The Romantic Decatur [Reprint 2016 ed.] 9781512803877

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B O M B A R D M E N T

OF

T R I P O L I

BY

T H E

A M E R I C A N

F L E E T

THE ROMANTIC DECATUR

Stephen Decatur Portrait by John W. Jarvis

£

The Romantic Decatur By

CHARLES LEE LEWIS United States Naval Academy

Philadelphia U N I V E R S I T Y OF PENNSYLVANIA

London Humphrey Milford Oxford University Press 1 937

£

PRESS

Copyright 7937 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS Manufactured

in the United States of America

To RICHARD NORTON LEAHY

-

i*

-

Preface N this biography, the reader will not find the facts of history intermingled with the fancies of fiction in a style appropriate only to historical romance. But great pains have been taken, by the use of official reports, personal letters, diaries, and contemporary newspapers, to give that vitality and realism to the past which some writers attempt in vain to create largely by the imagination. An examination of the appended bibliography will reveal the general nature and scope of the primary source material which has thus been used, and of the books without the assistance of which this work could not have been written.

I

T h e author regrets that it is not practicable to list by name all those to whom he is indebted for innumerable precious bits of information composing the varicolored mosaic of this biography. T o all he extends his sincerest thanks for their helpful and courteous aid. As an exception, however, he wishes to record here his personal thanks to the family of Mrs. Roland S. Morris of Philadelphia, descendants of Commodore Stephen Decatur's sister, Ann Pine (McKnight); and his indebtedness to William Decatur Parsons of New York City and Stephen Decatur of Kittery Point, Maine, both now deceased, and to Stephen Decatur of Garden City, New York, all descended from Decatur's younger brother John. They patiently answered many questions and made possible the examination of their rich treasures of manuscripts, paintings, furniture, silver, swords, and other objects associated with the Decatur family. C. L. L. Annapolis, March 1937.

Contents Chapter I. A Child of War and the Sea II. Launching Time

Page 1 8

III. The War with France

15

IV. The Burning of the Philadelphia

32

V. A Captain at Twenty-five VI. Hand-to-Hand Fighting

44 58

VII. Peace with Tripoli

69

VIII. Home from the War

80

IX. Sailors' Rights X. Declaration of War XI. The United States Captures the Macedonian XII. Decatur Blockaded

91 103 110 133

XIII. The Loss of the President

142

XIV. Tribute from the Cannon's Mouth XV. Rewards of Valor

156 175

XVI. Affairs of Honor

190

XVII. Decatur and Barron

201

XVIII. The Tragedy

223

Songs and Poems

238

Bibliography and Sources

258

Notes

271

Index

283

Illustrations T h e Bombardment of Tripoli by the American Fleet end-papers From a water color of the painting by Corné Courtesy of the Curator, United States Naval

Academy

Stephen Decatur

frontispiece

From the portrait by John W. Jarvis Courtesy of the Curator, United States Naval

Academy

T h e Burning of the Philadelphia

facing page 40

From the painting by Edward Moran in the Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia Courtesy of the Commissioners of Fairmount Park

Engagement between the United donian

States and the Macefacing page

116

Engraving from the painting by Thomas Birch

Stephen Decatur From the portrait by Gilbert Stuart Courtesy of the National Gallery of Art,

facing page Washington

186

£

I

A Child of War and the Sea T E P H E N Decatur was one of the most romantic characters in American history. The span of his life coincided closely with that of the period of romanticism—a period in which not only men of the pen like Byron and Scott were inspired with the spirit of romance, but also men of the sword like Nelson and Napoleon, Andrew Jackson and Simon Bolivar, lived romantic lives filled with adventure. Such a man was Stephen Decatur. From the year of his birth down to that of his untimely death, a romantic glamour rested upon him. Comparatively young when he died, he always seemed the very embodiment of the spirit of youth. With youthful enthusiasm, audacity, and patriotism, he early distinguished himself when barely past his majority. Then for several years his slender graceful figure appeared from time to time as on a stage where he dramatically played his part to the resounding applause of his countrymen until his romantic drama ended in tragedy.

S

The love of the sea was in the blood of Stephen Decatur. His father, Stephen Decatur, Senior, was a seaman and a naval warrior. At an early age he had adopted the maritime profession, and in 1774 when but twenty-two years old he had become master of the merchant sloop Peggy. Seafaring had likewise been the calling of his father, also named Stephen (Etienne), who had come from France by way of the West Indies to settle in Newport, Rhode Island. Here he married Priscilla Hill in 1751, and then removed to Philadelphia

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T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

where he died the following year, leaving his widow and the son who bore his name. How the bereaved mother managed to support herself and rear her child is one of the many struggles unrecorded in the annals of the American pioneers, but she succeeded somehow, instilling into him principles of courage, manliness, and love of independence, and furnishing him education sufficient to follow with credit his chosen profession. Whether he was of French blood or, as some genealogists claim, originally of Dutch extraction, racially Stephen Decatur, Senior, could hardly be expected to love the English, with whom both the Dutch and the French had for generations waged war for the control of the sea and its commerce. It was also in the blood of his wife, Ann Pine, to dislike the English, for she was of Irish and Scotch descent. Feeling no ties of blood binding them to England, and besides having been born and bred in America, the Decaturs devoted themselves with enthusiasm to the cause of American independence. When Philadelphia, the seat of the government, was occupied by General Howe's army, and the Continental Congress hastily retired on the approach of the British troops, the city was emptied of those who desired the success of the Revolutionary cause, for which Washington's army was then suffering at Valley Forge. There remained behind only the Tories and those with chameleon minds, capable of rapidly changing color to harmonize with any surroundings. Decatur's parents were not such people. Captain Decatur was then engaged in destroying the commerce of Great Britain on the high seas. His wife, accordingly, when Philadelphia was lost temporarily to the British, left her comfortable home in that city and retired, probably by sea, into Maryland with her young daughter to Sinepuxent, Worcester County, where she found refuge in a two-room log house. At this place, which could be

A CHILD OF WAR AND T H E SEA

3

easily reached from either the Chesapeake Bay or the Atlantic coast, Mrs. Decatur could keep in touch with her young husband as he came and went on his privateering expeditions, and at the same time be safely removed from the scenes of war. Though the British were obliged to evacuate Philadelphia in the summer of 1778, Mrs. Decatur did not immediately return to her home there, but continued to reside at Sinepuxent, where her second child, a son who was named Stephen after his father and grandfather, was born on the fifth day of January, 1779—truly a child of war. During the months preceding Stephen's birth, the mother's mind, filled with anxiety for the safety of her husband at sea, doubtless did not dwell lovingly on the British who had driven her from the comforts of home and the companionship of friends at a time when both were greatly needed. The interesting question may be raised as to what part these prenatal influences played in shaping the course of the son's career. Whether such influences have any efficacy at all in molding human character and in affecting man's destiny, it is nevertheless a striking coincidence that young Stephen Decatur, who was afterwards to fight Great Britain on the sea in what has been called the Second War of Independence, should have been born in the midst of the anxieties and deprivations of the Revolution, to the success of which his parents contributed so much with sacrifice and devotion. Though the place of Stephen Decatur's birth was humble, it was near the sea; and there is a romantic appropriateness in the fact that this descendant of a line of seamen should have first filled his infant lungs with the fresh invigorating salty air from the Atlantic, whose waters were afterwards to bear his men-of-war to victory and renown. A few months after the birth of her son, Mrs. Decatur returned with her two children to Philadelphia. Her husband

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THE ROMANTIC DECATUR

continued his expeditions in search of British merchantmen until the close of the Revolution, commanding at different times the privateers Comet, Retaliation, Fair American, Rising Sun, and Royal Louis, in which he made many captures, gaining prize money enough to lay the foundations of a considerable fortune. Little Stephen was nearly four years old when the treaty of peace was signed with Great Britain. By that time his brother James Bruce had been born, who as an inseparable companion was to share with him the pleasures of boyhood and later the hazards of war. It was fortunate for Decatur to spend the formative years of his life in Philadelphia, which for several years following the Revolution was practically the capital of the new nation. There the Declaration of Independence had been signed, and the Continental Congress had held most of its sessions during the War for Independence. Young Stephen was eight years old when the convention met in that city to frame the constitution, and his parents no doubt pointed out to him the great men who had gathered there for that purpose—Washington, Franklin, Hamilton, Madison, and many others almost as noteworthy. T h e city was also the social as well as the political center of the country, though it had not more than thirty thousand inhabitants at that time. Such an environment could hardly fail to awaken in a sensitive lad like Decatur an intelligent interest in the affairs of the infant republic and to inspire him with love of country. After the Revolution, Stephen Decatur, Senior, returned to the merchant service, commanding ships for Gurney and Smith of Philadelphia, who were engaged in both the European and the East Indian trade. In time he became joint owner with this firm of the ship Pennsylvania and later of the Ariel, both of which he himself commanded on several voyages.

A CHILD OF WAR AND T H E SEA

5

The earliest noteworthy event in the life of Stephen Decatur, Junior, was a voyage with his father to Europe, on which he was taken when only eight years old for the benefit of his health after a severe attack of whooping cough. T h e sea served as an excellent tonic, and the lad returned home strong and well. He also came back home with the idea firmly fixed in his young mind that there was just one thing that he wanted to be when he grew to manhood, and that was to be a ship captain like his father. Born to that profession, he needed only this youthful experience to start the sea fever burning in his breast. Both his parents, but particularly his mother, objected to his going to sea, and there were no more voyages with his father to foreign lands. T e n years were to pass before he was to have his heart's desire. " M y mother's wishes must be respected," was the burden of his thoughts. His life during those years of waiting was not unlike that of any other normal, healthy, spirited boy. But characteristics of leadership early manifested themselves and prophesied a career of distinction. T o his boyish companions he was their leader in all their outof-door athletic sports, and in all their frolic and amusement, he being witty, quick at repartee, and particularly gifted at mimicry. He was of a cheerful, agreeable disposition, held his temper under control, and was slow to take offense; indeed he was more inclined to take up the quarrel of a younger lad who he thought was being imposed upon than to fight for himself. But when young Stephen considered that some offense against him warranted a resort to fists and his anger was really aroused, he never stopped to consider whether his antagonist was superior in size or strength. On the contrary, there is a well-authenticated story of a quarrel which he had with a smaller boy of spirit who wished to fight. Decatur chivalrously

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T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

refused to take advantage of the lad's weakness, but agreed to fight both the challenger and one of his brothers. According to these arrangements, the fight took place, but with what results the narrator failed to record. Whether this engagement was fought on the grounds usually chosen by the lads for their fistic encounters is also not stated. They customarily chose the Quaker burying ground on Fourth Street, probably not so much through youthful delight in the incongruity involved in fighting over the quiet graves of these lovers of peace, as because of the nearness of the spot to the school they attended, which was on the opposite side of the street. This school was the Protestant Episcopal Academy, where Decatur received his elementary education under the direction of the Reverend Doctor Abercrombie. Among his schoolmates were Richard Rush, who was to serve the young nation as a statesman and distinguished diplomat, and Richard Somers and Charles Stewart, who were destined to gain fame with Decatur in the naval service fighting for the rights of their country. After Decatur had satisfactorily finished his preparatory course of study at the Academy, he was placed in the University of Pennsylvania, where he remained as a student for only a year. T h e n disappointment came to his mother, who had hoped to see her boy some day wear the gown and surplice of an Episcopal clergyman. T h e classical studies of a college course became increasingly distasteful to Stephen. His heart was not in such books; but his mind dwelt rather on ships and the sea, and he yearned to be off to see strange lands and enjoy the experiences of a life of adventurous action. Like a domesticated eagle he drooped in spirit, for he did not have the heart to give his mother pain by breaking away from the restraints of home. " T h a t is my mother; she must be treated with respect," 1 he had declared, when only fourteen years old, to a ruffian who had spoken insolently to her and whom young Decatur then gave a severe beating.

A C H I L D OF W A R A N D T H E SEA

7

His parents were wise enough to see that Stephen would never become a churchman or a man of books, and allowed him to leave the University long before he had finished the course of study, and to take a position as a clerk with Gurney and Smith, his father's business associates. As a temporary compromise this pleased Decatur, who was then seventeen years old, for this work had to do with ships and sailors and cargoes, and was the next best thing to going to sea. He applied himself diligently to his new duties, and spent his leisure time in the study of mathematics, which he had neglected in school, and in the construction of miniature ships, which served as an elementary course in naval architecture. But Decatur was not to remain long in the countinghouse of Gurney and Smith, dreaming of a life of adventure on the ocean, for war clouds were gathering and beginning to cast their shadow over the new republic, and with the outbreak of hostilities he was to have his opportunity to enter the naval service.

*

II Launching Time H E N peace was signed with Great Britain at the close of the American Revolution, there remained only three ships in the navy of the infant nation. All the rest had been either captured or destroyed during the struggle for independence. T h i s pitifully small remnant of a navy disappeared completely during those years of confusion and reconstruction while the foundations of a new government were being laid. After J u n e 3, 1785, when the last man-of-war, the Alliance, was sold in Philadelphia, the United States had not a single war vessel for a period of about ten years. T h e army did not become totally extinct, but nearly so, for it was reduced to one captain and eighty-three men. Those who believed that an army and a navy were dangerous to the free institutions of a republic had their opportunity at that time to put their theory to a test. But almost immediately it began to appear that a small unprotected nation was at the mercy of any stronger country that wished to practise the old principle that might makes right. When American privateers, which at the close of the war had reached a total of 450 sail, were converted into peaceful merchant vessels and began to compete with other nations in maritime commerce, a need was soon found for the police protection afforded by a navy. T h e first interference with American commerce came from the pirates of the Barbary Coast of Northern Africa, just as soon as they learned to recognize the Stars and Stripes as the

W

LAUNCHING TIME

9

flag of a young and weak nation. Since early in the sixteenth century these Moslem freebooters from Algiers, Tunis, Morocco, and Tripoli had been a source of terror to Christian ships in the Mediterranean. T h e decline of Turkish naval power after the Christian victory at Lepanto in 1571 had by no means put an end to their piratical forays. If the Christian nations had been able to present a united front, these disgraceful practices could have been speedily brought to an end. But unfortunately political, commercial, and religious rivalries and dissensions made such a course impossible, and as late as the close of the eighteenth century the Barbary Corsairs were still continuing their nefarious piracies. In 1784 a Moroccan raider captured the American brig Betsy; but the crew was not enslaved and after six months, through the good offices of the King of Spain, the vessel was released. T w o years later a treaty was signed with Morocco, which claimed to be the first country to recognize the independence of the United States, and neither tribute nor ransom was ever paid her, though about $30,000 was given in presents to the Sultan. But Algiers presented a much worse problem. Beginning with the year 1785 that country repeatedly captured American ships and enslaved their crews, until finally in 1792 Congress voted to appropriate $40,000 to purchase peace, and $25,000 as an annual tribute. John Paul Jones was appointed as an envoy to negotiate with the Dey, but he died in Paris before he had received his instructions from Jefferson, who was then Secretary of State. A strange fatality attended this unhappy affair, for a second envoy, Thomas Barclay, also died while making preparations in Lisbon for his mission. When a third envoy arrived at Gibraltar, he learned of the truce between Algiers and Portugal and the imminent danger threatening American shipping. This envoy, who was David Hum-

10

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

phreys, American minister to Portugal, wrote to Jefferson after the Algerians had captured eleven American merchant ships, " I t appears absurd to trust to the fleets of Portugal, or any other nation, to protect or convoy our trade. If we mean to have a commerce, we must have a naval force, to a certain extent, to defend it." Gradually public opinion in the United States was coming round to the same conclusion, and in spite of spirited opposition a bill was finally passed March 27, 1794, authorizing the President "to provide, by purchase or otherwise, equip and employ, four ships to carry forty-four guns and two ships to carry thirty-six guns each." T h e sum of $688,888.82 was appropriated to meet the necessary cost of providing this naval force. But a provision was inserted to the effect that, if peace were made with Algiers, all work on the frigates was to cease. T h e country had not yet committed itself completely to a policy of preparedness. T h e pacifists continued to spread propaganda favoring the purchase of peace with Algiers. Negotiations were renewed, and the Dey eventually was so good as to accept $525,500 in ransom money, a frigate of thirty-six guns, and various presents—in all, amounting in value to the sum of about one million dollars. He was, besides, to receive an annual tribute in naval stores worth about $25,000. T h i s shameful treaty was ratified by the Senate on March 2, 1796; and in J u l y following, the captives, reduced in number by death to only eightyfive, were released from bondage. But the United States Government generously paid ransoms also for all who had died since the treaty was signed the previous year. When the gift frigate, the Crescent, sailed for Algiers in January, 1798, a contemporary newspaper 2 declared—we hope with no feelings of pride: The Crescent is a present from the United States to the Dey as

LAUNCHING

TIME

a compensation for delay in not fulfilling our treaty obligations in proper time. T h e Crescent has many valuable presents for the Dey, and when she sailed was supposed to be worth at least $300,000. Twenty-six barrels of dollars constituted a part of her cargo. W o u l d that the spirit which a little later was displayed in dealing with France, as embodied in that famous slogan, " M i l l i o n s for defense b u t not one cent for t r i b u t e ! " had prevented the m a k i n g of such a h u m i l i a t i n g treaty with a barbarous robber chieftain! Peace h a v i n g been made with Algiers, the b u i l d i n g of the frigates w o u l d have immediately stopped, according to the intent of the law, if Congress had not recognized the loss incident to such a policy, as a large sum of money had already been expended u p o n them. A c c o r d i n g l y the President was authorized to finish two of the forty-four g u n frigates and one of those bearing thirty-six guns. In c o m m e n t i n g on the wisdom of this procedure, the far-sighted Washington, in his annual message of December, 1796, prophetically wrote: T h e most sincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the depredations of nations at war. T o secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force, organized and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression. T h i s may even prevent the necessity of going to war, by discouraging belligerent powers from committing such violations of the rights of the neutral party, as may, first or last, leave no other option. From the best information I have been able to obtain, it would seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean, without a protecting force, will always be insecure, and our citizens exposed to the calamities from which numbers of them have but just been relieved. These considerations invite the United States to look to the means, and set about the gradual creation of a navy. T h e three vessels w h i c h were thus ordered to be completed were the United States, the Constitution, and the Constella-

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tion. They not only were destined to have the honor of being the first war vessels in the permanent navy of the United States, but also were all to become famous men-of-war because of their victories on the high seas and the gallant captains that walked their quarter-decks. For these ships, at least, we owe something to the Barbary Corsairs, whose deeds of violence against American commerce led Congress to take its first faltering steps towards the building of a navy. Gurney and Smith of Philadelphia were shipbuilders as well as owners of merchant ships, and to them was awarded the contract to build the famous United States. As has already been stated, Decatur was at that time in their employ, and knowing of his interest in learning shipbuilding, his employers assigned him to duty connected with the construction of the frigate. Thus, by an unusual coincidence, Decatur had a hand in the building of the vessel of war in which he was, only a very few years afterwards, to make his first cruise as a midshipman and later still to gain one of the most brilliant victories of the War of 1812. The building of the United States was under the immediate supervision of Joshua Humphreys, the designer of all these early frigates. Her construction was also superintended by Captain John Barry, already famous for his achievements in the Revolution, who as ranking captain in the navy was to be her first commanding officer. The United States was the first of the new frigates to take the water, being launched on July 10, 1797. When finished, she and her sister ship Constitution, launched at Boston on October 21, were the most powerful frigates afloat. They were 175 feet long, and though rated as forty-fours, really carried about fifty guns each, the main battery consisting of 24pounders which were eight feet long and weighed 4500 pounds each. The Constellation, which was a somewhat

LAUNCHING T I M E

13

smaller frigate rated as a thirty-six, was launched at Baltimore on September 7, and is accordingly now the oldest American naval vessel afloat. Humphreys, who is now generally regarded as a genius in naval architecture, said: If we build our ships of the same size as the Europeans, they having so great a number of them, we shall always be behind them. I would build them of a larger size than theirs, and take the lead of them, which is the only safe method of commencing a navy. T h e glorious achievements of these frigates attest the wisdom of their builder. It was appropriate that the United States should have been the first of the new vessels to be launched. Washington, who had foreseen the need of these ships, had been greatly interested in its construction and, as it was being built in Philadelphia near the close of his second Presidential term, he often visited the shipyard to watch the progress of the work and to talk with Captain Barry, to whom he had issued captain's commission number one in the new navy, as well as with Joshua Humphreys, who was giving his personal attention to its building. In more ways than simply by name was the frigate's destiny to be associated with that of the new nation. T h e launching of the frigate was a notable event in the annals of Philadelphia. " T h e entrance of the United States," declared one of the city papers,8 "into her desired element was announced by a federal discharge from the artillery and the united felicitations of near twenty thousand spectators." There is a tradition that young Stephen Decatur was standing on her deck as the frigate, gaily decorated with all the flags Barry could find in Philadelphia, "slid gracefully down her ways." 3 Could he have imagined that day in his wildest dreams of fame that only fifteen years later he would stand on the

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DECATUR

quarter-deck of this same vessel a n d w i n his most

notable

naval victory? It was then l a u n c h i n g t i m e n o t only for the United

States,

a single frigate, b u t also l a u n c h i n g t i m e for the first n a v y of the n e w r e p u b l i c ; a n d i n t e r t w i n e d in the m i n d s of t h e citizens of the U n i t e d States w e r e the hopes a n d fears n o t o n l y f o r the f u t u r e of this first w a r vessel of the A m e r i c a n r e p u b lic b u t also for the " S h i p of State" only recently l a u n c h e d o n the t r o u b l e d waters of international politics. T h e y m i g h t h a v e thus, in the w o r d s of L o n g f e l l o w , reassured o n e a n o t h e r : Fear not each sudden sound and shock, 'Tis of the wave and not the rock; 'Tis but the flapping of the sail, A n d not a rent made by the gale I In spite of rock and tempest's roar, In spite of false lights on the shore, Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea! O u r hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, O u r faith triumphant o'er our fears, Are all with thee,—are all with thee! 4

III The War with France H E United States was soon to need her new ships of war; and according to one of those ironies of history, they were to be used first not against the Barbary pirates whose lawless deeds had led to their construction, but against France, the country that had contributed most in assisting the Colonies in winning their independence. W h e n the French Revolution led to the execution of Louis X V I and Queen Marie Antoinette, and a general European war broke out in 1793, President Washington, like President Wilson in a somewhat similar state of affairs more than a hundred years later, attempted to "pursue a conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers." But the French were confident that the United States would be willing to stretch neutrality laws to the limit in assisting them against the British, the recent enemies of both countries. T h e French Government, therefore, sent over to the United States in 1793 a minister named Edmond Charles Genêt, to carry out this policy. Citizen Genêt after a few months overreached himself completely. Landing first at Charleston, he began operations by issuing privateering commissions to Americans whom he enlisted in the French service. This was before he had even been officially received by President Washington. His next offense was the enlistment of men in an expedition down the Mississippi which was to capture New Orleans from the Spaniards, who were at that time also at war with the French. A t last Genêt went so far as to fit out, in

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T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

Philadelphia, a cruiser, La Petite Démocrate, which went to sea in spite of the protests of Secretary of State Jefferson. Party feeling between the Federalists and the Democratic Republicans, who sympathized warmly with the French cause, ran high. Washington was vilified. For example, Benjamin Franklin Bache wrote in his paper, the Aurora: If ever a nation was debauched by a man, the American nation has been debauched by Washington. If ever a nation was deceived by a man, the American nation has been deceived by Washington. Let his conduct then be an example to future ages; let it serve to be a warning that no man be an idol; let the history of the Federal Government instruct mankind that the mask of patriotism may be worn to conceal the foulest designs against the liberties of the people. Under such abuse the exasperated President declared vehemently that he had rather be in his grave than in his present situation. In the midst of the furor, while Genêt was threatening to appeal to the people over Washington's head, and the Federalists were demanding that the French Minister's passports be handed to him, fortunately a change of government came in France. T h e Girondist party to which Genêt belonged was overthrown by the Jacobins, who sent to the United States a successor with power to arrest the impetuous Frenchman and return him to France. But through the magnanimity of President Washington, Genêt was permitted to remain in America and thus escape the Reign of Terror and the guillotine. Stephen Decatur, then a lad of fourteen, in spite of his French blood, taking his cue no doubt from his father, was not swept off his feet by the exaggerated enthusiasm for the cause so persuasively preached by Citizen Genêt. In the midst of the wild excitement in Philadelphia when the French sym-

T H E WAR W I T H F R A N C E

17

pathizers were singing "Qk Iral" in the streets and wearing liberty caps as a sign of their party allegiance, Decatur was returning one day with some young friends from a fishing expedition, when they suddenly found themselves in the midst of such a crowd gathered near the Buck's Head Tavern. T h e American blue cockades which the boys wore marked them as being in sympathy with the party who supported Washington's policy of neutrality. On being asked to substitute the French liberty caps for the American cockades, they refused. One of the leaders of the crowd then attempted to take Decatur's cockade off by force. T h e lad's fighting spirit was fully aroused at this and he pitched into the fellow with flying fists without considering that his side was so greatly outnumbered. Fortunately, in the midst of the general fight which followed, some of the apprentices of Decatur's father appeared on the scene and entered into the battle with the proverbial delight and gusto of sailors. They soon bore their young hero off black and blue with bruises but still wearing proudly his battered blue cockade. That was probably Decatur's first fight in the interests of his country. It was characterized by that same courageous spirit of patriotism that was afterwards to inspire him when fighting against the enemies of the United States on the high seas. From the very beginning of the European war occasioned by the French Revolution, American neutral rights were constantly violated by both France and England. With the latter country, however, John Jay successfully negotiated a treaty, which was signed in London on November 19, 1794, providing for the payment of $ 1,000,000 as compensation for previous captures of American ships, and containing other terms regulating neutral trade which, though not entirely satisfactory to American shipowners, were conciliatory enough

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to secure the ratification of the treaty by the Senate. War with Great Britain was thus for the time being averted. But the French, thinking that they had been discriminated against by the provisions of the Jay Treaty, which was finally officially proclaimed in February 1796, promulgated a series of harsh decrees which caused great losses to American shipping. In fact, by way of retaliation, they resorted to a policy of systematic spoliation. As a consequence, the Secretary of State reported in 1797 documentary evidence of the capture of thirty-two vessels; while the newspapers declared that over three hundred had been taken by the French. Hundreds of American ships, besides, were detained in French ports, sometimes for as long as a year, with heavy losses to their owners. Forty of the most respectable merchants in Philadelphia stated that the amount of American property in shipping and cargoes taken by the French in the West Indies alone during the years 1793—95 exceeded the sum of two million dollars. T o make bad matters worse, the crews of these vessels, whether the ships were taken outright or merely detained, were treated with inhumanity. T o cap the climax, the French began early in 1798 to make captures even in American harbors. Three envoys were sent by President Adams to negotiate a treaty of commerce; but all their efforts ended in failure as the French Directory then in control of the Government appeared to be determined to extort a bribe from the American Commissioners more nearly after the manner of Barbary corsairs than of European statesmen. The President then declared to Congress, " I will never send another minister to France without assurances that he will be received, respected, and honored as becomes the representative of a great, free, powerful, and independent nation." T h e tide of public opinion was turning fast against the French. President Adams' popularity grew, and the Federal-

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ists had their day. Joseph Hopkinson wrote a new song which was first sung to a crowded house in the Philadelphia Theatre. It was " H a i l Columbia," written to the tune of the "President's March." T h e second stanza began: Immortal patriots! rise once more; Defend your rights, defend your shore; Let no rude foe, with impious hand, Let no rude foe, with impious hand, Invade the shrine where sacred lies Of toil and blood the well-earned prize. T h e streets of Philadelphia, which five years before had echoed the plaudits of Citizen Genêt, now rang with the strains of this new martial anthem. War was in the air. T h e United States would no longer tamely submit to the captures of her ships of commerce by the privateers of France. On J u l y 7, 1798, Congress abrogated the French treaties of 1778, and two days later passed an act authorizing the seizure of French vessels "within the jurisdictional limits of the United States, or elsewhere on the high seas." In the midst of this martial enthusiasm Captain John Barry, an intimate friend of the Decaturs, because he was aware of Stephen's fondness for ships and the sea and had taken note of his unusual fitness for a naval career, secured for him an appointment as a midshipman. Fearing the opposition of Mrs. Decatur, Barry had consulted neither her nor her husband; but when the warrant, dated April 30, 1798, came and was shown by Stephen to his mother, she withdrew her objections to his adopting the naval profession and reluctantly gave her consent to his accepting the midshipman's warrant. 8 Singularly fortunate was Decatur in becoming the protégé of such an officer as John Barry. He was one of the bravest and most daring naval commanders in the Revolutionary

20

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War. His romantic deeds were enough to stir the imagination of any young man and arouse in him a desire of emulation. Such was Decatur's favorable entrance into the naval s e r v i c e on the frigate United States under Captain John Barry. His experiences on this vessel during the W a r with France, under the eye of Barry, were to prepare him in a short time for those brilliant exploits in the Mediterranean before T r i p o l i which have immortalized his name. Stephen Decatur, Senior, being a merchant captain and a member of a shipping firm, was exasperated with the French spoliations, and eagerly volunteered his services to the navy. He was appointed a post captain on May 11, 1798, and given command of the Delaware. In June he and Captain T h o m a s T r u x t u n , who commanded the Constellation, were ordered to "seize, take, and bring into port of the United States" any French armed vessels which had committed depredations on American commerce or were hovering suspiciously near the coast with the evident intention of making such attacks. Sailing on July 6, Captain Decatur had the good fortune on the very next day, off the entrance of Delaware Bay, to make the first capture of the war. T h i s was the French schooner Croyable of twelve guns and fifty-three men, which had taken several American merchant vessels. Afterwards the Delaware captured three more prizes. Captain Decatur served throughout the war, in the latter months of which he commanded the famous Philadelphia, the beautiful new frigate then b u t recently finished for the Government and presented by the citizens of Philadelphia. In this vessel he captured five more French privateers. T h i s war gave such an impetus to naval preparations that by the time hostilities came to a close in 1801 the U n i t e d States navy comprised forty-two vessels, among which were the President, Congress, and Chesapeake. T h e s e latter had

T H E WAR WITH FRANCE been originally authorized with the other three frigates when war with Algiers seemed imminent, but work had been stopped on them when a peaceful arrangement was made. T h e lawless interference by the French with American commerce led to the recommencement of their construction on July 16, 1798. From the time young Decatur was ordered to duty as a midshipman on the frigate United States, only a few weeks passed before he found himself in active war service. While his vessel was being fitted for sea, he took a few lessons in navigation from a Mr. Talbot Hamilton, formerly an officer in the British navy, who kept a nautical academy near Philadelphia. T h a t was all the preliminary professional training he received. His naval academy was to be the school of hard practical experience on a man-of-war. Yet on his entrance into the naval service, he had a better education than the average midshipman of that time. Besides, having heard his father talk of ships and the sea since childhood, having played about the wharves and ships at Philadelphia, having made a voyage across the Atlantic with his father, and later having been employed by a firm of shipbuilders and shipowners, he was by no means ignorant of the life he had chosen to follow. T h i s partly accounts for his phenomenal advancement, though the main reason was that he was born to the sea and had a genius for leading men. At last, Captain Barry had the United States fully equipped for war, and near the middle of J u n e she dropped down the Delaware River on her way to the sea. Her beautiful figurehead, representing a woman with flying hair who bore a spear of war in one hand and the wampum belt of peace in the other, had all the animation of a living person, seeming to draw the graceful ship through the water. Her officers and crew of about four hundred men had every reason to feel

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proud of her. She had the tallest spars, the greatest spread of canvas, the thickest sides, and the heaviest batteries of any frigate then afloat. Fully had Joshua Humphreys realized his dream of making a frigate that "should combine such qualities of strength, durability, swiftness of sailing, and force, as to render her superior to any frigate belonging to the European Powers." T w o of Decatur's former schoolmates were also on the United States. They were Midshipman Richard Somers and Lieutenant Charles Stewart. There was another lieutenant on the ship who was to become Decatur's evil genius; this was James Barron. But as Midshipman Decatur set to work to learn the fundamentals of his profession, ingeniously writing with a pencil the name of each rope behind the rail, absorbed with the comparative newness of the career on which he had embarked, he could not have foreseen the early glorious death of Somers, the long brilliant career ahead of Stewart, and the dark shadow that Barron was fated to cast over his own romantic life. T h e duties of a midshipman were varied. He had to make sure that all the orders of the officers of the deck were carried out promptly by those on watch. At night this was made more difficult by his having to hunt for them in the secluded places about the ship where they crawled for a few winks of sleep. When the ship was getting under way, two midshipmen had to go aloft to direct the work of the crew in handling the sails, and during a storm they had to go out on the yards themselves, taking the most dangerous places in order to give encouragement to the sailors. When in port, every boat that left the ship was in charge of a midshipman, who was to see to it that all the men of his crew returned in the boat to the ship. At gun drill or in battle, midshipmen acted as assistants to the officers commanding the divisions and made sure that all their

T H E W A R W I T H FRANCE

23

commands were understood and obeyed without delay. Midshipmen had among their duties, also, the weekly inspection of the clothing of the crew; as master's mates they sometimes superintended the issuing of provisions, water, and spirits daily to the men; they had to keep journals and at stated times deliver them to the commanding officer for his inspection; and in general, they served as buffers between the captain and his lieutenants on the one hand, and the sailors on the other hand who were kept constantly busy drilling and scrubbing and painting to keep everything shipshape on the vessel. For the performance of these miscellaneous duties, the midshipmen received only nineteen dollars a month and one ration a day. T h e "young gentlemen" were quartered together in the steerage, or gun room, which was a section of the berth deck just forward of the wardroom. Here they all ate their hardtack and beef, pork, and bean soup on a common table securely fastened to the floor, and at night suspended their hammocks from hooks in the beams overhead and were literally rocked to sleep in the cradle of the deep. They kept themselves warm down there on wintry nights, when off duty, by thrusting their feet into buckets of sand in which were buried large hot shot. In this dimly lighted, poorly ventilated place they spent their idle hours, singing and joking, engaging in pranks and horseplay, hazing unmercifully the younger and weaker lads, and sometimes quarreling and fighting. But to them it was a grand life. T h e y strutted like little gamecocks in their uniforms, which were only a few degrees less resplendent than those of their senior officers; and they sent their challenges and fought their duels with as much attention to the strict rules of the Code of Honor as that given by the older officers in the service. This was the life into which Decatur entered, his age and character giving him at once a place of leadership among his fellow midshipmen.

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T w o days after Congress passed the Act of J u l y 9 authorizing the capture of French armed vessels wherever they could be found, Barry received a long letter from Secretary of the Navy Stoddert filled with detailed instructions regarding a cruise to the West Indies. His squadron was to include the United States, flagship; the Delaware, 20 guns, commanded by Captain Stephen Decatur, Senior; the Herald, 18 guns, under command of Captain James Sever; and the revenue cutter Pickering, Captain Jonathan Chapman. T h e United States and Delaiuare were to sail in company to Boston and, picking up the smaller vessels there, were to proceed thence southward. On the passage north there were some exciting moments, when a strange sail bearing French colors was sighted. Displaying the same flag, the United States cleared for action and maneuvered for a favorable position. Just as Barry's ship was on the point of opening fire, she hoisted her true colors and the other vessel then ran up the British flag. She turned out to be the Thetis, a fifty-gun ship of the British Royal Navy. After that close call, a system of recognition signals was adopted by the British and American navies. At Boston it was found that neither the Pickering nor the Herald was ready for sea. Accordingly Captain Barry and Captain Decatur sailed without them on J u l y 26 and proceeded to West Indian waters. On the whole, the first cruise of Barry's squadron was disappointing. T h r o u g h fear of the approach of the hurricane season, it lasted only about six weeks and resulted in but two captures, the schooner Le Jaloux of fourteen guns and seventy men, and the sloop Sans Pareil of ten guns and sixty-seven men. But it was of great value in lowering shipping insurance rates and in inspiring to some extent a confidence in the ability of the Government to protect its merchant marine. It has been estimated that, during the year 1798, shippers saved through the decline of insurance rates nearly nine million

T H E WAR WITH FRANCE

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dollars. T h e entire cost of the navy from 1794 to 1798 had been only about two and a half million dollars. With pride could Clay pool's Advertiser of September 12, 1798, declare: T h e floating castles of the United States have by this time made their appearance in the West Indies, not for the purpose of taking vengeance on our foes but to convoy in security to our shores the earnings of our hardy navigators. The United States, Captain Barry, and the Delaware, Captain Decatur, are now supposed to be there. T o Midshipman Decatur it had been a glorious cruise—his first chance to seek that adventure for which his soul had been yearning while his mother had visions of him in surplice and gown and his father later was trying to make a shipping merchant out of him. His mother, having given him up to the career of his choice, awaited anxiously the safe return of both husband and son. His father, as his vessel followed in sight of the United States in quest of French men-of-war and privateers, thought with pride of his son on that splendid frigate, who had chosen to follow the calling of his ancestors. When the United States went out on a second cruise the last of September, she had the misfortune to run into a nine days' gale in the Gulf Stream which so damaged her as to force her to return to port for repairs. For two days the ship had to scud before the wind. T h e rolling and tossing of the vessel in the heavy seas, together with the sudden change to a warmer temperature, caused the rigging to become so slack that the safety of the ship and the lives of all on board were in serious jeopardy. In this hour of crisis it was Lieutenant James Barron who saved the situation by volunteering to set up the slack rigging. T h i s dangerous undertaking was rendered all the more hazardous by the tremendous rolling of the ship, but the young officer succeeded in accomplishing his purpose without accident, and the ship was saved.

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T h e little accomplished thus far in the war was due to the lack of proper coordination of effort. A b o u t this time there was the added discouragement of the loss of the Retaliation, formerly the Croyable which had been captured by Captain Stephen Decatur, Senior. W h i l e under command of W i l l i a m Bainbridge, she was recaptured by the French in the West Indies. In December, at last, a comprehensive plan of operations was drawn u p by the Navy Department, which sent four squadrons, comprising in all twenty-one men-of-war, into the Caribbean—two to the east of Porto Rico and two others to C u b a n waters. T h e latter were composed of three ships each and were commanded by Captains Stephen Decatur, Senior, and T h o m a s Tingey. T h e two others were under command of Commodores Thomas T r u x t u n and John Barry. T h e former had five vessels with his flag on the Constellation; while the latter had a squadron of ten ships. Captain Murray in the Montezuma was ordered to cruise independently. T h e largest squadron, under Barry, comprised the frigates United States and Constitution; the George Washington, Merrimack, and Portsmouth of twenty-four guns each; the Herald of eighteen guns; and four revenue cutters. A m o n g the latter was the Pickering, commanded by Edward Preble, with whom Decatur was afterwards to be associated in glorious deeds. By this time the United States had received among its officers another midshipman destined to become famous—Jacob Jones. " A spirit of enterprise and adventure," wrote the Secretary of the Navy to Barry, "can not be too much encouraged in the officers under your command, nor can too many opportunities be afforded the enterprising to distinguish themselves." T h e spirit of adventure was not lacking in such gallant lads as Decatur, Somers, Jacob Jones, and Charles Stewart. A l l that was needed for valorous achievement was some slight opportunity. These young officers must have been

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filled w i t h p r i d e a n d h o p e as they stood on the deck of the f l a g s h i p United

States, a n d assisted in their small w a y in the

e v o l u t i o n s of a fleet of ten sail. It was the largest A m e r i c a n s q u a d r o n that had u p to that time put to sea f r o m the n e w republic. Prince Rupert's Bay in the island of Dominica was the rendezvous of Barry's squadron, which was ordered to take the W i n d w a r d Islands as its cruising ground. After reaching its station the United

States made her first capture early in

February, 1799, off the coast of Martinique. It was necessary to make a long chase, lasting from eight o'clock in the morning to three in the afternoon before the fleeing ship could be overhauled. Finally the United

States came near enough to

put a twenty-pound shot through her, when she at once began to fill with water. T h e Frenchmen hauled down their sails and, according to Midshipman Decatur, "set up the most lamentable howl I ever heard." Boats were sent to their relief; and when Decatur, who was in the first one, came near, he found the crew "all stripped and ready for a swim." Fearing that if he went alongside the sixty men would swamp his boat, he ordered them to steer the privateer towards the frigate. T h i s was done; the French vessel went down near the

United

States, and all the crew were thus easily saved. Decatur himself pulled the French captain out of the water. W h e n he had removed some of the salt from his eyes, he inquired of the young American midshipman, as if in great surprise, " I s that a ship of the United States?" " I t is," replied Decatur. " I am very much astonished, sir," said the Frenchman; " I did not know that the United States were at war with the French R e p u b l i c . " " N o , sir," responded Decatur; " b u t you knew that the French Republic was at war with the United States; that you were taking our merchant vessels every day, and crowding our countrymen into prison at Basse

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Terre to die like sheep." 8 Realizing that his bluff had been called, the French captain had nothing more to say and submitted to capture with as good grace as he could command in his bedraggled condition. T h e capture of this vessel, the Amour de la Patrie, was soon followed by that of the Tartuffe, of eight guns and sixty men. Barry then ran into Basse Terre Roads, Guadeloupe, under a flag of truce with hope of exchanging his prisoners; but upon being fired on, he ran down his white flag and bombarded the insolent fort. He then continued his cruise, and towards the close of February captured an English prize from the French privateer Démocrate, though the latter escaped. At about the same time he also recaptured an American prize. Endeavoring in vain a second time to exchange prisoners with the Governor of Guadeloupe, Barry at last dumped his Frenchmen ashore to get them off his hands. As her crew had been enlisted for only one year, the United States was forced to return to Philadelphia, where she arrived on the ninth of May. T h e Constitution had already been ordered to Boston; the George Washington was sent to San Domingo to cultivate friendly relations with Toussaint L'Ouverture; and the remaining ships of Barry's squadron were placed under the command of Commodore Truxtun. This fortunate officer had already gained fame in the most spectacular achievement of the war. On February 9, off the island of Nevis, while in command of the Constellation, he had fought and captured the Insurgente, a French frigate of forty guns and 409 men. "Judge of my surprise," officially reported Captain Barreaut, "on finding myself fought by an American frigate after all the friendship and protection afforded to the United States. My indignation was at its height." On July 1 the United States sailed on a cruise along the South Atlantic coast, putting in at Norfolk to receive a new

T H E WAR W I T H FRANCE

29

bowsprit and thence proceeding to Newport, where she arrived on the 12th of September. Decatur was then a lieutenant, having received his promotion on May 21, 1799, after only a little more than a year's service as a midshipman. Here Barry was ordered to prepare the frigate for a foreign cruise, to transport the newly appointed envoys Ellsworth and Davie to France. T h e ship sailed on this mission December 3, for Lisbon. At this port favorable information was received relative to the reception which the envoys might expect to be accorded by the French Government. Napoleon, somewhat concerned over the failure of his Egyptian campaign and the destruction of his fleet by Nelson in the Battle of the Nile, was just then plotting the overthrow of the Directory, whose blundering policy had provoked the war with the United States. It was an opportune time, therefore, for fruitful negotiations. Barry directed his course towards L'Orient, where the envoys were to be landed. But very stormy weather in the Bay of Biscay carried the United States off her course, and the diplomats, having had enough of seasickness and fear of shipwreck, asked to be put ashore at the nearest port, which happened to be Corunna, Spain. From here they made their way by land to Paris, where they arrived in February, 1800. By that time Napoleon had overthrown the Directory by a coup d'état and had placed the government in the hands of three consuls of whom he was himself First Consul and virtual ruler of France. Just then he was launching his second campaign against Austria, who with Russia and England constituted a coalition against France. Having enemies enough nearer home, Napoleon's commissioners were content after six months of negotiations to come to terms with the envoys of the United States. Meanwhile the United States returned home, arriving in the Delaware off Chester on April 3. Here it was found that

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the gales she had weathered had rendered her unseaworthy, as her outer planking was in a decayed condition. The frigate was accordingly taken up the river to Marcus Hook and dismantled in order that extensive repairs might be undertaken. Decatur, having no desire to remain attached to the frigate during those months of inactivity, and thinking that he might yet have an opportunity for distinguished service before the war ended, obtained a transfer to the brig Norfolk, which was commanded by Thomas Calvert. This vessel sailed in May to the West Indies, where there were at that time about twenty American men-of-war. During the year 1799 some thirty American war vessels had seen service in those waters at one time or another, convoying merchantmen and keeping on the lookout for French privateers and men-of-war. They captured about twenty-five armed enemy craft, nearly all of which were privateers. Only one noteworthy engagement took place in the year 1800. This was on February 2 when the Constellation, again commanded by Truxtun, defeated the French frigate Vengeance but was prevented from making a capture by the loss of her own mainmast. Young Stephen Decatur, however, was to have no better luck in the Norfolk than he had experienced in the United States. On the way to Cartagena the brig fell in with two French privateers; but the wind was light and the first escaped by the use of her sweeps, and the other also got away after an action of thirty minutes in which Captain Calvert was severely wounded. The Norfolk then went to Cape François, where she arrived on July 30. She was thereupon ordered to return at once to Cartagena, where she was to convoy merchantmen to America in order to protect them from piratical vessels. Decatur soon thereafter rejoined the United States, which

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was at last made ready in December for active service. On the sixth of that month, Barry was ordered to proceed to St. Kitts and take command of the squadron on the Guadeloupe station. But he had hardly arrived there when he was notified that a convention had been concluded, September 30, 1800, between the United States and France. This brought the war to a close. Altogether during the war about eighty-five prizes had been taken, not including recaptured vessels and small boats. But certain terms of the treaty, ratified finally at Paris, July 3 1 , 1801, called for the return of the captured men-of-war though the privateers, sixty-eight of which were determined to be legal captures, were retained. These amounted in value to about six hundred thousand dollars. T h e war had cost our Government six million dollars, but it had afforded protection to a commerce estimated to be worth two hundred million dollars, which had brought twenty-three million dollars of revenue into Uncle Sam's coffers. President Adams had accomplished his aims in gaining peace, even at the price of the downfall of the Federalist party. " I desire no other inscription over my gravestone," he wrote,7 "than: 'Here lies John Adams, who took upon himself the responsibility of the peace with France in the year 1800.' "

^

IV The Burning of the Philadelphia N the seventh of February 1804, two small vessels of war came to anchor at nightfall off the city of Tripoli. T h e larger, disguised as a merchantman, was the little American brig Siren, then commanded by Lieutenant Charles Stewart. T h e smaller one was a strange-looking craft to be keeping company with the American vessel. From her peculiar fore-and-aft rig she appeared to be a ketch, a type of small sailing ship often seen on the waters of the Mediterranean. But upon close inspection one would have easily observed that this little vessel was engaged in some unusual enterprise. T h o u g h she was of not more than sixty tons burden, she carried seventy-three8 officers and men, armed to the teeth, in her crowded quarters. In addition to her three weeks' supply of provisions she had on board a large quantity of combustibles—much more than were needed for fuel for the cook's galley. Evidently mischief was afoot.

O

In command of this mysterious ketch was the gallant young Lieutenant Stephen Decatur. His little vessel bore the name Intrepid, appropriately so called for it bore a cargo of courage, brave hearts and true. A few weeks previous Decatur himself, while cruising in command of the "lucky Enterprise," had captured this ketch, which was known as the Mastico while sailing under Turkish colors. Suspecting her true character because of the Tripolitan soldiers she carried as passengers, he had taken her to the American base at Syracuse, where Commodore Preble condemned her as a lawful

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prize. Soon afterwards Decatur had eagerly grasped the opportunity to command her in this hazardous expedition. It was his first real chance to win fame and fortune, an adventure such as he had dreamed of since boyhood. As night settled down over the sea, a fresh wind from the westward sprung up, with strong indications of an approaching storm. Decatur anxiously regarded these signs of foul weather for he was eager to up-anchor and enter the harbor of T r i p o l i . A f t e r consulting with Stewart, he dispatched a boat with his Maltese pilot and Midshipman Charles Morris to reconnoiter the entrance. Here they found that the w i n d had already raised such a commotion that the surf was breaking all the way across the channel. Returning, they reluctantly reported that it would be unsafe to try to enter. Eolus, god of the winds, had won the first round. In spite of murmers of dissatisfaction, Decatur temporarily abandoned the attempt. T h e two ships weighed anchor and sailed away to get out of sight of the city before sunrise. T h e young commander evidently had already learned the truth of the old adage that discretion is the better part of valor. It was well that the ships sailed when they did and p u t a safe distance between them and the treacherous T r i p o l i t a n coast. A violent gale developed during the night, which lashed the sea into a fury and drove the little American vessels far to the eastward. For five days the storm raged, with some danger and great discomfort to those aboard the Intrepid. T h e sailors and marines lay on the water casks on deck and in the hold. T h e officers had slightly better accommodations in the small cabin. T h e provisions decayed and became unfit for food. Sleep was out of the question because of the attacks of the countless vermin which had been left behind by the filthy Moslem crew and the soldiers which the vessel was transporting. T h e r e was seasickness also to contend with as the little

34

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sailing ship tossed helplessly in the heavy seas. A t this stage of the adventure Decatur and his m e n probably appeared far from heroic; but they kept their courage up, confident that the storm w o u l d eventually blow itself out, and cheered by the thought that a bad b e g i n n i n g w o u l d u n d o u b t e d l y make a good ending. W h e n Eolus had done his worst, the weary men in the Intrepid, on the m o r n i n g of the sixteenth, again came in sight of T r i p o l i , wafted slowly with light breezes over a smooth blue sea. T h e i r spirits had fully revived; their courage was keen as a razor edge. T h o u g h the Siren was disguised as a merchantman, she kept away from the Intrepid to prevent the arising of any suspicion on shore. As the day wore on and night approached, the little vessel, using drags to prevent too early an arrival, slowly drifted with the light w i n d towards the entrance to the harbor. A l l the crew were kept out of sight below except six or eight men at a time, and w h e n these appeared they wore Maltese dress. By the time it became dark, the Intrepid was about two miles from the entrance; while the Siren was three miles further out to sea. It had been planned to wait for the brig's boats, but as the sun went d o w n the w i n d decreased to such an extent that Decatur decided that no further delay could be allowed without hazarding the success of the expedition. He felt that the tide in his affairs was then at the flood and, if taken at once, w o u l d lead h i m on to fortune. T h o u g h only one boat with ten men from the Siren had j o i n e d h i m a day or two previous, he determined to proceed at once, accompanying his decision with these memorable words: " T h e fewer the n u m b e r , the greater the h o n o r . " T h e night was not pitch dark. P r o m i n e n t objects could be made out, for the heavens were clear of clouds and a new m o o n was shining. T o the superstitious, this crescent moon

T H E BURNING OF T H E PHILADELPHIA

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looking down over Tripoli might have seemed a bad omen, as the crescent was the symbol most beloved by the Moslems and emblazoned on their flags. But Decatur probably gave the coincidence no serious thought. He was too much occupied in explaining the various duties to his officers, making final preparations, and rehearsing for the drama soon to be enacted in the harbor. Through his mind, as through those of his companions, there doubtless flashed thoughts of home and loved ones and of the perils soon to be encountered as well as questionings as to whether he would really be able to play the part of a brave man when death was hovering near. So quiet were they as each communed with his own thoughts that they hardly needed Decatur's command enjoining absolute silence. Thus the silent ghost-like vessel glided through the entrance into the harbor and passed the first battery without the slightest interference. T h e n before them rose clearly etched against the blue-black African sky the graceful spars and lacelike rigging of a beautiful frigate. T h e destruction of this ship was the purpose of the expedition. " I t is my order," Preble had written in his instructions to Decatur, "that you proceed to Tripoli in company with the Siren, Lieutenant Stewart, enter that harbor in the night, board the Philadelphia, burn her, and make good your retreat with the Intrepid, if possible, unless you can make her the means of destroying the enemy's vessels in the harbor by converting her into a fireship for that purpose, and retreating in your boats and those of the Siren." T h e watchword given by Decatur to his men, in order that they might recognize each other in the hand to hand fighting, was the single word "Philadelphia." Now, how did it happen that they were so intent on destroying this ship with a good American name, which was resting so peacefully in the harbor of Tripoli? Thereby hangs another tale.

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At this time war between the United States and Tripoli had been dragging on for more than two years. It had arisen out of dissatisfaction on the part of the Bey of Tripoli with the smallness of the sum of $56,000 which had been paid him by the United States in negotiating the Treaty of 1797. The Dey of Algiers, as already stated, had received about one million dollars, which included the cost of a brand new frigate that had been graciously presented to him because of a delay in the payment of promised tribute. Later Tunis had required the handsome sum of $107,000 before she would agree to make a treaty of peace. These sums were virtually ransoms for the release of American captives, and bribes to secure protection for American commerce in the Mediterranean. This custom had been followed for many generations by European nations, and the United States, then but an infant nation, was forced to submit to this nefarious practice. It has been said that thieves have their code of honor. So must pirates keep up appearances and jealously protect their fancied rights. When the Bey of Tripoli came to a realization that he had made a much poorer bargain than his fellow pirates had secured, he complained to the American consul, petulantly declaring that he too wanted a frigate. The consul was requested "to acquaint the President of the United States that he is exceedingly pleased with his proffers of friendship; . . . that had his protestations been accompanied with a frigate or brig-of-war such as we had given the Algerines, he would be still more inclined to believe them genuine." He felt, indeed, so terribly aggrieved at Uncle Sam in thus being discriminated against that he himself then wrote a letter to the President, closing with these insolent words: "But if only flattering words are meant without performance, every one will act as he finds convenient. We beg a speedy answer, without neglect of time, as a delay on your part can not but be prejudicial to your interests."

T H E BURNING OF T H E PHILADELPHIA

37

In November 1800 and in January 1801, the American consul to Tripoli sent out letters to consuls in Mediterranean ports warning shipping of impending danger. In the spring of the former year about eighty American merchant ships had entered the Mediterranean. Such a rich and unprotected commerce was enough to arouse the cupidity of a discontented corsair chieftain, and in February 1801 he accordingly repudiated his treaty with the United States and demanded $250,000 and an annual tribute of $20,000 before he would consent to sign a new treaty. He threatened to declare war if this offer was not accepted without delay. Faithful to this threat, the Bey ordered the American flagstaff at the consulate to be cut down on May 14, and thus formally declared war. In the course of this war, on October 3 1 , 1803, a great calamity befell Commodore Preble's squadron, the third which had been sent out to bring the insolent Bey to an accounting. This was the loss of the Philadelphia to the Tripolitans. She, in company with the little schooner Vixen, while blockading the city of Tripoli, on the fatal day attempted to prevent a Tripolitan ship from running into the port. In returning to his station after the unsuccessful chase, Captain Bainbridge suddenly found his beautiful frigate aground on an uncharted rock. Every means known to the seamanship of that day proved ineffectual in releasing the ship. In this dangerous situation the frigate was attacked by enemy gunboats which took positions where Bainbridge's few remaining guns could not be brought to bear, the others having been thrown overboard in an attempt to lighten the ship. The Vixen unfortunately that day had been sent away to look for two Tripolitan men-of-war thought to be out on a cruise, and could give no aid to the stricken Philadelphia. After withstanding the fire of the gunboats for four hours, Bainbridge decided that it was folly to hazard the lives of his

38

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

men any longer and, destroying his signal books and ordering everything of value thrown overboard and the ship to be scuttled, he lowered his flag in sorrowful surrender. When Preble heard the news on November 24, from the British ship Amazon off the coast of Sardinia, he wrote the Secretary of the Navy, "It distresses me beyond description. . . . Would to God that the officers and the crew of the Philadelphia had one and all determined to prefer death to slavery." Preble had good reason to feel depressed. T h e Bey had thus secured three hundred and seven captives for which he could demand a munificent ransom. Besides, he had secured an excellent frigate, the most powerful man-of-war he had ever possessed. T h e scuttling of the ship had been so hastily and so imperfectly done that, when a storm raised the water level a few days after the grounding of the vessel, the Tripolitans were able to move the ship off the rocks and bring her within the protection of the forts. They then fished up the guns that had been cast overboard and restored them to their places on the ship, and the Philadelphia rode the waves again almost as proudly as she had before the disaster. Decatur had a warm personal affection for this ship. She had been built for the Government by his own fellow citizens of Philadelphia for use in the war against France. In that war she had been commanded for a time by his father, Stephen Decatur, Senior. It was no doubt painful to him to contemplate applying the torch to the ship which had been so intimately associated with his own city and family; but a thousand times better to give her to the flames than to allow her to be insulted and disgraced, like some unfortunate female slave, by remaining in the hands of the insolent Tripolitans. On the night which was to be her last, the Philadelphia had her forty guns all loaded and double-shotted, and was well manned. She lay within easy range of the Bey's castle and sev-

T H E B U R N I N G OF T H E PHILADELPHIA

39

eral batteries mounting in all one hundred and fifteen heavy guns. T h e r e were, besides, two or three cruisers and a few galleys, fully manned, which were at anchor near by. Evidently the success of Decatur's enterprise must depend upon complete surprise and quickness of action. At the least suspicion being aroused as the ketch approached the frigate, the little craft would be blown out of the water. When the Intrepid was at a distance of about a hundred yards from the Philadelphia, the silence of the night was broken by a hail from her, inquiring the name of the vessel and ordering her to keep off. T h e pilot, Catalano, was at the helm and Decatur stood beside him, both in Maltese dress. T h e latter must have appeared to advantage in that costume, which admirably suited his athletic figure, and his dark hair and swarthy complexion. It was a critical and anxious moment. T o catch every word of the ensuing conversation, there was an eager turning of the heads of the officers and men lying in concealment on the deck, with arms in their hands, ready for Decatur's word commanding them to leap into action. T o the hail from the Philadelphia, Catalano explained, as directed by Decatur, that their vessel was Maltese, and that they had lost their anchors during the recent storm and wished to tie up to the frigate until morning. T h i s permission was granted to the innocent-looking vessel; but before full advantage could be taken of it by the Americans there was another cause of delay, which must have made Decatur and his officers almost despair of success. When the Intrepid approached to about twenty yards of the Philadelphia, the wind suddenly shifted and left the ketch, helpless and motionless, right under the frigate's guns. Fortunately, the Siren's small boat was still in tow. T h i s was manned with as little show of haste as possible, and a line was then taken to make fast to the frigate. T h e unsuspecting

4°

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

Tripolitans brought out another rope in a boat. T h e two were then fastened together, and the boats returned to their respective ships. T h e n the men stretched out on the deck of the Intrepid began to haul in the rope, and were thus brought gradually nearer their prey. Whether it was the unusual rapidity of the approach of the Intrepid—altogether too fast for the strength of the few sailors visible unless they were of the breed of Hercules—that aroused suspicion or whether the Tripolitans noted the movements of shadowy figures on the deck, is not known; but just as the ketch was on the point of touching the Philadelphia, there was a startled cry from the Tripolitans, which echoed through the doomed ship, "Americanos! Americanos!" T h e discovery had been made too late to save the ship. As the Intrepid touched the frigate, Decatur's command "Board!" rang out, and with him and Midshipman Morris leading, all scrambled on board the Philadelphia as quickly as possible. So surprised and terrified were the Tripolitans that they made but a feeble resistance. Though they removed the tampions from some of the cannon, not a gun was fired. The Americans had orders not to arouse the harbor prematurely until the frigate was on fire; but their sabers and tomahawks were irresistible. Decatur first led an attack on the larger number of the crew that had gathered on the forecastle. All of these who did not save themselves by jumping into the sea were killed. T h e lower decks were then cleared with the same dispatch. When the ship was cleared of its defenders, the combustibles were distributed according to plan, and fires were started in the storerooms, gun room, cockpit, and berth deck. In a few minutes flames were issuing from the spar deck, hatchways, and gunports. So rapid was the spread of the fire that

The Burning of the Philadelphia

T H E B U R N I N G OF T H E PHILADELPHIA

41

the Intrepid, which contained more combustibles that were intended to be used to convert her into a fire-ship if possible, was in great danger also of catching on fire. But in the nick of time the ropes were severed, and Decatur, last to leave the b u r n i n g frigate, leaped into the rigging of the ketch as she s w u n g away from the Philadelphia whose rigging and tops were by that time ablaze. O n l y about twenty minutes had been spent in capturing the frigate, setting her on fire, and returning on board the Intrepid. N o t a single American life had been lost, only one man b e i n g slightly wounded. Some twenty Tripolitans had been killed outright. Probably others w h o had secreted themselves in the ship perished in the flames, while some of those w h o leaped into the sea may have been drowned. O n e boat full of m e n escaped in safety to the town. O n l y one prisoner was captured. A f t e r being severely wounded, he j u m p e d on board the Intrepid where his life was spared by Surgeon Heerman. T h e expedition so far had been a wonderful success; b u t Decatur and his brave men were by no means as yet out of danger. By this time the batteries on shore and the cruisers w h i c h lay about three hundred yards from the ketch began to discharge their guns at the retreating vessel, whose crew gave three lusty defiant cheers at the success of their heroic adventure. T h a n k s to the poor aim, occasioned by the t u m u l t of the night and the speed of the Intrepid which was driven rapidly through the water by the long oars of the crew as well as by the w i n d , the vessel escaped with only one shot through her topgallant sail, though she was under the fire of about a h u n d r e d cannon for half an hour. T h e r e was also, perhaps, greater peril from the guns of the Philadelphia, w h i c h was anchored with one of her broadsides c o m m a n d i n g the entrance through which the Intrepid was

42

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

fleeing. As her loaded guns became heated from the inferno on board, they were in turn discharged as if directed by some supernatural power at the destroyers of the beautiful ship. We escaped these also [Charles Morris9 wrote] and while urging the ketch onwards with sweeps, the crew were commenting upon the beauty of the spray thrown up by the shot between us and the brilliant light of the ship rather than calculating any danger that might be apprehended from the contact. The appearance of the ship was indeed magnificent. The flames in the interior illuminated her ports and, ascending her rigging and masts, formed columns of fire, which, meeting the tops, were reflected into beautiful capitals; whilst the occasional discharge of her guns gave an idea of some directing spirit within her. The walls of the city and its batteries, and the masts and rigging of cruisers at anchor, brilliantly illuminated and animated by the discharge of artillery, formed worthy adjuncts and an appropriate background to the picture. Meanwhile the frigate's cables burned in two, and she drifted ashore where she blew up. Her destruction was complete. Fire and sword had done their work well. T h e dramatic spectacle came to a close. It had been witnessed with dumb amazement by the Tripolitans, and with rage by their Bey at the loss of this ornament to his navy. Bainbridge, David Porter, Jacob Jones, James Biddle, and the other imprisoned officers and men of the Philadelphia had looked on through their prison windows with exultation at this evidence that an irresistible spirit of heroism had arisen in the navy which insured their early liberation from captivity, and the removal of the Moslem menace from the Mediterranean. Lieutenant Stewart and his men had seen the burning frigate from the decks of the Siren with mingled feelings, of envy because they had not been able to take part in the adventure, of fear that their gallant comrades had been overpowered and prevented from making their escape, and of hope that all was

T H E B U R N I N G OF T H E

PHILADELPHIA

w e l l . Soon they w e r e o v e r j o y e d at the a p p e a r a n c e of t h e k e t c h , a c c o m p a n i e d by the Siren's

boats w h i c h had m e t D e c a t u r at

the entrance to the h a r b o r — a l l in the highest of spirits at t h e success of their mission. A strong w i n d then began to b l o w , w h i c h soon increased to a gale; b u t as it was f a v o r a b l e for their course, t h e a n d the Intrepid

Siren

set their sails a n d w e r e soon b o w l i n g a l o n g '

towards Syracuse. T h e r e they a r r i v e d o n the m o r n i n g of t h e n i n e t e e n t h . A s the l o g of the Constitution

records:

A t 10 appeared in the offing the U.S. Brig Siren and the Intrepid. Made the Siren's signal No. 227. T h e Intrepid is the prize lately taken from the Tripolitans, commissioned and named by the Commodore. T h e wind being light, we sent boats out to assist in towing them in. I mentioned that the Siren and Intrepid had sailed on the third of this month on a secret expedition. A t 1/2 past 10 they passed through our squadron in triumph, receiving three cheers from each as they passed. I n t o this historic h a r b o r w h i c h had witnessed deeds of v a l o r in G r e c i a n days, D e c a t u r thus r e t u r n e d w i t h the l a u r e l s of victory, then fresh o n his b r o w , w h i c h are still g r e e n a n d u n w i t h e r e d a f t e r the passing of m o r e t h a n a c e n t u r y . F r o m t h a t (day he b e c a m e the idol of the A m e r i c a n n a v y .

a V A Captain at Twenty-Five H E triumphant return of Decatur lifted a heavy load from the shoulders of Preble. Before the expedition he had written Secretary of the Navy Stoddert as to the Philadelphia, " I shall hazard much to destroy her—it will undoubtedly cost many lives, but it must be done." But here Decatur was back again; the Philadelphia was destroyed; and not a man had been lost. It was almost incredible. On the very day of the Intrepid's return Preble wrote again to the Secretary as follows:

T

Lieutenant Decatur is an officer of too much value to be neglected. The important service he has rendered in destroying an enemy's frigate of forty guns, and the gallant manner in which he performed it, in a small vessel of only sixty tons and four guns, under the enemy's batteries, surrounded by their corsairs and armed boats, the crews of which stood appalled at his intrepidity and daring, would, in any navy in Europe, insure him instantaneous promotion to the rank of post captain. I wish, as a stimulus, it could be done in this instance; it would eventually be of real service to our navy. I beg earnestly to recommend him to the President that he may be rewarded according to his merit. Preble was not carried away merely by personal satisfaction at the outcome of the expedition, and thus led into exaggerated praise of the exploit. Admiral Nelson, then almost at the height of his fame, was at that time in the Mediterranean blockading the French fleet at Toulon. When he heard of

A CAPTAIN AT TWENTY-FIVE

45

Decatur's achievement, he declared it to be "the most bold and daring act of the age." There were several reasons why the news of this "daring act" should have been received with enthusiastic praise by Decatur's countrymen at home. As Preble phrased it in a letter which he wrote before the Intrepid sailed, "I hope they will succeed—it is of national importance that they should." The full significance of that statement can be realized only after one has reviewed the disappointments which the American people had suffered during the two previous years of the war. The first American squadron had been dispatched to the Mediterranean about June 1, 1801. It was composed of the three frigates, President, Captain James Barron; Philadelphia, Captain Samuel Barron; and Essex, Captain William Bainbridge; and the schooner Enterprise, Lieutenant Andrew Sterrett. Commodore Richard Dale, John Paul Jones's first lieutenant on the Bonhomme Richard during her famous fight with the Serapis, was in command when the squadron sailed from Hampton Roads. With such a naval force and such a commander, it was confidently expected that American rights and interests in the Mediterranean would be adequately protected. Dale was given specific instructions by the Secretary of the Navy what to do whether he found conditions tranquil or a state of war existing in those waters. In the latter state of affairs the Secretary directed: You will then distribute your force in such a manner as your judgment shall direct, so as best to protect our commerce and chastise their insolence—by sinking, burning, or destroying their ships and vessels wherever you shall find them. Arriving at Gibraltar on July 1, Dale had the good fortune

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T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

to find there two of the largest Tripolitan cruisers and, upon learning that war had been declared by Tripoli, he left the Philadelphia to cruise in the Straits and prevent the corsairs from entering the Atlantic to prey on American shipping. T h e Essex, of which Decatur was then first lieutenant, was sent first to convoy the ship Grand Turk to Tunis, and thence to call at Marseilles, Barcelona, and Alicante where American ships would be collected and then safely convoyed through the Straits. With the President and the Enterprise Dale cruised along the Barbary Coast, visiting Algiers and Tunis and thus effectively restraining those hot-headed pirates from following Tripoli's lead in declaring war. On the twenty-fourth of J u l y he appeared off Tripoli, where his ships remained eighteen days. T h e Bey, very much alarmed, communicated with Commodore Dale through the Danish consul but without favorable results. T h e President, flagship, then sailed away to Malta for water. T h e Enterprise, bound for the same island, on August 1 fell in with a Tripolitan polacre of fourteen guns and eighty men. A three hours' fight followed which resulted in an American victory. Congress not having declared war as yet, Sterrett did not think himself authorized to make a capture; but Lieutenant David Porter went aboard the vanquished vessel and ordered all her guns, small arms, and everything else of value to be thrown into the sea, and thus dismantled her of everything but an old sail and a spar. In this condition she crept home, having lost twenty killed and thirty wounded. T h e Bey in a rage ordered her commander, Captain Reis Mahomet Sous, to be placed on a jackass and paraded through the streets, and then to be bastinadoed. At last the cruel corsairs were getting a taste of their own medicine. T h i s rather aggressive action was not followed up, how-

A CAPTAIN A T TWENTY-FIVE

47

ever. Dale was handicapped by the one-year enlistments of his crews which necessitated an early return of the vessels to the United States. Furthermore, he considered that he was fully carrying out his orders by protecting American shipping in the Mediterranean and keeping the corsairs blockaded in their home ports. Eaton, American consul at Tunis, criticized the ineffectiveness of operations, particularly the blockade of Tripoli, to the Secretary of State, and as a probable consequence later gained no support from the naval officers of the squadron in carrying out a plan which he had formulated. This involved a land expedition from Egypt in the interest of the rightful Bey of Tripoli, a brother to the usurper then in power. In March 1802, Dale accordingly returned to the United States in the President without bringing the Bey to terms. Early in the year 1802 Congress determined to carry on the war more vigorously by authorizing American men-of-war to capture Tripolitan ships. Enlistments were to run two years for the crews recruited for a second squadron, the command of which was offered to Commodore Thomas Truxtun. As no captain was ordered to his flagship, Truxtun became offended and declined the command. This was very unfortunate, as he would probably have soon brought the war to a close in the aggressive fashion he had followed in the War with France, during which the Constellation, under his command, captured the frigate Insurgente. Truxtun's place was taken by Captain Richard V. Morris. Though he was given a large squadron, composed of the frigates Chesapeake, flagship, Captain Isaac Chauncey; Constellation, Captain Alexander Murray; New York, Captain James Barron; John Adams, Captain John Rodgers; and Adams, Captain Hugh G. Campbell; and the schooner Enterprise,

48

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

Lieutenant Andrew Sterrett, yet another year was to drag wearily by with no brilliant achievements and no satisfactory results. On arriving in the Mediterranean, Commodore Morris collected all his vessels at Malta except the Adams which was left at Gibraltar. All the summer and autumn months were allowed to slip past without his doing anything to bring the war to a successful close, the time being spent in refitting his menof-war and convoying a few merchant ships. The blockade of Tripoli was discontinued, the sole demonstration against the place being a bombardment of only thirty minutes at three thousand yards' range by the Constellation. Morris was planning, however, to make a hostile demonstration before Tripoli, and on January 30 he actually sailed with his squadron; but he was driven back to Malta by heavy gales where he was detained three weeks longer. By that time lack of supplies and disquieting news from both Tunis and Algiers led him to change his plans and return to Gibraltar by way of those troublesome ports, where he received only insulting demands. There Morris shifted his flag to the New York, the frigate on which Decatur was then first lieutenant, and on April 6, according to orders, dispatched the Chesapeake home. Returning again to Malta for repairs, the Commodore finally towards the last of May, after having been in the Mediterranean a full year, arrived off Tripoli with three ships of his squadron. Here a brave attempt was made, led by David Porter and James Lawrence, to burn some Tripolitan grain ships. If it had been carried out at night, as Porter had suggested, it might have succeeded; but Morris objected, and the result was the killing or wounding of twelve or fifteen men, among them being Porter, who received a severe wound in his left thigh. The Adams then joined, and on May 26 an unsuccessful attack was made on the enemy gunboats. The ne-

A CAPTAIN A T TWENTY-FIVE

49

gotiations which followed were, of course, a failure. T h e Bey demanded $200,000 and the expenses of the war as an inducement to make peace. Morris then returned to Malta in the New York, leaving the other vessels on blockade. On J u n e 21 Lieutenant Isaac Hull of the Enterprise and J o h n Rodgers commanding the John Adams intercepted a Tripolitan cruiser of twenty-two guns as she attempted to enter the port, and destroyed her. Morris thereupon at once raised the blockade, under the apparent supposition that the war was won, collected his force at Malta, and sailed then on a kind of pleasure cruise to Messina, Naples, and Leghorn. Here the squadron was distributed and dispatched to various ports. Morris sailed in his flagship to Malaga where he received on September 12 a letter from the Secretary of the Navy announcing his suspension from the command of the squadron and ordering him to return home in the Adams, where after a court of inquiry he was dismissed from the service by President Jefferson. T h i s punishment, which was out of all proportion to the offense of inefficiency, is indicative however that the Government and the people of the United States had completely lost patience with the dilatory conduct of the war and wanted a victorious peace without further delay. T o take Commodore Morris' place, Secretary Robert Smith in desperation went down the list of captains to the third from the bottom in rank and selected Edward Preble, who had had a long experience in the merchant service and had fought in the navy during the W a r with France. H e was to prove a wise choice—one who loved action and demanded results, who was willing to shoulder responsibility and run risks, and who was to win the respect and affection of his young officers, though his ill temper and harsh discipline were at first much disliked.

50

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

His squadron, in the order in which the ships were equipped and made ready to sail, was as follows: Nautilus, 12 guns, Lieutenant Richard Somers; Philadelphia, 36, Captain William Bainbridge; Vixen, 12, Lieutenant John Smith; Constitution, flagship, 44, Lieutenant Thomas Robinson, Junior; Siren, 16, Lieutenant Charles Stewart; and Argus, 16, Lieutenant Stephen Decatur. All of his commanders were under thirty, and a year later he was to refer to them affectionately as his "schoolboys" and point with pride to their achievements. When Preble arrived at Gibraltar on September 12, he was at once confronted with a delicate state of affairs. Tripoli was openly at war with the United States. Morocco had declared war, and both Algiers and Tunis were on the verge of hostilities. Such were the results of the failures of Dale and Morris, which had merely encouraged the corsairs in increasing their nefarious demands. Fortunately Bainbridge in the Philadelphia had captured a small Moroccan cruiser soon after the Commodore's arrival, and a few months previous Rodgers had taken another. So with these as trump cards Preble was able to bring the Emperor of Morocco to his senses in short order by making a naval demonstration at Tangier early in October. T h e Treaty of 1786 was forthwith confirmed without expense or presents other than release to the Emperor of the captured cruisers. This was an encouraging beginning for Preble, whose hands were thus left free to deal with the other pirates. But before he had time to strike a blow at Tripoli, he received news of Bainbridge's loss of the Philadelphia. This plunged him into the very depths of despair of being able to bring the war to a speedy and successful ending. They were not, then, idle words he wrote on the eve of Decatur's departure in the Intrepid, " I hope they will succeed—it is of national importance that they should." T h e American Govern-

A CAPTAIN A T TWENTY-FIVE

5i

ment and the people were already weary and disgusted at the prolongation of the war, when this loss of the Philadelphia caused them to despair of its ever being brought to a satisfactory conclusion. Decatur's countrymen were, accordingly, in just the state of mind to receive with unrestrained enthusiasm the news of his brilliant achievement, which by one bold stroke had turned the tables on the Bey of T r i p o l i and at the same time had restored confidence and pride not only to the American navy but also to the whole country. As a consequence, Decatur was immediately rewarded with a promotion as suggested in Preble's request to the Secretary of the Navy. On May 22, 1804, the Secretary wrote the young officer as follows: By dispatches from Commodore Preble it has been announced to us that the destruction of the late frigate Philadelphia has been effected while lying in the harbor of Tripoli under circumstances of extraordinary peril to the parties that achieved it. I find, sir, that you had the command of this expedition. T h e achievement of this brilliant enterprise reflects the highest honor on all the officers and men concerned. You have acquitted yourself in a manner which justifies the high confidence we have reposed in your valor and your skill. T h e President has desired me to convey to you his thanks for your gallant conduct on this occasion, and he likewise requests that you will in his name thank each individual of your gallant band for their honorable and valorous support, rendered the more honorable from its having been volunteered. As a testimonial of the President's high opinion of your gallant conduct in this instance, he sends you the enclosed commission. Decatur thus became the youngest captain ever commissioned in the United States Navy, being then only a little more than twenty-five years old. Another signal honor was to follow. Special mention of Decatur's exploit was made by the President in his message

THE ROMANTIC

52

DECATUR

to Congress, a n d o n N o v e m b e r 27, 1804, a C o n g r e s s i o n a l resol u t i o n was passed to the effect T h a t the President of the United States be requested to present in the name of Congress, to Captain Stephen Decatur, a sword, 43 and to each of the officers and crew of the United States ketch Intrepid. two months' pay as a testimony of the high sense entertained by Congress of the gallantry, good conduct, and services of Captain Decatur, the officers, and crew of the said ketch, in attacking in the harbor of Tripoli, and destroying a Tripolitan frigate of fortyfour guns. It was b u t natural that the p r o m o t i o n of D e c a t u r o v e r t h e heads of seven officers s h o u l d have caused h e a r t b u r n i n g s a n d j e a l o u s y ; b u t the "green-eyed m o n s t e r " led o n l y o n e of these to d o a foolish thing. T h i s was L i e u t e n a n t A n d r e w Sterrett, w h o resigned his c o m m i s s i o n as a personal protest against Dec a t u r ' s p r o m o t i o n . N o n e of the Intrepid's

officers w o u l d ac-

c e p t t h e extra pay v o t e d t h e m by Congress. P e r h a p s they h a d a f e e l i n g that this h a d b e e n offered t h e m n i g g a r d l y i n l i e u of prize m o n e y , w h i c h they certainly had a r i g h t to e x p e c t , a n d n o t o u t of dissatisfaction o v e r the rewards g i v e n D e c a t u r . If so, t h e i r p r e m o n i t i o n s w e r e w e l l f o u n d e d , for t h o u g h

the

m a t t e r was b r o u g h t u p again a n d again, a n d r e c o m m e n d e d b y c o m m i t t e e s of b o t h houses of Congress, a b i l l p r o v i d i n g for it b e i n g passed by the Senate, yet the H o u s e v o t e d against it, a n d thus w i t h great injustice this m o d e r a t e r e w a r d for t h e a c c o m p l i s h m e n t of a h e r o i c d e e d was w i t h h e l d . T h e r e was n o disposition o n the part of D e c a t u r to end e a v o r to secure all t h e h o n o r for himself a n d to n e g l e c t his associates. O n the contrary, in his official r e p o r t t o P r e b l e h e wrote: Every support that could be given I received from my officers; and as the conduct of each was highly meritorious, I beg leave to enclose you a list of their names. Permit me also, sir, to speak of

A CAPTAIN A T

TWENTY-FIVE

53

the brave fellows I had the honor to command, whose coolness and intrepidity were such as I trust will ever characterize the American tars. It would be injustice in me, were I to pass over the important services rendered by Mr. Salvadore, the pilot, on whose good conduct the success of the enterprise in the greatest degree depended. He gave me entire satisfaction. Hardly less could have been expected of men who had volunteered with such alacrity. W h e n Decatur mustered his crew on the Enterprise on February 3, explained the object of the expedition, and called for volunteers, every officer, man, and boy on the ship stepped forward. Decatur was thus forced to select his sailors and marines, but not having the heart to discriminate among his officers, he took all of them. It should not be forgotten that among these latter were Lieutenant James Lawrence and Midshipman T h o m a s Macdonough, other stars in that constellation of naval officers whose brilliant deeds illuminate the annals of the W a r of 1812. It was not merely by accident that Decatur was chosen to command the Intrepid, or a bit of good luck that success and fame came to him while still so young. Even when a m u c h younger officer during the W a r with France he so favorably impressed his personality upon his fellow officers as to be recognized as a marked man in the service. R o b e r t T . Spence, 10 an officer w h o also won distinction in the W a r with T r i p o l i , declared: T h e first time I had the pleasure of seeing this illustrious man, was in the West Indies, during our differences with the French Republic. He was then a lieutenant on board of one of our largest frigates, whose officers had been selected among the most promising in the navy, and were, on the occasion to which I allude, generally on the quarter-deck, grouped, as is the custom, in different places, conversing on the various subjects of their profession. I was introduced to many of them. They were pleasing,

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gentlemanlike men, having the characteristic air and look of sailors. But in Decatur I was struck with a peculiarity of manner and appearance, calculated to rivet the eye and engross the attention. I had often pictured to myself the form and look of a hero, such as my favorite Homer had delineated; here I saw it embodied. On being released from a kind of spell by which he had riveted my attention, I turned to the gentleman to whom I was indebted for the introduction, and inquired the character of Decatur. T h e inquiry was made of a person to whose long experience and knowledge of human nature the inward man seemed to be unfolded. "Sir," said he, "Decatur is an officer of uncommon character, of rare promise, a man of an age, one perhaps not equaled in a million!" "A man overboard!" was now cried through the ship. "Second cutter, away! third cutter, away!" was called from deck to deck. I observed Decatur to spring from the mizzen chains. I ran to the stern. In a few moments, I saw a youth upheld above the surging wave by a buoyant and vigorous swimmer, and thus sustained until released by the boats. Life had nearly fled; but it was not extinct. It was the life of one who has since had celebrity and lived to see his preserver the pride and glory of his country. It was under such circumstances I first saw the generous and chivalrous Decatur,—a man more unique, more highly endowed, than any other I ever knew, to whom perhaps the country is most indebted for that naval renown which is the admiration of the world, a renown so associated with the name of Decatur as to render them indissoluble. W i t h such personal magnetism and an almost perfect fitness for the naval profession, Decatur was assured a rapid advancement in the navy. At the close of the W a r with France when the American navy was reduced both in ships and personnel, he was one of the thirty-six lieutenants chosen from n o for the permanent navy. A n d in the W a r with T r i p o l i which soon followed he had the good fortune to be attached to every squadron that was sent to the Mediterranean.

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U n d e r C o m m o d o r e Dale he was first lieutenant of the Essex, c o m m a n d e d by W i l l i a m Bainbridge. T h i s was a position of honor and great responsibility for a y o u n g officer only a little more than twenty-two years old. H e was responsible for the regulation and discipline of the entire ship in which everything had to be reduced to system and order, and made to operate as smoothly as a well-constructed machine. T h e crew looked to h i m rather than the captain for instructions as to h a n d l i n g the sails and w o r k i n g the guns, and with the assistance of his subordinate officers he had to see that all orders were faithfully carried out. Being naturally a good disciplinarian, he did not have to resort to cruelty and oaths to discipline his crew, but he had the power of inspiring his men with that love of the service w h i c h he himself felt, and they obeyed because they liked h i m and had confidence in his power of leadership. It has been related that, w h i l e he was fitting out the Essex for duty against the corsairs, he one day thus addressed his sailors: Comrades, we are now about to embark on an expedition which may terminate in our sudden deaths, our perpetual slavery, or our immortal glory. T h e event is left for futurity to determine. T h e first quality of a good seaman is personal courage; the second, obedience to orders; the third, fortitude under sufferings: to these may be added an ardent love of country. I need say no more—I am confident you possess them all. 11 T h e s e are probably not Decatur's exact words; b u t the story undoubtedly has some foundation. It illustrates the attitude that he took towards his men w h i c h inspired them with a devotion to duty and a personal attachment to h i m as their leader. T h a t explains why the entire personnel of the Enterprise stepped forward w i t h eagerness to volunteer for duty on the Intrepid u n d e r his leadership. " H e seemed," declared one

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of his officers, 12 "as if by magic, to hold a boundless sway over the very hearts of his seamen at first sight." In the second squadron under Morris, Decatur was first lieutenant of the New York, commanded by James Barron. But neither in this frigate nor in the Essex was he given the slightest opportunity to gain fame in glorious action—in the kind of knightly deeds of which he had probably dreamed when often in Malta. What a place to quicken the spirit of emulation in a young warrior's breast! Knights of St. John, renowned in song and story, after they had been driven from Rhodes by the T u r k s , had made Malta their island fortress. From here their war galleys had sailed to participate in many a bloody battle with the Barbary corsairs such as old Barbarossa and Dragut, and had there withstood a siege that had taxed the resources of the Ottoman Empire. Glorious deeds with which Decatur was no doubt familiar; romantic deeds of personal prowess like those which soon were to bring him fame and renown. In Preble's squadron, Decatur first enjoyed the sweets and responsibilities of independent command. Spurred on by the Secretary of the Navy, who wrote, " T o an officer of your activity, it is unnecessary to add anything to the wishes already expressed for the speedy sailing of the Argus," he hastened the launching and equipping of this little brig at Boston, and anxious to be at the seat of war he sailed away with the sum of $30,000 in gold and silver for the squadron in the Mediterranean. He was just in time. On the day following the loss of the Philadelphia, the little Argus came sweeping through the Straits of Gibraltar, after a passage of thirty-four days. Here exchanging vessels with Hull, who was his senior in rank, Decatur took command of the Enterprise, the "lucky Enterprise" of the War with France. T h e n he sailed for the American

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base at Syracuse where he arrived in time to be the first to volunteer to lead an expedition for the destruction of the Philadelphia. Fate certainly had something to do with the setting of the stage and the bringing of Decatur upon it at the proper time. But Decatur was prepared to play the part assigned him. If he had not possessed the qualities of leadership of a very high order, if he had not been at that time master not only of his men but also of seamanship and navigation, hand-to-hand fighting, and all the other requisites of the naval profession in those days, if he had not possessed patience and perseverance as well as daring and bravery, he could never have acted his part so well. Fully prepared when the opportunity came, he took the center of the stage and performed with brilliant success the role of a hero.

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VI Hand-to-Hand Fighting I V E months after the burning of the Philadelphia, Preble assembled his squadron before Tripoli with the "determination to beat the Bashaw into better humor." " I have," he declared with satisfaction, "seven hundred bombshells and plenty of shot to amuse him with." Besides his flagship, the Constitution, he had the schooners Vixen, Nautilus, and Enterprise, commanded by Lieutenants John Smith, Richard Somers, and Stephen Decatur respectively, and the brigs Siren, Argus, and Scourge, under command of Lieutenants Charles Stewart, Isaac Hull, and John H. Dent. T h e Scourge was a Tripolitan vessel, recently captured by Stewart. Since early in March some of these little warships had been constantly in Tripolitan waters in spite of the severe gales of spring, and beginning with the last of April a close blockade of Tripoli had been maintained. Preble also had six twenty-five-ton flat-bottomed gunboats, each carrying a long twenty-four pounder in the bow, and two thirty-ton bomb-vessels, similar in construction to the gunboats and each armed with a thirteen-inch brass mortar. These had been secured as a "friendly loan" from the King of the T w o Sicilies, who was then also at war with Tripoli. Though these little vessels had been built for harbor defense and were both unseaworthy and difficult to handle under either sail or oar, they were the best Preble could secure without longer delay, and they were by no means altogether unsuited to the use to which he expected to put them. From the

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king he also secured six long twenty-six pounders which he mounted on the upper deck of the Constitution, and ninetysix Neapolitan bombardiers, gunners, and sailors whom he distributed among the gunboats and bomb-vessels. Equipping these small craft and also making a demonstration with the Constitution, Argus, and Enterprise at T u n i s to quiet that troublesome Bey, who was running the American consul there nearly distracted with his demands, had occasioned some delay. " T h e r e is not a scoundrel among them," wrote Consul William Eaton of the Tunisians, "from the prince to the muleteer, who will not beg and steal. . . . T h e United States set out wrongly and have proceeded so. T o o many concessions have been made to Algiers. There is but one language which can be held to these people, and this is terror." As for the Bey of Tripoli, he was so exasperated at the loss of the Philadelphia that, in the negotiations which followed, he raised instead of lowered the total sum required for ransoms and the making of peace, to the exorbitant total of half a million dollars. Preble's offer was $60,000. T h e Bey refused to exchange any prisoners, but was good enough to allow supplies of money, food, and clothing to be sent in on neutral vessels to Bainbridge and his men. In spite of the burning of the Philadelphia, the Bey still believed that he occupied an impregnable defensive position. T h e city of Tripoli was completely surrounded by walls except on the side facing the harbor, which was protected by forts and castles, mounting 115 guns, most of which were heavy ordnance. One of the batteries was called the American Fort, because it was built by the enforced labor of the crew of the Philadelphia. For the defense of the city and all the forts and batteries, the Bey had a force of about twenty-five thousand men. In the harbor he had a ten-gun brig, two eight-gun schooners, two large galleys, and nineteen gunboats, mount-

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ing either an eighteen or twenty-six pounder in the bow and two brass howitzers aft. These various ships were manned by about twelve hundred men, a number superior to Preble's entire naval force, which amounted to only 1,060 officers and men. Preble had only forty-two heavy long-range guns, besides his two thirteen-inch mortars, which were of any use in reducing the enemy batteries. Even these could not be used with great effectiveness, as most of them were on the Constitution, and the shoals and reefs prevented that vessel from getting near enough to destroy the Tripolitan defenses. T h e remainder of the American guns were short-range carronades or light long-range cannon. But the Bey had not properly estimated the power of Preble's gunboats and the dashing bravery of their young commanders. For three days the squadron lay off T r i p o l i waiting for favorable weather for anchoring. On the afternoon of the twenty-eighth of July, Preble came to anchor about two and a half miles from Tripoli. Almost immediately the wind shifted, and within four hours it was blowing so hard that the American ships were forced to weigh anchor and seek more sea room off shore. For four days the gale blew, and there was great danger of losing some of the gunboats and bomb-vessels, which had to be taken in tow by the larger ships. It was not until August 3 that weather conditions were favorable for an attack on the enemy. At noon on this day Preble noted that several of the Tripolitan gunboats had advanced outside of the harbor, and he decided to accept their challenge and make an attack. T h e entire squadron moved forward, and at two o'clock the gunboats and bomb-vessels were cast loose. T h e former, organized into two divisions under the command of Lieutenants Richard Somers and Stephen Decatur (the latter at that time not having received

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notice of his promotion), were to bear the brunt of the attack. The bomb-vessels were to throw shells into the city; while the larger ships were to direct their fire at the enemy batteries and forts. Opposing Preble's smaller craft were nineteen gunboats and two galleys, arranged in three divisions. Outside the rocks there were an easterly division of nine gunboats, and a westerly one of five gunboats close to the western batteries; while a reserve division of five gunboats and two galleys lay in the center behind the rocks. It was the easterly division that Decatur and Somers were ordered to attack. This turned out to be a more dangerous undertaking for Decatur than the burning of the Philadelphia. T o begin with, the odds were nine to six or even heavier, as the Tripolitan gunboats were considerably stronger than those of the American squadron. But the advantage in the ensuing battle was to be even greater. Because of the contrary wind Somers was unable to sail his gunboat, even with the assistance of sweeps, far enough to the eastward to give Decatur any support, but he very manfully fell upon the five vessels of the western division and drove them inside the rocks. Lieutenant Blake was not able to assist either; in fact, through a misunderstanding of signals he did not get into close action at all. Lieutenant Joseph Bainbridge's gunboat, belonging to Decatur's division, had her lateen yard shot away early in the engagement and could not be brought alongside an enemy vessel, though Bainbridge kept up a hot fire at close range, which did great damage to the Tripolitans. Decatur's brother James, commanding a gunboat of Somers' division, was able to get up to windward where he fought with distinguished gallantry. The odds had thus been raised to about three to one in favor of the Tripolitans, and the outcome of the engagement was left in the hands of Lieutenant Trippe and the two Decatur brothers.

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Undaunted at these great odds, the three gunboats continued to advance and were soon swallowed up in the smoke of battle. There then ensued hand-to-hand fighting with cutlass, pistol, and tomahawk against scimiter, pike, and yataghan, after the fashion of the personal combats of the Middle Ages rather than the battles of modern warfare. T h e deeds performed by Trippe and the Decaturs that day read more like exploits recorded in some old romance of chivalry than historically authentic performances of sober reality. Stephen Decatur led his gunboats gallantly in the attack. He kept steadily advancing, delivering as rapid a fire as possible, until his boat came alongside one of the largest of the enemy craft. He immediately jumped on board, followed by Lieutenant Thorn, Midshipman Thomas Macdonough, and all his American crew. T h e Neapolitans were left on board the gunboat. T h e Tripolitans retired to the other side of a large hatchway in the middle of their boat. As soon as all of Decatur's men were aboard, they charged the enemy round each side of the hatchway. A bloody hand-to-hand fight followed with pistols, cutlasses, pikes, and axes. In a few minutes the Americans had killed sixteen and wounded fifteen of the enemy. Only five of the Tripolitan crew remained unhurt, and they surrendered in short order. T h e prize was then taken in tow. Trippe's gunboat also came alongside an enemy vessel, and after he, Midshipman Henley, and nine of his crew had boarded her, their own vessel became detached and left them to conquer or die with the odds over three to one against them. T h e y rose to the demands of the occasion by killing fourteen and capturing twenty-two Tripolitans, seven of the latter being wounded. Trippe did not lose a single man, though two of his crew were wounded and he himself received eleven wounds, which were inflicted by the Moslem commander who was more than six feet tall.

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Meanwhile James Decatur had attacked another enemy gunboat, which pretended to surrender as the American vessel came alongside. But as the young lieutenant was on the point of boarding his prize, he was mortally wounded by the treacherous Tripolitan captain. Midshipman Brown, next in command, then drew off and, approaching Stephen Decatur's gunboat, informed him what had happened. Stephen had just completed the capture of his first prize. Leaving a part of his crew on this vessel in command of Lieutenant Thorn, he immediately set forth in his gunboat with the determination to revenge, if possible, the treachery committed against his brother. Reckless and heedless of personal danger, Decatur bore down on the Tripolitan gunboat which he thought was commanded by the assassin, and when alongside he at once boarded with Midshipman Macdonough and his crew. Decatur easily singled out the captain, as he was a man of large size and powerful build. T h e corsair carried a long boarding pike pointed with iron, while Decatur was armed with his cutlass. As they faced each other, the Tripolitan attempted to make a thrust at Decatur, who in turn struck the pike with all his might hoping to cut off the iron point. But his cutlass struck the iron instead of the wood and was broken at the hilt; so he was left temporarily disarmed. His adversary took advantage of this opportunity to make another thrust, which wounded Decatur slightly in the arm and breast; but the latter, by suddenly exerting all his strength, succeeded in seizing the dangerous weapon and wresting it from his enemy. T h e Tripolitan captain then grappled with Decatur, and after a terrific struggle they fell heavily to the deck. As they fell, Decatur managed to land on top of his man. They were, meanwhile, surrounded by their respective crews, each group fighting furiously to rescue its commanding officer. In the midst of this mêlée a Tripolitan officer secured a position from which he was aiming a blow with his scimiter

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at Decatur's head. This would probably have ended the heroic young officer's life if aid had not come in the nick of time. T h e assistance materialized in the person of a seaman named Daniel Frazier. He had already been wounded in both arms, but with a devotion to his leader unsurpassed in the long annals of history he bent forward over Decatur's body protectingly and received the glancing blow which inflicted a dangerous wound in his head. Decatur's life was still in great peril. The Tripolitan, being much stronger, was eventually able to turn him over and get on top of him. Then, holding him down on the deck with his powerful body and the iron grip of his left hand, he drew a short knife, or yataghan, which he carried for such a hand-tohand struggle. But Decatur never lost his presence of mind or his courage. Seizing with his left hand his foe's uplifted hand which gripped the knife that was aimed at his heart, he managed to put his other hand into his hip pocket and draw out his pistol. Then reaching over the back of thè Tripolitan, he fired downward directly towards himself. T h e ball went straight to its mark, instantly killing his powerful antagonist. "It was just like Decatur," declared Stewart,13 who had these details from Decatur himself; "the chances were ten to one that the bullet would pass through both their bodies, but luckily it met a bone and the huge barbarian rolled off dead." This brought the battle practically to a close. With their leader dead and sixteen others killed, the seven survivors of the crew, four of whom were wounded, soon gave up the fight, and Decatur and his weary men stood as victors on the deck of their second prize. They had not suffered as severely as might be supposed. None had been killed; and only Decatur and three of his men had been wounded. Even Daniel Frazier, who had so heroically saved his leader's life, lived to tell the tale; but by one of those strange inaccuracies of history another seaman named Reuben James 14 has been popularly given all the honor for this golden deed.

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His name has been enshrined in poetry and romance, and even a United States destroyer has borne the name Reuben James. But Surgeon Heerman's report of the wounded on Decatur's gunboat that day records, "Dnl. Frashier, two incised wounds on the head, one of them severe; one bad wound across the wrist and seven slightly about his hands." Reuben James's name does not appear at all. Honor to whom honor is due. T h e Tripolitan reserve division, in company with the gunboats which had been driven back of the rocks, twice attempted to come out and surround Decatur's little division and recapture the prizes. But a well-directed fire of grapeshot from Preble's brigs and schooners checked them each time with heavy losses. At half past four the Commodore gave the signal for the bomb-vessels and gunboats to retire from action, and soon thereafter signaled the brigs, schooners, and boats of the squadron to tow off the gunboats and prizes under cover of a heavy fire from the Constitution. When they were out of reach of the enemy shot, the frigate took the bomb-vessels in tow and retired to her anchorage after having been under fire of the enemy batteries for two hours. T h e American victory was indeed a remarkable achievement. For centuries these Barbary pirates had been considered practically invincible in hand-to-hand fighting on the decks of their ships, and it was thought that they could be overcome only by superior seamanship and gunnery and not by boarding tactics. But Decatur and T r i p p e with the assistance of their courageous men had fought against superior numbers and defeated them, cutlass against scimiter, in close and bloody battle. Decatur wrote to his friend, Purser Keith Spence of the Philadelphia, then a prisoner in Tripoli: I found that hand to hand is not child's play—'tis kill or be killed. You no doubt recollect the conversation which we had

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when in the city of Washington. I then informed you that it was my intention to board if ever I had an opportunity, and that it was my opinion there could be no doubt as to the issue. You will not doubt me, I hope, when I say that I am glad the event has proved my ideas were correct. I always thought we could lick them their own way and give them two to one. T h e first boat, they were thirty-six to twenty; we carried it without much fuss. T h e second was twenty-four to ten; they also went to the leeward. I had eighteen Italians in the boat with me, who claim the honor of the day. While we were fighting, they prayed. They are convinced we could not have been so fortunate unless their prayers had been heard. T h i s might have been the case; therefore we could not contradict it. Some of the Turks died like men, but much the greater died like women. Decatur's modest report to P r e b l e deals in no heroics: I beg leave to acquaint you [he wrote] that after the signal was displayed to advance and engage the enemy, I led in with my boats. Finding it impossible to bring their weather division to close action, I hove down on their line of boats, consisting of seventeen, which were moored within two cables' length of their batteries. I boarded and carried two of them, and was successful in bringing them off. As always, Decatur was warm in his praise of those who assisted him. F o r example: I was supported in the handsomest manner by Lieutenants Trippe and Bainbridge. . . . I now feel it my duty to assure you that nothing could surpass the zeal, courage, and readiness of Lieutenant J o h n T h o r n and Mr. Thomas Macdonough and every description of officers and men under my command, and I am sorry that my words fall short of their merits. Such recognition explains, to a large extent, why his m e n loved him and followed h i m with such confidence and devotion.

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A l l the personal satisfaction w h i c h Decatur might have felt over his success was overshadowed with grief at the cruel fate which had overtaken his favorite brother. As soon as the firing had ceased, Stephen was taken in a boat f r o m the Constitution under c o m m a n d of M i d s h i p m a n Morris to his brother's gunboat. H e f o u n d h i m still alive, b u t apparently unconscious. H e was carefully placed in the boat, which was hastily rowed to the Constitution w h e r e he might be given the best medical attention available. B u t he expired a few minutes after b e i n g brought on board the frigate, just as the setting sun had b e g u n to paint the s u r r o u n d i n g sea and sky with radiant colors. It was a trying ordeal which Stephen Decatur thus f o u n d himself forced to undergo. B u t there was m u c h of the Spartan in his character. A s he and some of his sympathetic friends kept watch that night beside the body of his dead brother, Stephen is reported to have declared w i t h d e e p feeling to Midshipman Morris, 1 5 " I w o u l d rather see h i m thus than living with any c l o u d on his conduct." D u r i n g that vigil Decatur's m i n d must have dwelt u p o n his parents, w h o w o u l d not receive the sad news until many weeks had passed. H e doubtless remembered the happy days of his youth which had been shared with this younger brother,— how as they played a b o u t the wharves, where the incoming ships discharged their cargoes of foreign goods to the accompaniment of the sailors' chanteys, or as they c l i m b e d aboard their father's ship to welcome h i m h o m e f r o m a l o n g voyage, or stood and watched the ships spread their sails and slip gracefully d o w n the Delaware towards the Atlantic, "the beauty and mystery of the ships, and the magic of the sea" had cast a spell u p o n them, and only a favorable opportunity had been needed for them to answer the call of the sea. H e recalled also h o w his brother had always looked u p to him as his leader and had followed h i m w i t h devotion, just as

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he had done on this last day of his life. W h e n a lad Stephen had excelled all his companions in youthful sports. In winter no one had been able to overtake him on skates as he raced over the frozen surface of the Schuylkill River. In the summer time he had been the leader in the long swimming excursions which his gang made back and forth across the Delaware; likewise he had been the one who climbed daringly highest in order to dive from the spar of some ship at anchor in the river. T o his companions he had been known always in their games as Captain Dick. Now Captain Dick sat beside the still form of his most devoted and worshipful follower, stricken with the first great sorrow of his life. T h a t night, fame and honor were empty words to Stephen Decatur. T h e next afternoon at two o'clock the remains of J a m e s Decatur were committed to the blue depths of the Mediterranean with the dignified ritual of the Episcopal Church, to which the Decaturs belonged, and with all the solemn and impressive ceremonial of burial at sea. Preble showed his sympathy by including these two paragraphs in the general orders of that day: T h e Commodore deeply regrets the death of the brave Lieutenant James Decatur, who nobly fell at the moment he had obliged an enemy of superior force to strike to him. . . . T h e very distinguished judgment and intrepidity of Captain 16 Decatur in leading his division of gunboats into action, in boarding, capturing, and bringing out from under the enemy's batteries two of their gunboats, each of superior force, is particularly gratifying to the Commodore; and Captain Decatur will please to accept his thanks.

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VII Peace with Tripoli

W

I T H such a good beginning, Preble had reason to believe that a victorious peace would soon crown his aggressive, vigorous efforts. H e lost no time, therefore, in making preparations for another attack on T r i p o l i . T h i s was made on A u g u s t 7, 1804, just as soon as necessary repairs could be made in the squadron, and the three captured gunboats were altered from lateen to sloop rig. T h e nine gunboats, in two divisions under command of Decatur and R i c h a r d Somers as previously, advanced and attacked one of the western batteries and the town. T h e two bomb-vessels took u p a position in a little bay further to the west whence they could throw shells to the best advantage; while the Constitution with the brigs and sloops, as the w i n d was unfavorable, d i d not approach close inshore, but stood ready to attack any enemy gunboats or galleys that might venture outside the rocks and advance against Decatur and Somers. T h e action commenced at half past two and lasted for three hours. In the b e g i n n i n g the T r i p o l i t a n gunboats got in motion and fired a few shots, but they then retired to their snug retreat, u n w i l l i n g to risk another close action with the spirited young A m e r i c a n commanders. T h e latter then almost completely destroyed the enemy battery, and did much damage in the town, firing d u r i n g the battle forty-eight shells and about five h u n d r e d 24-pounders. In return the Tripolitans inflicted considerable damage. Decatur's gunboat had a 24-

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pound shot through her hull, and some of the others were either hulled or had their rigging and sails badly cut; but the loss of life was remarkably small. A gunboat, one of the converted prizes, was lost. She was struck by a hot shot which entered her magazine, and blew up. Lieutenant Caldwell, one of Decatur's old shipmates, Midshipman Dorsey, and eight men were killed. Midshipman Robert Spence, son of the purser of the Philadelphia who had been the mentor and bosom friend of Decatur, was reloading his gun when the explosion occurred. He calmly finished the operation and fired the gun; then he and his men gave three cheers as the vessel went down. All these brave fellows were saved, including Spence who could not swim but kept himself afloat by clinging to an oar. Altogether, the engagement cost the lives of twelve men and the wounding of six others. While the battle was still in progress, an American frigate hove in sight. She turned out to be the John Adams, commanded by Captain Isaac Chauncey, which had just arrived from the United Slates. T o Dccatur, the frigate brought a very acceptable official document, his commission as a captain in the American navy, dated from the day of the burning of the Philadelphia. T h i s was the first real evidence to him of the fame which that notable exploit had already brought him at home. T o Preble, and indirectly to all his officers, the John Adams brought bad news, to the effect that the Government, after hearing of the loss of the Philadelphia, had decided to send a force of four frigates to Tripoli with power enough to compel the Bey to sign a peace; that the President, Congress, Constellation, and Essex would soon arrive for this purpose; and that in view of the fact that his rank was not high enough for him to command such a squadron Preble would have to surrender his command to Commodore Samuel Barron upon the arrival of that officer. T h i s was swapping horses in midstream,

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with a vengeance. The letter from the Secretary of the Navy was, however, filled with praise for what Preble had already accomplished and regret at the necessity of superseding him before he had time to finish the war. But the disappointed commander could not help writing in his journal, "How much my feelings are lacerated by this supersedure at the moment of victory can not be described." Preble was somewhat exaggerating the imminence of victory, his wish no doubt being father to his thought. The entry in his journal only two days later, on August 10, reveals that on that day through the mediation of the French consul he had some negotiations with the Bey, who was said to be willing to make peace on the payment of $150,000. On the following day, Preble, possibly with the desire of bringing the war to an end before the arrival of Commodore Barron, offered the Tripolitan ruler "$100,000 for ransom of the prisoners, $10,000 as a consular present, nothing for peace, and no tribute." So little impressed was the Bey even then with the power of the American navy to force him to make peace that he rejected Preble's terms in their entirety. This was certainly not the "moment of victory" for which Preble fondly looked. Before making another attack on Tripoli, Preble waited several days with the hope that Barron's squadron would arrive and that then through united action the Bey might be completely crushed and the war brought to a close. The John Adams was of very little assistance as she had been loaded with supplies and had placed most of her gun-carriages on the other ships of the squadron. At last it was decided to attack without further delay, but operations were prevented from day to day by bad weather. Meanwhile Captains Decatur and Chauncey, on the night of the eighteenth, reconnoitered the harbor in two small boats, rowing up to the western rocks within musket-shot of the sentinels, where it was observed that the

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Tripolitan gunboats were anchored in line abreast from the mole to the Bey's castle, with their heads to the eastward. It was six days later when conditions became favorable for a night attack. T h e n at midnight the gunboats and bomb-vessels were towed in by the boats of the squadron. A f t e r bombarding the city for four hours, they were towed out again without doing very much damage to the enemy. On the night of August twenty-eighth this operation was repeated by the gunboats, again commanded by Decatur and Somers. T h e y anchored near the rocks and kept up a heavy fire for two hours and a half, throwing four hundred round shot besides grape and canister. At daybreak the Constitution, moving in close to cover their retirement, sunk one of the Tripolitan gunboats, drove two ashore disabled, and forced the others to retreat. T h e n advancing to within musket-shot of the mole battery, she poured over three hundred round shot, in addition to canister and grape, into the batteries, the Bey's castle, and the town. One 24-pound shot went through the wall of the prison room which was occupied by the officers of the Philadelphia, and almost buried Captain Bainbridge under a carload of stones and mortar, bruising his body and rendering him lame for months. This attack caused the Bey more loss of life and destruction of property than any of the previous bombardments, but it did not lead to his taking any steps towards accepting Preble's terms of peace. T h e American Commodore, having determined to do his utmost before he was relieved of his command, made on September 3 a fifth attack, which was to prove to be his last attempt. It was not very different from the others either in plan or in results. Decatur and Somers led their gunboats against the galleys and gunboats of the enemy, and drove them within the reefs under the protection of the musketry from one of the

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forts. T h e brigs and sloops came in as close as they could prudently and assisted the gunboats particularly by attacking Fort English. The bomb-vessels took up a favorable position and were busily engaged in shelling the town. These were subjected to a hot fire from the enemy, and one of them came very near to being sunk, though it was eventually towed off to safety. T h e Constitution came to their assistance, moving up where seventy Tripolitan guns could be brought to bear upon her. Here she poured eleven broadsides into the batteries, the town, and the Bey's castle. A f t e r a little more than an hour of fighting, the Commodore made signal to retire. There were no casualties on the American side, though all the vessels received some injuries to their sails and rigging. There were considerable damages to the Tripolitan batteries and gunboats, and some destruction of property in the town; but the Bey's defensive position was so strong naturally as to enable him to continue defiantly to withstand Preble's little squadron. T h e n followed an event which cast gloom over the American squadron before Tripoli. For some time Preble had been considering the advisability of sending into the harbor an infernal ship, a sort of huge floating mine, to be exploded at night in the midst of the enemy gunboats. It was hoped that several of these might thus be destroyed, that serious injury might be done to the castle and the town by exploding shells, and that such terror might be struck in the hearts of the Bey and his people that they would beg for peace. T h e Intrepid, the ketch with which Decatur had burned the Philadelphia, was chosen for this most hazardous undertaking, and in her hold were placed fifteen thousand pounds of powder in one hundred barrels, to which was connected a fuse, timed to burn about fifteen minutes, that led to a room aft filled with combustibles. W h e n the vessel was in position,

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these combustibles were to be set on fire to frighten away enemy boarders, and the Americans were then to escape in two swift rowing boats before the fifteen minutes expired and the explosion took place. On deck over the powder were piled one hundred 13-inch, and fifty 9-inch, shells with a quantity of solid shot and kentledge. Lieutenant Richard Somers, Decatur's most intimate friend, volunteered to lead the expedition in which he no doubt hoped to rival his friend's wonderful exploit, the destruction of the Philadelphia. He was accompanied by Lieutenant Henry Wadsworth, uncle of the poet Longfellow, Lieutenant Joseph Israel, and ten men. On the evening of September 4, which was a dark night, the Intrepid went into the harbor, accompanied by the Argus, Vixen, and Nautilus only as far as the rocks, where they parted company between nine and ten o'clock. As soon as she entered the harbor, the ketch was discovered by the Tripolitans who opened a heavy fire upon her from their batteries. Suddenly there was a blinding flash and a tremendous explosion, the sound of bursting shells, and cries of alarm from the city—then silence. The three American vessels waited for hours, but not a single man of the brave but tragically unlucky thirteen returned to rejoin their comrades. All of their bodies, terribly mutilated, were recovered afterwards by the Tripolitans. The explosion had been premature, but the cause of it will never be known. Whether a hot shot from the batteries entered the magazine, or whether Somers, surprised by boarders, ordered the torch to be applied rather than allow the ketch and her crew to be captured, will always remain one of the mysteries of the sea. This catastrophe had an extremely depressing effect upon the spirits of every man in the squadron. But no one else was so sorely stricken as Decatur. Somers had been his closest

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friend since boyhood. T h e y had been schoolmates in Philadelphia; they had entered the navy together as midshipmen on the United States during the naval war with France. Inspired with the same high sense of honor and a boyish enthusiasm in the pursuit of glory, they had become the David and Jonathan of the Navy. Friendly rivals for fame and fortune, they had fought shoulder to shoulder before Tripoli like two gallant knights of the age of chivalry. N o one would have been more pleased than Decatur with the return of Somers, after successfully carrying out his mission, to share with him the place of honor in the estimation of their countrymen. But it was fated that he was to occupy this place alone. Within a few weeks he had lost his favorite brother and some of his dearest friends. For him the path of glory had indeed led through the valley of grief and desolation. It was no doubt with a feeling of great relief that Decatur, two days later, received from Preble an order which took him away from T r i p o l i . T h e Commodore had decided to suspend operations immediately as the season was getting too late and stormy to keep his small craft with safety in those waters. Captain Decatur was accordingly ordered on September 6 to take the Enterprise and assist in towing the gunboats and bombvessels to Syracuse, whence he was to take charge of conveying them to Messina and delivering them into the hands of General Espluger, a representative of the Neapolitan Government. Only the Constitution, Argus, and Vixen remained on blockade before T r i p o l i . Here at last on September 10 Commodore Barron arrived with the frigates President and Constellation, and Preble relinquished his command with the usual ceremonies. A short time afterwards, with the consent of Barron, he ordered Decatur to take command of the Con-

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stitution and, after some weeks spent in settling his accounts at Malta, Syracuse, Messina, and Palermo, he sailed for home in the John Adams early in December. Regarding Decatur, he wrote the Secretary of the Navy, " I shall feel a pleasure in leaving the Constitution under the command of that officer, whose enterprising and manly conduct I have often witnessed, and whose merits eminently entitle him to so handsome a command." But he could not help expressing dissatisfaction with his own achievements. " I most sincerely regret," he added, "the loss of our gallant countrymen, who have sacrificed their lives to the honor of the service, and that it has not been in my power, consistent with the interest and expectation of our country, to liberate Captain Bainbridge and the unfortunate officers and crew of the Philadelphia. Be assured, sir, I have incessantly endeavored to effect that desirable object. I have no doubt but that my successor will be able to effect their release, and establish peace on such terms as will reflect the highest honor on himself and his country." Preble's departure was somewhat cheered by a letter of regret which was signed by fifty-three officers who had served under him, Decatur's name leading the list of signatures. T h e Constitution was at Malta when Decatur took command of her. While she was being calked and refitted there, her young commander was very cordially received and graciously entertained by the governor of the island, Sir Alexander Ball, himself a naval man who had been one of Nelson's captains at the Battle of the Nile. Since Preble had been conducting the war so aggressively against the Tripolitans, a marked change had come in the attitude of British naval officers in the Mediterranean towards the Americans, and Ball had formed a warm friendship with the American Commodore. His admiration for Decatur was displayed not only in af-

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fording him the social pleasures of his hospitality but also in rendering him substantial aid in reconditioning his frigate. It was at Sir Alexander's that Decatur met the poet Samuel T a y l o r Coleridge, then secretary to the governor. An extraordinary coincidence it was that thus brought together the author of such romantic poems as the " R i m e of the Ancient Mariner" and the most romantic figure in the American navy. T h e poet was strongly impressed with the young naval hero, and thirty years afterwards in conversation he cited opinions" he had heard Decatur then express concerning compactness of territory as an essential of national greatness. Having completed the repairs to the Constitution, Decatur then sailed to join the squadron at Syracuse, where on November 6 he exchanged commands with Rodgers, his senior in rank, and took charge of the frigate Congress. During the winter months, Barron's squadron maintained a close blockade of Tripoli, where several small merchant vessels were captured as they tried to run into the port. A n eye was also kept on Morocco, which had again begun to threaten trouble. Unfortunately Commodore Barron fell ill soon after his arrival in the Mediterranean, and at last his illness became so serious that on May 22, 1805, he had to turn over his command to Captain John Rodgers. T h e frigates were then commanded as follows: the flagship Constitution, Captain Rodgers; the President, Captain James Barron; the Constellation, Captain Hugh G. Campbell; the Congress, Captain Stephen Decatur; and the Essex, Master Commandant George Cox. By the end of J u l y , Rodgers would have had at his disposal six frigates, the John Adams having meanwhile returned, also six brigs and schooners, one sloop purchased at Malta, two bomb-vessels and eight gunboats sent from American ports, and eight other gunboats, two of which

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had been captured at T r i p o l i and the remaining six purchased in the Adriatic. A b o u t May 19, however, definite negotiations for peace were begun, and before the gunboats and bomb-vessels arrived, the preliminary articles of peace were signed J u n e 3 on board the Constitution, the Bey agreeing at last to the sum of $60,000 as a ransom for the crew of the Philadelphia, then reduced by death to three hundred men, and relinquishing forever all claim to tribute. T h e Bey had been influenced to lower his demands more by fears that he might lose his throne than by the arrival of reinforcements for the American squadron, which apparently did not very strongly impress him. T h e instability of his throne had been materially increased by a picturesque land expedition led by William Eaton, former A m e r i c a n consul at T u n i s , in an attempt to restore as a ruler of T r i p o l i Hamet, the older brother of the Bey in power, who had been driven into exile by the usurper. Eaton, with a h a n d f u l of Christian soldiers of fortune and a few hundred Arabs under this Hamet, marched from Egypt across the desert some six hundred miles to Derne, which they reached in spite of lack of provisions, mutiny, and every other imaginable obstacle. T h e place was carried by assault with the assistance of the Hornet, Argiis, and Nautilus. But before his expedition could be reorganized for an advance on T r i p o l i , news was brought to Eaton of the signing of peace, and he was ordered to evacuate the city. T h a t the peace was signed hastily and that the payment of any ransom at all was not justifiable in view of the size of the A m e r i c a n naval force then in the Mediterranean is now generally believed. It was of the nature of an anticlimax to a war that had dragged on too long. By waiting until the entire American force could be assembled before T r i p o l i , a n d by

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giving abler assistance to Eaton at Derne, Rodgers could almost certainly have overawed the Bey into suing for peace without the demand of a single dollar for ransom. This would have been a much more satisfactory ending to a war which had lasted four years and had not been marked by any particular achievements except the brilliant exploits of Decatur. It was a notable company of gallant young officers among whom Decatur had distinguished himself. There was Macdonough who was to win the Battle of Lake Champlain in the War of 1812; Hull and Stewart, who while in command of the Constitution in the same war were to capture British frigates; and James Lawrence, who was to give to the American navy its imperishable motto, "Don't give up the ship." Of the officers of the Philadelphia whom they fought to liberate, Bainbridge, Porter, Jacob Jones, and Biddle, all won honor for themselves later fighting the British. There were also those gallant young officers who perished in the flower of their young manhood: James Decatur, James R. Caldwell, John Sword Dorsey, Richard Somers, Henry Wadsworth, and Joseph Israel, "whose names," Congress resolved, "ought to live in the recollection and affection of a grateful country, and whose conduct ought to be regarded as an example to future generations." This worthy wish has been largely carried out, for their heroism and sacrifice are kept ever alive to the midshipmen at the United States Naval Academy by a beautiful monument 18 on its grounds, which stands as a symbol also that in the War with Tripoli some of the most inspiring traditions of the American navy had their origin.

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Home from the War N November 5, 1805, the war-worn frigate Congress came to anchor in Hampton Roads after a passage of forty days from the Mediterranean. Having spent two memorable years of naval service in foreign waters, Decatur was home again. Though he was then hardly aware of it, his ears were soon to be ringing with the applause of his countrymen, and Fate was on the point of leading him to the lady who was within a few months to become his wife.

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On board the Congress was the first envoy from a Barbary State to the United States. He was from Tunis, whence the Bey had sent him to negotiate directly with the President concerning the capture of some Tunisian vessels which had attempted to break the American blockade of Tripoli. At the close of the war, the Bey of Tunis had threatened to begin hostilities if the vessels were not restored. But Rodgers sent Decatur to T u n i s with the Congress and the Vixen, and followed soon with the remainder of his squadron. An ultimatum of thirty-six hours was dispatched, and upon its expiration Decatur was sent ashore to demand a reply. At first the Bey refused to receive the American officer; but upon the abrupt departure of the latter, the Tunisian ruler, knowing full well the character of the naval officer whom he had thus slighted, reconsidered the matter so rapidly that the conciliatory letter which he hastily wrote reached Commodore Rodgers before Decatur did. An agreement was then made for

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sending the envoy on the Congress, and peaceful relations were preserved with that country. One day while Decatur and the Tunisian were both ashore in Norfolk, a schooner with a sailing party aboard anchored near the Congress. Filled with curiosity to see the envoy and the oriental presents which he had brought for the President, the young ladies of the party begged to visit the frigate. T h e y were graciously received by the officers on duty, and shown all the Tunisian curiosities. But that which interested the fair visitors perhaps the most was a beautiful Italian miniature 8 1 of the dashing young captain which they saw in his cabin. Susan Wheeler, daughter of the Mayor of Norfolk, was one of those whose admiring glances had thus fallen on this small portrait of the romantic naval hero. On the very next day Decatur with the Tunisian envoy ceremoniously visited the Mayor, who invited them to dinner and in the evening gave a ball in their honor at which was assembled the society of the city. Miss Wheeler was thus afforded an unusually favorable opportunity for discovering that the Italian artist had hardly done justice to the manly charms of the chivalrous but modest Decatur. What she saw was a young man, slightly taller than the average. His whole body seemed to radiate strength and physical activity, as of one who excelled in athletic exercises of every kind and was in the prime of robust health. His shoulders were broad, though his waist was small. His head which inclined upwards tended to give him a stately and noble appearance. His hair was brown and curly; his brow was large and expansive; his eyes, under dark and well-arched brows, were large, brown, and lustrous, usually soft and gentle in their expression but in moments of excitement piercingly bright; and his nose was rather large and slightly aquiline, more on the Grecian than the Roman model, indicating force

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of character. All accounts of his appearance agree that he was uncommonly handsome, and remarkable for the delicacy and refinement of his appearance. With such a figure admirably suited to wear the naval uniform of that day and with such a pleasing personality, Decatur naturally attracted the attention of young women wherever he went. W h o would blame Susan Wheeler, therefore, for falling in love with this handsome hero, and using those arts practised by her sex for entrapping victims 1 As for Decatur, he appears to have been immediately captivated completely by the personal charm and elegance of the beautiful Virginian. Before he left Norfolk, he had engaged himself to her, and according to gossip had by so doing broken an engagement to another lady. Miss Wheeler's father was a wealthy merchant of Norfolk. He had given his daughter an excellent education, she having stood at the head of her classes. Among her schoolmates were the three beautiful Caton sisters, granddaughters of Charles Carroll of Carrollton with whom she was a great favorite. On leaving school she quickly became the reigning belle of Norfolk, and was also greatly admired in Baltimore, where she often visited the Catons. It was there that Jerome Bonaparte, brother of the Emperor Napoleon, met her and paid his addresses to her. She rejected his advances, it is said, on the advice of Robert G. Harper, husband of one of the Caton girls, who predicted accurately, as the subsequent marriage of Jerome to Elizabeth Patterson proved, that such an alliance would be repudiated by the Emperor Napoleon because he was ambitious to ally himself with the royal families of Europe. This love affair of Susan Wheeler displeased Miss Patterson and led her, after her own marriage, to invent the story that her husband intended only to make Miss Wheeler his mistress. "On an explanation being asked by General D'Evreaux of South Caro-

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lina fame," declares Benjamin Ogle Tayloe, a contemporary, in his In Memoriam,19 "Jerome denied that he had given any authority for such a statement, and that it was wholly without foundation." After some necessary provisions had been secured at Norfolk, the Congress proceeded up the Chesapeake and the Potomac to Washington, where the Tunisian ambassador was landed and Decatur was relieved of his command. In the capital he was received with every mark of distinction and admiration. T h e sword voted by Congress had already been sent to Decatur's father to be delivered to him when he arrived at his old home. In the accompanying letter of J u l y 13, 1805, the Secretary of the Navy wrote: Receive this sword, sir, as a testimony of the high sense entertained by your country of your gallant conduct in attacking in the harbor of Tripoli and destroying a Tripolitan frigate of 44 guns, and believe me when I assure you that among all my official acts none can afford me greater pleasure than that of executing the will of our country on this occasion. It was one of the happiest days in the lives of Decatur's parents when their heroic son returned home to Frankford, 2 0 situated about six miles from Philadelphia, and the father placed in his son's hands the sword which he had so honorably won. At the time of the homecoming of his son, only three of his large family of nine children were still alive. Besides Stephen there were only his brother J o h n Pine and his sister Ann Pine, widow of Captain James McKnight of the United States Marine Corps, who had been killed in a duel at Leghorn, Italy, about three years previous. All the more lovingly, therefore, was Stephen received back again into a home so sorely stricken

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by the hand of death; and though the parents grieved for their son James whom Stephen had seen consigned to a watery grave off Tripoli, they lavished a double measure of their affection and pride upon the son who had come back bearing the rewards of so much honor and distinction. Being so young and unaccustomed to public applause, Decatur felt keen embarrassment at the marked attention given him in Philadelphia by his fellow citizens and old friends. On his way home he visited a friend in Front Street, where the family had lived during his boyhood. Captain Duane of the Hibernia Greens, learning that young Decatur was there, paraded his company before the house and made a considerable demonstration with music and cheers. T h o u g h urged by his friend to appear and acknowledge this high compliment, he was so overcome with embarrassment that he declared, " I can not; it is impossible. If it were anywhere but about here on Front Street, where everybody knows who Steve Decatur was, I might do it." 2 1 He was, however, finally persuaded to come out and make acknowledgments of the honor being paid him. Decatur also had the pleasure of meeting in Philadelphia some of his comrades in arms. On December 16 he dined with his old commander, Commodore Preble, and with Bainbridge, Stewart, and other naval officers. Upon Preble's return to the United States he had received the thanks of Congress, and the President had been authorized to have a commemorative gold medal struck in his honor. At the same time swords were voted to his commissioned and warrant officers w h o had distinguished themselves in the attacks on T r i p o l i , but Congress failed to appropriate the money necessary to purchase these well-merited awards to valor. On Thursday, January 2, 1806, "an elegant and sumptuous dinner" 2 2 was given at Vogde's T a v e r n in Philadelphia in

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honor of General Eaton and Captain Stephen Decatur, Junior, at which General Francis Gurney and George Latimer, Esquire, presided. Thirteen toasts were drunk. There were besides several volunteer toasts, among which Decatur gave the following: "Philadelphia—enterprising, generous, honorable. May her approbation ever be considered by her sons a fair incentive to, and an ample reward of, exertion." 22 But this dinner was surpassed by another given on January 7, which was arranged by about a hundred of his former schoolmates and boyhood friends. " A handsome and liberal compliment," declared the Philadelphia Aurora of January 10, "was paid to the gallantry of Captain Decatur by a public entertainment on Tuesday last at the Shakespeare Tavern, at which cheerfulness and harmony, and the sense of respect and esteem for their gallant guest banished party passions, and united all in the common and animating sentiment of love of our common country." Several appropriate toasts were given on this occasion also, and some beautiful transparent paintings made by a talented Mr. Holland of the theatre were displayed with most pleasing effect. One of these transparencies portrayed the burning of the Philadelphia. Another showed an eagle holding in his talons a sword pendant, and in his bill a label bearing the words: " T h e gratitude of a country, the reward of merit." On a scroll below was written in letters of gold the resolution of Congress awarding a sword to Decatur. T h e presiding officer, James Milner, read an address, which was in part as follows: Upon the shores of a distant land you have recorded the first testimonials of your country's honor. That country welcomes your return to her bosom. She hails you as one of her favorite sons. T o the general voice of admiration ours is zealously added. But with that alone we are not satisfied. We, your immediate fellow citizens, the friends and companions of your recent youth,

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mingle with the praises of a whole nation feelings that are more endearing, feelings of the warmest personal attachment and esteem. Continue the illustrious career you have begun. Our congratulations will ever wait on your renown; our fondest wishes will ever be with you; and at each return to your native city, our admiring hearts will open, as they do now, to cherish and receive you. 23 T o these very cordial and eloquent remarks, Decatur replied in this brief fashion: T o be thought worthy of the applause of my countrymen impresses me with the liveliest sense of gratitude. But on the present occasion, when I look round and see myself surrounded by the companions of my earliest youth, my feelings are such as can not be expressed. I have only to offer you, whose good opinion is particularly dear to me, my warmest thanks, with my assurances that, if an opportunity should again be afforded me, I will endeavor to merit, in some degree, the high opinion you have been pleased to express. 23 Sixteen toasts were drunk—too many indeed to record here. Some of them were couched in quaint and picturesque language. Others were heavily charged with patriotic sentiments, such as, " T h e memories of Caldwell, Decatur, Somers, and Dorsey, four sons of Philadelphia. T h e ocean their grave, the hearts of their countrymen their monument, fame their epit a p h . " Decatur rose and gave the following toast: " O u r native city, the scene of our earliest happiness, may her sons ever emulate the virtues of their ancestors." T h i s probably suggested to the presiding officer the appropriateness of giving this toast to Decatur's father: " T h e gallant father of a gallant son." T h e old gentleman was seated between Stephen and his young brother J o h n . T h e proposal of the toast touched him deeply. All present knew how in the Revolution and in the W a r with France he had freely given

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his service to his country, and how he had as patriotically given his sons, one of whom had fallen in that service in a foreign land. It was, therefore, an impressive moment when he rose and, with tears in his eyes and a voice that trembled with deep emotion, in which sorrow and pride were mingled, solemnly replied: " O u r children are our country's property." A revealing light is thrown upon the character of young Stephen at this time in a letter which Richard Rush, 83 his friend from boyhood, wrote long years afterwards on May 22, 1846, to Mrs. Stephen Decatur. He wrote: I must relate one anecdote more which I have often told with pleasure. Soon after his early renown, acquired in such brilliant ways in our naval war with Tripoli, for which he had been raised to a post-captaincy, far in advance of regular promotion, he was once staying at the country-seat of his father, near Frankford, whom my father, long the family physician of the elder Decatur, was then attending during a fit of illness. In one of his visits he found Stephen, as he was accustomed to call your husband, having known him from childhood, more than usually disposed to conversation. At last he said, "Doctor, I am going to speak to you as a friend. By good fortune, I have risen fast in my profession, but my rank is ahead of my acquirements. I went young into the navy; my education was cut short, and I neglected the opportunities of improvement I had when a boy. For professional knowledge, I hope to get along, expecting to increase it as I grow older; but for the other kinds of knowledge, I feel my deficiencies and want your friendly aid towards getting the better of them. Will you favor me with a list of such books, historical, and others of a standard nature, as you think will best answer my purpose, that I may devote myself at all intervals to the perusal of them?" It was so, as nearly as may be, that he spoke. I often heard my father repeat his words; and, my dear madam, how they exalt the character of your husband! It was not merely that his valor, services, patriotism, and resources for war were all of the highest

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order, but that he had high and noble aspirations of all kinds. He desired to fit himself for the highest intercourse of mankind, as the appropriate atmosphere of qualities that nature had made great in him, and which were seconded by the mingled dignity, urbanity, and, let me add, taking the words of an English ambassador, "the soldierly grace" of his manners. With the fire of his eye, then, was also a mild lustre, and sometimes an archness, which I can still bring vividly before me. His ambition grew more elevated with his every new achievement. He looked to still broader spheres of excellence and usefulness; and but for his untimely loss to his country and to you, great as his fame then was, I can not doubt but that there would have been rich accession to it. Perhaps this desire for a more general knowledge and a wider culture was evidence of the powerful influence which the talented Susan Wheeler had already begun to exert over Decatur. Her intelligence, musical talent, and social accomplishments as well as her rare charm and beauty had captured his heart, and to her he returned toward the close of January, after a comparatively short visit with his family. About a month later they were married on March 8, 1806, at Norfolk by the Reverend Mr. Grigsby, 24 as the Norfolk Gazette and Public Ledger of March 10 recorded it, "the gallant Captain Stephen Decatur, J u n i o r of the United States Navy to the accomplished and much admired Miss Susan Wheeler, only daughter of Luke Wheeler, Esquire, Mayor of this Borough." It has been stated that, in proposing marriage to Miss Wheeler, Decatur told her that he had already made vows to his country and that if he were unfaithful to them he would be unworthy of her. T h i s was exactly in the spirit of the poet Lovelace's lines: I could not love thee, dear, so much, Loved I not honor more.

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But Susan Wheeler never regretted accepting this somewhat secondary place in his devotion, for his love for her never for a moment wavered down to the hour of his death. Her influence upon his character was an ennobling and refining power which not only brought happiness to him but also increased his aspirations to be great. For a few months the young couple resided with Mayor Wheeler 26 in Norfolk. They then visited Decatur's family in Philadelphia. Writing to Preble in May following his marriage, Decatur inquired how much it would cost to live in Portland, Maine, "not to cut a dash, but to live snug and handsomely." He wished, he declared, to settle in the North as "a Southern climate does not accord with Mrs. Decatur's constitution." "Accept my thanks," he also wrote, "for your congratulations on the score of my marriage and your wish for its yielding permanent happiness. If a fine mind, highly cultivated, added to more than a common share of good sense and amiability of disposition will insure happiness, I think I am not over sanguine in calculation on more than falls to the lot of men in general." T h e Decaturs did not go to Portland, as they expected, but to Newport, Rhode Island, where Decatur was ordered on June 10 by the Secretary of the Navy to superintend the construction of four gunboats to be built in that state and four others in Connecticut. This was a part of the general plan, originating in the Act of Congress of April 21, 1806, which authorized the President to build, equip, officer, and man a number of gunboats, not exceeding fifty "for the protection of the harbors, coasts, and commerce of the United States." In November, Decatur was transferred to Norfolk to oversee the building of similar gunboats, ten in number, in that place. On October 24 both Decatur and Preble had been sent

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secret orders by the Secretary to hasten to Washington for active service; but the next day the orders were canceled. T h e y were probably occasioned by the stir created in Washington about this time over the preparations being made by Aaron Burr for conducting a military expedition down the Mississippi River in a mysterious enterprise. In J u n e of the following year Decatur was summoned to Richmond as a witness in the celebrated trial of Burr. He was sworn as a witness on Saturday, J u n e 13, together with Thomas T r u x t u n , William Eaton, and Benjamin Stoddert. He then appeared before the grand jury. Eaton and T r u x t u n gave evidence important enough to be considered a factor in the indictment of Burr, as they were retained as witnesses in the trial. But Decatur appeared only before the grand jury. He was probably summoned in an effort to find out whether he had been solicited as a recruit by Burr and had been told any of the details of the undertaking. T h u s did Decatur's path cross, for a brief moment, that of Burr, another exceedingly romantic character in American history.

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IX Sailors' Rights N June 22, 1807, the Chesapeake, under command of Captain James Barron, set sail from Hampton Roads for the Mediterranean to relieve the frigate Constitution. As she proceeded seaward, the British ship Leopard, of fifty guns, one of a small squadron at anchor in Lynnhaven Bay, also set sail and preceded the American vessel through the Capes. At three o'clock on the afternoon of the same day, when some ten miles out to sea, the Leopard, in her behavior justifying her name, overhauled the Chesapeake. Hailing the frigate, her captain requested permission to send an officer on board with a dispatch for Captain Barron. The request was not an unusual one, and as the boat bearing a lieutenant quietly approached, no one on the Chesapeake could imagine how charged with mischief was the message that it bore. The dispatch which the young British officer handed to Barron turned out to be an explanatory letter from Captain Humphreys of the Leopard, which enclosed a peremptory order from Vice Admiral Berkeley, the British naval commander at Halifax, "requiring and directing the captains and commanders of his Majesty's vessels under my command, in case of meeting the American frigate Chesapeake at sea without the limits of the United States, to show her captain this order, and to require to search his ship for deserters from certain British ships," which were mentioned by name. Why was the Chesapeake thus singled out for such highhanded measures, which were at variance with recognized

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practices of international law? During the previous February and March certain sailors had escaped from British vessels lying in Hampton Roads, and it was reported that they had enlisted in the American frigate Chesapeake. A demand for the surrender of the deserters was made through the British consul at Norfolk and the British minister in Washington; but an investigation having shown that the sailors in question were native Americans who had been impressed into the British naval service, the American authorities refused to give up the men. Hence British anger and Admiral Berkeley's insolent order. Barron, of course, refused to obey the British demand, and when the word of refusal was carried on board the Leopard, that vessel, according to the log of the Chesapeake, "ranged alongside of us and commenced a heavy fire." " W e being unprepared," it continues, "and the ship much lumbered, it was impossible to clear ship for action in proper time. T h o u g h every possible exertion was made and we, not suspecting any enemy so near, did not begin to clear the decks until after the enemy had commenced firing." Only a few of the guns had been mounted and these could not be fired, for in the confusion and excitement of such an unexpected situation neither rammers nor matches could be found, and besides the powder horns were all empty. Just before the end of the engagement First Lieutenant Allen managed by means of a live coal from the galley to fire one gun in reply to the repeated broadsides from the British. By that time the Chesapeake's mizzenmast and mainmast had been shot away, her hull and rigging had been badly cut, and three sailors had been killed and eighteen wounded. Barron, also wounded, after his ship had served for thirty minutes as a target for the Leopard's guns, lowered his colors. T h e British, thereupon, came aboard again, mustered the

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crew, and carried away four sailors, whom they claimed to be deserters. Barron tried to throw the Chesapeake on Captain Humphreys as a prize; but he refused to take her, and forced the American frigate to limp back into port as best she could, where she arrived about eight o'clock the following morning. Here that same afternoon, states the Chesapeake's log, "at 5 Captain Decatur came on board and after remaining some time left the ship with Com. S. Barron for Hampton." At that time Decatur could not have imagined the tragic consequences which that unfortunate affair was to produce in his own life. But, from the appearance of the vessel and accounts given by officers of what had happened, he got during this visit first-hand impressions that led him to believe that Barron had been grossly negligent of his duty. T o this opinion he adhered ever afterwards. On July 1, at the order of the Secretary of the Navy, Barron was relieved of his command by Decatur, who became at the same time Commanding Officer at Norfolk with the sixteen gunboats there also under his command. On July 4 he reported in full to the Secretary concerning the injuries sustained by the Chesapeake, which he declared could be fully repaired in three weeks. He also wrote that public feeling and excitement was running high in Norfolk over the hostile attitude of the British in neighboring waters, who had sent many insolent and menacing messages to Norfolk. These had declared that if the people did not supply them with such articles as they might want, they would come up and retake the Chesapeake and cut out the French frigate Sybell. From their movements Decatur concluded that they intended to attempt this very thing. On the afternoon of the previous day the four British ships came in and anchored in Hampton Roads. On the morning Decatur's report was written, they sent their tender and sounded quite through the narrows.

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" I n consequence of this," Decatur added, in the spirit of J u l y 4, " I have determined to move u p nearer the town where w e shall be able to take such positions as will enable us with the assistance of the fort to make such a defense as may render a b o r t i v e any attempt that may be m a d e upon us. Accept, sir, my gratitude for the high trust you have reposed in me, and I beg you, sir, to rely most confidently on my doing my duty to the last extremity." In this way Decatur fully justified the confidence expressed in the Secretary's letter of the previous day, which declared, " I f an occasion shall arise to render an appeal to arms necessary, w e feel every assurance that the honor of the nation will not suffer from its having been committed to your hands." B y the last of August, Decatur could write the Secretary: T h e Chesapeake is now in high order and the crew as well acquainted with the use of their guns as I could wish them. In fact, sir, I would rejoice in an opportunity of risking my reputation in her alongside of one of their proudest ships of equal force. I feel confident, sir, if put to trial, the event would prove me not a vain boaster. P o o r Barron was given a court of i n q u i r y , followed in J a n u ary 1808 by a court-martial. Decatur was appointed a m e m b e r of the latter court, much against his will, as the following letter to the Secretary of the N a v y will show: . . . I cannot in justice to Commodore Barron and my own feelings sit on this court without stating to you my opinion of the case. When the unfortunate affair of the 22nd of J u n e occurred, I formed an opinion that Commodore Barron had not done his duty; during the court of inquiry, I was present when the evidence of the officers was given in. I have since seen the opinion of the court, which opinion I think lenient. It is probable that I am prejudiced against Commodore Barron and view his conduct in this case with more severity than it deserves; previous to her sailing, my opinion of him as a soldier was not favorable. Although,

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sir, I hope and trust I should most conscientiously decide on Commodore Barron's case, still, sir, there is no circumstance that would occasion me so much regret as to be compelled to serve on the court-martial that tries him. I have, therefore, to solicit that I may be excused from this duty. T h e Secretary refused Decatur's request, writing regarding his letter: It does you honor; but if I were to excuse you from being a member of the court-martial, I should not be able to form a court. Other applications have been made, to which I have given a similar answer. I have every confidence in your honor and judgment as well as in the honor and judgment of others who have applied, and have no doubt you will do justice to the accused and to the country. I cannot, therefore, excuse any of you. Already there are fewer captains on the court than I could have wished. Decatur could not further refuse; but before serving as a member of the court, he informed Barron's counsel that he had already formed an unfavorable opinion, thus giving Barron the opportunity of protesting against his becoming a member of the court. But Barron did not exercise this privilege. Other members of the court were Captain John Rodgers, President; Captains William Bainbridge, Hugh G. Campbell, and John Shaw; Master Commandants John Smith and David Porter; and Lieutenants Joseph Tarbell, Jacob Jones, James Lawrence, and Charles Ludlow. It thus comprised some of the most distinguished officers in the American navy. Barron was found guilty under only one of the four charges, "neglecting, on the probability of an engagement, to clear his ship for action." "It appears to the court," read the decision, "that Captain James Barron did receive from the commanding officer of the Leopard a communication clearly indicating that, if certain men were not delivered up to him, he should

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proceed to use force; and that the said James Barron yet neglected to clear his ship for action." As a punishment for this offense, Barron was sentenced "to be suspended from all command in the Navy of the United States, and this without any pay or official emoluments of any kind for the period and term of five years, from this day the 8th of February, 1808." There is not the slightest evidence that Decatur was moved by any personal enmity for Barron in taking his firm stand against his conduct as an officer. T h e y had been shipmates together on the United States when Decatur was a midshipman and Barron a lieutenant, and when on one occasion the seamanship of the latter is said to have saved the ship from disaster in a severe storm. T h e y had seen service in the same squadron during the W a r with Tripoli, when for a time Decatur was first lieutenant and Barron captain of the New York, and the former had afterwards been a passenger home on the ill-fated Chesapeake under Barron's command. They had sat together on the court of inquiry which had exonerated Bainbridge for the loss of the Philadelphia. Throughout all this intimacy there was, as far as the records show, no instance of personal friction. Though Commodore Barron was in a sense a passenger on the Chesapeake en route to command the Mediterranean Squadron, yet as senior to Captain Gordon, he was responsible for the condition of the ship and the outcome of the encounter. He had inspected the vessel at least two weeks before she sailed, and he should not have allowed her to go to sea so completely unprepared for action when he knew full well that the British were angry about the deserters and might make trouble for him. Since the "Baltimore Affair," when the British impressed five sailors from this man-of-war off Havana, there had been a specific understanding as to what would be expected of an

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American officer in just such a situation as that in which Barron found himself. Because of this earlier outrage Secretary Stoddert sent out a circular order, on December 29, 1798, to the commanders of all armed vessels, which read as follows: It is the positive command of the President that on no pretense whatever you permit the public vessel of war under your command to be detained or searched nor any of the officers or men, belonging to her, to be taken from her by the ship or ships of any foreign nation, so long as you are in a capacity to repel such outrage on the honor of the American flag. If force should be exerted to compel your submission, you are to resist that force to the utmost of your power; and when overpowered by superior force, you are to strike your flag and then yield your vessel as well as your men; but never your men without your vessel. T h i s was, in substance, repeated in a general order which was issued on J u l y 1 2 , 1805, by Commodore J o h n Rodgers, when in command of the Mediterranean squadron, after a British fleet under command of Admiral Collingwood had taken three sailors from a small American gunboat. Rodgers specifically ordered: If you are not compelled by the author or authors of such insult and violence to quit your vessel, you are directed by me so to do; and going on board the enemy, to deliver your sword to the commanding officer of the enemy's vessel, and not return to your own again, unless you are absolutely put on board of her by force. Barron at that time commanded one of the ships in Rodgers' squadron, and it is evident that he must have been familiar with what was expected of him in such a situation. But he went to sea unprepared for an emergency of this kind, which he should have known was not only possible but fairly probable, and when the emergency arose, he conducted his side of the affair from beginning to end in a dilatory and halfhearted manner. Hence it follows that his punishment was

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not, as his friends claimed, merely that of a scapegoat, though it was possibly more severe than the offense merited. T h e "Chesapeake A f f a i r " had a tremendous effect upon the citizens not only of Norfolk but also of the entire country. It was looked on as the climax of a long list of unwarranted acts of British insolence against American maritime rights. Some of these acts had even been committed in the territorial waters of the United States. For example, in the summer of 1804 the British frigate Cambrian entered the very harbor of N e w York and, contrary to all the rights and laws of the sea, boarded a merchant vessel which had just arrived, and carried off several seamen and passengers for service in British ships of war. In April 1806 the British ship Leander, hovering off the entrance to N e w York harbor, in an attempt to stop a coasting vessel fired a cannon shot which killed an American citizen on board. By this time the impressment of American seamen had reached truly colossal proportions. According to a report of W i l l i a m Lyman, American consul at L o n d o n and agent for seamen, there were, in the year 1807, at least fifteen thousand American seamen in the British navy. " T h e r e is not at this time," he wrote to Madison, " I believe, a single ship of war in the British navy whose crew does not consist partly, and in some instances on distant stations, principally, of American seamen." For several years Great Britain had been engaged in naval warfare with France and, practising the principle that necessity knows no law, had supplied her needs from the merchant vessels of the United States by force and with scant consideration as to the true nationality of the sailor in question. Furthermore Great Britain stood firmly entrenched behind the doctrine of "indefeasible allegiance," according to which a citizen or subject of a nation could not divest himself of that

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nationality without the consent of his government, to which allegiance began with birth and ended only at death. In short, once a British subject always a British subject, no matter when or how a man had become a naturalized citizen of the United States or any other foreign country. There were undoubtedly numerous desertions of British seamen who enlisted in the American merchant service and navy, where they enjoyed more comfortable quarters, more humane treatment, and better wages. But the recovery of such bona fide deserters afforded excellent opportunities for impressing through false claims real American citizens in large numbers. At the time of the "Chesapeake Affair" a special commission, composed of William Pinkney and James Monroe, then Minister to Great Britain, had been for a year attempting to come to some sort of an arrangement with the British Government concerning this tremendous question of impressment. But no progress had been made in convincing Great Britain that it would be well to give up the practice. However, in a note of November 8, 1806, from the British Commissioners to the American Commissioners, it was stated that his Majesty's Government had directed that Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney should receive . . . the most positive assurance that instructions have been given, and shall be repeated and enforced, for the observance of the greatest caution in the impressing of British seamen; and that the strictest care shall be taken to preserve the citizens of the United States from any molestation or injury, and that immediate and prompt redress shall be afforded upon any representation of injury sustained by them. Yet when this latest and worst outrage was brought, through the American Commissioners, to the attention of the British Government, and demands made for adequate reparation for

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the wrong committed, in spite of the fact that Canning disavowed to Monroe the pretension of a right on the part of the British Government to search ships of war for deserters, still the British skilfully prolonged the negotiations by joining the "Chesapeake A f f a i r " with the general question of impressment, and it was not until November 1, 1811, that the Government officially disavowed the attack of the Leopard on the Chesapeake—five years after the assault had been committed. T h e British then agreed to provide for the wounded and the families of those w h o had been killed, and to restore the impressed seamen, by that time reduced to only two in number, for one had been hanged and another had meanwhile died. T h u s the case had been kept alive until near the outbreak of the W a r of 1812, an outstanding example of the injustice of the system of impressment which was one of the chief causes of that war. " L e f t unatoned," writes Mahan, 2 9 "the attack on the Chesapeake remained in A m e r i c a n consciousness where Jefferson and Madison had sought to place it,—an example of the outrages of impressment." Indeed, President Madison's message of June 1, 1812, which led to a declaration of war, placed the issue of impressment first in the list of British aggressions. Another important cause of the war was the injury, similar to that received by an innocent bystander, wrhich American commerce suffered through the hostile decrees and Orders in C o u n c i l which France and England respectively promulgated in their life-and-death struggle for maritime supremacy. T h e s e , which were framed to injure enemy trade and cripple its resources, operated to the great loss of neutral commerce, a large part of which was then carried in American vessels. T h e Continental System, which was expressed in Napoleon's various decrees, was an attempt to "defeat the sea by the l a n d " by confiscating all goods of British origin, w h e r e

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possible, without regard to their ownership at the time and by seizing neutral ships which had entered British ports, accepted British convoy, or submitted to British search. England's Orders in Council demanded "no trade except through England," and thus compelled neutral ships desiring to trade with the Continent first to enter British ports and pay British dues. Though American commerce suffered from France as well as England, Napoleon managed by consummate scheming to lay the burden of responsibility on British shoulders, and popular feeling in America was mainly directed against Great Britain. This Government revoked her Orders in Council, when the downfall of Napoleon's Continental System rendered them no longer necessary; but the mischief, as far as Americans were concerned, had already been done, and war was declared in Washington only five days before their repeal. This was the long delayed action which might earlier have gained satisfactory results, if it had been resorted to instead of those ineffective measures, Embargo and Non-Intercourse. The Embargo was ineffective because both Great Britain and France managed to get along without American food products with the exception of those brought over by ships which violated the Embargo. The American people themselves were the ones who suffered most, while their ships rotted at the wharves and a great export trade was strangled. After fourteen months of this boomerang act, on March i, 1809, it was repealed by Congress. During these years, while events were moving slowly but surely towards war with Great Britain, Decatur remained for some time in command of the Chesapeake. After the vessel had been repaired and fully equipped for sea service, he was ordered early in July 1808 on a cruise along the Atlantic coast, the object of which was to prevent violations of the Embargo

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Act. The Chesapeake called at New York, Newport, Boston, Machias Bay, and Eastport (the last two ports being in Maine). Many vessels were stopped and searched, and then turned back into port for legal prosecution if they seemed to be evading the law. On the same service at this time were the sloops Wasp and Argus. While at New York early in November, Decatur received word of the death of his father, which carried him to Philadelphia. Returning after five days to his ship in company with Mrs. Decatur, he sailed with his wife as a passenger on the Chesapeake for Norfolk, where their home then was. During the ensuing winter he saw no further active service. In February 1809 he was given the command of the United States, which had been laid up in ordinary in Washington since April 1801. He was to have the superintendence of her equipment and preparation for active service, and in May he was ordered to take the frigate to Norfolk where he was to resume his command also of the gunboats and small vessels on that station. In the War of 1812, the United States under Decatur's command was to play a worthy part in securing for American seamen "sailors' rights."

"fr

X Declaration of War H E United States had played no part in the W a r with T r i p o l i , as she had been out of commission since A p r i l 1 8 0 1 , after the W a r with France, in accordance with the provisions of the Act of Congress to the effect that the American navy was to be composed of but thirteen frigates, only six of which were at one time to be kept in commission. It was, however, an interesting coincidence that, when the alarming state of international affairs led to that vessel's being ordered into active service in February 1809, the same young officer w h o had served almost continuously on her from the time she was launched until she was put out of active service should have been the one chosen to prepare her for her most famous exploit. T h u s it turned out that Decatur, then a very young captain only thirty years old, was given the command of another of those famous first six frigates, of which he had already commanded in turn the Constitution, the Congress, and the Chesapeake. T h o u g h the United States proceeded to N o r f o l k from Washington early in the summer of 1809, it was a year later before she had a full complement of officers and men and was ready for active sea duty. A f t e r preliminary cruises in her to Annapolis and to Chester on the Delaware, Decatur was given command of the Southern Squadron, composed of the United States, flagship, Essex, Hornet, and Argus, and ordered to cruise from C a p e Henry to Florida and to give protection to American merchantmen against interference of British and

T

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F r e n c h w a r vessels in the territorial waters of the United States. You, like every other patriotic American [wrote Secretary of the Navy Paul Hamilton to Decatur and Commodore John Rodgers, who commanded the Northern Squadron] have observed and deeply feel the injuries and insults heaped on our country by the two great belligerents of Europe, and you must also believe that (calculating by the past) from neither are we to expect either liberality or justice, but on the contrary no opportunity will be lost of adding to the outrage to which we have for years been subjected. Amongst these stands most conspicuous the inhuman and dastardly attack on our frigate Chesapeake—an outrage which prostrated the flag of our country and has imposed on the American people cause of ceaseless mourning. T h a t same spirit which originated and has refused atonement for this act of brutal injustice exists still with Britain, and from France likewise we have no reason to expect any regard for our rights. What has been perpetrated may again be attempted; it is therefore our duty to be prepared and determined at every hazard to vindicate the injured honor of our navy and revive the drooping spirits of the nation. Influenced by these considerations, it is expected that, while you conduct the force under your command consistently with the principles of a strict and upright neutrality, you are to maintain and support at any risk and cost the dignity of your flag and that, offering yourself no unjust aggression, you are to submit to none— not even a menace or threats from a force not materially your superior. Decatur enthusiastically replied: Your instructions . . . have infused new life into the officers. N o new indignity will pass with impunity and, unless I am much deceived in the feelings of our officers and the state of our ships, there would be no mortification or humility mixed with the feelings of our countrymen, should a contest take place. N o opportunity for testing this patriotic spirit was afforded

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Decatur on the cruise, but that hostile acts by British or French war vessels would have been dealt with severely is shown by the following letter, written after his return, by Decatur to Secretary Hamilton: I have this day learned from a schooner nine days from Havana that the Vixen, Lieutenant Trippe, whilst off that place, was fired into by a British brig of war, and had his main boom shot away. T h e commander of the British vessel, it is stated, sent his boat on board to apologize for what had occurred, stating that he was ignorant of her national character and that he regretted much what had happened. Lieutenant Trippe sent the officer back to his commander to inform him that he would receive none but a written apology, which was acceded to. I cannot answer for the truth of this statement, but am of the opinion that something of the kind has taken place. And if it be true, Trippe has lost a glorious opportunity to cancel the blot under which our flag suffers, and to distinguish himself. From my knowledge of Lieutenant Trippe, I am perfectly satisfied that, although he may have shown great moderation in this affair, he has not lost sight of what is due the honor of the flag. Under orders of August 2, 1810, Decatur cruised for five weeks with the United States and Essex between Chesapeake Bay and Amelia Island, touching at Savannah and Charleston, on the lookout for ships engaged in the slave trade. In February of the following year he again patrolled those same waters looking for slavers. On May 1, 1 8 1 1 , the British frigate Guerrière, cruising off N e w York, boarded the American brig Spitfire and impressed a native citizen of the United States. Hearing of this, J o h n Rodgers sailed in the President from Annapolis to avenge the insult. On May 16, off Cape Henry, a ship was made out in the distance, which was thought to be the offending frigate. It was night before the ships were near enough to each other

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to hail. T h e British immediately opened fire; the Americans returned the compliment, and broadsides were exchanged. Rodgers, upon discovering that his antagonist was not the Guerrière but a smaller vessel, ceased firing. T h e next morning it was learned that the offending ship was the Little Belt, of twenty-two guns, and that she had lost eleven killed and twenty-one wounded. T h i s , many Americans thought, was sweet revenge for the long-standing outrage of the Leopard on the Chesapeake. Immediately following wrote Decatur:

this affair, Secretary

Hamilton

It is deemed important that you join Commodore Rodgers—the late event may lead to others more serious. I entertain little doubt but that the President will be marked for British vengeance, and I wish Commodore Rodgers to have by his side an officer of your distinction. You will, therefore, sir, proceed to New York and remain with Commodore Rodgers until further orders. T h a t Hamilton's suppositions were not exaggerated is borne out by the following letter from Decatur, about a week later: There is a British frigate, supposed to be the Guerrière, now off Cape Henry. She boarded a pilot boat the day before yesterday that has since arrived: her officer stated that he had heard of the mistake of the Little Belt; he inquired particularly as to the rate of this ship—said he had been informed that we were short of men and was desirous of knowing the number we were deficient. He also said that he understood we had made a short cruise since the affair, and asked when it was expected we should sail again. Although not quite manned, I shall feel proud to meet her to-morrow. I am deficient now about thirty men, twenty of whom are marines. I beg, sir, if possible, I may be furnished with them at New York. T w o days later, on June 9, Decatur sailed, and though he

D E C L A R A T I O N OF W A R did not meet the Guerrière, he escaped trouble with two British vessels by a narrow margin. On my approach to the Capes [he reported to Secretary Hamilton] I described two ships of war in the S.E. quarter, their heads inshore, with the wind about S. and by East. At half past four o'clock, they wore and stood down for us, and at dusk the larger ship came alongside under our lee. Her commander informed me that she was his B. Majesty's Ship Eurydice, and asked what ship this was. His question being answered, he informed me that he was the bearer of dispatches to the American government. After all inquiry had terminated, a gun was fired by accident from the fifth division of this ship, in a direction for the British ship. I am happy that a pause followed which enabled me to inform her commander that the fire was the effect of accident; he replied that he was sensible accidents would happen, and that he was willing to believe this to have been one. H e was then given permission to send a boat aboard, and from its officer it was learned that no one had been injured. T h e Eurydice carried thirty-eight guns, and the other vessel, the Atalante, twenty-four guns. T h e United States then carried on her main deck thirty long 24's, and on her second deck and forecastle twenty-two carronades (42's) and two long 24's. T h i s affair demonstrated the intense eagerness in the American navy to prevent any further insult to the flag. A t N e w York, Decatur was appointed president of the court of inquiry which investigated Commodore Rodgers' part in the President-Little Belt affair. Captains Charles Stewart and Isaac Chauncey were Decatur's associates on the court, which, after making a most thorough examination of most of the officers and many of the crew of the American frigate, exonerated Rodgers of all blame in provoking the engagement and commended him for his vigorous defense of the honor of the American flag. T h i s was in September 1 8 1 1 . T h e next month Decatur was ordered back to Hampton Roads where the

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United States was to meet the Essex, Nautilus, and Wasp, and meanwhile the United States was to have her bottom recoppered. In February 1812 the British frigate Macedonian, commanded by Captain John S. Carden, came into the Roads, and it was probably during this visit that Decatur entertained the British captain in his home, and the friendly dispute regarding the merits of their respective ships is reported to have taken place. Carden took great pride in the Macedonian, which was then considered the finest and most powerful frigate in the British navy. He told Decatur that the United States was decidedly inferior and that her twenty-four pounders could not be handled as efficiently in battle as the eighteen pounders of the Macedonian. "Besides, Decatur," said Carden, "though your ships may be good enough, and you are a clever set of fellows, what practice have you had in war? There is the rub. We now meet as friends, and God grant we may never meet as enemies; but we are subject to the orders of our governments, and must obey them. Should we meet as enemies, what do you suppose will be the result?"27 Decatur replied, "I heartily reciprocate your sentiment, that you and I may never meet except as we now do; but if as enemies, and with equal forces, the conflict will undoubtedly be a severe one, for the flag of my country will never be struck whilst there is a hull for it to wave from." In March, Decatur was called to Philadelphia because of the extreme illness of his mother, who died on March 27 and was buried beside her husband in St. Peter's Churchyard. She thus passed away only a few months before her son was to reach the grand climax of his career; but she doubtless had already found sufficient recompense, in the fame he had already won, for the sacrifice she had made many years before in allowing him to enter the naval service.

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After a three weeks' cruise along the coast in May and early June, Decatur sailed on June 16 for New York. "We have had great hopes," he wrote the Secretary of the Navy three days previous, "that we should have been authorized to commence hostilities should we meet the British flag. . . . I have the satisfaction to inform you, sir, that the United States sails now admirably well and that she has as fine a crew as ever floated." Again, upon his arrival at Sandy Hook on June 20, he wrote, "On my arrival off the Hook, I fell in with his British Majesty's Ship Tartarus and Schooner Mackerel. Was war (if report says true) then declared, I was unfortunate in not knowing it, else the harbor of New York would have been graced by their appearance as prizes." War had, indeed, at last been declared only two days previous, and another glorious chapter in American naval history was soon to begin—a chapter in which Decatur was to play a most worthy part.

#

— =

XI The United States Captures the Macedonian H E N on J u n e 18, 1 8 1 2 , war was declared against Great Britain by Congress, the American navy consisted of only sixteen vessels, eight of which were frigates and the rest were small brigs and schooners carrying from twelve to eighteen guns each. Three of the frigates were laid up for repairs, and the Constitution was at Annapolis taking on stores and shipping a new crew. T h e failure of the Government to provide an adequate naval force in spite of the fact that war had been so long impending is difficult to understand. T w o hundred fifty-seven small gunboats had been built during the past few years; but they, intended solely for coast and harbor defense, could not venture out of sight of land without putting their guns in the hold, and were to prove utterly useless in the war. On the contrary, according to Roosevelt, 28 "During the early years of this century [the nineteenth] England's naval power stood at a height never reached before or since by that of any other nation." Between Halifax and the West Indies, she had seven times the naval power of the entire American navy, and two years later after Napoleon had been defeated she was able to use against the United States 2 1 9 ships of the line and 296 frigates, not to mention a large number of corvettes and smaller craft. Such was the mighty British Goliath that the little American David was to meet.

W

Herein lies the explanation of the timidity of the shipowners of the East and their opposition to the war, as com-

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pared with the warlike utterances of Henry Clay and the "War Hawks" of the West, who saw in the war the destruction of the Indian menace and an easy conquest of Canada, and who at the same time had nothing to fear from the British navy. Even Jefferson wrote in 1812, " T h e acquisition of Canada this year, so far as the neighborhood of Quebec, will be a mere matter of marching." If the army had been properly prepared and well led, this prophecy might easily have been fulfilled; but as it turned out, it was the navy, though it had the greatest odds against it, whose victories were to lighten the gloom into which the country was plunged by the disasters suffered by the army on its "march to Canada." On the expectation of a declaration of war, Commodore Rodgers had already made his plans, and within an hour after official news of the declaration had been received on June 21, the day following Decatur's arrival in New York, the squadron of ships put to sea. This squadron was then composed of the President, flagship; the United States, Captain Decatur; the Congress, Captain Smith; the Hornet, Captain Lawrence; and the Argus, Lieutenant Sinclair. T h e object of the cruise was the interception of a large convoy of British ships which Rodgers had been informed had sailed from Jamaica for England about one month previous. That he had not overestimated the possibilities of overtaking this slow-moving convoy in its circuitous route, parallel with the Atlantic coast and thence across to England, is shown by the fact that on the second day out the fleet was reported to have been, four days before, only three hundred miles away. Time was lost the same day in a long unsuccessful chase of the British frigate Belvidera, and Rodgers was never able to overhaul the convoy, though on July 9 a vessel reported having encountered it the evening before. Poor visibility caused by bad weather conditions aided in the escape of the fleet in

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the last days of the pursuit, which was relentlessly kept u p to only twenty hours' sail of the English Channel. T h e American squadron then returned to Boston by way of Madeira, the Azores, and the Banks of N e w f o u n d l a n d . Only seven merchant vessels had been captured, b u t the Belvidera carried the news to the British base at H a l i f a x that an American squadron was out, and this caused the British forces to remain concentrated and thus permitted the safe return of most of the homeward b o u n d A m e r i c a n merchantmen. " O u r trade," wrote President Madison in his annual message, "with little exception, has reached our ports, having been much favored in it by the course pursued by a squadron of our frigates under the command of C o m m o d o r e Rodgers." O n August 30, the day before the arrival of R o d g e r s and Decatur at Boston after their long cruise, H u l l brought the Constitution into the same port after having w o n the first brilliant victory of the war. O n the passage f r o m Annapolis to N e w York he had successfully escaped from a British squadron of five ships which chased his frigate for t w o days and a half. H e then sailed boldly out to cruise off B e r m u d a and the southern coast of the United States. A b o u t 750 miles east of Boston, he had the good fortune to meet the haughty Guerrière, commanded by Captain Dacres, and he proceeded to inflict such severe injuries on the British frigate that she could not be brought into port as a prize but had to be b u r n e d and blown u p early the following morning. T h i s achievement shone all the more brilliantly for the navy in view of the fact that on August 16, only four days before the naval victory, Captain Hull's uncle, General W i l l i a m H u l l , had ignominiously surrendered Detroit to the British. T h e American vessels lying at Boston were reorganized in three squadrons, commanded respectively by Bainbridge, w h o had succeeded H u l l , by Rodgers, and by Decatur, w h o was

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given the Argus in addition to the United States. After getting ready for sea, Decatur and Rodgers sailed together on October 8; but three days later Decatur's little squadron parted company with Rodgers' two ships, the President and the Congress. T h e next day the Argus, Lieutenant Sinclair, separated from the United Slates and cruised to the eastward, capturing six valuable merchantmen and escaping from a three days' chase by a British squadron, before returning home on January 3, 1813. This separation was in accordance with the plan of operations which Decatur had submitted as early as June 8, 1812, at the request of the Secretary of the Navy. With a masterly grasp of the strategic problem involved, Decatur suggested that the frigates be sent out singly or in pairs with as large a supply of provisions as they could carry but with no specific instructions as to their cruising grounds, this being left to the good judgment and enterprise of the commanding officers. He pointed out that in this way the small American navy would be able to interfere most successfully with the trade of Great Britain and at the same time expose itself least to the immense naval power of that country. He cited the fact that the French had recently been using such a method with very great success. T h e advantages of his plan, he declared, were that the enemy could not so easily follow the movements of two frigates cruising in company as they could trace a squadron or fleet, that as their movements were a great deal more rapid when sailing only in pairs they would be able easily to overhaul convoys which in most instances they would be sufficiently strong enough to attack, and that if they should meet an overwhelmingly superior force and be unable to avoid action by flight, though this was extremely improbable, the American government would not be forced to regret the loss of practically its entire navy in one engagement. It was Decatur's opinion also that, inasmuch as the most

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serious risk would be r u n in going out and in coming in to port, the ships ought to be prepared to remain at sea as long as possible. Such operations carried on at a distance from the United States would relieve the coast by causing the withdrawal of a n u m b e r of enemy ships or compel the detachment from Europe of another force to search for the American cruisers. Decatur also warned in his letter against the practice of concentrating too many of the American vessels in any one port, which would only invite attack by the enemy and might enable them through one such attack to cripple irreparably the American navy. T h e ports of Boston, New London, and Norfolk, on account of the narrowness of their waters, he considered capable of being defended with a much smaller force than necessary for other American ports. But the ports of Boston, Portsmouth, and Portland he recommended as the safest harbors for the ships to return to from their cruises, particularly in winter, for the impracticability of blockading that portion of the American coast in that season had been demonstrated by the British themselves during the Revolutionary War. Such a thorough knowledge of strategy as that displayed in Decatur's letter to the Secretary will be a surprise to those who have thought of him as being merely a fighter and hence as one interested primarily in tactics. T h e truth is, however, that the range of his interests was very great, and though he was at this time only thirty-three years old, he had already become a man of thought as well as a man of action. After the United States had parted company with the Argus, she sailed away for a cruise between the Azores and the Canary Islands, where Decatur hoped to capture a British West Indiaman as a rich prize or, better still, to meet one of His Majesty's frigates which were constantly cruising in those waters. Sharp lookouts were stationed at the mastheads, a n d

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every officer and man on board was on the alert with the full expectation of soon falling in with an enemy ship. Meanwhile the British frigate Macedonian, commanded by Captain John S. Carden, had sailed from England. Voyaging southward she put in at Madeira for a supply of the delicious wine of that island, where it was learned that the American frigate Essex was thought to be cruising in the neighboring waters. She immediately put to sea with the intention of intercepting and capturing this audacious Yankee vessel. A t dawn on Sunday morning, October 25, the United States was cruising along under easy sail about halfway between the Azores and the Canaries, latitude 29° north and longitude 29 0 30' west, steering a course southwest on the port tack. T h e weather was almost perfect. Only a few fluffy clouds cast their shadows on the purple sea, which was flecked with whitecaps caused by the stiff southeasterly breeze that swept through the rigging. It was a day on which a skilful seaman like Decatur might maneuver his ship like a yachtsman in a race. T h e whole scene presented a picture of complete nautical beauty which called for a painter's brush to do it justice. Suddenly there came a cry from the lookout at one of the mastheads, "Sail ahoy!" "Where away is the sail?" shouted the officer of the deck through his speaking trumpet. " T o the south southwest, broad off on the weather beam," was the answer. " W h a t does she look like?" again queried the officer on duty. " A square-rigged vessel, sir, standing towards us," came floating down from the lofty masthead. T h e news spread like wildfire through the ship, and both officers and men began to gather on the spar deck in groups, where they directed their eyes towards the south at a small speck, some twelve miles distant, which was rapidly increas-

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ing in size, for the approaching ship was sailing with the wind. Decatur, glass in hand, looked intently for a moment at the oncoming vessel, and then passed a terse word of c o m m a n d to one of his j u n i o r officers. A l m o s t immediately the United States began to u n f u r l more sails until she became a mass of white canvas from the topgallant yard to her main course; even studding sails were set, as the A m e r i c a n frigate began to increase her speed and, tossing the whitecapped seas to left and right, bore down on the strange vessel. T h e United States, b e i n g a good sailer, by seven o'clock was rapidly overhauling the Macedonian. Decatur next ordered the ship to be cleared for action. T h e d r u m and fife beat to quarters, and the officers and men hurried to their stations. T h e bulkheads were knocked away; the guns were unlashed and loaded, and their tampions were removed. Buckets of pistols were placed in easy reach for handto-hand fighting; and boarding pikes, cutlasses, and battleaxes were brought u p and stacked near the masts, while amm u n i t i o n was piled on the decks near the guns. T u b s of sand were placed here and there to be used in sanding the decks w h e n they became slippery from the blood of the dead and wounded. In the cockpit the surgeon and his assistants laid out their instruments and made other necessary preparations for their work of mercy. Marines with muskets to be used in close fighting were stationed in the tops, where some sailors were also placed to trim the upper sails if it became necessary to put the ship through rapid maneuvers. Other " t r i m m e r s " had their stations on the spar deck to work the lower sails w i t h the greatest possible facility. A l l these preparations were made with incredible swiftness on the United States; w h i l e on the Macedonian there was a similar scene of feverish activity as the ship was made ready for the expected engagement. W h e n the British ship was cleared for action, Captain Carden himself walked along the gun deck and urged the crew to

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fight bravely, reminding them of Nelson's motto, "England expects every man to do his duty." He then ordered the British colors to be run up, the British tars cheering lustily as their battleflags began to flutter in the breeze. In response, the United States very leisurely showed the Stars and Stripes. The American flag then bore fifteen stars and fifteen stripes, and its brilliant colors formed a striking contrast with the snowy whiteness of the billowing sails, three flags rippling jauntily from the main and mizzen mastheads and from the gaff. At the masthead of the foremast flew the American jack with its fifteen white stars on a blue field. T h e American colors were first revealed to the British at about 8.30 when the United States, then about three miles distant from the Macedonian, wore, thus turning about and sailing with the wind on the other tack away from the enemy. Captain Carden, thinking that Decatur was maneuvering to cross his bows and gain the weather gage, hurriedly gave the order to haul up and sail closer to the wind, thus conforming to the course of the United States. When Decatur realized that he could not secure the weather gage, he wore again, thus resuming his original course by the wind on the port tack. It was the masterly seamanship displayed by the American commander in these maneuvers which caused a veteran British seaman to remark to his shipmate: "It's no fool of a seaman handling that ship. We've got hot work ahead of us." While the ships were jockeying for a favorable position from which to commence the engagement, a powder boy on the United States, named Jack Creamer, who was only twelve years old and hence too young to be recruited as one of the crew, stepped up to Decatur and said, " I wish my name may be put down on the roll, sir." "Why so, my lad?" asked his captain. "So I may have a share of the prize money," replied Jack 29 with full confidence in the outcome of the battle.

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Meanwhile on the Macedonian a seaman of American birth, named J o h n Card, one among the seven on board who had been illegally impressed into the British navy, went to Captain Carden as spokesman of the group and requested to be excused from fighting against his own countrymen. But the British commander with oaths ordered him to his station, threatening to shoot him if he made such a request again. T h e poor fellow must have had a premonition of his fate, for he was among the killed in the ensuing battle. A f t e r the last maneuver of the United States, the two ships were sailing in parallel courses but in opposite directions. As the American vessel passed her antagonist at the distance of about a mile, she discharged a broadside from the 24-pounders of her main-deck battery. T h e range was too great, however, for effective firing. Carden has been criticized severely for not decreasing the range so that he could use his shortrange carronades effectively. He could have done so, for the Macedonian was a faster sailer than the United States and besides had the advantage of the wind. But fearing that his ship might be exposed to a raking fire in closing, he kept his distance, and shortly after passing the American frigate he wore and then headed in the same general direction as the course of the United States, not following directly behind her but steering on the port side nearer the wind. As the Macedonian wore, the American frigate "kept off before the wind" 3 0 for a few minutes and then resumed her former course. Decatur thus increased his range slightly in order to retain the advantage which his heavier 24-pound long-range guns had over Carden's 18-pounders, and also to secure a better angle from which he could train his guns on the pursuing British frigate. T h e United States then opened fire in earnest, and the battle really commenced. T h e American gunners, stripped to the waist, with handkerchiefs tied round their heads to keep their

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hair out of their eyes, fired the guns so rapidly during the half h o u r of terrific fighting that the British actually thought that the American frigate was on fire, and passed this word along the gun deck of the Macedonian in order to encourage the men. As an old anonymous American song has it, They thought they saw our ship in flame, Which made them all huzza, sir; But when the second broadside came, It made them hold their jaws, sir. T h e broadsides were not only rapid but well directed, and the Macedonian soon began to show evidence of their destructive effect. Her mizzentopmast was the first to go. As it was seen to fall, a gunner cried to his shipmate, " H e y , Bill, we have made a brig of her!" " T a k e good aim, my lad, at the mainmast," directed Decatur, who was walking about the gun deck to encourage his m e n to do their utmost, "and she will be a sloop." Soon thereafter she did become a sloop, for her maintopmast followed the mizzen, further encumbering the ship w i t h a mass of wreckage. As Captain Decatur approached the crew of another gun, he suggested, well pleased with the havoc already wrought in the rigging of the Macedonian, " A i m at the yellow streak. Her rigging and spars are going fast enough; she must have a little more hulling." 8 1 T h e destruction of life wrought on board the Macedonian by the guns of the United States was much more terrible than the injuries suffered by the ship itself. As evidence of this a few of the less gruesome details are cited from an account written by Samuel Leech, 82 a sailor on the British vessel, w h o participated in the battle. A strange noise such as I had never heard before next arrested

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my attention; it sounded like the tearing of sails just over our heads. This I soon ascertained to be the wind of the enemy's shot. T h e firing, after a few minutes' cessation, recommenced. The roaring of cannon could now be heard from all parts of our trembling ship and, mingling as it did with that of our foes, it made a most hideous noise. By and by I heard the shot strike the sides of our ship; the whole scene grew indescribably confused and horrible; it was like some awfully tremendous thunderstorm, whose deafening roar is attended by incessant streaks of lightning, carrying death in every flash, and strewing the ground with the victims of its wrath: only in our case, the scene was rendered more horrible than that by the presence of torrents of blood which dyed our decks. . . . I was busily supplying my gun with powder, when I saw blood suddenly fly from the arm of a man stationed at our gun. I saw nothing strike him; the effect alone was visible; in an instant, the third lieutenant tied his handkerchief round the wounded arm, and sent the groaning wretch below to the surgeon. T h e cries of the wounded now rang through all parts of the ship. These were carried to the cockpit as fast as they fell, while those more fortunate men, who were killed outright, were immediately thrown overboard. As I was stationed but a short distance from the main hatchway, I could catch a glance at all who were carried below. A glance was all that I could indulge in, for the boys belonging to the guns next to mine were wounded in the early part of the action, and I had to spring with all my might to keep three or four guns supplied with cartridges. I saw two of these lads fall nearly together. One of them was struck in the leg by a large shot; he had to suffer amputation above the wound. T h e other had a grape or canister shot sent through his ankle. A stout Yorkshireman lifted him in his arms, and hurried him to the cockpit. . . . T h e battle went on. Our men kept cheering with all their might. I cheered with them, though I confess I scarcely knew for what. Certainly there was nothing very inspiriting in the aspect of things where I was stationed. So terrible had been the work of destruction round us, it was termed the slaughterhouse.

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When the battle was practically lost, Captain Carden in desperation set his foresail to close. But the United States hauled out the spanker and let fly the jib sheet, came up to the wind and backed her mizzentopsail in order to hold her advantageous position over the Macedonian. A few more broadsides from both long and short guns swept the decks of the beaten ship, which continued to fight manfully. When the Macedonian had practically ceased firing, the United States filled her mizzentopsail and shot ahead. Crossing the bows of the English frigate, Decatur mercifully withheld his guns from pouring a raking broadside into the defeated ship and retired to make some slight repairs to his rigging. T h e British could not understand such consideration, and believed that the Americans had sighted another ship approaching and were abandoning the engagement. They were undeceived, however, an hour later when the United States returned "in perfect condition," to use the expression of Lieutenant David Hope. This impetuous British first lieutenant, who had been wounded in the battle, in a council of war which Captain Carden called, urged that they keep on fighting until they sank alongside; but wiser counsel prevailed and as the United States ranged up to a raking position near the Macedonian, Carden ordered his colors to be lowered. It was then about 11.15 when, according to Carden's official report, the British ship had . . . the mizzenmast shot away by the board, topmasts shot away by the caps, main yard shot in pieces, lower masts badly wounded, lower rigging all cut to pieces, a small proportion only of the foresail left to the foreyard, all the guns on the quarter-deck and forecastle disabled but two and filled with wreck, two also on the main deck disabled, and several shot between wind and water, a very great proportion of the crew killed and wounded, and the enemy in comparatively good order, who had now shot ahead, and was about to place himself in a raking position, without our being

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enabled to return the fire, being a perfect wreck and an unmanageable log. Of her crew of 301 men, the Macedonian had thirty-six killed and sixty-eight severely or slightly wounded, seventeen of whom died soon after the battle. Decatur, on the contrary, lost only seven killed and five wounded. There were several reasons for such an overwhelming victory. In the first place, the American frigate had an advantage in comparative number of guns and men in the ratio of about three to two, though the damage inflicted was nine to one. Carden had thought his vessel superior to the United States, and after the capture of the Guerrière, the London Pilot of January 4, i8i3,declared, " I t has been often observed that, if any British frigate could cope with the large American frigates, that frigate was the Macedonian." Another advantage was that the gunners of the United States had been carefully trained by Lieutenant William H. Allen, who had behaved so gallantly on the Chesapeake when she was attacked by the Leopard, and had served continuously under Decatur for more than five years. Lastly, there was the faultless skill in seamanship shown by Decatur in handling his ship, which had enabled him to capture the Macedojiian with the least possible injury to the United States and the smallest possible loss of American lives. In doing so he had admirably illustrated a principle of the famous French Admiral Tourville to the effect that the best victories are those which cost least in blood, timber, and iron. As the United States approached the defeated frigate, Decatur hailed and inquired her name. "His Majesty's frigate Macedonian, 38, Captain John S. Carden," was the reply. This was Decatur's first certain knowledge that his antagonist was the same vessel that had been received in such a friendly manner in Hampton Roads only a few months previous. Lieutenant John B. Nicholson was immediately sent on board to

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convey Captain Carden to the United States. When Carden offered his sword to Decatur in token of surrender, the American officer, ever generous and chivalrous, said, "Sir, I can not receive the sword of a man who has so bravely defended his ship, but I will receive your hand." 33 Decatur then conducted Carden to his cabin, where refreshments were served to the two commanders. Carden was in very low spirits, and declared repeatedly that he was a ruined man and that all his hopes of honor and fortune were gone. "Why so, sir?" asked Decatur. "This is the first instance," replied the downcast British officer, "of one of His Majesty's ships striking to a vessel of similar grade, and my mortification is insupportable." "Pardon me, sir," added Decatur, "one of His British Majesty's ships, the Guerrière, struck her colors the other day to the Constitution." Captain Carden, overjoyed at the news, strange as this may at first seem, exclaimed, "Then I am safe!" He was right. A court-martial acquitted him of all blame in the surrender of his ship, and Parliament was loud in his praise. When he returned to England after his exchange, the cities of Worcester and Gloucester and the borough of Tewksbury gave him the "freedom of the city." He eventually became a rear admiral and lived to the ripe old age of eightyseven. Finding that his prize was still able to float, Decatur decided to give up for the time being his projected cruise, and attempt to take the captured frigate into an American port. The ever faithful Allen was placed in command of the prize, and after about three days spent in making repairs, renovating blood stains with hot vinegar, and thoroughly cleansing both ships, the two frigates sailed in company for America. On December 4 the United States arrived off New London,

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and about the same time the Macedonian,3* having become separated in a fog, entered Newport. Not a single British warship had been encountered during the long return voyage. As the old song declares, Then quickly met our nation's eyes The noblest sight in nature— A first-rate frigate as a prize Brought home by brave Decatur. T h e day after he sailed for home, Decatur made his official report of the engagement. It is characteristically brief and devoid of egotism, and showed that Decatur was not forgetful of his men. The enthusiasm [he wrote] of every officer, seaman, and marine on board this ship, on discovering the enemy, their steady conduct in battle, and the precision of their fire could not be surpassed. Where all met my fullest expectations, it would be unjust in me to discriminate. Permit me, however, to recommend to your particular notice my first lieutenant, William H. Allen. He has served with me upwards of five years, and to his unremitted exertions in disciplining the crew is to be attributed the obvious superiority of our gunnery, exhibited in the result of this contest. On the same day Decatur penned this short note to his wife: My Beloved Susan,—I have had the good fortune to capture His Britannic Majesty's Frigate Macedonian, Captain Carden, by which I have gained a small sprig of laurel, which I shall hasten to lay at your feet. I tried burning on a former occasion, which might do for a very young man; but now that I have a precious little wife, I wish to have something more substantial to offer in case she should become weary of love and glory. One half of the satisfaction arising from the victory is destroyed in seeing the distress of poor Carden, who deserved success as much as we did, who had the good fortune to obtain it. I do all I can to console him. Do

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not be anxious about me, my beloved. I shall soon press you to my heart. Your devoted,—s. DECATUR. As a postscript Decatur added these original lines, which have not hitherto been published: Love turns aside the balls which round me fly Lest precious tears should drop from Susan's eye. Decatur's arrival at N e w L o n d o n was greeted with demonstrations of great joy, the city fathers extending to him their public thanks and giving a ball in his honor. Lieutenant Hamilton, son of the Secretary of the Navy, was immediately dispatched to Washington with the official report of the victory and the flag of the captured Macedonian. H e reached his destination on the evening of Tuesday, December 8. T h e National Intelligencer brought out an extra, and the city was brilliantly illuminated. It happened that on that very evening a "naval ball" was b e i n g held in the city. A c c o r d i n g to Niles' Weekly Register A l l was joy and gaiety such as could scarcely admit of augmentation. And yet it was destined to be increased. About nine o'clock a rumor was spread through the assembly that Lieutenant Hamilton, the son of the Secretary of the Navy, had reached the house, the bearer of the colors of the Macedonian, and dispatches from Commodore Decatur. T h e gentlemen crowded down to meet him. He was received with loud cheers, and escorted to the festive hall, where awaited him the embraces of a fond father, mother, and sisters! It was a scene easier felt than described. T h e room in which the company had assembled had been previously decorated with the trophies of naval victory—the colors of the Alert and the Guerrière, displayed on the walls, roused the proud feelings of patriotism, and had revived in every mind the recollection of the bravery which won them. T h e flag of the Macedonian alone was

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wanting to complete the group. It was produced, and borne into the hall by Captains Hull and Stewart and others of our brave seamen, amid the loud acclamations of the company, and greeted with national music from the band. The amusements of the evening, we need scarcely add, were suspended from the time Mr. Hamilton's arrival was first announced, until the fervor of the moment had in some degree subsided. Mutual gratulations went round the room; a general expression of tribute due to skill and valor involuntarily broke from the lips of all; and the smile of beauty, the meed of valor, was liberally bestowed on the brave defenders of their country's rights. Subsequently, at the supper table, a toast was given by one of the managers—"Commodore Decatur and his officers and crew of the United States"—and received with the greatest enthusiasm and repeated plaudits. Such a scene, as this occasion exhibited, we have never before witnessed, and never, never, "so long as memory holds her seat," shall we forget it! A f t e r a month or so, both the United States and the Macedonian made their way in safety through Long Island Sound, East River, and Hell Gate to the harbor of New York, where they came to anchor on the morning of January 1, 1 8 1 3 . T h e Macedonian was greeted as a splendid New Year's gift—as one of the local newspapers expressed it, "the compliments of the season from Old Neptune." T h e approach of these two beautiful frigates was announced by the discharge of cannon, the ringing of bells, a display of colors from the mastheads of every vessel in port, and loud huzzas from the tops of houses and crowded wharves. When the United States had anchored, a salute was fired on board of her, and this was returned, amid shouts of victory, from fieldpieces which had been placed on the wharves for this purpose. Before the Macedonian was brought u p to the Navy Yard, every boat on the western side of the East R i v e r had been put into requisition to carry passengers across to see her. A n d by the time her sails had been

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furled, the Navy Yard and surrounding hills were covered with spectators. Never before had the city witnessed such a spontaneous expression of joy and delight. Though Hull had captured the Guerrière while in command of the Constitution, and the Wasp under command of Jacob Jones had taken the sloop Frolic, the Guerrière had been so badly damaged that she had to be blown up at sea the day following the battle, and the Frolic had been recaptured by the British. But to cap the climax Decatur had captured the Macedonian and returned to a home port with his prize all safe and sound. It is not so strange then that his countrymen went wild with joy and adulation, for it should not be forgotten that the United States was at that time a very small nation and she was fighting the most powerful nation in the world. The city of New York lost no time in showing to Decatur its deep appreciation. On December 17, even before the United States arrived in the harbor with her prize, the municipal authorities voted him the freedom of the city, in a gold box, 38 and requested his portrait for the picture gallery in the City Hall, which was in due time painted by the artist Thomas Sully. On December 29 the corporation and citizens gave a splendid banquet in honor of Jones, Hull, and Decatur at Gibson's City Hotel, which served on that occasion "every solid and every dainty the season affords, the best of liquors and the choicest wines." 87 Mayor DeWitt Clinton presided at the dinner, at which about five hundred gentlemen were present. The decorations, made by Mr. Holland of the Theatre, who had formerly resided in Philadelphia where he had assisted in honoring Decatur at a similar occasion on his return from the Tripolitan War, were appropriate and very impressive. Round the room, standing as columns, were masts of ships, entwined with laurel and bearing the national flags of

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many countries. On every table was a miniature ship, which bore the Stars and Stripes. In front of the hall there was a raised platform about twenty feet by ten, covered with greensward, in the midst of which was a lake of real water on which a miniature frigate proudly floated. Back of the lake hung a mainsail thirty-three feet by sixteen, on which was painted an eagle, holding in its beak a scroll with these words inscribed upon it: "Our children are our country's property." Thirteen toasts were drunk. It is to be hoped that the number did not prove unlucky to any of the gentlemen. The fourth one was, "Our Navy—with such an auspicious dawn, what may we not hope will be its meridian splendor!" This was followed by a glee, entitled "Heroes of the Ocean"; and while it was being sung, the mainsail was furled and a large transparent painting was disclosed, on which appeared the Constitution taking the Guerrière, the latter in full blaze; the Wasp capturing the Frolic; and the United States making a prize of the Macedonian. At the showing of this transparency "the company were electrified and instinctively rose and gave six cheers." After the regular toasts were drunk, there were twenty-two volunteer ones, among which was this by Decatur: " T h e citizens of New York—may their great liberality stimulate us to acts more proportioned to their approbation." According to the newspaper," There was much excellent music (not by the Band, whom we advise to learn to keep time) but by several gentlemen amateurs who complimented the company with a number of songs, glees, and catches in a superior style and some of them with very great effect. . . . The company retired at about eleven o'clock in good order, and perhaps never was more sincere satisfaction evinced on a similar occasion. A grand naval ball was given on December 31 at the same hotel, at which "the gallant Decatur and Hull and a most

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fashionable company of ladies and gentlemen was present." 38 The ballroom was decorated as previously for the dinner, and the upper room was fitted to appear like the cabin of a ship of the line of 74 guns. When Decatur appeared, some time after nine o'clock when the cotillions began, "a momentary interruption ensued, while a musical salute was given him, as had already been observed towards Captain Hull." 39 "An appearance of more beauty, grace, and splendor," continues the report, "was never witnessed in the city of New York. T h e ladies were dressed with much richness and elegance and in a style a la mode de Holman. The effect was electric." The city gave a banquet, on January 7 following, to the crew of the United States, numbering about four hundred men, who marched to the hotel in triumphant procession through the streets, led by Commodore Decatur and his officers, to the martial music played by the excellent band which had been captured with the Macedonian. After the dinner, which was dispatched with great gusto and hearty appreciation, the boatswain piped all hands to silence, and the gunner informed the men through his trumpet that the Commodore was in the house and would soon appear among them. Decatur then entered, and while he was standing under the transparencies, nine lusty cheers in his honor were given by the tars, each man rising on tiptoe and flourishing his glazed hat over his head in true sailor fashion. After a few appropriate toasts, the crew pushed off to the Theatre, where the managers had given them free of cost the entire pit. At least two-thirds of them were able to find their way to the place. Decatur was also present, sitting in the third box from the stage between General Armstrong and Lieutenant Allen. When the crew caught sight of him, they rose and gave twelve cheers with all their might. The following program was then given: A transparency of the engagement between the United States and the Macedonian; a comedy of

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"Fraternal Discord"; a patriotic sketch called "America, Commerce, and Freedom, or More Laurels for Gallant T a r s " ; and "Sprigs of Laurel." During these weeks of celebrating, it was difficult to keep strict discipline on shipboard, and the sailors were constantly stealing away for sprees ashore. It is said that, after such escapades, in order to avoid a flogging, the guilty tar would visit the Commodore's lady, who had joined him in New York, and pouring out some piteous tale, would beg her to intercede for him. T h i s she usually did with success, and the sailor would then go on board, exclaiming, " G o o d luck to her—she has a soul to be saved." On the third of February Decatur arrived in Philadelphia, escorted by Colonel Smith's cavalry, Colonel Ferguson's infantry, and a part of the Philadelphia legion. As he passed the Merchants' Coffee House he "was saluted by the acclamations of a vast crowd of citizens." 40 T h e following evening a group of the leading citizens gave him a public dinner at Renshaw's Hotel on Market Street. General Tilghman, General Gurney, and Alexander J . Dallas, Esquire, presided over this "most sumptuous and elegant repast." 41 During the banquet and throughout the evening the company "were gratified with the performance of a full and excellent band of music." 4 1 After the removal of the cloth, many toasts were drunk, interspersed with patriotic songs. There were fifteen regular toasts and many others from volunteers, some of which were cleverly worded; for example, " T h e impressed American seamen—may the chain-shot discharged by their brethren burst the chains of their bondage"; " T h e American Flag—may it protect our natives, not foreigners; may the American Eagle make the British Lion crouch and that insolent nation feel the weight of our thirteen stripes until she be disposed to do us justice." Decatur's toast was, " T h e City of Philadelphia—

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liberal and patriotic; her sons have reason to be proud of the place of their nativity." 41 Upon Decatur's retiring, the toastmaster responded, according to the ceremonial of such occasions; "Commodore Decatur—the pride of the state of Pennsylvania." 41 The interior of the banquet hall had been decorated with naval emblems, and in front of the hotel there was a fulllength likeness of Decatur, which was illuminated with variegated lamps. In the course of the evening, a procession which had marched through the streets arrived bearing lights and emblems and gave hearty cheers for Commodore Decatur. Honors poured in upon Decatur as a result of his victory over the Macedonian. The legislatures of Massachusetts, New York, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Virginia gave him their official thanks, and the last two each voted him a sword.42 The corporation of New London and the council of Savannah voted formal thanks to him and to his officers and crew. The Order of the Cincinnati bestowed upon him honorary membership. Congress voted him its thanks, and awarded him a beautiful gold medal, 13 and to each of his officers a silver medal. His own city, Philadelphia, on December 10, only two days after news of the victory had been received, passed resolutions eulogizing his gallantry, and resolved "that as a tribute of respect an elegant sword of American manufacture be presented to him in the name of the citizens of Philadelphia." 44 On this sword of solid gold, valued then at $1,000, was engraved the famous sentiment of Decatur's father: "Our children are our country's property." The Macedonian was estimated by the referees to be worth $200,000, and this sum was distributed, according to law, among the officers and crew. Little Jack Creamer, it is reported, received $200 as his share, and the patronage of Decatur, which was much more valuable. Decatur's three-twenti-

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eths amounted to $30,000, a very considerable fortune in those days. Captain Carden was treated very generously by Decatur. None of the private property of either officers or men was taken from them, and Decatur purchased from Carden the musical instruments of his French band, 45 and several casks of wine, valued at $800. Before his departure for Bermuda on the cartel ship, Carden wrote to Decatur, expressing his appreciation as follows: I have much gratitude to express to you, My Dear Sir, for all your kindnesses, and all my officers feel equally with myself, and if we should ever turn the tables, we will endeavor, if possible, to improve on your unusual goodness to those whom the Fortune of War played at your disposal. It has been really more than we could have expected. I shall be most happy to hear you found Mrs. D. well and recovered from the first nervous discomfiture, and I am sure, though it was my duty to slay captains, she will forget all my efforts on that subject and would receive me with all the heartfelt kindness of her Hubby. Later during his court-martial in Bermuda, Carden again referred to Decatur's "generous and gentlemanly treatment" of himself, his officers, and crew, and to this he added, " I must ever bear the highest testimony."

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XII Decatur Blockaded A F T E R his successful capture of the Macedonian, Decatur was destined to experience, during the remainder of the war, the disappointments of "hope deferred," in his efforts to elude the British blockade and get to sea. The losses of the Guerrière and the Macedonian, followed by Bainbridge's capture of the frigate Java, and the taking of the sloops Frolic and Peacock by Jacob Jones and James Lawrence, respectively, made the British realize that America was determined to wage an aggressive war, and so stirred up the people of England that, by the early spring of 1813, an effective blockade had been established of all important Atlantic ports from New York to the southward. After waiting for several weeks with the hope that, during stormy weather, he might be able to slip out to sea by way of Sandy Hook, Decatur at last determined to attempt to get out through Hell Gate and Long Island Sound. " T h e last gale," he wrote, "which promised the fairest opportunity for us to get out, ended in light southerly winds, which continued till the blockading ships had regained their stations." He had planned, when safely out, to make a cruise to the eastward of Bermuda and thence to the eastward of the Grand Banks in the general direction of Ushant. This plan had been approved by the Secretary of the Navy as early as the middle of the preceding March. It was not, however, until May that Decatur sailed with his squadron. This was composed of the United States, the prize

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Macedonian which had been commissioned as an American frigate and was commanded by Captain Jacob Jones, and the sloop Hornet, under command of James Biddle, who had succeeded Lawrence after he had been recently promoted to the command of the Chesapeake at Boston. Both Jones and Biddie had been fellow captives with Bainbridge in Tripoli after the capture of the Philadelphia. As the squadron proceeded up the Sound, off Hunt's Point, the mainmast of Decatur's vessel was struck by lightning. T h e bolt brought down the commodore's broad pennant, and then descended the lightning rod of the ship to the deck. Passing into one of the portholes on the gun deck, and then down the after hatchway through the wardroom into the doctor's room, it put out his candle, tore up his bed, and thence passed down between the skin and ceiling of the ship and ripped away a portion of her copper near the water's edge. T h e ship was, of course, in great danger of having her magazine explode, and the Macedonian, which was less than a half cable's distance astern, hove all aback in expectation of such a disaster. But such was not to be the end of the United States Though this manifestation of the anger of Jupiter would have been considered an evil omen by the Greeks, it had no effect in changing Decatur's plans. Yet the cruise, evil omen or not, was destined to be brought to a sudden and unsuccessful close. Contrary winds delayed the passage through the Sound, and it was not until J u n e 1 that the squadron made its attempt to elude the British off Montauk Point, and reach the open sea. This undertaking was defeated by the presence of two enemy ships of the line and two frigates, which forced Decatur to give up his cruise and retire into New London. This happened on the same day the Chesapeake was captured by the Shannon off the harbor of Boston, and the dying Lawrence gave his immortal slogan, "Don't give up the ship."

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T h e British then established a very close blockade of New London, which lies some three miles up the river Thames from the Sound, and for a time Decatur feared that they would attack the place in order to destroy his ships. As a consequence, he took the two frigates five miles up the river above the town where they could not be attacked except by small boat expeditions. Intrenchments and cannon were prepared on an eminence known as Dragon's Hill, overlooking the Sound and New London harbor. Militia gathered in the town, banks sent their specie to Norwich, and the women and children retired to the interior. All the alarm was not among the Americans, for considerable fear was aroused on the blockading British ships by the use of torpedoes and infernal ships, which caused them to move from their station before the mouth of the harbor to a position near Long Island. " T h i s change of position," wrote Decatur on J u l y 2 to the Secretary of the Navy, "has resulted in consequence of several torpedo and submarine expeditions that have been prepared at this place and of which they have been informed. T h e night before last a Captain Halsey left the harbor in a submarine 47 boat and from the description I have received of it the enemy, had they not been apprized of the precise moment of attack, would have been in much danger. Captain Halsey had not left the harbor five minutes when a signal from the shore (by firing guns which were answered from the ships) was made. Halsey, I believe, has not been heard of since. A schooner some days since, said to have been prepared at New York, was taken in possession of by them; after she had been some time in possession, she blew up, destroying a lieutenant and eleven men. T h e vessel had the appearance of being loaded with provisions. All such it has been the practice to carry alongside of the ship for the purpose of discharging; fortunately for them in this instance the wind

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and tide did not permit them to pursue their usual practice, otherwise it is probable the explosion would have destroyed the ship." So alarmed was Captain Hardy of the Ramillies that for many days afterwards he had the bottom of his ship swept with a cable every two hours day and night. Summer passed and autumn came without a British attack. Meanwhile in August Decatur was saddened by the news of the loss of the brig-of-war Argus, which was captured on August 14 with the loss of the American commander William H. Allen, Decatur's former very able first lieutenant on the United States. But the score was evened on September 5 in the capture of the Boxer by the American brig Enterprise, Lieutenant Burrows, off Portland, Maine. During this same month all were cheered by the news of Perry's glorious victory on Lake Erie, which occurred on September 10. On receiving the news Decatur ordered his squadron to fire a salute, the bells of New London were rung, and also a salute from Fort Trumbull was fired. Early in October Decatur dropped down the river some two miles above the town, and on October 6 he wrote the Secretary, " T h e enemy off here keep a vigilant lookout for us, but I indulge a hope that we shall soon be able to avoid them and get to sea." But weeks passed without such an opportunity coming. By the first of December, Decatur was anchored in New London harbor opposite Market Wharf. Here he secretly made preparations for sailing on Sunday evening, December 12. The night was dark, and the wind and tide were favorable; and he had great hopes of succeeding. But when he was about ready to weigh anchor, word was brought to him that blue signal lights were burning on both sides of the river mouth. Being sure these were placed there to warn the enemy of his attempt, he reluctantly abandoned the enterprise. "Notwithstanding these signals have been repeated," he wrote the Secretary, "and have been seen by twenty persons at least in

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the squadron, there are men in New London who have the hardihood to affect to disbelieve it, and the effrontery to avow their disbelief." Weeks went by without another opportunity presenting itself, so vigilant was the British blockade. Sir Thomas Hardy, one of Nelson's favorite captains, in whose arms the great admiral died after the victory at Trafalgar, had been too well indoctrinated with the principles of aggressive naval warfare. Consequently Decatur was eventually forced to abandon all hope of being able to elude so watchful a foe. Still in January 1814 Decatur had hopes for a time of being able to fight one or two of the British blockaders of comparatively equal strength. Captain Nicholas Moran, the master of a merchant sloop which had been captured by the British, reported to Decatur that, in the presence of Captain Hardy on board the Ramillies, Captain Hope of the Endymion, formerly first lieutenant on the Macedonian when she was taken by the United States, had asked him whether the United States would avoid an action with the Endymion. Moran also reported that Hardy had expressed the wish that the British frigate Statira, Captain Stackpole, might meet the Macedonian, and had asked him to make arrangements for such a meeting, though he would not permit the formal challenge to come from the British side. Decatur accordingly wrote Hardy on January 17, 1814, challenging the Endymion to fight the United States and the Statira to engage the Macedonian, and declaring that the respective vessels were as nearly equal in strength and number of guns as one could expect to find. " T h e only difficulty," wrote Decatur, "that appears to be in the way is from whom the formal invitation is to come. If, sir, you admit Moran's statement to be correct, the difficulty will be removed, and you will be pleased to consider this as an invitation. At the same time we beg you will assure Captain Hope and Captain

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Stackpole that no personal feelings toward them induce us to make this communication. They are solicitous to add to the renown of their country and we honor their motives. Captain Biddle who will have the honor to deliver this note is authorized on our part to make any arrangements which may be necessary." "Should a match be made u p , " facetiously declared Niles' Register of February 19, "between the Macedonian and the Statira, we should expect to see some of the scenes of the Battle of Issus re-exhibited, and the Statira, like her namesake, the proud daughter of Darius, after courting a match with the Macedonian, consent to be espoused by the victor when he shall have brought her into captivity by conquering the arms which protected her." While a reply from the British was being awaited, the crews of the two American frigates were mustered and addressed by their respective commanders. "Officers and seamen," Decatur is reported 48 to have said, "you will shortly be called upon again to try your skill and valor. T h i s ship and His Britannic Majesty's Ship Endymion of equal force will speedily try their strength. You are accustomed to victory, and you will not tarnish the glory you have already won. I have no fear for the result." Jones also spoke with confident enthusiasm: My lads, the Macedonian was once conquered by American tars and she will soon have an opportunity to gain a victory herself. You have not forgotten the sloop-of-war Frolic, and you will be shortly introduced to the frigate Statira. My lads, our cruise will be short, and I trust a very profitable one. After months of inaction these speeches promising opportunities for honor and distinction as well as prize money aroused great excitement among the crews. But on the following day when the answer came from Captain Hardy, all their

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hopes were dashed to the ground, for the challenge of the United States was refused on the grounds that she was a bit stronger than the Endymion. Even when Decatur offered to disarm to the extent of making an exact equality of force, H a r d y courteously refused, unwilling perhaps to take the responsibility of possibly losing another ship to Decatur. Hardy did, however, agree to allow the Statira to meet the Macedonian; b u t Decatur, displeased that he personally was not to be allowed to take part in the trial at arms, rejected the latter arrangement on the grounds that the British frigate would be able to select her crew from the entire British squadron, and thus have an even greater advantage in personnel than the two British frigates would have had in case they had chosen to fight in the first instance. In conclusion, Decatur answered Stackpole on the justice of the war as follows: Whether the war we are engaged in be just or unprovoked on the part of Great Britain as Captain Stackpole has been pleased to suggest is considered by us as a question exclusively with the civilians, and I am perfectly ready to admit both my incompetence and unwillingness to confront Captain Stackpole in its discussion. W h e n this fight was in prospect, Decatur was very anxious to keep it out of the newspapers until the matter had been definitely decided upon. His reason for this is made plain in a note, written to the navy agent John Bullus of New York, whom he asked to "wait on all the editors" with whom he might have influence, and "request them to withhold publishing until the affair is settled. T h e i r doing so will be h u m a n e . It may perhaps prevent several bright eyes from being d i m m e d . " Decatur had voluntarily deprived himself of the pleasure of having Mrs. Decatur with him at New L o n d o n d u r i n g the long period of inaction on the score that, as there were more persons in the world disposed to find fault than to

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approve, it might be said that, if he had his family with him, he did not make every effort to get to sea. These were almost his exact words, and they show admirably how sensitive he was to honor and the obligations he thought he owed to his country. N o sacrifices were too great when he thought honor and country demanded first consideration. Finally in March the Secretary of the Navy decided to dismantle the United States and the Macedonian, and to remove them to the head of navigation above New London, where they would be entirely safe from enemy attack. This was officially ordered on April 4, and Decatur was given his choice of commanding the President at New York or the Guerrière which was soon to be launched at Philadelphia. He chose the former, declaring as his reason for doing so, The well known rapidity of the President's sailing places her in my estimation above all the others; in addition to this advantage, I think her opportunity for proceeding to sea much better than the Guerrière's. . . . Having been so long blockaded, I dread being placed in such an unpleasant situation. By May 7 Decatur had carried out the Secretary's orders, and reported that the frigates were moored fourteen miles above the mouth of the river (thus being some three and one half miles below Norwich), that the channel of the river was so narrow and crooked that the only attack the enemy could make would be by small boats, and that as a protection against this the frigates were lashed together, with their sterns mounting nine guns directed down the river, surrounded by a double row of booms, and protected by two gunboats moored one on each quarter, with the Hornet anchored a half-mile below. Having completed these arrangements, Decatur departed for New York to assume command of the President, the fifth

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of the original six American frigates which he had the honor to command, the others having been in turn the Constitution, the Congress, the Chesapeake, and the United States.

£

XIII The Loss of the President

E

A R L Y in May 1 8 1 4 Decatur arrived in New York and I took command of the President, which most of his former officers and men also joined. During that summer and early autumn, the British ravaged the Chesapeake and burned the Capitol in Washington, but they were repulsed in their attack on Baltimore. T h e r e was fear that attacks might be made also on both Philadelphia and New York. T h e British probably spread such rumors to cover their operations not only in the Chesapeake but also at the mouth of the Mississippi. As a result, Decatur was ordered to take entire command of the naval defenses at New York, and postpone his projected cruise. His forces, which included seamen from both ships and gunboats as well as naval militia, amounted to about five thousand men. For several weeks he devoted himself to the training of this body of men, and succeeded in arousing in them military spirit and confidence in their ability to repel any British attack which might be attempted. In September he was ordered by Secretary Jones to take a body of seamen from the President and proceed to Philadelphia, in case that city should be attacked. Commodore Rodgers was to reciprocate, if New York was made the point of attack. But neither of these movements on the part of the British materialized. During that summer Decatur came very near to being put in Chauncey's place in command of the American naval forces

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on Lake Ontario. On the fifth of August the Secretary wrote Chauncey: The known detention of the squadron at Sackett's Harbor until the 27th ultimo, the very feeble and precarious state of your health, the evils which have already resulted from delay . . . have induced the President, though with extreme reluctance and undiminished confidence in your zeal and capacity, to order Commodore Decatur to proceed to Sackett's Harbor and take upon himself the naval command of Lake Ontario. The slowness of communications and the unexpected rapid recovery of Chauncey's health kept Decatur from securing this command, which might have led to a glorious victory on Lake Ontario as significant as those gained by Perry on Lake Erie and Macdonough on Lake Champlain. But Chauncey retained his command until the close of the war, though he gained no distinction either for himself or for the American navy. Macdonough's victory on Lake Champlain, September 1 1 , 1814, was the only brilliant naval achievement of that year. The British blockade had become so stringent that it seemed almost impossible for the frigates to make their way to sea. There were, however, some successful sloop actions. Master Commandant Lewis Warrington in the Peacock captured the Epervier, April 29; and Master Commandant Johnston Blakely in the Wasp took the Reindeer, June 28, and the Avon, September 1, but on his return voyage to America his ship was lost, her disappearance becoming one of the mysteries of the sea. T h e frigate Essex commanded by Captain David Porter, after a very successful commerce-destroying cruise in the Pacific, was herself destroyed in the neutral waters of Valparaiso on March 28 by the British frigate Phoebe and sloop Cherub. It became apparent eventually that the British would not

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attack New York, and Decatur was able to turn his attention again to a plan for escaping to sea and carrying out an extensive cruise against British commerce. His squadron consisted of the President, the twenty-gun sloops Peacock, Lewis Warrington, and Hornet, James Biddle, and two vessels carrying stores. On November 17 Decatur wrote the Secretary concerning this projected cruise, suggesting two plans, either one of which he thought might bring favorable results. Inasmuch as it was then too late in the season to expect any enemy troop or transport ships bound for Quebec or Halifax, he outlined first a cruise to the eastward of Bermuda where it might be easy to intercept British vessels sailing from the Windward Islands for England. From there he would keep in the track of the outward-bound ships to Madeira, and then coast along Spain, Portugal, and France to Ushant, retracing his course in the same manner to the Gut of Gibraltar and, if information gleaned there indicated it was advisable, pushing on into the Mediterranean. T h e other plan called for a dash at once into the Bay of Bengal with a view to destroying the most valuable part of the British merchant fleet and possibly some of their cruisers as well. T h e only objection he saw to the second cruise was the possibility that he would be unable to procure sufficient provisions; but food and other supplies could be secured from captured vessels until some port in Brazil could be reached. This difficulty would be entirely removed by sending one of the store-ships, loaded with provisions, as a tender to the President. T h e second plan, which was the one Decatur really preferred, was selected, and preparations were made for carrying it out. A favorable opportunity for sailing did not present itself until the middle of January 1815. Meanwhile the Constitution, under command of Captain Charles Stewart, managed to slip out of Boston on December 17, while the three block-

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ading frigates were temporarily away, and as a grand climax in the career of that vessel she captured two British ships, the frigate Cyane and the sloop Levant, in the same engagement. A week later the treaty of peace was signed at Ghent, but until the news reached the participants the war went on, of course, as usual. The blockading squadron off New York then consisted of the following ships under command of Captain John Hayes: the razee Majestic, 56 guns, which had fought as a 74 in the Battle of the Nile; the 24-pounder frigate Endymion, 40 guns; and the 18-pounder frigates Pomone and Tenedos, of 38 guns each. On the fourteenth of January a severe snowstorm drove the British squadron out to sea; but the following day it moderated, and Hayes stood off to the northwest to get into the track which escaping American vessels might take in case they had put to sea during the storm. The British commander had anticipated Decatur's movements with seamanly insight. Leaving her consorts at anchor, the President with a merchant store-ship had indeed put out in the gale on the evening of the fourteenth. But by a mistake of the pilots the frigate had struck on a bar, where she pounded heavily for an hour and a half before being released, meanwhile springing her masts and becoming hogged and twisted. So serious were her injuries that Decatur would have put back into the harbor for repairs if the westerly gale had not prevented it. He then steered first along the coast of Long Island for some fifty miles, and later turned to the southeast right towards the British squadron, which he would certainly have eluded, had the accident not occurred. On the fifteenth at daylight, about five o'clock, fifteen leagues from Sandy Hook, three of the British vessels were made out to the east southeast, the Tenedos not coming into

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view until somewhat later. T h e President immediately turned to the northward with the British in pursuit, the Majestic and Endymion astern, the Pomone on the port, and the Tenedos farther away on the starboard quarter. Early in the chase the Majestic fired occasionally at the President but without effect. T h e Pomone was delayed by being ordered to go in chase of the Tenedos whose character Captain Hayes could not make out. By midday the Endymion had outsailed the Majestic, and continued to gain on the President, whose injuries had greatly reduced her speed. From time to time Captain Hope of the Endymion yawed—turned so as to bring a battery to bear—and poured broadsides into the fleeing ship, which could not, on account of reduced speed, delay long enough to turn her broadsides towards her assailant. Decatur endeavored to increase speed by lightening his ship, "starting the water, cutting away the anchors, throwing overboard provisions, cables, spare spars, boats, and every article that could be gotten at, keeping the sails wet from the royals down." By five o'clock in the afternoon the Endymion had obtained a position on the starboard quarter of the President "within point-blank shot," where Decatur's stern and quarter guns could not bear. Hoping that the British would come to close quarters and enable him to board, he endured this fire for half an hour. T h e plan which he then laid before his officers was to carry the Endymion by boarding and escape with her after scuttling the President. He called up his crew, after ordering a howitzer pointed down the main hatch to scuttle the ship, and thus addressed them: My lads, that ship is coming up with us. As our ship won't sail, we'll go on board of theirs, every man and boy of us, and carry her into New York. All I ask of you is to follow me. This is a favorite ship of the country. If we allow her to be taken, we shall be deserted by our wives and sweethearts. What, let such a ship as

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this go for nothing! 'Twould break the heart of every pretty girl in New York.49 Hearty cheers followed this speech; but the Endymion yawed and kept off. Decatur then decided to change his course suddenly to the south with the hope of being able to cripple the Endymion and put her out of action before the others came up. So the two ships sailed in parallel courses towards the south, and within two hours and a half Decatur had completely succeeded in stripping the Endymion's sails from her yards. She was thus technically defeated, and might have been easily taken if the other British ships had not been on the scene. As the Endymion was thus forced to drop astern, Decatur again steered east ahead of the remaining Britishers. At eleven o'clock the Pomone and the Tenedos overtook the President. They were of the class of the Guerriere, Macedonian, and Shannon, and though singly somewhat lighter than the President, the two together had an overwhelming advantage. If the President had had her normal speed, she might even then have escaped. The Pomone [reported Decatur] had opened her fire on the starboard bow within musket shot; the other about two cables' length astern, taking a raking position on our quarter; and the rest, with the exception of the Endymion, within gunshot. Thus situated, with about one fifth of my crew killed or wounded, my ship crippled, and a more than fourfold force opposed to me, without a chance of escape left, I deemed it my duty to surrender. Decatur delivered his sword to Captain Hayes of the Majestic. He returned it, using almost the same words with which Decatur had previously addressed Carden when returning his sword after the capture of the Macedonian, to the effect that he felt proud in returning the sword of an officer who had de-

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fended his ship so nobly. It was fully recognized that the President had been taken by the entire squadron, and the prize money was accordingly divided equally among all the ships. T h e Endymion was so badly damaged that she could not come up until two hours after the surrender. Both Roosevelt and Mahan are of the opinion that Decatur surrendered too soon to the Pomone and the Tenedos. There was, of course [writes the former 50 ] not much chance of success in doing battle with two fresh frigates; but then they mounted only eighteen-pounders, and judging from the slight results of the cannonading from the Endymion and the two first (usually the most fatal) broadsides of the Pomone, it would have been rather a long time before they would have caused much damage. Meanwhile the President was pretty nearly as well off as ever so far as fighting and sailing went. A lucky shot might have disabled one of her opponents, and then the other would, in all probability, have undergone the same fate as the Endymion. Physical and mental fatigue [declares Mahan 61 ], the moral discomfiture of a hopeless situation, are all fairly to be taken into account; nor should resistance be protracted where it means merely loss of life. Yet it may be questioned whether the moral tone of a military service which is its breath of life does not suffer when the attempt is made to invest with a halo of extraordinary heroism such a resistance as Decatur made, by his own showing. Unless the President was really thrashed out by the Endymion, which was the British assertion, she might have put one of His Majesty's 38-gun frigates, the Pomone, out of commission for a long time; and that, in addition to the Endymion,—the two fastest British vessels—would have been no light matter in the then state of the New York blockade. If the finding of the American court of inquiry, that "the Endymion was conquered, while the President in the contest with her had sustained but little injury" be admitted, there seems no reply to the comment that the President surrendered within musket shot of a 38-gun frigate which with three or four broadsides she would have nearly annihilated.

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In justice to Decatur, it should be kept in mind, however, that from the time the President put to sea in the gale early in the evening of the fourteenth until eleven o'clock in the evening of the next day, both officers and crew had been placed under a tremendous strain, subjected to cold, fatigue, and anxiety, with little time for sleep or rest. They had lost twenty-four killed and fifty-five wounded, among the former being Decatur's first lieutenant and two other lieutenants, and the Commodore himself had been twice slightly wounded. Among the killed was Lieutenant Hamilton, son of the former Secretary of the Navy, a special favorite of Decatur's who had been with him at the capture of the Macedonian. Also Lieutenant Richard Dale, Junior, was so severely wounded that he died a few days afterwards. A f t e r the battle, Decatur, weary and wounded, made his way to the scene of carnage in the cockpit. T h e surgeon eagerly came forward to help him; but Decatur requested that he be allowed to take his turn. "When you have attended to these brave fellows, doctor," he said,02 " I would thank you to look at my chest; it is very painful, and I believe I have been hurt." While the surgeon was attending to this and also dressing another wound in his forehead, Decatur inquired into the condition of the wounded and addressed words of sympathy and consolation to them. It was doubtless the saddest day thus far in Decatur's life—his first defeat. T h e following day it became his painful duty to read, standing on the gunslide nearest the gangway, the burial service over his dead officers, shrouded in their country's flag, and commit their bodies to the deep, accompanied by the volleys from the British marines of the prize crew. He next wrote a brief letter to Mrs. Decatur, then at Frankford, Pennsylvania, to assure her of his safety so that she might not be unduly alarmed at the newspaper reports of this unhappy ending to the President's cruise. T h i s letter was courteously forwarded, without

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loss of time, by Captain Hayes and Admiral Hotham, and delivered on January 30 under flag of truce at N e w London. T h e President was sent as a prize to Bermuda under convoy of the Pomone and the Endymion, Decatur having been given passage in the latter ship under Captain Hope, who as the first lieutenant of the Macedonian had been a prisoner of war to Decatur earlier in the war. Hope and Carden had at that time received such friendly treatment by Decatur that, when the tables were turned, Hope and the other British officers showed Decatur great courtesy and kindness. On the voyage to Bermuda a heavy gale dismasted the Endymion, and all her spar-deck guns had to be thrown overboard to save the vessel. T h e President, though delayed some two or three days, arrived on the twenty-eighth of January at Hamilton without further injuries. T h e only exception to the courteous treatment accorded Decatur and his officers while prisoners of war was a statement in the Royal Gazette of Hamilton that Decatur had concealed sixty-eight men on the President, who were later to overpower the prize crew at sea and recapture the vessel. T h e editor was forced to retract his accusation by the Governor of the island, and was also severely caned by Midshipman R . B. Randolph, late of the President, in King's Square. Some attempts were made by the British to make it appear that the President had been captured by the Endymion single handed; but this was negatived by the official reports of Captain Hayes and Admiral Hotham, both of whom stated explicitly that the American frigate had been taken by the "squadron." Admiral Cochrane gave a dinner to the officers of the President in Bermuda, and when some one referred to this question, he remarked, "She was completely mobbed." T h e r e was, however, considerable crowing over the victory. " T h e Yankees have a lame President on shore," declared the

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Montreal Herald; "had a crippled one on the ocean, now lost to them by the valor of a British frigate; their Constitution is also afloat; if she could be captured, what will become of the Union! Who knows but the President may, before long, sink the Constitution!" T h e Endymion sailed on March 8, 1815, for England with the prize,53 and this gave the impression there that this frigate alone had made the capture. Captain Hope encouraged the idea, and allowed the merchants of Saint George, Island of Grenada, to give him a piece of plate and in their presentation speech to say, "It has proved, too, what we never doubted, that an American frigate of the largest class is no match for a British ship like the Endymion." T h e President brought in prize money only $64,789.50. "Divide this sum equally," derisively stated Niles' Register, "among the crews of the victorious squadron, and each man's share will be something less than four dollars and fifty cents, and when the moiety claimed by their government, with the various incidental expenses, are deducted, the sum per man will dwindle to about two dollars. It has been the singular hard fortune of John Bull, in all his victories over Jonathan's ships, to gain neither honor nor profit." T h e naval authorities at Bermuda sent Decatur as early as possible under parole to New London in the frigate Narcissus, Captain Alexander Gordon,04 where he arrived on the twentysecond of February. Admiral Hotham was lying off that port in the flagship Superb, and when he heard that Decatur was on the Narcissus, he wrote congratulating him on his arrival home at the time of rejoicing over the establishment of peace. T h e treaty, which had been signed at Ghent on December 24, had been ratified by Great Britain on December 28 and by the United States on the seventeenth of February. Hotham also enclosed a letter from Mrs. Decatur.

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When Decatur landed, he was received by the people of New London as a conqueror. They attached ropes to his carriage, and drew it with huzzas to his lodgings. That very day the citizens of the town had arranged to have a great ball and an illumination to celebrate the return of peace. T o this Decatur was invited as a guest of honor together with Admiral Hotham and several other officers from the British squadron. On the twenty-eighth of February, Decatur arrived in New York, where the ship carpenters of the Navy Yard in Brooklyn, a few days after the capture of the President became known, volunteered some sixteen hundred days of work towards building a new frigate for him. Here Decatur wrote on the sixth of March to Secretary Crowninshield requesting a court of inquiry of the "most distinguished men of the profession" for the purpose of investigating his conduct in the loss of the President. Commodore Alexander Murray and Captains Isaac Hull and Samuel Evans were appointed on this court. After a careful examination into the loss of the American frigate, the court reported on April 17 that they were convinced that the injury sustained by the ship when she ran on the bar led to her capture by the enemy, and that this accident was caused by the improper placing of boats to serve as beacons through the dangerous channel. From the time that the superiority of the enemy's force was ascertained [the report asserted] and it became the duty of the President to evade it, we are convinced that the most proper measures were pursued, and that she made every possible effort to escape. No means, in our opinion, were so likely to be attended with success as those which were adopted by Commodore Decatur. Any suggestion that different measures would have been proper or more likely to accomplish the object, we think, are without foundation, and may be the result of ignorance or the dictates of culpable ambition or of envy. We consider the management of the President, from the time

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PRESIDENT

1

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the chase commenced till her surrender, as the highest evidence of the experience, skill, and resources of her commander, and of the ability and seamanship of her officers and crew. We fear that we can not express, in a manner that will do justice to our feelings, our admiration of the conduct of Commodore Decatur, and his officers and crew, while engaged with the enemy, threatened with a force so superior, possessing advantages which must have appeared to render all opposition unavailing, otherwise than might affect the honor of our navy, and the character of our seamen. They fought with a spirit, which no prospect of success could have heightened, and if victory had met its common reward, the Endymion's name would have been added to our list of naval conquests. In this unequal conflict the enemy gained a ship, but the victory was ours. When the President was obliged to leave the Endymion to avoid the other ships, which were fast coming up, the Endymion was subdued; and if her friends had not been at hand to rescue her, she was so entirely disabled that she soon must have struck her flag. . . . We think it due to Commodore Decatur and his heroic officers and crew to notice the proposition he made to board the Endymion, when he found she was coming up, and the manner in which this proposition was received by his gallant crew. Such a design, at such a time, could be conceived only by a soul without fear, and approved with enthusiastic cheering by men regardless of danger. Had not the enemy perceived the attempt, and availed himself of the power he had in the early part of the action to shun the approach of the President, the American stars might now be shining on the Endymion. In the subsequent part of the engagement, the enemy's squadron was too near to permit the execution of this design, and the disabled state of the Endymion would have frustrated the principal object which Commodore Decatur had in making so bold an attempt, which was to avail himself of the Endymion's superior sailing to escape with his crew from his pursuers. We conclude by expressing our opinion that Commodore Decatur, as well during the chase as through his contest with the

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enemy, evinced great judgment and skill, perfect coolness, the most determined resolution and heroic courage,—that his conduct, and the account of his officers and crew are highly honorable to them and to the American navy, and deserve the warmest gratitude of their country; that they did not give up their ship till she was surrounded and overpowered by a force so superior that further resistance would have been unjustifiable, and a useless sacrifice of the lives of brave men. I n g i v i n g his official sanction to the proceedings of the court of inquiry, Secretary Crowninshield wrote Decatur on A p r i l 20: I have, therefore, sir, to express to you in the fullest manner the high sense of approbation which the President of the United States and this department entertain for your professional character as an officer, who in every instance has added lustre to the stars of the Union; and whose brilliant actions have raised the national honor and fame even in the moment of surrendering your ship to an enemy's squadron of vastly superior force, over whose attack, singly, you were decidedly triumphant; and you will be pleased to present to each of your gallant officers and crew the thanks of your government, for their brave defense of the ship and the flag of the United States. T h i s feeling of satisfaction with Decatur's conduct which was expressed so heartily by the court of inquiry a n d the N a v y D e p a r t m e n t appears to have been felt generally by his fellow officers. A n outstanding e x a m p l e was D a v i d Porter, to w h o m D e c a t u r wrote on March 22, " I have received your friendly letter a n d thank you for your attention in this moment of my tribulation. Y o u can j u d g e of a man's feeling w h o has lost a ship even although he has the p r o u d consciousness of having discharged his duty w e l l . " Porter had recently lost the Essex, w h e n overpowered by two British ships in the harbor of Valparaiso, and Decatur had been president of the court of inq u i r y which had exonerated h i m of all blame.

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That there had been absolutely no loss of confidence in Decatur by the Navy Department, and that Secretary Crowninshield's words of praise were not merely idle ones penned to soothe the wounded feelings of a defeated officer is shown by the fact that an important command was very soon afterwards entrusted to him, which called him to active service again in the Mediterranean, where he had won his first laurels of fame.

"fr

XIV Tribute from the Gannon's Mouth I N C E the founding of the American Government Algiers

S

• had been a thorn in the side of Mediterranean commerce. Even as early as the year 1785 the schooner Maria and the ship Dauphin had been captured by Algerians, and their crews, numbering twenty-one men, all enslaved. A most unpleasant aspect of the case with respect to the connivance of European nations is revealed in the following statement from James L. Cathcart," who was a seaman on the captured schooner: I understand the Spanish language, which they all spoke, and was the only person on board who had any knowledge of the Barbary States. . . . We were welcomed on board by the Rais, or Captain, a venerable old Arab who . . . informed me that they were a cruiser of Algiers, that they had come through the Straits in consequence of their having concluded a peace with Spain and of the arrival of a British consul, Charles Logie, who informed him that they might take all such vessels that had not passports of a particular cut. These passports were issued only to countries who had treaties with Algiers, and their genuineness was tested by the use of a stick with notches in it which had to correspond with the Arabic characters engraved on the edge of the document. A war with Portugal kept the Algerians for a time bottled up in the Mediterranean, but suddenly in the year 1793 a truce of one year was declared, through the influence of the English consul in order that, it has been alleged, the corsairs

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might cruise freely and unexpectedly against American ships. As a consequence, in the months of October and November of that year, eleven American vessels with crews totaling 109 officers and men were captured and taken to Algiers. No wonder that Franklin had, as early as 1783, declared, I think it not improbable that these rovers may be privately encouraged by the English to fall upon us and to prevent our interfering in the carrying trade; for I have in London heard it is a maxim among the merchants that, If there were no Algiers, it would be worth England's while to build one." Though the American slaves in Algiers were treated somewhat better than those from other countries, still they were forced to labor in the stone quarries and to sleep in the midst of filth and vermin. When an envoy from the United States endeavored to negotiate a treaty and arrange for the release of the captives, taken on the Maria and the Dauphin, the Dey, pretending great admiration for Washington, requested his portrait; but at the same time demanded about $60,000 apiece as a ransom for the twenty-one captives, and consequently the negotiations failed. Attempts were then made by Adams and Jefferson, ministers to England and France respectively, to arrange terms with the Barbary States through diplomatic channels in London and Paris. Strange as it may seem, it was Jefferson rather than Adams who preferred war to the payment of tribute. "It is a question," he wrote, "which should be addressed to our honor as well as our avarice. Nor does it respect us as to these pirates only, but as to the nations of Europe. If we wish our commerce to be free and uninsulted, we must let these nations see that we have an energy which they at present disbelieve. The low opinion they entertain of our powers can not fail to involve us soon in a naval war." 87 Years passed by—long years for the American seamen who

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continued to suffer in captivity—until finally after long negotiations, as already described, in the year 1796 the Senate ratified that shameful treaty with Algiers providing for the payment of $525,500 in ransom money, a frigate of thirty-six guns, and various presents, amounting in all to the huge sum of about one million dollars. Also the United States agreed to pay an annual tribute in naval stores costing about $25,000. This over-generous treaty, as has been previously related, led to dissatisfaction on the part of the other Barbary States and eventually to the War with T r i p o l i . Algiers took a very haughty and lordly attitude towards the United States during that war, and even before its commencement subjected Captain William Bainbridge to a most trying ordeal. In the autumn of 1800, when the frigate George Washington (a doubly humiliating experience since she bore the name of Washington) arrived at Algiers with the annual tribute for the Dey, her commander was forced, by a threat of instant war upon his refusal, to carry an Algerian ambassador to the Sultan of Turkey at Constantinople with various and sundry gifts; such as a hundred negro women and children, numerous horses, sheep, and cattle, four lions, four tigers, four antelopes, and twelve parrots, as well as funds amounting to nearly a million dollars. With all his heart, Bainbridge declared in his report, " I hope I may never again be sent to Algiers with tribute, unless I am authorized to deliver it from the mouth of our cannon." T h e wily Dey managed to avoid war with the United States, though on the verge of a declaration of open hostility more than once during the fighting with Tripoli. In that war the unlucky Bainbridge was given little opportunity to deliver any tribute from the cannon's mouth, as he unfortunately ran the Philadelphia aground and spent many wearisome months with his officers and crew in captivity. But lucky Decatur won fame in the war; and in the war with Algiers, which was to

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come in due time, he and not Bainbridge was destined to humble the haughty Dey to the dust. Up to the outbreak of the War of 1812, the United States was able to get along fairly well with Algiers, the only exception being the seizure of the schooner Mary Ann, the brig Violet, and the ship Eagle in the year 1807 when American naval stores were two years overdue as tribute. This affair was finally adjusted by the consul's paying the Dey $18,000 cash in addition to the arrears in stores. Early in 1812 a letter was sent to the ferocious old Dey, Hadji Ali, by a British envoy, which declared:58 The Prince Regent in the name of his father George III . . . expresses the strongest friendship for the Dey; . . . assures the Dey that he will protect his capital with his fleets so long as the present friendship shall subsist between the two nations; declares that the British fleets are master of every sea and are the terror of all maritime states and that whoever attempts to oppose them will be subdued; . . . begs the Dey not to permit those who are enemies of Great Britain to lessen the harmony now subsisting between the two nations and that he will not hearken to their evil sayings. Almost immediately the Algerians began to take an aggressive attitude towards the United States. When the ship Alleghany arrived in May with the naval stores, the Dey, dissatisfied with the articles, would not receive them but demanded the payment of $27,000 instead. Since the signing of the treaty on September 5, 1795, about $350,000 in annual tribute had been paid, and only some $ 16,000 was then actually due. But the Dey claimed that inasmuch as the Mohammedan year had only 354 days to the year an arrearage of $27,000 had accumulated. On the threat of immediate war, the American consul was forced to borrow the sum from a Jewish broker at a commission of twenty-five percent and to hand it over to the Dey.

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T h e consul then departed with his family to Gibraltar in the Alleghany, and reported, Should our differences with Great Britain be so accommodated as to admit of sending a naval force into this sea, I am sure there is only one course which the government will pursue, and what has now taken place may be a happy and fortunate event for the United States, by relieving them from a disgraceful tribute and an imperious and piratical depredation on their commerce. If our small naval force can operate freely in this sea, Algiers will be humbled

in the dust.

At about this time war began between the United States and Great Britain. Accordingly American ships kept out of the Mediterranean, and during the war the Dey captured only one vessel, the brig Edwin, whose crew was subjected "to well known horrors of Algerian slavery." Attempts were made to ransom the men, but the Dey replied to the American agent, Richard R . Keene, " M y policy and my views are to increase, not diminish the number of my American slaves: and not for a million dollars would I release them." 59 Just as soon as war with Great Britain was concluded, President Madison turned his attention to Algiers, and on February 23, 1 8 1 5 , he sent a message to Congress recommending a declaration of war, which was approved on March 2 by Congress. Decatur was ordered on March 24 to command a squadron which was to proceed to the Mediterranean and bring the Dey to terms. Decatur accepted the command on condition that he be allowed to return home at once on the arrival in the Mediterranean of a second squadron under Bainbridge, who was senior to him. He asked this favor in order that the public might have no reason to believe that he had been placed in a subordinate position because the Government had lack of confidence in him because of the loss of the Presi

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dent. There was no question as to the full confidence of the Secretary of the Navy who, even before the report of the court of inquiry had been made, had written, when offering Decatur the command, "In short, my dear sir, your wishes are to be consulted; any service or any station that is at the disposal of this department, rely upon it, you may command." This situation partially explains the extreme haste which Decatur displayed when he arrived in the Mediterranean. The squadron, in addition to the flagship Guerrière, Captain William Lewis, was composed of the following vessels: the Macedonian, Captain Jacob Jones, the Constellation, Captain Charles Gordon, the sloop Ontario, Commander Jesse D. Elliott, the brig Epervier, Lieutenant Commanding John Downes, and the 14-gun brigs Firefly, Spark, and Flambeau, and the 12-gun schooners Torch and Spitfire. Decatur was also, at his request, permitted to take with him as many of his old officers and men as desired to accompany him. So the crew of the President, many of whom had been with Decatur even on the Chesapeake and the United States, as they arrived from Bermuda, were appointed to the Guerrière. All of the squadron, except the Firefly which sprung her masts in a gale and had to put back to New York, arrived off Gibraltar on June 15, after a passage of twenty-five days, having previously inquired at Cadiz and Tangiers as to the whereabouts of the Algerian fleet and learned that it had returned into the Mediterranean. There is an anecdote to the effect that the arrival of Decatur's squadron off Gibraltar was viewed by several British officers and citizens from an eminence. An American, who was also present, was asked the names of the various ships as Decatur brought his squadron into the harbor in handsome style. The American, making the most possible out of his opportunity, said that the first frigate was the Guerrière; the second, the Macedonian; the next, the Epervier; and the

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next—"Oh, damn the next," 80 the Britishers exclaimed, and put an abrupt close to the recital of the names of their ships which had been captured by the American navy during the late war. Learning that he might find the Algerian admiral off Cape de Gat, Spain, Decatur sailed immediately, and on June 17 early in the morning in those very waters a sail was discovered to the southeast by the Constellation, the squadron being somewhat scattered in search of strange sails. Decatur, thinking that his ships would be mistaken for a British fleet, wished to avoid arousing any suspicion until on the point of overhauling the Algerian vessel; but through an error on board the Constellation her American flag was prematurely hoisted. Decatur then ordered the British flag to be hoisted on the other ships, but the enemy had been duly warned and immediately spread all sails for Algiers. A general chase was at once begun. The Constellation, being nearest and only a mile or so distant, opened fire on the fleeing ship, which returned the fire and then, hoping to make a neutral port, wore ship and headed for the Spanish coast. This she was unable to reach, for the Guerrière came up between the Constellation and Epervier and approached so near the enemy as to have some of her crew wounded from the Algerian's tops. Decatur brought his ship close alongside and then poured in a broadside which wrought havoc on the enemy's decks. Her commander, Reis Hammida, already wounded by a shot from the Constellation, was sitting on the deck and directing the movements on board his ship. A 42pound shot from the first broadside of the Guerrière cut him in two and left his ship without a captain. Another broadside drove most of the crew below deck, but a few musketeers still kept up the fight. Decatur humanely ceased firing and ranged ahead, but the Algerian colors were still kept flying. The

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Epervier then came up and poured nine broadsides into the frigate before she decided to surrender. The ship was the Mashuda of 46 guns. About thirty of her crew had been killed and the remainder, 406 in number, many of whom had been wounded, were taken prisoners. The Guerrière's loss was only one killed and three wounded from the enemy's fire, though three were killed and seven wounded from the bursting of one of her own guns. Sending the prize into Cartagena, Spain, Decatur continued his cruise, hoping to find the remainder of the Algerian squadron. T w o days later off Cape Palos the brig Estedio, 22guns, was run aground and captured by the Epervier, assisted by the Spark, Torch, and Spitfire. Some of her crew escaped; but eighty men were taken prisoner and twenty-three men were found dead on her deck. She was floated, and also sent into Cartagena as a prize. Decatur then decided to proceed to Algiers and there intercept other cruisers as they attempted to return home. He arrived off the Algerian capital on the twenty-eighth of June, en route having called his captains to a council of war where it was fully decided to attack the batteries and shipping at Algiers, if the Dey was not found to be disposed to make peace on terms which Decatur would offer. On the morning following his arrival, Decatur hoisted a white flag at the foremast head of the Guerrière and Swedish colors at the main to indicate that he wished to negotiate through the Swedish consul. Soon the consul, Mr. Norderling, and the Algerian captain of the port came on board the flagship. They were received courteously by Decatur and Mr. William Shaler, who had been appointed American Consul-General of the Barbary States, with his residence at Algiers, and joint commissioner with Decatur in negotiating a treaty.

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The Algerian official put on a bold front, having confidence in the strength of his navy which he declared to be safe in a neutral port. "Not all of it," replied Decatur.61 " T h e frigate Mashuda and a 22-gun brig are already captured, and your Admiral Hammida is killed." This the Algerian contemptuously refused to believe; whereupon Decatur ordered Hammida's Lieutenant, who was a prisoner on board the flagship, to be brought forward as a witness. He tremblingly corroborated the facts which had just been related, and the captain of the port was then unable to conceal his consternation and fear, and besought Decatur to stop hostilities until a treaty could be negotiated ashore. Decatur responded, "Hostilities will not cease until a treaty is made; and a treaty will not be made anywhere but on board the Guerrière."62 A letter from the President, dated April 12, 1815, was then delivered to him for the Dey Omar, the old Dey Hadji Ali having been murdered by his soldiers a few months previous. This stated that war had been declared by Congress, but that it was hoped that the Dey would choose to make peace. The letter was accompanied by one from Decatur and Shaler declaring, "They are instructed to treat upon no other principle than that of perfect equality and on the terms of the most favored nation. No stipulation for paying any tribute to Algeria under any form whatever will be agreed to." On the next day, June 30, the Swedish consul and the captain of the port returned on board the Guerrière with authority to negotiate. A treaty already drawn up was presented to them, providing for the complete abolition of all tribute of every kind, for the release of all the Americans in the Dey's power as well as all the Algerians recently captured by Decatur, for the payment by the Dey of $10,000 for the Edwin and other American property seized by" him and the restoration of certain American property still in his hands, for the freeing

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of any Christian slaves in Algiers who might escape to an American man-of-war, and for the treatment of captives in future wars not as slaves but as prisoners of war. On learning the contents of the proposed treaty, the captain of the port feared that the Dey could not ratify a treaty which involved the surrender of the system of exacting tribute. But he suggested that a little powder as an annual tribute might be considered as satisfactory. "If you insist in receiving powder as tribute," replied Decatur, 63 "you must expect to receive B A L L S with it." T h e n the Algerian begged for the restoration of the vessels lately captured. T h e American Commissioners, after some deliberation, agreed to this request, and also suggested that a present might be expected upon the arrival of the consul, as was the custom of other nations. T h e Dey's commissioners then asked for a truce until peace should be concluded; but this was refused. Then they begged for three hours. Decatur replied: "Not a minute. If your squadron appears in sight before the treaty is actually signed by the Dey, and the prisoners sent off, ours will capture them." 94 It was agreed, however, that hostilities would cease when a boat should be seen coming from the shore with a white flag as a signal that the treaty had been signed and that the boat had on board the American captives just released from bondage. T h e commissioners then departed for the shore, about five miles distant. Some time after their departure, an Algerian cruiser came into view, bound for the port. Decatur ordered a chase, and bore down on the vessel in the Guerrière. T h e ship was well in towards the land and with all sails set seemed bent on running past the American squadron, even grounding the vessel if necessary in order that the crew and soldiers might escape. Decatur, determined that she should not escape, resolved to board the vessel even under the batteries of the town. He directed that his Turkish saber and pistols be laid

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on the capstan, ordered his crew aft, communicated his plan to them, and called on them to follow him. He was then dressed in full uniform, having just received the Algerian commissioners, and looked "the very ideal of a hero," declared an officer who was present. He had on his laced coat and hat, tight cassimere pantaloons, long boots such as were worn at the time, bound at the top with gold lace and having tassels of gold in front. On his breast he wore the badge of Cincinnatus, the pledge of his being a fit associate of those who had won our revolution. His splendid figure had never appeared so advantageously.65 But just then the boat of the Algerian commissioners with the white flag prominently displayed was seen returning at utmost speed. Decatur gave up the chase and turned the head of the Guerrière towards the advancing boat. "Is the treaty signed?" asked Decatur, as the commissioners stepped on the deck of the Guerrière. "It is," they replied, placing the treaty in his hands. "Are the prisoners in the boat?" "They are." "Every one of them?" "Every one, sir."88 Then the released captives came forward to greet their deliverer, as he stood beneath the flag he had so honorably defended, the gunners still manning the guns. It was an appropriate setting for the naval leader whose romantic deeds in the Tripolitan War were so familiar to them, and whose more recent achievements during the struggle with Great Britain had become known to them even within their prison walls, and had awakened hopes of deliverance from their long years of cruel captivity. That same day Shaler went ashore as the new Consul-Gen-

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eral, and was received everywhere with the honor due his office and country. T h u s in forty-eight hours, and only six weeks from the time the squadron had sailed from New York, Decatur had negotiated a treaty which gave to the United States and its citizens more favorable terms than had ever before been granted to any Christian nation by one of the Barbary States. A curious sidelight upon British encouragement of the Dey's seizure of American ships is afforded by the story that, when the negotiations were brought to a close, one of the Dey's courtiers said to the British consul: " Y o u told us that the American navy would be destroyed in six months by you, and now they make war upon us with three of your own vessels they have taken from you." 67 This was indeed the very irony of fate. Captain Lewis was relieved of the command of the Guerrière and entrusted with the honor of bearing the treaty to the President. He sailed as a passenger with his brother-in-law, Lieutenant B. J . Neale, on board the Epervier, commanded by Lieutenant J o h n T . Shubrick. T h e little vessel passed Gibraltar on J u l y 12, but was never heard of again; she probably went down in a storm which was raging on the Atlantic coast at the time she was due home. In her perished also the unfortunate captives recently released from bondage. In the Episcopal Church in Algiers has been placed a handsome mural tablet, erected J u n e 20, 1887, by the citizens of the United States, bearing this inscription: In memory of a distinguished citizen of the United States of America, Commodore Stephen Decatur, who in connection with Captain W. Bainbridge and W. Shaler, Esq., on the 3d day of June, 1815, concluded a treaty with the Dey of Algiers, thus being the first to break through the intolerable bondage in which many Christian nations were held by the Barbary States.

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Decatur next turned his attention to Tunis, whose ruler had permitted a British man-of-war to take two prizes, during the late war, from the American privateer Abaellino in the very harbor of Tunis. He sailed on July 8 with all his squadron except the Epervier, Spark, and Torch, the two latter having been sent to Cartagena for the Algerian prizes. Then, calling at Cagliari, Sardinia, for water and provisions, he arrived off Tunis on the twenty-sixth. A demand was at once sent to the Bey, through the American consul, for the payment of an indemnity of $46,000 for the two ships which had been captured. " T e l l your admiral to come to see me," 63 said the Bey to the American Consul. " H e declines coming, your Highness, until these disputes are settled, which are best done on board ship." "But this is not treating me with becoming dignity. Hamuda Pacha [his predecessor] of blessed memory commanded them to land, and wait at the palace until he was pleased to receive them." "Very likely, your Highness, but that was twenty years ago." After meditating for a time, the Bey continued, " I know this admiral; he is the same one who, in the war with Sid Yusef of Trablis, burnt the frigate." " T h e same." "Hum! Why do they send wild young men to treat for peace with old powers? Then you Americans do not speak truth. You went to war with England, a nation with a great fleet, and said you took their frigates in equal fight. Honest people always speak truth." "Well, sir, and that is true. Do you see that tall ship in the bay? She is the Guerriere, taken from the British. That one near the small island is the Macedonian. She was taken from the British by Decatur himself on equal terms. The sloop

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near Cape Carthage is the Peacock, which was also captured in battle with the British." T h e consul relates69 that the "Bey laid down the telescope, reposed on his cushions, and with a small tortoise shell comb set with diamonds combed his beard. A small vessel got under way and came near the batteries; a pinnace with a few men on board rowed about the harbor, and one person dressed in the garb of a sailor was taking soundings. It was Decatur." T h e Bey attempted, during the twelve hours' limit set by Decatur, to gain permission to pay the indemnity at the end of the year; but this proposition having been sternly refused, he at last agreed, saying to the American consul, " T e l l your admiral to land, and all shall be settled to his satisfaction." He did not wish to provoke a fight with that "wild young m a n " in spite of the fact that the harbor of T u n i s was difficult of access and was protected by strong batteries, three frigates, and a large number of brigs, corvettes, and gunboats, all drawn up in line of battle. And still there are some who ask, "What's in a name?" Decatur landed in full uniform, accompanied by his staff, and was received with great honor. At the American Consulate the foreign consuls arrived to pay their respects and offer their congratulations on the success of the negotiations. While Decatur was conversing with the British consul, the brother of the Bey arrived with the money for the indemnity. T h i s he threw down on the floor, and then indignantly declared to the British consul, " Y o u see, sir, what T u n i s is obliged to pay for your insolence. Y o u should feel ashamed of the disgrace you have brought upon us. I ask you if you think it just, first to violate our neutrality, and then leave us to be destroyed or pay for your aggressions." 70 Decatur then departed for Tripoli where, he had learned,

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two other prizes of the same American privateer had been taken by the British, the Bey of Tripoli raising no objection in spite of the violation of neutrality involved and the treaty between his country and the United States. Arriving here on August 5, Decatur conducted negotiations on board the Guerrière as usual, and the Bey, though at first somewhat disposed to reject Decatur's terms, after learning what had been gained from Algiers and Tunis, decided to accept the demands, which called for the payment of $25,000 and the release of two Danish captives and eight Sicilians. Decatur was thus able to repay to some extent the Danish consul Nissen for his kindnesses to the Philadelphia's crew when in captivity there, and also able through the release of the Sicilian family to show his appreciation of the aid given Preble by the King of Naples in the War with Tripoli. Peaceful relations having thus been restored with Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, Decatur sailed with his squadron on a visit to the Kingdom of the T w o Sicilies in order to afford his officers and men an opportunity for refreshment and recreation, and to give himself and some of his officers the pleasure of renewing impressions and associations in those historic ports of the Mediterranean. Syracuse, which Decatur had often visited during the Tripolitan War, being under quarantine, the squadron stopped in those waters only long enough to secure water from the fabled Fountain of Cyane near by, and then sailed along the Sicilian coast to Messina. Here the released captives were landed and restored to their friends, who had given them up for dead and who with inexpressible admiration regarded Decatur as indeed the "Champion of Christendom." After about ten days, the squadron sailed early in September for Naples. Passing safely through the Straits of Messina, the much-dreaded Scylla and Charybdis of the ancients, and

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thence coasting along the rocky shores of southern Italy, with Stromboli's pillar of cloud by day and pillar of fire by night, like a giant beacon guiding them on their way, the ships after a week's voyage entered the Bay of Naples, that unsurpassed combination of scenic beauty and historic interest, and dropped anchor in sight of Capri and Vesuvius. Here Decatur wrote the Marquis Di Circello, Neapolitan Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on September eighth: I have the honor to inform your Excellency that, in my late negotiation with the Bashaw of Tripoli, I demanded and obtained the release of eight Neapolitan captives, subjects of his Majesty, the King of the Two Sicilies. These I have landed at Messina. It affords me great pleasure to have had it in my power, by this small service, to evince to his Majesty the grateful sense entertained by my government of the former aid rendered to us by his Majesty during our War with Tripoli. T h i s not only brought in reply a gracious letter of thanks from the King through his foreign secretary but also an invitation, through the American Consul, to call on September fourteenth at the King's Villa of Portici. Here at this lovely palace on the shore of the Bay of Naples, surrounded by a gorgeous panorama impossible of description, Decatur received personally the royal thanks for his act of humanity and thoughtful courtesy. W h i l e in Naples, Decatur also received a grateful letter of thanks from the Consul-General of Denmark there, who received the two Danish captives and arranged for their safe ret u r n to their homes in their native country. After a short stay at Naples all the squadron proceeded to Cartagena, and thence all except the flagship sailed for Malaga. As the Guerrière a few days later was proceeding towards the same port, she fell in with an Algerian squadron of seven

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vessels. Decatur called his crew to quarters and cleared his ship for action, uncertain whether they would respect the recent treaty with such odds in their favor, but confident of his ability to defeat the entire squadron if they began to fight. He assembled his men on the quarter-deck and thus addressed them: My lads, those fellows are approaching us in a threatening manner; we have whipped them into a treaty, and if that treaty is to be broken, let them break it. Be careful of yourselves. Let any man fire without orders at the peril of his life. But let them fire first, if they will, and we'll take the whole of them.71 T h e men returned to their stations with the same determination that Decatur had just manifested. The Algerians approached in line of battle, their flagship in rear. They passed silently near the Guerrière to leeward until the Algerian admiral was alongside Decatur's ship. Then he demanded brusquely in Italian, "Dove andate?" (Where are you bound?). Decatur took the trumpet from the officer of the deck and responded fearlessly, "Dove me piace" (Where I please). Thus the American squadron passed on unmolested to Malaga. At this port Decatur learned that Bainbridge was at Gibraltar, and so he sent there all his ships, following in the Guerrière a few days later and arriving on October 6 just as Bainbridge was ready to sail for home. Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, who was attached to the Chippewa of Bainbridge's squadron, graphically describes the arrival of Decatur's flagship on that bright October day, and the exchange of salutes between the Guerrière and the ship of the line Independence, flagship of Bainbridge's "gallant array of vessels . . . just emerging from the harbor when the Guerrière was seen to heave in sight round Europa Point." 72 The Guerrière hove to [he continues] as she approached the stern of the Independence. An officer of rank appeared in the

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gangway of the former ship, and descended into the gig, which waited beneath with uplifted oars. She pushed off, displaying a broad pennant from her bow, and pulled towards the Independence, which kept under rapid way so as to make it difficult for the boat to overtake her. The individual of distinguished mien could be no other than Decatur. With an admiration excited by recollections of the burning of the Philadelphia, the hand to hand encounter in the gunboats, the capture of the Macedonian, the desperate defense against the attack of the British squadron, which ended in the capture of the President, and of the more recent triumphs from which Decatur had just arrived, the writer followed him, until he disappeared through the gangway of the Independence, with an intense and overpowering interest, and with a thrill of patriotic pride in his boyish heart, still freshly remembered and almost felt. Bainbridge, with his usual poor luck, had not sailed from Boston until J u l y 3, and when he arrived at Cartagena on August 5, Decatur was just completing his work at T r i p o l i . Bainbridge's squadron was composed of the Independence, the first American ship of the line to enter the Mediterranean; the frigates United States and Congress; the sloop of war Erie; the brigs Chippewa, Saranac, Boxer, and Enterprise; and the schooner Lynx. T h o u g h he learned of the conclusion of a treaty of peace with Algiers, still according to orders Bainbridge proceeded with his squadron to that place and thence to T r i p o l i and Tunis. This appearance of a second large American squadron so soon after that of Decatur had a very salutary effect in causing the Barbary rulers to live up to their treaties with the United States. A small squadron, composed of the United States, Constellation, Erie, and Ontario, was left in the Mediterranean to look after American interests. Bainbridge then sailed for America on October 7 with all the other vessels of both squad-

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rons except the Guerrière, which sailed later the same day and arrived at New York on November 12, three whole days ahead of Bainbridge's squadron. Decatur had been away from the United States only 187 days; but in that time he had brought proud Algiers to her knees, and had put the fear of Uncle Sam also in the hearts of the rulers of Tunis and Tripoli.

*

XV Rewards of Valor E C A T U R ' S brilliant achievement in bringing the Barbary corsairs so quickly to terms raised him to the very top of his profession. On every side he was received with honor and praise. David Porter wrote from Washington on November 15, 1815:

D

The public prints of this morning announce your arrival. I take it for granted, therefore, this letter will find you in New York. It brings with it my hearty congratulations for your safe and speedy return from your brilliant, comet-like expedition to our old friends. You have done more in a few months than all Europe have been able to effect in ages, and have given a lesson not only to Christendom but to the Barbary States that will not soon be forgotten. However, I shall refrain from expressions of admiration lest it may be called flattery. My object is only to give you welcome to your country and to your friends, among whom permit me to rank myself. Present me respectfully to Mrs. Decatur and believe me to be „. , Sincerely yours, D. PORTER. Officially Decatur's work was given the highest commendation that language could express. " I take much interest," wrote Secretary of State Monroe, "in informing you that the result of this expedition, so glorious to your country and honorable to yourself and the officers and men under your command, has been very satisfactory to the President." That this was quite true is evident from the fact that in his Message to Congress of December 1815 President Madison commenced his official communication with these words:

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I have the satisfaction, on our present meeting, of being able to communicate to you the successful termination of the war, which had been commenced against the United States by the regency of Algiers. T h e squadron in advance on that service, under Commodore Decatur, lost not a moment, after its arrival in the Mediterranean, in seeking the naval force of the enemy, then cruising in that sea, and succeeded in capturing two of his ships, one of them the principal ship, commanded by the Algerian admiral. T h e high character of the American commander was brilliantly sustained on the occasion, who brought his own ship into close action with that of his adversary, as was the accustomed gallantry of all the officers and men actually engaged. Having prepared the way by this demonstration of American skill and prowess, he hastened to the port of Algiers, where peace was promptly yielded to his victorious force. In the terms stipulated, the right and honor of the United States were particularly consulted, by a perpetual relinquishment on the part of the Dey, of all pretensions to tribute from them. T h e impressions, which have thus been made, strengthened as they will have been by subsequent transactions with the regencies of Tunis and Tripoli, by the appearance of the larger force which followed under Commodore Bainbridge, the chief in command of the expedition, and by the judicious precautionary arrangements left by him in that quarter, afford reasonable prospect of future security for the valuable portion of our commerce which passes within reach of the Barbary powers. T h e Secretary of the N a v y was equally well pleased with Decatur's performance, and a vacancy then occurring in the Board of N a v y Commissioners, which was caused by the retirement of Captain Isaac H u l l , Decatur was offered this honorable position. O n December 9, 1 8 1 5 , he wrote f r o m Philadelphia to Secretary Crowninshield: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 2nd inst. In answer to which I beg leave to state that it will be perfectly agreeable to me to be nominated as one of the

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Commissioners of the Navy Board. Permit me, sir, through you to express my acknowledgments to the President for the honor he intends me. T w o weeks later he was informed in Philadelphia of the confirmation of his appointment, by the Senate, his commission bearing the date of December 20. On the way to Washington to take up his new duties, Decatur passed through Baltimore, where on December 26 the leading citizens gave him a dinner at Barney's Fountain Inn. T h e dinner was prepared in Mr. Barney's usual "style of excellence and taste." 73 T h e dining hall was handsomely decorated with naval standards and presented a scene which was very pleasing to all present. A large crowd welcomed the entrance of Commodore Decatur, and the tables were honored by the presence of all the officers of the navy then on that station, many officers of the army, and several members of Congress. After dinner, toasts were drunk "with glees accompanied by appropriate music from Mr. Bunye's band." Among eighteen toasts was the following: "Algiers, and the other Barbary powers! T a u g h t by Decatur's gallant squadron to respect the laws of nations." In response to this Decatur gave the toast: " T h e citizens of Baltimore! T h e i r patriotism and valor defeated the veteran forces of their enemy, who came, saw, and fled." Of the eleven volunteer toasts, this was the last: " M a y all our Commodores and Captains meet such honors as Decatur's, for ninety-nine years, renewal forever." After the departure of the guest of honor, General Smith, who was chairman, delivered according to custom the final toast, the sentiment of which was by no means an exaggeration: "Commodore Decatur! T h e man whom his country delights to honor." 7 3 Baltimore certainly delighted to honor Decatur. About two years later, on the twenty-ninth of September 1 8 1 7 , Richard Caton, Isaac M c K i m , and John Hoffman, on the part of a

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR number of other citizens of that city, presented to Decatur a complete dinner service of silver as a "testimonial of their respect for his private virtues and gratitude for his distinguished public services." 74 Upon each piece was placed this inscription: " T h e citizens of Baltimore to Commodore Stephen Decatur. Rebus gestis insigni—ob virtutes dilecto" [distinguished for his heroism, and admired for his virtues]. Decatur replied to the letter which accompanied the silver service: Gentlemen, I have been honored with your communication of the 29th of September, accompanied by the splendid service of plate, which a number of the citizens of Baltimore have done me the honor to present to me. I beg you to assure them that I have a full sense of this generous testimony of their esteem and partiality. I will not deny to you the high gratification I derived from the marked approbation they have been pleased to express of my conduct. My object, through a service of nearly twenty years, has been to merit the good opinion of my countrymen; and the evidence which you have furnished me of the success of my exertions leaves me little else to desire. I beg you, gentlemen, for yourselves to accept my warmest thanks for the gratifying manner in which you have pleased to make known to me the favorable sentiments of the citizens of Baltimore, rendered the more acceptable from the gracious manner in which they have been communicated. Decatur's associates on the Board of Navy Commissioners were J o h n Rodgers and David Porter, who had been his warm friends for many years. T h e duties of this board were somewhat analogous to those of the British Lords of the Admiralty, and the position was looked upon as the highest in the American navy. T h o u g h the Secretary of the Navy had the paramount authority, still through this board almost every important measure respecting the navy passed. For example, they had to determine the various classes of ships to be

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built, with quality of materials, models, etc.; to establish regulations for the necessary expenditures and the correct accounting for them as well as regulations for ascertaining the actual state of decayed, damaged, or defective vessels and the disposition of them, regulations for the naval service at sea and upon the lakes, regulations for flotillas and for every species of harbor defense, regulations for navy yards, arsenals, depots of stores, materials, etc., regulations for cruising ships, ships in port, the recruiting service, and officers on duty on shore and on furlough, regulations for hospitals and the medical department, regulations for the conduct of pursers, fixing their pay and mode of accounting to secure seamen against undue advantages, and regulations for the examination of the officers of the navy below the rank of master commandant, and for classifying them in the scale of merit and thus determining promotions. The Commissioners at first met in a house of five rooms, which was rented for $300 a year. Its location in Washington is now not known. In 1820 they were given more suitable quarters in the old Navy Department Building, which was located some two hundred yards west of the White House. This was a brick building, 160 by 55 feet, which had two stories with an attic and basement. Both the Secretary of the Navy and the Navy Commissioners had their offices on the second floor, which were situated on both sides of a broad hallway running throughout the entire length of the building. In April 1816 Congress authorized the construction of nine ships of the line and twelve 44-gun frigates. T h e first of the former class, the Columbus, was begun in May of that year in the Washington Navy Yard. T h e Delaware and Ohio were commenced in 1817; the North Carolina and the Vermont, in 1818; the Alabama, 1819; the New York, in 1820; the Pennsylvania, in 1821; and the Virginia, in 1822. The frigates were

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not laid down until after Decatur's death. The Navy Commissioners superintended the building of these ships. Their construction involved the expenditure of a large sum of money, a ship of the line then costing about $500,000. Another important duty of the Commissioners was the purchase of naval supplies; such as live oak and yellow pine beams, long guns and carronades, beef and pork, kentledge, juniper shingles, ship chandlery and paints, slop clothing, canvas, patent cordage, anchor iron, masts and spars, stone, coal, gunner's stores, groceries, bread, vegetables, tobacco, and whisky. Decatur and his associates also sought to improve ordnance by sending inspectors to selected ironworks, to whose owners they advanced money for the improvement of their plants. T h e Secretary of the Navy sought the Commissioners' advice as to the qualifications of officers for promotion and their assignment to duty. The salary for such a responsible position was then only $3,500 a year. Decatur brought to the Board of Commissioners his broad acquaintance with naval science, his long experience in the naval service, and his vigilant and unspotted integrity; and in his brother Commissioners he found men, like himself, devoted to the best interests of the service. As illustrative of Decatur's hatred of dishonesty and corruption, Commodore Rodgers often related the following incident. One morning he left Decatur in the office, listening respectfully to an inventor who was trying to explain the advantages of some new firearm which he hoped to get introduced into the naval service. Rodgers had hardly reached the room directly above when he heard a great commotion below, and rushing down at once, he found Decatur in a towering rage and the thoroughly frightened inventor on his knees, fearful that his hour had struck. Rodgers learned that the man, after failing to convince Decatur of the merits of his invention, had then made the mistake of trying to bribe him by offering to divide the

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profits with him if he would use his influence to persuade the Secretary of the Navy to adopt the gun. Though the three Commissioners believed in the same fundamental principles, they had their little differences of opinion and such rivalries as are unavoidable among three spirited men. The duties of the board were theoretically divided among the members. Decatur, being the youngest, gave the impression of an inclination to break down the lines of this division of responsibility. One day he raised an objection to some proposition Porter favored. T h e latter gave Decatur plainly to understand that he did not approve of his interference. Decatur, jumping to his feet, said, "Exactly, sirl Since you and Commodore Rodgers always vote against me, I am of little use here!" Porter rejoined hotly, "That, sir—to say the best of it—is untrue! Your complaint is frivolous, and for what I say I hold myself responsible!" 76 Decatur turned on his heel and left the room; but in a few days he and Porter were in friendly consultation again over the same table, Rodgers in his fatherly way having patched up the quarrel. Such a position as that of Navy Commissioner was by no means a sinecure, as the miscellaneous variety of the business required close attention to details and became often both irksome and fatiguing. But Decatur was indefatigable in discharging these many duties, though they bore no resemblance to bringing down the Cross of St. George on a captured frigate in the Atlantic, or the Crescent from a corsair vessel in the Mediterranean. This peaceful kind of service, however, excited no applause from the public who did not know of its nature or of its importance, and who must always have some spectacular achievement before its eyes upon which to bestow its admiration. Yet the President, the Secretary of the Navy, and the other Navy Commissioners fully appreciated Decatur's work. They had, in common with the public in general,

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participated in the enthusiastic rapture over his unparalleled victories in the Mediterranean and his achievements in the War of 1812; they now had an opportunity to observe the theory of that seemingly mysterious system which together with his dauntless bravery had enabled him to win such successes. Not long after Decatur's arrival in Washington, the delegation in Congress from Pennsylvania took advantage of the presence of Decatur, Stewart, and Biddle in the capital at the same time to give a dinner at McKeowin's Hotel in honor of these distinguished Pennsylvanians. The usual toasts, fifteen in number, were given; for example, " T h e Navy! Led by heroism, and accompanied by humanity, it has conquered a wreath of imperishable glory." 76 Decatur's toast was, " T h e State of Pennsylvania! Powerful and patriotic." The most picturesque were among the sixteen volunteer toasts; such as, "Powder and ball—the only American tribute in latter times," and " T h e Ocean—may those who arrogate to themselves its surface be transfixed to John Bull's Guerrière and like crabs and crawfish crawl the bottom to Java." In the month of April 1816 Decatur went to Norfolk on professional duties, and was accompanied by his wife to her native city, where they were both received with great cordiality by a large number of friends. While Decatur was in the city, a "public entertainment" was given in his honor, at which 120 gentlemen were present. Among the noteworthy toasts were: " T h e Mediterranean—the sea not more of Greek and Roman than of American glory"; " T h e Crescent—its lustre was dimmed even by the twinkling of our Stars"; " T h e Seamen of the United States—they have triumphed over the conquerors of the conqueror of Europe"; and "National Glory—a gem above all price, and worthy every hazard to sustain its splendor." T o this last toast Decatur responded with

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his famous sentiment: " O u r C o u n t r y ! In her intercourse w i t h f o r e i g n nations may she always be in the right and always successful,

right or wrong."77

T h e s e are, according to contempo-

rary newspapers, the exact words of the well-known toast. It has been u n i f o r m l y quoted in more recent years thus: " O u r C o u n t r y . In her intercourse with foreign nations, may she always be in the right, but our country, right or w r o n g . " T h e r e are some w h o are inclined to belittle the toast as provincial rather than patriotic. T h e o d o r e Roosevelt, h o w e v e r , was one w h o a p p r o v e d such a sentiment. A f t e r q u o t i n g the f o l l o w i n g passage f r o m a speech delivered at the time of t h e Samoan trouble by a G e r m a n - A m e r i c a n : " A m e r i c a , first, last, a n d all the time; A m e r i c a against G e r m a n y , A m e r i c a against the w o r l d ; A m e r i c a , right or wrong; always A m e r i c a , " Roosevelt declared, 7 8 " A l l honor to the m a n w h o spoke such w o r d s as those." P r o b a b l y the majority of A m e r i c a n s w o u l d a p p r o v e j u s t as heartily Decatur's toast. It should be noted well that D e c a t u r states first his wish that his country may "always b e in the r i g h t . " T h a t was saying a great deal indeed in those days w h e n the y o u n g A m e r i c a n nation had been forced to suffer so many wrongs at the hands of France, of G r e a t B r i t a i n , a n d of the Barbary States. Decatur had c o n t r i b u t e d greatly in m a k i n g his country successful

in the wars w h i c h had b e e n

f o u g h t against all of these countries, and w h e n o n e passes j u d g m e n t on the last phrase of the toast, o n e s h o u l d j u d g e it by the standards of Decatur's day rather than by those of the present, w h i c h if put to the test of a decisive war m i g h t p r o v e to be not very different after all. A few days after this d i n n e r in N o r f o l k , D e c a t u r w e n t to Petersburg, V i r g i n i a , w h e r e he was waited u p o n b y a committee of citizens w h o presented to h i m an address of welcome, congratulation, and appreciation, a n d invited h i m t o a p u b l i c d i n n e r to be given that a f t e r n o o n at P o p l a r Spring. H e accepted the invitation, and was h o n o r e d by the presence

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of three hundred people who assembled on such short notice. Some of the toasts which were described as "elegantly simple and expressive" were as follows: " T h e Constitution of the U n i t e d States—while we drink the waters of felicity, let us reverence the fountain whence they flow," and " T h e Memories of Franklin and Washington—the lightnings of heaven could not withstand the sage, the powers of earth could not corrupt the statesman." Decatur volunteered the toast, " T h e Citizens of Petersburg—they render honor to others for services which they themselves have exceeded." In recording this event Niles' Register78 remarks, " H o w must a man feel thus to receive the caresses of a whole people! W e have, thank Heaven, no stars and garters to reward those 'who fill u p the measure of their country's glory,' yet they do not go uncompensated." In Philadelphia, Decatur was always received with a sort of rapture. As a mark of appreciation for his achievement in the W a r with Algiers the citizens of this city, w h o " k n e w him best," gave him a beautiful service of plate, 80 accompanied by a letter of praise, dated February 1 1 , 1 8 1 8 . T h i s letter, signed by R o b e r t Wharton, Daniel Smith, R o b e r t Smith, J o n a t h a n Smith, and Samuel R e l f , was as follows: Dear Sir,—A number of your townsmen, most of whom have known you from your youth, and the hearts of all of whom have followed you in your career of peril, honor, and usefulness, with alternate anxiety and exultation, have appointed the undersigned a committee to present you with a service of plate, in testimony of their high sense of your brilliant service to your country, and of the glory which your deeds have reflected on her name. In executing this pleasing duty, we beg you to be assured that, although the tribute which we now offer is intrinsically of no great value, it is accompanied by the love and gratitude of your countrymen.

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T o this cordial letter Decatur replied feelingly on April 2, 1818: Gentlemen, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, with the elegant service of plate presented to me by a number of my fellow citizens of Philadelphia. Any language that I could use would fall very far short of doing justice to the grateful feelings and recollections with which your communication has filled me. It has added another to the many proofs I had already received of the partiality of my townsmen and the friends of my youth. I beg your committee, composed of names with which my earliest and most agreeable ideas are associated, to accept my warmest thanks for the very flattering sentiments you have expressed towards me, and my best wishes for a continuation of your prosperity. Each piece of plate was thus inscribed: " B y Citizens of Philadelphia to their townsman Commodore Decatur. Esteemed for his virtue and honored for his valor." Congress showed in a substantial way its appreciation of the achievements of Decatur and his men in the war against Algiers by appropriating the sum of $100,000 to indemnify them for the prizes which had been restored to the Dey of Algiers. Decatur's part of the prize money was about $15,000. Soon after becoming a Navy Commissioner, Decatur purchased one of the "Seven Buildings" on Pennsylvania Avenue between Nineteenth and Twentieth streets. Then he bought a lot on the corner of Lafayette Square, now the corner of H Street and Jackson Place, where in 1819 he built a mansion after plans by Benjamin H. Latrobe, an architect for the Capitol, St. John's Church, and other buildings in Washington. In this beautiful house he placed paintings and portraits81 relating to his naval career and his family; his trophies of war, medals, swords and other valuable weapons, services of plate,

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and other gifts from various cities and states; and luxurious rugs and tapestries, articles of virtu, and Oriental furniture, which had been either purchased or captured in the fighting with the Barbary States and on the high seas. Commodore and Mrs. Decatur lived in comparative splendor, entertained extensively, and were much sought after by the best society in the capital—Decatur for his renown as the Bayard of the Navy and Mrs. Decatur for her intellectual attractions and many accomplishments. So prominent was Decatur among the citizens of Washington that the Daily National Intelligencer, in giving an account of the President's New Year's Reception in January 1816, singled him out for special mention. " T h e concourse, we learn, was unusually large," it recorded. "Among those who graced the circle (or rather, the crowd) was the Hero of the Mediterranean, the gallant Decatur." When the Decaturs lived in Washington, the capital city with only about fifteen thousand inhabitants appeared very much like an overgrown, straggling village. In summer the streets were very dusty and in winter sometimes almost impassable on account of the mud. The White House, Capitol, and other government buildings then completed were separated from each other by a mile or more, with extensive vacant spaces intervening. Washington was then in fact a city of magnificent distances. Georgetown was a distinctly separate municipality of about seven thousand in population. James K. Paulding wrote, approximately in the year 1816, that Washington was a dull place in the autumn "except to sportsmen, who find excellent shooting in the center of the city. I have seen a great number of quail, plover, and snipe within a couple or three hundred yards of the President's Mansion, and they do say that deer abound in the 'slashes,' as they are called, about a half a mile north of that building. I can't answer to that fact, but I have seen plenty of rabbits there." 82

Stephen Decatur Portrait by Gilbert Stuart

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T h e friendship between President Madison and Decatur was intimate, according to a letter written by Richard Rush to Mrs. Decatur. You lived in one of the Seven Buildings at that time [he wrote83] and I was at a neighboring hotel. Next door to you, in another of those buildings, lived at one time the President, the great and good Madison: the presidential mansion being in course of rebuilding, after being burnt by the British during the war. Of Mr. Madison's friendship your husband enjoyed a large and very gratifying share, strengthened by almost daily intercourse with him. Let me add, as known to me, that Mr. Madison, of whose cabinet in 1815 and 1816 I was a young and humble member, (and here I am alluding to those years) was impressed with the enlargement of your husband's views and conversation, and above all his enlightened thirst for correct knowledge of the true elements of our constitutional government. Well indeed did he know that he was addressing himself to the fountain head of such knowledge, in whatever inquiries he made of his illustrious friend and neighbor, who in turn was always ready to shed light on such inquiries. In this connection it is also known to me that Mr. Madison kindly designated with his own pencil or pen in the copy of the Federalist, which the Commodore was reading, the numbers of that great work written by General Hamilton, Mr. Jay, and himself. Rush also writes interestingly of Decatur's knowledge of naval history and strategy. He continues: One day when he was dining with me in Washington with a few other naval officers, the conversation after dinner turned upon the naval history and battles of England. He remarked that he thought England would change her mode of fighting in large fleets, if ever she encountered a skillful enemy fleet to fleet. T o sustain this position, he analyzed the battle of Trafalgar; and whilst enthusiastically admiring Nelson's heroism, said that he, nevertheless, owed that victory to the extraordinary deficiency of

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the French and Spaniards in their naval gunnery, alleging that, if it had been quick and true on that occasion, the English ships must have been crippled more or less, and some of them cut to pieces while in the very act of breaking the enemy's line. He gave his illustrations with nutshells on the table, arranged to show the relative positions and maneuvering of the two fleets; and I remember his dwelling with emphasis on the vital importance of gunnery in naval discipline and practice, saying that everything else went for nothing at all (as must be obvious) without it, unless you mean to fight only by boarding; and that to make it perfect, the men must not only be laboriously exercised at the guns in rough as well as smooth weather, but with ball cartridge at the target, rising and falling in the water. T h e topic called up Rodney's action with De Grasse, towards the close of our revolutionary war, on which occasion Rodney's leading ship, the Marlborough, received the successive broadsides of more than twenty of the French ships of the line, and this at near distance, without losing more than half a dozen of her men, or sustaining any material damage. Could naval firing, he asked, be more wild? and declared that, if the guns of the French fleet had been well served, the Marlborough must have been destroyed. It was plain that he had no opinion of breaking the line as a mode of attack, unless you were full sure of your enemy's defects in seamanship and gunnery. T h a t Decatur had a mind fully capable of considering questions of naval strategy and important problems of naval policy is evident to one upon reading the long report which he wrote, January 2, 1 8 1 7 , at the request of Secretary of the Navy Crowninshield, on the best site within the waters of the Chesapeake Bay for the establishment of a naval depot, and the best means of defending the bay from an enemy by the use of stationary batteries. Decatur's report shows that he had fully mastered the requisites of a great naval station and knew full well the most advantageous use to which a naval force could be put. His suggestions were afterwards adopted as to the lo-

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cation of the base, and in part also as to the construction of its defenses. The Decaturs had no children, but the orphaned daughters of Decatur's sister spent considerable time in Washington with their uncle. Their father, Captain McKnight 84 of the Marines, had been killed in a duel at Leghorn in 1802. A son, named Stephen Decatur McKnight, entered the navy, and as a lieutenant was with Porter in the Essex on her famous cruise during the War of 1812. On the way home, he was lost when the ill-fated sloop Wasp went down somewhere in the Atlantic. Of this young officer Commodore John Downes, who was first lieutenant of the Essex under Porter, wrote, " H e promised to do honor to the name he bore." Just before the War of 1812 Decatur made a will in which he bequeathed all his property to his wife, and some swords and military trophies to this nephew. At the close of the war, after he was convinced that the young man would never reappear, he destroyed his will. Priscilla Decatur McKnight, at the time fourteen years old, spent the winter of 1816 with the Decaturs; her sister, Anna Pine, then about eighteen years of age, was with them during the winter of 1818; and both she and the oldest sister, Mary Hill, their mother having died in September 1819, were with their uncle in Washington from December of that year down to the time of his death in the following March. Thus passed quickly, in useful employment in the service of the navy, in pleasant social intercourse with the most distinguished people of the capital, and in uninterrupted happiness with his wife, four years of Decatur's life. Enjoying the rewards of valor after having practically reached the top of his profession when still a comparatively young man, he turned his eyes towards the future with the full expectation of many more happy years to come, unaware that the thread of his life was soon to be cut by the implacable Atropos.

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XVI Affairs of Honor E F O R E considering the duel which brought Decatur's life to a sudden tragic close, one should in justice to him briefly review the affairs of honor with which he had previously been connected, for many persons have the erroneous impression that he was an irascible and pugnacious man with an uncontrollable high temper, who was never happier than when engaged like Shakespeare's Hotspur in personal combat. On the contrary, the opposite was much nearer his true character.

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T h e first duel that Decatur fought occurred shortly after he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant in 1799. At that time the United States was refitting, and enlisting a new crew at Chester, Pennsylvania, under the direction of Charles Stewart, the first lieutenant of that frigate. Lieutenant Decatur was sent to Philadelphia on recruiting service; and while he was performing this duty, some of the seamen whom he had enlisted, deciding that they much preferred the merchant service to the navy, secretly joined an Indiaman. Decatur, on learning this, went aboard the vessel with his shipping articles to secure the men, when the chief mate, who was very angry at the prospect of losing the sailors, using language which sailors are supposed to be expert in employing, insulted both Decatur and the navy in which he served. T h e young officer managed to control his temper, but left the ship with his seamen. Soon afterwards, when he related

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the circumstances to his father, who had a high regard for the honor not only of his family but also of the navy in which he too had fought, he was advised that he could not well do otherwise than challenge the reckless officer to a duel. But first Lieutenant Somers was sent to ask an apology for the insult. T h i s being refused, a challenge was sent and accepted. Decatur, presuming that his opponent was not expert in the use of pistols, told Stewart before going ashore to fight that he would endeavor not to kill the man but only to wound him in the hip. T h e duel turned out just this way, and Decat u r was not injured at all. T h e honor of all concerned was thus as sufficiently satisfied as it would have been, had the challenger been killed. According to the public opinion of his day, Decatur had proved both his courage and his chivalry. At the beginning of the War with Tripoli, while the Essex, according to Commodore Dale's orders, was cruising along the northern shore of the Mediterranean, Decatur, who was then her first lieutenant, came very near to being involved in a duel with a Spanish naval officer at Barcelona. T h e American frigate presented such a fine appearance, with everything in complete and beautiful order, with a clean and vigorous crew under perfect discipline, and with an unusually manly and courteous group of officers, that all the Spanish people who visited the vessel while she was in Barcelona Roads were loud in their praise of everything they saw on the American man-of-war; and her excellent condition was contrasted in uncomplimentary terms with that of the Spanish vessels of war. These remarks were made sometimes in the presence of their own officers; as it happened, a Spanish man-of-war, a xebec, was then lying in the harbor as a guard boat. Its officers, accordingly, found themselves suddenly reduced to a position of comparative insignificance in the society of the port. T h e

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dark eyes of the señoritas looked with entirely too much favor on the Americanos. T h e pride of the Spanish officers was deeply touched, and they determined to get revenge. A few nights afterwards, as Captain Bainbridge's barge was proceeding from the mole to the Essex, she was hailed when near the Spanish guard boat, and the midshipman in charge was ordered by one of the Spanish officers to come on board. T h e identity of the American boat was unmistakable, as the crew were all dressed in white, the captain was in full uniform, and all could be plainly seen in the bright moonlight. After explanations had been made, the barge proceeded, but it was followed by vulgar and abusive language from the Spanish officers and by the discharge of muskets. Bainbridge then returned alongside the Spanish vessel and made further explanations to the officer of the deck, who insisted on his coming on board the xebec. "A compliance with this improper and extraordinary demand," wrote Bainbridge in a letter of complaint to the Captain General of the Province of Catalonia and city of Barcelona, "would have been so inconsistent with the character of the officers of the American navy that I did not feel disposed to submit to it, although exposed in an unarmed boat. I then attempted to shove off, when he again threatened, and was in the very act of firing a third time. Disregarding his threats, I again refused not only to go on board, but declined any further explanation than I had already given. Finding me unyielding, he allowed me at length to depart." Bainbridge received no satisfaction from this letter, but only a complaint from the Captain General to the American Consul for what he called the officer's "uncourteous" communication. A few nights later some of the lieutenants were returning to their ship, and the same trick was tried on them. Decatur was among them; and when their boat drew alongside, he called for the officer in command and vehemently objected to

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such discourteous treatment and insulting language. M a k i n g n o impression on the Spaniard, he told him in unmistakable language that he would return next morning and see him on board his vessel. He then shouted at the top of his voice to his oarsmen to "shove ahead." Being a man of his word, Decatur called the following m o r n i n g on board the xebec, and asked for the officer w h o had been in command the previous evening. U p o n being told that he had gone ashore, he replied, " W e l l , then, tell him that Lieutenant Decatur of the frigate Essex pronounces him a cowardly scoundrel, and that, when they meet on shore, he will cut his ears off." 85 T h i s led to the A m e r i c a n Consul's being called to the palace of the Captain General, w h o m he f o u n d beside himself with excitement and unable to explain, without the assistance of the commodore of the station, that one of his naval officers had been challenged b y an officer of the Essex and that the duel must be stopped. " T h e Spanish officers," he declared, "must be kept on board, and I request that you will endeavor to confine the officers of the Essex, also, to their ship." T h e consul replied, " I t is impossible that the American officers should remain on board, as they are preparing for sea; but notwithstanding the provocation used by the officers of the xebec, I will use all my influence to prevent the duel." T h e consul, with the assistance of Captain Bainbridge, succeeded in persuading Decatur to proceed no further with the challenge. Bainbridge then took u p the matter with the American minister at Madrid, w h o succeeded in securing from the Spanish Government a demand that the commanding officer of the xebec be severely censured and that he make an acceptable apology to the American naval commander and the American consul at Barcelona. Also, an order was sent to the commanders of the different seaport towns to "treat all of-

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ficers of the United States with courtesy and respect, and more particularly those attached to the United States frigate Essex." Having returned to the Mediterranean the following year in the New York, Decatur, during a period of inaction at Malta, became involved in his second affair of honor in those waters. One evening when Captain Bainbridge's younger brother Joseph, a midshipman on the New York, was at a theatre with one of his messmates, they were deliberately insulted by a young Englishman. T h i s fellow, who was sitting near the American officers, remarked to a companion in a tone loud enough to reach the ears of the Americans, " T h o s e Yankees will never stand the smell of powder!" 8 6 This was an allusion to the rather ineffective conduct of the war against T r i p o l i , and it must be admitted that up to that time not much had been done in which Americans could take pride. T h e young officers felt the full force of the sneering remarks, and retired to the lobby to consult as to what notice they should take of the insult. T h e y were followed, and as the midshipmen were walking up and down, the fellow who had spoken so offensively in the theatre, in passing in the opposite direction, jostled Midshipman Bainbridge. T h e third time this was repeated, Bainbridge hauled off and knocked the Englishman down. It would be difficult to find fault with the conduct of the midshipmen, who as strangers had been subjected to such a studied insult by one that might have been expected to show courtesy to foreigners, inasmuch as the aggressor turned out to be a Mr. Cochran, the private secretary of Sir Alexander Ball, the Governor of Malta. T h e following day a challenge was received by young Bainbridge on the New York. He was not skilled in the use of pistols, nor well acquainted with the code of honor. But he

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was on the point of accepting the invitation and selecting as a second one as ignorant of such affairs as himself, when Decatur heard what had happened and sent for the midshipman. H e explained that the challenger was a skilful duelist and would certainly take his life unless the arrangements were made with great care. He then offered himself as his second, and his assistance was thankfully received. Decatur thus became intimately concerned in the duel, and as young Bainbridge's second selected pistols as the weapons and demanded four yards as the distance. He also arranged that the first command should be "Take aim," and the second, "Fire," at which the pistols were to be discharged. T h e Englishman's second objected to the distance, and requested ten paces instead. "This looks like murder, sir," he complained to Decatur. "No, sir," replied the determined friend of Bainbridge, "this looks like death, but not like murder. Your friend is a professed duelist; mine is wholly inexperienced. I am no duelist, but I am acquainted with the use of the pistol. If you insist on ten paces, I will fight your friend at that distance." T o this Cochran's second rejoined, "We have no quarrel with you, sir."87 Decatur accordingly had his way. T h e parties met as had been arranged. "Take aim," said Decatur, when the two antagonists had taken positions facing each other at only four yards' distance. Pausing until he noted the Englishman's hand to become unsteady, he gave the command, "Fire!" and both pistols roared almost simultaneously. Young Bainbridge had put a hole through the Englishman's hat; while the latter had missed the American officer completely. In order to stop the duel it was now the opportunity of the Englishman to offer an apology, as he had begun the affair by giving the insult without provocation. Pride probably prevented any such offer, and the duelists again took their stand as before. T h e

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same orders were repeated, and this time the Englishman fell mortally wounded. Whatever may be said critically of Decatur's cold-blooded conduct in this affair, it must be admitted that he showed courage in coming to the assistance of a friend in a desperate situation, and that the Englishman as the aggressor had more than one opportunity to halt the duel before it came to such a tragic ending. Sir Alexander Ball took public notice of this duel, and demanded that Decatur and Bainbridge be turned over to the civil authorities for trial. At that time, in England as well as in the United States, killing a person in a duel was murder legally. But in both countries public opinion overrode the law; only a comparatively few duelists had ever been brought to trial, and if the duel had been fought fairly according to the rules of the code of honor, there was no conviction. T h i s attitude towards the law is illustrated in the case of a judge who thus addressed the jury: "Gentlemen, it is my business to lay down the law to you, and I shall do so: where two persons go out to fight a duel, and one of them falls, the law says it is murder, and I tell you by law it is murder, but at the same time a fairer duel I never heard of in the whole course of my life."ss Perhaps the official position of Cochran led the English Governor to go even so far as to report the matter to the British Government, by whom it was communicated to the American minister in London. T h a t this was hardly more than official routine will be evident when one recalls that a year or so afterwards Decatur was received with honor as a guest at the Governor's table. T h e embarrassing situation was soon relieved by the sailing of the squadron. At Gibraltar, Commodore Morris shifted his flag to the New York and, according to orders, on April 6, dispatched the Chesapeake home. Barron took command of this ever ill-fated ship, and Decatur and Joseph Bainbridge sailed

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in her as passengers, the Commodore having decided on this course because of the duel at Malta. This brought to a close Decatur's second cruise in the Mediterranean. He must then have thought that his career was ruined, and doubtless looked back with longing eyes upon that theatre of naval activity as his vessel turned towards the Atlantic and home. But as has already been narrated, he was to be given another opportunity of which he gloriously made use. During this same war Decatur one day replied to a light remark by Somers about his dress, with the word "fool"; it was in perfect good humor, however, as he and Somers were bosom friends and thoroughly understood and respected each other. Two days afterwards five or six of the young officers declined to drink wine with Somers, stating that he had shown lack of courage in receiving the insult from Decatur. Somers took the matter up with Decatur, who offered to give a dinner to the whole party and assure each of the young gentlemen that he had not had the remotest idea of giving an insult. But Somers declared, "They have allowed themselves to suspect my courage. I must convince them that they are mistaken; and my only course is to fight them all." All were, therefore, challenged, and Decatur became Somers' second. In the first duel Somers received a ball in the right arm. In the second he was wounded in the thigh, Decatur having begged in vain to take his place. Decatur was refused a similar request in the third duel, and Somers demanded that the affair proceed, though he was forced from loss of blood to fight from a sitting posture. By this time his right arm had become so unsteady from weakness that he could hardly hold his pistol. Decatur, then, in order to keep Somers' body and pistol arm steady, sat down on his left side, and placed his right arm around him and his hand under his right elbow. Thus sustained, Somers fired, and wounded his

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third adversary. By this time the officers were thoroughly convinced that a more determinedly courageous man had never lived than was Somers, and they made suitable acknowledgments in a handsome manner. It is exceedingly important to remember this incident as illustrative of the serious ideals of personal honor that were held by the young naval officers of Decatur's time, which were instilled into him and became fundamental in the conduct of his life, whatever may be our own attitude to such a code of chivalry. Several years passed before Decatur had occasion again to take part in a duel. Finally in the year 1818 he was called upon by his friend, Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry, to serve as his second in a duel with Captain John Heath of the Marines, with whom Perry had had a very serious personal difficulty during a cruise in the Mediterranean while Heath was serving under him. Decatur went to New York, in the vicinity of which the duel was fought on the tenth of October. In a letter from Perry to Decatur, written about a year previous, the former had declared that he intended to receive Heath's fire without returning it. In the duel Perry carried out this intention, and Heath missed completely. So after the first fire, Decatur came forward and explained the situation, and then asked if the aggrieved party was satisfied. Upon receiving an affirmative answer, Decatur had the satisfaction of seeing the personal encounter thus happily brought to a close without the loss of life. Not long afterwards Perry was sent to South America on a naval and diplomatic mission. Before his departure he went to Washington to receive his orders, and there spent some time, during which he was affectionately and hospitably entertained in Decatur's home. It was during this visit that Decatur was drawn into another quarrel of long standing, between Perry and Jesse D. Elliott, which had first arisen after

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the Battle of Lake Erie. The controversy arose over the conduct of Elliott, Perry's second in command, who did not bring his ship into action as he was ordered. Bitter partisans took sides; Elliott challenged Perry to a duel, which he refused to accept until the decision of a court of inquiry into Elliott's conduct was made by the Government. Before leaving Washington, Perry requested Decatur to take into his care the charges which he had laid before the Government when requesting a court-martial upon Elliott, and other papers relating to the case. "Perry was our guest at the time," wrote Mrs. Decatur, 89 "and remarked to my husband that Elliott was so regardless of truth and every principle of honor that there was no knowing what he might say if there were no person to keep him in checkl 'Would you have any objection to take charge of my papers?' My husband replied that he would willingly do so. So soon as Perry left the room, I observed to my husband that as Elliott was considered so destitute of principle, I was afraid he might get himself into some difficulty. He replied that it was his duty to watch over the reputation of his brother officers; and that I need not make myself uneasy, that Elliott was too great a coward to approach him in any way, and he did not believe there was an officer in the navy whom he could make use of as a cat's paw." On the expedition Perry caught the dreaded yellow fever on the Orinoco River, and died soon after reaching his ship at the mouth of that river. This, of course, ended his controversy with Elliott, and the Government never ordered the court of inquiry to investigate that officer's conduct. But Decatur had made a bitter enemy, who, as we shall see, later played an important role in bringing about Decatur's death. Perry was one of Decatur's most intimate friends. One who announced to him the Commodore's death declared,90 "You will feel his loss, I know, as a brother and very dear friend,

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who was attached to you more sincerely, I believe, than any other man in the service, and for whom you could but reciprocate equal regard." There is no evidence, then, that Decatur ever sent a challenge without what he considered good and imperative reasons. He was never the aggressor, but resorted to the duel in defense of his own personal honor or the honor of his country. As a second, he made the arrangements which he thought justice and right demanded, and endeavored to conduct the duel so that it might result in as little loss of life as possible. Decatur should not be judged, moreover, as some people seem to do, by the standards of today but by those of his own time, when in the navy alone between 1799 and 1849 m o r e than a hundred duels were fought. In his attitude towards dueling, he was perhaps a little ahead of his time, for in 1809 he required the midshipmen under his command to pledge themselves that they would neither give nor accept a challenge without first referring their disputes to him. For years the "Decatur Plan," as it was called, was popular with naval commanders. Not until 1839 did Congress forbid "the giving or the accepting of a challenge in the District," and not until July 17, 1862, did dueling become in the navy a violation of law.

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XVII Decatur and Barron O T many months after the happy termination of the duel between Perry and Heath, Decatur was confronted with the most serious controversy of his entire life. This was with Commodore James Barron. It grew out of the unhappy episode of the Chesapeake-Leopard, engagement. An account of this affair and of Barron's suspension from the navy for a period of five years as a consequence of the unworthy part he played in that action has already been given in a previous chapter. In order to provide for his family Barron sought employment in the merchant service, and in 1809 as master of the brig Brazilian he made a voyage to Pernambuco, South America, for some merchants of Norfolk. On April 5, 1812, he sailed again as master of the ship Portia from Norfolk to Lisbon, his salary being forty dollars per month and two and a half per cent commission on sales. Thence he sailed to Gothenburg, Sweden, where he arrived on July 3, and from there to Copenhagen, where he was detained by the outbreak of war between the United States and Great Britain. Ship agents for his vessel in London purchased a British license for the Portia, but Barron refused to sail under it, writing to the owners on September 8, "On no consideration can I be induced to sail under a British license, while I hold my claim to the character of an American citizen; if my destiny deprives me of that character, I must then dispose of myself as fate directs." T h e vessel was eventually sold by Barron

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for $7,500, from which the sum of $500 was retained for pay to him and his crew. Barron's term of suspension having come to an end on the eighth of February 1813, he wrote to the Secretary of the N a v y on July 22 following, from Copenhagen: T h e term of my suspension having expired, the object of the present letter is to inform you that the first wish of my heart has always been to render service to my country in an honorable way. If therefore they are wished and will be employed to that end, your commands will be readily obeyed. A letter directed to the care of J. M. Forbes, Esquire will find me here or in St. Petersburg. Unfortunately for Barron, he accompanied this letter with a m u c h longer one, bearing the same date, in which he attempted to show that he had been unjustly suspended from the service. T h e only knowledge of my character [he wrote] you may have may possibly be derived from sources not friendly to me. Should this be the case, I have only to rely on the strength of your mind and the justice and liberality of your disposition to decide on a case perhaps enveloped in so much obscurity and heretofore treated with as much injustice and inhumanity as any that ever came under your inspection. I never can, nor never will acknowledge that the sentence under which I have labored for these five years was just, or that it was not the result of malice, and not the sound and disinterested opinion of just and impartial judges. A f t e r explaining his conduct on that unfortunate day, Barron continues: T h u s was this cruel sentence passed and inflicted without mercy on a man who had spent the prime of his life in the service of his country and the truly guilty set at liberty and protected from censure or punishment. . . . Captain Gordon and his officers, contrary to my opinion previously expressed, gave two entertain-

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ments on board the Chesapeake in Hampton Roads while she was laying and only waiting for their exertions to proceed on her cruise. . . . It is only necessary to request your reference to the logbook of that ship to prove that the unpunished are the guilty, for when you observe that she laid twenty-two days in Hampton Roads with her whole crew on board and her orders ready, argument is unnecessary to prove the inattention of those dishonorable accusers whose only shift was to take some advantage and remove the blame to some more important person. It would, however, be imposing too much on your time and patience for me to call your attention to a review of those very unpleasant circumstances, and my only wish in life is to have an opportunity to prove to the world in general and my country in particular that I have suffered without just cause and there are circumstances known to those intimately acquainted with the particulars of that affair that would in my humble opinion convince the world that I was, to say the least of it, cruelly sacrificed. T h i s second letter was certainly by n o means timely, f o r t h e Secretary of the N a v y h a d a letter, w r i t t e n b y C a p t a i n W i l l i a m L e w i s f r o m P e r n a m b u c o , September 7, 1 8 1 1 , w h i c h c o n t a i n e d the f o l l o w i n g : Captain James Barron, while in this place in a merchant brig from Norfolk, did say to a Mr. Lyon, British Consul at the time and now residing here, that even if the Chesapeake had been prepared for action, he would not have resisted the attack of the Leopard, assigning as a reason that he knew (as did also our government) there were deserters on board his ship. H e said to Mr. Lyon further that the President of the United States knew there were deserters on board and of the intention of the British ships to take them and that his ship was ordered out under those circumstances with the view to bringing about a contest which might embroil the two nations in war. He told Mr. Lyon that he had private letters in his possession from officers high in the government, approving his conduct in the affair with the Leopard. I obtained this information from Mr. Thomas Goodwin of Baltimore,

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brother of Lieutenant Ridgely, who received it from Mr. Lyon himself, not in confidence but in company where a number of Americans were present. Mr. Lyon considered Barron was a man of the most vindictive heart. He has no doubt said these things with a view to revenge himself. I am not convinced that he is not only a coward but a traitor for I can call by no other name a man who would talk in this way to an Englishman in office. T h e s e letters probably e x p l a i n why the Secretary took no notice of Barron's application f o r service but awaited his personal appearance in Washington. H i s half pay of an officer on leave was sent to him, however, b e g i n n i n g F e b r u a r y 8, 1 8 1 3 . B u t B a r r o n did not return to the U n i t e d States, declaring afterwards as a reason his lack of means to pay the high cost of passage, caused by war conditions. Y e t there were several A m e r i c a n vessels which were detained in D e n m a r k , as Barron's had been, whose captains went home, some by way of E n g l a n d and others to France where they e m b a r k e d on privateers. T h e only definite attempt that B a r r o n m a d e was an endeavor to secure passage on the John Adams f r o m Gothenburg, which sailed f r o m there on J u n e 1 1 , 1 8 1 4 . T h i s was a cartel ship bearing the peace commissioners, and in view of that fact passage was refused him, as inconsistent with the nature of the ship. E v e n after the close of the war with G r e a t Britain, B a r r o n continued to remain abroad and did not return to the U n i t e d States until near the close of the year 1 8 1 8 . T h e n in F e b r u a r y of the f o l l o w i n g year he made a personal application to Secretary Smith T h o m p s o n in Washington f o r restoration to active service in the navy. In that interview the Secretary told him that . . . the declaration alleged to have been made by you to the British Consul at Pernambuco, as stated by Captain Lewis's letter, and your remaining in a foreign country after the expiration of

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the term of suspension and especially during the war with Great Britain were considered improper and requiring explanation before giving you employment. Captain L e w i s having been lost at sea in the Epervier, the Secretary wrote to M r . G o o d w i n in Baltimore who answered in a letter f u l l y corroborating the statements made on his authority by C a p t a i n Lewis. Copies of both of these letters were f u r n i s h e d to B a r r o n . In G o o d w i n ' s letter of March 4, 1 8 1 9 , just r e f e r r e d to, he mentions as references for his good character " m y good f r i e n d C o m m o d o r e Decatur particularly and the other distinguished men in the navy generally." N o w , Decatur being one of the N a v y Commissioners, Barron conceived the idea that he was largely responsible f o r advising the Secretary to refuse his reinstatement. H e felt that Decatur was hostile to h i m because he had been a member of the court-martial that had suspended him f r o m the navy. B u t in justice to Decatur, it should be repeated that, since he was present at the court of inquiry and had formed an opinion u n f a v o r a b l e to B a r r o n , he begged the Secretary to excuse h i m from serving on the court-martial, but his request was denied. T h e n , as he was still a n x i o u s to be relieved of this service, before the b e g i n n i n g of the proceedings of the court-martial he communicated to B a r r o n ' s advocate, General T a y l o r , the f u l l circumstances in order that he and B a r r o n might protest his becoming a m e m b e r of the court, but they raised no objections. As to what he had said of Barron's reinstatement and his firm convictions r e g a r d i n g it, Decatur wrote to h i m on October 3 1 , 1 8 1 9 : Between you and myself there never has been a personal difference; but I have entertained, and do still entertain, the opinion that your conduct as an officer since the affair of the Chesapeake, has been such as ought to forever bar your readmission into

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the service. . . . In the many and free conversations I have had respecting you and your conduct, I have said, for the causes above numerated [Lewis's letter, and failure to return to fight the British], that in my opinion you ought not to be received again into the naval service; that there was not employment for all the officers w h o had faithfully discharged their duty to their country in the hour of trial; and that it would be doing an act of injustice to employ you, to the exclusion of any one of them. In speaking thus, and endeavoring to prevent your readmission, I conceive I was performing a duty I owe to the service; that I was contributing to the preservation of its respectability. Had you made no effort to be reemployed after the war, it is more than probable I might not have spoken of you. If you continue your efforts, I shall certainly, from the same feelings of public duty by which I have hitherto been actuated, be constrained to continue the expression of my opinions; and I can assure you that, in the interchange of opinions with other officers respecting you, I have never met with more than one, who did not entirely concur with me. A s t o t h e last statement D e c a t u r w r o t e o n D e c e m b e r 29 following: I think I am not mistaken when I inform you that all the officers of our grade, your superiors as well as inferiors, with the exception of one w h o is your junior, concur in the opinion that you ought not to be employed again, whilst the imputations which now lie against you remain; nor have they been less backward than myself in expressing their opinions. T h o u g h these letters w e r e n o t w r i t t e n by D e c a t u r after Barron

had o p e n e d t h e fatal c o r r e s p o n d e n c e

until which

e n d e d only w i t h the d u e l , it is p e r f e c t l y e v i d e n t f r o m t h e m t h a t D e c a t u r h a d vigorously o p p o s e d B a r r o n ' s r e i n s t a t e m e n t to a c t i v e naval service, b u t that he was by n o means a l o n e in his o p p o s i t i o n . T h i s o p p o s i t i o n of D e c a t u r was n o t , h o w e v e r , the specific

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cause of Barron's opening that correspondence. In his first letter of J u n e 12, 1 8 1 9 he wrote, " I have been informed in Norfolk that you have said that you could insult me with impunity, or words to that effect. If you have said so, you will, no doubt, avow it, and I shall expect to hear from you." Decatur replied on J u n e 17: I have received your communication of the 12 th instant. Before you could have been entitled to the information you have asked me, you should have given up the name of your informer. That frankness which ought to characterize our profession required it. I shall not, however, refuse to answer you on that account, but shall be as candid in my communication to you as your letter or the case will warrant. Whatever I may have thought or said, in the very frequent and free conversations I have had respecting you and your conduct, I feel a thorough conviction that I never could have been guilty of so much egotism as to say that " I could insult you (or any other man) with impunity." In answer Barron wrote, J u n e 25: Several gentlemen in Norfolk, not your enemies nor actuated by any malicious motive, told me that such a report was in circulation, but could not now be traced to its origin. I therefore concluded to appeal to you, supposing under such circumstances that I could not outrage any rule of decorum or candor. This, I trust, will be considered as a just motive for the course I have pursued. Your declaration, if I understand it correctly, relieves my mind from the apprehension that you had so degraded my character, as I had been induced to allege. Decatur brought to a close the first round of the correspondence on J u n e 29 as follows: I have now to state, and I request you to understand distinctly that I meant no more than to disclaim the specific and particular expression to which your inquiry was directed, to wit, that I said that I could insult you with impunity. As to the motives of the

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"several gentlemen in Norfolk," your informants, or the rumors "which can not be traced to their origin," on which their information was founded, or who they are, it is a matter of perfect indifference to me, as are also your motives in making such an inquiry upon such information. Although Decatur's letters are not couched in words which might soothe the wounded feelings of a man, Barron appeared to be satisfied, and nearly four months went by before he reopened the correspondence. On October 23 he again wrote Decatur a letter of considerable length in which he declared that he had supposed that Decatur's "rancor" towards him had been " f u l l y satisfied" by the "cruel and unmerited sentence" passed upon him by the court of which he was a member, but that as soon as he had returned from his seven years' exile he learned that "the same malignant spirit which had before influenced you to endeavor to ruin my reputation was still at work, and that you were ungenerously traducing my character whenever an occasion occurred which suited your views." T h e n coming to the point of his letter, Barron wrote that their last correspondence had been sent by Decatur to Norfolk "by a respectable officer of the navy to be shown to some of my particular friends with a view of alienating from me their attachment." " I am also informed," he continued, "that you have tauntingly and boastingly observed that you would cheerfully meet me in the field, and hoped I would yet act like a man, or that you had used words to that effect." Barron concluded: I consider you as having given the invitation, which I accept, and will prepare to meet you at such time and place as our respective friends, hereafter to be named, shall designate. I also, under all the circumstances of the case, consider myself entitled to the choice of weapons, place, and distance; but should a dif-

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ference of opinion be entertained by our friends, I flatter myself, from your known personal courage, that you would disdain any unfair advantage, which your superiority in the use of the pistol, and the natural defect in my vision, increased by age, would give you. I will thank you not to put your name on the cover of your answer as, I presume, you can have no disposition to give unnecessary pain to the females of my family. Decatur replied to this on October 31 in a very long letter in which he reviewed their former correspondence, and expressed surprise that Barron should have reopened the matter, as his last letter had shown satisfaction with his explanations. As to sending the correspondence to Norfolk, he wrote: I did not send the June correspondence to Norfolk until three months had expired after your last communication, and not then until I had been informed by a captain of the navy that a female 91 of your acquaintance had stated that such a correspondence had taken place. If that correspondence has in any degree "alienated your friends from you," such effect is to be attributed to the correspondence itself. I thought the papers would speak for themselves, and sent them without written comment. He then took up the matter of the court-martial of Barron, and explained fully how both he and his counsel had been given the opportunity to challenge his being a member of the court, but that they had failed to do so. He declared that his conduct as a member of the court had not however been influenced by any feelings of hostility towards him. As to Barron's conclusion that Decatur had given him "an invitation," the letter stated: I never invited you to the field; nor have I expressed a hope that you would call me out. I was informed by a gentleman with whom you had conferred on the subject that you left Norfolk for this place some time before our June correspondence with the intention of calling me out. I then stated to that gentleman, as I

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have to all others with whom I have conversed on the subject, that, if you made the call, I would meet you; but that, on all scores, I should be better pleased to have nothing to do with you. I do not think that fighting duels, under any circumstances, can raise the reputation of any man, and have long since discovered that it is not even an unerring criterion of personal courage. I should regret the necessity of fighting with any man; but, in my opinion, the man w h o makes arms his profession is not at liberty to decline an invitation from any person who is not so far degraded as to be beneath his notice. H a v i n g incautiously said I would meet you if you wished, I will not consider this to be your case, although many think so; and if I had not pledged myself, I might reconsider the case. As to "weapons, place, and distance," if we are to meet, those points will, as is usual, be committed to the friend I may select on the occasion. As far, however, as it may be left to me, not having any particular prejudice in favor of any particular arm, distance, or mode (but on the contrary disliking them all), I should not be found fastidious on those points, but should be rather disposed to yield you any little advantage of this kind. As to my skill in the use of the pistol, it exists more in your imagination than in reality. For the last twenty years I have had but little practice, and the disparity in our ages, to which you have been pleased to refer, is, I believe, not more than five or six years. It would have been out of the common course of nature, if the vision of either of us had been improved by years. From your manner of proceeding, it appears to me that you have come to the determination to fight some one, and that you have selected me for that purpose; and I must take leave to observe that your object would have been better attained, had you made this decision during our late war, when your fighting might have benefited your country as well as yourself. O n N o v e m b e r 30 B a r r o n sent a reply, very l o n g i n d e e d , a p p r o x i m a t e l y twice the l e n g t h of D e c a t u r ' s " v e r y l e n g t h y , e l a b o r a t e , a n d historical r e p l y , " as B a r r o n expressed it. A s to t h e d e l a y of f o u r m o n t h s in r e p l y i n g , B a r r o n w r o t e :

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My silence arose not from any misapprehension of the purport of your contumacious "underscored" remarks, nor from the malicious designs they indicated, nor from a tame disposition to yield quietly to the operation, which either might have against me; but from a tedious and painful indisposition, which confined me to my bed the chief part of that period, as is well known to almost every person here. Barron then at length accused Decatur of an "envious and vengeful disposition" towards him, and claimed that "principles of common honor and justice" should have led him to refuse absolutely to sit on a court-martial after having formed an opinion unfavorable to him, and that his whole attitude towards him had borne "the plainest stamp of personal hostility." In detail Barron then sought to refute the charges against him in Captain Lewis's letter, pronouncing the whole to be " a falsehood, a ridiculous, malicious, absurd, improbable falsehood." He also attempted to explain his failure to return home during the War of 1 8 1 2 . You have been good enough to inform me that, on my return to this country, my "efforts," as you have been pleased to call them, "to reinstate myself in the service were known, and became a subject of conversation with officers as well as others," and but for those "efforts" it is more than probable you would not have spoken of me. This would, indeed, have displayed a wonderful degree of lenity and courtesy on your part, of which I could not have failed to be duly sensible. But, sir, I beg leave to ask how, and where, did you get your information that such "efforts" were made by me; and even admit they were, why should you alone, disclaiming, as you pretend to do, all "personal enmity" against me, have made yourself so particularly busy on the occasion? Was it because your inflated pride led you to believe that the weight of your influence was greater than that of any other officer of the navy, or that you were more tenacious of its honor and "respecta-

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bility" than the rest of the officers were? You assure me, however, "that in the interchange of opinion with the officers respecting me, you have never met with more than one, who did not entirely concur with you in the opinion you have expressed of me." Indeed! and what is the reason? It is because, I suppose, you are most commonly attended by a train of dependants, who, to enjoy the sunshine of your favor, act as caterers for your vanity, and, revolving round you like satellites, borrow their chief consequence from the countenance you may condescend to bestow upon them. Barron n e x t denied the report that his visit to Washington the previous spring had been for the purpose of "calling o u t " Decatur. As to the latter's denial of any intention of challenging him, he contended, Under all the circumstances of the case, I consider you as having thrown down the gauntlet, and I have no hesitation in accepting it. T h i s is, however, a point which it will not be for me or for you to decide; nor do I view it as of any other importance Lhan as respects the privilege allowed to the challenged party in relation to the choice of weapons, distance, etc. Barron then concluded: Upon the subject of duelling I perfectly coincide with the opinions you have expressed. I consider it as a barbarous practice, which ought to be exploded from civilized society. But, sir, there may be causes of such extraordinary and aggravated insult and injury, received by an individual, as to render an appeal to arms on his part absolutely necessary. Mine I conceive to be a case of that description; and I feel myself constrained, by every tie that binds me to society, by all that can make life desirable to me, to resort to this mode of obtaining that redress due to me at your hands, as the only alternative which now seems to present itself for the preservation of my honor. T h i s called forth a letter of considerable length from De-

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catur on December 29, in which he stated that on first receipt of Barron's letter he had determined not to notice it; " b u t upon more mature reflection, I conceive that as I have suffered myself to be drawn into this unprofitable discussion, I ought not to leave the false coloring and calumnies, which you have introduced into your letter, unanswered." Decatur continued: I reiterate to you that I have not challenged, nor do I intend to challenge you. I do not consider it essential to my reputation that I should notice anything which may come from you, the more particularly, when you declare your sole object in wishing to draw the challenge from me is that you may avail yourself of the advantages which rest with the challenged. It is evident that you think, or your friends for you, that a fight will help you; but, in fighting, you wish to incur the least possible risk. Now, sir, not believing that a fight of this nature will raise me at all in public estimation, but may even have a contrary effect, I do not feel at all disposed to remove the difficulties that lie in your way. If we fight, it must be of your seeking; and you must take all the risk and all the inconvenience which usually attend the challenger in such cases. Decatur made clear that he was still unconvinced as to the untruthfulness of Captain Lewis's charges as well as to the plausibility of Barron's explanations for his failure to return home during the W a r of 1812. He closed the letter as follows: It will not be lost sight of that your jeopardizing your life depends upon yourself and not upon me; and is done with a view to fighting your own character up. I have now to inform you that I shall pay no further attention to any communication you may make to me other than a direct call to the field. After some weeks Barron replied on January 16, 1820, "Whenever you will consent to meet me on fair and equal grounds, that is, such as two honorable men may consider just

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and proper, you are at liberty to view this as that call." T o this Decatur responded on January 24: I have received your communication of the 16th, and am at a loss to know what your intention is. If you intended it as a challenge, I accept it and refer you to my friend, Commodore Bainbridge, who is fully authorized by me to make any arrangement he pleases as regards weapons, mode, or distance. On February 6 Barron wrote Decatur that he had been ill, but that he would later hear from him "to the point." He then chose Captain Jesse D. Elliott as his second, and after some correspondence between Bainbridge and Elliott the two officers met on March 8 on board the Columbus, which was being fitted for service by Bainbridge at St. Mary's, some distance below Washington. T h i s particular day happened to be the fourteenth anniversary of the Decaturs' marriage, and that evening they passed in gayety at the "weekly drawingr o o m " at the President's Mansion. T h e following agreement was drawn up for the duel: It is agreed by the undersigned, as friends of Commodore Decatur and Commodore Barron, that the meeting, which is to take place at nine, A.M., on the 22d instant, shall take place at Bladensburg, near the district of Columbia, and that the weapons shall be pistols; the distance, eight paces or yards; that, previously to firing, the parties shall be directed to present, and shall not fire before the word "one" is given, or after the word "three"; that the words, one, two, three, shall be given by Commodore Bainbridge. Elliott is believed to have had a great deal to do with inciting Barron in the controversy and the final sending of the challenge. Benjamin Ogle Tayloe, a contemporary, declares in his In Memoriam:92 T h e duel between him [Decatur] and Commodore Barron was caused by a free conversation at Commodore Decatur's table about

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2J5

Barron, in which the latter was condemned for not returning from abroad to take his share in the war. This conversation was reported by one of the guests of Commodore Decatur to Commodore Elliott and by him to Commodore Barron, which led to an angry correspondence, and finally to the challenge by Commodore Barron. It has been said that Elliott used Barron as an instrument wherewith to wreak his own vengeance on Decatur for being the friend of Commodore Perry, and for holding in his hands a correspondence intrusted to him by the latter and reflecting severely upon Elliott. It has also been stated that, on his deathbed, Decatur had the correspondence brought to him, and intrusted it to his wife. Commodore Dale told me he had tried to put Decatur right with regard to Barron, telling him that Barron was a man of honor and no coward, and that he feared Decatur's free remarks about Barron might lead to a difficulty which might as well be avoided. On January 16, 1 8 2 1 , Mrs. Decatur wrote Daniel Smith of Philadelphia, an intimate friend of the family: You will receive by this day's mail a copy of some documents which I have ordered to be published. They were left in charge of my beloved husband for the purpose and were the real cause of his dreadful fate. He had pledged himself to Commodore Perry that it should be done, and I feel it my duty to fulfill all his engagements as far as he made me acquainted with them, and if I required a stronger motive, I have it in exposing to the world the real character of Captain Elliott as some punishment for the base and assassin-like part that he acted towards my beloved husband, in artfully exciting Commodore Barron to the measures he pursued, and in urging him on under the assurance that he would have the affair amicably settled, and he now has the wickedness and folly to assert that the conversation which Commodore Barron addressed to Commodore Decatur when they met on the ground was calculated to bring about an accommodation, and would unquestionably have done so, if he [Captain Bainbridge] had not ordered silence. If Captain Elliott had gone forward to

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Commodore Decatur like a brave man and told him that he considered every friend of Commodore Perry as his enemy, he ought perhaps to have been excused from any consequences that might have ensued, but the cold-blooded assassin-like part that he did act I cannot forgive, and it will be a satisfaction to me if the publication of these documents should cause him any mortification or draw upon him the contempt of any one honorable mind. I am too much distressed to think of anything but my own dreadful misfortune, and I will not pain you by dwelling on that. Long years afterwards, Mrs. Decatur wrote: 93 He [Decatur] never had any personal misunderstanding with the author of his death! The whole affair was gotten up through malice and cowardice on the part of one of the seconds, Captain Elliott, and accomplished through envy and jealousy on the part of the other, Commodore Bainbridge. In explanation of the latter accusation she went on to state that Bainbridge was greatly disappointed because Decatur finished the war with Algiers before he arrived in the Mediterranean. When my husband went on board on a very tempestuous day to pay his respects to him on his arrival, he received him as a total stranger!—never asked a single question relative to our affairsl and never offered him the slightest hospitality! This is the person who had frequently been our guest for weeks at a timet and declaring that he loved my husband as much as he did his own wife and children. From that time, 1815, until a very short time before the awful sacrifice of my beloved husband's life in 1820, they never recognized each other when they met! About two months before the awful transaction to which I have just alluded, when my husband came home to dinner, he remarked to me that he had had an adventure on his way home. That as he was about to cross the Avenue, a carriage which was driven rapidly along instantly

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stopped, and a gentleman stepped out and ran up to him and, seizing him by both hands, exclaimed, "Decatur, I behaved like a great fool, but I hope you will forgive me; but you always contrive to reap laurels from my misfortunes." It was Commodore Bainbridge. "I replied that I had never done anything but what I believed to be my duty, and if you are convinced of that, go home with me and take a glass of wine." He said he would do so with pleasure, but there was a gentleman waiting for him on Capitol Hill; that he was to leave the city that evening, but would soon return to Washington and would then come and take up his abode with him as usual. I said to my husband that it seemed to me an act of great assurance to invite himself to be our guest after allowing five years to elapse without speaking or writing to him when there had been no cause of offense, especially as he had been several weeks in Washington; and I was afraid he had some other motive than that of true repentance! But I had no idea that he would come—he, however, did come and remained with us two or three weeks; and during that time my husband requested him to act as his "friend" in the difficulty with Commodore Barron and to do the best he could; that he had no desire to injure Commodore Barron and no desire to lose his own life. And the best thing that Commodore Bainbridge could do in those circumstances was to cause him to be sacrificed in cold blood! I pray you to remember that it is to vindicate the memory of the dead that I now arraign the conduct of the dead! W h e t h e r Bainbridge acted through any of the motives thus ascribed to h i m by Mrs. Decatur is a question difficult to answer, but certainly the terms which he arranged with Elliott vere just those that Barron, with his defective sight, w o u l d have chosen, ten paces being the usual distance. It was also unusual to announce the mode of firing until just before the tncounter. Bainbridge explained his doing this, in a letter to .~)ecatur of March 8 as follows: " I had intended to have left the mode unfixed until on the point of meeting; but b e i n g

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pressed by Captain Elliott, under the authority of your letter, I thought it best to fix it to avoid unfavorable suspicions against you, by not doing so." As a matter of fact, Decatur in his letter to Bainbridge of February 10 had written, " I leave you entirely the choice of weapons and distance, as also the time. I beg, however, unless it will inconvenience you very much, that Bladensburg, near the city of Washington, may be the point of meeting." When he [Decatur] received the letter of Commodore Bainbridge detailing the desperate terms that he had arranged for the meeting with Commodore Barron [wrote Mrs. Decatur in her Memorial], my husband showed it to his colleagues, Commodore Rodgers and Commodore Porter, and stated that when he accepted the challenge it was his intention not to fire his pistol, but the terms imposed were so desperate that he would wound for his own defense Commodore Barron, but would take special care that it should not be in a vital part; that he would wound him in the hip [where he did actually wound him]. Both the gentlemen told him that by pursuing that course he would greatly increase his own danger. He replied that he could not help it; that he would rather lose his own life ten or fifteen years sooner than to take the life of any individual against whom he had no ill willl Why, then, did Decatur select Bainbridge as his second? According to Mrs. Decatur, her husband told her father that he selected him because he "was the only senior officer between himself and Commodore Barron." But there is evidence that he asked others to serve in this capacity. Commodore Charles Morris in his Autobiography94 writes: When I was in Washington on the way to join the ship for my late cruise, Commodore Decatur detained me at the Commissioners' Office till the other gentlemen had left it for the day, and showed me a letter which he had received from Commodore Bar-

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ron, and requested me to act as his friend should it become necessary to meet Commodore Barron. This letter, in substance, called on him to state whether an alleged observation of his at a dinner table that "if Commodore Barron chose to challenge him he would accept" was intended as an invitation for a challenge or not. Decatur admitted that an expression of the kind had been used by him, but under circumstances which rendered it inoffensive if not favorable to Commodore Barron. T h e conversation had turned on the conduct of Commodore Barron, when the Chesapeake was attacked by the Leopard in 1807, and in remaining out of the country during all the subsequent war with Great Britain. Very unfavorable opinions were expressed by some and, among them, one that he had forfeited all claim to consideration or notice from the officers of the navy. Decatur dissented from this on the ground that so long as he was recognized as an officer of the government, he was entitled to consideration as such from others. T h e question was then put to Decatur, "If Commodore Barron were to challenge you, would you consent to meet him?" T o which he replied that he would so long as he was considered by the government worthy to hold his commission in the navy. Although the necessity for an immediate obedience to orders placed it out of my power to comply with Commodore Decatur's request, if any delay was necessary, my opinion was given at once that a simple statement of facts, given as an answer to Commodore Barron's letter, would effectually prevent any further proceedings. T h i s he declined, because it might have the appearance to some of too earnest a wish on his part to avoid meeting Commodore Barron. T h e unreasonableness of this objection was urged, since his courage was established beyond all question, and his whole course in life placed him above any suspicion of fear of consequence; that, so far as being injurious to his reputation, such a statement of facts would elevate it still higher and that the improvement of so favorable an opportunity for setting a good example to the younger officers of the navy was required from him by the highest considerations. A short answer was drawn up, embracing the facts as he had stated them; but notwithstanding all

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that could be urged and his constant assertion that he had no desire to fight Commodore Barron, and that he could gain nothing and might lose his life by it, still all could not induce him to sign a statement which he admitted to be correct and which would probably remove all cause for further action. He appeared to be governed by an apprehension that his reputation might suffer if he took any means to avoid a meeting with Commodore Barron, if Barron had any disposition to bring about one. Our conversation was continued till dark, and the most I could obtain from him was a promise not to answer the letter for three days, he having refused to wait for the advice of the person whom he might select to act as his friend if a challenge should be sent to him. T h e whole of the correspondence has been placed before the public and has left a general impression that the challenge was forced from Commodore Barron by the last letter from Commodore Decatur, though few are aware how easily and with what propriety on the part of Decatur it might have been prevented. Rodgers, w h o was somewhat older than Decatur, loved him with a sort of paternal affection. T h e y had long been associated together in the naval service, and from 1815 to 1820 had met almost daily at the office of the Board of N a v y Commissioners. W h e n Decatur was finally challenged by Barron, he went for advice to Rodgers, w h o told him not to accept the challenge, because his reputation for bravery was too well established to suffer from a refusal. U p o n being asked to act as Decatur's second, he declined. Rodgers had himself once almost been forced to fight a duel with Barron. D u r i n g the war with T r i p o l i , C o m m o d o r e Samuel Barron, who was in command of the last squadron, became ill and at the very close of the war surrendered the c o m m a n d to Rodgers, his next in rank. Rodgers believed that James Barron, then a captain of one of the vessels of the squadron, was his enemy and was intriguing against him, using "every means which his imagination could invent to

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induce the Commodore not to give up the command," while at the same time he was "assuring me with the gravity of a Judas that he had been endeavoring to prevail on his brother to resign." 95 T h i s was in the autumn of 1804. Later, certain false slanders were circulated in America against Rodgers, which he thought were instigated by Barron. As soon as he arrived home in the summer of 1806, he challenged Barron and a duel would almost certainly have been fought, had not Barron become ill for several weeks. This allowed time for Rodgers' anger to cool somewhat, and he then permitted his friends to arrange a peaceful adjustment of the differences. If the duel had been fought, there might have been no "Chesapeake A f f a i r , " and no tragic end to Decatur's career. Because of the complicated nature of the controversy between Decatur and Barron, long quotations have been given, with the risk of their becoming tedious to the reader, from the letters of the participants as well as from the statements of other interested persons, in order that as fair and unbiased an impression as possible of the unhappy affair may be made. At the very least, it is hoped that it has been made clear that there were certainly two sides to the controversy, however nuch one may lean in one's sympathy towards the one naval officer or the other. T h e following summing up of the case by Paullin in "Duelh g in the Old Navy" 9 ® is worthy of serious consideration: The verdict of history on the chief points involved in the complicated quarrel between the two officers may be in the end somevhat as follows: that Barron was severely, though probably not uijustly, punished for his offense in the fight between the Chesapeake and the Leopard; that Barron's reason for not returning to the United States during the War of 1812, namely, that he had rot sufficient means to pay his way home is not satisfactory; that the resistance of his fellow-captains to his restoration to duty in

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1818-1820 was not justifiable; that in the events that led to his duel with Decatur he was the aggressor; and that Decatur's conduct and correspondence were well fitted to inflame and incite the passion of Barron for whom he showed a decided hostility.

ft

XVIII The Tragedy

O

N the Saturday night preceding the fatal duel, the Decaturs gave a ball in their beautiful home in honor of Maria Monroe, the daughter of the President, who had recently been married to Samuel L. Gouverneur. This was the first of a round of festivities in honor of the bride. T h e Porters had already sent out invitations for a similar celebration, and during the evening of the ball Decatur said to Porter, "I may spoil your party." But he was the same affable host, though he then "foresaw the hazard of his position," according to Benjamin Ogle Tayloe." "The Saturday before," he declares, "I was at a party at his house. He seemed out of spirits, and I was particularly struck with the solemnity of his manner and his devotion to his wife and her music, as she played upon the harp, the company forming a semicircle in front of her, Decatur himself in uniform the centre of the semicircle, his eyes riveted upon his wife." Mrs. Decatur was at that time altogether unaware of the dark shadow of death that hung over them. Tayloe continues: Late in the afternoon of the following Tuesday [the day before the duel] I met Commodore Decatur at the end of the pavement in front of what is now Willard's Hotel, and was again impressed by his solemn manner. . . . He looked ill, and seemed abstracted. . . . On passing me, he accosted Commodore Macdonough and they paced the pavement together arm in arm. I have since heard the latter said he "knew nothing of the contemplated duel, or he

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would have prevented it." Commodore Stewart made the same remark to me in regard to himself. Decatur a few days previous had written his wife's father that he had an affair on his hands which might have a fatal ending, and requested him to come to Washington to be with his daughter. He also asked General Robert G. Harper, who had been residing temporarily with the Decaturs, to send for his wife, who was a granddaughter of Charles Carroll of Carrollton and an old and intimate friend of Mrs. Decatur. On the eventful day, March 22, 1820, Decatur arose early and, making some excuse to his wife, walked from his house across Lafayette Square to Pennsylvania Avenue, and thence to Beale's Tavern near the Capitol, where Commodore Bainbridge and Purser Samuel Hambleton had already arrived, and the latter had ordered breakfast for three. At breakfast [writes Hambleton]98 he mentioned that he had a paper with him, which he wished to sign (meaning his will), but that it required three witnesses, and as it would not do to call in any person for that purpose, he would defer it until we arrived at the ground. He was quite cheerful, and did not appear to have any desire to take the life of his antagonist; indeed, he declared that he should be very sorry to do so. After breakfast the three proceeded in their carriage towards Bladensburg. When they arrived at a little valley about half a mile from the village, they saw Captain Elliott standing in the road on the brow of the hill beyond them. He and Barron had left Norfolk together on the Monday preceding the duel, by the steamboat Virginia, according to the editor of the Norfolk Herald, who stated that he knew the duel was imminent. Commodore Bainbridge and Hambleton walked up to Elliott and informed him that they had come to fulfill the terms of the agreement, as recently drawn up be-

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tween the seconds. Elliott then returned to Bladensburg to announce their arrival to Barron, and Decatur's party proceeded to the dueling ground. This famous "Valley of Chance," as it has been called, was near the old stage road (the present boulevard) between Washington and Baltimore, on the right-hand side of the road, and about five miles from the Capitol. It was an ideal spot for such encounters, being half a mile or so outside the jurisdiction of the District of Columbia but easily reached from Washington and at the same time convenient for escape, when necessary, from the authorities of Maryland. Three sides were hemmed in by low hills which seemed to guard the privacy of the place like sentinels; while on the fourth side, along which the road ran not more than fifty yards distant, it was completely screened from observation by the thick foliage of the trees and overhanging vines. It is said to have been the meeting place for over fifty duels, and only the previous year, on February 6, while snow was falling, General Armistead T . Mason and Colonel John M. McCarty, relatives from Virginia, met there and fought with muskets at a distance of only twelve feet, Mason being instantly killed and McCarty seriously wounded. In a short time Commodore Barron, walking along resolutely between Captain Elliott and his friend Latimer, arrived on the ground. He and Decatur bowed formally to each other, Hambleton standing by the latter's side, and Latimer by the former. Bainbridge and Elliott conferred for a few moments, and then the former proceeded to measure the distance. Marking a line on the ground with his boot and placing his toe to it, he stepped off eight strides nearly north and south, and then marked the second stand. The seconds then took from their cases the long-barreled dueling pistols,88 of bright steel with silver mountings, and proceeded to load them. Then they tossed for stands, and Bainbridge won; De-

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catur chose that to the north, which was a few inches lower than the other. Barron and Decatur then threw off their cloaks, and stood at last grimly confronting each other. Meanwhile the village of Bladensburg was astir with excitement. Groups of men and boys, who had guessed what was about to happen from the unusual gathering of gentlemen about the tavern, went across the bridge towards the place of meeting and concealed themselves within hearing of the pistol shots. Also there arrived near the scene several of Decatur's friends who had come from Washington to be of whatever assistance was possible. During the preliminary arrangements, the stillness of death rested over all, only broken by the low voices of the seconds as they made the final necessary preparations. "Gentlemen," said Bainbridge, "I shall give the word quickly and as follows: present—one—two—three. You are neither at your peril to fire before the word one, nor after the word three." Commodore Barron turned his head, his pistol hanging at his side, and said to Bainbridge, "Have you any objection, sir, to pronouncing the words in the manner you intend to give them?" "None," said Bainbridge, and he then repeated them precisely as he afterwards gave them. Hambleton claims that Bainbridge thus showed his determination to lessen the danger to each by giving the words quickly, with the hope that both might miss and that then their quarrel might be amicably settled. As the men looked into each other's eyes, Barron said, "I hope, sir, that when we meet in another world, we shall be better friends than we have been in this." "I have never been your enemy, sir!" replied Decatur. Bainbridge then walked behind Decatur and took his stand ten or twelve feet to his left; while Hambleton stood as far on his right. Similar positions with respect to Barron were taken by Elliott and Latimer.

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"Gentlemen," said Bainbridge, "make ready." T h e duelists turned sidewise, and looked at each other across their right shoulders. "Present." T h e two arms went up, and each took aim. "One—two—." One report rang out on the stillness of the morning. On the word two both pistols had been simultaneously discharged. There were two puffs of smoke, and in an instant Barron was down groaning. Decatur straightened up a moment, pinched his lips, dropped his pistol, and drew his right hand to his side. T h e color went out of his face, and he fell to the ground speechless. T h e seconds rushed to the wounded men. Decatur was raised by his friends and moved to higher ground near Barron. William Wirt, Attorney-General, who had tried to prevent the duel, wrote a few days afterwards: Decatur was apparently shot dead; he revived after awhile, and he and Barron had a parley as they lay on the ground. Dr. Washington, who got up just then, says that it reminded him of the closing scene of a tragedy—Hamlet and Laertes. Barron proposed that they should make friends before they met in heaven (for he supposed that they would both die immediately). Decatur said he had never been his enemy, that he freely forgave him his death— though he could not forgive those who stimulated him to seek his life. One report says that Barron exclaimed, "Would to God you had said this much yesterday!" It is certain that the parley was a friendly one and that they parted in peace. Decatur knew he was to die, and his only sorrow was, he said, that he had not died in the service of his country. Soon down the pathway hurriedly came many gentlemen, all friends of Decatur: Rodgers and Porter and Commodore W. C. Bolton; two doctors, Baily Washington and Samuel R . Trevitt; General Harper and several others. T h e doctors proceeded to loosen the clothes of the wounded men to find out the seriousness of their wounds. Barron was struck in the hip and about the groin. Decatur had also caught the ball on his

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hip, but it had glanced upward into his abdomen, severing some large blood vessels there. T h e two doctors exchanged glances; there was no hope for poor Decatur; his pulsation had already almost ceased. T h e carriage was then brought, and Decatur was borne tenderly to it. Rodgers took Decatur's head upon his shoulder, Dr. Trevitt took his seat with them, and the carriage started slowly back to the city. Bainbridge and Hambleton hastened to the Navy Yard, where the tug lay to carry them to the Columbus. T h o u g h Porter was Decatur's warm friend, he went up to the wounded Barron and placed an arm under his shoulder to raise him. He had been deserted by his second, Elliott, who had fled from the field, thinking that both men had been mortally wounded and fearing that he would be arrested as an accessory to murder. So he leaped into a waiting carriage and dashed off towards Washington. Porter, having noticed this, left Barron with the surgeons and, remounting his horse, galloped off in pursuit. A mile or so away he overtook the carriage. Elliott, pale with fright, asked, "How—how fares it on the ground?" "So bad, sir," thundered Porter, "that you left your friend weltering in his blood. Go back, you coward, and do what you can!" Porter rode back, secured a passing carriage from a stranger, placed Barron in it, and started back to Washington. After a time he met Elliott slowly returning. He then leaped out of the carriage, and practically taking Elliott by the collar, forced him into the carriage beside the wounded man. Barron 100 was thus conducted to Beale's Tavern where he was taken care of until his wound healed. Porter never forgave Elliott for what he considered a very disgraceful act.96 "In about five minutes after the affair," Barron wrote Commodore Richard Dale, "Commodore Rodgers rode up and

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huing his horse about fifteen feet from me, and stood and looked me full in the face for seven or eight seconds, then parsed by me and went to Commodore Decatur; and made kiind inquiries and gave such assistance as was necessary. After which he came back to me, and in a tone of voice that irritated me extremely said, 'Are you much hurt?' I answered, ' T h e last time I saw you I touched my hat to you; you did not return the compliment, and you must apologize for that before any questions of yours will receive an answer from me.' Commodore Porter interfered and here ended the conversation." After he had seen Barron decently taken care of, Porter remounted his horse and rode at full gallop towards the city, where he arrived in advance of the others in their return from the fatal field. At half past ten o'clock Decatur was carried into his home; and his wife and nieces, being disturbed at the breakfast table with the appalling news, were conducted, at Decatur's special request, to the upper portion of the house. For about twelve hours Decatur lived in the greatest agony of suffering. Once he remarked that he did not believe it possible to endure so much pain. He realized that he was a dying man, and to the proposal of the physicians to extract the ball 101 he withheld his consent, when told that its removal was not important. In spite of all his sufferings, however, not a groan escaped him. Bodily pain he had the force of will to endure, but he gave positive orders that his wife was not to be permitted to see him, for he could not bear to see her suffering over his condition. T o the anxious friends who crowded into the room 102 he expressed his appreciation of their kindness and solicitude. When most of them had retired, he took his will 103 from his pocket and signed it, with Commodore Rodgers and Doctors Trevitt and Thomas Sim as witnesses. Then

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he again repeated that he was a dying man and, according to Mackenzie, 104 "that he did not so much regret his death itself, as he deplored the manner of it; had it found him on the quarter-deck, it would have been welcome." H o l d i n g his hand out to his father-in-law, Mr. Wheeler, he said, " Y o u can do me n o service; go to my wife 105 and do what you can to console her." John Quincy Adams, then Secretary of State, writes in his Memoirs:10" Before I left my house this morning to go to my office, W. S. Smith came in and told me Commodore Decatur had just been brought in from Bladensburg, mortally wounded in a duel with Commodore James Barron, who was also wounded but not dangerously. I went immediately to Decatur's house; on the way I met Captains Macdonough and Ballard, who were coming from it, and whose information was discouraging but not decisive. At the house I saw Generals Brown and Harper, Colonel Bomford, and E. Wyer. Brown and Harper were flattered by some uncertainties of Dr. Lowell, the Surgeon-General, who, I suppose, thinks it humane to keep Mrs. Decatur and her father, who is with her, in suspense as long as possible. Wyer, who had seen Decatur, told me he could not survive the day. He died between nine and ten o'clock this evening. T h e nation has lost in him one of its heroes—one who has illustrated its history and given grace and dignity to its character in the eyes of the world. He was warmhearted, cheerful, unassuming, gentle in deportment, friendly and hospitable, beloved in social life, with a soul all devoted to his country and a sense of honor too disdainful of life, since it could not attain that highest summit of magnanimity which deliberately refuses the guilt and exposure of private war. He has fallen in a duel and his dying breath was a sigh of compunction that it was not in his country's cause. N e w s of Decatur's condition spread rapidly over the city, and both business and pleasure were suspended. Preparations for a "drawing-room" 1 0 7 which was to have been held that

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e v e n i n g at the President's Mansion were stopped. Citizens of a l l walks of life thronged the streets, particularly those leadi n g to Decatur's house, where they waited to hear tidings of t h e Commodore's last fight. Here they stood until it at last became known that "the unconquerable soul of the Bayard o f the Seas yielded itself up without a groan at half past ten o'clock in the night." T h e next day the National Intelligencer came out with a leaded editorial head, saying it would be "affectation" to be silent upon the fact that a duel had occurred and that the combatants were wounded. In a "Postscript" it related that Decatur was dead, and added in the flowery language of that day: A hero has fallen! Commodore Stephen Decatur, one of the first officers of our navy—the pride of his country—the gallant and noble-hearted gentleman—is no more! He expired a few minutes ago of the mortal wound received in the duel yesterday. Of the origin of the feud which led to this disastrous result we know but what rumor tells. T h e event, we are sure, will fill the country with grief. Mourn, Columbia! for one of thy brightest stars is set—a son "without fear and without reproach"—in the freshness of his fame —in the prime of his usefulness—has descended into the tomb. Early the same day, according to a letter to the Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, both Elliott and Bainbridge took passage in the steamboat Virginia for Norfolk. " T h i s horrid transaction," it declared, "has created a great sensation here as well as at the capital. T h e President, it is said, will send a message to both Houses to-morrow on the subject; and it is rumored orders have already been issued from the N a v y Department for the arrest of the seconds." T h e outcome of the duel, declared a Washington correspondent of the Franklin Gazette of Philadelphia, "has created unusual feeling and sensation in the House, so generally is

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Commodore Decatur loved by the members! It is difficult for the Speaker to keep the members in order so anxious do they seem to ascertain the particulars." The morning following Decatur's death, when the House assembled, John Randolph of Roanoke rose and, after eloquently expressing the grief felt over the death of Decatur, moved that the House adjourn on the following Friday to attend the funeral and that "its members should wear crape on the left arm for the remainder of the session, in testimony of their respect for the illustrious memory of the deceased." This resolution was opposed by Mr. Taylor of New York on the grounds that Decatur had "died in violation of the laws of God and of his country." Desiring that his motion be passed unanimously, Randolph then withdrew it. But the next day he moved "that the Speaker, officers, and members of this House attend the funeral of the late Stephen Decatur, Esquire of the United States Navy, from his late residence, at four o'clock this afternoon." Mr. Holmes, fearing that there might be opposition, moved that the House adjourn and his motion was carried without dissent. T h e Senate likewise adjourned without allusion to Decatur but with the same purpose of allowing its members to attend the funeral. T h e order of the funeral procession was as follows: firing party of marines with music; officers of the Navy of the United States; officers of the Marine Corps; clergy; pallbearers, Commodore Tingey, Commodore Macdonough, General Jessup, Captain Ballard, Lieutenant Macpherson, Commodore Rodgers, Commodore Porter, General Brown, Captain Cassin, and Captain Chauncey; relatives; President and Cabinet; members of the Senate and the House; Chief Justice Marshall and his Associate Judges; other civil officers of the United States; officers of the Army of the United States; mayors and other civil officers of the District; foreign ministers with their suites, and consuls of foreign powers; and citizens.

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I attended the funeral of Decatur [recorded John Quincy Adams].108 There were said to be ten thousand persons assembled. A11 order of procession had been announced in the newspapers, and was inverted at the house. The procession walked to Kalorama, where the body was deposited in the family vault of the Barlows. A very short prayer was made at the vault by Dr. Hunter, and a volley of musketry from a detachment of the Marine Corps closed the ceremony over the earthly remains of a spirit as kindly, as generous, and as dauntless as breathed in this nation or on this earth. Decatur's funeral, according to Tayloe,109 . . . was attended by nearly the whole population and, as it were, "by Congress assembled." John Randolph of Roanoke, somewhat demented at that time, was very conspicuous, and talked wildly of his readiness to resent an insult in the same way. The remains were deposited in the family vault at Kalorama, then the property of Decatur's most intimate friend, Colonel Bomford of the Ordnance Corps. Colonel Bomford married a niece of Mrs. Barlow, the wife of Joel Barlow, poet and diplomatist, and bought Kalorama from Mr. Barlow's heirs. Mr. Barlow had purchased the estate from the heirs of an uncle, William Augustus Washington, a nephew of the illustrious general. "Due military honors," according to the National Intelligencer, "were rendered on the occasion by the Marine Corps under the command of Major Miller, and minute guns were fired from the Navy Yard during the procession and funeral service. Every incident evinced the deep sensation which prevailed, and the volleys of musketry which announced the consignment of the Hero's remains to the tomb sounded as the knell of departed chivalry. Not only as a warrior, however, is he lamented. With those who personally knew him, his civic qualities had riveted the ties by which his military virtues had bound him to their hearts. He was amongst the first

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of those who have added to the fame of his country; and his premature death is mourned as it ought to be." Kalorama was situated in a beautiful grove on an eminence which overlooked a wide expanse of country through which flowed the Potomac, with both Georgetown and the then small city of Washington in view. In a sheltered portion of the grounds was the family vault in which, according to the wish of Mrs. Decatur, her husband's remains 1 1 0 were placed. T h i s vault stood at, or near, the present intersection of Rock Creek and Massachusetts Avenue extended. On the tomb was placed this inscription: Here lie the remains of Stephen Decatur of the United States Navy, who departed this life on the 22nd of March, 1820, aged 41 years. His public services are recorded in the annals of his country, his private virtues in the hearts of his friends, and above all in her heart who was fourteen years the happy partner of his life, and the delighted witness of his exalted worth, and who can with truth inscribe upon this tablet that he possessed every virtue of which the human character is susceptible and each carried to its highest perfection.

Decatur was a man who, even when the exalted praise of friends and wife is discounted, was essentially of noble nature —chivalrous, virtuous, brave, and honorable. He was possessed of strong will power, which enabled him to keep calm and imperturbable a naturally fiery and impetuous nature, and which made it easy for him to discipline his body with hardy exercise and a temperate diet in a Spartan simplicity that he considered fitting to the naval profession. Extravagance of every sort was distasteful to him, and he even talked habitually in a low tone of voice. His intellectual interests were wide and varied. His mechanical ingenuity and an inventive turn of mind led him to

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construct a machine for making horseshoes from a piece of iron in a single operation, and also to experiment in a pioneer manner with shells for howitzers. He loved to read books on natural philosophy and natural history, particularly marine zoology, and he made a valuable collection of curious shellfish which he drew up from the depths of the Mediterranean in an apparatus which he himself contrived. He delighted in reading history and poetry, and had a taste for good music, painting, and sculpture, which had no doubt been developed during his many visits to Italy, where he learned to speak Italian fluently, as well as through the influence of his brilliantly educated wife. He was at home in the best society, being entertaining in his conversation, which was characterized by reason and good sense, playful wit and humor, gayety, and mirth. Towards women, in whose society he particularly shone, he had the most captivating cavalier manners, polite and deferential. Happily married, he was thoughtful in those delicate attentions so dear to a wife's heart; and entirely devoted to Mrs. Decatur, he never gave the scandalmongers and gossips of that day an opportunity to link his name with that of another woman. His relations to his parents and other members of his family were affectionate and considerate in every way. His humanity to the sailors who served with him was exceptionally marked, at a time when brute force still ruled as the dominant weapon of discipline on a man-of-war. N o wonder the old sailor at Decatur's funeral declared, weeping, " H e was the friend of the flag, the sailor's friend; the navy has lost its mainmast." 1 1 1 He was charitable, without pretense or show, to those in need, and though he was troubled with some of the dogmas of the church, he had the highest respect for its ministers and regularly attended the services of the Episcopal Church, in which he had been baptized. On the quarter-deck Decatur was thoroughly acquainted

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with the handling of a ship under sail; willing to take responsibility, however heavy it might be at times; recognized as a born leader, with not only the respect of his officers and men but also their affection and confidence. Where can one find in history another incident to match that sublime willingness of the seaman Daniel Frazier to sacrifice his life in order to save that of Decatur off Tripoli? Perhaps his brilliant successes were largely due to the whole-hearted support which his men always gave him because of their devoted attachment. It was this quality no doubt rather than luck and "the happy influence of a fortunate star" that brought him success after success. As Mackenzie has so effectively phrased it, The fortune of Decatur, like that of Caesar, was dependent mainly upon himself; upon the happy ascendancy within him of the qualities essential to success, of a spirit prone to hardy enterprises, and accurate judgment, undisturbed by difficulties or dangers, capable of estimating at all times the obstacles to be overcome and his means to overcome them, and always exercised in calm and careful deliberation, before acting; upon a steady confidence in his own intrepidity and force of character, and in the resistless impetus with which his example and their affection inspired his followers; upon his own matchless courage and prowess; upon his celerity of thought and action; and upon that imperturbable calmness of temper which left him, in critical situations, master of himself, of others, and of events.112 Decatur's governing passions were love of country and love of honor, the two being inextricably intertwined. Always he seemed to see shining before him in letters of gold his family motto: Pro libertate et patria dulce periculum (For liberty and country sweet is danger). As for honor, it has been said of him that, had he lived in pagan times, he would have bowed before its altar. Whatever weakness there was in his character may be traced to this dominant passion; for example, his extraordinary sensitiveness to a slighting remark on

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his personal appearance 113 or a disparagement of his rank, office, or dignity, and his manifestation of a lack of generosity towards the weaknesses of others who fell below the high standards he himself followed. This sincere feeling on the part of Decatur was considered by the aggrieved person as an indication of a malicious and hypocritical nature. But this was unfair to him. Moved by what he considered the noblest of human motives, he simply held unwaveringly to his principles of honor, like some fanatical mystic, until they led him eventually down to the gates of death. How tragic that such a life should have been brought to so abrupt and violent a close! His career had in it one of the elements of an ancient Greek tragedy—the individual struggling against Fate. Here was a man fundamentally noble in nature. Fortunate above his fellows in the winning of fame and honor, he at the same time was unfortunate in winning the deep and undying hatred of some of those who had been less successful in naval warfare. Honor thus became his Nemesis; the honor of country and of family, to keep which stainless he was willing to sacrifice his life while still in his prime. As long as the history of the United States is read, Decatur's name and fame will live therein. His notable exploits in the War with Tripoli, the War of 1812, and the War with Algiers were performed during the trying years when our infant nation was struggling against the barbarous practices in the Mediterranean and against the unjust and insolent treatment by the Mother Country. No other naval officer did so much as he, in those years of trial, to make the American flag respected on the seas. No other, perhaps, contributed as much to the traditions of the young American navy. His heroic deeds, and even his untimely death, have made him the most romantic figure of his generation—the very embodiment of chivalrous patriotic youth.

Songs and Poems I.

T H E WAR W I T H TRIPOLI

How We Burned the Philadelphia By the beard of the Prophet the Bashaw swore He would scourge us from the seas: Yankees should trouble his soul no more— By the Prophet's beard the Bashaw swore, Then lighted his hookah, and took his ease, And troubled his soul no more. T h e moon was dim in the western sky, And a mist fell soft on the sea, As we slipped away from the Siren brig And headed for Tripoli. Behind us the hulk of the Siren lay, Before us the empty night; And when again we looked behind The Siren was gone from our sight. Nothing behind us, and nothing before, Only the silence and rain, As the jaws of the sea took hold of our bows And cast us up again. Through the rain and the silence we stole along, Cautious and stealthy and slow, For we knew the waters were full of those Who might challenge the Mastico. But nothing we saw till we saw the ghost Of the ship we had come to see,

SONGS AND POEMS Her ghostly lights and her ghostly frame Rolling uneasily. And as we looked, the mist drew up And the moon threw off her veil, And we saw the ship in the pale moonlight, Ghostly and drear and pale. Then spoke Decatur low and said: "To the bulwarks' shadow alll But the six who wear the Tripoli dress Shall answer the sentinel's call." "What ship is that?" cried the sentinel. "No ship," was the answer free; "But only a Malta ketch in distress Wanting to moor to your lee. "We have lost our anchor, and wait for day T o sail into Tripoli town, And the sea rolls fierce and high tonight, So cast a cable down." Then close to the frigate's side we came, Made fast to her unforbid— Six of us bold in the heathen dress. The rest of us lying hid. But one who saw us hiding there "Americanos!" cried. Then straight we rose and made a rush Pellmell up the frigate's side. Less than a hundred men were we, And the heathen were twenty score; But a Yankee sailor in those old days Liked odds of one to four.

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Then—dazzling flash, a deafening roar, Between us and Tripoli. Then, nothing behind us, and nothing before, Only the silence and rain; And the jaws of the sea took hold of our bows And cast us up again. By the beard of the Prophet the Bashaw swore He would scourge us from the seas: Yankees should trouble his soul no more— By the Prophet's beard the Bashaw swore, T h e n lighted his hookah and took his ease, And troubled his soul no more. BARRETT EASTMAN

Reuben

James

T h r e e ships of war had Preble When he left the Naples shore, A n d the knightly king of Naples Lent him seven galleys more, A n d never since the Argo Floated in the middle sea, Such noble men and valiant Have sailed in company As the men who went with Preble T o the siege of Tripoli. Stewart, Bainbridge, Hull, Decatur— How their names ring out like gold!— Lawrence, Porter, Trippe, Macdonough, A n d a score as true and bold; Every star that lights their banner Tells the glory that they won But one common sailor's glory Is the splendor of the sun.

T H E ROMANTIC

DECATUR

Reuben James was first to follow When Decatur laid aboard Of the lofty Turkish galley And in battle broke his sword. Then the pirate captain smote him, T i l l his blood was running fast, And they grappled and they struggled, And they fell beside the mast. Close behind him Reuben battled With a dozen, undismayed, T i l l a bullet broke his sword-arm And he dropped the useless blade. T h e n a swinging Turkish sabre Cleft his left and brought him low, Like a gallant bark, dismasted, At the mercy of the foe. Little mercy knows the corsair: High his blade was raised to slay, When a richer prize allured him Where Decatur struggling lay. "Help!" the Turkish leader shouted, And his trusty comrade sprung, And his scimiter like lightning O'er the Yankee captain swung. Reuben James, disabled, armless, Saw the sabre flashed on high, Saw Decatur shrink before it, Heard the pirate's taunting cry, Saw, in half the time I tell it, How a sailor brave and true Still might show a bloody pirate What a dying man can do. Quick he struggled, stumbling, sliding, In the blood around his feet, As the T u r k a moment waited T o make vengeance doubly sweet.

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Swift the sabre fell, but swifter Bent the sailor's head below, And upon his 'fenceless forehead Reuben James received the blow! So was saved our brave Decatur; So the common sailor died; So the love that moves the lowly Lifts the great to fame and pride. Yet we grudge him not his honors, For whom love like this had birth— For God never ranks His sailors By the Register of earth! J A M E S J E F F R E Y ROCHE Note. T h e poem is true in spirit, though inaccurate historically, for it is now known that the name of the sailor who saved Decatur's life was Daniel Frazier, and that he survived the battle, though severely wounded. It is used by permission of the publisher, The Boston Pilot.

II.

T H E W A R OF 1812

The United States and the Macedonian T h e banner of freedom high floated unfurled, While the silver-tipped surges in low homage curled, Flashing bright round the bow of Decatur's brave bark, In contest, an "eagle"—in chasing, a "lark," T h e bold United States, Which four-and-forty rates, Will ne'er be known to yield—be known to yield or fly, Her motto is, "Glory! we conquer or we die." All canvas expanded to woo the coy gale, T h e ship cleared for action, in chase of a sail; T h e foeman in view, every bosom beats high, All eager for conquest, or ready to die.

244

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR Now Havoc stands ready with optics of flame, And "battle-hounds strain on the start" for the game; T h e blood demons rise on the surge for their prey, While Pity, rejected, awaits the dread fray. T h e gay floating streamers of Britain appear, Waving light on the breeze as the stranger we near; And now could the quick-sighted Yankee discern "Macedonian," emblazoned at large on her stern. She waited our approach, and the contest began, But to waste ammunition is no Yankee plan; In awful suspense every match was withheld, While the bull-dogs of Britain incessantly yelled. Unawed by the thunders, alongside we came, While the foe seemed enwrapped in a mantle of flame; When, prompt to the word, such a flood we return T h a t Neptune, aghast, thought his trident would burn. Now the lightning of battle gleams horribly red, With a tempest of iron and hail-storm of lead; And our fire on the foe we so copiously poured, His mizzen and topmasts soon went by the board. So fierce and so bright did our flashes aspire, They thought that our cannon had set us on fire. " T h e Yankee's in flames!" every British tar hears, And hails the false omen with three hearty cheers. In seventeen minutes they found their mistake, And were glad to surrender and fall in our wake; Her decks were with carnage and blood deluged o'er, Where weltering in blood lay an hundred and four. But though she was made so completely a wreck, With blood they had scarcely encrimsoned our deck;

SONGS A N D POEMS

245

Only five gallant Yankees in the contest were slain, And our ship in five minutes was fitted again. Let Britain no longer lay claim to the seas, For the trident of Neptune is ours, if we please; While Hull and Decatur and Jones are our boast, We dare their whole navy to come on our coast. Rise, tars of Columbia! and share in the fame, Which gilds Hull's, Decatur's, and Jones's bright name; Fill a bumper and drink, "Here's success to the cause, But Decatur supremely deserves our applause." T h e bold United States, Which four-and-forty rates, Will ne'er be known to yield—be known to yield or fly, Her motto is "Glory! we conquer or we die." Ascribed to S A M U E L WOODWORTH, author of " T h e Old Oaken Bucket"

The United States and the Macedonian How glows each patriot bosom that boasts a Yankee heart, T o emulate such glorious deeds and nobly take a part, When sailors with their thund'ring guns, Prove to the English, French, and Dons T h a t Neptune's chosen fav'rite sons Are brave Yankee boys. T h e twenty-fifth of October, that glorious happy day, When we beyond all precedent, from Britons bore the sway,— 'Twas in the ship United States, Four and forty guns she rates; T h a t she should rule, decreed the Fates And brave Yankee boys.

246

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

Decatur and his hardy tars were cruising on the deep, When off the western islands they to and fro did sweep, T h e Macedonian they espied, "Huzza! bravo!" Decatur cried, "We'll humble Britain's boasted pride, My brave Yankee boys." T h e decks were cleared, the hammocks stowed, the boatswain pipes all hands, T h e tampions out, the guns well sponged, the Captain now commands; T h e boys who for their country fight, Their words, "Free Trade and Sailors' Rights!" Three times they cheered with all their might, Those brave Yankee boys. Now chain-shot, grape, and langrage pierce through her oaken side, And many a gallant sailor's blood runs purpling in the tide; While death flew nimbly o'er their decks, Some lost their legs, and some their necks, And glory's wreath our ship bedecks, For brave Yankee boys. My boys, the proud St. George's Cross, the stripes above it wave. And busy are our gen'rous tars, the conquered foe to save, T o Carden then, in tones so bland, Our Captain cries, "Give me your hand," T h e n of the ship who took command But brave Yankee boys. Our enemy lost her mizzen, her main, and fore-topmast, For every shot with death was winged, which slew her men so fast, T h a t they lost five to one in killed, And ten to one their blood was spilled; So Fate decreed and Heaven had willed, For brave Yankee boys.

SONGS AND POEMS

247

T'hen homeward steered the captive ship, now safe in port she lies, T ' h e old and young with rapture viewed our sailors' noble prize; Through seas of wine their health we'll drink, And wish them sweethearts, friends, and chink, Who, 'fore they'd strike, will nobly sink, Our brave Yankee boys. ANONYMOUS

Drinking

Song

T o the Court of Old Neptune, the god of the sea, T h e sons of Columbia sent a petition, T h a t he their protector and patron would be; When this answer arrived free from terms or condition: "Repair to the sea; You conquerors shall be; And proclaim to the world that Columbia is free: Beside, my proud trident Decatur shall bear, And the laurels of victory triumphantly wear!" T h e Tritons arose from their watery bed, And sounding their trumpets, Aeolus attended; W h o summoned the Zephyrs, and to them he said, "Old Neptune Columbia's cause has befriended. As the world you explore, And revisit each shore, T o all nations proclaim the glad sound evermore; T h a t Decatur Old Neptune's proud trident shall bear, And the laurels of victory triumphantly wear!" T h e Naiads, in chariots of coral so bright, Skimmed swiftly the wide, liquid plane, quite enchanted: Soon the proud Macedonian gladdened their sight, And Decatur advancing, with courage undaunted; They saw with a smile T h e fast-anchored Isle,

248

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR Resigning the laurels obtained at the Nile! And when Victory crowned brave Columbia's cause, T h e Trumpet of Fame shook the world with applause. Dame Amphitrite flew to the Archives above, T o see the great mandate of Neptune recorded, When tracing the records of Lybian Jove, T o find where renown to brave deeds was awarded; There Washington's name, Recorded by Fame, Resplendent as light, to her view quickly came! In rapture she cries, "Here Decatur I'll place, On the page which the deeds of brave Washington grace!" Now charge all your glasses with pure sparkling wine, And toast our brave tars who so bravely defend us; While our naval commanders so nobly combine, We defy all the ills haughty foes e'er can send us! While our goblets do flow, T h e praises we owe T o Valor and Skill we will gladly bestow, And may grateful the sons of Columbia be T o Decatur, whom Neptune crowns Lord of the Sea. Ascribed

III.

to

J . R. CALVERT

T H E WAR W I T H ALGIERS Carpe Diem (Seize the Dey)

T h e Dey of Algiers, not afraid of his ears, Sent to Jonathan once for some tribute; "Ho! ho!" says the Dey, "if the rascal don't pay, A caper or two I'll exhibit."

SONGS AND POEMS "I'm the Dey of Algiers, with a beard a foot long, I'm a Mussulman too, and of course very strong; For this is my maxim, dispute it who can, That a man of stout muscle's a stout Mussulman." "They say," to himself one day says the Dey, "I may bully him now without reck'ning to pay; There's a kick-up just coming with him and John Bull, And John will give Jonathan both his hands full." So he bullied our consul and captured our men, Went out through the Straits and came back safe again; And thought that his cruisers in triumph might ply Wherever they pleased,—but he thought a d d lie. For when Jonathan fairly got John out of the way, He prepared him to settle accounts with the Dey; Says he, "I will send him an able debater." So he sent him a message by Stephen Decatur. Away went Decatur to treat with the Dey, But he met the Dey's admiral just in his way; And by way of a tribute, just captured his ship, But the soul of the admiral gave him the slip. From thence he proceeded to Algeciras Bay, T o pay his respects to his highness the Dey, And sent him a message, decided yet civil, But the Dey wished both him and his note to the devil. And And The And

when he found out that the admiral's ship, the admiral, too, had both given him the slip, news gave his highness a good deal of pain, the Dey thought he'd never see daylight again.

"Ho! ho!" says the Dey, "if this is the way This Jonathan reckons his tribute to pay,

250

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR Who takes it will tickle his fingers with thorns." So the Dey and the Crescent both hauled in their horns. He called for a peace and gave up our men, And promised he'd never ask tribute again; Says his highness the Dey, "Here's the devil to pay Instead of a tribute; heigh-ho, well-a-dayl" And never again will our Jonathan pay A tribute to potentate, pirate, or Dey; Nor any but that which forever is given:— T h e tribute to valor and virtue and heaven. And again if his Deyship should bully and fume, Or hereafter his claim to this tribute resume, We'll send him Decatur once more to defy him, And his motto shall be, if you please, Carpe Diem. DOCTOR c .

Decatur,

Victor over

Algiers

See Decatur, our hero, returns to the West, Who's destined to shine in the annals of story, A bright ray of victory beams high on his crest; Encircled, his brows by a halo of glory. On Afric's bleak shore, From the insolent Moor, His bloody, stained laurels in triumph he tore, Where the Crescent which oft spread its terrors afar Submissively bowed to the American Star. Algiers' haughty Dey in the height of his pride From American freemen a tribute demanded; Columbia's brave freemen the tribute denied, And his corsairs to seize our bold tars were commanded.

SONGS A N D POEMS

25 1

Their streamers wave high, But Decatur draws nigh; His name strikes like lightning—in terror they fly. Thrice welcome, our hero, returned from afar, Where the proud Crescent falls to the American Star. MR. MCCREERY

Petersburg, Virginia Note. This was sung at the dinner given to Decatur in Norfolk, Virginia, on April 5, 1816.

IV.

DECATUR'S D E A T H

Sacred to the Memory of the Late Commodore Stephen Decatur High on the wave the warrior rode, As rushing o'er the billowy flood, Bearing the Starry Banner bright, His ship displayed a gallant sight. What other Bark approaches now, With flowing sail and lofty prow? Red Cross of Englandl woe to thee, T h u s met upon the stormy sea. T h e flash, the smoke, the thundering roar, T h e groan, the crash—the battle o'er— Britannia, stubborn, crouching saw T h e brave D E C A T U R give the l a w H e who erewhile on Afric's shore Had laurels won from Turk and Moor. W h o is that Horseman, sable clad, That, sudden, checks the flowing rein; With wistful look and brow all sad, Bends, pausing, o'er his courser's mane?

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR A stranger he; and as he gazed, At once bewildered and amazed, On that vast crowd, which, from the plain, Wheeled in, and formed a funeral train— And heard the death-tap, and the gun, T h a t told some Hero's race was run— And listened close still more to hear— Thy name, DECATURI caught his ear. He asked—"Where may that Warrior be? Ploughs he not still the dark blue sea?" "Alas!" Columbia, who stood nigh, With pallid cheek and weeping eye, Said, " T o yon vault of dark gray stone My fav'rite goes, to sleep alone! In Kalorama's grave to-night, Will lie the valiant in the fight!" O Lady! from thy Bower of gloom, Seek not thy Hero in the tomb! His Fame a Form of Light shall be T o soothe thy grief and agony. C H I V A L R I C S P I R I T ! fare thee w e l l Torn from this globe in Heaven to dwell— Immortal there—immortal here— Though meteor Honor bade thee go— Few hast thou left, I ween, thy peer, In this our world of woe.

Decatur Decatur falls! another victim bleeds— Another victim Honor's Moloch feeds! Enrolled on the highest list of fame, A brave man dies to escape a coward's name.

SONGS AND POEMS

253

Was it for this the hero's life was spared, When ceaseless fires along his vessel glared And his proud frigate, dancing on the waves, Shook with its martial thunders Ocean's caves? When Valor fought and Mercy spared the blow, And Pity hovered o'er the vanquished foe, Decatur might have ended his career With shouts of victory falling on his ear. "So fall the brave, so nobly sink to rest, In all their country's brightest honors drest." Oh! is it not enough, when raging War Chains iron-hearted Carnage to his car, And rolling o'er the dark ensanguined heath, He moves 'midst massacres, despair, and death? In peace, is life so "carpeted with joy" That man must court the tyrant to destroy, Scorning the keenest weapons death can wield By fell disease, by fire and flood and field? Man dares to take what heaven in mercy sparesMan, cruel man, the "arm of vengeance" bears. False Honor swells the bloody list of fame, And adds, with demon-smiles, Decatur's name. B Y A LADY

From The National

On the Death of the Much Lamented

Intelligencer

Decatur

When shunned by all, the wicked die, No tear is shed, we miss them not; Wrapt in oblivion's shroud they lie, The base deserve to be forgot.

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR But when, o'ercome by whelming Fate, T h e worthy sink into the grave, Their deeds of virtue all r e l a t e All join, their memory to save. Shall then no tributary line Adorn Decatur's early tomb, No offering, due at friendship's shrine, Lament his melancholy doom— Whose breast no selfish motive knew, Whose heart with gratitude o'erflowed, Through life a friend as warm and true As ever with affection glowed? He, though from every social tie Destined untimely to be torn, Repined not, but his parting sigh Was heaved for those he left to mourn. ANONYMOUS

From The Richmond Reflections

Caused by the Lamented Commodore Decatur

Enquirer

Death of

Still must our country's noblest, bravest sons, At Moloch Honor's shrine be sacrificed? Must those high spirits, who have met the brunt Of deadliest war, and in the brightest cause, Which ever edged a falchion; who have loved In scenes of dreadful daring to appear, Heedless of danger, while the Starry Banner Waved o'er their heads, the sanction of their deeds, Fall in the low turmoils of private passion? Are reason's just behests still disregarded? Religion's higher mandates still unheeded? Weep, weep, Columbia; yet let no reproach

SONGS AND POEMS

255

Mingle with your bewailings. Pity rather T h e sad fatuity, which leads your champions T o deeds of death, without their country's call. Decatur! T h i n e was not a common fame! No meteor ray, which shone with sudden blaze, And died away in darkness. Long thy course And ever lustrious. A father's great example Taught the road to honor. T h o u pursuedst it With steady firmness and with generous ardor. In discipline's strict path, thou early learnedst T o move, unheedful but of duty's voice. T h y deeds need not the voice of eulogy. Well learned the Moor to tremble at thy name, T h y captive countrymen to greet their rescuer, T h e Redcross banner bowed before thy prowess. Nor this thine only deed. T h e calmer virtues, Which knit the ties of life; which bless, adorn, And beautify the social circle, shone In thee with equal radiance. Scenes of carnage Had not inured thee to a cold disdain Of tender sympathies; nor war's stern voice Silenced the gentle sentiments of mercy. T h y country weeps thee! T h e presumptuous lay Dares not intrude, where yet a keener anguish Rends the reft heart of her, who weeps thee more, And oh! may a nation's tears spare some of hers, A nation's sympathy assuage her sorrow. As in the midnight watch, the hardy seaman Paces the lonely deck, down his rough cheek Shall course the unwonted tear. And as the glow Of fond remembrance rushes on his soul, With honest pride, he'll muse upon thy deeds, And steel anew his soul to hardihood, By the bright pattern of Decatur's glory. EDGAR

From The Baltimore Patriot and Mercantile

Advertiser

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR The Death of

Decatur

T h e morn was gay, the sun rose bright; All nature wore a smile serene! But changed to sorrow from delight— A mournful gloom o'ercast the scene. With happiness then beamed the brow, T h a t lowers in grief and sadness now: For nature saw another sight, Ere yon bright sun had run his course; T h e foemen met for deadly fight— Their weltering bodies clasp the ground, His soul that triumphed o'er the wave, Leaves a cold body for the gravel Columbia! was that heart thine o w n As bright a star as decks thy brow: Then mourn, for, lo! thy gallant son Lies in death's icy armor now? T h e eye that beamed a patriot's glow Resplendent shines no longer now! But say not that he's dead. He lives, While martial glory owns a name: And while his generous country gives T o merit due—to valor, fame: And while the mountain billows roll, They speak Decatur's noble soul. Decatur dies! But still his peerless name, Emblazoned on the Roll of Naval Fame, Shall live till yon bright star, to seamen dear, Shall cease to vivify the northern sphere; T i l l winds no more shall rage, nor billows roar And freedom's Sun shall set to rise no more! N

From The National

Intelligencer

SONGS AND POEMS Decatur's

257

Death

And is he gone?—the noble and the brave! Was no friend found to stretch an arm and save Him, who in face of death defied His country's foes and seemed to ride On glory's pinion—'midst the fight, "Commanding fires of death to light" His gallant crew to Victory 1 Farewell 1 the mind revolts to think a life of fame Should thus be sacrificed to honor's tinsel claim. ANONYMOUS

From The Richmond

Enquirer

The Duel But yesterday, a star of glory blazed, With peerless light on freedom's sacred throne; With rapturous joy Columbia's genius gazed, And hailed the noble planet as her own. To-day, in tears Columbia's genius stood, And saw the brilliant star go down in blood. T h e hero falls—not by his country's foe, T h e hero falls—not in his country's cause; In single fight he meets the inglorious blow, Against the mandates of his country's laws. He sleeps beneath the gloomy cypress now, W h o sheds a halo round his country's brow. Long time the laurels which he bravely won Flourished in green upon the warrior's head; And Valor smiled and blessed her favorite son. But when she saw those laurels fade, she said, "Cursed be the deed, which blasts the fairest fame, And robs the hero of his richest name." s From The Baltimore Chronicle

Bibliography and Sources I.

MANUSCRIPTS

U.S. Navy Department, Naval Records and Library Barbary Powers Letter Book, 1799-1808 Captains' Letters, 1804-1815 Letters to Officers Commanding Gunboats, 1803-1808 Letters to Officers, Ships of War, 1798-1820 Log of Essex, June 1, 1801 to August 1802 Log of New York, September 1, 1802 to April 6, 1803 Miscellaneous Letters, 1794-1820 Records of the Office of the Navy Commissioners, 1 8 1 5 - 1 8 2 0 Ships Service Book, 1801-1809 Library of Congress, Manuscript Division Dolly Madison Papers (a few Decatur letters) Log of Chesapeake, May 9, 1807 to February 21, 1809 Miscellaneous Letters Edward Preble Papers Autograph Letters, 1799-1807 Letters, four volumes Log of Constitution, May 21, 1803 to October 27, 1804 Log Book, John Adams, October 30, 1804 to February 23, 1805 Preble's Journal, March 19, 1803 to August 21, 1804 Navy Department Letters, 1799-1807 Order Book, 1803-1805 T h r e e Letter Books, 1803-1804 Pennsylvania Historical Society Library Decatur, Letter Book, 1801-1820 Decatur, Letters and Orders Received, 1803-1804 Miscellaneous (eleven autographed Decatur letters) George Harrison Papers (correspondence relating to swords and

B I B L I O G R A P H Y AND SOURCES medals awarded Decatur after the United States-Macedonian engagement) New York Historical Society Library, the Naval History Society Collection Correspondence of Mrs. Susan Decatur and John W. Taylor, Speaker of House of Representatives Letter of Susan Decatur to James Monroe Letter of Stephen Decatur to David Porter New York Public Library Letter of Stephen Decatur to Charles Morris Four Susan Decatur Letters U.S. Naval Academy, Museum T w o Stephen Decatur Letters Ridgway Library, Philadelphia Four Decatur Items Private Collections Decatur Papers (in possession of the heirs of Stephen Decatur of Kittery Point, Maine) Decatur's Commissions, Letter Book, 1815-1816, and Other Papers (in possession of Mrs. Augusta Shippen Morris) Decatur Letters (Hobby Shop, Washington, D.C., and The Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia) James Barron Papers (in possession of Miss Anne W. Marr, Norfolk, Virginia) Miscellaneous Papers (in possession of Miss Katherine Barton Myers, Norfolk, Virginia) II.

PERIODICALS AND NEWSPAPERS

American Historical Register, Vols. II and III. Philadelphia, 1895, 1896. American Magazine of Art, Vol. XI. Washington. Analectic Magazine, I, 369 (1813) and January and February 1816. Philadelphia. Army and Navy Journal, X X I I , 165. Baltimore American and Commercial Advertiser, 1820.

26o

THE ROMANTIC

DECATUR

Baltimore Morning Chronicle, 1820. Baltimore Patriot and Mercantile Advertiser, 1815 and 1820. Banner of the South. Augusta, Georgia, 1869. Boston Patriot and Daily Mercantile Advertiser, 1820. Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser. Philadelphia, 1798. Connoisseur, June 1926. L o n d o n . Cosmopolitan, Vol. X X X I . N e w York. Daily National Intelligencer. Washington, 1816 a n d 1820. Federal Gazette and Baltimore Daily Advertiser, 1803. Georgetown Metropolitan, 1820. Harper's Magazine, X V I , 472 and 476 (December 1857 and May 1858) and X X I V , 180 (1862) and C I V , 932 (1902). Harper's Weekly, X X X V I I , 358 (1893) and X L I I I , 884 (1899). Knickerbocker Magazine, March 1840. Magazine of American History, Vol. I l l and Vol. X X V (JanuaryJune 1891). N e w York. Mariner's Mirror, A p r i l 1913, "Introduction of Shells and Shellguns in the United States N a v y " by Louis H . Bolander. Cambridge, England. Maryland Historical Magazine, March 1924, " R e u b e n James or Daniel Frazier?" by Charles Lee Lewis. Mentor, March 15, 1916, " T h e W a r of 1812" by A l b e r t Bushnell Hart. National Intelligencer. Washington, 1804 and 1812, and March 1820. Naval Chronicle, 1799-1813. L o n d o n . N e w York Gazette and General Advertiser, 1812 and 1813. N e w York Herald, 1813. N e w York National Advocate, 1820. N e w York Tribune, 1899. Niles' Register. The Weekly Register. Baltimore, 1812, 1813, 1814, 1815, 1816, 1827 and 1843. Norfolk Beacon, A p r i l 1816. Norfolk Gazette and Public Ledger, 1806. Norfolk Herald, 1820. North American Review, Vol. L X I V . N e w York.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y AND SOURCES

26

Outlook, Vol. L X X . New York. Pcnnsylvanian. Philadelphia, 1846. Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, 1820. Philadelphia Aurora and General Advertiser, 1806 and 1813. Philadelphia Franklin Gazette, 1820. Philadelphia Gazette, 1797. Philadelphia Public Ledger, 1846. Porcupine's Gazette and United States Daily Advertiser. Philadelphia, 1797. Poulson's American Daily Advertiser. Philadelphia, 1806 and 1814. Richmond Enquirer, 1820 and 1827. Southern Literary Messenger, Vols. I and II, "Sketches of the History and Present Condition of Tripoli . . . " by Robert Greenhow. Richmond, 1835. United States Gazette. Philadelphia, 1813. United States Military Magazine, Vol. II, 34. United States Naval Institute Proceedings, Annapolis: Vol. V, January 1879, "Operations of the Mediterranean Squadron under Commodore Preble in 1803-4" by James R . Soley, and Edward Preble's "Journal before Tripoli"; Vol. X X X I V , September 1908, "Decatur and Coleridge" by C. G. Calkins, and "Closing Events of the War with T r i p o l i " by Robert S. Rodgers; and Vol. X X X V , "Dueling in the Old Navy" by Charles O. Paullin. Washington Gazette, 1820. Washington Post, 1892 and 1936. Washington Union, 1846.

III.

BOOKS

Abbot, Willis J . The Naval History of the United States. New York, 1896. Adams, John Quincy. The Memoirs of . . . Comprising Portions of His Diary from 1795 to 1848. Edited by Charles Francis Adams. Twelve volumes. Philadelphia, 1874-7.

262

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DECATUR

American Library Association Portrait Index. Edited by W. C. Lane and N. E. Browne. Washington, 1906. American State Papers. Documents, Legislative and Executive of the Congress of the United States, 1789-1825. Naval Affairs. Four volumes. Washington, 1834-1861. American Weekly Messenger. Register of State-papers, History, and Politics for 1 8 1 3 - 1 8 1 4 (Vol. I) and for 1 8 1 4 - 1 8 1 5 (Vol. II). Philadelphia, 1814 and 1815. Alden, Carroll Storrs and Ralph Earle. Makers of Naval Tradition. Boston, 1925. Allen, Gardner W. Our Naval War with France. Boston, 1909. Our Navy and the Barbary Corsairs. Boston, 1905. Papers of Isaac Hull, Commodore, United States Navy. Boston, 1929. Anthony, Irvin. Decatur. New York, 1931. Avery, Elroy McKendree. A History of the United States and Its People, Vol. VI. Cleveland, 1909. Bailey, Isaac. American Naval Biography. Providence, R. I., 1815. Barnes, James. Naval Actions of the War of 1812. New York, 1896. Barnes, John S. Memorial Library, Naval History Society, Catalogue. New York, 1915. Barron, Commodore James. Proceedings of the General Court Martial Convened for the Trial of . . . in the Month of January, 1808. Washington, 1822. The Voice of Truth, or Thoughts on the Affair between the Leopard and the Chesapeake. New York, 1807. Message from the President of the United States Transmitting a Letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Monroe on the . . . Attack on the Chesapeake. Washington, 1808. The Present Claims and Complaints of America. London, 1806. Blyth, Stephen C. History of the War between the United States and Tripoli and Other Barbary Powers . . . Salem, 1806. Bobbi, Dorothie. DeWitt Clinton. New York, 1933. Bowen, Abel, Editor. The Naval Monument. Boston, 1816.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y AND SOURCES

263

Brady, Cyrus Townsend. Stephen Decatur. Boston, 1900. Brannon, John. Official Letters of the Military and Naval Officers of the United, States during the War with Great Britain, 18121815. Washington, 1823. Bruce, William Cabell. John Randolph of Roanoke. New York, 1922. Bryan, Wilhelmus Bogart. A History of the National Capital . . . T w o volumes. New York, 1914. Cathcart, James Leander. Tripoli. First War with the United States. Letter Book. Compiled by His Daughter. La Porte, Indiana, 1901. Clark, Thomas. Naval History of the United States. Philadelphia, 1813. Coleridge, Samuel Taylor. Table Talk and The Friend, Vol. II, Essay IX. ist edition. London, 1818. Cooper, James Fenimore. The History of the Navy of the United States of America. T w o volumes. Philadelphia, 1839. Lives of Distinguished American Naval Officers. T w o volumes. Philadelphia, 1846. Cowdery, Jonathan. American Captives in Tripoli. Boston, 1806. Dean, Elizabeth Lippincott. Dolly Madison, The Nation's Hostess. Boston, 1928. Dearborn, H. A. S. The Life of William Bainbridge, Esq. of the United States Navy. Edited by James Barnes. Princeton, 1931. Decatur, Commodore Stephen. Proceedings of a Court of Inquiry Held on Board the U.S. Frigate Constitution at New York, in April, 1815, to Investigate the Causes of the Loss of the Frigate President . . . While under the Command of Commodore Stephen Decatur. New York, 1815. Correspondence between Decatur and Commodore Barron Which Led to the Unfortunate Meeting of the 22d of March. Washington, 1820. Decatur, Mrs. Susan. Prize Money. Report Accompanying Bill for Relief of . . . January 24, 1826 (19 cong. 1 sess. H. rpt. 48). Names of the Officers and Seamen on Board the Ketch Intrepid, in the Attack on the Frigate Philadelphia, 1804, in the

264

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DECATUR

Harbor of Tripoli, December 8, 1826. Washington, 1826 (19 cong. 2 sess. H. doc. 4). Documents Relative to the Claim of . . . Georgetown, D.C., 1826. U.S. Naval Affairs Committee (House). Destruction of Frigate Philadelphia. A Bill to Compensate . . . Washington, 1827. (Report, January 9, 1828) of the Committee on Naval Affairs, to Whom Was Referred the Memorial of . . . for Compensation to the Officers and Crew of the U.S. Ketch Intrepid, for the Capture of the Frigate Philadelphia . . . (20 cong. 1 sess. S. doc. 23). •

-Report, March 18, 1828, of the Committee on Naval Affairs . . . Bill from the Senate Entitled "An Act to Compensate Susan Decatur, Widow and Representative of Captain Stephen Decatur, Deceased, and Others" . . . (20 cong. 2 sess. H. rpt. 201). Memorial and Petition of . . ., Widow and Sole Representative of Stephen Decatur . . . January 7, 1830 (21 cong. 1 sess. H. rpt. 60). Report of Committee on Naval Affairs, on Bill to Compensate Widow and Representative of Captain Stephen Decatur and Others, January 5,1829 (20 cong. 2 sess. H. rpt. 37). Remarks of Edward Everett. House of Representatives, March 15, 1830. On the Bill for the Relief of Susan Decatur. Washington, 1830. —— To accompany Bill H.R. No. 50, December 19, 1831 (22 cong. 1 sess. H. rpt. 45).

•

Bill H.R. No. 98, December 2 3 , 1 8 ) 1 (22 cong. 1 sess. H. doc. 27). This contains a copy of Decatur's will. Petition of Recaptors of the Frigate Philadelphia, Praying for Compensation . . . January 9, 1832 (22 cong. 1 sess. H. doc. 62). Report, December 19, 1833, of the Committee on Naval Affairs to Which Was Referred the Petition of . . .on Behalf of Herself and Others . . . (23 cong. 1 sess. H. rpt. 45).

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ft

Notes

1. Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, Life of Stephen Decalur, p. 14. 2. As quoted in Edgar S. Maclay, History of the Navy, I, 215. 3. Philadelphia Gazette, May 11, 1797. 4. From " T h e Building of the S h i p " by Henry W . Longfellow. 5. A newspaper clipping with the heading: Berlin, Maryland, Correspondent, Wilmington Commercial, 22d, but without additional identification was among the papers of the late W i l l i a m Decatur Parsons. It stated that Decatur was arrested and tried for life for striking a woman of ill fame and causing her death, that he was defended by lawyers Bedford and Sargeant and acquitted, and that he then entered the navy. I have in vain attempted to verify this story. 6. Mackenzie, Life of Stephen Decatur, 33. 7. Elroy M. Avery, History of the United States, VII, 216. 8. Gardner W . Allen, Our Navy and the Barbary Corsairs, 167. T h e other officers in addition to Decatur were Lieutenants James Lawrence, Joseph Bainbridge, and Jonathan T h o r n ; Midshipmen T h o m a s Macdonough, R a l p h Izard, John Rowe, Charles Morris, A l e x a n d e r Laws, and John Davis; and Surgeon Lewis Heerman. Authorities disagree as to the total number of men on the Intrepid. According to the L o g of the Constitution 70 officers and men were taken from the Enterprise and 5 officers from the Constitution. But Preble's Journal states that Decatur h a d with him 64 volunteers from the Enterprise and 6 midshipmen and 2 pilots from the Constitution. Moreover, shortly before the attack was made Decatur was joined by Midshipman T h o m a s O . Anderson and nine men from the Siren. T o complicate the question still further, Naval Affairs, II, 776 and III, 126 gives a list amounting to only 71, which includes Midshipman Anderson and his men. According to Allen, the total engaged in the burning of the Philadelphia w o u l d be 83 men. Shortly before the b u r n i n g of the Philadelphia, according to Mackenzie, 63, Decatur and Macdonough had a desperate encounter with ruffians one night in the streets of Syracuse. T h e young American officers "drew their swords, and placing their backs to a wall, defended themselves so stoutly that they succeeded in wounding two of their assailants, when the whole three sought safety in flight. One of them, being pursued by Macdonough into a house, got upon the roof, and, being nearly overtaken, precipitated himself to the ground, and perished from the fall." I n the Naval Academy Museum are several pieces of wood and a round shot salvaged from the Philadelphia. T h e latter was presented by Charles Wellington Furlong, w h o in 1904 discovered the remains of the Philadelphia where she had sunk in the harbor of T r i p o l i . Since the Italian occupation, the spot has been filled in with earth and the Philadelphia now lies under a broad quay.

272

T H E ROMANTIC D E C A T U R

9. The Autobiography of Commodore Charles Morris, U.S. Now, 29. 10. As quoted in Mackenzie, Life of Stephen Decatur, 34 et seq. 1 1 . S . Putnam Waldo, The Life and Character of Stephen Decatur, 60. 12. Ibid., 73. 13. "Decatur's Fight with the T r i p o l i t a n " by E d w a r d S. Ellis in Soldiers and Sailors, edited by Charles F. H o m e , I, 3 2 1 . 14. " R e u b e n James or Daniel Frazier?" by Charles Lee Lewis in Maryland Historical Magazine, March, 1924. Some curious twists have been given to historical facts in certain paintings and drawings of this famous incident. In Frederic Stanhope Hill's Romance of the American Navy, 1910, p. 50, there is a reproduction of a painting by F. O. C. Darley, entitled "Decatur's Struggle with the Algerians," though the fight was in the harbor of T r i p o l i . In Elbridge S. Brooks's Story of the American Sailor, 3 1 1 , the statement is made that Decatur's life was saved from beneath " a descending Moorish scimitar." In Duncan's Brave Deeds of American Seamen, 74, the fight is represented as having taken place on the Philadelphia, and is entitled "Decatur Capturing the P h i l a d e l p h i a , " though this ship at that time had already been burned by Decatur after it had previously fallen into the hands of the Tripolitans. 15. Mackenzie, Life of Stephen Decatur, gg. 16. Commodore Preble apparently had been i n f o r m e d of Decatur's promotion, though the official document did not arrive on the frigate John Adams until August 7, 1804, three days after these general orders were published. 17. Table Talk, 2d edition, 168. See also Essay I X , Vol. II, of The Friend by Coleridge. 18. T h i s monument was made in R o m e from a design by Captain David Porter, and first erected under his supervision in the Washington Navy Y a r d . L a t e r he had this inscription placed on the cenotaph: " M u t i l a t e d by Britons, 1 8 1 4 . " A d m i r a l David D. Porter, Memoirs of Commodore David Porter of the United States Navy, 261. T h e monument was removed to Annapolis in i860. For a complete account of the history of the memorial see the Analectic Magazine, VI, 459 (Dec., 1815) and the United States Naval Institute Proceedings, " T h e T r i p o l i M o n u m e n t " by C. Q. Wright, November, 1922. 19. T a y l o e , 159. He also states that Susan was the natural daughter of L u k e Wheeler and that her mother was " a n obscure w o m a n " of Elk R i d g e L a n d i n g , Maryland, where Wheeler was the proprietor of iron works, and where Susan was born. Decatur's marriage, he declares, was a blot on his escutcheon. If this statement is true, it may possibly explain why Susan Wheeler remained unmarried until she reached the age of twenty-nine. 20. T h e Decaturs, in 1793, lived on Front Street near Cedar (Mackenzie, 13). T h i s location would now be near the corner of D e l a w a r e A v e n u e and South Street. T h e Philadelphia Directory of 1796 has this item: " D e c a t u r , Stephen, sea captain between 2gi and 297 So. Front St." On A p r i l 12, 1796 Stephen Decatur, Sr. purchased from Vincent and J e a n Baptiste Drouillard for 3500 pounds specie a f a r m and house at Mount Airy in B y b e r r y township, about ten miles from Philadelphia. In December, 1802, he sold this property to Peter McCall for 5000 pounds, Pennsylvania currency. He then moved his family to " M i l l d a l e " in Frankford, also near Philadelphia. H e r e he m a n u f a c t u r e d gun-

NOTES

273

powder in a mill where the Du Ponts, before going to Wilmington, had for a time considered establishing their headquarters. " I have the deeds to Captain Decatur's farm at Byberry outside of Philadelphia. I went out there once and found the place in possession of an old Irishman who had been there many years. He told me that there had been painted on the door of the barn a figure of a 'red-coat' and the old barn door was peppered with bullet holes. T h e old man told me that the story told him was that the figure had been used for a target by the Decatur boys. T h e place was bought by Captain Decatur in April, 1796." Letter of J u n e 20, 1936, f r o m Stephen Decatur of G a r d e n City, New York. 2 1 . Mackenzie, 136. 22. Philadelphia Aurora, J a n u a r y 3, 1806. Congress failed to appropriate the money for the swords, mentioned in the preceding paragraph; hence they were never presented. 23. Ibid., J a n u a r y io, 1806. 24. " M a r c h 8, 1806—Stephen Decatur, J r . and Miss Susan Wheeler. L u k e Wheeler, security. Note: T h e above couple were married the same day by the R e v e r e n d B e n j a m i n Grigsby, pastor of the Presbyterian Congregation. Susan Wheeler was the daughter of L u k e W h e e l e r . " Norfolk City Marriage Bonds, Abstracts from (1797-1850), compiled and annotated by George H. T u c k e r , >93425. M r . Wheeler resided in what was known as the Billy Dixon House, which was located where the Monticello Hotel is now situated. It was here that Decatur and Susan Wheeler were married, according to information f u r nished me by the late William Decatur Parsons. Later the Decaturs lived in Norfolk in the " S u m m e r House," now replaced by the R . D. Cooke House, 5 1 7 Warren Street, according to information furnished me by the R e v e r e n d W. H . T . Squires of N o r f o l k . 26. A l f r e d T h a y e r M a h a n , Sea Power in Its Relation to the War of 1812, I I , 170. 27. Cyrus T o w n s e n d B r a d y , Stephen Decatur, 78. 28. T h e o d o r e Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, p. 22. 29. Mackenzie, 172. T h e name is sometimes written J o h n Kreamer. Decatur "subsequently obtained f o r him a midshipman's warrant, and made h i m a sharer of his after achievements. Creamer ever proved himself most worthy of his benefactor; became an excellent seaman and officer, and, compensating by indefatigable industry for the want of early advantages, was fast adding all the science and polite culture that could grace his station, when the life, which had been spared during three engagements under Decatur, was lost by the accidental upsetting of a boat on an excursion of pleasure in a remote sea." Mackenzie, 178. 30. M a h a n , Sea Power in Its Relation to the War of 1812, I, 418. My account of the tactical maneuvers of this battle is based primarily on M a h a n . 3 1 . Mackenzie, 1 7 3 . T h e punning reference is to Isaac Hull's recent victory over the Guerrière, while that officer was in command of the Constitution. 32. Thirty Years from Home, or A Voice from the Main Deck. Being the Experiences of Samuel Leech, who was for six years in the British and American navies: was captured in the British Frigate Macedonian: afterwards en-

274

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

lered the American navy and was taken in the United States Brig Syren by the British Ship Medway. Boston, 1843, pp. 129 et seq. 33. Mackenzie, 176. Decatur, "wearing an old straw hat and a plain suit of clothes which made him look more like a farmer than a naval hero," met Carden at the ladder. J o h n R . Spears, The History of OUT Navy, I I , 139. 34. At the U.S. Naval Academy are the following relics of the Macedonian: the ensign of the ship; a lion made of wood and gilded, which was taken f r o m the quarter-deck of the British frigate after the battle; the figure-head a n d f o u r guns from the Macedonian, which have been grouped together to f o r m what is now known as the Macedonian Monument. T h i s m o n u m e n t , f a c i n g M a h a n Hall, was erected in 1924. 35. See also a letter written by Mrs. B . H . Latrobe on December 14, 1 8 1 2 , as quoted in James Barnes, Naval Actions of the War of 1812, p. 67. 36. T h i s now belongs to Mrs. Morton Deyo (nee Maria Decatur Mayo). 37. New York Gazette and General Advertiser, December 30, 1 8 1 2 . 38. Ibid., J a n u a r y 1, 1 8 1 3 . 39. Ibid., J a n u a r y 4, 1 8 1 3 . 40. United States Gazette, February 3, 1 8 1 3 . 4 1 . Philadelphia Aurora, February 8, 1 8 1 3 . 42. T h e Virginia sword belongs now to W y n d h a m R . M a y o of N o r f o l k ; the Pennsylvania sword is owned by Maria Decatur Deyo. In the same resolution of the Pennsylvania legislature J a m e s Biddle was awarded a sword f o r his capture of the Frolic. A f t e r awarding Decatur and Biddle the thanks of Pennsylvania, the resolution concluded as follows: " A n d likewise to procure for a present to each of them, in the name of the commonwealth, an appropriate sword, the expense of which shall not exceed 400 dollars." T h o m a s Clark, Naval History of the United States, 188. 43. T h i s now belongs to the heirs of Stephen Decatur of Kittery Point, Maine. 44. T h i s sword was presented to the U.S. Naval Academy by William Decatur Parsons of New York, now deceased. 45. T h i s band had been captured by the British from a French man-of-war. T h e y are said to have been pleased with their capture by the Americans, who permitted them to play French music. 46. W h e n the Confederates captured the Norfolk Navy Y a r d early in the Civil W a r , the United States was among the vessels which were captured. She was not, however, destroyed, as were the others, for she was in such a decayed condition that it was deemed unnecessary to waste turpentine upon her. L a t e r she was broken up at Norfolk by order of the Navy Department of December 18, 1865. 47. T h i s submarine is said to have been made by a gentleman of Norwich. See: Cyril Field, The Story of the Submarine, 73, and H. C. Fyfe, Submarine Warfare, 198. Some have thought it might have been made by R o b e r t Fulton, but no mention is made of it in biographies of Fulton, not even in Robert Fulton and the Submarine by William Barclay Parsons, New Y o r k , 1922. On May 4, 1810, Fulton wrote to Rodgers, Bainbridge, Chauncey, J o h n Smith, Decatur, a n d Tingey regarding experiments with torpedoes which he was to conduct during the ensuing session of Congress; they were asked to suggest obsta-

NOTES

275

cles and objections to his system. Mackenzie, 197, says that Fulton came to New London in the autumn of 1813 to get Decatur's opinion of a plan for a steam man-of-war and that "Decatur at once appreciated the great value of the invention, and saw how useful such a vessel would be, if already completed, in compelling the squadron, by which he was blockaded, to withdraw from the coast, so as to enable him to get to sea. Together with his intelligent associates, C a p t a i n Jones and Commander Biddle, he united in a letter of approbation of the plan and model of Mr. Fulton, and very clearly pointed out the important part, which steam has since assumed in all naval operations." T h i s is substantiated in a letter of August 9, 1 8 1 3 from Decatur to Fulton. A f t e r going into details regarding the steam man-of-war, he closes with this interesting paragraph: " T h e T o r p e d o Expedition I know nothing about; a Major Frick and M r . Richards are the proprietors; your man Welden is here. T h e moon, unless overcast, will prevent any immediate attempt. Any aid in my power I will give him; he appears to be prudent and persevering. I shall offer more remarks on the submarine business shortly." 48. Mackenzie, 201. 49. Ibid., 2 1 4 . 50. Roosevelt, The Naval War of 1812, 407 and 408. 5 1 . M a h a n , Sea Power in Its Relation to the War of 1812, II, 402 and 403. 52. Mackenzie, 225. 53. T h e President was used in England for a while as a drill ship. B u t according to the British naval historian, William L a i r d Clowes, there is good reason f o r believing that she was broken u p in 1 8 1 7 - 1 8 1 8 , though her figurehead, which represented President J o h n Adams, may have been placed on the 52-gun ship, built in 1830 and given the name President. It is this later ship, lying in the West India Docks, London, which the British proudly point out to American tourists as the original President, captured from Decatur in the War of 1 8 1 2 . T h e Chesapeake, which was captured earlier in the war, was taken to England and commissioned in the British Navy, but in 1820 she was sold f o r j u n k at Portsmouth for the sum of 500 pounds. It is said that most of her timbers went into the construction of a mill at Wickham, which is now k n o w n as Chesapeake Mill. 54. C a p t a i n G o r d o n and Decatur became intimate friends, and exchanged fob seals. T h e Gordon f o b seal is now owned by the heirs of Stephen Decatur of Kittery Point, Maine. 55. A s quoted in Gardner W. Allen, Our Navy and the Barbary Corsairs, 14. 56. Ibid., 27. 57. Ibid., 35. 58. Ibid., 276. 59. Ibid., 279. 60. S. P u t n a m Waldo, The Life and Character of Stephen Decatur, 248. 6 1 . J o h n R . Spears, The History of Our Navy, I I I , 348. 62. Ibid., I l l , 3 5 1 . 63. S. P u t n a m Waldo, 250. 64. Spears, I I I , 353. 65. Cyrus T o w n s e n d Brady, Stephen Decatur, 1 1 4 .

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66. ¡bid., 115. 67. S. Putnam Waldo, 251. 68. Mackenzie, 274 and 275. 69. Ibid. 70. S. Putnam Waldo, 252. 71. Mackenzie, 285. 72. Ibid., 288 and 289. 73. Baltimore Patriot and Mercantile Advertiser, December 27, 1815. It is believed that Francis Scott Key stopped at the Fountain Inn on Light Street and there wrote out in full the words to the "Star-Spangled Banner," which he had first hastily written on the back of a letter. 74. J. T h o m a s Scharf, Chronicles of Baltimore, 392. Sixteen pieces of a beautiful silver service, consisting of round and oval dishes, were purchased by Andrew Jackson from Mrs. Stephen Decatur. T h e y are now preserved in the "Hermitage," General Jackson's home near Nashville, Tennessee. Engraved on the silver is the coat of arms of the Decatur family, and upon this Jackson's monogram was superimposed. T h i s silver, however, does not bear the inscription said to have been placed on the Baltimore silver service. T h e Metropolitan Museum of Art has a silver salver belonging to the set. It is 171^ inches long and 131^ inches wide. On the back of the salver in shaded R o m a n capitals in a rectangle is the mark of the maker, Andrew Ellicott Warner, who worked in Baltimore from 1805 until his death in 1870. 75. A . D. T u r n b u l l , Commodore David Porter, 249. 76. Daily National Intelligencer, January 15, 1816. 77. Niles' Weekly Register, X , 136 (April 20, 1816). Also Norfolk Beacon, April 5, 1816. A song written by Mr. McCreery of Petersburg, Virginia was sung 011 this occasion. According to Mr. Cliffoid Millard of Norfolk, legendary comment on this historic dinner "recites that many chairs, serving tables, and high sideboards were required. One of the customs of the time required that, after certain toasts, the glasses having been drained, they should be thrown over the speakers' shoulders. O11 this occasion, the m i n o r behind the commodore was shattered when struck with his wine glass." 78. In " T r u e Americanism," 1894. See Niles' Register, X I , 60 for a British comment on Decatur's famous toast. 79. Vol. X, 415 (August 17, 1816). 80. T h i s consisted of a pair of wine coolers, a pair of large waiters, and twelve goblets, and cost $1,076.60. See Niles' Register, X I V , 203. One of the wine coolers is now in the Museum of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Upon it is this inscription: "Presented by the Citizens of Philadelphia to their Townsman, Commodore Decatur." In the Museum is also a kettle of Chinese metal on which is engraved: " T h e Punch Kettle of Commodore Stephen Decatur, A.D. 1809." 81. T h e following portraits of Decatur might be listed here: (a) By Gilbert Stuart, the original painted from life, always in the family until bequeathed by William Decatur Parsons to the National Museum in Washington. Another Stuart is owned by Dr. Robert C. Bryan of Richmond, Virginia, which is said to have been presented to John R a n d o l p h of Roanoke by Decatur, who was an intimate friend. T h e portrait came to its present

NOTES

277

o w n e r through Randolph's ward named Joseph Bryan. Copies of Stuart's Dec.-atur are in Independence Hall, Philadelphia; Metropolitan Museum of Art, Wew York, probably by Trumbull; Ferargil Galleries, New York; Georgetown (University, Washington, by Simpson; and the private collections of Stephen FDecatur of Garden City, New York and Mrs. Augusta Shippen Morris, Philadelphia. (b) By John W. Jarvis, now at the United States Naval Academy. (c) An Italian Miniature, by Olivo Sezzi, at the U.S. Naval Academy, preseented by the late William Decatur Parsons. A duplicate is said to be in the poossession of Mrs. Arthur Heffenger of Portsmouth, New Hampshire. (d) By Thomas Sully. From this bust portrait, the Decatur Congressional Mledal is said to have been made. It is now at the U.S. Naval Academy. (e) By Thomas Sully. This full-length portrait was originally painted for llhe New York City Hall, where it now hangs. In John Frost's American Naval Riiography, 274, there is a reproduction of a painting by Pinkerton, as engraved biy W. Croome, which is evidently a copy of the Sully portrait. In Longacre aind Herring, National Portrait Gallery, III, 183, there is a copy of Sully's Deccatur by James Herring as engraved by A. B. Durand. It is a copy of the upper pjart of the portrait just including the hilt of the sword. An engraving by P'rudhomme of the bust of this portrait is the frontispiece to Mackenzie's Life oif Stephen Decatur. Mrs. Edwin Tatham of New York has the full length sttudy, painted by Sully before beginning the larger portrait for the City of Wew York. (f) By Thomas Sully, a bust portrait painted in oil on a panel 9 " X 7 " , presented to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania by Samuel Breck in 1861. (g) By Rembrandt Peale, now in the Bryan Collection of the New York Historical Society. Another portrait of Decatur by Rembrandt Peale is in the Mfaryland Historical Society, Baltimore. T h e present location of the following portraits is not known: full-length p>ainting by Alonzo Chappel, bust portrait by William Birch, and bust portrrait by L. White. T h e Gilbert Stuart portrait of Mrs. Stephen Decatur is now owned by Mrs. (iSarah Arndt Morris) Machold of Philadelphia. T h e Saint-Memin portraits of Commodore Decatur's father and mother are im the possession of Mrs. Machold, while the Saint-Memin of the Commodore hiimself is now owned by her brother, Mr. Edward Morris. 82. Charles O. Paullin, Commodore John Rodgers, 361. 83. Of March 22, 1846. Richard Rush (1780-1859) was in turn Attorney CJeneral of the United States, Minister to England, Secretary of the Treasury, aind Minister to France. His father was Benjamin Rush (1745-1813), who was biorn near Philadelphia and educated at Princeton College and the University oif Edinburgh. He was a signer of the Declaration of Independence, a professcor in the Philadelphia Medical College and also later in the Medical College o)f the University of Pennsylvania, and the ablest physician of his time. 84. T h e following letter from Captain Alexander Murray to Secretary of tlhe Navy Robert Smith relates to this duel: "U.S. Frigate Constellation. November 7, 1802. I am sorry to inform you of tlhe death of Captain of Marines (McKnight) who was killed in a duel by

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR Lieutenant Lawson at Leghorn. T h e survivor I h a v e on board under confinement, and will so remain till I receive y o u r orders; I have appointed Mr. Carroll, one of my midshipmen, as an Acting L i e u t e n a n t in his place and hope he will be confirmed in that rank. H e is an old M i d s h i p m a n and a very deserving man. H e is from Patuxent. T h e u n h a p p y catastrophe of Captain Mck n i g h t , who was a very deserving officer, though rather irritable, induces me to wish that an article might be inserted in the regulations for the navy, rendering every officer liable to heavy penalties a n d even to loss of his commission for giving or receiving a challenge and also the seconds for aiding and abetting in such unwarrantable acts, especially upon foreign service. I would even extend it further and make every officer a m e n a b l e to such penalties, if they did not make their commander acquainted with events of that serious nature, for had I have had the least hint of the meeting, I could have prevented it and saved a worthy member to his family and country. On the contrary, I had ever considered that my officers lived in perfect harmony together." 85. T h o m a s Harris, Life of Commodore William Bainbridge, 68. 86. Mackenzie, 56. 87. Ibid., 57. 88. Lorenzo Sabine, Notes on Duels and Duelling, 43. 8g. Mrs. Decatur's Memorial, November 24, 1849. 90. Mackenzie, footnote, 305. 91. She was a Miss Black who was living in the family of Mrs. Decatur's father in Norfolk. See footnote in the Decatur-Barron Correspondence as published in the R i c h m o n d Enquirer of A p r i l 1 1 , 1820. 92. P. 160. 93. Memorial, November 24, 1849, to the President and Members of the Senate. 94. Pp. 87 and 88. 95. Charles O. Paullin, Commodore John Rodgers, 175-183. 96. C. O. Paullin, in United States Naval Institute Proceedings, X X X V , 1184. 97. In Memoriam, 161. 98. Memorandum of March 22, 1820. 99. " T h e pistol used by Decatur is still in the possession of the Rodgers f a m i l y . " C. O. Paullin, Commodore John Rodgers, 386. T h e descendants of R o d g e r s do not know of the present whereabouts of these pistols, though A d m i r a l William L . Rodgers, in a letter of J u l y 3, 1936, writes, " I recollect a pair in a case, which I understood were those of Decatur and Barron which had been put into Commodore Rodgers' carriage when he returned from the duelling field. I do not know where they are." Mrs. T r u x t u n Beale, in a letter of May 27, 1936, states that she has the pistols "said to b e " those belonging to Decatur. Mrs. Beale is the present owner of Decatur House, 748 LaFayette Square, Washington, D.C. Decatur and Barron each had a pair of pistols for the duel. T h o u g h the ones used by Decatur cannot now be identified, Barron's weapons, which were loaned to him by his friend J o h n Myers of N o r f o l k , Virginia, are now owned by Miss Catherine Myers of that city. 100. At the solicitation of Barron after his recovery, a court of inquiry was convened on May 10, 1821 in Brooklyn to investigate these two charges: " M a k -

NOTES

279

ing improper representations in a foreign country respecting the President and Government of the United States; and improperly absenting himself from the United States during the war." On July 14 following, the court gave its opinion that the first charge "has not been proved," but that as regards the second "his absence from the United States was contrary to his duty as an officer in the Navy of the United States." It was not until August 4, 1824, that he was given active duty, when he was ordered to the Philadelphia Navy Yard as Commanding Officer. He was never ordered to sea again, but he performed various shore duties until 1838 when he was virtually retired. He died in 1851 as senior officer of the United States Navy. 101. T h e bullet which killed Decatur is in the Museum of the U.S. Naval Academy. 102. Decatur died in the front room to the left, as one enters the house through the main entrance, on the first floor. 103. T h e following is the will of Commodore Decatur: "I, Stephen Decatur, of the U.S. Navy, now residing in the City of Washington, do make this, my last will and testament, as follows: I give and devise to my beloved wife, Susan Decatur, and her heirs all my estate, real, personal, and mixed, wheresoever situated, and I appoint my friends, Littleton Waller Tazewell of Norfolk, Robert G. Harper of Baltimore, and George Bomford of the City of Washington, together with Mrs. Decatur, my wife, to be executors of this will. In witness whereof I have hereto set my hand and seal, the 22 of March, 1820. Signed, sealed, published and delivered, on the day and year aforesaid by the testator as his last will and testament, in presence of us who at his request and in his presence and in the presence of each other have hereunto subscribed our names as witnesses: John Rodgers, Thomas Sim, Samuel R . Trevitt." 104. Mackenzie, 327. 105. For several months after her husband's death, Mrs. Decatur was inconsolable. After visiting for several weeks in the home of Charles Carroll of Carrollton, whose granddaughters were her most intimate friends, she returned to Washington and rented Kalorama from Colonel Bomford. Through her own extravagance and the mismanagement by the executors of her husband's estate, which amounted to over $75,000, she was reduced within ten years to such poverty that she was forced to sell her plate and furniture, to part with Decatur's Congressional Medal as a security for a small loan, and to try to support herself by copying government documents. Eventually in 1837 she received a pension of fifty dollars a month from the Government, and her husband's pay which had accrued since his death. With this sum of money she purchased an annuity. According to Mrs. H. G. Torbert's Handbook on Georgetown, the house at 2812 N Street N.W., Georgetown, is the one to which Mrs. Decatur retired after her husband's death and the loss of her fortune. Mr. Truxtun Beale Goodrell corroborates this statement, but adds that she later moved to "a house on a hill about a hundred yards from the Georgetown College grounds, which she rented from Miss Hobbs," and that she died in that house. Benjamin Tayloe states in his In Memoriam that she died in the Georgetown Visitation Convent. She lies buried in a small cemetery just outside the grounds of Georgetown University. Her monument,

280

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

which was restored in 1904 by William Decatur Parsons of New York Citv, bears this inscription: "Sacred to the memory of Susan Decatur, wife of the late Commodore Stephen Decatur, U.S.N., who departed this life June 2 1 , i860." About 1828, Mrs. Decatur became a Roman Catholic, and she bequeathed to Georgetown College a sum of monev, a portrait of Decatur by Simpson after Gilbert Stuart, her gold locket containing a lock of her husband's hair, and his chessboard and a set of ivory chessmen. 106. Vol. V, 31 et seq. 107. Mackenzie, 105. 108. Memoirs, V, 36. 109. In Memoriam, 162. 110. In 1844 the vestry of St. Peter's Church requested of Mrs. Decatur permission to remove her husband's remains to Philadelphia. Kalorama had been recently sold and Decatur's tomb had been for several years in a state of disrepair; Mrs. Decatur accordingly consented, and in October 1846 the coffin was conveyed by train to Baltimore and thence by water to Philadelphia. On October 29, Decatur's remains were reinterred in St. Peter's churchyard near the graves of his parents, with ceremonies appropriate to such a historic occasion. Soon afterwards an imposing monument was erected by Decatur's old friends and fellow citizens in Philadelphia. On it are the following inscriptions: (North side) "Stephen Decatur, born January 5, 1779, entered the Navy of the United States as Midshipman April 30, 1798, became Lieutenant J u n e 3, 1799, made Captain for distinguished merit, passing over the rank of commander, February 16, 1804, died March 22, 1820." (East side) "Devoted to his country by a patriot father, he cherished in his heart and sustained by his intrepid actions the inspiring sentiment, 'Our country right or wrong.' A nation gave him in return its applause and gratitude." (South side) " T h e gallant officer whose prompt and active valor, always on the watch, was guided by a wisdom and supported by a firmness which never tired, whose exploits in arms reflected the daring fictions of romance and chivalry." (West side) "A name brilliant from a series of heroic deeds on the Coast of Barbary, and illustrious by achievements against more disciplined enemies, the Pride of the Navy, the Glory of the Republic." 1 1 1 . Mackenzie, footnote, 332. 112. Life of Stephen Decatur, 350. 1 1 3 . An example of this is revealed in the following letter of February 9, 1805 from Syracuse, written by George Dyson to Captain Edward Preble: " . . . I am sorry to say that Captain Decatur is no longer my friend; the substantial reason I cannot tell but it arises from some reports carried to Mr. Leckie which were said to have been mentioned in my house . . . viz. that Mrs. Dyson had informed Captain Dent that Mrs. Leckie said that his mouth put her in mind of the Black Hole of Calcutta. Now this was said by Mrs. L. and reported to Captain Dent by my little girl Mary and not by Mrs. Dyson. However ridiculous it is in itself it was taken in very serious light by Captain Decatur and he has not failed to make the most of it as perhaps you may in some

NOTES

281

way or other have heard. I am at least happy to say I have never before known what it was to have an enemy and as long as I am conscious of having done no wrong I hope I shall get over it. . . . " On July 26 following, Dyson wrote Preble as follows: " . . . 1 feel a satisfaction more than I can express in acquainting you that the embroil brought on some time ago between Captain Decatur and myself is entirely accommodated and forgotten and every obstacle fairly explained away inasmuch that I hope one day or other to shoot with him in the woods of America. . . . " Addenda: Other Decatur heirlooms are as follows: (1) sword presented by Congress to Decatur for burning the Philadelphia, cigar case presented to Decatur by a French friend and given by Mrs. Decatur to Alexander S. Mackenzie, boat flag 1 9 " X 30" bearing 23 stars, and a service sword given to Senator Jones by Mrs. Decatur (all owned by the heirs of Stephen Decatur of Kittery Point, Maine); (2) Decatur's commissions, two desks, a table, a highboy, and the bed in which Stephen Decatur was born, a chocolate pot, a silver coffee urn, and several other pieces of silver, and a service sword (owned by Mrs. Roland S. Morris and her children of Philadelphia); (3) Mrs. Decatur's gold locket containing a lock of her husband's hair and a set of ivory chessmen (presented to Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., by Mrs. Decatur); and (4) ensign of H.M.S. Macedonian captured by Decatur and a flag bearing the words, " T h e One or the Other," and an olive branch and a weapon, relating to War with Algiers (U.S. Naval Academy Museum).

- * Index

Abibaellino, 168 Abibercrombie, T h e Reverend Doctor, 6 6 /¡(¡¡dams, 47-49 Ad.dams, John, 18, 3 1 , 157, 275 AtLdams, John Quincy, 230, 233 AUlabama, U.S. ship of the line, 179 Alilert, 125 AlfJgiers, tribute from the United S States, 9 - 1 1 , 21, 36; visited by Dale's s squadron, 46; by Morris's squadr ron, 48; causes of war with United Sr States, 50, 59, 156-160; Decatur c captures the Mashuda, 162, 163; f forced by Decatur to sign a treaty ( of peace, 165, 167, 174, 176; De( catur honored for his success, 170, 1 177, 184, 185, 216, 237; poem on the 1 Dey of Algiers, 248, 249; the flag " " T h e One or the Other," 281 Alili, Hadji, 159, 164 Alilicante, 46 Alllleghany, 159, 160 Allllen, Gardner W., 271, 275 Allllen, William H., Lieutenant, 129; < on Chesapeake when attacked by t the Leopard, 92; Decatur's first 1 lieutenant on the United Stales, 1 122-124; killed on the Argus, 136 Alllliance, 8 Anmazon, 38 Anmelia Island, 105 Anmerican Fort, 59 Artmour de la Patrie, 28 Annderson, Thomas O., Midshipman, s 271 Annnapolis, 103, 105, n o , 112, 272 7

Argus, in War with Tripoli, 50, 56, 58, 74, 75, 78; in War of 1812, 102, 103, 1 1 1 , 1 1 3 , 114, 136 Ariel, 4 Atalante, 107 Atlantic Ocean, 181, 189, 197 Austria, 29 Avery, EIroy W., 271 Avon, 143 Azores, 112, 114, 1 1 5 Bache, Benjamin Franklin, 16 Bainbridge, Joseph, Lieutenant, in War with Tripoli, 61, 66, 271; duel at Malta, 194-196 Bainbridge, William, Captain, loses the Retaliation, 26; sails the George Washington to Constantinople, 158, 159; commands the Essex, 45, 55; insulted by Spanish officers at Barcelona, 192-194; loses the Philadelphia, 37, 50; prisoner in Tripoli, 42, 72, 76, 79, 134; member of Barron court-martial, 95, 96; captures the Java, 133; commands a squadron in War with Algiers, 160, 167, 172-174, 176; Decatur's second in duel with Barron, 2 1 4 218, 224-228, 231; and 241, 274 Ball, Sir Alexander, 76, 77, 194, 196 Ballard, Henry E., Captain, 230, 232 Baltimore, 13, 82, 142, 178, 203, 205, 225, 254, 257, 276 "Baltimore Affair," 96 Barbarossa, 56 Barcelona, 46, 191, 192 Barclay, Thomas, 9

284

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

Barlow, Joel, 223 Barnes, James, 274 Barney's Fountain Inn, 177 Barreaut, Captain, 28 Barron, James, Captain, on the United States, 22, 25; commands the President, 45, 77; commands the New York, 47, 56; commands the Chesapeake, 196; the Chesapeake-Leopard Affair, 92-97; in merchant ships and in Sweden, 201-204; controversy with Decatur, 206-215; duel with Decatur, 217, 220, 221, 224-230; subsequent career, 278 Barron, Samuel, Captain, 45, 70, 71, 75. 77. 93. 2 ' 9

Barry, John, Captain, oversees building of the United States, 12, 13; secures Decatur a midshipman's warrant, 19; commands United States in War with France, 20, 21, 24-29, 31 Basse Terre, 27, 28 Battle of Issus, 138 Battle of Lake Champlain, 79 Battle of Lake Erie, 136, 199 Battle of the Nile, 76, 145, 248 Battle of Trafalgar, 137, 187 Bay of Bengal, 144 Bay of Biscay, 29 Beale, Mrs. Truxtun, 278 Beale's Tavern, 224, 228 Belvidera, 111, 112 Berkeley, Maurice Frederick F., Vice Admiral, 91, 92 Berlin, Maryland, 271 Bermuda, 112, 132, 133, 144, 150, 1 5 1 , 161 Betsy, 9 Biddle, James, Captain, a prisoner in Tripoli, 42, 79; commands the Hornet, 134, 138, 144; honored at a

dinner in Washington, 182; awarded a sword by the legislature of Pennsylvania, 274 Birch, William, 277 Bladensburg, 214, 218, 224-226, 230 Blake, Joshua, Lieutenant, 61 Blakely, Johnston, Master Commandant, 143 Bolivar, Simon, 1 Bolton, W. C., Captain, 227 Bomford, George, Colonel, 230, 233, 279

Bonaparte, Bonaparte, 110 Bonhomme Boston, 12,

Jerome, 82, 83 Napoleon, 1, 29, 82, 101, Richard, 45 24, 28, 56, 102, 112, 114,

' 3 4 . '44- ' 7 3

Boxer, 136, 173 Brady, Cyrus T., 273, 275 Brazil, 144 Brazilian, 201 Breck, Samuel, 277 Brooklyn, 152 Brooks, E. S., 272 Brown, Thomas, Midshipman, 63, G4 Bryan, Robert C., 276 Buck's Head Tavern, 17 Bullus, John, 139 Bunye, Mr., 177 Burr, Aaron, 90 Burrows, William, Lieutenant, 136 Byron, Lord, 1 Cadiz, 161 Caesar, Julius, 236 Cagliari, 168 Caldwell, James R., Lieutenant, 70, 79, 86 Calvert, Thomas, 30 Cambrian, 98 Campbell, Hugh G., Captain, 47, 77, 95

INDEX Canada, 1 1 1 Canary Islands, 114, 1 1 5 Canning, George, 100 Cape Carthage, 169 Cape de Gat, 162 Cape François, 30 Cape Henry, 103, 105, 106 Cape Palos, 163 Capitol, 186 Card, John, 118 Carden, John S., Captain, entertained by Decatur at Norfolk, 108; loses the Macedonian to Decatur, 1 1 5 118, 1 2 1 - 1 2 4 , 246, 273; his good treatment by Decatur while a prisoner of war, 132, 150 Caribbean, 26 Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton, 82, 224, 279 Cartagena, 30, 163, 168, 1 7 1 , 173 Cassin, Stephen, Captain, 232 Catalano, Salvadore, 39, 53 Cathcart, James L., 156 Caton, Richard, 177 Chapman, Jonathan, Captain, 24 Chappel, Alonzo, 277 Charleston, 15, 105 Chauncey, Isaac, Captain, 47, 70, 71, 107, 143, 232, 274 Cherub, 143 Chesapeake, her construction, 20; in the War with Tripoli, 47, 48, 96, 196; attacked by the Leopard, 9 1 93, 98-100, 104, 106, 122, 201, 203, 205, 219, 221; commanded by Decatur, 93, 94, 1 0 1 - 1 0 3 , '4 l > >6i; captured by the Shannon, 134; subsequent history, 275 Chesapeake Bay, 83, 105, 142, 188 Chester, 29, 103, 190 Chippewa, 173 Clark, Thomas, 274 Clay, Henry, m

285

Clinton, DeWitt, 127 Clowes, William Laird, 275 Cochrane, Thomas John, Admiral, ' 5 ° . l 95- ' 9 6 Coleridge, Samuel T „ 77, 272 Collingwood, Cuthbert, Admiral, 97 Columbus, 179, 214, 228 Comet, 4 Congress, her construction, 20; in the War with Tripoli, 70; commanded by Decatur, 77, 80, 81, 83, 103, 141; in the War of 1812, i n , 1 1 3 ; in Bainbridge's squadron in the War with Algiers, 173 Constantinople, 158 Constellation, her construction, 1 1 , 12; commanded by Truxtun in the War with France, 20, 26; captures the Insurgente, 28, 47; defeats the Vengeance, 30; bombards Tripoli, 48; commanded by Alexander Murray, 277; in Samuel Barron's squadron before Tripoli, 70, 75, 77; in Decatur's squadron in the War with Algiers, 161, 162, 173 Constitution, her construction, n , 12; in the War with France, 26, 28; in Preble's squadron in the War with Tripoli, 43, 50, 58-60, 271; attacks on Tripoli, 65, 67, 69, 72, 73; commanded by Decatur, 75, 77, 103, 141; peace with Tripoli signed on her, 78; in Mediterranean, 91; at Annapolis, 110; captures the Guerrière, 79, 1 1 2 , 123, 127, 128, 273; captures the Cyane and the Levant, 79, 144, 145; British gibes at her, >5' Copenhagen, 201, 202 Corunna, 29 Cox, George, Master

Commandant,

77 Creamer, Jack, 1 1 7 , 1 3 1 , 273

THE ROMANTIC DECATUR

286 Crescent, 10, 1 1 Croome, W., 277

Crowninshield, B. W., Secretary of the Navy, 152, 154, 155, 1 6 1 , 176, 180, 1 8 1 , 188 Croyable, 20, 26 Cyane, 145 Dacres, James, Captain, Dale,

Richard,

Junior,

'49 Dale, Richard, Senior,

112 Lieutenant, Commodore,

45-47. 5°> 55. ' 9 ' . 2>5 Dallas, Alexander J . , 130 Darius, King, 138 Darley, F. O. C., 272 Dauphin, 156, 157 David, King, 75 Davie, William Richardson, 29 Davis, J o h n , Midshipman, 271 Decatur, A n n Pine (Mrs. James McKnight), 83 Decatur, J a m e s Bruce, 4, 6 1 - 6 3 , 67, 68, 79, 84, 86 Decatur, J o h n Pine, 83, 86 Decatur, Stephen (fitienne), 1 Decatur, Stephen, Senior, Captain, his residences, 272; a merchant captain, 1, 5; a privateersman in the W a r of the American Revolution, 2-4; he commands the Delaware in the W a r with France and captures the Croyable and other prizes, 20, 24-26; he commands the Philadelphia also, 20, 38; he advises his son Stephen to fight a duel, 1 9 1 ; he loses his son James, 67; he welcomes his son Stephen home after the W a r with T r i p o l i , 83; his famous toast, 86, 87; his death, 102; his portrait, 277 Decatur, Stephen, J u n i o r , Commodore, ancestry, 1 - 2 ; birth, 3; boy-

hood, 4, 5, 16, 2 i , 67, 68: education, 6; clerk in a shipping office, 7, 12; at the launching of the United States, 13, 14; becomes a midshipman, 19, 23; ordered to the United States, 2 1 , 22; serves throughout the War with France, 24-28, 30, 3 1 ; promoted to lieutenant, 29; cruises to Europe in the United States, 29; burns the Philadelphia, 3 2 - 3 5 . 3^-44. 5 ° " 5 3 ' 238-241, 2 7 1 ; becomes first lieutenant on the New York, 48, 56; commands the Argus, 50, 56; promoted to captain, 5 1 , 70, 272; voted a sword by Congress, 52, 83; serves as first lieutenant on the Essex, 55; commands the Enterprise, 58, 75; engages in hand to hand fighting before T r i p oli, 57-68, 69-73, 272; commands a squadron of gunboats before T r i p oli, 60, 72; commands the Constitution, 75; commands the Congress and returns in her to the United States, 77, 80; meets Susan Wheeler of Norfolk, 82; returns to his home in Philadelphia, 83-88; marries Susan Wheeler, 88, 273; builds gunboats at Newport, R h o d e Island, and at Norfolk, Virginia, 89, 90; becomes commanding officer at Norfolk, 93; a member of the Barron court-martial, 94-97; commands the Chesapeake, 101, 102; commands the United States, 102; cruiscs in this frigate, 1 0 2 - 1 1 4 ; captures the Macedonian, 115-124, 243-248, 273; receives Congressional medal, a sword from citizens of Philadelphia, and many other honors, 1 2 5 - 1 3 1 ; blockaded in New London, 1 3 4 - 1 4 1 ; commands the President, 140; capture of the Presi-

INDEX dent, 144-155; commands a squadron in the War with Algiers, 160174, 248-251; a member of the Board of Navy Commissioners, 176, 178-182; honored in Baltimore, 177, 178; gives his famous toast in Norfolk, 182, 183; presented a silver service in Philadelphia, 184, 185; social life in Washington, 186189; affairs of honor, 190-200; controversy with James Barron, 205S22; duel with Barron, 223-229; his death, 229-231, 251-257; funeral, 232-234; his tomb, 280; his character, 234-237; his appearance, 1, 3g, 53, 54, 81, 88, 166; his family, 83, 189; his home, 272, 273; heirlooms, 281; portraits, 276, 277 Decatur, Mrs. Stephen, Senior (Ann Pine), during Revolutionary War retires from Philadelphia to Sinepuxent, Maryland, where her son Stephen is born, 2-5; wishes her son Stephen to become an Episcopal clergyman, 6; consents to his entering the navy, 19, 25; her death and place of burial, 108; her portrait, 277 Decatur, Mrs. Stephen, Junior (Susan Wheeler), she meets Decatur, 81; her education and charm, 82; marriage to Decatur, 88, 89, 273; sails on Chesapeake with him from New York to Norfolk, 102; Decatur writes her of capture of Macedonian, 124, 125; admired by the sailors, 130; social life in Washington, 186, 187; her opinion of Jesse D. Elliott, 199, 216; her dislike of William Bainbridge, 216-218; unaware of the impending duel, 223, 224; prostrated by her husband's death, 229, 230, 252, 254; her love for him,

287

234, 235; sells plate to Andrew Jackson, 276; Decatur's will, 279; her subsequent life, 279-281; her portrait, 277; and 87, 132, 139, 151, 175, 272 Decatur, Stephen, of Kittery Point, Maine, 275, 281 Decatur, Stephen, of Garden City, New York, 276 De Grasse, François Joseph Paul, Admiral, 188 Delaware, 20, 24, 25, 179 Delaware River, 68 Denmark, 204 Dent, John H., Lieutenant, 58 Derne, 78, 79 D'Evreaux, General, of South Carolina, 82 Deyo, Maria Decatur, 274 Deyo, Mrs. Morton, 274 Dominica, 27 Dorsey, John Sword, Midshipman, 70, 79, 86

Downes, John, Captain, 161, 189 Dragon's Hill, 135 Dragut, 56 Duane, Captain, 84 Dyson, George, 280 Eagle, 159 Eastport, Maine, 102 Eaton, William, 47, 59, 78, 79, 85, 90 Edwin, 160, 164 Egypt. 47. 78 Elliott, Jesse D., Captain, 161, 198, 199, 2 1 4 - 2 1 8 , 225, 228, 2 3 1

Ellis, Edward S., 272 Ellsworth, Oliver, 29 F.ndymion,

1 3 7 - 1 3 9 , 1 4 5 - 1 4 8 , 150, 1 5 1 ,

153 England, Decatur's parents support American cause in the Revolution, 2; violation of American rights pre-

288

THE ROMANTIC DECATUR

vious to the Jay T r e a t y , 17; in coalition against France, 29; the "Chesapeake Affair," 100, 101; W a r of 1812, 103-155; incites the Barbary Corsairs to prey on American commerce. 156, 157, 159, 161, 162, 167, 169; Decatur on English naval history, 187; the duel with the secretary of the Governor of Malta, 196; and 8, 111, 115, 144, 183, 204, 251 Enterprise, commanded by Decatur in the W a r with T r i p o l i , 32, 53, 55, 56, 75, 271; captures a Tripolitan polacre, 46; in Morris's squadron, 47, 49; in Preble's squadron, 58, 59; captures the Boxer in the W a r of 1812, 136; in Bainbridge's squadron in the W a r with Algiers, >73 Epervier, 143, 161-163, 167, 168, 205 Erie, 173 Espluger, General, 75 Essex, in Dale's squadron in W a r with Tripoli, 45, 46, 55, 56, 191194; in Rodgers' squadron at close of this war, 77; in Decatur's squadron in W a r of 1812, 103, 105, 108, 115; destroyed by the Phoebe and Cherub, 143, 154, 189 Estedio, 163 Eurydice, 107 Evans, Samuel, Captain, 152 Fair American, 4 Ferguson, Colonel, 130 Field, Cyril, 274 Firefly, 161 Flambeau, 161 Florida, 103 Forbes, J. M., 202 Fort English, 73 Fountain Inn (Barney's), 276

France, Decatur's French ancestry, 1; W a r with France, 15-31, 38; interference with American commerce preceding War of 1812, 100, 101, 183; and 144, 204 Frankford, 83, 87, 149, 272 Franklin, Benjamin, 4, 157, 184 Frazier, Daniel, 64, 65, 236, 272 Frolic, 127, 128, 138, 274 Frost, John, 277 Fulton, Robert, 274, 275 Furlong, Charles Wellington, 271 Fyfe, H. C „ 274 Genêt, Edmond Charles, 15, 16, 19 Georgetown, 186, 234, 279 Georgetown University, 276, 279, 281 George Washington, 26, 28, 158 Germany, 183 Ghent, 145, 151 Gibraltar, 45, 48, 50, 56, 144, 161, 167, 196 Gibson City Hotel, 127 Gloucester, 123 Goodrell, T r u x t u n Beale, 279 Goodwin, Thomas, 203, 205 Gordon, Alexander, Captain, 151, 275 Gordon, Charles, Captain, 96, 161, 202 Gothenburg, 201, 204 Gouverneur, Samuel L., 223 Grand Banks, 133 Grand Turk, 46 Grenada (Island), 151 Grigsby, T h e Reverend Benjamin, 88, 273 Guadeloupe, 28, 31 Guerrière, H.M. frigate, cruises off New York prior to outbreak of the W a r of 1812, 105-107; destroyed by the Constitution, 112, 122, 123, 125, 127, 128, 133, 182, 273 Guerrière, U.S. frigate, building in

INDEX Philadelphia, 140; her class, 147; flagship of Decatur's squadron in the War with Algiers, 161-168, 170172, 174 Gulf Stream, 25 Gurney, Francis, General, 4, 7, 12, 130 "Hail Columbia," 19 Halifax, gi, 110, 112, 144 Halsey, Captain, 135 Hambleton, Samuel, 224, 226, 228 Hamet, 78 Hamilton, Alexander, 4, 187 Hamilton, Archibald, Lieutenant, 125, 126, 149 Hamilton, Paul, Secretary of the Navy, 104-107, 109, 1 1 3 , 114, 133, 135. ' 3 6 . ' 4 ° Hamilton, Talbot, 21 Hamlet, 227 Hammida, Reis, 162, 164, 168 Hampton (town), 93 Hampton Roads, 45, 80, 91-93, 122, 203 Hardy, Thomas, Captain, 136-138 Harper, Robert G., 82, 224, 227, 230, 279 Harris, Thomas, 278 Havana, 96 Hayes, John, Captain, 145-147, 150 Heath, John, 198, 201 Heerman, Lewis, 41, 65, 271 Heffenger, Mrs. Arthur, 277 Hell Gate, 126, 133 Henley, John D., Midshipman, 62 Herald, 24, 26 Herring, James, 277 Hill, Frederic S „ 266 Hill, Priscilla (Mrs. itienne Decatur), 1 Hoffman, John, 177 Holland, Mr., 85, 127

289

Homer, 54 Hope, David, Captain, 121, 137, 146, 150, 151 Hopkinson, Joseph, 19 Home, Charles F., 272 Hornet, 78, 103, 1 1 1 , 134, 139, 144 Hotham, Henry, Admiral, 150-152 Howe, William, General, 2 Hull, Isaac, Captain, commands the Enterprise in the War with Tripoli, 49; commands the Argus in the same war, 56, 58; captures the Guerrière while in command of the Constitution, 79, 112, 125-129, 273; a member of the court of inquiry on the loss of the President, 152; a member of the Board of Navy Commissioners, 176; and 241, 245 Hull, William, 1 1 2 Humphreys, David, 9 Humphreys, Joshua, 12, 13, 22 Humphreys, Captain, 91, 93 Hunter, Dr., 233 Hunt's Point, 134 Independence, 172, 173 Insurgente, 28, 47 Intrepid, used by Decatur in burning the Philadelphia, 32-35, 39-45, 50, 52, 53, 55, 271; blown up with Somers and his men in the harbor of Tripoli, 73, 74 Israel, Joseph, Lieutenant, 74, 79 Izard, Ralph, Midshipman, 271 Jackson, Andrew, 1, 276 Jamaica, 1 1 1 James, Reuben, 64, 65, 242, 243, 272 Jarvis, John W., 276 Jay, John, 17, 187 Jefferson, Thomas, 9, 10, 16, 49, 5 1 , 52, 80, 81, 84, 89, 100, 1 1 1 , 157 Jessup, General, 232

290

T H E ROMANTIC DECATUR

John Adams, 47, 49, 70, 7 1 , 76, 77, 204, 272 J o n a t h a n , 75 Jones, Jacob, Captain, a midshipman on the United States, 26; a prisoner of war in T r i p o l i , 42, 79; a member of the Barron court-martial, 95: commands the Wasp and captures the Frolic, 127, 133; commands the Macedonian, 134, 138, 1 6 1 ; and 245, 274 Jones, J o h n Paul, Captain, 9, 45 Jones, William, Secretary of the Navy, 1 4 2 - 1 4 4 , 202-204 K a l o r a m a , 233, 234, 252, 279, 280 Keene, R i c h a r d L., 160 Key, Francis Scott, 27G Knights of St. J o h n , 56 L a k e C h a m p l a i n , 143 L a k e Erie, 143 L a k e Ontario, 143 La Petite Démocrate, 16, 28 Latimer, George, 85, 225, 226 Latrobe, B e n j a m i n H „ 185 Latrobe, Mrs. B e n j a m i n H., 274 Lawrence, J a m e s , Captain, as a lieutenant assists Decatur in burning the Philadelphia, 53, 2 7 1 ; a member of the B a r r o n court-martial, 95; commands the Hornet and captures the Peacock, 1 1 1 , 133, 134; loses the Chesapeake and is killed, 134; his last words a famous motto, 79; and 241 Laws, Alexander, Midshipman, 271 Leander, 98 Leech, Samuel, 1 1 9 , 273 Leghorn, 49, 83, 189 Le Jaloux, 24 Leopard, attacks the Chesapeake, 91, 92, 95, 122; a cause of the War of

1812, 99, 106; the cause of Barron's suspension and the duel with Decatur, 201, 203, 219, 221 Lepanto, 9 Levant, 145 Lewis, Charles Lee, 272 Lewis, William, Captain, 161, 167, 203-206, 2 1 1 , 2 1 3 Lisbon, 29, 201 Little Belt, 106, 107 Logie, Charles, 156 London, 17, 98, 157, 196, 2 0 1 , 275 Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth, 14, 74. 271 Long Island Sound, 133, 1 3 5 L'Orient, 29 Louis X I V , 15 L'Ouverture, Toussaint, 28 Lovelace, R i c h a r d , 88 Lowell, Dr., Surgeon General, 230 Ludlow, Charles, Master Commandant, 95 Lyman, William, 98 Lynnhaven Bay, 91 Lynx, 173 Lyon, British Consul, 203, 204 Macdonough, T h o m a s , Captain, as a midshipman aids Decatur in burning the Philadelphia, 53, 2 7 1 ; in gunboat attacks before T r i p o l i , 62, 63, 66; wins B a t t l e of L a k e C h a m plain, 79, 143; sees Decatur the day before the duel, 223; at Decatur's deathbed, 230; a pallbearer at his funeral, 232; and 241 Macedonian, visits N o r f o l k previous to War of 1 8 1 2 , 108; captured by the United States under command of Decatur, 1 1 6 - 1 1 9 , 1 2 1 , 122, 1 2 4 129, 1 3 1 , 133, 149, 150, 243, 244, 246, 247; commissioned as an American frigate, 134; commanded by J a c o b

INDEX Jones, 134, 161; blockaded in New London, 137-140; in Decatur's s q u a d r o n in t h e W a r with Algiers, 161, 168; relics of t h e vessel, 273, 274, 281 Machias Bay, M a i n e , 102 M a c h o l d , Mrs. (Sarah A r n d t Morris), 277 Mackenzie, A l e x a n d e r Slidell, Captain, 172, 230, 236, 2 7 1 - 2 7 5 , 2 7 7 279, 281 Mackerel, 109 Maclay, E d g a r S., 271 M a d e i r a , 112, 115, 144 M a d i s o n , James, 4, 100, 112, 143, «54, 160, 164, 167, 175, 177, 181, 186, 187, 203 M a h a n , A l f r e d T h a y e r , A d m i r a l , 100, 148, 273, 275 M a h a n H a l l , U.S. Naval Academy, *74 M a h o m e t Sous, Reis, 46 Majestic, 145-147 Malaga, 49, 171, 172 M a l t a , 46, 48, 49, 56, 76, 77, 194, 197, 239 Marie, 157 M a r i e A n t o i n e t t e , 15 Marlborough, 188 Marseilles, 46 M a r s h a l l , J o h n , Chief Justice, 232 M a r t i n i q u e , 27 Mary Ann, 159 Maryland, 131 Mashuda, 163, 164 M a s o n , A r m i s t e a d T . , 225 Massachusetts, 1 3 1 Mastico, 32, 238 Mayo, W y n d h a m R., 274 McCarty, J o h n M., 225 McCreery, Mr., 251, 276 McKeowin's H o t e l , 182 M c K i m , Isaac, 177

291

M c K n i g h t , A n n a Pine, 189 M c K n i g h t , James, C a p t a i n , 83, i8g, 277 M c K n i g h t , Mrs. James, see A n n P i n e Decatur M c K n i g h t , Mary Hill, 189 M c K n i g h t , Priscilla D e c a t u r , 189 M c K n i g h t , S t e p h e n D e c a t u r , Lieut e n a n t , 189 M e d i t e r r a n e a n , as to W a r w i t h T r i p oli, 20, 32, 42, 48, 54, 56, 68, 76-78, 80, 182, 186, 191, 194, 197, 198, 237; A m e r i c a n c o m m e r c e t h e r e i n , 36, 37, 45> 47> •56; Nelson b e f o r e T o u l o n , 44; strategic p l a n suggested by Dec a t u r in W a r of 1812, 144; as t o W a r w i t h Algiers, 155, 160, 161, 170, 173, 181, 182, 186, 216, 235 M e r c h a n t s ' Coffee H o u s e , 130 Merrimack, 26 Messina, 49, 75, 76, 170, 1 7 1 Millard, Clifford, 276 " M i l l d a l e , " 272 Miller, M a j o r , 233 M i l n e r , James, 85 Mississippi R i v e r , 90, 142 Monroe, J a m e s , 99, 100, 175, 214, 2 3 1 , 232 Monroe, M a r i a , 223 M o n t a u k P o i n t , 134 Montezuma, 26 M o r a n , Nicholas, C a p t a i n , 137 Morocco, 9, 50, 77 Morris, Mrs. A u g u s t a S h i p p e n (Mrs. R o l a n d S. Morris), 276, 281 Morris, Charles, C a p t a i n , 33, 40, 42, 67, 218, 271, 272 Morris, E d w a r d , 277 Morris, R i c h a r d V., C a p t a i n , 47-50, 56. 196 M o u n t Airy, 272 M u r r a y , A l e x a n d e r , C a p t a i n , 26, 47, 152, 277

292

THE ROMANTIC DECATUR

Myers, Catherine, 278 Myers, John, 278 Naples, 49, 170, 171, 241 Narcissus, 151 Nashville, Tennessee, 276 Nautilus, 50, 58, 74, 78, 108 Neale, B. J., Lieutenant, 167 Nelson, Lord, Admiral, 1, 29, 44, 76, 1 1 7 , 137, 187 Nevis, 28 Newfoundland, 1 1 2 New London, 114, 123, 125, 1 3 1 , 134137. 139. Mo. ^O-'ÖZ. 274 New Orleans, 15 Newport, Rhode Island, 1, 29, 89, 102, 124 New York, U.S. frigate, 47-49, 56, 96, 194, 196 New York, U.S. ship of the line, 179 New York City, 98, 105-107, 109, 1 1 1 , 112, 12&-131, 133, 135, 139, 140, 142, 144-148, 152, 161, 167, 174, 175, 198 New York City Hall, 277 Nicholson, John B., Lieutenant, 122 Nissen, Danish Consul, 170 Norderling, Swedish Consul, 163 Norfolk, 28, 81-83, 88, 89, 92, 93, 98, 102, 103, 114, 182, 183, 201, 203, 207-209, 224, 231, 251, 274, 279 Norfolk, 30 North Carolina, 179 Norwich, Connecticut, 135 Ohio, 179 Omar, Dey, 164, 165, 167 Ontario, 161, 173 Order of Cincinnati, 131, 166 Orinoco River, 199 Ottoman Empire, 56 Palermo, 76 Paris, 29, 31

Parsons, William Barclay, 274 Parsons, William Decatur, 271, 273, 274, 276, 277, 279 Patterson, Elizabeth, 82 Paulding, James K., 186 Paullin, C. O., 221, 277, 278 Peacock, 133, 143, 144, 169 Peale, Rembrandt, 277 Peggy- 1 Pennsylvania, 1 3 1 , 182 Pennsylvania, merchant ship, 4 Pennsylvania, U.S. ship of the line, •79 Pernambuco, 201, 203, 204 Perry, Oliver Hazard, Captain, wins Battle of Lake Erie, 136, 143; duel with Heath, 198, 201; controversy with Elliott, 199, 215, 216; dies on expedition to Venezuela, 199 Petersburg, Virginia, 183, 184, 251, 276 Philadelphia, 1-4, 8, 12, 13, 16, 18-21, 28, 38, 75, 83-86, 89, 102, 108, 127, 130, 142, 176, 177, 184, 185, 190, 215, 231, 272, 276, 280 Philadelphia, commanded by Captain Stephen Decatur, Senior, in the War with France, 20; in Dale's squadron in the War with Tripoli, 45, 46; commanded by William Bainbridge, who loses her to Tripolitans, 37, 38, 50, 51, 56, 65, 72, 76, 78, 79, 96, 134, 158, 170; burned by Decatur in the harbor of Tripoli. 35- 39-4«. 44. 57-59. 61, 70. 73. 74, 85, 173, 238, 271, 281 Philadelphia Navy Yard, 278 Philadelphia Theatre, 19 Phoebe, 143 Pickering, 24, 26 Pinkney, William, gg Pomone, 145, 148, 150 Porter, David, Captain, lieutenant on

INDEX the Enterprise, 46; attempts burning of grain ships at Tripoli, 48; a prisoner of war in Tripoli, 42, 79; a member of the Barron court-mar tial, 95; commands the Essex, which he loses to the British, 143, 154, 189; praises Decatur on his return from Algiers, 175; a member of Board of Navy Commissioners, 178, 181; connection with Decatur's duel with Barron, 218, 223, 227-229; a pallbearer at Decatur's funeral, 232; and 241, 272 Porter, David Dixon, 272 Portia, 201 Portland, Maine, 89, 114, 136 Porto Rico, 26 Portsmouth, 114 Portsmouth, 26 Portugal, 144, 156 Potomac River, 83, 234 Preble, Edward, Captain, commands the Pickering in the War with France, 26; commands a squadron in the War with Tripoli, 32, 35, 37, 38, 44, 45, 49, 52, 56, 58, 65, 66, 68, 69-73, 75> '7°. 271; on return to the United States receives a Congressional medal, 84; and 89, 241, 272, 280 President, her construction, 20; in Dale's squadron in the War with Tripoli, 45-47; in Samuel Barron's squadron in the same war, 70, 75, 77; commanded by John Rodgers, 105, 106, 1 1 1 , 113; commanded by Decatur, 140, 142; loss of the ship to the British, 144-153, 160, 161, 173; her subsequent history, 275 Prince Regent, 159 Prince Rupert's Bay, 27 Protestant Episcopal Academy, 6

293

Quebec, 1 1 1 , 144 Ramillies, 136, 137 Randolph, John, of Roanoke, 232, 233, 276 Randolph, R. B, Midshipman, 150 Reindeer, 143 Relf, Samuel, 184 Renshaw's Hotel, 130 Retaliation, 4, 26 Rhodes, 56 Richmond, 90, 254, 257 Rising Sun, 4 Robinson, John, Lieutenant, 50 Rodgers, John, Captain, commands the John Adams in the War with Tripoli, 47, 49, 50; commands a squadron towards the close of this war, 77, 79, 80, 97; a member of the Barron court-martial, 95; commands the President and attacks the Little Belt, 105-107; commands a squadron in War of 1812, 1 1 1 - 1 1 3 ; in command of defenses of Philadelphia, 142; a member of the Board of Navy Commissioners, 178, 180, 181; connection with Decatur's duel with Barron, 218, 220, 221, 227-229; a pallbearer at Decatur's funeral, 232; and 274, 279 Rodgers, William L., Admiral, 278 Rodney, George, Admiral, 188 Rome, 272 Roosevelt, Theodore, 110, 148, 183, «73. 275 Rowe, John, Midshipman, 271 Royal Louis, 4 Rush, Benjamin, 277 Rush, Richard, 6, 87, 187, 277 Russia, 29 Sabine, Lorenzo, 278 Sackett's Harbor, 143

294

THE ROMANTIC DECATUR

Saint-Memin, Charles Balthazer lien Fevret de, 277 San Domingo, 28 Sandy Hook, 109, 133, 145 Sans Pareil, 24 Saranac, 173 Sardinia, 38, 168 Savannah, 105, 131 Scharf, J. T h o m a s , 276 Schuylkill River, 68 Scott, Sir Walter, 1 Scourge, 58 Serapis, 45

Ju-

Sever, James, Captain, 24 Sezzi, Olivo, 276 Shakespeare, William, 190 Shakespeare T a v e r n , 85 Shaler, William, 163, 164, 166, 167 Shannon, 134, 147 Shaw, J o h n , Captain, 95 Shubrick, J o h n T., Lieutenant, 167 Sid Yusef, 168 Sim, T h o m a s , 229, 279 Sinclair, A r t h u r , Captain, 111, 113 Sinepuxent, 2, 3 Siren, 32, 34, 35, 39, 42, 43, 50, 58, 238, 271

Smith, Daniel, 184, 215 Smith, J o h n , Captain, 50, 58, 95, 111, 274

Smith, J o n a t h a n , 184 Smith, R o b e r t , Secretary of t h e Navy, 49. 5 ' . 56, 76, 83, 89, 90, 9 3 - 9 5 , 184, 277

Smith, W. S., 230 Smith, Colonel, of Philadelphia, 130 Smith, General, of Baltimore, 177 Somers, Richard, Lieutenant, a schoolmate with Decatur in Philadelphia, 6; a m i d s h i p m a n on the United States, 22, 26; c o m m a n d s the Nautilus in t h e W a r with Tripoli, 50; commands gunboats in attacks

on Tripoli, 58, 60, 61, 69, 72; in duels, 191, 197, 198; loses his life in the Intrepid disaster, 74, 75, 79, 86 Spain, 29, 144, 156, 162, 163 Spark, 161, 163, 168 Spears, J o h n R., 273, 275 Spence, Keith, 65 Spence, R o b e r t , Midshipman, 53, 70 Spitfire, 105, 161, 163 Squires, W . H . T . , 273 St. J o h n ' s C h u r c h , Washington, 185 St. Kitts, 31 St. Mary's, 214 St. Peter's C h u r c h , Philadelphia, 108, 280

St. Petersburg, 202 Stackpole, C a p t a i n , 137-139 "Star-Spangled Banner," 8, 117, 128, 276

Statira, 137-139 Sterrett, Andrew, Lieutenant, 45, 46, 48. 52 Stewart, Charles, Captain, a schoolm a t e with Decatur in Philadelphia, 6; a l i e u t e n a n t on the United States in the W a r w i t h France, 22, 26; commands t h e Siren a n d cooperates with Decatur in b u r n i n g the Philadelphia, 32, 33, 35, 42, 50, 58; commands t h e Constitution and captures t h e Cyane and the Levant, 79, 144, 145; a m e m b e r of the court of inquiry on t h e loss of the President, 107; on Decatur's duel with Barron, 224; a n d 64, 84, 182, 191, 241

Stoddert, B e n j a m i n , Secretary of the Navy, 24, 44, 45, 90, 97 Stuart, Gilbert, 276, 279 Sully, T h o m a s , 127, 277 Superb, 151 Sybell, 93 Syracuse, 32, 43, 75-77. i7°> 2 7>

INDEX Tangiers, 50, 161 Tarbell, Joseph, Lieutenant, 95 Tartarus, log Tartufje, 28 Tatham, Mrs. Edwin, 277 Tayloe, Benjamin Ogle, 83, 214, 223, 233, 272, 279 Taylor, General, of Norfolk, 205 Taylor, John W., 232 Tazewell, Littleton W., 27g Tenedos, 145-148 Tewkesbury, 123 Thames River, United States, 135 Thetis, 24 Thompson, Smith, Secretary of the Navy, 205 Thorn, Jonathan, Lieutenant, 62, 63, 66, 271 Tilghman, General, of Philadelphia, 130 Tingey, Thomas, Captain, 26, 232, 274 Torberts, Mrs. H. G „ 279 Torch, 161, 163, 168 Toulon, 44 Tourville, Admiral, 122 Trevitt, Samuel R., 227-229, 279 Tripoli, Decatur's exploits there, 20, 32-37. 62-65, 68, 83, 87, 134, 169171, 173, 174, 236-239, 271; Dale's squadron, 46, 47; Preble's squadron, 50-53, 58-60, 65, 70, 71, 75; Samuel Barron's squadron, 77-79; and 9, 80, 84, 158, 176, 191, 194 Trippe, Lieutenant, 61, 62, 65, 66, 105, 241 Truxtun, Thomas, Captain, 20, 26, 28, 30, 47, 90 Tucker, George H., 273 Tunis, 9, 36, 46-48, 50, 59, 78, 80, 168, 170, 173, 174, 176 Turks, 56, 66, 251 Turnbull, A. D „ 276

295

United States, building of the frigate, 1 1 - 1 4 ; commanded by John Barry in the War with France, 20-22, 2430, 75, 96; commanded by Decatur in War of 1812, 102, 103, 105, 10710g; she captures the Macedonian, 1 1 1 , 1 1 4 - 1 1 9 , 1 2 1 - 1 2 3 , i26-i2g, 243, 244; blockaded in New London, '33. '34. '36, 137. ' 3 ^ - ' 4 ' . 1 6 ' ; Bainbridge's squadron in the War with Algiers, 173; subsequent history of the vessel, 274; and igo United States Naval Academy, 79, 271, 273, 274, 276, 277, 279, 281 University of Pennsylvania, 6, 7, 277 Ushant, 133, 144 Valley Forge, 2 Valparaiso, 143, 154 Vengeance, 30 Vermont, 179 Violet, 159 Virginia, 131 Virginia, steamer, 17g, 224, 231 Vixen, 37, 50, 58, 74, 75, 80, 105 Vogde's Tavern, 84 Wadsworth, Henry, Lieutenant, 74, 79 Waldo, S. Putnam, 272, 275 Warrington, Lewis, Master Commandant, 143, 144 Washington, Baily, 227 Washington, George, 2, 4, 1 1 , 13, 1 5 17, 157, 158, 184, 248 Washington, William Augustus, 233 Washington, District of Columbia, 66, 83. 9°. 92. > ° ' . ,0 3> >25. '42, '75. 177, 179, 182, 185-187, 189, 198, 199, 204, 212, 214, 217, 218, 224226, 228, 231, 234, 276, 281 Washington Navy Yard, 179, 272 Wasp, 102, 108, 127, 128, 143, 189

296

THE ROMANTIC DECATUR

West Indies, 1, 18, 24-26, 30, 1 1 0 W h a r t o n , Robert, 184 Wheeler, L u k e , 81, 82, 88, 89, 218, 224, 230, 272, 273, 278 Wheeler, Susan, see Mrs. Stephen Decatur, J u n i o r White, L „ 277 W h i t e House, 179, 186

Willard's Hotel, 223 Wilmington, Delaware, 271, 273 Wilson, Woodrow, 15 Windward Islands, 27 Wirt, William, 227 Worcester, 123 Wright, C. Q., 272 Wyer, E., Colonel, 230

B O M B A R D M E N T

OF

T R I P O L I

BY

THE

A M E R I C A N

F L E E T