Context

(Continued )

(Cont). Keyword

Chapter (volume, chapter)

Coordination Coping

Motor control (1, 25)

Stress and well-being of those operating in groups (1, 45)

Injury (2, 26)

Stress and well-being of those operating in groups (1, 45)

Organizational culture in sport (1, 28)

Affect and music (2, 2)

Self-talk and emotions (2, 39)

Performance and brain in sport (2, 32)

Research philosophies (1, 39)

Career transitions (2, 9)

Context-driven sport psychology: A cultural lens (1, 6)

Ethical issues (2, 20)

Cultural praxis (2, 16)

Transnational athletic career and cultural transition (2, 45)

Context-driven sport psychology: A cultural lens (1, 6)

Cultural praxis (2, 16)

Coaches’ decision-making (2, 10)

Coaches’ decision-making (2, 10)

Embodied cognition (1, 9)

Expertise: Nature and nurture (1, 11)

Depression: Prevention and treatment through exercise (2, 17)

Embodied cognition (1, 9)

Embodied cognition (1, 9)

Personality assessment I: An integrative approach (1, 32)

Career assistance programmes (2, 6)

Career development (2, 7)

Career transitions (2, 9)

Research philosophies (1, 39)

Mindfulness and exercise (1, 23)

Motor control (1, 25)

Narcissism (2, 27)

Talent development and expertise in sport (2, 43)

Talent development and expertise in sport (2, 43)

Motivation: Achievement goal theory in sport and physical activity (1, 24)

Performance and brain in sport (2, 32)

Athletic talent development in relation to psychological factors (2, 4)

Judgement and decision-making (1, 16)

Cognitive sport psychology (1, 5)

Mental fitness (1, 19)

Anxiety disorder and treatment (2, 3)

Research philosophies (1, 39)

Evaluating interventions (2, 21)

Cognitive declines: Protection by physical activity (2, 13)

Cognitive declines: Protection by physical activity (2, 13)

Exercise behaviour models (2, 22)

Cognitive declines: Protection by physical activity (2, 13)

Personality assessment II: Within-person variability assessment (1, 33)

Coping strategies Corporate culture Core affect Cortical activity Critical theory Crisis-transition Cultural competence Cultural sport psychology Cultural transition model Culture Decision heuristics Decision policies Deliberate practice Depressive disorder Direct perception Direct realism Dispositional traits Dual career

Dualism Dual process model Dynamical systems Dynamics Early sampling Early specialization Ego involvement Electroencephalograph (EEG) Elite athletes Embodied cognition Embodiment Emotional competence Emotional self-protection Epistemology Evaluation Executive function Exercise Exercise initiation Exercise regimes Experience sampling

(Continued )

(Cont). Keyword

Chapter (volume, chapter)

Expertise

Performance and brain in sport (2, 32)

Talent development and expertise in sport (2, 43)

Validity and reliability (1, 47)

Validity and reliability (1, 47)

Exploratory factor analysis Exploratory structural equation modelling Extreme sports Eye–hand coordination Factor analysis Fight-flight Flow Formative evaluation Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) Functional movement analysis Generalizability Genes Goal aspirations Goal planning Graduate training Group dynamics Harmony Hazard perception Health Hegemony Heuristic model High-risk sport(a) ICSpace Identity Ideology Idiographic Idiographic versus nomothetic Impact evaluation Implicit person theories Information processing Inner dialogue Integrity Intention Internal consistency Internalization Knowledge Knowledge of performance Knowledge of result Leadership

Adventurous sport activities (1, 1)

Embodied cognition (1, 9)

T’ai chi for improving brain function and cognition (2, 42)

Validity and reliability (1, 47)

Anxiety disorder and treatment (2, 3)

Adventurous sport activities (1, 1)

Group flow (1, 15)

Evaluating interventions (2, 21)

Performance and brain in sport (2, 32)

Practice (2, 36)

Meta-analysis and meta-synthesis (1, 21)

Qualitative methods (1, 38)

Expertise: Nature and nurture (1, 11)

Self-determination theory (1, 41)

Goal-setting (2, 23)

Quality management in sport and performance psychology programmes

(2, 38)

Group cohesion (1, 14)

Affect and music (2, 2)

Anticipation and expertise (1, 3)

Perfectionism (1, 29)

Power and privilege (1, 37)

Cultural praxis (2, 16)

Adventurous sport activities (1, 1)

New technologies in sport psychology practice (2, 31)

Spirituality in sport (1, 44)

Power and privilege (1, 37)

Personality assessment I: An integrative approach (1, 32)

Personality assessment II: Within-person variability assessment (1, 33)

Evaluating interventions (2, 21)

Motivation: Achievement goal theory in sport and physical activity (1, 24)

Cognitive sport psychology (1, 5)

Self-talk and emotions (2, 39)

Ethical issues (2, 20)

Planned exercise behaviour (1, 35)

Validity and reliability (1, 47)

Exercise behaviour models (2, 22)

Judgement and decision-making (1, 16)

Augmented feedback (2, 5)

Augmented feedback (2, 5)

High-performance coaches (2, 24)

(Continued )

(Cont). Keyword

Chapter (volume, chapter)

Licensing Life skills

Accreditation (2, 1)

Positive youth development: A sport and exercise psychology perspective

(1, 36)

Positive youth development through sport (2, 35)

T’ai chi for improving brain function and cognition (2, 42)

Motivation: Achievement goal theory in sport and physical activity (1, 24)

Positive youth development: A sport and exercise psychology perspective

(1, 36)

Personality research: Directions (1, 34)

Methods in cognitive sport psychology (1, 22)

Affect and music (2, 2)

Qualitative methods (1, 38)

Mental simulation and neurocognition: Advances for motor imagery and

action observation training in sport (2, 28)

Mental simulation and neurocognition: Advances for motor imagery and

action observation training in sport (2, 28)

Mental fitness (1, 19)

New technologies in sport psychology practice (2, 31)

Mental fitness (1, 19)

Athletic talent development in relation to psychological factors (2, 4)

Depression: Prevention and treatment through exercise (2, 17)

Professional development: Supervision, mentorship, and professional

development in the career of an applied professional (2, 37)

Transnational athletic career and cultural transition (2, 45)

Transnational athletic career and cultural transition (2, 45)

Mindfulness and exercise (1, 23)

Motivation: Achievement goal theory in sport and physical activity (1, 24)

Mental imagery and neurocognition

Goals and emotions (1, 13)

Ethical issues (2, 20)

Practice (2, 36)

Motor control (1, 25)

Motor learning (1, 26)

Human performance pillars in elite sport (2, 25)

Motivation: Achievement goal theory in sport and physical activity (1, 24)

Neurocognitive psychology for sport (2, 30)

Personality research: Directions (1, 34)

Martial arts Mastery climate Measurement

Measurement theory Melody Member reflections Mental imagery Mental practice Mental recovery Mental representation Mental robustness Mental toughness Mental health Meta-supervision Methodological nationalism Migration Mindful movement Mindset Modelling Mood Moral Motor control theory Motor skills Motivation Motivational climate Movement representation Multi-method personality assessment Narrative identity Naturalistic decision-making Need support Neurofeedback Norms Omega and composite reliability Open-loop Organizational resilience

Personality assessment I: An integrative approach (1, 32)

Coaches’ decision-making (2, 10)

Self-determination theory (1, 41)

Performance and brain in sport (2, 32)

Planned exercise behaviour (1, 35)

Validity and reliability (1, 47)

Motor control (1, 25)

Resilience in teams and organizations (1, 40)

(Continued )

(Cont). Keyword

Chapter (volume, chapter)

Outcome goals Paradigm Peer debriefing Perceived behavioural control Perception action Perceptual control theory Perceptual-motor learning Perfectionistic concerns Perfectionistic strivings Performance

Goal-setting (2, 23)

Cognitive sport psychology (1, 5)

Measurement quality (1, 18)

Planned exercise behaviour (1, 35)

Motor control (1, 25)

Goals and emotions (1, 13)

Motor learning (1, 26)

Perfectionism (1, 29)

Perfectionism (1, 29)

Human performance pillars in elite sport (2, 25)

Perfectionism (1, 29)

Motivation: Achievement goal theory in sport and physical activity (1, 24)

Goal-setting (2, 23)

Personality assessment I: An integrative approach (1, 32)

Substance abuse in athletics: A biopsychosocial approach to assessment

and management (2, 41)

Personality assessment I: An integrative approach (1, 32)

Research philosophies (1, 39)

Research philosophies (1, 39)

Trauma: The invisible tattoos (2, 46)

Anticipation and expertise (1, 3)

Goal-setting (2, 23)

Evaluating interventions (2, 21)

Evaluating interventions (2, 21)

Anticipation and expertise (1, 3)

Substance abuse in athletics: A biopsychosocial approach to assessment

and management (2, 41)

Exercise behaviour models (2, 22)

Self-determination theory (1, 41)

Services for young talented athletes (2, 40)

Transnational athletic career and cultural transition (2, 45)

Embodied cognition (1, 9)

Performance climate Performance goals Personality profiling Perpetuating factors Personal myth Post-positivism Post-structuralism Post-traumatic growth Prediction Principles of goal-setting Process evaluation Programme evaluation Projection Protective factors Psychological needs Psychosocial skills

Quasi-normative career transition Quiet eye Realism Registration Reinvestment Rites Relativism Religiosity Reperceiving Research Research evaluation Research paradigm Resilience Respect/respectfulness Review

Rhythm Rigour

Research philosophies (1, 39)

Accreditation (2, 1)

Mental fitness (1, 19)

Organizational culture in sport (1, 28)

Research philosophies (1, 39)

Spirituality in sport (1, 44)

Mindfulness training (2, 29)

Evaluating interventions (2, 21)

Evaluating interventions (2, 21)

Methods in cognitive sport psychology (1, 22)

Mental fitness (1, 19)

Ethical issues (2, 20)

Meta-analysis and meta-synthesis (1, 21)

Affect and music (2, 2)

Qualitative methods (1, 38)

(Continued )

(Cont). Keyword

Chapter (volume, chapter)

Risk Risk management Risk sport(s) Routines Rumination Sampling Self-confidence Self-determined motivation Self-efficacy Self-reflexivity Self-reinforcing feedback loop Self-regulation

Adventurous sport activities (1, 1)

Ethical issues (2, 20)

Embodied cognition (1, 9)

Performance of closed self-paced motor tasks (2, 33)

Mental fitness (1, 19)

Personality research: Directions (1, 34)

Human performance pillars in elite sport (2, 25)

Self-determination theory (1, 41)

Mental fitness (1, 19)

Measurement quality (1, 18)

Conflict and communication in coach–athlete relationships (2, 14)

Emotion regulation (2, 19)

Goals and emotions (1, 13)

Mental fitness (1, 19)

Self-talk and emotions (2, 39)

Judgement and decision-making (1, 16)

Anticipation and expertise (1, 3)

Anticipation and expertise (1, 3)

Anticipation and expertise (1, 3)

Simple heuristic Situation assessment Situation awareness Skill Skill acquisition Social-cognitive theory Social constructionism

Social involvement Social relationships Social responsibility Sport coaching State assessment State fluctuations Stigma Strength-building Stress Stress mindset Structure Supervision Talent Talent development Task involvement Task space Team building Team dynamics Team personality Team resilience Teams Test and testing

Embodied cognition (1, 9)

Motor learning (1, 26)

Self-efficacy (1, 42)

Self-identity: Discursive and narrative conceptions and applications (1, 43)

Motivation: Achievement goal theory in sport and physical activity (1, 24)

Positive youth development: A sport and exercise psychology perspective

(1, 36)

Ethical issues (2, 20)

Coaches’ decision-making (2, 10)

Personality assessment II: Within-person variability assessment (1, 33)

Personality assessment II: Within-person variability assessment (1, 33)

Mental health and wellness (1, 20)

Positive youth development: A sport and exercise psychology perspective

(1, 36)

Injury (2, 26)

Injury (2, 26)

Narcissism (2, 27)

Quality management in sport and performance psychology programmes

(2, 38)

Expertise: Nature and nurture (1, 11)

Services for young talented athletes (2, 40)

Motivation: Achievement goal theory in sport and physical activity (1, 24)

Practice (2, 36)

Group cohesion (1, 14)

Embodied cognition (1, 9)

Personality and team effectiveness (1, 31)

Resilience in teams and organizations (1, 40)

Group cohesion (1, 14)

Qualitative methods (1, 38)

(Continued )

(Cont). Keyword

Chapter (volume, chapter)

Thinking Title usage Training Training environment Traits Transfer Transferability

Self-talk and emotions (2, 39)

Ethical issues (2, 20)

Expertise: Nature and nurture (1, 11)

Talent development environments (2, 44)

Personality assessment I: An integrative approach (1, 32)

Motor learning (1, 26)

Measurement quality (1, 18)

Qualitative methods (1, 38)

Transnational athletic career and cultural transition (2, 45)

Coaching athletes with a disability (2, 12)

Measurement quality (1, 18)

Measurement quality (1, 18)

New technologies in sport psychology practice (2, 31)

T’ai chi for improving brain function and cognition (2, 42)

T’ai chi for improving brain function and cognition (2, 42)

Planning exploiting biopsychosocial cues (2, 34)

Ethical issues (2, 20)

Adventurous sport activities (1, 1)

Mindfulness and exercise (1, 23)

Services for young talented athletes (2, 40)

Transnationalism Trial and error

Triangulation Trustworthiness Virtual reality Visual asymmetries Visuospatial abilities Volition Well-being X-treme sport(s) Yoga Youth sport context

ORIENTATION FOR VOLUME 2:

THEORY TO PRACTICE

Volume 2 features essential topics in sport and exercise psychology, connecting theory with the applied realm. Each contribution in Volume 2 provides its own unique terminological network. Each terminological network is built around a superordinate topic and narrowed to subordinate, more defined branches of discussion relevant in relation to practice. Problems and challenges found within the sphere of applied practice are considered, as are their applications, which are offered as solutions. The practical foci, in some cases, carry beyond sport and physical activity to domains outside traditionally associated contexts and disciplines, where sport psychology practices are becoming increasingly common. Furthermore, broader issues that extend beyond sport and physical activity participation are embedded within the entries, intended to augment physical, mental, and social well-being. Intervention strategies and well-developed technologies derived from the international authors are provided, from their inception to forecasted future state, to augment the reader’s work with clients in sport and further transferable achievement settings.

xl

INTRODUCTION

Dieter Hackfort and Robert J. Schinke

The editors’ mission through The Routledge International Encyclopedia of Sport and Exercise Psychology is threefold. First, this resource is intended to foster a better understanding of fundamental concepts, methodological approaches, and explanations of key terms embedded in the terminological network. Second, this project is positioned as a reference that can be used as a valuable information source and also as a tool to support teaching and research in classrooms, and among scholars of all stages. Finally, as an added value this project was conceptualized to assist in the organization and management of applied strategies and practical measurements.

Background The original idea of an encyclopedia, from its inception, was to have a collection of the entire (universal) knowledge available up to that point in time, an overview of cumulative knowledge across all subject areas. The concept ‘encyclopedia’ is founded in the work by Aristotle, and the term has its roots in the language of the ancient Greeks (see Fowers, 2012). However, the first encyclopedia was designed by the Romans. The Naturalis Historia (by Pliny the Elder, 77–79 A.D.) is regarded to be the oldest encyclopedia in good shape. The term ‘encyclopedia’ originated in the French word encyclopédie (1751–1780). Since then, the trend with encyclopedias has evolved, with some narrowing from universal to discipline-specific, such as in the case of the current project. The developmental path from which a given discipline is created and established, leading to sufficient content for an encyclopedia, accumulates over time. During this process, hallmarks of disciplinary evolution include the implementation of professorships, departments, institutes, and faculties in universities, the foundation of scientific organizations, and the formation of journals, all of which are essential in order to deepen disciplinary knowledge and credibility, while growing in practical knowledge and techniques. An encyclopedia, then, becomes a further, tangible indication that the discipline has achieved a certain level of formalized status and high standard, with sufficient depth and breadth in content to reveal an extensive, metaphorical geography of the domain. Narrowing to the field of psychology and its formation, the statement by the German psychologist and pioneer in memory research Hermann Ebbinghaus, in 1907 (see Ebbinghaus, 1922), is that psychology has a long past but only a short history. Hence, the foundations are less specific and formal for psychology as compared with other scientific disciplines, such as the 1

Dieter Hackfort and Robert J. Schinke

natural sciences. What we refer to as ‘sport psychology’ has its roots in various broad-based research areas, though it has been built on psychology theories and scholarship as its foundational literature. These diverse areas are known to include social psychology, occupational psychology, educational psychology, and clinical psychology. The interdisciplinary knowledge base that is referred to as sport psychology, which also includes exercise, has been, and is increasingly, informed from diverse countries and cultural backgrounds from across the global landscape. These disciplines and cultural perspectives weave together into a tapestry of knowledge that refers to the spheres of competitive sports and exercise; consequently, the discipline is labelled nowadays ‘sport and exercise psychology’.

Development of the Discipline Sport psychology as an academic discipline and area of research was developed in the 20th century. Briefly, after the foundation of the first laboratory for experimental psychology in Leipzig (Germany) by Wilhelm Wundt, in 1879, the first sport psychology laboratory was established in 1920 by Robert Werner Schulte at the German High School for Physical Education in Berlin. In the same year, in Russia, P. A. Rudik initiated a sport psychology laboratory at the Institute for Physical Culture. In Asia, Mitsuo Matsu organized sport psychology research in a laboratory at the National Institute of Physical Education located in Japan, in 1924. In the United States, Coleman Griffith opened a laboratory for sport psychology research in 1925 at the University of Illinois. However, the term ‘sport psychology’ was used, probably for the first time, by the French Baron Pierre de Coubertin (see de Coubertin, 1900), the founder of the modern Olympic Games and the organizer of the First International Congress on the Physiology and Psychology of Sport in 1913 (a second one was never organized). From these initial well-known hallmark moments, sport and exercise psychology was launched and began to grow at a rapid pace. In the 1960s, the discipline was arranged in Europe (then comprised of Eastern and Western regions and ideologies), and in the United States by university professorships. With people from these regions, the International Society of Sport Psychology (ISSP) was founded in 1965, with additional engagement from South America (i.e., Brazil in 1965, followed by Argentina in 1973). Asia, though active in its continent, did not join the ISSP until 1973, followed by Africa in 1977 (i.e., Egypt). Since these points in time, scholarship founded in ISSP’s flagship journal, first known as the International Journal of Sport Psychology and, more recently, the International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, has become increasingly globalized. Broader leadership within continents and also in the ISSP has also integrated a closer balance of Eastern and Western perspectives, reflecting an ever-increasing, culturally diversified field (see www.issponline.org). The discipline developed in the frame of sport science as a function of the increased interest in sport and exercise within modern society. Owing to the different terminology and concepts of sport/sports in various regions of the world, the differentiation between competitive/performance­ oriented sport and health/fitness-oriented exercise resulted in what has become internationally the most used, comprehensive label of ‘sport and exercise psychology’ (see, e.g., the official journal of the ISSP – the International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology; the official journal of FEPSAC – Psychology of Sport and Exercise; and the official journal of NASPSA – the Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, as testament to the use of these terms side by side). More recently, the term ‘performance’, which referred from the very beginning to a fundamental phenomenon in sport psychology research and practice, has also begun to be used for a further differentiation and indication of the scope of sport psychology, as parameters continue to expand into parallel performance environments, such as combat and dance (see e.g., the American Psychological Association’s Division 47 journal, Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology). 2

Introduction

However, the roots of sport and exercise psychology, including performance as well as adventure, can be traced back to pertinent ideas and practices found in various cultures for centuries, such as in Ancient Greece, India, and China. The meaning of physical activity, exercise, and sport for health and education purposes as well as sport performance was, and is, an essential issue across and within the evolution of cultures. On the one hand, the meaning of ‘sport’ is different in various cultures, with ‘sport’ and related terms being regarded as key elements of modern societies. Cultural developments are influencing significantly what is meant by ‘sport’ (see, e.g., Council of Europe, 2017), and. as a consequence, these understandings have influenced, and are influencing, the meaning of sport science and sport psychology. At the beginning in this profession, institutionalized sport psychology focused on educational and performance issues. In interaction with the development of sport science, sport scientific disciplines, psychology, and requirements from sport and further related fields, the scope of interests and relevant issues to be covered in sport psychology was broadened, enlarged, and enriched. At present, the overall endeavour of sport and exercise psychology is to contribute to the quality of life of all human beings, and, for this mission, emphasis is given to the basic topics of health, well-being, fitness, performance, adventure, and sport. These topics are linked with a focus on educational (e.g., coaching, youth development, physical life skills), individual (e.g., motor learning, motor control, development of personality, self-concept), social (e.g., career management, team-building, leadership), and exercise purposes, for which the fundamental psychic processes – affective, cognitive, motivational, and volitional – are analysed. The psychological analyses are realized across different levels and systems, such as the so-called micro-, meso-, and macro-systems, in regard to the interaction of individuals and their social or cultural environment, the interplay of emotional and cognitive processes (intra­ psychic/system analyses), or cognitive and biological (neural) processes on a different level (inter-system analyses). Thus, the psychosocial perspective refers to the cultural system, and a more detailed psychophysiological perspective refers to the neural system – that is, from the macro- to the micro-level approaches to psychic processes (see Figure 0.1). Sport activities as well as sport psychology research are embedded in an action situation, created by the actual person–task–environment constellation. This constellation can be regarded in terms of different systems and analysed by different methodological approaches and theoretical perspectives according to the interests and topics of the practitioner or researcher. This is taken into account in the compilation of the contributions to this encyclopedia. Even though terms such as ‘cultural sport psychology’ or ‘performance psychology’ are used to indicate specific topic matter, as long as this is realized in regard to sport in a broad (classical) understanding, it is a subject and part of sport psychology as the overarching term and these issues, meaning the more specific aspects of sport, exercise, and performance found in this encyclopedia. Despite sport psychology’s relatively nascent history as a recognized field and discipline, there are numerous vibrant continental sport and exercise psychology organizations, suggestive of a flourishing domain. Each of these societies serves as an umbrella organization for its respective national societies. Several noteworthy societies, with origins in continental activities, such as conferences, include the Association for Applied Sport Psychology (AASP), founded in the United States, with strong support from Canada, and focused on practical application; the North American Society for the Psychology of Sport and Physical Activity (NASPSA), known for its academic and research focus, also in North America; the Asia South Pacific Association of Sport Psychology (ASPASP), representing the continent of Asia; the African Society of Sport Psychology (ASSP), representing Africa; the European Federation of Sport Psychology (FEPSAC), spanning Europe; and SOSUPE (Sociedad Sudamericana de Psicologia del Deporte), in South America. Though each of the aforementioned societies has emerged from a continental focus, offerings from 3

Dieter Hackfort and Robert J. Schinke Macro

Task

Action situation

Environment

Macro

Micro

Person

Meso

Meso

Micro

Micro

Macro

re ltu Cu

Pe rs on ali ty

Meso

Strategy Figure 0.1 Relational systems, fundamental units of sport, and factors in sport psychology approaches

each society now attract engagement well beyond continental boarders. The ISSP was conceived as a global umbrella for established and emerging continental and national societies and continues to serve as a well-distributed global representative of sport psychology, with its activities rotating from one continent to the next in the aforementioned regions; additionally, the ISSP integrates several regions and their experts into regular global activities, such as publication projects, congresses, position stands, and think tanks. Sport and exercise psychology is a fundamental sport science discipline as well as a specialized branch in applied psychology. The establishment of this sport science discipline is a consequence of the development and differentiation of disciplines and subgroups of specialists in the scientific community. Sport and exercise psychology can be described through its synthesis in a large triangle (see Figure 0.2), with multiple embedded triangles.

Defining Sport and Exercise Psychology Sport and exercise psychology is a scientific and professional stream of knowledge that focuses on various dimensions of sport and exercise behaviour. The general orientation of the discipline, similar to other domains (see, e.g., Nitsch & Hackfort, 2016), is to describe, explain, predict, and develop interventional methods to modify intentional organized and purposive behaviour (actions) in sports based on empirical research and ethical standards. More specifically, the intra- and interindividual, the psychophysiological, psychosocial, and psycho-ecological foundations, preconditions, configurations, processes, and consequences of actions in sports and exercise are investigated and clarified with the applied objective to optimize sport-related actions. Thereby, the psychological perspective in regard to sport and exercise is twofold: On the one hand the analysis of how actions in sport and exercise are regulated by psychic processes (affective, cognitive, 4

Introduction

Sport & Health Culture Sport & Exercise Psychology

Psychology

Sport Science

Figure 0.2 A multi-triangle framing of sport and exercise psychology

motivational, and volitional processes) is emphasized; on the other hand, the focus is on the analysis of how actions in sport and exercise regulate psychic phenomena (i.e., attitude, emotion, self-awareness, self-concept), with the intention to enhance a sound understanding (theoretical concepts) and to enlarge effective interventional tools (applied methods). Both of these perspectives are represented in this encyclopaedia. Since sport and exercise psychology has developed into a respected and esteemed research domain, a scientific discipline taught in academic institutes and departments around the world, and a prominent field of expertise acquired by a broad range of people, including, but not limited to, athletes, coaches, physical education teachers and instructors, and those who are engaged in health promotion, the knowledge in, and the practice of, sport and exercise psychology have seen substantial growth. Based on the definition above, three general tasks of sport and exercise psychology can be distinguished: (1) There is research, including the development of theoretical concepts on the general subject of sport- and exercise-related actions and acting in sports and exercise. There is the devel­ opment of specific methodologies (and, embedded within these, methods), conceptualized and implemented as deemed necessary to ensure that they are reasonable for the subject and suitable for the action field, procedures for analyses and assessments, tests, and diag­ nostic instruments. And last but not least, there is the organization of qualitative and quanti­ tative studies, structural and procedural analyses of the preconditions and circumstances, the regulation and control, and the effects and consequences of sport-related actions. (2) There is education, teaching, and communication. Education and teaching refer to the students in sport and exercise psychology, the students in sport science and in psychology, practitioners such as coaches and teachers in physical education, and instructors in exercise. Communica­ tion and dissemination of knowledge, via publishing, lecturing, or presenting at congresses, and the exchange of experiences and skillsets through continuing education are essential tasks for the advancement and development of the discipline and the expertise of professionals. (3) There is application, including counselling, mental coaching, performance enhancement, health promotion, and supporting recreation or adventure-oriented sport activities. This more practical aspect of the field bridges science and application, in what is an applied field. Sport

5

Dieter Hackfort and Robert J. Schinke

and exercise psychology was conceptualized based on the needs of clients, and, as such, cli­ ents and participants serve as the basis of theory and empirical scholarship. Each and all of the above serve as the background that led to the conceptualization of expert topics and the selection of section experts building the Board of Experts, as well as the subsequent selection of contributions to this encyclopaedia.

Key Topics Applied sport and exercise psychologists are engaged in performance enhancement, counselling, injury rehabilitation, and promotion of physical activity for health maintenance, or in the design of adventure-oriented movement activities for special experiences. Research-oriented sport and exercise psychologists develop and test models and theories and undertake scientific investigations to understand sport- and exercise-related actions. Sport psychologists, whether researchers, practitioners, or professionals who balance both aspects to some degree, contribute to personal growth in conditions where exercise and sport are performed. With regard to central values in modern societies, three key topics can be identified to build essential references for research in sport and exercise psychology and the application of corresponding knowledge. Health, performance, and experiences of the body and by the body, well-being, harmony (see, e.g., the topics of the ISSP World Congresses in Sydney, Australia, in 2005, or in Beijing, China, in 2013) of life and the self in extreme situations can be detected to be key topics across the popular and scientific literature in the field. The key issues associated with these values are health, well-being, fitness, fun, and adventure and they converge toward the core value of quality of life.

Formation of the Encyclopedia This encyclopedia is supported by the ISSP. The ISSP continues to bring together and further initiate a global scientific community for the discipline, and this encyclopedia exemplifies the broader agenda of building capacity and exchanging ideas across a world of scholars and practitioners. The information within this two-volume set is characteristic of a discipline-specific encyclopedia, derived from fundamental thematic subject areas. It has been conceived to address the need for high-quality definitions and explanations of key terms. Hence, this encyclopedia can be used not only as a valuable information source, but also as a tool to support teaching, research, and practice. This project comprises the commission of more than 90 overarching contributions, each offering its own state-of-the-art description of a broad, key topic by providing context, reviewing key issues and findings, and tracing normative implications. The editors’ mission for this work is for it to be grounded in the best scientific thought and understandings to present, and to meet the highest scientific standards of the field. The editors’ vision, in turn, is, and will continue to be, for this project to be as inclusive as possible in regard to theoretical perspectives, methodologies, and practices. Slightly more than 50 years after the foundation of the ISSP, its Publications Committee endorsed the development of the first ever ISSP Encyclopedia of Sport and Exercise Psychology. The individual authors of the more than 90 contributions are international experts in the fundamental topics found within the project from all continents around the globe. This first edition is anticipated and agreed with the publisher to be a “living ongoing project”, to be revisited, updated, and modernized at least twice each decade in hard copy, with live, timely updates of the

6

Introduction

e-version. Contributors were, and will continue to be, challenged with looking beyond their region at the topic they present and revisit with as international a perspective as is humanly possible. The intention is to have a two-volume-set encyclopedia as close to one-stop shopping as there is for this field, covering the span of key thematic areas and key terms. What follows is an overview of the project’s formation in the discipline of sport and exercise psychology as it can be characterized today, and how one might best draw upon the knowledge (i.e., uptake). The broad scope of topics and issues sport psychology is already covering were initially structured into sections defined by the editors in collaboration with outstanding experts, who built an expert panel, or the Board of Experts. The experts were then tasked with overseeing their proposed scope of key topics and charged with selecting appropriate contributions and the most suitable authors. Some of the topics chosen by the experts are classical, but nevertheless actual (i.e., coaching, goal-setting, motivation, motor control), whereas others are discussed at present in more detail, or represent concepts that have been emphasized recently (i.e., career management, embodied cognition, mental fitness, cultural praxis). Methodological issues are also represented and discussed in various publications; as they are considered to be fundamental in the specific application and usage in sport and exercise psychology, the most relevant topics are included in this encyclopedia. Furthermore, some topics determined by the experts are not only relevant for sport psychologists, but also of special interest to a broader base of practitioners in sports, sport science experts, such as sport managers, and psychologists interested in adventure or performance, doctors and sport medicine people, teachers, and journalists. Hence, this encyclopedia, on the one hand, should comprise a broad scope of relevant topics, while, on the other hand, it must reflect the actual state of the field at the time of publication. Key criteria for the selection of authors will always be their scientific standing and experience as scholars. Each of the contributors in the current project was asked to involve young junior scientists and young researchers wherever appropriate, so as to bridge established and emerging scholars, while encouraging established and the most recent thinking within and across topics. This encyclopedia was derived with support from the experts, as an essential tool of quality assurance, prior to a final review by the editors. The panel of experienced scholars secured contributors from Europe, Africa, Asia, North America, and Australia, revealing current leading scholars who publish in English. However, it should be noted that an increasing number of scholars are being identified from emerging countries, such as in the continents of Africa and South America. These scholars are becoming emerging leaders, and they will be intentionally engaged in the subsequent editions of this project, in keeping with the ISSP’s mandate of global capacity building. This deliberate ever-widening of international contributors will also ensure the broadest possible generation of knowledge, taking into account international diversity and a broad range of culturally infused perspectives. The identification of key areas embedded in this project and the current list of experts are documented in the front matter of the encyclopedia.

Structure of This Encyclopedia The ISSP encyclopedia is a two-volume set. Volume 1 is focused on “Theoretical and Methodological Concepts”. Volume 2, denoted as “Applied and Practical Measures”, contains topics that are delivered in a more practical manner. Both volumes, however, share a golden thread: They are built from extant literature and a sound knowledge base. Authors, be they scholars, practitioners, or scientist-practitioners (people who balance science and practice), have drawn on scholarship derived from their area(s) of interest. Approximately 200 contributing authors have referred to parent literature derived through sections focused on historical contexts, as well as existing research and practice, from their topic’s inception to present day. 7

Dieter Hackfort and Robert J. Schinke

The content found in each volume has been alphabetized as opposed to having the content delivered by section, as that style of delivery would have matched with a handbook format, of which there are many available for our field. Rather, through alphabetized content, readers could easily find their sought-after topic area(s) within each volume and then delve more deeply into the expansive literature review associated with each contribution and its associated contributions (e.g., various aspects relating to coaching or careers). The structure of each contribution ensures that, through an introduction and the contextualization of the subject providing a thematic classification, the topic is infused with keywords in its terminological network. The core topics are characterized by a key term in front of each contribution and mostly specified or differentiated by additional features or labelling elements in the title. Additional keywords, essential and explained in the various contexts and substantial for a comprehensive understanding of sport psychology, are listed in a separate index. Each contribution has its own keywords, which can be used to search out related entries with the help of the list of keywords in the preliminary pages. The intention is for the reader to conceptually link associated terms in relation to personal interest areas. This bridging process will be unique to each reader in terms of which ones bind together and how it is that they intersect. The reader is also encouraged to draw upon contributions from both volumes concurrently to encourage a science-to-practice understanding, and vice versa, in relation to the topics. One’s interests might be entirely scholarly or practical. However, the field itself naturally bridges research and practice. Hence, engaging with the two-volume set in relation to one’s interests encourages a holistic understanding of an interest area. This bridging process might also encourage scholarship and practice that are theoretically informed, well founded, and yet practically understood.

References Coubertin, P. D. (1900). Psychologie du sport [Psychology of sport]. Revue Des Deux Mondes, 160, 167–179. Council of Europe. (2017). Culture and sport. Retrieved from www.coe.int/en/web/compass/Culture-andSport June 08, 2019. Ebbinghaus, H. (1922). Abriss der Psychologie [Summary of psychology]. Berlin/Leipzig, Germany: Gruyter. Fowers, B. J. (2012). An Aristotelian framework for the human good. Journal of Theoretical and Philosoph­ ical Psychology, 32, 10–23. Nitsch, J. R., & Hackfort, D. (2016). Theoretical framework of performance psychology: An action theory perspective. In M. Raab, B. Lobinger, S. Hoffmann, A. Pizzera, & S. Laborde (Eds.), Performance psych­ ology. Perception, action, cognition, and emotion (pp. 11–29). London: Elsevier.

8

1

ACCREDITATION

Richard Keegan and Stewart Cotterill

Introduction Professional accreditation is a structured approach used to recognize specialist expertise within a topic area. The discipline of sport psychology is viewed as a specialist area, both from the perspective of the psychology profession and from within sport and exercise science (Tenenbaum, Lidor, Papaioannou, & Samulski, 2003). A specialty within psychology, the domain has been defined as: [an] area of psychological practice, which requires advanced knowledge and skills, acquired through an organized sequence of education and training. The advanced knowledge and skills specific to a specialty are obtained subsequent to the acquisition of core scientific and professional foundations in psychology. (APA, 2002, cited in Roberts, 2006, p. 865) Therefore, to become a specialist practitioner of sport and exercise psychology, an individual will usually progress through both (a) a structured sequence of education and training – often within a university undergraduate or postgraduate pathway – and (b) a period of supervised, specialist practical training in order to acquire and apply the required skills and competencies. Once they can demonstrate having successfully completed these processes and have developed the competencies (knowledge, skills, and expertise) required by their respective regulatory body (see below), then they can apply to have their credentials recognized, usually in the form of either “accreditation”, “certification”, or “registration” (different organizations use different terms). This chapter focuses on the accreditation of core competencies, looking across different counties and continents. Processes of formal training (i.e., within universities), continuing education (lifelong self-directed learning), and supervision/ mentoring are all covered elsewhere in this encyclopedia. The term accreditation refers to a professional benchmark to be achieved and maintained (Schinke et al., 2018), usually regulated by a society or professional association, which is usually a non-government organization (Rooney & van Ostenberg, 1999). All forms of accreditation are voluntary and designed to recognize a reasonable standard of theoretical and practical competence (e.g., psychology, sport psychology, exercise science, measurement, 9

Richard Keegan and Stewart Cotterill

assessment and interpretation, ethics; see Tenenbaum et al., 2003) and, thereafter – in order to remain current and contemporary – a commitment to continue to practise and undertake continued professional development in a manner aligned to the respective accreditation framework. This voluntary step is taken to strengthen the public’s (generally) and clients’ (more specifically) confidence in the standards and potency of the specific credential. Certification is a term that has often been used interchangeably with accreditation; however, certification typically applies at the level of the individual as opposed to organizations. For example, universities might become accredited by a society or association as meeting curriculum standards, whereas, typically, only individuals can become certified members of relevant bodies, organizations, or societies (see Rooney & van Ostenberg, 1999). Certification is, therefore, a non-statutory designation granted by an organization. Certification typically has no legal standing (i.e., no state or national legislation has been enacted), but it can be an important stage on the journey towards the establishment of statutory standards (Zizzi, Zaichkowski, & Perna, 2014). The terms registration (e.g., in Australia) and/or licensing (i.e., in the USA) usually refers to a mandatory process, often related to a protected title (e.g., “psychologist”), that cannot legally be used without the individual first registering with the appropriate government-endorsed regulatory body. In these cases, national and/or state legislation has been enacted to create a protected job title and profession. At a minimum, registration refers to “the identification of individuals who have completed both training and experience requirements for membership in their professional group” (Adams, 2006, p. 62). The following text uses the term “accreditation” to encapsulate all forms of accreditation, certification, registration, and licensure as applied to an individual practitioner, but we recognize that there remain important differences between statutory and non-statutory processes, and between individual and organizational accreditation.

Importance of International Professional Accreditation There are a number of important reasons why understanding international accreditation requirements may be useful. First, employment opportunities within the sport and exercise field increasingly require practitioners – of all professions – to travel internationally, especially at the higher levels of competition. Hence, it may be important to be able to work with athletes from other counties, or to be able to work with athletes you already know but while in a different country. Likewise, rapid advances in internet speeds and video-conferencing technology make it possible to secure work with athletes, coaches, and exercisers in different countries, meaning that multiple ethical codes and regulatory regimes may be active during the provision of psychological support. Language and time-zone barriers aside, a practitioner with international accreditation might be better able to move between countries, contexts, and regulatory frameworks with minimal friction. Second, the ability to compare and analyse multiple different national and continental accreditation frameworks allows us to see consistencies and differences, and reflect on these in relation to the sort of profession we seek to create as members of professional bodies. Sometimes, convergence of ideas can be reassuring, in that we all seek a similar minimal standard for professional accreditation – but sometimes such convergences can cause us to critically question a current trend and think twice about what standards we seek to promote. Likewise, differences between accreditation frameworks can reflect important geographic, contextual, and cultural differences, but they might equally expose a key difference between regions that might lead to revisions to one or both frameworks. 10

Accreditation

Fundamentally, professional accreditation frameworks exist in order to quality-assure a particular profession and give clients and stakeholders confidence that each practitioner has achieved a minimal, consistent level of education and training before gaining the respective accreditation. As noted above, in some cases, one cannot use a professional title – such as “psychologist” – without meeting the licencing or registration requirements of the respective local government (typically state or national). As well as giving service users a degree of confidence, accreditations can also serve to ensure that ethical standards are maintained, which are invariably – at their core – about the prevention and avoidance of harm. This protection extends to service users, the practitioners themselves, and the wider profession, as lapses in content knowledge (i.e., competence) or ethical standards can quickly undermine a whole profession, not just the specific practitioner. To this end, accreditation also acts as something of value that a practitioner stands to lose if they breach ethical standards or fall below a certain level of competency. In some countries and legal frameworks, this would prevent the individual from practising, for a period of time at least, and so the risk of losing accreditation may be a strong incentive. In other regions or systems, losing one’s accreditation may simply limit the number of client groups one can work with, or the type of work one is able to do. It may – for the foreseeable future – be possible for someone to deliver something that looks like sport and exercise psychology services, without the necessary qualifications and accreditations – this is particularly the case for those who choose not to use a protected title such as “psychologist”. Nevertheless, as professional bodies, client groups, and governments increasingly perceive the value of accreditation, such questionable practices may eventually be rendered impossible, or extremely difficult. In this case, convergence between regional, national, and international accrediting bodies may be beneficial, in that it may increase the “accreditation literacy” of practitioners, service users, and the wider public, leading to more appropriate expectations and standards in the requisitioning and evaluation of psychological services in sport and exercise.

Professional Accreditation Status/Standard Most national and international accrediting bodies refer to key competencies that they recommend be developed by those seeking to become accredited practitioners. Hence, accreditation typically means that the individual (in this case) can demonstrate having developed and deployed the appropriate competencies for the specific profession/domain of expertise – in this case, applied sport and exercise psychology. The term competency reflects a capability or skill expected to be demonstrated by a person wishing to become an accredited sport and exercise psychology practitioner. The term competency is used to encompass both the process and the outcome of meeting these standards – for example, ethical practice resulting in meeting ethical standards, or the process of accumulating sufficient supervised practice resulting in a desired level of practical competence and autonomy. As Tenenbaum et al. (2003) identified, the process, outcome, and standards differ from one country to another, and even within countries, meaning that, to date, it has not been possible to develop terminology or consensus that spans international boundaries (in fact, given cultural and geographical constraints, it may not be desirable to develop a single set of expectations). Likewise, standards for meeting competencies can be very difficult to define, implement, and measure. Nevertheless, although this may be true within the domain of sport and exercise psychology, there have been moves to develop international standards in professional psychology through the International Project on Competence in Psychology (IPCP). The IPCP published its final report in June 2016, and the International Declaration of Core Competencies 11

Richard Keegan and Stewart Cotterill

in Professional Psychology has subsequently been endorsed by the International Association of Applied Psychology and the International Union of Psychological Science. Competency, within a professional accreditation context, can be defined as “habitual and judicious use of communication, knowledge, technical skills, clinical reasoning, emotions, values, and reflections in daily practice” (Epstein & Hundert, 2002, p. 226). These competencies are assessed by evidence being sought demonstrating processes and outcomes meeting these standards, but note that they do vary by region and country (Tenenbaum et al., 2003). Figure 1, below, details the broad categories of competency developed by Tenenbaum et al. (2003), intended to be applicable across different countries and contexts. Broadly, these have been categorized as: (a) knowledge-base standards (theories, research methods, research evidence, and ethics) and (b) practice standards (ability to deliver interventions effectively, and to communicate appropriately – in each case to different groups and for different purposes).

Knowledge-Base Standards Knowledge-base standards describe the development and demonstration of competencies involving a core understanding of the main topics of psychology (both general and sport and exercise-related) and sport and exercise sciences (i.e., kinesiology and its related disciplines). These competencies require the development of a sound understanding of specific theories and models of sport and exercise psychology phenomena, research methodologies, statistical procedures, measurement and assessment procedures (including how to interpret findings), and knowledge of ethical standards and procedures. Knowledge-base competency requires the successful, meaningful integration of two potentially separate knowledge bases: psychology and sport and exercise science. In order to

Sport and Exercise Psychology

A. Knowledge-Base Competencies

A1. Theories

A2. Scientific / Research Tool

A3. Measurement, Assessment, and Interpretation

Physical, Kinesiological (Sport and Exercise) Domain

B. Practice Standards

A4. Ethics and Standards

B2. Communication

B1. Interventions

Psychological Domain

Team

Individual Athletes

Coach, Sport Scientists, Administrators, Management, Referees

Exercisers, Clients, Special Groups

Supervised Experience

Athletes, Coaches, Referees AGE Children Elderly

SKILL LEVEL Amateur Professional

Exercisers Health Status

HEALTH STATUS Healthy Handicapped

Physical

Health Promotion Models

Emotional / Mental

Figure 1 A conceptual scheme for defining competencies and courses in sport and exercise psychology, developed by Tenenbaum et al. (2003)

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Accreditation

appropriately understand and apply research evidence as it accumulates – for example, throughout one’s post-training career – accredited practitioners should be able to demonstrate competencies in research methods. Likewise, in order to be viewed as having developed the minimum of ethical competency, accredited practitioners should demonstrate both understanding and application of ethical standards (both in research and in applied practice).

Theoretical Knowledge Base Although variation is expected between different countries and contexts, competency in theoretical standards will typically incorporate core psychological knowledge bases in: (a) personality, (b) arousal and stress, (c) motivation, (d) cognition, (e) learning, (f) development, (g) biological, and (h) social psychology and group processes. Within each of these main psychological domains, an accredited practitioner should comprehend and understand the differences in approaches, methodologies, main assumptions, and interpretations of data. When extending this knowledge specifically to sport and exercise psychology, relating psychological concepts to performance is a common requirement – for example, personality, cognition, emotions, motivation, group dynamics, and leadership can all be linked to performance, as well as sometimes being applied to participation, well-being, and personal development. The study of psychology as applied to sport and exercise also provides unique opportunities to explore the psychology of effort regulation, gender, equity, and disabilities. This begins to explain why 4 years of university-based training is quite typical among the various pathways to accreditation. From the viewpoint of sport and exercise sciences (also known as kinesiology), basic knowledge is expected in: (a) exercise physiology (i.e., how different forms of exercise are regulated by, and subsequently go on the influence, a person’s physiology); (b) biomechanics; (c) nutrition; (d) anatomy; (e) sport medicine; (f) coaching sciences (periodization, strength, conditioning, etc.); and (g) motor learning, development, and control (cf. Tenenbaum et al., 2003). Additionally, basic knowledge in related disciplines such as, sociology of sport, computer applications in sport, and management and administration in sport is also increasingly specified. The development of this knowledge base provides the vocabulary and context-specific knowledge to be able to work alongside multi- and interdisciplinary teams, including other sport scientists, coaches, and, of course, athletes who interact with all these professions.

Research Methods Competency in gathering and interpreting scientific evidence, to inform one’s practice and remain current, requires that an accredited practitioner demonstrate knowledge of: (a) how scientific research questions and hypotheses are generated; (b) what measures and scientific procedures, from psychology at least, have to be undertaken in order to answer the research questions; (c) the appropriate match-up between methods used and conclusions that can defensibly be reached; (d) whether data are qualitative, quantitative, or both; and (5) the skills for presenting research outcomes in scientific writing, verbally, and through other means such as social media.

Measurement, Assessment, and Interpretation Most accreditation frameworks require the demonstration of competency in the measurement, assessment, and interpretation of data, which is a wide-ranging suite of competencies including: introspection, psychometric scales/questionnaires, in-depth interviews, observations, pictorial scales, and visual analogue scales. Demonstrating competency in measurement and 13

Richard Keegan and Stewart Cotterill

assessment includes: (a) being able to specify when/why measurement is required; (b) interpretation of the assessment data; (c) the use of triangulation and multiple perspectives to increase the credibility, trustworthiness, or validity of research; (d) awareness of potential sources of error and/or bias (i.e., unreliability); and (e) possible measurement limitations; as well as the ability to identify and manage (f) misinterpretations and/or possibly alternative explanations. This competency is essential in supporting both the understanding of research methods (above), interpreting and updating theoretical knowledge (above), and planning/ evaluation of ongoing support work with clients (athletes, exercisers, teams, organizations, etc.).

Ethics and Standards This competency is aimed at protecting the mental and physical health of clients (individuals, teams, organizations) or participants engaged in research procedures (Tenenbaum et al., 2003). We note, here, that separate ethical codes exist for research and applied practice, but that they broadly share the same principals. Hence, the competencies referring to ethics and professional standards pertain to both research participants and clients who seek psychological services. The competency of ethics and standards, therefore, pertains to both knowing and appropriately implementing ethical standards (national, professional, and international) that are required of practitioners and scientists in the domains of psychology and sport and exercise sciences. Ethical standards offer several types of protection, minimizing the potential for any harm (physical, mental, or reputational) to (a) the client(s), (b) the specific accredited practitioner, and (c) the wider profession (cf. Keegan, 2016). Ethics and standards developed in each country or geographical region will be more contextually and culturally sensitive, and so local standards should be studied and practised. It is typically recommended that international ethical standards should be followed when collaborations and interactions among people or nations take place. Furthermore, ethics for the provision of services via the internet are also available and should be enacted where applicable (see the International Society for Sport Psychology [ISSP] position stand; Watson, Tenenbaum, Lidor, & Alfermann, 2001)

Practice Standards Practice standards are concerned with the skill of practising sport and exercise psychology and are typically classified in two core categories: (a) knowledge of how to implement interventions (preferably that have been found to be effective) for people in various situations and conditions (i.e., evidence-based or evidence-informed practice); and (b) knowledge of how to communicate effectively with a wide range of potential clients and client groups, including, for example: individual athletes, teams, coaches, administrators, managers, sport scientists, and other professionals, as well as with recreational exercisers and special populations who exercise as a psychological therapeutic intervention (as described by Tenenbaum et al., 2003). These competencies depend heavily on, and integrate with, many of the theoretical and assessment competencies detailed above – for example, following on from appropriate needs analysis to establish the goals of psychological support, establishing professional relationships, proposing and trialling interventions and actions that might achieve those goals, and finding alternative methods in case of unsuccessful outcomes.

14

Accreditation

Interventions Competency in the provision of psychological services to clients assumes a strong knowledge base in the theory (as described above) and also in the practice of various interventions, to support clients in sport and/or exercise. Hence, intervention competency requires the demonstration of proficiency in conducting an appropriate needs analysis, case formulation, intervention selection and planning, and the delivery and monitoring of support work. Ideally, these experiences will have been accumulated working across a diverse range of individuals, groups, organizations, or any other possible combination among them, as diverse experiences give a wider frame of reference and facilitate comparisons and awareness of how client and context shape the delivery of applied services. A practitioner should be able to distinguish different types of client and context and be able to incorporate these considerations into the support services they offer. Likewise, accredited practitioners should be able to appraise the ethical challenges of each new client or context and be able to manage these potential risks with a view to staying ethical in diverse situations. Typically, demonstrating competency in interventions means both understanding and applying the theoretical and research-related competencies detailed above, which is why practical training is often deferred until after these foundational competencies have been developed. The goals of support in sport and exercise psychology can vary widely, and thus interventions may target: (a) performance enhancement, (b) psychological well-being, (c) personal development (i.e., whole-person, not simply performance focused), (d) managing career transitions (e.g., retirement, selection for new teams), (e) dealing with injuries and illnesses (both coping and also prevention), and more. Importantly, and particularly with respect to clinical issues such as eating disorders and anxiety, competency in intervention assumes that the accredited practitioner knows to direct clients to a more appropriate service in cases where he/she lacks sufficient knowledge and/or experience.

Communication Communication, when construed as a key competency, reflects the ability to effectively negotiate with various clients and stakeholders who have different roles in the sport and exercise domain and within specific places of work (e.g., athletes, coaches, managers, organizers, nutritionists, therapists, sport physicians, biomechanists, and others). Communication skills encapsulate both receiving and sharing information – for example, how the accredited practitioner attends, listens, collects information from other sources, as well as how they deliver their message to clients and stakeholders. As such, communication is clearly critical to the successful provision of psychological support services, and so it is a central competency denoted in almost all accreditation guidelines around the world. Effective communication necessitates sensitivity to others’ needs, alongside clear ethical principles and a highly developed knowledge base. It is critical to recognize and correct misunderstandings, as is understanding and respecting roles in the respective system (e.g., team, organization). The effective receiving and sharing of key messages is fundamental to the role of an accredited practitioner, influencing effectiveness, reputation, and trust and helping to ensure ethical standards are maintained.

Professional Accreditation Differences Around the World When it comes to the consideration of international professional accreditation, to date there remains no single standard or accrediting body for internationally accrediting sport 15

Richard Keegan and Stewart Cotterill

and exercise psychology practitioners. The ISSP is perhaps the most prominent organization that would be suited to developing such a system, and indeed the ISSP does offer guidance on how countries may wish to train and accredit their practitioners (we also note that the predominantly North America-based Association for Applied Sport Psychology [AASP] offers accreditation for international practitioners to work in the US). An important overview of historical developments was provided by Tenenbaum et al. (2003, p. 156): At the 2001 ISSP World Congress … the delegates unanimously agreed that the com­ petencies recognized by the ISSP should not be imposed on any individual or group worldwide, but rather be viewed as “recommendations” for individuals and/or institu­ tions, which desire to develop, plan, or change the methods by which sport and exer­ cise psychologists are educated. The list of competencies and fields of studies, which pertain to develop them, were not meant to be conclusive and exhaustive. Both are based on many experiences in the field. These should be further discussed and devel­ oped within the domain. In the spirit of the ISSP membership, each individual, group, institution, or nation is free to use any one or set of the competencies listed here, and choose any course of education to meet its goals and/or views. The non-prescriptive and “light touch” approach remained the preferred approach until 2013, when it was proposed that the ISSP needed to enter into formal accreditation development. Over the next 5 years the ISSP Managing Council developed an international approach to accreditation, incorporating global standards and exploring what might be appropriate standards when applied across the world, including in both developed and developing countries. As such, the ISSP has launched a registry of accredited practitioners for sport psychology (www.issponline.org/issp-r, as detailed by Schinke et al., 2018). For the reasons detailed above, in recent years there has been increased focus on international accreditation of sport and exercise psychology practitioners (e.g., Hutter, van der Zande, Rosier, & Wylleman, 2016). For example, the AASP has aligned with national certification standards and shifted to a written examination as part of its assessment (Schinke et al., 2018), a trend mirrored in the European Federation of Sport Psychology (FEPSAC) and the Asian-South Pacific Association of Sport Psychology (ASPASP). The ISSP has recently launched an international registry of qualified professionals, based on global baseline standards. Likewise, there are also continental societies for sport and exercise psychology in Africa and South America (Schinke et al., 2018). The following section summarizes the different pathways to professional accreditation offered by various continental accrediting organizations/societies, as reported by Schinke et al (2018; NB: there are too many national and local formulations to detail herein, and these guidelines reflect efforts to build beyond local contexts). Reflecting the core competencies detailed above, each organization requires both formal education, typically delivered in a university setting (to develop theoretical and methodological competencies), and an extensive period of supervised practice (to develop the practical skills of designing and delivering support services, as well as the interpersonal skills encapsulated by “communication”). In the following, the accreditation requirements for four continental or global-level organizations are reported as the combination of both: (a) qualifications and knowledge-base requirements (i.e., type/level of qualifications and knowledge-base contents, as outlined above); and (b) service experiences and supervision (i.e., recorded volumes and contents and type of supervised practice). 16

Accreditation

The International Society for Sport Psychology (Global Organization) Qualifications and knowledge-base requirements are as follows: The ISSP requirements for international accreditation are: (a) BSc degree in psychology, sport science, or a related field; (b) MSc degree in an area directly related to psychology or sport science (this programme will require evidence of substantial credits in sport and exercise psychology); (c) ISSP cultural competence module (prerequisite readings/webinar and learning-based reflections); (d) ISSP ethical competence module (prerequisite readings/webinar and learning-based reflections); and (e) ISSP mental health module (prerequisite readings/webinar and learning-based reflections). Regarding service experiences and supervision, the ISSP requirements for international accreditation specify: (a) a minimum of 250 hours of direct delivery while under the guidance of a supervisor/mentor (i.e., supervision) – including (1) a minimum of 150 hours of one-to-one work, and (2) a minimum 25 hours of team/group-based work; this supervised delivery will be counted a post-MSc qualification; (b) a reflective portfolio of case work: a concise portfolio with case-study summaries, developmental self-reflections, and espoused philosophy and model of practice; (c) evidence of supervision meetings and observation: a minimum of 40 hours of supervision (i.e., one session per 6 hours of client consultation; monthly supervision over 1–2 years; observation of supervisee in practice (in vivo, via video, etc.); (d) supervisory endorsement of professional competence (i.e., supervisor letter providing satisfactory evaluation of professional competence); and (e) for all applicants, membership of ISSP is required, an application fee will be levied, and CPD credits will be required for re­ registration after 6 years.

Asian-South Pacific Association for Sport Psychology (Asia and South

Pacific Region)

Note that requirements vary across the region. As such, qualifications and knowledge-base requirements are as follows: (a) Australia requires registration as a psychologist and practice endorsement in sport and exercise psychology, requiring an accredited doctorate and 1-year internship; or an accredited master’s and 2-year internship, or equivalent (Psychology Board of Australia). (b) In Korea, Level 1 accreditation requires a doctoral degree closely related to sport psychology (intentionally flexible and inclusive of sport science), completion of a prescribed educational curriculum, and passing a written examination (Korean Society of Sport Psychology). (c) In China, Level 1 accreditation requires a doctoral degree closely related to sport psychology (intentionally flexible and inclusive of sport science) or position at associate professor or above; two international peer-reviewed papers as first author; and passing an oral examination (China Sport Psychology Association). (d) For countries without a national accreditation system, free online professional development resources are provided by ASPASP (open-access book, open-access course in sport psychology, flexibly defined to include psychology and sport science) as a step towards regional accreditation. Likewise, the requirements for service experiences and supervision also vary as follows: (a) In Australia, registered practitioners must have demonstrated at least 1,360 hours of supervised practice, 80 hours supervision by an approved supervisor, and 60 hours professional development (1-year internship); or, at least 2,720 hours of supervised practice, 160 hours supervision, and 120 hours professional development (2-year internship). (b) In Korea, registered practitioners must have demonstrated at least 200 hours of supervised experience, two case presentations at academic conferences, and 50 hours of professional development. (c) In China, registered practitioners must have demonstrated at least 400 hours of 17

Richard Keegan and Stewart Cotterill

supervised practice and 5 years consulting experience. (d) For countries without a national accreditation system, ASPASP accreditation requires that practitioners demonstrate the development of a mental training programme for one of eight hypothetical athletes presenting with specific psychological issues.

European Federation for Sport and Psychology (Europe) The FEPSAC requirements for international accreditation are as follows. Qualifications and knowledge base requirements: (a) BSc and MSc degree in psychology, sport science, or sport psychology (240 ECTS); (b) postgraduate courses, workshops, or legally established programmes in sport psychology (30 ECTS); (c) read and sign commitment to FEPSAC’s position stand on culturally competent practice in sport and exercise psychology; (d) read and sign commitment to FEPSAC’s position stand on ethical principles; and (e) documentation of international elements in one’s education. Likewise, the FEPSAC requirements for service experiences and supervision are as follows: (a) 250 documented hours of practice in diverse settings; (b) 50 hours of supervised practice, including 20 hours of individual supervision with an approved supervisor, 20 hours of group supervision with an approved supervisor, and a maximum of 10 hours of peer “intervision” of documented meetings with experienced colleagues/peers in sport psychology consulting; (c) documentation of international elements in one’s applied practice; and (d) for all applicants, membership of FEPSAC is required, an application fee will be levied, and CPD credits will be required for re-certification.

Association for Applied Sport Psychology (United States of America) Qualifications and knowledge base requirements are as follows: (a) master’s or doctoral degree from a regionally accredited institution or non-US equivalent in an area clearly related to sport science or psychology; (b) completion of eight specific courses covering content related to specific knowledge areas: (K1) – professional ethics and standards, (K2) – sport psychology, (K3) – sport science, (K4) – psychopathology, (K5) – helping relationships, (K6) – research methods and statistics, (K7) – psychological foundations of behaviour, and (K8) – diversity and culture; (c) successfully pass a 100-item exam designed to assess knowledge of the practice of applied sport psychology, as developed from the previous job task analysis; and (d) agreement to adhere to the principles and standards of the AASP Ethics Code. Additionally, AASP offers an Experienced Practitioner Pathway allowing accreditation for those who: (a) have a master’s or doctoral degree from a regionally accredited institution in an area clearly related to sport science or psychology; and (b) have worked for 10 or more years post-graduation. Such applicants must show significant knowledge of the field through engagement in professional development and be able to show evidence of mentorship, supervision, and consultation. Regarding service experiences and supervision, AASP has the following requirements: (a) must pass the 100-item certification exam; (b) must agree to adhere to the principles and standards of the AASP Ethics Code; and (c) documentation of completion of a 400-hour mentored experience (minimum of 200 hours of experience with sport population), including: (1) a minimum 200 hours of direct client contact; (2) maximum of 150 hours of time spent in support activities; (3) minimum of 50 hours of mentorship, with minimum of 40 hours face to face, and (4) a minimum of 10 hours of direct knowledge of services. Additionally, AASP has a mandatory recertification process, every 5 years, requiring practitioners to remain current and up to date with best practice. This recertification process includes: (a) completion of 75 continuing education units within the 5-year certification period; and (b) at least 6 continuing 18

Accreditation

education units in each of the following required continuing education areas: (1) professional ethics, (2) diversity, and (3) mentorship/supervision (required for mentors only).

Conclusion In recent years, the positions adopted by various sport and exercise psychology-focused organizations have shifted from recognizing the importance of not being critical or judgemental when different groups accredit using different criteria, towards recognizing the value of establishing commonly agreed frameworks that span international boundaries. In concluding their recent analysis of current practices regarding international professional accreditation, Schinke et al. (2018) reached the following conclusions and proposals: (1) It is important to recognize that accreditation systems develop over time, meaning that a national or regional society may need to give careful consideration to when and how they transition into having an accreditation system. Societies that prioritize science and research might be slow in this journey, as there may be less pressure to recognize and accredit individuals for applied practice (i.e., research training and publication often pro­ vide their own indication of research competency). There are also societies that – while recognizing the scientific foundations of sport and exercise psychology – would identify themselves as more practically minded. Societies that focus on applied practice are typic­ ally stronger candidates for the development of accreditation frameworks. Schinke et al. (2018) reflected that, although sport and exercise psychology can be a highly practicefocused discipline, many national and international societies were first established around scientific reporting – such as conferences and journals – before subsequently using this sci­ entific grounding as the foundation on which to build credible accreditation systems. (2) The provision of education and training in different international sport and exercise psych­ ology societies, by necessity, occurs in different formats. Geographic constraints, cultural norms, and the timings of conferences/meetings and events can all dictate when and how education might be delivered and/or quality-assured (for accreditation purposes). To cater for diverse, dispersed international audiences, training has evolved towards online courses, certification (non-statutory), or registration (statutory) status – all of which can achieve rela­ tively consistent outcomes while spanning wide geographical and cultural ranges. Schinke et al. (2018) reflected that all four of the international/continental societies they sampled were moving towards certification or registration systems as a way of promoting and qual­ ity-assuring their practitioner training pathways. (3) As noted throughout, Schinke et al. (2018) reinforced that there ought not to be judgement regarding whether any certification or registry is better or worse than another. Each soci­ etal or national accreditation system will reflect a specific historical and contextual back­ drop of its professional development framework. Further, access to educational and supervision/mentoring can vary substantially in relation to geographical and contextual limitations, with some countries offering numerous well-regulated pathways through training and supervision, whereas others do not yet have this “critical mass” of suitably qualified supervisor-practitioners. Likewise, the contents of theoretical knowledge-base competency, as well as the emphasis on research, evidence-based practice, and ethical considerations, can all vary between societies, depending on their specific context and focus. (4) The existence of cultural differences between different regions and cultures must be care­ fully considered within accreditation frameworks. Different solutions to this issue exist, ran­ ging from blending Eastern and Western approaches (i.e., ASPASP), adopting 19

Richard Keegan and Stewart Cotterill

a multicultural approach (i.e., AASP, FEPSAC), or adopting a localized approach that is dependent on the country where the practitioner resides (i.e., ISSP). In each case, however, there is a recognition that cultural sport psychology training is a necessary component of professional accreditation. (5) As detailed above, key competencies remain the core of accreditation systems in sport and exercise psychology and typically incorporate core content from both psychology and sport and exercise science (i.e., kinesiology). As a minimum, accredited practitioners are typically required to demonstrate core theoretical knowledge; an understanding of how knowledge is generated within sport and exercise psychology; practical skills of assess­ ment, intervention planning, and implementation; interpersonal skills; and professional ethics (in addition to the cultural awareness and sensitivity outlined in the previous point). (6) Although different approaches to this issue exist, universities and graduate programmes can play an important role in the training and assessment of many of the key competencies for sport and exercise psychology. Training within sport and exercise psychology can be supported and strengthened by the codification of accreditation frameworks into universityaccredited training programmes, as happens with many other professions. In the short term, while a profession is growing towards the “critical mass” necessary for supervised practice and self-regulation of accreditation (both also requiring significant administrative infrastructure), it may be necessary for societies or national governments to subsidise and/ or commission university training programmes, as these are often the ideal institutions to blend practicum, training, and research – a combination that sits at the heart of most estab­ lished professional frameworks.

References Adams, S. A. (2006). Does CACREP accreditation make a difference? A look at NCE results and answers. Journal of Professional Counselling: Practice, Theory, and Research, 34, 60–76. Epstein, R. M., & Hundert, E. M. (2002). Defining and assessing professional competence. Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA), 287, 226–235. Hutter, R. I., van der Zande, J. J., Rosier, N., & Wylleman, P. (2016). Education and training in the field of applied sport psychology in Europe. International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 16, 133–149. Keegan, R. J. (2016). Being a sport psychologist. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Roberts, M. C. (2006). Essential tension: Specialization with broad and general training in psychology. American Psychologist, 61, 862–870. Rooney, A. L., & van Ostenberg, P. R. (1999). Licensure, accreditation, and certification: Approaches to health services quality. Washington, DC: USAID Quality Assurance Project. Schinke, R. J., Si, G., Zhang, L., Elbe, A. M., Watson, J., Harwood, C., & Terry, P. C. (2018). Joint position stand of the ISSP, FEPSAC, ASPASP, and AASP on professional accreditation. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, Advanced online. doi: 10.1016/j.psychsport.2018.06.005 Tenenbaum, G., Lidor, R., Papaioannou, A., & Samulski, D. (2003). ISSP position stand: Competencies (occupational standards, knowledge, and practice) and their accomplishment (learning specification, essential knowledge, and skills) in sport and exercise psychology. International Journal of Sport and Exer­ cise Psychology, 1, 155–166. Watson, J. C., Tenenbaum, G., Lidor, R., & Alfermann, D. (2001). ISSP position stand on the use of the internet in sport psychology. International Journal of Sport Psychology, 32, 207–222. Zizzi, S., Zaichkowski, L., & Perna, F. (2014). Certification in sport and exercise psychology. In J. L. Van Raalte & B. W. Brewer (Eds.), Exploring sport and exercise psychology (2nd ed., pp. 439–458). Wash­ ington, DC: APA.

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2

AFFECT AND MUSIC

Jasmin C. Hutchinson and Leighton Jones

Introduction Affective states are powerful motivators of future behaviour (LeDoux, 1998). From an evolutionary perspective, positive affect signals that everything is safe and no specific action is needed for survival, whereas negative affect signals a potential threat and need for action (Västfjäll et al., 2016). Indeed, core affect is considered fundamental to motivation, as “without it, we would probably have no inclination to move toward or away from anything” (Batson, Shaw, & Oleson, 1992, p. 309). Understanding the relationship between affective states and behavioural outcomes is important in order to advance understanding of exercise behaviour. Rhodes and Kates (2015) conducted a systematic review of studies examining affective response to exercise and reported a significant positive association between affective responses to exercise and future exercise, as well as affective judgements related to subsequent exercise behaviour. Strategies to promote a more pleasant exercise experience would appear to have a place in ultimately increasing exercise adherence. One such strategy, for which a strong body of empirical evidence exists, would be the use of music as an adjunct to exercise and physical activity.

Conceptual Framework: Phenomenon/Subject Description and Definition Core Affect The terms core affect, emotion, and mood are defined here in brief and pertain to the subsequent discussion of the affect and music literature. A further clarification of the terminological network is provided in the Dictionary of Sport Psychology (Hackfort, Schinke, & Strauss, 2019; e.g., see catchwords “affect”, “emotion”, “mood”). Core affect has been defined as “a neurophysiological state, accessible to consciousness as a simple non-reflective feeling: feeling good or bad, feeling lethargic or energized” (Russell, 2009, p. 1264). A person experiences core affect all the time, though its presence in consciousness varies from being focal to peripheral to out of sight (Russell, 2009). Importantly, affect is non-cognitive and non-reflective, meaning core affect can exist without being labelled or interpreted; moreover, core affective feelings need not be linked with any particular cause or object (Seo, Barrett, & Bartunek, 21

Jasmin C. Hutchinson and Leighton Jones

2004). Core affect underlies other affective states such as emotions and moods. Emotions are more intense than core affect and are often short-lived feelings that are directed at a particular object (a thing or a person, a state of affairs, an action, or an event); examples include fear, joy, love, disgust, and relief. This means that emotions are closely linked with cognitive (i.e., appraisal), physiological (e.g., adrenocortical), and expressive (especially facial expression) processes. In contrast, moods are longer-lasting emotional states that are less intense than emotions and less likely to be elicited by a particular stimulus or event (see Hackfort et al., 2019). Russell (1980, 2003) proposed a circumplex model of affect with two underlying dimensions of valence (pleasantness) and arousal (activation). The affective valence dimension captures the hedonic value of an experience, the idea that affective feelings can be positive (feels good) or negative (feels bad). Arousal refers to general preparedness for action, which can range from coma or deep sleep at one extreme to intense excitement or panic at the other (Posner et al., 2009). Felt arousal is experienced as how energized one feels, independent of whether that feeling is positive or negative. For example, one can feel activated in a positive (excited) or negative (agitated) way (Yik, Russell, & Steiger, 2011). Core affect, emotion, and mood all have some degree of valence (on a positive– negative continuum) and some level of intensity (mild to strong). Affective states can be influenced by internal and external stimuli and are often purposefully manipulated for a variety of reasons (e.g., recalling previous instances of success to elicit pride). Music has long been known to have the capacity to influence affective states and has been utilized in a variety of contexts, including religious ceremonies, the battlefield, and during sport and exercise.

Music As the common expression goes, all music is noise, but not all noise is music. Music is distinguished from noise by its order (periodicity) and harmonic balance (Reddy, Badami, & Balasubramanian, 1994). When considering the impact of listening to music on affective and behavioural responses, one must consider both intrinsic (e.g., acoustical properties) and extrinsic (e.g., classically conditioned cultural associations) factors. Although extrinsic factors arguably have a more powerful effect on affective response, intrinsic musical elements have the advantage of being more amenable to manipulation (Bishop, Karageorghis, & Kinrade, 2009).

Intrinsic Musical Elements Music is created by a flowing composition of melody, harmony, and rhythm. Melody represents the tune of the song, created through a discrete series of tones or pitches. Emotions are often conveyed in music through melodic contour, which refers to the shape of the melody (i.e., rising or ascending, falling or descending). Harmony is created when notes sound simultaneously. Based on our perception of harmonic relationships between frequencies, those notes with frequencies that are harmonically related tend to sound good together. Harmonies can be used to shape the emotion of a piece of music, making the listener feel happy, sad, anxious, or calm (Karageorghis, 2017). Mode (i.e., major or minor key) is an important aspect in conveying emotion through music: Music that makes us feel happy is typically played in major mode, whereas sad music is typically played in minor mode (Brattico et al., 2011). An athlete or exerciser might internalize the emotion inherent in a piece of music; the term “emotional contagion” describes the process whereby an emotion is induced by a piece of music via a “mirroring” response, in which the listener “perceives the emotional expression of the music, and then ‘mimics’ this expression internally” (Juslin, 2013, p. 241). 22

Affect and Music

Rhythm is the element of time in music. When you tap your foot in time with music, you are “keeping the beat” or following the structural rhythmic pulse of the music. Two important aspects of rhythm are tempo and metre. Tempo refers to the speed or rate at which music is played, typically measured in beats per minute (bpm; Karageorghis, 2017). A common observation is that most music is in the range of 50–200 bpm, which corresponds to the range of human heartbeats. Tempo is a major determinant of one’s affective response to a piece of music (Karageorghis et al., 2011). For example, faster tempi are associated with increased arousal and pleasanter valence (Bishop et al., 2009; Dillman Carpentier & Potter, 2007; Waterhouse, Hudson, & Edwards, 2010). Metre refers to a group of beats that are defined by patterns of strong and weak pulses. Metre can be felt or heard, usually when a strong accented beat is followed by one or more weaker beats to form a recurring pattern. An example of duple metre, characterized by a primary division of two beats to the bar (i.e., 2/4 time) is a march, where the LEFT–right–LEFT–right stride pattern, is represented by STRONG– weak, STRONG–weak beats. An example of triple metre (i.e., 3/4 time) is a typical waltz, ONE–two–three, ONE–two–three, which is frequently associated with circular motions, such as merry-go-rounds. In sport, this beat is ideally suited for freestyle swimming, where a bilateral breathing pattern (i.e., every third arm stroke) and a strong kick followed by two softer kicks per armstroke is a common biomechanical pattern (Karageorghis et al., 2013). Music intensity (volume) appears to strongly moderate the arousal component of affective responses to music. The psychophysical properties of a given external stimulus contribute to its arousal potential (i.e. its capability of producing psychobiological arousal). These properties depend on spatial and temporal distributions of energy: Stimuli of greater intensity (brighter lights, louder sounds, etc.) hold greater arousal potential (Berlyne, 1971). Several studies have demonstrated that louder music results in increased states of arousal in listeners (e.g., Gabrielsson & Lindström, 2010; Ilie & Thompson, 2006). Music delivered at a high volume is preferred over music delivered at a low volume in exercise settings (Hutchinson & Sherman, 2014; Priest, Karageorghis, & Sharp, 2004): The stimulation provided by louder music is believed to contribute to its motivational qualities (Priest et al., 2004). Changes in loudness are also important cues to emotion. For example, crescendos and decrescendos are associated with increases and decreases in arousal, respectively (Schubert, 2004), although this particular effect has yet to be examined in a sport and exercise context. Lyrics (i.e., the words of a song) are semantically rich and have profound impact on human perception of music (Ali & Peynircioğlu, 2006). The meaning of song lyrics can be explicit (direct statements that are easy to comprehend) or implicit (suggested statements that are not directly expressed; Karageorghis, 2017). Aside from their meaning, lyrics also afford the opportunity for emotional expression via the singing voice (Scherer, Sundberg, Fantini, Trznadel, & Eyben, 2017). Within the context of sport and exercise performance, lyrics can offer general affirmations, task-specific verbal cues, and positive self-statements (Sanchez, Moss, Twist, & Karageorghis, 2014). Lyrics have also been suggested to play a role in distracting a performer from feelings of exertion (Hutchinson & Karageorghis, 2013) and in inducing optimal mood and emotional states (Crust, 2008; Luakka & Quick, 2013; Terry & Karageorghis, 2011).

Extrinsic Musical Elements Extrinsic elements are usually connected to music through association rather than being inherent in the composition of the music itself. These extramusical associations can be conditioned through media (e.g., films) or personal experience. Juslin and Västfjäll (2008) refer to this phenomenon as evaluative conditioning: 23

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A type of classic conditioning that involves the pairing of an initially neutral condi­ tioned stimulus (CS) with an affectively valenced, unconditioned stimulus (US). After the pairing, the CS acquires the ability to evoke the same affective state as the US in the perceiver. (p. 564) Episodic memory refers to a process whereby an affective state is induced in a listener because the music evokes a personal memory of a specific event in the listener’s life (Juslin, 2013). These memories are often associated with strong emotions and nostalgic feelings. The way in which music is experienced depends on both the listener and the listening situation (Pearce et al., 2016). Individual factors that might influence emotional reactions to music include the listener’s age, gender, musical training, musical preferences, and personality (Liljeström, Juslin, & Västfjäll, 2013). Liking for a stimulus typically increases with repeated exposure to that stimulus (Zajonc, 1968), and this phenomenon has been demonstrated with music (e.g., Schellenberg, Peretz, & Vieillard, 2008). Familiar music has been associated with increased activity in the limbic, paralimbic, and reward circuits of the brain compared with unfamiliar music (Pereira et al., 2011). Familiarity also allows for a greater activation of affective memory-based mechanisms such as evaluative conditioning and episodic memory (Juslin, 2013). However, Liljeström et al. (2013) noted that this familiarity effect is not linear; overexposure to a piece of music within a short time frame can lead to decreases in liking (Schellenberg et al., 2008), indicating that the relationship between exposure and liking might be better represented by an inverted-U-shaped curve (see Montoya, Horton, Vevea, Citkowicz, & Lauber, 2017). Musical idiom concerns the stylistic category that a piece of music commonly falls into (Karageorghis, 2017, p. 37). Music is often categorized by genre, a categorical distinction based upon shared similarities among pieces of music (Moore, 2001). A musical genre may be more strongly associated with a particular emotion than other genres. For example, “heavy metal music may be more strongly associated with anger, the blues with sadness, etc.” (Swaminathan & Schellenberg, 2015, p. 192). People tend to enjoy some music genres (e.g., pop, heavy metal, classical) more than others, and listening to music from a preferred genre is associated with greater emotional benefits (Swaminathan & Schellenberg, 2015).

Musical Applications Music can be employed to optimize affect, prior to, during, and following physical activity. The application of music during an activity can be further described as either asynchronous or synchronous (Karageorghis, 2017). When used asynchronously, music provides background stimulation without any conscious coordination between an individual’s movement patterns and the rhythmical qualities of music (Terry & Karageorghis, 2011). In contrast, the synchronous application of music entails performing repetitive movements in time with its rhythmical elements, which exploits the innate human tendency to coordinate movement with auditory rhythms (Bood, Nijssen, Van Der Kamp, & Roerdink, 2013). Sedative music has been operationalized as music without lyrics and with a sustained melodic quality, with a rate of 60–80 bpm and a general absence of strong rhythms or percussion (Good et al., 2000). Sedative music can decrease levels of sympathetic arousal (Karageorghis et al., 2018). In contrast, stimulative music is characterized by fast tempo and broad dynamic range (Hooper, 2012) that arouse the listener and elicit positively valenced feelings (e.g., excitement; Lingham & Theorell, 2009). 24

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The past 30 years have seen a proliferation of studies that have sought to apply music in sport and exercise as a way to further improve performance and enhance the experience. As the application of music is not new, studies have also sought to understand the mechanisms underpinning the efficacy of music that were often the source of anecdote. This research has led to several mechanistic, theoretical, and practical developments to aid understanding.

Theory and Research The capacity of music to influence our affective states in sport and exercise contexts is underpinned by how effective it is at enhancing motivation, evoking powerful associations (e.g., memories), and capturing our attention. Music in any context can influence our affective state, but it is typically considered of benefit in sport and exercise contexts when it motivates us to action. This effect can be temporally distant from the event – for instance, music can engender a positive attitude towards sport and exercise through association, a classic example being “Eye of the Tiger” by Survivor, from the Rocky film series. Alternatively, music can evoke a drive to physical action or affective response state immediately before and/or during an activity. How music is effective can often be considered alongside when it is being applied. The application of music prior to a sporting event or exercise activity is likely effective through emotion regulation, whereas the application of music during a physical task is likely effective at influencing our affective states only if it can adequately distract us from often-negative bodily sensations. In their seminal work, Karageorghis and Priest (2012a, 2012b) described how the mechanisms underlying the effects of music in sport and exercise are poorly understood. The explicit links between extant motivational theories and music use in sport and exercise have not been covered extensively in the literature. The motivational capacity of music is often implied within studies or not discussed with direct reference to specific motivational perspectives. The power of music to help instigate and continue physical activity could be viewed from multiple motivational perspectives. The hedonic perspective of motivation concerns the pursuit of pleasure and avoidance of pain. For many individuals, exercise can be an unpleasant experience, and this is particularly apparent during high-intensity exercise (e.g., Decker & Ekkekakis, 2017; Jung, Bourne, & Little, 2014). The possibility of engaging in a pleasant pursuit (i.e., listening to music) during an activity not always considered pleasant (i.e., exercise) could be a motive to engage in a bout of exercise when, in the absence of music, the avoidance of pain would be the determining factor, and the exercise bout would not happen. The hedonic perspective could be of relevance when applying music before an activity (to initiate physical action) and during an activity (to continue the activity). From a cognitive perspective of motivation, music could satisfy basic psychological needs required to develop a self-determined approach to an activity. Deci and Ryan (1985) suggested that choice, acknowledgement of feelings, and opportunities for self-direction promote intrinsic motivation through autonomy. In instances where an individual feels they do not have a choice regarding exercise, or they exercise to satisfy others (e.g., they feel compelled to exercise as an instruction from a medical practitioner), or they feel obligated to exercise in a certain way (e.g., follow a structured rehabilitation programme), music might offer them an opportunity to assert choice within their exercise regime. Moreover, music often creates a strong sense of shared experience, and this sense of relatedness, to the music artist or to other exercisers listening to the music, can be a vehicle towards greater self-determined motivation for an activity. The direct measurement of affective responses to music in sport and exercise contexts received surprisingly little attention in early work, with the notable exceptions of Boutcher and 25

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Trenske (1990) and Seath and Thow (1995). Since 2004, the direct measurement of affective states when music is applied in sport and exercise contexts has become more commonplace, with the Feeling Scale (FS; Hardy & Rejeski, 1989), Felt Arousal Scale (FAS; Svebak & Murgatroyd, 1985), and the Physical Activity Enjoyment Scale (PACES; Kendzierski & DeCarlo, 1991) among the most frequently applied measures. The FS is applied as a measure of the valence dimension of core affect (pleasure–displeasure) and is an 11-point scale that ranges from +5 (very good) to -5 (very bad); responses are based on the question “How do you currently feel?”. The FAS is often applied alongside the FS to measure the arousal (activation) dimension of core affect, and responses are given on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (low arousal) to 6 (high arousal). The Affect Grid (Russell, Weiss, & Mendelsohn, 1989) has been used a single-item alternative to employing the FS and FAS. The Affect Grid requires respondents to indicate their perceived affective state according to the two orthogonal dimensions of the circumplex model via a unitary response on 9 × 9 grid. Emotional response is often measured with the PACES, a scale that seeks to capture the enjoyment experienced. PACES comprises 18 items attached to a 7-point bipolar scale (e.g., I dislike it–I like it), with responses based on how an individual feels at the moment about the activity they have recently completed. Beyond self-report measures, studies employing physiological measures confirm that listening to music is associated with affective arousal; these measures include increased skin conductance, heart rate, and respiration rate (e.g., Gomez & Danuser, 2007), and activation of the limbic and paralimbic areas of the brain (Koelsch, 2014). There is less evidence that music induces changes in affective valence, although facial electromyography reveals that positively valenced music induces more zygomatic (smiling) activity than negatively valenced music (Witvliet & Vrana, 2007).

Pre-task Application of Music Music can be used prior to an activity to facilitate an optimal affective state. Sedative music might induce relaxation if a performer is feeling anxious or overly activated. Conversely, stimulating music could increase psychophysical arousal, exciting cortical and subcortical brainstem arousal systems (Peretz, 2010). However, empirical investigations of music and affective states prior to sport and exercise activities are scarce. The theoretical and anecdotal application of music to help regulate emotions prior to an activity has been discussed (e.g., Karageorghis, 2008; Terry & Karageorghis, 2011), but additional empirical research is required to consolidate the utility of this application in regulating affective state (Smirmaul, 2017). Of the few empirical studies examining the utility of listening to music pre-task, Karageorghis, Cheek, Simpson, and Bigliassi (2018) investigated the interactive effects of music tempo and intensity (volume). Those results suggest that fast, loud music promotes greater pleasure before a strength test. Similarly, data from Loizou and Karageorghis (2015) indicate that music can enhance pleasure immediately prior to an all-out exercise task when compared with no music. There have been qualitative explorations of how music is applied prior to sporting activities, with Luakka and Quick (2013) identifying that elite Swedish athletes made extensive use of music in event preparation, warm-up, and training sessions. The athletes frequently listened to music to increase pre-event activation, and listening to music was described as eliciting positive emotional states such as “happy” and “ecstatic”. Bishop, Karageorghis, and Loizou (2007) adopted a grounded theory approach in seeking to understand how junior tennis players 26

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applied music in their sporting activities. The proposed model by Bishop et al. (2007) indicated that music was consciously selected to elicit desired emotional states, with pleasure being paramount. As with Luakka and Quick (2013), the regulation of arousal was also a salient motive behind listening to music prior to a sporting event.

In-task Application of Music It is proposed that music is effective for improving the affective response to exercise because it offers a distraction from the sometimes-unpleasant bodily sensations experienced during exercise. An aversive affective response during exercise is particularly apparent in overweight and obese individuals who report a steeper and sharper decline to unpleasantness compared with their normal-weight counterparts (Ekkekakis, Lind, & Vazou, 2010). The capacity for music to distract during a physical task appears dependent on the physical demands of the activity. Rejeski (1985) developed a parallel processing model, adapted from Leventhal and Everhart’s (1979) pain-related model to explain how sensory cues (internal and external) were processed during physical work. Rejeski established a distinction between perception and focal awareness. Whereas perception refers to all the processed material to which one can attend (i.e., (preconscious processing), focal awareness represents that segments of potential stimuli to which one does attend (i.e., conscious processing). Dissociative strategies provide relief from fatigue by occupying the limited attentional channel capacity that brings sensory information from our perceptual field into focal awareness Any stimulus (such as music) that occupies the limited capacity channel will prevent exertional cues from reaching one’s level of awareness. However, “there is a point in the physical stress of exercise at which sensory cues, due to their strength, dominate perception. Under such conditions, it seems unreasonable to expect mediation by psychological factors” (Rejeski, 1985, p. 372). The suggestion that external sensory information, such as music, can only be processed during lower physical workloads was echoed in Tenenbaum’s (2001) model concerned with perceived exertion and exercise tolerance. The capacity of purposefully selected music to capture attention was demonstrated by Karageorghis and Jones (2014) in their work examining preference for music tempo across a range of exercise intensities. Fast-tempo music delayed the switch from a predominately dissociative (external) to predominantly associative (internal) attentional focus until 69% of maximal heart rate (maxHR) compared with no music, where the switch occurred at an exercise intensity almost 10% lower. Consequently, music facilitates an external focus during relatively higher exercise intensities that are associated with greater cardiorespiratory benefits. The relevance of an external focus to facilitating a more pleasant experience was demonstrated by Jones, Karageorghis, and Ekkekakis (2014), who identified a positive relationship between dissociation and pleasure at heavy exercise intensities. The relationship between affective responses and exercise intensity was described by Ekkekakis (2003) in his dual-mode model. According to the model, pleasure increases during low-to-moderate exercise intensity, but, at heavy exercise intensities (between ventilatory threshold and respiratory compensation point), affective responses become more variable. This variability is driven by an interplay between cognitive and interoceptive cues. As exercise intensities progress to severe (above respiratory compensation point), pleasure declines. In studies examining the capacity of multiple purposefully selected external stimuli (music and video) to influence affective responses during heavy exercise, results indicate that music and video can sufficiently capture attention to positively influence pleasure (Hutchinson, Karageorghis, & Jones, 2015; Jones et al., 2014). 27

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The effect of purposefully selected music (i.e., music selected with consideration of participant and task characteristics) has been associated with increases in positive affect in both synchronous and asynchronous applications of music. Karageorghis et al. (2009) identified that the synchronous application of motivational music during a treadmill walking task resulted in greater reports of pleasure during the task. Similarly, Terry, Karageorghis, Saha, and D’Auria (2012) found that elite triathletes reported greater pleasure during a running task in the presence of motivational music applied synchronously, and that mood positively improved from pre- to post- exercise compared with a control condition. Concerning the asynchronous application of music, Karageorghis and Jones (2014) reported that music elicited greater pleasure during treadmill exercise compared with a control condition; this finding was evident across a range of exercise intensities, from 40% to 90% maxHR, and a range of music tempi. Using a contrasting mode of exercise, Elliott and colleagues (Elliott, Carr, & Orme, 2005; Elliott, Carr, & Savage, 2004) examined the influence that music had on pleasure during cycle ergometry and found a consistent result that music enhanced in-task pleasure compared with no-music conditions. There have been examples of music application during high-intensity and supra-maximal exercise, and it appears that music can have some effect at these intensities with regard to affective responses to the sessions. Stork, Kwan, Gibala, and Martin Ginis (2015) showed that music applied continuously throughout a sprint interval protocol could not significantly improve pleasure during the session, but that enjoyment assessed after the bout was higher for the music condition compared with a control condition. Hutchinson et al. (2011) employed music during a series of Wingate tests and found that pleasure was higher during the music condition compared with control when measures were taken immediately following the Wingate test. The preliminary findings on the capacity of music to influence affective responses during very highintensity exercise appear to indicate a limited role for music to influence pleasure reported during the bout, but perhaps indicate that music can influence the memory of a high-intensity session so that it is recalled as more enjoyable than sessions without music.

Post-task Application of Music Similar to pre-task music, the post-task (recuperative) application of music to influence affective responses has received scarce research attention. Anecdotal reports of applying music after an activity suggest that it could be effective at promoting positive emotional states such as “feeling calm, refreshed, revitalized” (Karageorghis, 2017, p. 106). In one of the few studies on the topics, Karageorghis et al. (2018) employed post-task (recuperative) music following an exhaustive cycling task, and data indicated that slow, sedative music resulted in greater pleasure and lower arousal in a 30-min passive recovery period. The slow, sedative music employed in the Karageorghis et al. (2018) study followed earlier guidelines on post-task music selection to include tracks with simple rhythmic structure and regular pulsation and comprising “warm” instruments such as strings or gentle piano (Terry & Karageorghis, 2011). These preliminary results offer support for the proposed emotional benefits of post-task (recuperative) music, but additional empirical work is required to further understand the role that music could have in facilitating recovery.

Neurophysiological Mechanisms The neurophysiological mechanisms related to affective responses to music during physical activities have received scant attention. Preliminary work on this topic has included electroencephalography 28

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measurement alongside self-report measures of pleasure and enjoyment during low-intensity exercise. Bigliassi, Karageorghis, Hoy, and Layne (2018) suggested that the psychological effects of music could be associated with up/down-regulation of high-frequency waves in frontal and frontal-central brain regions. The rearrangement of brain beta frequencies appears to elicit more positive emotional state and greater dissociation from internal (bodily) related sensory information. The application of cerebral measurement during music-related work in sport and exercise is embryonic and is an area that offers possibilities to further understand the mechanisms underlying the efficacy of music in sport and exercise contexts.

Conceptual Models Capturing Music Use in Exercise and Sport To maximize the effects of music in a sport and exercise context, the music should be considered motivational by the listener. In their conceptual framework concerning the application of motivational music in exercise and sport, Karageorghis, Terry, and Lane (1999) defined motivational music as having the capacity to stimulate and inspire physical activity. On this premise, they proposed a four-stage model to conceptualize motivational music that included internal and external music factors through to behavioural outcomes. The music factors were presented in a hierarchical order and included rhythm response, musicality, cultural impact, and association. These factors determined the motivational qualities of a track, which, in turn, predicted the capacity of the music to regulate arousal, reduce ratings of perceived exertion, and improve mood. The final stage of the conceptual framework indicated that exercise adherence and improved pre-event routine (sport) were the outcomes of motivational music. The framework was subject to a revision in 2006 (Terry & Karageorghis, 2006) following a sharp increase in music and sport and exercise-related work. The revised framework included personal factors as antecedents to internal and external music factors, and the list of potential benefits was increased to reflect the updated literature. The potential benefits of music were expanded to include dissociation and enhanced likelihood of achieving flow state. An antecedents, moderators, and consequences model was proposed by Karageorghis (2016) and sought to encapsulate the different applications and outcomes of music in a sport and exercise context. The antecedents comprised the hierarchy of internal (e.g., tempo, rhythm, metre, lyrics) and external (e.g., cultural association, musical idiom) music factors as in previous iterations, but the inclusion of moderating factors that determine the outcomes represented a different approach to previous frameworks. Moderators included personal (e.g., age, gender, familiarity), environmental (e.g., sound intensity), and task-related situational factors (e.g., mode of exercise/training, self-led or directed). Karageorghis (2016) proposed four main consequences of music use in exercise and sport: psychological (e.g., positive affective states, dissociation, arousal regulation), psychophysical (e.g., reduced RPE), behavioural (e.g., increased work output), and psychophysiological (e.g., enhanced recovery rate). A further development reflected in the 2016 model is the music selection feedback loop from consequences to antecedents that is moderated by the situational factors. The model constitutes a framework for practical guidance on music selection and numerous testable hypotheses for researchers.

Practice and Application Selecting Appropriate Music There are several salient factors that should be considered by researchers and practitioners when selecting music for research or athletes/clients, regardless of whether music is applied 29

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before, during, or following activity. The primary stimulating and sedative elements of music are tempo and volume (intensity). A safe listening volume that is also loud enough to evoke psychophysiological arousal is approximately 75–80 decibels (dBA). A factor to consider when selecting music based on tempo is how the music is heard by an individual. The metre of a track pertains to how a listener perceives the speed or rhythmical energy of a track, and there are many instances of tracks with a relatively slow tempo being perceived as much faster. As an example, rap music, while having a slow tempo (typically 70–90 bpm), is often interpreted as faster owing to its rhythmic complexity and rapid-fire lyrics. Emcees also use stressed syllables and other lyrical nuances to form a syncopated rhythmic layer that is much faster than the underlying beat (Condit-Schultz, 2017). A practical resolution to ensure a close match between tempo and metre is to employ a simple finger-tapping exercise with the listener to check whether they hear the tempo intended. Typically, an ideal tempo range to facilitate increased arousal is 125–140 bpm, which is a common tempo range for most popular music. Interestingly, very fast music (> 140 bpm) does not result in a heightened response and tends to be less preferred by listeners (Karageorghis et al., 2011). The lyrical content of music should also be considered: Empowering lyrics can optimize arousal or put the listener in a positively valenced state. Likewise, some tracks possess strong extramusical associations that can facilitate arousal and evoke powerful memories (e.g., “hype” music that is commonly played at sporting events becomes associated with physical action and sporting prowess). Associations are also created at the individual level through personal experience. Athletes and exercisers are encouraged to capitalize on the emotional power of songs that have personal meaning for them, particularly as preference is an important factor in the potential of music to alter affect (Jiang, Zhou, Rickson, & Jianga, 2013; Schäfer & Sedlmeier, 2009). Further factors to consider are the musical idiom (genre), date of release, and artist (Priest et al., 2004). Age and sociocultural background are significant determinants of music preference, and efforts should be made to ensure some congruency between these music and personal factors to help maximize the intended effects of applying music in sport and exercise.

Self-Selection or Prescribed Music Selection The decision to employ self-selected or prescribed music should consider the purpose of the application. The primary reason for adopting a prescribed selection within a research context is to more accurately understand the effects that specific components of music (e.g., tempo) can have on outcomes (e.g., pleasure). The primary reason to include self-selected music is to account for personal preference. Musical pieces that are self-selected by participants appear to give rise to more intense emotional experiences than unfamiliar pieces do (Liljeström et al., 2013). There are instances where athletes and exercisers are accustomed to selecting music for their context and have highly developed processes for selecting suitable music to regulate their emotions and facilitate performance. If the aim of applying music is to regulate emotions and facilitate performance, it seems suitable in these instances to allow performers to self-select music. In instances where performers are naïve to including music in their activities, it is more appropriate to provide some guidelines to performers to assist with the selection of suitable music, or to provide a playlist of music that is based on the available evidence. In research contexts, if participants are permitted to self-select the music, the researcher is unable to make firm recommendations on the specific music qualities that can, for example, increase pleasure, as the selections of participants might not be consistent. If a researcher opts for a prescribed music selection, it is likely that the music selection will not be entirely suitable 30

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for all participants. There have been instances where researchers have sought to find a balance between self-selected and prescribed music by allowing participants to select from an experimenter-provided pool of suitable tracks (e.g., Karageorghis, Jones, & Stuart, 2008). There is potential to adopt this approach as a “real-world” intervention strategy – for example, by selecting preferred music from a pool of tempo-appropriate tracks. Such tracks can easily be obtained using algorithm-generated playlists, available via many music streaming platforms and applications.

Selecting Optimal Music for Before, During, and After an Activity Specific Considerations for Pre-task Music Pre-task music should be selected with optimal affective state in mind. Tracks with faster tempi (~125 bpm) and played at higher intensities (80 dBA) will usually elicit a more aroused and pleasant pre-performance state. Slow sedative music will enact a parasympathetic response, facilitating relaxation and potentially aiding management of pre-competitive anxiety. Familiar musical pieces, particularly those with positive extramusical associations and affirming lyrics, can bring about a positive affective state.

Specific Considerations for In-task Music Positively valenced music tracks can improve affect during exercise, rendering the experience more pleasant and potentially distracting from sensations of exertion. Synchronous in-task music may reduce the energy cost of repetitive endurance activities, such as running and cycling, by promoting greater neuromuscular metabolic efficiency (Terry et al., 2012). This effect is associated with more positive affective valence when workload is consistent. Music tempi in the range 120–140 bpm have been found to be most preferred across a range of exercise intensities (Karageorghis & Jones, 2014).

Specific Considerations for Respite Music The term respite music has been operationalized to capture the application of music during the recovery periods of an exercise session. Preliminary work indicates that listening to fast-tempo music (125–135 bpm) in-between high-intensity intervals can increase the pleasure experienced during the session (Jones, Tiller, & Karageorghis, 2017).

Specific Considerations for Post-task Music Initial evidence suggests that selecting slow (70 bpm), sedative music (including simple rhythmic structure, repetitive tonal patterns, limited number of pitch levels, played on instrumentation such as strings or oboe) to accompany a passive recovery period would elicit the optimal affective state for this context of lowered arousal, and greater pleasure.

Other Applications of Music Affect-regulated exercise includes working at a self-regulated intensity according to how one feels. Individuals engaging in affect-regulated exercise have been shown to work at intensities that garner 31

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meaningful cardiorespiratory benefits while maintaining a positive affective state (Hamlyn-Williams, Tempest, Coombs, & Parfitt, 2015). The basic instruction to people engaging in affect-regulated exercise is to maintain a positive affective state (often +3, “good”, on the Feeling Scale) and to regulate their work intensity accordingly. The inclusion of self-selected music in an affect-regulated bout of exercise appears to further increase the work intensity that an individual will choose, therefore increasing the cardiorespiratory benefits of the exercise bout, at no additional “cost” to pleasure (Hutchinson et al., 2018). Moreover, the addition of music results in more positive remembered pleasure relating to the exercise bout, despite the harder work. Remembered pleasure plays an important role in the determination of future behaviour (Rozin, 2002); therefore, this finding might hold relevance for exercise adherence (see Zenko, Ekkekakis, & Kavetsos, 2016).

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Affect and Music Gabrielsson, A., & Lindström, E. (2010). The role of structure in the musical expression of emotions. In P. N. Juslin & J. A. Sloboda (Eds.), Handbook of music and emotion: Theory, research, applications (pp. 367–400). New York: Oxford University Press. Gomez, P., & Danuser, B. (2007). Relationships between musical structure and psychophysiological meas­ ures of emotion. Emotion, 7(2), 377. Good, M., Picot, B. L., Salem, S. G., Chin, C. C., Picot, S. F., & Lane, D. (2000). Cultural differences in music chosen for pain relief. Journal of Holistic Nursing, 18, 245–260. Hackfort, D., Schinke, R. J., & Strauss, B. (Eds.). (2019). Dictionary of sport psychology: Sport, exercise, and performing arts. London: Elsevier. Hamlyn-Williams, C. C., Tempest, G., Coombs, S., & Parfitt, G. (2015). Can previously sedentary females use the feeling scale to regulate exercise intensity in a gym environment? An observational study. BMC Sports Science, Medicine and Rehabilitation, 7(1), 30. Hardy, C. J., & Rejeski, W. J. (1989). Not what but how one feels: The measurement of affect during exercise. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 11, 304–317. Hooper, J. (2012). Predictable factors in sedative music (PFSM): A tool to identify sedative music for receptive music therapy. Australian Journal of Music Therapy, 23, 59. Hutchinson, J. C., Jones, L., Vitti, S. N., Moore, A., Dalton, P. C., & O’Neil, B. J. (2018). The influence of self-selected music on affect-regulated exercise intensity and remembered pleasure during treadmill running. Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology, 7(1), 80–92. Hutchinson, J. C., & Karageorghis, C. I. (2013). Moderating influence of dominant attentional style and exercise intensity on responses to asynchronous music. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 35(6), 625–643. Hutchinson, J. C., Karageorghis, C. I., & Jones, L. (2015). See hear: Psychological effects of music and music-video during treadmill running. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 49, 199–211. Hutchinson, J. C., & Sherman, T. (2014). The relationship between exercise intensity and preferred music intensity. Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology, 3(3), 191. Hutchinson, J. C., Sherman, T., Davis, L., Cawthon, D., Reeder, N. B., & Tenenbaum, G. (2011). The influ­ ence of asynchronous motivational music on a supramaximal exercise bout. International Journal of Sport Psychology, 42, 135–148. Ilie, G., & Thompson, W. F. (2006). A comparison of acoustic cues in music and speech for three dimensions of affect. Music Perception: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 23(4), 319–330. Jiang, J., Zhou, L., Rickson, D., & Jiang, C. (2013). The effects of sedative and stimulative music on stress reduction depend on music preference. The Arts in Psychotherapy, 40(2), 201–205. Jones, L., Karageorghis, C. I., & Ekkekakis, P. (2014). Can high-intensity exercise be more pleasant? Attentional dissociation using music and video. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 36, 528–541. Jones, L., Tiller, N. B., & Karageorghis, C. I. (2017). Psychophysiological effects of music on acute recovery from high-intensity interval training. Physiology & Behavior, 170, 106–114. Jung, M. E., Bourne, J. E., & Little, J. P. (2014). Where does HIT fit? An examination of the affective response to high-intensity intervals in comparison to continuous moderate-and continuous vigorous-intensity exer­ cise in the exercise intensity-affect continuum. PloS ONE, 9(12), e114541. Juslin, P. N. (2013). From everyday emotions to aesthetic emotions: Towards a unified theory of musical emotions. Physics of Life Reviews, 10, 235–266. Juslin, P. N., & Västfjäll, D. (2008). Emotional responses to music: The need to consider underlying mechanisms. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 31(5), 559–575. Karageorghis, C. I. (2008). The scientific application of music in sport and exercise. In A. M. Lane (Ed.), Sport and exercise psychology (pp. 109–137). London: Hodder Education. Karageorghis, C. I. (2016). The scientific application of music in exercise and sport. In A. M. Lane (Ed.), Sport and exercise psychology (2nd ed., p. 301). London: Routledge. Karageorghis, C. I. (2017). Applying music in exercise and sport. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Karageorghis, C. I., Bruce, A. C., Pottratz, S. T., Stevens, R. C., Bigliassi, M., & Hamer, M. (2018). Psycho­ logical and psychophysiological effects of recuperative music postexercise. Medicine & Science in Sports & Exercise, 50(4), 739–746. Karageorghis, C. I., Cheek, P., Simpson, S. D., & Bigliassi, M. (2018). Interactive effects of music tempi and intensities on grip strength and subjective affect. Scandinavian Journal of Medicine & Science in Sports, 28, 1166–1175.

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Jasmin C. Hutchinson and Leighton Jones Karageorghis, C. I., Hutchinson, J. C., Jones, L., Farmer, H. L., Ayhan, M. S., Wilson, R. C., & Bailey, S. G. (2013). Psychological, psychophysical, and ergogenic effects of music in swimming. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 14(4), 560–568. Karageorghis, C. I., & Jones, L. (2014). On the stability and relevance of the exercise heart rate–Music­ tempo preference relationship. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 15, 299–310. Karageorghis, C. I., Jones, L., Priest, D. L., Akers, R. I., Clarke, A., Perry, J. M., … Lim, H. B. (2011). Revisit­ ing the relationship between exercise heart rate and music tempo preference. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 82(2), 274–284. Karageorghis, C. I., Jones, L., & Stuart, D. P. (2008). Psychological effects of music tempi during exercise. International Journal of Sports Medicine, 29(7), 613–619. Karageorghis, C. I., Mouzourides, D., Priest, D. L., Sasso, T., Morrish, D., & Walley, C. (2009). Psychophys­ ical and ergogenic effects of synchronous music during treadmill walking. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 31, 18–36. Karageorghis, C. I., & Priest, D. L. (2012a). Music in the exercise domain: A review and synthesis (Part I). International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 5, 44–66. Karageorghis, C. I., & Priest, D. L. (2012b). Music in the exercise domain: A review and synthesis (Part II). International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 5, 67–84. Karageorghis, C. I., Terry, P. C., & Lane, A. M. (1999). Development and initial validation of an instrument to assess the motivational qualities of music in exercise and sport: The Brunel music rating inventory. Jour­ nal of Sports Sciences, 17, 713–724. Kendzierski, D., & DeCarlo, K. J. (1991). Physical activity enjoyment scale: Two validation studies. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 13, 50–64. Koelsch, S. (2014). Brain correlates of music-evoked emotions. Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 15(3), 170–180. LeDoux, J. (1998). The emotional brain: The mysterious underpinnings of emotional life. New York: Simon & Schuster. Leventhal, H., & Everhart, D. (1979). Emotion, pain, and physical illness. In C. E. Izard (Ed.), Emotions in personality and psychopathology (pp. 263–299). New York: Plenum. Liljeström, S., Juslin, P. N., & Västfjäll, D. (2013). Experimental evidence of the roles of music choice, social context, and listener personality in emotional reactions to music. Psychology of Music, 41(5), 579–599. Lingham, J., & Theorell, T. (2009). Self-selected “favourite” stimulative and sedative music listening – How does familiar and preferred music listening affect the body? Nordic Journal of Music Therapy, 18(2), 150–166. Loizou, G., & Karageorghis, C. I. (2015). Effects of psychological priming, video, and music on anaerobic exercise performance. Scandinavian Journal of Medicine & Science in Sports, 25, 909–920. Luakka, P., & Quick, L. (2013). Emotional and motivational uses of music in sports and exercise: A questionnaire study among athletes. Psychology of Music, 41, 198–215. Montoya, R. M., Horton, R. S., Vevea, J. L., Citkowicz, M., & Lauber, E. A. (2017). A re-examination of the mere exposure effect: The influence of repeated exposure on recognition, familiarity, and liking. Psycho­ logical Bulletin, 143(5), 459–498. Moore, A. F. (2001). Categorical conventions in music discourse: Style and genre. Music & Letters, 82(3), 432–442. Pearce, M. T., Zaidel, D. W., Vartanian, O., Skov, M., Leder, H., Chatterjee, A., & Nadal, M. (2016). Neu­ roaesthetics: The cognitive neuroscience of aesthetic experience. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 11(2), 265–279. Pereira, C. S., Teixeira, J., Figueiredo, P., Xavier, J., Castro, S. L., & Brattico, E. (2011). Music and emotions in the brain: Familiarity matters. PLoS ONE, 6(11), e27241. Peretz, I. (2010). Listen to the brain: A biological perspective on musical emotions. In P. N. Juslin & J. A. Sloboda (Eds.), Handbook of music and emotion: Theory, research, applications (pp. 105–134). New York: Oxford University Press. Posner, J., Russell, J. A., Gerber, A., Gorman, D., Colibazzi, T., Yu, S., … Peterson, B. S. (2009). The neuro­ physiological bases of emotion: An fMRI study of the affective circumplex using emotion-denoting words. Human Brain Mapping, 30(3), 883–895. Priest, D. L., Karageorghis, C. I., & Sharp, N. C. (2004). The characteristics and effects of motivational music in exercise settings: The possible influence of gender, age, frequency of attendance, and time of attendance. Journal of Sports Medicine and Physical Fitness, 44, 77–86.

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3

ANXIETY DISORDER AND

TREATMENT

William D. Parham

Introduction Varying definitions of anxiety exist (e.g., Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 5th edition (DSM-5), American Psychiatric Association (APA), 2013; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC); the International Classification of Diseases, 11th revision (ICD-11)), and research on anxiety, partly owing to methodological challenges, including definitional, has contributed to the lack of clarity (Hanin, 2000). However, despite the lack of definition and conceptual clarity, there appears to be some agreement regarding its key features. Anxiety is a natural, adaptive, self-protective, emotional, and physiological survival response. It is experienced by many athletes, domestic and global, across gender, age, culture, race, ethnicity, sports, and other dimensions of personal identity, within the context of their everyday life challenges (Hackfort & Schwenkmezger, 1993; Hackfort & Spielberger, 1989). Some life challenges are experienced as minor inconveniences, daily hassles and situations athletes choose to put up with temporarily. When seen in this way, anxiety may be experienced as “normal”, with minimal physiological arousal and, overall, clearly manageable (Henriksen et al., 2019). At the other end of the spectrum are life challenges that can surface as fear, dread, confusion, emotional disequilibrium, obsessive ruminations, increased irritability, compromised decision-making, and a host of physiological reactions including, but not limited to, nausea, muscle tension, and increased blood pressure (ICD-11, WHO, 2018; DSM-5). When this latter constellation of symptoms emerges, also known as the “fight or flight” response, first coined by Walter B. Cannon (1932, 1963), athletes have perceived their immediate environment and personal space as being attacked, under threat, and in danger. The body, having received signals that danger and harm are imminent, prepares to engage the threat or flee from the scene. Either decision is fuelled by increased energy (e.g. adrenalin, increased heart rate, increased flow of blood to deep muscles, increased production of white blood cells) to accomplish the chosen goal (Benson & Klipper, 2001; Benson & Proctor, 2011; Selye, 1978). It is important to note that an athlete’s perception of threat relative to an event triggers the kind, strength, intensity, and duration of the emotional and physiological reaction that is subsequently experienced. Further, the accuracy of an athlete’s perception of threat from an 37

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event is not a prerequisite for the innate fight-or-flight system to be activated. Athletes’ beliefs about the immediate situation or circumstance in which they find themselves, and the real or perceived threats and dangers therein, represent the stimuli that trigger the fight-or-flight response.

Historical Notes Apropos to this observation, Epictetus, a Greek philosopher (circa 50–130 AD), is credited with inviting consideration that events in and of themselves are not stressful. Events are simply events. Rather, it is the interpretation of the event that gives the event meaning. Seminal leaders across time in the modern era shone light on the concept of stress and anxiety (Robinson, 2018). Yerkes and Dodson introduced the Yerkes–Dodson Law in 1908 (Teigan, 1994), suggesting that there is a relationship between physiological arousal and performance. In short, they asserted that, as arousal increases, so does performance. However, when arousal gets to be too high, then performance decreases. Cannon, a physiologist, authored a now classic text, The Wisdom of the Body (1932), illuminating the body’s innate abilities to maintain homeostasis and to correct itself when functional imbalances occur. He is also credited with coining the term fight or flight. Selye (1978), an endocrinologist, conducted research that spawned the general adaptation syndrome, highlighting an organism’s response to stressors. Benson, a cardiologist, coined the term “relaxation response” and encouraged consideration of the body’s ability to engender a relaxation of muscles and organs. In 1982, Lazarus introduced the cognitive-mediational theory advancing the notion that people make assessments of their current circumstances and consequential implications. Collectively, these pioneers display considerable overlap relative to their insights about the stress–alarm process. Their studies regarding stress, initially focusing on physiological responses, and later adding psychological responses, set the stage for discourse evident in current research and professional practices (Robinson, 2018). If the above scholars are understood in contemporary, practical terms, athletes’ poor performance during competition, for example, might be judged as unfortunate and seen as a learning experience. Alternatively, those very same athletes could interpret a poor athletic performance in the same event as devastating and evidence that they need to lower future performance expectations. The meanings athletes assign to situations, coupled with assessments of the availability of internal and external resources believed to be sufficient to meet the demands imposed by the event, determine the level of stress athletes are likely to experience. In short, athletes have the power to manage emotional ups and downs. They have the cognitive wherewithal to change how they think, the affective mechanisms to regulate their emotions, and the behavioural repertoire to execute actions that are consistent with handling both the psychological and physiological responses.

Types of Anxiety: Caveat Emptor The DSM-5 has a long history of offering common language, conceptual templates, and symptom-based approaches for classifying mental disorders and continues to be used by mental health professionals, researchers, policymakers, the legal system, and pharmaceutical and insurance companies. The DSM is parallel to the World Health Organization’s (WHO) coding system (ICD-11). The evolving DSM was rooted in psychiatric hospital statistics and Freudian nosology, using neurosis as the organizing schema, up to DSM-II (Greenberg, 2013). Since its initial publication in 1952, the DSM panel of experts, mostly physicians, with more 38

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than 50% of the experts affiliated with pharmaceutical companies, has voted on deletions, modifications, and additions, allegedly reviewing and making recommendations based on empirical evidence (Greenberg, 2013; Kendler, 2013) The ICD, now in its 11th revision, has undergone a similar evolutionary history, taking advantage of input from governments of WHO member countries, multidisciplinary health professionals (e.g., psychiatrists, psychologists, and psychiatric nurses), and other stakeholders (Gaebel, Zielasek, & Reed, 2017; International Advisory Group for the Revision of ICD-10 Mental and Behavioural Disorders, WHO, 2017). According to the DSM-5, the most recent version – professional disagreements notwithstanding – anxiety has been grouped into three different categories. These three categories include: trauma and stressor-related disorders, obsessive-compulsive disorders, and anxiety disorders. Trauma and stressor-related disorders include reactive attachment disorder, disinhibited social engagement disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder, acute stress disorder, and adjustment disorders. The second category, obsessive-compulsive and related disorders, also known as obsessive-compulsive spectrum disorders, includes body dysmorphic disorder, hoarding disorder, trichotillomania (recurrent urge to pull out hair), and excoriation disorder (chronic skin-picking). The final category, anxiety disorders, includes separation anxiety disorder, selective mutism, specific phobia, social phobia, panic disorder, agoraphobia, and generalized anxiety. The evolution of the WHO’s ICD-11 identifies five uses for the classification, including clinical, research, teaching and training, health statistics, and public health (International Advisory Group, 2011). Questions about the universality of specific categories of mental disorders, with particular attention to the influence of culture, heretofore seen as a distraction, served as prompts for thinking differently about the coding system (Gaebel et al., 2017; International Advisory Group, 2011). Strategies adopted in pursuit of changes included international and multilingual literature reviews, country and regional assessment of systems for diagnosing mental disorders, and global surveys of psychiatrists. Full definitions of each category and each diagnostic label in each classification manual, including nuanced differential descriptors, are beyond the scope of this entry. That being said, the DSM and the ICD continue to spark controversy centred on questions of reliability, validity, cultural bias, blurring of definitional terms (e.g., normal, illness, disorder), over-specification, and the medicalization of human emotional affliction (Paris & Philips, 2013). As such, clinicians, physicians, trainers, strength and conditioning personnel, as well as allied professionals (e.g., coaches, administrators, senior executives), in athletes’ circles of influence are advised to proceed cautiously relative to reliance on the DSM and ICD as authoritative diagnostic texts. However, familiarity with the DSM-5 and the ICD-11, along with supporting scholarship relative to asserted controversies, is highly recommended.

Symptoms With the foregoing as context, and irrespective of ongoing diagnostic nomenclature controversies, there is agreement that anxiety represents a common human experience and, by inference, is common among athletes (Ford, Ildefonso, Jones, & Arvinen-Barrow, 2017). It would make sense, then, to see anxiety manifested in various domains of athletes’ lives, including at home, work, school, prior to and during competition, while managing injury, in anticipation of flying to and from competition, while initiating, maintaining, and ending interpersonal relationships, when acknowledging health challenges, when needed to manage family problems, or during any other life challenge that demands an athlete’s focused attention. Symptoms of anxiety might include sensitivity to worrying; difficulty concentrating and staying 39

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focused; increased irritability; feeling agitated, scattered, and on edge; sweating; shortness of breath; light headedness; difficulty falling and staying asleep; increased muscle tension; and appetite disturbance and stomach distress (DSM-5; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; ICD-11; National Institute of Health). Worrying about the possibility of performing poorly and then being judged by others in response to an immediate life challenge triggers the threat/danger alarm that results in the rush of emotional and physiological self-protective energy that can feel unsettling, quite disarming, and even debilitating. Athletes’ harsh self-critique in concert with criticism from others often adds fuel to the emotional fire of self-doubt. For example, if athletes’ self-assessment produces confidence, a history of success, and strategic plans to manage an immediate competitive situation, then physiological responses will be minimally engaged, and behavioural responses will feel appropriate and goal-directed. Alternatively, if athletes get triggered emotionally in response to an upcoming competition, and their current emotional unsettledness is anchored in self-doubt, past failures, and recollections of past harsh self-criticism and austere critique from others, then physiological responses might feel heightened, decision-making might feel impaired, and actions might feel cautious and tentative. Symptoms of anxiety can be plotted on a continuum from 1 to 10, where the lower end of the spectrum (1–4) represents anxiety as feeling minimally disruptive, 5–7 represents anxiety as feeling moderately uncomfortable, and 8–10 represents anxiety as feeling quite emotionally overwhelming and consuming. It is important to note that, most of the time, anxiety is situationspecific. For example, symptoms of anxiety might feel overwhelming within the context of an athlete’s practice and competition domains and, at the same time, far less unsettling, if at all unsettling, within their family and friendships.

Contributing Factors The complex and ongoing interaction of several factors contributes to athletes feeling vulnerable to experiences of anxiety. Environments (e.g., athletic, familial, social-political) wherein athletes learn, develop, and mature and from which they draw emotional nourishment and find life’s purpose represent one category of factors that shape how they think, feel, and behave in response to life’s challenges. Coaches, teammates, health, fitness, and nutritional personnel, referees, fans, booster clubs, sports journalists, and athletic department/programme administrators represent athletic environment factors. Parents, siblings, extended family, community, and spiritual/religious/devotional upbringing are examples of familial environmental factors. Visual, auditory, print, and social media, as well as local, regional, national, and global economic and political climates, collectively represent social-political environmental factors that influence responses to life challenges. Early-age traumatic experiences occurring within any of the aforementioned environmental contexts, left unaddressed, manifest as anxiety and surface symptoms of decreased performance (Hardy et al., 2017), inviting further exploration by trained mental health professionals. Personal and psychological health and medical conditions (e.g., asthma, diabetes, megalocardia, hypertrophic cardiomyopathy, deep vein thrombosis (DVT), thermoregulation concerns, post-concussive syndrome, withdrawal from prescription, illegal, and over-the-counter substances, and undiagnosed depression, post-traumatic stress, and anger) not typically found in athletic communities represent a second category of factors. The degree to which any of the above-referenced factors singularly or in combination add to athletes’ vulnerability to anxiety is impossible to determine. Further, it is important to note that the aforementioned factors contribute to or influence how anxiety gets triggered and how it is 40

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maintained. The above factors do not cause anxiety experiences. Beliefs that external stimuli cause anxiety, or other emotional reactions, effectively take the power to change out of the hands of the athlete and transfer the power to the external stimuli. Although athletes have little to no control over events happening, they have 100% control over how they respond to challenges that the world presents. The power of change manifests in how athletes think about the event with which they are currently confronted and the perceived availability of both internal and external resources they will need to address the challenges spawned from the event.

Interventions The types of intervention considered and selected to manage anxiety are determined by: (a) the duration, severity, and degree of disruption and impairment in athletes’ lives; (b) the skills and talents of the treating professional to deliver a comprehensive, person-centred approach to healing; and (c) athletes’ motivation to participate in finding solutions to their challenges and in learning improved ways to minimize re-experiencing similar challenges in the future. A range of interventions might be considered when treating anxiety. Each boasts considerable empirical support relative to short- and longer-term effectiveness, and use of a combination of the following interventions merits careful study and contemplation (Wampold, 2018). Counselling, or talk therapy, has been shown to be an effective intervention as it positions athletes to get to the root of what is driving their anxiety rather than simply learning about a variety of symptom-management techniques. Symptoms may be problematic, but they are never the problem. The CDC/Kaiser Permanente Adverse Childhood Experience Study (1998) offers clues to uncovering the connection between adverse early-childhood experiences and adult experiences of anxiety. Relative to the treatment of anxiety, cognitive-behavioural therapy approaches represent treatments of choice (Wampold, 2018). In situations where anxiety feels long-term, debilitating, and quite intrusive across domains of an athlete’s life (e.g., academic, work, familial, social), anti-anxiety medication and talk therapy represent an effective treatment combination. Especially in situations where prescribed medication is part of a treatment regimen, athletes are strongly encouraged to maintain contact with their healthcare provider. A plethora of stress management techniques exist, and each has drawn praise as well as critique (Butler, Chapman, Forman, & Beck, 2006; Hofmann, Asnaai, Vonk, Sawyer, & Fang, 2012). Although each may have a particular nuanced focus, all aim to teach athletes how to calm their minds and bodies, ultimately bringing their whole person into a state of feeling quietly alert. Deep-breathing exercises, cognitive reframing, progressive relaxation exercises, and autogenic relaxation exercises represent examples of interventions employed to arouse and inspire mental and physiological peacefulness. Mindfulness meditations – popular contemporary psychological practices rooted in Buddhist, Zen, and Tibetan traditions – invite athletes to settle their focus on experiences happening in the present moment (Kabat-Zinn, 2018). These mental and physiologically calming exercises have garnered considerable empirical support (Eberth & Sedlmeier, 2012) as interventions suggested for managing anxiety and depression (Toneatto & Nguyen, 1997) and for their applicability in places such as hospitals, schools, and athletic arenas. Akin to mindfulness meditations is the practice of stillness (Tolle, 2008). This quitting exercise teaches athletes how to enter and appreciate a state of awakened consciousness, allow non-judgemental acceptance of what is, and know that they can access their place of stillness wherever they desire.

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Physical exercise, sound nutritional practices, quality sleep, balancing life with hobbies or other outlets, and developing and maintaining social support systems and spiritual practices are parts of a holistic mental health and wellness regimen (SAMHSA, 2016). When the above options are implemented in combination and as lifestyle practices, rather than as techniques to use when feeling overwhelmed emotionally, athletes are then in position to reap maximum benefit. T’ai Chi, a martial art originating in China and practised worldwide for its medicinal, martial, and philosophical properties, has witnessed increased popularity over the last several decades. Abundant research (Harvard Women’s Health Watch, 2019) has illuminated positive effects of T’ai Chi relative to lowering blood pressure; managing anxiety and depression; improving balance, strength, and flexibility; and managing chronic pain and a host of other physical and emotional challenges. T’ai Chi is a mind–body practice that can be enjoyed by teenagers, adults, and the elderly. Qigong, a Chinese system of exercises with a particular focus on breathing control, and yoga, a physical, mental, and spiritual practice originating in India, show equally impressive physical and psychological outcomes with regular practice. Medications represent viable options for treating anxiety. Because some medical conditions produce symptoms that mimic anxiety, healthcare personnel will rule out the presence of medical conditions (e.g., hyperthyroidism, low blood sugar), other medications, including prescription and over-the-counter, and withdrawal from illegal substances as factors in the current reactionary profile. Decisions to treat anxiety as a preventative measure or as a remedy for managing symptoms are also considered. Some types of anxiety drug are habit-forming, necessitating consideration of either a short-term prescription or prescribing them to be taken on an as-needed basis. Apropos to this observation, contemporary times have witnessed increased curiosity about marijuana, leading to a growing number of research studies (Kedzior & Laeber, 2014; Lamarine, 2012) focusing on the use of cannabis in the treatment of medical and psychiatric conditions. Related, cannabidiol, a non-intoxicating (without tetrahydrocannabinol) marijuana extract, has been the focus of increased interest, especially relative to the treatment of anxiety (Blessing, Steenkamp, Manzanares, & Marmar, 2015). Several observations, not the least of which are concerns about regulation and longer-term benefits versus adverse consequences, have triggered conversations about cannabis and cannabidiol that are ushering in a new era of heretofore unconsidered treatments for the management of anxiety and other psychological as well as medical challenges.

Conclusion Anxiety is a human experience common to all athletes, irrespective of gender, the sport in which they participate, or status (e.g., club, collegiate, professional, elite) they have achieved. Anxiety manifests as symptoms that may feel problematic and intrusive in athletes’ lives. If left unchecked, symptoms of anxiety could lead to further adverse consequences. Although anxiety may be problematic, however, it is never the problem. Anxiety is a symptom that other concerns and issues need to be addressed. Assessment by trained mental health professionals can be helpful relative to confirming diagnostic impressions about anxiety and ruling out other co-occurring mental health challenges, such as depression, that may be adding to the symptom profile. The good news about anxiety is that it is treatable. Ample evidence-based interventions exist providing choices relative to tailoring treatment plans that meet athletes’ needs. Research about anxiety and its short- and longer-term impact on performance is ongoing, and familiarity with current theories and best practices is recommended. 42

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References American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders, fifth edition (DSM-5). Arlington, VA: Author. Benson, H., & Klipper, M. Z. (2001). The relaxation response. New York: Harper Collins. Benson, H., & Proctor, W. (2011). Relaxation revolution: The science and genetics of mind body healing. New York: Simon & Schuster. Blessing, E. M., Steenkamp, M. M., Manzanares, J., & Marmar, C. R. (2015). Cannabidiol as a potential treatment for anxiety disorders. Neurotherapeutics, 12(4), 825–836. Butler, A. C., Chapman, J. E., Forman, E. M., & Beck, A. T. (2006). The empirical status of cognitive-behavioral therapy: A review of meta-analyses. Clinical Psychology Review, 26(1), 17–31. Cannon, W. B. (1932). The wisdom of the body. New York: W. W. Norton. Cannon, W. B. (1963). The wisdom of the body: Revised and enlarged edition. New York: W. W. Norton. Eberth, J., & Sedlmeier, P. (2012). The effects of mindfulness meditation: A meta-analysis. Mindfulness, 3(3), 174–189. Felitti, V. J., Anda, R. F., Nordenberg, D., Williamson, D. F., Spitz, A. M., Edwards, V., … Marks, J. S. (1998). Relationship of childhood abuse and household dysfunction to many of the leading causes of death in adults. The Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) study. American Journal of Preventive Medi­ cine, 14(4), 245–258. Ford, J. L., Ildefonso, K., Jones, M. L., & Arvinen-Barrow, M. (2017). Sport-related anxiety: Current insights. Open Access Journal of Sports Medicine. doi:10.2147/OAJSM.S125845.eCollection 2017. Gaebel, W., Zielasek, J., & Reed, G. M. (2017). Mental and behavioral disorders in the ICD-11: Concepts, methodologies, and current status. Psychiatria Polska, 51(2), 169–195. Greenberg, G. (2013). The book of woe: The DSM and the unmasking of psychiatry. New York: Blue Rider Press. Hackfort, D., & Schwenkmezger, P. (1993). Anxiety. In R. N. Singer, M. Murphy, & L. K. Tennant (Eds.), Handbook of research on sport psychology (pp. 328–364). New York: Macmillan. Hackfort, D., & Spielberger, C. D. (1989). Anxiety in sport: An international perspective. New York: Hemisphere. Hanin, Y. L. (2000). Emotions in sport. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics Press. Hardy, L., Barlow, M., Evans, L., Rees, T., Woodman, T. & Warr, C. (2017). Great British medalists: Psycho­ social biographies of super-elite and elite athletes from Olympic sports. Progress in Brain Research, 232, 1–119. Harvard Women’s Health Watch. (2019). The health benefits of tai chi. www.health.harvard.edu/staying­ healthy/the-health-benefits-of-tai-chi Henriksen, K., Schinke, R., Moesch, K., McCann, S., Parham, W. D., Larsen, C. H., & Terry, P. (2019). Consensus statement on improving the mental health of high performance athletes. International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology. doi:10.1080/1612197X.2019.1570473 Hofmann, S. G., Asnaai, A., Vonk, I. J. J., Sawyer, A. T., & Fang, A. (2012). The efficacy of cognitive-behavioral therapy: A review of meta-analyses. Cognitive Therapy and Research, 36(5), 427–440. Kabat-Zinn, J. (2018). The healing power of mindfulness: A new way of being. New York: Hachette Books. Kedzior, K. K., & Laeber, A. (2014). A positive association between anxiety disorders and cannabis use or cannabis use disorder in the general population-A meta-analysis of 31 studies. BMC Psychiatry, 14(1), 136. doi:10.1186/1471-244x-14-136 Kendler, K. S. (2013). A history of the DSM-5 scientific review committee. Psychological Medicine, 43(9), 1793–1800. Lamarine, R. J. (2012). Marijuana: Modern medical chimaera. Journal of Drug Education, 42(1), 1–11. Lazarus, R. S. (1982). Thoughts on the relations between emotion and cognition. American Psychologist, 37 (9), 1019–1982. Parham, W. D. (2013). The bridge goes both ways: Lessons learned from athletes searching for direction and meaning. In R. Schinke & R. Lidor (Eds.), Case studies in sport development: Contemporary stories promoting health, peace and social justice (pp. 26–35). Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology. Paris, J., & Philips, J. (Eds.). (2013). Making the DSM-5: Concepts and controversies. New York: Springer. Robinson, A. M. (2018). Let’s talk about stress: History of stress research. Review of General Psychology, 22 (3), 334–342. doi:10.1037/gpr0000137

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William D. Parham Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA). (2016). The eight dimensions of wellness. Retrieved from www.sanhsa.gov/wellness-initiative/eight-dimensions-wellness Selye, H. (1978). The stress of life. New York: McGraw-Hill. Tolle, E. (2008). A new earth: Awakening to your life’s purpose. New York: Penguin. Toneatto, T., & Nguyen, L. (1997). Does mindfulness meditation improve anxiety and mood symptoms? A review of the controlled research. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 52(4), 260–266. Wampold, B. (2015). The great psychotherapy debate: The evidence of what makes psychotherapy work (2nd ed.). New York: Routledge. Wampold, B. (2018). The basics of psychotherapy: An introduction to theory and practice (2nd ed.). Wash­ ington, DC: American Psychological Association.

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4

ATHLETIC TALENT DEVELOPMENT

IN RELATION TO PSYCHOLOGICAL

FACTORS

Daniel Gould, Ian Cowburn, and Emily Wright

Introduction Research has shown that it takes a minimum of 10 years, or 10,000 hours, of deliberate practice and/or play to become an expert in any endeavour, including athletics (Côté, Baker, & Abernethy, 2007; Ericsson, 2007). It is not surprising, then, that increased attention is being paid to ways to identify and develop athletes who have the potential to become elite and be successful at the highest levels of their sport (Baker, Cobley, Schorer, & Wattie, 2017; Vaeyens, Gullich, Warr, & Phillippaerts, 2009). Although the psychological skills, strategies, and dispositions associated with elite athletic success have been identified (e.g., Gould & Maynard, 2009), less attention has been paid to understanding the long-term athlete development process by which the athlete initially becomes involved in sport, is recognized as talented, and has his or her talents fostered, supported, and nurtured by significant others over time. This situation has changed as a number of researchers have begun to study both the athletic talent development process and factors influencing it in general, and the role that psychological factors play in influencing this process in particular (e.g., MacNamara, Button, & Collins, 2010a, 2010b; Shannon, Gentner, Patel, & Muccio, 2012). This contribution summarizes the research on psychosocial aspects of athletic talent development, identifies directions for future research, and outlines implications for sport practitioners. A brief overview of the elite athlete talent development process will be provided, followed by a discussion of the role psychological factors play in this process. Attention will then be turned to current controversies involved in athlete talent development such as the professionalization of youth sports, premature and early sports specialization, and athlete stress and burn-out concerns. Finally, future research directions and implications for guiding the development of athletic talent will be identified.

Understanding the Elite Athlete Talent Development Process Researchers and practitioners have been interested in both athletic talent identification and development. Talent identification focuses on the process of identifying young athletes who are thought to have strong potential to become highly successful in senior levels of sport so that 45

D. Gould, I. Cowburn, and E. Wright

they can be given special attention and training. Talent development focuses on institutional and individual efforts to structure situations that allow individuals who have athletic potential to turn those capacities into actual performance success (Collins & MacNamara, 2013; Vaeyens et al., 2009). Although a detailed review of this literature is beyond the scope of this contribution, it is important to summarize what is known at this point in time. Reviewers (e.g., Abbott & Collins, 2004; Coutinho, Mesquita, & Fonseca, 2016; Johnston, Wattie, Schorer, & Baker, 2018; Vaeyens et al., 2009) who have examined the athletic talent identification and development literature have derived several important conclusions that must be considered as a backdrop when focusing attention on the role psychological factors play in the athletic talent development process. First, athletic talent is sport-specific, complex, non­ linear, and multivariate in nature, as no single athletic gene or ability exists. Instead, athletic talent consists of a complex mixture of physical, psychological, and cognitive abilities, skills, and dispositions that interact in unique and complex ways. Athletic talent is also both genetically and environmentally determined and influenced directly and indirectly by a variety of individuals, institutions, and cultural forces (Bailey & Collins, 2013; Morgan & Giacobbi, 2006; Rees et al., 2016). For this reason, most scholars now conclude that little, if any, evidence exists that shows that measures or batteries of measures of athletic talent in children and youth can accurately predict senior athletic success (Martindale et al., 2010). This has led to more emphasis being placed on better understanding the talent development process and what experiences occur that allow youth and young adults to develop or maximize the capabilities needed to become successful elite athletes (Abbott, Collins, Martindale, & Sowerby, 2002; MacNamara & Collins, 2017). The athletic talent development process has been studied over the last 30 years, beginning with the seminal work of Benjamin Bloom (1985), who retrospectively studied the careers of highly successful performers in science, the arts, and sport (tennis, swimming), identifying stages of talent development both across and within domains. Other researchers have followed up on Bloom’s work (e.g., Côté, 1999; Côté, Lidor, & Hackfort, 2009; Durand-Bush & Salmela, 2002) and looked at the career transitions needed to progress from a child or young athlete to an elite, world-class competitor (e.g., Stumbulova, 2009; Wylleman, De Knop, Verdet, & Cecic-Erpic, 2007; Wylleman & Rosier, 2016). Today, the work of Côté (1999) and Durand-Bush and Salmela (2002) is most often used to describe a four-stage pathway to elite athlete development. According to this view, there are four stages that one needs to progress from child athlete to world-class performer. These include: (1) the sampling stage, where a child has many opportunities for participation, receives positive coach and family encouragement/support, learns fundamental motor skills, and develops a love of sport and physical activity; (2) the specializing stage, where the young athlete participates in fewer sports, family commitment and support increases, and the young person experiences increased success, has more specialized coaching, and a greater focus on sport specific skills; (3) the investment stage, where the athlete engages in more intense, highquality competitive training, orchestrated by an expert coach, while receiving continued but different types of family support; and (4) the maintenance stage, characterized by an elite performance focus and efforts to deal with the many demands of becoming and maintaining world-class performance success (Abbott & Collins, 2004). Based on an excellent review and integration of the athletic talent and development research, for example, Abbott and Collins (2004) used Côté’s model to help construct a more comprehensive view of how psychosocial behaviours are involved in athlete talent identification and development. The model integrates both athletic talent identification and development literatures while discussing transitions between stages. More recent work has also stressed that, 46

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although most experts agree that athletes progress through the stages described above, their progress is not uniform and is more complicated than appears from looking at the four stages alone (MacNamara et al., 2010a). Finally, other career transition models, such as the one proposed by Wylleman and Lavallee (2004), contain similar stages for athletic development to the Côté model, with the addition of a discontinuation phase that focuses on how athletes transition out of elite level sport when their career is completed. Equally important, Wylleman and Lavallee (2004) and Wylleman and Reints (2010) emphasized that athletes not only make transitions in terms of their athletic ability, but also, simultaneously, are progressing along psychological (childhood, adolescence, adulthood), psychosocial (different social support providers such as parents, coaches, and significant others becoming more or less important at different developmental stages), academic/vocational (primary education, secondary education, higher education, vocational or professional occupation), and financial stages. Hence, an important holistic perspective to development is taken that looks beyond the athletic domain.

The Role Psychological Factors Play in the Athletic Talent Development Process Sport psychology researchers have been interested in identifying psychological characteristics that are associated with elite success for more than four decades. For example, in an in-depth review of this literature, Gould and Maynard (2009) found that a number of personal dispositions and characteristics (e.g., optimism, adaptive perfectionism), cognitive-behavioural strategies (e.g., self-talk, use of competitive plans and routines), and emotional attributes and states (e.g., confidence/self-belief, emotional control) have been shown to be associated with Olympic success. More recently, as part of the Great British medallist project, Rees and colleagues (2016) concluded that the quality of evidence is high to moderate relative to the role that psychological factors, such as self-determined forms of motivation, use of anxiety to enhance performance, and a wide range of mental skills (e.g., anxiety control, goal-setting, imagery, self-talk), play in contributing to elite- and super-elite-level athletic performance. From these reviews it is clear that sport psychologists have a fairly good idea of what it takes psychologically to achieve top performance. In a related area, in the last two decades, a great deal of attention has been paid to the topic of mental toughness in elite athletes. Mental toughness has been defined as: having the natural or developed psychological edge that enables you to, generally, cope better than your opponents with the many demands (competition, training, life­ style) that sport places on a performer and, specifically, be more consistent and better than your opponent in remaining determined, focused, confident, and in control under pressure. (Jones, Hanton, & Connaughton, 2002, p. 209) Although complete agreement on all the components of mental toughness has not been reached, most researchers agree that the concept is comprised of such attributes as self-belief, coping/handling pressure, focus/commitment, motivation, control, sport intelligence/ knowledge, tough/resilient attitude, personal values, and physical toughness (see Gucciardi & Gordon, 2011, for a detailed review). Finally, other studies have shown that psychological factors are associated with long-term athletic development. Van Yperen (2009), for example, found that assessments of psychological factors such as goal commitment, problem-focused coping, and social support 47

D. Gould, I. Cowburn, and E. Wright

made 15 years earlier predicted career success in male soccer players. In another study, Toering, Elferink-Gemser, Jordet, Pepping, and Visscher (2012) found that elite youth soccer players who scored high on self-reflection were more likely to make it to higher levels of play.

Athlete Talent Development Studies Although researchers have done a good job of identifying the psychological characteristics related to athletic excellence, less is known about the process and means by which top athletes have developed these psychological skills and attributes. Researchers have, however, begun to examine this issue. In one of the first studies on this topic, Bloom (1985) studied more than 100 highly recognized performers in maths and science, music, the arts, and sports (tennis­ players and swimmers). Consistency across domains was found in that large investments of tangible and intangible resources were identified as being essential to nurturing talent, and that developing the talent in all the domains was a long-term process—a process that not only involved the talented individual, but also support systems that helped nurture that talent. Parents, for example, acted as models for disciplined independence and reinforced such behaviours in their children. They also provided a wide variety of all types of support such as providing transportation, paying for instruction and coaching, and offering social-emotional assurance, as well as emphasizing the value of working hard and doing things well. In another study of almost 400 talented high school youth from a variety of domains, including sport, that spanned 5 years, Csikszentmihalyi, Rathunde, Whalen, and Wong (1993) derived a number of important conclusions relative to talent development in young people. First, if talent was to be developed, children had to be recognized as talented by the institutions where talent can be developed. Talent means nothing unless it is nurtured. Second, youth who were talented had personality characteristics such as awareness, achievement motivation, openness, and endurance that make talent development more effective via concentrated efforts. Third, successful teens had learned habits conducive to fostering their talents, such as being more focused, having the ability to tolerate negative moods, and enjoying being more productive. Their families were more supportive psychologically and were more cohesive and flexible. Fourth, talented youth were more conservative relative to sexual attitudes and were aware of the conflict and trade-offs between engaging in productive work and fostering peer relations. Fifth, the families of talented teens were characterized by a complex structure where they provided a balance of being supportive, yet providing challenges for their children. That is, families were found to be both integrated and differentiated in this regard. They were integrated in that they provided a stable sense of support and consistency, and differentiated in that they encouraged their children “individually” to seek out new challenges and opportunities. Sixth, the talented youth best liked teachers, coaches, and instructors who were more supportive of their efforts and modelled enjoyment of the field. That is, these adults made the students feel that they could make unique contributions to their area of interest and recognized them for their individual efforts. Seventh, the talent development process for youth was characterized by both expressive rewards involving strong positive feelings, and instrumental rewards such as the development of skills and competencies that would lead to useful, tangible future outcomes such as getting into college. Eighth, talent was developed when it produced optimal “enjoyable” experiences for the young persons involved. In one of the first studies to focus solely on examining talent development in sport, Côté (1999) examined four talented athletes and their families involved in the sports of rowing and tennis. Results from in-depth interviews found that families, particularly parents, played a key 48

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role in elite athlete development as their children progressed through the previously discussed stages of athletic talent development. In particular, parents allowed the children to participate in multiple sports during their early years of involvement. When their children began to specialize (ages 13–15), parents became committed supporters of their children while exerting little pressure to participate in any one sport, adopted a follower/supporter rather than a leader role, and sacrificed their time and money to optimize their child’s participation. Families also provided social support, especially when their talented children experienced setbacks and faced adversity. In a study focused specifically on the psychological development of Olympic champions, Gould, Dieffenbach, and Moffett (2002) interviewed 10 gold medallists, one of their parents, and a coach who was involved in their development. It was found that the psychological development of outstanding athletes took place over a long time, with many individuals (e.g., parents, non-sport personnel, sport personnel, the individual himself/herself) and institutions (e.g., family, community, sport environment) supporting and influencing the psychological development of these champions. They did this both directly (e.g., teaching or emphasizing certain psychological lessons) and indirectly (e.g., through modelling or unknowingly creating certain psychological environments). As in the previous studies, parents and families played an important role in the psychological talent development by providing financial, logistical, and social-emotional support. Parents modelled an active lifestyle, hard work, and discipline. They were also highly committed to their child and exposed them to different sports, transported them, attended games and practices, and provided high levels of encouragement and unconditional support. They placed little external pressure to succeed on the child, but simultaneously emphasized an optimistic belief in the child’s ability to succeed (e.g., a “can do” attitude) and a belief in the notion “if you are going to do it, do it right”. They also held high (but reasonable) expectations and standards for their child, and a “stick-to-it” and “follow­ through on commitments” attitude. Finally, throughout the Olympian athletes’ careers, their parents kept winning in perspective, helping their child appropriately balance fun, long-term athletic development, and their general development as a person. Like Csikszentmihalyi and colleagues (1993), Gould et al. (2002) also examined the role coaches were perceived to play in these champions’ psychological development. Coaches fostered psychological development by having characteristics that facilitated athlete trust, worked to understand the athletes, directly taught mental skills such as imagery, goal-setting, and mental preparation, provided encouragement and support, and emphasized certain practices such as working hard and discipline, or having fun. It was also found that different athletes required different support from their coaches at different points in their careers, emphasizing the need for coaches to understand their athletes’ psychological needs and use different approaches at different times, and in different situations. Coaches emphasized fun and development in the athletes’ early years of involvement. Interestingly, coaches did not emphasize winning for most of these highly successful Olympians until the middle years of their careers. They also held these athletes to high expectations and standards, and the participants noted that early career coaches did not “damage” the young athletes psychologically. Coaches were found to generate motivational climates that “pushed” these future Olympians in “good” ways, while at the same time helped the athletes keep success in perspective. Finally, elite level coaches were reported to be well versed in psychological skills training. Another study involving in-depth interviews with elite athletes was conducted by Durand-Bush and Salmela (2002), who were interested in identifying factors that influenced these athletes’ development, as well as the maintenance of their expert athletic performance. The 10 athletes 49

D. Gould, I. Cowburn, and E. Wright

interviewed won at least two gold medals at separate World Championships or Olympic Games. Paralleling the results of the previously discussed studies, coaches, other athletes, and family members were actively involved in these athletes’ careers. Participants indicated that their investment and maintenance years of involvement were characterized by excellent coaching. Deliberate practice was also emphasized, with athletes focusing on high-quality training. It was also notable that support personnel such as strength and conditioning coaches, sport psychologists, and sport physiologists were valuable resources in these investment and maintenance years. Durand-Bush and Salmela (2002) also discovered that mental practice was seen as being very important in the investment and maintenance stages of involvement. Mental practice components consistently used included self-talk to cope with adversity, increased motivation and emotional engagement, visualization, and goal-setting. The champions also engaged in self-reflection, in order to maximize their performance on a regular basis. Finally, the respondents talked about strategies they employed to recover mentally and physically from all the training and practice needed to maintain their exceptional talent. Wolfenden and Holt (2005) examined the perceptions of talent development of three players (ages 13–15), four parents, and two coaches involved in junior elite tennis via in-depth interviews. Results revealed that parents played significant roles in providing many types of social support to their players (e.g., informational support), but especially emotional and tangible support. However, parents were also reported to become over-involved in their child’s competitive tennis and became a source of pressure. They also found that coaches played more of a role in providing technical support, but did not become involved in other areas of the players’ lives. They did, however, encourage the players to commit and focus on tennis, something the players had already begun doing. Finally, it was noted that the relationships between the players, parents, and coaches were complex. Following up on examining the role of social support in athletic talent development, Morgan and Giacobbi (2006) studied eight high-level American collegiate athletes, 12 parents, and six coaches using semi-structured interviews. Based on their results, they concluded that athletic talent development happened as a result of a favourable interaction between the genetic dispositions of the athletes, practice, situational factors, and mental factors. In particular, athletes played multiple sports in the early years, and they and their parents made sacrifices, so that the child could play while still placing an emphasis on education. Parents, siblings, coaches, and teammates all influenced the athletes’ development, helping them learn important lessons such as being responsible and the importance of working hard. These individuals also helped the athletes develop psychological characteristics such as competitiveness, determination, and discipline. During college, for example, teammates challenged the athletes, supported them, and inspired them to work harder. A major theme that resulted also centred on the important role that social support played in helping the athletes overcome adversity, such that the athletes had enough environmental opportunities and social influences to successfully overcome setbacks and cope with adversity they faced in their career. Lauer, Gould, Roman, and Pierce (2010b) focused on the role parental behaviours were perceived to have on the development of professional tennis-players, interviewing nine players, eight of their parents, and eight of their coaches. It was found that parents exhibited many positive behaviours that facilitated player development, including various forms of support, holding emotionally intelligent discussions with their children, and focusing on their children’s holistic psychological and social development. Practices identified as negative influences included being overcritical and negative, emphasizing winning over tennis development, and using controlling behaviours. Interestingly, all parents created positive atmospheres in the children’s early years of sport involvement. However, more conflicts and negative controlling 50

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behaviours manifested themselves in the middle years of involvement, when pressure mounted. In the elite years, parents became less involved. In a related study using the same data set, Lauer, Gould, Roman, and Pierce (2010a) presented aggregated case histories of players who were classified as having smooth, difficult, or turbulent transitions through their athletic talent development stages in tennis. Players classified as having smooth transitions were characterized by having parents who were supportive and created a healthy parent–child relationship. Parents of players who followed a difficult and turbulent pathway created pressure and stress by over-emphasizing winning and being preoccupied with talent development. Finally, players characterized as having turbulent pathways reported many negative parent–player interactions, with the end result often being unresolved parent–child relationships or tennis burn-out. Interviewing eight junior elite canoe slalom athletes, Knight, Little, Harwood, and Goodger (2016) found that parents were generally seen to be a positive influence on their children’s athletic development. Most notable were athlete reports of parents providing social support, helping them adopt a growth mindset by interpreting and contextualizing performances within a developmental framework, and facilitating their children’s basic needs via such actions as providing feedback at the appropriate times (competence need), allowing their child to have time and space after competitions (autonomy need), and allowing them to spend time with their peers after races (relatedness need). In a series of studies, MacNamara et al. (2010a, 2010b) explored the attributes involved in the process of individuals translating their potential into high-level performance. In the first study (MacNamara et al., 2010a), seven elite athletes and one of their parents were interviewed. The authors reported that these athletes’ athletic development was multidimensional in terms of what influenced it, but that psychological factors were key determinants to both gaining and maintaining elite athlete status. They also discussed the idea of psychological characteristics of developing excellence (PCDEs), which were defined as mental skills such as goal-setting and imagery, but also desires, emotions, and attitudes that are needed to successfully realize one’s athletic potential. The PCDEs identified in this study included competitiveness, commitment, imagery, a vision of what it takes to succeed, the importance of working on weaknesses, coping under pressure, game awareness, and selfbelief. It was also noted that, even if athletes have limitations in one area of talent development such as height, psychological characteristics such as commitment may compensate for them. In addition, several athletes noted the importance of being willing to move out of their comfort zones. In a follow-up study, MacNamara et al. (2010b) examined environmental and stage of development differences in psychological characteristics viewed as facilitating the pathway to elite athletic performance excellence. Twenty-four highly successful performers from individual and team sports, as well as music, were interviewed. The findings showed that PCDEs were important during all stages of these performers’ development. However, the manner in which they were used was dependent on the stage of development, the domain of expertise, and the characteristics of the individual performer. Key PCDEs that were identified included: a commitment to the performance domain; self-determination; a vision of what it takes to develop; goal-setting; focus and distraction control; a belief one can excel; quality practice; coping with pressure by having the ability to prioritize, regulate arousal, plan, and be adaptable; having realistic performance evaluations; developing social and communication skills; and using imagery for skills development, performance preparation, and performance review. Most notably, a shift in responsibility from significant others (e.g., parents, coaches) promoting and reinforcing PCDEs in the early stage of involvement toward more autonomous 51

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and self-determined regulation was found. It was concluded that talent development models should place more emphasis on the importance of helping athletes develop self-regulation. It was also concluded that talent development programmes must systematically incorporate PCDEs into their programmes. In the most recent studies in this area, MacNamara and Collins (2015) found that classes of psychosocial characteristics and skills influence talent development in three ways. These include psychological skills and characteristics that: (1) positively influence talent development (e.g., resilience, planning, and self-organization); (2) can have either positive or negative effects (e.g., adaptive or maladaptive perfectionism, obsessive versus harmonious passion); and, (3) have consistent negative effects on athletic talent development (e.g., avoidance-based coping, lack of self-awareness, fear of failure). This emphasizes the need not only to help athletes develop positive psychological tools needed for transitioning through stages of athlete talent development, but also to avoid or be prepared to deal with potential mixed or negative factors. Whereas many of the previous studies looked at athletes, coaches, and/or their families to better understand the athletic talent development process, some investigators have begun to look at talent development environments (Henriksen, Stambulova, & Roessler, 2010a, 2010b; Larsen, Alfermann, Henriksen, & Christensen, 2013; Martindale, Collins, & Abraham, 2007). Martindale and colleagues (2007), for example, interviewed 16 UK coaches who were considered experts in athletic talent development. These coaches, who represented 13 different sports, identified five general characteristics of effective talent development programmes. These included: (1) long-term aims and corresponding methods to reach those aims (e.g., having a long-term purpose and vision, systematic planning); (2) providing a coherent philosophy and broad-ranging messages and support (e.g., role models, forums for open and honest communication); (3) a focus on appropriate long-term development versus early or immediate success; (4) individualized and ongoing development (e.g., provide opportunities for many youngsters, employ flexible systems for performance and physical development variations); and (5) integrated holistic and systematic development. Thus, an integrated system was thought to be the best way to develop talent. Taking a holistic case study, Henriksen et al. (2010a, 2010b), as well as Larsen et al. (2013), studied highly successful sailing, track and field, and elite soccer programmes/ clubs. Data were collected using multiple methods, including in-depth interviews with athletes, coaches, and administrators, and from multiple observations of practices, competitions, and meetings. In the sailing study (Henriksen et al., 2010a), these researchers found that the sport club’s environment was characterized by a high level of cohesion, with relationships between current elite athletes and prospective athletes at its core. A strong organizational culture was evident that valued open cooperation, individual responsibility, and a performance focus. For example, the elite sailors felt a duty to help younger participants, and there was a norm of always improving, and an assumption of open sharing of knowledge. It was also noted that parental involvement was limited, and athlete autonomy was encouraged. This strong organizational culture also helped those in the club overcome a lack of resources. In their second study of a track and field team, Henriksen et al. (2010b) found a culture of cohesion where the elite athletes voluntarily served as role models and mentors for younger club members; the club’s board worked passionately to meet the needs of the club; and families provided emotional, social, financial, and practical support for the athletes. The cultural paradigm of the club was also characterized by common interrelated assumptions such as excellence can be reached through cooperation and openness, a family orientation is 52

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important, the athlete is treated as a whole person, and successful development is more important than early results. The third case study examined talent development in under-17 male players in a soccer club in Denmark. The talent development environment was characterized by a “strong, open and cohesive organizational culture based on integrated values concerned with the balance of players’ daily lives in school and sport” (Larsen et al., 2013, p. 190). Specifically, the focus was on long-term athlete development rather than immediate success; the club had a strong organizational culture and communicated cultural values (e.g., a visible mission statement that was known and followed); the club was characterized by a strong family environment; and the club environment was based on cooperativeness, knowledge sharing, and openness. Looking across these three case studies, common elements can be identified. These included elite athletes playing important roles in the development of up-and-coming prospects; prospects working with younger athletes; strong organizational cultures; norms of open sharing of knowledge; an athlete performance process and long-term development focus; high degrees of cohesion within the clubs; a focus on individual athletes developing psychologically related competencies such as a desire for excellence, responsibility, and social skills; and a focus on holistic long-term athlete development.

Development of Mental Toughness Research Paralleling interest in the psychological factors associated with athletic talent development has been a series of studies focused on factors that influence the development of mental toughness in elite athletes. Since 2005, a number of researchers have begun to examine how elite athletes developed their mental toughness (Bull, Shambrook, James, & Brooks, 2005; Connaughton, Hanton, & Jones, 2010; Connaughton, Wadey, Hanton, & Jones, 2008; Cook, Crust, Littlewood, Nesti, & Allen-Collinson, 2014; Gucciardi, Gordon, & Dimmock, 2009; Thewell, Such, Eston, Such, & Greenless, 2010). Several of these studies (Connaughton et al., 2010, 2008) are of particular relevance to this contribution because they examined how mental toughness developed across phases of elite athletes’ careers. For example, Connaughton and colleagues (2008) interviewed seven elite athletes and found that mental toughness was developed through a variety of mechanisms such as the athlete having a strong motivation to be successful; a motivational climate focused on mastery and enjoyment; the socialization network and key individuals such as coaches, peers, siblings, and parents within it; and sport-specific and general life experiences. These mechanisms were found to work not independently but together to influence the development of mental toughness. Most noteworthy, various attributes of mental toughness developed in three phases: (1) the early years, characterized by initial involvement in sport under 8 years of age; (2) the middle years, from ages 8 to 11, characterized by structured competitions and training a few times a week; and (3) the later years, around 11–14 years of age, characterized by higher competitive standards, a full commitment to the sport, and training most days. For example, self-belief and an internalized motivation to achieve were felt to be influenced by factors such as a positive motivational climate, coaching leadership, and skill mastery. In the later years, other attributes such as not being affected by others’ good and bad performances or remaining fully focused in the face of general life distractions were developed by different strategies, such as the use of psychological skills. In a follow-up study (Connaughton et al., 2010), involving elite athletes, coaches, and sport psychologists, factors found to influence the development of mental toughness included performance success, competitiveness, skill mastery, education and advice, the use of 53

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psychological skills training, and having good social support networks. It was also found that the development and maintenance of mental toughness unfolded over four career phases, with what were labelled critical incidents or events viewed as having high meaning for the athlete’s development (e.g., winning a big event, having a new coach, making a national team) characterizing the transition between phases. During the athlete’s initial involvement and intermediate phases of development, factors reported to influence mental toughness included being involved for enjoyment, socialization, and skill development reasons, and developing skills faster than peers. The findings from the intermediate-to-elite phase involved disciplined and structured training, learning from role models, and doing what was needed to be successful during training. During the elite and Olympic years, factors such as international competitive experience, an intense desire to be successful, a broad social support network, gaining knowledge from respected others, and reflecting on their experiences were keys to development. As in the previous study, positive and negative critical incidences were involved in mental toughness development throughout all phases of development. Finally, it was found that, once developed, mental toughness needed to be maintained by strong sport and non-sport support networks and finding the right balance between sport and life pursuits. To explore the role coaches play in facilitating and impeding player mental toughness Gucciardi et al. (2009) conducted interviews with 11 elite Australian rules football coaches. Five categories of factors were viewed as being critical to the development of mental toughness. These included: (1) a positive and trusting coach–athlete relationship; (2) a holistic coaching philosophy that placed priority on player development over coaching success; (3) a training environment that focused on continually challenging players and exposure to challenges and pressures; and (4) specific coaching strategies focused on developing game awareness, positive reinforcement and encouragement, learning from mistakes, and treating players equally. A category of negative experiences and influences also arose out of the data and focused on such behaviours as placing coaching success over player development, having low expectations, failing to challenge athletes, and focusing on player weaknesses rather than strengths. It was concluded that coaches have a major influence on the development of mental toughness in athletes, but that the coaching process for doing so is complex and involves a combination of a number of strategies over time. Driska, Kamphoff, and Armentrout (2012) also studied coaches, interviewing collegiate swimming coaches for the purpose of identifying their views on the components of mental toughness and how they are developed. Relative to coaching strategies for developing mental toughness, the coaches reported that they must hold high expectations for their swimmers and be challenging and demanding, train and plan workouts to develop mental toughness, and develop motivational climates that foster mental toughness. In terms of swimmers’ own strategies for developing mental toughness, the coaches reported that the swimmers had to methodically and rigorously prepare, use psychological skills and cognitive strategies, and have experience overcoming hardship. In another study, with English Premier League soccer academy staff, Cook et al. (2014) found that encouraging independence and taking responsibility for one’s actions and providing challenging but supportive environments were classes of strategies for building mental toughness in players. Most interesting was the finding that the respondents felt it was easier to develop technical rather than mental toughness skills. Finally, in a well-conducted intervention study, Bell, Hardy, and Beattie (2013) assessed the effectiveness of a mental toughness intervention for elite youth cricket athletes, with a key feature of the intervention being the repeated use of punishment in the practice environment. 54

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The authors noted, however, that intervention was delivered in a transformational manner that involved the participants in the process and also taught them coping strategies to deal with the threatening environment. When compared with a control group, the intervention participants demonstrated increases in mental toughness over time. Taken together, these studies show that athletes can learn to enhance their mental toughness. Specific coaching strategies can be used to do this, as well as strategies and skills employed by the athletes themselves.

Current Issues and Controversies Surrounding the Role of Athletic Talent

Development

Although there is considerable interest in athletic talent development, and scientific information is being amassed to assist those interested in it, thinking in this area has mostly been generated in Western Europe and North America. Among these countries, there is growing concern that a gap exists between what the research is revealing about athletic talent development and what is occurring in youth sports programmes. Moreover, some current practices being implemented may actually thwart rather than foster the development of athletic talent.

Specialization, Talent Identification, and Developmentally Inappropriate Sport Practices In his book, Game On: The All-American race to produce champions of our children, investigative reporter Tom Farrey (Farrey, 2008) reported on a number of disturbing trends that threaten the athletic talent development process. These include such practices as premature sports specialization; attempts to identify athletically talented children to the exclusion of other children who may, in the long run, have greater athletic potential; forcing children into highly competitive programmes at too early an age, leading to the likelihood of injuries, stress, and burn-out (see Eklund & Gould, 2008; Myer et al., 2015); and engaging in developmentally inappropriate sport parenting and coaching practices (see Gould, 2013).

Win-at-All-Costs Mentality Research is also validating some of these concerns, as focus groups with high school coaches conducted by Gould, Carson, Fifer, Lauer, and Benham (2009) revealed that the coaches interviewed were concerned that a shift in high school sports in the US had occurred, with a greater emphasis placed on winning (rather than development), increased emphasis on specialization, and increased conflicts between parents and coaches. In a national survey of experienced junior tennis coaches, it was found that 3 out of 10 tennis parents were judged to do things (often unknowingly) that interfered with their child’s development as a player (Gould, Lauer, Rolo, Jannes, & Pennisi, 2006). In particular, the coaches felt parents most often over­ emphasized winning, held unrealistic expectations, criticized their child, did not provide positive support, and reacted to mistakes by yelling.

Professionalization of Youth Sports Gould (2009, 2019) has labelled this the professionalization of youth sports, where adult professional or entertainment models of athletics (often characterizing elite stages of 55

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development) are being inappropriately applied to youth in the earliest stages of the talent development process. One prime example of this point at present is the increased number of sport agents found in the stands during team sports where there are adolescent athletes, such as football, baseball, and ice-hockey. Certainly, the same could be said for golf. Furthermore, Gould and Carson (2004) contend that these inappropriate practices occur because youth coaches do not merely over-emphasize winning, but are also working under incorrect assumptions or myths associated with practical views of athletic talent development, the latter being recently empirically verified by talent development researchers who have found that youth sport stakeholders do not strongly agree with athlete talent development research findings (Pankhurst, Collins, & Macnamara, 2013).

Future Research Directions Studies examining the role psychological factors play in development of athletic talent have taught us much. However, much more needs to be discovered.

Prospective and Longitudinal Studies First, the vast majority of research conducted to date is qualitative in nature and collected in a retrospective fashion. More prospective and longitudinal studies that track athletes over time are needed, as presently we do not know how much current studies are influenced by recall bias and selective memory.

Non-successful Elite Athletes In almost all cases, it is successful elite athletes who have been studied, and key factors involved in their development identified. However, only a few studies (e.g., Collins, MacNamara, & McCarthy, 2016) have compared their experiences with those of similar groups of athletes who failed to make it to the elite performance levels. More control or comparison group studies are needed. In addition, following athlete development across time would allow us to track actual versus perceived changes in individuals and their environments.

Quantitative Methodology Researchers also need to employ different methods, particularly quantitative methodologies. For example, we know little about the scale and scope of issues involved, and researchers could use quantitative assessments such as the Martindale et al. (2010) Talent Development Environment Questionnaire (which assesses long-term development focus, quality preparation, communication, understanding athletes, support networks, challenging and supportive environments, and long-term development fundamentals) or MacNamara and Collins’s (2011) Psychological Characteristics of Developing Excellence Questionnaire (which assesses support for long-term success, imagery use during practice and competition, coping with performance and development, the ability to organize and engage in quality practice, evaluating performances and working on weaknesses, and support from others to compete to one’s potential) to track talent development efforts. Comparisons could relate subscale scores to athlete development and/or to the development of psychological skills and attributes such as mental toughness. Moreover, research could compare subscale scores of more and less elite competitors, and between sports. It would be especially useful to track how the factors assessed changed over stages of athletic development. 56

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Socio-economic Status and Location The vast majority of studies conducted to date have used participants from predominately white, middle-class families who have the time and resources to support athletic talent development efforts. We need to know more about the development of athletic talent from youth who come from low socio-economic backgrounds. How is their talent developed in situations where fewer resources exist? Moreover, research in this area has predominately been examined from North American and Western European perspectives. Future research will benefit from examination of athletic talent development in athletes from non-Western cultures, from different ethnic and racial backgrounds.

Inclusion of Theoretical Constructs Research focused on how athletic talent development unfolds in general, and the role psychology plays in this process, has been primarily descriptive in nature and devoid of theoretical explanations. For example, Gould and Maynard (2009) have suggested that sport psychology researchers looking at the role of parents in the athletic talent development process might find it useful to examine theoretical constructs from the general parenting research such as authoritative versus authoritarian parenting style (Steinberg, Blatt-Eisengart, & Cauffman, 2006) or parental psychological control (Barber & Lovelady-Harmon, 2002) and see if predicted relationships (e.g., parents who exhibit high psychological control and an authoritarian style produce athletes with more maladaptive psychological behaviours) might hold up in the sport setting. Similarly, most of the athletic talent development research suggests the elite athletes must develop high levels of self-motivation and commitment. Deci and Ryan’s (2000) self-determination theory might be useful to help researchers and practitioners construct guidelines for helping predict the type of coach behaviour associated with successful transitions through stages of athletic talent development.

Intervention Studies Intervention studies that link the development of psychological skills and attributes with the development of athletic talent are needed. An excellent model for this type of research was conducted by Gucciardi et al. (2009), who investigated the efficacy of using two psychological skills training packages (a mental toughness training package and a general psychological skills training package) on under-15-aged athletes playing Australian youth football. A pre- versus posttest design was employed over a 6-month period, and both intervention groups were compared with a control on gains on a sport-specific mental toughness measure that assessed mental toughness components such as having a desire for success, a tough attitude, and the ability to thrive during a challenge. Results showed that both programmes enhanced some elements of mental toughness but not others when compared with the control group. This work provides an excellent example of how intervention research can help researchers better understand the role psychological factors play in talent development in athletes.

Athlete Mental Health and Life Skill Development Future studies need to focus not only on performance outcomes of the athlete talent development process, but also on other important metrics such as athlete mental health and well-being and the development of life skills (Schinke, Stambulova, Si, & Moore, 2018). For 57

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example, Ivarsson and colleagues (2015) found that youth soccer players who perceived the lowest talent development environments recorded lower well-being and greater stress, and Gould, Pierce, Cowburn, and Driska (2017) documented how an experienced wrestling coach used the talent development arena to teach life skills to young athletes.

Examination of Professionalized Youth Sport Practices A number of practical issues also need to be addressed by researchers. In many North American and Western European counties, for example, there is increasing concern that sport is becoming more professionalized at earlier ages, with very young children specializing in sport earlier, training longer hours, and engaging in more intense competition. A need exists to track these practices and see how they influence athletic talent development, as well as the children’s social-emotional health (e.g., burn-out, intrinsic motivation, mental toughness).

Overcoming Adversity via Simulation Training The talent development literature, as well as recent studies focusing on mental toughness development, point to the importance of athletes learning to overcome adversity often by learning to deal with negative critical incidents. Although the youth sports coaching literature (see Gould, 2013) points to the importance of taking a positive approach to coaching at the entry levels of sport, it would be interesting to explore if, when, and how coaches might confront athletes with negative influences they must learn to overcome (e.g., via simulation training) or best help them deal with the adversity that often accompanies more intense sport involvement (e.g., injury, performance failure). This is especially important in light of Collins et al.’s (2016, p. 2) conclusion that some degree of challenge is needed to develop the mental skills necessary for athletic talent development. However, experiencing adversity is not enough for development. Athletes must be prepared to deal with that adversity by learning mental skills prior to confronting it. In fact, Collins and colleagues (2016) recommend a teaching, challenging, evaluating, and refining cycle for fostering the psychosocial skills needed to develop talent. Research by Pierce, Gould, Cowburn, and Driska (2016) has also shown how a highly experienced wrestling coach helped young athletes develop their mental skills through a coaching system based on stress inoculation and army special forces training techniques. Finally, many young athletes are now relocating to a second country, either to pursue a sports career at a very young age or because they are displaced by given geopolitics of the moment. The oversight of such athletes as they move toward specialization and beyond might be somewhat different to that of the generic athletes presented, given the adjustment demands posed by relocation concurrent with pursuit of an athletic career. Studies focused on young athletes such as that conducted by Schinke et al. (2017) would help in this regard.

Implications for Guiding Athlete Talent Development The research on athletic talent development and the role that psychological factors play in this process has many implications for those working with developing athletes. However, successful guidance of and progress towards athlete talent development will not happen unless more is done to better educate youth coaches, who in many countries often volunteer their services and receive minimal training. These individuals need to understand the stages of talent development, and how coaching and sport parenting practices need to be different at the varying stages of the process. The research reviewed also shows that it is particularly important 58

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to emphasize the role that psychological factors play in the athletic talent development process. Sport federations should implement policies that will help facilitate talent development. For example, the professional Women’s Tennis Association implemented an age eligibility rule that, in a 10-year follow-up evaluation study, was shown to lessen player burn-out and extend player careers (Otis et al., 2006). Finally, we argue that sport psychologists need to become more involved in this process, making presentations and writing applied articles for coaching magazines and sport newsletters to help youth sports administrators better understand their role in the athletic talent process and coaching, parenting, and administrative policies and procedures that are most appropriate for children and youth, depending on their stage of athletic talent development. Sport psychologists also need to become integral members of sport science and practice teams to help sport federations, clubs, and programmes design effective systems that help enhance opportunities for youth in a systematic and multidisciplinary fashion.

Conclusion Although still in its relative infancy, research on athletic talent development and the role that psychological factors play within this process has increased the knowledge base as to how elite athletes develop their talents. Major contributions include: (1) athletic talent development is a nonlinear, multivariate process that is influenced by a complex interaction of genetics, the personality of the individual, significant others, the athletic environment, and general culture; (2) athletic talent must be recognized by the talented individual and those in the sport environment, and efforts must be made to nurture that talent; (3) efforts to influence athletic talent development and the psychological factors involved in this process are both direct (e.g., teach psychological skills) and indirect (e.g., create motivational climates and sport club environments); (4) the development of talent unfolds over a long period of time and follows some general stages, although the pace and way each individual moves through these stages are highly idiosyncratic; (5) psychological factors (e.g., self-belief, commitment and discipline, ability to cope with adversity, mental toughness, self-reflection) have been shown to be critical in the athletic talent development process, although different psychological factors play a role at different times, and those learned in one stage appear to form the foundation for more advanced stages; (6) significant others, especially parents, play a critical role in the talent development process, and their role changes throughout the process; (7) coaches are critical to athletic talent development and can have both beneficial and harmful effects, with beneficial effects being driven by coaches who can create strong trusting relationships with athletes, have a holistic coaching philosophy that places long-term athlete development before coaching success, and find ways to create supportive motivational climates that balance positive support with constant challenges; (8) sport environments or systems are created that serve as excellent incubators for athletic talent development, having members who support one another, are cohesive in their mission, and set and communicate clear norms, messages, and expectations; (9) athletic talent development must be viewed from a holistic perspective, integrating changes in the athlete with a number of physical, psychological, social, and educational/vocational perspectives; (10) psychological characteristics, such as the development and maintenance of mental toughness and the ability to cope with adversity, are essential to athlete talent development and must be both appropriately developed and maintained in athletes; and (11) the psychological skills and characteristics to cope with challenges encountered throughout the talent development process are essential and are best learned through a teaching, challenging, evaluating, and refining cycle where coaches balance challenging their athletes to solve problems and deal with pressure situations with, at the same time, providing a supportive environment. 59

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5

AUGMENTED FEEDBACK

Wolfgang Taube and Benedikt Lauber

Introduction Nowadays, wearables such as smartphones, smart watches, or fitness trackers are very popular tools to monitor our physical activity levels and behaviour. They can store certain parameters of how we move and then provide us with information about our current activity or a summary of our activity throughout a certain period of time. Thus, these devices have the potential to offer us some sort of feedback about biological and/or physical variables that goes beyond our self-perception. Broadly speaking, feedback can be divided into two main categories: the first one is the so-called “intrinsic feedback” originating from the activity of receptors within the human body. Intrinsic feedback is known to be vital for human motor control and human motor learning (Cole & Sedgwick, 1992) and can be divided into intrinsic internal and intrinsic external feedback. The intrinsic internal feedback comes from the activation of tactile and proprioceptive sensors, and intrinsic external feedback is caused by the stimulation of visual or auditory sensors, which are also located within the body but respond to external stimuli. The second feedback category is called “augmented feedback” and will be the focus of this article. This type of feedback is called augmented feedback (aF) because it adds information (quantitatively and/or qualitatively) that would not be available from the intrinsic internal and intrinsic external sensory feedback alone. In the last 30–40 years, there has been extensive research about how aF affects motor performance and motor learning and how aF should be applied. In this sense, research has targeted the questions about the optimal frequency, timing, content, and accuracy of feedback in order to efficiently foster motor decoding (acquisition) and motor memory consolidation. In contrast to subjective perception of a movement based on sensory feedback, aF has the advantage that it is objective and quantifiable. Furthermore, aF can also be modulated, allowing the effects of additional external information on motor control and motor learning processes to be studied. For example, during ballistic motor learning, augmented performance feedback (e.g. feedback about the rate of force development) is very commonly used to promote ballistic motor learning. As ballistic contractions are executed very fast, there is no time for online processing of the sensory feedback during the task execution. Thus, this sensory information cannot be used to guide the execution during the movement, but can only be used to update the internal model after the execution (Wolpert, Diedrichsen, & Flanagan, 2011). Classically, such movements have been termed open-loop movements (Schmidt, 1975). One example of such an open-loop task would be 64

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the serve in tennis. Interestingly, when tennis-players are asked to serve with maximal speed, they are not able to judge whether the last serve was faster than the previous one, and there is little to no improvement in performance. When they receive feedback about their service speed after each trial, however, even well-trained tennis-players are able to increase their maximal service speed (Moran, Murphy, & Marshall, 2012). Similar effects have also been reported for other tasks such as ballistic plantar flexions, where considerable short-term learning effects were only observed when augmented kinetic feedback about the acceleration of the movement was given after each trial (Lundbye-Jensen & Nielsen, 2010). Taken together, the aforementioned studies suggest that aF can be a powerful tool to influence motor performance and motor learning. The next section will give a brief overview about different ways that aF can be applied in different contexts.

Knowledge of Performance versus Knowledge of Result Augmented feedback is classically provided as “knowledge of result” (KR), which refers to the qualitative or quantitative outcome of a motor task with respect to the main goal of the movement, or as “knowledge of performance” (KP), addressing the quality or pattern of a movement. One example of KR would be to inform an athlete about the velocity of a tennis serve, whereas KP would focus on the movement itself, such as the movement of the wrist when hitting the ball. There are, however, also situations where the goal of the movement is the movement itself (e.g. figure skating or ballet), making it difficult to separate KP and KR. Early studies looking at the influence of KP and KR on learning initially suggested that the effects of KP and KR are very similar, even though they refer to different aspects of the movement (Schmidt & Lee, 2011). This view has been challenged by later studies that demonstrated that the learning outcomes after learning with KP or KP might be similar, but the learning processes might differ substantially. One commonly used model to study learning-related effects of KR or KP uses visuomotor rotations. In this paradigm, subjects are usually required to make reaching movements from a starting point towards a target without seeing their hand. Usually, the subjects can only see a representation of their hand trajectory on a screen while moving to the target (KP), so they have a direct or “online” visual feedback about their trajectory and/or the target location. An alternative option is that subjects do not receive online feedback during the execution but get feedback about the endpoint of their movement, together with the target, so-called post-trial feedback. In order to test learning effects, the target is usually rotated between 30° and 45°, and the subjects have to adapt to this rotation (Krakauer, 2009). The study by Hinder, Tresilian, Riek, and Carson (2008) investigated the effects of KP and KR while adapting to a 60° visuomotor rotation and showed that the learning outcome was not different with the two feedback modalities. However, the underlying learning processes differed substantially. The group that adapted with the help of KP demonstrated strong after-effects when the subjects had to make reaching movements where the 60° rotation was removed. In contrast, the KR group did not show these after-effects (Hinder et al., 2008). These differences were assumed to result from the fact that, when visuomotor transformations are learned with KP, subjects can constantly compare the visual information (trajectory of movement) with the information (e.g. sensory feedback) being presented during the movement, allowing them to (implicitly) transform the visual information from the feedback into their motor commands. When learning with KR, however, no such direct comparisons take place, and subjects rather apply a more explicit strategy. There are, however, also other factors such as the frequency with which KP and KR are presented during motor learning processes, and it seems that it strongly depends on the task and the function of aF whether a high or low feedback frequency is beneficial for motor learning (see the section below on “The ‘guidance hypothesis’ in the context of task complexity and the functions of augmented feedback”). 65

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Timing of Feedback Presentation The notion of the timing of aF presentation refers to the question of when the feedback is provided. Generally, there are two instances when feedback can be provided, during or after the execution of one or a series of movements. When aF is provided during the execution of a movement (e.g. KP), it is termed concurrent (or online) feedback, and the presentation of this type of feedback is most reasonable in settings where the information conveyed by the aF can be recognized and analysed in the course of the movement. One example of concurrent feedback is the application of fitness trackers, which provide us with online information about physiological (e.g. heart rate) and/or physical parameters, such as running speed. This information can then be used directly to adjust the running speed in order to optimize a training session, for example. When aF is provided after the movement (KR), the question about the optimal time point of the presentation (i.e. time between trial and aF) arises. This question cannot directly be answered, as van Dijk and Hermens (2006) showed that, independent of concurrent or post-trial feedback, young subjects were able to learn to relax their muscles while performing a gross motor task. As already described in the section on KP versus KR, online or post-trial feedback might not necessarily lead to differences in learning, but the underlying learning processes might be different (Hinder et al., 2008) in that concurrent feedback promotes more implicit learning processes than post-trial feedback (Schween, Taube, Gollhofer, & Leukel, 2014). There is also the possibility that the learner can decide whether he or she wants to receive feedback or not. In a study by Chiviacowsky and Wulf (2002), one group of subjects were allowed to choose whether they want to receive feedback, and another group had no influence on the feedback schedule while learning a sequential timing task. The results show that the self-controlled feedback group preferred to receive feedback after good trials, and the other group’s perception was more positive when aF was presented after good than after poor trials. Furthermore, the selfcontrolled feedback group displayed fewer errors in feedback trials compared with no-feedback trials. In line with this, Badami, VaezMousavi, Wulf, and Namazizadeh (2011) showed that, when aF was provided after good trials, subjects showed a better performance in future trials compared with when aF was presented after poor trials. Furthermore, the good-trial feedback group displayed a greater intrinsic motivation, which might explain the difference between the groups. Similar results were also reported in a study by Chiviacowsky and Wulf (2007), who asked subjects to throw beanbags at a target using their non-dominant hand. While both groups received KR, one group received aF about the best three trials (out of six throws), whereas the other group received aF about the three least effective trials. The results demonstrated that there were no differences in the acquisition phase, but that the good-trial feedback group displayed learning advantages in a delayed retention test. Finally, positive normative feedback also seems to enhance motor learning (Wulf, Chiviacowsky, & Lewthwaite, 2010). Subjects receiving aF that suggests that they perform better than the peer-group average do perform better in a delayed transfer test than subjects who receive aF that suggests that they perform worse than the peer-group average. Taken together, aF after good trials seems to be beneficial for motor learning, as well as self-controlled aF. Therefore, it might be assumed that motivation is a key contributor to this enhanced learning (cf. below).

Content of Feedback Here, the term content refers to the information that is conveyed by the presentation of feedback. This includes variables such as the content and the richness of the feedback, where one example would be that a tennis-player can be provided with the information on whether the serve was in or out, or the feedback can convey more information such as by how far the serve was in or out. 66

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A recent study investigating the effects of the precision of the feedback on the accuracy of standing long jumps (subjects had to jump to predefined distances) showed that the subjects who received more precise feedback also displayed a greater jump precision (Zalech & Bujak, 2018). There are a number of studies that investigated the effects of kinetic or kinematic feedback on motor performance. Several studies show that kinetic feedback in the form of pedal force feedback was effective to improve cycling mechanical effectiveness as opposed to when no feedback was given (Mornieux, Gollhofer, & Stapelfeldt, 2010; Mornieux, Stapelfeldt, Gollhofer, & Belli, 2008). Furthermore, during postural control tasks, kinetic feedback influenced postural stability (Kilby, Slobounov, & Newell, 2016). With respect to kinematic feedback, there are also many examples showing that aF fosters motor learning. For instance, visual feedback was demonstrated to improve the learning of a golf shot (Wood, Gallagher, Martino, & Ross, 1992) and to enhance tennis serve speed (Moran et al., 2012). To our knowledge, there are only two studies that directly compared the influence of kinetic and kinematic feedback. In these studies, subjects received kinetic feedback (force feedback) compared with kinematic position feedback while maintaining a static holding position as long as possible. With aF about their kinetics, the time to task failure was significantly prolonged compared with that with aF about the kinematics (Lauber, Keller, Leukel, Gollhofer, & Taube, 2013, 2016; Lauber, Leukel, Gollhofer, & Taube, 2012). Therefore, the authors assumed that kinetic information could be better utilized than kinematic information.

Frequency of Feedback There exist many studies investigating the effects of the feedback frequency on motor learning and motor performance. Although there are studies suggesting that receiving feedback after every trial is beneficial, there are also studies that showed that, when feedback is given too often, motor learning is impaired. The reasons for this discrepancy in the literature might be explained by the various settings and tasks during which aF was provided. Furthermore, the function of aF seems to determine the optimal feedback frequency. This will be discussed in detail in the following sections.

Functions of Augmented Feedback Augmented feedback has at least two main functions: (a) it serves as guidance towards the correct movement execution and (b) it enhances (intrinsic) motivation of the performer. Additionally, it was suggested that (c) aF influences the focus of attention.

Guidance One important aspect of aF is to “guide” the performer (e.g. athlete, patient) towards the correct movement execution. In this sense, aF helps to distinguish better from worse trials so that motor strategies that are associated with a good performance can be identified and reinforced, whereas unsuccessful motor strategies can be suppressed. In their early publication, Elwell and Grindley (1938) called this the “directive effect” of aF. It seems logical that this guidance is of particular relevance if the performers themselves cannot differentiate between better and worse trials. One example would be in tennis, where athletes were asked to serve as fast as possible. However, when the serves were performed with maximum effort, the athletes could not differentiate between faster and slower serves (Moran et al., 2012). Another example would be motor tasks that strongly rely on external guidance because the task itself 67

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cannot be performed with solely internal feedback. The most commonly used paradigm in this context was a “lever-pulling/patterning task”. For such (rather artificial, laboratory) tasks, aF is essential not only to judge the outcome performance, but also to understand how to perform the task. As guiding the performer towards the correct movement execution needs a certain amount of “trial and error”, immediate effects of aF – that is, performance improvements from one trial to the other – cannot be explained with this guiding function of aF but need an alternative explanation. Candidates are motivational aspects and/or changes in the focus of attention.

Motivation The second important aspect of aF is to motivate the performers to push their limits. Although this “motivational aspect” was mentioned as early as the publication by Elwell and Grindley (1938), this aspect has often been disregarded. Recently, some studies have nicely taken up this topic again. In one study, subjects were asked to jump as high as possible, with and without aF about their jump height (Keller, Lauber, Gehring, Leukel, & Taube, 2014). When subjects started the first series of jumps without aF, they displayed very little changes in the jump height. However, they instantly increased their jump height when receiving aF in the second series. In contrast, when subjects started with aF in the first series, and aF was then removed in the second series, jump heights significantly decreased and returned to the same baseline values obtained in jumps without aF. If subjects indeed had used aF in order to improve their jumping technique, this guidance towards the right technique should have resulted in “carry-over effects” in trials where aF was withdrawn. Thus, the instant improvement of motor performance with, and the instant degradation of it without, aF cannot be explained by the “guidance function” of aF. These instant changes in performance are, therefore, more likely related to motivational aspects (Keller et al., 2014).

Focus of Attention A third aspect how aF may influence motor performance and motor learning is the potential ability to change the focus of attention (Moran et al., 2012). Generally, it can be differentiated between an internal focus of attention (IF) and an external focus of attention (EF). When performing movements with an IF, participants focus their attention on their body or on body parts that are primarily involved in the movement. In contrast, EF means that participants direct their attention to the effects of their movement on the environment. A large body of studies has shown that EF is generally superior to IF, resulting in better motor performance and better motor learning (for a review, see Wulf, 2013). In this sense, it has been assumed that aF may act as an EF, distracting the focus away from the performer’s body towards the goal of the movement. However, although it cannot be excluded that part of the effect of aF is due to changes in the focus of attention, recent research has shown that aF is distinct from EF. When subjects were asked to jump as high as possible with either EF, IF, or aF provided about their jump height, subjects performed best with aF, followed by EF, and finally IF (Keller, Lauber, Gottschalk, & Taube, 2015). This shows that the positive effect of aF cannot simply be attributed to a shift of attention towards an external target. In line with this, a recent study of elite tennis-players also demonstrated better effects of aF compared with EF or IF (Keller, Kuhn, Luthy, & Taube, 2018). However, the most convincing evidence that aF and EF are two rather independent factors comes from a study where aF and EF were combined. Walchli and colleagues (2016) investigated the influence of feedback by comparing six different conditions: 68

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(1) aF alone, (2) aF combined with EF (aF + EF), (3) aF combined with monetary reward (RE), (4) RE alone, (5) aF + EF + RE, and (6) a neutral condition. The condition that resulted in the best counter-movement jump performance was the combination of aF and EF, which was significantly better than aF alone. It may, therefore, be assumed that aF mainly acts as (intrinsic) motivation (in contrast to RE, which acts as extrinsic motivation), and that EF mainly improves movement efficiency. Although the exact underlying mechanisms of the focus of attention theory are not fully understood, evidence suggests that adopting an EF allows for (more) automatic motor control processes, which in turn improve movement efficiency, indicated by less muscular activity despite better motor performance (Wulf, McNevin, & Shea, 2001). In conclusion, these findings indicate that aF and EF are rather two distinct phenomena and contradict the assumption that aF simply shifts the attention towards an external goal. However, the knowledge about the interaction of aF and EF is important not only to immediately improve motor performance, but also with respect to motor learning. It seems that feedback that is formulated to induce an EF is superior to feedback that induces an IF (Wulf, Chiviacowsky, Schiller, & Avila, 2010). Even more importantly, the combination of aF with EF may influence the frequency with which feedback should be given. This will be discussed in the next section.

The “Guidance Hypothesis” in the Context of Task Complexity and the Functions of Augmented Feedback Beyond any doubt, aF is beneficial for motor performance and motor learning. Therefore, it may seem reasonable to provide the learner with as much feedback as possible. However, in the very influential “guidance hypothesis” it was proposed that too much feedback may actually impair motor learning (Salmoni, Schmidt, & Walter, 1984). The reason for this effect was seen in the learner becoming dependent on external feedback so that intrinsic feedback was disregarded, instead of being used for intrinsic error detection and correction. Furthermore, the provision of constant feedback was postulated to cause many movement corrections, as even very small errors can be detected. This may lead to excessive variability in performance and, as a consequence, to the development of a less stable movement representation (e.g. Lai & Shea, 1998; Wulf & Schmidt, 1994). Many studies have provided evidence in support of the guidance hypothesis by showing that increased aF results in immediate benefits during acquisition, but decrements in performance during delayed transfer testing or when aF was removed. Reduced amounts of aF resulted in a worse performance during the acquisition phase but a better performance during delayed retention tests. However, the majority of these studies used relatively simple laboratory tasks and/or used paradigms in which the participant was deprived of intrinsic information about the outcome of his/her movement, so that the learner had to rely on aF. Thus, aF was relevant not only to understand how to perform the task, but also to evaluate the performance outcome. This may explain why studies investigating more complex motor tasks often found that high-frequency aF is beneficial not only for the decoding (acquisition), but also for consolidation (assessed in retention tests) and transfer of motor skills (Swinnen, Lee, Verschueren, Serrien, & Bogaerds, 1997; Wulf, Shea, & Matschiner, 1998). Wulf and Shea (2002), therefore, proposed that provision of aF during the learning of complex tasks (defined as tasks that cannot be mastered in a single session, have several degrees of freedom, and involve high attentional, memory, and/or control demands) should differ from that during the learning of simple motor tasks, and that higher task complexity requires more frequent aF. Apart from task complexity, there are other factors such as the motivational role of aF and the aF-induced focus of attention, that – at least partly – contradict the “guidance hypothesis” 69

Wolfgang Taube and Benedikt Lauber

and influence optimal feedback frequency. In this sense, it was shown that, if aF plays a considerable role motivating subjects, high feedback frequencies seem to be beneficial. In the aforementioned study of Keller and colleagues (2014), aF was demonstrated to instantly enhance jump performance, whereas removal of aF resulted in immediate decreases in performance; these effects were argued to rely on motivational factors. Apart from these shortterm effects, the same study involving the same participants investigated the influence of a 4-week training period with 100%, 50%, and 0% aF. Participants demonstrated the largest improvements in jump height with 100%, followed by 50% and, finally, 0% aF, irrespective of whether they were tested with or without feedback. Interestingly, subjects of all groups (100%, 50%, 0% aF) demonstrated enhanced jump heights as soon as aF was provided both pre- and post-measurement. Therefore, it seems likely that aF increased motivation not only during testing, but also during training, and that high-frequency aF played a significant role in leading to consistently high motivation, resulting in higher training intensities with aF. Apart from this motivational function, aF might have also helped subjects to identify their best jumping strategy (i.e. guidance function). However, it is important to know that the motivational function of aF may also be used for rehabilitation purposes in a virtual reality (Holden, 2005). Previously, we postulated that aF is not simply a shift in the focus of attention. However, it is important to know that aF can be used in different ways that favour either an EF or an IF. In this context, it was shown that, when aF is formulated to induce an EF, it is not only superior to aF that induces an IF, but may also be given more frequently. This was shown in an experiment in which children learned a soccer throw-in task and received aF about their movement form either after every trial (100%) or after every third trial (33%; Wulf et al., 2010). Importantly, aF was given so that children concentrated either on their body (IF) or on the movement effect (EF). The best performance in immediate and delayed transfer tasks (i.e. different distance) was achieved by the group that received 100 % aF with an EF. These findings suggest that aF that is given with the intention to induce an EF can be provided with quite high frequency.

Conclusion Augmented feedback is a powerful tool used to enhance motor performance and motor learning in the short and long term. Immediate effects are thought to rely predominantly on the motivational function of aF, but changes in the focus of attention may contribute to sudden performance increases as well. Another well-described function of aF is to guide the performer towards the correct execution of a movement. Thus, aF helps to differentiate between worse and better trials so that the best motor strategy can be identified and reinforced. The optimal application of aF, such as adequate feedback frequency or the content of the feedback, is still a matter of debate and largely depends on the task at hand (e.g. complexity of the task) and the function of feedback (e.g. motivational vs. guidance function, implied focus of attention). Although most of the studies that we have presented in this chapter show positive effects of aF on motor control and motor learning, there are also studies that show no effects or where effects are different between studies. For example, Puleo and Abraham (2018) showed that neither false nor correct feedback had any significant effect on running pace when compared with a no-feedback condition. There are, however, also studies that show that aF can reduce the ground contact time of well-trained runners, which resulted in a significant improvement in running performance (Gilgen-Ammann, Wyss, Troesch, Heyer, & Taube, 2018). Another example is the described effects of the combination of aF and EF, where aF together with EF had the largest positive effects on jump performance (Walchli et al., 2016). Coming back to 70

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the tennis serve example, Keller et al. (2018) were not able to show that aF together with EF led elite tennis-players to serve faster than aF alone. Together with the findings described in the guidance hypothesis section explaining the different effects of the frequency of feedback, it is important to highlight that the findings from a single experimental study need to be seen within the specific context (e.g. task complexity) and cannot, therefore, be unambiguously transferred to different situations (Lauber & Keller, 2014). It is, therefore, important to carefully consider under which circumstances (e.g. task complexity) aF will be applied alone or in combination with additional instruction (e.g. focus of attention) when the aim is to maximize performance/ learning. This also means that the way in which aF might guide the learner cannot be explained in a single model, as a large number of variables might influence the expected outcomes. Finally, we want to point out that this chapter is designed to provide a comprehensive overview of aspects of the use of aF that we believe are important, but we acknowledge that many other aspects (e.g. social factors, richness of the feedback) can also play an important role.

References Badami, R., VaezMousavi, M., Wulf, G., & Namazizadeh, M. (2011). Feedback after good versus poor trials affects intrinsic motivation. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 82, 360–364. Chiviacowsky, S., & Wulf, G. (2002). Self-controlled feedback: Does it enhance learning because perform­ ers get feedback when they need it? Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 73, 408–415. Chiviacowsky, S., & Wulf, G. (2007). Feedback after good trials enhances learning. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 78, 40–47. Cole, J. D., & Sedgwick, E. M. (1992). The perceptions of force and of movement in a man without large myelinated sensory afferents below the neck. The Journal of Physiology, 449, 503. doi:10.1113/jphy­ siol.1992.sp019099 Elwell, J. L., & Grindley, G. C. (1938). The effect of knowledge of results on learning and performance. British Journal of Psychology, 39, 39–54. Gilgen-Ammann, R., Wyss, T., Troesch, S., Heyer, L., & Taube, W. (2018). Positive effects of augmented feedback to reduce time on ground in well-trained runners. International Journal of Sports Physiology and Performance, 13, 88–94. Hinder, M. R., Tresilian, J. R., Riek, S., & Carson, R. G. (2008). The contribution of visual feedback to visuo­ motor adaptation: How much and when? Brain Research, 1197, 123–134. Holden, M. K. (2005). Virtual environments for motor rehabilitation: Review. CyberPsychology & Behavior, 8, 187–211. Keller, M., Kuhn, Y. A., Luthy, F., & Taube, W. (2018). How to serve faster in tennis: The influence of an altered focus of attention and augmented feedback on service speed in elite players. Journal of Strength and Conditioning Research, doi:10.1519/JSC.0000000000002899 Keller, M., Lauber, B., Gehring, D., Leukel, C., & Taube, W. (2014). Jump performance and augmented feed­ back: Immediate benefits and long-term training effects. Human Movement Science, 36, 177–189. Keller, M., Lauber, B., Gottschalk, M., & Taube, W. (2015). Enhanced jump performance when providing augmented feedback compared to an external or internal focus of attention. Journal of Sports Sciences, 33, 1067–1075. Kilby, M. C., Slobounov, S. M., & Newell, K. M. (2016). Augmented feedback of COM and COP modulates the regulation of quiet human standing relative to the stability boundary. Gait & Posture, 47, 18–23. Krakauer, J. W. (2009). Motor learning and consolidation: The case of visuomotor rotation. Advances in Experimental Medicine and Biology, 629, 405–421. Lai, Q., & Shea, C. H. (1998). Generalized motor program (GMP) learning: Effects of reduced frequency of knowledge of results and practice variability. Journal of Motor Behavior, 30, 51–59. Lauber, B., & Keller, M. (2014). Improving motor performance: Selected aspects of augmented feedback in exercise and health. European Journal of Sport Science, 14, 36–43. Lauber, B., Keller, M., Leukel, C., Gollhofer, A., & Taube, W. (2013). Specific interpretation of augmented feedback changes motor performance and cortical processing. Experimental Brain Research, 227, 31–41.

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Wolfgang Taube and Benedikt Lauber Lauber, B., Keller, M., Leukel, C., Gollhofer, A., & Taube, W. (2016). Force and position control in humans – the role of augmented feedback. Journal of Visualized Experiments, (112). doi:10.3791/53291 Lauber, B., Leukel, C., Gollhofer, A., & Taube, W. (2012). Time to task failure and motor cortical activity depend on the type of feedback in visuomotor tasks. PLoS One, 7(3). doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0032433 Lundbye-Jensen, J., & Nielsen, J. B. (2010). Immobilization induces changes in presynaptic control of group Ia afferents in healthy humans. The Journal of Physiology, 17, 4121–4135. Moran, K. A., Murphy, C., & Marshall, B. (2012). The need and benefit of augmented feedback on service speed in tennis. Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise, 44, 754–760. Mornieux, G., Gollhofer, A., & Stapelfeldt, B. (2010). Muscle coordination while pulling up during cycling. International Journal of Sports Medicine, 31, 843–846. Mornieux, G., Stapelfeldt, B., Gollhofer, A., & Belli, A. (2008). Effects of pedal type and pull-up action during cycling. International Journal of Sports Medicine, 29, 817–822. Puleo, N. A., & Abraham, K. A. (2018). External feedback does not affect running pace in recreational runners. International Journal of Exercise Science, 11(5), 384–390. Salmoni, A. W., Schmidt, R. A., & Walter, C. B. (1984). Knowledge of results and motor learning: A review and critical reappraisal. Psychological Bulletin, 95, 355–386. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.95.3.355 Schmidt, R. A. (1975). A schmema theory of descrete motor skill learning. Psychological Review, 4, 225–260. Schmidt, R. A., & Lee, T. D. (2011). Motor control and learning: A behavioral emphasis. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Schween, R., Taube, W., Gollhofer, A., & Leukel, C. (2014). Online and post-trial feedback differentially affect implicit adaptation to a visuomotor rotation. Experimental Brain Research, 232, 3007–3013. Swinnen, S. P., Lee, T. D., Verschueren, S., Serrien, D. J., & Bogaerds, H. (1997). Interlimb coordination: Learning and transfer under different feedback conditions. Human Movement Science, 16, 749–785. van Dijk, H., & Hermens, H. J. (2006). Effects of age and timing of augmented feedback on learning muscle relaxation while performing a gross motor task. American Journal of Physical Medicine & Rehabilitation, 85, 148–155. Walchli, M., Ruffieux, J., Bourquin, Y., Keller, M., & Taube, W. (2016). Maximizing performance: Aug­ mented feedback, focus of attention, and/or reward? Medicine & Science in Sports & Exercise, 48, 714–719. Wolpert, D. M., Diedrichsen, J., & Flanagan, J. R. (2011). Principles of sensorimotor learning. Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 12, 739–751. Wood, C. A., Gallagher, J. D., Martino, P. V., & Ross, M. (1992). Alternate forms of knowledge of results: Interaction of augmented feedback modality on learning. Journal of Human Movement Studies, 22, 213–230. Wulf, G. (2013). Attentional focus and motor learning: A review of 15 years. International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 6, 77–104. Wulf, G., Chiviacowsky, S., & Lewthwaite, R. (2010). Normative feedback effects on learning a timing task. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 81, 425–431. Wulf, G., Chiviacowsky, S., Schiller, E., & Avila, L. T. (2010). Frequent external-focus feedback enhances motor learning. Medicine & Science in Sports & Exercise, 1, 190. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2010.00190 Wulf, G., McNevin, N., & Shea, C. H. (2001). The automaticity of complex motor skill learning as a function of attentional focus. Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 54, 1143–1154. Wulf, G., & Schmidt, R. A. (1994). Feedback-induced variability and the learning of generalized motor programs. Journal of Motor Behavior, 26, 348–361. Wulf, G., & Shea, C. H. (2002). Principles derived from the study of simple skills do not generalize to com­ plex skill learning. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 9, 185–211. Wulf, G., Shea, C. H., & Matschiner, S. (1998). Frequent feedback enhances complex motor skill learning. Journal of Motor Behavior, 30, 180–192. Zalech, M., & Bujak, Z. (2018). Precision of verbal feedback affects accuracy of motor skill performance. The Journal of Sports Medicine and Physical Fitness, 58, 435–441.

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6

CAREER ASSISTANCE

PROGRAMMES

Miquel Torregrossa, Susana Regüela, and Marina Mateos

Introduction The aim of career assistance (CA) is to help athletes with various issues related to their careers in and outside the sport (Stambulova & Wylleman, 2014, p. 616). CA emerged during the second half of the 20th century to fulfil athletes’ adaptation needs following retirement from elite sport. In his pioneering study of football in the former Yugoslavia, Mihovilovic (1968) stated that. “an older sportsman who has dropped out of the team usually hides, escapes, looks for compensation in alcohol, blames others […] deceives himself as regards his possibilities, grows indifferent to events around him, etc.” (p. 81). But did this quote represent most retiring elite athletes? How big was the problem? More than 30 years later, Park, Lavallee, and Tod (2013a) conducted a systematic review of retirement from sport that included 126 studies published between 1968 and 2010 and covered 13,511 athletes, of whom 1,768 (16%) reported that their career transition experiences had involved adjustment difficulties or problems. Currently, the literature reports that about 20% of retired athletes experience athletic retirement as a crisis-transition, and the rest, 80%, cope successfully with relevant demands during a year or two, post career (Stambulova, 2017; Stambulova & Wylleman, 2014). One of the reasons that a majority of retired athletes successfully move to the post-sport life can be support provided within career assistance and related programmes. Career assistance encapsulates a series of interventions aimed at supporting athletes with their sporting careers and their interaction with other life contexts (e.g., education, vocational development, and personal). According to Stambulova and Wylleman (2014), there are two major perspectives in career transition interventions: (1) preventive/supportive and (2) crisis-/ negative consequences-coping. The preventive/supportive perspective covers interventions aimed at helping athletes to prepare themselves for the forthcoming/current transition demands and dualcareer balance. It includes intervention types such as: (a) career planning interventions (MLBP, 2017), (b) life development interventions/life skills (Cosh & Tully, 2014), (c) lifestyle management interventions (Shiina, Brewer, Petitpas, & Cornelius, 2003), (d) identity development interventions (Pink, Saunders, & Stynes, 2015), and (e) cultural adaptation interventions (Ryba, Schinke, Stambulova, & Elbe, 2018). The crisis-/negative consequences-coping perspective covers interventions assisting athletes to analyse their crisis/traumatic situations and find the best ways to cope. It includes interventions such as: (a) crisis-coping educational interventions and (b) clinical interventions (see Stambulova & Wylleman, 2014, pp. 613–614, for details). 73

M. Torregrossa, S. Regüela, and M. Mateos

Career assistance is often structured into programmes, organized by an institution and mainly intended for athletes. From a career development and career transitions in sport perspective, Wylleman, Theeboom, and Lavallee (2004) defined career assistance programmes (CAPs) as: Integrated and comprehensive combinations of workshops, seminars, educational mod­ ules, individual counseling and/or a referral network providing individualized and/or group-oriented multidisciplinary support services to athletes with regard to their athletic participation, developmental and lifestyle issues, and educational and vocational development. (p. 511) If we take a closer look to the definition of CAPs, the label is formed by combining three terms: (a) career, defined as an occupation undertaken for a significant period of a person’s life and with opportunities for progress; (b) assistance, defined as the provision of money, resources, or information to help someone; and (c) programme, defined as a set of related measures or activities with a particular long-term aim. Career in the case of CAPs means “careers” (i.e., in the plural), because athletes usually have to forge a career in sport while also studying or/and working. One of the key points is CAPs’ philosophy, with two main types. Some CAPs aim to provide financial aid to athletes or ready solutions for their problems – that is, taking a curative approach once the problems have appeared, as found with Brazilian footballers experiencing problems after retirement (Brandao & Vieira, 2013). Other CAPs aim to provide athletes with resources and information, thereby taking a preventive approach before problems appear, as found with Spanish Olympic athletes during their sporting career (Torregrosa & González, 2013). Both approaches are designed to assist athletes. However, whereas the latter emphasizes athletes’ autonomy and increasing their readiness to cope with future situations, the former could generate dependence. Within this contribution, the emergence and evolution of CAPs around the world is reviewed. Emphasis is placed on the definition of CAPs as a series of preventive/educational interventions structured into programmes, beyond the provision of economic resources and interventions from the crisis-/negative consequences-coping perspective. Although they are important to help athletes and former athletes to deal with adaptation problems, an in-depth analysis of the crisis-/negative consequences-coping perspective, such as programmes in Brazil for former international footballers (Brandao & Vieira, 2013) or Fink’s individual experiences with Mexican athletes over the course of three Olympic Games (Fink, 2013), is not included. Such financial support programmes could be considered specific career assistance measures but not CAPs as such owing to the lack of related and articulated measures.

The Emergence and Evolution of CAPs One of the pioneering programmes that is ongoing and has been the most internationally influential is the Athlete Career and Education (ACE) programme. This was set up in 1990 by the Victorian Institute of Sport in Melbourne, Australia. In 1995, the ACE became a national standard when it was adopted by the Australian Institute of Sport (AIS) and all other Australian institutes and academies of sport (Anderson, 1993; Chambers, Gordon, & Morris, 2013). The ACE was “carbon-copied” in New Zealand (Ryan & Thorpe, 2013), and its influence also spread to places and cultures as far afield as the UK (Park, Lavallee, & Tod, 2013b) and the Republic of Korea (Kang, 2013). Another pioneering programme reported in the scientific 74

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literature was the Ladies Professional Golf Association’s (LPGA) Preparing for Future Careers Program (Petitpas & Elliot, 1987). Following these early examples, different organizations worldwide have developed and implemented a plethora of measures and programmes, from different perspectives and for different athletes. The spread of CAPs around the world caught the attention of academia. Stambulova and Ryba published a book titled Athletes’ Careers across Cultures (Stambulova & Ryba, 2013) and a critical review paper on career research and career assistance (Stambulova & Ryba, 2014). The book reviews career transition research and career assistance programmes in 19 countries (Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, China, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Japan, Mexico, New Zealand, Russia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, the UK, and the US). In addition to English-language publications and better-known worldwide programmes, it adds information on other CAPs, with 223 references to publications in other languages – for example, Chinese (Huang, Chen, & Qiao, 2013), Russian (Stambulova & Hvatskaya, 2013) and Spanish (Fink, 2013; Torregrosa, & González, 2013). The critical review paper, based on the book and other published research, identifies three dominant (i.e., North American, Australian, and Western European) and two emerging (i.e., Asian and Latin American) discourses in career research and assistance with regard to athletes. Research is structured into major research areas (e.g., retirement from sport, junior to senior transition) and theoretical frameworks (e.g., the developmental model of transitions by Wylleman & Lavallee, 2004; or the ecological model of human development by Bronfenbrenner, 1979), and examples of CAPs are listed for each discourse. The authors conclude that, “in spite of some commonalities in the content of CAPs in different countries, career assistance is more contextualized and culturally informed than career research because practitioners are ‘closer’ than researchers to the athletes’ everyday life and lived culture” (p. 9). The importance of specificities and evidence-based local practices is clear. However, the argument is expanded in this contribution by highlighting that, in consequence, CAPs are mainly based on athletes’ needs, which is good, but lack the support of scientific evidence derived from their evaluation. Inspired by the holistic athletic career model (Wylleman, Reints, & De Knop, 2013a), Figure 2 summarizes the three different contexts that CAPs can cover in different career stages and transitions: (1) sport, (2) academic/vocational, and (3) personal.

JST

Sport context

Talented athlete

Vocational context

Student athlete

Personal context

Child / Teenager

RET

Elite / professional athlete SUT

SPT

Student / Employee athlete AUT

Former athlete

Professional INT

Young Adult

Adult

Figure 2 Career assistance programmes contexts, stages, and transitions JST = junior to senior transition; RET = retirement; SUT = transition from secondary school to university or complementary job; SPT = transition from studies or vocational training to professional; AUT = transition from being dependent to autonomous from the family of origin; INT = transition from being autonomous to independent from the family of origin

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M. Torregrossa, S. Regüela, and M. Mateos

In the sporting contexts, CAPs focus on talented athletes at the beginning of their athletic careers. They also cover the requirements of the junior to senior transition by providing athletes with resources to cope with this transition better and thereby increase the likelihood of successful adaptation and a better progression into the mastery stage. In the mastery stage, CAPs are offered to elite (e.g., Olympic athletes) or professional athletes with the dual aim of coping with the demands of elite sport better and combining it with vocational and personal contexts in the present, as well as preparation for an alternative professional career. Several CAPs also consider the transition from sport to an alternative professional career by helping athletes to adapt more easily to becoming former elite athletes and developing new identities (Torregrosa, Ramis, Pallarés, Azócar, & Selva, 2015). Regarding the academic/vocational context, CAPs offer services to athletes from when they are at secondary school (De Brandt, Wylleman, Torregrossa, Defruyt, & Van Rossem, 2017). They also cover the transition from secondary school to university and the period at university, as well as young employees combining elite sport with a job. They can also include measures to cope with the transition from studying to the work world or from a part-time job to a full-time job. Regarding the personal context, CAPs include measures to better combine the demands of being a talented student-athlete with the needs that all children, teenagers, and young adults have (e.g., social life, family support). They also help with the transition from being fully dependent on one’s family to becoming autonomous, which is often related to the need to leave the family home and settle into a training centre or club academy. Later in life, CAPs provide resources to combine being an elite or professional athlete with also being a university student or a part-time employee and having the same personal needs as all young adults (e.g., relationships and finances). Finally, they also assist athletes to become more autonomous and self-determined human beings instead of making athletes always dependent on third parties and resources (Torregrosa et al., 2015).

Taxonomy of CAPs Based on the combination of contexts and the review of different CAPS from different countries and institutions, we can group CAPs into three categories, depending on their main target group of athletes: (1) holistic CAPs for elite athletes, (2) sport-specific CAPs for professional athletes, and (3) Dual CAPs for student-athletes. Table 1 summarizes and provides some specific examples related to each group of CAPs. The selection considered: (a) the inclusion of at least one programme in each proposed category; (b) the availability of information on the programme, both in the scientific literature and on the internet; and (c) the inclusion of CAPs from different parts of the world. These categories can be used for a clear classification of most CAPs, although there may be some overlap, either because one CAP provides support to more than one group of athletes (e.g., EXITS for both student and elite athletes; Regüela, 2011), or because athletes having a dual status are able to use more than one programme (e.g., professional and student-athlete).

Holistic CAPs for Elite Athletes Holistic CAPs for elite athletes offer a set of measures and activities related to sporting, vocational, and personal contexts with the long-term aim of advising athletes and developing their skills to cope with demands related to stages and transitions in the different life contexts. Holistic CAPs seek to offer a “whole career, whole person” approach. They include assessment and support in the three contexts shown in Figure 2 and combinations of 76

Country

Spain

Australia

UK US

Talented Athlete Scholarship Scheme

Student-Athlete Development Program (NCAA)

Dual CAPs for student-athletes Top-Class Sport and Studies Belgium VUB

Career development for professional players Masia 360°

Sport-specific CAPs for professional athletes US The Trust

Canadian Sport for Life/Long Canada Term Athlete Development (CS4L/LTAD)

Holistic CAPs for elite athletes Athlete Career Program Multinational (ACP) (n = 30)

Name

College athletes, N = 1,200 universities and colleges

Talented athletes

University student-athletes

Professional Australian foot­ ball players Promising athletes in 5 pro­ fessional sections (n = 600)

NFL Players Association

Talented and elite athletes

Olympic and Paralympic athletes (n = 22,000)

Target

Support services to manage transitions during and after college careers

Combine sport and education

Combine elite sport and university

Holistic approach to monitor and accompany their devel­ opment at the club

Career development

Business, career transition and counselling, mental health, financial

Preparation post athletic career

Combining sport and education Preparation for employment

Education Life skills Employment

Main characteristics

Table 1 Summary of CAPs, country, target population, main characteristics, and link to information on the internet

www.ncaa.org/about/ resources/research/student­ athlete-career-development

www.tass.gov.uk/

www.vub.ac.be/en/facil ities/top-class-sports

www.aflplayers.com.au/ alumni/ www.fcbarcelona.com/ club/card/all-you-need-to­ know-about-masia-360

http://playerstrust.com/

http://sportforlife.ca/quality sport/long-term-athlete­ development/

www.olympic.org/athlete­ career-programme

Link

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these. They focus on stages and transitions in sport (e.g., junior to senior transition, retirement), education (e.g., secondary school to university), and the personal context (e.g., mental health issues). The best-known programme worldwide is the Athlete Career Program (ACP) organized by the International Olympic Committee and ADECCO (IOC, n.d.). This is delivered across three core areas: (1) education, (2) life skills, and (3) employment. The ACP is offered to Olympic and Paralympic athletes in more than 30 countries (n = 22,000) through their national Olympic committees and builds on previous or parallel programmes offered by national Olympic committees. Chronologically, from the mid 1990s, the Australian Sport Commission offered the Olympic Job Opportunity Program (OJOP), which gave athletes vocational training, provided links with organizations and companies, and sought to secure permanent employment for athletes (Chambers et al., 2013). USA Track & Field offers a similar programme called OJOP through the United States Olympic Committee, and, since 2004, the Japanese Olympic Committee has run the Second Career Project, which offers seminars to train elite and former elite athletes. The Canadian government organizes the Canadian Sport for Life movement for the improvement of sport and physical activity in Canada. In association with Sport Canada, it created the Long-Term Athlete Development Program (LTAD). Schinke, Cummings, and Bonhomme (2013) highlighted that this multi-stage programme, with the long-term aim of promoting an active lifestyle among children and young adults, includes specific parts to assist athletes with the transition out of sport. Part of the LTAD’s focus is on keeping retired athletes actively involved in sport in supporting roles (e.g., coaching, sports administration, officiating). It also offers life services to help athletes to develop skills through peer mentorship, academic and career counselling, vocational skills, tutoring, and public-speaking courses. In Australia, in 2015, the ACE programme was rebranded as the Personal Excellence Program (PEP) as part of a national strategy driven by the AIS. This new programme built on the original ACE programme and strengthened athlete career and development support in Australia. It was adopted in every state with the aim to enhance the ability of athletes to make informed decisions that impact performance in sport and life. It helps athletes to develop dual careers (DCs) in sport and life by improving their professionalism, accountability, resilience, integrity, and responsibility. In 2018, there were further changes to the PEP. The AIS created an Athlete Wellbeing and Engagement strategy that has broadened the scope of the PEP by including a focus on well­ being and mental health. Its current mission is “To lead and support Australia’s sporting industry to understand that a successful high-performance culture includes athletes finding the right balance between well-being, engagement in activities outside of training and competition and the requirements of elite sport” (AIS, 2018, n.p.). The strategy includes the following areas: “career and education”, “personal development”, “conduct and professionalism”, “engagement”, and “mental health”. In Victoria, the state that founded the original ACE programme, the Victorian Institute of Sport in Melbourne has also recently revamped the PEP as the Performance Lifestyle Program, which sits within the newly created Performance Lifestyle department and delivers support and services to athletes in the areas of both performance lifestyle and psychology. This means that these services are now able to work together to support athletes in a more holistic way.

Sport-specific CAPs for Professional Athletes Sport-specific CAPs for professional athletes offer a set of measures and activities related to sporting, vocational, and personal contexts for professional athletes in different sports (e.g., football, basketball, baseball). They were originally specific to professional athletes, often 78

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organized and delivered by players’ associations or professional leagues, and focused on retirement and adaptation to an alternative professional career. However, currently, some professional clubs are incorporating long-term developmental programmes for their prospective athletes in their academies. In the US, the pioneering LPGA’s Preparing for Future Careers Program (Petitpas & Elliot, 1987) offered participants a support system to prepare their transition out of competitive golf. The programme was multidisciplinary, including practitioners from the fields of careers development, counselling, and sports psychology, and provided counselling on different aspects of vocational and personal contexts (e.g., identifying values, needs, interests, and skills; understanding and implementing a life–work plan). Later, Major League Baseball (MLB), the National Basketball Association, and the National Football League (NFL) would provide career development services to athletes in conjunction with their league’s players’ association (Petitpas, Van Raalte, & Brewer, 2013). For example, the NFL offers The Trust, a programme created in November 2013 to provide resources and services to eligible former players to ensure a successful transition to an alternative professional career. The Trust includes services for former players including business training, career development, education advice, finance assessment, and mental health services (NFLPA, 2013). The MLB players’ association offers, among others, the intensive 4-day Rookie Career Development Guidance Program to prepare young players for the ways their lives might change once they join the major leagues (e.g., dealing with the media, proper nutrition, and healthrelated topics; MLBP, 2017). Since the mid 2000s, the Australian Football League Players’ Association has offered career development for professional players’ through player development managers (PDMs). This programme offers career and education services to professional athletes by advocating the implementation of personal and professional development services within each club (Chambers et al., 2013). Pink et al. (2015) discussed the importance of the club culture in maintaining onfield success with off-field player development. Their analysis suggests that successful player development requires a coherent club culture. PDMs also offer support to retired players. Stansen and Chambers (2018) conducted an interpretative phenomenological analysis of the experiences of 13 PDMs. Their main findings highlighted the importance of the club environment, the definition of roles, individual qualities, and support as the key aspects for helping PDMs to provide services to professional athletes. In 2002, the Japanese Professional Football League launched its Career Support Center for active, retiring, and retired football players. The programme trains active players in order to improve their career awareness and planning. It also organizes complementary internships for vocational development and seminars and workshops to improve the personal context for retiring and retired football players (Toyoda, 2013). Some football academies linked to professional clubs offer CAPs not only to professional players, but also to their talented players pursuing a professional career. As an example of long-term development programmes for prospective athletes at professional clubs, FC Barcelona offers the Masia 360° CAP (FCB, 2018), a holistic project to monitor and accompany the more than 600 athletes in its five professional sections (i.e., football, basketball, handball, futsal, and roller hockey) from the moment they arrive at the club until retirement. The programme is mainly for athletes but also assists coaches, families, and significant others. The SAIE (Catalan acronym for Comprehensive Athlete Care Service) offers athletes services in: emotional training, career planning, dual-career support, psychological care, family and environment care, and professional retirement guidance.

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Dual CAPs for Student-Athletes Dual CAPs (D-CAPs) are mainly designed to help athletes to combine sport with education or work contexts. Stambulova and Wylleman (2015) defined a DC as “a career with the major foci on sport and studies or work” (p. 1). As shown in Figure 2, in the vocational context, CAPs are offered to student-athletes at secondary school, to student-athletes in tertiary education or vocational training, and to professionals seeking work after retirement from elite/professional sport. D-CAPs also consider the two main transitions in the vocational context during studentathletes’ careers: (1) from secondary school to university, and (2) from education to work. The tradition of D-CAPs is very strong in Europe at both secondary school and university levels. D-CAPs for talented secondary school student-athletes are offered in Belgium (Wylleman, Reints, & De Knop, 2013b), Denmark (Henriksen & Christensen, 2013), France (Debois & Leseur, 2013), Germany (Alfermann & Preis, 2013), Russia (Stambulova & Hvatskaya, 2013), Slovenia (Cecić­ Erpič, 2013), Spain (Torregrosa & González, 2013), and Sweden (Swedish Sports Confederation, 2018; Stambulova & Johnson, 2013). The existence of D-CAPs in Europe is rooted in the need to reconcile the traditionally separate environments of the sport and the education systems. In other parts of the world, such as the US, Canada, and Australia, however, programmes such as the Student-Athlete Development Program (former CHAMPS/Life Skills Program) organized by the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) have already merged the education and sport systems, and so there is no specific need to create new programmes that combine both areas.

Secondary Shool D-CAPs In D-CAPs, talented young athletes are encouraged to combine school with their development as athletes. In Belgium, the system of “topsportschools” offers the opportunity to combine talent development with secondary school studies to 639 promising Flemish athletes in 17 sports (Wylleman et al., 2013b). The Team Denmark high school programme allows talented Danish athletes an extra year before finishing secondary education. Evaluations show that most athletes found the extra year very helpful, and student-athletes achieved, on average, similar grades to the non-athlete students (Henriksen & Christensen, 2013). In Sweden, the National Elite Sports Schools, together with a number of regional and local sports schools, allow talented athletes to study, train, and often board at school (Stambulova & Johnson, 2013). In France and Spain, high-performance centres such as the National Institute of Sport, Expertise and Performance (INSEP) and HighPerformance Center (CAR) also allow sport and secondary education contexts to be combined in order to help athletes to define and develop their schedules (Debois & Leseur, 2013; Regüela, 2011). In some countries, such as Germany, Russia, and Slovenia, based on the experiences of the former communist systems, sports schools organize D-CAPs to help prospective elite athletes to pursue a DC (Alfermann & Preis, 2013; Cecić-Erpič, 2013; Stambulova & Hvatskaya, 2013). All the aforementioned D-CAPs share the characteristics of providing measures or activities to combine sport with educational contexts. Moreover, when the programme is organized by sporting institutions such as INSEP (France) or CAR (Spain), they also explicitly include the personal context, thereby becoming holistic CAPs (Bouchetal-Pellegri, Lesseur, & Debois, 2006; Regüela, 2011).

University D-CAPs The challenge for promising athletes to combine sport and secondary education is gradually being achieved in Europe and other parts of the world. However, at university, it is even more difficult to combine both contexts (Cosh & Tully, 2014; MacNamara & Collins, 2010; Perez­ 80

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Rivases, Torregrosa, Pallarés, Viladrich, & Regüela, 2017). In Belgium, universities with sport science faculties provide opportunities to successfully combine sport with higher education. Vrije Universiteit Brussel offers a career support programme for Flemish athletes that is based on the strong tradition of research and applied work in career transitions and career assistance (e.g., Wylleman, De Knop, & Reints, 2011; Wylleman & Lavallee, 2004; Wylleman et al., 2013a). In Sweden, DC support (e.g., flexibility of studies and exams, career planning, lifestyle management) is provided at five national sports universities and 11 elite sports-friendly universities based on the Swedish National Guidelines for Elite Athletes’ Dual Careers (Swedish Sports Confederation, 2018). In Spain, the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, in collaboration with the Spanish Sport Council, offers the Tutorsport Program, which provides elite student- athletes with an expert tutor to help them to manage the conflict between degree schedules and sports seasons. Mateos, Torregrosa, and Cruz (2010) evaluated Tutorsport and found that athletes’ satisfaction levels were high, and that the more time is spent on the programme, the fewer the difficulties with decision-making. Spanish universities, in association with other European universities, have recently developed a tutorship model for dual-career athletes that emphasizes collaboration between countries (Sanchez Pato, Isidori, Calderón, & Brunton, 2017). Both programmes seek to reduce the problems with combining university education and elite sport in the Spanish system (e.g., time management, difficulties with continuous evaluation, and mandatory class attendance; de Subijana, Barriopedro, & Conde, 2015). In England, the Talented Athlete Scholarship Scheme is a partnership between talented athletes, education institutions, and national governing bodies of sport that helps studentathletes to combine their sporting and academic careers without having to choose between the two. It also employs former elite athletes as dual-career support providers and conducts research on their practice (Vickers, 2018).

Applied Research on D-CAPs The European tradition of D-CAPs, combined with the definition of DCs as a priority for the European Commission (EU Expert Group, 2012), has led to different research projects and publications assessing D-CAPs’ services. The Gold in Education and Sport (GEES) Project (GEES, 2016) evaluated the competences that student-athletes and dual-career support providers (DCSPs) possess and need to develop to combine education and elite sport. It also aimed to identify, develop, and evaluate methods and instruments that both student-athletes and DCSPs can use to enhance these competences. The project involved 4,196 elite studentathletes and 336 DCSPs from nine countries. Wylleman, De Brandt, and Defruyt (2017) published a handbook based on the collective results and expertise of the GEES consortium, which includes a selection of the research results and products of the GEES project, including dual-career competence lists, competence profiles, methods, and instruments that are likely to contribute to the specific practices of DCSPs with student-athletes in the field of data collection, intervention, and evaluation. These data were used to develop an instrument to measure student-athlete (De Brandt et al., 2018) and DCSP (Defruyt et al., 2019) competencies. De Brandt et al. (2018) identified four competency factors that studentathletes should consider in order to successfully manage a DC: (1) dual-career management, (2) career planning, (3) emotional awareness, and (4) social intelligence and adaptability. Defruyt et al. (2019) identified six key competence factors that should be developed in training programmes for DCSPs: (1) advocacy and cooperation competencies, (2) reflection and self-management competencies, (3) organizational competencies, (4) awareness of 81

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student-athletes’ environment, (5) empowerment competencies, and (6) relationship competencies. The Be a Winner in elite Sport and Employment before and after Athletic Retirement (B-WISER) project (B-WISER, 2018) involved experts and athletes from six European countries and aimed to provide EU member states with empirical data, conceptualizations, tools, and evidence-based practices relevant to, and enabling them to create, the optimal environment to enhance elite and former elite athletes’ employability and employment during three specific career stages (i.e., still active in sport, just retired, and in first-time employment). The data are now being processed and will appear both on the project website and in scientific publications. Whereas GEES and B-WISER are mainly concerned with student and professional athletes and DCSPs, the Ecology of Dual Career: Exploring Dual Career Development Environments across EUROPE (ECO-DC, 2018) project focuses on: (1) developing a comprehensive understanding of dual-career development environments (DCDEs) across Europe, and (2) providing guidelines for the development and optimization of DCDEs that support talented and elite athletes in their pursuit of sporting and academic excellence. The number of applied projects promoted by the European Commission shows that these are a political priority in Europe. Moreover, recent research has shown that following a DC and participating in D-CAPs, rather than being exclusively focused on one’s athletic career, facilitates retirement from sport and the transition to an alternative professional career (Jordana, Torregrossa, Ramis, & Latinjak, 2017; Torregrosa et al., 2015). All the European work on DCs led to the formation of the European Dual Career Discourse (Eu-DC), which was recently described and critically reviewed by Stambulova and Wylleman (2019), where they summarized psychological DC research in Europe between 2015 and 2018. They detected 42 papers published on DC and concluded that: DC researchers have a certain position, role and relevant identity within the Eu-DC dis­ course, and they lead the “academic conversation” mentioned by Guidotti, Cortis, and Capranica (2015) to negotiate conceptual, theoretical, methodological and applied issues within the Eu-DC discourse to inform DC practices and policies. (p. 10) As mentioned before, besides the major developments in DC and D-CAPs in Europe since the early 2000s, other countries have also provided D-CAPs for their student-athletes. In the US, the NCAA Student-Athlete Program (previously known as the CHAMPS/Life Skills Program) is organized by the National Collegiate Athletic Association. Launched in 1994 at 46 member universities, and with 1,200 member institutions in 2018, the programme “provides studentathletes at colleges and universities throughout the United States with enhancement strategies and support services necessary to manage the transitions that they might face during and after their college careers” (Petitpas et al., 2013, p. 229).

Future Challenges for Career Assistance Programmes To conclude this chapter, we discuss four challenges that CAPs face for future expansion and improvement: (1) complementing the needs-based nature of CAPs with scientific evidence, (2) opening CAPs up to other sports stakeholders, (3) education and training of CAP providers, and (4) promotion of transnational CAPs.

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Complementing the Needs-Based Nature of CAPs with Scientific Evidence This contribution reveals that CAPs mainly started based on the needs of athletes, significant others (e.g., coaches, families), and the context. There was a concern that these practices should be scientifically evaluated, and that the absence of scientific evaluation was a major shortcoming of the first CAPs (e.g., Chroni, Diakaki, & Papaioannou, 2013). Stambulova and Ryba (2014) claimed that research into CAPs was scarce, although there had been relevant examples in the US, the UK, and Spain (Bobridge, Gordon, Walker, & Thompson, 2003; Mateos et al., 2010; Shiina et al., 2003). The next step should be to increase the scientific evaluation of CAPs and use the results to complement needs-based initiatives with scientific evidence. Holt et al. (2018) explored factors associated with the use of research evidence in sport organizations following the Promotion Action on Research Implementation in Health Services (PARIHS) framework (Rycroft-Malone, 2004). According to the PARIHS framework, the implementation of successful research is viewed as a function of the relationship between evidence, context, and facilitation within the organization. Besides, in order to quickly enrich needs-based CAPs with research evidence, it is important to: (1) emphasize the applied relevance of the research produced evaluating CAPs, (2) promote a context in which evidence is understood and valued by career support providers, and (3) provide organizational support and facilitation mechanisms to incorporate research results into the everyday practices of CAPs.

The Opening Up of CAPs to Other Sport Stakeholders Until now, most CAPs have been designed and implemented for athletes. The first were for retired and retiring athletes and they gradually incorporated promising or rookie athletes while adopting a more preventive approach. It is important to include the views and needs of other stakeholders, such as coaches and families. The inclusion of these stakeholders’ views are relevant for the success of CAPs (Hong & Coffee, 2018); however, programmes and research on their role in CAPs are scarce. Knight, Harwood, and Sellars (2018) explored the role of social support networks in adolescent athletes’ DCs by interviewing athletes, parents, coaches, psychologists, performance advisors, and other providers of social support. They found that the key factors for optimizing support for a DC were focusing on the whole person, providing integrated support, and fostering a culture that promoted continuing education. Specifically, according to this research, the role of the support network appeared to be defined by the following characteristics: (1) recognize DC athletes’ needs and make adaptive changes, (2) anticipate barriers and suggest solutions, (3) demonstrate a belief in the value of education and DC, (4) remove barriers to the maintenance of DC, and (5) create an autonomy-supportive environment to foster DC athletes’ independence. The inclusion of the views and needs of the athletes’ social environments will provide a more comprehensive view of CAPs and help to improve them. However, we need to take another step forward by considering other sporting stakeholders in their own right, and not only in terms of the effect that they have on athletes’ careers. For example, coaches and referees have similar career paths to athletes. Specific CAPs for such people could build on the experience of CAPs for athletes and offer related services to improve their careers and well-being.

Education and Training of CAP Providers Another issue is the debate as to which practitioners should provide CAPs and what their education/training should be. Wylleman et al. (2017) proposed that:

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[a] DC support provider (DCSP) is a professional consultant, related to an educational institute and/or an elite sport organization – or certified by one of those – that pro­ vides support to elite athletes in view of optimizing their dual career/combination of elite sport and education. (p. 18) Extending this definition to all CAPs, it is proposed that a CAP provider is a professional consultant who is affiliated to or certified by an elite sports organization that provides support to athletes in view of optimizing their combination of sporting, academic-vocational, and personal contexts. This definition includes such professional consultants as psychologists or careers advisors and also former athletes following a training process if they are certified by the educational institute and/or the elite organization. Different initiatives for the education and training of CAP providers and transition experts are being proposed and evaluated. Hong and Coffee (2018) proposed a psycho-educational curriculum for practitioners of sports career transitions that included: career transitions in sport, career management, career transition counselling, career transition professional practice, and research skills. A preliminary evaluation of the curriculum was conducted with four participants, and the authors claimed that the results were promising as they showed that the programme increased career practitioners’ confidence in their key competences when working with transitional athletes. Perhaps programmes such as these should be evaluated in greater depth and with a larger group of professionals. Wylleman, Stambulova, Torregrossa, Schieper-Van Veldohen, and Defruyt (2018) developed and evaluated education modules for DC support providers, with the overarching aim of stimulating their professionalization. Forty-one participants from four countries (Belgium, the Netherlands, Spain, and Sweden) participated in the three modules (DCSPs’ Self-Awareness and Self-Development, Empowerment of DC Athletes, and Ethical Principles for DCSPs). The modules had a positive impact on the participants’ professional development through: (1) implementation of what they learned from others, (2) application of new knowledge and awareness, (3) implementation of new methods and tools, and (4) confirmation of some participants’ current practices. Future DC research and practice should contribute further to clarifying the definition of career support providers and the content of their education.

Promoting Transnationalism in CAPs Stambulova and Ryba (2014) proposed that athletes’ careers and career support programmes should consider the cultural dimension. Complementarily, Ryba et al. (2018) provided an ISSP position stand on transnationalism, mobility, and acculturation in and through sport that includes relevant information regarding the development and cultural awareness of CAPs. Migrant athletes and cultural transitions are a reality that CAPs need to deal with in a globalized and more mobile society. Professional athletes such as Spanish-speaking baseball players in the US or South American footballers migrating to Europe to play professionally have special acculturation needs that CAPs should fulfil. Cultural awareness is an essential skill for CAP support providers that needs to be taught in the aforementioned modules and education programmes and incorporated into everyday work. Besides cultural awareness, there is also a need to promote transnationalism both in the generation and implementation of CAPs and in the education and training of CAP providers. Networks and initiatives such as those proposed by Wylleman et al. (2018) and Sanchez Pato et al. (2017), which bring together researchers and practitioners from different countries to 84

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produce transnational CAPs and training modules, generate shared and evidence-based knowledge that respects the cultural specificity of each environment. In conclusion, CAPs are fundamental resources for athletes who are trying to reconcile sport with academic/vocational and personal contexts. As applied research has shown, the more the focus is on the preventive aspects of CAPs today, the fewer the crisis-/negative consequences-coping interventions that will have to be designed tomorrow, after elite athletes’ retirement (Stambulova & Wylleman, 2014; Torregrosa et al., 2015). However, as different sporting environments and cultures (elite sport vs. professional sport) generate different needs and resources for athletes and sports professionals, different sporting realities need to be clearly identified in order to generate tailored assistance programmes. This contribution has provided a taxonomy of CAPs with the intention of analysing their singularities and facilitating their future development.

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Career Assistance Programmes Petitpas, A., & Elliot, W. (1987, November). Preparing for future careers. Presentation at the Annual Spon­ sors’ Meeting of the Ladies Professional Golf Association, Pine Isle, Georgia. Petitpas, A. J., Van Raalte, J. L., & Brewer, B. W. (2013). Athletes’ careers in the United States: Developmen­ tal programming for athletes in transition. In N. B. Stambulova & T. V. Ryba (Eds.), Athletes’ careers across cultures (pp. 222–234). Hove: Routledge. Pink, M., Saunders, J., & Stynes, J. (2015). Reconciling the maintenance of on-field success with off-field player development: A case study of a club culture within the Australian Football League. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 21, 98–108. Regüela, S. (2011). Programa excel·lència i transicions (èxits). El projecte personal com a eina per afrontar les transicions de la carrera esportiva. [Excellence and Transitions Program: The personal project as a tool to cope with transitions during the sporting career]. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain. Retrieved from www.tdx.cat/handle/10803/42301 Ryan, C., & Thorpe, H. (2013). Athletes’ careers in New Zealand (Aotearoa). In N. B. Stambulova & T. V. Ryba (Eds.), Athletes’ careers across cultures (pp. 148–159). Hove: Routledge. Ryba, T. V., Schinke, R. J., Stambulova, N. B., & Elbe, A. M. (2018). ISSP position stand: Transnationalism, mobility, and acculturation in and through sport. International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 16, 520–534. Rycroft-Malone, J. (2004). The PARIHS framework: A framework for guiding implementation of evidence-based practice. Journal of Nursing Care Quality, 19, 297–304. Sanchez Pato, A., Isidori, E., Calderón, A., & Brunton, J. (2017). An innovative European sports tutorship model of the dual career of student-athletes. Retrieved from www.sporttutorship.eu/ Schinke, R. J., Cummings, J., & Bonhomme, J. (2013). Athletes’ careers in Canada: Four decades of research and practice. In N. B. Stambulova & T. V. Ryba (Eds.), Athletes’ careers across cultures (pp. 53–64). Hove: Routledge. Shiina, S., Brewer, B. W., Petitpas, A. J., & Cornelius, A. E. (2003). Effects of transferable skills workshops on the career self-efficacy of college student-athletes. Academic Athletic Journal, 17(1), 54–64. Stambulova, N. B. (2017). Crisis-transitions in athletes: Current emphases on cognitive and contextual factors. Current Opinion in Psychology, 16, 62–66. Stambulova, N. B., & Hvatskaya, E. E. (2013). Athletes’ careers in Russia: From Moscow 1980 to the Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics. In N. B. Stambulova & T. V. Ryba (Eds.), Athletes’ careers across cultures (pp. 160–172). Hove: Routledge. Stambulova, N. B., & Johnson, U. (2013). Athletes’ careers in Sweden: Facilitating socialization into sports and re-socialization upon retirement. In N. B. Stambulova & T. V. Ryba (Eds.), Athletes’ careers across cultures (pp. 197–208). Hove: Routledge. Stambulova, N. B., & Ryba, T. V. (2013). Athletes’ careers across cultures. Hove: Routledge. Stambulova, N. B., & Ryba, T. V. (2014). A critical review of career research and assistance through the cultural lens: Towards cultural praxis of athletes’ careers. International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 7, 1–17. Stambulova, N. B., & Wylleman, P. (2014). Athletes career development and transitions. In A. G. Papaioanu & D. Hackfort (Eds.), Routledge companion to sport and exercise psychology: Global perspectives and fundamental concepts (pp. 603–620). London: Routledge. Stambulova, N. B., & Wylleman, P. (2015). Dual career development and transitions. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 21, 1–3. Stambulova, N. B., & Wylleman, P. (2019). Psychology of athletes’ dual careers: A state-of-the-art critical review of the European discourse. Psychology of Sport and Exercise. Advance online publication doi: 10.1016/j.psychsport.2018.11.013. Stansen, C., & Chambers, T. P. (2018). An interpretative phenomenological analysis of the player develop­ ment manager role in Australian professional sports. Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health. Advance online publication doi: 10.1080/2159676X.2017.1397540. Swedish Sports Confederation. (2018). Swedish national guidelines for elite athletes’ dual careers. Recom­ mended actions for the combination of high-performance sports and university education at Swedish national sports universities (RIUs) and elite sports-friendly universities (EVLs). Stockholm: Author. Torregrosa, M., & González, M. D. (2013). Athletes’ careers in Spain: Professionalization and developmen­ tal consequences. In N. B. Stambulova & T. V. Ryba (Eds.), Athletes’ careers across cultures (pp. 185–196). Hove: Routledge. Torregrosa, M., Ramis, Y., Pallarés, S., Azócar, F., & Selva, C. (2015). Olympic athletes back to retirement: A qualitative longitudinal study. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 21, 50–56.

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M. Torregrossa, S. Regüela, and M. Mateos Toyoda, N. (2013). Athletes’ careers in Japan: Before and after retirement in sports. In N. B. Stambulova & T. V. Ryba (Eds.), Athletes’ careers across cultures (pp. 128–136). Hove: Routledge. Vickers, E. (2018). An examination of the dual career pathway and transitions UK student-athletes experi­ ence throughout university education. (Doctoral dissertation, Liverpool John Moores University, UK). Retrieved from http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/8878/ Wylleman, P., De Brandt, K., & Defruyt, S. (2017). GEES handbook for dual career support providers. Retrieved from https://kics.sport.vlaanderen/…/170301_GEES_Handbook Wylleman, P., De Knop, P., & Reints, A. (2011). Transitions in competitive sports. In N. L. Holt & M. Talbot (Eds.), Lifelong engagement in sport and physical activity (pp. 63–76). New York: Routledge. Wylleman, P., & Lavallee, D. (2004). A developmental perspective on transitions faced by athletes. In M. Weiss (Ed.), Developmental sport and exercise psychology: A lifespan perspective (pp. 507–527). Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology. Wylleman, P., Reints, A., & De Knop, P. (2013a). A developmental and holistic perspective on athletic career development. In P. Sotiaradou & V. De Bosscher (Eds.), Managing high performance sport (pp. 159–182). New York: Routledge. Wylleman, P., Reints, A., & De Knop, P. (2013b). Athletes’ careers in Belgium. A holistic perspective to understand and alleviate challenges occurring throughout the athletic and post-athletic career. In N. B. Stambulova & T. V. Ryba (Eds.), Athletes’ careers across cultures (pp. 31–42). Hove: Routledge. Wylleman, P., Stambulova, N., Torregrossa, M., Schieper-Van Veldohen, N., & Defruyt, S. (2018). The development of training modules for dual career support providers: A European pilot. Final report for the IOC Olympic Studies Centre Advanced Olympic Research Grant Programme 2017/2018 Award. Retrieved from https://library.olympic.org/Default/doc/SYRACUSE/177233/ Wylleman, P., Theeboom, M., & Lavallee, D. (2004). Successful athletic careers. In C. Spielberger (Ed.), Encyclopedia of applied psychology (Vol. 3, pp. 511–517). New York: Elsevier.

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7

CAREER DEVELOPMENT

Paul Wylleman, Koen De Brandt, and Paul De Knop

Introduction Since the mid 1990s, the topic of the athletic career has grown into “a well-researched and wellestablished domain of sport psychology” (Wylleman & Rosier, 2016, p. 269). As research on career development had its origins within the study of sport career transitions (see also the chapter on Career Transitions, Volume 2, Chapter 9, in this encyclopedia), this contribution will, in the first instance, provide an overview of how the elite sport career has been conceptualized by sport psychologists. A specific focus will be on how researchers’ perspectives progressed from studying a singular career transition into the use of a holistic lifespan perspective, as represented in the holistic athletic career (HAC) model (Wylleman, 2019). Taking into account the diversity of perspectives used to study the development of the sport career (e.g., talent development, participation in the Olympic Games, the post-sport career; Blijlevens, Elferink-gemser, Wylleman, Bool, & Visscher, 2018; Wylleman, 2019; Wylleman, Reints, & Van Aken, 2012; Wylleman, Rosier, De Brandt, & De Knop, 2016; Wylleman, Rosier, & De Knop, 2015), this contribution will, in the second instance, focus on one specific type of career development – namely, the dual career (DC) – in which athletes combine an elite sport career with an academic career. The DC has been chosen because, in comparison with other career developments (e.g., talent development, career retirement), it has gained relatively recent prominence with sport psychologists (cf. Stambulova & Wylleman, 2019), elite sport organizations (e.g., International Olympic Committee, 2019), and (European) sport policymakers (e.g., B-WISER, 2018; European Commission, 2012; GEES, 2016). In order to further insight into the development of the sport career, this contribution will, in the third instance, relate current knowledge from sport psychology research to three concepts of career development from work and organizational psychology: namely, career exploration, career decision-making, and career development competencies (Arnold & Randall, 2010; Kuijpers, 2000; Sharf, 2006). First, the HAC model will be used to explore the “world of the DC” in order to identify what typifies a DC and which challenges athletes will face when engaging in this type of career development (i.e., career exploration). Second, the factors that influence the psychological process (i.e., motive reflection; Kuijpers, 2000) leading up to deciding whether or not to engage in a DC (i.e. career decision-making) will be considered. A process-oriented analysis of these factors will be presented using the pull–push framework (Fernandez, Stephan, & Fouquereau, 2006; Kluytmans, 89

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2005) to complement the holistic analysis of the HAC model. Third, an analysis will be presented of the competencies (i.e., capacity reflection; Kuijpers, 2000) relevant to engage with competency in a DC and be successful in developing this type of career (i.e., career development competencies). A conclusion with some reflections on the development of elite athletes’ careers will complete this contribution.

Conceptualizing Career Development Leading on from sport psychologists’ initial focus on the athletic retirement of elite and professional athletes, continued research revealed that this transition should be considered within the context of the stages it delineates – namely, the pre- and post-retirement stages (e.g., Alfermann & Gross, 1997; Webb, Nasco, Riley, & Headrick, 1998). By considering other normative (i.e., predictable and anticipated) transitions occurring during the athletic career (e.g., selection for the talent development programme, the junior-to-senior transition, first-time participation in the Paralympic Games), researchers started to formulate descriptive career models delineating a sequence of normative career stages. For example, Bloom (1985) and colleagues described the development of talented individuals, such as swimmers and tennisplayers, into international-level performers as occurring in three consecutive, normative stages: the “early years”, during which young athletes are taught and trained, leading them to make relatively rapid progress in a few years; the “middle years”, when talented athletes are almost fully committed to their sport, increasingly putting aside other interests and working with precision and accuracy in all aspects of their sporting endeavours towards the highest goals in sport; and the “later years”, where elite athletes dedicate themselves to perfecting their talent at the highest level and participate in international contests as evidence of progress and achievement in sport. In a similar vein, Salmela (1994) presented a normative three-stage career model (i.e., from initiation to development, from development to perfection, from perfection to career termination), whereas Stambulova’s analytical athletic career model (1994) empirically identified five normative stages (i.e., the preparatory stage, the stage of the start of specialization, the stage of intensive training in the chosen sport, the culmination stage, and the final stage leading to the career end). In a similar vein, Torregrosa, Boixadós, Valiente, and Cruz (2004) considered Olympic athletes’ perceptions of how they presumed their process of disengaging from elite sports would take place, in three stages, representing the gradual consideration of retirement – namely, the initiation/training stage – the maturity performance stage, and the anticipation of retirement stage. Interestingly, this stage-like conceptualization was also adopted to elaborate specific normative transitions. For example, research (Wylleman et al., 2012) into the preparation of athletes for the transition of a first participation in an Olympic Games led to distinguishing three stages – namely, a pre-Olympic stage (from 9 to 6 months before the leaving for the Olympic Games), a 4-week period at the Olympic Games (i.e., the Olympic stage), and a post-Olympic stage (up to 6 months after returning from the Olympic Games). Considering the end-of-career transition, Kerr and Dacyshyn (2000) described the stages of “retirement” (i.e., the actual withdrawal from sport), “nowhere land” (i.e., period of uncertainty and disorientation), and “new beginnings” (i.e., the start in a new setting), whereas Reints (2011) specified this transition into the four stages of planning the end of the career, the actual retirement from elite sport, the start of the post-elite sport career, and integration into society. This normative stage approach aligned with a career perspective from work and organizational psychology – namely, a natural stage-like development including a sequence of positions, roles, activities, and experiences (Arnold & Randall, 2010; Kluytmans, 2005). 90

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For example, Arnold and Feldman (1986; in Kluytmans, 2005) presented a stage-like career development model delineating the stages of exploration, early career, middle career, and late career, each consisting of two substages. Other models also mapped out how people (should) handle specific career stages. The influential model developed by Super (1990) specified career development and the relevant tasks as four stages (i.e., exploration, establishment, maintenance, disengagement) with, for example, the stage of exploration considering the tasks of persons’ crystallizing what they want to do and implementing and making plans to fulfil their career objectives, and the stage of disengagement delineating the deceleration of work responsibility and planning and living in retirement. Besides a similar stage-like approach, work and organizational psychologists also considered the impact of different categories of factors influencing career development (Kluytmans, 2005). These included, for example, the impact of factors at micro level (e.g., personality, capabilities, self-identity), meso level (e.g., social milieu, parents, family, peers), and macro level (e.g., technological developments, prestige of the job, job market). This approach echoes the developments witnessed in sport psychology during the 1990s, when the career stage approach or developmental (“whole career”) perspective was complemented with a holistic (“whole person”) perspective (Stambulova & Wylleman, 2014). The need for such a holistic perspective came out of research showing that, during their end-of-career transition, athletes faced not only challenges at the athletic level (e.g., disengagement from competitions, reduction of training loads), but also (and perhaps with greater impact) at other levels of development, including changes in identity and roles, declining interactions with teammates and coach(es), transiting into a new vocational career, or facing financial challenges owing to reduced sponsorships (e.g., Wylleman, De Knop, Menkehorst, Theeboom, & Annerel, 1993). This broader “whole career/whole person” exploration provided a richer understanding of athletes’ career development (Bonhomme, Seanor, Schinke, & Stambulova, 2018). Based upon research on the career development of DC athletes, professional and elite athletes, and former Olympians, Wylleman and Lavallee (2004) proposed the “developmental model of transitions faced by athletes”, combining developmental and holistic perspectives. With this model, the strong concurrent, interactive, and reciprocal nature of stages in athletes’ development at athletic, psychological, psychosocial, academic, and vocational level was acknowledged (Wylleman, Alfermann, & Lavallee, 2004). In line with continued research on career development (e.g., Bruner, Munroe-Chandler, & Spink, 2008; Pummell, Harwood, & Lavallee, 2008; Reints, 2011), this model was extended and developed into the HAC model (Wylleman & Rosier, 2016). In particular, the HAC not only reflected the development of athletes’ careers at athletic, psychological, psychosocial, and academic/vocational level, but also added the financial and legal levels (Wylleman, 2019). In this way, the HAC model introduced two levels of development the impact of which is, in fact, generally neglected in work and organizational psychology (Arnold & Randall, 2010). The HAC model (cf. Figure 3) illustrates the career of athletes in six levels of development, with each level consisting of different consecutive stages. The top of the HAC model, in Figure 3, represents the stages and transitions in the athletic development of athletes, including an initiation stage, during which young athletes are introduced to organized competitive sports; the development stage, during which athletes recognized as being talented follow a talent development route consisting of an intensification of training and competitions; the perfection or mastery stage, during which athletes participate in senior international competitions (e.g., European or World Championships, Olympic/ Paralympic Games); and the discontinuation stage, during which athletes make their transition from international competitive sport into a post-sport career. 91

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10

Athletic Level

Initiation

Psychological Level

Psychosocial level

15

Childhood

Parents Siblings Peers

20

25

Development

30

Mastery

Puberty/ Adolescence

35 Discontinuation

(Young) Adulthood

Partner - Family Coach - Support staff ­ Teammates Student-Athletes– Students

Peers Coach Parents

Family (Coach) Peers

(Semi-) professional athlete Academic & vocational level

Financial level

Legal level

Primary education

Family

Secondary education

Higher education

Family Sport governing body

(Semi-) professional athlete

Sport governing body/ NOC/Sponsor Family

Minor

Post-sport career

Family Employer

Adult (of age)

Figure 3 The holistic athlete career model representing transitions and stages faced by athletes at athletic, psychological, psychosocial, academic/vocational, financial, and legal levels of development Source: Wylleman (2019). Reproduced with permission.

The second level reflects the developmental stages and transitions occurring at the psychological level, including childhood, adolescence, and (young) adulthood. During each stage, athletes will need to develop and use competencies to cope with stage-specific developmental tasks (e.g., cognitive, emotional) in order to ensure a continued development (Newman & Newman, 2018). The third level refers to those individuals significant to athletes’ development during one or more career stages, generally including coaches, parents, family, spouses or lifetime partners, (former) teammates, and/or students (Wylleman et al., 2004; Wylleman, De Knop, Verdet, & Cecić Erpič, 2007), as well as members of athletes’ entourages (e.g., managers, agents, physical trainers, medical staff, scientists, sports organizations, sponsors; Park & Lavallee, 2015). The fourth level specifies athletes’ academic development (i.e., primary education/elementary school, secondary education/high school, college/university), with the development of a professional occupation (possibly after leaving secondary education) as (semi-) professional athletes. At this level, athletes are also found to engage in a DC combining elite sport and study and/or combining elite sport with part-time employment (e.g., B-WISER, 2018; European Union, 92

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2012; GEES, 2016). The fifth level specifies the financial support that can impact the development of athletes’ careers, including support from family, the sport governing body, national Olympic committee, and sponsors. The final layer identifies athletes’ legal status (e.g., as a minor, as an adult), with changing legal rights and duties. The HAC model can be said to be both age-related and not age-related. On the one hand, as it represents interindividual commonalities or regularities, the HAC model can be considered to be age-related. On the other hand, as differences related to the sport-specificity of the athletic career or to intra-individual plasticity or malleability in development will occur (e.g., Blijlevens et al., 2018; Debois, Ledon, & Wylleman, 2015; Tekavc, Wylleman, & Cecić Erpič, 2015), the HAC model is, at the same time, not age-related. For example, although female athletes were found to retire earlier than male athletes, and disabled athletes earlier than their able-bodied counterparts (North & Lavallee, 2004), sport-specific differences showed that gymnasts discontinue their sport career around 24 years of age, swimmers at the age of 29 years, and sailors even at 40+ years of age. In this way, the stage-like approach is fundamental to the HAC model, with the ages being indicative in nature.

The Dual Career With its representation of the academic level, the HAC model also provides the opportunity to situate the development of a DC. The DC can be described as encapsulating: the requirement for athletes to successfully initiate, develop and finalize an elite sport­ ing career as part of a lifelong career, in combination with the pursuit of education and/or work as well as other domains which are of importance at different stages of life, such as taking up a role in society, ensuring a satisfactory income, developing an identity and a partner relationship. (European Commission, 2012, p. 6) Athletes engaging in a DC are also denominated as “student-athletes”. In this contribution, DC development will be focused on the combination of an elite sport career with an academic career in higher (tertiary) education (i.e. university college, university), generally starting around the age of 18 years and possibly continuing until 24–26 years of age (e.g., Brown et al., 2015; De Brandt, Wylleman, Torregrossa, Defruyt, & Van Rossem, 2017; Fuchs et al., 2016; Healy, Ntoumanis, & Duda, 2016; Lupo et al., 2015). Although, owing to the increased demands of elite sport (De Bosscher, Bingham, & Shibli, 2008), athletes have found it challenging to combine elite sport with other pursuits (Bruner et al., 2008; Conzelmann & Nagel, 2003), many still advance in their sporting careers while attending university or university college (De Bosscher, De Knop, & Vertonghen, 2016; Knapp, 2012). This major overlap between athletes’ sport and academic development is related to several factors: compulsory education (up to the age of 16 or 17) in most countries; the importance awarded to higher education by athletes’ parents (Wylleman, Reints, & De Knop, 2013); the fact that a minority makes a living out of sport (Stambulova, Stephan, & Jäphag, 2007); the risks (e.g., a career-ending injury, deselection) of a professional athletic career (e.g., Knowles & Lorimer, 2014); and the need to increase their opportunities for future employability and financial security (e.g., Burden, Tremayne, Marsh, & Sydney, 2004). It should, thus, not be surprising that a majority of athletes have been found to engage in a DC. For example, in Flanders, 3 athletes out of 4 have been found to continue their academic career as student-athletes after making the transition from secondary into higher education (De Bosscher et al., 2016), and 4 active elite athletes in 10 (of which 55% were 93

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female) obtained a diploma in higher education (Reints, 2011). A varying percentage of retired athletes were also found to have completed higher education (i.e., 39% in Switzerland, 60% in Flanders, 85% in Poland; Kuettel, Boyle, & Schmid, 2017; Reints, 2011). Finally, from the perspective of elite sport, 61% of all British medals between 1996 and 2012 were won by current or former student-athletes (British Universities & Colleges Sport, 2012), and, in Australia, the number of Olympic medals won by student-athletes increased from 39% in Athens 2004 to 61% in Rio 2016 (Australian University Sport, 2016; Knapp, 2012). High numbers of student-athletes winning Olympic medals were also reported in France, Finland, and Japan (Aquilina, 2013; Shimizu, Shimamoto, Kukidome, & Tsuchiya, 2016).

A Holistic Perspective on the Dual Career The HAC model has been used by researchers to identify the concurrent demands student-athletes face at different levels (e.g., Brown et al., 2015; Debois et al., 2015; De Brandt, 2017; Ekengren, Stambulova, Johnson, Carlsson, & Ryba, 2019; Kristiansen, 2016; MacNamara & Collins, 2010; Ryba et al., 2016; Stambulova, Engström, Franck, Linnér, & Lindahl, 2015; Tekavc et al., 2015; Wylleman & Reints, 2010). In fact, the HAC model has been reported (Stambulova & Wylleman, 2019) to be the dominant framework, not only to study athletes’ DC development, but also to develop DC guidelines for athletes (European Commission, 2012). In the HAC model, the DC in higher education overlaps with different stages at each of the six levels of development: at the athletic level, it includes the end of the development stage and the initial part of the mastery stage; at the psychological level, the stages of adolescence and (young) adulthood are represented; at the psychosocial level, a diversity of relationships, including parents, peers, coaches, teammates, support staff, and other students (and possibly a partner or young family), are involved; at the financial level, the family, the national sport governing body, the national Olympic committee, regional/national elite sport centre, and sponsor are included; and, at the legal level, it is the stage of legal adulthood. In order to specify the impact of a DC, a selection of challenges faced by student-athletes at each of the six levels will be described.

Athletic Level At the athletic level, the transition to higher education coincides for most student-athletes with the junior–senior transition, involving, among other issues, increased training and competition load and standards, increased performance expectations, injury setbacks, a possible move to a new training group, or a change of coach (Brown et al., 2015; Finn & McKenna, 2010; Knowles & Lorimer, 2014; MacNamara & Collins, 2010; Morris, Tod, & Oliver, 2015; Pummell et al., 2008; Stambulova, Franck, & Weibull, 2012; Wylleman et al., 2016). Taking into account that, on average, only one junior elite athlete in three makes it successfully to the mastery level, and in view of the fact that successfully completing the junior–senior transition takes athletes 2.1 years, on average (Gulbin, Oldenziel, Weissensteiner, & Gagné, 2010), the impact of this athletic transition on student-athletes cannot be underestimated (e.g., occurrence of overtraining, injuries; e.g., Reints, 2011). In fact, a lack of sporting success may entice athletes to engage in an academic career. Further challenges include contractual obligations as an athlete (e.g., no availability to skip training in order to attend an exam) and excessive travelling between university, sport club or training venue, and home, leading to fatigue and lack of time (De Brandt, Wylleman, & De Knop, 2015). Interestingly, 7 elite student-athletes out of 10 (71%) perceived that their academic career did not negatively affect the development of their athletic career (De Brandt et al., 2015). 94

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Psychological Level At the psychological level, student-athletes face challenges regarding the development of their selfidentity, in particular their athletic identity (i.e., the way in which athletes identify with their sport; Brewer, Petitpas, & Raalte, 2017). As athletes develop in their DC and take on the roles of athlete and student, the double identity “student-athlete” may develop. This double identity may be enhanced when DC athletes are, for example, explicitly categorized as such by the university, or when they are professionally contracted as “elite student-athlete” by their sport governing body (e.g., Sport Vlaanderen, 2019). On the one hand, as a double identity may lead student-athletes to engage more in exploratory behaviour, an identity foreclosure restricting their identity solely to that of being an “athlete” may possibly be avoided; by taking up both roles, student-athletes may also learn how to take greater personal responsibility for their own development and show more autonomous behaviour (e.g., Aunola, Selänne, Selänne, & Ryba, 2018; Healy et al., 2016; Stambulova et al., 2015). On the other hand, the combination of two different roles, each related to a different context (i.e., elite sport and academia), may lead to identity and role conflicts, as well as issues in adapting to the required lifestyle. Student-athletes may face stress as they experience an increase in goals and expectations (e.g., performances) from themselves and from their environment – neither of which they are always able to attain and fulfil (e.g., Cosh & Tully, 2014; Newman & Newman, 2018; Petitpas & Buntrock, 1995; Ryba, Stambulova, Selänne, Aunola, & Nurmi, 2017). Finally, student-athletes may also face challenges in their motivation as they make the transition to the senior level concurrently with accessing higher education (Lupo et al., 2015). Although effort and perseverance are deemed crucial to continue at the senior level in sport, diminishing self-belief (and even reduced motivation) may occur owing to a combination of performance stress in their athletic and their academic careers (e.g., owing to a lack of optimal circumstances to combine studies with elite sport; Wylleman et al., 2013). This may result in athletes dropping out of their athletic or academic career (Baron-Thiene & Alfermann, 2015).

Psychosocial Level As athletes move into a DC pathway, several psychosocial changes will occur. These include, among others, moving away from home into student housing, adjusting to a new social environment, decreased parental support, reduced contact with their primary elite sport network (e.g., coach, teammates, support staff), establishing new relationships, fluctuating coach–athlete relationships, and possibly changing to and working with a new (university) coach and support staff (e.g., Brown et al., 2015; De Brandt, 2017; Linnér, Stambulova, Lindahl, & Wylleman, 2019; MacNamara & Collins, 2010). Research revealed that elite student-athletes are heavily dependent upon their psychosocial environment in order to combine academic and athletic demands successfully. More particularly, elite student-athletes rated the (informational, financial, logistical, and emotional) support provided by the university, their coach, and their parents as the most influential factor in being able to succeed in both careers (Wylleman & Lavallee, 2004). Moving to a university environment may also be enticing to athletes as it allows them to become more independent from their parents, building new relationships and being introduced to student life. Nevertheless, a lack of time can also lead athletes to have restricted peer group relationships in the athletic or academic setting.

Academic/Vocational Level At the academic level, student-athletes will be faced with other challenges than those faced in secondary education, including, for example, selecting a subject of study, increased 95

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course requirements, a more flexible approach to study with less supervision, a relatively high degree of freedom to (not) attend activities, a stronger independence of lifestyle, and greater degrees of freedom in campus life (Brown et al., 2015; De Knop, Wylleman, Van Hoecke, De Martelaer, & Bollaert, 1999; MacNamara & Collins, 2010; Wylleman & Reints, 2010). The relatively high degree of freedom in higher education also requires student-athletes to have greater motivation, for example, to attend academic activities, to systematically plan their study, and to commit as much time to academic activities as is required (Wylleman & Lavallee, 2004). Especially, the social student activities may require athletes to have a clear focus, goals, and time management. When comparing studentathletes with the general student population with regard to their presence in academic activities, athletes are actually found to devote a similar amount of time to their studies, while, at the same time, reporting more academic problems caused by lack of time and physical and mental fatigue (e.g., owing to their sports involvement; Wylleman et al., 2013). Notwithstanding these challenges, elite student-athletes have been found to engage in different subjects of study, including not only sport sciences but also economic and social sciences, law and criminology, arts and philosophy, and psychology and educational sciences (De Brandt, 2017). As the aim of a DC also involves being successful in their academic career, it is interesting to note that researchers have found student-athletes in higher education achieving better academic results than the general student population. For example, elite student-athletes at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel had higher success rates in comparison with the other students (80% vs. 73%; Vrije Universiteit Brussel, 2018). These academic achievements could be related not only to the (individual) support provided by the academic department of Topsport and Study, but also to the support provided by significant others (e.g., parents, peers), as well as to the competencies they developed in their athletic career (e.g., discipline, perseverance, planning; Jonker, Gemser, & Visscher, 2011). Interestingly, De Brandt (2017) found a gender difference within the group of elite studentathletes: Female athletes had higher academic achievement rates (80%) than their male counterparts (73%). This difference could be related to the fact that, as male athletes may still have more opportunities to develop a professional sport career, they may actually reduce their focus on academic activities and achievements (e.g., Bonhomme et al., 2018; Rishe, 2003). Type of sport (individual vs. team) was shown not to influence athletes’ academic results – a finding related to the fact that independent of type of sport, all studentathletes benefit from the same quality and intensity of academic support provided by the university’s department of Topsport and Study (De Brandt et al., 2015). At the same time, a greater need for academic support was found to be significantly correlated with the level of athletic performance (i.e., elite-level student-athletes require more support). Interestingly, six elite student-athletes (58%) perceived no negative effect of their athletic career on their academic career (De Brandt et al., 2015). Finally, although combining elite sport and study has also been linked to preparing for a new vocational career after discontinuing their athletic career, student-athletes can be supported by an on-campus career centre to exit the university, develop vocational competences, and enter into the labour market. It should also be noted that a university degree does not always ensure a direct entrance into the labour market. In particular, athletes may be confronted with the process of “occupational delay” (Naul, 1994): As most athletes will have had few opportunities to participate in vocational or in-service training, or will initiate a new vocational career a long time after graduating, they may, in comparison with their non-athletic peers, lack the relevant or most recent professional skills, experience, and networking necessary for vocational success. 96

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Financial Level At the financial level, athletes are confronted with several challenges in higher education, including the payment of tuition fees, course materials, accommodation expenses, and contractual obligations to the club (Bengtsson & Johnson, 2012; Torregrossa, Perez-Rivases, Ramis, & Pallarés, 2015; Wylleman et al., 2016). This may lead student-athletes to remain strongly dependent upon their parents, to engage in activities to generate sufficient revenue (e.g., student jobs, sponsorship), to be enticed by a scholarship, and to ensure their status as professional athlete in order to have a professional contract and revenue/income via their athletic achievements. This may lead student-athletes also to prioritize their athletic career to the detriment of their academic career.

Legal Level At the legal level, having the status of student-athlete provides athletes with several conditions that may be facilitative to the development of their athletic career. These include fewer social security and tax requirements, reduced tariffs for public transport, the possibility of gaining a (restricted) financial income via a student job, health benefits, or not being considered as a “professional” athlete with the status of employee or labourer (Wylleman & Lavallee, 2004). It becomes clear that these challenges, considered separately at each of the six levels, as well as occurring concurrently during athletes’ DC development, may lead to possibly conflicting situations and expectations. These include the difficulty in integrating schedules of sport and academic activities (e.g., training, competitions, exams, required attendance in labs), having to meet stringent criteria and expectations in their athletic and academic career, dealing with (possibly continuing) levels of stress and fatigue, balancing different roles (e.g., academic, athletic, social), lacking time (e.g., for recuperation, to study, for social relationships, for leisure), or not feeling they are fully part of their athletic or academic peer groups (Burden et al., 2004; Kimball & Freysinger, 2003; Miller & Kerr, 2002; Wylleman et al., 2013). Notwithstanding this, athletes do chose to engage in a DC because of its potential benefits, including increased employability and financial security, development of multiple personal identities, reduced life stress, positive socialization effects, better retirement planning, and prolonged athletic careers (e.g., Aquilina, 2013; Price, Morrison, & Arnold, 2010; Torregrosa, Ramis, Pallarés, Azócar, & Selva, 2015). In order to increase our understanding of athletes’ engagement in a DC, it is also important to consider the factors underlying athletes’ career decision-making process. In the next section, the pull–push framework (Fernandez et al., 2006; Kluytmans, 2005) will be used to represent the factors that may influence the psychological process (i.e., motive reflection; Kuijpers, 2000) leading to deciding whether or not to (continue to) engage in a DC.

Dual-Career Decision-Making By linking the pull–push framework (Fernandez et al., 2006; Kluytmans, 2005) to the holistic analysis of the HAC model, a process-oriented analysis of the factors underlying athletes’ decisions to engage in a DC can be presented. To illustrate the added value of this framework in complement to the HAC model, Table 2 provides examples of factors relevant to the six levels of the holistic model. These factors are represented as push factors (negative considerations in an earlier career stage pushing athletes into a DC), pull factors (positive considerations in a DC pulling athletes from an earlier career stage into a DC), anti-push factors (benefits in an earlier 97

Independence from parents

Psychosocial level

Anti-pull

Identity development as student Greater responsibility for own development More autonomy

Moving away from home Moving into student housing Adjusting to new social environment Reduced peer group relationships Reduced support from parents/ family

Double identity student-athlete Need for greater responsibility own development Need for more autonomous behaviour Need to adapt to required lifestyle

Reduced impact of academic Need to move to a new training career on development sport group (nearby or at university) career Need to change to (university or local) coach

Pull

Changing to new (university) Student life coach and staff New relationships Reduced contact/ friendships with coach, team­ mates, support staff

Reducing identity foreclosure Identity foreclosure (as as “athlete” “athlete”) Role conflicts Increased goals and expect­ ations (e.g., performances) Diminishing self-belief Reduced motivation Performance stress

Psychological level

Increased training and competition load and standards Increased performance expectations Reduced chances of making it to and/or being successful at senior level

Anti-push

Enhances involvement ath­ letic career Small chances of making a living out of elite sport Risks of professional athletic career (career-ending injury, deselection) Lack of sporting success

Push

Athletic level

Development

Category

Table 2 Examples of factors possibly influencing elite athletes’ decisions to engage in a dual career categorized as push, anti-push, pull, and anti-pull (Fernandez et al., 2006) at the six levels of development identified with the HAC model (Wylleman, 2019)

Increase opportunities for future employability Increase opportunities finan­ cial security

Financial level

Legal level

Competencies to combine elite sport with other interest Post-retirement vocational plan and future employment

Academic/ vocational level

Loss of status as professional athlete

Contractual obligations (club) Losing contract, financial income as professional athlete

Selecting subject of study Increased course requirements More flexible approach to study with less supervision Relatively high degree of freedom to (not) attend activities Social student activities Lack of time Physical and mental fatigue due to elite sport Opportunities to develop a professional sport career

Status as student

Student job Financial status as student

Importance awarded to higher education by athletes (and parents) Interest in subject of study Academic competencies Stronger independence of lifestyle Greater degrees of freedom in campus life Academic results Support from university spe­ cific for student-athletes Development of vocational competencies

Financial costs of study (e.g., tuition fees, student housing, course materials) Lack of financial support (e.g., par­ ents, scholarship)

Need for stronger motivation Need for clear focus, goals, time management, and systematically planning study Commit sufficient time to academic activities as required Lack study flexibility & academic support Reduced opportunities for direct entrance into labour market with uni­ versity degree Occupational delay Lack of transfer of competences from sport career to academic career

P. Wylleman, K. De Brandt, and P. De Knop

career stage keeping athletes from being pushed into a DC), and anti-pull factors (costs and risks perceived to exist in a DC enticing athletes not to engage in a DC). Using the HAC model complemented with this push–pull framework enables the professional not only to contextualize these factors (e.g., psychosocial, academic), but also to identify the directional impact of these factors.

Dual-Career Competencies In order to be able to develop their DC, athletes will require specific resources (e.g., Brown et al., 2015; De Brandt, 2017; MacNamara & Collins, 2010; Stambulova et al., 2015). A first set consists of external resources including support from their social network (e.g., parents, peers, partner, coaches), financial incentives (e.g., funding, sponsors, scholarships), a nurturing environment with easy access to high-performance training facilities and classrooms, study and exam flexibilities, individualized academic programmes, the availability of lifestyle coaches and DC support services, qualified academic and sporting staff, and the presence of and mentoring from elite role-model peers. An international survey (Reints, 2011) of 27 career assistance programmes revealed that support for elite student-athletes prioritized providing opportunities for distance learning first, followed by flexibility in scheduling exams and study, and tutoring. Although these structural and organizational resources can assist athletes in developing their DC, they will not allow student-athletes to cope with all eventualities of a DC. In fact, in excess, these external resources have also been shown to possibly become potential barriers to athletes successfully developing their DC (Brown et al., 2015). Researchers have, therefore, highlighted the importance of complementing these external resources with developing DC career competencies in student-athletes, including, for example, time management, the ability to prioritize, self-regulation, interpersonal skills, and career planning (e.g., Cosh & Tully, 2014; Debois et al., 2015; Larsen, Alfermann, & Christensen, 2012; MacNamara & Collins, 2010; Shimizu et al., 2016; Tyrance, Harris, & Post, 2013). On the basis of research among more than 3,350 student-athletes from nine European countries, De Brandt and colleagues (2018) recently established a comprehensive overview of DC competencies grouped in four distinct but related DC factors. The competencies related to the first factor, DC management (e.g., self-discipline and dedication to manage the demands and succeed in combining study and sport; the ability to plan, to use time efficiently, to prioritize what needs to be done), related to earlier findings (Burlot, Richard, & Joncheray, 2016; Cosh & Tully, 2014; López de Subijana, Barriopedro, & Conde, 2015). The second factor, career planning, included competencies related to being prepared for the unexpected and having a back-up plan, the ability to be flexible and change plans if necessary, and exploring career plans outside elite sport. These competencies are deemed important in view of athletes’ career planning before engaging in a DC, during and after finalizing their DC, as well as in view of increasing their ability to adapt the development of their DC (Lally & Kerr, 2005; Torregrosa et al., 2015; Tyrance et al., 2013). From the third factor, emotional awareness, competencies emerged relating to coping with emotions and the ability to manage a DC (e.g., belief in their ability to overcome the challenges in sport and study, the ability to cope with stress in sport and study, the ability to use setbacks in sport and/or study as a positive stimulus), confirming the importance of coping with and managing DC challenges (e.g., high competition and academic expectations, performance and physical setbacks; e.g. Brown et al., 2015; Giacobbi et al., 2004; MacNamara & Collins, 2010). The fourth and final factor, social intelligence and adaptability, which included competencies such as asking 100

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advice of the right people at the right time, eagerness to listen to and learn from others and past experiences, and the ability to maintain relations with important others, reflected the significance of athletes’ psychosocial competency development for a successful DC (Friedlander, Reid, Shupak, & Cribbie, 2007; Henriksen, Stambulova, & Roessler, 2010; Larsen et al., 2012). The researchers noted these factors provided for a developmental and holistic perspective on the competencies athletes require to develop their DC; whereas the factors DC management and career planning clearly aligned to the athletic, academic/ vocational, and financial development of student-athletes, the factors emotional awareness and social intelligence and adaptability related, respectively, to athletes’ psychological and psychosocial development. Finally, in order to relate these competencies as strongly as possible to the challenges student-athletes are likely to be faced with, De Brandt (2017) asked 859 elite studentathletes to rate which competencies they used, and how well, to cope with seven multilevel DC scenarios. Results showed that more than 70% of student-athletes experienced the following five scenarios: an exam coinciding with a competition, having to make study choices, missing a significant number of days of study, relocating for sport and/or study, and combining sport and studies with social life. As a majority of student-athletes were found to cope effectively with all scenarios, competencies for effectively coping with each of these scenarios, as well as competencies applicable to all scenarios (e.g., dedication to succeed in both sport and study, willingness to make sacrifices and choices to succeed in sport and study, perseverance during challenging times and in the face of setbacks, ability to prioritize what needs to be done), could be identified. On the basis of these results, it was concluded that a clear need exists for a situational approach when considering how athletes develop their DC.

Conclusion This contribution aimed not only to provide an overview of how sport psychologists conceptualized athletes’ career development using a developmental and holistic perspective – as illustrated by the HAC model – but also to reflect on three process of career development (i.e., career exploration, career decision-making, career development competencies). Using the HAC model, athletes’ career development was not only contextualized in terms of concurrent, interactive, and reciprocal stages at six levels of development (i.e., athletic, psychological, psychosocial, academic/vocational, financial, legal level), but also complemented with the push–pull framework adding a process-oriented analysis of the factors underlying athletes’ decision-making to engage in career development. Although external resources will be of assistance to athletes, the development of competencies enhancing their career progress is also required. Interestingly, from research (Blijlevens et al., 2018) into the development of competencies enhancing athletes’ performance behaviour, five competencies transferable to a DC could be deduced – namely, being able to adapt to changing circumstances, maintaining optimal development, checking and protecting one’s boundaries, problem-solving, and self-confidence (Wylleman, De Brandt, & Defruyt, 2017). Finally, although athletes need to take responsibility for their career development, the role of support providers is crucial. Research into support provision in DC has revealed that DC support providers themselves also require a specific set of competencies (e.g., awareness of student-athletes’ DC environment, reflection and self-management, advocacy and cooperation, empowerment) in order to ensure student-athletes’ optimal DC development (Defruyt et al., 2019). 101

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8

CAREER MANAGEMENT – AN

ACTION-THEORY APPROACH

Dieter Hackfort

Introduction The vision of career management (CM) endeavour for the support of talent in sport is that every young athlete – usually student-athletes – should possess a transition plan, counselling support, and a career-strategy recommendation consistent with his/her capabilities, potentials, and interests at the beginning (transition into sport), during (in case of transition between careers in sport), and at the end of his/her academic and sporting career (transition out of sport). Such a programme, headed by Dieter Hackfort, was implemented and realized, from 2005 to 2009, at Aspire, the academy for sport excellence in Doha, Qatar. For this purpose and with this vision, a career management department and programme were established from the very beginning of the academy, in 2005, aiming especially at assisting student-athletes to identify career pathways, implement plans and strategies to coordinate and achieve their career goals, and prepare for transition out of the academy through diverse networking activities. In this contribution, the key elements identified as pillars of a CM programme, essential actions, and processes fundamental to such a department are emphasized. In some respects, this department might be considered to be a model, but there are various cultural and local characteristics that make this project unique, but nevertheless interesting for future similar developments. For the sake of practical relevance, examples from the Aspire experience are reported. For the sake of proving the saying of the German psychologist Lewin (1951), that ‘there is nothing so practical as a good theory’ (p. 169), the theoretical approach and conceptual development are outlined first.

The Career Management Approach Conceptual and strategic approaches that were adopted when the subject of athletic career transition, career counselling, and support was first considered have been examined, and it was detected that most of the approaches to this phenomenon neglected various features essential for the further development in the life of athletes. Later on, research proved that an integrated perspective embracing all stages of an individual’s lifelong development, and in particular the phases relating to the career in sport, could better account for the career development, support, and transition in the life of an athlete. Following a study on the 107

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organization and implementation of career counselling and environmental management at the Olympic Centres in Germany by Schlattmann and Hackfort (1994; Hackfort & Schlattmann, 1994), a concept for such a functional position at the German Olympic Centres was created. On the basis of this concept, Hackfort and Birkner (2004) elaborated a theoretical integrative framework with an action-theory perspective for the examination of athletic and vocational career development and the transition from an elite athletic career in sport to a post-elite athletic career out of sport (retirement transition) for the further development of CM programmes, including an athletic career assistance programme. Moreover, issues of talent development (Bloom, 1985), developmental situations, including developmental tasks (Havighurst, 1972, 1973), the sociocultural and subcultural environment (Hackfort & Schinke, 2017a, 2017b), and the relevant ecological systems (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1979) have been respected. Various inspiration was gained by the managing team of Aspire visiting the Olympic Center in Calgary, Canada – for example, information about the Long-Term Athlete Development programme developed by Canadian Sport for Life (CS4L, n.d.). In Canada, research and practice regarding issues of athlete development, career assistance programmes, transition, and retirement have already spanned more than four decades to date and have resulted in significant contributions (for an overview, see Schinke, Cummings, & Bonhomme, 2013).

Elaboration of Career Management from an Action-Theory Perspective The conceptual basis for the design of a CM programme is understanding of the construct ‘career’. From a common-sense perspective, ‘career’ is used to indicate a more or less successful period of time and sequence of consistent events and experiences in that phase of life (Hackfort, 1998). Thus, from an action-theory perspective, ‘career’ is a social construct and refers to actions in a defined segment or area of activity – that is, an ‘action field’. Actions in various contexts or environmental (ecological as well as social) circumstances are considered to be constitutive and part of different areas, segments, or sections of life. In the various areas (action fields) of an individual life, the focus is on different topics (content of actions) in a specific environment (context of actions), and the actions are regarded as building segments of the life experiences of a person (e.g., an athlete) that are considered to be specific careers – for example, school career/career as a student, sport career/career as an athlete, family career/career as a child, a mother, or a father, and so on. The combination and coordination of such careers are represented in the individual curriculum vitae of the person. In terms of the combination of sport and academic education, Brettschneider (1998) talked about a double or dual burden or strain, and, later. the term ‘dual career’ (i.e., Stambulova & Wylleman, 2014) was used to indicate that a young person (athlete) was confronted with two tasks or action projects in his or her life course. Fundamental developmental tasks (Havighurst, 1972) are associated with the action projects of the formation of an individual self-concept, personality, and identity, as well as the development of a social status (Fuchs, 1995). As early as 1957, Super emphasized the meaning of developmental tasks in the elaboration of a psychological conceptualization of ‘career’. From an action-theory point of view, careers are usually multifaceted – that is, careers are related to action projects in the life course of an individual person; they are built up by action projects in regard to certain action fields and periods of time or sequences in the life course of an individual person. Thus, integrative (integration of action projects in the course of the life of an individual person) interpretation and understanding are characteristic of an action-theory based career concept (Hackfort, 2001). Furthermore, the understanding of a multifaceted concept of career is open to consideration of 108

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more than two elements or action projects (e.g., projects in the action fields of academic education or business, sport, and private or family life). This is essential for CM, which means the purposive organization and intentional coordination of action projects for a career. The action-theory perspective (Hackfort, Munzert, & Seiler, 2000; Nitsch, 1982, 1985; Nitsch & Hackfort, 1981, 2016), apart from its applicability in social and human sciences, psychology, sport science, and sport psychology, provides an integrative theoretical perspective relevant in this context for the development of athletic CM, including career counselling and assistance programmes (Hackfort & Birkner, 2004; Hackfort & Huang, 2005). As Nitsch (1982) suggested, ‘if a conscious goal underlies the behavior and if the psycho­ physical activity is organized intentionally for the purpose of goal attainment … then this behavior is called “action”’ (p. 53). In this way, Nitsch (1982) differentiated between human actions and other behaviours, such as reflexes, conditioned reactions, or instincts. This differentiation also accounts for the fact that there is no automatic response to stimuli in the case of actions, but, rather, the response is a result of a subjective appraisal of the stimuli. The key features of a human action are pointed out by Hackfort and Nitsch (2019): ‘A human action … is understood to be the characteristic nature of human behavior, intentionally organized within a meaningful structured situational context … and the fundamental entity for the analysis, explication, and intervention of mental processes regulating human behavior’ (p. 2). Moreover: Actions are initiated to achieve a fundamental task, i.e., to overcome a misfit or main­ tain a fit in the present person–environment constellation (objective situation) as it is experienced by the human subject in regard to his or her intentions (subjective defin­ ition of the situation). (Hackfort & Nitsch, 2019, p. 2) The elaboration and application of the action-theory perspective in sport psychology has been especially intensive in the past three decades (i.e., Hackfort, 1990; Hackfort et al., 2000; Nitsch, 1982, 1985; Nitsch & Hackfort, 1981, 2016). For CM in sport, a specific class of situations is decisive, as the relevant actions are organized in a number of specific situations (‘action situations’; Hackfort & Nitsch, 2019) in a certain period of time in which people organize and regulate their actions according to their intentions in these situations. For such action situations – for example, CM situations – the individual definition/interpretation of the situations is constitutive – that is, for their actions, their perception and understanding of objective factors, personal factors (e.g., ability and motivation), environmental factors (e.g., social and cultural), and factors related to the task (e.g., difficulty and attractiveness) are decisive. This action-theory perspective is used here (see Figure 4) for the analysis and organization of CM issues and strategies. Inspired by cross-cultural research, Hackfort and Huang (2005; Huang, 2002) explained that the complexity of career transition may be characterized as a cultural, social–individual interaction process, through the analysis of the above-mentioned theoretical approaches. The components of the person–task–environment (PTE) constellation provide an appropriate correspondence with the ideas of social gerontology, transition models, as well as lifespan development and lifespan development intervention concepts. In terms of the different stages of an athlete’s career, Wylleman and Lavallee (2004; see also the contribution from Wylleman, De Brandt, & De Knop,Volume 2, Chapter 7, in this encyclopedia) suggested that there are many different phases involved in the development of an athletic career. This career developmental approach asserted that there are strong concurrent, interactive, and reciprocal transitions occurring in an athletic career, as well as in other 109

Dieter Hackfort Individual perspective (e.g.,subjective concept on self-development)

Task Social aspects (e.g., social standards on career development) CM

Athletes’ attitudes (e.g., motivational and emotional characteristics)

Orientation

Person from an

Athletes’ aptitudes (e.g., mental and physical capacities)

Action-Theory Perspective

Soccial-cultural background (e.g., social prestige of various jobs)

Environment Organizational characteerisstics (e.g., talent fostering resources & interests)

Figure 4 CM orientation with an action-theory perspective

fields of an athlete’s life. In other words, during his or her athletic career, an athlete needs to deal with the various demands of the different stages of the athletic career at different levels – namely, psychophysical, psychosocial, psycho-ecological, and in regard to academic and/or vocational contexts. In this regard, it is relevant to consider cultural circumstances as conceptualized in the action situation: the component of environment on a macro-system level (for the differentiation of micro-, meso-, exo-, and macro-ecological systems as they are fundamental to human development from a bio-ecological perspective, see, e.g., Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1979). The meaning of culture in action theory and for the constitution of actions was explained in 1980 by Boesch (see also Boesch, 1991), who introduced fundamental ideas for the cultural perspective in psychology and contributed to the elaboration of cultural psychology as it is relevant for sport psychology (see also the contributions on Culture, Volume 1, Chapter 7, and Cultural Praxis, Volume 2, Chapter 16, in this encyclopedia). In addition to the consideration of different phases in the athletic career and support purposes, Stambulova (2003) pointed out that, most often, athletes need help in their career transitions, such as, for example, from junior to senior athletics, or from professional sports to athletic retirement. This help is provided by means of career assistance programmes that focus on helping athletes to combine sport and other activities (e.g., studies, work, family), to reach both athletic and personal excellence, and, above all, to adjust themselves effectively to their post-career life. Furthermore, Sinclair and Orlick (1994) described phenomena and discussed theoretical approaches to understand various effects of transition on high performance in sport and explained intervention recommendations. Stambulova (2003) suggested that athletic transition includes demands, resources and barriers, coping strategies, transition outcomes, and coping with negative consequences (see Stambulova & Samuel, Volume 2, Chapter 9, in this Encyclopedia). She also outlined three perspectives in career interventions – namely, preventive, crisis-coping, and negative consequences-coping. With an emphasis on resources, the essential aspects of a CM approach in regard to the action situation are demonstrated in Figure 5. 110

Career Management: Action-Theory Approach Social Resources

Personal Resources

Traits Atmosphere

E

P State

Support

T Academic Achievement

Sporting

Achievement

Bio-Psycho-Social Development

Figure 5 Essential aspects of CM in regard to the action situation

Career Management Strategy The adoption of a theoretical framework for a CM programme and the application of the various aspects of this framework are crucial for practical purposes and a CM approach as was realized in Aspire. Career counsellors use several practical ways to better implement the whole spectrum of CM tools using a holistic action theory-based approach integrating both the development/development-intervention approach and career assistance methods. As mentioned above, according to the action-theory perspective, a career is the result of actions organized in a number of situations over a long period of time or phases in the lifespan. These actions stem from different psychological processes that, in turn, result from learning and socialization. The individual socializes within cultural and subcultural circumstances, a given environment with peers, family, teammates, schoolmates, and other members of related organizations, and this process is always based on rules, conventions, and norms (Hackfort & Schinke, 2017b). All these factors constitute the individual’s perception and design of the action situations as they are relevant at that point in life (Hackfort & Birkner, 2004) and, step by step, contribute to the formation of the individual’s ‘career’. For an understanding of the concept of ‘career in sport’, it is essential to be aware that a career in sport is: • •

•

part of the life path and organization of life/life management, from a cross-sectional and longitudinal point of view. to be coordinated with extra-sport requirements and developmental tasks; in this regard, especially, the development of autonomy, self-management, and self-control is demanding and should be/needs to be supported not exclusively for fostering the ath­ letic career. a triadic developmental project in terms of (a) the development of personality, (b) the development of athletic talent, (c) the development of the academic and vocational per­ spective, and, last but not least, the combination and integration of these elements.

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Information

Orientation

Making the relevant documents of studies available.

Making the relevant documents concerning jobs and job

markets available.

Documentary visits.

Information sessions (group participation in exhibitions, open

days, etc.).

Interactive group sessions (participation approach):

Presentations and discussions, meeting professional

testimonies, etc.

Individual meetings.

Internships in collaboration with the educational and sports

staff.

Figure 6 Objectives of a career management programme

The objective of the career counsellor (see Figure 6) is to intervene to an optimum extent in these processes and provide the individual with all the information needed to discover and understand him-/herself, his/her self-concept and identity, as well as his/her world, and to enable him/her to recognize and identify the steps of the decision-making process that will lead to a career plan.

Career Management Counselling and Networking Primarily, a career manager should take into consideration the sociocultural background of the individual, as well as the characteristics of the particular sport system the individual belongs to. In this way, the analysis of the three components of the PTE constellation will be adjusted to the individual’s needs and, thus, career-counselling strategies will be more effective. As a result of this, the CM programme can provide appropriate support for athletes in their sport career, personal development, career transition, and life after sport. Table 3 outlines examples of the various ways in which the above-mentioned theoretical concepts are transferred to practical strategies.

Career Counselling: A Three-Step Strategy In this specific (Aspire) programme, although the CM unit was in close contact with student-athletes across all grades (i.e., from 7th to 12th grade), emphasis was placed on the last three grades as, at this stage, student-athletes are closer to their post-student-athlete life. During these last three grades, student-athletes pass through a sophisticated, social, psychological, and developmental multistage counselling process that consists of three steps and the accompanying programmes: the exploration step, the crystallization step, and the specification step (see Table 4).

Exploration Step This refers to 10th-graders. The student-athletes at this stage are exploring the image of self, as well as the image of others. In addition, they explore their aspirations, interests, and capacities and their parents’ expectations. During the 10th grade, the personality orientation of the student–athletes is explored by means of general interest tests and questionnaires (see e.g.,

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Table 3 Transfer of theoretical concepts to practical strategies (examples) Theoretical concepts

Practical strategies

•

The interaction of the components of the PET constellation is influenced by external factors and internal factors The social environment of the individual includes family, peers group, teammates, and members of relevant organizations Career transition is a developmental process

• • • •

Semi-structured interviews with student-athletes Tests Regular meetings with parents Links to the universities, colleges, and job market

•

• •

Self-organization Intentional organization and regulation of actions Goal-setting Autonomy

• • •

• •

Qualitative approaches Quantitative approaches

•

• • • •

Career is the result of actions organized in a number of situations over a longer period of time Beneficence to help others to realize their inter­ • ests. It includes both the provision of benefit and the prevention and removal of harm

Providing student-athletes with a comprehensive transition plan for their postacademy life Help student-athletes to set their own goals Sports culture curriculum (SCC) sessions Providing student-athletes with information posted on the CM pin board Give student-athletes the opportunity to partici­ pate in shadowing and internships Interest tests, questionnaires Semi-structured interviews Observations Organize documentary visits, professional testi­ monies, cooperation with champions educa­ tion programme, arrange SCC sessions Various supportive measures, counselling strategies

• • • •

•

•

Table 4 A three-step counselling programme for student-athletes Three-Step Career Counseling Program

1

2

3

Exploration

Crystallization

Specification

Person-centred: Self-concept, identity interests, motivation capacities, aspirations Identification measures Developmental process Analyses and potential appraisal Career awarenss tools Teacher evaluation grid Parents appraisal Coaches appraisal

Task-centred: Job screening Market analyses Vocational field orientation Orientation assistance Social support and guidance Profession testemonies Profession analysis grid Corporate visits

Environment-centred: Vocational education Life-style features Sport-related requirements Transitional awareness Transitional strategy and action planning Goal-setting Meetings with agents and officials

Dieter Hackfort

Eder & Bergmann, 2003; Holland, 1985). According to Holland (1985), there are six fundamental personality orientations in that culture, and every person seeks the environment that corresponds to their personality type and interests. If they succeed, there is complete person–environment congruence. The six personality orientations, according to his theory are: realistic, investigative, artistic, social, enterprising, and conventional. According to the concept of congruence, using this approach, it is possible to make differential psychological assignments of people to professions.

Crystallization Step This refers to 11th-graders. At this stage, student-athletes go through the analysis of professions of interest, while they also listen to profession testimonies from experts exercising specific professions they are interested in. Student-athletes of the 11th grade also start obtaining information from career networkers. The latter are in charge of keeping student-athletes up to date by providing them with information on potential post-student-athlete studies, as well as on career opportunities in the region or country.

Specification Step The final step of this multistage programme refers to 12th-graders. At this stage, studentathletes are provided with information, for example, about universities, life at university, and sport-related organizations. During this year, student-athletes prepare, for example, for the university interviews they might attend and are, generally, in close contact with the career networkers in order to have the most up-to-date information about organizations or universities in the country or internationally. This information is channelled to the studentathletes by means of, for instance, a career information desk located in the library of the academy/centre.

Career Networking The career networking subunit focuses on establishing contacts to obtain: (a) university/college admission requirements needed for the post-academic development of the student-athletes, and (b) careers information and work opportunities that may eventually lead to the student-athletes’ vocational progress. The main concern of the career networkers is to develop career paths for the smoother transition of the graduates to their post-high school and post-athletic centre life. Figure 7 depicts a network developed within Qatar in regard to organizations, institutions, sport federations, and so on. Career counsellors should use a multifaceted strategy in terms of including input from various parties. This input is relevant extra information that is complementary to the CM profile of student-athletes. It is very useful for the career counsellor to be aware of the academic performance of the student-athletes throughout the school year, as well as of other academicrelated information, such as student-athletes’ expressions of interest in specific directions, or the extent of their involvement in extra academic activities. All this information contributes to the specification of their CM profile. Essential information can be also obtained from the coaches. Knowing the potential development of student-athletes in a sport-related career is crucial. Having this information, the career counsellor can help the student-athletes to make plans for their future in a more specific way. A further aspect of information is whether student-athletes display specific talents related to a sports 114

Career Management: Action-Theory Approach

Universities Sport Federations Organizations

Technical Colleges

Network for CM Governmental Institutions

Industry Business Enterprises

Military Police

Figure 7 Example of a network for CM

profession/job in sports. For instance, a student-athlete may have coaching talent or other talents related to a specific profession. Such inclinations are usually communicated to the CM people with a view to their directing student-athletes towards specific professional domains in the field of sport. However, apart from these primary areas (i.e., school and sports), further information that can be included in the CM profile of the student-athletes and other supportive areas contribute to some extent to the definition of their career plan. For instance, the contributions of team guides (personnel who provide support in the coordination of school, club, and career assistance measures for the student-athletes, linking the academic and sport action field) and residential educators are also useful in this respect. Team guides and residential educators can provide information such as the way in which student-athletes interact with peers, their preferences in their leisure time, as well as their involvement in voluntary work. This information can add elements to their CM profile and career plan in regard to, for example, the extent to which a student-athlete can be a leader, the extent to which he or she is willing to participate in certain activities, and other personality characteristics.

Conclusion Based on an action-theory concept and empirical research on the transition of young athletes into high-performance sports, the in-between transition in the selection and specialization process in sports and academic education, and the transition from high school into the posthigh school career are focused on in a CM programme realized in a business unit on CM that was established from the very beginning, in 2005, in the Aspire academy for sports excellence in Doha, Qatar. Integrated in the action-theory framework, the developmental perspective in terms of the lifespan development perspective and the career assistance approach in terms of 115

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developmental tasks and transitions in the alignment of the sporting and academic career in regard to the specific life and career phases, as well as in regard to relations to various social systems, are emphasized and described. The action-theory perspective in athletic CM suggests that career is the result of actions organized in a number of situations across a longer period of time (phases in life and career), and that people organize and monitor their actions according to their subjective definition of the situation, the perception and understanding of objective factors, personal factors, environmental factors, and factors related to the tasks at hand. For the appropriate application of this conceptual approach, a sophisticated social, psychological, and developmental multistage counselling process that consists of three steps and programmes is essential: The exploration programme, crystallization programme, and specification programme, along with career networking, on the one hand, provide the student-athletes with information on the scholastic world and career opportunities and, on the other hand, enable them to recognize and identify the steps in the decision-making process that will lead to a career plan, which is fundamental for the future orientation of the student-athlete as well as the design and application of career assistance programmes to support holistic development of the student-athlete. In this contribution, experiences with measurements for the transition out of sport (see the contribution on Career transitions, Volume 2, Chapter 9, in this encyclopedia) and evaluation of the outcome of strategies preparing student-athletes for their post-athletic career in terms of the post-sport career course (see Hackfort, Emrich, & Papathanassiou, 1997) have been neglected. Experiences of the elaboration, implementation, and realization of CM in Aspire and its meaning for a more general conceptualization and approach for CM are indicated and suggested for further research in regard to tools and strategies. For elaboration of the concept of CM and further development of evidence-based CM strategies, longitudinal studies are needed, as it is inconsequential and insufficient to postulate a lifespan approach but to follow cross-sectional research and studies only.

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9

CAREER TRANSITIONS

Natalia B. Stambulova and Roy David Samuel

Introduction Up to now, three major conceptualizations of career transitions (CTs) have been adopted in sport psychology. First, pioneer researchers on the transition to the post-sport career (e.g., Baillie & Danish, 1992; Parker, 1994; Sinclair & Orlick, 1994; Swain, 1991; Werthner & Orlick, 1986) based their conceptual understanding of this transition on the work of Schlossberg (1981, 1984) in counselling psychology. Schlossberg (1981) suggested that, “a transition can be said to occur if an event or non-event results in a change in assumptions about oneself and the world, and thus requires a corresponding change in one’s behavior and relationships” (p. 5). This definition and relevant theoretical framework (i.e., the human adaptation to transition model) have been and still are popular among transition researchers in sport psychology (e.g., Küttel, Boyle, & Schmid, 2017; Pummell, Harwood, & Lavallee, 2008). The second conceptualization was initiated by calls for a sport-specific definition of a transition (Stambulova, 1994; Wylleman, Lavallee, & Alfermann, 1999). Stambulova (1994, 2000, 2003), based on her empirical studies of six transitions in the careers of Russian athletes, defined transitions as turning phases in athletes’ career development associated with a set of specific demands that athletes have to cope with in order to continue successfully in sport and/or other spheres of their lives. This definition was then used in various review papers (e.g., Alfermann & Stambulova, 2007; Stambulova, Alfermann, Statler, & Côté, 2009; Stambulova & Wylleman, 2014) and athlete transition research (e.g., Morris, Tod, & Oliver, 2015; Stambulova, Franck, & Weibull, 2012). Stambulova’s definition and related framework (i.e., the athletic career transition model) promoted the understanding of a transition as a process of (active) coping with specific sets of demands. Transition demands are conceptualized as what an athlete wants/ought to achieve in going through the transition, and this concept is of principal importance for understanding a CT process, making it more concrete than Schlossberg’s definition. For example, based on Schlossberg’s conceptualization, retired athletes need to adapt to the transition to a post-sport life (which is too general). Based on Stambulova’s conceptualization, they need to cope with a set of concrete retirement demands (e.g., finding a new occupation, renewing their social networks, reorganizing their lifestyles, rethinking their self-identity) in order to establish a balanced post-sport life. 119

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Inspired by Schlossberg’s and Stambulova’s work, the third and the most recent conceptualization of a transition was developed by Samuel and Tenenbaum (2011a, 2011b). They suggested that the athletic career is characterized by the appearance of various types of change-event of a transitional nature. According to their framework (i.e., the Scheme of Change for Sport Psychology Practice; SCSPP), these changes might occur in various aspects of athletes’ careers as distinct events (e.g., being selected for a programme/team, failure in a major competition, conflict with a coach) and/or longitudinal processes (e.g., changes in body mass, reduction in motivation, injury rehabilitation) that have the potential to create instability in their career and to provoke emotional and cognitive imbalance in the individual. It is important, here, that “positive” and “negative” change-events (e.g., winning and losing, selection and deselection) bring different demands for change. This conceptualization of transitions as career change-events has been used in research (e.g., Knowles & Lorimer, 2014; Samuel & Tenenbaum, 2011b, 2013) and in applied work (Samuel, 2013).

Current Taxonomy of Career Transitions The current taxonomy of CTs is based on three factors: the life domain that the transition relates to, the predictability of the transition, and the outcome of the transition (Stambulova, 2017). Based on the life domain, CTs are classified as non-athletic (e.g., vocational), athletic (e.g., the junior-to-senior transition; JST), and dual career (DC; i.e., simultaneous transitions in sport and education; Stambulova & Wylleman, 2015). Based on their predictability, transitions are classified as normative, non-normative, and quasi-normative. Normative transitions are relatively predictable based on the athlete’s development in sport and life (e.g., the beginning of sport specialization or transitions between compulsory levels of education) and, therefore, can be planned and prepared for in advance. Non-normative transitions are less predictable (e.g., injuries, deselection, death in the family) and are risky in terms of a crisis outcome. Quasi-normative transitions have been recently introduced (Schinke, Stambulova, Trepanier, & Oghene, 2015; Stambulova, 2016a) based on studies of transitions that could be seen as predictable for a particular category of athletes (e.g., elite junior or senior athletes might expect the transition to a residential high-performance centre, and transnational athletes might expect cultural transitions). From an applied perspective, it is important that quasi-normative transitions can be planned and prepared for. Finally, the transitions are classified in terms of their outcome as successful (i.e., the transition demands are well met) or crisis (i.e., ineffective coping resulting in subclinical symptoms and a need for intervention). Although these terms for the transition outcome are widely used in the literature (e.g., Alfermann & Stambulova, 2007; Stambulova, 2017; Stambulova & Wylleman, 2014), the criteria for successful and crisis transitions are still a matter of debate (e.g., Franck, Stambulova, & Weibull, 2016).

Career Transitions Theoretical Frameworks Human Adaptation to Transition Schlossberg (1981) viewed transitions as predictable life events as well as subtle changes – for example, the loss of career aspirations or the non-occurrence of anticipated events (e.g., not winning a competition after a long period of preparation). In the human adaptation to transition model, importance is attributed not to the transition itself, but rather to how the transition fits within the individual’s particular life stage or situation. The original model postulated that adaptation (or failure to adapt) to a transition is affected by three sets of 120

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factors: (1) the transition-specific characteristics, (2) the pre- and post-transition environmental characteristics, and (3) the individual’s personal characteristics. Adaptation was defined as “a process during which an individual moves from being totally preoccupied with the transition to integrating the transition into his or her life” (Schlossberg, 1981, p. 7). This process is dependent on the balance between an individual’s resources and deficits, as well as the differences between pre- and post-transition environments, support, and individual characteristics. The model was further developed to include four sets of factors influencing individuals’ abilities to cope with transitions: the situation, the self, support, and strategies (Schlossberg, 1989).

Model of Adaptation to Retirement Among Athletes Taylor and Ogilvie (1994, 2001) summarized empirical developments in the area of athletic retirement and suggested the model of adaptation to retirement among athletes. According to this model, the quality of retirement is dependent on three components. The first component concerns the causes of retirement, which might be related to the athlete’s age, deselection, injuries, and/or the athlete’s free choice to retire. The second component includes certain factors involved in adaptation. These relate to a wide range of psychological, social, financial, and occupational changes that athletes tend to experience towards the end of their careers, including developmental experiences, self-identity, perceptions of control over the retirement transition, social identity, and tertiary contributing factors. The third component involves the available resources for retirement adaptation, including coping skills, social support, and pre­ retirement planning. The quality of adaptation is based on all three components, meaning that retirement does not necessarily result in negative emotional or behavioural consequences. The model further specifies a healthy CT and a maladaptive outcome of poor adaptation, as well as interventions. Components of this model were examined in several studies (Alfermann, Stambulova, & Zemaityte, 2004; Coakley, 2006; Grove, Lavallee, & Gordon, 1997; Stephan, Bilard, Ninot, & Delignieres, 2003; Stoltenburg, Kamphoff, & Lindstrom Bremer, 2011), and the model as a whole was tested and supported by, among others, Coakley (2006) and Stoltenburg et al. (2011).

Athletic Career Transition Model Considering Schlossberg’s model as too general and not sport-focused, and Taylor and Ogilvie’s retirement model as too specific, Stambulova proposed the athletic career transition model, which was empirically derived from her studies on Russian athletes’ six athletic transitions (e.g., the beginning of sport specialization, the transition to more intensive training, and the JST). The model, published initially in English in 2003, has been evolving over time, and its current version (Stambulova, 2016b) describes and explains a transition process through the interactions of several transition components displayed in three transition pathways and outcomes. More specifically, in this model, the transition process is defined as coping with a set of transition demands (typically appraised as challenges) using relevant coping strategies and with consideration of internal (person-related) and external (environment-related) resources and barriers. The transition outcomes and relevant pathways are shown to be dependent on the effectiveness of coping. The model predicts two primary transition outcomes: a successful transition and a crisis transition. A successful transition is the outcome of effective coping, with a good fit between transition demands on the one hand and the athlete’s coping resources and strategies on the other (the most favourable transition pathway). This outcome is characterized 121

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by the athlete’s improved performance (in sport and/or other spheres of life) and the posttransition feeling of being well adjusted. A crisis transition is the outcome of ineffective coping, which can be caused by one or more of the following: lack of resources, excessive barriers, and/or ineffective coping strategies. The crisis transition is characterized by a set of subclinical symptoms (e.g., decrease in self-esteem, lasting emotional discomfort, and disorientation in decision-making and behaviour; see more in Stambulova, 2017) and the athlete’s perceived need for intervention. According to the model, a crisis transition might have two secondary outcomes: a “delayed” successful transition in the event of effective transition intervention (the favourable transition pathway) or an unsuccessful transition (the unfavourable transition pathway) associated with premature drop-out, overtraining, substance abuse, or other negative consequences of not coping with the transition demands. Three types of CT intervention related to crisis prevention, crisis coping, and negative-consequences coping are outlined in the model. Although the athletic career transition model was developed based on a series of Russian studies (Stambulova, 1994, 2000, 2003), it was later confirmed by research in other sociocultural contexts (e.g., Brown et al., 2015) and informed studies on the JST (Morris et al., 2015; Stambulova et al., 2012), DC transitions (Brown et al., 2015; Stambulova, Engström, Franck, Linnér, & Lindahl, 2015), the Olympic Games as a CT (Schinke et al., 2015), and cultural transition (Ryba, Stambulova, & Ronkainen, 2016).

Scheme of Change for Sport Psychology Practice The SCSPP (Samuel & Tenenbaum, 2011a) was developed to reflect the conceptual advances made in the area of CTs by focusing on athletes’ within-career transitions (Stambulova et al., 2009), considering various transition pathways (e.g., Stambulova, 2009), and demonstrating that athletic transitions might coincide with transitions in athletes’ psychological, psychosocial, and academic-vocational development (Wylleman, Alfermann, & Lavallee, 2004). At the same time, previous transition models did not emphasize the cognitive components of the transition process (e.g., appraisals, decision-making) involved in mechanisms of change. The SCSPP is an attempt to bridge this gap. The SCSPP describes typical characteristics of athletes’ change processes in terms of potential change-events that disrupt the athletic engagement status quo and create emotional and cognitive imbalance, as well as the psychotherapeutic process that facilitates an effective personal change. It attempts to account for what actually constitutes an effective coping process in terms of psychological change when athletes are facing a disruption of their athletic career status quo. Therefore, the SCSPP provides descriptive, explanatory, and intervention outlooks on the athletic career (Alfermann & Stambulova, 2007). The SCSPP suggests that the athletic career is highly dynamic and is characterized by the appearance of various types of change-event that can disrupt the athletic engagement status quo, cause instability, and initiate a demand for change. Upon experiencing a change-event in their careers, athletes engage in an appraisal process in which they consider the characteristics of the event in the context of their careers, their existing coping resources, and potential solutions. Unique characteristics that might influence athletes’ perceptions of and reactions to career change-events include, for example, the perceived significance of the event (i.e., how much change it creates in the athlete’s career), its temporal nature (i.e., whether it is a distinct event or a longitudinal process), whether it involves merely the athlete (e.g., an injury) or additional individuals (e.g., a conflict with a coach or a colleague), the dimensions in which the change occurs (i.e., whether it is mostly sport-related or includes various life 122

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dimensions), the timing of when the change occurs in athletes’ lives and careers, and the affective nature of the event (i.e., whether it is positive or negative; Samuel & Tenenbaum, 2011a). Upon cognitively elaborating on the new situation, athletes make a strategic decision as to how to initially respond to the change-event, and they can (a) deny/ignore it, (b) cope independently, (c) consult with others, or (d) consult with a sport psychologist. Various factors might affect athletes’ strategic decisions, including their perceived control over the situation, their sport motivation, their athletic identity, their existing coping skills, and their available support (Samuel & Tenenbaum, 2011a). In deciding to avoid change, athletes typically remain in a state of emotional instability unless the situation is favourably resolved without the need for coping or intervention. On the other hand, a decision to change means that the athlete is applying all necessary adjustments to effectively cope with the new situation. This conscious decision is moderated by the athlete’s motivation and capacity for change, the application of therapeutic processes (independently or professionally), and existing psychological support. It is assumed that motivated athletes who also have a capacity for change, and who receive adequate psychological support, will make this decision. Then, athletes will attempt to implement the change in the relevant dimension of the athletic engagement. In implementing the change, athletes will feel in control and will assume responsibility for initiating the change. As a result, they will tend to perceive the outcome of the change process more positively. However, a probabilistic perspective is adopted, recognizing that various factors can affect the outcome of the change process. The SCSPP has received empirical (e.g., Knowles & Lorimer, 2014; Samuel & Tenenbaum, 2011b, 2013; Samuel, Galily, & Tenenbaum, 2017; Samuel, Tenenbaum, & Gil Bar-Mecher, 2016; Samuel et al., 2015; Sanders & Winter, 2016) and applied practice support (Samuel, 2013).

Integrated Career Change and Transition Framework Recently, Samuel, Stambulova, and Ashkenazi (2019) suggested an integrated career change and transition framework (ICCT) to account for the wide spectrum of transition experiences and adaptation/coping processes. According to the ICCT, the transition process begins with a change-event that compromises an athlete’s current status quo and initiates a pre-transition situation. Depending on the respective transition characteristics, athletes are faced with unique demands pertaining to athletic, psychological, social, academic/vocational, financial, and cultural aspects. It should be emphasized that athletes might simultaneously experience several transitions that might be in parallel to each other or intertwined. These transitions might create an added or a competing set of demands (e.g., between sport and studies in a DC transition). In such a case, athletes initially appraise the transition demands, the available resources, and the potential barriers. Appraising the new situation, athletes consider the significance of the transition in their careers, whether the new situation is positive or negative, and their control over the situation. Athletes then make a strategic decision as to how to initially respond to the new situation. Deciding to ignore or avoid the new situation, athletes either return to their career status quo (i.e., as if no transition had begun) or begin to experience a crisis transition and a need for psychological intervention. Depending on the effectiveness of the intervention, this transition pathway then leads to positive or negative transition outcomes. Alternatively, deciding to cope independently with the transition or to consult with others, athletes conduct a second, more aware, appraisal of the transition demands, resources, and barriers. In order to effectively cope with the transition demands and barriers, athletes make a conscious decision to change. When deciding to avoid change (i.e., to not make the required adaptation), athletes typically remain in a state of emotional instability. This, in turn, might lead 123

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to a crisis transition and a need for intervention. When deciding to change, athletes typically examine the possibilities for implementing their decisions and, when implementing the change, they will feel in control and assume responsibility for initiating the change. These attempts will be supported by use of coping strategies, and, as a result, the athletes will have positive perceptions of their change process and transition outcome. To conclude, the ICCT presents a probabilistic model in which several transition pathways can be followed depending on athletes’ decisionmaking and the effectiveness of their coping efforts, as well as the interventions provided to them. The ICCT model was recently used to describe the unique cultural transition of the Israeli men’s U18 national handball team to train and compete in Germany for a competitive season as part of a specialized Training Abroad Program (Samuel et al., 2019).

Research Summary on Athletes’ Major Career Transitions Junior-to-Senior Transition The JST is marked by individual-sport athletes’ progressing to the senior level of competitions or team-sport athletes’ moving to a senior team with which to train and play matches (Stambulova, 1994). Senior sports are characterized by more intense competition seasons, much stronger opponents, and higher publicity and financial incentives compared with the junior level. All of these create demands for transitional athletes in training and competitions (e.g., more intense and deliberate practice and earnings visibility in senior competitions/matches) and in lifestyles and relationships, including, for example, optimal recovery; balancing sport, education, social, and private life; and renewing one’s support network (Finn & McKenna, 2010; Franck, Stambulova, & Ivarsson, 2018; Franck et al., 2016; Pummell et al., 2008). In addition, JST athletes experience a set of concomitant demands in their psychological (e.g., identity construction), psychosocial (e.g., adolescent social life), academic (e.g., beginning higher education), and financial (e.g., searching for sponsors, signing a professional contract) development, which has been well addressed by Wylleman and Rosier (2016; see also the chapter Career Development, Volume 2, Chapter 7, in this encyclopedia). All together, these multiple demands create a highly challenging life situation for athletes in terms of how to distribute their attention, time, and energy in order to cope and succeed at the senior level. Research on the JST showed that only 20–30% of athletes cope successfully with the JST, and the majority of athletes usually drop out or move to a recreational level of sport/exercise (Franck, 2018; Stambulova, 2009; Vanden Auweele, De Martelaer, Rzewnicki, De Knop, & Wylleman, 2004). Therefore, the JST is currently recognized as a decisive transition for athletes aspiring to elite/professional sports and as one of the most challenging within-career transitions (Stambulova & Wylleman, 2014). Most JST-related studies are guided by the holistic lifespan perspective (Wylleman, Reints, & De Knop, 2013) and/or the athletic career transition model (Stambulova, 2003). A relatively new shift involves studying the JST from the holistic ecological perspective (Henriksen, Stambulova, & Roessler, 2010a, 2010b, 2011) and focusing on the environment that might facilitate or hinder the JST (see more in the chapter Talent Development Environments, Volume 2, Chapter 44, in this encyclopedia). Researchers have examined athletes’ successful and less successful transitional experiences and environments (Gledhill & Harwood, 2015; Henriksen, Larsen, & Christensen, 2014), and the key success factors include athletes’ personal resources (e.g., athletic abilities, self-responsibility, and time management) and a supportive environment with available role models and professional assistance (e.g., medical, psychological), complemented by athletes’ optimal interactions with coaches, teammates, peers, and parents 124

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(Franck, 2018; Gledhill & Harwood, 2015; Henriksen & Stambulova, 2017; Morris et al., 2015). The JST might last from several months to a few years and can be described as phase-like (Pehrson, Stambulova, & Olsson, 2017; Stambulova, Pehrson, & Olsson, 2017). Stambulova et al. created an empirical model of phases in the JST of Swedish ice hockey players, with four phases lasting four competitive seasons in total – preparation, orientation, adaptation, and stabilization – containing specific demands, barriers, resources, coping strategies, and outcomes as perceived by the semi-professional players being studied. The follow-up study (Pehrson et al., 2017) validated the empirical model among professional athletes and coaches, and, although the model was found to be adequate and useful, individual variability and non­ linear individual JST trajectories were emphasized. Recently, non-linear individual JST trajectories were revealed in social constructionist research focused on how athletes construct their JST pathways through narratives (Franck & Stambulova, 2018a, 2018b). Finally, JSTrelated studies have highlighted the benefit of athletes having multiple identities and have recommended that significant others (coaches, parents, peers) acknowledge not only the athletic, but also other, aspects of athletes and their identities (Franck, 2018; Gledhill & Harwood, 2015; Pummell et al., 2008).

Dual Career Transitions In the special issue of Psychology of Sport and Exercise entitled “Dual career development and transitions” (Stambulova & Wylleman, 2015), a DC was briefly defined as “a career with major foci on sport and studies or work” (p. 1). DC transitions are athletes’ simultaneous transitions in sport (e.g., to a new level in a sport system) and education or work (to the next level in the educational system or within the working structure). DC in sport and work is almost untouched research territory, with promising results expected from the current European project, “Be a winner in elite sport and employment before and after athletic retirement” (B-WISER, 2018). This project aims at examining employability competencies and experiences of still-active, just-retired, and first-employed athletes and at obtaining work-related stakeholders’ perspectives on athletes’ employability and employment. In contrast, DC in sport and education, including transitions of student-athletes, is currently a popular research topic. DC transitions associated with compulsory school education are normative for athletes, whereas the transition to higher education is an athlete’s choice and, thus, can be classified as quasi-normative. In the North American context, two major DC transitions have been in focus – the transition to university/college and the transition to a vocational post-sport career upon graduation. Only a minority of student-athletes can continue in professional sports after university/college, and, therefore, for a majority of athletes, graduating from higher education is associated with retirement from sports (Petitpas, Brewer, & Van Raalte, 2009; Petitpas, Van Raalte, & Brewer, 2013). To be eligible to compete in the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA), as well as to maintain their scholarship status, student-athletes must meet a minimum grade point average requirement and must make steady progress towards a degree. Therefore, US varsity student-athletes should maintain an effective academic–sport balance as well as proactive thinking and preparation for athletic retirement. Petitpas et al. (2013) overviewed intercollegiate athletes’ developmental tasks throughout the college years (e.g., engaging in self-exploration for the first 2 years, followed by career exploration and preparation for career acquisition for the next 2 years) and career services (with enhancement, support, and counselling strategies) within the CHAMP/Life Skills programme patronized by the NCAA. 125

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Moreover, American DC studies have focused on student-athletes’ athletic and academic identities (Yukhymenko-Lescroart, 2018) and especially on two kinds of athletic identity foreclosure: situational, as derived from low self-exploration and awareness; and psychological, as a defensive strategy to avoid personal crisis (Petitpas & France, 2010). Emerging Australian, New Zealander, and Asian DC studies have focused mainly on university student-athletes and have addressed their multiple demands, barriers, resources, and coping strategies, as well as advocated for better support systems (e.g., Cosh & Tully, 2015; Ryan, 2015; Sum et al., 2017). In Europe, DC research has been fuelled by the EU Guidelines on Dual Careers of Athletes (European Commission, 2012). Researchers have prioritized the holistic lifespan perspective (Wylleman et al., 2013; Wylleman & Rosier, 2016) and have considered DC athletes’ demands not only in sport and education, but also in their psychological, psychosocial, and financial development (for a review, see Stambulova & Wylleman, 2019). Three major transitions of DC athletes have been addressed. First is the transition to upper secondary education, which is associated with a choice between an elite sport school and regular school and initiating the JST (e.g., Gledhill & Harwood, 2015; Stambulova et al., 2015). Second is school graduation, with planning for the future and making a choice between DC continuation at the university level and focusing exclusively on the transition to the senior level in sports (Brown et al., 2015; Ryba, Stambulova, Ronkainen, Bundgaard, & Selänne, 2015; Tekavc, Wylleman, & Cecić Erpič, 2015). The third is graduation from university, which involves a choice between continuation in sport and athletic retirement followed by the post-sport career (Küttel et al., 2017; Torregrosa, Ramis, Pallarés, Azócar, & Selva, 2015). It has been shown that athletes act as active agents in constructing their career (or DC) trajectories, with significant others either providing support or casting doubts on athletes’ career decisions and plans (Knight, Harwood, & Sellars, 2018; Ryba, Ronkainen, & Selänne, 2015; Ryba, Stambulova, Selänne, Aunola, & Nurmi, 2017).

Athletic Retirement Athletic retirement is currently examined from a transition perspective (e.g., Taylor & Ogilvie, 1994), indicating positive and less-positive transition outcomes (for a review, see Knights, Sherry, & Ruddock-Hudson, 2016; Park, Lavallee, & Tod, 2013; Stambulova et al., 2009). Examination of the temporal nature of the transition to the post-career has shown this transition to last between 8 and 19 months (Alfermann et al., 2004; Stambulova, Stephan, & Jäphag, 2007). In this context, Reints (2011) identified four phases in the retirement transition process of elite Flemish athletes, including (a) planning for athletic retirement, (b) career termination, (c) start of the post-athletic career, and (d) reintegration into society. Athletes retire for a variety of reasons. For example, Lavallee, Grove, and Gordon’s (1997) study on Australian athletes identified nine main causes of athletic retirement: work/study commitment, loss of motivation, age, injury, deselection, politics of sport, decrease in performance, finances, and decreased enjoyment. Moesch, Mayer, and Elbe (2012) examined the reasons for retirement in Danish elite athletes and found 10 different reasons, with lack of motivation, injury or health problems, and family-related reasons being the top three. Several researchers have classified the reasons for retirement as (a) voluntary versus involuntary, (b) planned versus unplanned, and (c) athletic versus non-athletic, but these classifications have been called into question (Fernandez, Stephan, & Fouquereau, 2006). This has led researchers to adopt a push (i.e., negative considerations to retire), pull (i.e., positive considerations to retire), anti-push (i.e., attachment to one’s current situation/status), and anti-pull (i.e., risks 126

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associated with the future) approach to studying athletes’ reasons for retirement and to developing related measurements (e.g., Fernandez et al., 2006; Reints, 2011). Athletes’ decision-making processes concerning their retirement were found to be multifaceted and complex, developing over an extended period of time (Kerr & Dacyshyn, 2000). Park, Lavallee, and Tod (2012) examined the decision-making process of 12 current and former elite Korean tennis-players using the stages of change model (Prochaska, DiClemente, & Norcross, 1992) and found that the athletes’ decision-making process developed through a series of stages (pre-contemplation, contemplation, preparation, preparation moratorium, and action). Three higher-order themes emerged: readiness for retirement, psychological responses during decision-making, and the use of coping strategies. The athletes’ decisions to retire were actualized during the preparation stage as they were evaluating the pros and cons of retirement. As a result of making the decision to retire, athletes felt more positive emotions, including feelings of relief, comfort, and excitement for their new future. Career termination can be associated with psychological distress for many athletes, and athletes tend to experience numerous demands during the transition to retirement (Knights et al., 2016), including occupational/financial demands (Dimoula, Torregrosa, Psychountaki, & Gonzalez Fernandez, 2013), family/social demands (Cecić Erpič, Wylleman, & Zupančič, 2004), and even demands related to their new eating patterns (Cooper & Winter, 2017). Several studies have reported that between 15% and 20% of retiring athletes experience psychological distress at a level requiring professional intervention (Alfermann, 2000; Lavallee, Nesti, Borkoles, Cockerill, & Edge, 2000; Wippert & Wippert, 2008). This means that, in general, the majority of athletes adjust well to their post-career life as manifested in their subjective well-being and life satisfaction (e.g., Martin, Fogarty, & Albion, 2014; Stephan et al., 2003). Nevertheless, research has indicated large interindividual variance in athletes’ responses to retirement (Stambulova et al., 2009). The quality of athletes’ adaptation to retirement is determined by various psychosocial and developmental factors, including the cause of retirement; the perception of retirement as a relief and not as a loss; the personal experience of the athlete; the athlete’s national, social, and athletic identities; and the athlete’s personal coping and social resources (for a review, see Alfermann & Stambulova, 2007; Knights et al., 2016; Küttel et al., 2017; Lavallee, 2000; Park et al., 2013). Forced termination of the athletic career as a result of deselection or injury might be associated with negative emotional reaction, loss of identity, and maladaptive adjustment (Blakelock, Chen, & Prescott, 2016; Buβmann & Alfermann, 1994; Lavallee, Grove, et al., 1997; Samuel & Tenenbaum, 2011b; Webb, Nasco, Riley, & Headrick, 1998). On the other hand, voluntarily deciding to retire is associated with more adaptive adjustment to the post-career (Cecić Erpič et al., 2004; Küttel et al., 2017). Athletes who plan their retirement tend to experience greater life satisfaction and more positive emotions (Alfermann et al., 2004; Perna, Ahlgren, & Zaichkowsky, 1999; Torregrosa, Boixadós, Valiente, & Cruz, 2004), but most athletes do not necessarily plan their retirement (Alfermann et al., 2004). Research has also indicated that athletes with an exclusive athletic identity are more susceptible to experiencing psychological distress and adaptation difficulties upon retirement (Alfermann et al., 2004; Brewer, Van Raalte, & Petitpas, 2000; Cecić Erpič et al., 2004; Grove et al., 1997; Lavallee, Gordon, & Grove, 1997; Ungerleider, 1997). In this context, a longitudinal study (Torregrosa et al., 2015) with 15 Olympic athletes indicated that a DC might facilitate athletes’ retirement and post-CT compared with athletes who have an exclusive athletic identity and who focus solely on sport. Furthermore, athletes’ personal coping and social resources (i.e., within and out of sport) are critical for the retirement transition (Clowes, 127

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Lindsay, Fawcett, & Knowles, 2015). During a career, the within-sport support plays a critical role, whereas, in retirement, the support of family and friends outside the sport context becomes more influential (Alfermann & Stambulova, 2007; Lavallee, 2000; Park et al., 2013).

Cultural Praxis of Athletes’ Careers and Emerging Career Transition Research In the ISSP monograph Athletes’ Careers across Cultures (Stambulova & Ryba, 2013a), leading career researchers from 19 countries provided reviews of their national career research and assistance programmes. In the final chapter, the editors (Stambulova & Ryba, 2013b) summarized international research, picked up the emerging conceptual and methodological trends, and integrated them in a paradigm termed “cultural praxis of athletes’ careers”. This paradigm encourages researchers to blend theories, research, and practice with athletes’ related contexts (see also Stambulova, 2016b; Stambulova & Ryba, 2014). More specifically, the cultural praxis of athletes’ careers promotes the holistic lifespan and ecological perspectives, the contextualization of career projects and researchers’ cultural awareness and reflexivity, the study of transnational and minority (marginalized) athletes, the exploration of individual career trajectories, and the growth of participatory action research and multicultural consulting. This paradigm has stimulated new research on the JST from the holistic ecological approach (Henriksen et al., 2010a, 2010b, 2011), transitions to residential high-performance centres (Poczwardowski, Diehl, O’Neil, Cote, & Haberl, 2013), cultural transitions (see Ryba, Schinke, Stambulova, & Elbe, 2018, and Volume 2, Chapter 45, in this encyclopedia), the Olympic Games as a transition (e.g., Schinke et al., 2015), and injury as a transition (Ivarsson, Stambulova, & Johnson, 2016). See Stambulova (2016a) for an overview of emerging transition research.

Conclusion In a meta-review of two books and eight review papers, Stambulova (2012) traced the evolution of the CT topic in sport psychology over the past few decades. This evolution was described through the following major shifts: (a) from defining a transition as an event to seeing it as a process; (b) from perceiving athletic retirement as a social death to seeing it as a social rebirth; (c) from a particular focus on athletic retirement research to a holistic lifespan/ developmental perspective in studying athletic and non-athletic and normative and nonnormative transitions; (d) from theoretical frameworks developed in other disciplines to frameworks specific to sport; (e) from a career description to the explanation of a transition process, and then to career assistance interventions and programmes; and (f) from perceiving the body of CT knowledge as universal and applicable to any culture to more culturally informed career research and interventions. Since publication of this meta-review, the CT topic has been developed further, and, based on its overview in this chapter, the most recent developments include: (1) an additional new conceptualization of a transition as a career change-event; (2) two new transition frameworks (the SCSPP and the ICCT); (3) an update of the transition taxonomy (e.g., introducing quasi-normative transitions); and (4) the cultural praxis of athletes’ career paradigm that has stimulated emergent research on several new transitions (e.g., cultural, injury) and the development of contextualized empirical frameworks (e.g., the phases in the JST of Swedish ice hockey players). The aforementioned developments in the CT topic paint CT research as being highly intertwined with career development research (see more in the chapter Career Development, Volume 2, Chapter 7, in this encyclopedia). Therefore, career development frameworks 128

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describing careers through a number of stages with transitions in-between (e.g., Bloom, 1985; Salmela, 1994; Stambulova, 1994; Wylleman & Lavallee, 2004; Wylleman et al., 2013), and, presented in this volume (see the chapter Career Development), CT frameworks explaining factors interplaying in a transition processes should be considered as complementary in addressing athlete career issues. We point out that it is misleading to understand and examine career and transitions separately, and we advocate for a highly dynamic view of an athlete’s career, with transitions being driving forces in maintaining or changing the individual’s career trajectory. In today’s intense, dynamic life, athletes often experience several transitions concurrently, leading to added or conflicting sets of demands, and, through decision-making processes, they prioritize some of them while marginalizing others. Further on, by allocating time, effort, and other relevant resources to coping with prioritized demands, athletes construct their career trajectories by trying also to anticipate the environmental variations that might influence the coping process and outcomes. Depending on the effectiveness in prioritizing demands and the effectiveness of coping, the career trajectories can show patterns of progression, stagnation, or decay in relation to athletes’ performance, status, financial income, and health and well-being, and these patterns might influence their decisions to face new transitions or attempt to avoid them (Stambulova, 2017). The availability and quality of social and professional support for transitional athletes might facilitate or hinder their coping and, thus, influence the emerging career development pattern (see more in the chapter Career Assistance Programmes, Volume 2, Chapter 6, in this encyclopedia). With this type of thinking, we shift from a deterministic (or linear) view to a probabilistic (non-linear) view of an athlete’s career as driven by transitions, decision-making, coping, and environmental influences. Promotion of all recent developments in the CT topic in line with the probabilistic career view is proposed as an agenda for the future.

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Natalia B. Stambulova and Roy David Samuel Ryba, T. V., Ronkainen, N. J., & Selänne, H. (2015). Elite athletic career as a context for life design. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 88, 47–55. Ryba, T. V., Schinke, R. J., Stambulova, N., & Elbe, A.-M. (2018). ISSP position stand: Transnationalism, mobility, and acculturation in and through sport. International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 16, 520–534. Ryba, T. V., Stambulova, N., Ronkainen, N., Bundgaard, J., & Selänne, H. (2015). Dual career pathways of transnational athletes. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 21, 125–134. Ryba, T. V., Stambulova, N., Selänne, H., Aunola, K., & Nurmi, J.-E. (2017). “Sport has always been first for me” but “all my free time is spent doing homework”: Dual career styles in late adolescence. Psych­ ology of Sport and Exercise, 33, 131–140. Ryba, T. V., Stambulova, N. B., & Ronkainen, N. J. (2016). The work of cultural transition: An emerging model. Frontiers in Psychology, 7, 427. Salmela, J. H. (1994). Phases and transitions across sports career. In D. Hackfort (Ed.), Psycho-social issues and interventions in elite sport (pp. 11–28). Frankfurt: Lang. Samuel, R. D. (2013). Counseling athletes in career change-events: Applying the scheme of change for sport psychology practice. Journal of Sport Psychology in Action, 4, 152–168. Samuel, R. D., Galily, Y., & Tenenbaum, G. (2017). Who are you, ref? Defining the soccer referee’s career using a change-based perspective. International Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 15, 118–130. doi:10.1080/1612197X.2015.1079792 Samuel, R. D., Stambulova, N., & Ashkenazi, Y. (2019). Cultural transition of the Israeli men’s U18 national handball team migrated to Germany: A case study. Sport in Society. doi: 10.1080/ 17430437.2019.1565706. Samuel, R. D., & Tenenbaum, G. (2011a). The role of change in athletes’ careers: A scheme of change for sport psychology practice. The Sport Psychologist, 25, 233–252. Samuel, R. D., & Tenenbaum, G. (2011b). How do athletes perceive and respond to change events: An exploratory measurement tool. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 12, 392–406. Samuel, R. D., & Tenenbaum, G. (2013). Athletes’ decision-making in career change-events. The Sport Psychologist, 27, 78–82. Samuel, R. D., Tenenbaum, G., & Gil Bar-Mecher, H. (2016). The Olympic Games as a career changeevent: Israeli athletes’ and coaches’ perceptions of London 2012. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 24, 38–47. Samuel, R. D., Tenenbaum, G., Mangel, E., Virshuvski, R., Chen, T., & Badir, A. (2015). Athletes’ experi­ ences of severe injuries as a career change-event. Journal of Sport Psychology in Action, 6, 99–120. Sanders, P., & Winter, S. (2016). Going pro: Exploring adult triathletes’ transitions into elite sport. Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology, 5, 193–205. Schinke, R. J., Stambulova, N. B., Trepanier, D., & Oghene, O. (2015). Psychological support for the Can­ adian Olympic Boxing Team in meta-transitions through the National Team Program. International Jour­ nal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 13, 74–89. Schlossberg, N. K. (1981). A model for analyzing human adaptation to transition. The Counseling Psycholo­ gist, 9, 2–18. Schlossberg, N. K. (1984). Counseling adults in transition. New York: Springer. Schlossberg, N. K. (1989). Overwhelmed: Coping with life’s ups and downs. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Sinclair, D. A., & Orlick, T. (1994). The effects of transition on high performance sport. In D. Hackfort (Ed.), Psycho-social issues and interventions in elite sports (pp. 29–55). Frankfurt: Lang. Stambulova, N. (1994). Developmental sports career investigations in Russia: A post-perestroika-analysis. The Sport Psychologist, 8, 221–237. Stambulova, N. (2000). Athlete’s crises: A developmental perspective. International Journal of Sport Psych­ ology, 31, 584–601. Stambulova, N. (2003). Symptoms of a crisis-transition: A grounded theory study. In N. Hassmen (Ed.), SIPF yearbook 2003 (pp. 97–109). Orebro: Orebro University. Stambulova, N. (2009). Talent development in sport: A career transition perspective. In E. Tsung-Min Hung, R. Lidor, & D. Hackfort (Eds.), Psychology of sport excellence (pp. 63–74). Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology. Stambulova, N. (2012). Working with athletes in career transitions. In S. Hanton & S. Mellalieu (Eds.), Pro­ fessional practice in sport psychology: A review (pp. 165–194). London: Routledge.

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Career Transitions Stambulova, N. (2016a). Athletes’ transitions in sport and life: Positioning new research trends within exist­ ing system of athlete career knowledge. In R. J. Schinke, K. McGannon, & B. Smith (Eds.), The Routledge international handbook of sport psychology (pp. 519–535). London: Routledge. Stambulova, N. (2016b). Theoretical developments in career transition research: Contributions of European sport psychology. In M. Raab, P. Wylleman, R. Seiler, A.-M. Elbe, & A. Hatzigeorgiadis (Eds.). Sport and exercise psychology research: From theory to practice (pp. 251–268). London: Elsevier. Stambulova, N. (2017). Crisis-transitions in athletes: Current emphases on cognitive and contextual factors. Current Opinion in Psychology, 16, 62–66. Stambulova, N., Alfermann, D., Statler, T., & Côté, J. (2009). Career development and transitions of ath­ letes: The ISSP position stand. International Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 7, 395–412. Stambulova, N., Engström, C., Franck, A., Linnér, L., & Lindahl, K. (2015). Searching for an optimal balance: Dual career experiences of Swedish adolescent athletes. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 21, 4–14. Stambulova, N., Franck, A., & Weibull, F. (2012). Assessment of the transition from junior to senior sports in Swedish athletes. International Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 10, 1–17. Stambulova, N., Pehrson, S., & Olsson, K. (2017). Phases in the junior-to-senior transition of Swedish ice-hockey players: From a conceptual framework to an empirical model. International Journal of Sport Science and Coaching, 12(2), 231–244. Stambulova, N., & Ryba, T. (2014). A critical review of career research and assistance through the cultural lens: Towards cultural praxis of athletes’ careers. International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 7, 1–17. Stambulova, N., & Ryba, T. V. (2013a). Athletes’ careers across cultures. New York: Routledge. Stambulova, N., & Ryba, T. V. (2013b). Setting the bar: Towards cultural praxis of atheltes’ careers. In N. Stambulova & T. V. Ryba (Eds.), Athletes’ careers across cultures (pp. 235–254). New York: Routledge. Stambulova, N., Stephan, Y., & Jäphag, U. (2007). Athletic retirement: A cross-national comparison of elite French and Swedish athletes. Psychology of Sport & Exercise, 8, 101–118. Stambulova, N., & Wylleman, P. (2014). Athletes’ career development and transitions. In A. Papaioannou & D. Hackfort (Eds.), Routledge companion to sport and exercise psychology (pp. 605–621). London: Routledge. Stambulova, N., & Wylleman, P. (Eds.) (2015). Dual career development and transitions. Psychology of Sport and Exercise [Special Issue] 21, 1–134. Stambulova, N., & Wylleman, P. (2019). Psychology of athletes’ dual careers: A state-of-the-art critical review of the European discourse. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 42, 74–88. Stephan, Y., Bilard, J., Ninot, G., & Delignieres, D. (2003). Repercussions of transition out of elite sport on subjective well-being: A one-year study. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 15, 354–371. Stoltenburg, A. L., Kamphoff, C. S., & Lindstrom Bremer, K. (2011). Transitioning out of sport: The psycho­ social effects of collegiate athletes’ career-ending injuries. Athletic Insight, 3, 115–134. Sum, R. K. W., Tsai, H.-H., Ha, A. S. C., Cheng, C., Wang, F., & Li, M. (2017, April–June). Socialecological determinants of elite student athletes’ dual career development in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Sage Open, 1–12. Swain, D. A. (1991). Withdrawal from sport and Schlossberg’s model of transitions. Sociology of Sport Jour­ nal, 8, 152–160. Taylor, J., & Ogilvie, B. C. (1994). A conceptual model of adaptation to retirement among athletes. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 6, 1–20. Taylor, J., & Ogilvie, B. C. (2001). Career termination among athletes. In R. N. Singer, H. E. Hausenblas, & C. M. Janelle (Eds.), Handbook of sport psychology (pp. 672–691). New York: Wiley. Tekavc, J., Wylleman, P., & Cecić Erpič, S. (2015). Perceptions of dual career development among elite level swimmers and basketball players. Psychology of Sport & Exercise, 21, 27–41. Torregrosa, M., Boixadós, L., Valiente, L., & Cruz, J. (2004). Elite athletes’ image of retirement: The way to relocation in sport. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 5, 35–43. Torregrosa, M., Ramis, Y., Pallarés, S., Azócar, F., & Selva, C. (2015). Olympic athletes back to retirement: A qualitative longitudinal study. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 21, 50–56. Ungerleider, S. (1997). Olympic athletes’ transitions from sport to workplace. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 84, 1287–1295. Vanden Auweele, Y., De Martelaer, K., Rzewnicki, R., De Knop, P., & Wylleman, P. (2004). Parents and coaches: A help or harm? Affective outcomes for children in sport. In Y. Vanden Auweele (Ed.), Ethics in youth sport (pp. 179–194). Leuven: Lannoocampus.

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Natalia B. Stambulova and Roy David Samuel Webb, W. M., Nasco, S. A., Riley, S., & Headrick, B. (1998). Athlete identity and reactions to retirement from sport. Journal of Sport Behavior, 21, 338–362. Werthner, P., & Orlick, T. (1986). Retirement experiences of successful Olympic athletes. International Jour­ nal of Sport Psychology, 17, 337–363. Wippert, P., & Wippert, J. (2008). Perceived stress and prevalence of traumatic stress symptoms following athletic career termination. Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 2, 1–16. Wylleman, P., Alfermann, D., & Lavallee, D. (2004). Career transitions in sport: European perspectives. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 5, 7–20. Wylleman, P., & Lavallee, D. (2004). A developmental perspective on transitions faced by athletes. In M. Weiss (Ed.), Developmental sport and exercise psychology: A lifespan perspective (pp. 507–527). Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology. Wylleman, P., Lavallee, D., & Alfermann, D. (1999). Transitions in the career of competitive athletes. Lund: FEPSAC. Wylleman, P., Reints, A., & De Knop, P. (2013). A developmental and holistic perspective on athletic career development. In P. Sotiaradou & V. De Bosscher (Eds.), Managing high performance sport (pp. 159–182). New York: Routledge. Wylleman, P., & Rosier, N. (2016). Holistic perspective of the development of elite athletes. In M. Raab, P. Wylleman, R. Seiler, A.-M. Elbe, & A. Hatzigeorgiadis (Eds.). Sport and exercise psychology research: From theory to practice (pp. 270–288). London: Elsevier. Yukhymenko-Lescroart, M. A. (2018). On identity and sport conduct of student-athletes: Considering athletic and academic contexts. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 34, 10–19.

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10

COACHES’ DECISION-MAKING

John Lyle and Bob Muir

Introduction Coaches’ decision-making has been identified as a key element of coaches’ practice (Coutts, 2017; Till, Muir, Abraham, Piggott, & Tee, 2018). Indeed, there have been suggestions that decisionmaking may be considered the defining feature of coaching expertise (e.g. Abraham & Collins, 2011; Lyle & Vergeer, 2013). Nevertheless, attempts at a theoretical underpinning as a legitimate basis for empirical work are a relatively recent part of coaching science and reflect a greater attention to the cognitive aspects of expertise (Nash & Collins, 2006; North, 2017). Decisionmaking may be defined as ‘making discretionary judgements’, which Beckett (1996) identifies as the distinguishing feature of professional activity, or ‘committing oneself to a course of action’ (Lipshitz, Klein, Orasanu, & Salas, 2001, p. 346). The relevance of decision-making to practice is something that is likely to resonate with sport coaches. This is evident in, for example, team selection, managing competition performance, devising strategy, managing the delivery of interventions, planning, responding to crises, providing appropriate feedback, and interacting with athletes (Lyle, 1999). Decisions are classified in a number of ways, depending on their immediacy and automacy. Kahneman (2012) identifies Type-1 decisions as fast and instinctive, and Type-2 decisions as more deliberative and analytical. Svenson (1996) offers four categories: automatic and unconscious decisions, those exhibiting no compelling issues, those in which conflicting goals are attached to outcomes, and decisions in which neither the alternatives nor the attributes are fixed. Goldstein and Weber (1995) also propose four types of decision: non-deliberative, associative, rule-based, and schema-based. These are categorized by the way in which knowledge is accessed to evaluate alternatives. Klein and Weick (2000) distinguish between rational, intuitive, and experiential decision-making. The generalized distinction between decisions with clearly identified alternatives and objectives, and those associated with more dynamic environments, is redolent of the contrast between the experimental approach characteristic of judgement and decision-making research in psychology and experience-dependent naturalistic decision-making (Lipshitz et al., 2001; Mosier, Fischer, Hoffman, & Klein, 2018; Teigen, 1996). Lyle (2010) identifies the serial nature of decisionmaking as significant in sport coaching, having relevance for an intervention process in which decisions are interconnected and interdependent (e.g., delivering training sessions or managing competition; Harvey, Lyle, & Muir, 2015; Jones, Bowes, & Kingston, 2010). He suggests a semideliberative decision process would be the most apt descriptor (Lyle, 2002). 135

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It is important to acknowledge that coaches’ decision-making, although there may be some commonalities, is distinguished from the dynamic decision-making of sport performers (see Belling, Suss, & Ward, 2015, for a review of relevant research). Further, the academic literature can be divided into a focus on ‘how’ decisions are made (decision processes) and decisions relevant to specific aspects of coaching (decision policies). Clearly, the latter category is wide-ranging; examples of this breadth can be found in overtraining (Pope, Penny, & Smith, 2018), selection policies (Bradbury & Forsyth, 2012), and ‘return to play’ decisionmaking (Shrier, Safai, & Charland, 2014). In this chapter, we chart the emergence of coaches’ decision-making in the academic literature, review the research conducted, and consider the impact of decision-making research on coach education and development.

Historical Development Research in the 1970s and 1980s was characteristically focused on coaches’ individual dispositions (Hendry, 1972) and on descriptive observation of coaches’ behaviour, with the development of a wide range of behavioural recording and analysis instruments (Anshel, 1987). The scope of the research was limited by the, largely North American, emphasis on the organizational role of the high school and collegiate coach and analyses of teacher/coach episodic sessional behaviour (Kahan, 1999). Much of the research consisted of behavioural profiles of coaches and the manipulation of the sites of inquiry or coaches’ competition records (e.g., Claxton, 1988; Lacy & Darst, 1985). There was little or no direct attention to coaches’ decision-making, either process or policy. However, coaches’ decision styles, derived from the degree of participation in decision-making by the performer, were incorporated into the Leadership Scale for Coaches (Chelladurai & Salah, 1980). Coaches’ behaviours were classified as autocratic, consultative, participative, or delegative, but there was no attention to how coaches made decisions, or the basis on which they made them. Decision styles were at the heart of a very substantial research literature at that time (e.g., Chelladurai & Arnott, 1985; Gilbert & Trudel, 2004; Terry, 1984). The distinction between autocratic and democratic decision styles of coaching continues to be evident in research, particularly in youth sport (e.g., Bartholomew, Ntoumanis, & ThøgersenNtoumani, 2010; Erickson & Côté, 2015; Sullivan, Paquette, Holt, & Bloom, 2012; Vella, Oades, & Crowe, 2012). The extent of athletes’ engagement in decision-making remains central to the discourse on athletes’ empowerment (Kidman, 2005; Nash, 2015; Purdy, 2018) and autonomy in relation to internal motivation based on self-determination theory (Amorose & Anderson-Butcher, 2007; Mageau & Vallerand, 2003; Mallett, 2005). As early as 1970, Cratty (1970) had identified the potential of psychology for understanding coaches’ decision-making, but acknowledged that there was, as yet, no relevant research to support such a contribution. The quantitative experimental tradition associated with behavioural science, largely via questionnaire and observation, was ill-equipped to address the decision-making process, although the behaviour modification research of Smith, Smoll, and Curtis (1978, 1979) had some impact on coaching in youth sport. At that time, research associated with the cognitive science of judgement and decision-making did not address complex problems (Hastie, 2001), and the contribution of the heuristics and biases research of Tversky and Kahneman (1974) had not yet been recognized in coaching studies. Perhaps more significantly, research to this point did not suit the nascent emergence of the coaching process as a focus for study (Lyle, 1984, 1986). Martens (1987), recognizing the dilemma, called for greater attention to be paid to experiential knowledge and a move away from ‘orthodox science’, particularly laboratory studies. 136

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Throughout the 1990s, research continued to focus on decision policies and decision styles. However, by the second half of the decade, a greater emphasis on the cognitive aspects of coaches’ behaviour and the establishment of coaching as an interactive process (Gilbert, Trudel, & Haughian, 1999; Jones, Housner, & Kornspan, 1997) had presaged a gradual move towards the ‘how’ of decision-making. Throughout the 1990s, policy research into specific issues in coaching practice attempted to demonstrate good practice (Dennis & Carron, 1999; Duke & Corlett, 1992; Flint & Weiss, 1992; Ransone & Dunn-Bennett, 1999; Vergeer & Hogg, 1999). These studies employed questionnaires and simulation/scenarios to evaluate coaches’ responses to alternative choices and to identify factors (e.g., competition proximity, age/stage, location, performance standard) that influenced decision choices. However, there was little, if any, field-based research. The absence of in situ research designs resulted in more manageable and reproducible studies, but failed to address the coaches’ prior knowledge of the actors and context, the processual nature of serial decision-making, and the interdependence of goals and decision options. Nevertheless, a number of papers throughout the 1990s began to identify cognitive features associated with coaches’ decision-making. Lyle (1992) investigated the degree of systematic practice of 30 coaches across three sports. He found that coaches amended their plans using a decision-making process dependent on intuition and the triggering of crisis thresholds. He emphasized the coach’s knowledge-in-practice and introduced Schön’s (1987) work on reflection-in-action as a potential explanatory framework. The often-cited study of gymnastics coaches by Côté, Salmela, Trudel, Baria, and Russell (1995) established that coaches’ behaviour was characterized by an integration of performer, performance, and contextual factors. The authors introduced the notion of mental models, through which coaches organized their knowledge. Although there was no attempt to identify the ‘how’ of decision-making, the study provided a basis for further studies, particularly their speculation that the coaches’ mental models were continually modified. Abraham and Collins’s (1998) exploration of coaches’ expertise did not deal directly with decision-making but employed cognitive psychology literature to substantiate a view on coaches’ cognitive organization. Their emphasis on declarative and propositional knowledge would later be elaborated in the decision-making literature. Saury and Durand’s (1998) study of Olympic sailing coaches demonstrated that coaches were dependent on their previous experience for managing their coaching interactions with athletes. In order to assist coaches to ‘make sense’ of the coaching environment, they used their experience to create stories and scenarios and relied upon contextual repertoires of potential actions to guide their decision-making. A review of the literature and a consolidation of the evidence to that point in time was provided by Lyle (1999). He identified a number of features of coaches’ decision-making that would subsequently become part of the research agenda in this field and gave an overview of decision-making practice. For example, non-deliberative decision-making was equated with the time-constrained interventions of coaches, often with incomplete information and significant levels of uncertainty. He emphasized the need to address the serial nature of context-dependent decision-making and the challenges for research into apparently intuitive decisions and largely tacit knowledge. Despite this, coaches do cope with complexity and uncertainty, and perhaps the most prescient contribution of the work is the introduction of naturalistic decision-making (NDM; elaborated later) as a mechanism through which to understand and operationalize decision-making in dynamic micro moments of coaching intervention. Lyle acknowledges the need to distinguish, and account for, the complementarity of rational intention and apparently intuitive implementation (1999, p. 215). He draws upon the ‘dual cognitive architecture’ of 137

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Boreham (1988, 1994) and his research on the match coaching decisions of volleyball coaches to propose four models of decision-making (schema, script schema, case script, and slow interactive script) that coaches employ to cope with non-deliberative decision-making. In the schema model, coaches’ (expert and experienced) pattern recognition of situations triggers a match with stored repertoires of situations with similar features and prompts solutions that match previous tried and tested outcomes. With higher levels of uncertainty, optimal solutions may need to be further modified. A specific version of this is the case script, in which a greater familiarity with the actors and circumstances can be matched to almost synonymous previous instances of ‘what works and when’. The script schema applies in circumstances in which there is an ‘unfolding situation’ (e.g., ingame coaching). Continuous scanning of the environment alerts the coach to potential action (both planned and emergent). The coach uses stored examples of previous scripts to create a contemporary ‘story’ that anticipates a likely course of action and, at the same time, the likely outcomes of decisions that might be taken. Lyle speculates that, in the absence of rule-based heuristics, coaches create a personal repertoire of ‘if … then’ propositions that enable them to speedily match potential decisions against likely outcomes. However, the type of decision that most closely addresses the coach’s intervention practice (that is, the coach’s design, delivery, and management of goal-derived and planned activities to improve performance) was the slow interactive script model. This might be best described as ‘semi-deliberative’. This mode of decisionmaking acknowledges that many coaching decisions are made in circumstances where, despite an element of time pressure and incomplete information (plus the vagaries of human dispositions and emotions), there is less need for an immediate recognition-response decision but an opportunity for some deliberation (including intentional delay). The coach will not evaluate all possible alternative actions, but continuous situational analysis and recourse to stored schemata will reduce the alternatives and provide the coach with a measure of control of the intervention. By the turn of the century, decision-making had been firmly established as part of the coaching science literature. Decision styles and decision policy research would remain a constant feature of the literature, but greater attention to the cognitive aspects of coaches’ expertise was beginning to generate academic interest in the decision-making processes that would best characterize coaches’ interactive, context-dependent, complex, and multivariable practice. It was accepted that much of coaches’ knowledge was tacit, and that experience-based knowledge was being accessed to enable coaches to cope with such practice. Despite this, there was no evidence that the academic literature had an impact on coach education and development.

Expansion and Diversity The first decade of the new millennium was characterized by a continuation of research using decision styles as a variable and isolated examples of decision policies. Over this period, there was a gradual incorporation of NDM assumptions into academic writing and a move, albeit gradual, away from questionnaire-based research designs to a more varied diet of inquiry methods. While accepting that there would be examples of non-time pressured decision-making by coaches, experience-based decision models began to assume some greater significance as the coaching literature acknowledged the role of interactive decision-making in the micro-management of training sessions, competitions, and interpersonal communication between coach and athlete. Although much of the North American literature continued to focus on youth sport (see Camiré, 2014), the coaching-related academic literature began to give the performance domain a greater significance (e.g., Erickson & Côté, 2007; Mallett & Côté, 2006; Rynne, Mallett, & Tinning, 2006). 138

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Decision styles research across more varying domains and roles remained prominent (Giske, Benestad, Haraldstad & Høigaard, 2013; Hatamleh, Abu Al-Ruz & Hindawi, 2009; Loughead & Hardy, 2005), but it began to be used by other ‘schools’ of research as a marker for moreand less-appropriate approaches to coaching practice. Evidence had accumulated over the years that athletes’ preferences and satisfaction were dependent on domain, gender, and sport. In general, youth sport participants preferred a ‘democratic’ leadership style with shared decision-making. However, older and more mature athletes, males, and those in interactive team sports preferred more autocratic (decisions by the coach) styles (Crust & Lawrence, 2006; Horn, 2002). Although decision styles had been used rather uncritically as a marker for coaches’ behaviour, they became associated with a number of fields of study in coaching science, in which decision style was one of a pattern of behaviours, and shared decisionmaking was associated with positive outcomes. In research on teaching games for understanding and other similar pedagogical approaches, the absence of directive decisionmaking by the coach or teacher was associated with players’ capacity for tactical decisionmaking and understanding (Croad & Vinson, 2018; Práxedes, Del Villar, Pizarro & Moreno, 2018). The absence of shared decision-making was also a feature of emotional abuse, particularly with female athletes (Stirling & Kerr, 2009); coaches’ taking decisions was also considered ‘objectionable’, as an example of athletes being treated as a ‘means to an end’ (Fry, 2000). The locus of decision-making forms part of research into the quality and efficacy of interpersonal relationships between coach and athlete (Hampson & Jowett, 2014) and is part of a profile of behaviours leading to more or less autonomy-supportive coaching practice (Ahlberg, Mallett & Tinning, 2008; Mageau & Vallerand, 2003). A further and substantial school of academic writing has adopted a critical stance on sport coaching as a site of social inquiry (Jones, Potrac, Cushion, & Ronglan, 2011). The extent to which coaches exert ‘control’ over athletes is partly determined by the locus of decisionmaking. Athletes are thought to be disenfranchised by their lack of decision-making power in performance development. These studies seek to empower athletes through more participative and athlete-centred practice (Denison, Mills, & Konoval, 2017). There was also a continuation and further development of policy research – that is, identifying appropriate decision outcomes in coaching practice. Not surprisingly, these are evident, not in emergent interactive decisions, but in ‘choice of alternatives’ studies in which there is an element of deliberation. An interesting development has been an examination of coaching decisions taken in competition. These are generally examples of statistical support to enable more-informed decisions by coaches. For example, Sackrowitz (2000) examined the decisions taken by American football coaches about whether to opt for one or two point additions when scoring a touchdown. A similar study in that sport considered the relative advantages of punting or passing on ‘fourth down’ (Romer, 2002). Ferrera, Volossovitch, and Sampaio (2014) conducted an investigation into the impact of game critical moments on decision-making in basketball, and the use of substitutes in soccer (Silva & Swartz, 2016) and the timing of time-outs in volleyball (Abreu et al., 2017) have also been studied. In an interesting paper, Ni and McGarrity (n.d.) showed that coaches’ decisions in basketball were more effective than those made by players. An example of statistical support for player selection was proposed by Trninić, Papić, Trninić, and Vukičević (2008). The use of technology to collect personal and performance data (e.g., weight, medical condition, performance analysis, and projection) has been interpreted as ‘intrusive surveillance’, leading to athlete passivity and compliance (Johns & Johns, 2000). Williams and Manley (2016) suggest that reliance on such technology and statistical data can lead to a lack of trust in interpersonal relationships and in decision-making. However, Collins, Carson, and Cruikshank (2015) point out that the use of performance analysis is both a necessary and common feature of planning for 139

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improvement in sport performance, and appropriate use of technology and data, in concert with transparency and player involvement, can be a positive feature of performance coaching. Despite the continuation of research on decision styles and policies, there was little initial progress on the decision-making process itself – how coaches make decisions. Lyle (1999, 2002) had introduced the potential of NDM to describe and explain the decision-making of experienced sport coaches, but it was some time before this paradigm found its way on to the research agenda. The academic literature had become heavily influenced by the extensive work of Robyn Jones. It was he and his co-writers who criticized a conception of coaching as a linear, rational, systematic process and, along with this critique, behavioural research assumptions. The coaching process became accepted as a complex, dynamic interaction between athlete and coach, heavily contingent on the social milieu, and with the management and delivery of the intervention process subject to negotiation between coach and athlete (Bowes & Jones, 2006; Jones et al., 2010; Jones & Wallace, 2005). Despite some criticism of the balance between structured improvisation and instrumental accommodation, and an emphasis on interpersonal relationships to the exclusion of performance-related decisions (Lyle, 2007; Lyle & Cushion, 2017), the weight of academic writing was moving gradually away from behavioural assumptions and methods to qualitative inquiry into social and cognitive issues (Abraham & Collins, 2011; Gilbert & Trudel, 2004; Lyle & Cushion, 2017; North, 2017). In the context of a need for explanations for storing and accessing knowledge, it became accepted that the operationalization of sport coaching interventions relied a great deal on tacit knowledge (Nash & Collins, 2006), and that coaches’ expertise demanded an efficient and effective interactive collaboration between knowledge structures and retrieval. It was this emerging vacuum in coaching science that was the catalyst for more varied research methods and a more domain-specific understanding of coaches’ decision-making. A dominant research paradigm throughout the period covered in this chapter is judgement and decision-making (JDM). It would be difficult to summarize more than 50 years of research since Simon’s (1955) concept of ‘bounded rationality’ was the catalyst for research on why human beings do not make rational decisions in everyday situations (Kahneman, 2012). Nevertheless, the research can be characterized as largely taking place in laboratory or controlled conditions, with specified objectives and identifiable alternatives, and often with research subjects with no domain-specific knowledge; the principal purpose has been to explain the ‘flaws’ in human decision-making, most often through experimentation and testable hypotheses. Raab et al. (2018) provides a detailed overview of this research field as it applies to sport, although the account is notable for the absence of any reference to coaches’ decision-making. Raab (2012) confirms that classical JDM research is ill-equipped to address fully the needs of sport research. He cites the rich information environment, time constraints, limited information processing capacity, the complexity of objectives, and the absence of testable outcomes in sport as reasons for the absence of rational decision-making and the relative paucity of sport-related research. There will, undoubtedly, be circumstances in which coaches take deliberative decisions, and in which the alternative options are relatively clearly identified. Even in such circumstances, however, it is often forgotten that performance outcomes, to which most decisions will ultimately be directed, are also subject to the decision-making strategies and intended outcomes of opposing coaches. Performance sport is a contested arena, and information is deliberately withheld or obfuscated, leading to a lack of control in the decision environment of the coach, and, although to some extent sport-specific, what may appear to be option choices are subject to a multilayered hierarchy of goals (Abraham & Collins, 2011; North, 2017). 140

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The domain-specific decision-making process in sport coaching to which attention needed to be directed concerned the relatively time-pressured interventions in training and competition – an emergent dynamic, serial, and ‘nested’ (Abraham & Collins, 2011) practice. In JDM, making decisions in circumstances of uncertainty and/or time constraints makes computational or option scanning strategies less workable (Kahneman, 2012). This is evident in coaches’ management of games in which the time between rallies and the opposition coach’s tactics require less-deliberative decision-making. Decision-making is made feasible by the use of heuristics, which are cognitive shortcuts or ‘rules of thumb’ that permit selective decision strategies (Kahneman, 2012). The use of heuristics, such as ‘taking the first option’ or ‘choosing an option that reinforces a previous decision’, is recognized to have limitations and militates against maximal decision choices (best of all options) in favour of ‘satisficing’ options – that is, optimal in the current circumstances (Gigerenzer & Gaissmaier, 2011). For example, coaches may make a substitution in a team sport as a means of ‘buying time’ to confirm their interpretation of the situation, but be aware that further action is likely. The coaches will recognize that the action taken may not maximize their potential response, but it is a compromise between sufficient impact on the problem and not wishing to limit further options. Despite its lack of relevance for serial decision-making and criticism that it pays insufficient attention to emotional and social influences (Bruch & Feinberg, 2017), JDM has been used as a paradigm for research on stakeholders in sport, principally athlete decision-making (Bar-Eli, Plessner, & Raab, 2011; Farrow & Raab, 2013). It is instructive, however, that, in Raab’s (2012) brief section on coaches’ decision-making, the examples given generally involve options and cues that are clearly defined, and the tenor of the paper is that researchers should ‘test’ the relative validities of different decision models, rather than inform coaches’ practice. Raab (2012) proposes that the decision-making process should be made more efficient through the use of simple or ‘fast and frugal’ heuristics (Bobadilla-Suarez & Love, 2018; Raab & Gigerenzer, 2015). This approach accepts the ‘trade-off’ between time and accuracy. The largely experimental approach of JDM, which accompanies this ‘trade off’, is more complicated in coaches’ decision-making in which there are few ‘accurate’ responses – perhaps none in some situations, leading to novel actions or problem-reducing strategies. Nevertheless, there are two interesting contributions from this paper. The first is that Raab proposes that the focus should be not merely on the ‘correctness’ of the selection of alternative options, but on the ‘building blocks’ used to produce the decision – the search process, the strategy for stopping the search, and, thereafter, the decision process. In the context of multiple cues and dynamic goals, sport coaches are faced with a recognition and time-pressured situational analysis challenge. Second, one of the recent research fields to which he refers is ‘hot hands’ research (a basketball analogy; BarEli, Avugos, & Raab, 2006; Raab, Gula, & Gigerenzer, 2011). This refers to decisions about team selection and tactical reliance on individual players as a result of an assumption that players are more likely to produce a successful ‘play’ immediately following a previous successful play, although the evidence is contested. The emphasis on scanning, recognition, and situational analysis will be shown to be part of current discourse, and the ‘hot hands’ research hints at a coach’s interactive decision-making during competition. The heuristics and biases processes are categorized as intuitive thinking, which is an accepted component of current discourse on coaches’ decision-making (Collins, Collins, & Carson, 2016; Lyle, 2010). In sport coaching research to date, intuition has been interpreted in a rather simplistic and unidimensional way, despite being shown to be domain-specific (Dane, Rackham, & Pratt, 2012), and would benefit from a more in-depth critique (Glöckner & Witterman, 2010). 141

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Naturalistic Decision-Making and Methods of Inquiry Increasingly, coaches’ practice is acknowledged to exhibit features such as tacit knowledge, apparently intuitive decision-making based on accumulated experience, and a balance of deliberative and less-deliberative decision-making and reasoning. It became necessary, therefore to adopt a decision-making paradigm that offered a plausible explanation for this expert behaviour. NDM is a branch of cognitive psychology that focuses on how people make decisions in real-world domains with which they are familiar (Lipshitz et al., 2001; Ross, Shafer, & Klein, 2006); the emphasis is on how decisions are made, rather than how they ‘should’ be made. In comparison with JDM, it focuses on matching rather than choosing alternatives, on process rather than outcome, and is more context-dependent (Klein, 2015). Nevertheless, Kahneman and Klein (2009) find some measure of correspondence in their respective fields. The paradigm is applied in decision-making contexts with ill-structured problems, uncertain dynamic environments, time constraints, and multiple goals (Orasanu & Connolly, 1993). The basic premise is that, in such circumstances, decisions emerge from a subconscious process involving a scanning of the environment and recognition of the decision problem, without explicitly reasoned consideration of alterative options, and by recourse to knowledge stored as mental models or knowledge frames. Of the many descriptive models representing the NDM process, Klein’s (1993) recognition primed decision (RPD) model is the most widely cited. It is important to note that, in subsequent elaborations, the element of enhanced diagnosis and reconsideration is emphasized. In other words, as the optimum decision emerges, there is a moment of, ‘is this likely to work?’. This provides an opportunity for forward reflection (what Lyle, 1999, terms anticipatory reflection) and amendment. NDM research has further developed from an emphasis on RPD-making to ‘macrocognition’, with attention given to sensemaking, coordination, and planning (Klein & Wright, 2016). Although introduced into the coaching literature by Lyle (1999; 2002; 2003), NDM has not generated an extensive body of research on coaches’ decision-making. This may be attributed to the more general absence of field-based studies, the methodological challenges, and the suitability of NDM assumptions to the continuous and serial nature of coaches’ intervention behaviour. The subsequent extensive review by Lyle (2010) examined the correspondence between NDM and sport coaching, but was able to draw upon relatively few published research studies. Not surprisingly, given the significance of tactical decision-making in gameplay, there have been a number of studies on the decision-making of playmakers in team sports (Johnston & Morrison, 2016; Kermarrec & Bossard, 2014; Macquet, 2009; Macquet & Fleurance, 2007; Macquet & Kragba, 2015). In a study of experienced volleyball coaches, Lyle (1999; 2003) found that an NDM framework was the most appropriate foundation for a slow, interactive script model that most appropriately represented coaches’ decision-making in interactive intervention practice, with an emphasis on situational assessment, anticipatory modelling/simulation, and a desire to ‘control’ (or at least mitigate) the element of uncertainty. It was also acknowledged that the range of action decisions was constrained by game structures – for example, the availability of substitutions, time-outs and tactical options. Debanne and colleagues have generated a significant body of field-based work that investigates the cognitive strategies employed by coaches and their relationship to environmental factors, drawing to some extent on NDM assumptions (Debanne, Angel, & Fontayne, 2014; Debanne & Chauvin, 2014; Debanne & Fontayne, 2009; Debanne, Fontayne & Bourbousson, 2014; Debanne & Laffaye, 2015). The coaches’ cognitions rely on a balance of analysis/reflection and recognition-derived decisions. 142

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For example, Debanne and Chauvin (2014) found that handball coaches exhibited a reactive, routine-based approach when attempting to maintain a winning position; in a negative position, they displayed ‘anticipatory cognitive control’ – that is, greater deliberation. Although focused on coaches’ cognitive processes, this work could also be categorized as contributing to decision policies (see also Prieto, Gómez, Volossovitch & Sampaio, 2016). Based on a set of assumptions that underpin NDM, coaches’ decision-making in timepressured intervention practice (for example, micro-managing training drills or responding to negative game situations) can be summarized in this way: Coaches will scan and attend to key attractors (domain-specific stimuli that have particular ‘weight’ as catalysts for action) in the continuously unfolding environment (athletes, scores, opposition, crises). This may lead to a problem-framing response if a threshold of goal challenge is breached; otherwise, routine activity (or inactivity) will continue. A speedy situational analysis matches the problem with a potential course of action. In practice, a mix of storytelling and forward simulation reduces the options to one that most appropriately addresses relevant needs. The scale of reflection and reconsideration is dependent on the problem context. Central to this process are mental models; these are a metaphor for the organized storage of domain-specific knowledge, scenarios, and ‘what-ifs’ that the coach has developed over time. Experts and novices differ in the complexity of their mental models. For example, Vergeer and Lyle (2009) found that moreexperienced coaches exhibited more-comprehensive decision policies and took more variables into account in ‘framing a problem’, particularly competition-related factors, when making decisions about injured gymnasts. Lyle and Cushion (2017) suggest that it is helpful to distinguish between three models: goal, in which a continually evolving framework of long-, medium-, and short-term goals forms a backdrop for decision-making and a reference point for staying ‘on track’; performance, which, based on performance analysis and expectations commensurate with age and stage, provides details of current and projected status and is the basis for performance planning; and simulation, which represents the expected course of events in specific training or competition episodes, significant deviation from which may provide cause for action. Although it is helpful to isolate these models to aid understanding, in practice they operate in concert. Nevertheless, the notion of mental models remains a useful metaphor rather than a subject of research and coach education. This is also the case for the skills that accompany this element of expertise: scanning, pattern recognition, situational awareness, problem framing, sensemaking, and storytelling. Harvey et al. (2015) tested the aptness of the NDM paradigm for sport coaches in the context of serial decision-making. They constructed a conceptual framework and conducted stimulated recall interviews with coaches of three team sports in training sessions and competition. The authors concluded that NDM was a useful paradigm for investigating coaches’ decision-making, in particular confirming the role of problem framing and evaluating thresholds for decisions. Also valuable was the identification of a number of key attractors: goals threatened, quality of player activity, and momentum shifts in games. They recommended further study of an element of conservatism that emanated from the coaches’ attempts to maintain control of developing situations and to reinforce perceptions of their expertise. The coaches in the study were at pains to maintain momentum towards their goals but responded to the problem of ‘second guessing’ the opposition by employing decisions that did not limit future action. It is important to acknowledge that goals provide a central ‘driver’ and reference point against which decision-making may be evaluated (sometimes without conscious deliberation), and they provide a catalyst to action when threatened. This is implicit in the notion of ‘nested goals’ (Abraham & Collins, 2011) and is not unlike other ‘treatment professions’ in which the vicissitudes arising from the need for moment-to-moment decisions 143

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require an umbrella standard against which the practitioner/professional can evaluate both need and appropriateness. Research into cognitive processes brings with it methodological challenges. No identifiable trends can be discerned in sport coaching science’s research into decision-making, perhaps because of the reliance on interviews and the absence of field studies. What is not clear is whether the methodology is simply underdeveloped in coaching research, or the methods of inquiry into cognitive processes are difficult to conduct. It is evident that sites of inquiry (specific sports and coaching domains) are chosen to suit the epistemological assumptions inherent in each investigation. Lyle and Vergeer (2013) identify the problem: Any claim that coaches take decisions without reference to context is a parody of coaching practice. The expertise element of decision making is about how the coach learns to deal with the decision complexity that is implicit. Simply saying that the pro­ cesses are tacit and intuitive does not address the issue of developing this expertise. (p. 123) The experimental reduction of JDM research deals with outcome, rather than process, and fails to account adequately for social, emotional, and performance and goal-related complexity. However, perhaps in response to the problem of maintaining process and context validity, NDM researchers have had recourse to a wide range of inquiry methods. A recent compilation of NDM research papers utilizes this catalogue of methods: after-action reviews, cognitive task analysis, simulation exercises, depth interviews, argumentation analysis, functional analysis, induction, observation, and ethnography (Gore, Flin, Stanton, & Wong, 2015). Lyle and Vergeer (2013) provide an overview of sport coaches’ decision-making research from 1990 to 2010. The methods employed were categorized as, first, ‘decision policy capture by questionnaire’, in which, typically, coaches were asked to respond to practice scenarios. The second method was the use of stimulated recall of video footage (Lyle, 2003). This is generally augmented by interviews with coaches. There are limitations with this method (e.g., Demers & Tousignant, 1998; Gilbert et al., 1999), but it is an attempt to situate coaches’ cognitions in training or competition practice. The third approach, largely in the context of ‘game decisions’, is to present controlled video/computer scenarios (Austin, Sparrow, & Sherman, 2007; Hagemann, Strauss, & Büsch, 2008; Schorer, Baker, & Strauss, 2007). As with other methods, there are limitations to the transmission of appropriate (and necessary) contextual information. The final method is to conduct interviews with coaches. Each of the methods that investigate the coach’s personal practice involves a retrospective account of some kind. Subsequent research has continued these research methods: for example, stimulated recall (Harvey et al., 2015) and interviews (Collins, Collins, & Grecic, 2015). Debanne and colleagues have employed interviews, stimulated recall, and analysis of verbal communications (Debanne & Chauvin, 2014; Debanne & Fontayne, 2009). In these studies, there is generally a statistical analysis of decision outcomes/game factors. In many of the interview-based studies, in-action recollections bear resemblance to a critical incident technique. The paucity of field-based studies is matched by the rather limited scope and variety of the methods employed. In relation to in-action decisions, stimulated recall has, thus far, been the most common method for retrospective analysis of decisions taken. Harvey et al. (2015) would appear to be the only study to apply an NDM conceptual framework to the design of the research. 144

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Where Are We Now? Current academic writing is dominated by the prolific work of L. Collins, D. Collins, and colleagues and their scaffolding of a professional judgement decision-making (PJDM) model, largely applied to adventure sports (e.g., Collins & Collins, 2015). In an encyclopedia entry such as this, it is inevitable that research in existing fields will continue to be published (e.g., in policy research; Gomez, Silva, Lorenzo, Kreivyte, & Sampaio, 2017; Allain, Bloom, & Gilbert, 2018) and new perspectives developed beyond those that can be accommodated at a particular stage in the evolution of the field. Jones and Corsby (2015) is an important paper for reminding coaching science scholars of the social dimension in decision-making. This is an erudite and compelling argument that identifies limitations in classical, NDM, and PJDM approaches, and places the emphasis not simply on the cognitive, but also on social processes. The authors remind us that decisions are founded in social interaction and, without due care, may replicate a taken-for­ granted ‘official’ stance on appropriate responses. Naturally, the paper reflects a particular ontological and epistemological understanding of sport coaching, but, stripped of a distinctive terminology, the emphasis on the importance of past decisions and sensemaking is redolent of similar cognitive perspectives. Why would it be assumed that coaches would ignore social cues and past reflection in their problem framing and sensemaking? The criticism of a certainty of outcome is at odds with coaches’ appreciation of the challenge of contested complexity, but the reminder of the limited range of potential actions is helpful. The ‘social’ perspective on decision-making can seem remote from practice, and the absence of a performance perspective is evident in the authors’ use of examples (cf. differentiated attention, and group and individual communication). Nevertheless, this is a useful contribution that emphasizes social context and interaction. Abraham and Collins (2011; and the earlier work of Martindale & Collins, 2007, 2013, with sport psychologists) make the case for classical decision-making and NDM each having its limitations, and they identify PJDM as an integrated model of decision-making that explains and facilitates the diverse decision-making behaviour of sport coaches. The claim, although hardly novel, is that coaches make decisions along a continuum from logical and rational option choices, with deliberative analysis, to intuitive, experience-based decision-making in conditions of uncertainty. They argue that there are relatively few recognition-based non-deliberative decisions and that, in this context of semi-deliberative decision-making (Lyle, 1999), extreme NDM models are helpful but not the complete solution. It is argued that there is an element of deliberation in most decision-making, other than in immediate crises, and that reflection, involving storytelling, simulation, and recourse to declarative knowledge, facilitates an effective decision-making process. The PJDM model (Collins & Collins, 2013) is an aggregation of the continuum of deliberative and analytical to intuitive decision-making within a (nested) series of levels: macro­ (social-political, goal setting), meso- (targets and environment), and micro- (intervention). Decisionmaking is guided by an ‘epistemological chain’ (Grecic & Collins, 2013), which is a manifestation of the coach’s beliefs and knowledge (in some ways akin to a mental model). There is a wealth of position papers (e.g., Collins, Carson, & Collins, 2016; Collins & Collins, 2013) and research publications. What follows is a brief summary of a small selection of these. Through semi-structured interviews with adventure sports coaches, Collins and Collins (2015) demonstrate that coaches have strategies with which to engineer ‘time for reflection’. By manipulating the ‘span of control’, they create opportunities for observation and reflection, thus enhancing the quality of their decision-making. Much of their behaviour would be thought to represent sound pedagogical practice. Collins et al. (2015) interviewed seven adventure sport instructors, finding that these practitioners were able to articulate the value structures that guided 145

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their practice. They exhibited a ‘consistent, logical relationship between philosophy, modus operandi, aims and session content’. Collins et al. (2016) found that adventure sport coaches and rugby union coaches were able to distinguish their analytical and intuitive modes of decisionmaking and when these might be utilized. Examining the role of adaptability and creativity in PJDM, Collins and Collins (2015) found that adventure sport coaches were adept at ‘managing’ the interdependence of context, content, and individual needs. PJDM is a repackaging of existing constructs in decision-making. The scale and weight of research in the area is not a challenge to the extensive body of research scaffolding the NDM paradigm. However, its importance lies in its application to sport coaching. There is no doubt that the work on PJDM has added greatly to the discourse on decision-making in sport coaching. Investigating the practitioner’s active control over cognitive process through metacognition, reflectivity, adaptability, and flexibility has created a worthwhile research agenda. Thus far, the weight of research has been conducted with adventure sport coaches, with attendant features of risk, environment, and coach participation. The contextual siting of client groups, sessions, and non-related episodes is redolent of episodic instruction, and there is a need to demonstrate the insights gained from the research in other sporting domains, competition and serial. Nonetheless, there has been some recent branching out into other sports (Crowther, Collins, & Holder, 2018). The investigative methods employed have been restricted to interviews, with some unarticulated stimulated recall. The coaches’ practice is, therefore, largely based on self-reported behaviour, and cognitions are inferred from coaches’ responses. Thus far, there has been no attempted correspondence with coaching outcomes (athlete behaviour and performance), as the data generated are coach-centric. This said, there is no doubt that this is a welcome re-energizing of decision-making research in sport coaching. This encyclopedia entry has focused on substantive and developed ideas in decision-making in the context of sport coaches’ practice. However, there are alternative approaches to the study of decision-making that have not yet made an impact on this specific behaviour. In contrast to the use of self-reported and indirect methods of inquiry into the ‘how’ of decisionmaking, neuroscience offers an understanding of how brain function is related to decisionmaking (e.g., Rudorf & Hare, 2014). The application of findings from neuroscience to fields of study such as economics, consumer behaviour, and addiction is well established but has not yet found its way into the coaching science literature. An interesting paper by Costa et al. (2018) demonstrates the use of indirect means of measuring brain function, but, despite the title, the study focused on tactical knowledge rather than decision-making. The challenge of investigating brain function in the context of field-based coaching practice is one that will be left to future scholars. A similar situation can be found in the application of a bio-ecological paradigm in sport. This finds expression in the ‘constraints-led’ approach to enhancing sport performance (Araújo, Davids, & Hristovski, 2006). This approach displays the same challenge of devising in situ research designs as other approaches (Travassos et al., 2013) and has been applied to athletes’ performance rather than coaches’ decision-making, although the attention to ‘practice design’ is relevant (Renshaw, Davids, Newcombe, & Roberts, 2019).

Conclusion Research into sport coaches’ decision-making has progressed substantially from earlier role-related policy research. Studies on decision styles were prolific but became more relevant when they were subsequently utilized to situate more specific behaviour- and practice-related concepts. The gradual move to processes that facilitate decision-making in the micromanagement of interventions has mirrored the greater attention to and sophistication of our understanding of the coaching process 146

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and coaches’ expertise. Coaching policy research – the ‘what’ of decision-making – will continue to be relevant, not for decision rules, but for indicators of the strategic- and tactical-level principles that can be absorbed into coaches’ mental models and, thereafter, applied in context. NDM offers a paradigm that would appear to contribute to the experience-based decision-making of coaches in circumstances of uncertainty and time pressure. Its value lies in the provision of a language and a set of constructs, rather than a direct application to the dynamic and serial nature of much of coaching intervention. Lyle’s (1999) semi-deliberative decision-making and Collins and Collins’s (2015) demonstration that coaches could control the decision environment to facilitate more considered decision-making are crucial and now need to be expanded into more extensive domains and sports. In addition to being contested, having multiple goals, and being understood only in the contextual particularity of practice, coaching decisions are ‘negotiated, have ethical and value parameters, are influenced by personal bias, have historicity and domain specificity’ (Lyle & Vergeer, 2013, p. 124). This creates an enormous methodological challenge for researchers. Thus far, the methods employed have been safe and conservative, with the result that cognitive mechanisms are inferred from retrospective and self-reported accounts of practice. There is tremendous scope for more innovative, field-based studies, establishing greater correspondence to athlete performance and behaviour. Coaches’ decision-making is subjective, not only in its individuality and particularity, but in the ontological and epistemological lens through which it is observed. This may be one of those (relatively rare) occasions in the evolution of an academic field of study in which the insights offered by coaching practitioner scholars may add positively to the insights that competing metaphors can offer. It would be true to say that, at this stage, the combination of contextual complexity and competing paradigms has provided some working models, but that, in the absence of more fundamental research, these remain somewhat speculative. There is no doubt that the PJDM work and the steady number of research publications have established a research agenda. The acceptance of decision-making within the academic discourse on sport coaching and the acknowledgement of its importance by practitioners have been more successful than the insinuation of decision-making expertise into coach education and development. The emerging language of decision-making skills – for example, sensemaking, situational awareness, cues and thresholds, simulation, reflection, mental models – has been identified, but the mechanisms for researching these are, as yet, underdeveloped, and translation into education and development strategies has yet to be given its deserved prominence.

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11

COACHES

Health, Well-Being, and Burnout Göran Kenttä, Peter Olusoga, and Marte Bentzen

Introduction High-performance (HP) coaching is a demanding and challenging profession (Didymus, 2017), yet research has identified that HP coaches place their athletes’ well-being first, with only limited attention to their own well-being in their pursuit of excellence (Olusoga & Kenttä, 2017). This chapter will first explore the nature of the HP coaching context and the ways in which it can contribute to the organizational, competition, and personal stressors that HP coaches encounter. We will also discuss potential responses to stress, including coach burnout and the overall impact on coach well-being. The mental health challenges facing HP coaches are outlined, and, via a critical discussion of existing literature, considerations for promoting psychological well-being in HP coaching contexts are provided from both research and applied perspectives.

The Nature of High-Performance Coaching HP coaching is a challenging profession (Didymus, 2017). Coaches endure constant pressure related to performance expectations, along with perennial job insecurity (Mallett & LaraBercial, 2016) and the threat of funding cuts. In addition to the stressors associated with competition, HP coaches also face a number of organizational challenges that add to the demanding nature of the role. Coaches often work long, irregular hours, manage multiple roles and responsibilities, travel extensively, and spend significant amounts of time away from home and family (Dixon & Bruening, 2005; Norris, Didymus, & Kaiseler, 2017; Olusoga, Butt, Hays, & Maynard, 2009; Thelwell, Weston, Greenlees, & Hutchings, 2008). In many sports, HP coaches have to put up with scrutiny from others, often driven by media and fans, and, in a world dominated by social media, their team selections, decisions, and perceived mistakes can be replayed, criticized, and shared around the world even before the competition has ended (Olusoga & Kenttä, 2017). HP coaches often experience a combination of personal, organizational, and competition-related stressors. Altogether, this can lead to negative consequences for coaches’ mental health, such as work–home interference, a feeling of isolation in the role, and psychophysiological outcomes such as sleep disturbance, changes in mood, emotional responses, and burnout (Bentzen, Lemyre, & Kenttä, 2016b; McNeill, Durand-Bush, & Lemyre, 2016; Olusoga, Butt, Maynard, & Hays, 2010). 154

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Despite the well-documented stressors associated with elite sport performance and coaching, the culture of HP sport itself is primarily characterized by desirable traits such as mental toughness, strength, resilience, and perseverance in the face of adversity (Mallett & Lara-Bercial, 2016). Coaches might, therefore, choose to supress emotional difficulties in order to maintain a mask of mental toughness and stoicism (Potrac, Jones, Purdy, Nelson, & Marshall, 2013; Potrac, Mallett, Greenough, & Nelson, 2017). However, this coping strategy, together with a high threshold for help-seeking, can have a detrimental impact on coaches’ long-term mental and physical health (e.g., Olusoga & Kenttä, 2017). Within elite sports, the expectation is for the coach to primarily look after their athletes’ well-being and performance (Olusoga, Maynard, Hays, & Butt, 2012), which often marginalizes coaches’ self-care. Nevertheless, mental health concerns in HP sport are gaining attention, as evidenced by four recent position statements on the mental health of athletes (Henriksen et al., 2019; Moesch et al., 2018; Schinke, Stambulova, Si, & Moore, 2018; Van Slingerland, Durand-Bush, & Rathwell, 2018). Unfortunately, coaches received limited attention in these position statements. Furthermore, beyond coach burnout, the mental health of sports coaches seems to have been somewhat neglected in the research. Moreover, within the male-dominated environment of elite sport, women HP coaches face a number of unique challenges. This is problematic as only a small number of women invest time and effort to become HP coaches. The number of women HP coaches reported lies in the range of 8.4–20% in, respectively, Canada, Norway, and Sweden (Bentzen et al., 2016b; Kidd, 2013). Preliminary, but important, research has explored the perceptions of women regarding their skills, abilities, and confidence as coaches and noted that the coaching role might be incompatible with general well-being and healthy family living (Carson, McCormack, & Walsh, 2018). To address these challenges and to foster diversity, promote equality, and improve representation by increasing the number of women coaches, programmes started with the aim of enhancing women coaches’ skills and encouraging peer-support networking (LaVoi, 2016a). However, it has been argued that such interventions place the blame for underrepresentation at the feet of women, despite the merits of the intention. Consequently, this inadvertently further fosters an environment in which women coaches self-blame, feel the need to ‘toughen up’, or adapt in order to ‘fix’ the problem (LaVoi, 2016b). Altogether, this might have the effect of adding strain to the unique stressors already associated with women’s HP coaching. Paralympic sport is another HP context, rapidly growing in practice, that has received limited attention in terms of the specific skills and competencies required, and the specific demands placed upon coaches’ mental health in this environment (Lundqvist, Ståhl, Kenttä, & Thulin, 2018). For example, Wareham, Burkett, Innes, and Lovell (2017) have highlighted several practical (operational and physical), knowledge-based (e.g., concern about lack of disability-specific knowledge), psychosocial (e.g., athletes’ emotional issues, stigma around disability), and funding-related (e.g., inequity of resources compared with non-disabled sports) issues unique to coaches in HP disability sport. However, this remains an under-researched area in HP coaching literature, and one deserving of greater attention. Please refer to the chapter by Bloom and Alexander, Coaching Athletes with a Disability, for further information on this topic (Volume 2, Chapter 12, in this encyclopedia).

Stress in High-Performance Sport Stress is defined as a process that involves individuals transacting with their environments, making appraisals of the situations they find themselves in, and attempting to cope with any issues that may arise (Fletcher, Hanton, & Mellalieu, 2006). More specifically, coaching stress is the process by which coaches weigh the demands (stressors) they face against their ability to cope with those demands. To gain a comprehensive understanding of the stressors experienced 155

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by coaches, early coaching stress literature primarily focused on identifying stressors in a variety of coaching contexts (see Norris et al., 2017, for a review). Taylor (1992) suggested that coaching stressors might fall into three broad categories: Personal stressors (i.e., factors intrinsic to the individual, such as lack of experience or self-doubts), social stressors (i.e., interactions with others both in and outside the immediate working environment), and organizational stressors (i.e., factors originating within the team’s organizational superstructure, such as long hours, lack of support, and financial concerns). Stressors falling broadly into Taylor’s three categories have been identified in the coaching stress literature, including, but not limited to, concerns related to athletes and athlete performances (e.g., Didymus, 2017; Kroll & Gundersheim, 1982; Rhind, Scott, & Fletcher, 2013; Wang & Ramsey, 1998), pressure to produce results (e.g., Frey, 2007; Olusoga et al., 2009; Pastore, 1991; Thelwell et al., 2008), demands on time (e.g., Frey, 2007), and lack of control (e.g., Robbins, Gilbert, & Clifton, 2015). Further personal and situational factors influencing coaches’ perceptions of stress were identified by Knight, Reade, Selzler, and Rodgers (2013), who found that unclear expectations, long working hours, lack of agreed criteria for evaluation, inappropriate salaries, and a lack of social support were related to higher perceptions of stress for coaches working in a broad a range of performance and developmental environments. In addition, several studies highlighted the self-imposed pressure that coaches create, which acts as a further stressor. For example, Durand-Bush, Collins, and McNeill (2012) reported that women coaches placed high levels of expectation on themselves based on a desire to meet their preferred standards and to create an environment in which their athletes could enjoy themselves and excel. Indeed, coaches’ concerns regarding their own performance and the pressure they place on themselves to meet expectations have been commonly referred to in the literature (e.g., Knights & Ruddock-Hudson, 2016; Olusoga et al., 2009; Thelwell et al., 2008). It is important to note that coaches’ stress responses can be positively toned. Heightened awareness, energizing effects, and increased motivation have all been reported (Frey, 2007; Olusoga et al., 2010). Unfortunately, both chronic and acute responses to stress often have unwanted consequences, and coaches have reported experiencing anxiety, losing confidence, and having a variety of symptoms often associated with burnout, such as emotional and physical exhaustion, and withdrawal from sport (Kelley, 1994; Kelley & Gill, 1993; Olusoga et al., 2010). Moreover, these undesirable impacts on coaches have also been linked to a host of potentially damaging athlete outcomes (Bentzen, Lemyre, & Kenttä, 2014; Price & Weiss, 2000; Thelwell, Wagstaff, Chapman, & Kenttä, 2017). The ways in which coaches operating in various contexts respond to and are affected by stressors have been examined in detail. Specifically, coaches have reported that experiencing stress can have an immediate unwanted effect on their behaviours (e.g., body language becoming agitated, sharper tone of voice), emotions (e.g., becoming more ‘moody’, angry, irritable), and cognitions (e.g., losing the ability to focus, worrying, poor decision-making), and can lead to physiological changes (e.g., tension, hands shaking, numbness; Frey, 2007; Olusoga et al., 2010). Regarding stress effects, adverse impacts on athlete performance, becoming too directive in coaching style, and lower standards of work have also been reported, alongside longer-term impacts including emotional fatigue, depression, reduced enjoyment, and withdrawal (Olusoga et al., 2010). Moreover, anecdotal reports of excessive alcohol consumption, severe problems with work life interfering with private life, and divorces attributed to the stress of coaching can be found in some contributions (Bentzen, Lemyre, & Kenttä, 2017; Olusoga et al., 2012; Roberts, Baker, Reeves, Jones, & Cronin, 2019). In general, high demands (i.e., the total stress load) need to be matched by adequate recovery in 156

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order to prevent burnout and to maintain health and well-being, an idea explored in some recent research (Bentzen et al., 2017; Kallus & Kellmann, 2000; Lundkvist, Gustafsson, Hjälm, & Hassmén, 2012).

Coach Burnout Coaching has the potential to be a rewarding experience. However, researchers have noted that the coaching profession has similar qualities to other helping professions that might make coaches vulnerable to burnout (Raedeke & Kenttä, 2013). As originally described within health care settings, burnout is as ‘an enduring experiential syndrome’ (Maslach & Jackson, 1981, p. 1) characterized by emotional and physical exhaustion (feelings of being emotionally depleted by work), depersonalization (a cynical attitude towards or withdrawal from personal relationships at work), and reduced personal accomplishment (perceived lack of competence and low self-esteem). It is generally accepted that burnout is a result of chronic exposure to stress (e.g., Smith, 1986). However, as Raedeke (1997) suggested, prolonged experiences of stress will not result in burnout in all cases. As such, Raedeke, Granzyk, and Warren (2000) highlighted a commitment perspective as a further factor influencing and explaining the incidence of burnout. More specifically, Raedeke and colleagues suggested that coaches might remain involved in sport either because they want to (attraction), or because they feel they have to (entrapment). In a study involving 295 age-group swimming coaches, those displaying characteristics of ‘entrapment’ (i.e., high perceived costs, low perceived benefits, high levels of investments along with a lack of attractive alternatives, and social constraints keeping them in the role) were significantly more emotionally exhausted than coaches displaying characteristics of ‘low commitment’ or ‘attraction’. Exploring burnout from a motivational perspective, Donahue et al. (2012) found that professional coaches’ obsessive passion was associated with ruminative thoughts that, in turn, were predictive of emotional exhaustion. Moreover, harmonious passion was thought to mitigate against rumination and, thus, indirectly protect coaches from experiencing emotional exhaustion. Moen, Bentzen, and Myhre (2018) further supported the association between obsessive passion and burnout, also indicating that higher levels of negative affect mediated this relationship. Several recent studies have used the motivational framework of selfdetermination theory (Ryan & Deci, 2017) to study the process of burnout among coaches. Findings indicated that lower levels of need satisfaction (i.e., autonomy, competence, and relatedness) and autonomous motivation seemed to explain why some coaches are more prone to experiencing higher levels of burnout than other coaches (Bentzen et al., 2014, 2016a, 2016b, 2017; Stebbings, Taylor, Spray, & Ntoumanis, 2012). Finally, Lundkvist, Gustafsson, Hjälm, and Hassmén’s (2012) findings from interviews with elite Swedish soccer coaches suggested that burnout stemmed from issues related to the challenge of balancing home and work life. Moreover, a longitudinal study of emotional exhaustion found that higher levels of work–home interference (WHI) were associated with greater emotional exhaustion (Bentzen et al., 2016b). More recent explanations have, therefore, focused on WHI and lack of recovery as major determinants of burnout (e.g., Altfeld, Schaffran, Kleinert, & Kellmann, 2018; Bentzen et al., 2016b, 2017; Kellmann, Altfeld, & Mallett, 2015; Lundkvist, Gustafsson, Davis, & Hassmén, 2016; Lundkvist et al., 2012). Within sport science literature, withdrawal from sport was originally proposed to be a defining part of the burnout experience (Smith, 1986), and yet the majority of coaching burnout studies have focused on participants who are still active coaches. Thus, the complete experiences of withdrawal (driven by burnout) from coaching and the need for adequate 157

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recovery have received far less attention (Olusoga & Kenttä, 2017). Sören Hjälm’s extended dissertational work, possibly one of the first studies to explore the processes of burnout and complete withdrawal from sports coaching, was conducted with eight elite coaches. Analysis of interview data suggested that coaches might burn out owing to the performance culture in elite sport or overall life situations, and that the processes of recovery and the strategies needed might be different in each case (Hassmén, Kenttä, Hjälm, Lundkvist, & Gustafsson, in press; Lundkvist et al., 2012). Unfortunately, the specific recovery processes were not discussed in great detail. In another study, football coaches at the elite level reported that lack of recovery was the main reason why the profession of HP coaching is actually rather unhealthy in the long run: ‘I cannot really sit down and have a cup of coffee … it is somehow down and then straight up again. So, I don’t think it is healthy over time, I don’t. I work way too much’ (p. 141). Moreover, those who struggled with recovery were fully aware that lack of it was unhealthy, and yet they lacked the skills and/or strategies to make it happen (Bentzen et al., 2017). Olusoga and Kenttä (2017) used a narrative approach to explore the burnout experiences of two elite coaches who eventually resigned and quit coaching. The processes of personal growth and recovery from burnout were based on counselling, mentoring, and social support, but without returning to HP coaching. Interestingly, and providing hope, one case study noted that it might be possible to recover and experience a healthy career revival in coaching after burnout and career termination (Kenttä, Mellalieu, & Roberts, 2016). However, further research is needed in this area to advance knowledge and to enable practitioners to offer effective professional support to coaches experiencing and recovering from burnout, and possibly to provide guidance in a sustainable and healthy career.

Mental Health and Well-Being in High-Performance Coaching As previously noted, the number of recent position statements on the mental health of athletes (e.g., Henriksen et al., 2019; Moesch et al., 2018; Schinke et al., 2018; Van Slingerland et al., 2018) indicates that mental health concerns in elite sport have come into focus. However, broader issues related to the mental health of HP coaches (and other key actors in the elite sporting landscape) have not received as much attention, as evidenced by a notable absence of research exploring common mental health disorders in coaching, such as depression, anxiety disorders, sleep disorders, and addiction, including both alcohol and gambling. The exception is coach burnout, which has received a considerable amount of research interest (Olusoga, Bentzen, & Kenttä, 2019). Altogether, these outcomes are related to the concepts of ill-being and mental health problems, hence, describing the darker side of mental health. In contrast, and just as important, there is a need to explore the brighter side of mental health, specifically, concepts related to well-being. In order to understand mental health as a complex, dynamic, and comprehensive concept, there is need for awareness and knowledge of both ill-being and well-being. Ultimately, this will provide knowledge and guidance on how to support and sustain health within the profession of HP coaching throughout a career. With the guidance of positive psychology in the last decades, Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi have been important scholars arguing that, to understand and facilitate well-being, it is not merely enough to decrease causes of ill-being; facilitating and enhancing well-being are of equal, if not greater, importance (2000). This resonates with a more holistic approach to human functioning, where a disease model only serves to repair perceived ‘damage’, thus, being reactive as opposed to and instead of being proactive. A greater understanding of positive psychology can help us promote thriving human functioning in the population of HP coaches (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). 158

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Well-Being As researchers, lecturers, and applied practitioners in the field of coach mental health, sport psychologists have been met with both scepticism and curiosity when introducing the topic of well-being and sustainable health for HP coaches. The scepticism is rooted in the HP sport culture, and specifically around notions that HP sport is expected to be, and indeed should be, competitive, challenging, and demanding: this is the essential nature of HP sports. Ultimately, it is about constantly pushing and challenging boundaries to enhance performance. In line with these thoughts, words associated with well-being do not seem to fit in, and myths such as ‘make it or break it’, ‘go harder or go home’, ‘what does not kill you makes you stronger’, and stereotypes such as ‘if you cannot handle it [the pressure], you should not be a coach’ are still pervasive in elite sport. However, the scepticism about well-being often turns into curiosity when the concept of well-being is elaborated and unwrapped, with a closer look taken at how it might be associated with sustainable striving and performance. Ryan and Deci (2001) defined two different branches of well-being: hedonic and eudemonic well-being. Hedonic well-being represents what many of us first associate with the word well-being, namely the feelings of pleasure, joy, and happiness. This association between well-being and relaxing or having ‘time off’ could underpin possible scepticism towards discussions about well-being in performance contexts. On the other hand, eudemonic well­ being is associated with the experiences of psychological growth, mastery, and realizing one’s potential (Ryan & Deci, 2001). This type of well-being represents core values within HP sport and is relatable to feelings of learning skills, striving to improve, and reaching one’s goals. When grasping this more complex understanding of well-being, it becomes more relevant and interesting for HP sports. More specifically, when a coach comes to the realization, at a truly personal level, that being vulnerable is part of being human, and that no one is unbreakable, it becomes easier to engage with how well-being and health relate to sustainability in the coaching profession and the ability to perform as a coach, and the importance of resilience (Hägglund, Kenttä, Wagstaff, & Thelwell, 2019). However, sport psychologists must show some caution, as an overemphasis on well-being based on striving towards goals might also put well-being at risk. In the context of HP sport, this striving could easily become excessive and obsessive and develop into overreaching and, as such, unhealthy behaviours. Importantly in this context, combining the different dimensions of ill-being and well-being in a more holistic view will provide the most realistic and accurate picture of holistic health. Interestingly, there is less research conducted on well-being among coaches, compared with the research on coach ill-being, dominated by research on burnout (Norris et al., 2017; Olusoga et al., 2019). However, existing research on coach well-being has been conducted on both hedonic and eudemonic outcomes. McLean and Mallett (2012) explored reasons why coaches wanted to work as coaches. Another study by Frey (2007) aimed to understand coaches’ experiences of stress, and yet one of the overarching themes in the study revealed sources of enjoyment related to coaching. In brief, findings in these two studies indicated a range of different motives associated with coaching such as developing athletes, the relationship and interaction with athletes, personal development and growth, demonstrating ability, being a part of a winning culture, love and passion for the sport, fun and excitement, experiencing relatedness, and working with talented and skilled athletes (Frey, 2007; McLean & Mallett, 2012). Based on the illustrated conceptualization of well-being, most of these reported motives would satisfy eudemonic well-being (Ryan & Deci, 2001). Furthermore, McLean and Mallett (2012) concluded that reasons why coaches stay in their jobs resonate well with the satisfaction of the three basic psychological needs and autonomous motivation as 159

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described in self-determination theory (Ryan & Deci, 2017). Moreover, several quantitative studies have focused on need satisfaction and autonomous motivations as mediators in the process of moving towards well-being outcomes. However, it is of importance to note that, in addition to the specific and traditional measures of well-being (e.g., vitality and satisfaction with work), experiencing need satisfaction and autonomous motivation could in itself be viewed as well-being within a profession (Deci, Olafsen, & Ryan, 2017; Van den Broeck, Ferris, Chang, & Rosen, 2016). A recent review identified five studies focusing on coach well-being. All of them were quantitative and focused on the association between motivation and different well-being outcomes (Norris et al., 2017). The results from two cross-sectional studies from Stebbings and colleagues indicated a positive association between need satisfaction and well-being (Stebbings, Taylor, & Spray, 2015; Stebbings et al., 2012). In these two studies, well-being was operationalized and measured by positive affect (Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988) and vitality (Ryan & Frederick, 1997). Further, the results of the Stebbings and colleagues’ study (2012) indicated that coaches who reported a higher degree of well-being were more likely to report a higher degree of autonomy-supportive coaching style. Importantly, these findings indicate that coaches who experience a higher level of well-being themselves also have the capacity and energy to facilitate an environment that fosters and enhances well-being for their athletes. The ‘spill-over effect’ of well-being from coaches to the environments they work in is also an important contribution to a HP context that encompasses well-being and thriving for all its members. Another similar study in terms of research design, by Alcaraz, Torregrosa, and Viladrich (2015), supported the previous findings by Stebbings and her colleagues. Only two studies have been conducted with a longitudinal approach to examine coaches’ well-being (Bentzen et al., 2016a; Stebbings et al., 2015). Stebbings and colleagues (2015) examined both well-being and ill-being. Again, results showed that well-being was positively associated with perceived autonomy support. The most recent longitudinal study explored how changes in need satisfaction and autonomous motivation were related to changes in well-being over a season (Bentzen et al., 2016a). The findings indicated that changes in the psychological needs for autonomy and relatedness positively predicted change in the well­ being outcomes of vitality and satisfaction of work. Further, change in autonomous motivation was one of the strongest predictors of changes in both vitality and satisfaction of work. This was one of the first longitudinal studies with a large sample of HP coaches measuring both the darker and brighter sides of mental health. The findings clearly indicate that changes in the motivational constructs over a season have a clear association with changes in well-being.

Coach Well-Being Interventions Olusoga, Maynard, Butt, and Hays (2014) developed a mental skills training programme for coaches, with the aim of enhancing coaches’ coping and stress management skills. This sixsession, group-intervention programme resulted in coaches improving their self-assessed relaxation skills, perceiving their somatic anxiety as less problematic, and using self-blame strategies less often. Moreover, post-intervention social validation questionnaires indicated that coaches derived some benefits associated with their subjective well-being, such as paying more attention to their own mental preparation and the benefits of sharing practices and experience. Interestingly, these benefits were achieved as by-products of a programme that targeted stress reduction rather than aiming to enhance well-being. Although there are a large number of interventions in general research that aim to prevent stress and enhance mental health, mindfulness-based interventions have been at the forefront of intervention in sport science as 160

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a result of Gardner and Moore’s mindfulness-based that work began in 2001 (Schinke et al., 2018). Once again, the target has predominantly been athletes’ mental health, and the research with mindfulness interventions targeting coaches is limited to only two studies (Longshore & Sachs, 2015; Lundqvist et al., 2018). Longshore and Sachs (2015) developed mindfulness training for coaches aimed at increasing mindfulness and emotional stability, and reducing anxiety. Their programme incorporated elements of the traditional, well-researched mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR: Kabat-Zinn, 1982) and mindful sport performance enhancement (Kaufman, Glass, & Arnkoff, 2009) and was delivered via a 1.5-hour initial training session and a 6-week home programme (20 minutes per day) that coaches completed on their own. In total, 20 collegiate coaches (12 women and 8 men) signed up to participate in the study and were assigned to control and experimental groups. Those who participated in the mindfulness training programme (N = 12) reported significantly less anxiety and greater emotional stability after the intervention. Moreover, interviewed coaches reported other positive impacts in areas such as mindfulness, coaching performance, athlete interactions, and work–life balance. Although a limited number of coaches participated in the programme, the findings are still encouraging, indicating that mindfulness-based interventions might have important well-being implications for coaches that stretch beyond the performance environment. Lundqvist and colleagues conducted a mindfulness intervention with the purpose of preparing Paralympic leaders before the Paralympic Games to manage demands and challenges typically associated with major events. This study was designed and conducted in a real-world context and was an integral part of a larger support programme prior to the Games. The intervention group of Swedish Paralympic leaders (six women and four men) participated at an initial session introducing theory and including some practical exercises. This was followed by eight web-based seminars led by a professional trainer (once a week), whereas a reference group of Norwegian Paralympic leaders (n = 6) received no intervention. To evaluate the intervention, three assessments were performed for both samples: at base line 5 days before the intervention started, post-intervention (right at the end of the intervention), and at a 6-week post-intervention follow-up. In brief, results of the intervention indicated higher psychological flexibility, less rumination, and lower perceived stress. Altogether, results from these two interventions provide some support for mindfulness training as a means to both enhance well-being and reduce stress among coaches.

Conclusion Given the dearth of intervention research addressing coach well-being, future research ought to explore both prevention and clinical treatment of burnout and other mental health disorders. There is a burgeoning evidence base supporting the efficacy of mindfulness-based interventions as researchers have begun to explore the use of MBSR (Kabat-Zinn, 1982) and mindfulnessbased cognitive therapy (Segal, Williams, & Teasdale, 2018) for addressing a range of clinical and non-clinical psychological outcomes (cf., Gu, Strauss, Bond, & Cavanagh, 2015). In other interpersonal, caring professions such as nursing, mindfulness-based interventions have shown promise and have been effective in reducing anxiety, stress, and depression (e.g., Song & Lindquist, 2015). Research has also demonstrated the use of mindfulness-based interventions for athlete mental health and stress management (Schinke et al., 2018) and performance enhancement (e.g., Röthlin, Horvath, Birrer, & Grosse Holtforth, 2016). It would be reasonable to suggest that such programmes might also be beneficial for coaches, particularly in

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developing recovery and self-care strategies that might serve to alleviate or prevent burnout (Lundqvist et al., 2018). The ways in which burnout is theoretically explained to athletes, coaches, national governing bodies, and other key stakeholders are important. Researchers have an important role to play here, specifically in terms of the language used in burnout research. Although it is acknowledged that HP coaching is a demanding profession within a chaotic, complex, unpredictable, and volatile context, it is essential that a distinction is made between the functional normative fatigue response that is normally expected as a fundamental part of the coaching role, and the maladaptive emotional and physical exhaustion associated with burnout. In HP sport, coaches have reported a culture in which showing vulnerability and helpseeking behaviours are often perceived as weakness. Moreover, within such cultures, suppressing or masking the symptoms of burnout and consciously avoiding help-seeking are regarded as ‘normal’ or expected behaviour (Olusoga & Kenttä, 2017). Intervention studies might consider the importance of developing coaches’ awareness of when their stress responses are in line with their usual stress experiences, versus when they might be symptoms of early burnout. This might have the dual impact of normalizing stress and burnout in coaching and encouraging coaches to seek help when they identify changes in the ways they manage stress. Coach well-being has seemingly been neglected within the HP sport community. It is, therefore, promising that the United States Olympic Committee, in partnership with its national governing bodies and academia, recently created and published a Quality Coaching Framework (2017), which included a chapter written explicitly about coach well-being. Specifically noting the importance of designing self-care strategies that might contribute to a positive change in professional practice (e.g., monitoring of energy, sleep, physical activity, and regular wellness check-ups), this represents a welcome step towards coach well-being in HP sport.

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G. Kenttä, P. Olusoga, and M. Bentzen Lundkvist, E., Gustafsson, H., Hjälm, S., & Hassmén, P. (2012). An interpretative phenomenological analysis of burnout and recovery in elite soccer coaches. Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health, 4, 400–419. Lundqvist, C., Ståhl, L., Kenttä, G., & Thulin, U. (2018). Evaluation of a mindfulness intervention for Paralym­ pic leaders prior to the 2012 London Paralympic Games. International Journal of Sport Science & Coach­ ing, 13, 62–71. Mallett, C. J., & Lara-Bercial, S. (2016). Serial winning coaches: People, vision and environment. In M. Raab, P. Wylleman, R. Seiler, A.-M. Elbe, & A. Hatzigeorgiadis (Eds.), Sport and exercise psych­ ology research: Theory to practice (pp. 289–322). Amsterdam: Elsevier. Maslach, C., & Jackson, S. E. (1981). The measurement of experienced burnout. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 2, 99–113. McLean, K. N., & Mallett, C. J. (2012). What motivates the motivators? An examination of sports coaches. Physical Education & Sport Pedagogy, 17, 21–35. McNeill, K., Durand-Bush, N., & Lemyre, P. N. (2016). Understanding coach burnout and underlying emo­ tions: A narrative approach. Sports Coaching Review, 6, 1–18. Moen, F., Bentzen, M., & Myhre, K. (2018). The role of passion and affect in enhancing the understanding of coach burnout. International Journal of Coaching Science, 12, 3–34. Moesch, K., Kenttä, G., Kleinert, J., Quignon-Fleuret, C., Cecil, S., & Bertollo, M. (2018). FEPSAC position statement: Mental health disorders in elite athletes and models of service provision. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 38, 61–71. Norris, L. A., Didymus, F. F., & Kaiseler, M. (2017). Stressors, coping, and well-being among sports coaches: A systematic review. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 33, 93–112. Olusoga, P., Bentzen, M., & Kenttä, G. (2019). Coach burnout: A scoping review. International Sport Coaching Journal, 6, 42–62. Olusoga, P., Butt, J., Hays, K., & Maynard, I. W. (2009). Stress in elite sports coaching: Identifying stressors. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 21, 442–459. Olusoga, P., Butt, J., Maynard, I. W., & Hays, K. (2010). Stress and coping: A study of world class coaches. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 22, 274–293. Olusoga, P., & Kenttä, G. (2017). Desperate to quit: A narrative analysis of burnout and recovery in sports coaching. The Sport Psychologist, 31, 237–248. Olusoga, P., Maynard, I., Hays, K., & Butt, J. (2012). Coaching under pressure: A study of Olympic coaches. Journal of Sports Sciences, 30, 229–239. Olusoga, P., Maynard, I. W., Butt, J., & Hays, K. (2014). Coaching under pressure: Mental skills training for sports coaches. Sport & Exercise Psychology Review, 10, 31–43. Pastore, D. L. (1991). Male and female coaches of women’s athletic teams: Reasons for entering and leav­ ing the profession. Journal of Sport Management, 5, 128–143. Potrac, P., Jones, R., Purdy, L., Nelson, J., & Marshall, P. (2013). Coaches, coaching, and emotion: A suggested research agenda. In P. Potrac, W. Gilbert, & J. Denison (Eds.), The Routledge handbook of sports coaching (pp. 235–246). London: Routledge. Potrac, P., Mallett, C., Greenough, K., & Nelson, L. (2017). Desire and paranoia: An embodied tale of emo­ tion, identity, and pathos in sports coaching. Sports Coaching Review, 6, 142–161. Price, M. S., & Weiss, M. R. (2000). Relationships among coach burnout, coach behaviors, and athletes’ psychological responses. The Sport Psychologist, 14, 391–409. Raedeke, T. D. (1997). Is athlete burnout more than just stress? A sport commitment perspective. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 19, 396–417. Raedeke, T. D., Granzyk, T. L., & Warren, A. (2000). Why coaches experience burnout: A commitment perspective. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 22, 85–105. Raedeke, T. D., & Kenttä, G. (2013). Coach burnout. In P. Potrac, W. Gilbert, & J. Denison (Eds.), Hand­ book of sports coaching (pp. 424–435). New York: Routledge. Rhind, D. J., Scott, M., & Fletcher, D. (2013). Organizational stress in professional soccer coaches. Inter­ national Journal of Sport Psychology, 44, 1–16. Robbins, J. E., Gilbert, J. N., & Clifton, A. M. (2015). Coaching stressors in a Division II historically black university. Journal of Intercollegiate Sport, 8, 183–205. Roberts, S. J., Baker, M., Reeves, M. J., Jones, G., & Cronin, C. (2019). Lifting the veil of depression and alcoholism in sport coaching: How do we care for carers? Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health, 11(4), 510–526.

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12

COACHING ATHLETES WITH

A DISABILITY

Danielle Alexander and Gordon A. Bloom

Introduction The term disability refers to any physical, intellectual, sensory, or learning impairment that has the potential to influence one’s ability to participate in activities (Statistics Canada, 2012). To date, more than 4 million people have reported experiencing some form of disability in Canada, with this number expected to increase to 9 million by the year 2036 (Rick Hansen Foundation, 2018). Of greater magnitude, 1 billion people, or 15% of the global population, have reported having some type of disability, with approximately 110–190 million people reporting a severe disability (The World Bank Group, 2018). This population is at higher risk of experiencing fatigue and depression (Goodwin & Compton, 2004), which have been associated with a lower quality of life and decreased independence (Motl & McAuley, 2014). Fortunately, physical activity and sport can provide people with a number of benefits on a physical (i.e., reduced pain, increased mobility), psychological (i.e., enhanced independence, increased motivation), and social (i.e., increased peer interactions) level (Giacobbi, Stancil, Hardin, & Bryant, 2008; Goodwin & Compton, 2004; Stephens, Neil, & Smith, 2012). Indeed, Goodwin and Compton (2004) noted that walking, cycling, swimming, and weight­ lifting led to reduced pain, increased independence, and a higher sense of accomplishment in the lives of women with a physical disability. Furthermore, Campbell and Jones (1994) explored the psychological benefits of wheelchair sport and found that participants experienced lower levels of depression, anger, and tension and reported a more positive outlook on health and wellness compared with those who did not take part in sport. Finally, parasport participation provided participants with pride, empowerment, and purpose within their lives by enhancing their sense of control, self-confidence, openness, and acceptance in life (Allan, Smith, Côté, Martin Ginis, & Latimer-Cheung, 2018). As such, it remains clear that sport has a number of physical and psychosocial benefits for people with a disability. An additional, unique benefit of sport for this population is the potential for physical rehabilitation after an acquired injury. Dating back to the Second World War, sport for people with a disability was primarily viewed as a means of rehabilitation for soldiers with a spinal cord injury. Recognizing the potential benefits for sport for people recovering from war injuries, 166

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Dr. Ludwig Guttmann, director of the National Spinal Injuries Centre at Stoke Mandeville Hospital in Buckinghamshire, UK, created one of the first competitions for soldiers living with paraplegia in 1948 (Gold & Gold, 2007). Entitled the Stoke Mandeville Games, it originated with 16 servicemen and women and later evolved into what is commonly known as the Paralympic Games. The first official Paralympic Games were held in Rome, Italy, in 1960, featuring 400 athletes, from 23 countries, competing in the following eight sports: archery, athletics, dartchery, snooker, swimming, table tennis, wheelchair fencing, and wheelchair basketball (International Paralympic Committee, 2014). Most recently, the 2018 Paralympic Games, held in PyeongChang, involved a record-breaking number of 567 athletes competing, from 49 countries, including athletes with a variety of disabilities, such as spinal cord injuries, visual impairments, and cerebral palsy (International Paralympic Committee, 2018a). Further, the number of sports included in the Paralympic Games has expanded to 22 summer sports and 6 winter sports, with recent additions of para-canoeing and para-triathlon in Rio 2016 and badminton and tae kwon do in Tokyo 2020. As such, the Paralympic Games continues to grow and evolve each year, with increasing numbers of athletes, sports, and media coverage surrounding this prestigious competition. At the international level, parasport athletes also have the opportunity to train for elite-level competitions that include the Commonwealth Games, World Cup, and World Championships in their respective sports (International Paralympic Committee, 2018b). At the national level, both the United States (Disabled Sports USA, 2018) and Australia (Disability Sports Australia, 2018) offer sport programmes for people with a variety of disabilities (i.e., spinal cord injury, multiple sclerosis, cerebral palsy). The notion of introducing children and adults to adaptive sport has also been made available in the United Kingdom, with Parasport UK serving as the gold standard for participation opportunities in adaptive sport (British Paralympic Association, 2018a). This programme offers individualized consideration for disability groups, such as amputees and people with visual impairment, learning disabilities, and spinal cord injuries by providing access to sports including equestrian, para­ canoe, wheelchair fencing, and powerlifting. In a similar manner, the Canadian Paralympic Committee offers a programme called Ready, Willing, and Able, where people are provided the opportunity to meet, converse, and interact with Paralympians who have volunteered to teach skills and techniques specific to parasport (Canadian Paralympic Committee, 2013). Furthermore, Try Me sessions are available that showcase adaptive sports for athletes to sample, including, but not limited to, sledge hockey, boccia, goalball, wheelchair basketball, para-Nordic skiing, wheelchair curling, and sitting volleyball (Canadian Paralympic Committee, 2013). In sum, all of these global opportunities are designed to enhance the quality and quantity of services available to athletes interested in parasport. Of particular interest, the acquisition of skills from these opportunities and programmes is further enhanced by the presence of trained, skilled coaches (Allan et al., 2018; Banack, Sabiston, & Bloom, 2011).

Coach Learning and Development in Parasport Across the globe, coaches have the opportunity to develop sport-specific knowledge and expertise through formal, non-formal, and informal educational settings (Nelson, Cushion, & Potrac, 2009). These opportunities, however, are often limited for coaches of athletes with a physical disability. With that in mind, this section will define and describe some of the current research made available to parasport coaches to help bridge this gap. 167

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Formal educational learning opportunities are categorized as structured and large-scale programmes designed to help coaches attain knowledge and skills to increase their coaching confidence (Mallett, Trudel, Lyle, & Rynne, 2009; Nelson et al., 2009). The UK offers parasport coaching education through Sports Coach UK and the English Federation of Disability Sport, with the intention of providing tips and suggestions for coaching athletes with various disabilities (British Paralympic Association, 2018b). Further, in Canada, the National Coaching Certification Program (NCCP) is a formalized programme aimed at providing coaches with the knowledge to plan effective practice, communicate with their athletes, and reflect on coaching practices (Coaching Association of Canada, 2016). Although parasport coaches have reported supporting formal coach education, they were often disappointed with the lack of parasport-specific programmes available to them (Cregan, Bloom, & Reid, 2007; Douglas, Falcão, & Bloom, 2018; McMaster, Culver, & Werthner, 2012; Taylor, Werthner, & Culver, 2014; Wareham, Burkett, Innes, & Lovell, 2018). This lack of knowledge has limited their effectiveness as a coach by lowering their levels of confidence when coaching an athlete with a disability (Duarte & Culver, 2014; Martin & Whalen, 2014; Stride, Fitzgerald, & May, 2016). As a result, coaches have called for increased exposure to formal education programmes targeted at parasport and disability-specific information (Cregan et al., 2007; Douglas et al., 2018; McMaster et al., 2012; Taylor et al., 2014; Wareham et al., 2018). Owing to the limited number and quality of formalized coach education programmes, coaches have looked to non-formal experiences, such as workshops, conferences, and clinics, to gain knowledge in parasport (Douglas et al., 2018; Duarte & Culver, 2014; McMaster et al., 2012; Stride et al., 2016; Wareham et al., 2018). One example of a non-formal learning opportunity comes from the English Football Association, which created a parasport coaching workshop designed to teach coaches how to work with football players with a disability (Stride et al., 2016). This workshop helped improve coaches’ understanding of inclusion for athletes with a disability through their learning and experiencing various inclusionpromoting activities first hand (Stride et al., 2016). This type of workshop has been considered particularly valuable by parasport coaches as they provide an opportunity to apply theoretical knowledge in a practical setting, improving their confidence to effectively apply this knowledge in practice (McMaster et al., 2012; Stride et al., 2016; Taylor et al., 2014). Further, parasport coaches have highlighted the positive influence of learning from other coaches in the same field to develop their own practices (Duarte & Culver, 2014). For instance, McMaster and colleagues (2012) conducted coach observation and semi-structured interviews with five parasport coaches of varying ability levels, from recreational to elite sport, in adapted waterskiing, para-swimming, as well as wheelchair basketball, tennis, and rugby. Results revealed that coaches highlighted the value of non-formal learning opportunities to develop a network of like-minded coaches and acquire hands-on experience in this field, despite the fact these opportunities were limited in availability (McMaster et al., 2012). Therefore, despite the many benefits associated with learning through non-formal parasport coach education programmes, there remain few opportunities to participate in this manner and limited financial resources to aid or support these educational experiences (Wareham et al., 2018). As such, coaches are often forced to rely on informal education methods, such as coach mentorships, conversations with athletes, and personal reflections to begin or continue their education. Previous research has identified informal educational methods as the primary tool used by parasport coaches to acquire and develop knowledge in this domain (Cregan et al., 2007; Fairhurst, Bloom, & Harvey, 2017; McMaster et al., 2012; Tawse, Bloom, Sabiston, & Reid, 2012). For example, mentoring has been identified as one of the most important factors in a coach’s development (Bloom, 2013). Although a formalized, structured mentoring 168

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programme has been considered an important factor in the development of able-bodied sport coaches (Bloom, Durand-Bush, Schinke, & Salmela, 1998), there are few examples of formalized coach mentoring programmes in parasport (cf. Fairhurst et al., 2017). More specifically, Fairhurst and colleagues (2017) interviewed six Canadian Paralympic coaches from a variety of sports and found that those who had a mentor coach described this relationship as their most significant learning experience. Furthermore, all coaches made mentoring opportunities available for aspiring coaches as they recognized the benefit and importance of mentoring as a way to further parasport. Similarly, Wareham and colleagues (2018) interviewed 10 Australian parasport coaches and found organized mentorships or coach observations were their preferred methods of gaining expertise. The coaches intentionally sought out informal mentor relationships with other coaches because interactions with parasport coaches were quite limited. Additionally, those coaches with the most experience (more than 20 years) expressed disappointment that they had a wealth of knowledge that was not being shared with younger, inexperienced coaches (Wareham et al., 2018). As such, there appears to be a need for more formal mentorship programmes designed to facilitate this network of parasport coaches. In a related manner, conversing with athletes and their support system has shown to be a valuable source of information in parasport, particularly pertaining to knowledge surrounding the disability (i.e., accessibility constraints, equipment matters, etc.). This finding has been demonstrated from the perspective of both the athlete (Alexander, Bloom, & Taylor, 2020; Allan, Evans, Latimer-Cheung, & Côté, 2019; Culver & Werthner, 2018) and the coach (Cregan et al., 2007; Fairhurst et al., 2017; McMaster et al., 2012; Tawse et al., 2012). Partly owing to the fact that the majority of parasport coaches identify as able-bodied (Douglas et al., 2018), many of them rely heavily on open communication and dialogue with their athletes, especially when it comes to understanding their level of functioning (Cregan et al., 2007). While learning from others has been documented as a valuable source of information, coaches have also learned from reflective practices (Allan et al., 2019; Duarte & Culver, 2014; Taylor et al., 2014; Taylor, Werthner, Culver, & Callary, 2015; Wareham et al., 2018). For example, using collective case studies, Taylor and colleagues (2015) found that parasport coaches often reflected on personal experiences, such as being an athlete, coach, or student, and transferred their knowledge from the able-bodied field into parasport. Further, coaches expressed the need to be creative, brainstorm alternative possibilities, and have ongoing discussions with others to continue learning and developing as a parasport coach. In a similar study, Duarte and Culver (2014) used narrative inquiry to explore the learning development of one adapted-sailing coach. The participant described valuable developmental and learning experiences while growing up that included exposure to the Metropolitan Association for the Blind, where her mother worked, and an adapted swimming programme, where her sister volunteered. These experiences helped her develop a passion for working with athletes with a disability and also likely played a role in her ascension to both national and international coaching ranks. Furthermore, this coach continuously sought to learn throughout her career by questioning the effectiveness of programme designs, engaging in frequent discussions with the head coach, and implementing weekly meetings to share knowledge about parasport and various disabilities. Finally, Douglas and Hardin (2014) explored the learning development of one highly successful intercollegiate wheelchair basketball coach with more than 10 years of competitive parasport experience. Among the findings, the coach described his reliance on informal opportunities to learn from others (i.e., coaches, mentors, peers) as well as reflection on previous experience as an athlete and a coach to develop his practices (Douglas & Hardin, 2014). Taken together, these studies demonstrate the variety of educational learning opportunities that parasport coaches engage in or seek out. Although parasport coaches often place a high 169

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emphasis on learning through formal coach education, they also report limited availability to learn in this way. As such, coaches rely more heavily on non-formal learning methods (e.g., clinics, seminars, workshops) and informal opportunities, such as conversing with athletes and their support team, as well as reflecting on their own coaching practices and experiences.

Effective Coaching Strategies and Behaviours In many ways, being an effective parasport coach is often similar to being an effective coach for athletes without a disability. For example, effective coaches strive to foster success for their athletes on a personal and professional level by instilling confidence, motivation, skill development, goal-setting, and proper communication, regardless of their athletes’ physical ability (Becker, 2009; Gould, Guinan, Greenleaf, & Chung, 2002). However, there are certain contextual factors to consider when coaching an athlete with a disability that are unique to this population. Some examples include the distinctive mechanics of equipment, different athlete medications, accessibility constraints, and transportation considerations (Alexander et al., 2020; Cregan et al., 2007; Dieffenbach & Statler, 2012; Fairhurst et al., 2017; McMaster et al., 2012; Tawse et al., 2012). Research in this area has been gathered from the perspective of both athletes and coaches participating in individual and team sport environments. This section will discuss the following effective coaching strategies and behaviours: creativity, autonomy, independence, and knowledge of the disability (Alexander et al., 2020; Banack et al., 2011; Cheon, Reeve, Lee, & Lee, 2015; Cregan et al., 2007; Hanrahan, 2007; Tawse et al., 2012).

Creativity Many parasport coaches and athletes have highlighted the importance of coaches being creative and open to new ideas regarding their coaching practices (Alexander et al., 2020; Cregan et al., 2007; DePauw & Gavron, 2005; McMaster et al., 2012; Wareham, Burkett, Innes, & Lovell, 2017). For example, a coach may need to adapt or modify their practices if an athlete is unable to perform a specific motion owing to a physical limitation. This can be especially difficult when a coach is new to the parasport context. Moreover, Hanrahan (2007) cautioned, “what works today may not work tomorrow” (p. 132). For instance, Alexander and colleagues (2019) explored the coaching preferences of eight female Paralympic athletes who expressed their desire for coaches to be open to alternative strategies when dealing with equipment and to think outside the box when determining the most effective strategy. In doing so, athletes discussed having frequent conversations with their coaches about what worked and what did not (i.e., Alexander et al., 2020; Cregan et al., 2007; Taylor et al., 2015). Another study by Wareham et al. (2017) found that parasport coaches valued the opportunity to be creative, innovative, and intuitive in their practices, which was suggested to aid in their learning and development as a coach. As such, the ability to think outside the box was a common theme reported from the perspective of both the parasport athlete and coach as an effective strategy within this domain (Alexander et al., 2020; Wareham et al., 2017).

Autonomy Autonomy in the sporting context refers to coaches’ ability to provide athletes with a voice by creating leadership opportunities, allowing athletes to make decisions, or by engaging in deliberate and frequent conversations where athletes can express various opinions (Banack et al., 2011). Research has found that implementing these autonomy-supportive behaviours led 170

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to positive athlete outcomes on a personal (Tawse et al., 2012) and professional (Banack et al., 2011; Cheon et al., 2015) level. For example, Banack and colleagues (2011) assessed the relationship between autonomy-supportive coaching behaviours and Paralympic athlete satisfaction, motivation, and stimulation in sport. Results revealed that athletes who perceived their coaches were displaying autonomy-supportive behaviours experienced increased internal motivation, persistence, effort, and enjoyment in sport (Banack et al., 2011). In a similar study, Cheon and colleagues (2015) identified the association between autonomy-supportive coaching behaviours and performance in the Paralympic context in Korea. The findings demonstrated that athletes with autonomy-supportive coaches reported higher levels of internal motivation, engagement, and performance in sport compared with a control condition (Cheon et al., 2015). Taken together, these findings demonstrate the value of fostering autonomy within the parasport context to enhance an athlete’s psychological well-being and satisfaction in sport. Of particular interest to this population, coaches also have the opportunity to improve an athlete’s well-being and satisfaction outside the sporting context.

Independence Parasport coaches have a unique opportunity to enhance the independence of many of their athletes (Allan, 2018; Tawse et al., 2012; Wareham et al., 2017). For example, Tawse et al. (2012) interviewed four wheelchair rugby coaches on their experiences coaching athletes with spinal cord injuries and found that they emphasized the role of fostering athlete independence within their coaching practice. More specifically, coaches highlighted the importance of individual development over team outcomes and encouraged their athletes to perform daily actions independently, such as transferring out of a wheelchair and into a car. Consequently, Tawse and colleagues explained that coaches took on the role of promoting personal care to their athletes, such as how to empty a leg bag or how to go to the washroom without assistance. The coaches believed these strategies were necessary to promote a sense of athlete independence. In a similar study, Allan (2018) used a collective case study approach to explore how parasport coaches devised and executed effective programmes for their athletes. In doing so, the authors gathered data using document reviews, observations, and semi­ structured interviews with head coaches, assistant coaches, and athletes within each case. Among the findings, coaches emphasized the need to promote independence and selfconfidence both within and outside sport by holding their athletes to high standards and educating on personal care and transferable life skills (Allan, 2018).

Knowledge of Disability Finally, research has identified the importance of coaches being knowledgeable about their athletes’ disability (Alexander et al., 2020; Allan et al., 2019; Cregan et al., 2007). For example, Alexander et al. (2020) found that Paralympic athletes valued coaches who had a good understanding of their disability, limitations, and movement and were able to transfer their knowledge from able-bodied settings into the parasport context. Similarly, Allan and colleagues (2019) conducted retrospective life history interviews with 21 parasport athletes with congenital and acquired disabilities and found that athletes felt it was important for their coaches to have expertise in both their sport and with their disability. Cregan and colleagues (2007) discussed similar findings from the perspective of the parasport coach, where participants identified that learning about the varying types of disability and how to effectively communicate with the athletes’ caregivers and support workers was an important step in their 171

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learning process. As well, the importance of using the athlete as a source of knowledge in the coaching process was identified, especially as there were limited coaching resources for athletes with a disability (i.e., manuals, clinics, seminars) at that time (Cregan et al., 2007). As a result, parasport coaches have called for increased education in terms of biomechanical and physiological functioning, adaptations, and limitations for parasport coaches (Wareham et al., 2018). Overall, there are a number of effective coaching strategies and behaviours in the parasport domain. For example, parasport athletes have called for their coaches to be open-minded, creative, and able to think outside the box when modifying techniques or working with equipment. Further, parasport coaching research has highlighted the need to foster independence for the athlete, both within and outside sport, and to have a good understanding of their disability (Cregan et al., 2007; Dieffenbach & Statler, 2012). The strategies mentioned in this section are merely four examples of effective behaviours gathered from the parasport literature. Considering the uniqueness of parasport, there are undoubtedly other ways to effectively coach in this domain that have not yet been documented. As such, there is a need for more research on effective and ineffective coaching practices for athletes with a disability.

Coaching Athletes in Team Sports Although a large proportion of parasport literature has focused on individual sport environments (e.g., Alexander et al., 2020; Cheon et al., 2015; Cregan et al., 2007; Duarte & Culver, 2014), there is a growing body of empirical research focused on coaching in a team setting (e.g., Allan et al., 2019; Campbell & Jones, 2002; Caron, Bloom, Loughead, & Hoffmann, 2016; Dieffenbach & Statler, 2012; Falcão, Bloom, & Loughead, 2015; Tawse et al., 2012). For example, Falcão and colleagues (2015) interviewed seven Paralympic coaches who revealed the importance of developing cohesion through team bonding activities outside the sporting environment, such as going out for dinner or to the movies. Moreover, the coaches felt developing team cohesion was particularly important given that many of their athletes live far apart from their teammates and coaches for the majority of the season. As such, coaches highlighted the importance of these activities in addition to frequent communication with their athletes via phone, Skype, iMessage, or BlackBerry Messenger to involve them within the team and maintain personal connections, despite their geographic distances from each other. A similar finding emerged from Caron and colleagues (2016) who interviewed 10 Paralympic athlete leaders to further understand the role of team cohesion. Again, owing to the fact that most of their athletes train on their own in various geographic locations, athlete leaders also encouraged the use of email and social networking sites to communicate with team members throughout the year. Additional findings revealed that Paralympic athlete leaders provided motivation and support for their teammates, particularly when it came to accommodating a teammate’s disability, and promoted a sense of personal independence for their teammates outside the sporting environment. As such, both Paralympic coaches and athlete leaders felt that team cohesion was an important strategy to help improve the emotional growth of the athlete as well as the performance and success of the team (Caron et al., 2016; Falcão et al., 2015). In another study, Allan et al. (2019) interviewed 21 male and female recreational-to­ international-level athletes with a disability to explore athlete perceptions of coaching effectiveness in parasport. One of the findings was that athletes desired team sport coaches who valued and promoted an inclusive environment, which often included a number of team bonding or social activities. Effective coaches were identified as those who supported their

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athletes by ensuring that their level of functioning did not interfere with their participation in all team functions and activities. Taken together, the research presented in this section revealed unique considerations for coaching in a team parasport environment. For example, parasport coaches and athlete leaders highlighted the importance of maintaining communication with athletes via email or social media to foster cohesion despite large geographic training distances (Caron et al., 2016; Falcão et al., 2015). When timing permitted, coaches and athletes recommended various team bonding activities on and off the field to help foster a strong sense of team unity. As a result, coaches should pay particular attention to each athlete’s disability or impairment and needs (i.e., accessibility for athletes in a wheelchair, sensory considerations for athletes with a visual or hearing impairment) to ensure that they are fully included in all team activities (Allan et al., 2019; Campbell & Jones, 2002; Caron et al., 2016). Awareness of these contextual factors can affect the team culture, which both directly and indirectly can enhance or hinder team closeness, enjoyment, and participation (Allan et al., 2019; Caron et al., 2016; Falcão et al., 2015).

Coaching Athletes with Intellectual Disabilities Referring back to the definition at the start of this chapter, one of the features of disability involves having a mental or intellectual impairment. This can include people living with Down syndrome, autism, or Fragile X syndrome. As is the case for people living without a disability, sport can provide a number of physical and psychosocial benefits for people with an intellectual disability, including the development of sport skills, a sense of achievement, enhanced self-esteem, and increased socialization with friends and teammates (Darcy & Dowse, 2013; Harada, Siperstein, Parker, & Lenox, 2011). The most prominent global competition for athletes with an intellectual disability is the Special Olympic Games. The first Special Olympics were held in Chicago, Illinois, in 1968, involving approximately 1,000 athletes from Canada and the United States competing in a variety of sports including softball, swimming, high jump, and floor hockey. The Games have since expanded to involve more than 5 million athletes from 174 countries around the world and continue to promote and empower sport participation for people with an intellectual disability (Special Olympics, 2018). Owing to the exponential growth of this international event, research has recently begun focusing on the unique considerations involved when coaching athletes in this domain. Around the world, sport organizations from Canada, the United States, Australia, and the UK have developed online educational resources specifically designed or adapted for coaching athletes with an intellectual disability. For example, Special Olympics Australia provided a comprehensive coaching manual entitled Coaching Special Olympics Athletes, which included the use of proper terminology (i.e., intellectual disability rather than mental retardation), various learning considerations (i.e., memory ability, comprehension), as well as problem-solving recommendations for people working with athletes in this setting (Special Olympics Coaching Guide, 2003). Further, this resource provided coaches with practical strategies and behaviours, such as using repetition as a way of enhancing and maintaining learning development. Additionally, the Coaching Association of Canada offers an online module called Coaching Athletes with a Disability that is designed to provide an educational resource for coaches of athletes with intellectual, physical, behavioural, or sensory disabilities (Coaching Association of Canada, 2019). The aim of this module is to offer coaches various strategies and behaviours to effectively communicate with their athletes, as well as to help them plan and execute a safe, inclusive space for their athletes to train and develop sport-specific skills. Although these resources have provided a first step in understanding the intricacies of coaching athletes with intellectual disabilities, little empirical research has focused on the learning and 173

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development of coaches for these athletes. One exception is the work of MacDonald, Beck, Erickson, and Côté (2016), who explored how 45 Special Olympic coaches developed their knowledge and skill set to coach in this domain. Of the participants, approximately 50% had previously worked with an athlete in the Special Olympics, 18 of those 23 coaches had a family member with an intellectual disability, and 5 had friends involved as athletes. Similar to coaches in the parasport context, these coaches revealed that informal educational opportunities, such as learning through peers, individual planning, and learning by doing, were among the most frequently used strategies. Further, coaches rated mentorship and formal or non-formal education (i.e., NCCP courses, workshops, clinics) as ideal sources of knowledge, yet caveated that there were few available opportunities in this form. In a related study, Hassan, Dowling, McConkey, and Menke (2012) explored the role of the coach in promoting inclusion through the Youth Unified Sports programme within the Special Olympics organization. Data were collected through interviews with 25 football and basketball coaches from Serbia, Poland, Ukraine, Germany, and Hungary, with the majority being highly qualified (i.e., graduate degrees, experience working with athletes with disability, working in education) in the field. Among the results, coaches described their philosophy and offered sportspecific knowledge that was designed to promote a safe and inclusive environment for their athletes. Coaches also encouraged their athletes to build friendships and participate in activities outside the sporting environment to foster social development (Hassan et al., 2012). Future research is needed to add to the small body of literature on coaching athletes in this population to further our understanding of effective practices in sport for coaches of athletes with an intellectual disability.

Conclusion Coinciding with the rise in popularity of the Paralympic Games and the Special Olympics, there is a growing body of coaching literature in these domains. In reviewing the literature, we found that coaches of athletes with a disability often rely on informal learning methods to acquire their knowledge. This occurs by learning from others (e.g., athlete conversations, coach mentorship) and/or learning through oneself (e.g., creativity, introspective reflection). This reliance on informal learning methods can be attributed to a lack of formal education that is accessible as well as disability- and sport-specific. Further, we have identified creativity, fostering autonomy and independence, having a good understanding of the disability, and providing a safe, inclusive training environment to be effective coaching strategies in sport for people with a disability. Nevertheless, we encourage coaches to consider these strategies as a starting point, while keeping in mind that each athlete may have individual needs that require the coach to be creative and adaptable. Future research is encouraged to continue identifying effective coaching methods for athletes with a physical or intellectual disability and to provide more coach education programmes across the globe to help individuals continue to learn and grow in this specific sporting context.

References Alexander, D., Bloom, G. A., & Taylor, S. L. (2020). Female Paralympic athlete views of effective and inef­ fective coaching practices. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 32, 48–63. Allan, V., Evans, M. B., Latimer-Cheung, A. E., & Côté, J. (2019). From the athletes’ perspective: A socialrelational understanding of how coaches shape the disability sport experience. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, Advanced Online Publication. doi: 10.1080/10413200.2019.1587551. Allan, V., Smith, B., Côté, J., Martin Ginis, K. A., & Latimer-Cheung, A. E. (2018). Narratives of participa­ tion among individuals with physical disabilities: A life-course analysis of athletes’ experiences and devel­ opment in parasport. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 37, 170–178.

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Coaching Athletes with a Disability Allan, V. R. (2018). From knowledge to action: Quality participation and coaching effectiveness in disability sport. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Queen’s University. Kingston, ON. Banack, H. R., Sabiston, C. M., & Bloom, G. A. (2011). Coach autonomy support, basic need satisfaction, and intrinsic motivation of paralympic athletes. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 82, 722–730. Becker, A. (2009). It’s not what they do, it’s how they do it: Athlete experiences of great coaching. Inter­ national Journal of Sports Science and Coaching, 4, 93–119. Bloom, G. A. (2013). Mentoring for sport coaches. In P. Potrac, W. Gilbert, & J. Denison (Eds.), Routledge handbook of sports coaching (pp. 476–485). London: Routledge. Bloom, G. A., Durand-Bush, N., Schinke, R. J., & Salmela, J. H. (1998). The importance of mentoring in the development of coaches and athletes. International Journal of Sport Psychology, 29, 267–281. British Paralympic Association. (2018a). Play sport. Retrieved from https://parasport.org.uk/play-sport British Paralympic Association. (2018b). Get involved: Coaching. Retrieved from https://parasport.org.uk/ coaching Campbell, E., & Jones, G. (1994). Psychological well-being in wheelchair sport participants and nonparticipants. Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly, 11, 404–415. Campbell, E., & Jones, G. (2002). Sources of stress experienced by elite male wheelchair basketball players. Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly, 19, 82–99. Canadian Paralympic Committee. (2013). Ready willing and able. Retrieved from http://paralympic.ca/ activities/ready-willing-and-able Caron, J. G., Bloom, G. A., Loughead, T. M., & Hoffmann, M. D. (2016). Paralympic athlete leaders’ per­ ceptions of leadership and cohesion. Journal of Sport Behavior, 39, 219–238. Cheon, S. H., Reeve, J., Lee, J., & Lee, Y. (2015). Giving and receiving autonomy support in a high-stakes sport context: A field-based experiment during the 2012 London Paralympic Games. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 19, 59–69. Coaching Association of Canada. (2016). Get coaching! Retrieved from http://coach.ca/get-coaching– s16572 Coaching Association of Canada. (2019). Coaching athletes with a disability. Retrieved from www.coach. ca/coaching-athletes-with-a-disability–s17345 Cregan, K., Bloom, G. A., & Reid, G. (2007). Career evolution and knowledge of elite coaches of swimmers with a physical disability. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 78, 339–350. Culver, D. M., & Werthner, P. (2018). Voices: Para athletes speak. Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health, 10, 167–175. Darcy, S., & Dowse, L. (2013). In search of a level playing field – The constraints and benefits of sport par­ ticipation for people with intellectual disability. Disability & Society, 28(3), 393–407. DePauw, K. P., & Gavron, S. J. (2005). Disability and sport (2nd ed.). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Dieffenbach, K. D., & Statler, T. A. (2012). More similar than different: The psychological environment of Paralympic sport. Journal of Sport Psychology in Action, 3, 109–118. Disability Sports Australia. (2018). Changing lives through sport. Retrieved from www.sports.org.au Disabled Sports USA. (2018). Our mission and vision. Retrieved from www.disabledsportsusa.org/about/ our-mission/ Douglas, S., Falcão, W. R., & Bloom, G. A. (2018). Career development and learning pathways of Paral­ ympic coaches with a disability. Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly, 35, 93–110. Douglas, S., & Hardin, B. (2014). Case study of an expert intercollegiate wheelchair basketball coach. Applied Research in Coaching and Athletics Annual, 29, 193–212. Duarte, T., & Culver, D. M. (2014). Becoming a coach in developmental adaptive sailing: A lifelong learn­ ing perspective. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 26, 441–456. Fairhurst, K., Bloom, G. A., & Harvey, W. J. (2017). The learning and mentoring experiences of Paralympic coaches. Disability and Health Journal, 10, 240–246. Falcão, W. R., Bloom, G. A., & Loughead, T. M. (2015). Coaches’ perceptions of team cohesion in Paral­ ympic sports. Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly, 32, 206–222. Giacobbi, P. R., Stancil, M., Hardin, B., & Bryant, L. (2008). Physical activity and quality of life experienced by highly active individuals with physical disabilities. Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly, 25, 189–207. Gold, J. R., & Gold, M. M. (2007). Access for all: The rise of the Paralympic Games. The Journal of the Royal Society for the Promotion of Health, 127, 133–141. Goodwin, D. L., & Compton, S. G. (2004). Physical activity experiences of women aging with disabilities. Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly, 21, 122–138.

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COGNITIVE DECLINES

Protection by Physical Activity Feng-Tzu Chen, Yu-Kai Chang, and Stefan Schneider

Introduction Cognitive function (also called cognition) refers to an individual’s intellectual ability to perceive, recognize, and understand thoughts and ideas. Increasing evidence indicates that cognitive function declines with advancing age. Older adults commonly experience cognitive decline in several areas (such as attention, short-term and long-term memory, and executive function), with these declines being considered common characteristics of ageing (van Dam & Aleman, 2004). Furthermore, these deteriorations in cognitive function are associated with increased risks of dementia (Erickson & Kramer, 2009), a condition that inevitably has a negative influence on quality of life in elderly individuals. It is estimated that 46.8 million older adults suffered from dementia in the developed world in 2015 and, if current trends continue, that figure is expected to reach 131.5 million in 2050 (www.worldalzreport2015.org/), a statistic that underscores the urgent need to find means of ameliorating the problems caused by cognitive decline. Regular physical activity (PA) has been widely promoted as a strategy for reducing the risk of cognitive decline in older populations (Barnes, 2015; Koscak Tivadar, 2017; Voss, Nagamatsu, Liu-Ambrose, & Kramer, 2011). A recent systematic review estimated that there have been more than 1,000 clinical trials, 174 systematic reviews, and 50 meta-analytic reviews aimed at investigating the relationship between PA and cognitive function across the lifespan, indicating the maturity of this field of study (Gomes-Osman et al., 2018). Although these studies have generally suggested that PA could improve cognitive function in older adults, not all of the reported treatment outcomes support this viewpoint. The reasons for this lack of consistent support seem to consist of various factors that might affect cognitive function, and this chapter discusses previous important findings regarding the relationship between PA and cognitive function. This chapter provides an overview of research elucidating the relationship between PA and cognitive function in ageing populations (e.g., older adults) and provides evidence from a number of different perspectives, including evidence relating to relevant experimental designs (what), exercise manipulations (how), sample characteristics (for whom), and mechanisms (why). In the second section, some PA terms are defined to clarify the meanings in the issue. In the third section, evidence is described for the relationship between PA and cognitive function derived from studies with various experimental designs (such as cross-sectional, prospective, and randomized 177

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control trial studies). In the fourth section, we introduce the various exercise manipulations (such as manipulations of exercise type, intensity, and time) that might bring greater cognitive benefits to older populations. Although long-term PA is the primary focus of this chapter, it also discusses the effects of single bouts of exercise on cognitive function. In the fifth section, the research results for populations with different sample characteristics (that is, differences in age, gender, fitness, and cognitive status) are discussed. In the sixth section, the possible mechanisms underlying the relationship between PA and cognitive function are discussed. Finally, some potential practical implications of the issues in the preceding sections are discussed.

Definitions of Physical Activity Before beginning a discussion of this issue, it is important to be familiar with the definitions of various PA-related terms used in the literature in order to understand the implications of the relationship between PA and cognitive function and any limitations to that relationship. Therefore, the chapter defines three key terms as follows: PA refers to any bodily movement produced by skeletal muscles that requires an energy expenditure and includes any motor behaviour that increases the utilization of an individual’s muscles. PA may thus be aerobic or non-aerobic in nature, including actions such as bicycling, walking, hiking, gardening, dancing, swimming, and other activities and hobbies. Exercise (also called ‘physical exercise’) is a subcategory of PA that consists of any planned, structured, repetitive, and purposeful activity aimed at improving one or more components of physical fitness. In studies of the relationship between exercise and cognitive function, exercise is generally viewed as consisting of either chronic exercise (that is, long-term exercise) or acute exercise (that is, a single bout of exercise). In studies of chronic exercise, participants are asked to participate in exercise programmes that last for weeks or months, with several sessions per week. And studies of acute exercise only ask participants to perform a single session of exercise lasting from a few minutes to multiple hours. Physical fitness (also called ‘fitness’) is an index of well-being that can be defined as an individual’s ability to complete the tasks of daily living. The different subcategories of fitness include aerobic fitness (or cardiorespiratory fitness), muscle strength and endurance, flexibility, power, agility, and body composition.

Evidence from Different Experimental Designs This section summarizes the evidence regarding the relationship between exercise training and cognitive function in older adults that has been obtained by studies using different experimental designs, including studies with cross-sectional designs, prospective and longitudinal designs, and randomized control trials (RCTs) using interventional designs.

Studies with Cross-Sectional Designs Early studies regarding the relationship between exercise and cognitive function generally consisted of cross-sectional studies that focused on behavioural measures of cognitive performance (e.g., studies involving simple cognitive tasks and reaction times). In a pioneering work, Spirduso (1975) reported that active older adults who were regular racquetball players exhibited faster reaction times as well as better performances on simple cognitive tasks than inactive younger adults, suggesting a cognitive benefit of regular participation in PA. Around two decades later, Etnier et al. (1997) conducted a meta-analytic review of studies regarding 178

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this issue. For this general investigation, they used broad inclusion criteria to include a total of 134 studies, and their analysis yielded 1,260 effect sizes, with the results of their crosssectional paradigm indicating a positive relationship between PA and cognitive function (effect size = 0.53). However, these results were limited by the use of a cross-sectional design in which the causal relationship between exercise and cognitive function necessarily remains unknown. For example, one possible explanation of cross-sectional observational studies indicating a positive relationship between PA and cognitive function is simply that individuals who have higher cognitive functions are more likely to participate in PA. Therefore, prospective studies and RCTs have been conducted to investigate the relationship further and provide additional evidence for its causal direction.

Studies with Prospective and Longitudinal Designs For an initial understanding of the impact of PA on cognitive function, some researchers have focused on conducting large-scale prospective studies aimed at examining participants’ PA to predict any changes in cognitive performance that occur over time. Despite the fact that prospective studies do not clearly show the causal direction of a relationship either, prospective designs offer the advantages of tracking the sequence of events and revealing possible confounders. Generally, the studies of this type have used various cognitive assessments (e.g., the mini-mental state examination, fluid intelligence compound scores, and the symbol digit modalities test) to determine aspects of cognitive performance (including global cognition, intelligence, and information processing, respectively). For PA, prospective longitudinal studies have typically determined the participation in regular PA and fitness via two different types of assessment: selfreported questionnaires and objective measures of PA. This approach is advantageous in that it allows researchers to easily collect data across multiple time points with large cohorts and, thus, offers additional insights into the association between PA and cognitive functions. With self-reported questionnaires, study participants provide details of their participation in PA through their responses to questions such as, ‘How many hours of exercise have you engaged in this week?’ or ‘What kind of exercises do you always participate in?’ Such questions can be used to evaluate whether the study participants have participated in any sports or exercises that cause them to make energy expenditures. Previous prospective studies have examined the benefits of PA on cognitive function in older adults, with their results suggesting a clear relationship between higher levels of PA participation and a reduced risk of cognitive impairment. For example, Yaffe, Barnes, Nevitt, Lui, and Covinsky (2001) investigated 5,925 white community-dwelling elderly woman (aged ≥ 65 years) with no cognitive impairment or physical limitations. Their results indicated that the participants with greater levels of PA at baseline were less likely to develop cognitive decline during the 6–8-year follow-up period. Additionally, Sofi et al. (2011) conducted a meta-analysis of the association between exercise and cognitive function and concluded that higher levels of PA significantly slowed the rate of cognitive decline (-38%) during a follow-up period of 1–12 years. Another approach consists of taking objective measurements of PA, such as measuring up to 10 days of PA via non-invasive wrist-worn devices. Using this approach, Middleton et al. (2011) examined participants’ PA energy expenditure that was measured by doubly labelled water (considered as a gold standard measure of total PA), and these results suggested an inverse relationship between PA and cognitive decline. In line with this perspective, Buchman et al. (2012) published a study using comprehensive data from 716 older participants and reported that PA constitutes a means by which to decrease the rate of cognitive decline. This suggested, in turn, that PA could reduce risk of the subsequent development of Alzheimer’s disease. 179

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In summary, these studies have proved that self-reported and objective measures of PA are good predictors of cognitive function and have led us, in turn, to hypothesize that exercise participation seems to offer a protective effect against cognitive decline in older populations. Despite the positive results of such studies, however, they still have a number of limitations. First, despite self-reported questionnaires being a simple, low-cost means by which to capture the level of PA, they may not be accurate or precise because the reported details of PA (e.g., intensity, duration, etc.) are always affected by recall bias. Second, it is possible that cognitive statuses at baseline are different for individuals who are physically active than for those who are inactive, and so some confounding factor (e.g., intelligence, education, etc.) might affect cognitive function such that the results of these studies are not entirely related to the cognitive outcomes of interest. Third, the majority of prospective studies have limited data on global cognition (e.g., basic information processing). Global cognition is relatively simple to examine for a large cohort collection; however, studies focusing on complex cognitive tasks are needed for the issue.

Randomized Control Trials with Interventional Designs Over the past decade, there have been an increasing number of RCTs that have investigated the relationships between various exercise interventions and cognitive function. For RCT trials, participants are randomly assigned to either a longitudinal intervention involving some form of exercise (i.e., a monitored and structured activity) or a control group (e.g., a wait-list, education course, or light PA group). RCTs provide outcomes that allow researchers to compare differences in cognitive performance after an intervention or changes in cognitive behaviour from pre-test to posttest between groups. In addition, the design is able to control social and other confounders (e.g. leisure time activities) and, thus, allows researchers to directly investigate the isolated effects of improvements in exercise training on cognitive outcomes. According to the evidence provided by RCTs, different cognitive domains seem to be affected by PA, and the outcomes for more complex cognitive tests are most affected by exercise training. Specifically, the effects of PA seem to include greatly beneficial effects on executive function, a phenomenon that has led to the selective improvement hypothesis in older adults. Executive function (that is, high-order and metacognition) refers to a set of interrelated cognitive abilities for achieving goal-directed behaviours, a cognitive capacity that is associated with the prefrontal cortex. Typically, the measures of executive function include measures of task coordination, planning, goal maintenance, working memory, and task switching. The hypothesis of selective improvement was first proposed by Kramer et al. (1999), who investigated 124 older, sedentary adults (aged 60–75 years old) who were randomly assigned to either an aerobic exercise (moderate walking) or a control exercise (stretching and toning) group. Over the 6-month intervention period, Kramer and his colleagues found that the aerobic exercise group showed a significant improvement in the maximum rate of oxygen consumption (5.1%) that was much greater than that shown by those in the stretching and toning group (–2.8%), revealing that walking enhanced the aerobic exercise group’s level of aerobic fitness. Further analysis showed that the participants in the aerobic exercise group displayed improvements in cognitive performance compared with the anaerobic exercise group. Importantly, the aerobic exercise group also displayed improvements in executive function performance, as indexed by task switching, stopping, and selective attention tasks, compared with those in the anaerobic exercise group. From Kramer et al. (1999), it can be concluded that regular PA or exercise constitutes a strategy for boosting cognitive performance and, therefore, might counteract cognitive function decline. In addition, the results also yield several other key conclusions. First, exercise can reliably reverse age-related cognitive declines. Second, the effects of aerobic exercise on 180

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cognitive function seem to include improvements in executive function in older adults. Third, aerobic exercise disproportionately benefits performance on executive function tasks, and this suggests a form of selective improvement in cognitive function for older adults engaging in exercise interventions. Along these lines, a meta-analysis of RCTs confirmed the greater effect of aerobic exercise interventions on executive function. Colcombe and Kramer (2003) investigated 18 longitudinal studies published between 1966 and 2001 and concluded that they revealed significant effects of aerobic fitness training on specific cognitive domains (with an overall effect size of 0.48). Comparing each cognitive domain, this meta-analysis further indicated that the observed effect of aerobic fitness training on executive function was the largest effect (effect size = 0.68), with the effects on controlled, spatial, and speed-related domains being smaller (effect sizes = 0.27~0.46). These findings support the view that executive function is selectively improved by exercise training. As a result of such studies, the executive function hypothesis has been commonly applied to older adults. Indeed, a commentary regarding the application of the executive function hypothesis to the issue of PA and cognitive function was published by Etnier and Chang (2009), who identified 128 different tasks that had been used to measure executive function in previous studies and further summarized a recommended 10 tasks that had commonly been used in neuropsychological studies. The top three of those tasks included the Wisconsin Card Sorting Test, the Stroop Test, and the Trail Making Test, which represent different types of executive function (that is, updating, inhibition, and shifting, respectively). However, some studies have failed to find a positive impact of exercise training on cognitive and executive functioning in older adults. In order to further investigate the results of RCTs, Northey, Cherbuin, Pumpa, Smee, and Rattray (2018) recently conducted a systematic metaanalytic review to examine the effect of PA on cognitive function in older populations (i.e., individuals > 50 years old). In particular, the results indicated a significant and positive relationship between PA and executive function. In addition to this key finding from the past literature, the authors of the review also provided a few interesting clues about the relationship between PA and cognitive function, including the finding that exercise moderators (such as exercise type and duration) are factors that influence the effects of PA on cognitive functions. Therefore, in the next section, we will focus on the various exercise manipulations that might affect cognitive functions in older populations.

How: The Role of Exercise Manipulations Based on the results of the research reviewed above, we can conclude that exercise is an effective strategy for mitigating the deleterious effects of ageing on cognitive functions. However, it is important to note that our current understanding of the factors that could potentially mediate and moderate the benefits of exercise is limited. This begs the following question: What exercise manipulations can influence cognitive functions? That is, what factors of exercise need to be further promoted in interventions for older populations? In this section, we provide some potential answers to those questions in order to inform readers about how to establish exercise training that improves cognitive function in the most efficient manner.

How to Start: Suggested Exercise Types Although not many studies have recommended specific exercise types for improving cognitive functions with the greatest efficiency, an early meta-analysis showed that aerobic fitness 181

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interventions (e.g. walking, jogging, etc.) benefit cognitive function in older adults (Colcombe & Kramer, 2003). Some other exercise types (e.g., resistance exercise, T’ai Chi, etc.) have also been increasingly investigated over the past decade, and increasing evidence has shown that certain specific exercise types lead to positive improvements in older adults’ cognition. Resistance exercise (which aims to enhance muscle strength and endurance, power, and mass) has been suggested as one exercise type that can improve cognition in older adults. A review by Chang, Pan, Chen, Tsai, and Huang (2012) found that older individuals who engaged in this exercise modality may experience enhanced performance in specific cognitive domains, such as information-processing speed, attention, memory formation, and executive function. Subsequently, follow-up studies consisting of RCTs further showed that resistance exercise can enhance older adults’ cognitive functions (Bherer, Erickson, & Liu-Ambrose, 2013; Kelly et al., 2014). Additionally, T’ai Chi has also been suggested as a strategy for improving cognition in older adults (Chang, Nien, Tsai, & Etnier, 2010), with a recent systematic review suggesting that older individuals who participate in T’ai Chi training experience enhanced cognitive functions (Wayne et al., 2014). It is possible that exercise regimens consisting of a single type of exercise may not be as beneficial as combined exercise interventions. For example, in Colcombe and Kramer’s (2003) previous meta-analysis, the authors suggested a greater effect on cognition from a combination of both aerobic and resistance exercises than from exercise regimens consisting of only a single type of exercise. Moreover, two more recent meta-analyses supported the perspective that the effects of combined exercise interventions on cognitive performance are greater than those of single exercise interventions (Barha, Falck, Davis, Nagamatsu, & Liu-Ambrose, 2017; Northey et al., 2018). Taken together, these results indicate that exercises involving more than two forms of fitness ability seem to be of the most benefit to cognition in older populations.

Recommended Exercise Duration Someone might wonder what duration of exercise training will be helpful for preventing cognitive decline in older adults. Previous evidence has suggested that the answer to this question could be summarized as ‘the more the better’. In one large-scale prospective study, Podewils et al. (2005) explored the relationship between PA and the risk of dementia, and the results suggested that older participants who engaged in more than three sessions of PA per week displayed better cognitive function than those who participated in one or fewer sessions. In addition, another study suggested that walking 2 miles or more per day seemed to yield great benefits for cognitive performance at follow-up. However, the evidence for this correlation remains limited, and so more studies are still needed to determine the duration of exercise that most efficiently affects cognitive function. Several RCTs have, however, provided evidence regarding the appropriate durations for exercise programmes. For example, Erickson and Kramer (2009) suggested that at least 6 months of moderate-intensity aerobic exercise are sufficient to facilitate substantially improved cognitive function in older adults. On the other hand, Denkinger, Nikolaus, Denkinger, and Lukas (2012) found that a mere 4–8 weeks of exercise training efficiently induced cognitive improvements, suggesting that short-term exercise training might also be sufficient for reducing the risk of cognitive decline. So far, a number of studies have recommended that exercise training sessions should be more than 30 minutes in length and be undertaken 5 times per week, and this protocol seems to have a good impact on cognitive function in older adults. Taken together, the above evidence indicates that it is never too late to begin an exercise programme that could improve cognitive function in older adults. 182

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Effectiveness of Acute Exercise in Improving Cognitive Performance Acute exercise (that is, a single bout of exercise) is another approach that has been used to examine the effects of PA on cognitive function in older adults. In this exercise approach, researchers investigate the facilitating or debilitating effects on cognitive function from single sessions of exercise with durations ranging from only a few minutes up to several hours. Below, we discuss the effects of such acute exercise interventions as reported by various reviews and meta-analyses, as well as more information regarding the dose–response relationship of exercise intensity or duration and cognitive functions. There is considerable support for the perspective that acute exercise positively influences cognitive performance in older adults. An early review conducted by Tomporowski (2003), for example, concluded that participants of all ages who engaged in submaximal aerobic exercise for up to 60 minutes exhibited better performance in terms of information processing (e.g. choice response time). This finding formed the basis of current knowledge regarding the relationship between acute exercise and cognition. In 2009, Chang and his colleagues began to explore the dose–response relationship of acute exercise intensity and cognitive functions in younger adults (Chang & Etnier, 2009). Their findings showed that moderate-intensity acute exercise resulted in superior cognitive performance (as measured by the Stroop task; Stroop, 1935) compared with light-intensity acute exercise and vigorous-intensity acute exercise. In a follow-up study (Chen et al., 2018), the authors further explored the dose–response relationship of acute exercise duration and Stroop performance in older adults (50–60 years old), with the results suggesting greater effects from a 30-minute session (that is, 5 minutes of warm-up, 20 minutes at 70% heart rate reserve, and 5 minutes of cool-down) of acute exercise on the performance of the Stroop-incongruent condition (which tests inhibition interference) than from 10-minute and 55- minute sessions of acute exercise. A comprehensive meta-analysis conducted by Chang, Labban, Gapin, and Etnier (2012) further confirmed the effects of acute exercise on people of different ages. The results specifically showed a significantly positive effect size on cognitive functions and that the best benefits were specifically found in older adults (effect size = 0.18). Taken together, these previous studies generally suggested that acute exercise has a positive, albeit small, effect on cognitive function in older populations. In summary, although beneficial effects of acute exercise on executive function have been found, the number of relevant studies for older adults remains limited. Therefore, we suggest that additional research is needed in the future to further investigate this relationship.

For Whom As a previous meta-analysis showed that individual sample differences are influential factors affecting cognitive function (Smith et al., 2010), the following questions arise: For whom is PA most beneficial for cognitive performance? And do the positive effects of PA also occur in older adults with cognitive impairments? Therefore, in this section, we provide an overview of the current knowledge of how individual sample factors (e.g., age, gender, and cognitive impairments) can greatly influence the effects of exercise training in older adults.

Effectiveness of Physical Activity by Age Although the findings discussed above provide substantial evidence of the positive cognitive effects of exercise in older populations, the following practical question should be further discussed: When in 183

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one’s lifetime is exercise most needed to start reaping ongoing cognitive benefits? In animal studies, the greatest beneficial effects of PA seemed to occur in adolescent animals rather than in older animals; therefore, some experts have suggested that PA may best be started in individuals of young age (Rosenzweig & Bennett, 1996). Even so, several human studies have found a positive association between exercise training and cognitive function in late life. For example, Sumic, Michael, Carlson, Howieson, and Kaye (2007) examined the effect of exercise training on cognitive impairment in a sample of adults over the age of 85 years, and their results suggested that the elderly individuals who engaged in at least 4 hours of exercise per week exhibited a decline in the rate of cognitive impairment during the following years. In order to clarify the evidence for the ‘age-dependence hypothesis’ (that is, the hypothesis that PA only has beneficial effects on cognitive function for individuals of specific ages), some studies have investigated more than one age group simultaneously. For example, Middleton, Barnes, Lui, and Yaffe (2010) indicated that the cognitive benefits of engaging in PA did not differ for individuals of different ages (specifically, teenagers, those aged 30 years, those aged 50 years, and elderly individuals). Taken together, the results indicate that positive effects of exercise on cognition have been demonstrated across the lifespan, from younger ages to very old age.

Gender Benefit from Physical Activity Another practical question that should be asked is, which gender can achieve greater cognitive benefits from exercise training? Colcombe and Kramer (2003) first suggested that women receive greater cognitive benefits from aerobic exercise training than men, revealing that studies including more than 50% female participants showed greater cognitive performance compared with those that included more than 50% male participants. This finding indicates that an individual’s biological sex seems to be a potential moderator of the relationship between PA and cognitive function. Several studies have also found that higher levels of PA are associated with greater cognitive functions to a greater extent in women than men, with both higher PA levels and greater cognitive functions reducing the risk for dementia (Laurin, Verreault, Lindsay, MacPherson, & Rockwood, 2001; Middleton, Kirkland, & Rockwood, 2008). In addition, an RCT trial was conducted by Baker et al. (2010) in which participants were randomized into either a 6-month aerobic exercise programme or a 6-month stretching control group. The results showed that those in the exercise group exhibited enhanced executive functioning, and that the benefit was greater in women than in men. Recently, Barha et al. (2017) conducted a meta-analysis of this issue, and their results further suggested that women exhibit greater executive function performance boosts than men. However, not all studies have supported the conclusion that exercise is of greater benefit to women. For example, a prospective population-based study by Dik, Deeg, Visser, and Jonker (2003) of 1,241 older participants aged 62–85 years reported a positive association between regular PA and cognitive function (e.g. information-processing speed) in older men, but not women. Taken together, the results of previous studies support the conclusion that PA might delay late-life cognitive deficits, but which gender, if either, receives greater benefits from PA requires further investigation. In any case, the overall evidence indicates that both genders acquire some benefits to cognitive function from exercise training.

Effects of Physical Activity in People with Age-Related Cognitive Impairments Although most studies have investigated healthy older adults in general, the effects of exercise interventions on cognitive function also seem to extend to older adults at risk of individual memory complaints, including mild cognitive impairment (MCI) or dementia. 184

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The term MCI is applied to a person who has experienced some cognitive decline and has a high risk of developing dementia (Baker et al., 2010). A previous systematic review has evidenced that a variety of exercise programmes can significantly improve cognitive function in such individuals (van Uffelen, Chin, Hopman-Rock, & van Mechelen, 2008). More recently, Song, Yu, Li, and Lei (2018) conducted a systematic and meta-analytic review of various RCTs that found further support for the positive effects of exercise training on global cognition in populations with MCI. In addition, the American Academy of Neurology declared that no high-quality evidence exists to support pharmacologic treatments for MCI, but that, in contrast, 6 months’ aerobic exercise training is likely to improve cognitive performance (Petersen et al., 2018). Older adults with dementia have also been shown to acquire benefits to cognitive function from exercise interventions. For instance, Heyn, Abreu, and Ottenbacher (2004) conducted a meta-analysis to examine the effects of exercise training on cognitive function in this population. The results of 12 RCT studies showed that aerobic exercise improves cognitive impairments with a moderate-to-high effect size (g = 0.57), suggesting that improvements to cognitive function from PA are also available to older adults with dementia. This finding was in line with a recent meta-analysis by Groot et al. (2016), who reported a positive overall effect of PA interventions on cognitive function in patients with dementia. It is important to note, moreover, that they observed that the cognitive benefits of low-frequency interventions (those lasting less than 150 minutes per week) were better than those of high-frequency interventions (those lasting more than 150 minutes per week). Taken together, the above studies indicate that participating in PA should be considered for improving cognitive function in older adults with dementia as well as healthy older adults.

Physical Activity Influence on Mechanisms Related to Improving

Cognitive Function

Although we understand that PA can enhance cognitive performance in older adults, it is important to understand the mechanisms underlying these benefits to cognitive function. Evidence supporting the perspective that ‘what is good for the heart is good for the brain’ was documented by previous studies, and this evidence speaks, in turn, to the mechanisms by which exercise exerts its cognitive benefits. However, those results were not supported by a meta-analysis (Etnier, Nowell, Landers, & Sibley, 2006), suggesting that cardiovascular fitness is not, in fact, the putative mechanism underlying the beneficial effects of PA on cognition in older adults. Recently, therefore, experts have suggested some neurobiological mechanisms by which PA could influence cognition, including the suggestion that these mechanisms could help to increase brain structural and functional changes and, thereby, stimulate neuronal growth.

Brain Structural and Functional Changes The mechanisms of brain structural and functional changes could be the mechanisms underlying the relationship between PA and cognition, and these mechanisms have commonly been examined via magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), which is a non-invasive, semi­ automated image segmentation technique that provides high-resolution brain images. The brain structural and functional changes most commonly considered in such studies include changes to brain volumes and cerebral blood flow (CBF), which are known to be associated with greater cognitive performance (Serra et al., 2011). Some previous studies of brain structures have shown that aerobic exercise is associated with increased volumes of both white and grey matter in several brain regions. Importantly, such 185

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findings have been demonstrated in both cross-sectional and intervention studies. Colcombe et al. (2003) conducted an early cross-sectional study to examine the relationship between aerobic exercise and grey and white matter volumes in the frontal, parietal, and temporal cortices, and the results suggested that the greatest benefits occurred in cognitively normal adults with higher aerobic fitness levels. Later, Colcombe et al. (2006) conducted an interventional study in which older adults aged 60–79 years were randomized to either a 6-month aerobic exercise training group or a toning and stretching control group. Their findings suggested that those in the exercise group had significantly larger grey and whiter matter volumes in the prefrontal and temporal cortices than those in the toning and stretching control group. Previous findings have further shown that PA might be of benefit in selected regions associated with age-related deterioration. For example, increased neuronal volumes are beneficial in some brain regions, including the prefrontal cortex (Colcombe et al., 2006) and temporal regions (Erickson et al., 2012). In addition, a review conducted by Erickson, Leckie, and Weinstein (2014) showed that older adults with higher cardiorespiratory fitness levels tend to have greater grey matter volumes in the hippocampus. Taken together, these regions have important influences on cognition, which in turn hypothesized that PA improves cognition via the underlying mechanism of brain structure changes to these regions. In functional MRI (fMRI) studies, CBF changes are often recognized as a marker of brain function changes, and so fMRI studies have been used to further examine the changes resulting from exercise training. As an indicator, CBF enables researchers to understand the level of oxygen usage, with increased oxygen usage indicating an enhanced level of cerebral metabolism. In this regard, aerobic exercise training might influence brain functions by causing changes to blood flow in older adults. For example, a previous study showed that physically active older adults exhibited greater numbers of small cerebral vessels than less physically active older adults (Bullitt et al., 2009). Follow-up research further demonstrated the increased neuronal efficiency of some cognitive domains (e.g. memory and executive function domains) after exercise training (Holzschneider, Wolbers, Roder, & Hotting, 2012; Voelcker-Rehage, Godde, & Staudinger, 2011).

Stimulating Neuronal Growth Factors There is evidence showing that PA benefits cognition because of the associated stimulation of neuronal growth factors. For example, Cotman, Berchtold, and Christie (2007) proposed that PA can improve cognition through the underlying mechanism of increased neurotrophic factor cascades, such as cascades of brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF) and insulin growth­ factor-1 (IGF-1). In the human brain, BDNF can regulate cell survival, neurogenesis, and neuroplasticity (i.e., it can increase the total number of neural cells; Bramham & Messaoudi, 2005; Pencea, Bingaman, Wiegand, & Luskin, 2001), and the factor has thus received the most attention with regard to this issue. From animal research, Neeper, Gomez-Pinilla, Choi, and Cotman (1996) first demonstrated an association of PA with BDNF through a finding suggesting that exercise induced the expression of BDNF mRNA in the hippocampus and caudal cortex. Further evidence from rodent research supported the conclusion that PA can upregulate BDNF gene expression in the hippocampus (Fang et al., 2013). In a human study, meanwhile, Seifert et al. (2010) demonstrated that aerobic exercise training changes BDNF levels, and that those changes last for a few weeks. A few studies have also reported a positive impact on peripheral IGF-1 levels in humans after exercise training (Carro, Trejo, Busiguina, & Torres-Aleman, 2001; Stokes, Sykes, Gilbert, Chen, & Frystyk, 2010); however, the research regarding the role of this factor in the relationship between exercise and cognition in older human populations is less well developed. 186

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Meanwhile, previous studies have also proposed the perspective that exercises of different types result in differential productions of neurotrophic factors. For example, Cassilhas et al. (2012) examined the effect of aerobic exercise and resistance training on spatial working memory and found that both of these two exercise types improve cognitive performance. Importantly, however, the mechanisms underlying the improvements from the two types of exercise appeared to involve different neuronal growth factors, with aerobic exercise modulating hippocampal BDNF levels, and resistance exercise modulating IGF-1 levels in the central regions of the brain.

Societal Participation Something that has not been targeted so far is an indirect effect of exercise on cognition. We need to be aware of the fact that one of the major risk factors for age-related dementia is social isolation (Friedler, Crapser, & McCullough, 2015). With ageing, physical fitness declines, and there is an increasing risk of frailty, which often precludes elderly people from being socially active. A regular exercise regimen increases physical fitness, counteracts agerelated physical decline, and, therefore, avoids frailty, fosters self-confidence, and allows elderly people to live an independent and self-determined life. Accordingly, PA, indirectly, is the gateway to social participation and allows elderly people to be immersed in life with all its brain-stimulating activities. Social participation provokes environmental stimulation, with benefits for all brain areas – not only those involved in planning and executing exercise.

Conclusion The majority of the studies of older adults discussed above suggest a positive relationship between PA or exercise and cognition, and the findings of these studies allow for a better understanding of the implications of specific lifestyle factors for the protection of cognition. The key implications of these findings, which are important to share with your friends and family, can be summarized as follows:

What The evidence from cross-sectional and prospective studies that PA facilitates cognition is conclusive. Additionally, these positive effects were also found in RCTs, which further showed that PA is greatly beneficial for older adults in specific cognitive domains, especially executive function.

How All exercise types are recommended for improving cognition in older adults; thus, people can choose whatever type of exercise they are most interested in. Importantly, we suggest the perspective ‘the more the better’ is embraced, and, importantly, that each session of exercise should exceed 30 minutes in length, and that one should engage in five such sessions per week. In addition, although we suggest that an exercise programme should be long term in nature, previous studies have found that acute exercise also facilitates cognition in older adults; thus, one can benefit from even one session of exercise and then receive ongoing benefits by continuing to exercise thereafter. Taken together, the evidence suggests that an exercise programme should be started immediately, and that one can feel positive changes immediately. 187

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For Whom It is never too late to start your exercise programme, even if you are very old. In fact, a previous study has shown a positive relationship between exercise training and cognition in very old adults (> 85-years-old). Moreover, although previous studies have suggested that women get greater cognitive benefits from PA than men, studies have also clearly suggested that exercise training can facilitate cognition in older men. Therefore, exercise training is generally recommended for both men and women. Last, but not least, the evidence regarding positive effects of PA in individuals with cognitive impairment (such as MCI or dementia) is supportive. Previous findings showed that participating in PA might improve age-related cognitive decline via the underlying mechanism of brain structure and functional changes to prefrontal and temporal cortices. In addition, the effects of exercise on cognitions seem to occur through the underlying mechanisms of changes in neuronal growth factor production, including changes in BDNF and IGF-1 levels. More specifically, previous studies have suggested that aerobic exercise can enhance BDNF production, and resistance exercise can increase IGF-1 production. Further, recent findings further suggest that societal participation might influence age-related cognitive impairments. In conclusion, despite the wealth of evidence showing a positive relationship between exercise and cognition, some limitations to the existing research in this area should be addressed in the future. This chapter has mainly focused on the behavioural performance aspects of cognitive health; however, it is crucial that future studies should provide further knowledge regarding the relationship between PA and cognition via neuroscience approaches, such as electroencephalography, MRI, and fMRI studies. By doing this, we could further advance our understanding of the relevant brain mechanisms in order to more precisely prescribe PA interventions to benefit the cognition of ageing individuals.

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F.-T. Chen, Y.-K. Chang, and S. Schneider Holzschneider, K., Wolbers, T., Roder, B., & Hotting, K. (2012). Cardiovascular fitness modulates brain activation associated with spatial learning. Neuroimage, 59, 3003–3014. Kelly, M. E., Loughrey, D., Lawlor, B. A., Robertson, I. H., Walsh, C., & Brennan, S. (2014). The impact of exercise on the cognitive functioning of healthy older adults: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Ageing Research Reviews, 16, 12–31. Koscak Tivadar, B. (2017). Physical activity improves cognition: Possible explanations. Biogerontology, 18, 477–483. Kramer, A. F., Hahn, S., Cohen, N. J., Banich, M. T., McAuley, E., Harrison, C. R., … Colcombe, A. (1999). Ageing, fitness and neurocognitive function. Nature, 400(6743), 418–419. Laurin, D., Verreault, R., Lindsay, J., MacPherson, K., & Rockwood, K. (2001). Physical activity and risk of cognitive impairment and dementia in elderly persons. Archives of Neurology, 58, 498–504. Middleton, L. E., Barnes, D. E., Lui, L. Y., & Yaffe, K. (2010). Physical activity over the life course and its association with cognitive performance and impairment in old age. Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, 58, 1322–1326. Middleton, L. E., Kirkland, S., & Rockwood, K. (2008). Prevention of CIND by physical activity: Different impact on VCI-ND compared with MCI. Journal of the Neurological Sciences, 269(1–2), 80–84. Middleton, L. E., Manini, T. M., Simonsick, E. M., Harris, T. B., Barnes, D. E., Tylavsky, F., … Yaffe, K. (2011). Activity energy expenditure and incident cognitive impairment in older adults. Archives of Internal Medicine, 171, 1251–1257. Neeper, S. A., Gomez-Pinilla, F., Choi, J., & Cotman, C. W. (1996). Physical activity increases mRNA for brain-derived neurotrophic factor and nerve growth factor in rat brain. Brain Research, 726(1-2), 49–56. Northey, J. M., Cherbuin, N., Pumpa, K. L., Smee, D. J., & Rattray, B. (2018). Exercise interventions for cognitive function in adults older than 50: A systematic review with meta-analysis. British Journal of Sports Medicine, 52, 154–160. Pencea, V., Bingaman, K. D., Wiegand, S. J., & Luskin, M. B. (2001). Infusion of brain-derived neurotrophic factor into the lateral ventricle of the adult rat leads to new neurons in the parenchyma of the striatum, septum, thalamus, and hypothalamus. The Journal of Neuroscience: the Official Journal of the Society for Neuroscience, 21, 6706–6717. Petersen, R. C., Lopez, O., Armstrong, M. J., Getchius, T. S. D., Ganguli, M., Gloss, D., & Rae-Grant, A. (2018). Practice guideline update summary: Mild cognitive impairment: Report of the guideline develop­ ment, dissemination, and implementation subcommittee of the American Academy of Neurology. Neur­ ology, 90, 126–135. Podewils, L. J., Guallar, E., Kuller, L. H., Fried, L. P., Lopez, O. L., Carlson, M., & Lyketsos, C. G. (2005). Physical activity, APOE genotype, and dementia risk: Findings from the cardiovascular health cognition study. American Journal of Epidemiology, 161, 639–651. Rosenzweig, M. R., & Bennett, E. L. (1996). Psychobiology of plasticity: Effects of training and experience on brain and behavior. Behavioural Brain Research, 78, 57–65. Seifert, T., Brassard, P., Wissenberg, M., Rasmussen, P., Nordby, P., Stallknecht, B., & Secher, N. H. (2010). Endurance training enhances BDNF release from the human brain. American Journal of Physi­ ology. Regulatory, Integrative and Comparative Physiology, 298(2), R372–R377. Serra, L., Cercignani, M., Petrosini, L., Basile, B., Perri, R., Fadda, L., … & Bozzali, M. (2011). Neuroana­ tomical correlates of cognitive reserve in Alzheimer disease. Rejuvenation Research, 14, 143–151. Smith, P. J., Blumenthal, J. A., Hoffman, B. M., Cooper, H., Strauman, T. A., Welsh-Bohmer, K., & Sherwood, A. (2010). Aerobic exercise and neurocognitive performance: A meta-analytic review of ran­ domized controlled trials. Psychosomatic Medicine, 72, 239–252. Sofi, F., Valecchi, D., Bacci, D., Abbate, R., Gensini, G. F., Casini, A., & Macchi, C. (2011). Physical activ­ ity and risk of cognitive decline: A meta-analysis of prospective studies. Journal of Internal Medicine, 269, 107–117. Song, D., Yu, D. S. F., Li, P. W. C., & Lei, Y. (2018). The effectiveness of physical exercise on cognitive and psychological outcomes in individuals with mild cognitive impairment: A systematic review and meta-analysis. International Journal of Nursing Studies, 79, 155–164. Spirduso, W. W. (1975). Reaction and movement time as a function of age and physical activity level. Jour­ nal of Gerontology, 30, 435–440. Stokes, K. A., Sykes, D., Gilbert, K. L., Chen, J. W., & Frystyk, J. (2010). Brief, high intensity exercise alters serum ghrelin and growth hormone concentrations but not IGF-I, IGF-II or IGF-I bioactivity. Growth Hor­ mone and IGF Research: Official Journal of the Growth Hormone Research Society and the International IGF Research Society, 20, 289–294.

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14

CONFLICT AND COMMUNICATION

IN COACH–ATHLETE

RELATIONSHIPS

Svenja Wachsmuth and Sophia Jowett

Introduction Recently, the importance of high-quality relationships between athletes, coaches, and support staff (e.g., physiologists, psychologists, nutritionists) has been increasingly acknowledged at diverse levels (e.g., youth and senior, participation and performance) and types (e.g., individual and team) of sport. The role and significance of relationships may be found in their functions to create situations that are harmonious rather than discordant, as well as stable and safe rather than unstable and unsafe. Moreover, good-quality relationships can provide meaning and purpose for the people involved in these relationships, as well as reward, fulfilment, and a sense of satisfaction. Subsequently, good-quality relationships can facilitate performance and well-being, both of which are imperative within the context of high-level sports. Nonetheless, instances of clashes, contradictions, tensions, or struggles between people cannot entirely be prevented. Recently, such negative interpersonal situations were brought to the fore in a report outlining misconduct, as well as misuse of power, abuse, and exploitation, demanding change to more positive working environments in which people involved in sport are safe (e.g., Grey-Thompson, 2017). At the 33rd AASP Conference in Toronto, John Amaechi (2018) explained the mismatches between codes of conduct and organizational values and the actual conduct of some of the world’s leading sporting organizations. In a similar vein, Penny Werthner (2018) emphasized that the formation of high-quality relationships between coaches, athletes, and sport psychologists, where trust, respect, and commitment are key qualities for reaching better sport performances and ensuring individual well-being, is the number one challenge for sport psychology practitioners. The practical significance of relationships in sport, especially the coach–athlete relationship, is captured in numerous famous partnerships achieving extraordinary performances over a sustained period of time without seemingly jeopardizing well-being (e.g., Jessica Ennis-Hill and Toni Minichiello, Danny Kerry and GB Women’s Hockey, Aimee Boorman and Simone Biles). Although a shift towards acknowledging the need for collaborative, committed, and close relationships has only recently been observed in sport practice (Vergeer, 2000; Wylleman, 2000), this topic has received substantial consideration within sport psychology research over recent decades (Antonini-Philippe & Seiler, 2006; Jowett & Wylleman, 2006). Over the past 20 years, coach–athlete relationships have been studied in terms of individual differences 192

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(e.g., personality, gender, age; Davis, Jowett & Lafrenière, 2013; Jackson, Dimmock, Gucciardi, & Grove, 2010; Jowett, 2008), leader–follower dynamics (e.g., transformational leadership, athlete leadership; Felton & Jowett, 2013; Hampson & Jowett, 2014; Vella, Oades, & Crowe, 2013), and other interpersonal processes (e.g., relationship rules, empathy, communication, conflict; Jowett & Carpenter, 2015; Jowett, Lafreniere, & Vallerand, 2012; Lorimer & Jowett, 2009; Rhind & Jowett, 2010; Wachsmuth, Jowett, & Harwood, 2018b). In addition to this research, there is ample qualitative research that speaks to the lived experiences of coaches and athletes concerning the role and significance of the coach–athlete relationship (e.g., Antonini-Philippe & Seiler, 2006; Jowett & Cockerill, 2003; Jowett & Meek, 2000; Trzaskoma-Bicsérdy, Bognár, Révész, & Géczi, 2007). Based on this research, Jowett and Shanmugam explained that at the heart of effective coaching lies the coach–athlete relationship (2016). Instead of focusing on the “what”, these authors place the “how-to” at the centre of sports coaching. The relationship between coaches and athletes is shaped by such relational characteristics as mutual trust and respect (affective closeness), commitment, and collaboration in order to facilitate sport and personal development as well as to ensure individuals’ well-being. It is important to recognize that, in a relationship in which both parties depend on each other in order to reach certain outcomes (e.g., skill development, performance success, personal satisfaction), not only the athlete, but also the coach learns and develops – and thus they are both learning from and with another. To create such close links, coaches and athletes need to communicate frequently, openly, and honestly about their expectations, experiences, and views. Sharing experiences, exchanging ideas, and defining common goals enable them to empathize (take the other’s perspective) and understand another, thus, placing both relationship partners in a position in which they can actively strive and thrive together by strengthening their bonds over time. Yet, communication that is effective or successful is not always an easy undertaking; instead, disagreements, misunderstandings, and incompatibility are likely to occur within relationships, and the coach–athlete dyad is no exception (Wachsmuth, Jowett, & Harwood, 2017). Therefore, it is important for coaches and athletes to understand why and how conflict occurs. Moreover, it is important for coaches and athletes to develop skills that enable them to constructively manage and resolve disruptions. Accordingly, this chapter aims to (1) introduce the concept of conflict within the coach–athlete relationship; (2) discuss recent research developments around interpersonal conflict; and (3) outline practical considerations on how communication can be employed to constructively manage conflicts, allowing stronger bonds to develop between coaches and their athletes.

The 3 + 1Cs Model Plus 2Cs: Communication and Conflict The Coach–Athlete Relationship Before taking a closer look at conflict and the communicative processes involved, the concept of the coach–athlete relationship warrants attention. Though the term “relationship” seems to be intuitively understood by most people, its key components should briefly be introduced as these form the foundation of this chapter. Accordingly, the coach–athlete relationship is defined as a social situation within which coaches’ and athletes’ interpersonal feelings, thoughts, and behaviours are mutually and causally interconnected (Jowett, 2007). Within the 3 + 1Cs model (Jowett, 2007; see Figure 8), coaches’ and athletes’ affective connection is labelled as closeness and includes such characteristics as mutual respect, trust, appreciation, and liking, Commitment represents coaches’ and athletes’ cognitions or thoughts on maintaining firm dyadic relationships 193

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CO-ORIENTATION

CLOSENESS

COMMITMENT

COMPLEMENTARITY

Figure 8 Components of the coach–athlete relationships according to Jowett’s 3 + 1C model

over time – and so the relationship remains committed, even when things are not going well, such as during performance slumps, injury, or other (inter)personal struggles or pressures (e.g., work, school, family). Lastly, complementarity reflects the behavioural interconnections or level of cooperation between coaches and athletes. Within complementarity there are two sets of behaviours: (1) complementary behaviours, where coaches and athletes manifest mutually responsive, receptive, friendly, relaxed, or composed behaviours, and (2) corresponding behaviours, where coaches and athletes assume specific roles such as those expected between a leader and a follower. Closeness, commitment, and complementarity are known as the 3Cs. Finally, co-orientation provides insights into whether coaches and athletes understand their relationship similarly or differently. According to co-orientation, coaches and athletes have two perspectives: (1) the direct perspective represents one’s own perceptions regarding the quality of the relationship (i.e., 3Cs), and (b) the meta-perspective represents one’s own perceptions about how the other thinks of the relationship. When the direct and meta-perspectives of the relationship members are compared and contrasted in certain ways, they generate three subcomponents of coorientation: actual similarity, assumed similarity, and empathic understanding (see Figure 9). In order to assess the coach–athlete relationship quality, the Coach–Athlete Relationship Questionnaire (CART-Q; meta-perspective, Jowett, 2009; direct perspective, Jowett & Ntoumanis, 2004) was developed. The CART-Q has been translated into several different languages, including Greek, Flemish, French, Portuguese, Chinese, and Spanish (Balduck & Jowett, 2010; Jowett, Nicolas, & Yang, 2017; Vieira et al., 2015; Yang & Jowett, 2010); collectively, the psychometric properties of the various versions indicate satisfactory validity and reliability. The questionnaire consists of 11 items across the subscales of closeness, commitment, and complementarity and also provides an overall score for relationship quality. Both the direct and meta-perspectives have been used extensively in research (for a more comprehensive overview on coach–athlete relationships, see Jowett & Shanmugam, 2016). Overall, the coach–athlete relationship is central to coaching, and its purpose is concentrated on maximizing both coaches’ and athletes’ outcomes (Jowett, 2007; Jowett & Shanmugam, 2016). Thus, both individuals are pursuing their own goals, which ideally complement and promote the other’s through a collaborative manner of working with each other. However, there are instances where problems, difficulties, and struggles arise, even when the relationship quality is high. Such instances create conflict that can be difficult to overcome, especially when good communication skills or strategies are lacking. The following sections deal with conflict and communication.

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I think my coach likes me.

I think my athlete likes me.

Actual similarity I like my athlete.

I like my coach.

I think my athlete likes me.

I think my coach likes me.

Assumed similarity I like my athlete.

I like my coach.

I think my athlete likes me.

I think my coach likes me.

Empathic understanding I like my coach.

I like my athlete.

Figure 9 Three aspects of co-orientation according to Jowett (2007)

Interpersonal Conflict Recently, the concept of interpersonal conflict has started to receive some research attention within sport. It has been studied within a range of different relationships such as those between staff members (e.g., Kerwin, Doherty, & Harman, 2011), athletes (e.g., Holt, Knight, &

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Zukiwski, 2012; Paradis, Carron, & Martin, 2014a; Partridge & Knapp, 2016), athletes and staff members (e.g., Mellalieu, Shearer, & Shearer, 2013), as well as within the coach–athlete relationship (e.g., Wachsmuth et al., 2018b). However, these initial research efforts lacked a common conceptualization of conflict. Instead, approaches varied between focusing on the purely behavioural expressions of conflict (e.g., victimization; Partridge & Knapp, 2016), emphasizing the cognitive component of conflict (i.e., disagreements; Mellalieu et al., 2013), considering its content (i.e., task versus social conflict; Holt et al., 2012), or being multidimensional (i.e., considering emotions, thoughts, and behaviours experienced during conflict; e.g., Paradis et al., 2014a, 2014b). In order to further facilitate systematic research into this topic, it was, therefore, deemed necessary to first provide some common ground by defining what interpersonal conflict is, as well as by conceptualizing its basic dynamics. Upon a review of the literature within sports and social sciences, especially considering Barki and Hartwick’s (2004) multidimensional conceptualization, interpersonal conflict was defined as: “A situation in which coaches and athletes perceive a disagreement about, e.g., opinions, values or goals which is manifested through cognitive, emotional and behavioural responses” (Wachsmuth et al., 2017, p. 5). It is important to acknowledge that conflict may be viewed, perceived, and responded to differently by actors in the relationship depending on, for example, individuals’ personality, the significance of the conflict topic and relationship, individuals’ perceived coping resources, or their sociocultural background (e.g., Paletz, MironSpektor, & Lin, 2014; Schmidt & Kochan, 1972). In line with this multidimensional conceptualization of interpersonal conflict, a range of behavioural, cognitive, and emotional processes need to be considered to understand the dynamics of conflict as it occurs within coach–athlete relationships. These include, for example, interfering behaviours, attributions of blame, or emotional contagion. They help us explain not only how conflict takes place, but also how it initially erupts. Accordingly, the onset of conflict will depend on a cognitive evaluation of potentially conflict-evoking events in regards to their relevance for one’s own pursuits, its causality, as well as one’s resources to effectively manage the dispute (Fincham, Bradbury, & Grych, 1990; Korsgaard, Soyoung Jeong, Mahony, & Pitariu, 2008; Wachsmuth et al., 2018b). Thus, behaviours that do not align with pre-existing norms and expectations may only then be perceived as conflict-provoking if significant for one’s personal objectives and intentions. Moreover, an individual’s assessment of blame (e.g., who is responsible) and accountability (e.g., was the interference intentional?) further determines whether coaches and athletes initiate conflict, as well as shaping the conflict response itself. Lastly, athletes and coaches may refrain from engaging in conflict if they do not perceive themselves to have the capabilities to cope with and manage conflict, even though the respective provocation interferes with their personal goals. For example, a coach may hold back criticism regarding an athlete’s personal conduct before a major event as it would take time and energy away from a focused preparation. On the other hand, an athlete may not address concerns regarding their coach’s training methods as they perceive that they lack the power to evoke change. Under more extreme circumstances, this perceived lack of power and helplessness may further explain why athletes obey or accept coaches’ controlling or even abusive behaviours (Stirling & Kerr, 2008, 2009). Accordingly, such a cognitive evaluation may also include an assessment of overall quality of the relationship (e.g., commitment, closeness), the available knowledge about the conflict partner (e.g., skills, attitude, goals), and the particular circumstances (e.g., time, priorities). Although it is understood that a multiplicity of situational factors such as high perceived stress, momentary tension within the relationship, and an imminent breakdown of communication can cause

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disputes, systematic research is warranted to better comprehend the circumstances in which conflict is likely to erupt within the coach–athlete relationship. Whereas the onset of conflict is not well understood, more is known about the cognitive, emotional, and behavioural processes taking place during conflict itself. Thus, conflict contagion and escalation especially have been subjects of considerable research efforts (e.g., Jehn, Rispens, Jonsen, & Greer, 2013; Kennedy & Pronin, 2008; Roberts, 2006). Attributional processes such as blaming and overgeneralizing a conflict partner’s negative features (e.g., personality characteristics, values), as well as displaying negative emotions (e.g., anger, frustration) and reciprocating negative behaviours (e.g., shouting), are likely to intensify and prolong conflict (e.g., Canary, Cupach, & Serpe, 2001; Holt et al., 2012; Jehn et al., 2013; Leo, González-Ponce, Sánchez-Miguel, Ivarsson, & García-Calvo, 2015; Paradis et al., 2014a; Roberts, 2006). These negative reciprocal processes have been referred to as a self-reinforcing feedback loop or bias-perception conflict spiral emphasizing the automaticity of conflict escalation, which is caused by conflict partners being caught in their negative thinking, feeling, and acting, instead of being aware of more constructive alternatives to deal with conflict (Kennedy & Pronin, 2008; Roberts, 2006). For example, a coach may view an athlete as being non-responsive, undisciplined, and disrespectful after being challenged about training methods and selection policies, while the athlete may doubt the coach’s competencies owing to the lack of satisfactory responses to their inquiries, thus providing fruitful ground for a conflict to escalate through lack of constructive communication. However, escalation is only one possibility for how conflict may take place. A more comprehensive attempt to describe coaches’ and athletes’ conflict responses has been put forward by Wachsmuth et al. (2018b). Based on a qualitative investigation of interpersonal conflict in coach–athlete relationships, three distinct response patterns were proposed that may be observed during conflict, differing in regards to the quality of emotions, thoughts, and behaviours (see Figure 9): Accordingly, conflict responses may vary between being uncertain (e.g., an athlete might feel anxious and then worries about addressing concerns with their coach and withdraws from the conflict situation), escalating (e.g., a coach may feel frustrated and blames the athlete for causing the conflict and, therefore, shouts at them), or problem-oriented (e.g., an athlete may feel relieved that a topic has finally been spoken about, thinks about potential solutions, and tries to explain their perspective to the coach). These response patterns further seem to determine and be determined by such conflict characteristics as intensity, duration, and frequency (all conflict descriptors), as well as by the conflict topic. For example, escalatory conflict responses seem to be linked to social conflict in which relationship partners tend to carry out disputes on a more personal level by focusing on individuals’ characteristics, beliefs, and values (Jehn, 1997). Initial research, however, indicates that the majority of conflicts experienced within the coach– athlete relationship may be categorized as task conflict, in which the focus remains on the actual problem at hand (Wachsmuth et al., 2018b). Specifically, these conflicts may centre around sport-related (e.g., about training load/schedule) or lifestyle-related issues (e.g., about irregular sleeping patterns, nutrition). Social conflicts (e.g., dishonestly, mistrust, value-ridden conflicts) seem to be relatively rare (Wachsmuth et al., 2018b). Thus, conflict experiences within coach–athlete dyads may differ from those within other relationships (e.g., athlete–athlete, teams, friendships) in which social conflict has been found to be more frequent (e.g., Holt et al., 2012; Sullivan, 2004). These differences may be explained by the purpose-driven nature of the coach–athlete relationship, as well as role definitions based on social norms and expectations (Jowett & Shanmugam, 2016). 197

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Current Research: Communication and Conflict in the Coach–Athlete Relationship Following the definition and conceptualization of the main concepts of the coach–athlete relationship and interpersonal conflict discussed within this chapter, the forthcoming section will provide a summary of research findings relating to determinants and outcomes of interpersonal conflict. Further, communication and conflict management strategies will be discussed with respect to preventing and resolving coach–athlete conflict. Before reading on, we recommend the reader to look at Figure 10, which aims to illustrate interpersonal conflict as it takes place within the coach–athlete relationship. At the centre of the illustration one can identify conflict processes as described in the section above, including the onset (i.e., conflict circumstances, provoking actions, initial response) and nature (including emotions, cognitions, behaviours) of conflict. These are framed by prevention (left; e.g., implicit and explicit strategies) and management strategies (right; e.g., intra- and interpersonal strategies, third-party support). Conflict determinants that are understood to influence the likelihood, course, and management of interpersonal conflict within the coach–athlete relationship are displayed at the top of Figure 10; these include external (e.g., environmental and sociocultural factors), intra-personal (e.g., personality, age, gender), and interpersonal (e.g., leadership, relationship, roles, communication) factors. Lastly, conflict outcomes can be found at the right of Figure 10 (e.g., performance, intra- and interpersonal consequences). Overall, conflict may be viewed as a cyclical process in which conflict determinants are shaping conflict experiences and outcomes that, in turn, shape conflict determinants of ongoing or even future conflict events.

Conflict Determinants Conflict Prevention

Conflict Onset

Conflict Management

Conflict Nature

Initial Response

Provoking Events

Conflict Circumstances

Explicit Prevention

Implicit Prevention

Conflict Descriptors/ Topics Cognitive Responses

Behavioural Responses

Interpersonal Strategies

Conflict Consequences

Conflict Management Barriers

Emotional Responses

Intra-personal Strategies

Third Party Support

Direct Conflict Consequences

Figure 10 An evidence-based framework of interpersonal conflict within coach–athlete relationships (adapted from Wachsmuth, 2018)

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Conflict Determinants Intra-personal factors, which have been found to influence the experience of interpersonal conflict in coach–athlete relationships, relate to both stable and situational attributes of the individuals involved in the dispute. Stable characteristics may include gender and the specific gender composition of a dyad, age and maturity, and personality. For example, coaches and athletes high on neuroticism as well as differing in respect to openness and extraversion tend to rate their relationship quality lower overall and seem to be experiencing more conflict than dyads who score similarly on these personality traits (e.g., Jackson, Dimmock, et al., 2010, 2011; Yang, Jowett, & Chan, 2015). This finds support in athletes’ and coaches’ reports according to which a “hot-headed temper” or “red personality” seem to be conflict-promoting characteristics. In contrast, sound self-regulation and interpersonal skills, often found in more mature athletes and coaches, tend to be beneficial for conflict prevention and management (Wachsmuth, Jowett, & Harwood, 2020). Moreover, more situational attributes such as one’s passion and motivation for sport, perceived self/other-efficacy, and sport competence, as well as well-being-related factors (e.g., illness, injuries, psychological health), can impact upon the experience of conflict. Thus, whereas athletes’ lack of motivation might cause severe disagreements with their coaches, the opposite seems to be the case for coaches, whose obsessive passion may promote conflict with athletes (e.g., Jowett et al., 2012). Moreover, personal and professional experiences and perceived sport competence influence the interpersonal dynamics between coaches and athletes. Thus, athletes who perceive their coaches to be less competent and experienced seem to be experiencing less satisfying relationships and more interpersonal troubles with coaches (e.g., Greenleaf, Gould, & Dieffenbach, 2001; Hanton, Fletcher, & Coughlan, 2005; Jackson, Grove, & Beauchamp, 2010; Jackson, Gucciardi, & Dimmock, 2011; Jackson, Knapp, & Beauchamp, 2008; Jowett & Cockerill, 2003). Lastly, perceived stress due to, for example, (unmet) performance expectations, travelling, or intense training, as well as low mood or general well-being have been found to nourish a conflict-prone environment (Wachsmuth, 2018). These intra-personal attributes seem to be especially relevant if the relationship between a coach and an athlete is already fragile. Thus, interpersonal factors such as communication, leadership, and the overall relationship quality are important to consider when discussing conflict within coach–athlete dyads. Although it may be expected that coach–athlete dyads marked by emotional distance, low commitment, and lack of communication experience more conflict, it should be acknowledged that interpersonal conflict may also occur in high-quality relationships. Indeed, research suggests that the more interdependent a relationship, the higher the likelihood of conflict (e.g., Baiker & Kelley, 1979; Stirling & Kerr, 2009). Considering the amplified vulnerability of both individuals when sharing sensitive information and personal concerns, as is only possible within close relationships, this proposition may not be too surprising. However, dyads in which coaches and athletes generally show unconditional positive regard for another, respect and trust another, cooperate seamlessly, and speak open and honestly seem to be in a better position to also constructively manage severe disputes, compared with coach–athlete dyads who lack such attributes (Jowett, 2003; Wachsmuth et al., 2020). Nevertheless, a breakdown of communication has often been cited as the most frequent cause for interpersonal conflict in coaching relationships, closely followed by undefined or unmet role expectations and ambiguous or incompatible goals (e.g., Kristiansen, Tomten, Hanstad, & Roberts, 2012; Mellalieu et al., 2013; Wachsmuth et al., 2018b).

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Furthermore, leadership behaviours and the allocation of power within the coaching relationship warrant attention. Accordingly, conflict is often viewed to be implicitly about negotiating the power distribution within the relationship (Blase, 1991). For example, an athlete might not feel able to challenge her coach because she perceives her coach to be so powerful that any conflict between them might thwart her sporting ambitions (Stirling & Kerr, 2009). However, an athlete might contest a perceived abuse of (coach) power leading to an escalation of an already ongoing, but probably undisclosed, conflict. Such abuse of power might occur in very different forms, such as controlling the private life of athletes, harassment (Tomlinson & Yorganci, 1997), as well as emotional or physical abuse (Stirling & Kerr, 2009). On a less severe level, conflict may be promoted by autocratic or controlling coaching behaviours that undermine athletes’ experiences, opinions, and needs (e.g., Bartholomew, Ntoumanis, & Thøgersen-Ntoumani, 2009; Potrac & Jones, 2009; Scanlan, Stein, & Ravizza, 1991), or if coaches do not provide the necessary support expected within the relationship (e.g., Hanton et al., 2005; Jowett, 2003). The relationship between coaches and athletes, as well as the behaviours they expect from each other, cannot, however, be viewed in isolation, but needs to be considered within the complex coaching context in which they act (e.g., North, 2013). Thus, athletes and coaches may be socialized into an environment where, according to social norms and expectations, coaches lead and athletes follow (e.g., D’Arripe-Longueville, Fournier, & Dubois, 1998; Potrac & Jones, 2009). Thus, sport organizations and clubs may impose behavioural expectations upon their sport participants that are either not reflected upon or, at least, not questioned. National governing bodies, sport associations, and clubs may further impact negatively on coach–athlete relationships by only providing restricted resources and expertise (e.g., financial restrictions, volunteer boards, part-time coaching), by deciding upon the allocation of coaches and athletes to training centres (i.e., resourcing), by determining the selection criteria for major competitions, or by changing the competitive system (e.g., changing rules, schedules) to which sport participants (i.e., coaches and athletes) need to adapt. Moreover, external parties such as other coaches (e.g., national and team coaches), clubs (e.g., transfers, trials), the media (e.g., social media, tabloids, news), or even friends and families (e.g., helicopter parents, significant others) may negatively interfere in coach–athlete interactions. Nonetheless, third parties may also offer support in times of conflict and, thus, contribute to its resolution (Holt et al., 2012; Vealey, 2017; Wachsmuth, Jowett, & Harwood, 2018a). Broader social influences also need to be considered; for example, athletes and coaches reported experiencing difficulties based on language barriers and cultural differences (Khomutova, 2015; Wachsmuth, 2018). The latter were frequently related to stereotypical thinking, stigmatism, and even discrimination with respect to gender and race (e.g., Gearity & Metzger, 2017; Jones, 2002; Jowett & Frost, 2007; Khomutova, 2015; Tomlinson & Yorganci, 1997). Moreover, cultural differences in regards to how relationships are formed and problems are debated and managed may cause interpersonal difficulties between coaches and athletes, as may differences based on generational conflicts (e.g., D’Arripe-Longueville et al., 1998; Khomutova, 2015). One of these factors alone rarely causes severe conflict between coaches and athletes; instead, it is a multiplicity of external, intra-, and interpersonal factors that, in combination, create an environment prone to conflict. Although a long – possibly unlimited – list of factors contributing to the experience of interpersonal disputes has been identified, future research needs to systematically investigate these conflict determinants to estimate their impact and the specific circumstances in which they may be debilitative to the coach–athlete relationship. Moreover, research is warranted that examines characteristics of the individual, the 200

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relationship, as well as the environment that facilitate conflict prevention, management, and resolution. As far as we are aware, there is only one study explicitly asking for such attributes (Wachsmuth et al., 2020). Sport psychologists within this study named a variety of intra- and interpersonal characteristics they perceived as significant; these included, for example, unconditional positive regard for and acceptance of another, self-confidence, curiosity and openness, as well as self-regulatory and stress management skills.

Conflict Prevention and Management Conflict Prevention Although disagreements certainly cannot, nor should be, prevented under all circumstances, dysfunctional processes, such as an escalation of conflict, should be pre-empted by the employment of appropriate strategies facilitating open communication and problem-solving. Therefore, coaches and athletes should first and foremost invest in their relationship: Ensuring and displaying close bonds, mutual commitment, and collaboration within their daily work will provide a foundation for working with another including when experiencing interpersonal difficulties such as disagreements or conflicts (e.g., Rhind & Jowett, 2010; Wachsmuth et al., 2018a). Thus, conflict can implicitly be prevented by engagement in communication strategies that aim to continuously maintain and improve the relationship. Such strategies have been put forward within the COMPASS model (Rhind & Jowett, 2010). These include, for example, openness (e.g., inquiring about and sharing information that is not related to the sport), motivational strategies (e.g., setting common goals), being assuring and supportive (e.g., offering encouragement during performance slumps, providing help when dealing with injuries), or engaging in a common social network (e.g., exchanges with other staff members, parents, or significant others if appropriate and desired). Moreover, an autonomy-supportive coaching style can facilitate the relationship between coaches and their athletes (e.g., Gilchrist & Mallett, 2016; Occhino, Mallett, Rynne, & Carlisle, 2014). Additionally, such a coaching style also benefits the overall performance environment (e.g., Hodge, Henry, & Smith, 2014; Mallett, 2005). Creating a positive, supportive, and engaging working environment in which athletes and coaches feel a sense of belonging also helps to prevent dysfunctional conflict from taking place. Moreover, psychological safety has been highlighted as an essential prerequisite for constructive conflict management by sport psychologists, coaches, and athletes (Vealey, 2017; Wachsmuth et al., 2018a, 2020). Considering regular reports on coach misconduct, discrimination, and micro-aggression (e.g., Grey-Thompson, 2017), the issue of creating safe sporting environments seems as relevant as ever, despite the increased awareness of coaches’ influence on the well-being of their athletes and its impact upon performance (Bartholomew et al., 2009; Davis & Jowett, 2014; Jowett, 2008; Kristiansen et al., 2012; Stirling & Kerr, 2008). In addition to the formation of high-quality relationships between coaches and athletes, as well as the establishing of an optimal performance environment, explicit strategies can be employed that help prevent and manage interpersonal conflicts. Building upon a strong relationship, coaches and especially athletes are in a position from which they may talk openly about concerns or personal problems that may lead to conflict in the long run if not addressed. Thus, early sharing of these thoughts and, in turn, empathic responses (e.g., active listening, perspective taking, managing emotions) to these experiences can help solve conflicts before they even occur (Copeland & Wida, 1996; Rhind & Jowett, 2012b). Further, explicit conflict prevention strategies may also include the definition of role expectations, rules, and norms 201

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(Jowett & Carpenter, 2015; Wachsmuth et al., 2018a). Knowledge of what is expected and awareness of the consequences of not meeting these expectations not only help pre-empt conflicts but will also help manage disagreements through precise guidelines for dealing with misdemeanour being set out. Thus, athletes and coaches are encouraged to provide feedback on sport-related and non-sport-related facets of their interactions. Coaches in particular are encouraged to be aware of a balance between negative feedback and encouragement; providing constructive criticism in a structured manner will be helpful. Such feedback should include precise descriptions of problematic behaviour, reasoning for why it is viewed critically, and an outlook of how to improve and meet expectations, respectively. Coaches may further prevent conflict by carefully considering a team’s composition when contracting new team and staff members (Wachsmuth et al., 2018a). For example, they may pay attention to individuals’ personality-related characteristics and social skills, as well as personal values and sport-related ambitions. Moreover, logistical factors should be taken into consideration, such as available contact time with athletes (e.g., face-to-face meetings, phone calls, etc.), and arrangements should be made to support new athletes to successfully integrate within a team as well as to settle into a new environment (e.g., relocation into new city or even country, family migration, etc.) in general. Lastly, the appointment of athlete leaders who act as mediating agents between coaching staff and team members may help to form effective performance environments (e.g., Dupuis, Bloom, & Loughead, 2006; Fransen, Vanbeselaere, De Cuyper, Vande Broek, & Boen, 2014).

Conflict Management Certainly, conflict can and should not be prevented at all times as it provides an opportunity for growth and development (e.g., Tamminen, Holt, & Neely, 2013; Wachsmuth et al., 2018a). However, for conflict to lead to positive outcomes, it needs to be managed well. Referring back to the conflict literature within organizational psychology, five different conflict management strategies have been proposed (e.g., Kilmann & Thomas, 1977; Rahim, 2002). All of these five approaches to conflict management may be considered appropriate under certain circumstances, depending on individual, relationship, and contextual factors as well as individuals’ objectives (see Table 5 for an overview). Overall, similar strategies are also employed by coaches and athletes (e.g., Mellalieu et al., 2013; Wachsmuth et al., 2018b). For example, coaches may use enforcing behaviours as a response to athlete misconduct or at times where quick decisions need to be made (e.g., before/during competition). In contrast, athletes may utilize such strategies if their personal life (e.g., family, education) or well-being and health (e.g., stress, injuries) is in question. Generally, however, it is not advisable to rely upon such controlling strategies as resulting solutions may not be sustainable over time and may, rather, cause future conflict (Wachsmuth et al., 2018a). Instead, sport participants are recommended to find common solutions to their difficulties; these may include short-term compromises as well as sustainable solutions achieved through collaborative approaches to interpersonal conflict. In order that mutually acceptable agreements can be achieved, several recommendations should be kept in mind; thus, although it is important to not let conflicts fester, sometimes it is necessary to withdraw, reflect, and regulate personal emotions before initiating a conversation with the conflict partner. Hence, coaches should provide time and space for their athlete to calm down while, at the same time, expressing openness to talk about disagreements. Moreover, it is important to first agree upon what the conflict is really about – defining the core problem of a conflict may be challenging, yet is a premise for constructive conflict resolution. 202

High importance of relationship Lower importance of personal goal Small likelihood of evoking change Lower importance of goal (and relationship) Small likelihood of evoking change Inappropriate circumstances for conflict to be carried out (e.g., time, location, coping resources) High importance of relationship and goals Perceived possibility of evoking change No fully satisfying solution that can currently be agreed upon Time pressure

Obliging

Collaborating

Compromising

High importance of relationship and goals Perceived possibility of evoking change Time and energy resources to find mutually acceptable solution

Goal of high importance Relationship less important Position of power/ability to evoke change Large groups/time pressure

Enforcing/competing

Avoiding

Circumstances

Strategy

Coach and athlete agreeing to a modified training schedule that balances required training load, time resources, and nonsport-related commitments of athlete and coach

Coach and athlete agreeing to a temporarily reduced training load based on current non-sport-related workload of the athlete

Athlete avoiding addressing personal concerns owing to fear of punishment by coach; coach not addressing misconduct of ath­ lete as conflict would disrupt preparations for a major event

Athlete complying with a coach’s decision during competition; coach accepting star athlete’s lifestyle outside sports

Athlete refusing to come back early after an injury; coach deselecting an athlete owing to misconduct

Example

Table 5 Conflict management strategies adapted from Kilmann and Thomas (1977) and Rahim (2002)

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Often, conflict partners rush into determining solutions to conflict that do not address the core issue and are, therefore, neither satisfying nor sustainable. Consequently, coaches and athletes should first openly share their views, expectations, and needs. During these conversations, both conflict parties have an opportunity to reflect upon and acknowledge personal responsibilities, be open to and show interest in the other’s perspective, and be prepared to truthfully share their own experiences and motives. As a result, coaches and athletes may be able to identify a variety of possible solutions to the underlying problem, and are, as such, in a position in which they may choose an agreement where concerns of both parties are addressed, mutual goals are outlined, and concrete (behavioural) expectations are defined. A systematic overview of how interpersonal conflict between coaches and athletes may be managed is illustrated in Figure 11. It is worth acknowledging that some conflicts may become so severe that coaches and athletes cannot overcome them alone, but instead need the help of others (e.g., team and staff members, sport psychologists, etc.; Gearity & Murray, 2011; Holt et al., 2012; McCann, 2008; Vealey, 2017). Relevant considerations are outlined next.

Conflict Management Barriers Overall, coaches’ responsibility to initiate and lead constructive conflict management needs to be emphasized. Thus, participants in Wachsmuth et al.’s (2018a) study referred to the coach as the “conflict solver”, who was expected to identify, address, and guide them through conflict while remaining calm and collected. Athletes, on the other hand, were understood to be responsible for all performance matters; this included openly addressing personal concerns with coaches and trying to manage them when these impacted upon an athlete’s capability to perform. However, both propositions need to be examined critically, as it is often athletes’ and coaches’ lack of awareness or unwillingness to communicate openly that inhibits constructive conflict management. Thus, cultural norms and expectations may, for example, contribute to a performance environment in which power differentials and a resulting lack of openness and trust decrease athletes’ perceived ability to address conflicts and, as a result, the chance to identify mutually acceptable solutions to it, too. Such negative aspects of power, often based on formal hierarchies and coaches’ capacity to punish, have been widely acknowledged in the sports literature (e.g., D’Arripe-Longueville et al., 1998; Purdy, Potrac, & Jones, 2008; Stirling & Kerr, 2008, 2009) and are of special interest in research on conflict, misconduct, and abuse. Yet, coaches’ power, which is based upon competence and expertise (i.e., prosocial power; French & Raven, 1959) and may increase athletes’ compliance and followership by providing expert feedback, role modelling, and defined expectations and rules (Cranmer & Goodboy, 2015; Jowett & Carpenter, 2015), should not be underestimated as it may well promote conflict prevention and management. Besides power, considerations around individuals’ resources to cope with the highly demanding performance environment should also be taken into account (e.g., Arnold & Fletcher, 2012; Olusoga, Butt, Hays, & Maynard, 2009; Olusoga, Butt, Maynard & Hays, 2010). Accordingly, the multitude of organizational responsibilities and the range of different relationships coaches are expected to care for may ultimately inhibit their ability to realize, address, and manage conflict with individual athletes, especially if coaches’ priorities lie elsewhere (e.g., upcoming competition, team matters). Under these circumstances, athletes will have to develop strategies that help them endure conflict and cope with its accompanying consequences. They may be supported in doing so by individuals outside the coach–athlete relationship, such as their family, friends, other staff members, or sport psychologists (Holt et al., 2012; Paradis et al., 2014a; Vealey, 2017; Wachsmuth et al., 2018a). 204

No

No

Yes

Yes

Implement

Are strategies effective?

Define compromise

Psychoeducation

Facilitate individual coping strategies

Implement

No

No

Yes

No

SP P

Positive change

Yes

Is compromise acceptable over time?

No

Has the situation changed?

Reinforce

Multidisciplinary team case formulations

Environmental change

STOP

Dysfunctional conflict

Group moderation

Extend to team and staff members

STOP

Facilitate constructive disagreement

Figure 11 A framework for managing interpersonal conflict in sport relationships (adapted from Wachsmuth, 2018)

Formulate conflict agreement (incl. practical strategies)

Yes

Any mutually acceptable solutions?

Analyse and define conflict

Yes

Do individuals understand conflict processes?

Yes

Can coach/athlete cope with conflict induced stress?

Onset of coachathlete conflict

STOP

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Third-Party Interventions Although there is a plethora of literature on third-party interventions in conflict within social and work settings (e.g., Fisher, 2001; Kressel, 2014), only a little research exists examining the role of external agents in shaping the coach–athlete relationship (Vealey, 2017). Yet, third parties such as parents, teammates, and staff members may be crucial for this partnership, particularly with respect to conflict. As outlined previously, external agents may influence the likelihood and nature of coach–athlete conflict; however, they may also influence the effectiveness of conflict prevention and management strategies. For example, family members and friends may offer the emotional support necessary to cope with increased levels of stress during times of dispute, and staff members may provide useful information or offer helpful advice to coaches as well as athletes (Holt et al., 2012; Vealey, 2017; Wachsmuth et al., 2018a). Considering sport psychologists’ desirable characteristics in regards to professional competencies (e.g., active listening, emotional regulation) and expertise (e.g., understanding of the sport environment, evidence-based practise; Cook & Fletcher, 2017), they are in a prime position to support coaches and athletes in their attempts to prevent and effectively manage interpersonal disputes. Two recent studies highlight sport psychologists’ possibilities to educate coaches and athletes about conflict, as well as to help them manage it (Vealey, 2017; Wachsmuth et al., 2020). According to both studies, sport psychologists may initially raise sport participants’ awareness of the importance of high-quality relationships within the performance environment and inform about potential reasons for conflict to occur and escalate. Additionally, they can provide individual or team-based consultations aiming at improving selfregulation and self-reflection, as well as interpersonal skills. Besides developing the necessary knowledge and skills to cope with conflict, sport psychologists may form an informal or formal communicative link between coaches and athletes during ongoing conflict (cf. Fisher, 2001). For example, they can help individuals understand why an ongoing conflict is taking place (e.g., miscommunication, differing values), which part they may play in it (e.g., unmet expectations, personal objectives), and how it might be best addressed (e.g., communication strategies, role plays). Using a stealth or nudging approach (Aoyagi & Portenga, 2010), sport psychologists may also catalyse open conversations between coaches and athletes and help create opportunities for them to take place in a psychologically safe environment. During these conversations, sport psychologists may take a more formal role (e.g., mediator or moderator) by actively guiding through conflict management, recording agreements, and following up on these (Holt et al., 2012; Vealey, 2017; Wachsmuth et al., 2020). However, they not only provide the necessary communicative and structural support, but are also expected to ensure a safe and possibly constructive atmosphere during these conversations. As such, sport psychologists should be able to judge whether it is appropriate for coaches and athletes to share information, concerns, and hopes openly. Consequently, sport psychologists may even discourage sport participants from seeking conversations or end conflict mediations prematurely if they perceive that shared information will be used against either conflict party (e.g., deselection, job safety; Wachsmuth et al., 2020). Overall, Vealey (2017) and Wachsmuth et al. (2020) put forward a variety of possible ways for sport psychologists to prevent and intervene in interpersonal conflict (see Figure 10); however, they also allude to a range of difficulties faced by sport psychology practitioners when getting involved in conflict. These relate to the acceptance of sport psychology services, ethical and professional considerations, and sport participants’ engagement in conflict management. Consequently, it needs to be understood that conflict may only then be managed constructively if both parties are willing to consider the other’s perspectives and needs. 206

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Conflict Outcomes After considering the nature and management of coach–athlete conflict, a final look needs to be taken at the potential consequences of such disputes. Generally, conflict has been perceived as negative and disruptive, endangering both relationships and sport performance (e.g., Gould, Guinan, Greenleaf, & Chung, 2002; Mellalieu et al., 2013; Paradis et al., 2014a; Wachsmuth et al., 2017). It has also been connected to lower perceived well-being, for example, through higher levels of stress, bad mood, decreased self-esteem, and higher risk of injury and mental health issues (e.g., Fletcher, Hanton, Mellalieu, & Neil, 2012; Mellalieu et al., 2013; Partridge & Knapp, 2016; Shanmugam, Jowett, & Meyer, 2013, 2014; Tamminen et al., 2013). Although these experiences certainly need to be acknowledged, conflict may also create an opportunity for personal development and mutual growth (e.g., Tamminen et al., 2013; Wachsmuth et al., 2018a). Accordingly, athletes and coaches seem to also benefit from conflict in regard to forming closer relationships based upon improved communication and enhanced mutual understanding. Moreover, these interpersonal skills developed through constructive conflict management may also positively impact other relationships (e.g., with teammates, other coaches). On an individual level, athletes and coaches may further benefit from enhanced coping skills and resilience, as well as from increased levels of self-awareness and reflection, through which sport participants may approach their environment with more awareness, open-mindedness, and empathy. As such, conflict may contribute to the development of life skills that have often been emphasized as an important element of sport (e.g., Gould & Carson, 2008). However, although there is some initial research exploring potential consequences of coach–athlete conflict, more systematic investigations are warranted to better comprehend the outcomes of conflict within particular sport settings. Findings related to sport performance are especially heterogeneous, with conflict being perceived as distractive and exhausting by some athletes and as stimulating by others (Mellalieu et al., 2013; Wachsmuth et al., 2018a).

Conclusion Overall, despite its practical significance, research on interpersonal conflict within sports coaching has only recently gained some momentum. So far, much attention has been given to topics such as abuse, power, and micro-aggression, as well as to discrimination and stigmatization (e.g., Gearity & Metzger, 2017; Jones, 2002; Jowett & Frost, 2007; Potrac & Jones, 2009; Stirling, 2009, 2013; Tomlinson & Yorganci, 1997). Although these areas are certainly of great importance, conflict is a topic that relates to each and every coach, athlete, and other individual involved in sport, as it is natural to occur in any type of relationship. Yet, we do not know enough about the circumstances in which conflict erupts, the mechanisms that push conflict in a functional or dysfunctional direction, or the consequences individuals may experience as a result of conflict. Thus, this initial research should motivate other researchers to take up the challenge to study interpersonal conflict more closely, keeping in mind that sports may offer an opportunity to teach young athletes the necessary skills to cope with and readily manage interpersonal disputes, in and outside sports. Therefore, it is also crucial to develop and examine the effectiveness of training programmes aiming at enhancing conflict prevention and management, as well as interpersonal skills more broadly. Equipping coaches, athletes, and support staff with these skills will also contribute to a safer and more positive sporting environment in which Olympic values may be displayed not only in words, but also in individuals’ actions. 207

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15

CONTINUING EDUCATION

Stewart Cotterill and Richard Keegan

Introduction Continuing education is an all-encompassing term used to describe a wide range of posttertiary education and/or post-professional accreditation/registration activities and opportunities. The terms continuing education and continuing professional development are often used interchangeably, but can refer to two distinctly different approaches. The American Psychological Association defines continuing education as: an ongoing process consisting of formal learning activities that: (1) are relevant to psy­ chological practice, education, and science; (2) enable psychologists to keep pace with emerging issues and technologies; and (3) allow psychologists to maintain, develop, and increase competencies in order to improve services to the public and enhance contributions to the profession. (APA, 2000, p. 5, original emphasis) By way of distinguishing two terms, “continuing professional development” represents a variety of professional interactions, activities, roles, and responsibilities that allow for opportunities for sport psychology practitioners to engage in learning, to become aware of changes in the field of psychological science, and enhance interdisciplinary understanding. Conceptually, formal continuing education is an integral part of continuing professional development (Neimeyer, Taylor, Wear, & Linder-Crow, 2012). Continued professional development includes organized continuing education components but requires that the sport psychology practitioner focus and prioritize learning experiences in a way that continuing typically does not. It moves past the simple accumulation of continuing education credit hours and maintenance of minimal competency to the development of a culture that embeds lifelong learning. The focus of continued professional development is to place the responsibility of the learning process on the individual and to develop an approach that has the flexibility to adapt to the needs of the individual clinicians, enabling them to be the architects of their own learning. In this sense, continued professional development can be referred to as a systematic, ongoing, cyclical process of self-directed learning. It encompasses the entire scope of the sport psychology 213

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practitioners’ practice and includes activities both within and outside the usual practice environment. Although learners need to accept responsibility for the identification of their own learning needs, it is also the responsibility of organizations to provide continuing education opportunities, including validating/certifying learning instead of just providing it. Validation requires formative and summative evaluation, both during and after an educational session. The essence of lifelong learning requires more than simple participation in continuing education activities. Continued professional development promotes thoughtful learning, processing, and implementation of new knowledge in sport psychology practice. Selfassessment and performance appraisals can be used to monitor competence. The selfassessment process is intended to promote self-reflection, self-appraisal, and self-advocacy. The process must be comprehensive and systematic for the sport psychology practitioner’s competence to improve, which requires the participant to be thoughtful, honest, and realistic about professional goals and deficiencies. A self-assessment should begin with a review of competencies and identification of areas where new learning or improvement is necessary. The sport psychology practitioner then identifies specific areas of learning needed. After learning goals and objectives have been established, a comprehensive learning plan can be developed. The implementation of portfolio programmes has been used as a means to assess competency. Individuals who are self-directed learners can effectively plan for learning activities and then apply newly acquired information and skills to daily practice. Successful lifelong learners have a desire to learn and they recognize the value of CPD. Continuing professional development can be further subdivided into both formal and informal learning-and-development experiences. Formal learning experiences include workshops, seminars, conferences, and continuing education courses. Informal learning and development experiences include reading, learning from peer consultations, and contributing to discussion groups in the sport psychology field. Embracing the idea that learning carries on even after formal education and training are completed is key to continuing to develop oneself and one’s practice (Baumgardner & Irwin, 2017). This appreciation is important in the domain of sport psychology, as the evidence base (research, theory, shared best practice) continues to develop and evolve, as do applied techniques, regulatory requirements, profession-related stressors, and professional body requirements. As such, engaging in continuing education is important if one is to continue to be a competent and legal practitioner. Hence, in summary, in a sport psychology context, continuing education refers to formal and informal learning experiences post-qualification/accreditation/certification, to maintain, increase, or develop knowledge, skill, and expertise.

Aim of Continuing Education Within sport and exercise psychology, there are a number of specific aims to continuing education including: the development of specific skills; learning new strategies for consulting, research, and practice; developing new intervention techniques; professional development; obtaining continuing education credits for ongoing accreditation/certification/qualification; gaining educational experiences needed for attaining and maintaining certification; developing/maintaining an understanding of contemporary research and theory; becoming an autonomous, self-regulating practitioner; learning how to learn, unlearn, and relearn in a complex delivery environment; and further developing and enhancing reflective practice skills. 214

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Rationale for Continuing Education In a growing field such as sport psychology, updates and new skills are to be expected, as in many other evidence-based professions. The challenges faced by practitioners continue to vary and expand, as does the ability to support an increasingly diverse range of clients in an increasingly diverse range of ways. In consequence, the knowledge and skill set required to succeed in the role also expand and develop. One examples of this ongoing evolution has been the development of social media and “online” marketing and promotion. In the late 1990s, the only real consideration for a sport psychology practitioner was whether to have an email address or not. Twenty years later, there are the challenges of social media accounts, both in terms of what you say and who you say it to. In addition, how “connected” are you? Should clients have access to you 24 hours a day, and what is a reasonable time in which to reply to instant messages? One example of an attempt to capture and communicate current best practice in sport psychology practitioners in this area is the ISSP’s position statement on the use of the internet in sport psychology. As a result, no education or qualification route can definitively “future-proof” practitioners with all the knowledge, skills, and expertise required to meet the challenges of the future in a rapidly changing world. Hence, it is crucial that practitioners continue to develop and evolve their knowledge base (e.g., contemporary research and professional practice guidance), skill sets (e.g., learning new techniques and interventions), and expertise (increasing awareness of contextual and practice-based knowledge within specific contexts and with specific populations). There is also the potential to further progress or develop learning within a specific area of knowledge and/or expertise. One example of this progression of learning was highlighted by Biggs (1995), who suggested a system of observed learning outcomes taxonomy. Biggs identified five levels of learning: “prestructural”, “unistructural”, “multistructural”, relational, and extended abstract. In this approach unistructural focuses on one relevant aspect (e.g., name, identify, follow); multistructural focuses on several independent aspects (e.g., combine, describe, enumerate); relational focuses on integrating into a structure (e.g., analyse, apply, argue, compare, relate, justify); and – under extended abstract – generalize to new domains (e.g., create, formulate, generate, hypothesize, theorize). This taxonomy suggests that, for sport psychology practitioners, continued learning of, and within, different domains and contexts is a logical next step – for example, engaging with performing artists, physicians/doctors, musicians, the military, and aviation experts.

National Professional Bodies (Delivery of Continuing Education) Many national sport psychology, psychology, and/or sport and exercise science/kinesiology professional bodies have subgroups, committees, or sections that focus on continuing education (e.g., AASP Continuing Education Committee, British Association of Sport and Exercise Sciences Division of Psychology Continued Professional Development, British Psychological Society Division of Sport and Exercise Psychology Committee, Australian Psychological Society College of Sport and Exercise Psychologists, American Psychological Association [APA] Division 47: Society for Sport, Exercise and Performance Psychology). These professional bodies also deliver annual conferences that are designed to fulfil a continuing education function for their membership, and sometimes the broader profession. Examples include the National Congress of the Brazilian Association of Sport Psychology and the National Conference for Sport Psychology of Nigeria. Larger organizations (e.g., APA, BPS, APS) also run discipline-specific events that are designed to offer a more focused continuing education 215

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experience (e.g., British Psychological Society Division of Sport and Exercise Psychology (DSEP) annual conference; APS College of Sport and Exercise Psychologists national conference), often with opportunities to both consume knowledge and deliver content at the relevant events, something considered good practice for CPD in and of itself. There is also often a drive to develop best practice guidelines and expert consensus statements. Although these different conferences/congresses broadly seek to achieve the same outcomes, these events might employ different delivery approaches/modes of engagement including keynotes, presentations, poster presentations, symposia, workshops, brief presentations (e.g., 5-minute challenge), round tables, and discussions panels.

International Society and Organization Provision (Delivery of Continuing Education) There are also a number of organizations that increasingly offer international (e.g., AASP, North American Society for the Psychology of Sport and Physical Activity), continental (e.g., FEPSAC, Asian-South Pacific Association of Sport Psychology International Congress), and global (e.g., ISSP) continuing education opportunities. As with national professional bodies, a core focus in these organizations is the delivery of continuing education through conference events. The timescales for such events vary significantly, with organizations such as AASP delivering an annual conference, whereas other organizations, such as ISSP and FEPSAC, deliver main events every 4 years, although FEPSAC does run a parallel conference halfway through each cycle. These organizations also seek to rotate the host locations (cities) for these events. For example, AASP rotates locations between cities in the United States of America and Canada. FEPSAC rotates the host venue between bidding European cities (recent examples include Halkidiki, Greece; Madeira, Portugal; Bern, Switzerland; Münster, Germany). ISSP also rotates host cities but does this on a global scale (recent examples include Marrakech, Morocco; Beijing, China; Seville, Spain; Taipei, Taiwan). ISSP is also developing regional conferences in partnership with national societies to extend the scope of planned events to outlying regional countries. These events would seek to offer ISSP continuing education and certificates that scholars and practitioners might use to exemplify professional development, particularly in developing countries. Linked to this development is the ISSP International Ambassadors programme, which will seek to further promote and increase access to ISSP certification and continuing education provision (ISSP Strategic Plan, 2015).

Lifelong Learning as Continuing Education Lifelong learning is the ongoing, voluntary, and self-motivated pursuit of knowledge for either personal or professional reasons. Evolved from the term “lifelong learners”, this conceptualization of learning recognizes that learning is not confined to childhood or the classroom, but takes place throughout life and in a range of situations. Early proponents of lifelong learning argued that the concept of education, as lifelong education should be “free from constraints, so that it can become truly life-wide (including all learning contexts and epistemic categories) and lifelong (occurring at any time in the lifespan, according to learning needs” (Bagnall, 2009, pp. 280–281). Lifelong education theory has sought to broaden the concept of education to include all learning undertaken or acquired by human beings, including that learning undertaken and acquired through what has come to be labelled as “informal learning”. Learning outcomes from non-formal education and informal learning are suggested to be as valuable as those from formal education. Although a number of professional 216

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bodies have systems in place for ensuring the continued development of professionals, the degree to which lifelong learning activities can be evidenced has to date received less attention. However, this is something that is starting to be addressed within the profession. Contemporary pedagogic understanding conceptualizes learning as something that takes place on an ongoing basis from our daily interactions with others and with the world around us. Learning can vary in form along a continuum between formal and informal approaches, as well as potentially including self-directed learning. However, although learning is always taking place, the quality of that learning achieved from each experience can be monitored and optimized. Deliberate attention is required on behalf of the learner to seek to optimize the quality and impact of the learning that takes place. In the modern “knowledge society”, the acquiring of new knowledge is possible outside traditional spatial and temporal boundaries. Key questions facing lifelong learners include “where to learn” and “when to learn” (Viron & Davies, 2015). Indeed, for many lifelong learners, there is also a need for some institutions or bodies to offer structure and organization to the fragments of continuing education that take place at different times, in different formats, and in different contexts (Viron & Davies, 2015). Many universities are increasingly looking to create lifelong learners and to themselves become hubs for lifelong learning activity, a core principle underpinning a number of non-traditional institutions such as the Open University in the United Kingdom. As lifelong learning through adulthood is life-wide, voluntary, and self-motivated, an important prerequisite is learning to learn. Learning to learn can be described as developing the ability to recognize learning strategies and monitor and evaluate learning. Metacognition is an essential first step in developing lifelong learning. There is also a need to develop procedural skills, as well as knowledge and conceptual understanding. One example of this is the increasing focus on the development of professional judgement skills in sport psychology practitioners (e.g., Martindale & Collins, 2007). Another key aspect of lifelong learning for sport psychology practitioners relates to the development and application of reflective practice skills. The concept of reflection has been highlighted as being crucial for the learning process. For example, Gibbs (1988, p. 9) suggested that: It is not sufficient simply to have an experience in order to learn. Without reflecting upon this experience, it may quickly be forgotten, or its learning potential lost. It is from the feelings and thoughts emerging from this reflection that generalizations or concepts can be generated. And it is generalizations that allow new situations to be tackled effectively. Reflective practice can be seen as a core foundation of professional development; it makes meaning from experience and transforms insights into practical strategies for personal growth and professional impact. Within a sport and exercise context, Knowles, Gilbourne, Cropley and Dugdill (2014, p. 10) defined reflective practice as, “A purposeful and complex process that facilitates the examination of experience by questioning the whole self and our agency within the context of practice”. This examination transforms experience into learning, which helps us to access, make sense of and develop our knowledge-in-action in order to better understand and/or improve practice and the situation in which it occurs. Some consider the role of reflection in continued learning with regard to how people learn from their experiences and thus develop. Others view the process from the perspective of applying critical thinking approaches in evaluating specific experiences to achieve a personal overview. 217

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Continuing Education (Development in) Under the broad umbrella of continuing education, sport psychologists and sport psychology practitioners might engage in a range of specific activities to continue to develop a range of aspects of the self (as a practitioner), knowledge, skills, and expertise. Specific areas emerging from the sport psychology literature include: practitioner skills, consulting strategies, empirical evidence and theory, best practice, professional requirements and regulations, practising ethically, reflective practice, formal and informal mentoring, group discussions and local network meetings, multidisciplinary team meetings, workplace performance and development reviews, and literacy. UNESCO defines literacy as: The ability to identify, understand, interpret, create, respond effectively and communi­ cate … within a wide range of situations and contexts … involves a continuum of learning in enabling individuals to achieve their goals, to develop their knowledge and potential, and to participate fully in their community and wider society. (UNESCO, 2004, p. 26)

Continuing Education and Core Competencies The International Declaration on Core Competencies in Professional Psychology, a global, multi-organization project, outlined 12 specific areas of initial and ongoing competence for psychologists globally, including: possess the necessary knowledge (KN), possess the necessary skills (SK), practise ethically (PE), act professionally (AP), relate appropriately to clients and others (ER), work with diversity and demonstrate cultural competence (WD), operate as an evidence-based practitioner (EP), reflect on own work (SR), set relevant goals (SG), conduct psychological assessments and evaluations (PA), conduct psychological interventions (PI), and communicate effectively and appropriately (CO). Further details of each competency area can be found in Table 6.

Types of Continuing Education and Continued Professional Development Activity Continuing education can vary based upon the degree of formality in the structure and organization of the learning experiences on offer. In particular, it is possible to distinguish between five distinct types of activity: (1) credit-bearing awards, (2) certified/accredited courses, (3) discrete organized events, (4) interpersonal interactions, and (5) self-reflection. These different types of continuing education are usually (but not always) also characterized by the duration of the required interactions, with credit-bearing awards usually being the longest duration and also the most structured, and with informal professional interactions often the least structured and shortest in duration.

Credit-Bearing Awards Credit-bearing awards (e.g., PhD, Prof Doc) are usually delivered by an education institution and, predominantly, by a higher education institution (e.g., university). The level at which a credit-bearing award is considered “continuing education” depends upon the level of education required in order to become qualified in the field of practice. In most cases within the profession of sport psychology, both an undergraduate award and a postgraduate award 218

Table 6 Core competencies in professional psychology Psychological knowledge and skills underpinning the core competencies

Descriptions

KN: possesses the necessary knowledge KN1 Has the necessary foundational knowledge of psychological con­ cepts, constructs, theories, methods, practice, and research method­ ology to support competence KN2 Has the necessary specialized knowledge of psychological concepts, constructs, theory, methods, practice, and research methodology relating to own areas to support competence SK: possesses the necessary skills SK1 SK2 PE: practises ethically PE1 PE2 PE3 AP: acts professionally AP1 AP2 AP3 AP4 AP5 AP6

Has the necessary basic skills to support competence in psychological practice Has the necessary specialized skills to operate in own areas of psy­ chological practice to support competence Applies relevant ethics codes in professional practice and conduct Adheres to relevant laws and rules in professional practice and conduct Resolves ethical dilemmas in professional practice using an appropri­ ate approach Follows accepted best practice in psychology Maintains competence as a psychologist Operates within the boundaries of own competence Consults peers, supervisors, or other relevant sources when appropriate Makes referrals to relevant others when appropriate Chooses appropriate courses of action in response to unpredictable and complex events

ER: relates appropriately to clients and others ER1 Establishes, maintains, and develops appropriate working relation­ ships with clients and relevant others ER2 Establishes, maintains, and develops appropriate working relation­ ships with colleagues in psychology and other professions WD: works with diversity and demonstrates cultural competence WD1 Works with knowledge and understanding of the historical, political, social, and cultural context of clients, colleagues, and relevant others WD2 Demonstrates cultural humility WD3 Identifies, acknowledges, and respects diversity in relevant others WD4 Recognizes the impact of own values, beliefs, and experiences on own professional behaviour, clients, and relevant others WD5 Works and communicates effectively with all forms of diversity in cli­ ents, colleagues, and relevant others WD6 Is inclusive of all forms of diversity in working with clients, colleagues, and relevant others (Continued )

Table 6 (Cont.) EP: operates as an evidence-based practitioner EP1 Adopts an evidence-based orientation to the provision of assess­ ments, interventions, service delivery, and other psychological activities EP2 Consults psychological and other relevant research to inform practice EP3 Recognizes the limitations of the evidence available to inform practice SR: reflects on own work SR1 SR2

SR4

Evaluates the efficacy of own activities and service provision Reflects on and implements areas for improvement in own practice Reflects on own values and beliefs and the impact they may have on own practice Validates reflections with peers or supervisors, when appropriate

SG: sets relevant goals SG1 SG2

Develops goals based on needs analysis Aligns goals with those of clients and others

SR3

PA: conducts psychological assessment and evaluations PA1 Identifies assessment or evaluation needs in individuals, groups, com­ munities, organizations, systems, or society PA2 Selects, designs, or develops assessments or evaluations, using methods appropriate for the goals and purposes of the activity PA3 Delivers assessments or evaluations, including administration, scor­ ing, interpretation, feedback, and reporting of results PI: conducts psychological interventions PI1 Plans and carries out psychological interventions with individuals, groups, communities, organizations, systems, or society PI2 Designs, develops, and evaluates the potential usefulness and effect­ iveness of psychological interventions, using methods appropriate for the goals and purposes of the intervention PI3 Integrates assessment and other information with psychological knowledge to guide and develop psychological interventions PI4 Evaluates the usefulness and effectiveness of own interventions PI5 Uses evaluation results to review and revise interventions as necessary PI6 Provides guidance and advice to other relevant parties involved in the psychological intervention CO: communicates effectively and appropriately CO1 Communicates with diverse audiences as necessary for the effective conduct of own professional activities CO2 Provides relevant and clear feedback, reporting, and guidance to cli­ ents and relevant others CO3 Provides clear and objective information on psychological matters to relevant audiences Adapted from IAAP and IUPsyS (2016)

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are required to become qualified. As such, the majority of credit-bearing continuing education opportunities relate to doctoral awards such as Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) or Professional Doctorate (Prof Doc).

Certified/Accredited Courses This type of course (e.g., cognitive behavioural therapy course) is usually certified or accredited by a professional or educational body (although not always). Attendees are required to meet specific learning outcomes or criteria and, on completion of the course, gain confirmation of successful completion (either in the form of a certificate or CE/CPD credit).

Discrete Organized Events These are a popular format within sport psychology. Examples include conferences, workshops, seminars, and webinars.

Interpersonal Interactions Inter-profession Interactions It is important also to recognize that a lot of high-quality continuing education occurs through interactions with other professions, usually practitioners working in related fields (e.g., psychologists, coaches, sport scientists, physical therapists). This approach can also be very be effective when sharing knowledge, expertise, and experiences with less closely related professions. It is also important to acknowledge that, in order for this to be effective, the individual needs to supplement these experiences with reflective practice to gain the greatest benefits.

Informal within Profession One of the least structured and least formal types of experience can be significantly impactful. Often relatively unstructured, this involves professionals and practitioners in the field informally sharing experiences and discussing case. It is also important to acknowledge that, in order for this to be effective, the individual needs to supplement these experiences with reflective practice to gain the greatest benefits.

Peer Consultation, Supervision, and Mentoring Per consultation and supervision is generally encouraged in the sport psychology domain and, more broadly, in psychology and sport and exercise science settings. Indeed, some bodies have mandatory continued education requirements around this area of activity (e.g., Australia Psychological Society), and others highlight this as best practice (e.g., British Psychological Society).

Self-Directed Study Self-directed and self-governed learning activities include reading books and journals, watching video content, and listening to specialist content such as podcasts.

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Delivery Formats for Continuing Education A number of different formats or methods can be adopted for the delivery of continuing education learning and development experiences, including conferences, workshops, webinars, online courses, and online forums. The particular focus of the event will determine the audience that the event will appeal to.

Conferences Conferences are formal meetings in which many individuals gather in order to talk about ideas, concepts, theories, challenges, and experiences related to a particular topic, usually over several days. Often, these conference events have a core theme (e.g., applied practice in sport psychology) or, for larger events, multiple themes (mental health and performance, performance psychology, motor learning and control). Within the domain of sport psychology, conferences exist on a continuum ranging from purely research-focused at one end to completely applied practice-focused at the other. Different events sit at different points on this continuum, often having a mix of both research and applied practice content, as well as focusing on key themes (e.g., mental health, resilience, etc.).

Workshops Workshops are shorter than conferences and more focused (there might be a number of workshop sessions within a conference programme). Workshops can be characterized as meetings at which a group of people engage in intensive discussion and activity on a particular subject or project. These events often have specific learning outcomes or learning aims, offering the potential attendee an idea of what knowledge, skills, or expertise they can expect to develop through participation in the workshop.

Webinars Webinars are seminars or other presentations that take place online (on the internet), allowing participants in different locations to see and hear the presenter, ask questions, and engage in interactive activities (e.g., online polls). Webinars can also be recorded as an event to also offer access (to experience, rather than participate in) at a future time.

Online Courses Online courses have revolutionized formal education and have also had a significant impact upon the provision of continuing education. This format of delivery also removes traditional geographical boundaries. These courses deliver a series of learning experiences and interactions to a web browser or mobile device, to be conveniently accessed anytime, anywhere (as long as the learner is online – connected to the internet – or can work offline – download materials when connected to the internet to work on when not connected). An online course is designed as a built environment for learning. Online courses are a form of distance learning where the primary delivery mechanism is via the internet. These learning experiences can be delivered synchronously or asynchronously. All instruction is conducted virtually (via the internet).

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Synchronous online courses are courses where individuals need to participate at the same time as an instructor, but at a separate location other than the place of delivery These courses may be delivered by video conferencing, web conferencing, audio conferencing, and so on. Asynchronous courses are courses where individuals are not required to participate in any sessions at the same time as the instructor. These may be print-based courses, or online courses using a learning management system, such as massive, open, online courses (MOOCS). MOOCS are particularly attractive as they are often free (except for the possibility of paying for an end-of-course certificate) and are open to anyone (so there are no strict entry requirements). Increasingly, different organizations within the domain of sport are starting to offer continuing education and structured courses utilizing the online format. Particular advantages include the ability to ensure consistency in delivery and learner experience, the ability to reach a bigger audience, and more efficient use of resources.

Online Forums A website that provides an online exchange of information between individuals about a particular topic. The forum provides a venue for questions and answers and may be monitored to keep the content appropriate. Also sometimes referred to as a “discussion board” or “discussion group,” an Internet forum can be similar to an Internet newsgroup but uses a web browser for access. Before the internet, text-only forums were common on bulletin boards and proprietary online services. However, Internet forums include all the extras people expect from contemporary online delivery, including images, videos, downloads and links, sometimes functioning as a mini-portal on the topic. Forums can be entirely anonymous or require registration with username and password. Messages may be displayed in chronological order of posting; in question-answer order where all related answers are displayed under the question (see message thread); best or favourite answers can also be prioritized.

Peer Consultation Groups Rhodius and Sugarman (2014) made seven recommendations for the formation and running of peer consultation groups, including: membership – look to limit the group to a maximum of 10 to allow good discussion; rotating leadership – change the leader/convener every few months (the personal who organizers/leads meetings); communication media – use (where possible) some sort of online discussion group or listserv for general communication (although group text messages can also fulfil this function); in-person meetings – where possible provide food and drink, but online forums such as Skype can be used if geographical barriers are insurmountable; regularity – try to have a regular timetable of meetings, ideally monthly if possible; retreats – try and also arrange one or two “days” per year where the group can get together to discuss topics and cases in greater detail; AGM – have the group get together annually to reflect on the running and format of the group’s interventions and to make recommendations for the forthcoming year.

Formal Continuing Education Requirements A number of accrediting/licensing/regulatory bodies require formal continuing education to take place as part of a practising professional’s responsibilities and as a condition of 223

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continued qualification. For example, in the United Kingdom, registered sport and exercise psychologists are required to engage in and keep a record of continued education undertaken during the 2-year registration period with the Health and Care Professions Council (government regulator) in order to continue registration. Certified consultants with the Association for Applied Sport Psychology are also required to accumulate a specific number of continuing education credits in order to gain recertification.

Continued Education and Professional Accreditation Renewal In some countries, accreditation/certification/registration is only for a set period of time (usually 2–5 years). In order to gain successful re-accreditation, there is a requirement to evidence a specific volume of continuing education activity. For the AASP, there is a requirement to recertify every 5 years. In order to meet the requirements for recertification, applicants are required to submit a continuing education activity log detailing a minimum of 75 hours of continuing education activity over that 5-year period. For AASP, specific continuing education activities are required in each of the following continuing education areas: professional ethics, diversity, and mentorship/supervision, as well as in the designated knowledge areas identified in the job task analysis, which are: K1, professional ethics standards; K2, sport psychology; K3, sport science; K4, psychopathology; K5, helping relationships; K6, statistics and research methods; K7, psychological foundations of behaviour; and K8, diversity and culture. For AASP requirements, specific details regarding appropriate continuing education activities are provided in the certified mental performance consultant candidate handbook and include conferences (both AASP and non-AASP sponsored events), workshops/presentations/webinars, academic courses, and self-directed study.

Challenges and Barriers to Accessing Continuing Education Geography Although there are an increasing number of continuing education opportunities at a national, regional, and global level, for most sport psychology practitioners there will be a need to travel for these events. With a greater volume of such events traditionally taking place in Western countries, the geographical challenge is greater for sport psychology practitioners working in countries that have less well-developed sport psychology provision.

Income Most of the formal continuing education opportunities come with a cost. This is in terms of both the cost of registering for the event and, often, the associated travel costs. In recognition of the costs and the disproportionally high cost for countries with less favourable currency exchange rates, organizations such as ISSP have started to differentiate the fees charged depending upon the economic conditions in the sport psychology practitioners’ country of origin.

Internet Access Although access to the internet continues to expand, there are significant global variations relating to whether individuals have access or not, and, even if they do, the speed and stability of the connection can present particular challenges. This is particularly problematic as some 224

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countries and regions develop higher-speed connections that can manage significant volumes of data very quickly. The web content, programs, and applications (apps) developed for these connections then do not work particularly well with slower, less-stable connections, further reducing potential global or international access.

Conclusion Continuing education is a crucial concept within the domain of sport and exercise psychology. A commitment to it ensures that sport and exercise psychology practitioners’, researchers’, and educators’ knowledge, skills, and expertise are as contemporary as possible, which in turn enables individuals to employ a truly evidence-based approach to their work. Although the concept can be seen to be all-encompassing, describing a wide range of post-tertiary education and/or post-professional accreditation/registration activities and opportunities, it is important to recognize that continuing education can be seen as an integral part of the broader concept of continuing professional development (Neimeyer et al., 2012). The focus of continuing education is to enable individuals to engage in an ongoing process consisting of formal learning activities that are relevant to psychological practice, education, and science; enable sport and exercise psychology practitioners to keep pace with emerging issues and technologies; and allow these practitioners to maintain, develop, and increase competencies in order to improve services to the public and enhance contributions to the profession. The importance of continuing education within the domain of sport and exercise psychology is such that all major accrediting, qualifying, and certifying bodies globally have requirements for practitioners to engage in continuing education, although the type, diversity, and accessibility of these opportunities differ significantly across the world. It is hoped that opportunities globally will continue to grow to offer opportunity to all sport and exercise psychology practitioners.

References American Psychological Association Council of Representatives. (2000). Minutes of APA council of represen­ tatives. Washington, DC: Author. Bagnall, R. (2009). Lifelong learning as an idea for our times: An extended review. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 28, 277–285. Baumgardner, B., & Irwin, K. (2017). Continuing education: There’s still more to learn? In A. Pope-Rhodius, S. Robinson, & S. Fitzpatrick (Eds.), Excelling in sport psychology: Planning, preparing, and executing applied work (pp. 207–214). New York: Routledge. Biggs, J. (1995). Assessing for learning: Some dimensions underlying new approaches to educational assessment. The Alberta Journal of Educational Research, 41, 1–17. Gibbs, G. (1988). Learning by doing: A guide to teaching and learning methods. Oxford, UK: Oxford Fur­ ther Education Unit. International Association of Applied Psychology (IAAP) and International Union of Psychological Science (IUPsyS). (2016). International declaration of core competencies in professional psychology. Available at: www.iupsys.net/dotAsset/1fd6486e-b3d5-4185-97d0-71f512c42c8f.pdf Knowles, Z., Gilbourne, D., Cropley, B., & Dugdill, L. (2014). Reflective practice in the sport and exercise sciences: Contemporary issues. Abingdon: Routledge. Martindale, A., & Collins, D. (2007). Enhancing the evaluation of effectiveness with professional judgement and decision-making. The Sport Psychologist, 21, 458–474. Neimeyer, G. J., Taylor, J. M., Wear, D. M., & Linder-Crow, J. (2012). Anticipating the future of CE in psychology: A Delphi poll. In G. J. Neimeyer & J. M. Taylor (Eds.), Continuing professional development and lifelong learning: Issues, impacts and outcomes (pp. 371–388). Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science. Rhodius, A., & Sugarman, K. (2014). Peer consultations with colleagues: The significance of gaining support and avoiding the “lone ranger trap”. In J. G. Cremades & L. S. Tashman (Eds.), Becoming a sport,

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CULTURAL PRAXIS

Stiliani “Ani” Chroni and Anna Kavoura

Introduction Several scholars, from different entry points (Geertz, 1973; Wright, 2003), have emphasized the role of culture in sport psychology (see Fisher, Butryn, & Roper, 2005; McGannon & Smith, 2015; Ryba, Schinke, & Tenenbaum, 2010; Schinke & Hanrahan, 2009). This chapter focuses on what has been delineated as “the underlying central tenet” (Blodgett, Schinke, McGannon, & Fisher, 2015, p. 26) of cultural sport psychology, namely cultural praxis. Introduced in sport psychology by Ryba and Wright in 2005, cultural praxis is a heuristic model for guiding culturally competent research and practice and a new trajectory for sport psychology with an interest in issues of sociocultural difference and social justice (Blodgett et al., 2015; Kavoura, 2018). Based on the juxtaposition of sport psychology with cultural studies, and inspired by feminist, critical, and postcolonial theoretical perspectives, cultural praxis constitutes an interdisciplinary approach to athlete well-being and sport performance (Ryba & Wright, 2010). It requires blending theory, research, and practice (see Ryba, 2017; Ryba & Schinke, 2009) in ways that heighten and enlighten understanding and support provided to athletes. Cultural praxis aspires, among other things, to overcome the “single and singular” (Ryba & Wright, 2005, p. 199) scientific discipline approach that has characterized sport psychology for some time and to move sport psychology from the disembodied viewpoint of the athlete to an embodied one, as well as to one that is concurrently interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary. It was envisioned as a new turn in the future of sport psychology to overcome restraining views on race, gender, ethnicity, religion, and sexuality and to empower all involved in sport instead of privileging certain people over others. As a heuristic model (aspiring to become widely accepted), cultural praxis has the potential to span local and global, monoculture and multiculture, national and international, academic and applied, and theory and practice. These propositions can be realized when we, as researchers and practitioners, adopt a growthpromoting mindset open to the mingling and blending of cultural studies, sport studies, and sport psychology. To help the reader embrace cultural praxis, it can be thought of as an intersecting point of sciences and disciplines surrounding well-being and performance in sport, such as philosophy, pedagogy, sociology, psychology, and anthropology. Maybe it is conceivable to envision it as a platform, a first-class-comfort platform of open and genuine mingling and blending, where 227

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each one of the disciplines can provide epistemological and methodological tools to better understand the shaping of the individual’s self and, as such, the beings and doings of the athlete. In the sport psychology literature, cultural praxis is nowadays widely acknowledged as the “how to” of conducting culturally sensitive, localized, and reflective research and practice (Blodgett et al., 2015; McGannon & Smith, 2015; Schinke, McGannon, Parham, & Lane, 2012). Through cultural praxis, scholars and practitioners are encouraged to consider all those elements that constitute culture (i.e., race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, religion, community, etc.), not as categorical grouping variables, but as shifting and intersecting discourses that shape one’s values, beliefs, and behaviours (Hanrahan, 2010; Ryba & Schinke, 2009). The praxis component of the model (which has many roots, such as the works of Bredemeier, 2001, and Freire, 1970) further guides us to look in light of the context at hand and situate our understanding and actions upon the interests and needs of the athlete, as well as upon pressing issues of social justice, such as the reinforcement of power differentials in sport and the privileging of certain identities and world-views over others (Fisher et al., 2005). To apply the cultural praxis heuristic, the blending of three key elements is imperative: critical theories; qualitative, culturally relevant, and decolonizing research methodologies; and moving from academic knowledge production into practice and social action (Ryba & Schinke, 2009; Ryba, Stambulova, Si, & Schinke, 2013). The term decolonizing methodologies refers to one of the approaches to culturally appropriate research protocols and methods that give voice and agency to minority, marginalized, and indigenous populations, instead of constructing them as the “other” (Forsyth & Heine, 2010; Smith, 2012). Yet, as Smith (2012) noted, deconstructing Western scholarship and giving voice to things and people that have been mis- or under­ represented should not be an end in itself. In addition to disrupting the mainstream sport psychology knowledge base, cultural praxis work seeks to improve the living and training conditions of those who have been historically deprived of opportunities and excluded from, or exploited through, the practices that dominate our sporting cultures. In the years that followed the introduction of cultural praxis, sport psychology researchers and practitioners started to embrace it in their works. Today, sport psychology research as cultural praxis appears to have taken a few more steps forward than applied practice of sport psychology has (Ryba, 2017; Schinke & Hackfort, 2017; Schinke et al., 2018). Sport psychology has been criticized as a discipline rather resistant to change, considering the length of time necessitated for it to start embracing qualitative research (giving voice to many practitioners) or the discontinuation of mere application of theories and models from the clinical and counselling disciplines for understanding, explaining, and supporting athlete performance (see Chroni & Abrahamsen, 2017; Ryba, 2005). Aside from the field’s resistance to change, the slow progress of applied practice may be also due to the circumstance that research outlets for applied practice work, such as scientific journals or conference presentations, were far fewer than outlets available for research work. It is only recently that the voices and narratives of athletes have been regarded as valuable sources from which to learn (Smith & Sparkes, 2009). Carless and Douglas (2009) pointed out that the strength of narratives is in positioning the shaping of the athlete’s psychological processes in the sociocultural context, which indicates how the cultural praxis lens can amplify understanding and knowledge in research and practice. In the sections that follow, we review empirical research in sport psychology that has been explicitly positioned as cultural praxis, and applied practice that has been informed by it. The first segment presents an overview of how research evolved in the past decade and some topic areas that employed the cultural praxis model, and it ends with what these works have added 228

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to the sport psychology body of knowledge. The second segment opens with an overview of factors that may have prohibited cultural praxis from moving fast forward in the premise of applied practice, followed by key elements in culture-sensitive applied work under the prism of cultural praxis, and it concludes with some recommendation for doing sport psychology as cultural praxis.

Research Overview In the last decade, there has been an increase in culturally reflexive research in sport psychology “that has challenged the normative psychological discourse on viewing psychological processes as autonomous or, at best, interacting with sociocultural environment at the level of individual experience” (Ryba, 2017, p. 123). Much of the research activity that is endorsing the constitutive role of cultural and social historicity in the athletes’ lives and identities is related to the development of the cultural sport psychology genre (Ryba et al., 2010; Schinke & Hanrahan, 2009). A number of scholars answered Ryba and Wright’s (2005) call for using cultural studies as a praxis model for enhancing the sport psychology knowledge base, recognizing culture as one of the main factors constituting human experiences, well-being, and performances in sport (Hanrahan, 2010), even when not always framed as cultural praxis (e.g., Roy, Kuan, & Tenenbaum, 2016; Si, Duan, Li, Zhang, & Su, 2015). Researchers started focusing on understanding minority athletes’ and coaches’ world-views, experiences, and identities (Blodgett, Ge, Schinke, & McGannon, 2017; Blodgett, Schinke, Fisher et al., 2010; Blodgett, Schinke, Peltier et al., 2010, 2011; Blodgett, Schinke, Smith, Peltier, & Pheasant, 2011; Kauer, 2009; Kavoura, 2018; Kavoura, Kokkonen, Chroni, & Ryba, 2018; Kavoura, Ryba, & Chroni, 2015; McGannon, Schinke, Ge, & Blodgett, 2018). A few others utilized the cultural praxis heuristic to study athlete career development and transition processes (Blodgett & Schinke, 2015; Ryba, Stambulova, Ronkainen, Bundgaard, & Selänne, 2015; Stambulova, Engström, Franck, Linnér, & Lindahl, 2015). Blodgett and colleagues integrated the cultural praxis tenets into a participatory action research model, aiming at bringing forward the voices of Canadian Aboriginal athletes (Blodgett & Schinke, 2015; Blodgett, Schinke, Fisher et al., 2010; Blodgett, Schinke, Peltier et al., 2010, 2011; Blodgett, Schinke, Smith et al., 2011). By engaging Aboriginal community members as co-researchers, the projects of Blodgett et al. resulted in developing culturally relevant sport programming (Blodgett, Schinke, Fisher et al., 2010), as well as indigenous and decolonizing research strategies and methodologies (Blodgett, Schinke, Peltier et al., 2010, 2011; Blodgett, Schinke, Smith et al., 2011). For example, mandala drawings and vignettes were suggested as potential methods for researching and empowering Aboriginal athletes (Blodgett & Schinke, 2015; Blodgett, Schinke, Smith et al., 2011). Overall, the works of Blodgett and colleagues have brought forward pressing issues regarding the power differentials in sport psychology knowledge production. The authors contributed to the social justice agenda through delineating alternative ways of producing knowledge (other than the dominant post-positivist Westernized ones) that can be “carried out with participants rather than for or on them” (Blodgett et al., 2015, p. 27; original emphasis). With regard to gender and women’s identities in sport, Kavoura and colleagues (2015, 2018) utilized cultural praxis and feminist poststructuralist frameworks to expand understandings of the specific ways in which cultural discourses enmesh in how female athletes negotiate their identities. By drawing attention to what was taken for granted as “truth” in Greek (Kavoura et al., 2015) and Finnish (Kavoura et al., 2018) cultural contexts of judo, the 229

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authors shed light on the mechanisms through which gender inequalities are perpetuated in these sporting contexts that are stereotypically perceived as male. These women, in their effort to become accepted and appreciated, often reproduced patriarchal and sexist discourses themselves, such as the belief that women are by nature inferior athletes and fighters. Accordingly, discursive interventions and educational opportunities appear to have key merit in making athletes more aware of the implications that certain language, practices, and identity performances have for gender equality. Kavoura (2018) uncovered further the importance of national and cultural contexts in women’s struggles for emancipation through self-reflection on her intersecting subjectivities and feminist failures and how these shaped the research process. Kauer (2009) explored the expression of non-normative sexualities of women in sport. Looking at the experiences of lesbian coaches through a cultural praxis and queer-feminist framework, Kauer alluded to the complexities of being out as a lesbian in sport. Although, in certain contexts, coaches could be open about their lesbian identities and consciously engaged in strategies aiming to disrupt heteronormativity in sport, in other contexts they themselves reproduced the existing status quo and the presence of the lesbian closet. The works of Blodgett et al. (2017) and McGannon et al. (2018) looked at the intersecting identities of female martial art and combat sport athletes. The authors explored elite women boxers’ identities and how these are linked to the mechanisms of exclusion and marginalization that operate in the Canadian National Boxing Team. These studies revealed how certain racial, ethnic, religious, gender, and sexual identities result in individuals being disadvantaged and socially excluded and experiencing discrimination in their careers. Nevertheless as the authors pointed out, besides boxing being characterized by white privilege and power differentials that limit the possibilities for some women (Blodgett et al., 2017), it can equally serve as an empowering context, allowing, for example, the expression of sexual minority identities (McGannon et al., 2018). The cultural praxis heuristic has also informed the content area of athlete career transitions (Blodgett & Schinke, 2015; Ryba et al., 2015; Stambulova et al., 2015). Drawing explicitly on the cultural praxis of athletes’ careers perspective that was developed by Stambulova and Ryba (2013, 2014), these studies focused on examining dual career (i.e. combining sport and education) transitions of Swedish (Stambulova et al., 2015), Canadian Aboriginal (Blodgett & Schinke, 2015), and transnational (Ryba et al., 2015) athletes. Stambulova and colleagues (2015) employed a longitudinal mixed methods design to provide a holistic overview of adolescent student-athletes’ dual career experiences. The authors examined the participants’ development of athlete and student identities and shed light on the factors contributing to a successful adaptation to elite sport school environments. Based on their findings, the authors provided recommendations in regards to dual career support services, emphasizing the importance of empowering student-athletes through developing their life skills and personal resources. The study further contributes to the cultural praxis literature by setting an example of how the careful positioning of a project can lead to the development of nationally, regionally, and internationally relevant agendas for future research, practice, and policy work. Looking into different transition experiences, Blodgett and Schinke (2015) studied the cultural transitions of Aboriginal student-athletes who relocated in order to pursue dual careers as students and hockey players. The project utilized a participatory action research approach and local indigenous decolonizing methodologies, such as the use of mandala drawings and vignettes. The findings revealed cultural tensions intersecting with the dual career experiences of minority athletes, such as a loss of belonging and countering negative cultural stereotypes. Exploring patterns of meaning that underpin the development of transnational dual career pathways, Ryba and colleagues (2015) conducted life story interviews with a group of transnational 230

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athletes whose transitions from secondary to higher education were corresponding with crossing international borders. The authors explicated how patterns of transnational mobility, as well as athletes’ decision-making and career development, are shaped by the existential meanings that athletes assign to their lives, but also by the structural and discursive conditions in their specific contexts. These findings enrich the cultural praxis knowledge base by offering important insights into the effects of globalization processes on athletes’ careers. Overall, empirical research positioned as cultural praxis has contributed to novel understandings in the content area of athletes’ career development and transitions and to understanding minority athletes’ identities and experiences, as well as to exploring marginalized topics and ethics of difference. Furthermore, it has contributed to understanding the complexities and fluidity of negotiating gender and sexuality, as well as to developing counter practices of research in sport psychology. The studies reviewed here brought to light previously unexplored issues and challenges experienced by athletes, and have illustrated the potential of cultural praxis for transforming, diversifying, and politicizing the sport psychology research genre (Fisher et al., 2005). Research positioned as cultural praxis may be growing rapidly and widely, and yet there is still room and a need for more research. Considering today’s reality of heightened sport globalization and transnational movement, it is essential to advance our knowledge on how to build up communities that will be characterized by “stability” while carefully attending to the “dynamic” society if we wish to offer the sense of belonging to all members via flexibility and mobility (Ryba, 2017, p. 4). A critical step for figuring out how to be stable while also flexible and mobile is to expand our knowledge to “geopolitical regions and culture value systems” other than “the privileged space of whiteness” (Ryba, 2017, p. 126).

Applied Practice Cultural praxis appears to have followed rather diverse growth paths among the sport psychology practitioners. Cultural praxis in sport psychology practice strongly exemplifies the heuristic element of the model as, without a clear set of guidelines, practitioners attempted to find their way with it. We venture here to discuss certain matters on which the growth of culture-sensitive applied practice potentially has stumbled, and still stumbles. Following, we look into examples of key elements in culture-sensitive applied work under the prism of cultural praxis. We conclude with a few recommendations and principles that can serve as points of departure for cultural praxis in applied practice. As said in the introduction, applied practice lacked dissemination outlets, with few exceptions. For many years, it was The Sport Psychologist journal with the professional practice corner and the annual conference of the Association of Applied Sport Psychology (AASP) that have always had room for applied practice work to be shared. It is only in the last few years that cases of applied practice have had a designated outlet for publication (see Case Studies in Sport and Exercise Psychology, jointly published by the Association for Applied Sport Psychology and Human Kinetics). Geographical location is another factor one may wish to consider with regard to the dissemination of applied work. In view of that, although the AASP has wide interests and an international member network, it is a continental organization that, to a large extent, focuses on matters, cultures, and subcultures relating to North America (see Quartiroli & Zizzi, 2011). The other large continental organization, the European Federation of Sport Psychology (FEPSAC), from inception was heavily research-oriented and opened up to applied practice in the past decade (Chroni & Abrahamsen, 2017). In addition, language is one more barrier to the wide sharing of the work and practices of consultants, considering that 231

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English is the predominant language for dissemination in the field of sport psychology (Chroni & Abrahamsen, 2017; Quartiroli & Zizzi, 2011). These deficiencies in dissemination limited the sharing of knowledge on practitioners’ approaches to day-to-day work with populations and sport environments outside the norm. The norm has been rather “single and singular”, as argued by Ryba and Wright (2005, p. 199), considering that the knowledge we hold was mainly developed based on applied practice with white male athletes (Ryba & Wright, 2010). Normative understandings can also limit the training of practitioners. Worldwide, practitioners are inducted into and ingrained with sport psychology via the history and development of the field in North America (Chroni & Abrahamsen, 2017) and they are educated mainly through theories carrying Western ethnocentric cultural assumptions (Ryba et al., 2013; Ryba & Wright, 2010). Essentially, the delimited sharing of applied practice due to scarce dissemination routes, the use of one language predominantly, and the monoculture approach found in theories and practical tools employed to this day in practitioner training can be regarded as stumbling blocks for the growth of cultural praxis in applied practice. In the past decade, textbooks and special journal issues particularly informed by cultural praxis have tried to stimulate practitioner world-views on matters of culture, gender, race, religion, sexuality, and justice, among others, and have offered sound knowledge to those interested. Without doubt, practitioners who desire to become certified as mental performance consultants (currently available with the AASP and FEPSAC, while the ISSP is on its way to launching an international registry, and other regions are actively reviewing their standards; see Schinke et al., 2018) and need to demonstrate cultural competences, as well as practitioners who work with diverse groups and need to enhance their cultural competences, will seek to develop their culture-sensitive knowledge and skills. These culture-sensitive knowledge and skills will offer practitioners the toolbox for finding their way in practising sport psychology within the cultural praxis heuristic. Nevertheless, although mainstream textbook chapters on applied practice informed by cultural praxis are growing in number, their positioning in mainstream Western ethnocentric textbooks suggests that matters of culturesensitive practice are “one more thing” to learn about, and not the foundation upon which sport psychology for all ought to be practised. This sends a flawed message to aspiring and working practitioners. The cultural praxis lens is not “one more thing’” to study and get good at to pass an exam; it is the way forward to the new world order heavily shaped by the global phenomenon of migration, the way to provide better services also to locals and natives considering the numerous microcultures and macrocultures to which they have been, and continuously are, exposed. Hence, how we position culture-sensitive knowledge, skills, and competences in our books and special issues may be another stumbling block for the growth of cultural praxis in applied practice. Looking particularly into the components of cultural competence – cultural awareness and reflexivity, culturally competent communication, and culturally competent interventions (Hanrahan, 2010; Ryba et al., 2013; Schinke, Blodgett, Ryba, FuKao, & Middleton, 2018; Schinke et al., 2012; Schinke & Moore, 2011; Schinke, Stambulova, Si, & Moore, 2018) – these also appear to be handled in a rather disjoint way. Competence components are methodically taught in parts (we learn about awareness, then we learn about communication, and finally we learn how to intervene), but focus is not placed on synthesizing them at a higher level, on bringing these together and embedding them in a holistic view of the setting through cultural lens. Lee (2015) surveyed 35 sport and exercise psychology programmes and found that only 45.7% of these offered practicum opportunities, and 31.4% required that the formal training opportunities primarily focus on cultural competence. In plain numbers, of 35 programmes that train sport psychology 232

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practitioners, only 10 expected mandatory training on cultural competence. She concluded that, with regard to cultural competence development, although graduate programmes focus on gaining cultural awareness, the opportunities for practical experiences are small. The absence of practical training opportunities denotes that, although practitioners are taught the components of cultural competence, they miss the chance to employ and incorporate these in the larger platform of cultural praxis. To further query how cultural competence is developed, we employed Ganzen’s (1984) three-step approach for investigating a system such as cultural praxis, as discussed by Ryba et al., (2013). Learning about a system as a whole is Ganzen’s Step 1, which would be to learn about the cultural praxis heuristic, what it is and what it is not. Analysing the system’s details is Step 2, entailing an in-depth look into the cultural knowledge, competences, and skills necessary for doing cultural praxis; this step is realized through the development of the components in parts. Lastly, synthesizing the parts of Step 2 at a higher level is Step 3, and in our case this would be doing cultural praxis. This third step of a higher-level synthesis “implies a new integration of knowledge in which variations and nuances are incorporated into the holistic view, and make meanings of the system the most visible”, which is what cultural praxis aspires to bring about (Ryba et al., 2013, p. 11). At this final step, where variations and nuances are blended into what one sees, the practitioner would benefit from first-hand experience in the field of practice, and yet, according to Lee (2015), this is missing. Notably, the development of cultural competence appears to be incomplete, disjoint, when practical experience opportunities are not in place to provide practitioners with the chance to synthesize at a higher level their knowledge and experience with the components of cultural competence and the nuances of the field itself. The last stumbling block we consider here addresses the wider content of the training of a practitioner, which appears to place more emphasis on learning about (and understanding) the client and not enough time and emphasis on learning and understanding the practitioner’s self. Aspiring practitioners are taught exhaustively about athlete stress, motivation, confidence, concentration, techniques to apply, and the basics of cultural matters (see the second stumbling block discussed above). Prospective practitioners in the majority of programmes are not taught about, and do not complete supervised work focusing on, their own stress, confidence, motivation, self-talk or goals, and, of course, culture and matters relating to it. Self-reflexivity background, values, beliefs, world-views, and philosophy are areas that necessitate methodical training. Kontos (2009) identified the knowledge and skills of awareness of self as a component in the integrated model for cultural competence. To address the gap in the training of practitioners for cultural competence, Schinke and colleagues (2012) suggested practitioners should challenge their own circumstances, preconceptions, and interests using selfreflection to bring them in touch with key dilemmas (e.g., how to express one’s own social position and identity without marginalizing the athlete’s culture and identity). This self-reflection enlightens practitioner understanding of self, of others, and of their interaction(s), and it also expands practitioners’ views and approaches to athlete well-being and performance. Without any or with little self-reflexivity, the skill of cultural awareness (Schinke, Hanrahan, & Catina, 2009) cannot develop appropriately in the period when a practitioner is in preparation for a future in sport psychology practice. It is heavily up to the practitioner to figure out how to be there and support the journey of athletes and coaches who are from a different culture or background, and, without cultural competence, cultural praxis cannot be performed. As Schinke, Fisher, Kamphoff, Gould, and Oglesby (2016) concluded, a comprehensive module of how to equip the practitioner with cultural competence is still not present, although discussions are ongoing, and cultural competence is required for certification. Hence, during 233

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training, the scale tilts heavily to learning about others and not the self, yet, without knowledge and understanding of the self, cultural praxis stumbles at the very first step. Today, little literature on applied practice is available that particularly makes reference to the cultural praxis paradigm. Considering the absence of standardized purposive training and the rather uncharted topic of cultural competences in sport psychology, Schinke et al. (2016) explored the background, tales, and reflections of practitioners who endorsed cultural praxis and adapted their applied practices in order to fit in and serve the athletes and teams properly. These practitioners offered their accounts of how they came to realize and materialize cultural praxis in their practices on their own, through trial and error. Comparably, Chroni (2018) discussed how her background, multiple transnational movements, and living/ working conditions intersected and created for her the need to learn and adapt, again and again. Although, in sport psychology literature, diversity has been typically discussed with regard to race, gender, and culture, considering the lessons learned from the tales presented by Schinke et al. (2016) and Chroni (2018), it appears to entail a lot more than these. In their reflections, the consultants point out how language, cultural exposure and immersion, past and present sport experiences, gender and gendered experiences, socio-economic power structures, sport cultures, and skills intersected and impacted them and the services provided. These reflections exemplify how elements from sociology, linguistics, psychology, culture, and sport science can blend in a consultant’s quest for a best way to serve the clients. The consultants studied the context at hand and brought their toolboxes into it, not vice versa, in order to enhance their understanding and then centre the interventions on the interests and needs of the athlete. In all stories, it took abundant observation, questioning, and reading that mingled with reflecting, accepting, and adjusting in order to develop ways to work with the culture(s) of the person or team and make a difference in their lives. Nothing can be taken for granted; having worked with one sport discipline does not translate into knowing how to work with a neighbouring one; being a native of a country does not translate into knowing how to work with all natives; being of one gender does not translate into knowing how to work with all people of the same gender. Learning, understanding, and respecting the nuances of the athlete or the team and how these are shaped and negotiated continuously are critical steps towards cultural praxis. These stories enrich the applied practice knowledge base by offering insights into different demands placed upon the consultants and their approach to work through the wide lens of cultural praxis. Intersection points that impact consultants at various times and spaces can equip them with simple and complex lessons learned, as well as skills developed. As Hanrahan (2010) highlighted, cultures moulded and continue to meld both practitioners and clients, and we need to be as mindful as possible of how our world-views impacted and impact what we hear and see in us and our clients, as well as what we do in response. Simple lessons, such as, “[w]e all have commonalities but we are unique, which makes us special and beautiful” (Chroni, 2018, p. 3) and “while we come from different backgrounds and differ in many intersecting ways, we are also the same in other ways … regardless of how people look and where they come from, we are people trying to achieve our goals and enjoy our lives” (Schinke et al., 2016, p. 362), can have longlasting compound effects on one’s applied practice. Chroni (2018) wrote about her approach to applied practice after many lessons learned around the world: There is no one way in this world. Accept the many unique ways of being and doing, and know that taken-for-granted normative practices of applied sport psychology may become oppressive mechanisms of power that will hurt and not help. Re-examine sport 234

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psychology theories and practices with each unique person or team in mind; shift the focus from problem solving to problem setting and learn to see beyond the problem because if you focus on the problem you will miss the solution(s). (p. 4) On working with religious and spiritual athletes, Sarkar, Hill, and Parker (2015) focused on five ethical principles that can guide practitioners: respect, responsibility, integrity, competence, and concern. Balague (1999) pointed out that, if practitioners do not take into consideration the world-views, values, and identities of religious and spiritual athletes, the work outcome is questionable, and athlete–consultant trust can be lost. Therefore, it is imperative that a sport psychology practitioner respects an individual’s religious and spiritual beliefs and values; is responsible about knowing and considering the impact of religion and spirituality; acts with integrity by being honest with regard to their professional skills; delivers competent services that integrate athlete religion and spirituality; and shows concern for the well-being and welfare of the athlete (Sarkar et al., 2015). Chroni’s (2018) consulting experience with Muslim female athletes in the Middle East, where self-bragging contradicts forms and senses of modesty that are essential for Muslim women, exemplifies Balague’s (1999) suggestion to avoid some forms of positive self-talk as these often come across as bragging and, thus, are not suitable for religious athletes. Cultural praxis is about empowering athletes regardless of religion, race, disability, or any other element that can differentiate a person or a team. The ethical principles proposed by Sarkar et al. (2015) set a standard of conduct for a consultant’s work in any environment, not only within religious or spiritual settings, that safeguards the well-being and welfare of both parties, athlete and consultant. Accepting that there is no one way that will fit all, and considering Ryba’s (2009) work, Chroni (2018) suggested that learning sport psychology theories and practices should be enriched: • • • •

by reflecting on what the practitioner has learned, and how this knowledge contributes to sport psychology practice norms; by reflecting on and questioning the practitioner’s own life experiences, cultural norms, and how applied practice challenges are viewed; by observation and questioning to learn about and to understand other people, other cul­ tures, other ways of being and doing; and finally by revisiting the practitioner’s views and ways of doing sport psychology.

Today, international and continental sport psychology associations that offer practitioner accreditations recognize the need for both local and universal approaches, and yet place different focus on culturally competent practice and requirements for it (Schinke et al., 2018). Taking the global road here at the juncture of cultures, in the position stand of the ISSP on culturally competent practice in sport and exercise psychology (Ryba et al., 2013), the authors conclude with nine postulates that summarize what it means to be a culturally competent practitioner (and researcher). Four of these postulates are revisited here in the form of recommendations highly relevant for applied practice. Accordingly, we consider that the shift to a more culturally competent practice can be facilitated when: (1) challenging one’s ethnocentric way of knowing (from Postulate 1); (2) analysing and recognizing the hidden ethnocentric assumptions embedded in sport psych­ ology practices, understanding the roles of power and politics in behaviour while seeing difference as relational and fluid, and focusing on meaning (from Postulate 2); 235

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(3) considering all involved (athletes, coaches, consultants) as cultural beings with their own idio­ syncratic and contextually restricted backgrounds and experiences (from Postulate 3); and (4) rethinking sport psychology practice through a culturally reflexive lens (from Postulate 9).

Conclusion The lessons learned, principles, and recommendations considered here can challenge further the reflecting of practitioners on cultural praxis. Although it may take some time to overcome stumbling blocks such as the monoculture approach in dominating theories taught to practitioners in training and how we position knowledge, skills, and competences in the learning sources, appropriately planned and delivered practical experiences for practitioners in training can much sooner overcome the stumbling blocks of a one-sided focus on learning about the client and not oneself and the synthesis of cultural competence components within the setting at hand. Preparation and practice can build practitioners’ toolboxes and confidence to deliver in the job but cannot eliminate novelty, variance, or adversity in the sports fields. The uncertainty of the unknown will always be the case for applied practitioners who go to work every day, break barriers and glass ceilings, and find themselves working in novel environments – in general, or for themselves, or that day in particular. In these instances, it appears that adapting the monoculture sport psychology theories and practices is a necessity in applied work, even when lacking research evidence for these. Improvising and trusting one’s intuitive and creative ways of coping when in ambiguous situations in practice (Chroni, 2018) are skills practitioners can benefit from. Although a standardized way for becoming culturally sensitive and competent to deliver cultural sport psychology is not in place, the existing literature and position statements provide a sound basis for cultural praxis. In one last sentence, cultural praxis in applied practice comes down to continuously learning sport psychology by questioning its status quo; to seeking and accepting alternatives; to learning at every context; to developing meaningful means of being, doing, and relating; and, of course, to training and trusting yourself to deliver respectful, responsible, competent services with concern and integrity.

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Stiliani “Ani” Chroni and Anna Kavoura Ryba, T. V. (2017). Cultural sport psychology: A critical review of empirical advances. Current Opinion in Psychology, 16, 123–127. Ryba, T. V., & Schinke, R. J. (2009). Methodology as a ritualized Eurocentrism: Introduction to the special issue. International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 7, 263–274. Ryba, T. V., Schinke, R. J., & Tenenbaum, G. (Eds.). (2010). The cultural turn in sport psychology. Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology. Ryba, T. V., Stambulova, N. B., Ronkainen, N. J., Bundgaard, J., & Selänne, H. (2015). Dual career path­ ways of transnational athletes. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 21, 125–134. Ryba, T. V., Stambulova, N. B., Si, G., & Schinke, R. J. (2013). ISSP position stand: Culturally competent research and practice in sport and exercise psychology. International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 11, 123–142. Ryba, T. V., & Wright, H. K. (2005). From mental game to cultural praxis: A cultural studies model’s implica­ tions for the future of sport psychology. Quest, 57, 192–212. Ryba, T. V., & Wright, H. K. (2010). Sport psychology and the cultural turn: Notes toward cultural praxis. In T. V. Ryba, R. J. Schinke, & G. Tenenbaum (Eds.), The cultural turn in sport psychology (pp. 3–27). Mor­ gantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology. Sarkar, M., Hill, D. M., & Parker, A. (2015). Reprint of: Working with religious and spiritual athletes: Ethical considerations for sport psychologists. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 17, 48–55. Schinke, R. J., Blodgett, A. T., Ryba, T. V., FuKao, S., & Middleton, T. R. F. (2018). Cultural sport psych­ ology as a pathway to advances in identity and settlement research to practice. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, Advanced online publication. 10.1016/j.psychsport.2018.09.004 Schinke, R. J., Fisher, L. A., Kamphoff, C., Gould, D. R., & Oglesby, C. (2016). Certified consultants’ attempt at cultural inclusiveness: An examination of four tales through the lens of the international society of sport psychology position stand on cultural competence. International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psych­ ology, 14, 353–368. Schinke, R. J., & Hackfort, D. (Eds.). (2017). Psychology in professional sports and the performing arts – Challenges and strategies. London: Routledge. Schinke, R. J., & Hanrahan, S. J. (Eds.). (2009). Cultural sport psychology. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Schinke, R. J., Hanrahan, S. J., & Catina, P. (2009). Introduction to cultural sport psychology. In R. J. Schinke & S. J. Hanrahan (Eds.), Cultural sport psychology (pp. 3–11). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Schinke, R. J., McGannon, K. R., Parham, W. D., & Lane, A. M. (2012). Toward cultural praxis and cultural sensitivity: Strategies for self-reflexive sport psychology practice. Quest, 64, 34–46. Schinke, R. J., & Moore, Z. (2011). Culturally informed sport psychology: Introduction to the special issue. Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 5, 283–294. Schinke, R. J., Si, G., Zhang, L., Elbe, A.-M., Watson, J., Harwood, C., & Terry, P. (2018). Joint position stand of the ISSP, FEPSAC, and AASP on professional accreditation. Psychology of Sport & Exercise, 38, 107–115. Schinke, R. J., Stambulova, N. B., Si, G., & Moore, Z. (2018). International society of sport psychology pos­ ition stand: Athletes’ mental health, performance, and development. International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 16(6), 622–639. Si, G., Duan, Y., Li, H. Y., Zhang, Z. Q., & Su, N. (2015). The influence of the Chinese sport system and Chin­ ese characteristics on Olympic sport psychology services. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 17, 56–67. Smith, B., & Sparkes, A. C. (2009). Narrative inquiry in sport and exercise psychology: What can it mean, and why might we do it? Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 10, 1–11. Smith, L. T. (2012). Decolonizing methodologies: Research and indigenous peoples (2nd ed.). London: Zed Books. Stambulova, N. B., Engström, C., Franck, A., Linnér, L., & Lindahl, K. (2015). Searching for an optimal balance: Dual career experiences of Swedish adolescent athletes. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 21, 4–14. Stambulova, N. B., & Ryba, T. V. (2013). Athletes careers across cultures. London: Routledge. Stambulova, N. B., & Ryba, T. V. (2014). A critical review of career research and assistance through the cultural lens: Towards cultural praxis of athletes’ careers. International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 7, 1–17. Wright, H. K. (2003). Cultural studies as praxis: (Making) an autobiographical case. Cultural Studies, 17, 805–822.

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17

DEPRESSION

Prevention and Treatment Through Exercise Brandon L. Alderman, Christopher J. Brush, and Anthony J. Bocchine

Introduction Depression is one of the most prevalent and disabling psychiatric disorders and affects more than 350 million individuals worldwide (Mathers, Fat, & Boerma, 2008). It is characterized by considerable morbidity and mortality (Kessler & Bromet, 2013), which exacts profound personal suffering and is a staggering burden to individuals, families, and society. Depression is also highly comorbid with other mental health disorders. Nearly three-quarters of all people who meet criteria for depression at some point during their lifetime also meet criteria for another psychiatric disorder: approximately three-fifths will be comorbid for one of the anxiety disorders, one-quarter for substance-use disorders, and one-third for impulse-control disorders (DeRubeis, Siegle, & Hollon, 2008). Diagnostic criteria for depression include the presence of a depressed mood and/or diminished interest or pleasure in activities that were previously enjoyable (i.e., anhedonia). Accompanying these cardinal symptoms of depression are a constellation of additional symptoms including a significant change in weight or appetite; insomnia or hypersomnia; psychomotor agitation or retardation; fatigue or loss of energy; feelings of worthlessness or excessive or inappropriate guilt; difficulty thinking or concentrating, or indecisiveness; and recurrent thoughts of death or suicidal ideation. When five or more of these symptoms have been present for at least 2 weeks (which must include either a depressed mood or diminished pleasure) and significantly impair normal day-to-day functioning, they constitute clinical depression (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; World Health Organization, 2010). However, depression is an extremely complex and heterogeneous disease and often goes undiagnosed. Many individuals who suffer from mild to more severe forms of depression never receive a formal diagnosis from a psychiatrist or general practitioner. In terms of the developmental trajectory, depression rates are typically low in childhood (2.8%) and only begin to rise around the ages of 12–13, with rates doubling to approximately 5.6% in adolescence (Costello, Erkanli, & Angold, 2006). Interestingly, the incidence of major depressive disorder (MDD) peaks between the ages of 15 and 18 (Hankin et al., 1998) and is twice as common among women compared with men (Altemus, Sarvaiya, & Neill Epperson, 2014; Nolen-Hoeksema, Larson, & Grayson, 1999). This 2:1 female-to-male ratio is established by age 18 and persists throughout adulthood (Pizzagalli, Whitton, & Webb, 2018). Deeply troubling statistics also indicate that rates of depression among children, and 239

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particularly adolescents, are on the rise. From 2005 to 2014, there was an observed increase in the prevalence of major depressive episodes from 8.7% to 11.3% among 172, 495 adolescents aged 12–17, and from 8.8% to 9.6% among 178, 755 young adults aged 18–25 in the National Surveys on Drug Use and Health (Mojtabai, Olfson, & Han, 2016). Some have speculated that the increased prevalence rates of depression in adolescents and young adults may be due to the increased use of technology and social media in today’s hyperconnected world. In two nationally representative surveys of U.S. adolescents in Grades 8–12 (N = 506,820), depressive symptoms, suicide-related outcomes, and suicide rates increased between 2010 and 2015 (Twenge, Joiner, Rogers, & Martin, 2018). Adolescents who spent more time on social media and electronic devices were more likely to report mental health problems, whereas adolescents who spent more time on non-screen activities such as in-person social interaction, exercise, sports, print media, and attending religious services were less likely to report depressive and suicide-related outcomes. The increased prevalence rates of depression and social media use among adolescents indicate that this developmental period may represent an ideal time to implement evidence-based interventions. In terms of treatment, barbiturates, opioids, and amphetamines were initially prescribed for depression (Pizzagalli et al., 2018). Although these drug treatments were efficacious in improving mood, their addictive properties and side-effect profiles resulted in their discontinued use. Around the 1950s, iproniazid was being studied as a pharmacological treatment for tuberculosis, and one notable side effect was its antidepressant effects. Thus, iproniazid became one of the first antidepressants approved for widespread use and belonged to a class of drugs called the monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOIs). Around the same time, imipramine, a tricyclic antidepressant (TCA), initially developed as an antipsychotic for schizophrenia patients, gained support for the treatment of depression. Early support was found for its clinical efficacy in alleviating depression among 40 psychotic patients who presented with depressive symptoms (Kuhn, 1957). Together, the TCAs and MAOIs were among the original classes of approved antidepressants and work by altering brain levels of serotonin, norepinephrine, and dopamine. Newer classes of antidepressant medication are now more commonly used, in part because of the extensive side-effect profiles associated with these early antidepressants. Selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), serotonin and norepinephrine reuptake inhibitors (SNRIs), and norepinephrine and dopamine reuptake inhibitors (NDRIs) work by blocking the reabsorption or reuptake of serotonin, norepinephrine, and dopamine. Citalopram (Celexa), escitalopram (Lexapro), fluoxetine (Prozac), duloxetine (Cymbalta), venlafaxine (Effexor), paroxetine (Paxil), sertraline (Zoloft), and bupropion (Wellbutrin) are some of the commonly used SSRIs, SNRIs, and NDRIs. These newer classes of antidepressants are among the most widely prescribed drugs, despite evidence suggesting questionable efficacy for patients with less than severe depressive symptom severity (Kirsch et al., 2008). Although antidepressant medications are effective for many people, they are not consistently beneficial. In addition, antidepressants are costly and often associated with unpleasant or intolerable side effects, including nausea, constipation, weight gain, diarrhoea and upset stomach, sexual dysfunction, headache, dizziness, hypertension, drowsiness, trouble sleeping, and increased sweating or urination. The negative stigma of depression and feelings associated with taking these medications often preclude many individuals from seeking or continuing antidepressant treatment. In terms of precision, up to 40–50% of patients fail to respond to antidepressant medication (e.g., Trivedi, Greer, Grannemann, Chambliss, & Jordan, 2006), and the likelihood of remission or complete recovery is even lower. For example, only one in three patients achieved remission in the Sequenced Treatment Alternatives to Relieve Depression (STAR*D) study (Trivedi et al., 2006), the largest study to 240

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date of antidepressant and psychotherapy treatment in clinical depression. For patients who achieve remission, approximately 40% will relapse within 2 years (Boland and Keller, 2008). For treatment-resistant depression, newer techniques such as electroconvulsive therapy and transcranial magnetic stimulation have been approved and are effective for some patients. More recently, ketamine has been studied as a fast-acting antidepressant, and emerging findings support its efficacy in alleviating symptoms of depression (Lally et al., 2015). Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) and various forms of talking therapy, including interpersonal psychotherapy, are also broadly used and effective for many people; however, as with antidepressant medications, many individuals with depression do not respond successfully to psychological treatments (DeRubeis et al., 2005). The efficacy of psychological treatments often depends on the quality of the practitioner, the nature of the intervention (e.g., face-to-face, group-based, technology-delivered), and individual preferences. Initially, the use of psychotherapy and antidepressants as treatments for depression clashed with one another. That is, psychiatrists and health care providers often prescribed patients with either antidepressant medication(s) or psychotherapy as monotherapies, but not both as a combined treatment approach. One likely explanation for this practice involved a clinician’s beliefs about the causes or nature of an individual’s depressive phenotype. That is, if the cause of depression was believed to be psychological or social in nature, then a psychologically based treatment was prescribed. If, on the other hand, the cause of depression was believed to be more biological in nature (e.g., lower serotonin levels), then medication was the prescribed course of action. As mentioned, depression is an incredibly complex and heterogeneous mental health disorder. Relative to other medical conditions, little is known about the pathophysiology or neurobiology of depression, and some 681 different combinations of the nine diagnostic criteria can result in a binary diagnosis of depression (Akil et al., 2018). In addition to its psychiatric comorbidities, depression often co-exists with other medical conditions, including cardiovascular disease, diabetes, arthritis, asthma, chronic pain, gastrointestinal disorders, and cancer. Given this complexity, establishing personalized approaches for the treatment of depression remains elusive. Furthermore, despite the available array of antidepressant treatments, there is no empirically validated approach to treatment selection based on an individual’s likelihood of successful response (Pizzagalli, 2011). As a result, clinical practice for depression remains a trial-and-error approach. For many, this trial-and-error approach results in years of suffering until the right combination of treatments is identified to help alleviate a person’s suffering. Exercise and physical activity are important lifestyle behaviours for the management and treatment of depression. Ancient physicians and philosophers such as Hippocrates (460–370 BCE), Susruta (600 BCE), and Hua T’o from the East Han Dynasty (25 BCE–250 CE) recognized the importance of regular physical activity. Although Hippocrates was not the first physician to prescribe exercise, he is often considered the first physician to have provided a prescription of exercise for a patient suffering from a mental health condition (Tipton, 2014). Samuel Johnson, the towering literary giant of the Enlightenment period, practiced ‘constant occupation of mind, a great deal of exercise, [and] moderation in eating and drinking’ for bouts of melancholy (Lawlor, 2012, p. 17). Henry David Thoreau (1862) believed in walking as a form of medicine: I think that I cannot preserve my health and spirits, unless I spend four hours a day at least—and it is commonly more than that—sauntering through the woods and over the hills and fields absolutely free from all worldly engagements. (p. 6) 241

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Two aspects of Thoreau’s quote are noteworthy relative to physical activity and depression. First, spending 4 hours a day (at least!) engaged in walking would far exceed our current physical activity recommendations of 150 minutes of moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (MVPA) on 5 or more days per week (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2018). Second, Thoreau sauntered in nature, free from the cares and worries of the time. In today’s hyperconnected world, that would entail exercising without a cell phone and without access to the internet (unplugged). Most people today live in large, metropolitan areas and spend less time outdoors than individuals from previous generations. This is an unfortunate trend, given that urbanization is associated with a higher risk for depression and stress-related illnesses (Firdaus and Ahmad, 2014; Hoare, Jacka, & Berk, 2019; Peen, Schoevers, Beekman, & Dekker, 2010), and spending time in nature may enhance well-being (Bratman, Hamilton, Hahn, Daily, & Gross, 2015; Muir, 1898). Even without today’s scientific understanding, these early physicians, philosophers, and scholars recognized the importance of physical activity in promoting mental health and well-being. Exercise and physical activity as lifestyle behaviours for preventing and treating depression have received increasing popular press and scientific attention since the 1960s, when early observational studies on this topic were published (e.g. Morgan, 1968). During the same period, observational and epidemiological studies were demonstrating a favourable influence of exercise on physical health outcomes, such as cardiovascular disease and all-cause mortality (e.g., Paffenbarger, Wing, & Hyde, 1978). By 2013, Ekkekakis had asserted that, ‘physical activity seems supremely positioned due to an already-voluminous evidence base, virtual absence of adverse side effects, minimal cost, limitless global accessibility, and a wide range of collateral benefits, including those on metabolic and cardiovascular health’ (p. 10), making it an effective lifestyle intervention for the prevention and treatment of mental health disorders, including depression. Despite this optimism, he also cautioned that, ‘many researchers and practitioners in medicine, psychology, and public health remain either uninformed or unconvinced about the potential of physical activity to promote mental health’ (p. 1). Despite the wide-ranging and established benefits of exercise, debates continue over whether exercise should be integrated into clinical practice for the prevention and treatment of psychiatric disorders. Exercise also continues to be under-prescribed in health care systems around the world, despite patients’ expressed interests in including exercise as a form of treatment (Busch et al., 2016). Based on the extent of the evidence, exercise should be included as a behavioural treatment in international guidelines for depression. There is also substantial evidence suggesting that physical activity may play a role in preventing the onset or reoccurrence of depressive episodes, although this possibility remains difficult to study. There are several issues that remain unknown in this area, and further understanding of the complex relationship between exercise and depression may help to advance the use of exercise as a behavioural treatment for individuals with psychiatric disorders, including depression. The aim of this contribution is to summarize the current evidence on the influence of exercise on depression, and to highlight areas for future investigation that may help to advance understanding of the complex relationship between exercise and depression.

Exercise and Physical Activity for the Prevention of Depression The potential for physical activity and exercise to prevent depression has been examined in numerous cross-sectional and prospective epidemiological studies. For instance, Gudmundsson et al. (2015) examined dynamic relationships between physical activity and depressive symptoms among 676 women followed over 32 years (1974–2005). At baseline in 1974, 242

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women who reported less physical activity also reported higher depressive symptoms. Across time, women with declining physical activity levels reported significantly greater depression symptom severity scores. Interestingly, higher baseline depression severity was related to declining levels of physical activity at subsequent examinations, suggesting a bidirectional relationship between physical activity and depressive symptoms. One of the cardinal symptoms of depression is the lack of interest or engagement in previously enjoyed activities, and patients with depression often report low motivation and feelings of fatigue. These symptoms likely undermine physical activity participation. Two additional prospective studies found a significant association between physical activity and depression. Among adults with depression, Harris, Cronkite, and Moos (2006) found that greater physical activity levels at baseline were associated with lower depression symptom severity at four subsequent assessment points spanning 10 years. Harvey, Hotopf, Overland, and Mykletun (2010) prospectively followed a cohort of 33,908 healthy adults for 11 years and found associations between regular leisuretime exercise and reduced incidence of future depression, but not anxiety. In addition to physical activity, sedentary behaviours constitute a modifiable risk factor for the onset of depression (Schuch et al., 2017). This is important given that the earliest epidemiological studies were focused on relationships between work-related energy expenditure and leisure-time physical activity and their relation to physical and mental health outcomes. Individuals from all walks of life are spending a greater amount of time being sedentary. Sedentary behaviour and the associated health consequences have become active areas of enquiry (Stamatakis et al., 2019). Individuals with depression are more sedentary than those living without depression, and approximately two-thirds of people with major depression do not meet current physical activity guidelines of 150 minutes of MVPA per week. A systematic review of prospective, longitudinal research studies examining relationships between physical activity and depression over at least two time intervals revealed that 25 of the 30 included studies supported baseline physical activity as a protective factor for the incidence of subsequent depression (Mammen and Faulkner, 2013), and even small amounts of physical activity such as walking less than 20 minutes per day or more than 40 minutes per day at an ‘average’ pace decreased the incidence of future depressive episodes (Lucas et al., 2011). This review corroborates earlier epidemiological studies supporting a relationship between greater amounts of physical activity and reduced depressive symptoms (Farmer et al., 1988; Goodwin, 2003). Schuch et al. (2018) conducted a meta-analysis of 49 prospective studies that included 266,939 individuals with physical activity measurements at baseline and depressive symptoms at a follow-up period, with a mean follow-up period across studies of 7.4 years. Individuals of all ages with higher physical activity levels had reduced odds of developing future depression. In addition, higher intensity activity was significantly associated with a lower incidence of depression, and these findings were robust across various geographical regions around the world (Asia, Europe, North America, and Oceania). Chekroud et al. (2018) examined the association between exercise and mental health based on data collected through the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention between 2011 and 2015, in a sample of more than a million people aged 18 years or older, across all 50 states in the United States. To assess depression and mental health burden, participants were asked: ‘Has a doctor, nurse, or other health professional EVER told you that you have a depressive disorder, including depression, major depression, dysthymia, or minor depression?’ and ‘Now thinking about your mental health, which includes stress, depression, and problems with emotions, for how many days during the past 30 days was your mental health not good?’ To assess physical activity, participants were asked: ‘During the past month, other than your regular job, did you participate 243

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in any physical activities or exercises such as running, calisthenics, golf, gardening, or walking for exercise?’ Several follow-up questions were also asked about the type, frequency, and duration of physical activity participation. Individuals who exercised reported about 1.5 fewer days of poor mental health in the past month (about 43%) than individuals who did not exercise. All types of exercise were associated with a lower mental health burden; however, engaging in team sports, cycling, and aerobic and gym-based activities were associated with the lowest mental health burden. As previously mentioned, it is difficult to determine the role that exercise has in preventing the onset or occurrence of depressive episodes. Exercise is associated with a variety of benefits, including effects on the very symptoms that constitute a formal diagnosis of depression (e.g., mood, fatigue, sleep, appetite). Nonetheless, the available cross-sectional, observational, and epidemiological evidence indicates that physical activity and exercise are preventative for depression.

Exercise for the Treatment of Depression The use of exercise as a treatment for individuals suffering with depression is more controversial. Numerous randomized controlled trials (RCTs) have been conducted to examine the effects of exercise for individuals with elevated depressive symptoms, and there has also been an accompanying rise in the number of meta-analyses and systematic reviews on this topic, including a series of Cochrane systematic reviews (e.g., Cooney et al., 2013). There has been an unfortunate tendency for many of the RCTs in this area to be viewed as strong evidence among the exercise psychology community, whereas others have discounted nearly all the evidence as consisting of low-quality studies with a high risk of bias (e.g., Krogh, Hjorthoj, Speyer, Gluud, & Nordentoft, 2017). This practice of criticizing the evidence base of exercise as a potential treatment for mental health is not new (e.g., Hughes, 1984), although is likely to have greater consequences today as a result of the media’s role in disseminating research findings to the public. In one of the most widely cited RCTs in this area, Blumenthal and colleagues (1999) randomized 156 adults aged 50 years and older with MDD to aerobic exercise, standard antidepressant treatment with sertraline (SSRI drug), or a combination of exercise plus sertraline. For the exercise programme, participants attended three supervised sessions per week for 16 consecutive weeks in a group setting and were prescribed walking or jogging at a vigorous intensity that ranged from 70% to 85% of heart rate reserve, which reflects the difference between maximal and resting heart rate. Although patients receiving sertraline alone exhibited a more rapid initial antidepressant response, there were no significant differences in depressive symptoms between any of the groups by the end of the 16-week intervention. At 10-month followup (6 months post-intervention), individuals assigned to the aerobic exercise group displayed significantly lower rates of depression (30%) compared with the sertraline (50%) and the combined treatment (55%) groups, suggesting a lower relapse rate following aerobic exercise treatment relative to antidepressant medication (Babyak et al., 2000). During follow-up, engagement in physical activity was also found to be associated with lower depressive symptoms, whereas use of antidepressant medication was not associated with depression status. These two studies helped to establish preliminary support for the efficacy of exercise in treating depression, particularly among patients with more mild-to-moderate depression. In addition to efficacy, there have been repeated calls to establish whether a dose–response relationship exists between exercise and reductions in depressive symptoms (e.g., Dunn, Trivedi, & O’Neal, 2001; Rethorst and Trivedi, 2013). Dose–response refers to the amount of exercise (duration, intensity, and frequency) that may result in optimizing health benefits. In 244

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2000, a scientific symposium sponsored by Health Canada and the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention was held to establish whether a dose–response relationship exists between physical activity and several health-related outcomes, including depression. Experts noted that aerobic exercise training programmes lasting 6–12 weeks are consistently associated with improvements in depressive symptoms comparable in magnitude to those observed following antidepressants; however, the panel did not find sufficient dose–response evidence for depression (or anxiety). Overall, these experts regarded the conclusions for a dose–response relationship between exercise and depression as ‘suggestive but not convincing’. In one of the few RCTs conducted to systematically examine the dose of exercise, Dunn, Trivedi, Kampert, Clark, and Chambliss (2005) randomized 80 patients with mild-to-moderate depression severity to two different doses of aerobic exercise (7 kcal/kg/week, low dose [LD], or 17.5 kcal/kg/week, public health dose [PHD]) performed at two different frequencies (3 or 5 days per week) or to an attention-controlled placebo group that performed flexibility training. Intensity of exercise was self-selected by participants assigned to the exercise conditions. Results indicated a significant dose–response effect, with those patients completing the PHD experiencing a greater decrease in depressive symptoms (47% reduction in Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression [HRSD] score) compared with the LD (30% reduction in HRSD score) or the flexibility training control group. The mean HRSD (HAM-D) score was reduced by 47% for the PHD group, which was significantly greater than the reductions in HAM-D scores observed for the LD exercise (30%) and attention control groups (29%). The treatment response following the PHD of exercise was equivalent to reductions typically observed following other treatments for depression, including antidepressants and CBT. Importantly, the PHD was performed either 3 or 5 days per week, and, although not statistically different, there was a tendency for greater adherence among participants who exercised for 3 days per week relative to those who exercised 5 days per week. Chu and colleagues (2009) randomized sedentary women with high levels of depressive symptoms to a low- or high-intensity aerobic exercise condition or to a stretching programme for 10 weeks. Participants in the aerobic exercise groups met for one 30–40 min supervised session and were asked to complete three-to-four additional unsupervised exercise sessions during the week. During the unsupervised sessions, participants in the exercise groups chose their preferred modes of aerobic exercise, such as aerobic dancing, walking, or biking. This approach may have served to enhance motivation and adherence to exercise, as participants were afforded greater autonomy in their own exercise. All three groups demonstrated a significant reduction in depressive symptoms at the end of the 10-week intervention. However, after controlling for baseline BDI-II depression symptoms, the high-intensity aerobic exercise group reported significantly fewer depressive symptoms than the low-intensity or stretching groups at Weeks 5 and 10, suggesting a potential dose-dependent effect of exercise on depressive symptoms. In another study, Trivedi and colleagues (2011) enrolled patients who failed to achieve remission following at least 6 weeks of treatment with SSRIs to one of two 12-week exercise doses as an augmentation to standard care with antidepressant medication. Among 126 men and women with MDD, those assigned to the higher dose of exercise (16 kcal/kg/week) showed a trend for better remission rates than participants who were assigned to the lower dose of exercise (4 kcal/kg/week). Notably, individuals assigned to the lower dose of exercise demonstrated better adherence rates relative to those assigned to the higher exercise dose. Opposing findings have been reported from the TREAD-UK trial (Chalder et al., 2012), the largest RCT of physical activity on depression conducted in primary care. In this RCT, 361 adults aged 18–69 who had recently consulted their general practitioner with symptoms of 245

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depression were randomized to care-as-usual or care-as-usual plus a facilitated physical activity intervention. The physical activity intervention included ‘up to three face to face sessions and 10 telephone calls with a trained physical activity facilitator over eight months’ and ‘was based on theory and aimed to provide individually tailored support and encouragement to engage in physical activity’ (p. 1). The authors reported that the physical activity intervention was no more effective at reducing depressive symptoms than the usual care group, and concluded that a facilitated physical activity intervention added to usual care did not improve depression outcome or reduce use of antidepressants compared with usual care alone. Ekkekakis, Hartman, and Ladwig (2018) identified several critical issues with this study. Among these issues, it was noted that the facilitated intervention itself was unsuccessful in altering physical activity levels in the intervention group. Therefore, the trial could not fulfil its original purpose of evaluating whether physical activity is an effective treatment for depression. The TREAD-UK is not the only RCT ‘with considerable methodological limitations that have been portrayed by researchers to the media as having shown that exercise is an ineffective treatment for depression’ (Ekkekakis et al., 2018, p. 7). The reader is strongly encouraged to read the Ekkekakis et al. (2018) study to understand how these RCTs have been conducted and portrayed to the media. Unfortunately, media attention from these studies is likely to negatively impact the global medical establishment and the general public relative to the efficacy of exercise for depression.

Roadblocks to Exercise as a Treatment in Psychiatric Care The use of exercise as a treatment for depression has garnered considerable support, as evidenced by the mention of exercise in recent guidelines published by the American Psychiatric Association (Gelenberg et al., 2010; Rethorst and Trivedi, 2013), the Canadian Network for Mood and Anxiety Treatments (Ravindran et al., 2016), and the Royal Australian and New Zealand College of Psychiatrists (Malhi et al., 2015); however, universal consensus on the prescription of exercise as a treatment for depression is still lacking. For instance, the United States National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) only encourages individuals or caregivers to ‘try to be active and exercise’ (NIMH, 2018), with no other mention of the treatment or therapeutic potential of exercise. Additionally, the American Psychiatric Association’s clinical guidelines include the statement, ‘if a patient with mild depression wishes to try exercise alone for several weeks as a first intervention, there is little to argue against it’ (Gelenberg et al., 2010, p. 30). This is not a resounding endorsement for exercise as a treatment for depression. Unfortunately, the very people who may have the most to benefit from exercise (those who are more severely depressed, or with co-occurring health conditions) are those who would be less likely to endorse a wish to try exercise alone as a first intervention. Fortunately, several additional statements about exercise were also included that are promising, suggesting that physical activity is a ‘reasonable addition to a treatment plan for major depressive disorder’ (p. 30), and that, ‘further study of exercise in acute and maintenance treatment of depression would also be useful, including assessment of the benefits of exercise in minimizing side effects of the other therapies and in optimizing health, functioning, and quality of life’ (p. 101). The National Institute for Health and Care Excellence, in the United Kingdom, has listed a structured group physical activity programme among its recommended low-intensity psychosocial interventions for patients with persistent subthreshold depressive symptoms or mild-to-moderate depression. Similarly, Australian and New Zealand guidelines have included exercise among other lifestyle behaviours (diet, smoking cessation, 246

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alcohol cessation, ceasing drugs, managing substance misuse, and sleep) for depression (Malhi et al., 2015). Although this recognition of exercise among international psychiatric organizations is promising, exercise is still not widely used by physicians and health care providers as a treatment for depression. This ‘reluctance in some parts of the medical community to acknowledge the benefits of exercise in the treatment of depression’ (Kirsch, 2010, p. 172) may be due to several factors. One, as previously mentioned, is likely due to biased investigations and subsequent media portrayal of those findings. Another equally pernicious form of influence has to do with systematic reviews and meta-analyses of the available evidence, including the series of Cochrane reviews of exercise and depression. In the most recent update of the Cochrane reviews, Cooney et al. (2013) reported that exercise was associated with a greater reduction in symptoms of depression compared with no treatment, placebo, or active control interventions, including relaxation or meditation. However, when they restricted their analyses to the RCTs they determined to be at low risk of bias, their conclusions suggested only small benefits of exercise. Ekkekakis (2015) brilliantly dissected the most recent Cochrane review and demonstrated not only a ‘remarkable stepwise reduction of the pooled standardized mean difference (SMD) by 44%, from 1.10 in 2001, to 0.82 in 2009, to 0.67 in 2012, to 0.62 in 2013’ (p. 22), but also how key methodological decisions were made to arrive at the conclusions reported in the Cooney et al. review. For instance, a reanalysis of the effects including studies that should have been categorized as exercise, but were not, resulted in a large pooled SMD of 0.77 (95% CI from 0.97 to 0.58). Removing studies that should not have been included and including studies that should not have been excluded resulted in a pooled SMD of 0.90 (95% CI from 1.11 to 0.69; Ekkekakis, 2015). SMDs of 0.77 or 0.90 are substantially larger than the overall effect of 0.62 reported by Cooney et al. (2013) in their widely cited review. More recently, Krogh et al. (2017) published an updated systematic review of RCTs in the British Medical Journal Open. Like previous Cochrane reviews and meta-analyses discussed by Ekkekakis et al. (2018), Krogh and colleagues reviewed 35 trials, including 2,498 participants, and concluded that the effect of exercise versus control conditions on depression severity was −0.66 SMD (95% CI −0.86 to −0.46; p < 0.001). However, most of the studies were considered of very low quality based on the grading of recommendations assessment, development, and evaluation (GRADE) guidelines. After restricting their analysis to only 4 of the 35 trials (11%) classified as at lower risk of bias, the SMD was −0.11 and not statistically significant (−0.41 to 0.18; p = 0.45). The authors concluded that, ‘Trials with less risk of bias suggested no antidepressant effects of exercise and there were no significant effects of exercise on quality of life, depression severity or lack of remission during follow-up’ (p. 1). Unfortunately, this updated systematic review is plagued by the very same, serious methodological concerns highlighted by Ekkekakis (2015). It is interesting that two of the four studies deemed of ‘higher quality’ were performed by Krogh himself, even though both of these trials have been criticized on important conceptual grounds (Ekkekakis et al., 2018). In the first of the two trials (Krogh, Saltin, Gluud, & Nordentoft, 2009), the control group consisted of engaging in ‘relaxation’ exercises designed to ‘avoid muscular contractions or stimulation of the cardiovascular system’; however, the control group included ‘alternating muscle contraction and relaxation in different muscle groups’, and participants were instructed that they could raise their perceived exertion up to ‘12 on the Borg scale’ (p. 792). This level of exertion is within the range recommended by the American College of Sports Medicine (ACSM) for the improvement of cardiorespiratory fitness. In the second trial (Krogh, Videbech, Thomsen, Gluud, & Nordentoft, 2012), the control group included stretching and aerobic exercise, 247

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thereby creating a comparison of two different exercise interventions (aerobic exercise versus aerobic exercise plus stretching). As mentioned, these two trials constituted 50% of the evidence that led to the conclusion that exercise is not an effective treatment for depression. Systematic reviews should be performed very carefully and, in the era of open science, should be as transparent and reproducible as possible. Systematic reviews likely have a much stronger influence on public opinion relative to a single RCT and should, therefore, be subjected to even greater scrutiny. As one example from this most recent review, Krogh and colleagues (2017) cited an RCT of exercise for depression that was performed in our laboratory (Olson, Brush, Ehmann, & Alderman, 2017). The author by-line for this study (on p. 1) states the author affiliations as the University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA, and Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, New Brunswick, NJ, USA. The institutional review board at Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey was reported as the administrative body protecting the rights and welfare of human subjects within the body of the manuscript. It is, therefore, unclear how this study was reported in the Krogh et al. review as taking place in Ireland. Although this may seem to be a trivial error, it raises concerns about other aspects of the review, particularly given the number of careful decision points that occur during the process of conducting and reporting a systematic review with meta-analysis. We address several methodological considerations and future research directions in the next section that we hope will help to clarify current controversies and lead to a better evidence base regarding the use of exercise as a treatment for depression.

Conclusion Despite the well-established benefits of exercise for depression, exercise is still not prescribed as a first-line, stand-alone treatment; however, we believe that future research can begin to ‘push the envelope’ by improving study design, advancing the methodological rigour of study practices including studying important individual differences, and ensuring open and transparent research practices. Before addressing these issues, it is important to highlight a few issues regarding study quality. First, performing an RCT of exercise for patients with depression is a very difficult undertaking, particularly given the often-limited amount of financial support for these behavioural intervention trials. Criticizing a trial, for instance, for including participants with higher symptoms of depression or subthreshold depression, rather than patients with a clinical diagnosis of MDD, seems misguided. There has been an unfortunate tendency to view depression as a binary disorder (depressed or not depressed), even though it is heterogeneous, characterized by a wide variety of symptoms, and often accompanies other health conditions. Exercise is an effective behavioural intervention for the prevention of depression, and it is possible that the mechanisms involved in the antidepressant effects of exercise are the same regardless of where one sits on a continuum of depressive symptoms. Judging studies by whether a clinical interview was performed based on oftcriticized diagnostic criteria seems short-sighted. Second, there has been a long-standing tendency to dismiss the majority of previously published RCTs in this area as being of low quality or at high risk of bias, particularly based on more recent CONSORT (Boutron et al., 2017) and GRADE (Guyatt et al., 2011) guidelines. As a scientific community, we need to remain sceptical of pro-exercise bias in the literature and wary of poorly designed and executed studies. However, it is equally important to recognize the challenges involved in conducting behavioural intervention trials, including those incorporating exercise as an intervention, and push back against any antiexercise bias. Classifying an entire literature as being of low quality seems to be one form of this bias. 248

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To date, most of the exercise and depression research has focused on examining mean-level changes in depressive symptoms following an exercise treatment programme. Although these types of study have undoubtedly helped to bolster support for the antidepressant effects of exercise, this sole focus on mean-level change in depressive symptoms may not help in identifying who may or may not benefit from exercise. Many patients do not fully respond to antidepressants or psychotherapy, and treatment-resistant depression remains a serious concern in psychiatric care. It would be naïve to believe that exercise would serve as an ameliorative treatment for every person suffering from depression. In fact, depression has been reported among college and elite-level athletes (Cox, Ross-Stewart, & Foltz, 2017; Doherty, Hannigan, & Campbell, 2016), most of whom are exercising at much higher levels than is currently recommended by international organizations (e.g., ACSM, 2018). It is important for future research to examine individual-level change in depressive symptoms to advance a precision medicine approach to behavioural interventions with exercise. It is also important to identify predictors of treatment response following an exercise intervention and treatment responders versus non-responders to exercise. Depression is a complex mood disorder characterized by considerable heterogeneity. That is, some have suggested that there are 681 possible combinations of depressive symptoms that may constitute a diagnosis of depression (Akil et al., 2018). Because symptoms are routinely assessed using depression rating scales and are then summed to create a depressive symptom score, depression has been largely considered a unidimensional entity. That is, most exercise and depression research has traditionally ignored heterogeneity in depressive symptom profiles, which does not provide insight into subtypes of depression or individual symptoms that may be improved through exercise treatment. Future research should begin to disentangle the variable symptom profiles of depression by considering symptom-level change to understand which individuals may benefit from an exercise programme. For instance, previous research has shown that anhedonia, which is one of the two cardinal symptoms of depression, is a challenging symptom to treat (APA, 2000; Dunlop and Nemeroff, 2007; McCabe, Cowen, & Harmer, 2009; Nutt et al., 2007). Evidence suggests that first-line antidepressant treatment with SSRIs often does not remediate reward processing deficits in depression, and the presence of anhedonia is a predictor of poor antidepressant treatment response (Spijker, Bijl, de Graaf, & Nolen, 2001). By examining specific symptoms of depression, such as the cardinal symptoms of a depressed mood or anhedonia, considerable progress can be made in beginning to identify symptom-level change and individuals who may have the most to benefit from an exercise programme. Although several organizations (American Psychiatric Association; NIMH) have not outright endorsed the use of exercise, the American Psychological Association (APA, 2019) endorses exercise as an ‘effective, cost-effective treatment for depression’ and also instructs that ‘exercise helps keep your psyche fit’. This is promising given the decades of research devoted to exercise effects on depression. By adhering to some of the recommendations outlined above, we believe that the evidence for exercise will continue to accrue, and exercise will be viewed as an important behavioural treatment that can be used in a holistic treatment programme, including antidepressants and psychological therapies, to best treat individuals with depression.

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18

EATING DISORDERS AND

DISORDERED EATING IN ATHLETES

Jessica Zarndt and Aurelia Nattiv

Introduction Participation in athletics has countless positive effects on those who directly participate and the communities and societies they function in. Athletes live healthier, longer lives and are likely to have higher self-worth than non-athletes (Garatachea et al., 2014; Staurowsky et al., 2009). Athletics teaches discipline, teamwork, and leadership skills that have secondary effects in their communities. Community youth find role models that pave the way to their own success. Sport is not without risk, and, as health care providers for athletes, we are often in the paradigm of helping our patients understand balancing risk and benefit. Overall, the numerous benefits of exercise and sport participation outweigh the risks. However, there are aspects of the athletic environment, including pressures to be thinner for performance or subjective judging, that may result in athletes developing disordered eating and eating disorders, and unhealthy states of energy balance, in which they are burning more energy than they are consuming. This is referred to as a state of low energy availability (EA). There are severe performance and health consequences of maintaining a low EA, in sharp contrast to the aforementioned health benefits. Low EA may exist from inadvertent under-fuelling for the demands of the sport or may be a result of disordered eating (DE) or an eating disorder (ED). It is important for health care providers to recognize whether the low energy availability identified in an athlete is inadvertent or intentional, for risk or trajectory towards recovery or unreasonable health risk (APA, 2013; De Souza et al., 2014; Joy, Kussman, & Nattiv, 2016). EDs have unacceptably high mortality rates and health risks that can quickly become incompatible with athletic participation (Mehler & Brown, 2015; Mehler & Rylander, 2015). They are not simply a disorder of not consuming enough energy, but persistent disturbances of eating that impair health or psychosocial functioning (APA, 2013). This definition is not specific to the athlete population, but this population has high physical demands and, therefore, should have a very high vigilance for detection and monitoring of health concerns by a multidisciplinary team of health care providers. DE and inadvertent under-eating can lead to health consequences such as amenorrhea and oligomenorrhea, lower bone density, and/or bone stress injury (stress reaction or stress fracture), components of the female athlete triad (De Souza et al., 2014; De Souza & Williams, 2004; Nattiv et al., 2007). Each of these disorders, individually or in combination, can have serious 254

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psychological and multi-organ sequelae that can progress to unacceptable health risks. It is vital that a health care team positioned to take care of athletes be equipped to identify and intervene as early as possible to avoid progression of any state of low EA to endpoints associated with poor outcomes. Identification and appropriate intervention relate to understanding the aetiology. A state of low EA can be associated with four distinct pathways: (a) DE, (b) clinical ED, (c) intentional weight loss without DE, and (d) inadvertent under-eating. The female athlete triad is observed in active girls and women when they fall into the spectrum of low EA (De Souza et al., 2014; Nattiv et al., 2007). They can present with one or more of the triad components: (1) low EA, with or without disordered eating; (2) menstrual dysfunction; and (3) low bone density and/or increased risk for bone stress injury (De Souza et al., 2014; Nattiv et al., 2007). There are also parallels of the female athlete triad in male athletes, with low EA, with or without DE, serving as the key factor that can lead to negative effects on metabolism, hormonal balance, and bone health in males (Tenforde, Barrack, Nattiv, & Fredericson, 2015).

Epidemiology Estimating the prevalence of athletes suffering from low EA poses some challenges. Clinical diagnoses that lead to low EA are often secretive in nature, and a state of inadvertent undereating can be difficult to define and capture. The risk of developing harmful behaviours that lead to a state of low EA may be influenced by several variables such as sport, gender, position, cultures of the team, and geographic locations. Thus, looking at all athletes as one group may lead to an insufficiently alarming prevalence, and looking at specific groups can lead to overestimating the prevalence in sport. There are many studies in the literature that support the findings that DE and ED exist at a higher prevalence in athletes than non-athletes, both male and female. Female athletes are at a much higher risk than male athletes, and so are athletes competing in leanness-dependent and weight-dependent sports compared with those that are not weight- or leanness-dependent (Joy et al., 2016; Kong & Harris, 2015). In a large study of elite Norwegian male and female athletes completing a self-reported questionnaire and clinical interview, 13.5% of athletes had clinical or subclinical EDs compared with only 4.6% of controls. The prevalence of EDs among male athletes was greater in weight-dependent sports (22%) than ball sports (5%) and endurance sports (9%). Among female athletes, those competing in aesthetic sports had a much higher prevalence (42%) than endurance sports (24%) and ball sports (16%; Sundgot-Borgen & Torstveit, 2004).

Screening Early detection of athletes at risk is essential to successful interventions. This starts with the pre­ participation physical exam (PPE), completed before an athlete is cleared for participation. Positive findings in the screening process should prompt further investigation and work-up for diagnosing ED or DE, or a level of intervention appropriate for low EA. The fourth edition of the PPE monograph includes several screening questions that should be asked and reviewed with the athlete (Bernhardt & Roberts, 2010): (a) Do you worry about your weight? (b) Are you trying to, or has anyone recommended that you gain or lose weight? (c) Are you on a special diet or do you avoid certain types of food? (d) Have you ever had an eating disorder? And (e) have you ever taken supplements to help you gain or lose weight or to improve your performance? Screening for the female athlete triad in female athletes may also be completed using the recommended questions from the Female Athlete Triad Coalition (De Souza et al., 2014). These 255

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include questions screening for consequences of low EA and other risk factors for the female athlete triad. This cumulative risk assessment has been shown to help predict risk for bone stress injury. In addition to the above questions: (a) Have you ever had a menstrual period? (b) How old were you when you had your first period? (c) When was your most recent menstrual period? (d) How many periods have you had in the past 12 months? (e) Are you presently taking any female hormones (oestrogen, progesterone, or birth control pills)? (f) Have you had a stress fracture? And (g) have you ever been told you have low bone density (osteopenia or osteoporosis)? Clinical exam findings that suggest low EA or ED include the following: a low body mass index (BMI), weight loss, orthostatic hypotension or tachycardia, bradycardia, parotid gland swelling, Russell’s sign (callous on interphalangeal joints), lanugo (fine downy, dark hair, usually on the face), and carotenoderma (yellowing of the skin). Positive findings are suggestive that further work-up should be completed to rule out or diagnose a level of low EA. Continued screening should be completed annually for female athletes and should be considered for athletes at a greater risk for developing an ED or DE. Athletes that are at higher risk are those participating in weight-dependent sports (e.g., wrestlers, coxswains), sports that have a perceived health and performance tied to weight, such as endurance sports, and sports that have revealing uniforms such as cheerleading and gymnastics. Continuous monitoring can be done with trained members of the health care team and involve a multidisciplinary team. The multidisciplinary team includes the team physician, sports dietitian, and psychologist and/or psychiatrist, and often includes other members involved in the athlete’s care. Athletic trainers are often the first health professional an athlete or teammate of a concerning athlete will disclose concerns to, ask questions of, and reveal personal information to. Athletic trainers are also in a unique position to directly observe behaviours and changes in appearance, health, and mood. They are also the member of the health care team that usually has the strongest rapport with the athlete. The athletic trainer serves as a very valuable member of the treatment team in making the referral for intervention as early as possible and serving as trusted liaison through evaluation and treatment. Coaches are also in a similar position of direct observation and close relationships with the athletes. However, if not aware of the risks, signs, and how to properly approach weight and performance, coaches can have adverse effects on the athlete’s outcome and even worsen the condition. It is very important that coaches learn to make appropriate referrals and be trained in what coaching behaviours can influence the athletes to develop maladaptive thoughts and behaviours about weight. Coaches, if unaware, may reinforce thoughts that drive eating pathology.

Diagnosis If screening is suggestive of a diagnosis on the spectrum of DE or an ED, a thorough evaluation by a physician and experienced multidisciplinary team is necessary (APA, 2013; De Souza et al., 2014; Joy et al., 2016; Nattiv et al., 2007). The physiological and health consequences of low EA should be reviewed and followed by a physician. If the low EA is suspected or confirmed, along with maladaptive thought patterns and behaviours associated with them, including ED and DE, the athlete should also be evaluated by a mental health provider. A sports dietitian (registered dietitian who is preferably board-certified in sports dietetics) should also be evaluating the athletes of concern. As reviewed previously, the certified athletic trainer should also be included and can be a valuable liaison in the multidisciplinary team when available. It may also be necessary to include consultants such as a psychiatrist and exercise physiologist to diagnose and determine a level of intervention. 256

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Essential to a successful process of screening, diagnosing, and treatment is the athlete’s willingness to participate and be honest with the members of the multidisciplinary team. Each member should work to build a rapport and a therapeutic relationship with the athlete, starting at the evaluation (De Souza et al., 2014).

Eating Disorders The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) has set criteria for diagnosing EDs. The diagnostic criteria have recently been revised and published in the DSM-5 (APA, 2013). This varies from criteria in the DSM-IV that most of the research and epidemiology studies have been based on to date. The revised criteria in the DSM-5 are intended to reduce the number of diagnoses that fall into a non-specified diagnosis, a broad category that can fail to convey the severity of illness or provide clear treatment guidelines. The new criteria place emphasis on the provider’s judgement of the trajectory of the disease and will likely lead to more females and males being diagnosed with a specific ED and, thus, following a more suitable treatment path.

Anorexia Nervosa A diagnosis of anorexia nervosa (AN) requires each of the following: (a) restriction of energy intake that leads to a low body weight, given the patient’s age, sex, developmental trajectory, and physical health; (b) intense fear of gaining weight or becoming fat, or persistent behaviour that prevents weight gain, despite being underweight; and (c) distorted perception of body weight and shape, undue influence of weight and shape on self-worth, or denial of medical seriousness of one’s low body weight (APA, 2013). The previous diagnostic criterion of a weight less than 85% of normal has been replaced with (d) low weight, defined as restriction of energy intake relative to requirements leading to a significant low body weight in the context of age, sex, developmental trajectory, and physical health. This becomes very impactful when looking at the physical demands of athletes and allows the clinician and medical team to diagnose and treat athletes for AN who are unhealthy owing to weight loss and restriction, regardless of a strict and somewhat arbitrary weight cut-off. The new criteria are also more inclusive of the behavioural and cognitive distortions often present in diagnoses of ED that previously made the diagnosis of AN more exclusive. The “persistent behaviour that prevents weight gain” is included as of diagnostic value when the patient does not endorse the actual fear of weight gain. The athlete may deny a fear of weight gain owing to immaturity and lack of motivational awareness or simply as an effort to hide the behaviours. The new criterion for AN allows the medical team to use the maladaptive behaviours leading to the unhealthy state as diagnoses. Another important diagnostic symptom added to the diagnostic criteria in the DSM-5 is particularly helpful in the athletic setting. If an athlete does not support a distorted body image but displays a “persistent lack of recognition of the seriousness of the current low body weight”, they now meet the third criterion (APA, 2013). This is particularly helpful in distinguishing a diagnosis of low EA due to inadvertent causes from a more complex diagnosis such as AN. If members of the health care team counsel on the dangers, performance implications, and health concerns of the athlete’s current state of health or low body weight continuing, and the athlete cannot recognize the danger, nor do their behaviours respond, this can also be helpful towards the diagnosis of AN, as against the athlete who responds well after intervention. 257

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Amenorrhea—missed menses for 3 or more consecutive months—often occurs in females with dietary restriction and low EA. It was previously a major requirement for diagnosis of AN; however, that excluded men, premenstrual females, and females on oral contraceptive pills from receiving a diagnosis of AN, and courses of AN with amenorrhea do not seem to differ clinically from those with regular menses. Amenorrhea is still an important indicator that low EA may be present and places the athlete at risk for health consequences associated with hypoestrogenism. Amenorrhea should still be screened for and monitored, but is no longer a diagnostic criterion for AN.

Binge Eating and Purging Bulimia nervosa (BN) is an ED that differs from AN in athletes who are just restricting their diet, as they participate in binge eating and then compensatory behaviours such as purging, restriction, excessive exercise, medications, or laxative use. These can have devastating health and performance consequences for athletes, particularly electrolyte imbalances and dehydration, which can have fatal cardiovascular consequences. The DSM-5 criteria for BN include recurrent episodes of both binge eating and inappropriate compensatory behaviour to prevent weight gain, occurring on average once per week for 3 months (APA, 2013). Binge eating is defined as eating unusually large amounts of food in a discrete period of time. A binge may follow a period of restriction in which the athlete is attempting to control their diet. The binge can be more than 2,000 kcal consumed at a time—an equivalent of about two meals. Binge eating often occurs in patients that adopt a rigid dietary routine and then view any breaking of their rules as a lack of self-control. This intensifies their anxiety about their ability to control their weight, their body image, and ability to perform and encourages further restriction, which in turn can trigger further binging. The patient feels they cannot control their eating during these binges. The binge then triggers a period of inappropriate compensation. The athlete can get into a vicious cycle of restriction triggering hunger and binging, triggering compensation. Self-induced vomiting is the most common form of compensation and can also be used by athletes alone, without a binging episode, as a maladaptive attempt to control weight. Many athletes believe that purging by means of vomiting or laxative use is effective for weight loss or preventing weight gain. These have harmful effects on health and are not effective in weight control. Vomiting creates a negative calorific balance that is acute and not long-term, thus affecting energy prior to practice or competition and not weight control. Vomiting and laxatives also cause dehydration and electrolyte imbalances. If chronic or severe, these electrolyte imbalances can have fatal consequences, particularly cardiac arrhythmias. Health care providers working with athletes need to be aware of an athlete who uses excessive exercise as means of compensation, with or without bingeing, to control weight. Working out excessively can even be seen as positive by coaches and teammates not aware of either the excess or involvement in a very unhealthy thought process and cycle. The behaviour is often compulsive and done despite not being part of the team expectations, injury, or time constraints, such as class or meal times.

Treatment Treatment will vary based on the diagnoses and level of care needed and can change depending on the athlete’s response to interventions. As for diagnosing, treatment of a diagnosis on the spectrum of low EA should involve the multidisciplinary team of a physician, 258

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mental health care provider, and sports dietitian. In the setting of athletics, it is advised that these professionals have experience and training in sport-specific treatment (Brown, 2014; De Souza et al., 2014; El Ghoch, Soave, Calugi, & Dalle Grave, 2013). The interplay of the athlete’s self-esteem with the sport, performance, and the safety of participation need to be part of the treatment team’s considerations. In the athletic setting, the athletic trainer is often a part of the multidisciplinary team and can serve as a first-hand observer and trusted liaison between the athlete and treatment team. Consultations with a psychiatrist, exercise physiologist, and other consultants may also need to be included based on the level of care and associated medical concerns.

Restoring Energy Levels The goal of intervention is to stop an athlete from continuing at a state of low EA and, thus, greatly reducing their risk of deleterious health consequences (De Souza et al., 2014; Nattiv et al., 2007). The uppermost focus of the health care team should be the athlete’s safety. This can be a matter of educating the athlete with a few regular meetings with the dietitian, having ruled out a co-morbid mental health diagnosis or maladaptive thought patterns indicative of DE or ED with the dietitian and/or mental health provider. The team physician strives for a safe health status for the athlete, focusing on restoration of energy levels and markers of health such as weight or BMI, and regular menses. It may also be a matter of intervening at a level of concern and uncovering a diagnosis of DE or an ED that will require adapting a higher level of care. Athletes with maladaptive thoughts about fuelling may respond with resistance to interventions. Challenging the athlete to restore his/her energy may become the indicative step that reveals DE or an ED when they have previously met healthy markers and denied concerns. It may also be a matter of identifying a health status that has unacceptable risk to the athlete, should they continue participating in their unhealthy behaviours, and coming up with a plan that ensures improved health status and safe level of training and competition. This is often done through a written contract that the team physician and multidisciplinary team prepare and review with the athlete. The multidisciplinary team should be ready to continuously adapt the level of care and plan for regular communication. The athlete should feel there is a clear and consistent message from team members (De Souza et al., 2014; Joy et al., 2016). Coaches and parents may also be involved, depending on the age of the athlete and their consent, as they can often help facilitate recovery and be supportive of the athlete’s treatment plan. Individual and social factors may influence whether family and coaches are involved, if doing so has a negative impact.

Determining the Level of Care The cause of low EA and the level of low EA will help determine the level of care an athlete will need. If the cause of low EA is inadvertent under-fuelling, the required care is often limited to nutritional counselling with a sports dietitian versed in the requirements needed for the athlete’s sport and activity. The energy balance can then be corrected by the additional calorific intake needed to meet expenditure, plus the calories needed to correct for the deficit. The goal should be to safely restore any recent weight loss and for females to return to a body weight or BMI that results in regular menstrual cycles (De Souza et al., 2014; Nattiv et al., 2007). Actual restoration of menses may lag months behind the start of the nutritional intervention. Standardized periodic monitoring of weight can be performed in the high-risk athlete who is underweight and/or under-fuelling. This can be done weekly to start and then 259

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less frequently if the athlete is responding well and restoring energy balance. Positive confirmation that the low EA status of the athlete was from inadvertent under-fuelling is the athlete’s response to nutritional counselling and monitoring. The lack of response or changes from the athlete should alert the team to reassess. DE should involve the care of a sports dietitian, mental health provider, and physician (De Souza et al., 2014; El Ghoch et al., 2013; Joy et al., 2016; Nattiv et al., 2007). The focus of restoring weight and energy, as in inadvertent low EA, remains, with the addition of counselling to address unhealthy attitudes, behaviours, and emotions related to eating and body image that are contributing to DE. The severity of the deficit affecting health should be regularly monitored by a physician at a level appropriate for the findings. EDs should include a referral and regular treatment with a mental health practitioner for psychological treatment, in addition to regular visits with a physician and sports dietitian (De Souza et al., 2014; Nattiv et al., 2007). There are a wide range of health consequences associated with low EA. They range from fatigue seen in under-fuelling to death from cardiac arrhythmia and, not uncommonly, associated co-morbid anxiety or depression. Among the premature deaths in patients with AN, 20% are from suicide. The rate is slightly higher among patients with BN—23%. Health care providers working with female athletes should understand that female athletes with low EA are at risk for the female athlete triad. Females with menstrual disturbances from low EA are at a higher risk for low bone mineral density and bone stress injury. Usually, the severity of the health consequences of low EA corresponds to the diagnoses of aetiology progressing from inadvertent under-fuelling to ED; however, that may not always be the case. The team physician caring for athletes should be versed in detecting the health consequences of low EA and astute to detection in cases that may fall out of the likely progression of severity. The majority of athletes with DE and ED can be treated in an outpatient setting, working closely with the multidisciplinary team. It is recommended that physicians working with athletes who are at moderate to high risk for DE and/or EDs have a written contract with the athlete. The contract serves to clarify the expectations of the athlete with each member of the multidisciplinary team. The team physician should discuss the components of the contract with the multidisciplinary team members and relay the expectations to the athlete to ensure understanding of the goals of the treatment plan (De Souza et al., 2014). A psychiatrist is often a member of the multidisciplinary team if the athlete is not improving or has concomitant co-morbid conditions, such as depression and/or anxiety, that are not well controlled (Joy et al., 2016). Medications are sometimes prescribed in these instances, most commonly SSRIs, but can include other medications based on the athlete’s response and comorbid conditions (Gorla & Mathews, 2005). Visits with the psychiatrist are monitored by the physician and health care team. It is important for the physician and members of the health care team to ensure follow-up with the athlete. A higher level of care may be needed in the athlete with DE/ED. There are some centres that offer partial hospitalization involving more intensive daily outpatient treatment. With intensive outpatient treatment or partial hospitalization, the athlete is able to go home after their various groups and/or sessions have finished for each day and, in the case of a student-athlete, can sometimes remain enrolled in school during treatment. If the athlete is still not meeting their established goals determined by the physician and multidisciplinary team, in-patient treatment may be recommended until the athlete reaches his/her goals and is able to maintain a healthy weight range, as well as certain predetermined health parameters. 260

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Clearance and Return to Play Considerations All athletes should have a PPE to ensure safe and healthy sport participation (Bernhardt & Roberts, 2010). It is recommended that clearance and return to play considerations involve an assessment of the athlete’s risk for sport participation weighed against benefits to their health (Brown, 2014; De Souza et al., 2014). An evidence-based risk assessment that has been published in the 2014 Female Athlete Triad Consensus Statement for Management and Return to Play, which includes an athlete’s assessment of low EA and associated female athlete triad disorders, has been shown to be predictive of bone stress injuries (De Souza et al., 2014). A modified female athlete triad cumulative risk assessment has been used for male distance runners, with high scores predictive of increased rates of bone stress injury (Kraus et al., 2019). The IOC has proposed a return to play model based on a red light (high risk), yellow light (moderate risk), green light (low risk) system (Mountjoy et al., 2014). These and other risk assessment tools for ED and DE (Pope, Gao, Bolter, & Pritchard, 2015), and associated medical problems, can be helpful for screening female and male athletes and can be used at the PPE or in follow-up assessments to the PPE for determining clearance and return to play recommendations.

Conclusion EDs are serious psychiatric conditions that often manifest early on as DE and low EA. Athletes are at greater risk for EDs than non-athletes. Although females are affected more commonly than males, there is a greater risk in athletes of both sexes involved in sports where leanness confers a competitive advantage. Screening at the pre-participation physical exams, and other opportunities that an athlete presents, can help to identify the high-risk athlete. Early diagnosis is critical and can help prevent the devastating consequences that can be seen in athletes with EDs. Treatment involves a multidisciplinary team that works closely together in diagnosis, treatment, and return to play decisions.

References American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (5th ed.). Arlington, VA: Author. Bernhardt, D. T., & Roberts W. O. (2010). PPE: Preparticipation physical evaluation (4th ed.). Elk Grove Village, IL: American Academy of Pediatrics. Brown, G. T. (2014). Mind, body and sport—Understanding and supporting student-athlete mental wellness. Indianapolis, IN: NCAA. De Souza, M. J., Nattiv, A., Joy, E., Misra, M., Williams, N. I., Mallinson, R., … Matheson G. (2014). Female athlete triad coalition consensus statement on treatment and return to play of the female athlete triad. British Journal of Sports Medicine, 48(4), 289. De Souza, M. J., & Williams, N. (2004). Physiological aspects and clinical sequelae of energy defi­ ciency and hypoestrogenism in exercising women. Human Reproduction Update, 10, 433–448.

El Ghoch, M., Soave F., Calugi, S., & Grave, R. D. (2013). Eating disorders, physical fitness and sport per­ formance: A systematic review. Nutrients, 5, 5140–5160. Garatachea, N., Santos-Lozano, A., Sanchis-Gomar, F., Fiuza-Luces, C., Pareja-Galeano, H., Emanuele, E., & Lucia, A. (2014). Elite athletes live longer than the general population: A meta-analysis. Mayo Clinic Proceedings, 89, 1195–1200. Gorla, K, & Mathews M. (2005). Pharmacological treatment of eating disorders. Psychiatry, 2(6), 43–48. Joy, E., Kussman, A., & Nattiv, A. (2016). 2016 update on eating disorders in athletes: A comprehensive narra­ tive review with a focus on clinical assessment and management. British Journal Sports Medicine, 50(3), 154–162.

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Jessica Zarndt and Aurelia Nattiv Kong, P., & Harris, L. M. (2015). The sporting body: Body image and eating disorder symptomatology among female athletes from leanness focused and non-leanness focused sports. The Journal of Psych­ ology: Interdisciplinary and Applied, 149, 141–160. Kraus, E., Tenforde, A. S., Nattiv, A., Sainani, K., Kussman, A., Deakins-Roche M., … Fredericson, M. (2019). Bone stress injuries in male distance runners: Higher modified Female Athlete Triad Cumulative Risk Assessment scores predict increased rates of injury. British Journal of Sports Medicine, 53, 237–242. Mehler, P. S., & Brown, C. (2015). Anorexia nervosa—medical complications. Journal of Eating Disorders, 3, 11. Mehler. P. S., & Rylander, M. (2015). Bulimia nervosa—medical complications. Journal of Eating Disorders, 3, 12. Mountjoy, M., Sundgot-Borgen, J., Burke, L., Carter, S., Constantini, N., Lebrun, C., … Ackerman K. (2014). Relative energy deficiency in sport clinical assessment tool (RED-S CAT). British Journal of Sports Medicine, 49, 1354. Nattiv, A., Loucks, A. B., Manore, M. M., Sanborn, C., Sundgot-Borgen, J., & Warren, M. (2007). Ameri­ can College of Sports Medicine position stand: The female athlete triad. Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise, 39, 1867–1882. Pope, Z., Gao, Y., Bolter, N., & Pritchard, M. (2015). Validity and reliability of eating disorder assessments used with athletes: A review. Journal of Sport and Health Science, 4, 211–221. Staurowsky, E. J., DeSouza, M. J., Ducher, G., Gentner, N., Miller, K. E., Shakib, S., … Williams, N. I. (2009). Her life depends on it II: Sport, physical activity, and the health and well-being of American girls and women. East Meadow, NY: Women’s Sports Foundation. Sundgot-Borgen, J., & Torstveit, M. (2004). Prevalence of eating disorders in elite athletes is higher than in the general population. Clinical Journal of Sport Medicine, 14, 25–32. Tenforde, A., Barrack, M. T., Nattiv, A., & Fredericson, M. (2015). Parallels of the female athlete triad in male athletes. Sport Medicine, 46, 171–182.

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19

EMOTION REGULATION

Montse C. Ruiz and Claudio Robazza

Introduction How do athletes feel when they perform at their best? How can they reach and maintain optimal feeling states? How do athletes feel when they perform poorly? How can they avoid or regulate their dysfunctional feelings? How can they optimize their performance? These are critical questions for athletes, coaches, and practitioners that have also attracted the attention of researchers. Indeed, athletes’ ability to regulate their emotional states is crucial for a successful performance. For decades, researchers have examined the relationships between emotions and performance (Hanin, 2000; Jones, Lane, Bray, Uphill, & Catlin, 2005; Lane et al., 2016; Ruiz, Raglin, & Hanin, 2017; Turner & Jones, 2018). Anxiety, as the most common emotion that athletes experience prior to competition, was the focus of initial research, which aimed at understanding how such emotion could influence performance (Hackfort & Schwenkmezger, 1993; Hanton, Mellalieu, & Williams, 2015; Marchant, Maher, & Wang, 2014; Turner & Jones, 2018). Beyond anxiety, however, athletes experience an array of emotions, which can be functional or dysfunctional for their performance. There is, therefore, a need for a more holistic approach to the study of a variety of unpleasant and pleasant emotions and other non-emotion components of athletes’ experiences, which form the so-called psychobiosocial states. Because of the acknowledged impact of emotions on performance, emotion regulation strategies have attracted research attention in recent years (Friesen et al., 2013; Lane, Beedie, Jones, Uphill, & Devonport, 2012). Although emotion-centred strategies are useful to improve performance, a combination of strategies focused on emotional states as well as action or task-execution patterns are deemed most effective (Bortoli, Bertollo, Hanin, & Robazza, 2012; Robazza, Bertollo, Filho, Hanin, & Bortoli, 2016). In the following section, we include a brief review of the emotion–performance relationship literature. We then describe psychobiosocial states and their defining characteristics as conceptualized within the individual zones of optimal functioning (IZOF; Hanin, 2007) model as applied to emotion regulation. Finally, we introduce the multi-action plan (MAP; Bortoli et al., 2012) model, which has been developed for emotion and action regulation in the optimization of athletes’ performance. Some directions for future research are also proposed. 263

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The Emotion–Performance Relationship Conceptual ambiguity has characterized the emotion literature. Constructs such as affect, emotion, and mood have been used interchangeably, although theorists acknowledge that they are different (Beedie, Terry, & Lane, 2005; Ekkekakis, 2012; Keltner, Oatley, & Jenkins, 2014). Affect, defined as the subjective sense of positivity or negativity arising from an experience (Carver, 2003), is viewed as the superordinate category of individuals’ experiences, which includes emotion and mood. Affect has been categorized using global dimensions such as valence (pleasant vs. unpleasant) and activation (high vs. low; Russell, 2003). Emotions, on the other hand, can be considered as discrete categories (e.g., anger, anxiety, happiness), with different antecedents and consequences. For instance, Lazarus (2000) stated that appraisals of the person–environment interaction result in specific core relational themes or meanings that facilitate adaptation. Eight negatively toned emotions (e.g., anxiety, shame, guilt) and seven positively toned emotions (e.g., pride, hope), with specific core relational themes, are distinguished, although there is no consensus regarding the total number of emotions (Scarantino, 2015). For instance, Ekman, Friesen, and Ellsworth (1972) postulated 6–7 emotions (i.e., happiness, surprise, fear, sadness, anger, and disgust combined with contempt), whereas Lazarus distinguished 15 emotions (i.e., anger, anxiety, fright, guilt, shame, sadness, envy, jealousy, happiness, pride, relief, hope, love, gratitude, and compassion). Emotion and mood have been differentiated based on the cause, duration, intensity, and action tendencies that are associated with both phenomena (Beedie et al., 2005; Shuman & Scherer, 2015). Emotions are considered to be relatively brief and intense, related to a specific object (e.g., an athlete may be angry at a referee) and underlying specific tendencies for action (e.g., tendency to correct the wrongdoing), whereas moods are less intense, last longer in time, do not have an identifiable cause, and are associated with broader approach-avoidance tendencies. An extensive body of research has focused on understanding the influence of emotional phenomena on athletic performance, with several theoretical frameworks offering accounts of this relationship (for a summary of selected approaches, see Table 7). Some of these theoretical approaches have been developed within sport settings, whereas other models have been adapted or borrowed from mainstream psychology. Early approaches focused on a unidimensional construct (i.e., arousal) or the detrimental effects on performance of anxiety as a single, though most commonly experienced, emotion. However, as Hackfort and Schwenkmezger (1993) pointed out, anxiety can be better differentiated into worry and emotionality components. Worry is conceived as a cognitive process that involves, for example, doubts about one’s own performance in comparison with others and preoccupation with the consequences of failure for oneself and the others, whereas emotionality consists of affective-physiological symptoms determined by increased arousal, such as increased heart rate, stomach butterflies, and sweaty hands. Some of the mechanisms by which anxiety influences performance have been explained using different theoretical perspectives, such as conscious processing (Masters & Maxwell, 2008), attentional control (Eysenck & Wilson, 2016; Payne, Wilson, & Vine, 2019; Vine, Moore, & Wilson, 2016), and ironic processes of mental control, namely the tendency to commit errors one is trying to avoid (Wegner, 2009). One theoretical assumption is that anxiety impairs performance by exerting changes in attention and visuomotor control. For example, Eysenck and Wilson (2016) postulated that anxiety influences cognitive processing by producing an attentional bias that makes individuals focus their attention disproportionally on threat-related stimuli. Other explanations consider the negative impact of anxiety on thought processing by leading individuals to reinvest their 264

Table 7 Selected theories on the relationship between emotion-related constructs and athletic performance Focus Arousal

Anxiety

Theory/model/ hypothesis

Setting

Proposal

Drive theory (Hull, 1943; Spence & Spence, 1966)

Mainstream

Positive linear relationship between arousal and per­ formance for well-learned tasks

Not tested

Inverted-U hypothesis (based on Yerkes & Dodson’s Law, 1908) Reversal theory (Hudson, Males, & Kerr, 2016; Kerr, 1985)

Mainstream

Peak performance at a moderate level of arousal

Not tested

Mainstream

Individuals in telic state prefer to experience low arousal, whereas individuals in paratelic state prefer high arousal. Optimal performance seen when motivational dominance, physiology, and sport type are aligned

Telic State Measure (Svebak & Murga­ troyd, 1985)

Biopsychosocial model of arousal regulation, later referred to as chal­ lenge and threat model (Blascovich, Seery, Mugridge, Norris, & Weisbuch, 2004; Blas­ covich & Tomaka, 1996)

Mainstream

Challenge and threat states result in increased sympa­ thetic–adrenomedullary activity, with threat states also linked to increased pituitary–adrenocortical activity inhibiting vasodilation

Cardiovascular measures (e.g., heart rate, ventricu­ lar contractility, cardiac output)

Cusp catastrophe model (Fazey & Hardy, 1988)

Sport-specific

When cognitive anxiety is low, there is an inverted-U relationship between physiological arousal and performance, whereas, when cognitive anxiety is high, performance improves to a critical point after which a sudden decline occurs

Competitive State Anxiety Inventory-2 (CSAI-2; Martens, Burton, Vealey, Bump, & Smith, 1990)

Multidimensional anxiety theory (Martens et al., 1990)

Sport-specific

Inverted-U relationship in performance–somatic anx­ iety relationship, and cogni­ tive anxiety is negatively related to performance

CSAI-2 (Martens et al., 1990)

Directionality approach (Jones, Hanton, & Swain, 1994)

Sport-specific

Athletes with positive expectancies in coping ability and goal attainment interpret anxiety symptoms as facilitative for perform­ ance, whereas those with

CSAI-2 (Martens et al., 1990), StateTrait Anxiety Inven­ tory (STAI; Spielber­ ger, Gorsush, & Lushene, 1970)

Assessment methods

(Continued )

Table 7 (Cont.)

Focus

Theory/model/ hypothesis

Setting

Proposal Assessment methods negative expectancies interpret their symptoms as debilitative

Mood

Multiple emo­ tions

Attentional control theory (Eysenck & Wilson, 2016)

Mainstream

Anxiety impairs processing efficiency by consuming attentional resources and increasing distractibility and attention to threatrelated stimuli

STAI (Spielberger et al., 1970)

Reinvestment theory (Masters & Maxwell, 2008)

Sport-specific

Poor performance results from athletes trying to con­ sciously control the execu­ tion of a motor skill with declarative knowledge

Movement-Specific Reinvestment Scale (Masters & Max­ well, 2008)

Mental health model (Morgan, 1985)

Mainstream

Superior performance asso­ ciated with intense vigour and low tension, depres­ sion, anger, fatigue, and confusion (iceberg profile)

Profile of Mood States (POMS; McNair, Lorr, & Droppleman, 1971)

Conceptual model of mood–performance rela­ tionships (Lane, Terry, Devonport, Friesen, & Totterdell, 2017)

Mainstream, adapted to sport

Brunel Mood Scale (BRUMS; Terry, Lane, & Fogarty, 2003; Terry, Lane, Lane, & Keohane, 1999)

Individual zones of opti­ mal functioning model (Hanin, 2000)

Sport-specific

Vigour facilitates perform­ ance; confusion and fatigue debilitate perform­ ance; anger and tension are helpful in absence of depression, and harmful in presence of depression Optimal performance asso­ ciated with intense func­ tional states including emotions (pleasant and unpleasant) and low levels of dysfunctional states and emotions, via energy mobilization and organiza­ tion. Poor performance associated with the opposite

Cognitive motivationalrelational theory (Lazarus, 2000)

Mainstream

Each emotion influences performance differently, usually via appraisals of anticipated gains (i.e., challenge) or losses (i.e., threat) that lead to changes in motivation and coping attempts. These changes have specific action

Individualized emo­ tion profiling (IEP; Hanin, 2000), indi­ vidualized profiling of psychobiosocial states (Ruiz, Hanin, & Robazza, 2016)

Not tested

(Continued )

Emotion Regulation Table 7 (Cont.)

Focus

Theory/model/ hypothesis

Setting

Proposal Assessment methods tendencies, and physio­ logical and behavioral con­ sequences (e.g., skilled performance)

Theory of ironic processes of mental control (Wegner, 2009)

Mainstream

Unwanted emotions (e.g., worry, fear, anxiety) asso­ ciated with harmful thoughts that individuals aim to suppress recur after suppression producing counter-intentional (ironic) effects

Not specific

Theory of challenge and threat states (Jones, Meijen, McCarthy, & Sheffield, 2009)

Sport-specific

Challenge states associ­ ated with increased sympa­ thetic–adrenomedullary activity, emotions per­ ceived as helpful, and superior performance com­ pared with threat states

Multi-action plan model (Bortoli et al., 2012; Robazza, Bertollo, Filho, et al., 2016)

Sport-specific

Interaction between emo­ tion valence and control results in four types of per­ formance: optimalautomatic performance (functional pleasant emo­ tions and low control); opti­ mal-controlled performance (functional unpleasant emo­ tions and high control); suboptimal-effortful per­ formance (dysfunctional unpleasant emotions and high control); suboptimalautomatic performance (dysfunctional pleasant emotions and low control)

Psychophysiological measures (cardio­ vascular markers) and emotion meas­ ures; Sport Emotion Questionnaire (SEQ; Jones et al., 2005) Core action elem­ ents, perceived accuracy, and per­ ceived control rat­ ings on modified Borg (2001) scale

attention focus on automated processes, thereby disrupting movement execution (Masters & Maxwell, 2008), or to commit counter-intentional errors (Wegner, 2009). Athletes, however, do not only experience anxiety. Many researchers have indicated that athletes experience a variety of pleasant and unpleasant emotions (Jones et al., 2005; Lane et al., 2016; McCarthy, 2011) that can enhance or impair performance (Robazza et al., 2018; Ruiz et al., 2016). Some theoretical approaches have focused on the relationship between several moods, as measured on the POMS (McNair et al., 1971), and performance, 267

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postulating that positive mood (i.e., vigour) facilitates performance, whereas negative mood (e.g., depression) impairs performance (Morgan, 1985). Lane and collaborators have extended this notion, suggesting that high intensity of negative mood in combination with depressive mood may be harmful for performance, whereas the same mood in the absence of depression may be beneficial (Lane & Terry, 2000; Lane et al., 2017). This notion has been tested using the POMS and derivative instruments such as the BRUMS (Terry et al., 2003, 1999). The authors have extended the model to examine the effect of high versus low activation of pleasant and unpleasant emotions with a large sample of participants assessed on the SEQ (Jones et al., 2005), which includes five emotional constructs (i.e., anger, anxiety, dejection, excitement, and happiness). To fully understand the athletes’ pleasant and unpleasant states associated with their performances, it is important to explore the idiosyncratic nature of these experiences (Hanin, 2000). The IZOF model (Hanin, 2007, 2010) is a theoretical approach focused on individual states and specifically designed for the sport context. Drawing on the cognitive-motivational­ relational theory (Lazarus, 2000), the IZOF model recognizes individual differences in the perception and interpretation of one’s own experiences associated with sports performance.

Psychobiosocial States Related to Performance Defined The concept of a psychobiosocial state (to be distinguished from biopsychosocial approaches; Appaneal & Perna, 2014; Blascovich, 2008; Blascovich & Tomaka, 1996) draws from the theoretical framework of the IZOF (Hanin, 2007, 2010), which underscores the subjective experience of emotion. Psychobiosocial states are conceptualized as the constellation of subjective experiences in which an individual’s functioning is displayed. In contrast to previous research, which mainly focuses on emotional intensity, the structure of psychobiosocial states is described using the dimensions of form (display), content (type), and intensity (quantity). Psychobiosocial states have a multimodal display including affective, cognitive, motivational, volitional, bodily, motor-behavioural, operational, and communicative state modalities (Hanin, 2010; Ruiz et al., 2016). A central component of psychobiosocial states is emotion or the subjective experience (feeling) conceptualized considering the interaction between valence (pleasant vs. unpleasant) and performance functionality (functional vs. dysfunctional). This interplay yields four types of states: pleasant-functional, unpleasant-functional, pleasantdysfunctional, and unpleasant-dysfunctional. The functionality of psychobiosocial states is contingent on individuals’ interpretation of their own interaction with the environment, perceived resources, and ability to cope. For instance, pleasant-functional (e.g., feeling energetic before a competition) or unpleasant-functional (e.g., anxious) states can be helpful in mobilizing resources, whereas unpleasant-dysfunctional (e.g., sluggish) or pleasantdysfunctional (e.g., complacent) states may reflect a lack of energy or inability to mobilize resources. Emotions are triggered and modulated by individuals’ actions, but, at the same time, they also influence action regulation (Nitsch & Hackfort, 2016). The performance functionality distinction is also applied to categorize the remaining modalities of psychobiosocial states. The cognitive aspect relates to the ability (on the functional side) or inability (dysfunctional) to attend to relevant stimuli and maintain concentration according to task demands. The motivational state modality manifests pre­ decisional processes related to choosing (or avoiding) a specific goal or course of action, whereas the volitional modality involves post-decisional processes related to the mobilization of (or lack of) resources or energy needed to complete the task. The biological component of psychobiosocial states includes a bodily modality, or the psychophysiological aspects of 268

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emotions related to activation (or deactivation), and a motor-behavioural modality that involves the perception of movement and motor coordination efficiency (or inefficiency). Finally, psychobiosocial states are also manifested in a social component, which involves operational aspects or the perception of the effectiveness (or ineffectiveness) of task execution and action, as well as a communicative modality that includes features related to the effective (or ineffective) facets of the interaction with the members directly or indirectly involved in the activity. All modalities of psychobiosocial states are interrelated. For instance, an athlete may feel angry with herself (emotion modality) after a poor performance in the previous rounds of a competition, as she thinks she has underperformed. In the lead-up to the next round, she may feel alert (cognitive), motivated to do better (motivational), and determined to reach her goal (volitional). Additionally, she may feel energetic (bodily), powerful (motor-behavioural), and skilful (operational). She may also feel supported by her coach and teammates (communicative). An extensive body of work supports this conceptualization (for reviews, see Hanin, 2000; Ruiz, Raglin, et al., 2017). Psychobiosocial states are an integral component of the performance process, implying a bidirectional relationship. This idea concurs with the action-theory perspective (Nitsch & Hackfort, 2016). Particularly, psychobiosocial states influence performance, and ongoing performance influences psychobiosocial states. The first effect entails a “signal” function to the individual regarding their own state and consequences, and the second effect involves a “regulatory” function of their own states. The functionality of pleasant and unpleasant psychobiosocial states depends on their content and intensity, which result from one’s appraisals of the interaction with the environment, own resources, and capability to deal with situational demands (Robazza & Ruiz, 2019). Athletes’ preperformance states provide information about the meaning of the situation, resources available, and options of selfregulation. Drawing on the cognitive-motivational-relational theory (Lazarus, 2000), the IZOF model assumes that, before performance, the athlete’s appraisals of the anticipated gains or losses trigger challenge or threat states, respectively. For instance, when a situation is appraised as an anticipated gain or challenge, the athlete’s states (e.g., feeling confident) can signal that there are enough resources, and the situation ahead can be handled effectively. Ongoing evaluations of performance provide information regarding the generation and optimal use of resources (e.g., effort, concentration) for the task at hand or for future accomplishments. In the IZOF model, performance is predicted based on the interaction of functional and dysfunctional states, which can have a beneficial and/or detrimental influence. A high probability of optimal performance is expected when the athlete experiences intense functional psychobiosocial states and low levels of dysfunctional states. This combination is predicted to promote high energy mobilization and optimal use of energies. Conversely, high probability of poor performance is expected when the athlete experiences high intensity of dysfunctional psychobiosocial states and low levels of functional states.

Assessment of Psychobiosocial States The interaction between athletes’ functional and dysfunctional psychobiosocial states is the foundation in the prediction of performance and in the regulation of such states. The first step in the prediction and regulation of athletes’ experiences is based on an accurate assessment. The literature on emotion measurement is dominated by the use of self-reports of subjective experiences that typically neglect individual differences in the experience and interpretation of these experiences. An assessment procedure that allows for the examination of athletes’ idiosyncratic experiences is the individualized profiling of psychobiosocial states (IPPS; Ruiz 269

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et al., 2016). Grounded in the IZOF model, IPPS extends IEP (Hanin, 2000) to assess all psychobiosocial states’ modalities (i.e., affective, cognitive, motivational, volitional, bodily, motor-behavioural, operational, and communicative) so far conceptualized as associated with sports performance. Regarding the psychobiosocial states, affective modality, valence, and performance functionality are considered descriptive features of the athlete’s individual experiences associated with their performance. Thus, and in line with previous IZOF-based research, IPPS measures four types of emotion (i.e., pleasant-functional, unpleasant-functional, unpleasant-dysfunctional, and pleasant-dysfunctional states). Performance functionality is applied to the remaining state modalities. In total, IPPS contains 20 rows of items, each formed of a list of synonym descriptors (three or four per row). The affective modality includes six types of item measuring (functional and dysfunctional) pleasant, anxiety-related, and anger-related states. The other modalities are measured using two rows of items (one for functional and one for dysfunctional items). Two standardized versions of the instrument exist for interindividual comparisons. One measures athletes’ state experiences, called the Psychobiosocial States Scale (Ruiz, Robazza, Tolvanen, & Hanin, 2019), and the other measures athletes’ trait-like, more stable patterns of experiences (Robazza et al., 2016). These assessment procedures have been used to measure the content, intensity, and perceptions of the functional impact of athletes’ states accompanying recalled most- and least-successful performances (Middleton, Ruiz, & Robazza, 2017; Mueller, Ruiz, & Chroni, 2018; Ruiz et al., 2016), as well as actual experiences in practice settings (Ruiz, Haapanen, Tolvanen, Robazza, & Duda, 2017) and in competition settings (Robazza et al., 2018). Currently, versions of the measure exist in English, Finnish, and Italian. Additionally, a scale has been developed to assess psychobiosocial states in physical education (Bortoli, Vitali, Di Battista, Ruiz, & Robazza, 2018).

Regulation of Psychobiosocial States and Optimization of Performance Being able to attain an optimal emotional state and maintain it is important to achieve and sustain consistent performance in training and competition. For instance, athletes may engage in self-regulation strategies aiming at dealing with adverse situations and the states associated with such situations. In this section, we conceptualize self-regulation and emotional regulation. We then describe a model aimed to optimize performance based on self-regulatory strategies targeting psychobiosocial states and action. Finally, we provide some guidelines for future research.

Self-Regulation Self-regulation consists of individuals’ efforts to manage internal states, involving thoughts, feelings, and actions, or the interpersonal processes planned and adapted to the achievement of personal goals (Baumeister, Vohs, & Tice, 2007; Zimmerman, 2006). It is through selfregulation that individuals may become active managers of their emotions and actions in emotion-inducing situations. The self-regulation of action is often referred to as self-regulation, and the self-regulation of emotion is referred to as emotion regulation (Koole, Van Dillen, & Sheppes, 2011). Self-control, often used interchangeably with self-regulation, is the conscious and effortful form of self-regulation that involves the deliberate efforts aimed at inhibiting, overriding, and altering dominant responses with the purpose of achieving a goal (Baumeister et al., 2007). For example, an athlete who continues competing after feeling intense pain caused by a hard encounter with an opponent is engaged in self-control. 270

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Research using the strength model of self-control indicates that self-regulation draws on a limited but renewable resource, referred to as self-control strength, which is depleted when an individual engages in prior voluntary acts of self-control (for a review, see Englert, 2016; Muraven & Baumeister, 2000). One explanation of this limitation is the reduction of glucose levels as the primary energy source of the brain (Ampel, Muraven, & McNay, 2018; Gailliot & Baumeister, 2007). Beedie and Lane (2012), however, have questioned this explanation, suggesting a resource-allocation model in which glucose is a mediator of motivational and behavioural processes involved in self-control. Different hypothetical relationships between glucose levels, appraisals of a task, and motivation have been proposed. For instance, an individual with high enough glucose levels who appraises a need to exert self-control will be sufficiently motivated to attempt self-control. In contrast, when a performer does not have high enough glucose levels (perhaps owing to prior selfcontrol), but appraises the need to exert self-control, a motivational or emotional response (e.g., anxiety) can arise leading to the release of liver glucose and involvement of brain areas responsible for self-control. In extreme situations, when an intense emotional experience (e.g., rage) requires repeated self-control attempts, other processes (e.g., concentration) taking place to respond to the situation can compete with self-control for glucose and, therefore, result in depletion of resources and ineffective adaptation.

Emotion Regulation Emotion regulation refers to the process by which an individual modifies the types of emotion experienced, their intensity, and duration (Peña-Sarrionandia, Mikolajczak, & Gross, 2015). Individuals may engage in emotion regulation for three purposes. Down-regulation processes aim at exiting an emotional state or decreasing its intensity. In contrast, maintenance processes aim to keep emotional intensity stable over time. Up-regulation processes may increase the intensity of emotional experiences. Hackfort (1999) distinguished emotion regulation from emotion control and emotion modulation. According to this view, emotion regulation is based on feedback processes targeting a specific emotion or emotion component (e.g., physiological arousal) and resulting in a reduction or intensification of physiological arousal or activation. Emotion control, on the other hand, refers to a purposeful induction or reduction of a certain emotion through organized procedures (e.g., anxiety control strategies) having a monoemotional and quantitative (intensity) orientation. Finally, emotion modulation is contended to have a multi-emotional (i.e., several emotions) and multicomponential (i.e., physiological, cognitive, and feeling) orientation. Lazarus and Folkman (1984) defined coping as the “constantly changing cognitive and behavioural efforts to manage specific external and/or internal demands that are appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of the person” (p.141). Coping is concerned with exiting or decreasing unpleasant or stress-related experiences and, thus, is considered a form of emotion self-regulation (down-regulation). It has received a substantial amount of research attention (Devonport, 2011; Nicholls, 2010; Thatcher, Jones, & Lavallee, 2012). Lazarus and Folkman (1984) distinguished two forms of coping – problem-focused coping is directed at managing or changing the stress-eliciting situation, whereas emotion-focused coping, which is likely to occur when the individual appraises that the stress-causing situation cannot be changed, involves the reduction of the emotional distress associated with the situation. For example, not looking at the draws until finishing the warm-up can be a form of problem-focused coping for an athlete, whereas trying to relax to reduce anxiety after knowing the opponent is a form of emotionfocused coping. So, although coping is always an attempt to reduce unpleasant emotions, 271

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emotion regulation can be directed to increase or decrease pleasant or unpleasant emotions that are functional for performance. Emotion regulation is assumed to serve hedonic or instrumental goals (Tamir, 2009). The former refers to the need to promote pleasure and prevent pain through the down-regulation of unpleasant emotions and up-regulation of pleasant emotions, whereas the latter refers to the regulation of emotional experiences with the purpose of achieving a goal. An athlete practising deep breathing to decrease feelings of unpleasant anxiety and calm down prior to competition is engaged in hedonic emotion regulation. However, in the sporting context, there are situations in which an athlete can deliberately seek to increase the intensity of unpleasant emotions (e.g., anger) to generate an additional source of energy needed to accomplish a task (e.g., score a point). This is an example of instrumental emotion regulation. Research indicates that individuals engage in emotion regulation to evoke and maintain specific emotions they believe helpful to achieve a goal (Hanin, 2010; Lane, Beedie, Devonport, & Stanley, 2011). There are several emotion regulation strategies. The process model of emotion regulation (Gross, 2014), which draws on the work of Lazarus (2000) and Frijda (1986), organizes emotion regulation strategies according to when they take place in the emotion process. The model assumes that, when individuals enter a particular situation and pay attention to certain aspects of such situation, their appraisal triggers specific emotional responses that involve physiological changes, subjective feelings, and specific tendencies to act. Two types of emotion regulation strategies are distinguished. Antecedent-focused strategies are employed before the emotion response is activated and are directed at changing the emotional input before the emotion is experienced. Response-focused strategies take place once the emotional response has been generated and are intended to modify the emotional experience or expression once they have been elicited. There are four types of antecedent-focused strategies: situation selection, situation modification, attention deployment, and cognitive change (Gross, 2014). Situation selection strategy involves deciding not to enter an emotion-eliciting situation. An example of such a strategy would be an athlete who avoids performing the warm-up in front of an audience or direct rivals. However, individuals may not always have control over the situations they enter. In situation modification, the individual enters the situation, but takes steps to change certain aspects to decrease its negative emotional impact or to facilitate a desired emotional state. This strategy involves direct situation modification, which is similar to problem-focused coping (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984), support seeking, or conflict resolution. Attentional deployment refers to individuals directing their attention towards (concentration) or away from (distraction) specific aspects of the situation. For instance, prior to shooting a penalty, a player may focus on his breathing and mentally recall a successful shot, thereby ignoring the sounds of a hostile crowd. Lastly, cognitive change involves a reinterpretation of the meaning that the individual has ascribed to the specific situation. A very common cognitive change strategy is cognitive reappraisal, which involves modifying thoughts about the emotion-eliciting situation or about the capacity to manage it, in a way that changes its emotional impact. For instance, an athlete feeling too anxious after learning that she will face the highest ranked opponent may interpret her anxiety as excitement. She can, therefore, consider the situation an opportunity to test her skill level and learn from the opponent, instead of thinking that she will lose and disappoint her coach and the team. Response modulation strategies take place when an individual wants to change the experience, physiology, and/or expressive aspects of an emotion that is already elicited. In sport settings, the most common form of response modulation is arousal regulation using techniques such as imagery or relaxation (Turner & Jones, 2018). Expressive suppression is 272

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also a common strategy that consists in inhibiting the outward expression of an emotional experience. For example, a tennis-player may suppress the urge to throw his racket after double-faulting. However, suppressing emotional expression is a resource-demanding activity, possibly leading to negative consequences. For instance, a study by Wagstaff (2014) indicated that participants who engaged in emotion suppression while watching a disgusteliciting video performed worse in a 10-km cycling time trial compared with participants who did not engage in emotion suppression. A meta-analysis of 306 studies indicated cognitive reappraisal as the most effective strategy compared with response modulation or attentional deployment (Webb, Miles, & Sheeran, 2012). Within attentional deployment strategies, distraction was found a more effective way to regulate emotions than concentration. In addition, suppressing the emotional expression was shown to be more effective than suppressing the experience or the thoughts associated with the emotion-eliciting situation. This finding concurs with the notion of ironic processes of mental control positing that attempts to influence mental states (e.g., experience or thoughts) require monitoring processes that (ironically) act in the opposite direction of the intended control (Wegner, 2009). In summary, the review shows that the effectiveness of emotion regulation strategies is moderated by factors such as the type of emotion to be regulated or the frequency with which the strategy is employed. Short-lasting emotions (e.g., anger rather than sadness) are easier to regulate, and the more strategies are practised, the more effective they are. Despite substantial research evidence supporting the process model in general psychology, research examining the effects of interventions in sport informed by this model is still scarce (McCormick, Meijen, Anstiss, & Jones, 2019). The emotion regulation literature also distinguishes two other types of emotion regulation. Intrinsic or intra-personal emotion regulation is directed at the modification of one’s own emotions. The study of emotion regulation strategies that athletes engage in to enhance their performance has received most research attention (Lane et al., 2016; McCormick et al., 2019). In the sport setting, however, coaches, teammates, and other people influence the emotional states and performance of athletes. Emotion regulation of others’ emotions, referred to as extrinsic or interpersonal emotion regulation (Rimé, 2007), is gaining research attention (Campos, Walle, Dahl, & Main, 2011; Friesen et al., 2013). For instance, a study by Friesen et al. (2018) indicated that the congruency of coach and athlete perceptions between their desired emotions (emotions they wanted to feel prior to performance) and emotions actually experienced was associated with better perceived performance. Research also shows that athletes engage in emotion regulation strategies to influence their own emotions and those of their teammates (Tamminen & Crocker, 2013). Following the assumptions of the IZOF model (Hanin, 2000, 2007, 2010), the first step in reaching an optimal state is being aware of the content and intensity of one’s emotional experiences and their influence on performance. Athletes and relevant people involved (e.g., coaches) should be aware of functional and dysfunctional experiences and the impact of these experiences on their performance. Awareness can be increased by developing profiles of individual functional and dysfunctional psychobiosocial states and patterns (Hanin, 2007), using the assessment procedures previously discussed. Competitive sport provides repeated opportunities for athletes and coaches to reflect on psychobiosocial states and their relationship with performance. The role of coaches in interpersonal regulation has received scarce research attention. In an attempt to fill this gap in the literature, Mueller et al. (2018) examined the perception of coaches about functional and dysfunctional psychobiosocial states of their players and how they used such information in interpersonal emotion regulation. Results indicated that coaches managed the expression or suppression of their own emotional states to regulate those of 273

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the players. For instance, coaches used emotion expression to amplify the pleasant states of players and to reassure them, and emotion suppression to diminish the intensity or avoid their player’s frustration and disappointment. In addition, the players were aware of the coaches’ strategies, which they perceived as helping them and their performance. Coaches’ ability to perceive their players’ feeling states and an effective use of emotion regulation strategies can also serve to enhance the coach–athlete relationship (Davis & Davis, 2016). A key concept for emotion regulation is meta-experience. In the IZOF model, the concept of meta-experience goes beyond categorizing oneself in a particular state, such as afraid, angry, or happy. Meta-experiences refer to the individual’s knowledge, attitudes, and preferences towards their own specific experiences (Hanin, 2000). Meta-experiences are typically developed from a constant evaluation of past performances and the functional impact of subjective experiences, and play an important role in self-regulation. For example, an athlete who is aware that in most previous successful performances she has felt anxious may develop a positive attitude towards pre­ competitive anxiety, and thus may not engage in its down-regulation. Coaches can play an important role in helping athletes develop realistic meta-experiences. Coaches, however, need to know their athletes, how they are feeling and reacting, and how these feelings influence their performance. Sport psychology practitioners can also be instrumental in this process. Regulation also involves the acceptance of the emotional experiences and their functional or dysfunctional impact. Acceptance is considered a key component of mindfulness, resulting in a reduction of avoidance tendencies (Moore, 2016). A mindful and acceptance attitude is expected to be more effective in improving an individual’s own relationship with internal experiences (i.e., cognitions, emotions, and physiological reactions) than attempts to modify them (Gardner, 2016). Athletes who have accepted their experiences and the impact that these have on their performance are a step closer to changing or to engaging in some sort of regulation strategy. The opposite – athletes resisting their feelings or associated thoughts – may reflect lack of motivation for change or even lead to ironic processes (Wegner, 2009) and expenditure or depletion of resources. The final step involves the implementation of emotion regulation strategies. Individualized emotion regulation strategies may target the content, intensity, frequency, and duration of psychobiosocial states. Interventions aiming to regulate a range of psychobiosocial state modalities are expected to be more effective than intervention programmes including only one modality. For example, Robazza, Pellizzari, and Hanin (2004) developed an individualized psychological skills training programme that targeted the content and intensity of pre­ competition emotional and bodily state modalities in roller-skating hockey players and gymnasts. Such intervention included, and developed when needed, successful strategies that already existed in the athletes’ repertoire. More recently, self-regulation strategies of the whole range of psychobiosocial states were effectively implemented in swimmers’ preperformance routines, together with the use of music (Middleton et al., 2017). A more comprehensive approach, however, involves the regulation of psychobiosocial states (including emotion and non-emotion modalities) as well as performance or action patterns. Thus, a combination of regulation strategies targeting emotion and action patterns is expected to be more effective in improving performance consistency (Bortoli et al., 2012; Hanin & Hanina, 2009; Hanin, Hanina, Šašek, & Kobilšek, 2016).

Optimization of Performance: The Multi-action Plan Model The MAP (Bortoli et al., 2012; Robazza, Bertollo, Filho, et al., 2016) theoretical framework was developed as an action-oriented intervention that extends the IZOF model and its focus on subjective emotional experiences. The MAP model uses a 2 × 2 interaction 274

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of action control (high vs. low) and emotional valence (pleasant vs. unpleasant) to categorize four types of performance. A so-called Type 1 optimal–automatic performance state is characterized by functional pleasant states experienced prior to or during task execution. These functional pleasant states result from athletes’ appraisals of an anticipated gain (challenge). Feeling confident, in control, energized, and having enough resources to accomplish the task are typical of Type 1 performance, which is alike to an ideal state (Unesthål, 1986) or flow experience (Jackson & Csikszentmihalyi, 1999). Athletes have an appropriate focus of attention and task execution seems automatic and requires minimal conscious control. According to the MAP model, optimal performance can also occur under controlled attention to consciously monitor (supervise) the correct movement execution and prevent a dysfunctional step-by-step control of the action (van Ginneken et al., 2017). A Type 2 optimal–controlled performance state may involve the experience of functional unpleasant states, and can occur under novel or stressful situations. Athletes’ functional unpleasant or “emergency” states (e.g., anxiety, anger) are associated with high action tendencies and signal a need to use compensatory resources to execute the task, including a higher focus of conscious monitoring. In such cases, reinvesting attention to skill components is likely (Masters & Maxwell, 2008). Reinvestment, however, can facilitate movement execution as along as the athlete is able to focus on one or a few core components of the action. This type of reinvestment is expected to facilitate voluntary action monitoring, keep the flow of the movement, and prevent disruption of automated processes. This action-centred self-regulation requires a previous identification of core movement components – namely, those parts of the action that are not completely automated and are, therefore, subject to variations, particularly when performing under pressure. Athletes can also move from Type 2 (controlled) performance to Type 1 (automatic) performance with the help of emotion regulation strategies (Robazza, Bertollo, Filho, et al., 2016). The MAP model also considers two types of suboptimal performance. A Type 3 suboptimal, over-controlled performance state usually involves athletes’ experiencing dysfunctional unpleasant states. Athletes’ appraisals of occurred harm result in a tendency to suppress undesired thoughts and unpleasant emotions (e.g., dejection), and an excessive attention focus on task execution (“trying too hard”) or a focus on irrelevant cues. This state leads to over-controlled task execution and movement disruption. Both emotion- and action-centred regulation strategies can help the performer regain an optimal performance state. A Type 4 suboptimal, under-controlled performance state may involve the experience of dysfunctional pleasant states resulting from athletes’ appraisals of benefit before the task is finished. These appraisals result in feeling too good (e.g., complacency) too early, which leads to a lack of task-involvement or minimal conscious focus of attention and inability to recruit necessary resources to accomplish the task. Again, both emotion- and action-centred regulation with a focus on core action components can be helpful (Bortoli et al., 2012; Robazza, Bertollo, Filho, et al., 2016). Thus, emotion- and action-centred selfregulation strategies, used separately or in combination, are recommended for optimal performance. To deal with dysfunctional states (unpleasant and pleasant), athletes should be aware of and accept their states and the situation, focus on the present moment, and engage in emotion- and/or action-centred strategies (Bortoli et al., 2012; Middleton et al., 2017; Robazza, Bertollo, Filho, et al., 2016; for a review, see Robazza & Ruiz, 2018).

Conclusion This chapter outlines the importance of considering individual differences in the assessment and regulation of athletes’ subjective emotional experiences. Athletes’ awareness and acceptance of their own functional and dysfunctional psychobiosocial states, which comprise emotion and nonemotion components, are crucial for the regulation of such states’ behaviour, and performance. 275

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The use of self-report instruments sensitive to the individual nature of experiences can serve as a catalyst for discussion with athletes and enhance their self-awareness. Several emotion regulation strategies exist and have been categorized based on when they take place in the emotion process. Individualized intervention programmes, including strategies aimed at the regulation of several components of athletes’ psychobiosocial states, are suggested, rather than targeting a single modality. Together with emotion-centred strategies, action-centred strategies are also recommended, thus forming a more comprehensive approach for performance optimization. Future research and applications should address three main themes. The first main direction involves the use of technology in the assessment of athletes’ states, including, for example, video recordings of specific situations to access athletes’ emotion-related information in real performance settings (Friesen et al., 2018; Hackfort & Schlattmann, 1991; Martinent, Ledos, Ferrand, Campo, & Nicolas, 2015). For instance, Martinent et al. (2015) used continuous video recordings of table-tennis players’ actions and contextual information as a stimulus to help players identify emotions experienced during competition. Similarly, Friesen et al. (2018) used video recordings of karate matches to assist athletes and their coach identify the emotions the athletes had experienced and those they desired they had experienced. This methodology has proven to be an effective tool to examine intra-personal and interpersonal emotion regulation strategies. Thus, further research utilizing technology to assess athletes’ emotional experiences and self-regulation strategies is warranted. Athletes’ experiences involve several modalities, and, thus, the second main research direction includes the combination of physiological, psychological, and behavioural measures. In a recent study, Robazza et al. (2018) examined psychobiosocial states, cognitive functions, endocrine responses (i.e., cortisol and chromogranin A), and performance in a team of orienteers. An interesting approach includes the assessment of brain activity and neural efficiency during performance in actual settings (Bertollo et al., 2016). Given that athletes’ feeling states associated with performance are multimodal, it seems sensible to include psychophysiological and behavioural data. Finally, integrating several types of data also calls for the combination of theoretical frameworks. As in the Robazza et al. (2018) study, which incorporated the IZOF (Hanin, 2007) and biopsychosocial (Blascovich, 2008; Blascovich & Tomaka, 1996) models, it is our contention that an integration of different perspectives can improve our understanding of athletes’ experiences and better inform research and applied interventions aimed at selfregulation of emotional, cognitive, and behavioural processes.

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20

ETHICAL ISSUES

Fabio Lucidi, Andrea Chirico, and Dieter Hackfort

Introduction Throughout history, different endeavours and initiatives by institutional organizations throughout the world have struggled to define right and wrong behaviour for professionals. The history of this struggle and its current manifestations have been shaped by the changes in society and its various structures, values, and expectations. The American Psychological Association has been one of the first organizations to edit a formal ethics code to guide psychologists in their professional work and job (American Psychological Association [APA], 1953, 1959). A code of ethics in psychology was necessitated in response to an increase in demands in professional activity and public visibility of its members after World War I and World War II, given the impact of the two worldwide conflicts on the entire population. Since that time, there have been numerous revisions of this proposed code, influenced by different cultures and social contexts. De Coubertin (1919) mentioned that, in the past, the practice of sports was an occasional pastime of the rich and idle youth, and that he worked 30 years for that practice to become a habitual pleasure of the petit bourgeoisie. He continued that (at that point in time) it was necessary to make this pleasure a part of the life of the young workers. These ideas from the founder of the modern Olympic Movement, in 1919, were anticipatory of what the “future world” would become and how sports could play a part in the life of all people (Kartakoullis, Karlis, & Maria, 2009). With the increase of participation in sports, sport business demands have increased, together with the spectatorship associated with high-level participation. This growth has attracted different specialists to work on various applications in the sports industry. Today, new professions constitute that, at the core of such services, professional activities be grounded in context- and profession-specific ethical considerations. Not surprisingly, in recent years, there has been an increase in the number of psychologists who choose to dedicate their clinical or research practice to the sport field, dedicating their job to working with individual athletes, teams, and sport organizations. Ethics is considered one of the major challenges and has received attention for some time among consultants and practitioners, as well as researchers and scholars in the field of sport, exercise, and performance psychology (see Hackfort & Tenenbaum, 2014; Henschen, Ripoll, Hackfort, & Mohan, 1995). As early as 1957, Huntington identified values and ideals (ethical 281

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orientation) to be a fundamental feature distinguishing professional from other endeavours (Huntington, 1957). Consequently, reflecting on and discussing the values of a (in this case, sport psychologist) profession and stipulating guidelines in regard to how the actions of its members (professionals) should be organized appropriately in the specific action field (here, sport psychology) and in their professional lives are central tasks of professional organizations (i.e., in this case, national, regional, and international societies of sport psychology: e.g., APA asp Germany, FEPSAC in Europe, and ISSP). Thus, moral principles are defined on the basis of professional ethics, which serve three functions for the professional community: (1) orientation, (2) protection, and (3) control (Hackfort & Tenenbaum, 2014). A review of the relevant literature provides evidence that there is a broad consensus in regard to the following principles being essential within sport, exercise, and performance psychology: integrity, respect, confidentiality, competency, social responsibility, and the safeguarding of the client’s/person’s well-being. In many ways, challenges faced by sport psychology practitioners are similar to the challenges of other consulting or therapeutic disciplines, including clinical psychology, both from a professional point of view and from the ethics underpinning their activities. There are, however, some issues and dilemmas that emerge from the uniqueness of sport conditions requiring particular consideration in terms of service demands (Etzel & Watson, 2017; Hackfort & Tenenbaum, 2014; Moore, 2003). The practice of sport psychology is characterized by several specificities directly linked to the contexts in which it is performed (i.e., special features of the areas/sport disciplines, or fields of action; see Schinke & Hackfort, 2017). Thus, specific ethical challenges for sport psychologists arise out of their professional practice. These are related, mainly but not exclusively, to the (frequently young) age of the target population, the use of new technologies, social consequences (relationships) that arise out of daily activity with the client, and the multicultural context in which the service has to be performed. Furthermore, business-oriented values associated with professional sports do not always appear to be in line with the values associated with the profession of sport psychology (Etzel & Watson, 2017). Even a brief look at such codes – for example, the ethical principles of the International Society of Sport Psychology (Henschen et al., 1995), the ethical principles of the Association for Applied Sport Psychology (Association for Applied Sport Psychology, 2011), and further organizations such as the American Counseling Association (American Counseling Association, 2014) – reveal an apparent disconnect between stated professional principles and those of the professional sport industry. For example, FIFA’s Ethics Code preamble discusses the organization’s responsibility to protect the image, integrity, and reputation of football worldwide and loyalty to FIFA and playing fairly (Fédération Internationale de Football Association, 2018). Professional sport is commercialized, for-profit, and structured around attracting money from large audiences of fans who pay to watch, in person or via various media, and attracting financial support from sponsors who use games, matches, and other events as a platform for advertising (Coakley, 2014). In this chapter, the following principles, integrity, respect, confidentiality, competency, social responsibility, and the safeguarding of the client’s well-being will be described. It is the particular intention herein to provide essential information about corresponding principles and increase sensitivity, as well as to inspire further discussion by professionals in all relevant fields of psychological research and practice, especially in sports, exercise, and the performing arts. At the same time, focus will be dedicated to some specificities of the sport psychology profession that have the potential to generate specific ethical dilemmas for professionals. Areas such as research and application, and special issues, such as ethical challenges produced by digitization and the usage of new technologies, will be considered.

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Principles Various authors (e.g., Engelhardt, 1996; Lammers & Babbie, 2005; Meara, Schmidt, & Day,1996; Veatch, 1981) have underlined slightly different sets of foundational principles. For example, the APA’s Ethical Code (APA, 2016; “General Principles” section) identifies five principles, the Ethics Committee of the British Psychological Society’s Code of Ethics and Conduct (2018) focuses on four primary ethical principles, and the International Union of Psychological Science, through its consensus document (Gauthier, Pettifor, & Ferrero, 2010), recognizes four principles. In order to find an appropriate synthesis of these principles without neglecting any fundamental issue or element, five principles emerge that refer to all of the codes and consensus conferences dealing with the ethical conduct of psychologists in research and application, which are the following: (a) integrity, (b) respect, (c) competency, (d) social responsibility, and (e) caring for well-being. These five principles articulate distinctions that are used in ordinary moral discourse in psychology and articulate core ethical norms and values that are central to practice (for a distinction between ethics and morals, see Hackfort & Tenenbaum, 2014). Principles, as opposed to ethical standards, are aspirational in nature. Their intent is to guide and inspire psychologists toward the very highest ethical standards of the profession. Principles are not obligations and should not form the basis for imposing sanctions. Ethical principles are needed to provide a guide for acceptable social living and to organize and manage appropriate professional relations. Principles are generated by debates in different disciplines, such as philosophy or medicine, and are based on human experiences and specific cases creating examples of ethical dilemmas; they rely on professional values and monitoring of professional behaviour. Psychologists that feel guided by these principles accept their related values and monitor or modulate their behaviour accordingly.

Integrity For the development of a functioning relationship between the psychologist, his or her client, research participants, and colleagues, integrity is a key characteristic. Sport psychologists, like all the other practitioners in various action fields, seek to promote accuracy, honesty, loyalty, transparency, autonomy, equity, and truthfulness in their practice. Psychologists do not steal, cheat, or engage in fraud, subterfuge, or intentional misrepresentation of facts in any of their activities. Psychologists strive to keep their promises and to avoid unwise or unclear commitments. In situations in which deception may be ethically justifiable to maximize benefits and minimize harm, psychologists have an obligation to consider the need for the possible consequences of, and their responsibility to correct, any resulting mistrust or other harmful effects that arise from the use of such methods. Integrity as a principle means avoiding opportunistic or ambiguous behaviour and not abusing an institutional or therapeutic role or situations of informative and decisional asymmetry; it means preventing and solving situations of conflict of interests, as well as resisting any form of pressure that aims to condition either their conduct or their performance. Therefore, as the principle of integrity is fundamental for the work of psychologists, they have to accept the following values as well: (a) honesty, as well as truthful, open, and accurate communications; (b) the avoidance of incomplete disclosure of information unless complete disclosure is culturally inappropriate, or violates confidentiality, or includes the potential to do serious harm to individuals, families, groups, or communities; (c) maximization of impartiality and minimization of bias; (d) no exploitation of people for personal, professional, or financial gain; (e) avoidance of conflicts of interest and declaration when they cannot be avoided or are inappropriate to avoid. 283

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Respect Respect is fundamental to useful professional contact with clients, research participants, students, and colleagues and refers especially to their previous experiences, knowledge, insights, and convictions. Practitioners in sport psychology respect the dignity, freedom, and well-being of their clients, colleagues, and collaborators and protect their right to selfdetermination, which also contributes to avoiding and opposing any form of discrimination. In interaction with clients, linguistic and cultural specificities (see the contributions on Culture, Volume 1, Chapter 7, and Cultural praxis, Volume 2, Chapter 16, in this encyclopedia) have to be taken into account. Sport psychologists are aware that special safeguards may be necessary to protect the rights and welfare of persons or communities whose vulnerabilities impair autonomous decision-making. Respect for autonomy should remind psychologists that individuals with different – for example, ethnic – backgrounds and at different points in their identity development may choose to balance their self-interest with the interests of their family and (sub)cultural group in different ways, and that those choices should be respected. The principle of respect for the person means that psychologists should respect cultural, individual, and role differences, including those based on age, gender, gender identity, ethnicity, culture, national origin, religion, sexual orientation, disability, language, and socio-economic status, and consider these factors when working with members of such groups. Psychologists should try to eliminate the effect on their work of biases based on those factors and not knowingly participate in or condone activities of others based upon such prejudices. In so doing – and it is worth emphasizing this here – they accept the following related values: (a) respect for the unique worth and inherent dignity of all human beings; (b) respect for diversity among human beings; (c) respect for the customs and beliefs in different cultures, to be limited only when a custom or a belief seriously contravenes the principle of respect for the dignity of individuals or causes serious harm to their well-being; (d) free and informed consent, as culturally defined and relevant for individuals, families, groups, and communities; (e) privacy for individuals, families, groups, and communities; (f) protection of confidentiality of personal information, as culturally defined and relevant for individuals, families, groups, and communities; and (g) fairness and justice in the treatment of everybody.

Competency Competency as it is addressed here requires a sound knowledge base in terms of psychological conceptualizations, methods, and application. A professional can only offer and perform services in which he or she has acquired an adequate level of competency. Practitioners in sport psychology are aware of the limits of their competency and make ongoing efforts to ensure that they keep updated about current research, practical methods, and new techniques, and enrich their skills. They also pay specific attention to ethical issues and to any changes in national and international legislation. Where scientific or professional knowledge in the discipline of psychology establishes that an understanding of factors associated with personal or cultural variables is essential for effective implementation of their services, psychologists have to obtain the training, experience, consultation, or supervision necessary to ensure the competency of their services, or they make appropriate referrals. In so doing, they accept the following related values: (a) keeping up to date with the methods that they are applying, following continuous formation related to their field of application; (b) maximizing their potentiality in their field of application; and (c) minimizing harm caused by inexperience. 284

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Social Responsibility Psychology functions as a discipline in the realm of human sciences and within the context of human society and culture. Responsibility refers to the science, profession, and society. As a science and a profession, the discipline of psychology has responsibilities to society. These responsibilities include contributing to knowledge about human behaviour and to people’s understanding of themselves and others, and using this knowledge to improve the condition of individuals, families, groups, communities, and society. They also include conducting disciplinary affairs within society in accordance with the highest ethical standards, and encouraging the development of social structures and policies that benefit all people. Differences exist in the way these responsibilities are interpreted by psychologists in different cultures. However, they need to be considered in a way that is culturally appropriate and consistent with the ethical norms and related principles and values. Practitioners in sport psychology are aware of the social responsibility that derives from their own guidelines and from the methodological choices and methods of operating that can be differently interpreted and used in different contexts. Practitioners should never use their activity and competency to generate or justify suffering and oppression. Accordingly, they accept the following related values: (a) the discipline’s responsibility to increase scientific and professional knowledge in ways that allow the promotion of the well-being of society and all its members; (b) the discipline’s responsibility to use psychological knowledge for beneficial purposes and to protect such knowledge from being misused, used incompetently, or made useless; (c) the discipline’s responsibility to conduct its affairs in ways that are ethical and consistent with the promotion of the well-being of society and all its members; (d) the discipline’s responsibility to promote the highest ethical ideals in the scientific, professional, and educational activities of its members; (e) the discipline’s responsibility to adequately train its members in their ethical responsibilities and required competencies; and (f) the discipline’s responsibility to develop its ethical awareness and sensitivity and to be as self-correcting as possible (Ad Hoc Joint Committee, 2008).

Caring for the Well-Being of the Person This value is discussed in the entire body of literature dealing with ethical principles in psychology. It comes from the synthetization of the very early principles of “nonmaleficence” (not causing others harm) and “beneficence” (doing good or benefiting others; e.g., see APA, 1959; Kitchener & Anderson, 2014). Thus, caring for the well-being of a person involves working for his or her benefit and, above all, doing no harm. It includes maximizing benefits, minimizing potential harm, and offsetting or correcting harm. Caring requires the application of knowledge and skills that are appropriate for the nature of a situation as well as the social and cultural context (Gauthier et al., 2010); thus, this principle is strictly connected with the principle of competency. It also requires the ability to establish interpersonal relationships that enhance potential benefits and reduce potential harm. Practitioners in psychology agree not to compromise the psychophysical well-being of their clients; not to alter their degree of safety and self-esteem; and not to expose them to situations of risk, distress, or suffering. In so doing, they accept the following related values: (a) showing active concern for the well-being of individuals, families, groups, and communities; (b) taking care to do no harm to individuals, families, groups, and communities; (c) maximizing benefits and minimizing potential harm to individuals, families, groups, and communities; (d) correcting or offsetting harmful effects that have occurred as a result of their activities; (e) developing and maintaining competence; (f) exhibiting self-knowledge regarding how their own values, attitudes, experiences, and social 285

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contexts influence their actions, interpretations, choices, and recommendations; (g) respecting the ability of individuals, families, groups, and communities to make decisions for themselves and to care for themselves and each other (Ad Hoc Joint Committee, 2008).

Special Issues Given the aspirational nature of the presented principles, applications are likely to vary from one jurisdiction or geographic location in the world to another, partly because of cultural differences or simply of preferences. The principles described above are applied in various therapeutic professions and action fields of applied psychology. The intersection of these principles with those features that are typical of sport psychology gives rise to some specific issues that require attention, given the possible controversies inherent in these specific situations, and that, therefore, are adapted in a specific way, within each of the codes that refer to sport psychologists. In lieu of common terms such as continued professional development, practitioners have recently been encouraged to conceptualize their ongoing professional growth as adaptive and evolutionary reconfiguration, which would place an emphasis on multiple relationships, non-traditional settings, keeping pace with changes in technology and – for example, teletherapy – emerging issues in the field and dynamic sociocultural contexts.

Multiple Relationships Because of the nature of sport psychology service delivery, multiple relationships have a unique role in practice (Aoyagi & Portenga, 2010; Schinke & Hackfort, 2017). While working with athletic teams and sports organizations that are mostly small communities of individuals, sport psychologists, are, thus, inevitably kept in frequent contact with athletes, coaches, and management staff. These many and varied interactions with all members of the sport organization are twofold. From an opportunity side, certainly, they present chances for practitioners to learn about the team and its culture and to provide services to their clients. From the other side, these interactions bring the risk of boundary crossings that may result in the development of harmful multiple-role relationship dynamics. Various ethics codes recognize that, sometimes, multiple relationships are unavoidable, and the nature of sport psychology work provides unique opportunities for various multiple roles to arise. Multiple relationships are not necessarily identified as unethical, but care should be taken to ensure an appropriate relationship between the parties (APA, 2002; Australian Psychological Society, 2005). Thus, practitioners are expected to act reasonably and consider how the relationship is likely to affect their clients when engaging in multiple-role relationships. There is some boundary crossing that can be easily identified and avoided – for example, speaking about a player’s work without a release of information – but others may create problems that are not readily apparent to the consultant or other parties. For instance, it would be difficult for a practitioner to cope with a coach’s request regarding his/her opinion about an athlete’s readiness to play without signed authorization from the athlete to release such information or opinion; sharing this information would likely result in significant damage to the relationship between the athlete(s) and consultant, and, in this case, it not only could result in a serious ethical issue, but could also have professional and legal ramifications for the practitioner (i.e., malpractice). Other possible multiple relationships include being a companion-practitioner (working with two athletes on the same team, both of whom look for help on performance enhancement, but compete for the same starting position and have an 286

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interpersonal conflict), consultant-coach, and practitioner-coach (there may be time restrictions preventing them performing two separate roles), and teacher-practitioner (in which the professor serves as both a consultant and teacher for a student–athlete). These roles may be unavoidable owing to course requirements for students or available faculty to teach particular courses. It is important to consider general principles related to respect for the person and caring for the well-being of people before coping with these situations (Aoyagi & Portenga, 2010; Hackfort & Schinke, 2017; Huang & Hung, 2008; Sachs, 2014).

Non-Traditional Practice Settings Sport psychology offers opportunities to practise in unique and sometimes beautiful settings. Unlike traditional counselling, where sessions occur in a private office, the sport psychology practitioner working in non-traditional settings might encounter risks of various boundary crossings while engaged in practice. These potentially sticky situations could include travelling on buses and aeroplanes with teams to away competitions, eating meals with them, standing on the side-lines during games, or consulting with clients in public at the side of a practice area, in a hotel lobby, or on a team bus (Andersen, Van Raalte, & Brewer, 2001; Aoyagi & Portenga, 2010). Similar to the situations discussed previously, these types of issue do not necessarily become problematic if they are addressed ethically, and the five principles are adhered to with specific regard to caring for the well-being of the client. Some authors have also determined some ethical decision-making models, for these instances, and following them could be useful in helping the practitioner determine whether he or she is acting ethically. Generally, these step-by-step guiding models for ethical decision-making include identifying the problem, determining dimensions of the dilemma, outlining potential courses of action and their potential consequences, and, finally, evaluating and implementing a course of action. Using decision-making models can help practitioners to identify consequences of, and alternatives to, ethical dilemmas involving their routine work. Thus, it is important for sport psychology professionals to be vigilant in their work so that they handle the myriad of ethical issues that can emerge ethically (Etzel & Watson, 2017; Hackfort & Tenenbaum, 2014).

The Use of New Technologies One of the most prominent ethical issues facing applied sport psychology practitioners at present are related to the use of social media and new technology. Technology has opened pathways of near-instantaneous communication that previous generations of practitioners did not have to manage in any educational, applied, or research settings. Multiple avenues and devices are of easy access and use, such as email, text messaging, videoconferencing, and social media networks (Facebook, Twitter, etc.). Although the use of new technologies has increased dramatically among psychology practitioners, the use of these technologies to provide services to clients may be even more prominent in the practice of sport psychology, given the demands often placed upon the clientele. In a study involving sport psychology practitioners from 23 different countries, it was detected that 48% used the internet in their consultations (Watson, Lubker, Zakrajsek, & Quartiroli, 2012). This is related to the fact that, within sport psychology, clients tend to be younger athletes, between the ages of 12 and 35 (Watson II, Way, & Hilliard, 2017). In this context, an everyday experience, especially of those of us who are parents, is worth mentioning: Many individuals of young age tend to use technology for different purposes and tend to be very technologically savvy, having grown up in a technological age and having been exposed to technology for the major part of their lives. 287

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Furthermore, present-day athletes have intense schedules that oblige them to travel a lot, therefore making it difficult for them to access consultations or therapy with a fixed deadline or at least schedule them with a margin of certainty. Although new technology can allow practitioners to provide services that accommodate the time and travel demands faced by many clients, it is important to note that there are several implications related to the use of technology to consult, the most prominent of which relate to the principles of the consultant’s (and clients’) competency in using these technologies and the confidentiality principle (Huang & Hung, 2008; Watson II, Schinke, & Sampson, 2014). In the context of technologically based communications, thus, a practitioner needs to have specific training in order to successfully navigate the ever-changing, ever-growing world of technology, or to stay up to date with the latest features of, for example, videoconferencing. We suggest that practitioners who take into consideration the new technologically based communication services for consultation or therapy view the technology not as a stable tool, but more as a dynamic device that needs constantly updated training for its use. At present, most practitioners have not received any training in the effective use of technology for service provision. Additionally, sport psychology professionals have an obligation to consider the client’s level of proficiency in using these platforms. Asking a client to learn a new modality for communicating through new technology is likely working to the professional’s benefit rather to the client’s advantage. This kind of request could result in making a client feel uncomfortable, and it can even harm the relationship with the practitioner. Concerning respect for the person and confidentiality of the new, technologically based communications and relationships, given the widely accepted fact that “NOTHING ON THE INTERNET IS PRIVATE!!!” (Baird, 2015, p. 58), practitioners utilizing new technology should do their utmost to secure the confidentiality of their clients, especially because technology is vulnerable in this regard. They should clearly indicate to their clients what can and cannot be achieved in this area (APA, 2002); furthermore, another consideration, beyond educating the client about confidentiality and privacy when working with technology, is how the use of the internet and social media may affect the overall relationship between practitioner and client. This issue is strictly linked with issues discussed in the context of multiple relationships, above, in fact; although some ethics codes, including the American Counseling Association’s standard (2014), are clear about avoiding “personal virtual relationships” with clients, other ethics codes do not specifically address connections via Facebook, Twitter, or other platforms such as Snapchat, Instagram, or personal blogs. This presents an important challenge, in fact: although social media could represent an efficient part of everyday life and work, particularly for the tech-savvy student or professional, the risk of dual relationships, breaches of confidentiality, unclear boundary behaviours, and self-disclosure may become more likely with increased use of social media for personal and professional activities. It is understandable that many professionals wish to be friendly with their clients, but one must not be a friend. This line is a delicate one that is constantly shifting as new ways to connect and new ways to deliver services evolve and become commonplace. Overall, new technologies have numerous advantages for sport psychology practice, but it is also important for practitioners to understand that they are not appropriate for all purposes and clients. Therefore, decisions about the use of technology services should be based upon an accurate, case-by-case consideration of factors such as the client’s presenting concerns (e.g., is there literature to support the benefit of tele therapy work with specific presenting problems) and clients’ comfort and knowledge related to the use of technology (e.g., behavioural presentation, age, knowledge of technology; Luxton, Nelson, & Maheu, 2016). Without such considerations, practitioners could work with clients who are not likely to benefit from their 288

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services, but can also feel uncomfortable, in opposition to the principle of “caring for the well­ being of a person”. Scientific literature presents some reviews of guidelines providing a foundation for clinicians and researchers utilizing technology for mental services worldwide. The lack of specific guidance relating to special populations is an area warranting further attention in order to strengthen practitioners’ capacity to ethically and effectively tailor technologically based interventions to these groups.

Ethical Issues in Regard to Digitization Protection of personal data, information, and secrets has to be guaranteed, as it is a fundamental precondition for a client to look for psychological support and the discretion of psychological service. In this context, it is important to ensure anonymity – that is, no data can be assigned to an individual person. In case of the usage of a smartphone connected with the internet for counselling, the settings in the operation system must be set up in accordance with this requirement, and no long­ term storage – for example, for big-data analyses – is allowed without the explicit consent of the client. As sufficient knowledge of the circumstances, consequences, and so on, of the client (and the psychologist) in this fast-developing area cannot be taken for granted, proper ethical selfcommitment of the psychologist is needed, in addition to the right to informational self-determination of the client, which has to be respected and secured. Thus, unencrypted communication, especially content-related issues – by email, for example – should be avoided. Hints about data protection should be given at the first appointment and may contribute to increasing the sensitivity to this issue in the client and their making an informed decision. Indicating trustworthiness in dealing with data and personal information is not only a matter of course and an ethical obligation for a professional psychologist, but it is also a key feature for the profession.

Title Usage Over recent decades, the development of the field of applied sport psychology has progressed along two avenues. Sport psychology, in the early stages, was rooted in the study of motor learning in physical education departments, and the majority of sport psychology practitioners started their career based on this background (Kornspan, 2019; Silva, 1989). More recently, others, from specializations within psychology departments, including clinical, counselling, social, personality, physiological, cognitive, health, and developmental areas, have become involved in applied sport psychology (Taylor, 1994). In fact, if we look at members of the AAASP in 1990 (Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology, 1990), the membership was almost divided into two halves, with 46% psychologists and 41% physical education-trained practitioners. Nonetheless, only 11 out of 95 programmes listed in the Directory of Graduate Programs in Applied Sport Psychology were established in psychology departments in 1995. Professional title usage is an ongoing ethical issue, and the boundaries of the professions do not help to delineate this situation better; thus, competency is the crucial principle that emerges within this topic. A primary issue revolves around the usage of the title “sport psychologist” (Taylor, 1994). The title of “psychologist” is legally protected in many countries, and a specific degree and a specific qualifying process are needed to use this title, thus, restricting the title of “sport psychologist” to those who are credentialled psychologists. This has been a way to prevent non-credentialled professionals, often trained in sport science, from using the sport psychologist title, although this has not deterred some from doing so. This creates an ethical, but also a legal, issue for these practitioners. 289

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However, having the title of “psychologist” might not be enough to give a person the ethical right to take the title of “sport” psychologist, just as a practitioner trained in individual therapy who attended a workshop about family therapy would not be able to refer to him or herself as a family therapist (Serra de Queiroz, Lima Fogaça, Hanrahan, & Zizzi, 2016). In Brazil, for example, an individual must earn the “sport psychologist” specialist title through one of three training pathways. In Italy, too, there are accredited master programmes that confer this title. Substantial supervised training within applied sport psychology is needed to build a level of competency deserving of the title (Fletcher & Maher, 2014; Hackfort & Schinke, 2017). Although there are some differences between countries, and, in some countries, to date, there is no protection for the title (Morris, Alfermann, Lintunen, & Hall, 2003), many practitioners recognize the importance of specific training in sport psychology concepts and methods. Not only does the competency principle seem to be linked to the “title usage” issue, but also the principle of caring for the well-being of the person (Herzog & Hays, 2012). For instance, those with clinical expertise may be inclined to focus on potential mental health concerns, but doing so can make athletes uneasy (Simons, 2010) or move out of the sphere of influence. Conversely, those without clinical psychology training should not neglect the importance of screening for common mental disorders among athletes and should utilize counselling skills during consultations (Longstaff & Gervis, 2016) because athletes, generally, initially present with performance-related concerns, but sometimes they may not disclose broader personal issues until they have significant trust in and rapport with their practitioner (Herzog & Hays, 2012). Closely tied to the issue of title usage and the scope of treatment, debates have surfaced about what type of training model would optimally prepare competent practitioners. This debate is further intensified when the different possible pathways to practising sport psychology available across jurisdictions and countries are considered (Morris et al., 2003). Additionally, recent conversations have centred on what credentials (e.g., certification and/or licensure) reflect adequate competency (Fletcher & Maher, 2014). Portenga, Aoyagi and Cohen (2017, p.3) emphasized that “certification and academic standards are two sides of the same coin”, and efforts are being made to strengthen and clarify both. In a recent task analysis, the Association for Applied Sport Psychology identified the knowledge and skills that are necessary for the delivery of sport psychology services (see Rosen & Lipkins, 2016). These skills and knowledge will serve as the foundation for an exam-based certification process. In addition to the summative assessment of qualification, the case has also been made that assessment of progress toward developing benchmarks of competency is important (Herzog & Hays, 2012; Hutter, Pijpers, & Oudejans, 2016). Fletcher and Maher (2014) asserted that, “competence is not a static end point that one achieves, nor should it be viewed in a dichotomous manner” (p. 267). Professionals have been urged to consider the everyday changes in their knowledge in the dynamic world of practice (Koocher & Keith-Spiegel, 2008), particularly because the rate at which new knowledge becomes outdated could be increasing (Neimeyer, Taylor, Rozensky, & Cox, 2014). Indeed, contextual intelligence and cultural competency are extremely important facets of professional development and could be considered needed skills for sport psychologists. A nuanced understanding of the unique demands and cultural contexts of particular sports may be helpful for connecting with athletes, as well as for the competent delivery of clinical (Donohue, Pitts, Gavrilova, Ayarza, & Cintron, 2013) and performance-based interventions (Fifer, Henschen, Gould, & Ravizza, 2008). The ethical and effective practitioner must also be aware of how athletes’ sociocultural identities intersect with the “culture” of the sports in which they participate (Mellalieu, 2017; Schinke & Hackfort, 2017). In a recent study of sport psychology graduate programmes, Watson et al., (2017) detected that relatively few had a primary focus on developing cultural competency in their students. 290

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Cultural Competency The intersection of sport psychology and culture is not a new discussion point in the literature. As early as 1990, authors including Duda and Allison (1990) and Danish, Petitpas, and Hale (1993) recognized that there is no universal approach to applied sport psychology, and there is little understanding among sport psychologists regarding how to work with clients from cultures different from their own. Duda and Allison (1990) identified the lack of research on ethnicity, reporting that only 1 of 13 published theoretical papers and 7 of 186 empirical papers (less than 4%) considered ethnicity, and most of those were sample descriptions. Ram et al. (2004) updated the report by reviewing articles in sport psychology research journals between 1987 and 2000 for both ethnicity and sexual orientation content and confirmed the persistent void in the scholarly literature. Ram et al. (2004) found that 20% of the articles made reference to ethnicity, and 1.2% to sexual orientation. More importantly, those few articles provided little analysis and few insights but, as with the earlier literature, were descriptive. Ram, Starek, and Johnson, (2004) concluded that there is no systematic attempt to include the experiences of marginalized groups. Sport psychology is still lacking conceptual models, empirical research, and evidence-based competencies in handling cultural diversity in sport. Nearly 20 years ago, Duda and Hayashi (1998) identified a decade-long void of cross-cultural consideration in research reports, although ethnic differences definitely existed in sport. This omission was not a reflection of a limitation of research studies but a properly pervasive monoculture approach among sport psychologists. Many sport professionals, even currently, use approaches that they regard as effective with all people, without any sensitivity to cultural differences, which is an increasingly important requirement in and owing to the globalization in sports. This view (see, e.g., Hackfort, 2013; Schinke & Hanrahan, 2009) is especially important when working with athletes from backgrounds other than that of the practitioner. For example, Schinke, Gauthier, Dubuc, and Crowder, (2007) learned from a traditional Canadian Aboriginal athlete that they had some pre­ competition preparation on the day of performance, where they might require cultural strategies including burning sweet grass, sage, or tobacco as practice to pray their creator for personal health and success for themselves. In a culturally diverse sport environment, athletes and sport psychology practitioners must try to understand each other, despite potential nuances in customs, values, and language, including different interpretation of eye contact, physical space (proxemics), time, and how individuals relate to the group. From an ethical point of view, it is a requirement for sport psychology researchers and practitioners to join and learn from the discussion on cultural background, impact, and power inherent in common concepts and methods, to understand a cultural perspective and develop cultural and multicultural awareness (see i.e., Adams, Kurtiș, Salter, & Anderson, 2012; Casas, Park, & Cho, 2010; Christopher, Wendt, Marecek, & Goodman, 2014; Hardin , Robitschek, Flores, Navarro, & Ashton, 2014).

Ethics in Sport Psychology Research Although popular studies such as those of Zimbardo and Milgram (see Haney, Banks, & Zimbardo, 1973; Milgram, 1963) raised serious ethical issues in behavioural research, more subtle concerns are raised every day in sport psychology. General issues such as the use of deception, the induction of anxiety, or minor manipulations that may affect the participant’s self-esteem can all create ethical concerns. Today, no investigator should undertake research in sport psychology or in any other disciplines with human participants without intimate familiarity with the different ethical guidelines and principles applied in the field of research (i.e., APA, 2002). These principles are grounded in the issues relating to the information the participants have about the research in order to accept or decline participation in the study (informed 291

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consent); the very delicate possibility of partially informing the participants about the scope of the research using omission or falsity (use of deception); the due diligence of a researcher informing participants about how they benefitted from the experiment (returns of the results); the protection of the participant from any form of risk to psychological well-being, as well as health risk (risk and risk management); and the freedom to participate without coercion (incentives offered to participants). Moreover, these general principles are not fixed and immutable. In fact, they continue to change and evolve, reflecting the current views and experiences of laypersons and professional organizations regarding the freedom to obtain knowledge and the rights of participants. Sport psychology professionals have to know and consider research ethics and ethical dilemmas that may arise with qualitative as well as quantitative studies (see Hackfort & Tenenbaum, 2014). In the following paragraphs, the most relevant ethical issues in research will be described within the context of sport psychology.

Informed Consent The researcher adequately informs the participants and acquires preliminarily, and in written form, their consent to participation and processing of personal data, including sensitive data. In both cases, informed consent is obligatory. In the absence of clear, complete information, appropriate consent is not available, even if this is explicitly expressed by the participant. Participants are clearly informed that consent can be issued, refused, or withdrawn at any time; they are guaranteed the most extensive decision-making freedom and granted all the time necessary to reflect, express doubts, and request clarification. Those taking part in research must be explicitly informed that they are free to withdraw at any time, without having to give any justification, and that the refusal to participate or the decision to withdraw will not cause any prejudice. The information form for participation must include: (a) the description of the research; (b) the methods for feedback of results; (c) the right to refuse or terminate participation; (d) measures envisaged to protect anonymity; (e) identifying details of the research manager (nominative, scientific, and professional status, institution of affiliation) and of any additional persons to whom it is possible to apply for clarifications and information even after the conclusion of the study; and (f) the source of financing and/or the possible presence of external contractors. Practitioners in sport psychology should be careful about the informed consent procedure, especially when vulnerable groups are involved (minor, institutionalized, injured, groups at risk of stigma or social discrimination) and in the case of an asymmetrical relationship between the participant and the investigator (student–coach/client–therapist). In sport psychology, Cardinal, Martin, and Sachs, (1996) found that more than 85% of consent forms they examined were at a reading level termed “difficult” or “very difficult”.

Use of Deception in Research If it is not possible to meet the scientific aim of a study without a certain kind of deception, and an alternative method cannot replace it, a researcher can deceive participants about critical aspects during the study. Consequently, the information form presented to participants in a study may contain partial or false information in order not to reveal the true purposes of the study. Even in the case of intentional use of deception, the risks to the psychophysical well­ being of the participants can never be concealed, but have always to be reported completely. Whoever uses deception in a study must fully inform each participant at the end of the session or, if necessary, at the end of the data collection, and has to ask for consent to use the 292

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collected data, replacing the previously expressed consent (which, by definition, is not valid as it is acquired on the basis of incomplete and incorrect information). In the absence of new written consent, the collected data cannot be used and must be permanently deleted. This is true for both quantitative and qualitative studies. Many of the classical ethnographical studies in sports, such as Fine’s (1987) study of Little League Baseball, Klein’s (1993) study of male bodybuilders, and Crosset’s (1995) study of women’s professional golf, would not have been conducted if written consent were required of all the participants within these sports subcultures, given both privacy and social desirability issues.

Feedback of the Results Those who conduct research in sports contexts declare themselves available to report the results of the study to the participants and to the other people involved (e.g., coach, management, additional stakeholders). In the case of young athletes, research with minors is frequent. In these cases, the results are returned to those who have representation or legal protection. In the case of research with external commission (e.g., team management, federations.), the results are also returned to the participant(s) in compliance with the anonymity rights of the participant(s). To this end, the results are presented in aggregate form, so that the information provided is not traceable to individual participants. In the case of research-intervention, in which the return of the results also has value for participants’ training or self-reflection, any return to the individual participant must be given in private form and only upon explicit request from this person. In an elite sporting context, it is easy to imagine how information about the mental or physical frailty of an athlete or sportsman might give an advantage to a rival. It is expected that such information should not be leaked, either to other competitors or to anyone, even when the research is finished.

Risks and Risk Management Research activity must never compromise, in a temporary or permanent way, the psychophysical well-being of athletes. Given the importance of the possibility of revising the athlete’s image with respect to their career and value, the research activity and the restitution of the results must not damage the system of relationships that the participant entertains with colleagues, friends, and family members, nor should it create damage to their self-image. Scientific research in the field of sports must not cause disease of any kind, organic and/or psychological. In cases in which it is expected that the administration of stimuli may be even minimally painful, those conducting research must adopt appropriate procedures to prevent situations of distress and suffering. Experiments that include the use of painful stimuli are preceded by tests that establish individual levels of pain perception. Studies that require the use of stimuli that may be a source of discomfort include a preliminary phase of familiarization with the material. If the participants experience discomfort and/or distress reactions, even independent of the investigation conditions, the study must be stopped immediately. For an appropriate ethical risk management, the following components are essential (see Canadian Psychological Association, 2000): (a) identify norms and people potentially affected, (b) reflect on options and alternative courses of actions to be taken, and (c) calculate risks and consequences, as well as accountability and responsibility. Importantly, it is advisable for a psychologist with an ethical dilemma to seek consultation or assistance from colleagues or an advisory body (e.g., ethics committee) to appropriately manage the situation (cf., Pope & Vasquez, 2011). 293

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The Protection of Research Participants Practitioners in sport psychology involved in research activities must possess documented relational and scientific skills and ensure a proper and respectful relationship with each participant. In the case of studies that also include a minimal risk to health, those carrying out research must have the necessary skills for an immediate (in some cases, emergency) response. The effectiveness of new clinical or rehabilitative training is tested by comparing it with the standard intervention, in use at the time of the study. The establishment of control groups that receive only a placebo is acceptable when no valid intervention is available. Researchers in sport psychology must take particular care to avoid incorrect use of placebos. In summary: Researchers have to ensure a secure research environment for the participants in a study. Prior to a study, they have to ensure that the participants are in good health to take part in an experiment.

Incentives for Participation Participation in a study must be free and not subjected to any form of coercion, direct or indirect, explicit or implicit. Participants can receive a certificate of participation and possibly a flat-rate reimbursement for direct and indirect expenses incurred (e.g., compensation for travel). Researchers should ensure that the athletes involved as participants can decide whether to grant, refuse, or withdraw consent, without prejudice to their conditions of life and work.

Conclusion Professionals in sport psychology, in research as well as in practice, must be sensitive to ethical issues and dilemmas. They have to be mindful of the potential for ethical risks and they have to be able to manage such risks or dilemmas in case they experience a dilemma, preferably by way of prevention based on the principles and hints presented above. Ethical conflicts cannot be completely avoided in most professions, and this is also true for sport psychology – in regard to research, as well as application. Often, conflicts in regard to values lead to difficult ethical decisions and force practitioners to ask questions about the “right thing to do”. Sometimes, this involves considering whether the right ethical decision is consistent with the law. Although, in some cases, ethics and the law overlap, there are many professional issues that the law does not address and occasions when the law and ethical reasoning may lead to different conclusions. Furthermore, elements in codes maybe insufficient or inappropriate, open to interpretation, and limited in the situations they address; new situations and arenas of practice can arise, including new potentials for ethical issues. As codes of ethics are revised only periodically, new ethical challenges often are not addressed until they have been discussed sufficiently and covered in a subsequent revision. Some would like to believe they can rely on their value system in specific situations, but not all values are equally justifiable in a given professional setting. This is a further reason for the necessity for ongoing discussion of ethical guidelines, consultation and exchange of experiences, and training to ensure appropriate interpretation and application.

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21

EVALUATING INTERVENTIONS

Andy Pringle, Nicola Kime, Lorena Lozano-Sufrategui, and Stephen Zwolinsky

Introduction Physical inactivity has been described as a global pandemic (Andersen, Mota, & Di Pietro, 2016; Tremblay et al., 2016; World Health Organization, 2018). It is, then, unsurprising that bold societal and government action has been recommended to make physical activity opportunities, such as sport and exercise, desirable and accessible for all groups (Reis et al., 2016; Ding et al., 2016). Indeed, policy and initiatives have highlighted the need for investigations into both the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of community physical activity interventions (e.g., Canada Chief Medical Officer, 2016; National Institute of Health and Care Excellence, 2014; UK Chief Medical Officers, 2019; World Health Organization, 2018). The importance of evaluating the impact and the implementation of physical activity and public health interventions is also reported in the literature (Dunton, 2018; Mansfield, 2018; Pringle, McKenna, & Zwolinsky, 2018), yet putting this into practice can sometimes be challenging (Dugdill & Stratton, 2007; Department of Health, 2007, Pringle, McKenna, et al., 2018). Guidance is available on evaluation (Craig et al., 2008; Centers for Disease Control, 1999; Dugdill & Stratton, 2007; Hayes, Buckland, & Tarpey, 2012; Medical Research Council, 2006; National Obesity Observatory, 2012; Sport England, 2006), as are several useful texts on the evaluation of physical activity interventions. In this entry, the practicalities of actually ‘doing’ the evaluation of sport and exercise-led interventions and key learning from this process, including examples of evaluating interventions that have been reported in the peer-reviewed literature, are presented. Examples of the ‘good’ and ‘not so good’ are provided, with key considerations at three critical time periods of the evaluation process – planning, implementing, and disseminating – which are phases that are not mutually exclusive, as many of these issues cross over within the interventionevaluation lifespan. However, these phases are used as an organizing framework for this entry.

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Evaluation Reasons to Evaluate Although the health benefits of sport and exercise are well established, low sports participation rates and physical activity levels continue to be a public health concern around the globe (World Health Organization, 2018). Consequently, interventions with novel approaches are needed that support lifelong participation in physical activity (e.g., Sibley, Thompson, Carter, & Hurley, 2018), including interventions that are delivered beyond the traditional healthcare settings and promotional campaigns (e.g., Mutrie et al., 2018; Zwolinsky, McKenna, & Pringle, 2016). Government policy and initiatives highlight the need for investigations into both the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of community physical activity interventions (e.g., National Institute of Health & Care Excellence, 2014). This begs the question, why evaluate? Foremost, evaluation provides an opportunity to identify effective interventions that enable people to adopt and maintain physical activity and reduce sedentary behaviour (Lewis, Napolitano, Buman, Williams, & Nigg, 2017). This is particularly relevant for underserved and hard-to-engage populations, some of whom have been shown to be unresponsive to traditional sport, exercise, and physical activity interventions (Curran, Pringle, McKenna, Lozano, & Zwolinsky, 2016; Hargreaves & Pringle, 2019). It is, thus, important to know what interventions work best for these groups. Another reason to evaluate is to help inform commissioners’ decisions as to where best to allocate resources. Evaluation provides the opportunity to identify interventions or the parts of interventions that are ineffective/less effective, in order that outcomes might inform future commissioning decisions around the investment of public health resources and the development of supportive policy for sport and physical activity. In doing so, evaluation seeks to promote the accountability of recipients of resources (Eldredge, Markham, Ruiter, Kok, & Parcel, 2016). Likewise, identifying ineffective components of interventions provides an opportunity for remedial action to be taken by deliverers and for interventions and their components to be refined so they are more acceptable to participants (Kime, Pringle, Rivett, & Robinson, 2018). Evaluation of the process by which interventions are implemented also provides an opportunity to show others ‘how to do it’. The sharing of knowledge with others on what works, why, and how, and what does not work, or works less well, is also an important contribution to shaping effective practice (Pringle & Zwolinsky, 2017). This can help avoid the duplication of costly erroneous decisions and mistakes (Eldredge et al., 2016). Sharing the learning from the implementation of evaluations is also an important contribution to professional practice. This is because it can help commissioners and local communities promote sports participation and physical activity for health gain (Department of Health, 2007). Finally, and most importantly, evaluation establishes if sport and exercise programmes meet the health needs of local communities, an important consideration in modern-day efforts to improve the health of local communities (Kime & Pringle, 2018). Interventions that do not assess and address people’s determinants of physical activity participation and engagement in public health interventions are less likely to be adopted, and this includes interventions aimed at underserved groups (Pringle, Zwolinsky, et al., 2014).

How Evaluation Differs from the Related Concepts of Audit and Research Audit is assessment against a set of criteria or principles such as the recommended number of green spaces or cycle lanes per head of population. Research is the disciplined inquiry that aims to contribute new and original knowledge to the field, whereas evaluation is the 299

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systematic investigation of the merit, worth, or significance of an object (Centers for Disease Control, 1999). It has been suggested that the evaluation of programmes and interventions differs from basic research in that its primary aim is not to add to a body of knowledge, but to learn how to improve a programme (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1999). That said, evaluation can contribute original findings, and, indeed, many evaluations that are disseminated contribute to evidence-based practice and are published as research outputs. With these thoughts in mind, and in the context of sport and exercise interventions, research evaluation aims to identify efficacy (does the intervention work under controlled conditions?), effectiveness (does the intervention work in real-world and field conditions?), and implementation (how can interventions be put into practice?). It thus adds to the body knowledge that defines an evidence-based intervention (Eldredge et al., 2016). The evaluations referred to in this entry fall into programme evaluation, where evaluation is undertaken as part of the management of an intervention in order to assess the effectiveness of an intervention and the process by which the intervention was implemented. Three forms of programme evaluation that we feel are most relevant when evaluating sport and exercise interventions are impact, process, and formative evaluation.

Impact Evaluation Where it is possible, impact evaluation helps to establish if the impact outcomes are due to the intervention. This usually means having access to a comparator group (not always possible in real-world community evaluations). Impact evaluation measures the effects of the programme on the short-term, intermediate, or long-term outcomes (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1999). Outcomes can include behavioural (such as a change in sport or exercise participation), environmental (such as a change in sport or exercise provision), health (such as an improvement in mental well-being or a reduction in blood pressure), and quality of life (such as a year lived free from disease or illness). When planning impact evaluation, impact outcomes, impact measures, timescales, resources, and programme participants are important considerations (Eldredge et al., 2016).

Process Evaluation A process evaluation seeks to describe how, and how well, an intervention was implemented or put into practice. Process evaluation questions allow evaluators to interpret impact or outcome data by identifying the key implementation factors that have contributed to programme outcomes, such as changes in behavioural outcomes, including sport and/or exercise participation (Eldredge et al., 2016). Further, process evaluations document all aspects of the implementation of an intervention so that adjustments can be made if necessary, and this helps programme refinement and development (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1999).

Formative Evaluation Formative evaluation contends that evaluation is an iterative process and aims to develop and improve interventions from an early stage, when opportunities for influence are likely to be greatest (Dehar, Casswell, & Duignan, 1993). Current thinking in public health is to secure participation of local communities in plans and programmes designed to meet their health and physical activity needs (Pringle & Zwolinsky, 2017; South, 2015). Formative evaluation is 300

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typically conducted in the developmental phase of an intervention and is helpful when considering and planning how participant needs can be met by an intervention. It is used to provide information that helps deliverers to plan how best to design an intervention that accommodates the needs of a target group, including the determinants to participation in physical activity, as well as motives for changes to health and behavioural outcomes. It can also be used during the implementation of an intervention to assess how well the intervention is working (or not!) and whether any aspect needs modifying.

Who Should Evaluate? Organizations can fall into three categories organized by sectors, including commercial-sector healthcare providers who run public health improvement programmes (Curran, Lozano, & Pringle, 2015), the public sector, with institutions such as local authorities, health services, and government departments (Kime et al., 2018), and the voluntary sector, such as charitable organizations and/or individuals (Hargreaves & Pringle, 2019; Sharpe, Wilcox, Kinnard, & Condrasky, 2018). All of these organizations should follow evaluation processes. Evaluations can follow three types of design: first, in-house evaluation designs, where staff within the delivery organization undertake all duties associated with the evaluation; second, a consumer evaluation design, where all evaluation activities are performed by specialist evaluators; and third, a partnership evaluation design, where specialist evaluators work with deliverers to evaluate sport and physical activity interventions. In this arrangement, intervention providers undertake important roles to support the evaluation such as providing pre-information, negotiating consent to participate in the evaluation, data collection, and transfer under the guidance of the evaluators (Pringle, McKenna, et al., 2018). Building research and practice partnerships that improve the health of people, including those that support evaluation, is important. Partnership arrangements such as these are also common, often owing to the limited resources and absence of skills available in organizations (Pringle & Zwolinsky, 2017; Zwolinsky, Kime, Pringle, Widdop, & McKenna, 2018). This can make it difficult to procure either of the other two evaluation designs.

Key Considerations A central rationale for evaluation is that the findings from good-quality research (and evaluations) need to ‘make it happen in practice’. Yet implementation science is far too often approached by academics without an understanding of the context in which evaluation takes place. What might work in theory (know) is often very different to what is workable in practice (do), and this ‘know–do’ gap can become a chasm that is hard to cross when developing an evaluation plan. Consequently, commissioning effective evaluations is as important as it is difficult. In this entry, the focus is on the commonest evaluation approach, namely partnership evaluations (Pringle, McKenna, et al., 2018). Based on experience and evidence, undertaking evaluation is best guided with one eye on practical experiences and another on evaluation guidance, all while being reminded that the evaluation of sport and physical activity interventions is beset by challenges and difficulties (Department of Health, 2007). This gives rise to the notion of ‘evaluability’, which refers to the capacity and amenability of an intervention for monitoring and evaluation (Wholey, Hatry, & Newcomer, 2004). When establishing the evaluation of physical activity interventions, evaluability should never be assumed, and a range of considerations impact on the ability to evaluate. Presented here as a series of questions, some key considerations when planning, implementing, and disseminating evaluations can be used in research and practice. 301

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Planning Evaluations When Should Evaluators Be Appointed? The intervention and the evaluation should not be seen as separate entities. Too often, evaluators are approached by the deliverers and commissioners of interventions who say ‘we need to evaluate our programme and we need to do it soon’. Only rarely is evaluation viewed as systematic and integrated, as well as an activity that is planned at the outset, when interventions are being considered. Evaluators can be, and are all too often, appointed too late in the intervention process. It is imperative that evaluators are appointed at the outset and before interventions start. Having evaluators on board in the planning stage will help shape the development of the evaluation early on and, thereby, help shape the intervention planning process, with the intervention and evaluation including issues that have yet to be considered by commissioners (Eldredge et al., 2016, Pringle, McKenna, et al., 2018).

What Do Commissioners Want to Evaluate? It is important to establish exactly what the commissioners want to evaluate. In some cases, commissioners will not be clear, and so it might be necessary to work with them to clarify what this is. Early dialogue helps to generate evaluation aims and objectives and the scope of the evaluation, and this should be set within the evaluation context to include resources, time frames, and outcomes. This is the next step, and these should be shared with the commissioners and other stakeholders for comment and refinement.

What Are the Timescales and Key Time Points for the Evaluation? As part of the preliminary discussions with commissioners and other stakeholders, it is useful to identify the time frames for the intervention and evaluation as these will have an impact on what can be undertaken during the evaluation. Most interventions involve evaluation on a before, during, and after basis. It is not uncommon for evaluators to be approached after interventions have already started and with no evaluation in place.

What Resources are Available for the Evaluation? As part of the application process, evaluators should understand what resources are available. This includes financial, but also the environmental, social, and informational, resources that support the evaluation. From a monetary perspective, and as a guide, it has been suggested that 10% of the overall intervention budget should be allocated for the evaluation (Dugdill & Stratton, 2007). This is a benchmark, and the figure can turn out to be much greater in practice (Pringle, 2011). In the National Evaluation of the Local Exercise Action Pilots (Pringle, McKenna, et al., 2018), the overall percentage of resources that were deployed to the evaluation was estimated by the evaluators as being closer to 20% of the overall programme budget. Some organizations will have fixed, limited, or no budget for evaluation. It is important to assess what resources are available, alongside the scope, complexity, and size of the evaluation. To maximize the available resources, undertaking a community asset assessment can help identify resources that are available to support the evaluation (Eldredge et al., 2016), remembering that it is important to view the intervention and evaluation as related entities. Eldredge et al. (2016) suggest these assets can be classed as: (a) policy, (b) physical, (c) social, and (d) information assets. These can 302

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be harnessed to support the intervention and the evaluation. Specifically, policy environment asset assessment refers to the existing strategies, policies, and practices that could be used to support the intervention and the evaluation. For example, policy environment asset assessment might include commissioners’ adoption of minimum standards for monitoring and evaluation of interventions, or policy statements that advocate the evaluation and evidence-based practice in sport and exercise delivery. Physical environment asset assessment is the natural environment or built facilities or amenities that could be used to support the intervention and the evaluation. For example, physical environment asset assessment might include green spaces, waterways, community centres, university and college facilities, cycle lanes, and walkways. Social environment asset assessment refers to the existing social resources that can be used to support the intervention and the evaluation. For example, social environment asset assessment involves the people who could adopt evaluation roles and responsibilities such as advocacy, data collection, and inputting, the participants who can provide a perspective on the viability of evaluation procedures and protocols, as well as the influential stakeholders who can champion the case for evaluation within their organizations/communities. Finally, information environment asset assessment concerns the communication channels that could be used to support the intervention and the evaluation. For example, information environment asset assessment involves the communication networks (print, social, electronic, and digital media) that can be used to recruit participants to sport and exercise programmes and their evaluations, the information management systems that can be used to collect and input evaluation data, or the networks that can be used to disseminate evaluation outcomes.

Which People Should Be Involved in Planning Evaluations? People need to be viewed as important resources and ‘assets’, as well as being involved in planning both evaluations and interventions. Encouraging the input of key stakeholders gives rise to the concept of participation and also patient and public involvement. Although the importance of involving communities of practice in evaluations are discussed a bit later in this entry, the current focus is on the involvement of local communities in the planning of interventions and evaluations. As clearly articulated in this entry, patient and public involvement should be an integral part of any robust evaluation and can be undertaken throughout the life course to shape evaluations and research processes (Hassan et al., 2017). It is where work is undertaken ‘in collaboration with’ or ‘by’ patients and/or members of the public, and is not ‘to’, ‘about’, or ‘for’ them (Loeffler & Bovaird, 2018). Evaluators do not always have first-hand experience of a health condition, the population, a particular situation, or a public health context, and so the patient and public involvement process aims to involve patients and public who can provide their personal experiences and perspectives to guide the design and delivery of an intervention and its evaluation. This will help to improve the quality, relevance, and impact of interventions and evaluations. In addition, it is considered morally right for patients and the public to be involved at the outset in any publicly funded evaluation that may have an impact on them (Eldredge et al., 2016).

How Can Evaluation Be Used to Develop the Intervention? Adopting a community asset approach in the evaluation process is important for formative evaluation and is often overlooked. However, formative evaluation should be viewed as an integral component during intervention development and implementation, to discover whether there is a need for an intervention and how the intervention can meet the needs of intended recipients of programmes. At the planning stage, formative evaluation can be undertaken to: 303

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(1) Ensure an intervention is appropriately tailored and adapted to the needs of the target population. (2) Involve the population at which the intervention is aimed. A participatory approach is import­ ant when an intervention addresses complex issues and/or requires behaviour change (Med­ ical Research Council, 2006; National Institute of Health & Care Excellence, 2018). (3) Understand the theory/processes of change that the intervention is based on. This facili­ tates a greater awareness of what is likely and unlikely to work during the intervention development phase (Jurg, De Meij, Van der Wal, & Koelen, 2008). (4) Understand how an intervention can be evaluated (Eldredge et al., 2016). (5) Monitor the progress of an intervention and improve its implementation. This provides an opportunity to make ongoing improvements to the intervention and increases the chances of achieving outcomes (Hargreaves & Pringle, 2019; Saunders, Evans, & Joshi, 2005). (6) Provide evidence that individual components of the intervention are being delivered effect­ ively (Eldredge et al., 2016). The Getting Sorted intervention is an example of how formative evaluation was used to design and develop a self-care programme for young people with a chronic health condition to help them better manage their condition (Kime, McKenna, & Webster, 2012). This intervention was implemented against a backdrop of self-care interventions that largely catered for adults with chronic conditions and not young people. Interventions were also based on healthcare professionals’ assumptions around what they thought young people needed and did not account for wider lifestyle issues impacting on young people that were predominantly medically focused. Therefore, formative evaluation was used to address gaps in the service provision for young people and to develop a self-care intervention that was tailored to their needs. Further, a key aspect of this formative evaluation was the involvement of participants in the design, development, implementation, and refinement of the intervention. A qualitative methodology was adopted as conducive to the exploratory nature of formative evaluation. Focus groups (referred to as talking groups by the young people) were conducted with young people (aged 12–17) and led by young people (aged 18–25) acting as facilitators. A simple schedule was devised by the facilitators, in collaboration with researchers and healthcare professionals, to determine the key issues for the development of a self-care programme that also included physical activity. The schedule included three main questions: ‘What problems or difficulties have you faced living with Type 1 diabetes or asthma?’, ‘What topics should a self-care programme include to help support you to manage these problems?’ and ‘How, when and where should the programme be delivered?’ (Kime et al., 2012, p. 5). Working together, the young people, facilitators, and researchers used the themes from the focus groups to develop a self-care intervention known as Getting Sorted. The intervention consisted of five workshops, each focusing on one of the identified themes. Each workshop was held on one weekend day, and the intervention lasted 20 weeks, with one workshop every 4 weeks. The workshops adopted a peer-education model, where young people with Type 1 diabetes or asthma facilitated the workshops and managed the activities. A researcher was present at the workshops, who, in conjunction with the young people and facilitators, monitored the individual workshops and provided feedback on how the workshops and the intervention as a whole could be modified and improved. This process ensured that the intervention remained appropriately tailored to the needs of young people. The strength of formative evaluation in developing Getting Sorted was the involvement of young people from the outset. This ensured that the intervention was based on the views of those young people who would benefit from the intervention. In line with guidance on 304

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community involvement (South, Stansfield, & Fenton, 2015), young people were given a voice and encouraged to make decisions on the content of the intervention, its structure, and delivery. Throughout the implementation of the intervention, they were also involved in making decisions about what worked, what did not work, and which aspects of the intervention needed to change. The preparatory process in Getting Sorted resulted in a more informed intervention and increased the likelihood that the intervention would be effective. Adopting this participatory approach, though, was not without its difficulties. For the researchers and healthcare professionals involved, extra resources and workloads were required to recruit, train, and manage the young people, which impacted on their time and resources. Inevitably, this led to the researchers and healthcare professionals committing more of their own time to the intervention and evaluation. However, the example illustrates how formative evaluation can be used to shape an intervention.

What Is the Commitment, Capacity, and Capability for Evaluation As mentioned, assessing and drawing on local assets (including social assets, such as people, their expertise, relationships, and connections) are important parts of evaluation planning (Eldredge et al., 2016). Yet there is also a need to draw upon the skills of local stakeholders – especially to improve the health of those most in need of support. Those supporting partnership evaluations are key; however, not everyone will be on board with efforts to evaluate sport, exercise, and physical activity programmes (Pringle, 2011). With that in mind, Pringle, Hargreaves, Lozano, McKenna, and Zwolinsky (2014) purport that it is important to consider the 3Cs of evaluation, namely capability, capacity, and commitment.

Capability This predominately refers to the expertise, knowledge, and skills needed to undertake evaluation tasks. In partnership evaluations, the deliverers of sport and physical activity interventions, be that paid or voluntary staff, may be tasked with providing pre-information about the intervention to participants, securing participant consent for the evaluation, collecting demographics and physical activity data, and inputting (Department of Health, 2007; Pringle, Hargreaves, et al., 2014). As discussed later, non-evaluation specialists do not always possess evaluation skills and expertise, and, understandably, most have received no formal training in these evaluation roles. Therefore, it is not uncommon for people at times to feel incapable and or uncomfortable when asked to perform evaluation tasks. This can manifest in both reluctance and/or a lack of commitment when faced with such requests.

Capacity This refers to the resources that are available to undertake and support evaluation roles and responsibilities. Thinking about the community asset assessment, we provide examples of the social resources that can help to build capacity for evaluation. The social environmental assets are especially important in partnership evaluations. This includes paid or voluntary staff who can adopt important evaluation roles and responsibilities, such as providing pre-information to participants and collecting and/or inputting evaluation data. On their own or combined, a lack of capacity and capability can result in a lack of commitment to the implementation of evaluations. 305

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Commitment This refers to the intensity and direction of motivation to undertake evaluation duties. In partnership evaluations, those tasked with evaluation duties often feel that their priority is to deliver interventions and not to support the evaluation. Additional evaluation responsibilities may be a low priority or not a priority at all. There are certainly people who will feel overwhelmed by the prospect of these additional responsibilities, and it may be common to encounter a response that is along the lines of ‘we neither have the time nor the skills to take on these duties’ and/or ‘I am just not interested’. This is especially the case when requests to perform evaluation roles are suddenly imposed on people (Pringle & Zwolinsky, 2017). The successful intervention implementation – rather than evaluation – is often the most important consideration for delivery staff. Therefore, the appointment of evaluators at the outset is important, as they can begin to assess the 3Cs, identify risks, and shape solutions to address these challenges. This starts with building relationships followed by a discussion between evaluators and their evaluation partners and understanding people’s concerns. This will help identify and define evaluation roles’ responsibilities with a view to enhancing people’s preparedness for and building in resources for evaluations. Appointing evaluators from the outset is important for building capacity for evaluation.

What Training and Help Can Support the Evaluation Processes? Thinking about the 3Cs, enhancing the preparedness of those supporting evaluations is essential. In several cases, people will be presented with evaluation duties for the first time. Broaching the evaluation, negotiating participant consent, and collecting data might be new experiences for deliverers and volunteers, and so some training and education are likely to be needed. In some cases, evaluators will be asking deliverers to change their behaviour by taking on these roles; for others, they neither have the capacity for nor or the commitment to perform evaluation duties, and so evaluators might encounter some resistance. In the National Evaluation of Local Exercise Action Pilots (Pringle, Gilson, McKenna, & Cooke, 2010), volunteer physical activity leaders were required to collect evaluation data such as demographics and physical activity data. They had not signed up for this duty (they were there to be physical activity advocates and leaders) and threatened to withdraw their services (Pringle & Zwolinsky, 2017). An audit of the 3Cs is a good starting point at which to identify assets, build training needs, and provide support, and this strengthens the case for appointing evaluators at the outset. Moreover, it sets the tone for future working practice, galvanizing resources, listening, and helping people; these attributes are cornerstones of good evaluation (Pringle, McKenna, et al., 2018). The importance of engaging people at the outset, building up relationships, and listening to people about their needs cannot be overstated and works in most cases, even though, for some, it might take a bit more effort and local assistance from key stakeholders to win their support. Training based on people’s needs is important and can involve a combination of on-site and away-day classroom-based sessions, as well as online and remote telephone support and tutorials, or a combination of these approaches, throughout the life course of the evaluation (Pringle, 2011).

Implementing the Evaluation In this section, key considerations when implementing the evaluations of sport, physical activity, and health interventions are considered, including instrumentation, participant responses, and ethical processes and practices. 306

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Ethical Approval Requirements and Key Ethical Considerations Research and evaluation ethics need to be carefully considered when conducting an evaluation of physical activity interventions. This applies to all types of evaluation study, and in particular those that involve participants, regardless of the setting and context. Evaluations should be conducted in line with the requirements of the data protection regulations in your jurisdiction. It is important to think about the impact of evaluations on people’s rights, including: providing appropriate pre-information that fully explains the evaluation, the purpose, their commitment, risks, and benefits, and how their data will be used. It is also important to think about securing informed consent/assent, as well as data protection and confidentiality, and anonymity. Ethical considerations also include people’s right to withdraw from evaluations, and how their data will be collected, stored, analysed, shared and reported. When deliverers are engaging people in evaluations, they will be dealing with many of these ethical issues, and this will be new territory for many, especially for volunteers. Therefore, training will be needed. For further information on what needs to be considered and the process that needs to be followed, guidance is available from university research ethics committees. For evaluations that are aligned to health and social care, further advice can be sought from the health service research authority in your jurisdiction. If evaluators are working with children and/or vulnerable adults and older adults, it is also important to consider that the appropriate disclosure and barring checks are in place, and further information can be sought from the disclosure and barring service in your jurisdiction.

The Evaluation Instrumentation and Processes When undertaken properly, evaluations can determine merit, worth, or value and provide evidence about not just whether, but how and why, something works (or not). These outcomes are predicated on using instrumentation and processes that are fit for purpose. This can be problematic, as evaluations typically adopt bespoke methods that need to be adapted to the setting, population, resources, and outcome requirements, balancing acceptability with validity and reliability. This complexity highlights the challenges associated with implementing functional evaluations that have suitable processes and instrumentation. This is also concerned with in-building quality assurance processes for checking the completeness and quality of the data submitted at regular intervals during the evaluation, and training will need to be provided (Sport England, 2006).

The Primary Evaluation Outcome(s) Outcomes may seem an obvious implementation consideration, but many evaluations use instrumentation that is selected with little regard for how the data relate to the primary programme outcomes. Making a goal-specific selection of meaningful instrumentation and using decision support tools (similar to flowcharts) can help to narrow down the countless available options. Evaluation outcomes can include behavioural outcomes (e.g., changes in physical activity levels), environmental outcomes (e.g., changes in service provision), health outcomes (e.g., changes in physical well-being), and quality of life outcomes (e.g., years of disease-free living). The primary outcome(s) that evaluators are trying to effect should be the main determining factor. Further considerations include the evaluation being embedded in foundations of measurement and instrumentation that are valid and reliable. In achieving this, valid and 307

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reliable instrumentation should capture the construct of interest, be stable, and allow for within­ and/or between-subject analysis longitudinally. Evaluators should also take into consideration the domains, dimensions, and determinants of any behaviour, practice, or outcome they plan to assess. The other important considerations include sample size, resource, financial constraints, operational capacity, accessibility, and timescales (Strath et al., 2013). What is more, instrumentation and processes should conform to a realistic, feasible, and practical framework that can establish what works, who it works for, and in what circumstances (Pawson & Tilley, 1997).

The Evaluation Population The evaluation population includes the stakeholders in the interventions (e.g., participants and deliverers). Programme evaluation of sport, exercise, and physical activity includes people attending interventions for a whole host of reasons, such as fun, social, achievement, as well as health. From an ethical perspective, the evaluation should not be so overwhelming as to deter the participant from engaging in the intervention. It is also not uncommon for participants to present at sport and exercise interventions with concerns over surveillance and monitoring and may decline their involvement (Department of Health, 2007). In a major evaluation conducted of a bespoke men’s health improvement service delivered in professional soccer clubs, these issues were described first hand (Pringle, Zwolinsky, et al., 2014). Men who attended one pilot programme included those who had been engaged in the criminal justice system. In some cases, and as a result of their behaviour, there were men who had developed enemies in the community. It is, then, no surprise that some men were reluctant to expose their identities and their contact details for evaluation purposes. ‘Staying under the radar’ was a priority; this made capturing demographic, physical activity, and health impact data difficult and, at times, impossible. This example shows why it is so important to consider the population and their amenability to evaluation at the outset.

People’s Responses to the Evaluation Given the topic, physical activity, it is not uncommon to come across participants who ‘feel judged’ during an intervention. People will have taken a huge step to turn up at a programme in an effort to address their health and fitness concerns, often knowing their lifestyle behaviours are perhaps suboptimal. Subsequently, they might be experiencing a whole host of negative feelings, including anxiety, embarrassment, and discomfort. It is, perhaps, unsurprising that participants can quickly feel that pre-intervention evaluation questions and screening processes about their health and physical activity might result in perceptions of feeling ‘judged’, especially if the person asking the questions appears healthy. One approach to address this concern is to break down the pre-screening or the pre-intervention evaluation into small, manageable chunks, using the first session to gently introduce people to the evaluation, collecting (demographic) data on who the people are and where they come from, with the remainder of the sessions focused on an induction to the intervention. At the second session, efforts are focused on collecting information on the health and physical activity profiles, and empathy is important in the implement of the evaluation. Convey, do not criticize; encourage individuals to understand and accept the need for change based on their needs and motives and, in doing so, understand change from their perspective (Pringle & Zwolinsky, 2017). Building in evaluation so it becomes part of the 308

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intervention is important, such as pre-intervention or follow-up lifestyle and safety assessments. The value of collecting this information may not be obvious to participants, but, over time, participants can become interested in the data they provide and what it means, in part because it provides an indicator of how they are progressing in their attempts to change their physical activity or their health profiles (Pringle, Zwolinsky, et al., 2014). This approach draws on the idea of autonomy support that highlights the importance of acknowledging others’ perspectives, offering choice, avoiding controlling language, and involving others in goal-setting (Ryan & Deci, 2000).

The Amenability of the Setting for Evaluation The setting where evaluation takes places needs to be conducive for the implementation of evaluation processes. In one of the local exercise action pilots, participants undertook walking in local parks, but the pavilion in the park burnt down, and this meant there was no sheltered accommodation for people to complete self-report measures during inclement weather (Pringle, 2011). As discussed earlier, an assessment of community assets can help identify the environmental resources such as facilities that can support the evaluation.

Language and Literacy Barriers Evaluation can be hindered when the primary language is not the first language or when there are concerns around the readability and comprehension of what is being asked in evaluations. Further, evaluation approaches should be accessible and acceptable to participants. Therefore, piloting instrumentation in advance is a worthwhile investment when identifying the amenability and acceptability of data capture (Pringle, McKenna, et al., 2018). As discussed, an assessment of social assets as part of a community asset assessment is helpful when identifying participants and stakeholders who can provide an opinion on evaluation processes and instrumentation. Where instrumentation and processes are not working so well, it will help evaluators modify and adapt and consider other approaches that are more conducive to the population and the place where they are administered. In the long run, this approach will help contribute to the development of more participant-friendly evaluation material. Some participants might just require some additional help in understanding what is being asked of them, and so interviewer-led approaches and data capture in-built into the intervention can help. The examples in the following section illustrate the importance of engaging with participants and stakeholders when planning evaluations.

The Social Dynamics that Impact Evaluations These can include power dynamics, including fear of ridicule and control, as well as acceptability in local communities, and these are all factors that can impact on the operationalization of evaluations. For instance, a programme of exercise to music classes was provided for South Asian women and took place at a set time and venue in the local community. As the sessions progressed, physical activity providers learned that male family members (partners, husbands, brothers, and fathers) were becoming increasingly unhappy as the women’s habitual attendance at set times and exercising to music were seen as being ‘Westernized’ and ‘disrespectful of their local culture’ and having ‘too much freedom’. Indeed, some male family members themselves had come under peer-pressure from elders to intervene. Listening to the women’s concerns was key to resolving issues that would later support both the 309

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intervention and the evaluation. In response, providers were able to rotate the time and day of the session and allowed the participants to make their own music through their own song and clapping; in doing so, they conformed to local expectations and traditions, but facilitated attendance at the dance session (Pringle, 2011). The example illustrates a number of points for evaluators. First, that following up on nonengagement can be extremely informative for understanding the reasons for non-engagement and identifying complex reasons impacting on engagement. Second, it also highlights the need to identify the constraints within which providers work and how solutions might be found to facilitate engagement in interventions and evaluations. Third, social support is instrumental when engaging new behaviours. Finally, the lives of people engaging/trying to engage in interventions and evaluations can be complicated and complex, and evaluators need to appreciate and fit in with these circumstances.

Building Evaluator–Participant Relationships As already discussed, some participants, including those presenting at interventions with sub­ optimal health profiles, will have taken a huge step to change their health behaviours and profiles. Evaluation inevitably involves investigations into unhealthy and inactive health profiles at the start of interventions. These can sometimes be viewed as intrusive and uncomfortable by participants, especially when there is no pre-exiting relationship between participant and the evaluator (Pringle, 2011; Pringle, Zwolinsky, et al., 2014). Building relationships between the two parties can help facilitate ethical and effective evaluation processes that enable participants to ‘tell their story’ in a non-threatening environment and result in informative and useful evaluation data. With those thoughts in mind, the next example illustrates how an evaluator built relations with hard-to-engage men attending a bespoke weight management programme in north-west England, UK (Lozano-Sufrategui, Pringle, Carless, & McKenna, 2017). The intervention used sport and physical activity as an important part of the weight management programme. The evaluation of the programme was challenging because it consisted of ethnographic observations, focus groups, and interviews undertaken by lead author Lorena LozanoSufrategui, and the participants were middle-aged men who did not typically respond to traditional health improvement services. The socio-demographic differences between the researcher and the participants were all too evident. In overcoming these differences, the researcher adopted a non-judgemental, friendly but professional style and deployed a bottom– up approach, where participants’ interests were listened to and valued first and last, instead of the interests of the researcher being imposed on participants. This approach aspires to view participants as having important expertise and making valuable contributions when implementing sport, physical activity, and public health processes (Eldredge et al., 2016). Another key element of building evaluator–participant relations is developing trust and rapport. This is important in evaluations with an ethnographic component that involve prolonged engagement in the field. In the example with hard-to-engage men, observing participants without participating in the social activities of the programme was not very insightful. However, in this instance, when the researcher adopted the role of participant-and-observer and joined the men in the activities (e.g., playing football and touch rugby), she realized that there were some behaviours and conversations she had missed during her previous data capture. Participating in these activities also meant that the researcher was not only physically closer to the participants, but also attuned to what was going on in the field. By joining the participants in the sporting activities delivered as part of the intervention, the evaluator found that, despite demographic 310

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differences between herself and the participants, she had something to give them and was not just an interloper (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007). This set the foundation for a strong relationship that created ideal conditions that helped the men tell their story about their physical activity lifestyle choices and behaviour goals and changes.

Disseminating the Evaluation In this section, the key considerations for disseminating the outcomes that emerge from evaluating sport and exercise interventions are discussed. This includes the impact of evaluations, involving stakeholders when planning dissemination strategies, the intended audience, and planning evaluation reports.

When and What to Prepare for in the Evaluation Report Individuals would normally be working on the evaluation report as they go through the evaluation, drafting earlier sections in preparation for the summative report such as the introduction and methods. If an interim report is required, then individuals would aim to develop and use this as a framework for the final report. Producing an interim report provides an opportunity to get some feedback as to whether the content and format are suitable for the commissioner and other stakeholders. It is much better to get some feedback from the client during the evaluation and not at the end, before it is too late. This activity also reaffirms what parts of the evaluation commissioners are particularly interested in, any further investigations that are required, and how this might inform the final evaluation documentation. Getting an appreciation for the format, pitch, and writing style can emerge from this process. The restrictions of space do not allow a discussion of the use of images, style, formatting, and colours, but these are other considerations. Thinking through the social assets that exist locally and regular dialogue with commissioners or project advisory groups during the lifespan of the evaluation are recommended when creating a report that is useful for their purposes. This might include advocacy, lobbying, as well as demonstrating the impact of the interventions. In doing so, commissioners and other stakeholders are seen as important social assets that can support the evaluation process.

The Outcomes of Evaluation Findings A number of possible outcomes can emerge from the evaluation of interventions. Figure 12 shows a decision tree analysis illustrating some of the different phases and decisions in this process. To answer the question, ‘is the intervention effective?’ in Phase 1, an evaluation of the intervention is normally undertaken. Emerging from the evaluation are a series of answers to this question in Phase 2: ‘yes’, ‘maybe’ and ‘no’. From here, in Phase 3, there are several possible scenarios for how the evaluation outcomes are used to inform decisions around the future provision of sport and exercise interventions. First, evaluation outcomes supporting intervention effectiveness can lead to the commissioning/recommissioning of an intervention. Second, evaluation outcomes that demonstrate limited intervention effectiveness can result in the intervention being either commissioned or decommissioned. Finally, evaluation outcomes that demonstrate that the intervention is ineffective can result in the intervention being decommissioned. Given that a purpose of evaluation is to learn and refine interventions, the evaluation outcomes should inform a process of review in Phase 4 and, where relevant, refinement and redevelopment of interventions or the development of new interventions and services. 311

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Q. Is the intervention of proven effectiveness? Phase 1

YES: Effective intervention

MAYBE: Limited effectiveness

NO: Ineffective intervention

Phase 2

Commission/ recommission the service

Decommission the service

Phase 3 Review and redevelop Phase 4

Figure 12 Decision tree analysis for evaluation outcomes

The outcomes from the evaluation of sport and exercise interventions are set within the wider social, economic, and political context in which they are delivered. As such, a broad set of factors can influence how evaluation outcomes are deployed when making decisions to commission sport and exercise interventions. For instance, interventions that show limited effectiveness may be recommissioned or developed because there is strong political support from key decision-makers and influential stakeholders, or because the continuation of the intervention is a requirement of further funding arrangements and future investments (Pringle, McKenna, et al., 2018).

People Interested in the Evaluation Outcomes An exciting goal of evaluation is that stakeholders might use the results and findings and, therefore, need to be told of the outcomes emerging from such evaluations. The outcomes from an evaluation might be disseminated to a range of audiences, and this will depend on the nature of the evaluation, who has commissioned the work, and who might benefit from learning of the evaluation outcomes. It is, therefore, good practice to be thinking about this throughout the evaluation and not only at the end. In broad terms, the following stakeholders might want to know about the evaluation outcomes: (1) (2) (3) (4)

Commissioner of the evaluation/commissioners of the interventions. Deliverers and stakeholders of the intervention. Participants who engaged in the intervention. Wider community of practice (participants, participants’ supporters, commissioners, pur­ chasers, and providers). (5) Evaluation community: How the evaluation was undertaken and any learning that emerged from the process. 312

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The Method and the Format of Dissemination The dissemination of the evaluation findings will need to be adapted to suit the audience. This can vary by evaluation and audience. In the majority of cases, the evaluators disseminate the findings and they will work with commissioners in the process. It is not uncommon for commissioners to produce their own in-house summaries for different audiences and employ their own consultants for this role. The National Evaluation of Local Exercise Action Pilots was designed to assess the effectiveness of community physical activity interventions. This is a good example of where the extensive programme evaluation report was produced and published in full on the commissioner’s website. However, recognizing the need for different dissemination formats, the evaluation report was summarized in a shorter summary report for different stakeholders and made available at a national launch event in hard copy and then as a PDF download. Presentations on the outcomes were also delivered through the Regional Physical Activity Networks across England, and a slide set was made available for practitioners to use. Further, it is increasingly important to share the outcomes of evaluations with the local community through the use of lay summaries and local networks. Importantly, dissemination activities need to be appropriately resourced and planned (Reed, 2018) and properly communicated.

The Demonstrated Impact from Evaluations One definition of impact is: the demonstrable contribution that excellent research makes to society and the econ­ omy. This occurs in many ways – through creating and sharing new knowledge and innovation; inventing ground breaking new products, companies and jobs; developing new and improving existing public services and policy; enhancing quality of life and health; and many more. (UK Research and Innovation, 2020) Reed (2018) has produced a typology of evaluation impact, and this is a helpful resource when considering the different types of impact that might be fostered by evaluations. The need to articulate the actual benefits to specific groups and evidence of the significance of these benefits are clearly articulated, and this could include communities of practice and the local communities in which they serve through services and interventions. It is also recommended to build in pathways and indicators of impact at the outset of the research and evaluation process, and so impact is ideally discussed and established at the start. As an example of impact, Curran et al. (2015) evaluated a bespoke men’s health and weight management service delivered in community venues in north-west England. The evaluation identified favourable physical activity and health outcomes for hard-to-engage men attending the programme elsewhere (Curran et al., 2015; Lozano-Sufrategui et al., 2017). The evaluation resulted in decisions to recommission an amended version of the lifestyle service for another 3 years.

Conclusion The current entry provides a series of key considerations for those planning and implementing evaluations, and these can be used as a checklist. A number of excellent sources of guidance 313

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have been referenced, and readers are encouraged to use these resources, along with the resources and assets that exist in the local community. The involvement of the public, patients, providers, and purchasers of interventions provides valuable insights that can be used to shape both interventions and their evaluations. Evaluation is comprehensive and includes the various guises that evaluation can take and the strategic need for flexibility and user engagement, which stands evaluative approaches in contrast to research and audit.

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EXERCISE BEHAVIOUR MODELS

Youngho Kim and Saengryeol Park

Introduction History of Exercise Psychology Exercise psychology has emerged as a field of study on the basis of a steadily building wave of research conducted over the past 30 years (Buckworth, Dishman, O’Connor, & Tomporowski, 2013). The ideas underlying the field, however, have been around much longer. Throughout recorded history, philosophers and physicians have written about the connection between mental health and exercise. The relationship between exercise and psychological well-being was recognized as early as the fourth century BC. Herodicus, an early Greek physician who practised gymnastic medicine (one of the branches of ancient Greek medicine that relied on exercise), based his therapies on vigorous exercise. Hippocrates, considered the father of medicine, acknowledged the value of exercise for both physical and mental illness, although he was initially critical of Herodicus for relying on exercise as a treatment.

Contemporary Exercise Psychology Contemporary exercise psychology emerged as a viable field of study more than 50 years ago with the publication of the first modern reviews on exercise and mental health topics by Emma McCloy Layman, who was chief psychologist in the Department of Psychiatry at the Children’s Hospital in Washington, DC (Buckworth et al., 2013). The past 30 years have witnessed tremendous growth in the number of scientists studying the various areas of exercise psychology. Scholars in exercise psychology have roots in psychology, physical education, and sports medicine, but many are second- and even third-generation descendants of the 1960s-era sport psychologists. The study of physical activity and psychological constructs is a relatively new discipline that has its roots appropriately in the fields of other more established disciplines such as sport psychology, social psychology, and epidemiology (Buckworth et al., 2013). Exercise psychology is a vastly broad topic encompassing an array of disciplines, professions, and fields of study, including interdisciplinary collaborations and networks. In addition to this, Buckworth and colleagues indicated that the work ranges from basic to applied and includes the genetic through to social 317

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and environmental levels, and descriptive, measurement, experimental, and translational studies are done in laboratory and field settings using quantitative, qualitative, and mixed methodologies. Biddle and Mutrie (2008) and Kim, Park, Kim, and Ryu (2012) indicated that most of the study issues and topics carried out in the area of exercise psychology are covered that deal with (a) psychological correlates of physical activity, such as self-efficacy, attitudes, perceived benefits, and barriers; (b) psychological theories in physical activity research, such as transtheoretical model, theory of planned behaviour, self-determination theory, and social ecological model; and (c) psychological outcomes of physical activity, such as changes in depression, cognitive functioning, and quality of life. A primary mission of exercise psychology research is to understand why people do or do not choose to be physically active under varying circumstances, and what factors might be altered to get people to make active choices (Bauman et al., 2012). In this regard, it is well evidenced that a large number of studies on correlates of physical activity have contributed to identifying potentially important constructs that underpin behaviour. However, in order to better understand the role of psychological correlates in maintaining or promoting physical activity, it is necessary to see their place within wider theoretical frameworks. Psychosocial and social cognitive theories and models have focused on attitudes, beliefs, expectations, goals, intention, motivation, confidence, self-regulation, social norms, values, and so on (Biddle & Fuchs, 2009; Plotnikoff, Costigan, Karunamuni, & Lubans, 2013).

Terminology The terms physical activity and exercise are often used interchangeably; however, there are subtle differences (Acevedo, 2012). Physical activity is defined as “any bodily movement produced by skeletal muscles that results in energy expenditure” (Caspersen, Powell, & Christenson, 1985, p. 126). In the literature, examples of physical activity include activities of daily living, participation in sports, exercise, and leisure-time activity (Acevedo, 2012). However, the literature goes further in defining exercise as a form of structured physical activity with the specific objective of improving or maintaining physical activity or health. The psychological study of emotions, thoughts, and behaviours of activity versus exercise also maintains this subtle distinction between structured physical activity and physical activity encompassing all types of movement. The necessity or desire to efficiently and effectively quantify, prescribe, and promote physical activity to increase the likelihood of a positive health outcome is the rationale for the use of exercise psychology. A theory is a set of interrelated concepts, definitions, and propositions that present a systematic view of events or situations by specifying relations among variables, in order to explain and predict events or situations (Glanz, Rimer, Viswanath, & Orleans, 2008). Theories are sufficiently broad in scope that they are capable of explaining (often multiple) outcomes of interest (e.g., health behaviours) in multiple and diverse contexts (Acevedo, 2012). However, models do not necessarily differ from theories in content or structure, but do differ in relevance to the specific outcome and context to be studied. When a model is formally specified in one or more publications, is proposed to be relevant to a broad range of outcomes, and is tested repeatedly in multiple research studies, the distinction between model and theory becomes blurred (Acevedo, 2012). A framework is a set of concepts that are proposed to influence each other in some way (Acevedo, 2012). Frameworks provide broad ways of viewing one or more related outcomes and thus provide guidelines for the development or refinement of theories and models. Unlike theories, however, frameworks do not specifically delineate how concepts are interrelated and, thus, cannot provide testable hypotheses. In this text, the ecological model is a framework. 318

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Defining Psychological Models The field of exercise psychology deals with the interplay between exercise and psychological phenomena (e.g., perception of internal and external stimuli, cognition, affect, interpersonal interactions, and behaviour; Acevedo, 2012). Theory is important to exercise psychology, because it represents a bridge between scientific knowledge (what determines [exercise] behaviour) and applied problems (how can we help people engage in exercise behaviour?). Specifically, theory helps us to predict whether or not exercise behaviour will occur, helps us to explain how and why exercise behaviour occurs (or does not occur), provides guidelines for designing interventions to promote exercise behaviour, represents an accumulation of shared knowledge that saves us from having to rediscover that knowledge each time we seek answers to new scientific and practical questions, and provides a common language for communication among researchers and practitioners. Research in exercise psychology can be categorized as research in which the dependent variable is exercise behaviour (e.g., the effects of attitudes about exercise on exercise behaviour) or research in which the dependent variable is psychological phenomena (e.g., the effects of exercise on depression or cognitive symptoms of dementia).

Models and Frameworks in Exercise Psychology There is no single determinant of exercise and physical activity, and thus no single theory seems to be adequate for describing and predicting exercise behaviour (Buckworth et al., 2013). The three most popular theories in exercise psychology are social cognitive theory or self-efficacy theory, the theory of planned behaviour, and the transtheoretical model. The self-determination theory and social ecological approaches are being applied with greater frequency and in European research. However, many of these theories have been applied to exercise incompletely, and more studies are needed that empirically test the application of specific theories to exercise behaviour and address exercise maintenance explicitly. The design, implementation, and interpretation of research on exercise behaviour must be based on theory. The selection of a theory should be guided by the evidence for its application to the unique characteristics of exercise and the relationships between theoretical constructs and exercise behaviour. A task in the field of exercise psychology is the development of theoretical models to analyse exercise conditions (Hackfort & Birkner, 2005). We must learn more about the action situation with regard to the person, the environment, and the task that lead to increased initiation and maintenance of physical activity. This section provides an overview of the various theoretical approaches that have been used to explain the processes influencing initiation and maintenance of exercise behaviour.

Self-efficacy Theory Self-efficacy refers to the beliefs that one has the personal capability to carry out the actions required to produce a given outcome (Bandura, 2005). Self-efficacy is very influential in many behaviours, especially those that challenge us, such as being more physically active or maintaining an exercise programme for many years. If someone believes she can adopt and maintain the behaviour in question, she is more likely to do so. Self-efficacy has been shown to be a good predictor of behaviour in a variety of health situations, such as smoking cessation, weight management, and recovery from heart attack. In relation to physical activity, selfefficacy theory has produced some of the most consistent findings, revealing an increase in physical activity participation as self-efficacy increases (Buckworth & Dishman, 2007). 319

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There are four main sources of information for self-efficacy beliefs: Mastery experience, vicarious experience, verbal persuasion, and physiological/emotional states. Mastery experience is the most important and potent element of self-efficacy because it is based on personal experience of success and failure. In this regard, success is obviously important for self-efficacy to develop. However, an efficacy belief is more resilient if the individual has also had to overcome obstacles and adversity and has done so successfully. For example, selfefficacy for running may be derived from an individual’s previous experiences with jogging, walking, or even biking. Obviously, the degree of similarity between the previously experienced activity and the current activity determines the strength of this source. Vicarious experiences are those that involve one individual viewing the performance of a behaviour by another individual (the model). That is, the behaviour (success or failure) of others can be used as a comparative standard for the individual. The greater the perceived similarity between the model and the viewer, the greater the model’s influence. In this regard, it should be noted that vicarious processes in self-efficacy involve the use of certain types of individual in promoting physical activity to inactive people. It is common in the mass media to use the elite sport athletes displaying high levels of fitness or physique development, or a wellknown celebrity who has succeeded in weight loss by participating in a regular physical activity. Additionally, another issue concerning vicarious experiences is cognitive self-modelling (imagery). It means that individual use of imagery, which is a behaviour performed in the mind using some or all of the body’s senses, would be considered a various source. For example, you might imagine yourself becoming healthier or improving your physical appearance. Verbal persuasion means efficacy tactics used by others in an attempt to increase a person’s self-efficacy, and the success of the persuasion is dependent on the realistic nature of the information. However, it is thought to be relatively weak in comparison with the two sources already mentioned. Verbal persuasion alone may be limited in its power to create enduring increases in perceived efficacy, but it can bolster self-change if the positive appraisal is within realistic bounds. Generally, verbal persuasion has its greatest self-efficacy impact on those individuals who have some reason to believe that they could be successful it they persist. Physiological and emotional states are incorporated in the final source of self-efficacy. Physiological state includes increased heart rate, increased sweating, and increased respiratory rate as a signal to the individual about his or her current level of efficacy. Feelings of pain and fatigue are more examples of physiological states that might impact efficacy expectations. Physiological state is not an indicator by itself, because the individual’s appraisal of the information is crucial. For instance, if an elevated heart rate is interpreted as confirmation of suspected poor physical condition, it could serve to reduce self-efficacy. In contrast, if an elevated heart rate is interpreted as evidence of being adequately warmed up, it could enhance self-efficacy. Mood states can influence self-efficacy through either affective priming or cognitive priming. Affective priming occurs because previous successes and failures are stored in memory with associated mood states. From the cognitive viewpoint, memory of a failure might be stored with negative mood states, but it is also stored with an accompanying cognition. Moreover, it is also indicated that mood states can exert both positive and negative influences on self-efficacy. Negative emotionality generally reduces self-efficacy, whereas feelings of positive emotion elevate self-efficacy. For instance, a person who is experiencing extremely positive emotions (i.e., happiness, pride) would be expected to view an anticipated exercise bout with higher self-efficacy than would someone experiencing negative emotions (i.e., sadness, disappointment). Self-efficacy is a complex construct that can vary along three dimensions: level, strength, and generality. The level of self-efficacy refers to the ordering of tasks by difficulty, such as 320

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feeling that one is capable of sustaining a walking programme but not one for running halfmarathons. The strength of self-efficacy refers to the assessment of one’s capabilities of performing a particular task. For example, people are able to subjectively rate their likelihood of maintaining a programme of walking to work every other day. Generality of self-efficacy refers to the extent to which efficacy expectations from one situation generalize to other situations, such as efficacy gained through a walking programme generalizing to the lifting of weights in an exercise programme. As self-efficacy is a situation-specific construct, it has been recommended that different manifestations (operational definitions of self-efficacy) are assessed, depending on the researcher’s context and interest. Based on comprehensive review of the research, four main categories have been identified to measure self-efficacy: exercise efficacy, barriers efficacy, scheduling efficacy, and perceived behavioural control. Exercise efficacy represents the individual’s beliefs about the capability of successfully engaging in incremental bouts of physical activity. Barriers efficacy represents an individual’s beliefs about possessing the capability to overcome obstacles to physical activity. Scheduling efficacy reflects the individual’s confidence that physical activity can be scheduled into a daily or weekly routine. Perceived behavioural control refers to individual’s beliefs about the degree of personal control in the decision to engage in physical activity. A limitation of self-efficacy is that the measurement challenges in self-efficacy research are separating one’s capability from one’s motivation (Hausenblas & Rhodes, 2017). Self-efficacy is an assessment of capability, but confidence can easily be misinterpreted or misconstrued for motivation independent of ability. For example, people could report that they are not confident that they can exercise regularly because they do not like to exercise, even if they feel they actually would have the ability to do so.

The Transtheoretical Model The transtheoretical model (TTM), developed at the University of Rhode Island Cancer Prevention Research Center, was the result of years studying and observing how people quit smoking (Lox, Martin Ginis, & Petruzzello, 2014). The prefix trans means “across” (Prochaska & DiClemente, 1983). The TTM was given its name because it emerged from across a variety of theories and models of behaviour change. After its initial application for smoking cessation, the model was extended in an attempt to better understand a broad range of health behaviours such as physical activity, weight control, and nutrition. The TTM is a contemporary motivational theory specifying behaviour change within a stage framework and recognizes that individuals often must make several attempts at behaviour change before they are successful. The TTM includes four constructs: stage of change, decisional balance, processes of change, and self-efficacy. Stage of change consists of five stages of behaviour change, and these stages are outlined below (Hausenblas & Rhodes, 2017). Precontemplation includes people who are not currently physically active and have no intention to start physical activity in the foreseeable future (the next 6 months or so). Contemplation includes those who are not currently physically active but have an intention to start physical activity within the next 6 months. Preparation includes individuals who are currently exercising a little, but not regularly, or people who are intending to take action in the next month or so. Action is a stage represented by people who are currently active, but have only recently started (less than 6 months). Maintenance is a stage that includes those who are currently physically active and have been so for more than 6 months. 321

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These stages have been shown to have predictable relationships with other TTM constructs such as processes of change, self-efficacy, and decisional balance (Marshall & Biddle, 2001). Processes of change are overt and covert activities that individuals utilize to modify their behaviour (Prochaska & DiClemente, 1983). The 10 processes are grouped into two highorder factors representing cognitive (i.e., consciousness raising, dramatic relief, self-re­ evaluation, environmental re-evaluation, and self-liberation) and behavioural (i.e., social liberation, counter-conditioning, stimulus control, reinforcement management, and helping relationships) processes. Cognitive processes obtain information from an individual’s own actions; meanwhile, information in behavioural processes is obtained from environmental events. People at different stages of change are hypothesized to use distinct processes of change. In the exercise domain, cognitive processes have been found to peak in the contemplation stage, and behavioural processes have been shown to steadily increase from precontemplation to action, at which point they level off (Marcus, Pinto, Simkin, Audrain, & Taylor, 1994; Nigg & Courneya, 1998). The concept of self-efficacy is a component of Bandura’s (1997) social learning theory, defined as one’s perceived confidence in the ability to carry out a specific behaviour successfully. An individual’s efficacy is situation-specific and may vary in relation to personal circumstances (e.g., sickness, change in schedule). According to the perspective of TTM, it is hypothesized that individuals in the different stages of exercise behaviour have different perceived self-efficacy regarding the benefits of exercise and barriers to exercise, and thus they have different levels of confidence in their ability to maintain exercise benefits and to overcome exercise barriers (Marcus, Eaton, Rossi, & Harlow, 1994). The decision balance is based on the conflict model of decision-making (Janis & Mann, 1977) and focuses on the importance of perceived positive (pros) and negative (cons) outcomes of a behaviour change. It is assumed that an individual will not change his or her behaviour unless he or she perceives the positives of change to outweigh the negatives. For exercise, examples of pros include health benefits such as stress relief, improved sleep patterns, and increased energy and stamina. Time constraints, competing commitments and/or tasks (e.g., less time to spend with family and friends), and inclement weather are examples of cons (Prochaska & Marcus, 1994). Many researchers have applied the TTM to understand physical activity, and most of the TTM research can be classified as one of the following: descriptive studies, predictive studies, or intervention studies (Lox et al., 2014). Descriptive studies aim at describing how people in the various stages of the TTM differ in reliable ways in terms of exercise self-efficacy, attitudes toward physical activity, the use of the processes of change, and physical activity behaviour. Predictive studies attempt to predict future physical activity behaviour and show the mixed evidence regarding the TTM’s ability to predict physical activity stage transition: The TTM is an effective tool to predict whether people will progress, regress, or show no movement across the stages. Intervention studies are conducted to develop physical activity interventions and determine the benefits of matching physical activity self-help materials and other motivational materials to a person’s stage of change. One of the major advantages of the TTM is that health promoters can utilize the constructs to develop stage-matched physical activity motivational programmes in order to advance individuals from the inactive stages to the active stage of change (Kosma, Ellis, Cardinal, Bauer, & McCubbin, 2007). For example, individuals in the pre-action stages (preparation) would need to manage their time and include physical activity in their weekly schedule through goal-setting. In the initial steps of physical activity participation, inactive individuals would need to participate in short, unstructured bouts of enjoyable physical activities of low intensity 322

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(e.g., walking with a friend). Such physical activity participation may be performed on an irregular basis so that individuals can move to the preparation stage. The TTM also has several disadvantages. For example, cognitive psychologists have argued that the stages of change are not qualitative (irreversible) in nature (Carron, Hausenblas, & Estabrooks, 2003). On the contrary, they are quantitative in nature, and, thus, individuals can progress to a higher stage or lapse to a lower stage. In this way, the stages of change may be states in nature rather than pure stages. Additionally, there is an ambiguous relation between the stage of change and the processes of change. In other words, it is unknown which of the specific processes of change need to be used within each stage of change.

The Social Ecological Model The social ecological model (SEM) developed out of the work of a number of prominent researchers: (1) Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, which focused on the relationship between the individual and the environment; (2) Kenneth McLeroy’s ecological model of health behaviours, which classified five different levels of influence on health behaviour, although this did not include physical environment, which is an essential element of a social ecological model of physical activity; and (3) Daniel Stokols’s social ecology model of health promotion. These identified the core assumptions that underpin the SEM (Victorian Curriculum and Assessment Authority, 2010). The work of these and other researchers has been used and modified and has evolved into what is referred to as the SEM. The term ecology originates in the biological sciences and refers to the interrelationships between organisms and their environments. Ecological and social ecological models of human behaviour have evolved over a number of decades in the fields of sociology, psychology, education, and health and focus on the nature of people’s interactions with their environments. Health behaviours, including physical activity participation, are thought to be improved when environments and policies support healthy choices, and individuals are motivated and educated to make those choices. Educating people to make healthy choices when environments are not supportive will not be effective in making behavioural change. The SEM acknowledges that it takes a combination of both individual-level and environmental/policy-level interventions to achieve substantial changes in health behaviours, including physical activity behaviour. The SEM consists of the individual, social environment, physical environment, and policy components. The individual is at the centre of the SEM. This level includes personal factors that increase or decrease the likelihood of an individual being physically active. Individual factors that influence physical activity participation include knowledge, attitudes, self-efficacy, beliefs, perceived barriers, motivation, and enjoyment; skills (including fundamental motor skills and sports-specific skills), abilities, disabilities, or injuries; and age, sex, level of education, socio­ economic status, and employment status. Strategies that bring change at the individual level tend to focus on changing an individual’s knowledge, attitudes, motivation, and skills. They include education and mentoring programmes. The social environment comprises the relationships, the culture, and the society with which the individual interacts. The social environment has a significant influence on physical activity behaviour. For example, having someone such as a peer, family member, or work colleague be physically active can have an impact on physical activity behaviour. The social environment includes family, such as the influence of parental and sibling physical activity levels and family support; spouse or partner; peers; institutions and organizations, such as schools, workplaces, and community organizations; access to social support networks versus social isolation; influence of health and other professionals, such as doctors, teachers, and coaches; community 323

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norms; cultural background; and the socio-economic status of the community. Strategies that bring change at the social environment level include community education, support groups, peer programmes, workplace incentives, and social marketing campaigns. These are used to promote positive community attitudes and awareness to participation in physical activity. Physical environment includes the natural environment and the built (or man-made) environment. Physical environments are likely to influence the amount and type of physical activity, and this influence can be positive or negative. For example, physical environments such as sports fields, bike paths, swimming pools, and gymnasiums are designed for physical activity, whereas other physical environments such as workplaces, schools, family homes, or theatres may discourage, restrict, or prohibit physical activity. The physical environment includes natural factors such as weather or geography; availability and access to facilities such as parks, playgrounds, sports grounds, gymnasiums, and walking or cycling tracks; the aesthetics or perceived qualities of facilities or the natural environment; safety such as crime rates or amount and speed of traffic; community design such as connectivity of streets, living in a cul-de-sac, density of housing, or land use; and public transport. The built environment provides opportunities for intervention, such as the inclusion of walking or bicycle tracks and parks in new housing developments and ease of access to them. The natural environment has fewer opportunities for intervention; these tend to focus on overcoming barriers to physical activity within the natural environment. Strategies focusing on the physical environment usually should be put in place before educational or community awareness initiatives are attempted. Sometimes, educational initiatives encourage impossible or unrealistic behaviour. For example, media campaigns that encourage people to walk will be ineffective in communities where there are no or poorly maintained walking paths or where safety is an issue. In this scenario, education and awareness programmes are more likely to be effective when preceded by programmes for the development of community facilities and promoting community safety. Policy refers to legislation, regulatory or policy-making actions that have the potential to affect physical activity. These are often formal legal actions taken by local, state, or federal governments, but also can be informal local policies or rules in settings such as schools or workplaces. Policy includes urban planning policies; active transport policies; education policies, such as mandating time for physical education classes; health policies; environmental policies; workplace policies; and funding policies. Developing the political will to implement policies promoting physical activity participation can sometimes be difficult. Strategies that align physical activity participation with priorities from other sectors can increase the chances of succeeding. For example, climate change is a significant issue, and the context of reducing reliance on fossil fuels and the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions provides the opportunity to combine both health and environmental policies to promote physical activity participation. Physical activity and the factors influencing it are very complex, and, therefore, it is difficult to change, especially in an environment that does not support change. In the perspective of the SEM, research suggests that the social, physical, and policy environments impact on individuals’ ability to participate or likelihood of participating in physical activity. Hence, in order to increase physical activity, efforts need to focus not only on the physical activity choices of each individual, but also on factors that influence those choices. The major utility of the SEM is that it helps to identify opportunities to promote participation in physical activity by recognizing the multiple factors that influence an individual’s physical activity. The SEM does have limitations (Lox et al., 2014). Environmental and policy changes can take a long time and a lot of money to implement. It is also important to note that social ecological approaches are not intended to be stand-alone interventions, with the idea that, “if we build it, they will come”. Simply building fitness facilities does not mean that people will automatically become more physically active. 324

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Self-determination Theory Self-determination theory (SDT) is one of the key theories in the context of exercise motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2017). SDT is a broad theory that addresses personality development; selfregulation; psychological needs; life goals and aspirations; energy and vitality; non-conscious processes; relations of culture to motivation; and the impact of the social environment on motivation, affect, behaviour, and well-being (Buckworth et al., 2013). Fostering optimal and sustained engagement depends on the quality of motivation (Roberts & Treasure, 2012). The assumption that autonomy, competence, and relatedness are basic psychological needs is a key aspect of SDT (Buckworth et al., 2013). The degree to which these needs are fulfilled or thwarted is the basis for individual differences in motivation. Exercise psychologists can thus analyse a behavioural strategy or environmental factors with respect to their effect on meeting these needs (Buckworth et al., 2013). The three needs are (1) autonomy (i.e., the need to experience activities as self-endorsed and enacted by choice), (2) competence (i.e., the need to interact effectively within the environment), and (3) relatedness (i.e., the need to feel close to, connected with, and cared for by, important others; Eklund & Tenenbaum, 2013). According to Deci and Ryan, the nature of motivated behaviour is based on striving to satisfy these three basic needs. This leads to a process of “internalization” – internalizing behaviours that are formed as a continuum of types of selfdetermination (Biddle & Mutrie, 2008). In the SDT literature, three broad types of motivation are found: autonomous motivation, controlled motivation, and amotivation (Biddle & Mutrie, 2008). Autonomous motivation is highquality motivation. It encompasses both intrinsic reasons that capture the enjoyment of performing an activity as well as extrinsic reasons. The extrinsic reasons reflect high degrees of internalization of the values of the behaviour and are termed “integrated regulation” and “identified regulation”. Controlled motivation encompasses extrinsic reasons that reflect a low degree of internalization of the values of the behaviour. Such reasons are usually distinguished as being “introjected”, reflecting internal pressures or rewards. Lastly, amotivation reflects a lack of either autonomous or controlled motivation for behaviour (Ntoumanis, Thøgersen-Ntoumani, Quested, & Chatzisarantis, 2018). In SDT, integrated, identified, introjected, and external regulations can be classified as “extrinsic motivation”. Thus, autonomous motivation for behaviour is more likely to be observed when individuals experience satisfaction of the three basic psychological needs (Hausenblas & Rhodes, 2017). Based on the predictions of SDT, we can hypothesize that an individual who exercises for reasons reflective of low self-determination (such as the desire to improve appearance) would be less likely to adhere to the regimen than would someone who exercises for the inherent pleasure involved (high self-determination; Lox, Martin Ginis, & Petruzzello, 2011). To this end, we might expect improvements in intrinsic motivation to result from exercise interventions that are aimed at enhancing an individual’s sense of competence and autonomy and that are conducted in a positive, mutually supportive environment wherein satisfying social interaction can take place. According to Deci and Ryan (1985), the various types of motivation are intimately related to perceptions of self-determination. When self-determination is absent, amotivation exists. Also, when an activity is undertaken for extrinsic motives, minimal perceptions of self-determination are present. Finally, at the extreme end of the continuum, complete self-determination is associated with the various manifestations of intrinsic motivation. In sum, one obvious application would be that people who were more intrinsically motivated (e.g., exercise for the fun and enjoyment they get) would more likely adhere to an exercise programme than individuals extrinsically motivated (e.g., to improve appearance for the opposite sex; Razon & Sachs, 2017). The challenge for practitioners remains how to create an 325

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autonomous-supportive climate in which self-determined forms of motivation dominate the physical activity context, but still allow for some external and less self-directed extrinsic motivation (e.g., social support, rewards). Specifically, whenever exercise leaders can make individuals in their classes feel more competent and autonomous, this should result in higher levels of adherence. In addition, providing an environment that is mutually supportive with the potential for positive social interactions should help satisfy the need for relatedness, thereby further increasing the likelihood of long-term adherence. Self-determination theory is based on the premise that activities are more likely to be selected and maintained if they satisfy three psychological needs: competence, autonomy, and relatedness (Hausenblas & Rhodes, 2017). Behaviour occurs as a result of extrinsic motivation or intrinsic motivation. The various types of motivation are associated with perceptions of selfdetermination, and perceptions of self-determination are associated with satisfaction and behaviour. Initial research has shown support for the theory as a means of understanding and intervening in behaviour in the context of exercise and physical activity.

Health Belief Model The health belief model is one of the most widely recognized, enduring theoretical models associated with preventive health behaviours (Razon & Sachs, 2017). The model states that the likelihood of an individual’s engaging in preventive health behaviours (such as exercise) depends on the person’s perception of the severity of the potential illness as well as their appraisal of the costs and benefits of taking action. The model centres on perceptions of how much of a personal threat the disease is and how effective the behaviour change will be in reducing the threat (Buckworth et al., 2013). The theory postulates that individuals comply with preventive regimens if they possess minimal levels of relevant health motivation and knowledge, perceive themselves as potentially vulnerable, view the disease as severe, are convinced that the preventive regimen is effective, and see few difficulties or barriers in undertaking the regimen (Hausenblas & Rhodes, 2017). In addition, internal or external cues that individuals associate with taking health-related actions are considered to be an essential catalyst. Thus, the health belief model proposes that an individual’s readiness (intention) to engage in physical activity is a function of the perceived vulnerability to a health condition and the probable severity of that condition (Eklund & Tenenbaum, 2013). The model was originally composed of the following four constructs: perceived susceptibility, perceived severity, perceived benefits, and perceived barriers to account for people’s readiness to act (Hausenblas & Rhodes, 2017). There are recent additions to the model: cues to action and self-efficacy. In addition to these constructs, the following three other variables are considered important for predicting health behaviour: demographic factors (age, sex, and race), psychosocial factors (personality and peer pressure), and structural factors (knowledge; Hausenblas & Rhodes, 2017). The health belief model predicts that strong intentions emerge when individuals feel vulnerable to an illness, the illness is perceived to be severe, and individuals believe that physical activity will reduce the health threat associated with the illness (Hausenblas & Rhodes, 2017). For example, individuals may feel susceptible to cardiovascular disease because they have a poor diet and have been told by their physician that they have hypertension. According to the model, these perceptions are likely to motivate the individual to participate in physical activity. One limitation of the health belief model is that it does not define perceived vulnerability, nor does it specify how different variables combine in influencing readiness and physical 326

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activity. For example, it is unclear what type of vulnerability to disease should be measured (Eklund & Tenenbaum, 2013). In addition, it is unclear if it is one model or merely a collection of individual variables, and there has been a lack of consistency in the operationalizing of variables and the measuring tools used (Biddle & Mutrie, 2008). The health belief model appears more useful for preventive health behaviours and compliance with medical regimens, and less useful when applied to exercise (Buckworth et al., 2013). Some studies indicated that perceived susceptibility was inversely associated with exercise adherence. It may be that physical activity and exercise are not perceived by some as health behaviours. People exercise for social interaction, enjoyment, mastery, and competition, as well as to enhance health, and motivation for exercise can change.

Theory of Planned Behaviour The theory of planned behaviour (TPB), developed by Icek Ajzen (1991), is a social cognitive theory that has guided a large majority of theory-based research on physical activity (Eklund & Tenenbaum, 2013). TPB is an extension of the theory of reasoned action developed by Martin Fishbein and Icek Ajzen in 1975. TPB has become one of the most frequently cited and influential models for predicting human behaviour. A basic assumption is that people make rational decisions about their behaviour based on information and beliefs about the behaviour and its consequences, what they expect, and the value they place on the outcome (Buckworth et al., 2013). These beliefs and attitudes are influenced by individual and environmental factors, such as personality, education, past behaviour, and cultural factors. However, the most important predictor of behaviour is the intention, or readiness, to perform or not perform the behaviour. TPB specifies that the following four psychological variables may influence our behaviour: intention, attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioural control. Intention refers to the central determinant of whether an individual engages in that behaviour to perform. Intention is reflected in a person’s willingness and how much effort they are planning to exert to perform the behaviour (Hausenblas & Rhodes, 2017) The stronger a person’s intention to perform a behaviour, the more likely they will be to engage in that behaviour. Attitude represents an individual’s positive or negative evaluation of performing a behaviour. A sample question would be, “Do you find regular exercise useless or useful, harmful or beneficial, boring or interesting?” Our attitude toward a specific behaviour is a function of our behavioural beliefs, which are the perceived consequences of carrying out a specific action and our evaluation of each of these consequences. Subjective norm reflects the perceived social pressure that individuals feel to perform or not perform a particular behaviour. Subjective norm is believed to be a function of normative beliefs, which are determined by the perceived expectations of important significant others (e.g., family, friends, physician) or groups (e.g., classmates, teammates, church members) and by the individual’s motivation to comply with the expectations of these important significant others. Perceived behavioural control represents the perceived ease or difficulty of performing a behaviour. Perceived behavioural control influences behaviour either directly or indirectly through intention. People may hold positive attitudes toward a behaviour and believe that important others would approve of their behaviour. You may have a positive attitude and enjoy swimming; however, if you do not have access to a pool, you will not be able to perform this behaviour. Perceived behavioural control is a function of control beliefs. Control beliefs represent the perceived presence or absence of required resources and opportunities, the anticipated obstacles or impediments to behaviour, and the perceived power of 327

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a particular control factor to facilitate or inhibit behaviours. The model postulates that the perceived control over external and internal factors affects exercise participation and is the most powerful determinant of certain behaviour (Hackfort & Birkner, 2005). The belief in one’s own resources to perform a behaviour may influence the intention to engage in a behaviour, as well as the behaviour itself. TPB has some potential limitations. First, factors such as personality, affect or mood, demographic variables (e.g., age, gender, socio-economic status), past exercise behaviour, and habit are not directly taken into consideration within TPB (Eklund & Tenenbaum, 2013). Second, there is ambiguity regarding how to define perceived behavioural control, and this creates measurement problems. Ajzen (2002) stated that the term perceived behavioural control may be misleading and, to avoid misunderstanding, he suggested that perceived behavioural control should be read as “perceived control over performance of a behavior” (p. 668). Third, the longer the time interval between intention and behaviour, the less likely the behaviour will occur. Research reveals that the predictive power of intention will vary inversely with the time between the measurement of intention and performance of the behaviour. Fourth, subjective norm is generally a weaker predictor of intention. This may be because the role of significant others is not important in encouraging participation of physically active individuals. The longer the time interval between intention and behaviour, the less likely the behaviour will occur (Hausenblas & Rhodes, 2017). An integrated behavior change (IBC) model was introduced using TPB, to include autonomous motivation as well as implicit (less conscious) attitudes and motivation (Biddle, Mutrie, & Gorely, 2015). Jossey-Bass. Hagger and Chatzisarantis (2014) presented the IBC model, a comprehensive model drawing on multiple theoretical perspectives and aimed at examining the psychological factors and processes involved in physical activity participation. The model is unique in that it attempts to bring together perspectives from intentional and motivational, volitional, and dual-systems theories into a unified model. The model begins with the premise that physical activity is a behaviour that is driven largely by intentions, and a leading theory of intention, the TPB, provides the core set of hypotheses. The authors incorporated an organismic need-based theory of motivation, self-determination theory, as a means to explain the origins of the direct belief-based behavioural antecedents in the TPB. This is presented in the IBC model as a motivational sequence in which motives from the self-determination theory predict physical activity intentions mediated by the beliefbased antecedents from the TPB. They also incorporated hypotheses from the dual-phase model to introduce a volitional phase, separate from the intentional phase, in which action planning is a key construct in promoting effective and efficient conversion of intentions into behaviour. Finally, they incorporated hypotheses from dual-systems theories to account for implicit processes on physical activity behaviour.

Disconnected Values Model Razon and Sachs (2017) addressed that the purpose of the disconnected values model (DVM) is to provide inactive, unfit individuals with renewed incentive to begin and permanently maintain an exercise habit. DVM consists of the following stages performed in this order: (1) determining an individual’s negative habits; (2) examining the benefits, costs, and long-term consequences of each unhealthy habit, with a particular reference to the lack of exercise and other forms of physical activity; (3) identifying the person’s deepest values and core beliefs about what they consider most important in life; (4) detecting any inconsistencies, or disconnects, between the person’s negative habits (e.g., lack of exercise) 328

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and their values; (5) identifying at least one disconnect between the negative habits and values that the person feels is unacceptable; and, finally, (6) generating and conducting each phase of an action plan that consists of performing new routines that will replace the former unhealthy habits. The DVM is based on the interaction between a “personal coach” or sport/exercise psychology consultant and the client. The interaction reflects receiving information (e.g., facing the truth about who you are and how you live), self-reflection (e.g., acknowledging the costs and long-term consequences of the current unhealthy habit, such as lack of exercise or poor nutrition), determining personal goals (e.g., feeling better, improved appearance), and identifying strategies needed to reach those goals (e.g., plan and carry out an exercise schedule, join a fitness club, hire a personal trainer).

Unhealthy/Negative Habits Each of us possesses habits that we exhibit every day that can be categorized as unhealthy, negative, or undesirable. These negative habits are operationally defined as thoughts, emotions, or behaviours that we acknowledge as not being in our best interests, yet we continue to do them. Not exercising, poor nutrition, lack of proper rest or sleep, and poor work–life balance are among negative habits that individuals should improve to boost their quality of life.

Performance Barriers Performance barriers are persistent thoughts, emotions, or actions that compromise high-quality performance. Whether these barriers can be objective and observable (e.g., injury, age) or perceived (e.g., time restraints, anxiety), they are controllable and, thus, changeable.

Perceived Benefits of Unhealthy Habits There are perceived benefits to each of our unhealthy habits, or else the unhealthy habits would not persist. The “benefits” of not exercising, for example, include more time to do other things, not experiencing the discomfort of physical exertion, avoiding risk of injury, or not incurring expenses related to purchasing fitness club memberships and exercise clothing.

Costs and Long-term Consequences of Unhealthy Habits There are short-terms costs and long-term consequences of our unhealthy habits. Costs of not engaging in exercise or other forms of regular physical activity include poor cardiovascular and strength fitness, weight gain, higher stress and anxiety, reduced physical energy, lower mental (cognitive) functioning, and less satisfactory sleep. The long-term consequences of inactivity, particularly among the elderly, include poorer physical and mental health; depression; greater likelihood of diseases such as diabetes, certain types of cancer, and cardiovascular disease; reduced quality of life; and shorter lifespan.

Identifying Important Values Values are core beliefs that motivate and guide behaviour and provide standards against which we evaluate behaviour. For instance, a person who values health will have a favourable attitude toward developing daily rituals and long-term habits that enhance and general well-being. 329

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Establishing a Disconnect Identifying a disconnect between one’s values and acknowledged unhealthy habits requires asking clients to identify not more than five of their most important values and to list up to five of their most unhealthy habits. Examples of five of the most important/destructive barriers that affect one’s life are: lack of assertiveness and self-direction; poor team player (think “me” not “we”); constant conflict with boss or co-worker; poor fitness; and poor organization and time management.

Accepting the Disconnect If the disconnect is acceptable – and, for the many individuals who feel that changing the unhealthy habit is either undesirable or beyond their control – then no change in the unhealthy behaviour pattern (i.e., exercise) will likely occur. It is necessary, therefore, to identify another area of inconsistency between the person’s unhealthy habits and their values.

Developing a Self-regulation Action Plan A person’s decision to initiate an exercise programme or, for that matter, change some other undesirable behaviour is followed by developing a detailed self-regulation action plan. The self-regulation action plan serves the primary purpose of creating a more immediate payoff and providing clients with a sense of achievement and other immediate payoffs that have higher motivation value than using more distant goals.

Conclusion Changing people’s behaviour is difficult to do, especially when dealing with a complex health behaviour such as physical activity. Researchers have found support for the utility of attitudes, perceived behavioural control, and, to a lesser extent, subjective norms in explaining people’s intention to becoming physically active (Hausenblas & Rhodes, 2017). Emerging research is revealing that TPB may be effective in explaining and predicting sedentary behaviour. Research has also found a strong relationship between someone’s intention to be active and his or her engaging in the behaviour. Furthermore, a person’s perception of the control they have over engaging in physical activity can also directly predict behaviour. In summary, because of the success of TPB in explaining and predicting exercise behaviour, intervention research reveals that it is also a useful framework to guide physical activity interventions.

References Acevedo, E. O. (2012). The Oxford handbook of exercise psychology. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Ajzen, I. (1991). The theory of planned behavior. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 50, 179–211. Ajzen, I. (2002). Perceived behavioral control, self-efficacy, locus of control, and the theory of planned behavior. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 32(4), 665–683. Bandura, A. (1997). Self-efficacy: The exercise of control. New York: W. H. Freeman. Biddle, S., & Mutrie, N. (2008). Psychology of physical activity: Determinants, well-being, and interventions. London: Routledge. Bandura, A. (2005). Evolution of social cognitive theory. In K. G. Smith & M. A. Hitt (Eds.), Great minds in management (pp. 9–35). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

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Exercise Behaviour Models Bauman, A. E., Reis, R. S., Sallis, J. F., Wells, J. C., Loos, R. J., Martin, B. W., & Lancet Physical Activity Series Working Group. (2012). Correlates of physical activity: Why are some people physically active and others not? The Lancet, 380(9838), 258–271. Biddle, S. J., & Fuchs, R. (2009). Exercise psychology: A view from Europe. Psychology of Sport and Exer­ cise, 10(4), 410–419. Biddle, S. J. H., Mutrie, N., & Gorely, T. (2015). Psychology of physical activity: Determinant, well-being and interventions (3rd ed.). London: Routledge. Buckworth, J., & Dishman, R. K. (2007). Exercise adherence. In G. Tenenbaum & R. C. Eklund (Eds.), Hand­ book of sport psychology (pp. 509–536). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley. Buckworth, J., Dishman, R., O’Connor, P., & Tomporowski, P. (2013). Exercise psychology (2nd ed.). Cham­ paign, IL: Human Kinetics. Carron, A. V., Hausenblas, H. A., & Estabrooks, P. A. (2003). The psychology of physical activity. New York: McGraw Hill. Caspersen, C. J., Powell, K. E., & Christenson, G. M. (1985). Physical activity, exercise, and physical fitness: Definitions and distinctions for health-related research. Public Health Reports, 100(2), 126–131. Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (1985). Intrinsic motivation and self-determination in human behavior. New York: Plenum Press. Eklund, R. C., & Tenenbaum, G. (2013). Encyclopedia of sport and exercise psychology. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Glanz, K., Rimer, B. K., Viswanath, K., & Orleans, C. T. (2008). Health behavior and health education : Theory, research, and practice (4th ed.). San Francisco, CA: John Wiley. Hackfort, D., & Birkner, H. (2005). An action-oriented perspective on exercise psychology. In D. Hackfort, J. L. Duda, & R. Lidor (Eds.), Handbook of research in applied sport and exercise psychology: Inter­ national perspectives (pp. 351–373). Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology. Hausenblas, H. A., & Rhodes, R. E. (2017). Exercise psychology: Physical activity and sedentary behavior. Burlington, MA: Jones & Bartlett. Janis, I. L., & Mann, L. (1977). Decision making: A psychological analysis of conflict, choice, and commit­ ment. London: Cassel & Collier Macmillan. Jossey-Bass. Hagger, M. S., & Chatzisarantis, N. L. D. (2014). An integrated behavior change model for physical activity. Exercise and Sport Sciences Reviews, 42(2), 62–69. Kim, Y. H., Park, J. G., Kim, K. W., & Ryu, H. S. (2012). Theoretical model, empirical knowledge and future directions in exercise psychology. Korean Journal of Sport Psychology, 23(3), 1–22. Kosma, M., Ellis, R., Cardinal, B. J., Bauer, J. J., & McCubbin, J. A. (2007). The mediating role of intention and stages of change in physical activity among adults with physical disabilities: An integrative framework. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 29, 21–38. Lox, C. L., Martin Ginis, K. A., & Petruzzello, S. J. (2011). The psychology of exercise: Integrating theory and practice. Scottsdale, AZ: Holcomb Hathaway. Lox, C. L., Martin Ginis, K. A., & Petruzzello, S. J. (2014). The psychology of exercise: Integrating theory and practice (4th ed.). New York: Routledge. Marshall, S. J., & Biddle, S. J. (2001). The transtheoretical model of behavior change: A meta-analysis of applications to physical activity and exercise. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 23(4), 229–246. Marcus, B. H., Eaton, C. A., Rossi, J. S., & Harlow, L. L. (1994). Self-efficacy, decision-making, and stages of change: An integrative model of physical exercise 1. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 24(6), 489–508. Marcus, B. H., Pinto, B. M., Simkin, L. R., Audrain, J. E., & Taylor, E. R. (1994). Application of theoretical models to exercise behavior among employed women. American Journal of Health Promotion, 9(1), 49–55. Nigg, C. R., & Courneya, K. S. (1998). Transtheoretical model: Examining adolescent exercise behavior. Journal of Adolescent Health, 22(3), 214–224. Ntoumanis, N., Thøgersen-Ntoumani, C., Quested, E., & Chatzisarantis, N. (2018). Theoretical approaches to physical activity promotion. In O. Braddick (Ed.), Oxford research encyclopedias of psychology. New York: Oxford University Press. Plotnikoff, R. C., Costigan, S. A., Karunamuni, N., & Lubans, D. R. (2013). Social cognitive theories used to explain physical activity behavior in adolescents: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Preventive Medicine, 56(5), 245–253. Prochaska, J. O., & DiClemente, C. C. (1983). Stages and processes of self-change of smoking: Toward an integrative model of change. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 51, 390–395.

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23

GOAL-SETTING

Joanne Butt and Robert Weinberg

Introduction In interviews and discussions with athletes, it is clear that many of them use goals to help their performance and preparation for performance. However, it remains a common problem that the process of goal-setting and the theory that underpins it is not fully understood, and, consequently, athletes generally do not set goals that will maximize their performance or other positive outcomes. That is, just because athletes set goals does not automatically mean that they will perform better or reach their goal. Athletes need to understand the goal-setting process, the different types of goal, goal-setting principles, and how to implement a goal setting programme to maximize goal effectiveness. These issues will be explored in this review.

Goal-Setting Definition Researchers in sport and exercise have often looked at goals in terms of objective and subjective goals. “Objective goals” focus on “attaining a specific standard of proficiency on a task, usually within a specified time” (Locke & Latham, 2002, p. 705). Attempting to attain a specified level of weight loss (e.g., 25 lb) within 3 months, aiming for a certain team win–loss record by the end of the season (e.g., winning percentage of .600), and achieving a personal best time for the 1-mile race (4:55) are all examples of objective goals. These are very specific and usually easy to measure. Conversely, “subjective goals” are general statements (e.g., “I want to have fun this season”) that are not easily measurable or objective. But, just because they are not easily measurable does not mean they cannot be measured. For example, if an athlete’s goal was to have fun this season, then what would make it fun? The answer might be things such as spending more time with teammates, having a better relationship with the coaches, and getting more playing time. These could all be assessed via a Likert scale (e.g., 1–5), and, if the athlete is satisfied with these things happening, then he or she would likely be reaching the goal of having more fun this season.

Types of Goals Goals in sport and exercise can be divided into three different types. First are outcome goals, which are typically goals that focus on the end result, which in sport involves competing against others, 333

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directly or indirectly. For example, a team might have a goal of winning 60% of their games, or a tennis-player might have a goal of winning a gold medal at the Olympic Games. The key point is that the outcome is not really within an athlete’s control because, in part, it depends upon how well the opposition/competition plays. Second are performance goals, which are goals in relation to one’s own level of performance. Examples would be a basketball player setting a goal to improve his free throw percentage from 70% to 75% or reducing a runner’s 1-mile run time from 4:30 to 4:20. These are mostly or totally under the individual’s control and do not depend on the performance of the competition. Finally, there are process goals, which are goals focused on helping athletes actually perform the skill correctly. For example, a volleyball player could have a goal of perfecting his/her service toss, or a baseball pitcher could have a goal of following through on snapping his wrist when throwing a curveball. Because process goals typically involve attention to specific aspects of a task and, thus, require cognitive processing, they are predominantly employed in practice so that the skill can become more automatic under game pressure. In terms of the relationship among these three types of goal, it appears most effective if athletes use all three goal types (Filby, Maynard, & Graydon, 1999). Outcome goals are important as long as they are not used in isolation, as only focusing on the outcome (instead of the task at hand) can cause anxiety and distracting thoughts. Therefore, to complement and supplement outcome goals, athletes should also employ performance and process goals. Specifically, process goals can help improve performance, and then the increase in performance can help achieve the outcome of winning. For example, a tennis-player could have a process goal of increasing the consistency of his/her ball toss while serving. This would then improve the accuracy and consistency of his/her serve (i.e., improved performance). An improved serve then could help the player achieve his/her goal of winning more matches. Although it may be effective to employ the three different types of goal, recent research (Lochmaum & Gottardy, 2015) using golf performance found that setting mastery goals that are in one’s control (i.e., performance or process goals) produced significantly better performance than employing outcome goals (i.e., winning the tournament) that were not under one’s control.

Goal-Setting Theory According to goal-setting theory, an individual’s conscious goals while they are trying to perform a task regulate task performance, which in turn leads to enhanced performance (Locke, 1966, 1968; Locke & Latham, 1990a, 1990b). Thus, it is thought that goals are formed by using internal comparisons and standards to evaluate performance. In the effective pursuit of goals, researchers document the role of the executive-control processes that enable an individual to hold relevant information specific to the goal for a period of time, constrain internal or external interfering information, and process feedback to adjust the individual’s behaviour when pursuing the goal (Miyake & Friedman, 2012). For use in sport practice, researchers and practitioners have adopted the concept of SMART goals (i.e., specific, measurable, action-oriented, realistic, time-phased) to help maximize the effectiveness of goal-setting, but it is important to note that the principles of SMART have been formed through the interpretation of this goal-setting theory (i.e., conscious goals regulating task performance and the underlying principles of the executive control processes). Although it is not the focus of the present review, much has been written about unconscious goals (e.g., Aarts, Custers, & Marien, 2008). In essence, instead of deliberately expending effort in an attempt to reach goals, it is also possible that participants’ pursuit of goals was done unconsciously. Thus, persistence in the face of obstacles and resumption of interrupted goal pursuits despite the availability of intrinsically more attractive activities are characteristic of unconscious goals as well as conscious goals. For a review of research on unconscious goals, see Aarts and Custers (2012). 334

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Athletes can achieve a higher performance level if specific, difficult, challenging goals are created. Along these lines, research (Locke, Shaw, Saari, & Latham, 1981) has consistently shown that easy goals, no goals, or do-your-best goals are not as effective. Generally, it is thought that these specific, hard goals direct attention and action and help athletes focus on what they need to do in both the short term and long term (Locke et al., 1981). However, the theory also suggests that a number of variables mediate this goal–performance relationship, including personality factors, monetary incentives, degree of commitment, knowledge of results, time limits, participation in decision-making, and competition. Locke (1968) also argued against a simple causative relationship between goals and behaviour, stating that a number of factors (e.g., ability to attain the goal, goal commitment, goal difficulty) influence effective goal-setting. However, so long as a person is committed to the goal, has the requisite ability to attain it, and does not have conflicting goals, there is a positive, linear relationship between goal difficulty and task performance (Locke & Latham, 2006). The next section will focus on the empirical research exploring the goal-setting–performance relationship.

Goal-Setting Research There has been a tremendous amount of research on goal-setting in the last 50 years in the industrial/organizational literature, with much of it trying to test some of the hypotheses from Locke’s (1968) original goal-setting theory. Specifically more than 650 studies have been conducted testing these hypotheses noted above in such areas as goal specificity, goal difficulty, goal proximity, goal commitment, and goal type. Reviews of literature in the industrial and organizational literature (Latham, 2006; Locke & Latham, 1990a, 1990b, 2002; Locke et al., 1981) have demonstrated the robustness of the effects of goal-setting on task performance, with approximately 90% of studies finding that specific, difficult goals lead to higher performance than no goals, easy goals, or do-your-best goals. In addition, meta-analysis found that the strength of the relationship between goals and performance was between .42 and .80. As noted above although an impressive amount of research has been conducted in industrial and organizational settings over the past 50 years, it has only been since the 1980s that sport and exercise psychology researchers have systematically studied the area, with close to 100 studies having now been conducted. The first systematic review using meta-analysis was conducted by Kyllo and Landers (1995), who found that goals improved performance with 0.34 of a standard deviation, which was lower than the .42–.80 found in organizational studies noted above. In a more recent narrative review, Burton and Weiss (2008) reviewed 88 studies, of which 70 demonstrated moderate to strong goal-setting effects, which is an 89% effectiveness rate. Although not quite as effective as in the organizational literature, it appears that the goal-setting–performance relationship is very strong.

Making Goals Effective There have been many articles and book chapters discussing the principles of goal-setting derived from research (e.g., Gould, 2010; Weinberg & Butt, 2014). This review will outline the key principles of goal-setting while focusing on how to set goals to maximize their effectiveness (Locke & Latham, 1990a, 2002). In essence, a goal-setting programme should be structured to be consistent with the basic principles derived from goal-setting theory. A common misperception is that, if one set goals, then this will automatically lead to enhanced performance and behaviour change. However, goal-setting is a process, and its implementation involves systematic effort. A seven-step process that should maximize goal effectiveness will now be discussed. 335

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Set Appropriate Goals These really encompass most of the goal-setting principles derived from research and discussed in previous reviews of the goal-setting literature (e.g., Burton & Weiss, 2008; Weinberg & Butt, 2014). Using the SMART acronym, goals should be specific (e.g., run 1 mile), measurable (e.g., run 1 mile in 5:20), action–oriented (e.g., train 5 days a week for 1 hour each day), realistic (I have run 1 mile before in 2:30, so 5:20 is realistic), timely (e.g., run a 5:20 mile by March 1), and self-determined (e.g., I have set the goal, not my coach). Of course, other principles that should be employed include short-term and long­ term goals, individual versus team goals, and individualized goals (consider participant personality). For goal attainment efficiency, a key consideration for teams is to ensure that individual team members are setting goals that will contribute to the team achieving its long-term goal. It is, perhaps, in a team environment where considering athletes’ personality characteristics could be most important. As one example, some players on the team might be more ego-oriented (i.e., they compare their performance with that of others), whereas other members might be more task-oriented (they compare their performance with themselves), and this could determine the extent to which they will be able to internalize goals. In addition, ego-oriented and task-oriented individuals will likely have different preferences when considering the level of goal difficulty (i.e., realistic goals; cf. Lochbaum, Kazak Çetinkalp, Graham, Wright, & Zazo, 2016). Furthermore, even goals that would appear to be for the betterment of the team might, in fact, undermine team performance. For example, let us say a basketball point guard sets a goal to increase their number of assists per game from five to eight. Assists are seen as team-oriented as they represent a pass that directly leads to a basket. However, this goal to increase the number of assists might, in fact, work against the team goal. Specifically, the point guard might try to force passes to the teammates in an attempt to increase his assists. However, this might be a bad decision, as maybe the player guarding him has backed off to try to cut off the pass to the teammate and so intercepts the ball. Therefore, one really needs to be careful when setting individual goals in a team sport, making sure they are consistent with team goals. Regarding short- and long-term goals, research has shown that both are necessary to maintain motivation and performance over time (Weinberg, Burton, Yukelson, & Weigand, 1993). Specifically, short-term goals provide feedback regarding progress being made toward the long-term goal and, thus, also allow for goals to be adjusted more easily when necessary. When set in combination, long-term goals provide direction for reaching an achievement (e.g., winning an Olympic gold medal during a 4- or 8-year training cycle), whereas the short-term goals help athletes to focus on smaller increments (e.g., going to the gym 5 days a week to work on upper and lower body strength). In addition, the types of goal noted above (outcome, performance, process) need to be considered when establishing a goal-setting programme for a specific individual or a team. In addition, the emphasis on and interaction among the three types of goal (i.e., outcome, performance, process) should match the orientation (i.e., winning, fun, improvement) and ability level of the individual or team. For example, a Little League team might emphasize fun and improvement, whereas a professional team might focus more on winning and less on fun. Finally, goals could either be more objective (makes them easy to measure and determine the progress toward the goal) or subjective (harder to objectively evaluate), depending on the goal itself (e.g., improving 1-mile run time from 5:00 to 4:50 vs. having more fun/ enjoyment this year playing varsity basketball compared with last year). 336

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Develop Goal Commitment Goals do not mean anything unless individuals are committed to their goals. There are a number of ways in which coaches and exercise leaders can enhance goal commitment (Locke, Latham, & Erez, 1988). First, research has indicated that participation in the goalsetting process can enhance commitment to achieving goals. For example, Erez and colleagues (e.g., Erez & Arad, 1986; Erez, Earley, & Hulin, 1985), in a series of studies, found participative goal-setting was more effective in enhancing performance than assigned goals. Second, incentives and rewards can also enhance commitment and performance (Locke et al., 1988). When rewards are offered for achieving certain outcomes (i.e., goals), participants typically try harder to achieve these goals. Anecdotally, professional athletes in their last year of a contract have talked about having a good year (i.e., trying harder) so that they can earn top dollar as a free agent. Third, public disclosure of goals (e.g., posting them on a lockerroom wall) has been shown to lead to higher persistence and commitment than goals that were stated privately on a questionnaire (Locke et al., 1988). One method that can be used to help practitioners gain commitment and athlete buy-in when setting goals is performance profiling (PP; cf. Butler, 1989; Butler & Hardy, 1992). Use of PP can help athletes take ownership of their goals, help them to write them down (ink it, don’t think it!), and systematically review performance progress. Through engaging in PP, coaches can understand the athlete’s perspective more clearly, and goals can be mutually agreed upon, which also provides a good benchmark of current ability against which future progress can be measured (Dale & Wrisberg, 1996; O’Brien, Mellalieu, & Hanton, 2009). Further, the use of PP as an applied tool can facilitate the process of goal-setting via the principles of evaluation, developing action plans, and receiving feedback. These principles are discussed next.

Evaluate Goal Barriers Research has shown that, often, barriers exist when individuals attempt to reach goals. For example, Weinberg, Burton, Yukelson, and Weigand (2000) found Olympic athletes noted a number of barriers that prevented them from achieving their goals (or at least made it more difficult). They included both internal factors, such as lack of confidence, lack of goal feedback, and goals set too high, as well as external factors, such as lack of time to properly train, work commitments, lack of social support, and personal/family responsibilities. To evaluate these goal barriers, a strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, threats (SWOT) approach can be employed, which is a strategic planning technique used to help individuals identify important factors related to their goals; in this case, it would especially be important to evaluate threats or barriers to their achieving their goals.

Develop Action Plans Both qualitative and quantitative research (Weinberg, Butt, & Knight, 2001; Weinberg, Butt, Knight, & Perritt, 2001) have revealed that athletes are generally not very systematic in implementing their goals. Athletes most often cite lack of time as the reason for not being more systematic and not writing down their goals. In addition, researchers (Burton, Weinberg, Yukelson, & Weigand, 1998) have found that effective goal-setters used action plans more often and more systematically than goal-setters who were less effective in achieving their goals. As noted earlier, these action plans should focus on process goals, as this helps guide athletes 337

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in doing what is necessary to achieve their goals. In the original development of his goalsetting theory, Locke (1968) proposed that relevant learning strategies can help achieve goals that enhance performance. For example, chipping a bucket of golf balls on to a practice green 3 days a week is a strategy to help achieve the goal of lowering one’s handicap by three shots. Similarly, shooting 100 shots from different spots around the basketball floor in practice every day could be a strategy to help improve shooting percentage. In addition, research on implementation intentions (Gollwitzer & Brandstätter, 1997) has indicated that intentions to initiate action (implementation intentions), such as “I intend to bat .300 for the upcoming season by taking 30 minutes of batting practice every day as well as watch film about my hitting against different pitchers10 minutes every day”, produce significantly better performance and more sustained behaviour than simply saying, “I intend to bat .300 next season” (goal intentions). In addition, implementation intentions allow individuals to more effectively overcome typical obstacles associated with initiation of goal-directed action.

Get Specific Feedback on Goal Progress Providing an individual with feedback on any type of performance serves as information about how they are doing. This feedback is especially true when individuals set goals that require some time and effort to accomplish, as feedback can act as motivation to persist (Kane, Baltes, & Moss, 2001). This is an important reason why it is essential for individuals to set short-term goals as they strive to meet their long-term goals. This feedback also allows individuals to re­ evaluate and reset their goals either upward or downward, depending on the situation (to be discussed later). Research has provided impressive and consistent evidence regarding the importance and effectiveness of providing feedback to goal-setting. Specifically, Locke and Latham (1990a) found that 17/18 studies revealed that goals plus feedback produced higher levels of performance than goals alone. In addition, this research review revealed that, in 21/ 22 studies, goals plus feedback were significantly better than feedback alone.

Evaluation of Goal Progress An important point to make when setting goals is to emphasize that goals are a starting place and not an ending place. When goals are originally set, individuals typically make their best guess (based on previous performance/behaviour and other relevant information) on what should be their goal. But, as noted earlier, sometimes barriers exist to achieving one’s goals, or performance simply exceeds one’s expectations. Therefore, it is essential that individuals re­ evaluate their goals periodically, especially when their goals are longer term in nature. Re­ evaluation of goals helps enhance motivation as well as self-efficacy. Research (Weinberg, Butt, Knight, & Perritt, 2001) has found that most coaches re-evaluated their goals with time frames ranging from daily to weekly, to monthly, to seasonal. There is no “right” amount of time over which goals should be re-evaluated; rather, the frequency of re-evaluation depends on the time frame for the achievement of the goal (shorter term or long term), as well as the number of individuals on the team (football team vs. golf team). An example of a re-evaluation might look as follows. A basketball player may have a season-long goal of improving her foul shooting percentage from 60% to 80%. As the season is 4 months old, her short-term goals are to improve by 5% each week. However, after 2 months she is shooting only 65%. With this feedback, she might be well advised to re­ evaluate her goal and maybe change it to 70%. An example where an athlete might increase his goals might look like this. A baseball player has a seasonal goal of batting .300, but, at 338

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midseason, he is batting .330. He might then re-evaluate his goal to .320 or even higher. In both examples, re-evaluating their goals in line with current performance should lead to increased motivation and persistence in striving to meet their goals.

Reinforce Goal Attainment Reaching one’s goal, especially a long-term, difficult goal, should be celebrated and rewarded using the principles of positive reinforcement (Smith, 2010). This reward should encourage the individual to start a new goal-setting process as the athlete builds toward higher and more challenging goals. It is often especially effective to provide a reward that is related to reaching the goal. For example, if a runner had a goal to finish his first marathon in under 4 hours, a meaningful reward might be to buy a new pair of expensive running shoes he/she was coveting.

Design of a Goal-Setting System Just as a football coach develops a game plan from individual plays, the coach, teacher, or fitness professional should develop a goal-setting implementation plan based on the principles of effective goal-setting. Although there is no one best system, most include three stages: preparation and planning, meeting, and evaluation. These are briefly presented below and use coaching a sport team as the example.

Preparation and Planning Phase The first step is to identify individual and team needs. Most people automatically think of individual and team performance/skills, but goals should also be set in diverse areas such as fitness levels, sportsmanship, enjoyment, psychological skills, and playing time. Once these goals are identified, then strategies to help achieve the goals should be put in place. For instance, a soccer player who wants to increase his overall conditioning might set a goal to work out 5 five days a week in the off-season for at least 1 hour every day and include a series of ten 50-yard sprints with a 1-minute rest between each sprint.

Meeting Phase Set an initial team meeting for the entire team. In this meeting, goal-setting information and principles should be conveyed in written form (e.g., types of goal, areas in which goals can be set, value of goals, goal-setting principles). Instead of setting goals in this initial meeting, have athletes think about setting specific team and individual goals based on the information provided to them. In this way, athletes can be more thoughtful (and armed with new information) when thinking about their own and team goals. A second meeting should be planned to discuss athletes’ goals considering the goal-setting principles. Team goals can be decided upon first, with athletes having input into the decision process as this adds to their commitment, as noted earlier. Individual athlete meetings should be set up at this time to determine personal goals. These individual and team goals should be recorded, and strategies should be developed to achieve these goals.

Follow-up and Evaluation Phase This phase is most likely the one to be neglected, because professionals become so busy with other things that they just do not make the time to evaluate the goals that were set. To avoid 339

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not evaluating goals, many coaches streamline the evaluation process by having managers keep post-practice and -game statistics related to player goals. Ideally, players should complete goal achievement cards prior to the start of the season where their goals and strategies are recorded. Goal evaluation cards should also be completed periodically to see if the athletes are achieving their goals and implementing their strategies. Coaches should make sure evaluation takes place in different areas reflecting a variety of goals, as noted earlier (e.g., mental skills, fitness, enjoyment, etc.). Goal evaluation meetings should be scheduled throughout the season to periodically check up on goal progress and achievement. If necessary, goals should be re-evaluated (as noted earlier) and moved up or down, depending on goal progress and achievement. Coaches should attempt to develop ways to provide systematic feedback regarding goal progress to enhance motivation and persistence.

Conclusion In summary, this review has focused on the effectiveness of goal-setting in sport. Objective and subjective goals were defined, before the types of goal were outlined. Specifically, outcome, performance, and process goals were discussed in relation to goal attainment and effectiveness of the goal-setting processes. Based on research with elite athletes, it was emphasized that setting all three types of goal in combination was most effective. From an applied perspective, it is likely that setting only outcome goals will evoke anxiety, whereas setting performance and process goals can facilitate confidence. This review then discussed goal-setting theory and research before outlining key principles of goal-setting, ensuring that goal-setting programmes be structured to be consistent with these principles. Furthermore, the method of performance profiling was recommended as a way to implement programmes specific to some of the key principles. Finally, a goal-setting system for implementing these goal-setting principles was discussed, with three distinct stages for maximum effectiveness. This is a summary of the points for goal-setting: • • • • • •

Goals should identify specific targets that are within the players’ control. Long-, medium-, and short-term goals should be established that can be reviewed (and adjusted, if necessary) at regular intervals. Goals can help concentration, increase effort and persistence in training, and improve confidence. Goals should be challenging, positive, controllable, and SMART. Goals should be self-determined by the player (as far as possible), or at least set in cooperation with the coach. The strategies for achieving the goals (process goals should be consistent with improving some aspect(s) of performance) should then, in turn, help achieve the outcome goal (usu­ ally in the form of winning).

References Aarts, H., & Custers, R. (2012). Unconscious goal pursuit: Nonconscious goal regulation and motivation. In R. Ryan (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of human motivation (pp. 232–247). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Aarts, H., Custers, R., & Marien, H. (2008). Preparing and motivating behavior outside of awareness. Sci­ ence, 319, 1639. Burton, D., Weinberg, R., Yukelson, D., & Weigand, D. (1998). The goal effectiveness paradox in sport: Examining the goal practices of collegiate athletes. The Sport Psychologist, 12, 404–419.

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Goal-Setting Burton, D., & Weiss, C. (2008). The fundamental goal concept: The path to process and performance suc­ cess. In T. Horn (Ed.), Advances in sport psychology. (3rd ed., pp. 339–375). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Butler, R. J. (1989). Psychological preparation of Olympic boxers. In J. Kremer & W. Crawford (Eds.), The psychology of sport: Theory and practice (pp. 74–84). Belfast: BPS Northern Ireland Branch. Butler, R. J., & Hardy, L. (1992). The performance profile: Theory and application. The Sport Psychologist, 6, 253–264. Dale, G. A., & Wrisberg, C. A. (1996). The use of a performance profile technique in a team setting: Get­ ting the athletes and coach on the ‘same page’. The Sport Psychologist, 10, 261–277. Erez, M., & Arad, R. (1986). Participative goal setting: Social, motivational and cognitive factors. Journal of Applied Psychology, 71, 591–597. Erez, M., Earley, P., & Hulin, C. (1985). The impact of participation on goal acceptance and performance. Academy of Management Review, 28, 50–66. Filby, W., Maynard, I., & Graydon, J. (1999). The effect of multiple goal strategies on performance out­ comes in training and competition. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 11, 230–246. Gollwitzer, P., & Brandstätter, V. (1997). Implementation intentions and effective goal pursuit. Journal of Per­ sonality and Social Psychology, 1, 186–1973. Gould, D. (2010). Goal setting for peak performance. In J. Williams (Ed.), Applied sport psychology: Per­ sonal growth to peak performance (6th ed.). (pp. 201–220). New York: McGraw Hill. Kane, T., Baltes, T., & Moss, M. (2001). Causes and consequences of free-set goals: An investigation of athletic self-regulation. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 23, 55–75. Kyllo, L., & Landers, D. (1995). Goal setting in sport and exercise: A research synthesis to resolve the controversy. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 17, 117–137. Latham, G. (2006). Work motivation: History, theory, research and practice. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Lochbaum, M., Kazak Çetinkalp, Z., Graham, K. A., Wright, T., & Zazo, R. (2016). Task and ego goal orientations in competitive sport: A quantitative review of the literature from 1989 to 2016. Kinesiology, 48, 3–29. Lochmaum, M., & Gottardy, J. (2015). A meta-analytic review of approach avoidance achievement goals and performance relationships in the sport psychology literature. Journal of Sport and Health Science, 4, 164–173. Locke, E. (1966). The relationship of intentions to level of performance. Journal of Applied Psychology, 50, 60–66. Locke, E. (1968). Toward a theory of task motivation incentives. Organizational Behavior and Human Per­ formance, 3, 157–189. Locke, E., & Latham, G. (1990a). A theory of goal setting and task performance. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Pren­ tice Hall. Locke, E., & Latham, G. (1990b). Work motivation and satisfaction: Light at the enof the tunnel. Psycho­ logical Science, 1, 240–246. Locke, E., & Latham, G. (2002). Building a practically useful theory of goal setting and task motivation. A 35-year odyssey. American Psychologist, 57, 705–717. Locke, E., & Latham, G. (2006). New directions in goal-setting theory. American Psychologist, 15, 265–268. Locke, E., Latham, G., & Erez, M. (1988). The determinants of goal commitment. Academy of Management Review, 13, 23–39. Locke, E., Shaw, K., Saari, L., & Latham, G. (1981). Goal setting and task performance. Psychological Bul­ letin, 90, 125–152. Miyake, A., & Friedman, N. P. (2012). The nature and organization of individual differences in executive functions: Four general conclusions. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 21, 8–14. O’Brien, M., Mellalieu, S., & Hanton, S. (2009). Goal-setting effects in elite and nonelite boxers. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 21, 293–306. Smith, R. (2010). A positive approach to coaching effectiveness and performance enhance. In J. Williams (Ed.), Applied sport psychology: Personal growth to peak performance (pp. 42–58). New York: McGraw Hill. Weinberg, R., Burton, D., Yukelson, D., & Weigand, D. (1993). Goal setting in competitive sport: An exploratory investigation of practices of collegiate athletes. The Sport Psychologist, 7, 275–289. Weinberg, R., Burton, D., Yukelson, D., & Weigand, D. (2000). Perceived goal setting practices of Olympic athletes: An exploratory investigation. The Sport Psychologist, 14, 280–296.

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Joanne Butt and Robert Weinberg Weinberg, R., & Butt, J. (2014). Goal setting and sport and performance: Research findings and practical applications. In A. Papaioannou & D. Hackfort (Eds.), Routledge companion to sport and exercise psych­ ology. Global perspectives and fundamental concepts (pp. 342–356). London: Routledge. Weinberg, R., Butt, J., & Knight, B. (2001). High school coaches’ perceptions of the process of goal-setting. The Sport Psychologist, 15, 20–47. Weinberg, R., Butt, J., Knight, B., & Perritt, N. (2001). Collegiate coaches’ perceptions of their goal-setting practices: A qualitative investigation. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 13, 374–399.

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HIGH-PERFORMANCE COACHES

Mathew Grey, Clifford J. Mallett, Katherine A. O’Brien, and Steven B. Rynne

Introduction When people speak about high-performance or elite coaches in professional leagues, especially in many Western countries, names such as Sir Alex Ferguson, Pep Guardiola, Jürgen Klopp, Joachim Löw, Jose Mourinho (football), Vince Lombardi, Bill Belichick (NFL, American football), Mike Babcock (NHL, ice hockey), Phil Jackson, and Gregg Popovich (NBA, basketball) come to mind. What makes these coaches household names is their longevity in the game, which is partially contingent upon their continued success over an extended period in winning at the highest levels of competition in their sports. An assumption that is shared by the general public and researchers alike is that high-performance coaches impact athlete and team performance in positive ways; they are often credited (at least to some degree) with athlete and team success. For many, success (primarily in relation to performance in key competitions) is the defining criterion for high-performance coaches. For the coaches mentioned above, this would seem to be appropriate. However, in contrast with the general public and media outlets, researchers must go well beyond superficial markers in clearly demarcating cohorts worthy of investigation. So, before we can seek to learn from these coaches, for example, to understand who they are, their impact on the coach–athlete–performance relationship, and what makes them so special, a key question for researchers is, what criteria are used to determine who is and who is not a highperformance coach? The reason that this question is key is that the absent or underdeveloped nature of such criteria mean the empirical bases for examination, comparison, and critique will be similarly absent or underdeveloped.

Defining High-Performance Coaches In the literature, the label high-performance coach is often used; however, few define or specifically constitute what they mean by the term. Consequently, college-level coaches (e.g., Allain, Bloom, & Gilbert, 2018; Erickson, Côté, & Fraser-Thomas, 2007) and subordinateleague coaches (e.g., Bentzen, Lemyre, & Kenttä, 2016, 2017) are commonly acknowledged as high-performance; that is, they are deemed equivalent to the aforementioned coaches, all of whom have triumphed on their sport’s grandest stages. 343

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An alternative approach to framing coaching has been to consider the athletic cohorts with whom coaches work. This has also proven to be problematic owing to muddiness regarding what constitutes ‘elite’ or ‘high-performance athletes’ (Polman, 2012). A review of the literature by Swann, Moran, and Piggott (2015), for example, identified multiple overarching categories defining elite athletes, including criteria related to the playing level reached, the experience of the athlete, specific measures or levels of task-competency attained, and training frequency of the athlete. The authors go on to suggest that this ambiguity jeopardizes the validity and credibility of the literature, as the contrasting criteria for elite status may cloud or dilute the findings and associated conclusions. To avoid similar critiques in the sports coaching literature, it seems logical that the first step taken should be to attempt to remove this ambiguity and uncertainty surrounding the definition of high-performance coaches. So, what can we learn from Swann and colleagues to inform a working definition of high-performance coaches? The review outlined a potential framework to acknowledge whether an athlete can be classified as elite, evaluating the athlete’s legitimacy across a number of themes. These themes considered the topmost level of competition reached by the athlete (e.g., international, Olympics, etc.), their subsequent outcome at this level (e.g. medals, titles, champions), and the extent of time/experience at this level as indicators of being elite within a sport. Further, the level of competition/competitiveness of the sport within the athlete’s home country, and within the sport worldwide, were regarded as indicators of elite across different sports. Swann and colleagues (2015) combined these themes and quantified their value to develop an equation and a measure that essentially categorized an athlete’s status for future research within sporting literature. The method by which the framework considers an integrated approach, taking into account the context and longevity of experience and not just the outcome or achievement, adds merit to the validity of its precision in segregating the elite from the rest. Taking a similar rationale and approach may prove beneficial within the high-performance coaching literature, where current research has frequently failed to recognize and understand the importance of context in providing a more precise definition. High-performance coaches are positioned at one extremity of the performance–coaching spectrum (e.g., Lyle, 2002; Mallett & Côté, 2006; Rynne, Mallett, & Tinning, 2006) and are typically tasked with leading athletes and/or teams to success at the highest levels (e.g., Lyle, 2002; Mallett, 2010; Mallett, Rynne, & Dickens, 2013). This is not to say that an individual who coaches high-performance athletes is unquestionably high-performing themselves and/or indeed effective. However, there is an underlying assumption that a coach who has guided an athlete/team to perform in the highest international arenas is coaching in a high-performance context. The associated assumption is that such coaches would likely possess coaching knowledge, skill sets, and characteristics that are necessary to produce high-performing athletes and teams. In interrogating these assumptions, Côté and Gilbert (2009) suggest that the performance–coaching spectrum is segregated by coaching knowledge, and, to truly comprehend a coach’s effectiveness, their professional, interpersonal, and intrapersonal coaching knowledge must be assessed. Although this view does highlight the value of knowledge to coaches, it is important to note that there are additional factors to consider when defining high-performance coaches. The work of high-performance coaches is considered both dynamic and complex (Lyle, 2002; Rynne & Mallett, 2012), with practitioners having to constantly modify and adapt to their ever-changing environment (Nash & Sproule, 2009) and account for their own and others’ distinctive personalities (Becker, 2009; Chan & Mallett, 2011; Lee, Kim, & Kang, 2013; Nash & Sproule, 2009; Norman & French, 2013; Olusoga, Maynard, Hays, & Butt, 344

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2012; Thelwell, Weston, Greenlees, & Hutchings, 2008b) to produce successful (winning) outcomes (Côté, Bruner, Erickson, Strachan, & Fraser-Thomas, 2010; Kristiansen & Roberts, 2010). The role involves fluid decision-making, careful preparation and planning, intense engagement, and an element of control (Lyle, 2002; Mallett, 2010) in supporting the athlete’s quest for success and, in turn, the coach’s success. Therefore, we propose that a highperformance coach, by definition, should be an individual who exhibits these qualities, within the high-performance sport context. Taking these factors into consideration and implementing a similar line of reasoning to Swann and colleagues’ (2015) previously mentioned criteria, we propose high-performance coaches be conditionally defined as those who lead athletes or teams who are either officially Olympic or world championship qualified (i.e., who reach stringent qualifying standards) or who play in elite professional leagues around the world in culturally significant sports. The underlying premise of this definition is that the coach is highly significant to athletic performance (Côté et al., 2010; Hodge, Henry, & Smith, 2014; Mallett, 2005; Mallett et al., 2013), and the attainment of this level of achievement by athletes and teams in such highstandard competitions requires expert management, supervision, leadership, direction, ability, and knowledge on the part of the coach. On the basis of the proposed definition of high-performance coaches above, we examine the literature to learn about key qualities of these coaches. This examination and the review of the literature are aimed at providing some clarity in understanding these high-performance coaches, including insight into who they are, what they do, how they develop, what drives them, and how they develop their craft.

High-Performance Coaches as Leaders Undoubtedly, a major aspect of high-performance coaching, and coaching in general, involves leadership—that is, influencing others. Leadership is described as the guiding of individuals towards a shared and mutual goal or goals (Chemers, 1997, as cited in Pilus & Saadan, 2009), and, within sport, the coach is acknowledged as the preeminent figure, assigned to oversee the progress of the athlete and/or team (Chelladurai, 2007). Although the preferred method or style of leadership is relatively dependent on the athlete and their environment (Høigaard, Jones, & Peters, 2008; McRae, 2004), research has established associations between the coach’s leadership approach and athlete performance (Fletcher & Arnold, 2011; Fletcher & Wagstaff, 2009), team cohesion (Ramzaninezhad & Hoseini Keshtan, 2009; Weinberg & McDermott, 2002), athlete satisfaction (Price & Weiss, 2000), and even injury development (Ekstrand et al., 2018). The implication of these findings illustrates the importance of the coach being able to self-reflect on their own leadership style and appreciate the impact that it may have on the athlete or team. Consequently, the coach may then seek to adjust or modify their leadership style or coaching behaviours to better suit the situation, in the hope of improving outcomes for all. One way of understanding the leadership styles of high-performance coaches is to look at the relationship and interaction between the coach and athlete. Adopting this approach in an organizational setting with leaders and followers, Burns (1978) identified two primary overarching types of leadership relationship: transactional and transformational. Within transactional leadership, the intentions and expectations are outlined explicitly by the leader, and rewards or punishments are typically bestowed, depending on the outcome of performance and accomplishment of expectations (Bass, Avolio, Jung, & Berson, 2003). Transformational leadership focuses on inspiration through acknowledging the importance of 345

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the individual, accepting collaboration and the undertaking of group goals, role-modelling, and developing invested relationships (Deichmann & Stam, 2015). In terms of the specific leadership behaviours of high-performance coaches, there has been a shift in recent times from a transactional approach to a more transformational one, facilitating better team cohesion (Callow, Smith, Hardy, Arthur, & Hardy, 2009) and (indirectly) performance (Charbonneau, Barling, & Kelloway, 2001; Soane, Butler, & Stanton, 2015). This shift towards a more transformational leadership approach is probably best exemplified through the extremely successful world champion rugby union team, the New Zealand All Blacks. In the period post the 2007 World Cup, the All Blacks’ coaches Henry and Smith veered towards a transformational leadership approach (through their dual-management model), moving from coach-dominated control to developing a player-led leadership group. This allowed the players to be more accountable for their actions and have more ownership and autonomy over how the team functioned, resulting in greater empowerment and confidence (Hodge et al., 2014). From this, the coaches reported their coaching became more flexible and democratic in general, and, through the sharing of responsibility, the players were able to play to their full potential. More recently, an in-depth examination of some of the world’s most successful highperformance coaches (termed, serial winning coaches; SWCs) underscored the shift towards a more collaborative approach to leadership—coach–athlete and coach–support staff (LaraBercial & Mallett, 2016; Mallett & Lara-Bercial, 2016). These SWCs (as self-reported and verified by their successful athletes/teams) were decisive and accountable for their decisions. Furthermore, they seemed capable and in control of their environment. Overall, these SWCs were considered benevolent dictators—ruthless, collaborative, empowering, inspiring, but, importantly, balanced those qualities with a great sense of care, compassion, and adaptability. The medal-winning athletes and professional league champions coached by these SWCs perceived their coaches as representing the best interests of themselves as athletes and as people, which fostered their followership and willingness to be guided in pursuit of sporting excellence. These SWCs were responsive to their followers-in-context (Vallée & Bloom, 2005). These qualities are consistent with transformational leadership (Bass et al., 2003) and the social identity approach to leadership with a key tenet that leaders are perceived to be ‘doing it for us’ (Haslam, Reicher, & Platow, 2011).

High-Performance Coaches’ Personalities From Traits to Narrative Identities What is it about high-performance coaches that enables them to thrive in such a highpressure and stressful environment? Previous research has looked to answer this question by examining the traits and characteristics of high-performance coaches. Studies have identified that high-performance coaches are deeply committed, hard-working, passionate, confident, inspirational, and driven (Becker, 2009; Lyle, 2002; Mallett & Lara-Bercial, 2016; Olusoga et al., 2012). Moreover, the high-performance coaches themselves consider characteristics such as trustworthiness, adaptability, and positivity essential to their craft, and highlight the importance of establishing and maintaining high-quality, reciprocating relationships with the athletes (Gould, Greenleaf, Guinan, & Chung, 2002). For most, however, these qualities seem somewhat intuitive—a profession that is dynamic and requires substantial dedication and sacrifice from its athletes should find similar attributes advantageous in its coaches, should it not? High conscientiousness is important for success in coaching but provides little 346

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insight into the coach; of greater interest is why are they so diligent? What drives these coaches? Why are they so obsessive? Although a coach’s behavioural signature might provide some sense of the coach and their consistent behaviours, these psychological traits provide little insight into what they want and value and who they are—who is the person behind the coach; in other words, what is their identity? To find out more about these coaches, we need to consider other layers of personality to build upon these psychological traits—what they want and value and who they are. Coulter and colleagues (2016) argued for research in sport to embrace McAdams’s (2013) integrated model for understanding the person. In light of this, and to better appreciate the high-performance coach as an individual, Mallett and Coulter (2016) and Mallett and Lara-Bercial (2016) proposed the necessity to examine who these coaches are in terms of a more integrated or holistic approach. In recognizing the significance of understanding why an individual behaves the way they do, and how they interpret their previous experiences, McAdams integrated a whole-person framework (McAdams, 2013). This multilayered understanding of people was applied to a successful, multiple medal-winning Olympic coach (Mallett & Coulter, 2016). The theory posits that there are three corresponding layers or perspectives of an individual that provide the basis for a personal narrative and give an extensive insight into the aforementioned whys and hows of the coach: • a social actor—from birth, formed on the individual’s broad dispositional traits; • a motivated agent—from about 7 years of age, formed on the individual’s wants and values; and • an autobiographical author—from early adulthood, formed on the reflection of the individ­ ual’s past, present, and imagined future. What developed was a deep and intricate narrative about the high-performance coach, detailing the particular events and experiences that have motivated, influenced, and shaped the individual. A few different plots were central to their stories. The SWCs were found to be on a quest for success. In particular, many were on a personal crusade driven by underlying motives of redemption (especially atonement). Perceived failures of the past (e.g., not achieving desired success as an athlete) fuelled their drive for ongoing success and attempting to ease the emotional pain of not achieving their dreams. Their athletes’ success was viewed as a personal success story, but it was a temporary reprieve; it was also a reminder of their previous failings, which contributed to their obsession for more success with their athletes and teams. The application of this theoretical lens within sporting contexts is still novel. Nevertheless, there are evident possibilities for this multilayered understanding of all actors in the sporting context that can shape a deeper understanding of people and their personalities (Coulter et al., 2016).

Motivation and High-Performance Coaches: Self-Determination Theory Understandably, the construct of motivation is pervasive in sport research (Lindahl, Stenling, Lindwall, & Colliander, 2015). How do we understand these motivational forces that shape the behaviour, in this case, of high-performance coaches? This is of particular interest in light of the previously stated high demands and pressure associated with this vocation. Furthermore, coaches typically fail, if we judge success on winning and losing, adding to the curiosity of 347

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why they do what they do. The most popular theoretical frame for examining motivation is selfdetermination theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2017). Although there is extensive literature exploring the motivation of high-performance athletes, research on the motivation of the coach is comparatively limited, and even more so for highperformance coaches. Considering the significance of the high-performance coach in the athlete’s development and performance (Bartholomew, Ntoumanis, & Thøgersen-Ntoumani, 2010; Mageau & Vallerand, 2003), and the identification of the coach as a performer themselves (Gould et al., 2002; Parkes, 2018), it begs the question as to why the topic has not attracted more empirical interest. Nevertheless, SDT has been a popular lens through which to examine high-performance coaches’ motivation. SDT is a comprehensive theory of motivation and personality that comprises six mini-theories (Ryan & Deci, 2017). It is an organismic dialectic approach to understanding behaviour and personality development. These mini-theories are centred on the notion of universal basic psychological needs and their satisfaction fostering psychological growth and development. Two key tenets of SDT include: (1) the proposition that the quality or forms of motivation are central to understanding and regulating human behaviour; and (2) social forces (e.g., needsupportive coaching climate) shape psychological needs and, in turn, different forms of motivation and subsequent cognitions, affect, and behaviours. SDT is centred on basic psychological needs—autonomy, competence, and relatedness. The theory suggests that a number of factors (e.g., social, environmental) can facilitate or suppress the fulfilment of these needs, manifesting in various degrees of self-determined motivation. When an individual’s need for autonomy, competence, and/or relatedness is satisfied, their motivation tends to be more self-determined and leads to better psychosocial outcomes (e.g., Amiot, Gaudreau, & Blanchard, 2004; Gagné & Blanchard, 2007; Lemyre, Treasure, & Roberts, 2006; Pelletier, Fortier, Vallerand, & Briere, 2001). This can often be a complex objective for the athlete and coach, as the overarching purpose and focus for many in sport is to win (McLean & Mallett, 2012), typically aligning with more extrinsic forms of motivation. Nevertheless, research has shown that autonomous forms of motivation drive high-performance coaches (McLean & Mallett, 2012). McLean and Mallett (2012) identified certain themes from the motives of coaches, revealing coaches have a personal affiliation with sport, tending to develop from their own playing experiences; they have a deep desire to advance and develop their athletes and themselves within their sport; they are highly competitive and have a strong hunger for success and achievement; and they are propelled by intense feelings and emotions, such as affection, passion, happiness, and satisfaction with their craft. The authors highlight that the themes reflected internal (autonomous) motives of the coaches that are associated with satisfying their psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness—in congruence with the principles of SDT. A significant contribution to the SDT literature has been Mageau and Vallerand’s (2003) coach–athlete motivational model. The motivational sequence and the motivational climate proposed in this model have spawned several quantitative and qualitative studies with highperformance coaches (e.g., Ahlberg, Mallett, & Tinning, 2008; Keegan, Harwood, Spray, & Lavallee, 2014; Occhino, Mallett, Rynne, & Carlisle, 2014; Pensgaard & Roberts, 2002). These studies have shown that the motivation of the coaches influences their coaching style and behaviours, which, consequently, influences the athlete’s or athletes’ motivation. Certain coaching styles and behaviours, referred to as ‘autonomy-supportive’ (see Mageau & Vallerand, 2003), facilitate self-determined motivation within the athlete, through the satisfaction of their aforementioned psychological needs (Carpentier & Mageau, 2013; 348

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Hollembeak & Amorose, 2005). Research has established democratic leadership styles (Amorose & Horn, 2000, 2001), fostering team cohesiveness (Blanchard, Amiot, Perreault, Vallerand, & Provencher, 2009) and positive, instructional feedback (Amorose & Horn, 2001; Carpentier & Mageau, 2013) and offering rationale and choice (Mageau & Vallerand, 2003) as possible ways in which the coach can promote an autonomy-supportive environment, increasing the likelihood of many positive outcomes (see Coatsworth & Conroy, 2009; Conroy & Coatsworth, 2007; Pelletier et al., 2001). In contrast, a ‘controlling’ coaching method does not facilitate self-determined motivation in the athletes, proving to be maladaptive to and opposing their psychological needs (Bartholomew, Ntoumanis, & Thøgersen-Ntoumani, 2009). Autocratic leadership styles (Hollembeak & Amorose, 2005; Mallett, 2005), negative conditional regard (Mageau & Vallerand, 2003), pressuring the athlete (Occhino et al., 2014), and providing controlling feedback (Mageau & Vallerand, 2003) are just some examples of behaviours that can typify a controlling environment. Moreover, these behaviours have been associated with negative outcomes, such as burn-out (Barcza-Renner, Eklund, Morin, & Habeeb, 2016), drop-out (Pelletier et al., 2001), and reduced psychological well-being (Stebbings, Taylor, & Spray, 2011), among others. There are a range of social and environmental factors that can play a significant role in shaping high-performance coaches’ motivation, which subsequently influences athletes’ motivation and behaviours. Antecedents and determinants of coaching behaviours, including coach causality orientation (Ryan & Deci, 2017), perceived external pressures (from upper management) and internal pressures (from their perceptions of their athletes’ motivation and willingness) on the coach (Mageau & Vallerand, 2003; Occhino et al., 2014; Rocchi, Pelletier, & Couture, 2013), the availability of mentoring programmes and accredited coaching courses for the coach (Allen & Shaw, 2009; Stebbings, Taylor, Spray, & Ntoumanis, 2012), job security (Olusoga, Butt, Hays, & Maynard, 2009; Stebbings et al., 2012), and the coach’s ability to manage the work–life balance (Bentzen et al., 2016; Carson, Walsh, Main, & Kremer, 2018; Olusoga & Kenttä, 2017), have been found to influence the nature of the coach’s behaviours as either autonomy-supportive or controlling. Stebbings et al. (2011, 2012) propose the development of an ideal climate for coaches, where known determinants are accounted for, and the coach’s psychological needs are adequately fostered. Although this may be easier said than done in some instances, taking an adaptive and malleable approach to managing the coach’s motivation will have positive benefits for both the coach and the athletes.

High-Performance Coaches’ Work What Is a Coach’s Work? As previously mentioned, high-performance coaches are entrusted with guiding their athlete/ team to regular success on the grandest of stages. Although this is a primary objective of the coach, it is not their only responsibility. Unbeknown to many, high-performance coaching is a multifaceted vocation, comprising a number of roles. In addition to the specific on-field coaching duties, the coach can also be responsible for the development and scheduling of training plans, management of the squad and coaching staff, talent identification and recruitment (particularly for team sports), administration jobs, and public relations issues, among others (Lyle, 2002; Rynne, Mallett, & Rabjohns, 2017; Rynne et al., 2006). The multitude of responsibilities and magnitude of the role place increased pressure and stress on 349

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the coach (Gould et al., 2002; Knight, Reade, Selzler, & Rogers, 2013; Norris, Didymus, & Kaiseler, 2017; Olusoga et al., 2012; Rhind, Scott, & Fletcher, 2013) and have prompted many to explore and apply psychological skills (e.g. self-talk) as coping strategies (Thelwell, Weston, Greenlees, & Hutchings, 2008a). Akin to athletes, high-performance coaches are also subjected to appraisal of their performance and the effectiveness of their work (Mallett & Côté, 2006; Rynne et al., 2017). However, the severity of evaluation is typically uncompromising, as high-performance coaches are held accountable for the production and success of the athlete/team (Mallett & Côté, 2006; Rynne & Mallett, 2014), and poor performances can result in their dismissal from the role. This has led to the understanding and consideration of high-performance coaches as performers in their own right (Gould et al., 2002; Parkes, 2018). These coaches are ‘on stage’ and judged not only by their athletes and players, but also by the visual and written media and the public, who expect success as defined by winning. As performers in their own right, they are not necessarily a complete and polished product, but continually need to develop their knowledge and skills to warrant their continued employment (Rynne et al., 2017). High-performance coaching work reflects an ever-changing landscape of ‘athletes, place, and purpose’. Indeed, at the uppermost levels (i.e., Olympic and professional sports), coaching is complex and ever-demanding, as coaches’ work, as well as performance parameters, often mirrors transformations in society and sport itself (Mallett, 2010). For example, highperformance contexts move very fast with respect to technology (e.g., equipment, tracking systems), coaching practices (e.g., tactical trends in training and competition), and paraprofessional support (e.g., pedagogical science, biomechanics, medicine, and psychology). Commercialization processes, such as sponsorship and marketing, have proliferated in sport directly impacting the work of high-performance coaches. Moreover, internationalization of the coaching profession has also brought about a variety of personal and professional challenges for coaches practising in the global marketplace. Added to this, the societal importance attached to sporting occasions, matches, and rivalries (Webb, 2017) has also shifted the way in which sports are governed and played, creating different working conditions, professional pathways, and full-time sporting careers. Thus, evolving patterns of sport have differentially impacted upon coaches, their work, and how they professionally perform. Indeed, high-performance sports coaching has become increasingly sophisticated and complex in terms of knowledge creation, accountability, and the development of standards and norms. Problematically, popular understandings of coaching have been rather narrowly conceived, confined to the face-to-face and more public aspects of coaching related to training, competition, and media obligations. This ignores the myriad of other tasks and actions highperformance coaches are responsible for. However, over the past few years, a growing body of research (e.g., Donoso-Morales, Bloom, & Caron, 2017; Kjaer, 2019; Mallett & Lara-Bercial, 2016; North, Piggott, LaraBercial, Abraham, & Muir, 2019) has highlighted some consistent findings regarding how high-performance coaches conduct their work. For example, several studies (e.g., DonosoMorales et al., 2017; North et al., 2019) have confirmed that coaching has clearly progressed from a primarily volunteer activity to full-time-working status. Identification as fulltime paid ‘professionals’ has also been seen as one of the drivers behind the development of remunerated career structures and pathways closely aligned to organizational interest and investment. Indeed, in cultivating high-performance environments, coaches must enact a ‘vision’ for their teams (e.g., forming a culture of success), as they intuitively and effectively monitor and respond to the constant flow of events (Mallett & Lara-Bercial, 2016; Turner, Nelson, & Potrac, 2012). Notably, discourse has further uncovered that coaching work at the uppermost 350

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levels is characterized by high levels of commitment, stable coach–athlete relationships, and the considered application of sport-specific knowledge in order to improve their athletes’ careers (Lyle, 2002; Mallett & Côté, 2006; Rynne & Mallett, 2012; Trudel & Gilbert, 2006). Hence, high-performance coaching work can be described as involving typically full-time work, public and media performance objectives, devotion to the development and implementation of programmes, the ability to connect and communicate with key stakeholders, ability to design highly individualized ‘craft-based’ work plans, and a heavy emphasis on decision-making and data management in order to achieve improvements in performance domains.

How Do High-Performance Coaches Develop Their Craft? The personal history of high-performance coaches has been found to greatly frame their development (Rynne, 2008), with sources such as formal education (e.g., coaching workshops/accreditation programmes, tertiary education; Rynne, 2008; Rynne et al., 2017), and informal learning activities (e.g. previous playing experience, learning on the job; Gilbert, Côté, & Mallett, 2006; Rynne et al., 2017) said to play important roles in shaping their coaching identity. Lara-Bercial and Mallett (2016) reported that the developmental pathways to high-performance coaching are varied, though there are some repeating components in their stories regarding the influence of motivating figures or events, previous experience as an athlete, and a willingness to take a risk or grasp an opportunity when it presented itself. Notably, research supports the notion that professional coaching is not something that is merely delivered, but rather is a constantly changing performance action that engages coaches and career (Cushion, 2007). In fact, the cultural and structural properties of elite or highperformance sport means that coaches invariably are required to respond and improvise in relation to constantly changing parameters, game conditions, and the urgency of the ‘win’ (Mallett, Rossi, Rynne, & Tinning, 2016). For that reason, professional coaches need to be progressive in terms of the development of new forms of knowledge and training. They need to be cognizant of the interpersonal and sophisticated nature of their practice. They need to be capable of progressing professional networks and relationships so as to promote a range of opportunities and gain access to cutting-edge competitive advice (Kjaer, 2019; Taylor & Garratt, 2012). In other words, the basic premise is that there are a number of elements of practice that are required to enable the coach to effectively develop their craft (Lyle & Cushion, 2016). However, when delving deeper, a coach’s capabilities and subsequent learning directions appear to be personally progressed, internally aligned, and gradually applied to the particular demands of their sport and situation. Therefore, when we take into account that individual coaches will be likely to have distinctive backgrounds, past experiences, capabilities, and needs, this suggests that the particular balance of elements necessary to effectively develop their craft can be decidedly unclear (Lyle & Cushion, 2016; Werthner & Trudel, 2006). Yet, further understanding of how individual coaches develop their craft and how they are prepared to deal with the associated realities of their professional work (Cassidy, Jones, & Potrac, 2015) is vitally important. Indeed, in sporting terms, this has great significance, given that the industry is founded on the drive to triumph over competitors. Moreover, coaches who are prepared to learn how to develop their craft in ways that are somewhat different to their colleagues may well be better positioned to strategically seize a greater competitive advantage and a long-term sporting career. As such, performance coaches are voracious learners who are well read, reflective, and willing to work through change. They can also be more advanced in some capabilities than others, meaning that the acquisition or improvement of 351

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their sport-specific knowledge requires a customized learning plan. For example, coaches valorize embodied practitioner knowledge and its associated sources of informal advice (Blackett, Evans, & Piggott, 2017). Development of craft in this respect includes learning through interactions with current and former athletes, learning from their experiences as an athlete, learning from previous coaching experiences and broader life events, and learning from a variety of other personnel, including other coaches or paraprofessionals from within and outside their sport. At the same time, there is also a body of evidence supporting the idea that coaches learn through well-constructed certification/accreditation programmes and formalized tertiary studies that provide sport-specific content knowledge and pedagogical advice (Rynne & Mallett, 2014; Stoszkowski & Collins, 2016). However, much of what a coach learns is related to how they view themselves (and others) in relation to their work. Indeed, internal learning situations, or those specific moments when coaches reflect on and reorganize what they already know (Werthner & Trudel, 2006), are also critical moments in the continual development of their career. Implicit in much of what has been outlined here is the role of others in the learning of high-performance coaches. In professional sport especially, the development of human capital has also become increasingly important for organizational survival (Haemer, Borges-Andrade, & Cassiano, 2017).

How Are High-Performance Coaches Judged? Evaluating Their Work Assumptions about coach development, about the nature of coaching, and what professional parameters coaches need to acquire throughout their working career have often formed the lens through which the wider coaching literature has been considered (Cushion et al., 2010). For example, the common image of a coach at higher levels (i.e., Olympic and professional sports) consists of someone who constitutes the highest levels of achievement in competition. Individually, they are intuitively intelligent, single-minded practitioners who tactically deploy a range of capabilities in order to guide and improve their athletes towards the peak of their careers. However, coaching parameters per se do not stand alone as predictors of performance or how their work is judged (Cushion, 2019; Mallett & Côté, 2006). Indeed, coaching work is not objective; therefore, evaluations of coaching made by media, the general public, coach employers, athletes, and the coaches themselves are permeated by various personal and social values, beliefs, expectations, and demands (Cushion, 2019; Lyle & Cushion, 2016). Notably, in present coaching climates, most workplace assessments aim at the alignment of competencies to meet organizational demands and aspirations (Haemer et al., 2017). Indeed, although most sporting organizations use some type of appraisal system to select, evaluate, reward, and develop their staff, current workplace frameworks appear to be strongly situated around an administrative focus (i.e., when appraisals are used to facilitate personnel decisions concerning promotions, salary increases, training, and termination) or developmental role where the growth of employee skills, capabilities, and competencies critical to the organization is examined (Haemer et al., 2017; Nash, Martindale, Collins, & Martindale, 2012; WebsterWright, 2010). As such, one of the most utilized methods of coach evaluation are formal meetings where a group of administrators provide informal impressions of the coaching process gained from watching events, or athletes, during the course of a season (Cunningham & Dixon, 2003). Evaluations of coaching work are also gleaned by evaluating individual athletes’ achievements in terms of their win and loss records (Koh, Mallett, & Wang, 2009; Mallett & Côté, 2006). For example, results-based criteria used often include the number of medals won in national and international competitions, the number of athletes selected for 352

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national teams and squads, or whether a coach has consistently achieved individual athlete ‘benchmark’ targets. Other, organizationally focused indicators can also include seasonal win and loss records, social media posts, business criteria (e.g., season ticket sales, sponsorships gained), or ratings provided by the players themselves. Thus, although outcome-based models appear to have dominated high-performance coach evaluations, there is growing recognition (e.g., Jain, Sharma, Singh, & Mehta, 2018; Koh et al., 2009; Lyle & Cushion, 2016; Mallett & Côté, 2006; Nash et al., 2012; North et al., 2019) that these models cannot address the complexities of coaching practice and the unpredictable nature of the role. Moreover, synthesizing these accounts suggests that the design of future assessments should include an ‘integrative approach’ that measures performance parameters such as a coach’s consistent involvement with their athletes (e.g., their physical training and planning programmes, technical skills, preparation, personal rapport, approachability), as well as their influence on investment (e.g., their connection to businessbased benchmarks and outcomes related to productivity). In that way, coaching ‘effectiveness’ might be defined according to its particular context over a period of time (Côté & Gilbert, 2009). At the same time, the interdependence of the coach–athlete–performance–business relationships that are so important to high-performance sport, might also be better understood, leading to more authentic conceptualizations of the manner and context in which coaches’ work and practices are applied.

Conclusion This chapter sought to examine and highlight some of the complexities surrounding highperformance coaches, their vocation, and the environment in which they work, in an effort to increase understanding of what is considered a challenging yet rewarding career. Although there is extensive literature on high-performance (or elite) coaches, the previous lack of a clear­ cut definition limits the appropriateness and validity of the findings of such studies, inhibiting the progression of the field. To address this issue, we have generated a provisional description of high-performance coaches, in the hope that it will assist in shaping a conceptual awareness around the topic, allow for easier identification of who high-performance coaches are, and shift researchers towards developing the research agenda in a rigorous, valid, and reliable manner. In order to expand the empirical and scholarly literature of high-performance coaches and build on this contextual understanding, it is proposed that research should be replicated and also expanded to new horizons. Future research might examine areas of interest that seem to warrant further investigation. For instance, recently there has appeared to be a shift in focus regarding the language adopted for behaviours within the SDT framework, from the ‘autonomy-supportive’ and ‘controlling’ terms to the broader, more encompassing concepts of ‘need supportive’ and ‘need frustration’ (e.g., Vansteenkiste & Ryan, 2013). Furthermore, an associated scale—the Basic Psychological Need Satisfaction and Frustration Scale—was developed and applied cross-culturally to assess whether there are any differences in psychological needs of people of various cultures (see Chen et al., 2015). High-performance coaching research could benefit from adopting this tighter terminology and investigating whether there are any cross-cultural differences of motivation in high-performance coaches (e.g., individualistic versus collectivistic cultures). Additionally, Matosic and colleagues (2017) identified a link between narcissism and coaching style (controlling). Future research might examine other personality traits, strivings, narrative identities, and their relationship with coaches’ pedagogical approaches, helping to 353

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establish a better understanding of the high-performance coach and inform why certain coaches may have a tendency to adopt need-supportive or need-frustration behaviours. From this, a more holistic picture of high-performance coaches and greater insight into their motivations can be developed. Moreover, understanding why high-performance coaches coach and how high-performance coaches coach can lead to an awareness and knowledge of why some high-performance coaches—for example, legendary coaches such as Sir Alex Ferguson, Vince Lombardi, and Gregg Popovich—have greater success, over long periods of time.

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25

HUMAN PERFORMANCE PILLARS

IN ELITE SPORT

Michael Bar-Eli and Ronnie Lidor

Introduction Lionel Messi is considered by many to be the current best soccer player in the world – unless you are a Ronaldo fan, of course. Moreover, in a comparison made with another Argentinian soccer genius, Messi often has the upper hand – Maradona would, of course, never agree. The major argument against Leo is that whereas “CR-7” and “God’s hand” managed to pull their teams “almost by themselves” to top achievements (Diego Armando in the national team and Naples, Cristiano mainly in the Champions League, but also in Portugal’s national team), “La Pulga” – despite his marvellous and attractive play – is still “in debt” because of his consistent failure, for years, to lead the Argentinian national team to any great victories. As to the differences in opinion in these debates on “what makes a player really great”, a central assumption is missing – namely, that the so-called “mental element” is crucial to the assessment of an athlete’s performance. Although without a doubt an extraordinary talent, Messi has hardly “shown his stuff” – so it is argued – “when the money was really on the table”, in particular when the players around him were not of the greatest calibre (such as in the national team of Argentina). Both the “cross-sectional” comparison with Ronaldo and the “longitudinal” comparison to Maradona centre around the concept of performance, on the individual as well as the group level: Which player is better as an individual? To what extent does the player need excellent teammates around him in order to excel? Which player is better in leading his teammates to greater achievements? Thus, performance enhancement, which is a major goal of any elite sports organization requires an understanding of the psychology of the athletes as individuals and of teams as well. To boost athletic performance, the complex behavioural science of “getting ahead” has to be broken down into its determinants. In this chapter, we discuss three psychological underpinnings of human behaviour in elite athletic settings – arousal, motivation, and self-confidence. We focus on these elements because, in sport psychology, they are considered by leading researchers (e.g., Weinberg & Gould, 2015), as well as practitioners (e.g., Afremow, 2015), to be basic and crucial individual components of human behaviour in sport – both in individual and team sports. In essence, the individual athlete should appropriately harness these elements in order to perform successfully at the highest levels of sport competition (Hackfort, 2016). 359

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The Machine Metaphor: A Theoretical Framework The athlete in professional sports is often regarded as a kind of machine. Performance – as distinguished from behaviour – is intentionally organized and, therefore, has been defined as a “goal-directed behavior” (Nitsch & Hackfort, 2016). The ultimate goal of athletes is the maximization of their performance. In order to excel in an athletic achievement situation, it is critical to develop psychological skills, which – just like physical abilities – can be taught, learned, and practised. Both as individuals and as groups, athletes and coaches can refine their psychological skills and use them to heighten awareness, foster talent, and achieve peak performance. Individual skills include, among others, the regulation of arousal, motivation, and self-confidence – on which this chapter focuses. For example, elite athletes whose goal is to be the best in their domain should be taught how to effectively organize their practice regimes and daily life activities, as well as how to be focused on these activities, if indeed they want to fulfil their mission. These athletes should demonstrate what has been defined by Hackfort as “peak performance motivation” (Hackfort, 2019) and be provided with appropriate and relevant guidance on how to strive for it. For some time it has been recognized (e.g., by Tenenbaum & Bar-Eli, 1995) that the pursuit of excellence in elite sport requires athletes to become “sport intelligent”, not only by dint of their talent, but even more so by repeatedly training and expanding their capacity to acquire and apply knowledge in order to maximize performance. This is accomplished through dealing effectively with environmental demands (as has been notably argued, for example, by the deliberate practice concept; see Ericsson & Pool, 2016). In doing so, athletes will try to optimize these individual psychological skills in order to maximize performance. This “maximization through optimization” principle reflects a so-called “instrumental rationality”, which is associated with Max Weber (Weber, 1978). This notion has to do with the effectiveness of one’s application of means towards the accomplishment of a certain goal – that is, with choosing the course of action that will most effectively bring about the realization of that particular goal. In fact, this view reflects professionalization processes, such as bureaucratization and “modern-times”-like industrialization in the spirit of Taylor’s (1911) “scientific management” and “Fordism”, which conceive individuals as machines that are focused on increasing their productivity. This machine-like view of humans, which for centuries has been deeply rooted in Western culture (Remmele, 2003), means that, in order to thrive and boost performance in any competitive environment, athletes (as well as teams, coaches, and sport organizations) would actually have to act like “mortal engines” (Hoberman, 1992). The above-mentioned components of mental preparedness and psychological awareness are considered to be mandatory for realizing the principle of maximization through optimization in elite sports. In what follows, we will illustrate some of the lessons to be learned and applied in order to better support, inspire, and manage elite performers in the domain of elite sports. We will focus on three individual performance boosters: optimal arousal, motivation, and self-confidence.

Optimal Arousal The notion of “optimality” as a required precondition to an aspired “maximality” is evident from the basic concept of the inverted-U function, also known as the Yerkes–Dodson Law. The study of psychology has long suggested that the relationship between sensory stimulation and human performance varies systematically in the form of an inverted U, which means that human task performance is at first enhanced by arousal, stimulation, or pressure. This would imply that performance is likely to be low if arousal is low (e.g., if the task to be performed is repetitive or 360

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boring), but, as the level of arousal increases, performance is likely to improve. However, a person will eventually reach a point at which the level of arousal has become so high that it will be experienced not as stimulation, but rather as a condition that is overwhelming. At that point, heightened arousal will gradually hinder performance, so that the performance will continuously decrease. The concept of arousal was introduced in the field of psychology early in the 20th century (e.g., Cannon, 1928) and became increasingly popular in the second half of the century (e.g., Hebb, 1955; Lacey, 1967). The principle of decreased performance with heightened arousal was first presented by Yerkes and Dodson (1908), and it is interesting to note that, despite the (often disregarded) fact that this investigation was conducted with mice, the suggested curvilinear relationship between arousal and performance was soon applied to humans. It was suggested decades ago that an organism’s arousal level is regulated by the reticular activating system (Pribram & McGuinness, 1975). Daniel Landers, arguably one of the most influential sport psychologists ever, described arousal using the metaphor of the energy produced by a motor car (e.g., Landers & Boutcher, 1993), and explained the inverted U in terms of attentional processes that determine one’s ability to process information (Landers, 1980). Admittedly, some alternative models emerged from different criticisms of the inverted U, such as the coping model (Mahoney, 1979), psychic energy model (Martens, 1987), and the catastrophe cusp model (Hardy, 1990), as well as reversal theory (Kerr, 1997) – all of them more or less in opposition to the Yerkes–Dodson Law. However, it is possible that other approaches to the arousal–performance relationship could be reconciled, or even integrated, with the idea of the inverted U – primarily Hanin’s (1997) concept of the (individual) zone of optimal functioning ([I]ZOF) or Bar-Eli’s (1997) crisis concept. An athlete’s maximal performance, also known as “peak performance”, is often characterized or accompanied by what is termed a “flow state” or a “peak experience” (Csikszentmihalyi, 1996). Flow states, however, are rare events – ideal states for which the performer strives, but infrequently achieves. Hanin (1997) argued that it is unlikely that only one optimal state exists that corresponds with the maximal performances of different athletes across contexts. He used the notable State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI) developed by Spielberger (1983) to operationalize arousal and conducted systematic retrospective multiplefield observations of athletes’ state anxiety and performance levels. Hanin found that all top athletes had an individual zone of state anxiety in which their maximal performances occurred, whereas poor performances occurred outside that zone. He defined this zone as an athlete’s mean pre-competitive state anxiety score on the STAI, plus or minus 4 points (which is a standard deviation of about 0.5), and labelled it (I)ZOF. If one combines the Yerkes–Dodson Law with Hanin’s approach, one gets two non-optimal states – namely, too-low and too-high arousal – in which arousal levels need to be increased or decreased, respectively, to enhance one’s performance. Bar-Eli (1997) extended these notions to account for the continuous (dis)organization of an athlete’s behaviour during competition. He added the dimension of time to the inverted U, in order to include the dynamic changes in the athlete’s psychological state on the court or playing field. It was argued that athletes in contests move between two extremes – maximal performance due to optimal arousal and a performance crisis state resulting from too much or too little arousal. Thus, Bar-Eli actually suggested a theory of crisis development, which requires the inclusion of time within a dynamic version of the inverted U and the (I)ZOF (as opposed to their original, rather static, “timeless” nature). Much of the research on psychological performance crisis has been devoted to the identification of “crisis-related factors” – those mental factors that may affect the athlete’s psychological state on 361

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court in terms of crisis/non-crisis probability. For this purpose, the competition was systematically “decomposed” into its psychological “building blocks”, which could later be synthesized in order to diagnose the athlete’s psychological state (that is, crisis probability) at each moment of the game. To do so, the research on crisis pioneered introducing Bayesian statistics into the area of sport psychology (for a review, see Bar-Eli & Tenenbaum, 2012). In the early 1950s, the “drive theory” (Hull, 1951) claimed that increased arousal facilitates performance, with no concurrent or subsequent deterioration. However, the drive theory applies only to well-learned and/or simple tasks; with increased complexity, more and more “unlearned elements” are included in the task to be performed. When these elements are aroused, performance deteriorates, which leads us back to the inverted U. If simple tasks exhibit a linear arousal–performance relationship, but complex tasks are associated with the inverted U, then one should try to turn complex tasks into simple ones in order to better cope with non-optimal arousal states. This is done using the process of “chunking” (see Simon & Gilmartin, 1973), during which complex tasks become simpler because there are more and more trained units stored in the brain and the body. These units, formerly complex, become simpler and “chunked”, and may turn an inverted U into a quasi-linear, “drive-like” relation (see Oxendine, 1970).

Motivation The notion of optimality as a prerequisite for maximality is also evident from motivation research. In an early study on the crisis concept (Bar-Eli, Tenenbaum, & Elbaz, 1989), it was argued that athletes’ motivation for competition will increase when the perceived significance of the competition increases, and the perceived chances of success are more uncertain. These two variables could be combined into three possible states: (a) too high motivation, in which the competition is extremely significant for the athlete and the perceived chances of success are about 50 percent (extreme uncertainty, which is considered an important stressor); (b) too low motivation, in which the competition is of minor personal significance and the perceived chances of success are close to 0 or 100 percent; and (c) optimal motivation, in which the significance of the competition is perceived to be neither extremely high nor extremely low, and the chances of success are estimated as being neither completely uncertain (50 percent) nor extremely high (100 percent) or low (0 percent). Evidently, this conceptualization of motivational states versus performance creates an inverted U-shaped function, which is similar in spirit to the Yerkes–Dodson Law. In Bar-Eli et al.’s (1989) study, it was indeed found that too-high motivation was perceived by elite athletes to be the most problematic situation, followed by the too-low state (needless to say, optimal motivation was evaluated as the most positive). This finding is in line with later work, such as Beilock’s (2010) studies on “choking under pressure”, as well as Ariely’s (2010) finding that paying managers more than they deserve can make them less efficient in fulfilling complex tasks, owing to increased stress, with too-high arousal underlying all these effects. It should be noted that terms such as activation, stress, anxiety, and motivation are often used interchangeably to account for the x-axis of the inverted U. For example, it can be recalled that Hanin (1997) actually operationalized and measured arousal using an anxiety test. This state of affairs implies that arousal is either unnecessary (as argued by Neiss, 1988) or very basic and general. We believe that the latter option is correct and would, therefore, like to suggest that, in addition to chunking, another method of coping with motivational problems such as the ones mentioned above is for the athlete to reframe the perceived importance of an upcoming event or action, and/or reframe the perceived chances of success 362

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in this event, in order to influence his or her arousal for the better. Different methods of thinking and self-reflection can be used, including paradoxical interventions (Bar-Eli, 1991). In essence, most of the research on motivation is attitudinal in nature – participants are asked to report verbally to what extent they want or intend to do something. By contrast, in the goal-setting (GS) domain, we usually measure observable, actual performance – and this has led to the immense popularity of this performance enhancement method among researchers and practitioners. A major contribution in this area was made by Locke and Latham’s theoretical propositions (e.g., 1990), from which a list of performance-enhancement techniques was derived. Over the years, these techniques have been strongly supported by most of the relevant studies, which demonstrated the powerful and consistent effect of GS on human performance. The most important GS principle is “goal specificity”: specific goals are much more effective than non-specific (“do your best”) goals in producing change in one’s behaviour and affecting performance – a finding that is evidenced in more than 90 percent of the studies on GS investigating goal specificity. Why are specific goals so effective? The main reason is that they regulate performance, helping the performer to plan, focus on, and direct his or her activity. They elicit effort, perseverance, and dedication and enable the individual to accurately measure his or her success in a task performance by providing helpful, corrective feedback. There are, however, different kinds of specificity. First and foremost, Locke and Latham (1990) suggested a principle that they called “goal difficulty”, according to which specific goals should be set that are difficult, yet realistic and attainable, in order to maximize human performance. According to this concept, specific goals that are too easy or too difficult for the performer to attain will be less effective (that is, will result in smaller improvements in one’s performance) than realistic, attainable goals (although they will be more effective in comparison with the do-your-best condition, owing to their specificity). These effects were demonstrated in sport for the first time by Bar-Eli and colleagues (see Bar-Eli, Tenenbaum, Pie, Btesh, & Almog, 1997). One other major GS principle is labelled “goal proximity”, which relates to the time range in which a person plans to reach a goal. In essence, goals can be set in the short run, in the long run, or in both. When comparing these three modes of specific GS, it was found that the greatest increase in performance was demonstrated when both short-term and long-term goals were made, followed by short-term and then long-term improvements in task performance. These effects of breaking down one’s major goal into small steps, which were demonstrated in sport by Tenenbaum and colleagues (Tenenbaum, Pinchas, Elbaz, Bar-Eli, & Weinberg, 1991), can also be explained by another important theory, namely that of “self-efficacy” (Bandura, 1997), to which we will refer later. It should be noted that, in essence, GS is a theory based on averages: A particular group will be better on average than another (depending on the goal conditions, of course). However, there will also be a variance reflecting individual differences between performers; for example, a formal setting of specific goals may be unnecessary for individuals who, for some reason, are strongly motivated to excel in a particular area, as such participants may successfully motivate themselves through spontaneous GS. In other words, a GS technique will not be effective unless understood and accepted by the performers – that is, if they do not understand and/or accept the goals set for them, then their performance may be determined by goals they set for themselves. Thus, contrary to its image, GS is not like a “puppet on a string” situation – a coach, for example, does not simply set goals and expect his or her athletes to “jump” accordingly. Individuals must understand the goals set for them and accept them as their own and internalize them, otherwise GS will not work (Bar-Eli, Levy-Kolker, Tenenbaum, & Weinberg, 1993). 363

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Self-Confidence Self-confidence can be understood in terms of expectations. Prior to any athletic event, athletes form expectations about the competition. They define a goal, as mentioned above, and design a plan that forms a basis for realizing the goal. A plan is designed to control a person’s actions and regulate performance; it includes the expectations a person has concerning not only the performance itself, but also the outcome or results of this performance. For example, athletes will not only consider how they expect to perform a drill the best way they can, but also what they expect as a result of that optimal functioning, such as becoming a world or Olympic champion. Even if one’s plan is appropriate on both the strategic-tactical “macro” level and the tacticaloperational “micro” level, some degree of uncertainty will always remain. To cope with this problem, one must try to reduce uncertainty and increase the expected at the cost of the unexpected. Performers are, therefore, required to adjust to the specific conditions of any contest, while obtaining continuous feedback about their performance and its results, and adapt accordingly. Adaptation to uncertainties in the environment is required of every living creature to ensure survival. To adapt, one must correctly anticipate future events and/or changes. Thus, it is beneficial for a performer to align expectations with reality, otherwise he or she will be faced with the frequent need to adjust and change his or her initial plans. Paradoxically, uncertainty is very often the only certain thing one can count on; even if we are told to “expect the unexpected”, surprises are likely to occur. In principle, humans hate surprises. For negative ones, this statement is almost trivial, but think about positive surprises – it is definitely possible to come up with situations where performers might feel more comfortable in a situation where everything goes according to plan, in comparison with a state where things are too good. Contrary to our basic intuition, it is possible that we may feel better with a lesser actual performance that fits our mindset and planned goals, whereas a better performance, if it is “too good to be true”, may make us feel less comfortable, precisely because it is, to a greater extent, unexpected. This interesting, non-intuitive prediction was investigated many years ago, using elite German and Israeli basketball and team-handball players (Bar-Eli & Tenenbaum, 1989; Bar-Eli, Tenenbaum, & Elbaz, 1991). These investigators reasoned that players’ perceived team performance in competition could be analysed in terms of three factors: (a) direction of the lead (one’s own team or the opposing team), (b) momentum (positive or negative), and (c) expectancy of events (expected or unexpected events). Then, they attempted to determine how the different combinations of these factors (i.e., “game standings”) are linked to the players’ perceived chances of falling into a state of crisis or, alternatively, of achieving optimal arousal conditions. It was revealed that the direction of lead had the weakest effect of the three factors, whereas momentum had the strongest. In other words, it matters not so much where you are momentarily, but rather where you are going. Most interesting, however, was the finding that any unexpected event (be it negative or positive), compared with any expected one, was associated to a much greater extent with the perceived probability of crisis. Expectations were even found to be more meaningful to the athletes than the momentary direction of lead (although less important than momentum). Not surprisingly, the combination of negative momentum, an unexpected event, and a lead by the opponent was assessed as most problematic, whereas the combination of positive momentum, an expected event, and a lead by one’s own team was evaluated as least problematic. But consider the following two game standings: (a) the lead held by one’s own team is being maintained or extended, or (b) the lead of the opposing team is decreasing. Both are undoubtedly positive for the players. However, if the word “expectedly” is added to each of these, they will be evaluated 364

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as more favourable than if the word “unexpectedly” is added. Therefore, expected situations were judged as being more favourable, even if an unexpected situation produced a positive result. This is by no means self-evident, because why would an “unexpectedly good” state, for example, be judged as less favourable than an “expectedly good” state? The reason is simple: Individuals tend to prefer things to happen according to their plans and in line with their expectations, even if the surprise is positive, and things go “too well”. Bar-Eli (2018) referred to this phenomenon as the “Icarus effect”, according to which “flying too high” can sometimes be dangerous. Expectations are also related to two other characters from Greek mythology, each of which describes a “self-fulfilling prophecy”: the “Galatea effect” refers to a situation where high performance expectations are communicated directly to the performer by the coach, teacher, or supervisor, which may in turn cause performance improvements (that is, the performer “fulfils the prophecy” sent directly to him or her by the superior’s expectations). The “Pygmalion effect” occurs when an individual’s self-confidence and subsequent performance are indirectly increased through communication to the individual’s coach, teacher, or supervisor that this individual is of high ability – an expectation they will later “transmit” to the performer in order to produce, again, a “self-fulfilling prophecy”. As demonstrated by Bar-Eli (2018), both effects may be used to enhance athletes’ self-confidence, which will consequently contribute substantially to performance enhancement on the court or playing field. A unique sort of expectation is related to the concept of self-efficacy, which refers to a person’s belief in his or her capability to successfully execute an act. This means, in short, that if you want to change people’s behaviour, then change their perception of self-efficacy – that is, their belief that they “can do it” (i.e., perform a task successfully). This theory was first developed for adults suffering from severe ophidiophobia (fear of snakes), but was soon adapted to many other domains, including sport (Bandura, 1997). This is not surprising, as sport psychologists were in almost desperate need of a solid theory to account for problems of self-confidence, which are quite frequent among athletes (Feltz, Short, & Sullivan, 2008). But how do efficacy perceptions themselves change? Bandura (1997) maintained that the most dependable foundation of self-efficacy judgements is one’s own performance accomplishments on task performance (that is, clear successes or failures), which provide the most influential source of efficacy information for a performer to use in order to build robust beliefs about his or her efficacy. Hence, the performance accomplishments’ source demonstrates that reality (i.e., one’s performance) can foster one’s expectations, in addition to expectations (i.e., self-efficacy) being able to foster reality. This situation results in “performance-efficacy cycles”, on which the phenomenon of momentum is based. As was mentioned above, “momentum” plays a major role in athletes’ perceived team performance – for example, with regard to the evaluated probability of crisis. However, the true nature of momentum is still unclear: Whereas the notion of “success breeds success and failure breeds failure” is widely held among many researchers as well as practitioners (IsoAhola & Dotson, 2014), others argue that this notion has received only limited empirical support (Avugos & Bar-Eli, 2015). The latter statement is based, for example, on the absence of a “hot hand” in basketball (Gilovich, Vallone, & Tversky, 1985) or on the more general difficulty in finding genuine correlations in (quasi?) streaks (Avugos, Köppen, Czienskowski, Raab, & Bar-Eli, 2013).

Conclusion Needless to say, arousal, motivation, and self-confidence are not the only “performance boosters” one can consider. For example, Bar-Eli (2018) recently discussed more of such 365

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elements, both on the individual as well as the group level (which would be relevant in team sports, as the opening example of Messi vs. Ronaldo demonstrates). As indicated by Bar-Eli, there are many psychological skill programmes that utilize a “toolbox” of measures available to the performance psychologist trying to advise the performer, be it a pilot or an athlete, a company manager or an employee, a teacher or a student, a surgeon or a fire fighter. Such toolboxes can be reduced more or less to three basic pillars of which an effective mental preparation programme using individual performance enhancers can be composed: (a) Arousal regulation – mainly relaxation to combat over-arousal, but also for “psyching one­ self up”; (b) Imagery – imagining actions and successes; (c) Thought control – the way the performer thinks, in terms of his or her own definition of the situation and of motivation. The ultimate goal of such programmes should be the “production” of elite athletic performers who can optimally self-regulate themselves on the court or field in order to increase the probability of success. This skill is especially required when “the money is on the table”, with regard to both individual and team factors. This is the reason why the first author of this chapter would definitely prefer Ronaldo to Messi in any imaginary team he would have coached, even if he definitely agrees with the second author that La Pulga is a more talented soccer player than CR7.

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Review of General Psychology, 19, 106–111. Avugos, S., Köppen, J., Czienskowski, U., Raab, M., & Bar-Eli, M. (2013). The “hot hand” reconsidered: A meta-analytic approach. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 14, 21–27. Bandura, A. (1997). Self-efficacy: The exercise of control. New York: Freeman. Bar-Eli, M. (1991). On the use of paradoxical interventions in counseling and coaching in sport. The Sport Psychologist, 5, 61–72. Bar-Eli, M. (1997). Psychological performance crisis in competition, 1984–1996: A review. European Year­ book of Sport Psychology, 1, 73–112. Bar-Eli, M. (2018). Boost! How the psychology of sports can enhance your performance in management and work. New York: Oxford University Press. Bar-Eli, M., Levy-Kolker, N., Tenenbaum, G., & Weinberg, R. S. (1993). Effect of goal difficulty on perform­ ance of aerobic, anaerobic and power tasks in laboratory and field settings. Journal of Sport Behavior, 16, 17–32. Bar-Eli, M., & Tenenbaum, G. (1989). Game standings and psychological crisis in sport: Theory and research. Canadian Journal of Sport Sciences, 14, 31–37. Bar-Eli, M., & Tenenbaum, G. (2012). Bayesian approach of measuring competitive crisis. In G. Tenenbaum, R. C. Eklund, & A. Kamata (Eds.), Measurement in sport and exercise psychology (pp. 367–379). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Bar-Eli, M., Tenenbaum, G., & Elbaz, G. (1989). Pre-start susceptibility to psychological crises in competitive sport: Theory and research. International Journal of Sport Psychology, 20, 12–30. Bar-Eli, M., Tenenbaum, G., & Elbaz, G. (1991). A three-dimensional crisis-related analysis of perceived team performance. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 3, 160–175. Bar-Eli, M., Tenenbaum, G., Pie, J. S., Btesh, Y., & Almog, A. (1997). Effect of goal difficulty, goal specificity and duration of practice time intervals on muscular endurance performance. Journal of Sports Sciences, 15, 125–135.

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26

INJURY

Leslie Podlog and Stefanie Podlog

Introduction Injury in sport or sport injury is a common occurrence affecting athletes at all participation levels. In addition to the obvious physical perturbations to the body, injury may result in a plethora of psychosocial disruptions to the athlete (Brewer & Redmond, 2017). Decrements in self-esteem, a predominance of negative emotions (e.g., frustration, loss of hope, anger), feelings of isolation from significant others, and uncertainties associated with future goal attainment may all characterize the injury experience (Podlog & Eklund, 2007; Tracey, 2003). Given the deleterious impact of injury on an athlete’s well-being and physical function, it is no surprise that researchers have attempted to identify injury risk factors (Ivarsson, Johnson, & Podlog, 2013) and prevention strategies (Ivarsson et al., 2017). Further, a variety of psychosocial interventions have been utilized to facilitate athlete recovery and return to play (Driediger, Hall, & Callow, 2006; Evans & Hardy, 2002; Schwab Reese, Pittsinger, & Yang, 2012). In this entry, the authors examine theory and research focused on the antecedents (precursors) of sport injury, prevention strategies designed to reduce injury vulnerability, and post-injury interventions aimed at enhancing rehabilitation and return-to-play outcomes. Although numerous definitions of “injury” have been offered, common elements include: (1) injury occurrence during sport-related training or competition, (2) the athlete receives medical attention, and (3) time loss of at least one training session or match (WieseBjornstal, 2010). Injuries lead to a loss of former bodily structure or functioning (Timpka et al., 2014) and are typically categorized into overuse and acute (Heidari, Hasenbring, Kleinert, & Kellmann, 2017). Whereas overuse injuries result from repeated exposure to physical training, acute injuries occur suddenly, typically following traumatic confrontation of the physical body. This contribution includes an examination of biopsychosocial factors influencing acute and chronic injuries. Six sections are addressed: (1) conceptual models designed to understand injury risk, (2) empirical research testing injury prediction models, (3) research on injury prevention strategies, (4) post-injury treatment interventions, (5) future research directions, and (6) conclusions.

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Conceptual Models of Injury Risk By 1988, scholars recognized that efforts to prevent injury occurrence required a deeper understanding of the factors precipitating its occurrence (Andersen & Williams, 1988; updated: Williams & Andersen, 1998). In order to fully consider the range of factors likely implicated in injury occurrence, researchers developed a number of injury risk conceptual models. Using such models, scholars have advanced understanding of potential antecedents of injury risk and provided frameworks for empirical examination of such factors (see the second section, below). In this section, the authors describe two prominent conceptual models of injury risk − the Andersen and Williams stress-injury model (1988; updated: Williams & Andersen, 1998) and the biopsychosocial sport injury risk profile (Wiese-Bjornstal, 2010).

Stress-Injury Model Williams and Andersen (1998) developed one of the first conceptual models examining injury risk factors. As illustrated in Figure 13, Williams and Andersen (1998) proposed that injury vulnerability is contingent upon the extent to which an athlete experiences a stress response when entering into a potentially stressful situation – for example, a demanding competition or team selection. A situation is stressful to the extent the athlete appraises it as a challenge or threat, which determines the magnitude of the stress response and the subsequent likelihood of injury. The stress response has attentional and physiological components that interact to influence injury risk. Athletes who experience attentional narrowing (such as a narrowing of peripheral vision) and increased distractibility (a loss of focus on task-related cues) are at greater risk for injury. From a physiological standpoint, stress may induce alterations such as muscle tension, increased fatigue, shortness of breath, and diminished timing and coordination, all of which heighten injury susceptibility. The bidirectional relationship between athlete appraisals and subsequent stress responses is moderated by three interrelated categories, including personality factors (e.g., trait anxiety, neuroticism, Type A, sensationseeking), history of stress (life event stress, chronic daily hassles, previous injury), and coping resources (e.g., social support, self-talk). Threat appraisals and stress responses can be mitigated through the use of well-trained psychological skills, such as self-talk, relaxation techniques, imagery, and general coping skills (Williams & Andersen, 1998).

Prior stressors

Personality

Possible stressful athletic experience

Coping skills

Stress Response Cognitive evaluations

Physiological/ attentional adjustments

Psychosocial intervention

Figure 13 Adapted stress-injury model by Williams and Andersen (1998)

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Injury

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Despite the intuitive appeal of the model, researchers have lodged several criticisms – for example, a primary focus on the cognitive rather than behavioural aspects of the stress response (e.g., poor sleep or impaired self-care; Appaneal & Perna, 2014), the absence of potentially relevant variables such as fatigue (Johnson, 2011), or poor compliance with prevention regimens/neglecting recovery (Appaneal & Perna, 2014). Further, Williams and Andersen’s model examined mechanisms underlining acute versus chronic injury; it may be that stress variables are of greater relevance in precipitating acute rather than chronic injury vulnerability. For example, whereas stress may exert maladaptive consequences on attentional focus and subsequent acute injury risk, chronic injury may be more a by-product of personality (e.g., neuroticism, obsessive passion, ego-goal orientation) and sociocultural factors (e.g., norms promoting pushing through pain, aggressive behaviours) that extol sport participation at the expense of health and well-being considerations. Such criticisms notwithstanding, the Williams and Andersen (1998) model provided a coherent conceptual framework that has guided the majority of empirical research on psychological predictors of injury risk. Discussion of empirical findings is provided in the second section, below.

Biopsychosocial Sport Injury Risk Profile Wiese-Bjornstal (2010) proposed the biopsychosocial sport injury risk profile (2010). In her model, Wiese-Bjornstal incorporated sport medicine, sport psychology, and sport sociology research examining a broad range of factors implicated in injury onset. Wiese-Bjornstal proposed that a multitude of biological, physical, psychological, and sociocultural factors may be at play in predicting injury risk. With regard to biological factors, Wiese-Bjornstal suggested a range of variables, many of which likely interact with one another (e.g., fatigue, hormonal changes, allostatic load) to increase or decrease athletes’ injury risk. Similarly, a plethora of physical (e.g., equipment fit, opponent size/skill) and psychological factors (e.g., impression management concerns, goals, sport attitudes, attentional focus) may elevate or diminish injury predisposition. Finally, within the model, credence is given to the importance of sociological factors impacting injury risk. Building on the work of sport sociologists (e.g., Charlesworth & Young, 2006; Pike & Maguire, 2003), Weise-Bjornstal suggested that the culture of denying, disrespecting, and playing with and through pain not only increased the likelihood that athletes would incur injury, but that such beliefs exacerbated injury consequences following its occurrence. In a sporting culture that often prizes sporting achievement over an ethos of health and well-being, it is no surprise that injury occurrence is commonplace. Further, social norms that promote and laud aggressive actions (i.e., the intent to harm other players) also promote injury risk, particularly in many contact sports. Within her model, Wiese-Bjornstal suggested that biological and psychological factors were internal and personal in nature, whereas physical and sociocultural factors were external and environmental. A key contribution of Wiese­ Bjornstal’s model was the need for scholars to examine interactions between a variety of injury risk factors.

Empirical Research Testing Injury Prediction Models In this section, the authors examine empirical work testing risk factors highlighted in the aforementioned injury risk models. In particular, research focused on biological/physical (i.e., intra-individual), psychological, and sociological predictors of injury is highlighted. Given the biopsychosocial nature of injury risk factors, the authors examine literature spanning several disciplines including sport medicine, rehabilitation psychology, sport psychology, and the sociology of sport. 371

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Biological/Physical Predictors Sport medicine researchers have studied a range of biological and physical factors predictive of numerous injury types (e.g., ACL, muscle strains) across various sports (e.g., non-contact, contact, winter sports, summer sports; Orchard, Seward, McGivern, & Hood, 2001; Smith, Stuart, Wiese-Bjornstal, & Gunnon, 1997). Risk factors are typically categorized in terms of intrinsic and extrinsic factors, the former pertaining to factors residing within the individual (e.g., preparation [warm-up], fitness level, flexibility, previous injuries, diet, age, ability level, sleep, body composition), and the latter focused on factors external to the athlete (e.g., weather, poor coaching of technique, incorrect equipment, ensuring knowledge of the rules and regulations, clothing and footwear, safety checks, first aid provisions; Orchard et al., 2001). Biological and physical factors are considered intrinsic in nature and provide the focus for the brief discussion here. A variety of intrinsic risk factors such as age, previous injury, body size, biomechanics, aerobic fitness, muscle strength, imbalance and tightness, ligamentous laxity, limited range of motion, central motor control, and stress hormones have all been found to predict a range of injury types (e.g., ACL, stress fracture) across a variety of summer and winter sports (Arnason et al., 2004; Orchard et al., 2001; Saragiotto, Di Pierro, & Lopes, 2014; Taimela, Kujala, & Osterman, 1990; Wang, Mayer, Bonaventura, & Wippert, 2017). Although the vast majority of studies examining physical and biological risk factors for injury have been quantitative, several qualitative studies have examined athletes’ (Johnson, 2011) and sport practitioners’ (Saragiotto et al., 2014) perceptions of the factors involved in injury onset. For example, researcher interviews with 20 competitive Swedish athletes highlighted the role of fatigue in injury onset. In particular, psychophysiological fatigue (being tired and drained of energy) and a disregard for “body signals” (p. 107) were believed to be related to injury occurrence. Moreover, practitioners reported that overtraining and poor sport technique were key culprits in injury vulnerability (Saragiotto et al., 2014). Although a comprehensive examination of intrinsic risk factors is beyond the scope of this contribution, the interested reader is encouraged to explore references contained in this section.

Psychological Predictors of Acute Injury, Chronic Injury, and Concussion Various psychological predictors of acute injury are described below, including personality, history of stress, coping, and stress response (e.g., cognitive appraisal and attentional variables) – variables associated with acute injury occurrence. In this section, the limited empirical research on psychological predictors of chronic injury is highlighted, as is the need for further research on psychological antecedents of sport-related concussion (SRC).

Personality Factors Researchers have examined whether particular personality traits (intra-individual tendencies) increase sport injury vulnerability. In general, the proposed rationale for such a link is that individuals with certain attributes may be more stress reactive and, hence, susceptible to acute injury occurrence. Similarly, it is believed that individuals with high levels of perfectionism, neuroticism, or obsessive passion (i.e., passionate behaviour underlined by feelings of controlled engagement) may be more inclined to persist with training regimens in the face of evidence (e.g., pain) suggesting the need to reduce training loads or volumes. In summarizing the literature, Appaneal and Habif (2013) found fairly consistent support for such contentions. 372

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Across 45 studies examining personality and injury outcomes, approximately 69% reported at least some significant relationship. In particular, traits such as stress vulnerability (Ivarsson & Johnson, 2010; Johnson & Ivarsson, 2011), competitive anxiety (Ford, Eklund, & Gordon, 2000), Type A behaviours (Fields, Delaney, & Hinkle, 1990; Nigorikawa et al., 2003), and mood disturbances (Appaneal & Habif, 2013) have been linked to increased injury risk. Moreover, relationships have been found between injury outcome and risk factors such as passion for sport (Steffen, Pensgaard, & Bahr, 2009), low self-esteem (Kolt & Roberts, 1998), somatic and psychic trait anxiety (Ivarsson & Johnson, 2010; Lavallée & Flint, 1996), and trait irritability (Ivarsson & Johnson, 2010). In a recent study looking at the relationship between perfectionism and injury across a variety of team and individual sports, researchers found that perfectionistic concerns more than doubled the risk of injury in adolescent athletes (Madigan, Stoeber, Forsdyke, Dayson, & Passfield, 2018). Further highlighting relationships between personality and injury, scholars have found certain personality traits to be protective against injury vulnerability (Ford et al., 2000). For example, Ford et al.’s examination of 121 competitive athletes revealed that dispositional optimism and hardiness were related to decreased injury time loss in athletes when positive life change increased, and global self-esteem was associated with decreased injury time loss when both negative life change and total life change increased. The authors concluded that athletes with more optimism, hardiness, or global self-esteem may cope more effectively with lifechange stress, resulting in reduced injury vulnerability and recovery rates. Despite evidence of the influence of personality variables on injury risk, a number of studies have failed to find positive associations between personality and injury (Hanson, McCullagh, & Tonymon, 1992; Huysmans & Clement, 2017; Kerr & Minden, 1988; McLeod & Kirkby, 1995; Passer & Seese, 1983). For instance, Huysmans and Clement (2017) found no link between self-compassion and injury occurrence reduction. The researchers argued that a difficulty with this research is distinguishing the impact of resistance to self-compassion from the potential benefits that it may have on coping and appraisal of stress in sport. Taking into account non-significant findings in this area, one can conclude that personality factors likely play a distal role in injury occurrence, or that they moderate the effects of other more proximal factors on injury risk. It may be the case that the influence of stress on injury risk is increased (or decreased) when particular personality traits are present (e.g., Type A personality, perfectionism, neuroticism). Further research testing the moderating influence of particular personality traits is needed.

History of Stress According to Lazarus (1966), stress is a function of whether the individual perceives an encounter with the environment to be personally relevant to their well-being (primary appraisal), and what coping options or possibilities exist to prevent harm and maximize personal benefit (secondary appraisal). Lazarus and Folkman (1984), suggest that stress is typically experienced when individuals perceive situational demands to exceed coping resources. With respect to sport injury prediction, researchers have typically examined three general categories of stress, including major life event stress (positive or negative life events), ongoing daily hassles (minor chronic stress), and stress associated with the experience of previous injury occurrence. In the 1970s, researchers such as Holmes and Holmes (1970) speculated that individuals with a history of major life event stress (i.e., positive or negative life events involving significant change) and/or chronic daily hassles might be more susceptible to injury occurrence. The rationale behind the proposed reasoning was that the occurrence of 373

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acute or chronic stress might compromise individuals’ physical and psychological robustness, leaving them more susceptible to injury occurrence. Investigators over the past 40 years have demonstrated consistent support for a positive relationship between injury and high life stress (Steffen et al., 2009), daily hassles (Fawkner, McMurrary, & Summers, 1999; Ivarsson & Johnson, 2010; Ivarsson et al., 2013), and life changes (Sibold, Howard, & Zizzi, 2011). For example, Rogers and Landers (2005) found that negative life event stress increased the likelihood that athletes would experience a narrowing of their peripheral vision, which in turn would increase the likelihood of injury. Similarly, Ivarsson et al. (2013) found that trait anxiety and negative life event stress influenced athletes’ tendency to experience daily hassles. Furthermore, an athlete’s historical stressors, including negative life event stress (Appaneal & Habif, 2013; Rogers & Landers, 2005; Williams & Scherzer, 2015), chronic daily hassles (Ivarsson et al., 2013), and previous injury (Devantier, 2011), have, collectively or independently, been shown to elevate injury likelihood. These findings suggest that preoccupation with life change and chronic daily hassles may negatively impact concentration on training and competition, and increase the likelihood of injury. However, researchers have also found contrasting results showing no relation between the history of stress variables (i.e., life event stress, previous injury history), and frequency or severity of injury (Hanson et al., 1992; Williams, Tonymon, & Wadsworth, 1986). Furthermore, based on the finding that even positive life events can be related to injury outcome (Petrie, 1993), it is reasonable to suggest that further research is needed to untangle the complex influence that a history of stressors has on athletes’ injury susceptibility.

Coping Intimately tied to the experience of stress is how an individual manages or copes with perceived situational demands. Lazarus and Folkman (1984, p. 141) defined coping “as the person’s constantly changing cognitive and behavioural efforts to manage specific external and/or internal demands that are appraised as taxing or exceeding the person’s resources”. They articulated two general coping functions, namely the regulation of stressful emotions (emotion-focused coping) and changing the problematic person–environment relation underlining the distress (problem-focused coping). Moreover, a distinction has been made between personal coping skills, such as one’s confidence in handling situational demands, and environmentally based coping resources – for example, the amount of social support available from others (Smith, Smoll, & Ptacek, 1990). Scholars have found that personal coping skills can either increase or decrease injury risk (Petrie, 1993; Smith et al., 1990; Williams et al., 1986). In assessing relationships between personal coping skills and sport injury, researchers have typically used the 42-item Athletic Coping Skills Inventory (ACSI; Smith et al., 1990; Smith, Smoll, & Schutz, 1988), which provides information on athletes’ use of three types of personal coping skill strategy (emotional, cognitive, and behavioural) within the sporting environment. Sample items include, “I remain positive and enthusiastic during the competition, no matter how badly things are going”; “I take time before a game to mentally prepare myself”; and, “[when I feel myself getting too tense,] “I can quickly relax my body and calm myself”. Evidence supports researchers’ assumptions that athletes with poor or limited personal coping skills experience greater injury vulnerability (Byrd, 1993; Hanson et al., 1992; Noh, Morris, & Andersen, 2005; Petrie, 1992; Rogers & Landers, 2005; Smith et al., 1990; Williams et al., 1986). For example, ineffective coping skills such as self-blame, behavioural disengagement, and denial have all been linked with injury occurrence (Johnson & Ivarsson, 2011). Researchers have also 374

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demonstrated the role of problem-focused coping skills in mitigating injury occurrence. For example, in a number of experimental intervention studies, the role of stress management and self-confidence training in reducing the number of injuries in comparison with control group athletes receiving no training was revealed (Maddison & Prapavessis, 2005; Perna, Antoni, Baum, Gordon, & Schneiderman, 2003). Along these lines, Rogers and Landers (2005) also found that effective coping skills helped buffer the negative effects of stress and diminished the likelihood of injury occurrence. With respect to a focus on environmentally based coping resources, a lack of social support has been shown to be related to increased injury susceptibility (Johnson & Ivarsson, 2011; Maddison & Prapavessis, 2005; Petrie, 1992; Smith et al., 1990). For instance, Petrie (1992) and Smith et al. (1990) demonstrated that, compared with athletes with high amounts of social support, those with low social support experienced more injuries.

Stress Response Meta-analytic findings by Ivarsson and colleagues (2017) revealed that, of all the psychological predictors of injury, the stress response as outlined by Williams and Andersen (1998) was the strongest predictor of injury (r = 0.27, 80% CI [0.20, 0.37]). Few investigators, however, have actually tested the stress response core of the model, likely owing to challenges associated with testing stress responses in ecologically valid, real-world situations. Of the studies that have examined stress response mechanisms, several have found support for Williams and Andersen’s model using laboratory experiments. For instance, Andersen and Williams (1999) found that athletes with relatively high life event stress and low social support experienced greater peripheral narrowing during a lab-based stressor task and were more likely to be injured during the course of the competitive season. Similarly, in the aforementioned study by Rogers and Landers (2005), they found that soccer players who had elevated levels of game-day stress demonstrated both a narrowing of vision and increased risk of injury. Interestingly, the cognitive appraisal component of the stress response is an area with a noticeable absence of empirical inquiry. The dearth of work in this area is somewhat surprising, taking into consideration the numerous sources of stress that athletes may experience immediately prior to or during a competitive event (e.g., pressures to achieve success and anxiety about optimal performance: Lemberger, 2008; fear of injury: Evans, Hardy, & Fleming, 2000; self-presentation concerns: Podlog & Eklund, 2006; and meeting performance expectations: Noblet & Gifford, 2002). Furthermore, within the psychology of sport injury literature, there has been little mention of the possibility that stress may − for certain individuals or in particular situations − reduce the risk of injury. Although the debilitating effects of stress have been documented at length, increasing evidence suggests that stress may also be facilitative (Crum, Salovey, & Achor, 2013; Schneiderman, Ironson, & Siegel, 2005). For example, stress has been linked to increased cognitive performance (Cahill, Gorski, & Le, 2003), motivation and proactive problem-solving (Norem & Cantor, 1986), and enhanced information processing (Hancock & Weaver, 2005). According to Crum and colleagues (2013), individuals may possess a general orientation or disposition toward perceiving stress as facilitative or debilitative – what they referred to as a “stress mindset”. The stress mindset “refers to the evaluation of the nature of stress itself as enhancing or debilitating”, regardless of any one particular stressor (Crum et al., 2013, p. 718). Researchers have demonstrated the beneficial relationship between a positive stress mindset (stress is enhancing) and a more adaptive stress response. For instance, Crum et al. (2013) 375

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discovered that a positive stress mindset was associated with lower cortisol levels (i.e., a stress hormone) in response to a stressful scenario. Such results may be explained by the fact that individuals with a positive stress mindset may be more apt to appraise a situation as one they can successfully negotiate, which may, in turn, influence hormonal responses such as cortisol or testosterone. Applying these findings to a sport injury context, it seems plausible that individuals with a positive stress mindset may have diminished stress responses and subsequent reductions in injury risk. Further research testing such assertions is warranted. Overall, researchers examining psychological predictors of acute sport injury risk have found support for the notion of an at-risk injury profile, including particular personality traits (high trait anxiety), a history of life stressors (high life stress, previous injury), and poor coping resources (low social support). Caution, however, is warranted in overestimating the role of such factors in injury occurrence. A recent meta-analysis (Ivarsson et al., 2017) indicated that relationships between personality traits (r = 0.01, 80% CI [-0.01, 0.03]), history of stressors (r = 0.13, 80% CI [0.11, 0.15]), coping resources (r = -0.07, 80% CI [-0.10, -0.03]) and injury were marginal to small at best.

Psychological Predictors of Chronic Injury The vast majority of research has focused on psychological antecedents of acute sport injury. Few researchers, however, have examined predictors of chronic injury risk or pain (Heidari et al., 2017; Rip, Fortin, & Vallerand, 2006). Heidari et al. reviewed the relatively scarce literature on psychological predictors of non-specific low back pain (LBP) among competitive and recreational athletes. The researchers distinguished between pain and injury, the former characterized by progressive increases in perceptions of discomfort and the lack of a clear physical origin. In contrast, injuries – either chronic or acute – have a clear physical basis. In their examination of four studies on LBP in athletes (two longitudinal, one cross-sectional, and one qualitative), the researchers found consistent support for the notion that higher levels of physical and psychosocial stress were associated with greater incidence of LBP. In one of the few studies examining psychological predictors of chronic injury, Rip et al. (2006) focused on the role of passion ─ a trait-like characteristic defined as “a strong inclination toward a self-defining activity that people find important, and in which they invest considerable time and energy” (p. 15) ─ in chronic injury prediction. Vallerand and colleagues (2003) distinguish between harmonious and obsessive passion, the former underlining the performance of volitional behaviours that individuals internalize into their identity and that they freely engage in without any contingent feelings of self-esteem or social approval tied to the enactment of the behaviour. Conversely, obsessive passion is characterized by engagement in an activity that one loves, but that emanates from feelings of controlled internalization of the activity and contingent feelings of self-worth and that dominates one’s life at the expense of other activities. Rip et al. (2006) found an obsessive passion for dance was associated with prolonged suffering from chronic injuries, more rigid involvement in dance activities when injured, and the tendency to report that pride was a major factor preventing one from obtaining adequate treatment. These findings lend support to the earlier contention that certain personality traits may be more relevant in the prediction of chronic versus acute injury.

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Psychological predictors of sport-related concussion Despite a growing body of research examining the psychological sequelae following SRC (e.g., Caron, Bloom, Johnston, & Sabiston, 2013; Kontos, Covassin, Elbin, & Parker, 2012; Kontos, Elbin, Newcomer-Appaneal, Covassin, & Collins, 2013; Rice et al., 2018; Sandel, Reynolds., Cohen, Gillie, & Kontos, 2017), a review of several research databases (Scopus, Medline, PsychInfo, SPORTDiscuss) revealed no empirical research examining psychosocial predictors of SRC. The research that has examined risk factors for concussion has focused primarily on a range of demographic, personal, and situational factors. Giza et al. (2013) summarized various predictors of increased/decreased concussion risk based on guidelines from the American Academy of Neurology. Such factors appear in Table 8. • • • • • • • • •

Increased risk for female athletes participating in soccer and basketball, with greatest risk in soccer Elevated risk with American football and rugby Diminished risk for baseball, softball, volleyball, and gymnastics Decreased risk with use of headgear in rugby, but not with mouth guards No difference in risk with different types of football helmet Increased risk for the following position in football, compared with receivers: line-backers, offensive lineman, and defensive backs Increase risk with body-checking in ice hockey Increase risk with body mass index > 27 kg/m2 Increased risk with training time > 3 hours/week.

With regard to psychosocial risk factors for concussion, it seems reasonable that a number of the same psychological variables predisposing athletes for risk of musculoskeletal injury could play a role in concussion onset. For instance, athletes possessing the injury risk profile previously discussed might be more likely to suffer the debilitating impacts of the stress response, which may, in turn, increase the likelihood of avoidable head collisions and subsequent concussion. Additionally, given the hidden nature of concussion (Bloom, Horton, McCrory, & Johnston, 2004), sociocultural norms emphasizing pushing through pain (described in further detail below) and the tendency to minimize the severity of concussion symptoms (e.g., euphemistic language), athletes may put themselves at greater risk of initial or secondary concussion. Further research examining such contentions is needed.

Table 8 Risk factors increasing or decreasing concussion risk • • • • • • • • •

Increased risk for female athletes participating in soccer and basketball, with greatest risk in soccer Elevated risk with American football and rugby Diminished risk for baseball, softball, volleyball, and gymnastics Decreased risk with use of headgear in rugby, but not with mouth guards No difference in risk with different types of football helmet Increased risk for the following position in football, compared with receivers: line-backers, offensive lineman, and defensive backs Increase risk with body-checking in ice hockey Increase risk with body mass index > 27 kg/m2 Increased risk with training time > 3 hours/week.

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Sociocultural Factors and Injury Risk Numerous studies have supported the notion that sociocultural factors play a prominent role in injury risk (Nixon, 1993; Roderick, Waddington, & Parker, 2000). Empirical evidence supports Hughes and Coakley’s (1991) suggestion that over-conformity to norms of the sport ethic (e.g., extreme dedication to the sport, striving for distinction, not accepting limits on accomplishment) may lead athletes to engage in risk-taking behaviours and to push through pain and injury. Kevin Young’s (2004) edited book Sporting bodies, Damaged Selves provides an excellent compilation of articles documenting the confluence of structural norms, constraints, and subcultural values within which athletes are embedded and that work to venerate the experience of risk, pain, and injury. For example, Pike (2004) and Charlesworth and Young (2004) persuasively documented the ways in which elite female rowers (Pike, 2004) and British female university athletes (Charlesworth & Young, 2004) internalized beliefs about the importance, value, and necessity of playing with and through pain and injury. For instance, injury was common among elite female rowers, many of whom believed pain and injury to be a desirable part of rowing (Pike, 2004, p. 155). Many rowers felt that they must push their physical limits and tended to rely on the principle “no pain, no gain”, even stating that, “rowing training can never hurt enough” (Pike, 2004, p. 155). According to Pike (2004), some athletes displayed their injury as a symbolic indicator of their commitment to training and to the sports ethic. Coaches reinforced this mentality by relaying personal injury or pain-related stories to their athletes, emphasizing how “down” or depressed they were as a result of “enforced rest” periods. Pike (2004) suggested that women’s risk-taking behaviours were exacerbated by negligent coaching practices and a performance-efficiency ethos that took precedence over health and well-being. Within the performance-efficiency ethos, athletes are often discouraged from expressing pain, and those who communicate pain freely may be perceived as “weak”. Such constraints on communication can increase the likelihood that athletes hide pain, continue training, and increase the subsequent risk of injury (Heil & Podlog, 2012).

Research on Injury Prevention Strategies Equipped with an understanding of factors influencing injury risk, investigators have sought to examine the impact of various prevention strategies in minimizing injury occurrence. Prevention strategies generally fall into two categories, namely psychological interventions and educational-level interventions. Each is discussed in further detail below.

Psychological Prevention Strategies Over the past 35 years, scholars have implemented a number of psychological interventions aimed at injury reduction. Initial efforts (Davis, 1991; Dewitt, 1980; May & Brown, 1989; Murphy, 1988; Schomer, 1990) typically involved case-study or small-sample, nonexperimental designs examining the value of multimodal methods (e.g., biofeedback, attention control, stress reduction via imagery, team building, communication skills). Investigators reported consistent positive effects in mitigating injury risk. For example, Davis (1991) focused on prevention treatment (stress management) using imagery with collegiate swimmers and football players to reduce injuries. The programme involved progressive relaxation combined with an imagined rehearsal of swimming and football skills and related content during the 378

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competitive season. Davis reported a remarkable 52% reduction in swimming injuries and a 33% reduction in football injuries. More recently, scholars have adopted more controlled experimental designs testing intervention effects with global groups of athletes and with athletes demonstrating high-risk injury profiles (Arnason, Engebretsen, & Bahr, 2005; Ivarsson, Johnson, Andersen, Fallby, & Altemyr, 2015; Kerr & Goss, 1996; Kolt, Hume, Smith, & Williams, 2004; Maddison & Prapavessis, 2005; Perna et al., 2003; Tranaeus, Johnson, Engstrom, Skillgate, & Werner, 2014; Tranaeus, Johnson, et al., 2015). As with earlier studies in this area, researchers typically employed multimodal, cognitive-behavioural interventions (e.g., cognitive relaxation, stress management, goal-setting training, attribution, and self-confidence training). In their metaanalyses examining the impact of psychological prevention interventions, Ivarsson et al. (2017) and Tranaeus, Ivarsson, and Johnson (2015) found that cognitive-behavioural interventions focused on stress management and relaxation techniques had a large effect on reducing the number of injuries among athletes. Using a random effect model, Tranaeus, Ivarsson, et al. (2015) showed a total Hedges’ g effect size of 0.82 (P < .001, 95% CI [0.55–1.11]), suggesting a substantial impact. An illustration of the considerable influence of psychological interventions on injury reduction is given in an experimental study by Johnson, Ekengren, and Andersen (2005), which examined soccer players with a demonstrated profile of injury risk based on trait anxiety, life stress, and poor coping skills. Of 235 players, 32 high injury risk players were identified and randomly assigned to treatment (n = 16; 7 males and 9 females) and control groups (n = 16; 8 males and 8 females). The treatment group received training in six mental skills (e.g., relaxation, stress management, and goal-setting techniques) in six to eight individualized sessions spanning a 5-month period of the competitive season. Results showed that the treatment group sustained three injuries (0.22 per athlete), whereas the control group had 21 injuries (1.31 per athlete). Promising results have also been found in several other experimental prevention studies (Ivarsson et al., 2015; Maddison & Prapavessis, 2005; Perna et al., 2003). For example, Ivarsson et al. (2015) examined 41 junior elite soccer players who were randomly assigned to the treatment (seven sessions of mindfulness, acceptance, and commitment approach) or the attentional control group (seven sessions of sport psychology presentations). Despite a lack of significant differences in injury rates between the two groups (U[39] = 149.50, z = −1.77, p =.077), a medium effect size (adjusted Cohen’s d = − 0.59, approx. 80% confidence interval for d [−0.37, −0.74]) was observed. Ivarsson et al. (2015) also found that 67% of the players in the mindfulness group remained injury-free versus 40% in the control group. These examples provide fairly robust support for the value of psychological intervention in mitigating injury risk.

Educational Injury Prevention Strategies In addition to psychological interventions focused on mitigating injury at the individual level, researchers have also recognized the need to develop injury prophylactic measures focused on a broader sociocultural level. To this end, comprehensive conceptual models of sport injury prevention such as those offered by Van Tiggelen and colleagues (2008) have incorporated an understanding of factors such as attitudes, behaviours, motives, and culture into their approaches. As Wiese-Bjornstal (2010) suggested, multidisciplinary educational efforts are needed to persuade athletes, coaches, and administrators of the merits of reducing risk-taking behaviours and the benefits of compliance with prevention protocols. 379

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For instance, mandating the use of protective gear (e.g., headgear, helmets) has shown some efficacy in reducing SRC across a number of sports (e.g., rugby, ice hockey, speed skating, cycling; Graham, Rivara, Ford, & Spicer, 2014). Moreover, multi-component training/behaviour modification strategies (e.g., extremity plyometrics, dynamic balance and strength, stretching, body awareness, and decision-making) appear to be successful in reducing non-contact ACL injury risk factors in sports such as soccer (Alentorn-Geli et al., 2009). Finally, mounting sport science evidence demonstrates the need to balance training with adequate rest and recovery, the potential dangers of early sport specialization/talent development, and the need to limit multisport/season competition (Hall, Foss, Hewett, & Myer, 2015; Post et al., 2017). Despite such efforts, it is also evident that attempts aimed at “culture change” are often met with resistance, particularly in contact or combat sports with deeply ingrained values promoting risky behaviours and lauding the ability to “deny and disrespect” pain. For instance, a New York Times (Klein, 2012) article reported that: Despite several years of intensive research, coverage, and discussion about the dan­ gers of concussions, the idea of playing through head injuries is so deeply rooted in hockey culture that two university teams kept concussed players on the ice even though they were taking part in a major concussion study. (p. B11; emphasis added) In the article, one coach was quoted as saying “Unless something is broken, I want them out playing”. Even more perplexing were separate decisions made by team athletic trainers and coaches – including one coach whose hockey career ended because of concussion – to override the recommendations of study physicians and neuropsychologists to remove a player from a particular game and to have a concussed player sit out of a subsequent game. Although it is possible that cultural shifts in hockey have occurred since the 2012 publication of this article, it is readily apparent that further educational efforts challenging established subcultural norms and risk behaviours – in ice-hockey and beyond – are needed.

Post-injury Treatment Interventions In addition to interventions designed to mitigate injury risk, researchers have also examined the value of interventions in facilitating adaptive rehabilitation behaviours (e.g., rehabilitation adherence), clinical function, and athlete health and well-being (Schwab Reese et al., 2012). Broadly speaking, interventions can be categorized in two domains: psychological (i.e., intraindividual) and social (i.e., interpersonal). With respect to psychological interventions, many of the same strategies used in an attempt to reduce injury vulnerability have also been employed to enhance recovery quality and timeliness. For instance, a variety of psychological interventions such as imagery (e.g., Driediger et al., 2006; Wesch et al., 2012), relaxation (e.g., Johnson, 2000), goal-setting (e.g., Evans & Hardy, 2002), and stress inoculation (e.g., Ross & Berger, 1996) have been shown to improve rehabilitation adherence, efficacy, pain, and functional ability. More recently, Mankad and Gordon (2010) demonstrated the value of written emotional disclosure – a form of therapy used with individuals suffering PTSD – in reducing athletes’ post-injury grief responses and facilitating their personal understanding of the injury event. Similarly, the use of self-directed cognitive coping strategies such as accepting injury, focusing on getting better, and positive self-talk predict favourable outcomes (Gould, Bridges, Udry, & Beck, 1997; Quinn & Fallon, 1999). 380

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Despite the aforementioned findings, based on their review of the intervention literature, Schwab Reese et al. (2012) suggest that additional, well-designed experimental studies are needed to substantiate the effectiveness of psychological interventions in clinical/sport settings. Similarly, a meta-analytic review of the effects of mental imagery on post-injury function revealed non-significant effects of imagery interventions that were (1) small and positive for functional mobility (g = 0.16), (2) large and negative for perceived pain (g = −0.86), and (3) large and positive for self-efficacy (g = 0.99; Zach, Dobersek, Inglis, & Tenenbaum, 2018). The researchers argue that non-significant findings were likely the results of heterogeneous convenience samples and a lack of power. They further indicate that imagery interventions might be efficacious for injured athletes, but that further experimental work is needed before definitive conclusions can be reached. Scholars have also sought to examine the mechanisms driving the effects of psychological interventions. Growing evidence indicates that engagement in psychological training such as imagery or relaxation may expedite the recovery process through neurophysiological changes – for example, increased cortical activity (motor-force generation in the cortex and improved programming and planning in the motor system; Clark, Mahato, Nakazawa, Law, & Thomas, 2014; Maddison et al., 2012; Newsom, Knight, & Balnave, 2003). In their experimental study, Clark et al. (2014) examined the effects of mental imagery on muscle function. They compared control (healthy individuals undergoing 4 weeks of wrist–hand immobilization to induce weakness) and experimental group members (4 weeks of immobilization combined with mental imagery of strong muscle contractions 5 days per week) on outcome measures of wrist flexor strength, voluntary activation (VA), and the cortical silent period (SP; a measure that reflects corticospinal inhibition quantified via transcranial magnetic stimulation). Outcome measures were assessed before, immediately after, and 1 week following immobilization. Immobilization decreased strength, 45.1 ± 5.0%, impaired VA, 23.2 ± 5.8%, and prolonged the SP, 13.5 ± 2.6%. Mental imagery training, however, attenuated the loss of strength and VA by 50% (23.8 ± 5.6% and 12.9 ± 3.2% reductions, respectively) and eliminated prolongation of the SP (4.8 ± 2.8% reduction). The researchers suggested that neurological mechanisms, most likely at the cortical level, contribute significantly to disuseinduced weakness, and that regular activation of the cortical regions via imagery offset weakness and VA by maintaining normal levels of inhibition. Findings in this cutting-edge area of research show promise in elucidating the ways in which psychological interventions may positively impact the mind and body. In regards to social interventions, researchers employing a range of study designs (qualitative, cross-sectional, and experimental investigations) have found support for the value of social support and the development of positive patient–practitioner rapport. Consistent evidence supports the benefit of various social support types for reducing athlete distress (Bianco, 2001), facilitating rehabilitation motivation and adherence (Podlog & Dionigi, 2010), enhancing athlete perceptions of treatment efficacy and rehabilitation self-efficacy (Bone & Fry, 2006), and overcoming uncertainties associated with a return to competition (Podlog & Eklund, 2007; Podlog, Lochbaum, & Stevens, 2010). As highlighted previously, social support may be an important coping resource that enables athletes to effectively deal with the multitude of injury stressors (Fernandes et al., 2014). A review of 81 studies outside the sport injury domain revealed that social support was reliably related to beneficial effects on aspects of the cardiovascular, endocrine, and immune systems (Uchino, Cacioppo, & Kiecolt-Glaser, 1996). Neurobiological research suggests that social support may reduce cortisol levels – a stress hormone released during stressful situations (e.g., following a sport injury) – and increase the release of oxytocin – a hormone discharged during social bonding, as typically occurs during 381

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social support interactions. It seems likely that social support interactions may elicit similar benefits in the context of sport injury rehabilitation, a contention requiring further empirical scrutiny. Unfortunately, evidence also suggests that athletes do not always perceive adequate levels of desired support from particular individuals (e.g., coaches), and that, under certain conditions (e.g., poor coach–athlete relationships prior to injury), social support may have detrimental effects (Fernandes et al., 2014). With regard to the adequacy of support from sources such as coaches, Podlog (2016) speculated that coaches may believe their primary responsibility lies in the area of performance optimization, rather than the provision of social support needs for injured athletes. Such findings suggest that consideration of the type, timing (e.g., phase of rehabilitation), and amount of social support is required in order to optimize its benefits for recovering injured athletes (Cutrona, 1990). The quality of athlete–practitioner interactions has also been shown to influence post-injury recovery. In particular, interactions between the athlete and athletic trainer/sport physiotherapist have been found to influence athletes’ psychological state, the quality of their rehabilitation experiences, and eventual treatment outcomes (Granquist & Brewer, 2013). By developing a positive rapport with athletes, listening to athlete concerns, providing a rationale for rehabilitation exercises, and communicating using simple non-technical terminology, the sport medicine professional can create an environment that will facilitate rehabilitation adherence and likely enhance treatment outcomes (Granquist & Brewer, 2013). Similarly, sport psychology practitioners may facilitate injury recovery through social support provision (e.g., emotional, informational, listening) and via cognitive-behavioural strategies (e.g., cognitive reappraisal, thought-stopping, relaxation, imagery, pain management) that bolster athletes’ coping skills (Kontos, Collins, & Russo, 2004; Podlog, Heil, Podlog, 2018).

Future Research Directions Despite the growth of research on the biopsychosocial aspects of sport injury, fruitful avenues for further inquiry remain. These include: (1) examination of intra-individual (e.g., hardiness) or social factors (e.g., social support) that mitigate injury risk (e.g., musculoskeletal injury, concussion); (2) identification of specific attentional and physiological mechanisms that directly increase acute injury risk; and (3) consideration of psychological factors associated with development of chronic injury (e.g., athletic/exercise identity, perfectionism, internalization of the sport ethic). Research examining the role of social interactions between athletes, coaches, parents, and other stakeholders in the sport environment (e.g., encouragement or disapproval of risk behaviours) in increasing or decreasing injury risk would also be valuable. Further research examining the efficacy of psychosocial interventions in reducing injury risk and optimizing injury rehabilitation outcomes is also needed. In particular, further testing of the value of educational and behaviour modification interventions would be beneficial. Finally, psychophysiological work examining the mechanisms underlining intervention effects on rehabilitation outcomes (e.g., pain, functional ability, adherence, post-injury performance) is warranted.

Conclusion This contribution was focused on conceptual models of injury risk and empirical research findings. Additionally, the efficacy of interventions aimed at reducing injury risk and facilitating post-injury recovery has been explored. A substantial body of evidence supports the notion that 382

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psychological factors predict acute injury occurrence. Further work is needed to establish the role of psychological factors in chronic injury and concussion. Additionally, a growing body of evidence suggests the value of cognitive-behavioural interventions in reducing injury frequency and severity. Such findings indicate that a variety of user-friendly strategies, such as relaxation, breathing, and stress management techniques, may be invaluable for coaches, athletes, or health practitioners interested in reducing injury occurrence. Finally, although further randomized controlled trials are needed, research – within and outside – the sport injury context demonstrates the value of intra-individual and interpersonal (social support, relationship building) interventions in facilitating athlete well-being, rehabilitation adherence, and improved clinical function among athletes undergoing rehabilitation. Collectively, results suggest that modifiable psychosocial factors may be targeted for the prevention and rehabilitation of sport injury.

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27

INTERVENTION AND TRAINING

IN YOUNG ATHLETES

Antonio Hernández-Mendo, Juan González-Hernández, María Julia

Raimundi, and Rafael E. Reigal

Introduction A classic theme in sport psychology and physical activity relates to the benefits of practising sport for children and adolescents. It is well known that sport and physical activity constitute contexts for the development of cognitive, psychological, and social benefits. Likewise, through sport, children and adolescents can develop strength of character, values, and aspects related to their moral development of great importance for their life. It is assumed that sport can generate a context in which children and adolescents can learn life skills and various positive attributes that facilitate development, both in and outside sports environments. However, participation in sport does not guarantee the development of positive characteristics in children and adolescents. Evidence indicates that adult leadership is the key factor in maximizing positive effects. Therefore, this chapter will address, first, some of the cognitive, psychological, and social benefits that can be gained through the practice of sport, as well as some risks that may also arise from it. Second, different intervention programmes in grassroots sport for young sportsmen and sportswomen, coaches, and parents will be addressed. Coaches and parents are key socializing figures who influence the quality of experience in sport. Their influence in the transmission of values and in moral development, their impact in emotional and affective responses, in motivation and involvement, but also in representing sources of stress, burn-out, or drop-out, has been shown all around the world with different children and adolescents. All interventions seek to promote values, educating through sport and prioritizing the experience of sport as a socializing experience and psychosocially healthy action.

Benefits and Risks of Practising Sports to Young

Athletes’ Developments

There is consensus about the psychological and social benefits that sport can provide in childhood and adolescence (Holt, 2008; Swann et al., 2018; Tomporowski, Lambourne, & Okumura, 2011). For this reason, the authors discuss many programmes in sport psychology focused on promoting sports practice among the youngest and encouraging their adherence (Gill, Williams, & Reifsteck, 2017). However, critical positions have warned about the need to develop sports 389

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contexts adapted to these ages in order to avoid situations that achieve the very opposite of what was intended. Disproportionate physical demands or high pressure for results could harm the physical and psychological health of athletes (DiFiori et al., 2018; Markati, Psychountaki, Kingston, Karteroliotis, & Apostolidis, 2019). The relationship between sport and development in young people can be considered positive or negative. In a positive format, sport requires the proper management of programmes and training for social agents surrounding the athlete. The role of coaches and parents in the athlete’s training processes is very important, as is the establishment of satisfactory relationships between athletes themselves (Álvarez, Balaguer, Castillo, & Duda, 2012; Holt & Neely, 2011). Organizations must structure and plan the work carefully, establishing objectives and strategies to achieve a correct balance between competitive aspirations and potential personal and social development (Siedentop, Hastie, & van der Mars, 2004).

Cognitive and Psychosocial Benefits of Sport in Youth Sports practice can provide many benefits to young people. On the one hand, it contributes to improving brain development and cognitive functioning. On the other hand, there are multiple psychological and social benefits associated with these activities. Therefore, practising sport in these ages can have a positive impact on health and its integral development.

Cognitive Benefits The practice of sports in childhood and adolescence may help brain development according to previous research that analysed the relationships between physical activity and cognitive functioning (Cooper et al., 2018; Pontifex et al., 2019). These hypotheses had been raised some time ago, but neuroscientific knowledge has provided relevant data that were unknown until recently (Chaddock et al., 2014). Thus, techniques such as electroencephalography or functional magnetic resonance have helped to better understand the changes produced in the brain and their relationship to physical and sport practice (Chaddock et al., 2013; Hillman, Kamijo, & Scudder, 2011). However, it is a relatively young area of knowledge. Although research has highlighted this phenomenon, and explanatory indicators have been found, the nature of these relationships and their mechanisms must be explored in greater depth. Some hypotheses have been suggested such as structural changes caused by neurogenesis or angiogenesis or synthesis of hormones and growth factors such as irisin, BDNF (brain-derived neurotrophic factor), IGF-1 (insulin-like growth factor-1), or VEGF (vascular endothelial growth factor); further confirmation of these approaches is still needed, and some of them are currently controversial (Lourenco et al., 2019; Pontifex et al., 2019). For this reason, continuing to acquire data in the coming years will be necessary, using research of high methodological quality to clarify and consolidate the mechanisms by which they are produced. An increasing number of studies have addressed this issue in children and adolescents, observing significant relationships between physical sports practice and variables such as attention, concentration, working memory, cognitive flexibility, speed of information processing, memory, inhibitory control, or language (Domínguez-González, Moral-Campillo, Reigal, & Hernández-Mendo, 2018; Li, O’Connor, O’Dwyer, & Orr, 2017; Tomporowski, McCullick, Pendleton, & Pesce, 2015; Verburgh, Königs, Scherder, & Oosterlaan, 2014; Xue, Yang, & Huang, 2019). These papers have evaluated individual and collective sports, and their investigation designs have been mostly transversal, although some were longitudinal or 390

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intervention-based. Intervention studies collect quasi-experimental studies of both acute and chronic effects, often using a control group. The researches have underlined the importance of evaluating the impact of exercise on physical condition in order to explain the changes produced at the cerebral level. That is to say, the possible chronic effects in brain functioning would be conditioned and reflected by impact on fitness. Most studies found that aerobic capacity was the best predictor for brain functioning due to regular physical activity (Chaddock et al., 2014; Herting, Colby, Sowell, & Nagel, 2014; Pérez-Lobato, Reigal, & Hernández-Mendo, 2016). This topic is relevant because brain development is especially sensitive at these ages (Lubans et al., 2016). Additionally, cognitive skills are factors that influence people’s psychosocial development, affecting the processes of adaptation to the environment (Wenner, Bianchi, Figueredo, Rushton, & Jacobs, 2013). Among other aspects, the positive impact that physical activity can have on school tasks and academic performance has been highlighted (Marques, Santos, Hillman, & Sardinha, 2018; Resaland et al., 2016). In addition, it has been observed in previous research that optimal development of cognitive functioning in childhood and adolescence could help to increase well-being throughout life, showing less intensity of pathological processes and increases in mental health (Gale et al., 2012).

Psychological and Social Benefits Numerous studies in recent decades have highlighted the positive impact of sport on different psychological and social aspects (Eime, Young, Harvey, Charity, & Payne, 2013). This is especially relevant at these ages because they are critical stages for identity and acquisition of psychological skills crucial for social adaptation. However, sports practice must take place in an appropriate context, allowing athletes to enjoy sport, create optimal models of relationship with their peers, and avoid disproportionate pressures to get results (Duda, 2013a; Duda et al., 2013). Under these conditions, athletes improve their learning possibilities, and greater adherence to sport is promoted(Knight, Harwood, & Gould, 2017). Improving motor skills and abilities, increasing levels of physical condition, broadening the social network, reaching objectives, adapting to different situations, or resolving conflicts between equals or with coaches will help young athletes to acquire tools and knowledge for their psychological and social development (Holt, 2008; Swann et al., 2018). For these reasons, organizational culture and values, as well as models of relations between social agents, are determining factors for the maturation processes of athletes. When these circumstances occur, the athlete will be able to develop better assessments of his or her psychological abilities, making more positive judgements about self-concept or selfefficacy (Bandura, 1997), have greater self-esteem, or perceive a better state of health (Herman, Hopman, & Sabiston, 2015; Liu, Wu, & Ming, 2015). Specifically, self-concept and self-efficacy are two constructs that have focused the attention of many researchers in recent years, among other reasons because they are psychosocial factors with great impact on children’s and adolescents’ development, affecting factors as relevant as organization and planning of behaviour, academic success, social adaptation, adoption of healthy behaviours, and persistence in the face of difficulties (Parschau et al., 2013; Wilson, Siegle, McCoach, Little & Reis, 2014). Other studies have looked at the relationships between sport and emotional well-being. Specifically, mood is a widely studied variable (Bernstein & McNally, 2017; Lofrano-Prado et al., 2012). Both acute and regular exercise effects have been analysed (Basso & Suzuki, 391

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2017; Bita, Sarina, & Jourkesh, 2015). Some hypotheses are based on the action of endorphins, which can interfere with processes that produce pain or discomfort. Others are based on the release of dopamine or noradrenaline (Ehrlenspiel & Strahler, 2012; Vina, Sanchis-Gomar, Martinez-Bello, & Gomez-Cabrera, 2012). Other arguments consider that the increase in body temperature during exercise or evasive effects of daily problems could help to increase the sensations of well-being (Thapa & Subedi, 2017). It is also considered that sport could have a positive effect on symptomatology of emotional alterations such as depression and anxiety at an early age (Doré, O’Loughlin, Beauchamp, Martineau, & Fournier, 2016; McMahon et al., 2017). In spite of this, the relationship is not so evident when more dispositional aspects are taken into account in adolescence, in spite of frequent exercise. González-Hernández and Ato (2019) pointed out that certain traits influence distress responses (e.g., being more cautious and dependent), and others influence eustress responses (e.g., those who enjoy their experiences are curious, impulsive, and persistent in their positive symptomatology tasks), both associated with depression. At present, well-being can be analysed fundamentally from two approaches. On the one hand, there is hedonic well-being, which is studied under the construct of subjective well-being and is essentially related to aspects such as happiness or vital satisfaction. On the other hand, there is eudemonic well-being, linked to the development of human potential and analysed, among other ways, through the construct called psychological well-being (Romero, GarciaMas, & Brustad, 2009; Ryan & Deci, 2001; Ryff, 1989). Numerous studies have evaluated these constructs in sports, highlighting positive relationships, in active children and adolescents, with variables such as satisfaction with life, happiness, or psychological well-being (Booker, Skew, Kelly, & Sacker, 2015; Fraguela-Vale, Varela-Garrote, & Sanz-Arazuri, 2016). Sport is a tool that can help to assimilate social norms, promote respect for others, increase helpful or responsible attitudes, and develop the ability to work in group or moral reasoning. Thus, it can contribute to the socialization processes of children and adolescents, being useful to practise models of relationship with the social environment or to train social skills (Baciu & Baciu, 2015; Ramírez, Vinaccia, & Gustavo, 2004). However, it is considered that sports practices are neutral socialization contexts, and it is necessary to create an adequate environment to generate prosocial behaviours (García-Calvo, Sánchez-Oliva, Sánchez-Miguel, Leo, & Amado, 2012). Sport in children and adolescents generates situations such as increases in social networks and conflicts between peers, failures or successes in sports performances, pressure in the face of competition, and injuries (Kowalski, Crocker, Hoar, & Niefer, 2005). This implies the need to put strategies and skills into operation that allow these situations to be faced, which will later become tools that they can transfer to their lives in general. However, this needs the accompaniment and support of parents and coaches, so that they can discover how to manage these events. If there is no orientation, and the demands exceed the adaptation possibilities of young sportsmen and women, these learning processes can become negative (Holt, 2008).

Psychological and Social Risks of Sport in Youth If children and adolescents play sports without proper planning, there may be imbalances that affect their psychological and social development. When the physical or psychological demands of training and competition exceed the resources of athletes, consequences such as injury, anxiety, or abandonment of the activity may arise (Abidjan-Vicén, Báguena-Mainar, & Abidjan, 2015). This is why two-way control becomes necessary. On the one hand, there are the demands to which athletes are subjected, which must be established according to their 392

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possibilities and evolutionary level. On the other hand, they must be equipped with the necessary skills to cope with such events. Also, the people around young athletes must help them to correctly process the situations they are experiencing, both positive and negative, this being a crucial support for their development (Weinberg & Gould, 2010). One of the aspects that has aroused most interest in recent years has been how young people guide their participation in sport. The imitation of professional sport or the management of young talents by clubs (Malina, 2010) can bias the perspective with which one perceives the practice of sport. Although achieving good results is an important aspect in these contexts, athletes in their training phases should experience work climates based more on learning and enjoyment of the task (Duda et al., 2013; Holt, 2008). If adolescents are educated to focus on outcome and their own performance over other factors, there is a greater likelihood of developing anxiety or emotional distress (Castro-Sánchez, Zurita-Ortega, Ubago-Jiménez, González-Valero, & Chacón-Cuberos, 2019). If there is a disproportionate interest in results, there could be an exorbitant concern for performance, which could generate problems when goals are not achieved. When this occurs, the so-called fear of failure (Moreno-Murcia, Conte, Silveira, & Ruiz, 2014) could be generated, which can be an obstacle to enjoying the activity and a blockage to one’s own progression in the sport. If this phenomenon develops in the face of game failures, it is more likely to manifest insecurity, shame, lower self-esteem, or a sense of incompetence (Ruiz-Sánchez, Gómez-López, Granero-Gallegos, & González-Hernández, 2017). For example, it has been observed that athletes who are most afraid of not performing well and are likely to fail experience greater psychological stress and burn-out risk (Gustafsson, Sagar, & Stenling, 2017). Burn-out refers to a cognitive-affective syndrome characterized by physical and emotional exhaustion, reduced sense of competition, mood alterations, negative thoughts, or low selfesteem. When it is present, there is a significant risk of loss of satisfaction with sport, devaluation of performance, or abandonment of sport (Gustafsson, DeFreese, & Madigan, 2017). Aspects such as the technical and physical demands of the sport, the absence of coping skills, social pressure, or the interpersonal style of the coach could condition its appearance. For example, coaches of the authoritarian or laissez-faire type pose a greater risk of generating discomfort in adolescents (Granz, Schnell, Mayer, & Thiel, 2019). Symptoms of this syndrome may emerge over time, but its origin and development may be silent. It is, therefore, necessary for coaches and parents to be attentive to possible indicators, so that they can help the athlete before it is too late. Other negative effects that can affect the athlete when there is early overexposure to effort and competition, as well as intense external pressure to obtain results, may be early injuries that influence later development, lack of social development in other areas of life such as school and groups of friends, non-acceptance of failure, antisocial behaviours that favour reaching goals, and narcissism (Caine, Maffulli, & Caine, 2008; Rutten et al., 2007).

Character Strengths, Values, and Moral Development During Adolescence Sport has many positive consequences that derive from its participation, in the physical, psychological, and social domains. In this sense, it is assumed that sport constitutes an environment that benefits the development of values and virtues, but it still constitutes a field of recent interest for sport and physical activity psychology (Jones, Dunn, Holt, Sullivan, & Bloom, 2011; Lee, Whitehead, Ntoumanis, & Hatzigeorgiadis, 2008; Torregrosa & Lee, 2000; Whitehead, Telfer, & Lambert, 2013).

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It is assumed that sport can generate a context in which children and adolescents can learn life skills and various positive attributes that facilitate development, both in and outside sports environments. The acquisition of these competences, values, skills, and resources is the essence of what the authors have called positive youth development (PYD; Holt, 2008). This concept is based on the strengths of adolescents, which are defined as involvement in prosocial behaviours and avoidance of health risk behaviours (Jones et al., 2011). According to Lerner et al. (2005), there are five characteristics that would contribute to PYD: feeling of competence, trust, connection with others, character, and compassion. The first represents the positive perception about the actions carried out in a specific area. Confidence is the overall positive feeling about one’s worth as opposed to perceptions of specific dominance. Connection refers to positive relationships with people and institutions. Character reflects individual respect for social and cultural rules. And, finally, compassion implies empathy and sympathy with others (Jones et al., 2011). This 5C model was applied to the field of sport (Fraser-Thomas, Côté, & Deakin, 2005; Jones et al., 2011), showing that athletes have high values in all these positive characteristics and generating specific intervention strategies. Shields and Bredemeier’s (1995) work on character development in sport and physical activity was an important contribution to the study of moral development in this context. The authors state that it comprises three related concepts: fair play, good sportsmanship, and character. Character is a holistic concept that integrates fair play and good conduct and two other important qualities: compassion and integrity. The first relates to empathy—that is, the ability to understand and appreciate the feelings of others. Integrity is the ability to maintain morality, equity, and the belief that we can and want to make these positive actions a reality. Some conclusions on the work on moral development from this perspective indicate that athletes develop a professionalization of attitudes, where victory can become the dominant value the longer they remain participating in a sport and the higher the level of competitiveness achieved (Shields & Bredemeier, 2001). Likewise, in adolescents, moral reasoning is developed in the game that is different (inferior) to that used in other contexts of life. In some sports, such as contact sports, athletes have lower levels of moral reasoning than non-athletes, and athletes with lower levels of moral reasoning were found to be more likely to be sanctioned and to use aggression. On the other hand, women have higher levels of moral reasoning than men. Finally, relationships have been found with goal orientations indicating that ego orientation is associated with lower levels of moral development and ethical actions, and task orientation is associated with higher levels of the two variables. Research in the field of physical education has shown that mere attendance does not imply an increase in moral development or values. However, if the programme is designed and directed with this purpose, there is evidence of its effectiveness, and it is the cooperation–opposition activities that obtain the best results (Hernández-Mendo & Planchuelo, 2014).

The Values Model A conceptual framework of values that has been applied to the field of sport has been Schwartz’s model of universal values (1992, 1994). This model is based on the statement of certain universal human needs, which are manifested in 10 values: conformity, tradition, security, benevolence, universalism, self-direction, stimulation, hedonism, achievement, and power. These values are defined according to the motivations underlying each of them (e.g., power is motivated by social status and prestige, control over people and resources; benevolence is motivated by the preservation and improvement of the well-being of people with whom one is in frequent contact). The author establishes relations of affinity or opposition 394

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Table 9 Description of Schwartz’s model of universal values (adapted from Schwartz, 1992, 1994)

Self-transcendence

Self-direction Simulation

Conservation

Hedonism

Self-enhancement

Achievement Power

Openness to change

Security Universalism Conformity/tradition Benevolence

between these values, attending to two opposite dimensions and classifying them into four categories: openness to change (e.g., stimulation) versus conservation (e.g., security), and selfbenefit (e.g., power) versus self-transcendence (e.g., universalism; see Table 9). Based on Schwartz’s model (1992) and through interviews with adolescent athletes who were given some moral dilemmas, Lee, Whitehead, and Balchin (2013) developed a questionnaire (Youth Sport Values Questionnaire) to measure values in sport. Through this qualitative-quantitative strategy, 18 values were identified in adolescents: enjoyment, personal achievement, sportsmanship, contract maintenance, justice, help/compassion, acceptance, improvement/perfection, obedience, team cohesion, commitment, emotion/excitement, physical fitness and health, self-realization, image, companionship, conformity, and winning. The values that were shown to be the most important in these adolescents were enjoyment and personal achievement, and winning was the least important. Value classifications and their scores were also examined across different groups, considering gender, type of sport (individual or team), age, and competitive level. In general, value rankings were maintained across groups, although significant gender differences were found in favour of males. They found a decreasing linear trend in terms of age, except for the value of winning, which showed an increasing trend. A growing trend of values was also found in terms of competitive level (Lee et al., 2013). With this measure, studies have been carried out in various countries such as the United Kingdom, Portugal, Spain, Canada, and Germany, showing similarities in the value systems of adolescents. In all countries, the most important values were enjoyment and personal achievement, and winning remained the least important (Whitehead & Gonçalves, 2013). In other empirical work, the Schwartz model has been used to study values at different levels of sporting competition. The work of Aplin and Saunders (2009) with swimmers from Australia (a country recognized for its achievements in this sport) and Singapore shows that, as the competitive level grows, the values of stimulation and compliance increase. This result had already been found in swimmers from Singapore (Aplin & Saunders, 1999), showing that elite athletes distinguished themselves from others by the importance attached to stimulation (i.e., the presence of challenges to be overcome as a motivation to participate in sport). It was also shown that, as the level of competition increased, the values of athletes were increasingly different from the system of values found in the general population. Considering nationality, Aplin and Saunders (2009) found that values differed in Australians and Singaporeans. The former gave greater priority to the values of achievement, hedonism, stimulation, and self-direction, whereas Singaporeans considered universalism, benevolence, and tradition more important. The authors argued that development and changes in the personal value system interact with that of significant others, the group, and the national culture. Finally, a recent study with coaches shows the relationship between the values and leadership behaviours they carry out in their teams (Castillo, Adell, & Álvarez, 2018). Self-transcendent values (i.e., universalism and benevolence) were positively related to transformational behaviours 395

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(i.e., individual consideration, inspirational motivation, intellectual stimulation, and fostering acceptance of group goals); conservation values (i.e., humility and face) to inspirational motivation behaviours; openness to change values (i.e., stimulation); and self-direction to inspirational motivation and intellectual stimulation; self-enhancement values (i.e., power) were related to lower transformational behaviours (intellectual stimulation and fostering acceptance of group goals) toward their players.

The Character Strengths Model The classification of virtues and character strengths is the result of an extensive review of writings about moral qualities in different cultures and philosophical and psychological traditions around the world (Peterson & Seligman, 2004). Because the concept of virtue is too broad, abstract, and inoperative for psychologists who wish to develop it conceptually and measure it, the concept of character strengths is raised. These are the psychological manifestation (processes or mechanisms) that define virtues (Peterson & Seligman, 2004). For example, the virtue of wisdom can be developed through the strengths of creativity, curiosity, open-mindedness, love of learning, and perspective. Therefore, character strengths are a set of positive attributes that are manifested in thoughts, feelings, and behaviour that occur in different life situations and develop over time (Park & Peterson, 2006). Table 10 presents the classification of the 24 character strengths categorized under the six virtues recognized across cultures. Processes of construction of one’s own identity, assumption of different roles, new cognitive capacities, and social expectations placed on adolescents today become an unquestionable opportunity for the consolidation of values and character strengths (Giménez, 2010). Research conducted in adolescents shows that character strengths are associated with various indicators of well-being and positive development, such as life satisfaction (Gillham et al., 2011; Giménez, 2010; Park & Peterson, 2006; Toner, Haslam, Robinson, & Williams, 2012; Weber, Ruch, Littman-Ovadia, Lavy, & Gai, 2013), academic performance (Lounsbury, Fisher, Levy, & Welsh, 2009), and vocational interests (Proyer, Sidler, Weber, & Ruch, 2012). They are also negatively associated with indicators of psychological and school maladjustment, such as internalizing and externalizing behaviours (Gilman, Dooley, & Florell, 2006; Park & Peterson, 2006, 2008), anxiety, and depression (Park & Peterson, 2008).

Table 10 Classification of virtues and human strengths by Peterson and Seligman (2004) Wisdom and knowledge

Courage

Humanity

Creativity

Courage

Ability to love Teamwork Ability to forgive

Curiosity

Perseverance Solidarity

Equity

Open-mindedness

Integrity

Leadership Prudence

Love of learning

Vitality

Social intelligence

Justice

Temperance Transcendence

Humility

Selfregulation

Perspective

Appreciation of beauty and excellence Gratitude Optimism Sense of humour Religiosity

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Sport is a context for the development of character strengths, and it has been shown that elite adolescent athletes present a particular profile of strengths, where positive characteristics that have to do with achieving an objective (love of learning and hope) and working with others (kindness and teamwork) stand out (Raimundi, Schmidt, & HernándezMendo, 2018).

Influence of Significant Others on Moral Development, Strengths, and Values Participation in sport does not guarantee the development of positive characteristics in children and adolescents. Evidence indicates that adult leadership is the key factor in maximizing positive effects (Hedstrom & Gould, 2004). That is, values and character strengths must be specifically taught and not expected to be unintended learning. Furthermore, research has shown that only when fair play, sportsmanship, and other positive values are consistently taught to children through sport and physical education can “good character” be developed (Bredemeier, Weiss, Shields, & Shewchuk, 1986; Gibbons, Ebbeck, & Weiss, 1995). All sports provide opportunities for excellence in physical, personal, and emotional development. Virtually all sports contexts can become miniature “support communities” where development is stimulated by incentive, challenge, and social support (Shields & Bredemeier, 1995). Regarding character strengths and significant others, it was found that positive family functioning is related to the development of persistence, zest, hope, teamwork, and kindness in adolescent athletes (Raimundi, Molina, Schmidt, & Hernández-Mendo, 2016). These results show the importance of the family for positive adolescent development in sports. In addition, they are consistent with studies showing that parents who form a positive bond with their sons and daughters are those who possess the skills required to select appropriate opportunities and provide the necessary support, can promote and maintain healthy relationships with significant others, and who can adapt their participation and the type of support they provide to the different stages of their child’s career (Harwood & Knight, 2015). Thus, these parents allow the development of positive characteristics that are resources not only for sports, but for life (Rashid et al., 2013).

Competitiveness versus Sportsmanship: Evidence-Based Interventions Sportsmanship is one of the aspects mainly associated with grassroots sport, represented in the idealization of civic and responsible behaviour of any person (child or adult) and, in essence, is reflected in practice in compliance with the rules of the game (e.g., solidarity and discipline, effort to improve; Iturbide-Luquin & Elosua-Oliden, 2017). As a proposed idealism, its strict fulfilment is highly complex in its execution and comprehension and clashes in that practice with a multitude of factors where adults (mainly clubs and federations, but also coaches and parents) structure particular idealisms based on interests of various kinds that have little impact on the educational and healthy aspects of what sport can offer the youngest. For this reason, sport becomes an ideal scenario to show, educate, and consolidate bonds that build prosocial and healthy attitudes and allow those who experience it to grow in themselves and in their own experience. Therefore, it must be understood as one of the most powerful educational tools (mainly at an early age), with learning objectives for a gradual adaptation that could be conceived in three phases: (1) Awareness: that children acquire tools and resources that will accompany them for the rest of their lives, more transcendental than winning matches or competitions.

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(2) Learning and installation: that children become true examples of civility, respect, and sports­ manship, in order to build models that make sport a way of educating and teaching values. (3) Consolidation: maintenance of sports behaviours and development of values that affect the psychological well-being and basic aspects of the personality of the young athlete. From sports rules to those that order the understanding of the habits of enjoyment, competitiveness, the learning of self-motivation, cooperation, individual responsibility, selfregulation, and socializing awareness in children who practise sports, the aim is that the adults involved who influence the development of all the above-mentioned processes (coaches, monitors, parents, club leaders, and referees) turn sporting experiences into motors of healthy habits from a psychosocial point of view, regardless of the orientation that the children’s sporting levels show (competitive or leisure). From the practical point of view, as an educational-sports platform, sport must become an informal educational environment where healthy competition is lived, that educates and lives in family, and that serves to unite links between nearby populations, clubs, and families so that they feel part of the spectacle and the educational and sports training of their children. Every adult and child involved in the experience of grassroots sport should bear in mind that it focuses on the formative and educational part rather than on performance and results, bearing in mind that the consolidation of these resources is one of the priorities for their personal maturation, in order to prepare them for more complex situations, not only sporting, but also social and vital, from the moment they are in life (e.g., performance under pressure, management of frustrations or social relationships). Therefore, when designing and organizing experiences in grassroots sport, the ideal would be to make the following proposals: • • • •

Sports education must be above competition (e.g., allowing players to choose, in compli­ ance with the rules, where to place a tennis serve, until they themselves evaluate and con­ sider the best position). Good behaviour by players, parents/relatives, coaches, and so on, should be reinforced. Sport must be surrounded by fair play. It is the social objective for which it is possible to teach civic, healthy, and socially and personally responsible behaviours. The main objectives should focus on socialization through sport. It is not about arriving and simply observing sport as a mere spectator, but about participating in it, providing an environment that facilitates the natural behaviours of fair play, while reinforcing them in terms of constant positive and negative signals.

Intervention Programmes in Grassroots Sport: Examples in Young Sportsmen and Sportswomen, Coaches, and Parents In this sense, as mentioned above, family members and coaches in sport exert socializing influences on the integration and consolidation of values as fundamental pillars in the maturation of their children (Carreres, Escartí, Cortell, Fuster, & Andreu, 2012; Teques & Serpa, 2009), reaching with their ability to facilitate the perception of ability (Boixadós, Cruz, Torregrosa, & Valiente, 2004; Smith, Smoll, & Curtis, 1979); emotional and affective responses (Partridge & Wann, 2015); participation, motivation, and involvement in sport (Duda, 1989, 1996; Smoll, Smith, & Cumming, 2007), in the transmission of values and in moral development (Turnnidge, Côté, & Hancock, 2014), or the perception of sporting success (Keegan, Spray, Harwood, & 398

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Lavallee, 2010), but also in representing sources of stress, burn-out, or drop-out (Elliott & Drummond, 2017; Harwood & Knight, 2009). For this reason, some examples of interventions carried out in contexts of grassroots sport are presented. These programmes have been carried out with different purposes for both adults and young athletes and all with the common denominator of promoting values, educating through sport, and prioritizing the experience of sport as a socializing experience and psychosocially healthy action.

“Brave League”: How to Compete for Sporting Children The aim of this initiative is to encourage the transmission of human and sporting values in children, their families, and participating clubs (especially coaches and sports institutions). Throughout the course of the sports experiences, participating children, parents, and clubs will be able to understand and show their solidarity and sensitivity with social events and transversal performances around the sports experience (e.g., sports conviviality, 180° strategies such as parents–referees or coaches–parents). The Brave League of grassroots football (in Spain) is oriented to seek, through competition with sporting values, the development of sportsmanship in athletes, parents, and clubs. For this, parents and clubs collaborate and participate as models of adult behaviour for their sons and daughters (González-Hernández, Martínez-Mora, & Rodríguez, 2018). All of them are asked to comply with these simple rules that will have an impact on the fair play classification that will be carried out parallel to the sport and will mean the achievement of prizes and trophies at the end of the season. Through this initiative, the transmission of human and sporting values is promoted in children, their parents, and the participating clubs (especially the coaches), by means of a fair play classification in which, contrary to what happens in the usual classification of competitions, the winner is the team that obtains fewer unsporting points throughout the regular league (the last classified), taking advantage of the fact of being the first in an unsportsmanlike classification (the first is the most unsportsmanlike team) and thus demonstrating (as a negative reinforcement) that the first can be the dirtiest team but not the best team. This is intended to establish a model of sports education where sport is practised in the community in the face of the competition that copies federated or professional systems. The completion of the fair play classification is done by means of a scoring system (see Table 11) in which each yellow (+1), red (+2) and brown (+5) card has an established (negative) value, with the referee making a subjective evaluation, of 0–5 points, of the fair play level of each team once the match is over. The monitoring of the game means that, throughout it, other cards will be applied that signal sports conduct (green card, -1), in tribute to the goodness and purity that is usually attributed to that colour. The team that exhibits the most fair play will be the one that has the fewest points in the fair play classification (negative reinforcement). In this way, many fair play behaviours are displayed in a Brave League match, because children want to balance any non-fair play sport behaviour. With the opposite aim, the existence of a brown card (negative card) is contemplated to emphasize for children, parents, and coaches those behaviours that weaken the ludic context of cooperation in which the sport experience must develop.

Empowering CoachingTM Programme: The Value of Coaches and Parents Who Guide Motivation in Sport1 The foundations of adequate personal maturation and mental hardness could be configured as: (a) becoming an active human being, (b) learning to know oneself at different levels of exigency in 399

Antonio Hernández-Mendo et al. Table 11 Standards for fair play classification in the Brave League

Red card (double yellow): +2 points (expulsion)

Yellow card: +1 point

Brown card (unsporting card): +5 points (doesn’t cause expulsion)

Green card: -1 point.

Subjective evaluation by referee for each team: scale from 1 to 5 points (0 = fair play, 5= absence of fair play) The green and brown cards have a cumulative character, although in no case do they lead to the expulsion of the player. Their function is to accumulate or subtract points from the fair play ranking (i.e., in a match, a player, the coach, or the fans can get as many brown cards as there have been unsporting actions in the referee’s opinion, but in no case are they grounds for expulsion). The addition and subtraction are estab­ lished in such a way that, to compensate for a negative action, both children and adults can redirect their behaviour by performing five positive behaviours

order to reach objectives, and (c) recognizing the useful aspects to value the time and effort dedicated. If young sportspersons and their closest environment (families and clubs) have the conditions that facilitate it, the most suitable climate can be configured to maintain positive attitudes and psychological balance through sport. Under the umbrella of the White Paper on Sport (Hill, 2009), the importance of participation in sport as a tool for providing health-enhancing physical activity is underlined. Such aspects of health promotion tend to be in the general aims of any project that seeks an impact on grassroots sport. In practice, however, only a few have an impact on healthy behaviour, to the detriment of improvements in sporting conditions, contextual climates, or the enjoyment of sporting experiences. The Empowering Coaching programme (Duda, 2013b) consists of systematized interactive workshops that aim to make coaches more aware of the nature of and ways to improve the quality of motivation of their players, according to self-determination and achievement goal theories. Through workshops and associated learning activities, coaches are supported in their efforts to develop and implement strategies to strengthen grassroots sports environments. The evidence of the effectiveness of this programme for the creation of positive motivational climates was stablished through the PAPA Project2 (Promoting adolescent health through an intervention aimed at improving the quality of their participation in physical activity—7th Framework Program for Research and Development of the European Union; Balaguer, Atienza, Castillo and Cruz, 2014),3 with a multicomponent approach and using both quantitative (e.g., questionnaires) and qualitative (e.g., observations, interviews, and focus groups) methodologies in five European countries (England, France, Greece, Norway, and Spain). Focusing on grassroots football, this large research project studied children’s perceptions of their mental/emotional well-being and health, as well as intentions to drop out or continue participation in sport over a season. At different times during the season and at the beginning of the following one, these aspects were measured according to the sequence of intervention (experimental–control groups), which was specified according to the training received by coaches. From this project, the Empowering Coaching programme broadened its horizons of intervention and is currently contemplating adaptations focused on other sports (e.g. tennis, volleyball, basketball) and other significant figures in sport (e.g., parents) and in school contexts, working 400

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with teachers. This programme has achieved a social impact of great relevance in European contexts and it has been implemented in other countries such as Mexico and Brazil, where it has been well received.

Schools for Parents and Coaches as Agents of Change: Public Institutions Facilitating Family Sports Education The wisdom of the adult sports world—made up of coaches and parents, clubs and referees, fans and the media—is the key to success in transmitting values in sport and the clarity with which sport is oriented, starting with being brave in the way it is transmitted. This implies the way of accompanying and teaching the sports practice of all children who start and learn every day while they strive, get excited, become disillusioned, change, reinvent themselves, or invent themselves to enjoy a healthy sports world that should be coherently transmitted. Having the support of public institutions (state, municipal, national, or international) and sports (federations) for the development of such tasks is one of the great achievements that can be reached for its social fulfilment. The creation of “parents schools” that allow psychologists to work directly with parents, and indirectly with children and coaches, directs efforts to raise awareness and change habits and beliefs both to know the socio-educational purposes of sport for the youngest, as well as the transmission of positive values towards oneself and towards the society that surrounds it (e.g., racism, xenophobia), and, of course, to demystify a solely competitive-agonistic orientation of sport at an early age. Programmes such as Fathers and Mothers Schools (in Spain; Gimeno, Sáenz, Ariño, & Aznar, 2007; González-Hernández et al., 2018) or Psytool (Europe; Garcia-Mas, Rosado, Serpa, Marcolino, & Villalonga, 2018) are concrete examples of interventions that work with what parents contribute positively to the integration of their young people in the sport they practise in particular, and in the practice of physical activity as a healthy habit in general. Both initiatives, using support and dissemination materials, facilitate, guide, and structure parent–coach interactions in order to contribute positively to the acquisition and proper performance of their respective roles. The use of coaches as agents of change in psychosocial interventions for the adaptation of attitudes and behaviour of parents and young sportsmen and women represents an advance in the possibilities of connecting all the significant figures in basic sport.

Positive Youth Development Programmes (5C Model): Sports Education to Be

More Competitive

The development of the 5C educational programme under the umbrella of achievement expectations theory in youth sports (Harwood, 2008; Harwood & Swain, 2002) and the behavioural reinforcement principles of the Coach Effectiveness Training programme (Cruz Feliu, Torregrosa, Sousa, Mora, & Viladrich, 2011; Smith, Smoll, & Cumming, 2007) are aimed at developing learning and attitudes in young athletes, through values and behaviours they perceive in their coaches and parents. Primarily intended for young athletes to perceive and understand the motivational climate and its subsequent achievement goals, they maintain the purpose of developing inter- and intra-personal skills in young athletes through changes in coach and parent guidelines and strategies (Harwood, 2008). The 5C programmes were also initiated in football, but have increasingly been used in other sport modalities (e.g., tennis). The sports teaching model is presented for players and parents to understand coaches’ messages, attitudes, and strategies. The 5Cs (commitment, communication, 401

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concentration, control, and trust; Harwood, Barker, & Anderson, 2015; Jowett & Cramer, 2010) reflect the key attributes of motivation, self-regulation, and interpersonal skills that should form the backbone of educational interventions: (a) Commitment (e.g., show high levels of effort, persist in skills in the face of mistakes or fail­ ures, or show interest in and commitment to the domain without avoiding difficult skills). (b) Communication (e.g., ask the trainer questions about a drill or skill, sharing information with the trainer and accepting feedback, or encourage, praise, and instruct teammates in a clear and conscientious manner). (c) Concentration (e.g., stay focused on the key components of a drill without being distracted, listen carefully to instructions and maintain eye contact, or help others to refocus quickly, indicating an organizational approach). (d) Control (e.g., recover quickly after mistakes without a negative reaction or emotion, main­ tain highly positive body language in all events and consistency throughout the process, and avoid arguments or blaming teammates, along with negative emotions). (e) Trust (e.g., want the ball without fear of making mistakes and maintain a positive approach throughout the training session). Based on the data collected from each participating player, observational evaluations are conducted by the players’ coach and parents, whose information is triangulated with the players’ perceptions to explore the effectiveness of the intervention. The information reported focuses on modified (improved or worsened) psychosocial responses, which give rise to possibilities for new interventions (based on the 5Cs). In addition, reported improvements in a specific psychosocial construct (e.g., communication) would be associated with different phases of acquisition, modification, and change self-regulation: (1) intentionally promote a particular psychological skill or competence in the same way they would for a technical/physical skill; (2) increase awareness of what a skill or competence means by differentiating between good and bad examples for players; (3) emphasize the positive value of possessing the skill or competence; (4) model skill or competence at all times and use role model examples; (5) structure the session to help teach and train the skill; (6) publicly reinforce players who respond by demonstrating objective skill or behaviour; (7) use reinforcement of specific skills (e.g., peer system) and subordinate reinforcement of players who support their peers; and (8) review the presence of skill or competence throughout the session and at the end, using reviews from the coach, player, and teammates.

Other Life Skills Programmes Life skill-oriented sport psychologists work to promote athletes’ development of necessary skills to perform at their best in all life domains (Conley, Danish, & Pasquariello, 2013). These skills are developed in all areas of their lives, and professionals seek to teach how to have competencies in the physical, technical, mental, emotional, and social domains. Conley et al. (2013) make a list of examples of sport-based programmes that teach life skills, emphasizing that, just as individuals are taught skills to become successful athletes, they can also be taught to become successful individuals: •

Personal and Social Responsibility (Hellison, 2003): developed for teachers and coaches to teach young athletes social and personal responsibility. Five levels of responsibility are empha­ sized: (1) respecting the rights and feelings of others, (2) understanding the role of effort in 402

Intervention and Training in Young Athletes

•

•

improving oneself in physical activity and life, (3) being self-directed and responsible for one’s own well-being, (4) being sensitive and responsible for others’ well-being, and (5) applying all learned responsibility in other life domains. Play It Smart (Petitpas, Cornelius, & Van Raalte, 2008): designed to work with school stu­ dent-athletes, they use sport to promote the transfer of life skills from the athletic domain to the classroom and the community. The authors consider that a key factor is the addition of an academic coach, trained to bridge the gap between sports and life. For this, academic coaches have consistent interactions with each player, facilitate the study hall, and organ­ ize community service activities. Sports United to Promote Education and Recreation (SUPER; Danish, 2002): this communitybased intervention programme uses sport to teach life skills and encourage PYD, considering as a “training ground for life”. It employs an “educational pyramid” approach where staff first train high school or college student-athletes who become SUPER leaders, and they then deliver the interventions to younger peers. As it is considered that teaching is the best way to learn, this form facilitates leaders to improve their own leadership skills when teaching a life skills programme. The SUPER programme consists of 18 workshops taught by peer leaders, and participants are involved in three different sets of activities: learning the physical skills related to a specific sport, learning life skills related to sports in general, and playing the sport. In Table 12, a brief description of the workshops is presented.

Table 12 SUPER workshops (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) (15) (16) (17) (18)

Developing a team: Team-building activities designed to enhance communication. Dare to dream: The importance of having dreams (career/school and sport) for the future. Setting goals (1): The differences between dreams and goals and how to turn a dream into a goal. Setting goals (2): The four characteristics of a reachable goal: positively stated, specific, important, and under the goal setter’s control. Setting goals (3): The practice of creating goals, specific and under control. Making your goal reachable: The application of the four characteristics to their own goals (they

select two).

Making a goal ladder: The importance of developing plans to reach goals; they make plans to

reach the two goals they have set.

Identifying and overcoming roadblocks to reaching goals: Learning how different roadblocks (e.g., using drugs, getting into fights, lack of confidence) can prevent them from reaching their goals. Seeking help from others: The importance of seeking social support when working on goals. Using positive self-talk: How to distinguish positive from negative self-talk and how to identify key positive self-talk statements related to their goals. Learning to relax: The importance of relaxation to reduce tension. Managing emotions: learning and practising the 4Rs procedure (replay, relax, redo, ready). Developing a healthy lifestyle: The importance of being healthy in all areas of their lives. Appreciating differences: The identification of differences among individuals in the group and deter­ mining which ones are important and which ones are insignificant in reaching goals. Having confidence and courage: The importance of believing in themselves and developing selfconfidence. Learning to focus on personal performances: Participants learn that competing against oneself to attain personal excellence can enhance performance. Identifying and building on strengths: Learning how to use the skills associated with their strengths and the skills learned in the programme in other domains of their lives. Goal-setting for life: Learning that goal setting is a lifetime activity and setting two goals to attain over the next 3 months (one school-related, the other relating to home or community).

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The SUPER programme also teaches leaders, coaches, and teachers how to use an observation system (Danish, 2002) that enables them to provide feedback to participants on how they participate, not just on how well they perform. This feedback is related to helping young athletes to see how their participation in sport may transfer to other life domains.

Strategies and Recommendations for a Formative Sport • • • •

•

•

Make sport a source of fun, through healthy competition, to develop vital values and not just to achieve sporting successes. Advise coaches on the most suitable strategies for offering a formative sport, on which to build psychosocial strengths for both sport and life. Integrate parents in the sports dynamics of their children’s sport, turning them into sup­ porters and not enemies. Form bonds between young people through sport, from the intrinsic pleasure of practising it and continuing to strive to improve, turning this aspect into the strength of their maximum performance, rather than encouraging sports clubs to be “factories” from which some good sportspeople emerge, and many are burned and disillusioned. Promote, with parallel activities around sport, the healthy aspects of sports practice, from a psychosocial and biological point of view. Only in this way will essential aspects of per­ sonality and maturity be consolidated in young athletes, supporting other resources both for sports performance (e.g., decision-making, performance under pressure) and for their lifestyles in general (e.g., food care, sleep or rest, friendships). Offer early promotion of the practice of any sport or motor skill. In this way, young ath­ letes will be able to discover and develop different motor skills, in order to practise a wide variety of sports, with the final purpose of contemplating various alternative potentialities. This avoids early and unique specialization in some specific sport, promoting the choice of sport that best suits the characteristics of the child.

Conclusion For sports psychology professionals working in grassroots sport environments, the use of such a psychological training programme with the significant figures in basic sport will provide them with the potential value of connecting and empathizing with the work of coaches and the value of an alliance with parents in an integrative manner for the psychological development of young athletes. In the same way, it will make it easier for coaches to feel motivated to learn how to optimize their psychological role. Integrating in a more natural and transparent way the psychosocial skills of coaches for parents, and vice versa, may contribute to both significant figures becoming more knowledgeable, able to support the broader, specialized role that, together with sports psychology professionals, may favour the positive development of young people (Harwood et al., 2015).

Notes TM

1 Several videos of the Empowering Coaching Program can be viewed at: www.youtube.com/watch? v=4FP1edHR3Gs and www.youtube.com/watch?v=rYXDLuPmStM 2 A video about the PAPA project can be viewed at: www.youtube.com/watch?v=R6jrg0J_ux0 3 The book can be downloaded free of charge from this link: https://sede.educacion.gob.es/publiventa/ detalle.action?cod=20221

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MENTAL SIMULATION AND

NEUROCOGNITION

Advances for Motor Imagery and Action

Observation Training in Sport

Cornelia Frank, David J. Wright, and Paul S. Holmes

Introduction Mental simulation can be considered as a representation of an event or a series of events (Taylor, Pham, Rivkin, & Armor, 1998), including the person, the environment, and the task with regard to a particular action (Hackfort & Munzert, 2005). From a neurocognitive point of view, mental simulation refers to mental states of action during which neural activity is similar to that during the execution of the same action (Jeannerod, 1994, 2001). Two of the most common simulation states of action used for mental training purposes are motor imagery (MI) and action observation (AO). In this chapter, we explore their potential to induce changes in the motor system (Jeannerod, 1995; Munzert & Zentgraf, 2009) and to improve motor performance and learning in sport. MI and AO both have a long history as means to improve performance and to facilitate motor learning. In the 1930s, Jacobson explored the peripheral physiological effects and muscular activity associated with MI (Jacobson, 1931; for a review, see Munzert & Krüger, 2018). In the 1960s and 1970s, research in MI grew fast, with Corbin being one of the first to thoroughly test and show the effect of MI practice compared with physical practice (Corbin, 1967a, 1967b; for a review, see Driskell, Copper, & Moran, 1994). In the 1980s and 1990s, advances in technology with new possibilities to record scenes using video cameras and the emergence of appealing theories such as Bandura’s social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1969, 1986) also led to a growth of research into observational learning (McCullagh, Weiss, & Ross, 1989; Scully & Newell, 1985; for a review, see McCullagh, Law, & Ste-Marie, 2012). Technological advances around the start of the new millennium have allowed more immersionbased approaches to AO research and practice. With the advent of virtual and augmented types of reality, athletes can be supported to feel ‘embedded’ in simulated environments as if they were participating in real-world practice and competition (for reviews, see Neumann et al., 2018; Slater & Sanchez-Vives, 2016). MI and AO have, generally, been considered independently, although ‘video-facilitated imagery’ techniques have been used effectively in sport psychology for some time (e.g., video 411

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‘step-in’ techniques; Holmes & Collins, 2001, 2002) in a manner similar to that described in AO+MI research methods. Athletes regularly report ‘feeling’ the movement they are observing (live, on video, or in photographs), suggesting that, for some tasks, kinaesthetic imagery may be an intrinsic, and not easily separable, aspect of the perceptual process, even when there is no instruction to imagine the sensations of the observed movement and, in some cases, they are unable to inhibit physical manifestations of the imagined movement. Recently, researchers have started to look more systematically into the combined use of MI and AO (for reviews, see Eaves, Riach, Holmes, & Wright, 2016; Vogt, Di Rienzo, Collet, Collins, & Guillot, 2013), with some evidence from empirical studies suggesting support for certain combinations of AO and MI. This new field of AO+MI research is, however, still in its infancy, and questions remain relating to its effectiveness, the underlying mechanisms to explain its effects, and its potential as an intervention for sport. In this chapter, we will introduce MI and AO, summarize the current state of AO+MI research with a focus on its influence for motor performance and (re)learning and discuss future avenues for AO+MI research. First, we focus on the impact of MI and AO on the motor system and discuss neurocognitive accounts as potential explanations, with an emphasis on action representation and its role for the control and the learning of motor action. Second, and based on the separate accounts of MI and AO, we explore the combined use of MI during AO as a potentially meaningful tool for motor (re)learning. Finally, we focus on three key questions that we believe remain to be addressed: (1) Is AO+MI really better than MI or AO? (2) Why should it be better? And (3) how should we deliver AO+MI interventions in sporting domains?

Motor Imagery MI can be defined as a dynamic state during which individuals simulate specific motor actions mentally, typically without physical movement (Decety, 1996; Jeannerod, 1995), and, in the case of mental practice, generate and transform the image in order to rehearse a movement for performance or learning effects. An individual creates or recreates real-world or pseudoworld experiences based on memorial or newly generated information and in the absence of the actual sensory stimuli (see Annett, 1995; Farah, 1984; Morris, Spittle, & Watt, 2005). It is now generally agreed that MI can lead to performance improvements and contribute to the learning of motor skills, with MI being more effective than no practice, but not as effective as physical practice (e.g., Corbin, 1967a, 1967b; for reviews and meta-analyses, see; Driskell et al., 1994; Feltz & Landers, 1983; Feltz, Landers, & Becker, 1988; Grouios, 1992; Hinshaw, 1991; Richardson, 1967a, 1967b). For example, Driskell et al. (1994) conducted a meta-analysis to examine the effects of mental practice in comparison with relevant physical practice. The authors reported small to moderate effect sizes from their analysis of 35 studies, with an overall average effect size of d = .53 for mental practice. In contrast, moderate to strong effect sizes were reported for physical practice, with an average of d = .78. From their meta-analysis, the authors concluded that mental practice is not as effective as physical practice, but that it can have a positive effect on performance. Consequently, MI remains one of the most widely used interventions in sport psychology (Moran, Campbell, Holmes, & MacIntyre, 2012; Morris et al., 2005). Many explanations have been proposed for why MI seems to improve performance and learning, with intuitively appealing suggestions from the psychology of motivation through to Hebbian learning and neuroscientific accounts (for reviews, see Heuer, 1985; Holmes & Calmels, 2008; Morris et al., 2005; Murphy, 1990; Murphy, Nordin, & Cumming, 2008). Among the explanations that have been proposed to date (e.g., dynamical systems: Boschker, 412

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2001; psychophysiology: Jacobson, 1931; cognitive psychology: Sackett, 1934; neurophysiology: Jeannerod, 2001; motor control: Schack, 2004), Jeannerod’s simulation theory (Jeannerod, 1994, 2001, 2006) has received strong support. Central to simulation theory is the principle of functional equivalence (Finke, 1979; Jeannerod, 1994, 1995; Johnson, 1982). MI is considered to be ‘equivalent’ to action execution in that both states are proposed to share aspects of a similar and wide-reaching action representation, and, when MI is congruent with the physical task, the extent of the shared neural substrate is increased (Holmes & Collins, 2001). Within this context, MI is predicted to elicit neural activity in some of the motor-related areas of the brain shared with motor execution; both spatial and temporal congruence is assumed. Activity specific to MI and execution is also generally acknowledged. Research using neuroimaging techniques to investigate the neural processes involved in MI has confirmed the predictions of simulation theory (e.g., Filimon, Nelson, Hagler, & Sereno, 2007; Grèzes & Decety, 2001; Hardwick, Caspers, Eickhoff, & Swinnen, 2018; Hétu et al., 2013; Zabicki et al., 2017). For example, in a meta-analysis of neuroimaging experiments (Hétu et al., 2013), MI has been shown to activate frontal premotor regions and parietal regions of the brain in a similar way to motor execution. More recently, originating from a perceptual-cognitive approach to motor action, the cognitive action architecture approach (CAA-A), has been proposed to explain MI effects (Frank, 2014; Schack, 2004). According to the CAA-A, actions are organized hierarchically across higher cognitive and lower motor levels and are represented in memory as integrated representational networks. These cognitive representations of motor actions are formed by units that comprise body postures and movement components and associated sensory consequences, known as basic action concepts (BACs; Schack, 2012; Schack & Mechsner, 2006) that are encoded in long-term memory and guide motor skill execution (Land, Volchenkov, Bläsing, & Schack, 2013; Schack & Mechsner, 2006). Learning, according to the CAA-A, is reflected by modifications in the relations and the groupings of BACs and the respective representation structure and, thus, by functional changes in representational networks of complex action in long-term memory (see Frank, Land, & Schack, 2013; Schack, 2004; Schack & Ritter, 2013). Within the CAA-A model, MI is suggested to help stabilize representational networks of complex action, and to link cognitive to sensorimotor representations by simulating a motor action and its effects (Frank, 2014; Schack, 2004). Similar to novices’ representations that become functionally more organized following physical practice (Frank et al., 2013), MI has shown to help develop mental representations of complex action (Frank, Land, Popp, & Schack, 2014; Frank, Land, & Schack, 2016; Frank, Linstromberg, Hennig, Heinen, & Schack, 2018): Basic action concepts were grouped according to functional aspects of the movements after practice by MI. These groupings related to distinct movement phases, and the change in groupings reflected a development towards groupings observed in mental representations of skilled individuals (Frank et al., 2014, 2016). Since these changes, at a perceptual-cognitive level, did not result directly in improvements on the motor output level in these studies, it has been suggested that MI operates primarily through higher perceptual-cognitive levels of action organization, but does not necessarily transfer to lower, motor levels (Frank, 2014).

Action Observation AO in the motor context refers to watching a movement in a systematic and structured way and has been defined as ‘observing one-self (via video) or a model (either live or via video) executing the desired action successfully’ (Neuman & Gray, 2013, p. 11). Action, in this context, is meant as deliberate movement within a meaningful structured context of a situation 413

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(Hackfort & Nitsch, 2019). Whereas the imagery of an action primarily relies on memorially generated information (Annett, 1995; Farah, 1984; Morris et al., 2005), sensory stimuli (i.e., visual and auditory) are present during AO. There is a vast literature on AO-based approaches to learning (e.g., modelling: McCullagh et al., 2012), and structured practice by way of AO has been shown to lead to performance improvements, especially for serial skills, although to a lesser extent than physical practice (e.g., Shea, Wright, Wulf, & Whitacre, 2000; for reviews and meta-analyses, see, e.g., Ashford, Bennett, & Davids, 2006; Hodges, Williams, Hayes, & Breslin, 2007; McCullagh et al., 1989, 2012; Ste-Marie et al., 2012). Although there is a general consensus that AO has the potential to support learning, explanations for its efficacy still remain unsubstantiated, despite the fervour for the so-called mirror neurons. Discovered in area F5 of macaque monkeys (Di Pellegrino, Fadiga, Fogassi, Gallese, & Rizzolatti, 1992), a wider network of mirror neurons has been proposed in humans, extending to the premotor, parietal, and temporal areas. There is some suggestion that neuronal networks in these areas are active in humans during both AO and action execution (for a review, see Rizzolatti & Craighero, 2004), with the term human mirror neuron system (hMNS) becoming recognized and more commonly used. Significant concerns, however, remain about the extent to which the hMNS may contribute to the shared neural substrate (e.g. Hickok, 2009; and see debates on the hMNS and AO matching system: Holmes & Calmels, 2008; Vogt & Thomaschke, 2007). Despite the uncertainty regarding the role of the mirror neuron system in facilitating motor performance and (re)learning, within the context of simulation theory, AO is associated with patterns of neural activity in motor-related brain areas that are congruent with some of those active during motor execution of the same task. This is supported by the findings of neuroimaging studies and recent meta-analyses investigating neurophysiological activity during AO (e.g., Caspers, Zilles, Laird, & Eickhoff, 2010; Filimon et al., 2007; Grèzes & Decety, 2001; Hardwick et al., 2018; Hétu et al., 2013; Munzert, Zentgraf, Stark, & Vaitl, 2008). In particular, activity is found in frontal premotor regions and parietal regions of the brain that are normally associated with motor execution (Caspers et al., 2010). In addition, and similar to changes during MI at a perceptual-cognitive level of action organization, AO shows functional changes in mental representations of complex action (Frank, Kim, & Schack, 2018). Similar to MI practice, mental representation structures of the putt developed functionally and became more elaborate over the course of AO practice. Observational practice alone, however, did not lead to performance improvements until after task execution, indicating that cognitive changes by observational practice come into effect with task execution.

Comparing Motor Imagery and Action Observation The impact of MI and AO, as separate independent variables for motor skill performance and learning, has received considerable research attention. As discussed above, there has been a recognition that MI and AO interact, and so it is surprising that they have, until fairly recently, often been studied in isolation, with relatively few experiments comparing the efficacy of the two techniques. In those that have, the results have shown that, although both techniques are effective in improving performance, AO tends to be slightly superior to MI (Neuman & Gray, 2013; Ram, Riggs, Skaling, Landers, & McCullagh, 2007). In one such comparison across two experiments, Ram et al. (2007) assigned participants to groups who practised either free-weight squat lifting or balance tasks by MI, AO, alternating between MI and AO, or no intervention as a control group. The authors reported that performance in both tasks was better for the groups whose intervention had involved an AO component, compared with the groups not involving AO. Neuman and 414

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Gray (2013) found a similar trend in their study, which examined novice and experienced baseball players on three directional hitting tasks. Players showed improved hitting performance following both MI and AO practice, indicating that both preparation techniques were effective, although the best batting performance was achieved for AO. This effect, however, was dependent on skill level and task difficulty. Larger effects were found for more skilled players, and effects were most prominent for moderate task difficulty. More recently, Kim, Frank, and Schack (2017) found golf putting performance to improve following both AO and MI practice over time, together with improvements in the underlying mental representation structure of the golf putt in long-term memory. It is noteworthy, however, that none of these studies considered the possibility that participants in the AO conditions may have been using MI spontaneously while engaging in the AO, which could, given the independent benefits of MI, have been the additive element for the superior AO results. The temporal congruence (e.g., serial or parallel processing of AO and MI) of any adjunct MI during AO will be discussed below, as will the comprehensive content of each simulation technique (e.g., the extent of the content congruence). In a large-scale meta-analysis conducted by Hardwick and colleagues (2018), focusing on the neurophysiology of AO, MI, and action execution, they compared data from neuroimaging experiments investigating all three states of action. Shared activity across all three action states was found in a bilateral network of premotor, rostral parietal, and somatosensory regions. This network also included the ventral premotor cortex (PMv), dorsal premotor cortex (PMd), and pre-supplementary motor area, as well the parietal region. Accordingly, by promoting activity in regions involved in motor execution, through similar simulation content and delivery (i.e., see the PETTLEP model of Holmes & Collins, 2001), covert mental practice techniques in the form of AO or MI are thought to access the underlying neural action representation and bring about related changes in motor performance and learning. Despite evidence that AO, MI, and action execution elicit activity in some shared regions of the brain, notable differences in the neural substrate have also been reported. For example, although both PMv and PMd regions have been shown to be active during AO and MI (Hardwick et al., 2018), there is evidence that each state evokes activity in topographically distinct regions. For example, Filimon, Rieth, Sereno, and Cottrell (2015) reported that MI resulted in increased activity in anterior regions of PMd and posterior regions of PMv, and lateral and posterior regions of PMd and anterior regions of PMv are more active during AO. In addition, Hardwick et al. (2018) provided evidence from their meta-analysis that subcortical structures such as the bilateral putamen and cerebellum are active during MI, but not during AO. Given these differences, the case for instructing participants to engage in simultaneous AO+MI is intuitively appealing to optimize the extent of the shared neural substrate seen during action execution. It is possible that instructing participants explicitly to engage in MI during AO will produce increased and more widespread activity across the motor regions of the brain than would occur through either independent AO or MI. Similarly, combining AO and MI may help develop an athlete’s mental representation of a motor action more than using AO or MI alone, potentially resulting in better performance and greater learning. These ideas remain to be tested in behavioural settings. The question that remains, however – one that has always been challenging for any form of MI research – is what is the content of the MI, especially when there is a vivid and controlled visual element of the action (see Holmes & Calmels, 2008) that may or may not be congruent with the observed action. In the next section, we discuss some of the recent research that has attempted to explore these questions.

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Combining Motor Imagery and Action Observation As has been discussed in the sections above, MI and AO are typically considered as separate techniques (e.g., Driskell et al., 1994; McCullagh et al., 2012), even though there has been anecdotal evidence for their co-occurrence during AO-type research and practice. Recently, there has been a shift away from the independent study of AO and MI to a focus on their combined use (for reviews, see Eaves, Riach, et al., 2016; Vogt et al., 2013), emphasizing a possible complementary aspect of MI during AO, the so-called AO+MI simulation (Vogt et al., 2013). AO+MI combines the two separate states of action representation and refers to the deliberate ‘simultaneous’ engagement in AO and MI. During AO+MI, the individual attempts to synchronize imagining the action with its co-occurring observation (Eaves, Riach, et al., 2016). As visual and auditory stimuli are presented via video, the individual is usually instructed to focus on imaging just the kinaesthetic aspects of action execution during their imagery. During AO+MI, participants are instructed to observe a video of a motor action while imagining, simultaneously, the kinaesthetic feelings and physiological sensations associated with execution of the congruent observed action. According to Vogt et al. (2013), AO+MI can take various forms on a spectrum from congruent to conflicting. Congruent AO+MI refers to imagining the same action as the one being observed (e.g., observing someone performing a basketball free throw while imagining oneself performing it, albeit using different modalities in each of the two simulation conditions: AO – visual and, often, auditory; MI – kinaesthetic). Different actions comprise AO and MI conditions during coordinative AO+MI and conflicting AO+MI. Specifically, coordinative AO+MI involves imagining an action that is different, but related, to the one being observed (e.g., observing an opponent performing a free throw in basketball while imagining oneself catching the rebound). Conflicting AO+MI, however, is suggested to involve imagining an action that cannot be coordinated with the observed action (e.g., observing oneself performing a free throw while imagining oneself defending and stealing the ball from an opponent). Clearly, there are a number of elements of the two simulation states that present challenges for athletes when trying to use an AO+MI approach. There is an assumption that the observer has the MI ability not only to generate a kinaesthetic image but to also control and transform the kinaesthetic image while watching and listening to the same action, either live or on video. Similarly, the agent of the action performing in the AO state is another person (live or video AO) or oneself (for video AO), in contrast to the MI kinaesthetic state, which can only be oneself. A further challenge of AO+MI congruency is visual perspective. In live conditions, the model is observed from a third-person perspective and an egocentric viewpoint, but the MI kinaesthesis has to be first person by definition, even without the normal visual aspect of MI (see Jeannerod’s, 1994 definition of MI, which combines visual and kinaesthetic modalities); in this latter case, the combined simulation states should, more correctly, be AO+Kin, as there is no visual element to ‘MI’ in AO+‘MI’. Finally, the nature of the task being observed (and its visual perspective) is important to any experienced kinaesthesis. Tasks imagined (and observed) from a first-person perspective and those seen from a third-person perspective, but with a strong ‘form’ aspect (e.g., dance or gymnastic routines), are able to support kinaesthetic imagery. Tasks and actions delivered through a third-person perspective or without a form element do not support kinaesthesis. These considerations, known for some time in the imagery literature (see Holmes & Calmels, 2008), remain important for rigorous methodology in AO+MI research to support good evidencebased practice in sport psychology. We now explore some of the historical and current research that has attempted to do this. 416

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In an early experiment in this area, Smith and Holmes (2004) investigated the effects of delivering imagery interventions via different imagery-facilitated scripts (audio, video, written) on performance in a golf putting task. They found that the groups that engaged with imagery while either simultaneously observing a video or listening to an audio recording of successful putting produced superior performance to the written imagery script group and the control group. This study provided some of the first ‘AO+MI’ evidence indicating the potential benefit of combining interventions. Similarly, Wright and Smith (2009) found bicep curl strength to improve following a PETTLEP-based imagery intervention involving imagining the action while observing a video of the task, compared with a more traditional imagery intervention. In both these cases, the focus was on MI, with hypotheses that the additional task-relevant cues provided through video (AO) would facilitate the MI experience, and so they are probably better described as MI+AO studies. The studies conducted more recently have assumed that the two simulation states have been fully congruent despite the limited information relating to the content of each state: Each concludes that AO+MI offers an effective means to improve performance and to induce learning. AO+MI interventions have been reported to be as effective as (Smith, Romano-Smith, Wright, Deller-Rust, & Wakefield, 2019; Taube, Lorch, Zeiter, & Keller, 2014), or even superior to (Romano-Smith, Wood, Wright, & Wakefield, 2018), AO or MI alone. This finding has been shown for a variety of tasks including manual action (Bek, Poliakoff, Marshall, Trueman, & Gowen, 2016), golf putting (Smith & Holmes, 2004), postural control (Taube et al., 2014), aiming (Romano-Smith et al., 2018), and strength tasks (Scott, Taylor, Chesterton, Vogt, & Eaves, 2018; Wright & Smith, 2009). When comparing a presumed simultaneous process of AO+MI with the alternate use of AO and MI (i.e., a period of AO followed by independent MI), Romano-Smith et al. (2018) found both combinations to be effective in improving performance of a dart-throwing task, suggesting that either combination provided equal contributions through their additive effect. In contrast, Sun, Wei, Luo, Gan, and Hu (2016) found that ‘synchronous’ AO+MI resulted in greater improvements in the functional movement capabilities and pinch grip strength of stroke patients with upper limb dysfunction when compared with alternating AO and MI. These studies indicate that practice by way of AO+MI may provide an effective strategy for improving motor performance and learning, but that it may be mediated by task and population (Holmes & Wright, 2017). In an attempt to demonstrate neurophysiological support for the concept of AO+MI, a growing body of research has reported the effects of AO+MI interventions on activity in the motor system (see Vogt et al., 2013; Eaves, Riach, et al., 2016, for reviews). Studies employing fMRI data indicate that, in comparison with either separate AO or MI, AO+MI conditions are associated with greater activity in brain areas that include the premotor cortex, supplementary motor area, and cerebellum (Nedelko, Hassa, Hamzei, Schoenfeld, & Dettmers, 2012; Taube et al., 2015; Villiger et al., 2013). Similarly, electroencephalography (EEG) research indicates increased event-related desynchronization in alpha and beta frequency bands over primary sensorimotor and parietal regions during AO+MI, compared with separate AO or MI (Berends, Wolkorte, Ijzerman, & van Putten, 2013; Eaves, Behmer, & Vogt, 2016). The assumption in both the fMRI and EEG studies is that greater neural activity is a positive phenomenon and representative of similar activation to that which would be recorded during motor execution. Finally, studies that have used transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) have, across a variety of functional movement tasks, reported that corticospinal excitability is facilitated to a greater extent during congruent AO+MI conditions, compared with AO and/or MI (Cengiz et al., 2018; Kaneko, Masugi, Usuda, Yokoyama, & Nakazawa, 2018; Mouthon, Ruffieux, Wälchli, Keller, & Taube, 2015; Ohno et al., 2011; Sakamoto, Muraoka, Mizuguchi, & Kanosue, 417

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2009; Wright, McCormick, Williams, & Holmes, 2016; Wright, Williams, & Holmes, 2014; Wright et al., 2018). For instance, Wright and colleagues (2018) compared the effects of AO, MI, and (congruent) AO+MI of a basketball free throw on corticospinal excitability in novices. They found that corticospinal excitability was facilitated when participants engaged in AO+MI, but not when they engaged in independent AO or MI. Motor evoked potential (MEP) responses to the TMS were also significantly larger during AO+MI than during AO. These results provide some of the first evidence that a presumed congruent AO+MI protocol produces increased activity in the motor system, above that for independent AO, when used for sport-related motor skills, with the implicit assumption that greater activity is beneficial for subsequent performance or learning. It would be worthwhile for future research to establish if these effects hold across different sporting tasks and participants of different skill levels, and whether there are any performance or learning effects from AO+MI training over and above those typically seen in AO or MI training. These studies strengthen the growing opinion that (congruent) AO+MI may provide a more effective intervention strategy for improving sport performance than either independent AO or MI (Holmes & Wright, 2017). Taken together, there is now growing evidence within the neuroscience literature to indicate that (congruent) AO+MI is associated with increased and more widespread activity throughout the motor system compared with AO or MI alone. This marker may be indicative of a mechanism that underpins changes in motor performance and learning associated with AO+MI interventions.

Three Key Questions Among the question that remain to be addressed in AO+MI research are: (1) Is AO+MI a valid technique and better than AO or MI alone for facilitating motor performance and learning? (2) If so, why is it better? And (3) how should AO+MI interventions be delivered in sporting situations? By introducing and discussing each of the three questions, we hope to encourage researchers and practitioners to join the discussion and to contribute to advancing the understanding of MI, AO, and AO+MI as valid interventions for performance and (re)learning.

Are AO+MI Interventions Effective? The extent of neural activity or MEP response during AO+MI has led to the assumption that AO+MI is always more effective than independent AO or MI. Although current behavioural evidence investigating AO+MI is supportive of this assumption, research to date has only considered a small range of tasks and mostly assumed that AO+MI components of the intervention are fully congruent. They also have not considered whether AO+MI could be effective for all populations and all personality types. Further, the influence of providing instructions as to what and how to image the observed action and the consequential implications for conscious processing of a hitherto more autonomous action remain to be considered (i.e., does the additional task of asking a participant or athlete to generate, transform, and manipulate a kinaesthetic image while watching a similar action being performed by another alter the visual processing stream from dorsal to more ventral?).

(Congruent) AO+MI and Type of Task Research data from behavioural studies indicate that AO+MI, with assumed congruency between states, may be superior to AO or MI alone. Tasks include: manual action (Bek et al., 2016), golf putting (Smith & Holmes, 2004), postural control (Taube et al., 2014), aiming 418

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(Romano-Smith et al., 2018), and strength tasks (Scott et al., 2018; Wright & Smith, 2009). Despite these results, research comparing the impact of AO+MI training in different types of task is lacking; this may be particularly important given the earlier discussion of form-based tasks. Other areas that require consideration include: simple versus complex tasks, cognitive versus motor tasks, and sequential versus non-sequential tasks.

AO+MI and (In)congruency The majority of, if not all, research published on simultaneous AO+MI has assumed (fully) congruent AO+MI (i.e., observation and identical concurrent kinaesthetic imagery of the same action). However, as reinforced by Vogt et al. (2013), when AO and MI are combined, they can vary in congruence on a continuum from fully congruent, through coordinative, to conflicting. It is interesting to note that, even in the Vogt proposition for congruent AO+MI, the AO modalities (i.e., visual and auditory) are incongruent with the MI kinaesthetic modality, and, given the visual perspective and agency challenges described earlier and the very nature of the two processes, it may be that AO and MI can never be fully congruent. If this is the case, then more research is certainly required into the mechanisms of AO and MI to explore how they may be combined more effectively. It may seem counterintuitive to use conflicting AO+MI in sport, but creative input to the content of the two states may contribute to effective coping interventions and distraction training. In sports where movement deception is important for performance (e.g., rugby), practice strategies that employ conflicting AO+MI may be helpful: athletes watch opposition ‘fakes’ but imagine movements that do not react to the fake and are more goal-orientated for their own outcomes. Exploring the effects of more coordinative AO+MI may also be worthwhile in sporting situations. For example, children with dyspraxia may find observing catching a ball being thrown towards the camera and imagining the feelings and motor actions required to catch the ball helpful. Using a similar video (AO condition), a more congruent/coordinative AO+MI intervention with the same children could be first-person-perspective throwing (i.e., the child sees arms and hands throwing a ball accurately to a target) where she/he tries to match the spatial and temporal components of the AO while also imagining the feelings of the arm movements required to be successful. By preceding the physical practice with this combination of (successful) AO and MI, the child does not receive the negative knowledge of performance associated with the early learning of a relatively complex task. AO+MI congruency is probably one of the main areas of concern for this research field. There has been an overwhelming assumption that AO+MI are congruent, but without suitable instructions or the typical pre and post hoc checks for MI ability and content (see Goginsky & Collins, 1996). The obvious implication of this is that the increased cortical activity or corticospinal excitability may be a result of imagery of generating and mentally manipulating task-irrelevant content and interpreting the greater blood-oxygen-level-dependent signal/MEP as meaningful. Tighter control conditions and manipulation checks are required in future studies to ensure the efficacy of AO+MI in sporting situations.

AO+MI and Personality Type MI content during AO can, idealistically, range from fully congruent through to conflicting, but this assumes all individuals will observe and image in a similar way. It is possible, based on existing evidence, that an athlete’s personality traits may influence the way they view the AO 419

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and the content of the MI and, thereby, alter the AO+MI congruence assumed by the practitioner. More anxious individuals are known to attend to perceived threatening cues and fixate on these at the expense of processing task-relevant cues (Causer, McCormick, & Holmes, 2013). Similarly, and of particular importance for psychological interventions in sport, high trait anxious and defensive high anxious individuals may be predisposed to image themselves performing negatively as they have cognitive biases that lead to more negative cognitions (see Eysenck’s four-factor theory, 1997). Rather than the assumed congruent AO+MI being ‘delivered’ in the intervention, these individuals’ cognitive biases may create, at best, coordinative or, more likely, conflicting AO+MI where negative aspects of performance are imaged alongside the ineffective visual processing in AO. Promoting AO+MI interventions without a detailed knowledge of an individual’s trait (and state) profile may be detrimental to esteem, confidence, motivation, and subsequent performance. In such cases, carefully guided AO may be more appropriate. Research exploring MI content during AO, with assessment of eye gaze metrics and across different personality types, would be beneficial to consider some of these concerns and to inform the future delivery of more efficacious AO+MI interventions.

Why Should AO+MI Interventions Be Better? Data from cognitive neuroscience research have been interpreted to propose that AO+MI is more effective for improving performance and (re)learning than independent AO or MI, purely on the basis of greater neural activity during AO+MI (see Vogt et al., 2013; Eaves, Riach, et al., 2016, for reviews). Some of the emerging behavioural evidence would also seem to support this claim. Why, though, should greater cortical activity during AO+MI be associated with an assumption of improved motor performance and learning? This is particularly pertinent for motor performance, as high-level/expert behaviour is typically associated with reduced cortical activity during motor preparation and execution and contributes to the theoretical concept of skill-based neural efficiency (e.g., Di Russo, Pitzalis, Aprile, & Spinelli, 2005; Kita, Mori, & Nara, 2001; Wright, Holmes, Di Russo, Loporto, & Smith, 2012). This seemingly paradoxical issue of increased activity during AO+MI and reduced activity during movement execution is rarely addressed in the performance literature and may be a consequence of a lack of ecological validity in research designs and the limited opportunities to test high-level performers. For learners or re-learners, however, the greater cortical activity would seem to be a welcome marker of regional plastic change in neural substrate, with AO+MI training contributing to learning in a similar way to physical practice through Hebbian plasticity processes. Another explanation for the increased activity during AO+MI training, and similar to independent MI, is that the activity represents the local stabilization of representational networks of complex action, linking cognitive to sensorimotor representations by simulating a motor action and its effects (Frank, 2014; Schack, 2004) and resulting in functionally structured representations with practice and expertise (Frank et al., 2014). AO and MI might influence the process of structuring in a different way (Kim et al., 2017). Specifically, MI is typically knowledge-driven and based on information available from long-term memory, whereas AO is more perceptually driven and guided by external stimuli normally made available through the visual system (e.g., Holmes & Calmels, 2008). As such, AO is, arguably, less dependent on an action representation stored in long-term memory (see discussion above on extended hMNS), whereas MI generation, within a simulation theory account, exploits the action representation for the task in order to generate a motor image (e.g., Farah, 1984; Frank et al., 2014; Jeannerod, 1994, 2001; Mulder, Zijlstra, Zijlstra, & Hochstenbach, 2004). 420

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Through repeatedly accessing visual information, AO may help to develop representational structures by improving related aspects such as the sequencing and timing of basic action concepts, especially for form-based tasks, whereas the repeated generation of kinaesthetic (and visual and other modalities) quasi-sensations of a movement through MI may lead to changes in representation structure primarily by developing the sensory consequences associated with different basic action concepts (Kim et al., 2017; Wright et al., 2018). When combining AO and MI, and with an assumption of some form of congruence, mental representations may be enhanced through a combination of optimal sequencing/timing and the associated sensory consequences, and this may lead to an additive effect with regards to cognitive structuring, performance improvements, and learning (Wright et al., 2018). Future research should consider the combination of neuroscience and cognitive and behavioural approaches and using longitudinal research designs with rigorous task and retention conditions to verify some of these claims.

How Should AO+MI Interventions Be Delivered for Sport? Although some of the research we have discussed here promotes a combined use of AO and MI, how it can be delivered, in practice, as a valid intervention in sports settings is still largely unknown. Notwithstanding some of the concerns raised above, and with a recognition of some of the limitations in the research to date, it seems worthwhile exploring how, for example, technologies can assist in delivering meaningful AO+MI interventions and linking AO+MI developments to the best practices of MI and AO training that have existed for some time.

Layered AO+MI PETTLEP Training Drawing on an athlete’s individual prerequisites, layered stimulus response training (/bio­ informational theory; Lang, 1979) and a PETTLEP-based content (Holmes & Collins, 2001, 2002) to the AO and MI may prove fruitful for AO+MI interventions. The main idea of these concepts is to include meaningful characteristics of the physical task within the imagery (and AO) scenario, and responses of the imager, and to add elements gradually to develop the richness of the simulated scenario. AO+MI could be ‘delivered’ in the way prescribed in the PETTLEP model for MI but with the addition of an AO element – not dissimilar to how Smith and Holmes (2004) conducted their study. These approaches have been shown to support more vivid imagery and a more effective imagery intervention (Lang, Kozak, Miller, Levin, & McLean, 1980; Marshall & Wright, 2016; Smith, Holmes, Whitemore, & Devonport, 2001; Williams, Cooley, & Cumming, 2013). Accordingly, starting with AO and gradually adding individual MI elements in a layered manner (i.e., layered AO+MI) may be a sensible approach for AO+MI researchers to explore. This individualized imagery with concurrent observation of an action might be particularly useful in certain populations (e.g., dyspraxic children acquiring motor skills).

Augmented and Virtual Reality for AO+MI Training Augmented reality and virtual reality (VR) are promising approaches for both research and application in sport psychology as they offer highly controllable environments for the AO element and allow for systematically manipulating AO variables, resulting in new types of interaction compared with a real-world setting (Frank, in press; Neumann et al., 2018). VR for AO+MI training opens up a variety of new avenues allowing systematic and gradual manipulation of the AO component of the AO+MI experience, similar to layered 421

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imagery, such as varying the model’s appearance or the model’s expertise, adding verbal instructions to (mis)guide an athlete’s attention – including other modalities such as task-relevant and -irrelevant sounds – or adding another avatar as an overlay to one’s own mirror image (Hülsmann et al., 2019). Using an immersive, state-of-the-art, low-latency Cave Automatic Virtual Environment (CAVE) as a means to provide new types of coaching (de Kok et al., 2017; Waltemate, Hülsmann, Pfeiffer, Kopp, & Botsch, 2015), Hülsmann, Frank, Senna and colleagues recently combined AO with feedback in an attempt to augment and speed up the learning process (Hülsmann et al., 2019). Based on evidence suggesting that watching skilled performances helps novices to acquire a motor skill, the research team examined the impact of watching one’s own performance together with a full-body superimposition of a skilled performance in a virtual mirror, either from the front visual perspective or from the side (90°). The results showed an advantage for the groups that observed their own avatar performing a bodyweight squat together with the superimposed skilled performance. Participants watching the squat from the front view adapted the height of their squats, whereas those watching from the side view adapted their backward movement, with the centre of mass moving backwards and, thus, resembling more closely the movement of the skilled athlete. These data indicate that novices can benefit from watching themselves, together with a skilled performer, during execution, with improvements being dependent on the visual angle chosen. Using a similar approach of skilled superimposition during AO+MI interventions may prove fruitful for the learning process, as this comparison allows users to infer potential errors and their correction, but this remains to be explored in future studies. In a related study, and with a focus on model type during AO+MI, Frank et al. (2019) compared AO+MI of individuals’ current state of performance with AO+MI of the future state. Novice participants watched either a virtual avatar of themselves performing at their current performance level (i.e., one of their previously executed squats) or one performing at an advanced performance level (i.e., their own avatar performing a squat of a skilled athlete). Findings revealed an advantage of AO+MI of future state of performance. Both groups improved in their self-efficacy and cognitive representation of the squat, and, whereas AO+MI of their own performance increased performance error, AO+MI of their future, advanced performance level prevented incorrect performance. In contrast, AO+MI of their own previously executed squat increased performance error. Taken together, these studies show that effective coaching of motor actions in virtual environments and based on innovative types of feedback during AO+MI training is possible. At this early stage, VR in sport may offer a promising approach to create environments for observation research that may be extended when combined with MI across the congruency continuum. VR, however, also presents intervention challenges. There are recorded cases of immersion sickness, embodiment, agency, and body ownership confusions. VR may, despite its promising advance, not be the panacea it first seems, and researchers and practitioners should recognize and address these limitations. Also, besides using new technologies to create new types of interaction such as watching oneself performing at a level that one has not yet achieved, it remains to be tested whether VR-immersive AO+MI training is better or worse for some athletes than watching non-immersive AO+MI videos.

Apps and Mobile Devices and AO+MI Training VR technology would seem to offer many exciting new possibilities for future work related to AO+MI. However, despite more affordable equipment being available in recent years, the costs and significant programming expertise required to create and deliver meaningful VR 422

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environments may, at this time, be prohibitive for many research laboratories and applied practitioners. An alternative method for delivering AO or AO+MI interventions is via custombuilt apps on mobile devices such as tablets or phones. Delivery of interventions through these devices offers more affordable and user-accessible ways for researchers and practitioners to explore the effects of AO+MI interventions in different environments. One area in which these interventions are being delivered through mobile devices is the field of rehabilitation and motor (re)learning. For example, McCormick and Holmes (2016) developed a cognitive and physical practice intervention aimed at facilitating the (re)learning of activities of daily living in community-dwelling patients with upper limb dysfunction following stroke. The intervention, delivered via the SIMULATe iPad app, allowed participants to self-select a playlist of videos of various activities of daily living linked to their individualized physical therapy tasks (e.g., opening a jar, cleaning a table, buttoning up a shirt). After observing each video (AO), participants were then instructed to imagine themselves performing the movement (MI), before attempting to execute the movement physically. In a feasibility study to test the intervention, 13 stroke survivors engaged with the intervention for up to 90 minutes a day over an 18-day period. Improvements were found on various measures of functional movement, including the action research arm test, grip strength, and the nine-hole peg test. More recently, Bek et al. (2018) adapted the app for use with Parkinson’s disease patients. In this 6-week computer tablet-based intervention, participants observed videos of everyday bimanual actions while simultaneously imaging the associated kinaesthetic sensations (congruent AO+MI), before then practising the action physically. Performance improvements were again reported. Taken together, the findings from these two feasibility studies indicate the potential efficacy of delivering various forms of combined AO+MI interventions through mobile devices. It is possible to envisage situations where athletes could also engage in similar structured mobile app-based AO+MI interventions in the training and competitive sport domain. For example, in the final minutes of a close game, during a timeout, a basketball player could use a tablet device to engage in AO+MI of a basketball free throw prior to execution of the task, in an attempt to prime a successful shot execution (see visual priming; Edwards, Humphreys, & Castiello, 2003). Similarly, soccer players could engage in technology-supported AO+MI in a similar manner during the interval immediately prior to a penalty shootout. Further research is clearly required to test the efficacy of these intuitively appealing suggestions.

Conclusion The present chapter aimed to provide insights into the current state of research on the combined use of MI and AO and to highlight key issues to be addressed in future research. We have discussed and compared MI and AO independently and concluded by advocating for their combined and simultaneous use, albeit with an implicit assumption that the two states are content-congruent. Although the initial evidence indicates that AO+MI might be more effective than MI or AO alone, more detailed and rigorous research is needed, drawing on methodological designs from the AO and MI literature, in order to investigate its additive effects on motor performance and learning more systematically. Neurocognitive accounts, with a focus on action representation, may help advance our understanding of AO+MI and explain why MI and AO differ and why AO+MI could be more effective in some situations. We would advocate that, rather than focusing on similarities across simulation states of action, future research should now shift to the theoretical, neural, and behavioural differences when imagining, observing, and executing a motor action in order to better understand the mechanisms supporting AO+MI combinations. Finally, new technologies, such as VR and 423

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mobile applications, may provide innovative and effective interventions for AO+MI training aimed at supporting sport performance and (re)learning, although their feasibility and their effectiveness remain to be explored.

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29

MINDFULNESS TRAINING

Chun-Qing Zhang and Ning Su

Introduction How to help athletes enhance their performance is a never-ending mission for all stakeholders involved in sport contexts, including athletes, coaches, and sport psychology practitioners. The great NBA player Michael Jordan once said that, “I have missed more than 9000 shots in my career. I have lost almost 300 games. 26 times, I have been trusted to take the game winning shot and missed” (Goldman & Papson, 1998, p. 49). This quote demonstrates that even the highest-level athletes face various challenges in high-level sport competitions. The key for athletes to become successful is being able to cope with such challenges and keep improving their sport performance, no matter what adversity they encounter. To help athletes cope with these challenges and enhance sport performance, mental training approaches have been applied in the sport context from second-wave cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT), which is the traditional control-based psychological skills training (PST), to third-wave CBT, which is the mindfulness and acceptance-based contextual approach (Gardner & Moore, 2007). In this contribution, we will introduce the theoretical origin of the mindfulness-based contextual approach for performance enhancement, define mindfulness, discuss how mindfulness can help enhance athletic sport performance, and consider the application of mindfulness training in sport.

Theoretical Origin of the Mindfulness-Based Contextual Approach for

Performance Enhancement

Over the past 30 years, mental training in the sport context has mainly focused on second-wave cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT), which proposes that an event can affect one’s behaviour only through the mediating psychological variables. In other words, what actually influence one’s behaviour are those psychological variables. Therefore, traditional sport psychology training focuses on changing the contents of the psychological variables (i.e., thoughts). It advocates that psychological interventions should focus on creating a favourable mental state such as optimal arousal level, mood, and flow in order to pursue peak performance (Hardy, Jones, & Gould, 1996). The foundational idea of traditional mental training is that optimal performance is most likely to occur as athletes achieve optimal mental states by controlling or changing psychological 429

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mediators, including cognitions, emotions, and sensations (Hardy et al., 1996). However, traditional mental training models that were developed to help athletes pursue optimal mental and performance states have encountered problems and difficulties in applied practice (Si, 2006). For example, it is extremely difficult for young athletes to reach the subjective or elusive peak states as they may not have previously experienced such states. It is even more difficult to activate and/or maintain these optimal states as they are changeable under the stresses of competition. Si (2006) argued that the assumption of perfect human rationality to resolve problems and the nature of trying to achieve peak states by helping athletes control their thoughts, emotions, and sensations might be fundamentally wrong. Likewise, Gardner and Moore (2007) stated that traditional psychological skills training might be ineffective owing to intentional attempts to control physical performance, which may negatively affect other routines and may, paradoxically, contribute to continuous errors in physical performance. Third-wave CBT, the contextual approach, has therefore been developed, emphasizing the importance of changing the context of treating the thoughts, rather than changing the contents of thought (Hayes, Follette, & Linehan, 2004). That is, the contextual approach focuses on changing the contextual relationship between self and thoughts via mindfulness and acceptance, rather than changing the thoughts themselves through control (Hayes, Luoma, Bond, Masuda, & Lillis, 2006). Over the past 20 years, there has been a growing interest in applying the contextual approach for behavioural change and psychological well-being. According to acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT; Hayes, Strosahl, & Wilson, 1999), individuals might suffer owing to the ubiquitous inborn tendency for experiential avoidance (i.e., attempts to avoid thoughts, feelings, memories, physical sensations, and other internal experiences) and cognitive fusion (i.e., thoughts are fused/ entangled with reality). Psychological inflexibility, which is defined as “the rigid dominance of psychological reactions over chosen values and contingencies in guiding action” (Bond et al., 2011, p. 678), is prompted when individuals attempt to avoid experiencing unwanted internal events. Accordingly, individuals might be prohibited from effectively reacting to the present moment. Several key factors within the psychological flexibility framework are emphasized in the contextual approach, including mindfulness, experiential acceptance (i.e., non-reactive and mindful awareness of ongoing stream of consciousness), and cognitive defusion (i.e., the ability to separate thoughts from reality and to let them come and go), in order to increase individuals’ psychological flexibility (i.e., individuals’ ability to focus on the present moment and, according to what the situation affords, change or persist with behaviour in the pursuit of goals and values; Hayes & Hofmann, 2018). Specifically, the contextual approach aims to: (a) reduce individuals’ automatic patterns of avoiding painful experiences and feelings by cultivating the abilities of experiential acceptance and cognitive defusion, and (b) replacing psychological inflexibility with psychological flexibility in order to build effective behaviours that are aligned with the individuals’ own values (Wilson & Murrell, 2004). That said, mindfulness is the skill or process that individuals bring to their attention to experiences occurring in the present moment (Creswell, 2017; KabatZinn, 2013). Mindfulness is a key aspect of the contextual approach for developing other abilities such as experiential acceptance, cognitive defusion, and psychological flexibility (Hayes, 2004).

What Is Mindfulness, and How Can Mindfulness Help Enhance Athletic Sport

Performance?

Mindfulness is described as intentionally paying attention to the present moment in a non­ judgemental way (Kabat-Zinn, 1994). Although mindfulness originates from Eastern Buddhism, its phenomenological nature is viewed as embedded in most religious and spiritual traditions, as well as philosophical and psychological thoughts in the West (Walsh & Shapiro, 2006). 430

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Thus, mindfulness can also be treated as a universal human capacity that is inherent and transcends culture and religion (Shapiro, Siegel, & Neff, 2018). Given that there is still a lack of common understanding of how mindfulness works (Shapiro, 2009), it is still unclear how many components should be included in mindfulness. Yet, there are some common components. For example, Bishop and colleagues (2004) proposed that mindfulness encompasses both an attentional and an acceptance-based component. The attentional component pertains to the ability to intentionally regulate attention, which is honed by deliberate and sustained observation of thoughts, feelings, physical sensations, and other stimuli as they occur in the present moment. The acceptance-based component involves maintaining an attitude of openness and receptivity to these experiences, rather than judging, ignoring, or minimizing them, particularly when they are unpleasant. In sport, the key components for mindfulness have been proposed by researchers and are reflected in sport-specific mindfulness inventories (Thienot et al., 2014; Zhang, Chung, & Si, 2017). The Mindfulness Inventory for Sport was developed by defining mindfulness using three components: awareness, non-judgement, and refocusing (Thienot et al., 2014). The refocusing component was emphasized as researchers argued that, in sport contexts, athletes have to regularly switch their focus of attention from disruptive stimuli to helpful goal-related cues, rather than continuously maintaining their attention on a single task (Thienot et al., 2014). Similarly, the Athlete Mindfulness Questionnaire was developed by defining mindfulness as comprising the components of present-moment attention, awareness, and acceptance (Zhang et al., 2017). The attention component consists of two subcomponents that are maintaining attention on their sport performance and refocusing after mind-wandering. Acceptance was used instead of non-judgement, given that athletes have to make many decisions but, at the same time, accept their judgements. In addition, the reverse-worded non-judgement statements often confuse athletes (Zhang et al., 2017). Nonetheless, the development of sport-specific mindfulness measures can (a) assist researchers to test the effectiveness of mindfulness training on the changes of mindfulness levels in athletes, and (b) help researchers explore the changing mechanisms of mindfulness training for enhancing sport performance and adaptive outcomes. The impact of mindfulness on individuals’ cognitive, psychological, and behavioural outcomes are associated with facets and components of the constructs of mindfulness (Coffey, Hartman, & Fredrickson, 2010; Dorjee, 2010). For example, Shapiro and colleagues (2006) proposed that there are three components (axioms) of mindfulness: (a) intention, (b) attention, and (c) attitude. Based on these three components, mindfulness can have an impact because the meta-mechanism of mindfulness on adaptive outcomes is “reperceiving” – that is, a process through which one is able to disidentify from the contents of consciousness (i.e., one’s thoughts) and view one’s moment-by-moment experience with greater clarity and objectivity. Reperceiving fosters the shift in perspective of self. That is, reperceiving can cause four changing mechanisms that may contribute to adaptive outcomes: (1) self-regulation and selfmanagement; (2) emotional, cognitive, and behavioural flexibility; (3) values clarification; and (4) exposure. It should be noted that the three axioms of intention, attention, and attitude are inherent in these four changing mechanisms (Shapiro, Carlson, Astin, & Freedman, 2006). Birrer and colleagues (2012) proposed nine potential changing mechanisms of mindfulness on sport performance and adaptive and maladaptive psychological outcomes, including: (1) bare attention, (2) experiential acceptance, (3) values clarification, (4) self-regulation/negative emotion regulation, (5) clarity about one’s internal life, (6) exposure, (7) flexibility, (8) nonattachment, and (9) less rumination. Likewise, Moore and Gardner (2014) proposed a combination of four mindfulness mechanisms that can result in greater emotion regulation and, thus, a more flexible approach to performance enhancement: (1) enhanced capacity for 431

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regulation of attention, (2) better awareness of internal experience (e.g., thoughts, feelings, body sensations), (3) decentring from internal processes, and (4) fewer automatic connections between cognitions/emotions and behaviour. Given the space limitation of this chapter, details about all the potential changing mechanisms will not be introduced here. Interested readers can refer to the original papers. Currently, there is still a lack of empirical studies testing the proposed theoretical paths regarding the changing mechanisms of mindfulness in sport contexts. That said, mindfulness training based on the experimental designs such as the randomized controlled trials (RCTs) are needed to examine the potential changing mechanisms of mindfulness beyond the correlational nature of cross-sectional and longitudinal designs.

Application of Mindfulness Training in Sport Contexts Although the application of mindfulness in sport can be traced back to the 1950s in the book Zen in the Art of Archery, by the philosopher Eugen Herrigel (1953), the mindfulness-based contextual approach only started to attract interest and attention from the sport psychology practice and research with the application of third-wave CBT in clinical and counselling psychology (Baltzell, 2016; Birrer et al., 2012; Gardner & Moore, 2004). It should be noted that, on record, Kabat-Zinn and colleagues might be the first to formally apply mindfulness training in sport contexts. They helped rowing athletes prepare for the Olympic Games (KabatZinn, Beall, & Rippe, 1985). Building on the development and accumulation of the application of mindfulness and acceptance-based approaches in the field of clinical psychology, mindfulness training in sport contexts began in the early 2000s (Gardner & Moore, 2004). Several mindfulness and acceptance-based approaches have been specifically developed for enhancing athletic sport performance. Currently, there are four systematically developed and well-applied mindfulness training programmes for enhancing athletic sport performance, including: (a) the mindfulness– acceptance–commitment approach (MAC; Gardner & Moore, 2007), (b) mindful sport performance enhancement (MSPE; Kaufman, Glass, & Arnkoff, 2009; Kaufman, Glass, & Pineau, 2018), (c) mindfulness meditation training for sport (MMTS; Baltzell & Akhtar, 2014; Baltzell & Summers, 2018), and (d) mindfulness–acceptance–insight–commitment (MAIC; Si, Lo, & Zhang, 2016; Si et al., 2014). The primary focus of these contextual approaches of mindfulness training is to help athletes modify the relationship between themselves and their internal experiences (e.g., cognitions, emotions, and sensations), rather than controlling or changing these internal experiences. Empirical evidence on the effectiveness of these approaches for enhancing mediators of athletic sport performance has been preliminarily established (see Table 13 for some examples).

Mindfulness–acceptance–commitment The MAC programme was developed based on ACT (Hayes et al., 1999) and mindfulnessbased cognitive therapy (MBCT; Segal, Williams, & Teasdale, 2002), with the purpose of enhancing the performance and psychological well-being of performers including elite athletes (Moore, 2009). The MAC does not require the direct control of internal states in order to enhance athletic sport performance, but instead requires: (a) a non-judging moment-to-moment awareness and acceptance of one’s internal state, whatever that may be; (b) an attentional focus on task-relevant external stimuli, instead of focusing on internal processes that include judgement and efforts at direct control; and (c) a consistent and effortful personal values-driven commitment, including related behaviour (Gardner & Moore, 2012). 432

Table 13 Sample studies applying four main mindfulness training programmes for athletic performance enhancement Programmes Study

Population

MAC

Elite adult weight­ N = 2 lifter and univer­ sity swimmer Female university N = 11 field hockey and volleyball athletes

Gardner and Moore (2004) Wolanin (2005)

Lutkenhouse (2007) Schwanhausser (2009)

Hasker (2010)

MSPE

Kaufman et al. (2009) De Petrillo, Kaufman, Glass, and Arnkoff (2009) Thompson, Kauf­ man, De Petrillo, Glass, and Arnk­ off (2011)

MMTS

Baltzell and Akhtar (2014) Baltzell, Cara­ ballo, Chipman, and Hayden (2014)

Sample Objectives size

Main findings

Evaluate the effectiveness of MAC Evaluate the effectiveness of MAC

Improved experiential accept­ ance, concentration, and com­ petitive performance MAC better than non­ intervention condition in terms of improved competitive performance University N=1 Evaluate the Improved behavioural function­ lacrosse athlete effectiveness ing and athletic performance of MAC Evaluate the Increased mindful awareness Elite adolescent N=1 effectiveness and attention, experiential swimmer of MAC acceptance, flow, and com­ petitive performance University athletes N = 19 Evaluate the MAC better than PST in from various effectiveness describing and being non­ sports of MAC reactive toward internal experi­ ences, experiential accept­ ance, and taking action toward goals Adult amateur N = 32 Evaluate the Improved mindfulness, flow, archery athletes effectiveness and sport confidence and golfers of MSPE Adult amateur N = 25 Evaluate the Increased mindfulness, long-distance effectiveness decreased sport anxiety and runners perfection pursuit of MSPE Adult archery ath­ N = 57 Evaluate the MSPE better than non­ effectiveness intervention condition in letes, golfers, and of MSPE increasing athletic perform­ long-distance ance, flow, mindfulness, mind­ runners ful awareness, decreased taskrelated anxiety, and non-task­ related thoughts Female university soccer players and rowers Female university soccer players

N = 42 Evaluate the effectiveness of MMTS N=7 Evaluate the effectiveness of MMTS

Improved mindfulness and positive impact on emotion Improved mindful awareness, concentration, experiential acceptance, and team cohesion (Continued )

Chun-Qing Zhang and Ning Su Table 13 (Cont.) Programmes Study

MAIC

Population

Sample Objectives size

Bu and Si (2014)

Elite Chinese free N = 3 combat athletes

Bu (2015)

Elite tennisplayers

Liu, Liu, Guo, Su, Elite wushu and Huang athletes (2016)

Si et al. (2016)

Elite synchron­ ized swimmer

Zhang et al. (2016)

University sport students

Main findings

Evaluate the effectiveness of MAIC Evaluate the effectiveness of MAIC

Improved mindfulness, accept­ ance, and athletic performance N=1 Improved mindfulness and acceptance, enhanced flow, mode state, and athletic performance N=1 Evaluate the MAIC better than noneffectiveness intervention condition in atten­ of MAIC tion focus, acceptance, com­ mitment and athletic performance N=6 Evaluate the Improved mindfulness, atten­ effectiveness tion, acceptance, behaviour commitment, and sport of MAIC performance N = 43 Evaluate the MAIC better than active control effectiveness condition in dart-throwing skills and improved mindfulness, of MAIC acceptance, and flow

The first published versions of the MAC protocol included five distinct intervention phases: (1) psycho-education phase, (2) mindfulness phase, (3) values identification and commitment phase, (4) acceptance phase, and (5) integration and practice phase (Gardner & Moore, 2004, 2006). Then came the seven-module MAC protocol, to increase flexibility when addressing subclinical psychological barriers. Practitioners can flexibly and adequately address specific client needs by expanding any session in the seven-session module before moving on to the next module in the sequence (Moore, 2009). The manualized, sevenmodule MAC programme (Gardner & Moore, 2007) consists of: (1) psycho-education; (2) mindfulness and cognitive defusion; (3) values and values-driven behaviour; (4) acceptance; (5) commitment; (6) skill consolidation and poise combining mindfulness, acceptance, and commitment; and (7) maintaining and enhancing mindfulness, acceptance, and commitment (Gardner & Moore, 2007). Both formal and informal practices are included in the MAC programme, such as a brief centring exercise, mindful dish-washing, mindful breathing, and committing to performance values. Although the original targeted clients were late adolescents through to the adult population (i.e., college student athletes and elite adult athletes), the MAC can also be quite effective with mid-adolescents if the language and presentation of the MAC are modified (Moore, 2009). Currently, the MAC has been applied with athletes from various sports such as field hockey, lacrosse, swimming, and volleyball. And the effectiveness of MAC has been demonstrated in increasing mindful awareness and attention, experiential acceptance, flow, taking action toward the value-oriented goals, and competitive performance (see Table 13).

434

Mindfulness Training

Mindful Sport Performance Enhancement MSPE is a mindfulness meditation training programme for enhancing athletic performance; it was based on the mindfulness-based stress reduction programme (Kabat-Zinn, 1990, 1994) and on MBCT (Segal et al., 2002). At the beginning, MSPE aimed to improve the flow states and sport performance of athletes through the development of mindfulness skills (Kaufman et al., 2009). Unlike the MAC, the MSPE programme puts less focus on the values, valuedriven behaviour, or commitment (Kaufman et al., 2009) and emphasizes more formal mindfulness practices. The whole MSPE programme lasts for 4 weeks, with one 2.5–3-hour formal training session per week, and this is purposely designed to adapt to the tight sport training schedule of athletes. More recently, the programme has been offered over six sessions. Core exercises targeting the cultivation of mindfulness in the MSPE programme are: sitting meditation, body scan, and mindful yoga. In addition, a walking meditation specifically adapted for fundamental movements of the sport relevant to each participant is also key to the MSPE programme. Kaufman and colleagues (2009) suggested that athletes involved in self-paced, closedskilled, objectively scored sports requiring significant mental focus and fine motor movements, such as archery and golf, can benefit most from MSPE training. It has been demonstrated that, through the MSPE training, athletes’ mindfulness increased and sportrelated worries decreased (De Petrillo et al., 2009). MSPE has been shown to reduce somatic anxiety and thought disruption, as well as increase confidence, optimism, and mindfulness for golfers (Kaufman et al., 2009). A follow-up study demonstrated that 50% of the athletes participating in the MSPE interventions had significantly higher mindfulness and better sport performance compared with their pre-test mindfulness levels and sport performance (Thompson et al., 2011).

Mindfulness Meditation Training for Sport Arguing that both the MAC and MSPE approaches have high demands of time and/or resources, the length of each session of the MMTS programme was based on previous research and considerations of the time constraints of Division 1 athletes’ schedules. The MMTS programme lasts for 6 weeks, with a total of 12 sessions, and each session lasts for 30 minutes. The dose of meditation exercise in the MMTS, 10 minutes per session, is less than other mindfulness meditation interventions in sport and was considered to be exploratory in nature (Baltzell et al., 2014). MMTS can be viewed as a mental training programme using meditation with the primary goal of training athletes to improve poise, focus, and adaptability when training or performing (Baltzell & Summers, 2018). There are six main aspects in the MMTS programme: (1) open awareness capacity, (2) self-compassion, (3) concentration exercises, (4) acceptance of negative mind states, (5) clarification of values, and (6) adaptability. Essentially, the MMTS programme emphasizes the importance of including mindful meditation and self-compassion for enhancing the mindfulness capabilities of athletes. Some traditional tools of mindfulness meditation are involved in the MTTS programme, including: observing one’s breathing, counting breaths, and engaging in labelling thoughts. In addition, focused self-compassion exercises are included in the MMTS programme (e.g., caring thoughts for self and teammates). Previous studies applying the MMTS programme in athletes have demonstrated that mindfulness, awareness, acceptance of emotional experiences, and team cohesion were enhanced through mindfulness training (e.g., Baltzell & Akhtar, 2014; Baltzell et al., 2014). 435

Chun-Qing Zhang and Ning Su

Mindfulness–Acceptance–Insight–Commitment MAIC is a mindfulness and acceptance-based training approach developed specifically for Chinese athletes (Si et al., 2014). This is because difficulties and problems were encountered when Chinese sport psychology practitioners planned to directly apply mindfulness and acceptance-based interventions such as MAC training with Chinese athletes. Reasons might be that Chinese athletes were in a unique sociocultural context such as the Chinese Whole-Nation Sport System (Si & Jiang, 2011). In order to assure the mindfulness training is effective, the training programme must be socioculturally relevant. Therefore, the MAIC programme was developed based on the MAC programme and integrated with Chinese sociocultural factors, including (a) social-oriented values and (b) the concept of “insight” (Si, 2006; Si et al., 2014). The reason for emphasizing the social-oriented values is because, in Chinese culture and the Chinese sport system, athletes have to recognize that the collective value sometimes should be prioritized over their individual values. Mindfulness and insight can be used to help Chinese athletes commit to their sports guided by the social-oriented values. The main aim of the MAIC programme is to improve the mindfulness and acceptance abilities of Chinese athletes in terms of: (a) focused attention in the present moment, (b) non-judgemental and non-reactive acceptance of experience, (c) insight to synchronize socially oriented and individual values to be consistent and harmonious, and (d) commit to behaviours in accordance with socially oriented and individual values. The duration of the MAIC programme lasts 7–8 weeks, with seven sessions and each session lasting about 60 minutes. The sessions designed for the MAIC programme include: (1) preparation for mindfulness training, (2) mindfulness, (3) decentring, (4) acceptance, (5) values and insight, (6) commitment, and (7) comprehensive review and consolidation. Various formal and informal mindfulness practices are used in the MAIC programme, such as mindfulness breathing exercises, body scanning, mindful drinking, mindful walking, and coexistence exercises – that is, coexisting with both internal and external distressing experiences and adversities. Since its inception, the MAIC programme has been applied with elite Chinese athletes from different sports such as tennis, free combat, synchronized swimming, and wushu (e.g., Bu, 2015; Bu & Si, 2014; Liu et al., 2016; Si et al., 2016). Results from MAIC studies indicate that it is difficult to help athletes build up the habit of regular mindfulness practices after the intervention. Examples should be provided to help athletes integrate mindfulness skills into the daily routine practices in training. In addition, the concepts of social-oriented value and insights should be further explored to give Chinese athletes more culturally relevant training (Su, Si, & Zhang, 2019).

Conclusion Recognizing the limitations of traditional PST, mindfulness training has been applied to athletic performance enhancement for the past 15 years. Empirical support for the effectiveness of the mindfulness training programmes has been preliminarily established with a series of studies on athletes from a variety of individual and team sports. Mindfulness training in sport contexts has already demonstrated an initial, solid contribution to athletic sport performance enhancement. We expect more evidence and further insights from applied studies in the future, in particular those designed with RCTs. Special consideration should also be given to important topics such as how to integrate mindfulness training programmes for performance enhancement into different sociocultural contexts and specific 436

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sports, how to specify the effects of different mindfulness practices, and the changing mechanisms of mindfulness training for enhancing athletic sport performance and other adaptive psychological outcomes (e.g., well-being).

References Baltzell, A. (2016). Mindfulness and performance. New York: Cambridge University Press. Baltzell, A., & Akhtar, V. L. (2014). Mindfulness meditation training for sport (MMTS) intervention: Impact of MMTS with Division I female athletes. The Journal of Happiness & Well-Being, 2, 160–173. Baltzell, A., & Summers, J. (2018). The power of mindfulness: Mindfulness meditation training in sport. Springer International, Cham, Switzerland. Baltzell, B., Caraballo, N., Chipman, K., & Hayden, L. (2014). A qualitative study of the mindfulness medi­ tation training for sport: Division I female soccer players’ experience. Journal of Clinical Sport Psych­ ology, 8, 221–244. Birrer, D., Röthlin, P., & Morgan, G. (2012). Mindfulness to enhance athletic performance: Theoretical con­ siderations and possible impact mechanisms. Mindfulness, 3, 235–246. Bishop, S. R., Lau, M., Shapiro, S., Carlson, L., Anderson, N. D., Carmody, J., & Devins, G. (2004). Mindfulness: A proposed operational definition. Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice, 11, 230–241. Bond, F. W., Hayes, S. C., Baer, R. A., Carpenter, K. M., Guenole, N., Orcutt, H. K., … Zettle, R. D. (2011). Preliminary psychometric properties of the Acceptance and Action Questionnaire–II: A revised measure of psychological inflexibility and experiential avoidance. Behavior Therapy, 42, 676–688. Bu, D. (2015). The effectiveness of mindfulness-acceptance-insight-commitment (MAIC) on tennis athletes: A case study [in Chinese]. Hubei Sports Science, 34(1), 55–57. Bu, D., & Si, G. (2014). Effect of psychological intervention based on mindfulness and acceptance on the Sanda athletes’ performance: A single-case design study [in Chinese]. Journal of Tianjin University of Sport, 29, 534–538. Coffey, K. A., Hartman, M., & Fredrickson, B. L. (2010). Deconstructing mindfulness and constructing mental health: Understanding mindfulness and its mechanisms of Action. Mindfulness, 1, 235–253. Creswell, J. D. (2017). Mindfulness interventions. Annual Review of Psychology, 68, 491–516. De Petrillo, L., Kaufman, K., Glass, C., & Arnkoff, D. (2009). Mindfulness for long-distance runners: An open trial using mindful sport performance enhancement (MSPE). Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 4, 357–376. Dorjee, D. (2010). Kinds and dimensions of mindfulness: Why it is important to distinguish them. Mindful­ ness, 1, 152–160. Gardner, F. L., & Moore, Z. E. (2004). A mindfulness-acceptance-commitment (MAC) based approach to performance enhancement: Theoretical considerations. Behavior Therapy, 35, 707–723. Gardner, F. L., & Moore, Z. E. (2006). Clinical sport psychology. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Gardner, F. L., & Moore, Z. E. (2007). The psychology of enhancing human performance: The mindfulnessacceptance-commitment (MAC) approach. New York: Springer. Gardner, F. L., & Moore, Z. E. (2012). Mindfulness and acceptance models in sport psychology: A decade of basic and applied scientific advancements. Canadian Psychology, 53, 309–317. Goldman, R., & Papson, S. (1998). Nike culture: The sign of the swoosh. London: Sage. Hardy, L., Jones, G., & Gould, D. (1996). Understanding psychological preparation for sport: Theory and practice of elite performers. New York: Wiley. Hasker, S. M. (2010). Evaluation of the mindfulness-acceptance-commitment (MAC) approach for enhan­ cing athletic performance (Doctoral dissertation). Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Indiana, PA. Hayes, S. C. (2004). Acceptance and commitment therapy, relational frame theory, and the third wave of behavioral cognitive therapies. Behavior Therapy, 35, 639–665. Hayes, S. C., Follette, W. M., & Linehan, M. (2004). Mindfulness and acceptance: Expanding the cognitivebehavioral tradition. New York: Guilford Press. Hayes, S. C., & Hofmann, S. G. (Eds.). (2018). Process-based CBT: The science and core clinical competen­ cies of cognitive behavioral therapy. Oakland, CA: New Harbinger. Hayes, S. C., Luoma, J. B., Bond, F. W., Masuda, A., & Lillis, J. (2006). Acceptance and commitment ther­ apy: Model, processes and outcomes. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 44, 1–25.

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Chun-Qing Zhang and Ning Su Hayes, S. C., Strosahl, K., & Wilson, K. G. (1999). Acceptance and commitment therapy: An experiential approach to behavior change. New York: Guilford. Herrigel, E. (1953). Zen in the art of archery. New York: Pantheon Books. Kabat-Zinn, J. (1990). Full catastrophe living. New York: Delta. Kabat-Zinn, J. (1994). Wherever you go, there you are: Mindfulness meditation in everyday life (1st ed.). New York: Hyperion. Kabat-Zinn, J. (2013). Full catastrophe living: Using the wisdom of your body and mind to face stress, pain, and illness. New York: Bantam Dell. Kabat-Zinn, J., Beall, B., & Rippe, J. (1985). A systematic mental training program based on mindfulness meditation to optimize performance in collegiate and Olympic rowers. Poster presented at the World Congress in Sport Psychology, Copenhagen, Denmark. Kaufman, K., Glass, C., & Arnkoff, D. (2009). Evaluation of mindful sport performance enhancement (MSPE): A new approach to promote flow in athletes. Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 4, 334–356. Kaufman, K. A., Glass, C. R., & Pineau, T. R. (2018). Mindful sport performance enhancement: Mental train­ ing for athletes and coaches. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Liu, T., Liu, X. L., Guo, Y. N., Su, N., & Huang, Z. J. (2016). Effect of mindfulness intervention on wushu training and competition. Journal of Chengdu Sport University, 42, 88–92. (in Chinese). Lutkenhouse, J. M. (2007). The case of Jenny: A freshman collegiate athlete experiencing performance dysfunction. Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 1, 166–180. Moore, Z. E. (2009). Theoretical and empirical developments of the mindfulness– acceptance–commitment (MAC) approach to performance enhancement. Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 4, 291–302. Moore, Z. E., & Gardner, F. L. (2014). Mindfulness and performance. In A. Ie, C. T. Ngnoumen, & E. J. Langer (Eds.), The Wiley Blackwell handbook of mindfulness (pp. 986–1003). Chichester, UK: John Wiley. Schwanhausser, L. (2009). Application of the mindfulness–acceptance–commitment (MAC) protocol with an adolescent springboard diver. Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 4, 377–395. Segal, Z. V., Williams, J. M. G., & Teasdale, J. D. (2002). Mindfulness based cognitive therapy for depres­ sion: A new approach to preventing relapse. New York: Guilford Press. Shapiro, S. L. (2009). The integration of mindfulness and psychology. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 65, 555–560. Shapiro, S., Siegel, R., & Neff, K. D. (2018). Paradoxes of mindfulness. Mindfulness, 9, 1693–1701. Shapiro, S. L., Carlson, L. E., Astin, J. A., & Freedman, B. (2006). Mechanisms of mindfulness. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 62(3), 73–86. Si, G. (2006). Pursing “ideal” or emphasizing “coping”: The new definition of “peak performance” and transformation of mental training pattern [in Chinese]. Sport Science, 26, 43–48. Si, G., & Jiang, X. (2011). Exploration on social-cultural meridians of Chinese athletes’ psychological train­ ing [in Chinese]. Journal of Tianjin University of Sport, 26, 191–195. Si, G., Lo, C.-H., & Zhang, C.-Q. (2016). Mindfulness training program for Chinese athletes and its effectiveness. In A. Baltzell (Ed.), Mindfulness and performance (pp. 235–267). New York: Cambridge University Press. Si, G., Zhang, G., Su, N., Zhang, C.-Q., Jiang, X., & Li, H. Y. (2014). Mindfulness training manual for ath­ letes [in Chinese]. Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press. Su, N., Si, G., & Zhang, C.-Q. (2019). Mindfulness and acceptance-based training for Chinese athletes: The mindfulness–acceptance–insight–commitment (MAIC) program. Journal of Sport Psychology in Action, 10, 255–263. Advanced online publication. doi: 10.1080/21520704.2018.1557772 Thienot, E., Jackson, B., Dimmock, J., Grove, J. R., Bernier, M., & Fournier, J. F. (2014). Development and preliminary validation of the mindfulness inventory for sport. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 15, 72–80. Thompson, R., Kaufman, K., De Petrillo, L., Glass, C., & Arnkoff, D. (2011). One year follow-up of mindful sport performance enhancement (MSPE) with archers, golfers, and runners. Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 5, 99–116. Walsh, R., & Shapiro, S. L. (2006). The meeting to meditative disciplines and western psychology: A mutually enriching dialogue. American Psychologist, 61, 227–239. Wilson, K. G., & Murrell, A. R. (2004). Values work in acceptance and commitment therapy: Setting a course for behavioral treatment. In S. C. Hayes, V. M. Follette, & M. Linehan (Eds.), Mindfulness & acceptance: Expanding the cognitive-behavioral tradition (pp. 120–151). New York: Guilford Press.

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30

NEUROCOGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY

FOR SPORT

Dirk Koester and Thomas Schack

Introduction In the field of sport and exercise, major challenges concern the understanding of how motor performance is achieved and how it can be promoted, either after setbacks or during development and training. Scientific neurocognitive approaches to sport psychology strive for fundamental insights into the principles underlying performance and to develop further opportunities for applications to support performance. Neurocognitive psychology for sport is considered a subdiscipline that uses neurocognitive processes to understand better the person– task–environment relationship of action in sport (see Schack & Hackfort, 2007) and to use methods from neurocognitive psychology to investigate and improve human action in sport with the help of neurocognitive diagnostics and neurocognitive training. More specifically, neurocognitive approaches seek to understand the relationship between neuronal processing and psychological processes in the service of behaviour – that is, movement control. Some sample findings will be provided that capitalize on the use of neurocognitive methods in sports.

Action in Sport For action in sport, not only cognitive, but also emotional or neurophysiological processes are critical for (the highest) performance (Tenenbaum et al., 2009). Perceptual, cognitive, and motor processes need to work precisely together – that is, with the highest temporal and dynamic coordination. Neurocognitive approaches also take the biological bases of those processes into account. Next to oxygen and energy supply, the nervous system is of the highest importance. Its activity underlies the coordination of information-processing in humans and animals. Of course, nervous system activity is also relevant for emotional and motivational processes. While acknowledging these relations, neurocognitive approaches are more focused on the functional coordination of neurocognitive modules and processes. Processes of motor control have not been the focus of cognitive psychology for a long time (Rosenbaum, 2005). Recently, the functional interaction between cognitive and motor processes has received increasing interest, partly with the elaboration of the theoretical framework of embodiment (e.g., Glenberg, Witt, & Metcalfe, 2013; Wilson, 2002) and recent developments in neurocognitive methodology. 440

Ta

Pe rso n

Neurocognitive Psychology for Sport

sk

Action

Situation/ Environment

Figure 14 Action situation as a person–environment–task constellation (see also Nitsch & Hackfort, 1981; Schack & Hackfort, 2007)

A fundamental action situation in sport settings consists of the following components: person, task, and environment (Schack & Hackfort, 2007); these factors are related to each other and the action taking place (Figure 14). Sport performance depends on the current physical, physiological, and mental condition of the athlete (person), the situational demand or the type of sport (task), and the conditions under which the task is carried out (e.g., competition vs. training environment). From an action situation perspective, actions are organized intentionally in line with a person’s subjective interpretation of a given person–task–environment constellation. These relationships are reflected in the brain and the memory in other person-related building blocks of performance. In this contribution, we address such neurophysiological and cognitive/mental modules in sport and, furthermore, the neurocognitive architecture of action in sport.

Neurocognitive Components This contribution begins with the action-relevant relationship between goals, perception, and memory before the cognitive architecture approach (CAA) is examined, followed by the presentation of some findings from neurocognitive methods and from the area of neuroinformatics. The idea that actions are mentally represented in functional terms as a combination of action execution and the intended or observed effects is well established in cognitive psychology and has received growing acceptance in the fields of motor control and sport psychology. Perceptual-cognitive approaches, such as the ideomotor approach to action control (e.g., Hoffmann, 1993; Hommel, Müsseler, Aschersleben, & Prinz, 2001; Prinz, 1987; Schack & Mechsner, 2006), have proposed that motor actions are formed by mental knowledge representations of target objects, movement characteristics, movement goals, and the anticipation of potential disturbances. Rosenbaum and co-workers (2001) demonstrated that movements can be understood as a serial and functional order of goal-related body postures, or goal postures, and their transitional states. The link between movements and perceptual effects is bidirectional and based on information that is typically stored in a hierarchical fashion in long-term memory (LTM). Complex movements can be conceptualized as a network of sensorimotor information. The better the order formation in memory, the more easily information can be accessed and retrieved. This leads to increased motor execution performance, which reduces the amount of attention and concentration required for successful performance. The nodes within this knowledge network contain functional subunits or building blocks that relate to motor actions and associated perceptual (including related semantic)

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content. These building blocks can be understood as representational units in memory that are functionally connected to perceptual events, or as functional units for the control of actions, linking goals to perceptual effects of movements.

Memory Modules in Action Organization In such a context, memory is a neurocognitive module in action organization in which information about objects, movements, events, environmental elements, and the action-related constellations between these entities is stored. The structural organization of memory is based on units, categories, and expertise-dependent order formation and is, therefore, strongly related to learning processes. The first memory studies – and, over the years, the bulk of memory studies – were conducted to learn about verbal memory using methods such as serial learning, associative learning, free recall, and recognition tests. Through studying such learning processes, researchers have found that memory performance is constrained by both capacity and time-related storage (duration). Halfway through the 20th century, the idea of a distinctive short-term memory was put forward, mostly supported by the investigations and theoretical works of Donald Broadbent in the 1950s, and Richard Atkinson and Richard Shiffrin in the 1960s. In the years since the appearance of the original Atkinson–Shiffrin model, many alternative models have been developed, some of which hypothesize only one memory structure. In such models, sensory registers or short-term stores are hypothesized as temporary states of activation in a single memory network. These perspectives are similar to the idea of a unified cognitive memory model such as adaptive control of thought–rational (ACT-R; Anderson et al., 2004; Anderson & Lebiere, 1998), which was developed over two decades (from the 1970s to 1990s) by John Robert Anderson at Carnegie Mellon University. This model does not define memory structures by their storage duration. Rather, it distinguishes between two types of information that may be stored in memory: declarative information, which consists of facts about our world, and procedural information, which is the knowledge about how to perform actions – for instance, writing a letter. ACT-R theory also includes a computational implementation to study principles of human memory through simulation. Much effort has been made in the field of memory research to define and describe working memory (WM). The term “working memory” was originally used by George A. Miller, Eugene Galanter, and Karl H. Pribram in 1960 to describe the function of memory in the planning, implementation, and cognitive control of behaviofur. Because various WM studies demonstrated that stimuli are differentially processed with respect to the sensory nature of information, Alan D. Baddeley proposed, in 1986, a WM model with three active components. The model distinguishes between two active slave systems: a phonological loop, responsible for the storage of auditory information, and a visuo-spatial sketch pad, which stores visual and spatial information. Furthermore, it has been assumed that these different types of representations are controlled by an attention-based central executive. With the help of this model, it is possible to explain why it is easier to perform a dual task with two different sensory channels – for instance, auditory and visual information – compared with a dual task with the same kind of information, such as two types of visual information. This model of WM remains influential.

Working Memory and the Serial Position Effect In the research area concerning the learning and storage of lists in WM, the serial position effect is a consistent finding. This effect is observed when subjects memorize and recall 442

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a sequence of items. Subjects are best able to memorize the items presented at the beginning of the list (primacy effect) and at the end of the list (recency effect). This recall paradigm has often been used to learn about interference in verbal memory. Combining a motor task and a verbal memory task could lead to two kinds of interference: cognitive interference or motor interference. In the case of cognitive interference, the memorization of verbal lists would decrease the motor performance; conversely, the opposite would be true in the motor interference scenario. In a variety of tasks, such as replanning motor actions and sequential motor planning in unimanual and bimanual coordination, researchers such as Matthias Weigelt, Mark G. Fischman, Thomas Schack, and Marnie A. Spiegel have investigated the interference between motor planning and recall performance in recent years. In multiple experiments, they found evidence for the so-called motor interference hypothesis – precisely, that motor planning reduces memory performance of verbal items because of the limited, shared resources for these two entities.

Memory and Sport Performance For the topic of action in sport, rather than watching for the storage of verbal material, it is much more interesting to address the link between performance and memory. Research over the past 40 years has revealed the close relationship between memory and performance. For example, the chess studies of Adriaan De Groot (1965) and, later, William G. Chase and Herbert A. Simon (e.g., 1973) have highlighted differences in short-term memory performance among expert and novice performers. These authors used different methods to investigate the cognitive mechanisms underlying expert performance. De Groot used think-aloud protocols, in which participants were instructed to verbalize their thoughts during the task, whereas Chase and Simon used a 5-s recall task to learn how experts “chunk” meaningful game constellations. These chess studies revealed that experts are better than novices at storing task-relevant information in short-term memory. However, their superiority is limited to meaningful game constellations. The experts’ advantage is no longer evident when players must reproduce meaningless constellations of chess pieces. Chase and Simon developed a chunking theory and proposed that experts are better able to memorize perceptual information because they adopt an organized pattern of information and a large number of chunks in LTM through practice. At the beginning of the 1980s, William G. Chase and K. Anders Ericsson developed the skilled memory theory, which argued that experts’ LTM structures, as well as their encoding and retrieval skills, spill over into WM, supporting its capacity. This research perspective was later generalized to studies on the relationship between short-term memory and performance in sport. New studies employing a variety of tasks, such as menu orders, medical expertise, and text comprehension, highlighted the limits of skilled memory theory. As a consequence, in 1995, Ericsson and Kintsch presented their concept of long-term working memory (LT-WM). From this point of view, experts not only use encoding and retrieval skills, but also develop a retrieval structure to address relevant information patterns in a particular task domain. Skilled performers are able to use LT-WM to anticipate future retrieval demands and identify the taskrelevant information in the environment and in memory. This work has made major contributions to the study of the functional links between retrieval processes in LTM and the coding and chunking processes in WM. It also shows that the capacity for task-related information storage increases as a function of performance in domains such as highperformance sport.

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Further research has addressed the storage of knowledge components in LTM. A wide range of methods and populations have been used to study expertise-dependent differences in the classification and memory representation of context-specific problem states – for instance, among springboard divers, judokas, triathletes, and weight-lifters. Such research has revealed that the nodes of experts’ representation structures in memory possess far more features than those of novices. Such nodes of representation in motor memory might involve formats such as propositions, relational structures of different kinds, and concepts. Researchers from various fields such as cognitive psychology, cognitive robotics, and sport psychology have provided evidence in recent years for the role of so-called basic action concepts (BACs) in the control of human movements. BACs are based on the chunking of body postures related to common functions in the realization of action goals and are conceptualized as representational units in LTM that are functionally connected to perceptual events. From this point of view, action control is organized as a perceptible event through a structured representation of anticipated characteristic (e.g., sensory) effects, with the corresponding motor activity automatically and flexibly tuned to serve these effects. Based on this definition of representation units in motor memory, different researchers such as Thomas Schack, Franz Mechsner, Matthias Weigelt, and others (Bläsing, 2010; Schack & Mechsner, 2006; Weigelt, Rosenbaum, Huelshorst, & Schack, 2009) studied the link between memory and motor skills in various kinds of sport and dance to investigate the nature and role of LTM in skilled athletic performance. In high-level experts, these representational frameworks were organized in a distinctive hierarchical, tree-like structure, were remarkably similar between individuals, and were well matched with the functional and biomechanical demands of the task. In comparison, action representations in low-level players and non-players were organized less hierarchically, were more variable among persons, and were less well matched with functional and biomechanical demands. The results from a number of different studies in domains such as golf, soccer, windsurfing, volleyball, gymnastics, and dancing have demonstrated that mental representation structures in memory are functionally related to motor performance.

The Cognitive Architecture Approach Mental representations are involved in the control and organization of the entire action system at different levels of representation and execution. Prior to the current perspectives on anticipatory motor control (e.g., d’Avella, Giese, Ivanenko, Schack, & Flash, 2015), Bernstein had already pointed towards the large number of degrees of freedom in the human motor system, the need for continuous processing of sensory feedback to control this highly redundant system, and the importance of the anticipation of movement effects for movement organization. Bernstein (1967, 1996)) proposed a model of the construction of movements according to which different organizational (and evolutionary) levels interact to generate and control different types of movement. Not only are these levels thought to interact in a fixed hierarchical manner, but their mode of interaction and hierarchical organization depend on the type of movement task and the level of expertise of the performer. Bernstein’s model reflects the general idea that movement control is based on representations that serve intentional movement planning, and that these representations reflect the functional structure of the movement. Alongside Bernstein’s approach to the construction of action, there have been several formulations of the idea that movement control is constructed hierarchically (e.g., Jeannerod, 2004). The model proposed next views the functional construction of actions (Maycock, Dornbusch, et al., 2010; Schack, 2004; Schack & Ritter, 2009) on the basis of a reciprocal assignment of performance-oriented regulation and representational levels (see Table 14). These levels differ according to their central tasks in the 444

Neurocognitive Psychology for Sport Table 14 Levels of motor action according to the cognitive architecture approach (modified from Schack & Ritter, 2009) Code

Level

Main function

Subfunction

Tools

IV

Mental control

Regulation

Symbols, strategies

III

Mental representation Sensorimotor representation

Representation

Volitional initiation control strategies Effect-oriented adjustment Spatial-temporal adjustment

Sensorimotor control

Regulation

II

I

Representation

Automatization

Basic action concepts Perceptual representation, internal models Movement primitives

regulation and representation of movements. Each level is assumed to be functionally autonomous. Both control levels – the level of sensorimotor control (I) and the level of mental control (IV) – serve the main function of regulation, whereas the level of sensorimotor representation (II) and the level of mental representation (III) are representational and are closely connected to the two regulation levels. Whereas the regulation level of mental control (IV) is induced intentionally and is relevant for the anticipation of action effects, the regulation level (I) is perceptually induced and is controlled by recent environmental stimuli. The level of mental control is responsible for volitional control, whereas the level of sensorimotor control (I) is based on movement primitives and is responsible for automatization. If we imagine a sport task such as alpine skiing, it is easy to understand that particular elements of motor control are automatized (Level I), such as rhythmical swing moves, but can be particularly controlled voluntarily (Level IV) in case of difficult environmental circumstances or in the case of relearning. Relevant modality-specific (e.g., kinaesthetic, visual) information representing the effects of the particular movement is stored on the level of sensorimotor representation (II). The relevant sensory modalities might change as a function of the level of expertise in the learning process and as a function of the task context. The level of mental representation (III) predominantly forms a cognitive workbench for the regulation and representation levels (IV and II). The level of mental representation is organized conceptually and is responsible for transforming the anticipated action effects into movement programmes that sufficiently bring about the desired outcomes. According to Bernstein (1967), an action is a structure subdivided into details, and action organization, therefore, has to possess a working model of this structure, containing the topology and spatiotemporal effects of the action. Mental representations of movement structures that serve this purpose are located within the level of mental representation (III) and are based on the conceptual building blocks of action (BACs) that will be described in the following section.

Building Blocks of Action in Memory Based on the CAA (see Table 14), complex movements can be conceptualized as a network of sensorimotor information. As this network becomes more organized in memory, the information can be accessed and retrieved more easily. This leads to improved motor performance, which reduces the amount of attention and concentration required for successful performance. The 445

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nodes within this network contain functional subunits, or building blocks, that relate to motor actions and associated perceptual and functional features. These building blocks, termed basic action concepts, can be understood as representational units in memory that are functionally connected to perceptual events. They are located at the level of mental representation and link to goals at the level of mental control and to the perceptual effects of movements at the level of sensorimotor control. Conceptually, BACs are differentiated from motor programmes or motor schemata according to Schmidt (see Schmidt, 1975), schemata according to Arbib (see Arbib, Conklin, & Hill, 1987), and motor primitives (see Mussa-Ivaldi & Bizzi, 2000). BACs are addressed as conceptual units with functional and perceptual features, which are stored in memory to control motor patterns. From this point of view, action control is organized as perceptible events through a structured representation of anticipated characteristic (e.g., sensory) effects, with the corresponding motor activity automatically and flexibly tuned to serve these effects. In a different manner, motor programmes generate the spatial and temporal muscle patterns themselves. Furthermore, BACs are different from motor primitives because they are integrating motor information at a higher (more goal-related and more functional) level of motor organization (see Schack, Bläsing, Hughes, Flash, & Schilling, 2014). To this extent, BACs can be regarded as cognitive tools for the execution of actions such as complex movement tasks in sports (see Schack, 2004). Within these tasks, BACs serve the purpose of reducing the cognitive effort necessary for controlling the action. BACs can be described verbally as well as pictorially and can often be labelled with a linguistic marker. For example, “turning the head” or “bending the knees” might be examples of such BACs in the case of, say, a complex floor exercise. As mentioned above, each individual BAC is characterized by a set of closely interconnected sensory and functional features. For example, a BAC in tennis such as “whole body stretch motion” is functionally related to providing energy to the ball, transforming tension into the swing, stretching but remaining stable, and the like. Afferent sensory features of the corresponding sub-movement that allow monitoring of the initial conditions are bended knees, tilted shoulder axis, and body weight on the left foot. Re-afferent sensory features that allow monitoring of whether the functional demands of the sub-movements have been addressed successfully are muscles that are stretched and under tension and proprioceptive and, finally, perhaps visual perception of the swinging arm and ball flight. The integration of representation units, such as, for instance, BACs, into structures of representation has been studied with a wide range of methods. Based on a recent experimental approach, Schack and Mechsner (2006) studied the tennis serve to investigate the nature and role of LTM in skilled athletic performance (Figure 15). In high-level experts, these representational frameworks were organized in a distinctive hierarchical, tree-like structure, were highly similar among experts, and matched very well the functional and biomechanical demands of the task. In comparison, action representations in low-level players and non-players were organized less hierarchically, were more variable among these persons, and were less well-matched to functional and biomechanical demands. In Figure 15, the horizontally aligned numbers denote the BACs, the vertical numbers, the Euclidean distances between them. A tennis serve consists of three distinct phases, each of which fulfils different functional and biomechanical purposes. In the pre-activation phase, body and ball are brought into position, and tension energy is provided to prepare the strike. The following BACs were identified: (1) ball throw, (2) forward movement of the pelvis, (3) bending of the knees, and (4) bending of the elbow. In the strike phase, energy is conveyed to the ball through: (5) frontal upper-body rotation, (6) racket acceleration, (7) whole-body stretch motion, and (8) hitting point. In the final swing phase, the body is prevented from falling, and the 446

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B

Expert players 7

7

6

6

Euclidean distance

Euclidean distance

A

5 4

pre-activation

final swing

strike

3 2 1 0

Non-players

5 4 3 2 1

1 2

3

4

5

6

7

8

0

9 10 11

Basic action concept

4

3

1

5

2

11 10

7 6

9

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Basic action concept

Figure 15 Example of representation structures (dendrograms) for expert tennis-players and non-players based on the hierarchical cluster analysis of BACs for the tennis serve

racket movement is decelerated through: (9) wrist flap, (10) forward bending of the body, and (11) racket follow-through (Schack & Mechsner, 2006). The results of different studies in golf, soccer, windsurfing, volleyball, gymnastics, and dancing have shown that the mental representation structures in place relate clearly to performance. As different studies have shown, these representations are also position- and, thereby, task-dependent. These representation structures are the outcome of an increasing and effort-reducing formation of order in LTM. This order formation reveals a clear relation to the structure of the movement. With increasing expertise, the representation of the movement corresponds more and more exactly to its topological (spatiotemporal) structure. At this level, the representation has nothing to do with a muscle-oriented effector code. Evidently, the representation structures are formed through the sensory movement effects of distinctive node points (body postures) of the movement. Therefore, the representation structure itself possesses spatiotemporal properties, corresponding to the structure of the movement. Accordingly, movement control becomes possible by representing the anticipated intermediate effects of the movement and comparing them with incoming effects. Importantly, this also means that no special translation mechanism is required between perception, representation, and movement. Results from another line of experimental research have shown not only the structure formation of mental representations in LTM, but also that chunk formation in WM is built up on BACs and relates systematically to movement structures. These studies have revealed a plausible relation between chunking and priming processes in WM and the structure of human movements, suggesting a movement-based chunking. Such findings provide experimental evidence that structures in movement and memory mutually overlap.

Neurocognitive Approaches for Mental Training in Sport These results and perspectives are of central importance for the understanding of cognitive learning and coaching processes. A disadvantage of traditional procedures in mental training (imagery) is that they try to optimize performance through repeated imagination of the movement, without taking the athlete’s mental knowledge representation into account (i.e., they are representation-blind). Problems arise if the movement’s cognitive reference structure has

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Self-regulation training (e.g., self-instructions)

Mental control

Attention, anticipation (e.g., gaze behaviour)

Mental representations Mental skills-training (e.g., mental imagery)

Sensorimotor-training (e.g., biofeedback)

Posture represent (e.g., ERP analysis)

Sensorimotor representations

Reafferent representation (e.g., neurofeedback)

Sensorimotor control Automatization­ training

Reflexes (e.g., Hoffmann‘s sign)

Figure 16 Levels of action architecture and related training methods for mental and technical preparation (adapted from Schack, Essig, et al., 2014, with permission)

structural gaps or errors, as these will tend to be stabilized rather than overcome by repeated practice. The alternative approach is to measure the mental representation of the movement before mental training and then integrate these results into the training (Schack, Essig, Frank, & Koester, 2014). This mental training based on mental representations has now been applied successfully for several years in professional sports such as golf, volleyball, gymnastics, and windsurfing and, recently, in the rehabilitation of hand functions in patients after stroke (Figure 16). On the right-hand side of Figure 16, exemplary neurocognitive methods are provided that correspond with, but are not necessarily limited to, the levels of the movement architecture. (EEG frequencies might also be analysed with regard to attention functions. Hoffmann’s sign is not discussed further.)

Further Applications of Neurocognitive Methods The development and technical elaboration nowadays also permit the use of a variety of further neurocognitive methods in the realm of sport science. As stated above, the importance of action effects for goal-related action execution has been emphasized by ideomotor approaches to voluntary behaviour. Especially for complex movements, as in sports, (proficient) movement execution depends critically on optimal anticipation of the movement’s effects. Such effect anticipations are used for action preparation and monitoring during execution by being compared with the actual, perceived action effects. Next to the activation – that is, retrieval of sensory movement effects from memory – the perception of actual movement effects is important for complex movement control. Although anticipation and perception encompass all sensory channels, a number of functions have been specifically pointed out for visual perception. Visual information has been suggested to provide the basis for spatial orientation, for the control of the movement, for the anticipation of others’ movements, and for movement evaluation (as, e.g., for aesthetic sports; Neumaier, 1988). Visual information is also critical for deceptive actions and, of course, for the response to deceptive actions (see Güldenpenning, Kunde, & Weigelt, 2017, for review). The aim of deceptive action is to misguide an opponent regarding the athlete’s own pending action and to elicit an inappropriate action by the opponent for the eventually executed action of the athlete. To avoid being tricked by such a deception, athletes can train to focus on critical 448

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movement cues or body areas of the opponent. Various scientific methods are available to test which parts of a movement or a body posture contains telltale information. A successful approach employs video recordings of, for example, sport movements, which are presented to participants of various levels of domain expertise. Such recordings can be limited in the amount of information they provide by restricting the presentation duration (i.e., the length of the video clip – so-called temporal occlusion) or by editing parts of the content (i.e., removing certain areas – spatial occlusion). Farrow and colleagues (2005) presented short videos of an athlete performing a tennis serve to participants who were asked to judge the direction of the tennis serve. The videos clips were of various durations or taken from various sections of the total movement (here, the clips were of constant duration). When skilled athletes and novices judged the direction of the tennis serve as participants, Farrow et al. (2005) reported, for both groups, a performance improvement for the 300-ms periods just before and after racquet–ball contact. However, when participants had to respond with realistic tennis strokes, the result pattern changed. Now, skilled athletes showed a better performance in that they showed earlier information utilization (again, before and after racquet–ball contact) compared with novices who utilized information later – that is, after racquet–ball contact. These results reveal when information is used to prepare a (complex) response (in tennis), but also suggest that such perceptual processes are influenced by domain knowledge or skills (cf. also Mann, Williams, Ward, & Janelle, 2007). Jackson and Mogan (2007) used spatial occlusion to probe spatial aspects of the tennis serve. Similarly, the authors presented video sequences of a tennis serve and occluded different aspects of the athlete and/or the equipment. Participants in the study had to judge the direction of the tennis serve again. Consistent with Farrow et al. (2005), athletes showed a higher judgement performance than novices (Jackson & Mogan, 2007). Importantly, their performance decreased when the ball or the arm and the racquet were occluded, suggesting that these parts contained critical movement information. Interestingly, the athletes still performed better than chance, even when the whole body, except for the head and the ball, was occluded (cf. also Abernethy & Russell, 1987). In addition to the investigation of temporal and local (i.e., selected areas) aspects of movements, the perception and evaluation of complete body postures has been tested, including neurophysiological measures. This way, the utilization of relevant information and associated neurocognitive processes can be tested. Using a so-called priming paradigm (see the Priming paradigm section below), Güldenpenning, Steinke, Koester, and Schack (2013) investigated the point in time of a sport movement at which participants can utilize body posture information in order to recognize the technique. For two beach volleyball techniques (smash attack and poke shot), the authors tested the mental activation of these technique representations at various time points of the whole movement (eight equally spaced moments from counter-movement through to hand–ball contact). Poke shots can be understood as disguised action (Jackson et al., 2006) as they refer to pretended actions that ultimately will be continued with another technique (smash). Güldenpenning et al. (2013) asked participants to evaluate pictures of beach volleyball players regarding whether a smash attack or a poke shot was shown. Again, skilled athletes showed better recognition performance than novices. Athletes showed significant priming effects for earlier phases of both movements compared with novices. That is, skilled athletes seem to be more sensitive to recognizing a movement technique in their domain of expertise (i.e., they need less information than novices). In line with the studies mentioned above, these volleyball results suggest that perceptual and motor domains share some functionality, as is argued in ideomotor frameworks (Schütz-Bosbach & Prinz, 2007).

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In a similar vein, whole-body postures were tested for the efficacy of a head fake in basketball, another kind of deceptive action in which the athlete provides multiple, contradictory cues as to where he or she is going to pass the ball (e.g., gaze in the opposite direction; Kunde, Skirde, & Weigelt, 2011). In this study, novices reacted more slowly and were less accurate in judging the pass direction when the picture showed a head fake as opposed to pictures without a head fake. Employing a number of experimental paradigms, Kunde et al. (2011) argued that this reduced judgement performance originates from perceptual rather than motor processing stages. These scientific approaches are not limited to team sport but have also been applied to track and field. Again, using a priming paradigm, Güldenpenning, Koester, Kunde, Weigelt, and Schack (2011) examined body postures of high jumpers in order to find out how track and field athletes and novices represent such movements mentally. It was tested whether participants are able to differentiate automatically (see the Priming paradigm section below) the temporal order of the movement phases (prospective: approach–flight; retrospective: flight– approach) and also within each movement phase. Interestingly, only athletes showed a clear effect of temporal order, suggesting that a mental representation of a specific sport movement is required, as novices did not show this effect. Furthermore, the results suggest that such a mental movement representation also contains temporal order information. In a repetition of this high jump experiment, Koester, Schack, and Güldenpenning (2016) additionally recorded EEGs and found an amplitude effect of the event-related potential (ERP) component P300 (see the section on Event-related potentials below) only for temporal order and only for athletes. This ERP component reflects the brain process underlying the evaluation of high jump body postures in this experiment. This P300 brain response is known to reflect perceptual-cognitive processing rather than motor processing (i.e., response selection and execution; Kutas, McCarthy, & Donchin, 1977). (Nowadays, it is also feasible to investigate motor execution processes by means of ERPs; Van Schie & Bekkering, 2007; Westerholz, Schack, & Koester, 2013.) Together with the studies quoted above, the results underline the importance of perceptualcognitive processes for the control of sport movements with all their complexities and their functional relationship with the athlete’s level of expertise and – well beyond the behaviour of athletes, for example – also referees’ (Hack, Memmert, & Rupp, 2009). In addition, neurocognitive measures such as ERPs can help to specify the time course of (brain) processing (e.g., start and duration) underlying those perceptual-cognitive functions. Even though perception is essential, as discussed above, perceiving and considering everything in our surrounding would lead to capacity overload. This is often recognized in sport settings when an individual “needs to get focused” or “concentrates on the goal better”. The function to select relevant information for behaviour guidance is called attention; its second (main) function is to inhibit irrelevant information. As William James (1890, p. 403) put it, “Focalization, concentration of consciousness are the essence. It implies withdrawal from some things in order to deal effectively with others”. Attention – that is, selective processing – is necessary for all sensory modalities (e.g., auditory, tactile, proprioceptive, taste), but visual attention is highly researched, and visual processing is very important in many sport settings. Recordings of eye movements and of EEG (frequencies) are two frequently used methods for investigations into visual attention. They are well suited because their recording speed fits the fast nature of attention processes. Visual attention and gaze behaviour are inherently linked to one another, and this relation is asymmetric. Any shift of gaze is preceded by a shift of attention to that fixation location. However, the opposite is not the case; a shift of attention does not have to be followed by a gaze shift (Vickers, 2007). This asymmetry is reflected in the differentiation of overt (with eye 450

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movement) from covert (without eye movement) shifts of attention. Noteworthily, Yarbus, who made the first recording of scan paths of the eye, reported in 1967 that the eye movements (scan paths) showed marked differences in their pattern depending on the task of the participants, suggesting that even eye movements are partly hypothesis-driven (see also Williams, Janelle, & Davids, 2004). Eye-tracking is well suited for the investigation of overt attention, and the recording of EEG (frequencies) can also be employed for testing covert attention shifts as it does not depend on responses or movements of the eye. Eye movements are nowadays mostly recorded by infrared cameras that register the participant’s gaze position. There are typical eye movements, and the most frequent types are fixations and saccades. A third type – smooth pursuit movements – occurs less frequently, under specific conditions (e.g., when following a rather slowly moving object). During fixations, the eye does not move for a duration of about 200–300 ms. Saccades are fast eye movements, usually between two fixations; saccades’ duration ranges from about 30 to 80 ms, with an acceleration of up to 500°/s. Information uptake is largely constrained to fixation periods; that is, during saccades, humans are functionally “blind” (Holmqvist et al., 2011). In sport, but also in everyday life, two qualitatively different modes of gaze behaviour have been reported (e.g., Land & Tatler, 2009). To recognize or process a scene, a number of fixations are necessary because only the centre of the retina (receptor layer of the eye) has a sufficiently high resolution. That is, the scene has to be “traced” by multiple fixations during which the athlete can extract meaningful information (Williams & Ward, 2007). A global scanning mode, which is restricted to the first 2 s of scene perception, is marked by larger saccade amplitudes and shorter fixation durations. In contrast, a local scanning mode is characterized by reduced saccade amplitudes and longer fixation durations. Therefore, it has been argued that fixation duration is a valid measure of the cognitive processing load for a given scene (Holmqvist et al., 2011). In addition to task influence (and other factors such as stress), expertise affects the gaze behaviour. Skilled athletes show a more efficient gaze behaviour than novices or less skilled athletes (Williams & Ward, 2007). Typically, one finds fewer fixations with longer durations at task-relevant areas of the scene and a more consistent gaze behaviour (scan paths) for skilled athletes compared with novices (e.g., Savelsbergh, Williams, Kamp, & Ward, 2002). Vickers (2007) examined the role of gaze behaviour for optimal motor performance and compared eye movements for successful and unsuccessful performance. She found that elite performers’ last fixations on a relevant object before movement execution begin earlier, and their duration is longer, compared with less skilled athletes (so-called quiet eye phenomenon). The quiet eye duration serves as an indicator of movement planning and execution proficiency, and quiet eye training can contribute to performance improvements (Vickers, 2007). Sport performance depends not only on optimal information uptake and selection (i.e., perception and attention functions), but also on the mental state of athletes during and before action execution. Psychophysiological measures (e.g., EEG) have been used to investigate the role of mental states, partly because such measures are more objective than questionnaires or self-report, which may also be retrospective. Moreover, such psychophysiological measures can often be recorded online – that is, while a movement is prepared or even executed (cf. Lawton, Hung, Saarela, & Hatfield, 1998). Research efforts have increased in recent decades to better understand optimal mental states for superior performance and to define the neurophysiological signature of such a state. Regarding the summed electrical activation of the brain (EEG), Hatfield and colleagues (1984) reported, for the first time, a change in the socalled alpha-frequency band of the EEG (see the section on Electroencephalograms below). Alpha-band activity is generally associated with a state of calm wakefulness; a reduction of 451

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alpha power (in the whole EEG spectrum) is interpreted as an increase in processing effort (also accompanied by changes in other frequency bands). Such a decrease in alpha power was observed by Hatfield et al. (1984) over the left side of the head (left temple) in experts when rifle shooting, during the preparatory period (i.e., shot preparation), whereas the right side did not show a decrease in power. This lateralization of alpha-band activity is akin to attentional focus control (see Crews & Landers, 1993, for golf putting). Following Hatfield et al.’s study, other neurophysiological measures were examined, and, so far, there is no general consensus regarding the neurophysiological signature of mental preparation for sport performance. Other EEG indicators that are currently discussed are a theta-band decrease for optimal attentional engagement (best compared with worst putts; Kao, Huang, & Hung, 2013, for golf putting), higher theta-band activity during shooting for biathlon athletes compared with cross-country skiers (Luchsinger, Sandbakk, Schubert, Ettema, & Baumeister, 2016; similarly, Weber & Doppelmayr, 2016, for dart throwing), and combined effects – namely, increased theta-band activity and higher alpha-band activity (precisely a sub-band of the alpha band) – for expert golfers compared with novices in a golf putting task (Baumeister, Reinecke, Liesen, & Weiss, 2008). Other frequency bands have also been investigated (Pluta, Williams, Binsted, Hecker, & Krigolson, 2018; Salazar et al., 1990). Although research in this domain is accumulating interesting findings, a clear neurophysiological signature of mental preparation for motor performance is still not in sight. Despite the ongoing discussions, there are some attempts to employ neurocognitive methods to support skill acquisition (see Yarrow, Brown, & Krakauer, 2009, for an overview). Using yet another EEG frequency, the sensorimotor rhythm, for golf-putt training, Cheng et al. (2015) demonstrated that the mental preparation for performance can be supported by feedback of specific brain activity. In that study, skilled golfers were provided with their actual sensorimotor rhythm during the training period and were asked to increased its power (in the EEG spectrum; they were instructed to use their own pre-performance putting routine). Another control group underwent the same procedure but received non-effective feedback; their feedback was not linked to their own brain activity. After eight practice sessions, the training group showed marked improvement in putting performance, whereas the control group did not improve performance. Further analyses suggest that the sensorimotor rhythm was specifically related to the performance improvement. Other neurocognitive approaches to performance improvements are currently being tested. For example, the transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) technique was employed to improve performance when encountering deceptive actions such as a head fake in basketball (Friehs, Güldenpenning, Frings, & Weigelt, 2019). The authors consider such deceptive actions as an interference resolution situation, and the application of tDCS as a brain stimulation technique may help athletes to learn to cope with such interference. These latest applied developments clearly need further attention, but also point towards future research lines.

Priming Paradigm Priming is an experimental method to test the accessibility or activation of mental content or information. Participants usually have to classify a stimulus (e.g., a picture of a body posture in beach volleyball as either smash or poke shot). Such tasks involve, of course, the activation of volleyball-related information. To probe the activation of the information necessary for this stimulus (so-called target), another picture can be presented before the target stimulus (so-called prime). If the prime is congruent with the target (e.g., shows a body posture from the same movement technique as the target), classification should be faster or less error-prone compared with situations in which the prime is incongruent with the target (e.g., prime is smash, and 452

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target is poke shot). The difference between congruent and incongruent conditions is called the response congruency effect; by manipulating the similarity or relatedness between prime and target, the (pre-)activation may be modulated in a gradual manner.

Electroencephalograms An electroencephalogram (EEG) records the summed electrical potential of the brain on the scalp. The EEG is limited to activity in the outer layer of the brain (cortex), which is critically important for cognitive functions. Therefore, an EEG is interpreted to reflect the summation of many cognitive processes – for example, from perception, attention, memory, and language to movement control. One major advantage of the EEG is its high temporal resolution (millisecond range), which permits the registration of quickly changing electrical neural activity. Typically, the EEG is analysed in frequency bands: alpha band: 8–12 Hz; beta: 12–30 Hz; gamma: >30 Hz; theta: 4–8 Hz; delta: