The Reign of William Rufus: And the Accession of Henry I 9781463228330

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T h e Reign of William Rufus

The Reign of William Rufus

A n d the Accession of H e n r y I

Volume 2

Edward Augustus Freeman

« % gorgia* press

2010

Gorgias Press IXC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by Gorgias Press IXC Originally published in 1882 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2010

^

^

ISBN 978-1-61719-524-2 Reprinted from the 1882 Oxford edition.

Printed in the United States of America

THE REIGN OF WILLIAM RUFUS.

VOL.

II.

a

C O N T E N T S .

CHAPTER T H E W A R S O F SCOTLAND,

V.

NORTHUMBERLAND,

AND

WALES,

IO93—IO98.

PAGE

A. D.

1093 1094 1097 1095

Events of the year 1 0 9 3 ; relations between England and Scotland ; results of the war of 1093 . Growth of the English power and of the English nation under Rui'us; the Scottish kingdom becomes English . . . . . Death of Malcolm ; first reign of Donald Reign of Duncan ; second reign of Donald . Establishment of Eadgar . . . . Revolt of Robert of Mowbray Affairs of Wales; comparison between Wales and Scotland . . . . . . Effects of the reign on the union of Britain ; comparison with Ireland and Normandy § 1. Tht last year of Malcolm.

4—S 5 5 5 5—5 6 6—8

1093.

Complaints of Malcolm against William Rufus ; effects on Scotland of the restoration of Carlisle ; other grounds of offence . March, Scottish embassy at Gloucester ; Malcolm summoned I093 to Gloucester ; Eadgar sent to bring him . Present favour of Eadgar with William August Malcolm sets forth ; he stops at Durham August 11 He lays a foundation-stone of the abbey ; import of the ceremony . . . . . August 24 Malcolm at Gloucester; William refuses to see him ; questions between the kings ; William observes his safe-conduct . . . . . Malcolm's last invasion of England ; he draws near to Alnwick ; history of the place . English feeling about Malcolm

3—4

8-9 9—10 9—10 11 11—12

"3—14 J5-16 ¡54 ''57 676 680 682 688

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

VOL. II. p. 19, note 3. This picture of the two natives, most likely churls, carrying the King's body on the cart, is singularly like the story of Rufus' own end to which we shall come presently. p. 27» 5' I should not have said " a relic," as I find that the black cross of Scotland is a relic of great fame, as indeed is almost implied in the story, p. 27, note 5. See vol. i. p. 167. p. 28, note 5. Munch (Det Norske Folks Historie, ii. 471-475, for an introduction to which I have to thank Professor Fiske of Cornell University) connects this entry with the account of Magnus' dealings with Man, spoken of in p. 138, and with every likelihood supposes an earlier expedition of Magnus in 1093, in which he appeared in both Scotland and Man, and which the writers of the Sagas have confounded with his expedition in 1098. We can thus understand the mention of Godred, who was certainly alive in 1093, and certainly dead in 1098. See also Anderson, Preface to Orkneyinga Saga, pp. X X X! 11 X X X i V, p. 31,1. 14. Not " t h e Breton Count Alan," at least not the Count of the Bretons, but Alan of Richmond. See p. 602. p. 49, 1. 22, for "south-western" read "north-western." p. 62, note 5. Mr. Fowler writes to me that " w h a t is left of William of Saint-Calais is under the floor in the part of the chapter-house still used. W. G. has one of his shoes. They began at the west end in burying the bishops in the chapter-house, and gradually worked eastward, ending with Kellow before the bishop's seat at the east end. Rites of Durham (Surtees Society ed. p. 47) gives the names as they were ' ingraven upon stone with the figure of the crosse + annexed to every of their said names,' i. e. on the chapter-house floor, and between ' Walcherus' and ' Ranulphus comes' ' Willielmus Episcopus.' We found further east ' Will. Secundus Episcopus' [that is William of Saint Barbara, bishop from 1143—1152]. Wyatt smashed them all more or less." p. 81, note 1. See p. 614. p. 88, 1. 17. See below, p. 103. p. 93, note 2. 1 presume this is the same king of whom we shall hear a great deal from p. 137 onwards. p. 97,1. 2 from bottom. I have been unable to fix the exact site of Rhyd-ygors; but I believe it is to be looked for in Caermarthenshire. p. 101,1. 13. I am also unable to fix the exact site of Yspwys. p. 134,1. 7 from bottom, for " U l f " read " Wulf," as in vol. i. p. 14. The

xxiv

ADDITIONS

AND

CORRECTIONS.

E n g l i s h s p e l l i n g is t h e b e t t e r , b u t I s u p p o s e I w a s c a r r i e d a w a y b y S c a n d i n a v i a n associations. p. 1 3 4 , 1. 1 1 .

Munch

(Det Norske Folks

to W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y not

a

younger

Harold,

as m a k i n g t h e

but the

H i s t o r i e , ii. 5 1 1 ) o d d l y

c o m p a n i o n of M a g n u s

Magnus

whom

we

have

refers

Barefoot,

already

o f as o u r H a r o l d ' s son, as I s u p p o s e , b y E a d g y t h S w a n n e s h a l s .

heard

But William

of M a l m e s b u r y d i s t i n c t l y s a y s H a r o l d , a n d I c a n see n o t h i n g a b o u t i t i n t h e p l a c e s i n t h e S a g a of M a g n u s a n d t h e O r k n e y i n g a S a g a to w h i c h h e r e f e r s , p . 1 3 6 , 1. 4 f r o m b o t t o m , f o r " C r o n a n " r e a d " C r o u a n . " p . 1 3 8 , n o t e 1. p . 1 4 4 , 1. 1.

T h i s is p l a c e d i n t h e y e a r 1 0 9 8 .

I

k n o w not b y w h a t carelessness I contrived, a f t e r referring

( s e e p . 1 3 1 ) t o G i r a l d u s ' a c c o u n t of t h e e a r l i e r

doings of the two E a r l s

A n g l e s e y , to l e a v e out a l l m e n t i o n o f his a c c o u n t of H u g h o f death, which

follows i m m e d i a t e l y

(It.

Kamb.

ii. 7, v o l . v i . p. 1 2 9 )

s t o r y of t h e d e s e c r a t i o n of t h e c h u r c h of L l a n t r y f r y d o g .

in

Shrewsbury's on

I t agrees on

the most

p o i n t s v e r y m i n u t e l y w i t h t h e n a r r a t i v e of O r d e r i c ; b u t i t d o e s n o t s e e m to be borrowed from i t ; "Accesserant

ad

insula; p o r t u m

ab

Orchadum

insulis piratic

in

navibus

l o n g i s ; q u o r u m a d v e n t u m ubi comes a u d i v i t , statim eis usque in i p s u m m a r e , forti residens

equo, animose nimis

occurrit.

Et

eccc n a v i u m

princeps,

cui

nomen M a g n u s , p r i n t s navis in prora c u m arcu prostans sagittam direxit.

Et

q u a n q u a m c o m e s a v e r t i c e c a p i t i s u s q u e a d t a l u m p e d i s , praeter o c u l o s s o l u m , ferro fideliter

esset

indutus,

cerebro, in mare enrruit

tamen

dextro

moribundus.

percussus

Quem

111 l u m i n e ,

perforate»

c u m sic c o r r u e n t e m v i c t o r

ab

alto despiceret, supeibe in victuin et insolenter invectus, dixisse

memoratur

lingua Danica, ' Lelt

ab hac

loupe,' quod

Latine

sonat

Sine salire.

Et

in

p o s t e r u m hora potest as A n g l o r u m i n M o n i a c e s s a v i t . " T h e only difference b e t w e e n this story and Orderic's is that, w h i l e

Orderic

m a k e s M a g n u s m o u r n w h e n h e l e a r n s w h o m h e h a s slain, G i r a l d u s p u t s

into

his m o u t h t w o g o o d T e u t o n i c w o r d s of t r i u m p h , w h i c h s o u n d a g r e a t d e a l m o r e natural.

O n t h e o t h e r h a n d w e c a n n o t a c c e p t G i r a l d u s ' a c c o u n t of t h e

im-

m e d i a t e r e s u l t o f t h e e n c o u n t e r as r e g a r d s A n g l e s e y , w h i c h q u i t e c o n t r a d i c t s t h e w i t n e s s of t h e W e l s h w r i t e r s .

H i s s t a t e m e n t h o w e v e r is t r u e i n t h e l o n g

r u n , as A n g l e s e y wa> d e l i v e r e d a g a i n t h e n e x t y e a r .

See p.

146.

I n t h e O r k n e y i n g a S a g a , c. x x i x . (p. 5 5 , A n d e r s o n ) , M a g n u s " t a k e s a p s a l t e r and

sings daring

the

battle."

Then,

by

his

order, he and the man

from

H i l o g o l a n d s h o o t at t h e s a m e t i m e , a n d h i t " H u g h t h e P r o u d , " m u c h a s in the other versions. " British

He

and

"Hugh

the P r o u d "

are

oddly

spoken

of

as

chiefs."

p . 146, 1. 1 7 .

S e e '"-elow, p p . 4 4 2 , 6 2 3 ; b u t t h e w o r d s " a n d of o t h e r p a r t s o f

N o r t h W a l e s " had better be left out. p . 1 5 3 , n o t e 1, f o r

muentione " read " inuentione."

p . 1 7 4 , 1. 4, f o r " f r o m " r e a d " f o r . " p . 1 7 5 , 1 . 3.

I t h i n k w e m u s t a c c e p t t h i s d i s t i n c t s t a t e m e n t as m o r e t r u s t -

w o r t h y than the p. 1 7 8 , n o t e 1.

flourish The

of O r d e r i c a f e w p a g e s l a t e r , w h i c h I h a v e q u o t e d In

present passage, besides its more distinct character, h a s

t h e f o r c e of a c o r r e c t i o n . p . 1 7 8 , n o t e 3.

Suger

is a d i s c r e e t

w r i t e r , or o n e m i g h t

suspect him

of

ADDITIONS A N D

CORRECTIONS.

XXV

exaggeration in his figures both ways. If we take " milites" in the strict sense of knights, the French numbers seem strangely small, and the English strangely large. But any other sense of " m i l e s " would make the French numbers quite incredible. p. 181, note I. A n d by the Loir too ; see below, p. 276. p. 190, 1. 9 from bottom, " superinducta " is the favourite epithet for her. p. 201, note 2. " Fraterculus " is an odd word; but it most likely points to Geoffrey as being one of the "canonici pueri " of whom we hear sometimes (see below, p. 521). " Frater " did not get its special meaning till the rise of the Friars, and we have seen the word " f r a t r e s " applied to the canons of Waltham. One might for a moment think that Geoffrey was a brother of the Bishop's own, but this is forbidden by the account of his kindred which directly follows. p. 207, note 1. This time, when William and Robert were together at Rouen, can only have been about September, 1096, just after the conference between the brothers spoken of in vol. i. p. 559, and just before Robert set forth on the crusade. p. 230, last line, for " he " read " we." p. 243, note 1. It is rather odd that exactly this same phrase of "callidus senex," here applied to Robert of Meulan, should be also applied to the old Roger of Beaumont in the story told in vol. i. p. 194. W e must remember that our present " callidus senex " had been married, seemingly for the first time, only two years before (see vol. i. p. 551), and that he lived till 1118. p. 250, 1. 8. This is doubtless true, but the specially strange guise, described in the passage of William of Malmesbury referred to in the note, was not put on till William of Aquitaine had come back from the crusade. See above, P. II3p. 252, note 2. See above, p. 178, and the correction just above, p. 175. p. 260, note 3. See at the end of the chapter, p. 302, and note 1. p. 290, 1. 2 from bottom. Y e t see the piece of Angevin scandal quoted in p. 609. p. 312, 1. 10, for " b o t h Rogers, the D u k e of Apulia and the young Count of Sicily, to be one day the first and all but the most famous of Sicilian kings," read " b o t h Rogers, the Duke of Apulia and the Count of Sicily, now drawing near to the end of his stirring life." The elder Roger was still alive, though he did not live long after. p 343, 1. 1. The abbey of Saint Alban's was not vacant at this time, see p. 666; and for ' ' t h i r t e e n " and " t w e l v e " read iS twelve " and " e l e v e n , " see note. p. 347, note 2. Orderic is rather full on the circumstances of the election than on the election itself; see p. 680. p. 359, 1. i t , for " t h i r t e e n " read " eleven." p. 360, note 1. It must have been at the same time that A b b o t Odo of Chertsey was restored to his abbey. See vol. i. p. 350. p. 380, note 4. W e have had one or two other cases of a church tenant like this Eadric or Godric, giving back his lease by way of a benefaction. p. 389, 1. 18.

The imperial dignity of Matilda is greatly enlarged on by the

poet of Draco Normannicus, i. 4. VOL. II.

Two lines are, C

ADDITIONS AND

XXVI

CORRECTIONS.

" Suscipit H e n r i c u s sponsam, s t a t i m q u e coronat, H o c insigne decus m a x i m a R o m a d e d i t . " p. 396, 1. 4.

Set vol. i. p. 184.

p. 4 1 3 , 1 . 6 from bottom, for " in a n e i g h b o u r " read " a neighbour i n . " p. 4 1 6 , 1 . I . I c a n n o t a d m i t t h e s t a t e m e n t of F l a m b a r d ' s D u r h a m biographer, who puts his restoration a t this point.

I t is not so m u c h t h a t he h a d no c l a i m

to restoration b y t h e g e n e r a l t e r m s of t h e t r e a t y , for he m i g h t h a v e been specially included in it.

B u t his r e s t o r a t i o n a t this t i m e is quite inconsistent

w i t h Orderic's a c c o u n t of his dealings with t h e bishopric of L i s i e u x , w h i c h c a n n o t be m e r e confusion or invention. p. 450, 1. 3.

A f t e r t h e words " g i v e t h a n k s t o t h e L o r d G o d / ' insert ' ' f o r

thou h a s t now begun to be a free k i n g . " p. 4 5 4 , 1. 1 3 from bottom, for " l i i s " r e a d " t h e K i n g ' s . " p. 4 7 2 , 1 . I .

T h i s g r a n t of N o r t h a l l e r t o n m u s t be t h e s a m e as t h e g r a n t

mentioned in t h e c h a r t e r which I h a v e quoted in p. 535 ; cf. pp. 299, 508. p. 487, 11. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.

I t does not a p p e a r t h a t a n y of t h e r e g u l a r assemblies

of t h e y e a r 1 1 0 1 was held at W i n d s o r .

T h e W h i t s u n a s s e m b l y (see p. 399)

m a y h a v e been held there, b u t it is h a r d l y likely.

B u t t h e m e r e confirmation

of an earlier g r a n t need not h a v e been m a d e i n a r e g u l a r g e m d t . p. 503, 1. 13. p. 508.

F o r " h a n c terrarn " r e a d " h a c t e r r a . "

Several gifts of R u f u 3 t o t h e A b b e y of G l o u c e s t e r a r e recorded in

t h e Gloucester C a r t u l a r y , i. 68, i. 102, i. 1 1 5 .

T h i s last, which appears again

in ii. 293, is a g r a n t to t h e abbey of t h e r i g h t o f c a t c h i n g sturgeons.

This cannot

h a v e been one of t h e g r a n t s m a d e during his sickness a t Gloucester (see vol. 1. p. 3 9 5 ) , as it is dated from H u n t i n g d o n ; pressly

but in t h e g r a n t in i. 1 0 2 , it is ex-

said t h a t it was m a d e when t h e K i n g w a s " apud Gloucestriaui morbo

gravi vexatus."

I n i. 238, 239, 240, H e n r y a n d Stephen confirm gifts of t h e i r

brother and uncle.

T h e d o c u m e n t in ii. 107, which in the i n d e x is referred t o

W i l l i a m Rufus, clearly belongs to t h e Conqueror, and to t h e earlier p a r t of his reign, before t h e d e a t h of W i l l i a m F i t z - O s b e r n in 1071 ; it refers t o t h e lands of t h e c h u r c h of Gloucester which were held by A r c h b i s h o p T h o m a s .

See N . C.

vol. ii. p. 6 9 c . I n the R e g i s t e r of M a l m e s b u r y (p. 330) t h e r e is a singular c h a r t e r in favour of t h e A b b e y of M a l m e s b u r y g r a n t e d during his s t a y a t H a s t i n g s in 1094. ^ brings in several familiar names g r e a t and small, a n d illustrates t h e relations b e t w e e n landowners of a n y kind and the K i n g and his h u n t s m e n ; " Willelmus rex falconario, salutem. eommendasse.

Angliee 0 .

episcopo et W .

H o s a t o , et C. venatori, e t

A.

Sciatis m e abbati Godefrido silvas suas ad custodiendum

N o l o ergo ut aliquis forestarius meus de eis se i n t r o m i t t a t .

Et

C r o c o venatori prsecipio ut de ix. sol. quos super homines suos p l a c i t a v e r a t eum et suos c l a m e t quietos.

T e s t e W i l l e l m o episcopo, et F . filio H a m o n i s ,

R.

capellano, apud H a s t i n g e . " p. 569, heading, for " L o s i n g a " r e a d " H e r b e r t . " p. 5 8 5 , 1 . 1.

I t is odd t h a t W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y should speak

of

the

all-powerful R o g e r of Salisbury as " a l i u s quidam e p i s c o p u s ; " for w e see f r o m t h e C h r o n i c l e (see p. 5 8 7 ) t h a t it u T as no o t h e r , p. 592, 1. to, for " J j a e s " read " jrees." p. 6 0 0 , 1 . 6 from bottom.

I seem in p. 30 t o h a v e t a k e n " p u e l l s e n o s t r a ; "

ADDITIONS A N D CORRECTIONS.

XXVLL

to mean the nuns; but it would rather seem, both here and in the next page, to mean, other girls sent merely for education, like Eadgyth herself. p. 605,1. 8 from bottom. I cannot get rid of a lurking notion that this " A l d r e d i " should be "Alberici." But I do not know how Alberic could appear with the title of earl in the time of Waltheof. p. 6IT, 1. 9 from bottom. See M. Paris, ed. Wats, Additamenta, p. 199.

THE REIGN OF WILLIAM RUFUS.

VOI.

II.

B

CHAPTER V. THE

WARS

OF SCOTLAND,

NORTHUMBERLAND,

AND

WALES.1 1093—1098.

T

HE year of Anselm's appointment to the arch-Events of bishopric, that part of the year which passed between the day when the bishop's staff was forced into

1 In this chapter w e have to make more use than usual of the Scottish, British, and Northumbrian writers. I do not undertake to go very deeply into any purely literary questions about them. I have simply used them for facts, and have dealt with their statements according to the usual rules of criticism. The Scottish and Northumbrian writers will be found in M r . Skene's edition of Fordun and in the Surtees Society's edition of Simeon. This last contains, among other things, Turgot's Life of Saint M a r g a r e t and the passages from Fordun which profess to be extracts from Turgot. The Surtees* text and M r . Skene's text do not always agree, bat their differences are not often of much importance for my purposes. It is certainly strange if some of these passages really come from a contemporary writer. For Welsh matters we are, to my mind, better off. Unhappily I do not know enough of the W e l s h tongue really to make use of the originals, though I am not utterly at the mercy of the translator as to proper names and technical terms. I n the Chronicles and Memorials are two volumes of most valuable matter which need a fresh editor. I t is not my business to enter into any questions as to their authorship, how far it is due to Caradoc of Llancarfan or anybody else. In any case the L a t i n Annates Cambriameagre as they are, form a thoroughly good and trustworthy record, but the Editor seems in many places to have been unable either to read his manuscript or to construe his L a t i n . M a n y of the readings too which are most valuable historically are thrust into notes. The W e l s h Brat y Tywy&ogio-n, published in the same series by the same Editor, is a fuller version of the Annals, and also I believe essentially trustworthy. I have been obliged to quote this in the translation, though often with some doubts as to its accuracy. In the preface a good deal of matter by the late M r . Aneurin Owen is reprinted without acknowledgement. There is also another Brut y Tywysogion, otherwise " The Gwentian Chronicles of Caradoc of L l a n c a r v a n , " translated by M r . Owen and published by the Cambrian,

B

%

4

WARS

OF

SCOTLAND,

NORTHUMBERLAND,

AND

WALES.

liis hand ;md the day when he received consecration from Thomas of Bayeux, was a time full of stirring and memorable events of quite another kind.

It was

now that some of the events of former years were to Relations between England and Scotland. W a r of 1093. I t s results.

bring forth fruit.

The relations between England and

Scotland were of a kind which might lead to open warfare at any moment.1

This year the open warfare came.

And it wa> a warfare which was far more important in its direct lvsults than mere plundering inroads 011 either side of the border commonly were.

The direct results

of the warfare of this year were in truth the crowning result of causes which had been working for a whole G r o w t h of the English power

generation.

It was a singular irony of fate which made

William tlii' Bed in some sort a missionary, not only of the politica l power of the English kingdom, but of the ascendency • >f the English blood and speech.

He began

the later position of England as an European power. He extendi 1 d the boundaries of the kingdom of England a n d of t h e English nation under William Rufus,

within his I'wn island.

And, more than this, he gave

decisive help to a work which wrought one of the greatest of victories, not so much for England as a power as for the English-speaking folk in their Englishspeaking character.

That he gave kings to Scotland

was a small matter; that was done by other rulers of England bo lore and after him.

What specially marks

his reign is that in his day, and largely by his agency, it was ruli d that, of the three elements in Northern Britain, British. English, and Scottish or Irish, the EngA r c h a ological A

• '' !;•(.' n

H e r e we h a v e the translating and editing of

a really einincu 1 W c U l i K'liolar, b u t t h e b o o k , as a h i s t o r i c a l a u t h o r i t y , is very mi'crioc

tu < t h e r t h e L a t i n A n n a l s or t h e o t h e r B r u t .

A g r e a t d e a l of

legendary' m a i i i i , Mune of w h i c h m u s t be of q u i t e a l a t e d a t e , h a s b o o n thrust

in.

I te t h e m o r e t r u s t w o r t h y

M e m o r i a l s as th

Brut

in

the

Chronicles

Mid

. /•/' , a n d t h a t p u b l i s h e d b y t h e C a m b r i a n A r c h a e o l o g i c a l

A s s o c i a t i o n as tli e lufvr Jhron. l ' e l i il>. 1093.

I'.rut. See Appendix B B .

E E L ATI 0 X 8

BETWEEN

ENGLAND

AND

lish. element should have the upper hand.

r>

SCOTLAND.

I t was ruled

that the kingdom of Scotland, whatever might be its

C H A P . V.

T!le

.,

Scottish

relations towards the kingdom of England, whether kingdom separate or united, whether dependent or independent, English, whether friendly or hostile, should be itself truly an English kingdom, a kingdom generations

more

truly

which was for

English

than

the

some

southern

England itself. The Scottish affairs with which we shall have to deal

Summary

in the present chapter begin with the controversy be- affairs"11511 tween William Rui'us and Malcolm which led to the death of Malcolm in his last invasion of England.

On

Death of

this follows that first outburst of the true Scottish nation- ^ I a l t o l m > in\st reign

ality which led to the election of Donald, followed by

of Donald,

his overthrow and the establishment of Duncan by the power of England.

f

Then, after a short interval, comes Duncan,

the second national uprising, and the restoration of ¡.ej,,n 0f„ Donald.

After a longer

interval

overthrow of Donald, and

comes the second

the establishment of the.

younger Eadgar by the arms of the elder.

The question

EstahlishEadgar!

was now decided in favour of the line of Malcolm and Margaret and of the form of English influence which was represented by that line.

And between these two

Revolt of

last revolutions we may record, as a kind of episode for \V'

It may very

have come during the short season of William's

reformation; his seeming readiness to deal reasonably with the matter, as contrasted with his conduct a few months later, may pass as one of the fruits of his temporary penitence, along with the appointment of Anselm and the promise of good laws.

He sent an embassy to Malcolm

Scotland, inviting or summoning the Scottish K i n g to to g'iou-6'1 Gloucester, and giving hostages for his safety. This looks

oester '

very much as if the ground of complaint was the refusal of some of the rights which had been promised to Malcolm whenever he came to the English court. K i n g agreed to come on these terms.

The Scottish

William, in his

present frame of mind, was seemingly anxious to do all honour to the prince with whom he was dealing.

The Eadgar

Scottish ambassadors were sent back to bring their king, Mng'him and with them, as the most fitting of mediators, was sent the man who had himself for a moment been a kinoo* the brother-in-law of Malcolm, the favoured guest of WTilliam, the iEtheling Eadgar. 2 We last heard of Eadgar somewhat more than a year Eadgar in before, when Robert left England in anger, and Eadgar w m ^ T ^ went with him. 3

This seems to imply that the relations

between William and Eadgar wore at that moment un1 2 3

See vol. i. p. 304. Chron. Petrib. 1093. See vol. i. p. 307.

See Appendix BB.

10 CHAP.

WAES OF SCOTLAND, N O R T H U M B E R L A N D , A N D W A L E S .

v. friendly.

We have no account of Eadgar's return to

England; 1 nit the duty on which he was now sent implies that he was now not only in William's formal favour, but His mis-

in his real confidence. He who had lately been Malcolm's

Scotland,

representative in a conference with William now acts as William's representative in a conference with Malcolm. Eadgar, like his friend Duke Robert, was clearly one of those men who can act better on behalf of others than on behalf of themselves. 1

In his present mission he seems

to have acquitted himself to William's full satisfaction; the King of Scots was persuaded to come to the English court. If his coming did not prove specially l u c k y either to himself or to the over-lord to whom he came, that was at all events not the fault of Eadgar. Events

of

While Eadgar was away on his mission to Scotland, he left behind him a busy state of things in England. His embassy came in the midst of the long delays between Anselm's first nomination and his investiture, enthronement, and consecration.

It came in the time when Wil-

liam of Eu was plotting, 2 and when, as we shall presently see, seemirg conquest was going on throughout Wales. Meeting at

The place and dav for which Malcolm was summoned to

Gloucester.

"

1

i

isum geare waeron Eastron on viii. kal. A p r . and J>a uppon Eastron, on See Ambrosius massse night, J>a?t is ii. non A p r . wjes gesewen forneah ofer eall f i s land, swilce forneah ealle f a niht, swiSe maiiiifealdlice steorran of heofenan feollan, naht be anan oSSe twam, ae swa ficlice Jret hit nan mann ateallan ne mihte."

42

W A E S OF S C O T L A N D , N O R T H U M B E R L A N D , A N D

WALES.

Malcolm on the day of Saint Brice, it was only in their courses, and no chronicler has recorded the fact.

But

it looks as if this special Easter shower, of which we have elsewhere heard other meanings, 1 wTas b y some at least held to portend the fall of the great earl of the Messages between the K i n g and Kobert.

North.

The time between Easter and Pentecost, the

time so busily occupied in another range of subjects by the coining of Cardinal Walter and the acknowledgement of Pope Urban, 2 was no less busily occupied by an exchange of messages between the K i n g and his undutiful subject. years

Robert, like Godwine two-and-forty

before, demanded hostages and a

safe-conduct,

before he would risk himself before the Assembly. 3

This

the K i n g refused; Robert, arraigned on a definite charge of open robbery, had

no such claim to hostages as

Godwine, as King Malcolm, or even as his own neighbour Whitsun Gemot. Windsor, May 13, 1095.

Bishop William.

The Whitsun-feast was held; the K i n g

was at Windsor—not at Westminster—and all his Witan with him.

Anselm was there, to be received into the

King's favour, and to engage to observe the customs of the realm. 1

But the Earl of the Northumbrians was

not there.

The two accounts fit in perfectly without

contradiction or difficulty.

One gives us the cause of

the special summons of Earl Robert to the Gemot; the other gives us its exact date and form. 3 King'

The march.

Rufus, thus defied, at once took to arms.

It would

seem that he did not wholly rely on his mercenaries, but called »nt the national force of the kingdom. 6 1 3

See vol. i. )•• 47S. See N . C. \.>1. H. pp. 149, 621.

2 4

He

See vol. i. pp. 527 et seqq. See vol. i. p. 530.

6 Chron. Pen ib. 1095. " Hereajfter to Pentecosten wne might almost think that some special news was brought to the King at this point; for it was now that Anselin, in this his short season of renewed favour with the King, was sent back to guard his city and diocese He received the trust from the King's own mouth. he went back to Canterbury, whither a CHAP.

Help

1 See vol. i. ] 537. This fact conies out only in tlic two letters from Anselm to Walt, r of Albano; Epp. A u s . iii. 35, 36. In the first he says "quotidie expi't-man ut hostes de ultra mare in Angliam per illos porta«, qui Cantuarbei-' 0 vieini sunt, irruant." He speaks to the same effect in the next letter. They were " in periculo vastandi vel perdendi terrain." 2 The presence of the Archbishop of Y o r k and the Cardinal comes from the second lettci There the Cardinal and Anselin part from the K i n g and Thomas. F r mi the former letter we see that the place was Nottingham.

THE

KING'S

MARCH.

writ from the King followed him bidding him stay in care of the city, ready at any moment, when news should be brought from the threatened havens, at once to gather together horse and foot for the defence of the land.1 Anselm went back to his metropolis, and there stayed, as wo have seen, ready to discharge these unusual duties, which, as the expected invasion never came, did not in the end involve any military action on his part.

45 CHAP. V .

Meanwhile the King went on, taking with him the Archbishop of York, who at Nottingham was already in his own province and diocese. When the march The K i n g had gone on somewhat further, when the King and t^Nort^' his host were drawing0 near to the borders of the h u , l l b e r _ land.

Northumbrian earldom, that is, we may suppose, when they were near the banks of the Tyne, an incident happened which showed that the enemies of Rufus had other schemes besides those of open warfare either at home or abroad.2 Gilbert of Clare or of Tunbridge, of whom we have already heard as a rebel in earlier days,3 and who seems now to be looked on as a traitor in the King's camp, calls the King aside, and, to his amazement, falls at liis feet and craves his pardon for his offences. Let the King promise him forgiveness, and he will do Confession something which shall deliver him from a great danger.4 ciare^ 1 Ep. iii. 35. " Dominus meus rex ore suo milii prsecepit, antequam ab illo apud Notingeham discederem, et postquam Cantuarberiam redii, mihi mandavifc per litteras proprio sigillo signatas, ut Cantuarberiam custodiam, et semper paratas sim ut quaeunque liora nuntium eorum qui littora maris ob hoc ipsum custodiunt audiero, undique convocari jubeam equites et pedites, qui accurrentes violentiie bostium obsistant." So in Ep. 3 6 ; " R e x mihi pra:cepit ut iilam partem regni sui in qua maxime irruptionem hostium quotidie timemus, diligenter eustodirem, et quotidic paratus essem hostibua resistere si irruerent."

Ord. Vit. 703 D. " U t rex finibus Rodberti appropinquavit." See vol. i. p. 68. 4 Ord. Vit. u. s. " Gislebertus de Tonnebrugia, miles potens et dives, regem seorsum voeavit, et pronus ad pedes ejus eorruit, eique nimis obstupeseenti ait," &c. 2 3

W A E S Ol

40 CHAP.

SCOTLAND, NORTHUMBERLAND,

AND

WALES.

v. Rufus wonders and hesitates, but, after a little debate in his own mind, he promises the pardon that is asked for. Gilb'.-rt then warns the King not to enter a certain wood—have we again the tale of the hunting-party as the set no of assassination? 1 He was himself one of a body who had plotted the King's death, and a party of them were now in the wood ready to slay him. He told tin' King their number and names; 2 but the story reads as if no immediate action was taken against them. The conspirators are baulked of their prey, and the King's host marches on to attack the fortresses of the rebel i^irl. :;

Defence of

Robert of Mowbray had made good preparations for de-

fence. T i n : main body of his followers, among them the men highest in rank and most trusted in valour, guarded The New the great frontier fortress of his earldom, the New Castle fortresses.

O&stltf

which Duke Robert had reared to guard the way to the further noi I h by the old line of the iElian Bridge."1 Placed opposite tlio scene of Walcher's slaughter at Gateshead,5 it rose above the Tyne with far more of the usual position of a fortro- than would be dreamed by one who merely passes so -uangely near to it on the. modern railway, or who lights almost by chance on gateway and castle imbedded in the streets of the modern town. The gateway, even the keep as it now stands, are both of later date than the time of our story. But the days of Monk Chester were passed; the New Castle was already a place of arms, a strong post standing right in the way of the King's advance against the rebellious land. L o v e r down the tidal stream, beyond the relics— 1 2

See N . C.

i. p. 327.

Ord. T i t . 7",! D. ditores, agno\ I."

" P r a e f a t o barone indicante, qnot et qui f u e r a c t pro-

3 l b . 704 A " Delusis itaque sicariia, qui regem oecidere moliti eunt, armata; p h a l a n x prospere loca insidiarum pertransierunt." 4

See N . C. 1. iv. p. O72.

5

l b . p. 667.

THE NORTHUMBRIAN

FORTRESSES.

47

they were then still something more than relics—of the CHAP. V. great Roman rampart which left its name at Wallknol, at Wallcar, and at Wallsend 1 —fast by the mouth of the estuary whose shores and whose waters are now so thickly set with the works of modern industry—the Earl's castle of Tynemouth at once sheltered the rising Tynemonastery of Saint Oswine and guarded the approach to the river and to all to which the river led. Tynemouth was held by the Earl's brother; Robert himself, Bamburgh. far to the north, kept the great stronghold of all, the old seat of Northumbrian power, which frowns over land and sea from the basaltic rock of Bamburgli. ©

The

King's first attack was lucky; we have no details ; but we read that the New Castle was taken, and that all the men that were in it were kept in ward. The Taking of choicest men of Earl Robert's following were thus in Castle!™ the King's hands; the inland centre of his power was lost; but he and his brother still held out in their fastnesses by the Ocean. Tynemouth and Bamburgh both stood long sieges. The strong site of the monastic stronghold enabled it to bear up for two months, while the fortress of Ida remained, as far as any strictly military operation was concerned, untaken during the whole war. Tynemouth, Siege of which had so lately seen the burial of Malcolm, had mouth, now to endure the assaults of the royal force in the cause of Malcolm's chief enemy. The holy place of Saint Oswine was strong alike by nature and art. At Description the mouth of the great Northumbrian river, on that t h e Slte ' bank of it which lay within Robert's earldom, two headlands, divided by a small bay, stand forth boldly 1 Wallsend is often mentioned in the Durham charters, beginning with the grants of Bishop "William to his own monks; Scriptores Tres, iv. Wallcar—that is, in local language, the meadow by the wall—has got sadly degraded into Walker. See Appendix CO,

W A E S OF SCOTLAND, N O R T H U M B E R L A N D , AND WALES.

v. to meet T H E waves of the German Ocean. In later times the fortified precinct took in both points. Both came within the wall and ditch which cut off the peninsulas from the mainland. The castle of Tynemouth, strictly so called, covered the southern height immediately above the river. The northern promontory was crowned by the church and the monastic buildings, themselves sheltered by a vast gatehouse, which itself grew into a castle. Such, there is reason to believe, was the arrangement in the days of Malcolm and William. The castle of Robert of Mowbray rose sheer above the estuary, on its left bank. To the north, on the other headland, protected by a smaller fortress, stood the church and monaster) which were growing up at his bidding, a tribute paid by the conquerors to the ancient worthies The _ of the land. The peninsula crowned by the monastic peninsula, stronghold stretches forth into the waters, like a miniature of that which is at once the oldest and the newest Syracuse, since the art of man joined the island of Ortygia to the mainland of Sicily. While the neck is strengthened by works of defence, the rocky headland rises boldls from the waves on two sides. To the south the ground rises more gently above the bay between the two peninsulas, the bay to which the monastery above it gave the name of the Prior's haven. The town which CHAP,

O

grew up in after times sprang up directly to the west of the approach to the northern headland; it now spreads itself on all sides save only on the two headlands themTaking selves. The first attack must have been made from mouth. 6 " older site of the town; the small fortress, that most J u l y ? 1095. l i ^ i y w hicli guarded the neck of the monastic headland, was taken. The main castle to the south fell at the end of two months, and the Earl's brother and the knights who defended it shared the fate of the defenders of the New Castle.

TYNEMOTTTH

AND

BAMBUKGH.

And now came the hardest struggle of all, the strum?] e for the old home of Ida and Bebbe. Beb-

49 CHAP. V.

T h e castle of B a m

banburh, Bamburgh—the royal city of Bernicia, which £ur„'hm~ its founder had fenced first with a hedge and then with a wall or earthwork—the city small but strong, with its steep height approached only by steps 1 — though its main purpose was military and not religious, contained within its walls a sanctuary and a relic as worshipful as aught that was sheltered by Tynemouth or Jarrow or Durham itself. The ancient church of T h e relic Bamburgh was honoured by the presence of the wonder- Oswald, working hand of the martyred Bretwalda Oswald. That relic had in earlier days helped, along with the prayers of Aidan, to save Bamburgh from the fires of Penda; we are not told whether it was by the favour of the martyr that the elder Waltheof sheltered himself within the impregnable walls, while his valiant son marched forth to victory. The city, the small city which took in the space only of a few fields, had doubtless by this time given way to the Norman fortress, strengthened by all the arts which the Norman had brought with hiin. The castle precincts, in their widest extent, clearly cover the whole of the ancient site ; at the south-western end they are still approached by steps which doubtless represent those which in the days of the old Northhumbrian chronicler were the only means of mounting the height. At Bamburgh, as elsewhere, we are met by the never-failing difficulty which besets the student of the castles of that age. Can any of the work at Bamburgh which bears the impress of Norman art be safely assigned to the eleventh century 1 Or must we give up all to the T h e keep, twelfth, and believe that no part of the great centre of the building, the keep "huge and square," was already in being when Robert of Mowbray defied the Red King from 1

VOL. I I .

On B a m b u r g h , see A p p e n d i x F i \ E

WARS OF SCOTLAND, N O R T H U M B E R L A N D , A N D WALES,

ch.i.p. v. his rock? On such a point it is dangerous to be overpositive. The surrounding walls are of all dates down to the basest modern imitations; the chapel which guarded the relic of Saint Oswald, standing apart in the great court with its eastern apse overlooking the sea, was clearly, when perfect, no mean work of the next age. But whatever was the character or the material of the defences of Robert's day. they were doubtless as strong as any skill within the Northumbrian earldom could m a k e them. Tin re, from the castle raised on the land side oil the bulwarks of the rock out of which its walls and bastions grow, rising on the sea side over deep and shifting hills of sand, the eye might t a k e in the long indented coast, the sea dotted with islands of which many play a part in the sacred story of northern England, 1 —Farn and its fellows hard by, hallowed by ¡he abode and death of Saint Cuthberht— Holy Island itself further to the north-west, the landscape bounded in the far distance by the border hills of the two British kingdoms, beyond which Malcolm no longer st»nd ready to ravage the pastures of Northliui.ert humberland. Within t h a t ancient fortress, rich with pimburo-h 8 0 many earlier associations, the proud and gloomy Earl gamst the n o w kept his ground, adding a new and s t i r r i n g page to the long history of Bamburgh. His brother and his best knight- were the King's prisoners; but, strong on his rocky h« ight. the Earl of the Northumbrians, heedless of the lesson of seven years earlier, dared to bid defiance 1 The Farn T-Uuds, close oft* Bamburnh, must not be confounded with Lindisfarn, S O J H . way to the north Ra'da (Vit. Cutbb. 17) carefully distinguishes then; , ; !'';:i-n dieii.ur insula medio in niari posita, quie non, sicut Lindisfari- •: incolarum regio, bis quotidie aceedente iestu oceaui, quem rheuina • ; - to the Gemot, and was summoned by the

trial.

King to appear to take his trial. 4 vi]if• i;i

in l:-< ! -

Ionian, sicut

congregatos,

soliti

He pleaded sickness

q u i e q u i s a d m o d u m p i n g u i b u s s e d e n t e s , et

Hunt, l i a s t a s

portantes, earumque

f a c i c n t e s gtrujnt mi, l u u l t a t e r e b a n t u r s u p e r b i a . " these

mounted

„peariue»

for N o r m a n s ;

but

eollisione

magnum

One might have

we

read,

"Multo

taken majori

q u a m p r i o r e s >i,j e r b i : i s e c u t i s u n t I ' r a n c i g e m e , q u i e t ipsi f r e n i e n t i b u s e q u i s S l l b v e c t i e t uiii . iso a r i i i o r u i n g e n e r e i u d i l l i , e q u o r u m et a r m o r u m

•

ii

immanem

frementiuin

iate faciebant tuuiultum."

t h e Worst c l a s - .,{ a l l ; " D c i n d e p e r e x t e n s u i n

aliquot

sonitu

Lastly

miliariis

came

campum

innumeram f o ,

intruiu m u l t i t u d i n e m i n t a e o r , q u a r u m t a i l t a i u t u r b a m

dum

aduiirarer,

] r o l •vternrum

Has,

uxores

esse

a

ductore

meo

didiei.

i n q u i t , lniseral.ili•.•> et illos q u i a d s a c r i f i c a n d u m D e o c o n s e c r a t i s u n t , t a m e n illecebri liuiu

f i a i n n i a n : :I a t r o e i s s i m u s

have

b e e n tin

expectat

n m i i l « - r of p r i e s t s i n t h e

crueiatus."

But

how vast

b i s h o p r i c , if t h e i r

i n g l y n o t 011 li...».-lmck, filled u p so m u c h r o o m . o n t h e o t h e r l::ui I. w e r e s e e n i n a b e a u t i f u l sinners, whose

nec

i v r u a l i b u s i n v o l v i m e t u e r u n t , vse s e n i p i t e r n u m e t g e h e n n a -

T h e m o n k s of

flowery

must

wives,

seem-

Durham,

plain, all except

two

i , a m c s a r e n o t g i v e n , b u t w h o w e r e t o b e r e p o r t e d to t h e

P r i o r in o r d e r ; . a t t h e y m i g h t r e p e n t . 1

T h e liatur.

of the o m e n does not s e e m v e r y c l e a r ; " I n loco vastaj a e

tetrie solitudiinaspexi, cujus

magna

,1111a

subito episcop

altitudme

dum

siepius

Willehmis

e s s e t a m e q u a -iv i t . "

dotnum

aperiretur

efferens

total«

ex

siepiusque

caput, uhinam

ferro

fabrifaetam

clauderetur,

Gosfridus

ecce

monaehus

T h i s monk G e o f f r e y m u s t surely be the s a m e as t h e

o n e w e h e a r d • .( b e f o r e as c o n c e r n e d in B i s h o p W i l l i a m ' s f o r m e r t r o u b l e s ( s e e v o l . i. p . 1 .''>),

T h i s g i v e s t h e c o n f i r m a t i o n of a n u n d e s i g n e d

coinci-

d e n c e to t h a t - • t v . '' S e e N . ( ' . . " I . i v . p 3

l b , vol. v. !

4

I t is c u r i "

t h e u s e of tin

674.

631. s that, while the D u r h a m w r i t e r implies the summons

v i i ' d " p l a c i t u m " in t h e a c c o u n t o f B o s o ' s v i s i o n , h e

by

gives

DEATH

OF

THE

BISHOP

OF

as his excuse for not appearing.

DUÜHAM.

Rufus declared, with

his usual oath, that the excuse was a feigned one.1

It

CHAI-,

V.

H e sicken.-

was however thoroughly real. Eisliop William was sick, and sick unto death.

He was smitten on the day of the ^5'1095~

J anuary i .

Nativity, and died on the day of the Circumcision. 2

He 1096-

was comforted in his sickness bv^ the presence and ex-

IIls

death-beii.

hortations of several of his brother bishops who had come together for the business of the Assembly.

There

was Anselm whom he had withstood at Rockingham ; there was his own metropolitan Thomas ; there was Walk clin of Winchester; there was John of Bath, born, like himself and Anselm, beyond the bounds either of England or of Normandy.

These prelates debated con-

cerning the place of his burial.

Debate as

They argued that he b°uJy"ng.

who had done such great things for Saint Outhberht's Placeabbey should be buried in the place of highest honour within its walls.

He himself declined any such place.

He would be no party to any breach of Saint Outhberht's own rule, which forbade that any man should be buried within his minster. 3

The bishops therefore ruled

that he should be buried in the chapter-house, so that his monks, when they came together, should have the tomb of their founder ever before their eyes.4 no account of the summons in his own narrative.

So it was ;

T h e gap is filled u p b y

W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y , Gest. I'ont. 273 ; " Non m u l t o post orto inter ipsuiil et regem discidio, ;egritü1. i. pp. 490.. 491, 49ft. 3 Ord. Yit. 704 (J. Hoc nimirum Hugone Cestrensimn coniite pertulit instigante, cuju , surorem habebat, sed congruamfidemei non servaverat." 4 5 See his char ; e: in N. C. vol. iv. p. 490. See X. C. vol. v. p. 159.

PUNISHMENT

OF

WILLIAM

OF

EU.

solemn sentence of the King of the English at the head of his Witan. But now William of E u was blinded, and underwent a fouler mutilation as well. 1 His sentence w7as seemingly carried out at Salisbury, perhaps in sight of the assembly. Are we to infer t h a t any show of indignation was called forth by the bloody sight, when we read directly afterwards t h a t some of the lord of Eu's fellow-sufferers wrere t a k e n to London, and were blinded or otherwise mutilated there 1 2

CHAP. V.

If we may trust a tale to be found in one of those Story of .

i.

i

A r n u l f of

secondary writers who often preserve scraps oi truth, Hesdin. another accused man appealed to the wager of battle with better luck than William of Eu. This was Arnulf of Hesdin,1 a man whose name is familiar enough to us o in Domesday, though it does not call up a n y distinct personal idea like the King's unlucky kinsman. 3 He is set before us as a man of groat bodily stature, brave and active, and in the enjoyment of large possessions, out of which ho and his wife Emmeline had made gifts to the abbey of Gloucester. 4 He was charged, unj u s t l y and enviously we are told, with the same crime as the rest. 5 He defended himself by his champion, who His proved his lord's innocence by overthrowing a man of ^ o v e d by the King's who was matched against him. 0 But Arnulf b a t t l e ' 1 AH the accounts agree as to the punishment. Florence says specially, " oculos cmere ct testiculos abscidere so it was t h e worst form of blinding. T h e H y d e writer (301) employs an e u p h e m i s m ; " R e x oculis privavit et per omnia inutilem reddidit." 2 Chron. Petrib. IC93. " A n d sume m a n to L u n d e n e lasdde, and Ji er spilde." This last word seems to imply mutilation of a n y kind, whether : blinding or any other. See X . C. vol iv. p. 30. 4 Their names come over and over again in t h e Gloucester Cartulary. See the Index. 5 Liber de I l y d a , 301. " E r n u l f u s de H e d n i t h [sic], statura procerus, industria surnmus, possessionibus suffultus, apud regem t a m injuste quarn invidiose est accusatus." 6 l b . " Denique cum se bello legitimo per u n u m ex suis contra u n u m ex hominibus regis facto defendisset a t q u e vicisset."

VOL. II.

F

66

He goes to the Crusade,

ami dies.

WARS OF SCOTLAND, NOBTIIUMBEBLAND, AND WALES. was so stirred up with wrath and grief at the u n j u s t charge, that, notwithstanding the King's entreaties to stay, he threw up all the lands that he held of him, and left England for ever. 1 Before the end of the year, the Crusade offered him worthy occupation elsewhere. He marched with the Christian host as far as Antioch; he there foil sick, and declined all medical help ; none should heal him save Him for whose sake he had gone on pilgrimage. Ai imlf. professing the opposite doctrine to Asa of Judali, fa ivd no better than t h a t king. Antioch was the last stau> readied by the armetl pilgrim of Hesdin. 2

Arnulf, aeeording to this story, became landless, as far as England was concerned, by his own act. Others underwent 1:1 u- same loss by sentence, it seems, of the Assembly. < 'ount Odo of Champagne and many others lost their lands.' 1 I n one case only does death seem to William of havo been inflicted. William of Alderi, cousin and rtiluleinned steward of William of Eu, was, as the Chronicle tells us, t.' death, "hanged on rood.' -4 This somewhat startling formula doubtless m-an* nothing but ordinary hanging; but it seemingly marks hanging of any kind as something which was not ordinary. As to the guilt or innocence of William of Alderi wo have contradictory accounts. One weighty aui l.vrity declares him to have been a sharer in the plot. 1 > Uliors class him among many brave and

Confiscation of l;md>.

1

Liber de II \ i.i, 30T. '' Tanto dolore et ira est commotus ut. abdicatis omnibus qu;e regi-> ::• in A n- lia. ipso regc invito et contradicente, discederet.*' 2 Jb. 302. ' Vincit Doinimi«, quart' medicus me non continget, nisi ille pro cujus anion banc pi regrinatinnem suseepi." Chron. Pet • 1096. " tier weariS eae Eoda eorl ofCampaine, cynges a'Sutn, and ma; < ge o^'re, belende."' Florence says; " Comitem Odonem de Campania, praj scilicet Siepliani patrem, Pliilippum liogeri Serobbesbyrieiisis coniiL • lilium, et quosdani alios traditionis partieipes, in custodiam posuit." ' lb. "And bis stiward Willelm hiette se wies his modrian sunu, liet se cyng on rode ahbn." 3 F'lor. Wig 1097. " Dapiferum illius Willelmum de Alderi,filiuuiainiue illius, tradition:- .unsciuui, ju.-sit rex suspendi."

FATE

OF

WILLIAM

OF

ALDEKI.

67

guiltless men who were ruined by the charges brought by C H A P . V . Morel and by Geoffrey of Baynard. 1 Guilty or innocent, he was, we are told, a man of high birth, goodly presence, and lofty spirit. 2 He was moreover the King's gossip, bound to him by the same tie which bound Morel to Malcolm. We thus incidentally learn that there were those whom William Rufus had held at the font, and for whose Christian faith and Christian life he had pledged himself. But the spiritual kindred went for nothing with the Red King. Many of the great men are said to The Kin r have earnestly begged for the life of William of Alderi, spavin', and to have striven to move the King's greed by a mighty bribe. The Conqueror had refused Harold's weight in gold as the price of his Christian burial; his son refused three times the weight of William of Alderi, both in gold and in silver, as the price of his life. 3 Why Rufus was so bent on his death does not appear; but nothing could move him. It marks the way in which the King's will practically ordered everything, even in so great an assembly of the realm as that which had now come together, that William of Alderi was condemned and hanged without any attempt to rescue him, though many believed, him to be guiltless, and though powerful men were eager to save him. When hope was gone, ho made an ending at once as pious His pious and, according to the ideas of other ages, more manly e n d ' than the ending of Waltheof. He confessed his sins to 1 Will. Malms, iv. 319. " Plures ilia delatio involvit, innocentes plane el, probos viros. Ex his fuit Willelmus do Alderia, speciosaj person;« homo et compat. i v . 3 1 9 .

"Is

patibulo affigi jussus, O s m u n d o

S a l e s b i r i i e coi;fam germeron castelas let gemakian/'

>'.\TUIiE OF WELSH WAItFAKE.

n

changed into a settlement of strangers. The lands might our. • be harried; the castle might at sonic favourable moment be broken d o w n ; but it was sure to spring up again and again to do jfes work.. The lasting possession of the fertile land had passed a w a y to the invaders; the moors and mountains alone were left to the sons of the soil. The mention of these Welsh wars naturally carries us Wekii back to the thought of the great Welsh campaign of a generation earlier. We see how true, from one 1point i.™.1,,'/ ° Yvilliarn of view, was the saying of the next century t h a t none Rufus, since Harold had known how to deal with the Welsh as Harold had known. 1 As a matter of military success, the failures of William Rufus stand out in marked contrast to the victories of Harold. The Red King had no pillars to set up to mark where he had overcome the Briton in open fight.2 A single word helps us to a t least one p a r t of the cause. Harold, in his victorious i's* . f campaign, must have undergone some loss of men, b u t h ° ' v s he underwent no loss of horses. He found t h a t the English tactics were not suited for British warfare, and he made his housecarls turn themselves into light-armed Welshmen. 3 But the Norman tactics were still less suited for British warfare than the English. There were places in the moors and mountains which the mailed housecarl might reach, if with difficulty, but which the mounted knight could not reach at all. But William Rufus does not seem to have suited his tactics to the country as Harold had done; the mention of horses suggests t h a t he repeated the old mistake of Ralph the Timid in a worse shape. 4 As a matter of lmmalMt? fighting then, Rufus failed where Harold had succeeded; fo^V""1 but as a matter of enduring conquest, the failures ofSUCCt-SiRufus did more t h a n the successes of Harold. Harold 1 See N. C. vol. ii. p. 478. - Ib. p. 479.

2

Ib. p. 481. * Ib. p. 396.

72

WAES Oi' .SCOTLAND, NOßTHUMBEKLAND, AND WALES,

CHAP. v. indeed had no general schemes of Welsh conquest. Different j j e overthrew the Welsh; but, except in the districts 1 objects of Harold and which weiv definitely ceded to England, 1 he made no li„f ui *. r attempt to occupy Wales. He gave back the land whose people lie had overcome to princes of their own blood, bound to him simply by their oath of homage.But when-v i r llufus or his lords planted a castle, there was at one a piece of Welsh soil occupied, and a centre made read',' for occupying more. The object of Harold in short V.-H simply the defence of E n g l a n d ; the object of William liufus was the conquest of Wales. pariThe con ; nest, which now began, that which we m a y •mi of tlie call either the English or the Norman Conquest of Wales, •onuue.st Wales, differed widely both from the English Conquest of Britain .vitli the iMi^Iish a n d from the Norman Conquest of England. I t wrought

Norma» far less change than the landing at Ebbsiieet; it wrought ( ' •ni(«est». f a r m o r u , liango t h a n the landing at Pevensey. The Briton of s hose lands which in the Red King's day were still British was gradually conquered: he was gradually brought under English rule and English l a w ; but he was neither exterminated nor enslaved nor wholly assimilated. He still abides in his ancient land, still speaking Ins ancient tongue. The English or N o r m a n Conquest - last wave of Low-Dutch occupation in the

LOCAL

isle of Britain.

NOMENCLATURE

OF

WALES.

And alongside of all, there was tlio

CHAP.

V.

still independent Briton, still keeping his moors and mountains, still ready to pour down from them upon the richer lands which had been his fathers', but which had passed into the stranger's grasp.

Those days have

long passed a w a y ; for three centuries and more Briton and Englishmen have been willingo members of a common o state, willing subjects of a common sovereign. But the memory of those days has not passed a w a y ; it abides in the most living of all witnesses.

England has for ages Enduranc:

spoken a single tongue, her own ancient speech, modified ^ ¡ ^ by the coming of the conquerors of eight hundred years ago, language. But in Wales the speech of her conquerors, the speech of England, is still only making its way, slowly and fitfully, against the abiding resistance of that stubborn British tongue which has survived three conquests. 1 The results of this state of things, where so many con- Local (intending elements so long stood side by side, are still to "^WaS!' be seen on the face of the British land.

The local

nomenclature of Wales tells a wholly different talc from that of England.

In England the nomenclature is every-

Contrast

where essentially Teutonic; we might say that it is ^fEn^and everywhere essentially English ; for the names given by the Danes form one class along with those given by the Angles and Saxons, as opposed either to Celtic survivals or to Romance intruders.

Both these two last classes

are in England mere exceptions to the general law of Teutonic nomenclature.

But in Wales, while the great

Teutonic

majority of the names are Celtic, the Teutonic names are ^Jj - 6 "* 1 ' somewhat more than exceptions.

In some districts, as

I have already said, they are the all but invariable rule.

French names, too. though not very common, are,

I think, less rare than in England.

Nothing is more

1 " T h a t stubborn British tongue which has survived two conquests," is, I think, a phrase of Hallam's,

76

WARS OF SCOTLAND, XOKTHUMBEKLAKD, AND WALES.

chap. v. common ti-m for a place to bear different names, accordI'iaces jnoj as English or Welsh is spoken. And those names x 1'eanng two ' _ naiaes.

Tlis Welsh • soyion, 1089 ; it should be 1092.

?Tte*nxcrÍ8

William*

Ru/Ls.

Yob. 11.

To

face

pog^

•

WALES

IN" T H E

DATS

OJfc1

79

IiUFUS,

year of his journey to the N o r t h ; and one account hints that the movements in Wales as well as in Scotland had a share in bringing him back from the mainland. 1 B u t it is not till two years later t h a t Welsh warfare began to put on enough of importance for its details to be recorded by English writers.

CHAP.

V.

I t seems to have been in the year of Anselm's appoint- Beginning ment, the year of Malcolm's death, t h a t the conquest of Conquest South Wales began in earnest. I t seems now to have ° f Sout1» °

Wales.

1 ieen for the first time taken up by the King as p a r t of 1093. the affairs of his kingdom. But the geography of the campaign shows t h a t a gradual advance must have already begun along the south coast. Our public entries are concerned only with the land stretching nearly due west, from the mountains of Brecknock and Abergavenny to the Land's End of Saint David's. This leaves out the sea-land which, with the bold curve of its coast, projects to the south, the land of Morganwg or Glamorgan. Yet it m a y be t a k e n as a matter of course that this land was not left to be won later than inland Brccheiniog and far distant Dyfed. The unlucky thing is that, L e g e n d while the conquest of Brecheiniog and Dyfed is recorded of (il:u 01 a 0 J are fully trust- gan. » 'in notices which, though meagre enough, ° worthy as far as they go, the conquest of Morganwg, strangely left out in all authentic records, has become the subject of an elaborate romance which has stepped into the empty place of the missing history. The romance is, as usual, the invention of pedigree-makers, working, after their manner, to exalt the glory and increase the antiquity of this and that local family. This is perhaps the meanest of the many forms of falsehood against which the historian has to strive; but it is also one of 1

Will. Malms, iv. 3 1 0 .

" Q u o d eum Seottorura et Walensium tumultus

vocabant, in regnum se cum ambobus fratribus rccepit."

!>• 295-

See vol. i.

80 CHAP.

W A E S OF SCOTLAND,

NORTHUMBERLAND,

AND

WALES.

v. the strongest and most abiding, and one which is specially strong and abiding on the northern coast of the Bristol Channel. 1

Story of Pinion.

The legend pieces itself on to t h a t point of the genuine history when the sons of Cedivor were defeated by Rhys ap Tewdwr. A brother of Cedivor, Einion by name,' who had been in the service of either the elder or

the younger William, and had served the King in his continental wars, now flees to another enemy of Rhys, Jestin SOI1 -

hand on his lordship to his descendants.

Another of the

family, a grandson of Jestin. Gruffydd son of Rhydderch, refuses to submit, withstands the invaders in arms, contrives to defend Caerleon. and to hand on to his son Caradoc a principality in Gwent, seemingly east of the Usk. Now how much of this story is to be believed ? Jestin

Estimate of

is a most shadowy being, of whom personally nothing ^ is recorded.

But there

is

st01 "'

evidence enough for the

existence of his descendants, and for their retention of an important lordship in Glamorgan. 1

This may make

us inclined to put some faith in the account of the transactions between Jestin, Einion, and Robert Fitzhamon.

The general outline of the tale is perfectly

Elements

possible, except the very unlikely story that Robert or ot

trUth "

any other Norman, when once standing in arms on British or any other ground, simply marched out again after receiving a fair day's wages for a fair day's work. That Robert Fitz-hamon did conquer Glamorgan and establish himself at Cardiff cannot be doubted.

Settlement

The Fiu-hlmon

settlement of some of his followers is equally historical;

a t c ' ardlff -

but the list of them as given in the legend is untrust- Legendary aa m m ee ss in m worthy, as containing names of families which did not n"the list. 1

T h e d e s c e n d a n t s of J e s t i n a p p e a r v e r y clearly in G i r a l d u s , I t . C a m b .

i. C (vol. vi. p. 6g) ; ' Q u a t u o r C a r a d o c i filii J e s t i n i iiliis, et itesi p r i n c i p i s ex sorore nepotibus, his in finibus h e r i l i portione, sieut G u a l e n s i b u s mos est, pro p a t i e d o m i n a n t i b u s , M o r g a n o videlicet, et M e r e d u c i o , Oeneo, C a d w a l lar.o."

M o r g a n a p p e a r s soon a f t e r (p. 69) as g u i d i n g A r c h b i s h o p B a l d w i n

a n d his c o m p a n i o n G i r a l d u s o v e r t h e d a n g e r o u s q u i c k s a n d s o f his A v o n . VOL. II.

G

82 CHAP.

W A R S OF S C O T L A N D , N O R T H U M B E R L A N D , A N D W A L E S .

v. appear in the district till later.

That the Normans were

invited by a Welsh prince to help him against his enemies, and that they then took his lands to themselves, is quite possible, though the story rests on no certain evidence. That the Norman invaders took the valuable land, the fertile vale, to themselves, and left the rugged mountains to the Britons, is doubtless a true description of the general result, though it is not likely to have been caused by any formal division.

The only thing to suggest such

a division is the portion which was kept by the descendants of Jestin. But such an anomaly as this last might be accounted for in various ways.

The defeat and death

of Rhys in Brecheiniog is beyond doubt, and it is not unlikely that Robert Fitz-hamon may have had a hand Question of

in it; but at all events the date is utterly wrong. 1

scendants?

most unlikely part of the story is that which describes

The

a grandson of Jestin as founding a principality in that part of Gwont which had already long been an English possession.

This story might almost seem to be a con-

fusion with an event of earlier times.

We are tempted

to think that the Caradoc son of Gruffydd and grandson of Rhydderch. who now settles himself in Gwerit, is a mythical repetition of the Caradoc son of Gruffydd and grandson of Rhydderch who destroyed K i n g Eadward's hunting-seat at Portskewet. 2 Robert Fitz-hamon, conqueror of Glamorgan—for of

Robert

hamon;

hi s

right to

place in tin

that

title there is no doubt—has

history of this reign and of the

other

years of the next.

Mm°eS ° f

one

his early

We have already heard of him as

' I W faithful among the Normans in England

at the time of the great rebellion against the present King. 3

Son or grandson of the famous rebel of Val-es-

dunes,4 he had an elder brother of his father's name. 1

See Appendix GG.

2

a

See vol. i. p 62.

4

See N . C. vol. iv. p. 186. See N . C. vol. ii. p. 250.

ltOBEKT FITZ-HAMON. w h o appears, w i t h the title of Dapifer, o w n e r s of eastern E n g l a n d . 1

S3

a m o n g the l a n d -

CHAP. V.

H o h a d himself, a t one t i m e He holds

in the present reign, received those l a n d s w h i c h h a d once

Brihtrir.

been B r i b t r i c ' s , w h i c h h a d then been Q u e e n Matilda's, a n d w h i c h h a d been a f t e r w a r d s held or c l a i m e d b y t h e jEtheling Henry.2

These m a d e h i m g r e a t in the shires of

Gloucester a n d Somerset, shires f r o m w h i c h he m i g h t l o o k w i t h a l o n g i n g e y e t o w a r d s the lands b e y o n d the S e v e r n a n d the S e v e r n sea.

T o these, it appears, w a s a d d e d the

honour of Gloucester, or rather the l a n d s of Brill trie w e r e m a d e into a n h o n o u r of Gloucester for his benefit. 3

H o He marries

m a r r i e d a d a u g h t e r of E a r l Roger, S i b y l b y name, 4 a n d so ROOT'S h a d the p r i v i l e g e of being b r o t h e r - i n - l a w to R o b e r t Belleme.

0f

dauSht,;r-

H i s d a u g h t e r Mabel, heiress of lier uncle as Marriage

w e l l as of her father," became, as w e h a v e o f t e n h a d slighter occasion to notice, the w i f e of K i n g H e n r y ' s son R o b e r t , °

1 TT T , . H e has an entry to himself m Essex (Domesday, ii. 54 I).

cester. H e appears

again in 100 b, and in the town of Colchester (106) he holds " i . doimim, et i. curiam, et i. hidam terra;, et xv. burgeuses." A building with some trace of Komanesque work used to be shown as " Harno's Saxon hall or curia." W h y more " S a x o n " than everything else in that Saxon land it was not easy to guess.

I n Ellis he is made to be the same as " I l a i m o v i c e c o m e s "

who appears in K e n t and Surrey (.Domesday, 14, 36). This last witnesses a letter of Anselm's (Epp. iii. 71) to the monks of Canterbury, along w i t h another Haimo, " f i l i u s V i t a l i s , " " Wimundus homo vicecomitis," and a mysterious " Robertas filius W a t s o n i s " — w h a t name is meant?

I n Epp.

iv. 57 a letter is addressed to him by Anselm, complaining of damage done by his men to the Archbishop's property at Canterbury and Sandwich.

Or

is this " v i c e c o m e s " in K e n t the same as Haimer or H a i m o — h e is written both w a y s — t h e " vicecomes" (in another sense) of Thenars, who plays an important part before and after the great battle ?

See !S. C. vol. iii. pp.

315» 457; 55 1 2 See vol. i. p. 197. 3 I n this way we may put a meaning on the account in the Tewkesbury History quoted in N . C. vol. iv. p. 762. Brihtric had not any honour of Gloucester. 1

See Ord. Y i t . 578 D ; William of Malmesbury, H i s t . Nov. i. 3.

She

was " spectabilis et excellens fcemina, domina tunc viro morigera, tunc etiam fcecunditate numerosse et pulcherriime prolis beata."

She was the mother-

in-law of his patron . 6

See M r . Clark, Archaeological Journal, vol. x x x v . p. 3 (March, 1878). G

2

J, o l , t r t

' o f Glou-

J

W A R S OF SCOTLAND,

NORTHUMBERLAND,

AND

I HAP. v. with whom Gloucester became an earldom. Hi- works

WALES.

He founded

the abbey of Tewkesbury, one of the line of groat re-

cotlraud ligious houses along the Severn, where his work may lewkc*-

i'lU'v.

still be seen in the vast 1pillars and mysterious front of his J still surviving minster. 1

To the older abbey of Gloucester

he was a bountiful benefactor. And the nature of his gifts to these two favoured houses would be almost © enough of itself to enable us to set down Robert Fitzi i mm of

hamon as conqueror of Glamorgan.

Gloucester and

churches Tewkesbury were enriched at the cost of the churches to English 0 f Glamorgan, proof enough that he who could thus 1 0 lianas-

t.-vi.-s.

^

enrich them had won great possessions in Glamorgan. The holy places of the Briton, Llantwit and Llancarfan, with a

crowd

of churches

of lesser

note, supplied

the conqueror with an easy means of being bountiful with no cost to himself.-

So again the mere fact that

a man who held such a position as that of Robert Fitzhamon, one who, though not an earl, ranked by possessions and connexions alongside of earls, plays so small a part as h while KinoCs William lay sick at Gloucester, the new lord of Brecknock found it needful to gather his strength to withstand an attack from the people whom he had despoiled. The D e f e a t and death of

Britons came together under Rhys the son of Tewdwr, the Rhys at king of whom we have often heard, and who must have fjgj 1 ™ 0115 " been at this time the most powerful prince of South Wales. 3 He invaded the invaders; and in the very Easter week, while matters were busy between William and Ansclm on the one hand, beuween William and Malcolm on the other hand, a battle took place near Brecknock. There Rhys was killed, by the help, according to the Glamorgan legend, of Robert Fitz-hamon. According to the same legend, Rhys did not fall in open fight, but as a prisoner to whom quarter was refused. Another account describes him as being slain by the treachery of his own men. His death was marked as an epoch End of in the history of Wales. With him, the native historian ^Jjj" "f ~ writes, fell the kingdom of the Britons, a phrase which B r i t o n s , " an English writer seems to have misunderstood as meaning that after him no Welsh prince bore the kingly 1

S e e N . C. vol. ii. p. 6 7 9 ; vol. iii. pp. 7 1 0 , 777.

2

S e e tlie story in G i r a l d u s , I t . C a m b . ii. 2 (vol. vi. p. 29).

T h e son

was disinherited, a n d the honour of B r e c k n o c k passed to the husband of the (laughter, w h o m her mother allowed to be B e r n a r d ' s child.

H e speaks of

her as " K e s t a nomine, quam A n g l i vertendo Anncis v o c a v e r e . " I n the B a t t l e Chronicle ( 3 5 ) she appears as a benefactress by the n a m e of Atjues.

She

g a v e to B a t t l e " d e propria bereditate q u a m d a m v i l l u l a m extra W a l l i a m in A n g l i a sitam [in Herefordshire], (jute Berinton v o c a t u r . " invalitudine t a c t a . " !

See above, p. 78.

She gave it " f o r t e

WARS OF SCOTLAND, NOKTHUMBEKLAND, AND WALES.

92 CHAP.

v. title. 1

of Rhys,

The overthrow of R h y s led to great movements P a l 'ts

th^d'ath

Eolith Wales.

We can h a r d l y doubt

that, whether Robert Fitz-hamon

had a hand

in

the

fight at Brecknock or not, his settlement in Glamorgan was at a n y rate already begun.

B u t the f a l l of R h y s

laid the lands to the south-west, the lands of Ceredigion and Dyfed, open to i n v a s i o n ; and two sets of invaders were equally ready to m a k e the most of the chance which w a s now laid open to them.

The British enemy

0».ihvgan

came first,

livied' April 30, 1093.

before driven Khys from his throne,- seized the moment £ h ; s death . carry a w a s t i n g inroad into Dvfed." H e

Nonnan

something m i r e than make a wasting inroad.

of'^ere-

kalends of J u l y the French for the first time held Dyfed

digioii JlyTeit. .ind

an(j

was

• luly i,

t 'adwgan son of B l e d d y n , w h o had

once

present Iv followed b y invaders who were to do "About the

c,Vmli-'i.>!i, and set castles in them, and

occupied th«> w hole land."

thence

4

These word - of the British annalist m a r k a most important stag«- m the occupation of his country. The campaign of this summer completed the conquest of South Wales, so far as a land could be said to be conquered which w a s a l w a y s revolting, and where native chief's still kept, sometimes bv their own strength, sometimes b y formal acknowledgement, such parts of the land as the invaders could not 01 did not care to occupy. 1

B u t it w a s now

Unit, v '[Vv, - i 'H. 1091 (1093';. Ari-l then fell the kingdom of the Jiritons," f> vmas y Ilrytanyeit.') Florence, recording the .same event, adds ; " A ¡¡In die regnare in Walonia r, g - desiere bat lie himself iu 1 J 1 6 saw- Owinus i v k Wiil ir,,,r11:11 iMi'Mll'ir.' I I'. Ann. Pamb. in anno, where royal title is not given to Owen. Indeed in the pres-nt entry tlr Annals call Khys only '• rector dextralis partis;" t h a t is, of Soutii \Va!. See vol. i. p. i n . :i Ann. (/ami, 1091 (ioQ.iV ilPost on]us obitimi Cadugaun films Iiledint pra-datu- .--t Demetiam pridie kaletidarnm Maii." 4 f'rut y T v , g i o n . So Ann, Camb. " Circiter Kalendas .Tulii Frauci primitns Demeri,,'1 i t Keredigean tenuernnt, et eastella in eis locaverunt, et abintle totani ' nam lh-itonum oceupaverimfc."

DESIGNS OF RUFUS OS" IRELAND.

93

that a land was planted W I T H castles which is still pre- CHAP. V. eminently the land of castles; it was now that a land Pembrokewas brought under the power of those who bore rule in England which was itself to become a new England o & beyond the line of the Briton. Ceredigion, the land of Cardigan, the vale of Teifi with its still abiding beavers, 1 the sites of the castles of Aberystwyth and Cilgerran, of the abbey of Strata Florida and the priory of Saint Dogmael, were added to the dominion of the conquerors. Thence they pressed on to the extreme south-western land, and added Dyfed by a new name to the possessions of the English crown. A tale has been told how the Tale of Rufus'

Red King himself made his way to the most western point of all, to the headland of Saint David's; there, from the treeless rocks, ho looked over the sea to the land beyond, which may now and then be seen on a cloudless evening. Then he boasted that, lord as he was of Britain, he would be lord of Ireland too, how he would gather round that headland the fleets of his whole kingdom, and would make of them a bridge by which he might pass over and win the great island for himself. The tale Ogoes on to tell how,' when the threatcnino-O words were brought to King Murtagh, 2 he asked whether the King of the English had added to his threat the words, " I f God will'?" 3 The Red King had not used 1

On the heavers in the Teif, see a long account in Giraldus, It. Camb. ii. 3. Cp. Top. 11 ib. i. 26. H e discusses the lawfulness of eating the beaver's tail on fast-days, without coining to so decidod a conclusion as when he rules (Top. Hib. i. 1 5 ) that the barnacle might not he eaten. 2 I t is very hard to put Irish kings in their right places ; but there is no doubt that this M u r t a g h — I take the shortest way of spelling his name—is the same as the Murtagh of Connaught, head K i n g of Ireland, though Giraldus calls him K i n g of Leinster, of whom we shall hear a good deal before long. 3

It. Camb. ¡i. 1 (vi. 109). " R e x R u f u s . . . . Kambriam suo in tempore animose penetrans et eireumdans, cum a rupibus istis Hiberniam forte prospiceret, dixisse menioratur: A d ten am istam expugnandam, ex

threats

W A E S OF S C O T L A N D , N O R T H U M B E R L A N D , A N D W A L E S .

the formula which he hated to hear even from the lips of others, 1 and the Irish prince at once answered that he did not fear the coming of one who meant to come only in his own strength, and not in that of the Most High. 2 The talc is eminently characteristic of William R u f u s ; Estimate of the yet it sounds somewhat like an echo of the real visit story. and the real schemes of the great William translated into the boastful language of his son. The Conqueror did visit Saint David's; 11 he did plan the conquest of Ireland; 4 but it is not l i k e l y that he throw the expression of his designs into such a shape as that which William Rufus would have been likely enough to choose. The younger William m a y have made his w a y to Saint David's; but it is not easy to find a time for his coming, either in this year or in any Acquisition other. But. whether through his coming or not, Saint David's David's itself passed under the obedience of the conquerors. We presently find its bishop, a bishop spoken Bishop Wilfrith. of as a Briton, but bearing the English name of Wilfrith, acting in their full confidence. 5 But the holy place, deep in its hollow, was left to be guarded by its own holiness. Tso castle of king or earl or sheriff invaded its precincts; the home of its bishop did not, as at Llandaff, take the form of a castle looking down upon the minster, but that of a peaceful palace resting by navibus regni inei hue convocatis, pontem adhuc faciam." The Irish ivhi_e when lie hears, " c u m aliquamdiu propensius inde cogitasset, fertur respondisse : N .1:m|'iid tantai eomininationis verbo rex ille ' S i Deo plaeuerit' adjivl: ' See vol. i. p. 166. 2

It. Camb. 11 " Tanquani prog'nostico gaudens eertissimo, Quoniani, inquit, homo i - de humana tantum confidit potentia, non divina, ejus adventum non f •nuido." 3 4 See N . C. o I. iv. p. 676. l b . p. 526. 5 On Bishop Wilfrith, see N\ C. vol. v. p. 209, and vol. i. p. 534. We shall hear of him .iLuin.

SETTLEMENT

OP

PEMBROKESHIRE.

its side. The conquerors pressed on, through the land CHAF. v. of Cemaes and Eirilyn and by the hills of Preseleu, till they reached the south-western land, the land of creeks and peninsulas, where the tides of Ocean rise and fall beneath the walls of far inland towns and fortresses. I n those waters the wandering wiking had Milfont Haven.

seen the likeness of his own fiords, and he had left his m a r k here and there on a holm, a yard, a thorp, -A ford, some of them bearing names which seem to go back to the gods of Scandinavian heathendom. 1 The Norman won the land, to hand it over in the next reign to the Flemish settlers, who rooted out whatever traces of the C y m r y Northmen and Normans had left. Two of the chief towns, Pembroke and Tenby, kept their British names in corrupt forms. 2 Milford and Haverford would seem to have been already named by the Northmen. On The Pemevery tempting point overlooking the inland waters, some- castles."*e times on points overlooking the Ocean itself, castles arose, some of which grew into the very stateliest of their own class. Tenby, Haverfordwest—Manorbeer, birthplace of Giraldus 3 —Caerau, connected with so m a n y famous names of later d a t e 4 — a n d a crowd of castles of lesser note, witness the means by which the conquerors knew how to hold down the land which they had won. At the head of all stands the great fortress which 1 I refer to such names as Hasgard and Freystrop. The fords in this district are of course fiords. The names of Hereford and Haverfordwest have sometimes been confounded, but the ford comes from a different quarter in the two names.

See N . C. vol. v. p. 75. He does justice to his birthplace in It. Camb. i. 12 (vol. vi. p. 92), and proves by a sorites " ut Kambrue totius locus sit hie amcenissimus." "Pembroehia " here appears as part of Demetia. 2 3

4 Sir Rhys ap Thomas, the hero of Carew (Caerau) in Henry the Seventh's time, is chiefly of local fame. But his name has made its way into general history. See Hall's Chronicle, p. 410, and several other places.

WARS OF SCOTLAND, NORTHUMBERLAND, A N D WALES. '•hap.

v. gave its

to a town, a shire, a n d a long line of

name

earls, a n d in our o w n time t o a great w o r k s h o p of t h e Pembroke

n a v a l s t r e n g t h of the l a n d .

Pea

bro,

t h e head of t h e

sealand,' jm-\v into Pembroke, ' w i t h its v a s t castle liainffO o on a peninsula above t w o a r m s of t h e i n l a n d s e a — w i t h its stately h a l l looking d o w n on t h e w a t e r s — w i t h t h e deep cave underneath its Avails, witli t h e huge mass of t h e r o u n d tower

w i t h t h e one hill-side covered b y t h e houses

a n d c h u r c h ^ of t h e town, t h e other crowned b y t h e long line Pembroke-

in««?

U1

t h e priory

of M o n k t o n , w i t h its

square tower a n d its n o w roofless choir.

stern

T h e character

of m i l i t a r y - t r e n g t h a n d simplicity, which is s t a m p e d in a lesser

measure

on t h e churches a n d houses of

Glamorgan, comes out in all its fulness in t h e churches a n d houses uf Pembrokeshire.

Of all this t h e d a y s of

which Ave at'": s p e a k i n g saw t h e beginnings, b u t Tii« outfle t h e begun 'oy

betfinniir's. °

On

the

tongue °

of

land

between

only the

Arnulf of t w o creeks ¡1 fortress w a s raised b y A r n u l f of Mont^ii'omerv.-

ai'.ueiy.

son of Roffer a n d Mabel, a m a n of w h o m w e cr

h a v e already

h e a r d a n d shall hear again.

But

his

defences Ave re as y e t small a n d feeble as compared w i t h w h a t w a s to follow; t h e first castle of P e m b r o k e w a s second building

of

a mere e a r t h w o r k w i t h a palisade. 1

. Arnulf

placed h^i s,

Gerald of w o r k under tne care ot a v a l i a n t k n i g h t n a m e d Gerald \\ iui. 0 f 'Windfior. w ho a f t e r w a r d s w a s t h e beginner of a castle 1IOJ. o 1 I t . C a m b . i . t . . ij vi p iv/ "ProvinciaPembrochiensis principalemiinioi[>iinn, Li i' iu-. j1 iii'" . inci,ij Demeticge caput, in saxosa quadam et oblonga rupis eminentia - i' um, lingua marina de Milverdico portu prosiliens in capite bifurco complectitur. U n d e ct Penibrochia caput maritima' sonat. P r i m u s hoc castruni Ainnlfu.s do Mungumeri, sub Angloruin rege Henrico primo, ex virgis et cespiU.-. tenne satis et exile construxit." The date is of course wrong, as the > a-l!• of Pembroke appeals both in the Aimales Oambriie and in t h e Puxt in 1094, and as Giraldus himself describes the ensde as in being seen after the death of Rhys ap Tewdwr. H e perhaps confounds A r n u l f s first rude work with the stronger castle built by Gerald on the same yit. in 1105. This, according to the B r u t , w a s fortified with a ditch and \va : ami a. gateway with a lock on it.

PEMBROKE

97

CASTLE.

of greater strength on the same spot. 1

In after times

CHAP. V.

he married a wife of the noblest British blood, yet His wife Nest.

another Nest, the daughter of Rhys son of Tewdwr, and grandchild through her mother of that Rhiwallon who had received a kingdom at the hands of Harold. 2

Before

her marriage she was the mother of one of the sons of King Henry, though assuredly not of the great Earl of Gloucester. 3

In later days, through another marriage,

she became the grandmother of Giraldus Cambrensis. The course of events in North Wales during these years is less easy to mark with exact dates.

But it

is plain that the death of Robert of Rhuddlan had been only a momentary triumph for the Cymry, and that it had not given any real check to the Norman power. Earl Hugh of Chester, strong on the border of the H^h of continental Britons, still held a hand no less firm on A^nhgelset es re y111. their island kinsfolk.

He even pressed on into Anglesey,

Castle

of

and there built a castle, most likely at Aberlleiniog on the eastern coast of the island, a spot of which we shall have to speak again more fully in recording a memorable day later in our story.

iLarl Roger meanwhile, from Advance

his capital at Shrewsbury and his strong outpost at his ^ g ^ i n new British Montgomery, 4 pushed on his dominion into Powys.

Pow ys-

The K i n g at least approved, if he did not at this

stage help in the w o r k ; the castle of Khyd-y-gors was

Castle of

built at the royal order by William son of Baldwin. 5

^oll^'

1

Giraldus describes his namesake, the husband of his grandmother, as

" vir probus prudensque,

Giraldus

de Windesora, constabularius

[Arnulfi] et primipilus." 3

2

suus

See N . C. vol. ii. p. 482.

I h a v e discussed this matter at length in A p p e n d i x B B , (p. 8 5 1 ) of

the fifth volume of the N o r m a n Conquest.

M U s Williams (History

Wales, p. 209), like Sir Francis P a l g r a v e , knows more about N e s t I can find in any book.

of

than

B u t the tale in the B r u t of her being carried

off by Owen in i r o 6 (see N . C. vol. v. p. 210) is very graphic. 4

See N . C. vol. iv. p. 501.

5

So says the B r u t , 1094 (1096).

I s this W i l l i a m the son of that B a l d -

win from w h o m M o n t g o m e r y took its W e l s h name ? VOL. II.

H

98 CHAP.

W A R S OF SCOTLAND, N O R T H U M B E R L A N D ,

v.

AND

WALES.

The conquest of W a l e s w a s thus, to all appearance,

Seeming

nearly

Wales.

w i t h their old w o r k in the north, while in the

conquest of

^

complete. 1

The t w o great earls were going on °

b

the tide ot' conquest w a s advancing w i t h as it had never

advanced

before.

o

south

such speed

I n the

south-east

G w e n t and M o r g a m v g seemed to be firmly held, w h i l e in the south-west the torrent of N o r m a n invasion had rushed b y a single burst from the hill of B r e c k n o c k to the furthI.-,st coast of D y f e d .

In the south at least

the only independent region left w a s that w h i c h lies between the conquest id' A r n u l f

of Robert

Fitz-hamon

Gower ami

conquest

then un-

caves. its s,mds. its long ridge, where the name of A r t h u r

subdued.

}ias

made

of Montgomery.

and the

Gower, w i t h its

-qioil of a monument of unrecorded

times—•

w i t h its W'urm's H e a d looking out in defiance at the conquered land beyond the b a y — t h e whole range too of coast w i t h its sandy estuaries, from the moutli

by

L l w c h r to the mouth b y L a u g l i a r n e — K i d w e l l y also, not y e t crowned by the gem of South-Welsh castles — C a e r marthen and the whole vale of T o w y — w e r e still unsubdued.

< 'therwise the Britons might truly say w i t h

their chronicler that on the death of R h y s their k i n g d o m passed a w a y from them.

So things slept while A n s e l m

1093-1094. received his archbishopric, while Malcolm pressed on to die at A l n w i c k , while K i n g W i l l i a m w a s k e p t bj- the Effects of

winds at Hastings.

B u t w h e n the k i n g w a s

beyond

absence"8 the sea, when lie and the great men of E n g l a n d were busy w i t h Robert and

N o r m a n a f f a i r s — w h e n A r g e n t a n bowed to Philip and when the brother

of the con-

queror of Pembroke w a s a p r i s o n e r 1 — w h e n the great Earl, the father of both of them, had died w i t h the cowl on his head at S h r e w s b u r y — then the Britons deemed that the leair of deliverance w a s come. 1

See vol. i. p. 464.

The English

REVOLT

OF

99

CADWGAN.

Chronicler, though he does not at this stage help us to

CHAP. V.

the names of British men or of British places, paints the general picture in Welshmen

his strongest

gathered themselves

colours;

" The 1094. on

the

French t h a t were in W a l e s or the nighest parts

together, and

and

had ere t a k e n a w a y their lands, t h e y upheaved Avar, and castles t h e y broke and men t h e y offslew, and their host w a x e d , t h e y todealed

as

themselves into more.

W i t h some of those deals fought H u g h E a r l of Shropshire and put them to

flight.

A n d none the less the

others all this year never left off from none evil that t h e y might d o . " 1 I n this version the N o r m a n stands clearly forth.

or English

champion

W e see that E a r l H u g h had sharp

w o r k upon his hands from the moment that he stepped into his father's earldom.

The British writers g i v e us a

clearer sight of the geographical extent of the movement, and they help us to the name of its chief leader.

This

Cadwgan

w a s C a d w g a n son of B l e d d y n , w h o m w e last heard of as Bieddyn. h a r r y i n g D y f e d , and w h o even n o w seems a t least as anxious to m a k e D y f e d a land subject to G w y n e d d as to drive Normans, English, or Flemings, out of either.

Thus

the Britons were, as ever, in the words of the Chronicler, todealed; parties.

t h e y were

local and

divided into

dynastic

Y e t , as he puts it, even this division, if it

did not give strength, at least delayed subjection.

If

E a r l H u g h or a n y other leader of a regular force w a s able to overthrow one deal, another deal w a s r e a d y a l l the same to do as much evil as before. 1

Chron Petrib.

gegaderodon, wrcron

and

castelas

1094.

and lii ¿ r

lii

afiymde.

A c

j/isum pj

belandedon, gewinn

abrrccon, and

o n 111a t o d a d d o n .

geswicon

' ' !';> : o n

v.i > ' ]>a F r i - n c i s c e

WiS jieah

hi don

men

ylcau

on

genre

Walon

)>a W y l i s c e

o'55e

lip a h o f o n , a n d

ofsli g o n , a n d

B u t it w a s in

sylYfian lieora

on

]>an-e

manige

men

festena

g e f y l c e weox, hi

s n m f o j r a diele g e f e a h t H n g o eorl of S c r o b s c i r e , hweiSer

Jia o ^ r e

million." H

2

ealles

Jiyes g e a r e s

nanes

lii

neawiste

yfeles

and M and ne

Divisions Welsh.

100

W A R S OF S C O T L A N D ,

CIIAP. V. General revolt of Wales.

NORTHUMBERLAND,

AND

WALES,

Gwynedd and under Cadwgan that the work began. The Britons could not bear the yoke of the French; they rose, the}' broke down the castles, and, as men commonly do in such cases, they did by the invaders as the invaders had done by them.

I t is not very

wonderful if. in their hour of victory, they revenged the reavings and slaughters done on them by the French with new ivavings and slaughters done on the French themselves. 1

And. as our Chronicler hints, it was not

only on th< French within Wales, but on those also in the nighest parts that they rose.

By this time the whole

land had risen; South-Welsh and West-Welsh — that is now no longer the men of the peninsula of Cornwall, but Invasion England.

the men of the peninsula of Dyfed—were in arms no less of than the iih'ii of Gwynedd. Gruiiydd and Cadwgan burst .

.

?

L

into the neighbouring shires, Cheshire, Shropshire, and Herefordshire; they burned towns, carried off plunder, and slew Frenchmen and Englishmen alike. 2 The Saxon, 1

B r u t y T\wysogiun,

1092

(1094^.

T h e translation r u n s ;

"Whilst

W i l l i a m remain« d in Normandy, the B r i t o n s resisted the domination of the F r e n c h , not bring able to boar their cruelty, and demolished their castles in : Gwynedd, and >t> rnJul tin ir depredations and slaughters anions t h e m . " T h e

L a t i n annalist -ays only; ' ' B r i t a n n i j u g u m Francorum respuerunt. doeiain, Ceivti hih et i J c m c t i a n i ab iis et eorum c;1 steilis

Wene-

eiuioidaucrioit.''

B o t h these vvj u t s have oddly mistaken the state of tilings in N o r m a n d y . One manusci i^i of the Annales says t h a t William went into Normandy, and that the revol' happened, ''' ibi morante et fratrem suum e x p u g n a n t o , " while the Brut says hwe wildly that " ' K i n g W i l l i a m B u f u s ^(iwilim Gocli], who first by a most

i - u s war prevailed over the Saxons, went to Normandy to

keep and defend the kingdom [ t e y r n a s j of Hubert his brother, who had gone to .Jerusa!em

ka-rcesalemj to light against the Saracens and other barbarous

nations and t ' S m h - W a l a n i . servituris jugo, quo diu prem. bantur, excusso, et ctiivice

ei > la, l i b u t a t e n i

sibi

vindicarc laborabant.

Unde

collecta

multitudine, a Wylisce men on Wealon snmne castel heafilon tobroken M untgnmni hatte, and Hugon eorles men ofslagene, ]>e2 hiue healdon see dJan." Chron. Petrib. ib. " l i e for'S o"Sre fyrde hot fcavlice abannan."

* lb- " And refter See Miehaeles maisse into Wealan ferde, and his fyrde toscyfte, and Jiat land eall Jmrhfor, sua Jjet seo fyrde eall tog;edere com to Ealra Halgena to Snawdune. A c )>a Wylisce a toforan into mnntan and moran ferdan, J>;et lieom man to cuman ne niihte." On the use of the

word muutax see 4

C. vol. v. p. 517.

Ib. " A n d se cyng }>a haimveard gewende, for]>am lie geseah Jjtet he pier }>es wintres mare don nc mihte." 5 Ann. Carnb. 1095. " Mediante autumno rex Anglorum Williehnus contra Britones movit exercitum, quibas Deo tutatis, vacuus ad sua rediit."

ill-success of t h e

.

campaign,

106 CHAP.

W A R S OF S C O T L A N D , N O R T H U M B E R L A N D ,

v.

I09y tk-ir own account, to have made the war a religious o u r ; perhaps, like the Irish king, they deemed t h a t higher powers would fight for them against The King ili-suecess

: blasphemer.

the

Strengthened b y prayers, fastings, and other

pious exerci-rs, the Welsh took to their woods and rocks and mountains, and rode

while the Red

King's

h* st

marched

booties,sly through the valleys and

plains. 1

" Mickle he S.ist in men and in horses, and eke in m a n y other thing*.

;i

This state of things went on from mid-

summer to August. 1 '

Then the K i n g came back to hold

two a s s e m b l e s at unusual times, in the second of which he and Ans' !m met for the last time. 4

And now it was

that he took that wise resolution which I have quoted H e determines to builil castles. October, 1097.

above.' 1

As invasions by mounted knights led to nothing

but losing U.fh the knights and their horses ho would build c a s t l e ,,n (he borders.

This Harold who k n e w so

much better : ban William Ilufus how to c a n y o n a Welsh campaign, !n. i not done.

B u t then the objects of Harold

and the objivts of William Rufus were not the same. W e shoul., have been well pleased to know w h a t was the immediiue result of the resolve for the building of 1

Tlie P r u t h 1 - waxes so spirited tlnit one is sorry not to have a b e t t e r

knowledge of th- original. home empty, \vi

" T h e F r e n c h dared not penetrate the rocks and

\ere-l about the level plain-.

the woods, but i

A t length they returned

H,ut having gained a n y t h i n g ; and the Briton-*, happy and

unintkmdated, ^

nded their c o u n t r y . "

H i e Annals say, "' W i l l - l n r : s r e x

A Li j ]i.'j seeundo u Lritones excitatur, eorum omnium minans excidium ; Britones

vero per prieconem omnibus impoaito, et vadiis utrorumque a judice in certn.iinis locum projectis, at Deus, secretorum cognitor, hujus causte veritatei; ostenderet, proclamante, postremo res armis, et causa superno judici e.nimittitur.''

STOEY

OP

Homeric minuteness.

GODWIXE

AND

117

OEDGAE.

Ordgar at last, sorely wounded, is

CHAP.

V.

pressed to the «-round, with the foot of the victorious God- J10*01? of ^

wi ne upon

him. 1

,

^

Godwine,

A s a last resource, he strives, but in and ac-

vain, to stab Godwine with a knife which, in breach of his Eadgar.°f oath, he had treacherously hidden in his boot.2

Godwine

snatches the knife from him; Ordgar confesses the falsehood of his charge, and presently dies of his wounds. 3 Godwine now becomes an object of universal honour, and receives from the King the lands of the slain Ordgar, while Eadgar rises higher than ever in the King's favour. I see no reason to doubt the main outline of this

Estimate

story, which rests on the evidence of undesigned co- st.)IT, incidences.

Men of no special renown, about whom

there was no temptation to invent fables, are made to act in a w a y which exactly agrees with what we know from the surest of witnesses to have been their real position.

Without pledging ourselves to the details of

the combat, which have a slightly legendary sound, we may surely believe that we have here the record of a real wager of battle, like those which happened at no great distance of time in the cases of William of Eu and Arnulf of Hesdin.

We may surely believe that Eadgar

was wrongfully accused, and that Godwine cleared his lord in the duel. We see then that in the lied King's © day there was nothing to hinder men of Old-English 1

There is 110 need to go through all the details.

T h e strangest is when the

hilt of G>>dwine's sword breaks off; the blade drops ; he picks it up, but naturally cannot use it without c u t t i n g his

fingers.

I t is an odd coincidence

that his son drops his whole sword in his exploit at R a m a . 2

Fordun, v. 2 2. " A b s t r a c t o nam que cultro qui caliga latebat, ipsum per-

f l d o r e c o n a t u r ; cum ante initum congressum j u r a v e r i t se nihil nisi arma decuntia militem in hoc duello gestaturuni." M o x perjurii pomas persolvit. Cultro siquidem erepto, cum spes reum desereret, crimen protinus confiterur. A t t a m e n hcec confessio nihil ad vitam iili prot'uit elongandam, undiqiie vero, vulnere

succedente vulneri,

fWehitur.

et ma^nitudo

donee

aaimam

impiain

vi» doloris

per-

vulnenuu

I t s geneva I turth'

118

WAES OF SCOTLAND, NORTHUMBERLAND, AND WALES.

C H A P . V . birth, e x c e p t i o n a l l y l u c k y m e n doubtless, from h o l d i n g Englishan honourable r a n k ami a h i g h place in r o y a l f a v o u r . men under B u t w e learn also, as w e m i g h t e x p e c t to iind. t h a t such Rufus.

E n g l i s h m e n found t h a t it suited their purposes to adopt Robert son of Godwine.

N o r m a n fashions.

O f G o d w i n e w e hear no m o r e ; b u t

his son, as I h a v e noticed elsewhere, bears, according to a v e r y common rule, the N o r m a n n a m e of Robert. 1

Had

w e chanced to hear of h i m w i t h o u t h e a r i n g the n a m e of his father, w e m i g h t not h a v e k n o w n t h a t the hero a n d m a r t y r w a s a man of our o w n blood. The Eadgars march to Scotland. September,

W e n o w follow the i E t h e l i n g to a w a r f a r e in w h i c h R o b e r t the son of G o d w i n e is his companion. out about M i c h a e l m a s

1097.

s a k e 011 the Scottish throne.

T h e comet.

and way."

a

shower

of

E a d g a r set

to place his n e p h e w a n d n a m e -

falling

H e had a bright

stars

to

comet

light him

on

his

B u t 1 loiiald w a s h a r d l y of importance e n o u g h for

the h e a v e n l y

p o w e r s to foretell liis f a l l ;

a n d departure

the

shining

of the comet w a s rather understood to

m a r k the a p p r o a c h i n g d a y w h e n A n s e l m , the l i g h t uf E n g l a n d , turned a w a y ness behind

him. 3

from

our land and

T h e force of

left

dark-

the ¿Etheling

seems

to h a v e been of m u c h the same k i n d as the force w h i c h Ste N. C. ivi v. pp. 561, S93. Chron. Petri!'. 1097. " Da uppon See Miehaeles msessan iiii. noil Octobre, aitvwde s.:I>• steorra, on a;fen scynende, and sona to setle gangende. He \v;es geseweu buSweast, and se leoma pe him ofstod wies swi'Se lang gejjuht, suffeast -I'inende. and forneah ealle J>a wucan on Jias wisan retywde. maili^e men !t : L hit cometa w;ere." Here the comet shines very brightly, but i' ,-hines alone. William of Malmesbury (iv. 328) adds; •• apparnernnt • ali:e stelLe quasi jaeula inter se rinit.unN'S.'' (We had shooting stars v,. wars before; see p. 41.) Florence adds yet anotht-i portent; "Xoim»IIJ signum mirabile et quasi ardens, in inodutn crucis, m tempore se vidis< in celo affh'inabant." s Both the Chmiifclcr and Florence mark that the departure of Anselm soon followed t,] appiaranee in the heavens; but it is William of Malmesbury who is mu-i emphatic; " file i\i it annus quo Anselmus lux Anglia\ altro tenebra- c^rie ••rum effugiens, Romam ivit." 1

2

SCOTTISH

CAMPAIGN

OF

THE

TWO

EADGARS.

Duncan had led on the same errand three years before,

CUAK

V.

He went with the King's approval and support, but certainly

-without the King's

personal help, perhaps

without any part of the royal army. 1

That army, as

we have lately seen, was just then coming together for another errand. 2 The host then marched northward.

On the way, we

Vision

are told, the younger Eadgar was honoured by a vision of Saint Cuthberht, who bade him take his banner from

Ead s ar -

the abbey at Durham—the abbey now without a bishop— and he should have victory in the battle. 3

The banner

was borne before the a r m y ; the fight in which it was unfurled was long and hard; but the valour of the men who fought under its folds was not to be withstood. Without binding ourselves to details which may well Exploits ..£ be legendary, we may believe that Robert son of Godwine »,n was foremost in the fight, and that the victory in which

&CKlwine -

Donald was the second time overthrown was largely owing to his personal prowess. 4

Little mercy was shown

to the vanquished; Donald spent the rest of his days blinded and a

prisoner; 5

his confederate Eadmund lived

1 So I ¡should understand the words of the Chronicle, " ferde Eadgar Heeling mid fyrdes ]jurh ]u s cynge fultum into Scotlande." B u t Florence says that the K i n g " clitonem Eadgarum ad Scottiam cum exercitu misit." Fordun (v. 5) makes him go, " collectis undique ingentibus amicorum copiis, auxilioque Willelmi regis vallatus." 2 See above, p. 1T1. 3 Fordun tells this tale (v. 25) ; the younger Eadgar tells the vision to the elder, who acts accordingly. 4 W e have surely passed, the bounds of history when Robert, accompanied by two other knights, charges the enemy, slays the foremost ( " fortissim 1 qui ante aciem quasi defensores stabant"), puts Donald and the rest to flight, " e t sic incruentam victoriam, Deo propitio, meritis sancti Cuthberti feliciter obtinuit." The Chronicler says that Eadgar " Jet land mid stranglicum feohte gewann." 5 Fordun, v. 26. " A b ipso quidem ipse Donaldus captus est et csecatus, ac carceri perpetuo dainnatur." " I p s o " is the younger E a d g a r ; this treat, roent of Donald would have been more pardonable in the elder. See move in Robertson, i. 159.

Defeat

¿ !i ' k1 t>ona1'1-

WARS OF SCOTLAND, NORTHUMBERLAND, AND WALES. • SAP.-»,

to become s o m e w h a t of a saint.

F-uimun'l•

H e put on the g a r b

C l u g n y in the p r i o r y of Montacute. at the f o o t of that

lie become« hill M."'tn^irtr M o i

'

of

Saint

tain

nov-

Michael

where

the castle

c o v e r e d the spot w h i c h

f i n d i n g of England's d i d n o t aris

H o l y Cross.'

t i l l some y e a r s

of R o b e r t

had

But

behold

of the

as that house

later, at the b i d d i n g of

f o u n t Willuiin the son of Robert,- w e m a y g a t h e r

that

Eadniunil sj>. lit the intermediate time in some harsher captivity.

\\ lien he died., lie w a s buried, at his

own

request, in ch:iin< a « a sign of penitence f o r his share in. his ball-brother's death. '' Kadgar

The. younu'-r

Eadgar

n o w reigned

o v e r Scotland England. 4

as

scots.

the sworn li.'u'i'man of K i n g W i l l i a m of

«.•Suiracter

elder E a d g a r w e n t back to England, to end there a y e a r

The

•oqH* ~' U " of h e a v y t i n » ' a y e a r of e v i l w e a t h e r , a y e a r in w h i c h men eoedd »»••ither till the earth nor gather in its tilth, and when tie- lo'.k w a s u t t e r l y b o w e d d o w n b y unrighteous gelds."'

His

valiant comrade abode for a -while in the

dominions «•!' t b " Scottish K i n g .

Eadgar was

grateful

to a l l w h o hod helped him in h e a v e n or in earth.

The

battle had 1-a-n won b y Saint C u t h b e r h t and R o b e r t son 1

See R o b e i : -

¡o i. 179. a n d X . C . vol. i, p .

|i. 4 3 1 ; v o l . i v . 2

v o l . ii. p . 4 4 9 ; vol, iii.

! 70.

S e e M o u . A n g l . v. 1 6 3 , 1 6 ; . W i l l . M a l l : ., v. 4 0 0 .

i n g e n u e po?nitui: ; et a d n i a n d a v i t , pic• i-

" I np ; s

inort. u

vol

perpetuis

eoinpedibus

v e n i e n s , e u m ipsis v i u c u l i s se

. se p l e x m n m e r i t o p r o f r a t r i c i d i i d e l i c t o . "

fleteutu^, tmnulari

Cf. t l i e b u r i a l

of G r i m b a l d in N . e . \ ( >I. ii. p. 2 7 3 . * Chron. IV. 1 \

1097.

);one epig

" E a d g a r a^ieling . . . .

Dufenal

a d r a f d e , a n d l i b m a g E a d g a r , s e \va.'s M e l e o l n i e s .snnu cynge.s a n d

ut

.Mar-

g a r i t e j i a r e c w e ' n u , lie p e r OIL p ' x CIJIKJI:* IVl/hluif* h- id":* t o o b l i g e s e t t ' . . ' " I d o n o t find thRobertson.

Ti.

w o r d s i n I t a l i c s r e p r e s e n t e d e i t h e r b y F o r d u n o r b y -Mr. ai'e n o t f o r g o t t e n b y S i r b . P a l g r a v e , E n g i i s l i

Common-

w e a l t h , ii. ccex x \ ". 5

for."

T h e C h r o n i c i -r t o l l s u s t h a t E a d g a r " sy|>]>an o n g e a n i n t o And

England;

be "Db

bad

just

\va j s

on

before drawn eallou

fungan

a vivid

picture

of

the

Engleland state

s w i cV h e f i g t y i i i e g e a r , a n d

geswincfull on

: u g e \ v e d e r a n , Jia m a n n g i w s her the name of Sibyl.

"William of M a l m e s b u r y ,

v . 400, gives an -< Id account of h e r ; " A l e x a n d r u m suecessorem H e n r i c u s aflinitate detiinai. data ei in eonjugium iilia. notha ; de qua ille viva nec soboletu, quod :

: \ tulit nec ante se m o r t u a m multum suspiravit; de-

fuerat enim f g a n t i a . " I cannot iind her in t h e list of Henry'a daughters in W i l l . Gem. via

29.

1

Sec N . C . v. . lv. p. 602 ; vol. v. p. 209.

c

See N . 0 . v ' v, pp. 237, 23S.

7

r'

S e e Robertson, i. 1 7 2 .

See Robertson, i. 123 et seqq.

ALEXANDER

AND

DAVID.

12.5

worked strongly towards the more general object of i.u;\ v, bringing (Scotland into the common circle of western Christendom.

The succession of David reunited the

Effect«

Scottish dominions, and his vigorous rule of twenty-nine reifiioi years brought to perfection all that his parents had begun, j-^' 1 That famous prince was bound to England by every tie of descent, habit, and affinity. Brother of her Queen, uncle of His Either Imperial Lady, 1 David was an English earl in a stricter sense than any king of Scots who had gone before him. He was not only Earl of Lothian, which was becoming fast Ms earlincorporated with Scotland—or more truly was fast incorporating Scotland with i t s e l f - n o r yet only of Northumberland and Cumberland, with which the same process might easily have been carried out.- He was Earl also of distant and isolated Huntingdon, an earldom which could not be held except on the same terms as its fellows of Leicester or Warwick.

Under David, the great reformer,

the great civilizer, but at the same time the king who

English

Scot-11

made the earlier life of Scotland a thing of the past, all i a m l " that was English, all that was Norman, was welcomed in the land which was now truly a northern England.

IfHismva-

David. like his father, appeared as an invader of England, England if, in so doing, he made England feel that he had subjects who were still far from being either English or Norman, 3 he did so only as a benevolent mediator in the affairs of England, as the champion of the claims of one of his nieces against the claims of the other.

With the three sons of

The Scot-

Malcolm and Margaret begins the line of those whom we of the"1'" may call the second series of Scottish kings, those who ^

°

'

still came in the direct line of old Scottish royalty, but under whom Scotland was a disciple of England, and on the whole friendly to England.

They stand distinguished

alike from the purely Celtic kings who went before them, 1

See N". C. vol. v. p. 305.

2 3

l b . p. 267.

l b . pp. 260-263.

sec.01"1

series.

12G CHAP.

The

W A R S OF S C O T L A N D , N O R T H U M B E R L A N D , A N D W A L E S ,

v. and from the kings, Norman or English as we m a y choose to call thorn by natural descent, who were politically more hostile to England t h a n the old Malcolms and Kenneths. Hadgar and Alexander died childless; the later kings were all of the stock of David. Of t h a t

Kn^lish

stock—ami thereby of the stock of Waltheof and Sir Norall< dldateTfor ^ tlu'ir forefathers of whatever species—came the Scottish that motley group who in after days wrangled for David's crown. Bruce. Balliol, Hastings, Comyn, all came by female descem of the line of David and Matilda. I n every other aspect all of them were simply English nobles of the time, i t is an odd destiny by which, according as they s u p p o r t oil or withstood the rights of their own prince over the kingdom which they claimed, some of them have won the name of Scottish traitors and others the name of Scottish patriots. § 5.

The Expedition

of Magnus.

1098.

The event - of the year which followed the last revolution in Scotland amount to a general stirring of all the Their wide lands which could in ordinary times have any influence "al°raii"e! on the atiaits of England. We shall see in the next chapter that it was the busiest of times in the Gaulish mainland, W s Ui'O the designs of Ruf'us. now undisputed master of Normandy, spread far beyond anything that had been dreamed of by any earlier holder of the Norman duchy. For warfare or for alliance, the range of our story during this most stirring year stretches from the fiords ot Norway to the gorges of the Pyrenees. In the present -ection we have to look to the northern side of this t a n g l o d drama, and to t a k e the specially British aspect of it ¡is our centre. A mighty undertaking, which moved the whole of north-western Europe, which touched England. Sc> tland, Ireland, Wales, and the smaller islands which lie In 1. ween and around them, conies home to us K vents of the veiir 1098.

EVENTS

OF

TBE

YEAE

I098.

127

mainly as it touches tliat one among those islands which might almost pass for a part of the mainland of southern Britain. The great warfare of Magnus of Norway mainly concerns our story so far as it almost casually became a •> •>

CHAP. V .

M a g n u s of Anglesey

part of warfare in Wales, and specially of warfare in the centre Anglesey. And, as regards England itself, the most story, important aspect of a movement which stirred every northern land was that it indirectly lifted one man who was already great beyond endurance in Normandy and its border lands into a place of greatness even less ondurable in England and its border lands. We have to The E a r k tell a tale spreading over many lands and seas, a tale full bury!1*™"5 of personal pictures and personal exploits. To Englishmen of the last years of the eleventh century and the first years of the twelfth, its most practical aspect was that it took away Earl Hugh of Shrewsbury and set his brother Robert in his place. We must now look back to the moment, late in the T h e winter last year, when the Welsh seemed to have completely ° f won back their freedom, except in Glamorgan and at the single point covered by the unconquered fortress of Pembroke. 1 It is startling to find in our next notice that the Britons, without any mention of anv fresh loss, are beginning to stand on the defensive, and to seek out as it were a last shelter. The war is now shifted The war of to a quarter of which we have hitherto heard loss f ^ f f 8 6 " ' than of some other parts of Wales, and it becomes connected with movements in other parts of the world which carry us back a generation. The island off the north-west corner of Wales, that Mona or Mevania to which half-forgotten English conquests had given the name of Anglesey,2 became now, as in the days of 1

See above, p. 109.

2

E a d w i n e , as B;eda witnesses (ii. 5), held the two Mevanice.

But

Mona

appears as Welsh whenever the island is spoken of in either British or E n g l i s h Chronicles.

Nennius (or the writer who goes by that name) has a

WARS

128

CHAP.

OF S C O T L A N D ,

NORTHUMBERLAND,

AND

WALE*.

v. Roman invasion, the chief—at the time it may have seemed the last—stronghold of British resistance.

The

island, parted from tlie British mainland by the narrow s t r a i t - t h e Hellespont—of Menai, lying within sight of the fortress of Robert of Rhuddlan at D w y g a m v y , seems for the last four years to have been left untouched by Schemes of any Norma) i invader. and Graffydd'

But now we read that the princes

of Gwvnedd. ('adwgan son of Bleddyn, their worthiest elder, and Gruffydd the

slayer of Robert, with the

general assent of the Britons of the north, agree in council, as one of their own chroniclers puts it, to save Mona. 1

Tliis form of words seems to imply less trust in

their own resources than we might have looked for in the elders of the Britons after their late successes.

If

Mona needed to be saved, one would think that they must already

have found that there was little real

chance of saving Gwynedd or Dyfed.

And the w a y by

which they -ought to save Mona was hardly a wise one. though it w;. : one which might have been defended by Hie W e l s h manv

prein dents.

Just

as

Gruffydd had done ten

wikini's

years before they took into their pay a fleet of pirates

from

from Ireland

wikinsis doubtless from the Scandinavian

Ireland into pav.

1

settlements, whom one Welsh writer, perhaps more from habit than as meaning his words to be taken in their full force,

sj l e a k s

of as heathens.-

With these allies,

and with tie- main body of their own forces, the British leaders withdrew into Anglesey. h e a d i n g ( M o n . J list. JJrit. 52 D ) of " M o n i a insula quae A n g l i c e v o c a t u r , id est. iusula A n g l o r u m . " y e a r 1000. 1

Englesei

I n our C h r o n i c l e s it is J\Ion-i(je in the

O u r present story '^1098) h a p p e n s " i u n a n A n g l e s e g e . "

I «ret this phrase f r o m the elder B r u t , b u t I follow t h e order of e v e n t s

in the A n n a l e s 1 ambria-, 109S.

••• •' rex Xoricorum Magnos cum Harolilo filio Haroldi regis quondam Angü v. Oreada« ínsulas et Mevauias, et si quie alia; in océano jaccnt, annis -ebegit."

HAROLD

SOS" OF

HAROLD.

Whence he came, whither he went, before and after that one voyage to the shores of Britain, we know not. Grandson of Godwine, grandson of iElfgar, begotten, but not born, to the kingship of England, the child of the widow did not see the light in the City of the Legions till his father had found his cairn upon the rocks of Hastings, perhaps his tomb before the altar at Waltham. What friendly hand saved him, when his brother came into the Conqueror's power, we know not, any more than we know the later fortunes of his mother. But now the younger Harold came, the guest of one whose grandfather had felt the might, as his father had felt the mildheartedness, of the elder Harold.1 His voyage brought him not near to either the most glorious or the most mournful memories of his father. The fleet of Magnus kept aloof alike from the shores of Yorkshire and from the shores of Sussex. But the younger Harold came to look for a moment on the land where his mother had dwelled as a queen, and which his father had filled with the trophies of his conquest.2 He came to see the British shores lined with English warriors, but to see them under the rule of the Norman leaders who had divided between them so great a part of the earldom of his mother's house, and the elder of whom reigned as all but a king in the city of his own birth. Son and nephew of the three who died on Senlac, he saw from the Norwegian ship the fall of the son of the man who led the charge which first broke down the English palisade upon that hill of doom.3 And then, his name once spoken, he passes away into utter darkness. Of Ulf, the knight of the Norman duke, 1

See N . C. vol. iii. p. 326. l b . vol. ii. p. 4 8 1 . :1 l b . vol. iii. pp. 476, 487. Roger of Montgomery was in command of the French contingent, though it is the personal exploits of Robert of Meulan which are specially spoken of. 3

135 CHAP. V.

WARS OF SCOTLAND, XORTHUMBEBLAXD, AND WALES,

13G CHAP.

v. of Harold the comrade of the Norwegian king, -we ha vino tale to tell save that they were such.

Magnus'

One version of our tale speaks of Ireland as the main

Ireland011 object of the expedition of Magnus, as it certainly was His alleged the object of his last expedition some years later. riage.mJr

He

had it is said, married the daughter of an Irish king, but his father- in-law had failed to carry out the marriage-

Irishmar- contract.'

There is nothing of this in the Norwegian

son Sigurd! a c c o u n t , v h i e l i s p e a k s o n l y of a l a t e r m a r r i a g e b e t w e e n Sigurd sou of Magnus and a daughter of K i n g Murtagh B u t it seems clear from a comparison of the

various

accounts that Magnus did, at some stage of the present voyage, make an attack on Ireland: it seems reasonable H i s voyage

therefore t»> suppose that Irish enterprise formed part of }iis s c h e m e f r o m the beginning. 3 Our own narrative is

among tlie more cone- rami with his course along the shores 01 our elands. own islam i in winch however he seems to have barely touched Britain itself, in either its Scottish or its English regions.

His exploits lay among the smaller islands of

the British seas, most of which had at that moment more to do with Ireland than w i t h either England or Scotland. It is not easy to c-all up from among many conflicting statements an i*xact picture of the state of things at the Dominion Cronan."

time.

In the interval between the expedition of Harold

Hardrada and the expedition of his grandson, Godred the son of Ifavoid, surnamed Cronan, he whom we have

1075-1091. heard of at Stamfordbridge, 4 had raised up a considerable dominion of which Man -was the centre. ¡078.

He ruled

over Dublin and the greater part of Leinster. and over 1

Ord. T i t .

1).

"Hie

filiam

regis Iilandie uxorem duxerat.

i>etl

quia rex Irensi- paetiones quas feeerant non tenuerat, M a g n u s rex stemacliatus tiliam 2

i reaiiserat.

1

L a i n g , iii.

,

Helium igitur inter eos ortmn est."

'this is placed after the death of Earl IIug'h.

See A p p e n !1 \ T1.

•' i:;

J47, 373.

HISTORY

OF

GiODKED.

the Sudereys or Hebrides ; and, if the chronicle of hi» C H A P . V. own island may be believed, lie drove the Scots to a singular treaty, the object of which must have been to hinder Scotland from becoming a naval power. 1 We may guess that some of the piratical adventurers of whom we have heard once or twice in our Welsh notices, as for instance in the story of Robert of Rhuddlan and again in the tale which we have just told, were in truth subjects of Godred. But the dominion of Godred was one of those powers which seem as it were casually founded, and which seldom long outlive the reign of their founder. His Irish dominion did not last even so long as his own life. After seventeen years of possession he was driven Godred out of Dublin by Murtagh, and in the next year he died, llf'nubiin leaving three sons, Lagman. Harold, and Olaf, of whom I094Lagman succeeded to his island dominion. In the Manx version of the tale. Lagman, disturbed bv a rebellion of 1118 . .

^

.

L;iginan

his brother Harold, took a frightful revenge by inflict- and ing on him the usual cruel mutilations. Then, smitten " I0 " ' with remorse, he made the pilgrimage to Jerusalem and died there. 2 The chief men of the Sudereys. hearing of his death, asked King Murtagh for a ruler during the minority of Olaf. This would almost look as if Murtagh Donald had not only driven Godred out of Ireland, but had estab- Murtagh t ll i 1 lished some kind of supremacy ,' ' over Man itself. But the Sudereys. ruler sent, Donald by name, proved a tyrant, and was 1

Chron.

fabricaret sewre,"

Mtmnire, navem

vel

4.

" Scotos

scapham

vero

ausas

ita

M r . E . W . iioberfcou (i. 1 6 5 ) a d d s ;

the C h r o n i c l e ;

their e x a c t

meaning I

N e i t h e r do I , but M r . Robertson

perdomuit,

essefc plus quam "Such

ut

nullus

tres

qui

elavos in-

are the words of

do not p-etend

was more concerned

to

understand."

in the

matter

than 1 a m . 2

Chron. M a n . p. 4.

H i s repentance is thus described ; " Post hiec L a g -

ttiannus, pceuitens q u o d fratris sui oeulos eruisset, sporite r e g n u m s u u m dimisit, et signo crucis dominicse insignitus, iter J e r o s o l i m i t a n u m a r r i p u i t , quo et mortuus e s t . " of Godwine.

This is s i n g u l a r l y like the story of S w e g e n thy sou

W A E S Ol c h a p . v. IiigeiuuHcl sent hy Msgnus.

Civil w a r in Man.

SCOTLAND, NORTHUMBERLAND,

AND

WALES,

driven out.1 Then Ave are told that Magnus himself sent one Ingcmund to take the crown of the Isles, that the chief men came together in Lewis to make him king, but that his outrages on their wives and daughters made them change their purpose. Instead of crowning him, they buni. 'l him in his house, and slew all his followers with fire ami sword.- Directly after, Ave read of a civil war in tin i^le of Man itself, in which the leaders of both parties AY-•re killed.:i The Norwegian story tells us nothingO of all this ;" it conceives Godred as still liA-ing O at the time of the expedition of Manse without signs and wonders; but the 1

Chron. M.ni. 5.

" Omnes proceres insularum, audientes mortem L a g -

manni, misen: ; a legatos ad Mureeardum Obrien, regem Yberni;e, postulantes lit aliquem v i n ; m industrium de regali .stirpe in regem eis mitteret, donee Olavus fi li us » -itdredi crescerei."

M urtagli senda Donald with a great deal 11

of ííood advic:- ; but we read that.

postquam ad regnimi pervenit, parvi

pendens pra-c.pta domini sui, cum m a g n a tyrannide abusus est regno, et iimltis sceleri 1 . ; p e r p e t r a t i » , tribus amiis enormiter regnavit."

Then the

leaders c o n s p i i a n d drive him out. 2

See Appcn iix IE.

:t

Cliron. Miinnúe, 109S (p. 5),

" Eodem anno commissnm est prcelium

inter Mannen-os apud Santwat, et aquilonares victoriam obtinuerunt.

In

quo bellooceisi -uni Other eomes et Macmarus, principes ambarum p a r t i u m . " F r o m the nam-'s, this sounds like a w a r between Scandinavians and Celts. M a y we trans' .to " aquilonares'' by " N o r t h m e n , " or does it mean merectile northern p u t of the island? * See A p p l u l l ' s I L

MAGNUS

AND

SAINT

139

OLAF.

signs and wonders which marked the expedition

of

CHAP. V.

Magnus are of a different kind from those which marked the expedition of Harold Hardrada.

Or rather, one of

the two elements which we see in the tale of Harold had, in the thirty years which had passed, waxed strong enough to drive out the other.

In the days of Harold

the omens and visions still savour of the old times of »Scandinavian heathendom. Saint Olaf indeed appears in his character of a Christian martyr, to remind us that we are reading the deeds of baptized men; but the general tone is that of the worshippers of Thor and Odin. 1

But

the tale which is now told of Magnus is a mere piece of cvery-day mediaeval hagiology.

It reminds us of some

of the tales which are told of William the Great and of others. 2

Magnus, great-nephew of Saint Olaf, is seized

Legend

of

with an irreverent longing to test the truth of the boast ^¿fs'Unt that the body of his martyred kinsman had not seen corruption.

The body, first buried in a sandhill near

Nidaros or Trondhjem, was soon, like those of our own Harold and Waltheof, translated to a worthier place in the great church of Nidaros.

Its incorruption had been

already proved, and in their new place the holy remains wrought wonders of healing and deliverance. 3

But now,

heedless of the remonstrances of the bishop and his clergy, Magnus bade that the shrine should be opened, that he might see whether it was even as the tale went. He saw and believed; and he not only believed but trembled.

He rushed out of the church, smitten with

sudden fear.

In the night the martyr appeared to him

and gave him his choice of two forms of punishment.

He

must either lose his kingdom and his life within thirty 1 3

See 1ST. C. vol. iii. p. 344. See the story in Laing, ii. 347, 352.

2 l b . vol. iv. p. 520. iElfgifu of Northampton, who

was then in Norway with her son Swegen (see N . C. vol. i. p. 480), was naturally inclined to unbelief.

Olaf.

HO

WARS or M OTLAND, KORTHVMBEKLAJT'D, AND WALES.

I ' M , v. days, or el-

1

lie must set forth from Norway and never

His fleet, sec the land again.

Magnus gathered together his wise

m e n ; lie t"!. 341. 1 Laing, iii. ] ••„ 133. lb.; Jolmsl.'he, 231. " £n liaim setti eptir Sigurd eon sinll til hofdinyut vsir eyononi, oc -eck hdiinni ladoneyti." It is as well to have the exfwt \orsk titles of : lie goienor and his council.

VOYAGE

S k y e , Mull, and M a y .

OF

M . U . N ! >.

H i

B a t lie spared—tiie new

faitli

CHAP.

V.

. -''Cum applicuissec ad insulam sancti Patricii, venit \idere locum ] >' imi , quam Munuen^es paulo ante inter s< commiserant, quia adhuc mul'a corpora occisorum inluimata erant. Videns autein insulam piilcherrimara, placuit in pculis q u s , eamque sibi in habitation«*] elegit, m u n i t i o n ^ in ea eonstruxit, quie usque liodie ex ejus nomine nmicupautur." 2 Ord. Vit. 567 D. " A l i a s quoque Cyeladas, in magno m a n velut extia orbem positas, ju-rlustravit, et a pluribus populis inliabitari regio jussn coegit." 3 lb. "Maritiuiie vero plebes, qua? in Anglia. littus infiniti Ampliitritis incolebant in borrali climate, ut barbaricas gentes et incognitas naves viderunt ad se festinare, pr;e timore niimo vociferate sunt, et armati quique ,:< regione Merciorum convenerunt."

THE

FLEET

OFF

ANGLESEY.

obeyed the Bretwalda Eadwine, Magnus was already master of one; lie now drew near to the other.

We are

told that he sent a small part of his fleet, consisting of six

CHAI-. V.

He

approaches Anglesey,

ships, to some unnamed point of the more strictly English shore, bearing a red shield as a sign that their purposes were peaceful. 1

But the people of Britain of all races

Prepara-

seem to have put little faith in the peaceful purposes of resistance, the Northmen.

A vast host, French and English, pre-

sently caine together from all parts of the dominions of the two Mercian earls. The meeting-place is said to have been at D w y g a n w y on the peninsula opposite Anglesey, the scene of the fall of Robert of Rhuddlan, 2

But there

The fleet

can be no doubt that the scene of the tale which we Ueini,^.' have to tell lies on the opposite shore of Anglesey, and seemingly hard by the newly restored castle of Aberlleiniog.

Most likely the sea then came in further over

the low and marshy ground, and nearer to the castlemound, than it does now.

Both the earls were on the

spot; the younger Hugh of Shrewsbury had been the first to come, and he had had to wait some days for his allies. A t last the Norwegian ships were seen at sea near the coast, and the inhabitants were running to and fro for fear.

B y this time the forces of Hugh of Chester must

have come up; but it is Hugh of Shrewsbury, the younger and more active of the pair, wTho plays the chief part in the story. He mounted his horse, and rode backwards and forwards along the shore, bringing his followers together, lest the invaders should land and overcome them piecemeal. 3

In his zeal he rode so near to the water

" Old. Vit. 767 I>. "Quondam pririceps militiw Magni regis cum sex navibus in Angliarn cursuin direxit, sed rubeum scutum, quod signum pacis erat, super malum navis erexit." 2 lb. 76S A . " Maxima multitudo de comitatu Cestee et Scrobesburise congregata est, et in regione Dagannoth secus mare ad prcslium praparata est." 3

See Appendix II.

WATiS OF M n T L A N D , NORTHUMBERLAND, A N D WALES,

' iiAP. v, as to come within reach of t h e a d v a n c i n g tide a n d w i t h i n bow-shot of tUc N o r w e g i a n ships.

Two archer» on t h e

ship of King Magnus spied h i m out, a n d took aim.

His

b o d y w a s si. well guarded b y his coat of mail t h a t it was his fare only t h a t supplied a m a r k for t h e archers. Of these one was K i n g M a g n u s himself; t h e other w a s a w a r r i o r fn>hi 1 ialagoland. t h e m o s t northern p a r t of t h e strictly N o r w e g i a n shore.

T h e a r r o w shot by the King's

comrade struck a n d t u r n e d aside f r o m t h e nose-piece of the Earl's helmet.

T h e s h a f t sent b y t h e King's o w n

h a n d wviifc v.-t more t r u l y to its m a r k ; it pierced t h e eye H u& g h t h e Proud s a n k , a n d p n «thud amid t h e a d v a n c i n g waves. 1 H e died

of H u g h and w e n t t h r o u g©h his head.

b y a stroke like t h a t b y w h i c h t h e elder H a r o l d fell on S e n l a c ; and we could a l m o s t wish t h a t it h a d been t h e h a n d of the \ . -ungor H a r o l d t h a t sent t h e shaft. Norwegian

T h a t shaft was according to t h e m o n k of S a i n t E v r o u l ,

1

ve'ilions^ sent by t h e 11;;! id of Magnus. b u t b y t h e special instigation of the devil.

To t h e minstrels of N o r w a y the

of Earl Hueli

seemed a w o r t h y exploit.

death

T h e y sang,

n o t of a single shot, but of a fierce battle, in which t h e Norwegian

king, lord of t h e islands, m e t t h e

carls - face to face.

Welsh

T h e y told h o w t h e a r r o w s r a t t l e d

on the coats of mail, a n d h o w t h e King's o w n a r r o w o v e r t h r e w Earl H u g h t h e P r o u d b y the w a t e r s of A n 3 glesey. i'

O

The 1'ritisli chronicler too tells us. if n o t of

t h e fierce struggle described b y t h e N o r t h e r n poet, y e t of a r r o w s sled

on both sides, a l i k e from t h e

a n d by t h e delenders of t h e land. 4

ships

All agree t h a t it

w a s by t h e r o y a l h a n d t h a t t h e E a r l fell.

B u t i t is

only from Saint E v r o u l t h a t we h e a r t h a t M a g n u s shot H u g h u n w i t t i n g l y , a n d t h a t he m o u r n e d w h e n he k n e w w h o it w a s whom lie h a d slain. 1 3

See Appendix 1 I See Appendix 1 !

I t is a d d e d t h a t h e a t 2 4

See Appendix I I . See Appendix II.

DEATH

OP

EAliL

HUGH

OF

145

SHREWSBURY.

once made full peace with the surviving Earl Hugh of

CHAP.

v.

Chester, declaring that he had no hostile purposes against England, but that he only wished to wage war with Ireland, and to assert his dominion over the

Magnus

islands. 1 of Chester.

The body of Earl Hugh of Shrewsbury was sought for with pains by Normans and English, and was found at last, as the tide went back. 2

The only gentle one among

the sons of Mabel 3 —gentle, we may easily believe, to ailbut the Britons, perhaps cruel to them only under the evil influence of his elder namesake—was mourned b y all, and

Burial of

was buried the seventeenth day after his death in the are«-"-1 cloister of his father's abbey at Shrewsbury. 4 The words which we have just seen put into the mouth of Magnus are words of doubtful meaning, and they might imply a claim to Anglesey, as well as to the other islands.

That Magnus came thither with purposes of

Designs

of

conquest we may set down as certain; it is less clear Anglesey011 whether those purposes were carried out, even for a moment.

In Norway it was believed that the overthrow

of Earl Hugh put the K i n g of the Northmen in possession of Anglesey, which is strangely spoken of as a third of the British land. 5

In Man it was said that Magnus,

having slain one earl and put another to flight, occupied Anglesey, but that he was persuaded by the Welsh, on 1

Ord. V i t . 768 B .

" Cujus mortem Magnus rex ut comperiit, vehementer

cum suis planxit, et Hugoni Dirgane, id est Grosso, pacem et securitatein mandavit.

Exercitum, inquit, noil propter A n g l o s sed Hibernos ago, nee

alienain regionem invado,

sed insulas ad potestatem meani pertinentes

incolo." 2

lb.

" N o r m a n n i tandem et A n g l i cadaver Hugonis diu quresierunt,

pontique fluctu retracto, vix invenerunt." 3

lb.

" H i e solus de filLis Mabiliae mansuetus et amabilis fuit, et iv.

annis post mortem Rogerii patris sui paternum honorem moderatissime rexit." 4

lb.

5

Johnstone, 236. " Aunguls-ey er Jridiongr Brettlandz." This is strange

measurement even if W a l e s alone is meant, much more if by " B r e t t l a n d z " we are to understand the whole isle of Britain." VOL. I I .

L

146 CHAP.

WARS

OF

SCOTLAND,

NORTHUMBERLAND,

AND

WALES.

v. the payment of a heavy ransom, to leave the island and sail back to Man. 1

Certain it is that, if Magnus took

any real possession of Anglesey, it was a momentary possession indeed.

According to the British chroniclers,

he sailed a w a y at once, so that his coming and the death of one of the earls did not really hinder the joint work of A

dgNSe th

a momen

^ Anglesey) and with it seemingly

Wales

the greater part of North Wales, was brought more

byHugh

thoroughly than ever under Norman or English rule. The phrase by which the Welsh writer sets forth the result has a strange sound; but it does not badly describe the final work of these endless wars.

The French, he

says, made the people become Saxons. 2

But for the

present this work was done only for a moment.

In the

course of the next year, Anglesey was again, neither in French nor in Saxon, but in British hands. 3 We shall hear again of Magnus in the revolutions both of Anglesey and of other parts of North Wales.

For the

present, satisfied with the glory of having carried the Norwegian arms further south in the British islands than any of his predecessors had done,4 he seems to have sailed, first to Man and then to Ireland.

There

he

made a truce with Murtagli, and, at a later time, he married the daughter of the Irish king to his Sigurd's

son Sigurd. ^ ^

kingdom.

, ^ Orkneys and Hebrides, and that with the

kingly title. 5 1

own

This youth was now entrusted with the Of his kingdom Cantire formed a part;

See Appendix I I .

!>j'i't, y Tvwysogion, 1096. " So the French [y Freine] reduced all, as well great, ,-is small, to be Saxons [SIE.SOII]." But in the Latin Annals, 1098, the wonls are, " Franci vero majores et minores secuin ad Angliam perduxerunt." 2

Johnstone. 236; Laing, iii. 132. The treat;, is noticed by the Irish writers. Chronieon Scotorum, 1098. rman and English, it must have been like yet another foreign conquest.

The change is marked in

the change of name; the surname of the new lord comes from the lamN of his mother which lay beyond the bounds either of England or of Normandy. Hugh of Montgomery Robert a

j s exchanged for Robert of Belleme. The new master from

England.1" the march of Normandy and Maine must, twenty-nine years after the conquest of Shropshire, have seemed a stranger, not only to Englishmen, but to Normans of the first settlement, still more so to men who were of Norman parentage but of English birth.

In its personal aspect

the change f lords must have been a matter of shuddering.

The rule of Earl Roger had been tolerable; the

four years of Earl Hugh we have seen spoken of as a reign of special mildness, at least for his own people. But now they had a lord of another kind.

English and

OPPRESSION

OF

ROBERT

OP

151

BELLEME.

Welsh, we are told, had smiled at the tales of the deeds of Robert in other lands ; they listened to them as to the ^

_

song of the bard or the gleeman, deeming that, if such things were done, they were at least done far a w a y from themselves.

CHAP. V.

C r u e l t y of the new earl.

But now they found in their own persons

that those tales were true, when, in the strong words of a writer of those times, they were flayed alive b y the iron claws of Earl Robert. 1

The Earl himself, great as

he was in power and wealth, was only puffed up by what he had to hanker after yet more.

He spared no man, of

whatever race or order, whose lands l a y conveniently to

H i s spoliatlons '

his hand, nor did he scruple to take a w a y from the saints themselves what the men of the elder time had given to them. 2 But Robert of Belléme was something more than an ordinary plunderer; he was a man of genius in his w a y ; whatever he either inherited or seized on was sure to be strengthened by the best engineering skill of his time. 3 In His skill the gradual work of planting both England and Normandy with castles he had no small share; and his skill is nowhere more to be admired than in the w a y in which he adapted his designs to the varying circumstances of different places.

He built at Bridgenorth and ho built at Gisors;

there is little that is alike in the two fortresses, because there is little that is alike in the position of the two points which those fortresses severally had to defend. The former, Robert of Bólleme's great creation on English 1

O r d . V i t . 768 C.

"Angli

et G u a l i , qui j a m d u d u m f e r a l e s e j u s ludos

quasi f a b u l a m ridentes a u d i e r u n t , n u n c ferreis e j u s u u g u l i s e x c o r i a t i , p l o rantes

gemuerunt,

et

vera

esse

qute

eompererant

sentientes

experti

sunt." 2

lb.

" I p s e q u a n t o m a g i s opibus et v e r n u l i s a m p l i a t u s i n t u m u i t , t a n t o

m a g i s collimitaneis, c u j u s c u n q u e ordinis f u e r i n t , a u f e r r e fundos suos e x a r s i t , et terras q u a s prisci a n t e c e s s o r e s sanctis d e d e r a n t , sibi m a n c i p a v i t . " 3

O r d e r i c b e a r s liim t h i s witness, 766 B , C , in r e c o r d i n g t h e fortification

of Gisors. o f w h i c h we shall h a v e to speak p r e s e n t l y , " ingenios us R o d b e r t u s Belesinensis d i s p o s u i t . "

arlifex

152

W A R S OP S C O T L A N D , N O R T H U M B E R L A N D ,

AND

WALES.

v. ground, held a most important place in the defences of the middle course of the Severn. The Welsh wars of this Shropshire, reign had brought t h a t whole line of country into renewed importance. If the power of England under her N o r m a n masters was stretching further and further over the British lands, t h a t very advance laid the English lands more and more open to passing and occasional British ravages. The experience of such warfare within the English border was quite fresh. When Robert of Belleme 1094. took his earldom, four years only had passed since Shropshire and Herefordshire had been laid waste, 1 j u s t as in the old days when Grufiydd smote the Saxon at Rhydy-Groes. 2 The new Earl of Shropshire therefore found it needful to strengthen the whole line of defences of the Early Severn. Strong as was the capital of his earldom on its the'shrop- peninsular height, it was well to have, in the rear of CHAP.

His de-

shire fort- S h r e w s b u r y , a n o t h e r 0g r e a t f o r t r e s s o n a l o w e r 1p o i n t of

resses.

896.

/EthelfM fortifies Bridge (north). 912.

the river, a p.-hit whose importance is witnessed by its n a m e ; it is emphatically the Bridge. The whole region had been carefully fortified, perhaps in earlier days still, certainly in the days when the Dane as well as the Briton had to be guarded against. I n the last campaign of iElfred, the Danes, finding it expedient to leave the neighbourhood of London, had marched across the whole breadth of England from Thames to Severn, and had wrought a work beside t h a t river at Qiiatbridge* Sixteen years later, the victorious Lady, the guardian of the Mercian land, had timbered the burh at Bridge. At a somewhat lower point, the enemy against whom /Elfrod and his daughter had to strive has left his memory in the name >1' Danesford. The Bridge was the site 1

See above, p. ioo.

:i

See the Chronicles, 895. I n Winchester, Canterbury, ami A b i n g d o n the

name is Quatbridgv. geweorc worhtan."

2

See N . G. vol. i. p. 506.

" pre sua."

" Regina dedit

V e r y unlike lands in Yorkshire, it had doubled

its value sinet 1'o ilitrio's time. 1

Domesday, 319.

I t is " T y c k y l l "

in Florence, 1102.

T h e history

of the place 11.av be studied in M r . John Raine's History of B l y t h .

TICKHILL

AND

161

BLYTH.

possession of iElfsige and Siward.

The mound, as in

CHAP. V.

other places, was in after time taught to bear a polygonal keep, and its sides were themselves strengthened b y masonry.

The keep, of which the foundations only are

left, was of later date than the days with which we are concerned.

A n d we may fully believe that parts

at least of the circuit wall of the castle, and still more, that the elder parts of the gatehouse, with a face of ornaments and sculptures which almost remind us of the work of the great Emperor's day at Lorsch, are due to the taste, such as it was, of the first Norman lord of Tickhill. The nomenclature of the lands of Roger of Bully has been singularly shifting. Tickhill.

Dadesley gave w a y

to

But Tickhill is not the only name borne by

Roger's stronghold.

It not uncommonly takes the name

of a more certain memorial of him which lies only a few miles off, but within the bounds of another shire.

In The priory

the year of the first rebellion of the Red King's reign, founded' Roger of Bully had founded a monastery dependent on the abbey of the Holy Trinity at Rouen. It was reared on a point of his possessions known as Blyth, lying within the borders of Nottinghamshire, and near a river which joins the old historic stream of the Idle. 1

The nave of

Roger's church still stands; there is no mistaking the distinguishing marks of the earliest Norman style, even in a building whose loftiness and narrowness have more in common with later forms of art. 2 Bieda, ii. 12.

1

"In

amnis qui vocatur Idl&\"

finibiis

Blyth became at

gentis Merciorum, ad orientalem

T h e r e E a d w i n e smote .¡Ethelfrith.

plagam

Bseda's de-

scription marks Nottinghamshire as Mercian. 2

I have had to mention B l y t h in m y paper on the A r u n d e l case in the

Archaeological Journal, x x x v i i . 244 (1880).

T h e monastic part at the east

end is gone, and the effect of the parochial part strangely changed later additions.

by

N o one would think from the first glance at the outside

that the navo of a N o r m a n minster lurked there. T h e r e are t w o notices of B l y t h in the Normannia; N o v a Chronica under VOL. II.

M

lo88'

162

W A R S OF S C O T L A N D , N O R T H U M B E R L A N D ,

CHAP. v. N a m e of B l y t h and Tickhill used indiscriminately. Death of R o g e r of Bully.

least as famous as Tickhill.

AND

WALES.

The castlc, with the honour

of which it furmed the head, is called by both names, and we shall find as we go on that the same incident in our story is placed by some of our authorities at Blytli and by others at Tickhill. 1

Roger, founder of

both castle and monastery, seems to have died about the time when Robert of Belleme was himself at 3 iridgenortli and Careghova.

strengthening His lands went

at once to swell the possessions of the terrible Earl.

On

some plea of kindred, Robert demanded them of the T h e lands of Roger of Bully granted to R o b e r t of Belleme,

King.

"William was as ready to grant him the lands

of Blyth and Hallam as he had been to grant him the earldom of Shropshire and the other possessions of his father.

Bui he was no more inclined than he was then

to grant am thing without a consideration.

Earl Robert

was allowed to redeem the heritage of his kinsman, but Impolicy

of to redeem it only on payment of a great sum.2

the giant.

We

again duiibt whether William the Great would have i o S S arid 1090. T h e first merely records a grant of the church to the T r i n i t y monastery (als 'ailed Saint K a t h a r i n e ) at Rouen;

a viro venerahili Rogorio

de "Bully ct ab M unold ^sic] uxore sua." The second records the gift a second time, and addv. -'ibi eonstituiL. xiii. monachos." the house befui • . sells the tithe

He had had dealings with

I11 the cartulary of the monastery, No. xliii. p. 444, he

Bully [Buslei], " quemadmodum sibi jure luereditario com-

petebat." for threescore and twelve pounds and a horse ^"pro libris deuariornm lx. et xii. - • i. equo '').

T h e signatures, besides those of Duke William

and Count Ro ; - 11 of Eu. are mainly local, as " ll'ernaldi cujus pars deciinco," u

H'ielini de 1 - iueourt,"—Xeufcluite] that was to be. M r . A . 8 . Ellis sug-

gests that this - .!"*was to supply the lord of Dully with the means of crossing in J066. 1

I t is m id that there is 110 mention of Blyth in the cartulary.

Compare ! '•'••enr-e, 5102, with Ofderie, S06 C.

No one without local

knowledge we-;M guess that " B l i d a " and " T y c k y l l " meant the same place. - Ord. V i t . ; 6 S C. cognati sni ju.' M r . A. S. E l

"Bliuam

totamque

terram Rogerii de

Buthleio

repetiit, et a rej,e grandi pondcre argenti comparavit."

-. in a p:iper reprinted from the Yorkshire Archaeological

Journal, headt.o

Biographical Notices 011 the Yorkshire Tenants named in

Dooms lay Bo •

suggests that what Robert really bought was the

¿hip of Roger'.- - .¡ti.

ward-

The history of the family will be found in M r . Raine's

book and in M ; Ellis's paper.

GREATNESS

OF

EARL

163

ROBERT.

allowed such a redemption, even in the days when he had

CHAP. V .

fallen into covotousness and greediness he loved withal. With the Conqueror neither greediness nor anything else ever came before policy.

He whose policy it had been

to separate Norman and English estates in the second generation, who had taken care that no son of his own chosen friend should hold Breteuil and Hereford in a single hand, 1 would surely never have allowed any one man to have reached the gigantic height of wealth and power which was now reached by Robert of Belleme.

Greatness

The gathering together of such vast possessions in Nor- °f mandy and England in the hands of one who had some pretensions to rank as a prince beyond the bounds of Normandy and England almost amounted to a direct challenge to their owner to dispute the great lesson of Rochester, and to see whether there was not at least one subject in England whom the K i n g of England could not control. That question had yet to be tried, and to be tried in the person of the new lord of Tickhill.

But it

was not raised during the short remnant of the days of William the Bed.

The two powers of evil con-

trived to pull together in friendly guise as long as the days of unlaw and unriglit lasted.

And the longer those

days lasted, the blacker and the bitterer they grew. The greater the power and wealth which was gathered together in the hands of Robert of Belleme, the greater, we are told, was the pride and cruelty of that son of Belial. 2

He may by this time have grown weary of

oppression in the familiar scenes of his evil deeds on both sides of the sea. 1

See X . C. vol. iv. p. 537.

2

Orel. V i t . 768 C.

The death of Robert of B u l l y

" Sicut idem vir multis possessionibus in terris est

loeiipletatus, sic m a j o r i fastu siiperbiie sequax Belial inflatus, efc erudcles amhiebafc insatiabiliter actus." t i o s n s " in the special sense. M 2

flagitiosos

There is no need to t a k e "

flagi-

BeUgme.

:64 CHAP.

WARS OF SCOTLAND, N O R T H U M B E R L A N D , A N D WALES.

v. opened to him a new and wide h u m a n hunting-ground in Nottinghamshire and Yorkshire. B u t his hold on all that he had within our island was fated to be short. We are drawingo near to the end of the reign o and the life of William Rufus.and, when the reign and life of William Rufus wen • over, the English power of Robert of Belleme did not last: long. But bef< >re we come to the last days of the Red King in his island kingdom, we must again cross the sea, to follow the warlike campaigns of his latest days, to trace out the wide-reaching schemes of dominion which filled his restless soul, his fitful energy in beginning enterprises, his strange waywardness in leaving them half done. And. now will come the living contrast between unright, as embodied in William Rufus, and right, as embodied this time, not in a m a n of the churc-h and the cloister, but in a man of his own order, a layman, a prince, a soldier. W e have had one chapter where the main interest has gathered round Anselm of Aosta: we are now coming to another in which the main interest will gather round Ilelias of La Fleehe.

CHAPTER THE

LAST

AVARS OF

VI.

WILLIAM

ItUFUS.1

1097-1099.

rilHE latter years of the reign of the Red King, be-

Character

J - ginning from the departure of Anselm, are far richer y^raof S ' in foreign than in domestic events.

Even within the isle E ufus ,

c

of Britain we have, as we have already seen, chiefly to deal with the lands which lie beyond the actual English kingdom.

Scotland has received a king at the bidding

of the over-lord in England.

A deep plan has been laid

for the better subjugation of the seemingly unconquerable Welsh.

A Norwegian king has slain an earl of

England in strife on the shore of a Welsh island.

But

within England itself the greatest event which we have had to record has been the immediate result of that distant strife in the succession to an English earldom. When Robert of Belleme became the most powerful subject in England, it was undoubtedly an event of no small importance both at the moment and in its results. It added perceptibly to the evils even of the reign of 1 The authorities for this chapter take in such French and Cenomannian records as we have. Suger's Life of Lewis the Sixth, in the fourth volume of the French Duchesne, gives 11s but few facta as to the French war, but he draws a vivid general picture. For Maine we have the Lives of Bishops Bowel and Hildebert in the Hwtory of the Bishops of Le Mans in Mabillon's Vetera Analecta. The accounts there given have to be compared throughout with the narrative of the French and Cenomannian war- in Orderic. The strictly English writers tell us nothing about France, next to nothing about Maine. Something may be gleaned from the writers in French rime, as A A ' a c e and Geoffrey Gaimar: but A A T a e e has bv no means

1097-1100.

106 CHAP.

TUE

yi. unlaw.

LAST WAES

OF W I L L I A M

1ÌUFUS.

Still it was not in itself an event on the same

scale as t he rebellion of Odo or the rebellion of Robert of Mowbray, or as the beginning or the ending of the dealings between Anselrn and the Kino-. O O

And the same

L i t t l e to

character of the time goes on to the end.

home, and

in England itself nothing to record besides the great

There is

abroad

architectural works of the King, a few ecclesiastical deaths anil appointments, and those natural portents and phienonieiia which are characteristic of the whole time, and which come thicker upon us as we draw nearer to the end.

Beyond sea, on the other hand, this time of

less than three years is the most stirring time of the whole reign.

King of England, over-lord of Scotland,

not in foim Duke of the Normans, but master of Normandy as I lis brother never was, the Red King goes on to greater schemes.

Rufus seems to have been always

puffed up by success, but never cast down by bad luck. His personal failure in Wales was really a marked conTemper

trast to 11. • - success of Eadgar in Scotland.

schemes

seems to ! avo had the happy gift of plucking out of all

But Rufus

of Kufus.

g^ates 0f

things whatever tended to gratify his pride, and

of forgetting all that looked the other way.

He, or others

in his name. had set up a king at Dunfermline.

This

was enough to make him put out of sight all thought that he had in his own person marched to Snowdon and taken nothing by his march.

He

felt himself

more

than ever Monarch of Britain, King of kings within his own island

W e can believe that it rankled in his soul

that, outsiik that island, he was less than a king.

The

lord of N o i inanely had in anjT case a formal over-lord in the French King, and William Rufus was lord of Normandy on K I >y an anomalous and temporary title. held the duchy only as a merchant holds a pledge.

He We

can well understand how such a man would chafe at the thought that he had anywhere even a nominal superior.

SCHEMES

OF

KUFUS.

167

Sucli an one as William deemed himself was dishonoured

CHAP. VI.

b y being, even in the most nominal way, the man of such an one as Philip.

And the noblest w a y of escaping His de-

from the acknowledgement of a superior was by himself ^nce? taking that superior's place.

The Monarch of Britain

would be also Monarch of Gaul, of so much at least of Gaul as in any sense admitted the over-lordship of Paris. The lord of Winchester and Rouen would be lord of Paris also.

William wished for a war with France, and a war

with France could at any moment be had.

The eternal

question of the Vexin stood always awaiting its solution. But a war with France was not the only war which Wars with William Rufus had now to wage on the Gaulish main- jj^ne land.

and

He had to strive against a noble city, a valiant

people, ruled by a prince worthy of his city and his people.

Besides striving with France and Philip, he

had to strive against Maine, ho had to strive against Helias.

The Avar with France was doubtless the object

with which lie crossed the sea; but mischief had longbeen brewing in the troublesome land to the south of Normandy, and about the time when the French war began, the standing Cenomannian difficulty grew into open war also. once.

William had thus two wars to wage at

These two wars, with France and with Maine, are

told in our narratives as if they were altogether distinct, and had no bearing on one another.

Y e t the two were

going on at the same time at no great distance from one another, and some of the chief actors on one side were flitting to and fro between the two.

It is hard to say in

which region the first actual fighting took place.

In Beginning

both it must have begun in the winter after Anselm 1097-^098 had gone on one errand into Burgundy and Eadgar 011 another into Scotland.

It was then that King William William

crossed the sea also, with the object doubtless of making g™SS8S t h e w a r on France.

The Cenomannian war was thrown in

168

THE

LAST

WAES

OP

WILLIAM

KUFCS.

as something incidental. The war with Maine has in itself, as a tale, by far the greater charm of the two. But it is needless to say that far higher interests were, or might have been, at stake in the war with France. Of the wide-reaching schemes of William Rufus, and of their remarkable position among those things which might have been but which were not, I have spoken at some length elsewhere. 1 But it is only in its latest stage that the war showed even any likelihood of growing beyond tin ut. But against France no real advantage at all seem.- to have been gained. To modern ideas this difference may seem no wonderful result of the difference between tin invasion of a county and the invasion of a Hut in the eleventh century the resources of Compara- kingdom. tive posiMaine could not have been very greatly inferior to the tion of France and resources ol France. In one sense indeed the resources

Comparison of the two wars.

Maine. Helias and Philip.

of Maille V bv far the greater of the two, inasmuch as Helias ivigneil at Le Mans and Philip reigned at Paris. But in truth the comparison between a county and a king'!cm is not a fair one. The France of those days was not a kingdom ; it was simply that small part of a great k ingdoin which was held to obey—which under Philip certainly did not obey—the nominal king of the whole. The king was simply that one among the 1

See N . C. vol. v. p. 99.

FEANCE

AND

MAINE.

169

princes of the kingdom who always claimed, and who C H A P . V I . sometimes received, the homage of the others. "We must Advantage never underrate the vast moral advantage whieh the king drew from his kingly dignity; 1 but, on the other dl S nlt y' hand, we must not be thereby led to overrate the material strength of the king's actual dominion. Supposing that the resources of Maine and of France had been positively equal, if Helias had the advantage over Philip that the one was Helias and that the other was Philip, this advantage was far more than counterbalanced by the fact that Philip was a king while Helias was only a count. That he was a count of doubtful title, always threatened by a neighbour more powerful than himself, was of course a further incidental disadvantage ; but the essential difference is inherent in the position of the two princes and their dominions. The king, even though the king was Philip, was a king, and men had scruples about personally attacking one who was at once their own lord on earth and the anointed of the Lord of Heaven. William Rufus doubtless had no such scruples about that or about any matter; but such scruples had been felt by his father; they were to be felt in times to come by Henry of Le Mans and of Anjou, of Normandy and of England. 2 Such scruples would not be felt by Normans withstanding French aggression on their own land; we may remember how a lance from the Cotentin had laid Philip's father on the ground at Yal-es-dunes. 3 They would not be felt by native Englishmen, to whom Normandy, France, and Maine, were all alike foreign and hostile lands. But we may suspect that there was many a knight in William's host who, when he went forth to invade the lands of the lord of his lord in an utterly unprovoked quarrel, did

2

1 See N . C. vol. i. p. 249. See N , C. vol. iii. p. 130. * See N". C. vol. ii. p. 263.

170 CHAP.

TUE LAST WAES OF WILLIAM RUFÜS. vi. not go forth w i t h quite so light a heart as that w i t h w h i c h ho went forth to w i n back for his lord a land of w h i c h his lord had some shadow of ground for professing that ho had been robbed b y one of his o w n men. Maine then was, in a sense, conquered; F r a n c e w a s not conquered in a n y sense. h a r d l y threatened.

Le Mans w a s t a k e n ; Paris w a s

A n d this, we m a y believe, w a s a t

least partly o w i n g to the fact that Le Mans w a s o n l y the city of a count, while Paris w a s the city of a k i n g . Both land-; had a champion in whom w e m a y feel a perLewis son sonal interest. W h i l e w e follow the steps of an old of Philip. . . ill 1 1 1 T acquaintance 111 C o u n t HeJias, w e g l a d l y w a t c h trie beginnings nf a n e w acquaintance, not indeed in

King

Philip him -elf, but in his g a l l a n t son the L o r d Lewis. 1 He has liw special biographer, and w e o n l y w i s h that the m i n u t

detail in w h i c h we can read his actions in

dealing w i t h the immediate vassals of the French d u c h y had been higical \ . , part of the French , n . of Maine, w a r is ti>M w i t h o u t a n y dates, while w e k n o w w h e n January, } t ] Hu-hting began in Maine. This w a s in the t |0 a c u a 1098. 0 0 0 J a n u a r y which followed W i l l i a m ' s crossing to the continent, tli" J a n u a r y of the y e a r in w h i c h E a r l H u g h w a s killed in Anglesey.

W h e t h e r there w a s a n y

fighting

011 the Fii ueh border earlier than t h a t w e cannot tell. F o r a later stage of the French w a r w e h a v e dates, and its dated

stage clearly

Cenonianiii.ui war.

follows the end

of the

first

If w e go back to the causes of the

t w o struggles, it is equally hard to find the beginning. I11 both c-a-i s there w a s a standing quarrel, w h i c h m i g h t 1 Lewis is in S-iger constantly spoken of as "Doniinus Ludovicus;" special titles for kiiiL: -ons had not yet been invented.

BEGINNING

OP THE

171

WAR.

havo broken out into w a r at any time.

B u t the French

CHAP. V I .

w a r has a certain right to precedence, inasmuch as it was doubtless rather to attack France than to attack Maine that W i l l i a m Kufus crossed the sea.

It

may

therefore be our best course, first to trace out the earlier undated part of the French w a r down to the point where there is a clear break in the story.

W e m a y then follow

the fortunes of Le Mans and Maine, till w e reach the later dated part of the French w a r which followed their first momentary conquest.

§ 1. The Beginnings

of the French

War.

1097-1098. Of Philip K i n g of the French, the fourth k i n g of the King house of Paris, w e have often heard already, and from

plllllp'

w h a t w e have heard we shall hardly expect him to t a k e any leading part either in w a r or in council. chiefly memorable

for his

adulterous

H e is his adul-

marriage w i t h ria",at year, and how the Archbishop of Sons was allowed to Bit on a level with the Archbishop of Kheinis.

GRANT OF TIIE YEXIN TO LEWIS. of his realm, he made Lewis the immediate ruler and

175 CHAP, VI.

defender of the exposed frontier of the royal dominions. He granted him in fief the towns of Mantes and Pontoise, Philip and the whole French Vexin. 1 But Lewis was made more ^wi! with the Vexmthan this. Practically, whether by 17 any J formal act or n o t'. 1092. " Lewis became the ruler of France, so far as France just then had any ruler.

Philip, scorned and loathed of all

men, with the curses of the Church hurled over and over again against him, withdrew from ruling, fighting, or anything else but his own pleasures, and threw the whole burthen of the government and defence of his kingdom 011 the shoulders of his young and gallant son. We are not told at what exact moment the old question of the Vexin was again first stirred.

Philip was not

likely to stir it, neither was Ptobert;

William Rufus

Question

of

might not care to stir it while he was lord only of part of .Normandy, and not of the whole.

But when all

Normandy became his, the old dispute naturally came up again in his mind.

Ho would not have been William

Rufus if he had not sought to win all that his father bad held, all that his father had claimed, and among the rest the place whore his father found his death-wound. The spccial acts of authority exercised by Philip in the

Grounds of

Vexin, the grant of the land as his son's fief, the grant the part°of of the churches of Mantes, the churches which were re-

Rufus-

building out of his father's dying gifts, to his own rebellious uncle Odo, would be likely to stir him up still more to put forward his old claim.

A t last, after

William

reflecting, we arc told, on the wars and the fate of bis ^French father in that region, he sent, in the year of the departure of Ansolm, solemnly to demand the cession of the whole 1

Ord. V i t . 700 A .

" Luclovico filio suo consensu Francorum Pontisariam

et M a d a n t n m totumque comitatum Vilcassinum donavit, totiusque regni curam, dum primo flore j u v e n t u t i s pubesceret, commisit."

176 CHAP.

THK

LAST

WAES

OF W I L L I A M

RUFUS.

vi. Yexin, specially n a m i n g the towns and fortresses of Pontoise, Cliaumont. and Mantes. 1 Of these Mantes and C h a u m o n t -were in the strictest sense border fortresses; Pontoise—the bridge on the Oise, as its name implies—• lies far n e a r e r the heart of the King's territory; P o n t oise in an enemy's hand would indeed be a standing

menace to Paris. The demands of the Red Kinoalmost © amounted to a demand for the surrender of the independence of the French kingdom. The deI t is needless to say t h a t the demand w a s refused, refused. Lewis and his counsellors declined to give u p the Yexin or a n y of its fortresses. 2 King William accordingly crossed the sea to assert his rights, and the French campaign possibly began before the end of the year. I t is wonderful, when we remember t h a t it is chiefly from our own writers t h a t we gee the details of William Ruins' N o r m a n campaigns, how little t h e y toll us about his French campaigns. Of the w a r of Maine to which we shall presently come they tell us little enough. Still the name of Maine does appear in their pages, while William the name < i France a t this stage does not. We learn Normandy, indeed that in the November of this year the K i n g November c r o s s e r i j n t 0 Normandy, but with w h a t obiect we are not 1097. told. 3 W h a t we are told is eminently characteristic of Excesses of the Red King and his reign. As so often happened, his followers.8 crossing wa- delayed b y the w e a t h e r ; meanwhile his immediate followers carried out to the full t h a t licence 1 Ord. Vit. A. "Guillelmus Kufus, u t patris sui casus et bellorum causas oomperi;, I'liilippo Francorum regi totum Yilcassinum pagmn calumniari ccepit. et prieclara oppida, Pontesiam et Calvhnontem atque Medantuin, pop"*oit." 2 l b . " Francis autem poscenti non acquiescentibu.s, imo ¡¡ro lianti atrociter resistere aelentibus, ingens guerra inter feroces populos exoritur, et multis luctuosa >ih>i-s ingeritur." 3 Chron. Potrili. i o g j . " A n d se eyng f>era:fter uppou See Martines msessan ofer sa' nl5 Normandig for."

WILLIAM

CROSSES

which the King's

FOE

THE

immediate

FRENCH

followers

WAR.

177

were w o n t to chap. vi.

allow themselves till Henry and Anselm found sharp means to check them. 1

" H i s hired in the shires there

they l a y the most harm did that ever hired or here in frithland

should do." 2

If the army at large is meant,

the expression is a strange one.

The hired is the K i n g ' s

household, t a k i n g in doubtless household troops in personal attendance on the King, like the old housecarls, but not surely the whole force, national or mercenary. B u t it was the King's household whose excesses were specially complained of; and this casual outburst

of

bitterness is a speaking comment on the general pictures of their misdoings which w e have already come across. 3 B u t it is only of damage done in England b y the K i n g ' s Silence of household that our Chronicler tells us anything.

Of^fterfas

warlike exploits on the other side of the Channel neither

to t h e

French

he nor a n y other English writer tells us at this stage a war. single word. 4 If from the silence of our own writers w e turn to our chief authority on the French side, w e shall find a v i v i d general picture of the war, but hardly any account of particular events.

W e get indeed one of the most

striking of personal contrasts. Though the war which was now w a g e d b y Rufus was in every sense a w a r w a g e d against France, yet it could hardly be called a w a r personally w a g e d against the nominal ruler of France.

It

was a w a r for the Vexin, waged against the lord of the Y e x i n , and, in its first stages at least, mainly confined to See N . C. vol. v. p. 159. Chron. Petrib. 1097. " A c >a hwile J>e he wederes abad, his hired innon )>am seiran fasr hi lagon ]>one mseston hearm dydon J>e ®fre hired o55e here innon fricSlande don sceolde." 3 See vol. i. p. 154. 4 It is hardly an exception when William of Malmesbury (iv. 320) tells the story of William Rufus' dialogue with Helias, which belongs to this time, altogether out of place, and as a mere illustrative anecdote. 1

2

V O L . II.

N

178 CHAP.

THE

vi. the Vexin.

LAST

WAES

OF

WILLIAM

BUFUS.

The struggle between William and Lewis, as

and^Lewis ^

by the biographer of the French prince,

was an unequal one.

William had his old weapons at

command—the wealth of England, the traitors whom that wealth

could bribe, the mercenaries whom

wealth could hire. 1

that

He had his own experience in w a r ;

ho had his veteran troops and their veteran commanders. Chief men

Next under the King, comparatively young in years, but

EamWde. first of all in daring as in wickedness, was Robert of Belleme.

Then came the King's brother Henry, and the

well-known names of Count William of Evreux, Earl Hugh of Chester, and the old Earl Walter of Buckingham. 2

These were formidable foes for an untried youth

like Lewis ; the aged -warrior who was old on the day of Senlac must have been a strange contrast indeed to the gallant lae traced, and a specially diligent inquirer

may thread his way to a small fragment of the castle itself, and ma)- there mark work of a somewhat later date than the time with which we have to do.

I t is more

easy to trace out a large part of the defences of the Fort, and to mark the churches, surviving and desecrated, one of which, high on the hill side, also belongs, like so many others, to the ago next following.

As in so many other

places, so at Meulan, we cannot lay our hand on anything "which we can positively affirm to be the work of its most famous lord.

B u t we can well see that the strength

of the spot, a spot which in later times played no small part in the wars of the League, was wrell understood in the days of our story, and that so important a position wTas strengthened by all the art of the time.

When

Count Robert received the forces of Normandy and England on tlii.' height and in the island of Meulan, he did indeed open a way for those forces into the heart of France.

It was a way which might have been expected

to lead them straight to the city which then, as ever, might be deemed to be more than the heart of Franco, to be Franfv itself. Count Ki.lioii, was doubtless guided, then and always,

William's prospects.

^

policy.

.Many of his neighbours wdio found them-

selves in the like case followed his lead.

They could

not serve two masters; so they made up their minds to serve the master who was strongest either to reward or to punish him whose purse wTas the deeper and whose spirit was the fiercer.1

Altogether the odds seemed

frightfully against the French side.

Rufus might indeed

have small chances of carrying out his grand scheme of 1

Orel. V i e

obsecundare,

1!.

" P l e r i q u e F r a n c o r u m qui binis c o g e b a n t u r d o m i n i s

M fiscis q u i b u s a b u n d e l o c u p l e t a t i sub utriu^que regis t u r g e -

b a n t ditione, a u x i i q u i a n e m o p o t e s t duobus dominis s e r v i r c , a n i m i s acriorein opibusque d i l i ' - i v i u e l e y e r u n t , e t c u m suis h o m i n i b u s m u n i c i p i i s q u e favorabiliter paruen lit."

SUCCESSFUL RESISTANCE OP THE

FEENCH.

uniting P a r i s — p e r h a p s Poitiers and B o u r d e a u x — u n d e r the same lord as Winchester a n d R o u e n ; b u t things a t least looked as if the conquest of the disputed lands w a s a b o u t to advance the N o r m a n frontier most dangerously near to the F r e n c h capital. Above all, w h e n the Seine was barred b o t h a t Roche Guyon a n d a t Meulan, we a s k how things stood in the border t o w n which lay between them, the t o w n which was one of the special subjects of William's demands on Philip. H o w fared it a t Mantes w h e n the stream both above and below was in the h a n d s of the enemy 1 To this question we get no a n s w e r ; b u t we see t h a t , in a n y case, the K i n g of the F r e n c h w a s more closely shut u p t h a n ever in t h e central prisonhouse of his nominal realm.

185 CHAP. YI.

But, small as seemed y o u n g Lewis's means of defence, Failure of s w e a k e n e d as he f u r t h e r was by treason a m o n g his own or his father's vassals, the resistance made by the F r e n c h to the N o r m a n or English invasion was valiant, stubborn, and, we m a y add, successful. William R u f u s was m u c h f u r t h e r from conquering France t h a n H e n r y the F i f t h , or even t h a n E d w a r d the Third, was in after times. W i t h all his wealth, all his forces, he could not conquer t h e l a n d ; he could not even t a k e the fortresses to which he specially laid claim. H e could not conquer the Y e x i n ; Pontoise he could not t a k e either Pontoise or Chaumont. While ^n^noi'" avo hear n o t h i n g of Mantes, w e k n o w t h a t both these t w o t a k e n last-named fortresses successfully withstood his a t t a c k s . Of the three fortresses which were the special objects of the war, one, t h a t of Chaumont, became in some sort its centre. The C h a u m o n t with which we have to deal is Castle of still distinguished from other places of the same n a m e c h a u m o n t as C h a u m o n t -en-Yexin. I t stands about five miles east of the Epte, a t the point where the frontier stream of Rolf is joined by the smaller stream of the Troesne, a n d m a k e s a m a r k e d t u r n in its course from nearly due south

186

THE

CHAP.

WAES

OP

WILLIAM

KUFÜS.

vi. to south-west. Tlie region is a hilly one, though it contains no heights of any remarkable elevation. The Bald Mount itself, which—unluckily for the inquirer—is bald no longer, is a -wide-spreading hill crowned with a mound which stands out prominently to the eye on every side. The lino of the wall which it supported may still be easily traced, and in a few places it is actually standing. On the steep north-eastern side of the hill the small town of Chanmont nestles at its foot, while the stately church of the later days of French architecture soars above the town as the castle again soars above the church. Of the pari played in the war by this stronghold wo shall hoar a little later.

T h e castle of Gisors.

Its

LAST

first

io96.CeS'

The height of Chaumont commands a vast prospect on all sides; tie- eye stretches far away over the friendly land to the south, towards the hills bordering on the Seine; but the special rival of Chaumont, the fortress at the junction of the Epte and Troesne, is shut out from sight by a near range of hills which follow the line of the -mailer stream. Where the two rivers join, the Epte, like the greater Seine, divides to form a group of islands at. the foot of a low hill on the right, the Norman, bank. Here stands the town and fortress of the G i i ( o r S ) t h c e h i e f b l , i w a r k of Normandy towards north-eastern corner of thc Yexin. Once a dependency of the neighbouring Neaufle, whose mound and square tower form a prominent object in the landscape, Gisors had now 1 . come a stronghold indeed. I t had been first fenced in about two years before b y Pagan of Gisors, a man of whom we shall hear in the course of the war. 1 Somewhat later William gave orders t h a t 1

A m o n g th'

snrtio, q u i cast

N o r m a n prisoners S i i g c r ( 2 8 3 A.) counts " P a g a n u m de G i mi idem p r i m o m u n i v i t . "

Orderic ( 7 6 6 C ) g i v e s h i m , l i k e

s e v e r a l other ] . ..pie, a double n a m e ; lie a p p e a r s as " T e d b a l d u s - P a g a n u s de G i s o r t i s . " to by R o b e r t

T h i s first fortification of G i s o r s m u s t be t h a t w h i c h is r e f e r r e d f T o r i g n y u n d e r the y e a r 1 0 9 6 ;

"Rex

Willerums

fecit

THE CASTLE OF GISOKS.

187

the border post should be made into a fortress of the CHAP. VI. greatest possible strength, and he committed the work to the most skilful engineer at his command. All the strengthcraft and subtlety of the Devil of Belleme were em- i^ifertof ployed to make Gisors a stronghold which might shelter Belleme the eastern frontier of Normandy against all enemies. As far as one can see, the islands in the Epto and the hill which rises above them near to the right bank of the main river were united in one common plan of defence. The town itself, taking in the islands, was walled, either now or at a later time, and defended with a ditch throughout those parts of its circuit which were neither sheltered by the river nor by the castle hill. In the great defences of this last we see the fruit of the engineering skill of Robert of Belleme, and we better learn what in those days was deemed a specially strongfortress. On all sides save that where town and castle join, the hill is girded by a deep ditch, and on the north, the side which lies away from both town and river, the ditch is doubled, and the chief entrance on this side is defended by an outpost between the two. The ditch fences in a vast walled space, in the middle of which art has improved nature by piling up a vast artificial mound crowned by a shell keep. The earthworks are most likely older than either Robert of Belleme or Pagan of Gisors. The outer wall and the shell keep may well be part of Robert's design, if they are not actually his work; but the towers which now rise so proudly over Gisors, not only the round tower, precious in local legend, but the vast octagon on one side of the keep which bears the name of the martyr of Canterbury, must all be of later date than our time. A. graceful chapel within the keep, where the visitor is told with special emphasis that acceptance of Count William's terms. The whole con: ify of Maine was of more value than the lordships

hieh the Count of Evreux demanded as the

price of his n i e c e . T h e power and the will of Fulk to do what h- promised about Lo Mans and Maine seems not to ha\ • boon doubted. The double bargain was struck, an-; it was carried out for a season. Count William an< I his nephew got all that they asked, except that one 1See above, p. 1 5 , and vol. i. p. 227.

REIGN

OP

205

HELIAS.

In these years too Howel must have finished the two

CHAP.

vi.

stately towers of Saint Julian's minster, of which we shall before long have a tale to tell.

But Le Mans presently

saw a greater day than all, as it seemed at least in the eyes of the biographer of her bishops.

After the Visit of

days of Piacenza and Clermont, Pope Urban honoured Urban to the Cenomannian city with his presence. For three ^ ^ b e r days the sovereign Pontiff was the guest of Howel, and ° D e c e m + IJ n. u f ber, 1095. we are told that, though it was a year 01 scarceness, r

yet the Bishop of Le Mans was able to entertain the Pope and his following right bountifully. 1 said, appeared

Howel, it is

among his fellow-bishops conspicuous

for the gifts of both mind and body.

Men rejoiced with

him on the happiness of receiving such a guest, and deemed from his health and vigour that he might long enjoy his honours. 2

Before long he fell sick, and his

Sickness of

sickness was unto death, although his end did not come i ^ ^ o g ? . till nearly two years after the preaching at Clermont. The visit of Urban, the death of Howel, led to important events in the history of Maine. The preaching of the crusade, above all the presence, and doubtless the preaching, of the crusading Pope in his own city, stirred up the same impulse in the heart of Helias which was stirred up in the hearts of so many other men of his day.

Young and strong, devout and Helias

valiant, he would go and fight to win back the sepulchre ¿ross/''6 of his Lord from the misbelievers and to deliver his Christian brethren in other lands from their cruel bondage.

B y the counsel of the Pope, the Count of Maine

Vet. An. 301. " Ei [papie] cum omni comitatu suo per triduum cuncta necessaria hilariter et abundantissime ministravit, quamvis eodem anno non solum annonse, sed et omnium qua; ad cibum pertinent, maximum constet exstitisse defectum." The Biographer is naturally eloquent on the Pope's visit. 1 He appeared (Vet. An. ib.) " facie hilaris, colore vividus, ingenio perspicax, eibo etpotu sobrius, membrisque omnibus incolumis." 1

THE

206 CHAP.

LAST

WARS

OP W I L L I A M

RUFUS.

vi. t o o k t h e cross, a n d m a d e r e a d y t o go on t h e pilgrimage

along

with

his

neighbours,

with

armed Robert

Estimate

of Normandy and Stephen of Chartres.1

action.

perhaps is t h a t Helias, l i k e S a i n t Lewis, h a d a stronger

Our feeling

c a l l to stay at home t h a n to go on the crusade.

A cer-

t a i n p a r t of m a n k i n d , a s m a l l p a r t c e r t a i n l y , b u t t h a t p a r t a m o n g which his i m m e d i a t e d u t y l a y , w a s p e a c e f u l a n d h a p p y under his rule as t l i e y were n o t l i k e l y to be under the rule of a n y other.

Could it be right, we m i g h t

argue, for him to leave a w o r k w h i c h none could do b u t himself, a w o r k which he h a d t a k e n on his shoulders of his own free will, for

another

work, however

noble,

w h i c h others could do as w e l l as h i m s e l f % L e t R o b e r t go and win honour a b r o a d i n s t e a d o f dishonour a t home. N o r m a n d y w a s in such a case t h a t the c o m i n g even o f E u f u s was a h a p p y change. go;

L e t S t e p h e n of C h a r t r e s

he left his r o y a l - h e a r t e d A d e l a behind him.

Let

K i n g Philip go, i f he could g o ; his son L e w i s w o u l d rule his r e a l m far b e t t e r t h a n he.

B u t let H e l i a s stay, a n d

k e e p for his land a n d c i t y t h a t w e l l - b e i n g w h i c h Sigurd and h a d given and which a n o t h e r m i g h t t a k e a w a y . E\stem.

a r

he An

g u m e n t n e a r l y the same as this w a s a c t u a l l y pressed

on t h e crusading S i g u r d b y his s t a y - a t - h o m e Eystein.

brother

W h i l e S i g u r d was w a r r i n g far a w a y , E y s t e i n

h a d done a ¿/rait deal o f good to his own people Norway.

2

in

B u t there a r e m o m e n t s in the world's his-

t o r y , m o m e n t s w h e n a l l has to be sacrificed to a g r e a t cause, w h e n

these, so sound

against

o r d i n a r y warfare, sound a b o v e a l l a g a i n s t t h e

utterly

purposeless w a r f a r e of those days, c a n n o t be

listened

to.

arguments

like

I f W e s t e r n C h r i s t e n d o m was to a r m for a crusade,

1 Orderic ( ; 6 j A* makes Helias say, " Consilio papae crucem Domini pro servitio ejus acco]> '' He does not mention the visit of Urban to Le Mans, nor does the Biogi nher mention the crusading vow of Helias ; but the two accounts fit in tog 'her. 2

See their d i a l : .¡e in Laing, iii. 17®'

HELIAS

TAKES

THE

207

CROSS.

it was well that that crusade should be headed by the noblest men in Western Christendom.

CHAP.

vr.

The work would A r g' ument m favour

not be done, if it were only left to lower souls.

If of the

Godfrey was to march, it was fit that Helias should march beside him.

Godfrey went; Helias did not go.

He had

now a neighbour who made it vain for him to think of leaving his own land in jeopardy, even to carry out his promise to Pope Urban and to go on the holy war. The bargain between William and Robert had just been

William in

struck. The two brothers were together at Rouen. Robert Augu'st"^),' was about to set out for J erusalem; William had come to take possession of Normandy.

io96-

It would have been the

height of rashness for Helias to join in the enterprise of Robert, unless he could make his county safe during his absence against any aggression on the part of William. According to Norman doctrines, Maine was simply a re-

Danger to

bellious province.

Maine-

Robert had done nothing to stop the

rebellion, but he had never acknowledged either Hugh or Helias as lawful Prince of the Cenomannians.

Where

Robert had done nothing William would be likely to act with vigour.

The claims which Robert had simply not

acknowledged William with the sword.

might be inclined to dispute

It was therefore of the utmost mo-

importance

ment for the Count of Maine to secure the friendship, ° f e ^™ t a y n or at least the neutrality, of the new ruler of Normandy. Helias doubtless knew that, if William bound himself by his knightly promise, that promise would be faithfully kept, and he perhaps hoped that towards one who was bound on a holy errand, an errand during which he would be harmless and powerless as far as Maine and Normandy were conccrned, the chivalrous king might be disposed to pledge such a promise. He therefore went to Rouen, and sought interviews with both brothers.

He

first took counsel with the Duke. 1 Robert, we know, could 1

Orderic (769 A ) describes the agreement between William and Robert,

Helias and Robert-

208 CHAP.

THE

LAST

WAES

OF

WILLIAM

KUFUS.

vi. give counsel to others, 1 and he had no temptation at

H e l i a s and

this moment to give unfriendly counsel to Helias.

By

his advice, the Count of Maine went to the K i n g ; he He pro-

addressed him reverently, and, if his words be rightly

himself

reported, acknowledged himself his vassal.

vassafm S

w a s

110

So to do

deg^t'lationj and the acknowledgement might

turn the King's heart towards him.

He set forth his

purpose of going to the crusade; he said that he wished A n s w e r of

to go as tin- King's friend and in his peace.2

h e demands

Rufus burst, forth in a characteristic strain.

of^Iaine11

ma

y

whither he thinks g o o d ;

but

Then Helias

let him

give

up the city and county of Maine; whatever his father held it was

William's

will

to

hold

also. 3

Helias

answers that he holds his county by lawful inheritance from his fori lathers, and that ho hopes by God's help to hand it on to his children.

But if the King has a

mind to try the question in a peaceful pleading, he is ready to maintain his right before kings, counts, and bishops, and to abide by their judgement. 4

Rufus tells

him that he will plead against him with swords and Challenge of H e l i a s .

spears and countless arrow's.5

Then Helias spoke his

and the payment of t h e pledge-money (see vol. i. p. 559).

T h e n lie adds ;

" H e l i a s comes ud curiam regis K o t h o m a g u m venit. Qui p o s t q u a m diu c u m duce consiliatus l uit, ad r e g e m accessit." 1

See vol. i. pp. 1 7 5 , 302.

2

Ord. Y i t . 76een used to track out the scenes of the Cenomannian v ar comes back to an English landscape of the same kind, to mark the steep bluff or the isolated mount, which seems designed to be girt with a ditch and crowned with a donjon, and almost to wonder that no ditch or donjon ever was there. And, as we gaze on the land where they crowned every tempting site, we better understand fidos collocavit, per quos arrogartiao sua) satisfaceret, et atrocem guerram in Csenomami'W exercuit."

Our own chronicler in Stephen's day goes even

beyond Orduic's rhetoric.

T h e " d e v i l s and evil m e n " outdo even the

" bestialis sa. \ ¡use coloni."

MAINE A STD ENGLAND.

221

the joy and thankfulness with which men hailed the reign CHAP. vr. of any prince who put some curb on the pride and power of the knightly disturbers of the peace and gave to smaller men some chance of possessing their own in safety. We can understand how in such a prince this overwhelmingmerit was held to outwTeigh not a few vices and crimes in his own person. We can understand how, at the beginning of every period of restored order, a general sweeping away of castles was as it were the symbolic act of its inauguration. And perhaps the thought conies State of all the more home to the mind,' because the Cenomannian lllctllliictll castles are, to so great an extent, a memory and not a castles presence. They are not like those castles by the Rhine which have come to take their place as parts of a picturesque landscape. As a rule, it is not the castles themselves, but the sites where we know that they once stood, which catch the eye as it ranges from Mamers to Sille, from Ballon to Alengon. But when we see how many spots within that region had been made the sites of these dens of havoc—when we think how many of them had, in the hands of Robert of Belleme, become dens of havoc more fearful than ever — we shall better understand how men cherished the names of William the Great and of his youngest son; we shall better understand the work which had now to be done in the Cenomannian land by one nobler than either the son or the father. In the minds of Helias and his contemporaries the Wrong and occupation of so large a part of their country was yet ^Robert more keenly embittered by the despite done to holy of Bellemeplaces and the wrong wrought on men who enjoyed exceptional respect even in the fiercest times. Some of the strongholds of Robert the Devil were planted on lands belonging to the Church, especially to the abbeys of

222

THE

L A S T WARS OP W I L L I A M

KUFUS.

Saint Vincent and La Couture without the walls of Le Mans.

The peaceful tenants of these religious houses,

accustomed to a milder rule

than

their neighbours,

groaned under the oppressions of their new masters. 1 Stirred up by this wrong and sacrilege, the Count of Maine marched forth to protect his people.

N o w that

the King was gone, he even ventured on something like Helias defeats Robert at Saônes.

a pitched 1 attle.

He met Robert of Belleme at the head

of a superior force near the lake and castle of Saones, not far, it may be, from the d y k e which specially bears the tyrant^ name.

The pious Count and his followers,

calling on God and Saint Julian, attacked the sacrilegious i m aders and put them to flight.2 Several of the nobles of Normandy were wounded or taken prisoners. Robert of < ourcy, a name not new to us,3 lost his right eye.

William of Waeey and several others were taken,

and were released on the payment of heavy ransoms. 4 Helias. in short, carried on a defensive warfare in the Cruelty of spirit of a Christian knight.

Not so his enemy.

Robert

of Bellenic carried on a war of aggression in the spirit of a murdering savage.

A l l the worst horrors of war

were let loose upon the land.

Robert's treatment of

prisoners was not that which the captive Normans met with at tiie hands of Helias.

In the holy season of

Lent, wlii'11 other sinners, we are told, forsook their sins for a wlii] no more than wre might reasonably look for. If so, the restored commonwealth had, at its first birth, to brave the full might of the younger William, as the former commonwealth had had to brave the full might of the elder.

We can only tell the tale a s we have it,

and we have no means of connecting what wTas going on in Maine with what w a s going on at the same time in William's council at Rouen.

the Vexin.

Yet one is a little surprised to find William,

at this stage of the year, sitting quietly at Rouen, holding a council, and presently sending forth orders for the levying of a great army, as if two wars were not already

H i s speech.

wa the people of Le Mans it was at least CHAP. VI,

Negotiations for

immediate

to be changed from the north-west of the threatened capital of Fiance to the south-west, a region so much better suited for an invader from the south. No special It is somewhat singular that, while we have so striking Lewis. ® general picture of the courage and conduct of the young Lewis during this struggle, we hear nothing of any particular exploit of his, we hear nothing of any help given by him to any of the threatened fortresses. It is their own lords, each for himself, who withstand, and successfully withstand, the attacks of the powers of North and South. Our chief informant—English, Norman, and French, all at once — enlarges on the failure of Philip to give any help to his vassals; but we should never learn from him that his place was supplied by his 2 The castles son. Every man, it would seem, fought for his own resist hand. We are told this of a crowd of unnamed lords singly. defending unnamed fortresses. But we are not left to Peter of Maule. guess at the name of the friend of Saint Evroul, Peter of Maule, who, with his sons Ansold and Theobald, success1 Ord. Vit. JO7 A . See note I on p. 250. Who is young Almaric or Amalric? Surelv not an unworthy member of the house of Montfort. I have never made my way to Epernon, which gives a title to one of the minions of the last Valois. 2 It is odd, liter the account in Suger, to read in Orderic (766 A ) , " Ludovicus piit-rili teneritudine detentus adhuc militare nequibat." I t is just post-ible that Lewis was not eager to help the kinsfolk of Bertrada.

THE

CASTLE

OF

MONTFOKT.

253

fully defended his fortress in the valley of the Maudre.1 CHAP. VI. We must suppose that the forces of the two Williams were scattered and frittered away in a series of desultory attacks against strongholds scattered all over the country. But to us at least the main interest of The two the campaign gathers round the dwellings of the house Montfortf of Montfort. We should be well pleased to have even such details of a warfare which affected them as we have had of the sieges of Chaumont and as we shall presently have of the siege of Mayet. But we hear only of the result, how the arms of the two Simons, elder and younger, defended all the possessions which looked up to the Strong Mount as their head. The elder guarded the The elder height of Neauphl^, where a curve in the hills, theatre- defends shape, awakens some faint remembrance of the kingly Neauphli. mount of Laon.2 But the Hons fortis itself, the hill from The castle whence, in after times, Simon the father went to work fort10"4" the bondage of Toulouse and Simon the son to work the freedom of England, must have been among the strongholds which were saved by the energy of the younger bearer of the name which was to be so fearfully and so gloriously renowned. High on its peninsular hill, still keeping some small traces of elder towers along with one graceful fragment of far later days, the castle of Montfort looks down over church and town, over hills and plains, bidding defiance to foes on every side, but bidding the most direct defiance of all to any 1

Ord. Vit. 767 B . " Petrus cum filiis suis Ansoldo et Tedbaldo Mauliam, aliique municipes quos singillatim nequeo nominare, firmitates euas procaciter tenuere." On the house of Maule and its works, see Ord. Yit. 587 et seqq. Peter is described as "filius Ansoldi divitis Parisiensis." 2 Ord. Yit. 767 A . " Simon juvenis munitiones suas auxiliante Deo illiesas servavit. Simon vero senex servavit Neelfiam." See the marriage of the younger Simon with Agnes of Evreux, Ord. Vit. 576 C, and hia exploits, 836 C. Of him in the fourth generation came our own Simon. But, according to the Art de Verifier les Dates, " Simon senex " was dead before this time.

254 CHAP.

TIIG

vi. foe who

LAST

should

WAES

OF

advance

WILLIAM

RUFUS.

by the path which

have been trodden by the Aquitanian duke. all the

outlooks from

the

height

of

must For of

Montfort

the

widest and the most striking is that by which the eye looks out towards those southern lands which came so near to forming a South-Gaulish realm for its The

church.

lords.

own

Th< church stands beneath on a lower point of

the steep.

The works of later times, which have filled

its windows with the painted forms of the basest of the later Valois. have spared one side of the more ancient central tower, preserving to us forms which were looked on, not indt i-d by the Simons of our own immediate story, but by the Simon of Muret and the Simon of Evesham. A gate at the base of the castle mound, though the actual building must be of later date, still keeps the name of that Hugh Bardolf, himself joined by a tie of affinity to the house of Montfort, of whom wTe have heard elsewhere as one of the most abiding of the eneDefence

mies of Normandy. 1

Here, while the father defended

younger

Neauphlé, the son defended the cradle of their race, and

Simon.

their other outlying possessions.

Not a detail is given

us ; but ou r historian emphatically tells us that it was by the help of God that the lords of Montfort kept their Interest

fortresses -afo from the twofold enemy. 2

defence.

a

And, though

King of the English marched against them, though

doubtless there was no lack of native English warriors in his train, yet we may join in the pious thankfulness of our guide at Saint Evroul.

It was not good for

English interests in any wide or lasting sense that the sovereign of England should even hold his ancestral Normandy, much less that he should inherit Aquitaine and conquer France.

When the lords of Montfort in the

eleventh century beat back from their strongholds all the efforts of England and Normandy, of Poitiers and 1

See K

('. vol. iii. p. 133.

2

See note 2 on p. 253.

FAILURE

OF

255

RUFUS.

Aquitaine, they were in truth working in the same

CHAP. V I .

cause as their glorious descendant in the thirteenth. Unknowingly and indirectly, they were, no less than he, fighting for the freedom and the greatness of what in their eyes seemed hostile England. The war seems to have lingered on through another The war winter, the second of those when King William kept his 1™i?ers °n" °

Christmas feast in Normandy.

Christmas,

But no successes are 1098.

0 su recorded either of "William of England or of William of ^

cesses % or

Aquitaine.

The Red K i n g had really done nothing,

either alone or in company with his Poitevin ally.

The

gallant resistance of the men of the French borderland had beaten him back at every point.

He was now glad

to conclude a truce, which the events which followed

A truce a g r e e d to"

made practically a peace. 1 It is not at first easy to understand w h y so very little

Survey

of

came of such great preparations as those which William war^lts011 Rufus made for the French war.

The strength of two

great states, during the later stages of the war the strength of three great states, was broken by efforts which, even allowing as much as we can for the energy of young Lewis, were mainly those of the nobles and people of a single district.

England, Normandy, and

Aquitaine, were baffled bj^ the men of the French Yexin. It is true indeed that the war of Maine was far from being really ended, but Rufus seems at this stage to have thought little of the efforts of the man whom he had bidden to do his worst against him. Nor was there anything this year in England, as there was the year before, to draw off the King's attention from continental affairs. Scotland was quiet under a king of his own naming; Magnus did not really threaten England; the Welsh border 1 Ord. V i t . 767 B. " Interea, dum Guillelmus rex pro regni negotiis regTederetur in Angliam, treviis utrobique datis, serena pax Gallis dedit gerenitatis lffititiam."

lll " success -

256

TIIE LAST WARS OF WILLIAM

RUFUS.

vi. might be left to Eobert of Belleme or those whom he had left in charge. All that we can do is to record this singular break-down of a great force, without being able Illustrafully to explain it. One remark may be made. Men of William's the temper of Rufus often get simply weary of undercharacter. takings which bring little success, and in which there is nothing to call forth any special point of personal vengeance or personal honour. Rufus claimed the Vexin; but his heart does not seem to have been set on its possession, as it clearly was set on the possession of Le Mans. There was no one on the French border who had stung him personally to the quick as Helias had done. The want of success in the joint undertaking of the two Williams is certainly hard to understand; but we can quite understand how William of England and Normandy might, in sheer disgust, throw up an undertaking in which he did not at once succeed. When he was once more wounded in the most sensitive part, he was, as we shall presently see, all himself again. CHAP.

§ 4.

The Oerndt of 1099.

William, master of Le Mans, but hardly to be called master of Maine, and assuredly not master of the Yexin, stayed in Normandy during the winter which followed the double war in those regions. The time of his absence is spoken of as a time of special oppression in England, a time when the exactions of Flambard and his fellows grew worse and worse, on account of the great sums which had to be sent over the sea for the King's wars. 1 The Christmas feast was again kept in 1

Orderic (773 D ) , immediately after recording t h e submission of the

Cenomannian castles, goes on to draw a harrowing picture of t h e sufferings of E n g l a n d

during t h e K i n g ' s a b s e n c e ;

how " E a n n u l f u s

Flambardua

GEMOTS

OF

257

IO99.

Normandy, in what city or castle we are not told, but

CHAP.

VI.

such incidental notices as we have seem to point to William keeps

Rouen as his usual head-quarters when he was in the duchy.

Christmas

He came back to England in time for the Easter ^Muty"

feast; the feast implies the assembly; but we have no I098~I099account of its doings; there was no longer in England Gemiit. either an Anselm to afford subjects for discussion or an AI0P n l I0 ' J Eadmer to report the debates.

99-

The next festival was of whitsun

greater importance, if only on. account of the place where it was held, a place ever-memorable in the his- hal1 1 ,

at

West-

tory of England from that day to this.

" A t Pentecost minster,

the King William held his court for the first time in the f ^ . ' 9 , new building at Westminster." 1 The architectural works of William Eufus form a

Buildings

marked feature in his reign; but the place which they i f ™ 1 4 1 1 1 hold in the national annals is singular.

They are set

down among the grievances of that unhappy time.

Be- among^

sides the bad weather, which was not the Red King's 0 jam

Dunelmi

episcopus, aliique

regis satellites

et

gastaldi,

spoliabant, et latronibus pejores, agricolarum acervos, ac

Angliam

negotiatorum

congeries immisericorditer diripiebant, nec etiam sanguinolentas a sacris cohibebant."

manus

H e then goes on to describe the special wrongs

of the Church, and adds, " S i c immensi census onera per fas perque nefas coacervabant, et regi trans fret urn, ut in nefariis seu commodis usibus expenderentur, destinabant.

Iiujusmodi utique collectionibus grandia regi

xenia prsesentabantur, quibns extranei pro vana laude ditabantur."

They

then cried to God who had raised up E h u d to slay the " rex pinguifsimus " Eglon, which sounds rather like a prayer for the coming of Walter Tirel. the chronology is utterly confused.

But

T h e time of which Orderic is speaking

is the year 1098 ; yet he makes Flam bard already Bishop of Durham, which he was not till 1099,

anc^

makes Anselm withstand all these oppressions

and go away because he could not hinder them.

But, as we well know,

Anselm was already gone in 1097. H e n r y of Huntingdon also (vii. 20) notices the special oppression during the continental war. tumultibus

et

T h e K i n g " in Normanma fuit, semper

hosticis

curis armorum deditus, tributis interim et exactionibus

pessimis populos Anglorum non abradens sed excorians." 1

Chron. Petrib. 1099.

" »Se cyng Willelm . . . . to Eastron hider to lande

com and to Pentecosten for man sifte his hired innan his niwan gebyttlan vet Westmvnstre heold." VOL. I I .

S

They are

national

grievances.

Ti:!: LAST WAES OF WILLIAM KUFUS.

258 CHAP.

vi. fault, and

Various

grievances.

gome

the

bad harvests which were deemed to be

m, a sure his fault, there wore the unrighteous _

taxes and the other forms of unlaw which were, directly his fault; histly there were the great buildings which are set down as not the least among his ways of oppressing tlu- people.

We have heard some of the wails

Complaints which the < 'Uronicler sends up year by year. The year in 1096, of the purchase of Normandy was a year when the land was pressed down by manifold gelds and by a heavy 1097.

time of huuger. 1

The next year, the year of Anselm's

going, was it year of signs in the heavens, and of

mvjelil* Signs and and unweu'hrr below.^ The next year, the year of wonders Maine, the \ ear of the; Yexin, the year of Anglesey, had in 1098. also its physical wonders. In the summer a pool at Finchampst:'ad in Berkshire was said to have welled up blood, 3 Bad weather of 1098.

At Michaelmas the heaven seemed well-nigh all

night as if it were burning. 4

That was a very grievous

year, through manifold ungeld

and through miclcle rains

that all tin' year never stopped; a n d — w h a t came home to those \\ ho could look back to the bright days of the Golden B( i'Mugh — well-nigh all tilth in the marsh-land The great died out."

Such are the mournful voices to which we

hj1 London listen year i >y year; but in the central year of the three I097-

another grievance is added.

" E k e many shires that

with work to London belonged were sorely harassed Se: V, 1. i. ? 5 ;. Chron. Pe riii. 1096, " Dis w;es swiSe hefigtirne gear geond eall Angelcyn reg'V r ],nirh mieiiigfealde gylda, and eac ])iirli switfe hefigtymiie hunger, Je eard ]>;es gcares swiCe gedrellte." 3 This prodiis put 'iv the Chronicler under two years, 1098 and 1100. Florence and W i l l i a m of Malmesbury (iv. 331) place it under the latter year only. St.- cliore, p. »46. 1 Chron. I' irio. 1098. " Toforan See Mieliaeles mwissan retywde eo lieofon sailer 1 • 1 foineall ealle ]1:u nilit byrnende \v;ere." 3 11). "His »as »wiSo geswincfnll gear Jiurli manigfealde ungyld and Jmrh mycele 1- u-m, ]>e ealles geares ne ablunnon forneah ielc tilS 011 mersclande i'orferde. '

2

BUILDINGS

OF

RUFUS.

259

through the wall that they wrought around the Tower, chap. yi. and through the bridge that well nigh all flooded away was, and through the King's hall-work that man in Westminster wrought, and many men therewith harassed." 1 This was the light in which three great works of building on which Englishmen of later days learned to look with national pride were looked on by the men of the time when they were wrought. We hear the Earlier cry of the Hebrew in the brick-field toiling to rear up ParaUelsthe treasure-cities of the Pharaohs. We hear the cry of the Roman plebeian, as the proud Tarquin constrained him to give the sweat of his brow to fence in the seven hills with walls or to burrow beneath the ground to lay the foundations and turn the arches of the great sewer.2 So it was in the days of the Red King with the Tower of London, the bridge of London, the hall of Westminster. We may believe that, as so often happened, the old Abuse of law of England was turned to purposes of oppression. The repair of bridges and fortresses was the universal 1 (.ln'oii. Petrib. 1097. " E a c manege sciran }oih.: weall }>c hi worhton onbutan J>one Tur, et Jiurh ]n bryege ]>e forneah eall toflotan waes, and ["urli fines cynges healle geweorc, u man on Westmynstre worhte and mtenige men ]?Eer mid gedrehte." This is connected by Henry of Huntingdon (vii. 1 9 ) with the other oppressions of the time and with the departure of Anselm ; " Anselmus vero archiepiscopus recessit ab Anglia, quia nihil recti rex pravus in regno suo fieri permittebat, sed provincias intolerabiliter vexabat in tributis qiige numqnam cessabant, in opere muri circa turrim Londonias, in opere aulse regalis apud Westminstre, in rapiiia quam familia sua hostili inodo, ubicunqae rex pergebat, exercebant." The other side of the story comes out in William of Malmosbury (iv. 3 2 1 ) ; " L'tmin iedificium, et ipsum pormaximum, domum in Londonia incepit et perfecit, non parcens expensis dummodo liberalitatis sua: magnificentiam exhiberet." We see here how the " liberalitas " of the R e d K i n g looked in the eyes of those who had to pay for it. B a t it is hard to understand Sir T. D. Hardy's note on the passage of William of Malinesbury ; he is speaking not of the Tower of London, but of Westminster Hall. 2

See L i v y , i. 56, 59. S 2

260 CHAP.

THE

LAST

WA1ÎS

OF

WILLIAM

RUFUS.

vi. b u r t h e n on the E n g l i s h m a n ' s eftel, the d u t y w h i c h owed,

not to a

w e a l t h of least w e

personal

lord, h u t

which he w a s a member. 1 know

to

the

he

common-

I n one case

t h a t the defences of the local

at

capital

w e r e laid b y local l a w upon the people of the w h o l e sliire.'*

"What w a s l a w at C h e s t e r w o u l d seem f r o m t h e

w o r d s of the C h r o n i c l e r to h a v e been l a w in L o n d o n also.

Tlit: c w e r e certain " s h i r e s

L o n d o n belonged.''

that with work

to

W i l l i a m R u f u s m a y therefore h a v e

been quite w i t h i n the letter of the a n c i e n t l a w in c a l l i n g on the people- of certain shires to contribute in m o n e y or labour to ,iny w o r k s w h i c h w e r e needed for either the T o w e r or the bridge of L o n d o n .

B u t it is clear

that

this is the k i n d of law w h i c h opens the w a y to a g r e a t a m o u n t 01 oppression in detail, and t h a t the l a w itself supplies t e m p t a t i o n s to e x t o r t more t h a n the l a w gives. The bridge T h e bridg< at least w a s a n u s e f u l w o r k , a n d if the m e n and the Tower.

of London t h o u g h t t h a t the T o w e r stood b y their w a l l s rather to o v e r a w e t h e m t h a n to defend them, t h a t w a s a n arguimnfc w h i c h could n o t be o p e n l y b r o u g h t

Question as to the hall.

ward.

for-

But. it is b y no m e a n s clear w h e t h e r the a n c i e n t

l a w a b o u t 1 n idges a n d fortresses could be stretchi d so as to t a k e in w o r k s a t the K i n g ' s palace.

A n y h o w the

b u r t h e n laid on the people w a s f r i g h t f u l l y oppressive, a n d those w h o i'el.t the b u r t h e n b i t t e r l y complained.

A n d , if

w e r i g h t h u n d e r s t a n d the Chronicler, the g r i e v a n c e of b u i l d i n g the bridge w a s doubled b y a flood w h i c h s w e p t a w a y the unfinished w o r k , a n d m a d e it n e e d f u l to b u i l d i t over again. 3 Thus, amid the toils a n d g r o a n s of the people, three m i g h t y wi rks arose, to h a n d d o w n the n a m e of W i l l i a m R u f u s to M!'ter ages as a g r e a t b u i l d e r . 1

See N . C.

While

Rufus

2 See N . C. vol. iv. p. 310. Ì. l>p. 93. 601. 3 See nute oil p. 259.

GROWING

GREATNESS

OF

261

LONDON.

was harrying the land of Maine, a land which but for

CHAP. VI.

him might have remained peaceful and h a p p y under a righteous ruler, while he was striving in vain to bring the heights of Chaumont and Montfort under his power, the people of a large part of England were giving their strength and their money to make London put on a new face, to make all things ready for the time w h e n the K i n g should again come to his island kingdom to wear his crown in or hard by its greatest city.

All

Growth

these w o r k s point, among other things, to the steady greatness growth of the greatness of London.

The city had

grown fast in importance during the whole

o f Lon(,on -

century

which was now drawing to an end, and at no time faster than during Harold's nine months of little stillness. 1

London had become the city of the K i n g ; W i n -

Chester was left to be the city of the Old attractions

of the N e w

Forest drew the

Lady. 2

The

Relations

wt-

Conqueror, c l l e s t e r -

specially after the death of Eadgyth, back again to the old W e s t - S a x o n

capital;

but this preference of W i n -

chester as the head-quarters of sport in no w a y checked the advance of London as the real head of the kingdom. o

Harsh as m a y have been the means b y which the Red K i n g raised his great buildings, richly as he and they m a y have earned the curses of his subjects at the time, wo can say nothing against either the taste or the policy which led him to the defence and the adornment

of

the great city and of the palace which l a y under its shadow. Notwithstanding any momentary checks, the w o r k s went on and prospered.

The great tower of G u n d u l f —

The wall

strange w o r k for the meek follower of Anselm — w a s To""«-1'1' fenced in with a surrounding wall.

The river was

spanned by its first stone bridge, that long range 1 2

London

ofBndge'

See N . C. vol. in. pp. 6-f. 340. See N. C. vol. i. pp. 306, 317 ; vol. iii. pp. 66, 540, 640; vol. iv. p. 59.

262

TliB

LAST

WARS

OF

WILLIAM

EUFUS.

jHAi-. vi. n a r r o w arches. itself a thickly-peopled city over the stream, of which the last traces vanished in our own Westminster Hall.

early days.

But above all there now arose t h a t f a m o u s

hall of W£er Eannulfe his capellane jra-t biscoprice on D u n h o l m e g e i f , ]>e ieror ealle his gemot ofer eall Engleland draf and bewiste." 2

See vol. i. p. 333.

The date, place, and consecrator are g i v e n b y his biographer in A n g .

Sao. i. 707, w h o adds that it was done " sine ulla exaetione sicut et Willelmus quondam predecessor illius."

professions,

1099.

272 CHAP.

THE

I,AST

WARS

OP

WILLIAM

RUFU8.

vi. bishopric, as it is the last recorded k i n g l y act of Rufus

ofhthe°aer pointment.

NVas

the crowning act of that abuse of the

royal power in ecclesiastical matters, that bringing low of the Church and her ministers, which is so marked a feature of his reign. 1

To place the bishop's staff in the

hands of Randolf Flambard was going a step further than Flambard's

to place it in the hands of Robert Bloet.

Y e t Flambard

1099-1128.

showed himself in some ways, in all temporal ways, as a

His works

great prelate. A mighty builder, he joined his efforts with

at D u r h a m .

^ ^

0

111011 ks

f

to carry on Saint Cuthberht's abbey

on a plan a- noble as that on which William of SaintCalais had brgun it, and with greater richness of detail. 2 He strengthened the fortifications of his castle and city; he laid out the green between the castle and the abbey. T h e castle

A t the extr-me border of what was now the English

Of N o r h a m .

k i n g (

j

not

o m )

extreme border of his own diocese,

on

he founded the famous castle of Norham.

It was built,

we are told, as a defence alike against border thieves and against attacks of invading Scots. 3

W i l l i a m of Malinesbury (Gest. P o n t . 274), a f t e r describing F l a m b a r d ' s

1

former doings, adds e m p h a t i c a l l y ; Dunelmensem meruit." t0

But this last

say—"meruit,

" Q u i b u s artibus fretus, episcopatam

B u t he scratched out w h a t lie a t first w e n t on

ut sanctius ingrederetur, dutvs millelibris."

One would

h a v e looked for a larger sum. 2

See N . C. \ol. v. p. 6 3 1 .

B u t it would seem from the words of the

biographer ( X >criptt. 62 ; A n g . Sac. ii. 709) t h a t the w o r k w a s not quite finished till aft.-r his d e a t h ; " E o tempore [in the five years' v a c a n c y that followed] navis ecclesia; Dunelmensis monachis operi ¡«stantibus peracta est."

This

can

hardly m e a n the v a u l t , w h i c h seems later still.

biographer also describes his other local works, specially

how

The

"urbem

hanc, licet n a t .ra munierit, inuro ipse reddidit fortiorem et a u g u s t i o r e m . " W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y (Gest. P o n t . 274) records n e w b u i l d i n g s for the monks among his better deeds. 3

T h e biographer (11. s.) says, " Condidit castellum in excelso p r e e m p t »

rupis

super

Twulam

Scotorum irrupt iones. Scotorvm,

flmnen, Ibi

ut inde

l a t r o n u m incuTsua

enim, utpote in

ere)., r prtedantibus

ante

patebat

confinio

inlriberet. et Anglonm

et

incursus, nullo ibidem

quo

hnjusmodi imp' tus repelleretur pnesidio locato."

regni

F r o m Simeon's G e s t a

H i g u m we fin.- that the place wa~ N o r h a m and the date 1 1 2 1 .

T h e words

EPISCOPATE

OF

FLAMBARD.

273

motive was hardly needed in the days of Eadgar, Alex- chap. v i . andor. and David. Every temporal right of his church he defended to the uttermost.1 Still eager to be first, His perpretending with voice and gesture more of wrath than character, he really felt, we see in the mighty Bishop of Durham essentially the same man as the royal officer who made sad the enthronization day of Anselm.2 As to his life and conversation strange tales are told. The Bishop is said to have wantonly exposed his monks to temptations most contrary to monastic rule, to have entertained them in the episcopal hall along with guests most unbecoming for an episcopal castle, and to have marked as hypocrites all who refused to join in his unseemly revelries.3 But the mass of Flambard's doings as bishop, good or bad, belong to the reign of Henry, to his own second epi-1106?scopate. Our own story will show him, after a short I I 2 8 ' occupation of his see, an exile, an exile after the type of William of Saint-Calais rather than after the type of Anselm. From that exile he came back, as his predecessor in Italics should be noticed. By tile time of this writer the older position of Lothian was beginning to be forgotten ; it had passed to Northumberland. The building of the castle suggests to the biographer a remark on Flambard's character; "Taliter impulsa quodam impatienteotii de opere transibat ad opus, nil reputans factum, nisi factis nova jam facienda suecederent." 1 " Jura libertatis episcopii secundum vires contra extráñeos defendebat," sa3'S the biographer. 2 " Inerat ei episcopo magncmimitas quam quondam procurator regni contraxit ex potentia, ut. in conventu procerum vel primus vel cum primis semper contenderet esse, et inter honoríficos honoris locum magnificentius obtineret. Vastiori semper clamore vultuque minaci magis simulare quam exhibere." In all this the servant is very like his master. 3 According to William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 274), he first behaved well for fear of Saint Cuthberht, but finding that some smaller misdeeds went unpunished, he presently ventured on greater. But in the existing text he mentions only that Mambard dragged criminals out of sanctuary, " ausus scelus omnibus retro annis inauditum." William had written, but he found it expedient to strike out, how the Bishop not only set forbidden food before his monks, but, " ut magis religionem irritaret, puellas speciosissimas qu¿e es sent procatioris forrníe et faciei eis propinare juberet, strictis ad corpus vestibus, solutis in terga crinibus." l^nT

TT

rp

274 CHAP.

THE

LAST

WAES

OP

IVILLIAM

RUFUS.

vi. came back, to go on with his great work, to rule, with unabated strength of mind and body, to extreme old age, and to die with every sign of penitence. 1

The appointment of Flambard is the last recorded act of the Red King on English ground. We take leave of him, as far as the affairs of our own country are concerned, in the new hall of Westminster, placing the bishop's staff in a hand which doubtless grasped it more readily than Later the hand of Anselm. But we have still to see somewhat the year! h™1 111 t"\vi > other characters, in either of which he was I0 99more at home than in that of the civil ruler. We have to look at him as the hunter and as the warrior. From the © great coreinonvf at Westminster he seems to have straightway taken himself to enjoy the sports of the woods in Wiltshire. The prince who ruled on both sides of the channel had come back to his island realm to busy himself both with English affairs and with English pleasure-. While thus engaged, his thoughts were once more su> klenly called to matters beyond the sea. § 5.

The Second

War of Maine-

April—September,

Action of

Aucmst \°9s.r A p r i l 1099.

1099.

In the August of the last year William had given Helias of Maine his full leave to do what he could against him. reserving: to himself the like O O doubtless power to d< 1 what he could against Helias. In the months which had since passed the Count of Maine had shown that lie could do a 0good deal; but it seemingly 0 J was not till lie had shown the full range of his powers of doingo that the Kingo felt himself called on once more 1

Tl.e details

el' a very penitent end are given b y the biographer.

A m o n g other c u f t s s i o n i of sin, the Bishop says, " p l u g volui illis nocere quam potui "—tin; comjlaint of the Confessor. T h e persons who were to be hurt seem to be ; in monks and men of the church of Durham.

RENEWED

ACTION

OP

HELIAS.

275

to try his own powers against him. "William did not CHAP. VJ. stir himself till the news came that Helias was again in Le Mans, and then he stirred himself indeed. Helias, when he was set free in August, Avent at once to his August, own immediate possessions on the border of Maine and Anjou. If he was no longer Count of Maine, he was withdraws still lord of La Flèche. If he could no longer reign on pi^ehe. the Cenomannian height, in the palace on the Roman wall or in the tower before whose rising strength the Roman wail itself had given way, he could at least keep his own native town and castle. At La Flèche, and He in the whole southern part of the county, Helias still the castles reigned, undisputed and unthreatened. He was still Loi^6 lord of the whole line of fortresses which guarded the course of the Loir, the tributary of the greater stream with which its name is so easily confounded. The castles along that river, reared doubtless to guard the Cenomannian border against attacks from the south, served, now that things had so strangely turned about, to protect the southern districts of Maine against attacks from its own capital. In front of the land to be guarded stood the castles of Mayet and Outillé. Along the Loir itself stood a formidable line of defences ; La Chartre guarded one end, La Flèche the other ; between them lay La Lude and the fortress -which is still specially known as the Castle of the Loir. The stream flows below the hill- La Chartre. fort of La Chartre, once held by Geoffrey of Mayenne, 1 but the name of this castle is not mentioned in our present story. The omission is singular, as La Chartre must always have been a post of special importance, guarding Maine towards the land of Chartres as well as towards the now Angevin land of Tours. It rises, like Bellême and Saint Cenery, on the bluff of a promontory where two mounds with their fosses mark the site of the 1

See N . C. vol. iv. p. 544. T

2

THE LA3T WABS OF WILLIAM EtlFUS.

276

vi. fortress, and where the rocky sides of the hill are pierced, like the hill of Nottingham, like so many hills along the greater Loire, with the dwelling-places of man. La Flèche. Much lower down, the Loir is Helias' own special home of La Flèche, where all traces of his day have vanished, but where the castle of John and Paula must have stood, on a site most unlike that of La Chartre, on one of the rich and grassy islands which are there formed by the Châteaubranching of tin- stream. Château-du-Loir lies between iu-Loir. a l l ( ] f]10 r i Y C r from which it takes its name is a far less prominent feature there than at either La Flèche or La Chartre. The fortress which is specially called the Castle of the Loir stands at a greater distance from its waters than either of the other two. But of the stronghold itself it has more to show than either. The castle stands half-hidden in the midst of the small modern town, and the approaches to it have been carefully defaced and levelled. But the stump of a tower of irregular shape still remains, which may well be a fragment of the stronghold of Helias ; the neighbouring church too still keeps un'1er its choir a crypt which must be far older than his day. Still in possession of a considerable part of his dominions, master of a district so strongly guarded, the undisputed lord of La Flèche began to make everything ready for a campaign which might Prépara- make him once more Count of Le Mans. From August Heliasf ti^ April, Helias kept within his own lands—like a bull 1 August _ j n t h e hiding-places of the woods, says the local writer — 1 0 9 9 . A p n strengthening his own fortresses and making alliances wherever he could. The whole line of castles, together with the fortified villages in the neighbourhood, had by A p r i l 10, Easter-tide K en made ready for defence against the I0 "' attacks of any enemy.2 CHAP.

1

Vet. A n . 306 " (¿nasi taurus i n latebris silvaruni." - Ib. " Heliu; .vud eastrum L i d et in castris cireumpositiu

morabatur,

HELIAS

THE

CASTLES

BY

THE

277

LOIE.

Helias now deemed that the time was come for offensive operations against the invaders of Maine. He began to x

_

0

°

attack the posts which were occupied b y the King's

CHAP. VI.

Helias begins operations.

forces, and to lay waste the lands in their possession. In this work he was secretly favoured b y the people of the country, 1 and before long a large body of his friends and neighbours had openly joined his banner.

In June He

he set forth at the head of a great forcfe for an enterprise ^ain^r against the city itself. 2 We should like to know what, î"6 Miins .

J u n e , 1099.

in such a case, was deemed a great force; but we may suspect that the following of Helias would largely consist of irregular levies, not well fitted, unless with the advantage of very superior numbers, to measure themselves with the picked and tried mercenaries of Rufus. army marched northwards towards Le Mans.

The

A little

J u n c t i o n of

to the south-west of the city the Sarthe is joined by the jjuisne. Huisne, the stream which, with its tributaries, waters the whole north-eastern part of Maine.

The river is at

this point shallow and weedy, with woody banks and small islands in its bed.

Two old lines of road lead

from the south towards the lower course of the Huisne. One leads towards the bridge of Pontlieue, a bridge atque vires suas . . . . ad nova certamina, in q u a n t u m poterat, reparabat, castella sua vallo a t q u e fossa muniendo, et sibi vicinorum amicitias atque auxilia

conseiseendo."

So Orderic, 7 7 3 C ;

" Quinque oppida sua

cum

adjacentibus vicis instruxit, sollicita procuratione damna supplevit, propriisque negotiis sedulus institit. I n t e r i m tamen

A b A u g u s t o usque ad pascha in pace siluit.

quasi specimine nisus suos liostibus

ostenderet, callide

cogitavit, et multotiens cum fidis affinibus t r a c t a v i t . " T h e five castles m a y be Château-du-Loir, L u d e ( L i t ) , M a y e t , Outille, and Y a u x .

L a F l è c h e is perhaps t a k e n for granted.

A l l these, except

L u d e , are mentioned as we go on. 1

Ord. V i t . 774 C .

" S e q u e n t i anno Helias post pascha iterare guerram

cœpit, et clam consentientibus indigenis, depopulari confinia et militiam regis lacessere s a t e g i t . " 2

lb.

A n . 307.

" Mense Junio cum insigni multitudine militum venit." " S e q u e n t i ¡estate magno vicinorum a t q u e amicorum

congregato."

Vet.

exercitu

THE

278

CHAP.

LAST

WAES

OF

WILLIAM

RUFUS.

vi. which has a history in modern times.1

The other leads

to a ford less than a mile lower down the stream, now known as the ford of Mauny.

One of our accounts dis-

tinctly makes Helias cross by a ford; the other seems less distinctly to imply that he crossed by a bridge.'2

At

any rate he crossed in this quarter, immediately south Battle at

of Le Mans.

Pontheue.

^^

lie challenged the King's troops in the The

comc

challenge was accepted, and a

battle followed on the ground between the Huisne and the city.

Pontlieue may now pass as a suburb of Le

Mans, and not its least busy suburb.

In those days the

flat ground -u a* doubtless all open; the hospital reared by Henry the Second in the neighbourhood of his native city must ha \ e been placed there as in a rural retreat. V i c t o r y of recovers

The fight wa*. stout; the King's troops fought valiantly;

^ but they were put to flight by the greater numbers of li^eratincV host.

L e Mans.

The beaten Ogarrison sought shelter O

in the city; fliers and pursuers streamed in together; the gates could not be shut; Count Helias was again in Le Mans at the head of a conquering army. 3 1

O f the t w o b r i d g e s side b y side, t h e elder is useless, t w o a r c h e s h a v i n g

been b r o k e n dov> n bv the Y e n d e a n s in 1 7 9 3 .

B a t t h e r e lias b e e n f i g h t i n g

n o t f a r oil" in still Inter time«. 2

Ord. Y i t . 77 j O.

" Y o n i t ad Planchias Godefredi, v a d u m

Eguenise

fiuminis p e r t r a i w v i t , r e g i o s q u e p u g i l e s qui u r b e m e n s t o d i e b a n t flictum

lacessiit."

advenit;

Y e t . A n . 307.

cui mi i ites

regis

" N011

simul cum

longe

populo

a

eivitate

usque

ad

ad

con-

improvisus

Pontem-Leugie

hostiliter o c c u m ntes q u u m e j u s i m p e t u m sustinere non possent in f u g a m conversi

sunt,

ilia v e r o

amne

t r a n s m i s s o , eos v i r i l i t e r i n s e c u t u s , "

T h e s e t w o acc Y o r k °e Eadgar and Waltheof entered Y o r k . And at Le Mans, in 1069.

sunt.

T u n c etiam hostes c u m eisdem ingressi sunt, quia eorum violentia

coerciti municipes portas claudere nequiverunt ; sed per urbem fugientes v i x in arcem aliasque munitiones introire pofcuerunt." V e t . A n . 307. " I l l e [Helias] cum suo exercitu civitatem nullo prohibente audacter ingressus, eos qui in munilionibus erant repentina obsidione conclusit." 1

Orel. V i t . 774 C. " C i v e s Heliam multum diligebant, ideoque dominatum

ejus magis quam N o r m a n n o r u m affectabant urbanis civitate susceptus

est."

Porro Helias a g a u d e n t i b u s

W a c e (14884) strongly brings out the

general zeal for Helias, though he has his o w n explanation for it ; " Cil del M a n s od li se teneient,

E t à seignor le desiroent,

D'avancier li s'entremetteient,

Com costumes est de

E li homes de la loée

Ki

plusors,

conveitent novels seignors.

Esteient t u i t à sa criée.

P a r espeir des veisins chastels

E li baron de la cuntrée

E par consence des Mansels,

Orent por li mainte medlée ;

H e l i e s el M a n s s'embati,

M u l t le preisoent et amoent,

E cil del M a n s l'unt recoilli."

Helias however waa not a new lord, a fact which W a c e ' s confused order puts out of sight.

On the somewhat different tone of the Biographer of

the Bishops, see A p p e n d i x K K . 2

Ord. V i t . u. s.

" Municipes qui inunimcnta regis servabant omnibus

necessariis pleniter abundabant, et idcirco usque ad mortem pro domini sui fidelitate prœliari satagebant." 3

See N . C. vol. iv. p. 266.

THE LAST WAES OF WILLIAM BUFUS.

280 CHAP.

vi. as at Y o r k , the native deliverers occupied the city while the foreign garrison still held the castles.

The Normans

at Le Mans betook themselves to the same means of defence as the Normans at Y o r k , the familiar means of defence of their nation.

Whether he would or not, the

j o y o u s entry of Helias was to be celebrated with the same kind of offerings as the crowning and the churching of the Conqueror.

Westminster, Y o r k , Mantes, had felt

the Norman power of destruction; the turn of Le Mans The set

was now come. fireto

the city.

Walter the son of Ansgar set his en-

gineers to wi>rk, and, when the evening came, i;i r a n c l s

and

mt

flaming

cinders were hurled from their engines

upon the houses of the city.

It was summer; all things

were dry;. a strong east wind was blowing, and all Le Mans was presently in a blaze. 1

H o w the groat minster,

so near to the King's tower, escaped without damage does not appear.

But, as the church stands between the

castle and the main part of the city, we may conceive that the fiery bolts launched b y the engines from the tower might

ily over the

doing harm.

In any case, before the end of the day on

roof of its nave

without

which Helias entered, a large part of the city and suburbs was burned.

The true prince was again in his own

c i t y ; but he had nothing there to reign over, except Bis-

smoking ruins commanded b y a hostile fortress. ^ove

m e n t o t the w e a r e citizens.

somewhat lessened b y this mischance of warfare,

w a s

1

And

^ e Wizens for their count

Ord. V i t . 7 " ; J«.

quos

secum luil - -bat

" G a l t e r r a s A n s g e r i i filius custos arcis j u s s i t fabris operari,

scoriam

quoque

candentem

domorum a balistariis impetuose jactari.

Tunc

Geminos

mimdus

pcragmbnt,

et ingenti

siccitate

turbo iml'i'icibie a « b r u m insidebat.

super

rutilua T i t a n arebat,

tecta

sublimes

flammeusque

Sic nimius ignis accensus est, quo

nimiura praevalciiU: tota civitas combusta e s t . "

Y e t . A n . 307.

erant in arce, :Hcto vespere i g n e m m a x i m u m

incendentes, in

domos ardentes r'.irulas gumma instantia

jactare

coeperunt.

" I l l i qui subjcctas Ignis

vero

flante E u r o convc:..-*cens t o t a m c i v i t a t e m c u m m a g n a parte suburbiorumconsumpsit."

F o r ¡'[-nop H i l d e b e r t ' s v i e w of t h e m a t t e r , see A p p e n d i x K K .

BUKNING

OF

LE

281

MAN'S.

which was surely no fault of his.

We are significantly

CHAP. VI.

told that they were less eager to fight for him in the evening than they had been in the morning. 1

Wooden

houses indeed could easily be rebuilt; it may even be that that day's fire cleared the space for those noble domestic buildings of a little later date, some of which the official barbarism of our own day has deigned to spare, and of which those that still remain count among the choicest treasures of Le Mans. 2

But at the moment

the effect must have been disheartening, and the change in the feelings of the people is in no w a y wonderful. A t Le Mans, as at Y o r k in the like case, the business of the moment was the assault of the castles; but at Le Mans the enterprise of the deliverers was less fortunate than it had been at Y o r k .

The citizens of Le Mans

were not, like the citizens of Y o r k , to have the pleasure of breaking down the stronghold of the stranger.

Helias

himself, after all, was a French prince of the eleventh century, and he would hardly have been so ready as Waltlieof was to encourage such a work.

He had never,

during his earlier reign, thought of playing Timoleon in that special fashion. were first to be taken.

But in any case the fortresses Walter the son of Ansgar seems

to have been a more wary captain than William Malet 1

Y e t . A n . 307.

" Quo incendio populus stupefactus atque in moestitiam

conversus non satis lid urn comiti prrestabat auxilium." 2

T h e work of destruction which has been done in modern times at

Paris and Rouen seems a trifle compared to the merciless havoc wrought at L e Mans.

I t amounts almost to a physical destruction of the city.

The

hill has been cut through to make a road from the modern part of the town to the river.

This has involved breaking through the Koman walls,

cutting through the Vicllu Rome and the other ancient streets, sweeping away the finest of the Romanesque houses, dividing in short the hill and the ancient ci ty into two parts severed by a yawning gap.

The mediaeval

wall has further been broken down and made into a picturesque ruin. W h e n I was first at L e Mans in 1868, the city was still untouched; i8?6

the havoc was doing ; by 1879 it was done.

in

Some conceited mayor

or prefect doubtless looks 011 all this brutal destruction as a noble exploit.

Operation castles!the

282

THE

I.AST

WAES

OF

WILLIAM

RUFIIS.

vi. and Gilbert of Ghent. He did not risk a sally, and Iielias had not the same opportunity as Waltheof of showing his personal prowess by cutting off Norman T h e castles heads in the gate.1 He was driven to a formal siege of in va?n.d the castle. Amid the ashes of the burned city he planted Question of his engines to play upon the royal tower. We may towers. almost suspi et, from a story which we shall come to presently, that the new towers of Saint Julian's were profaned to warlike uses, and were made, as they well might be, to play a part in the attack. But in any case the attack was in vain. The strength of the fortresses, the skill with which their defenders brought engines to answer engines, were too great for all the batteringRobert of works of Hi lias.2 The King's tower and Mont Barbet strengthens both held out, and Robert of Bellême took the further Ballon. precaution of s t r e n g t h e n i n g the defences of Ballon. 3 CHAP.

T h e news th^King.

But it was not enough for the garrisons to hold out. They served a master beyond the sea ; and that master had yet to learn either that they were holding out or that there was any enemy for them to hold out against. We are in this story doubtless dealing with the work of a very few days. The fight by the ford, the entry of Helias, and the fire, all took place 011 the same day. The sieo-e of the .-astles would begin at the first moment that any engines could be brought up. Whether Helias had brought tliem with him, or whether he had to send for 1

See N . C. v 1. iv. p. 267.

2

Vet. A n . 307.

ad jactandos

" Comes contra munitiones machinas atque tormenta

la pi l e i erigens, cos qui intus erant summo conamine ex-

pugnare nitebatur.

At

illi contra machinas

omnia ejus ni!it lina frustrabant."

ejus machinas

Ord. V i t . 774 D .

facientes.

" H e l i a s et sui

frustra machini - i-t assultibus valde laboraverunt ; sed contra i n e x p u g n a b l e s munitiones nihi

pnevalnerunt."

" L i Mans li unt abandoné, Tot, forz la t>r de la cite. 3

Ord, V i t .

! I).

So Viace,

14898 ;

L a tor se tint, Mansels l'asistrent, Tot environ li bore porpristrent."

" R o d b e r t u s Belesmensis Balaonem munivit."

THE

NEWS

BROUGHT

TO

WILLIAM.

283

them, we are not told. We may be sure that there CHAP. VI. was no great delay in sending the news to the King; but the messenger did not start till he had something more to tell than that Le Mans, or what was left of it, was in the hands of its own count. A Norman Pheidippidês, Amalchis by name, the special courier of Robert of Bellême, was sent with the The news news. 1 He crossed the sea ; he hastened to the King's M^fn* t 0 hunting-seat of Clarendon, and met William and a party ^0er^t6W of his favourite companions going forth to hunt in the New Forest. The King asked the messenger what the news was. The ne ws was speedily told ; Le Mans was taken by treason. But Amalchis could add some words of comfort, how his own lord held Ballon, how the King's troops in the city, though besieged and attacked by the enemy, still held out in the fortresses, how they were longing for the King to come in person to their help.2 We can hardly believe that Rufus had heard nothing of the general movements of Helias in southern Maine ; but all that had happened since the Count set forth for Pontlieue came to his ears in a single message. At the hearing of such a tale as this William the Red did not tarry. He waited for no counsellors. His words were only, " Let us go beyond the sea and help our friends." When those around him bade him wait till a force could be made ready, he answered, " I will see who will follow me. Do you think that I shall be left without men? I know well the youth of my lands, they will hasten to 1 Ord. V i t . 774 D. " Cursorem mum Amalehisum confestim ad regem in Angliam direxit." W e do not get the name anywhere else. Wace (14902) well brings out the opposition of " Normanz " and " Mansels ; "

" Normanz ki la tor desfendirent Quant la force des Mancels virent, E n Engleterre unt envéié, 2 See Appendix P P . I t is Normant Andresen, 9S03.

De secors unt li reis préié, L'adventure li unt mandée, E des Hansels la trestornée." and Mantels in the new edition of

William

284

THE

LAST

WAES

OP W I L L I A M

KUFUS.

vi. come to me. even at the risk of shipwreck." So saying, without following, without preparation, he loosened his bridle, he put spurs to his horse, he rode straight to the sea-shore at Southampton, and at once trusted himself all alone to an old crazy ship which he found there. He crosses The sky was cloudy; the wind was contrary; the blasts toTou( ues l - tossed up huge waves; the sailors prayed him to wait till the wind- and the waves should be more inclined to peace and mercy. " I never heard of a king being drowned," cried Rufus; "make haste, loose your cables; you will see the elements join to obey me." He set sail, and the next morning he reached the haven of Touques, God, we are told by the monk of Saint Evroul, being his guide. 1 CHAP.

The spot where William landed must, especially at the moment of William's landing, have had a widely different Touques look from that which it bears in our own day. The river tiine"fa!' from which the town of Touques takes its name, flowing down from Lisieux to its mouth by the modem pleasuretown of Trumille, has had its course shifted by modern improvements; but it has perhaps not greatly changed in width or Uilk of stream since the time of our story. Touques lies a few miles inland; but a high tide would easily bring up the small vessels of that day to the point which was - >nce a busy haven, but which now affords at the most a landing-place for barges. The single long street, full ;¡to. e the realm of Henry and Matilda was, through the

par t 0f the

hain of events which began with Emma's marriage, fast hanging from the separate world of yEthelred's day into . part of the larger world of Western Europe, the world of !jatinitas, of Latin speech and of learning, the world sdiich, amidst all the struggles of rival Popes and Emierors, still deemed itself the world of Rome.

A n d in Advance

ew ages had that world done more to extend itself ^atin han in the age which began with Jithelred and ended ^ o r l d pith Henry.

iu

A t the beginning of the century northern eleventh

¡urope was still largely heathen; England was

fight-century"

306 CHAP.

THE LAST DAYS OF WILLIAM

vii. ing

the

battle

of Christendom

RUFUS.

against

the

Danish

Conversion

renegade.

Now the kingdoms of the North had passed

North.

i n t o the Christian fold.

The

ginning of the century and the end is best marked

The change between the be-

by saying that before its end the crusades had begun, that the first crusade had been crowned with the greatest of crusading victories.

But, in looking at the crusades

of the East, the abiding crusade of the West must not The

be forgotten.

inSpain.

us

Our own Chronicler has not failed to tell

somewhat of the great strife of Christian and Saracen

in the south- western peninsula, 1 and if the taking of Toledo was followed by reverses of the Christian arms, it was only by dint of help from Africa.

Here is a sign

that the tide was turned, and that it was only b y such help from beyond the straits, by a new passage of Africa into Europe, that Islam could maintain itself in the once Roman and Gothic land.

In the Eastern world, the

crusade should not make us forget the causes of the Decline

crusade.

Eastern

Eastern Rome in her full might, the might of Saracenic

A t the beginning of the century we saw the

Empire,

victories which were already won, of Bulgarian victories which were winning.

But now, as the Western Mus-

sulman has to call in help from Africa, so the Eastern Christian has to call in help from Western Europe. Eenewed advance.

The Christian frontier in Asia has indeed frightfully gone i ^ k

S

ulce

t] le beginning of the century; but it

has again begun to advance; Nikaia, Antioch, Jerusalem itself, are restored to the Christian world, and Nikaia is restored, not only to the Christian world but Sicily.

to the obedience of the Eastern Augustus.

And, b y not

least memorable change among so many, the great Mediterranean island, the battle-field of Greek and Saracen, has passed away from the rule of either, while remaining the flourishing dwelling-place of both. Sicily has entered See the entry in the Chronicle, 1087.

SCHEMES OF WILLIAM

RUFUS.

307

within the range of Western Christendom, and Palermo, chap. vii. like Winchester, has entered within the range of Norman dominion. When iEthelred reigned at Winchester and Richard at Rouen, a bishop of Evreux could not have performed the funeral rites of a bishop of Bayeux within the walls and between the havens of the Happy City. Changes then had been great in east and west and north and south during the century which carries us from Otto the Wonder of the World and Basil the Slayer of the Bulgarians to what at first sight seems the lower level of Henry the Fourth and Alexios Komnenos. And Change • T i i • from •when in our own land the same space carries us from iEthelred iEthelred to William Rufus, the gap seems wider still. R u ^ l i a m And it was at least not the fault of William Rufus that the changes wrought by the eleventh century were not greater still. iEthelred, the man without rede, was not likely to change the face of the world, unless by passively supplying the means for Swegen and Cnut to change it. But William Rufus had no lack of rede of one kind, though it was perhaps of a kind which better deserved to be called unrede. But it was unre.de of a more active kind than the unrede of iEthelred. William Schemes of was eager enough to change the face of the world for Eufus " his own behoof. To win, after a sort, the submission of Scotland and Maine, to plan the conquest of Ireland and France, to negotiate for the purchase of Aquitaine—here alone are far-reaching plans enough, plans which could not have been carried out without some large result on the history of mankind. That result could never have been the lasting establishment of that Empire of Gaul and Britain of which Rufus seems to have dreamed. But had his continental plans been successful, they might have led, as the marriage of Lewis and Eleanor in the next century might have led, to the formation of a kingdom of France in the modern sense some ages before its time. X1

308 CHAP. VII.

Contradiction in William's position.

His defeats not counted defeats.

The year Lack of events in months.

THE

LAST

DAYS OF W I L L I A M

RUFUS.

The strange thing is t h a t a m a n who schemed so much, who filled so great a place in the eyes of his own generation, after all did so little. Almost more strange is the way in which he sees all his great plans utterly shattered, and yet seems to feel no shame, no discouragement, no shock to his belief in his own greatness. H e comes back really defeated ; he has twice won Le Mans, and t h a t is a l l ; but if he ha- won Le Mans, he cannot win Mayet. So far from winning Paris, he cannot win Chaumont. So far from reigning on the Garonne, he cannot keep even the frontier of tin- Loir. But w h a t would have been counted defeat in any one else does not seem to have been counted defeat in William Rufus. Beaten a t all points but one, he still keeps the air of a conqueror; he still seems to be looked on as a conqueror by others. From the beginning to the end, there is a k i n d of glamour about the Red King and all t h a t he does. He has a kind of sleight of hand which imposes on men's minds; like the Athenian orator, when he is t h r o w n in the wrestlingmatch. he makes those who saw his fall believe t h a t he has never fallen. 1 We might even borrow a word from the piebald jargon of modern diplomacy; we might say t h a t the reign of the Red King was the highest recorded effort of jjrettiye. And now we have entered on the last year of the reign mltur yi s a year whose earlier months are, within our own range at least, singularly barren of events, while its latter months are full of matter to record. I t is a kind of tribute to the importance of William Rufus t h a t there is at once so much to record the moment he is out of the way. When he is gone, a large part of the world feels relief. But about the lack of events earlier in the \ ear there is something strange and solemn. 1

See Plutarch, Perikl^s, 8.

THE

YEAR

IIOO.

309

The last year of the eleventh century was not marked CHAP. V I I . by that general feeling of awe and wonder and looking forward to judgement which marked the last year of the yeariooo. tenth century. But, at least within the range of the Vague exRed King's influence, that year seems to have been afloat!'0"5 marked by that vague kind of feeling of a coming something which some of us have felt before the great events of our own times. Whatever may be the cause, it is certain that, as the news of events which have happened sometimes travels with a speed which ordinary means cannot account for, 1 so the approach of events which have not yet happened is sometimes felt in a way which we can account for as little. Coming events do cast their shadows before them, in a fashion which, whether philosophy can explain it or not, history must accept as a fact. And coming events did preeminently cast their shadows before them in the first half of the year 1100. In that age the feeling which weighed on men's minds Portents naturally took the form of portent and prophecy, ofp^eC?es." strange sights seen and strange sounds listened to. There is not the slightest ground for thinking that all these tales are mere inventions after the fact, though they were likely enough to be improved in the telling after the fact. The frightful state of things in the land, unparalleled even in those evil times, joined with the feeling of expectation which always attends any marked note of time, be it a fresh week or a fresh millennium—all worked together to bring about a looking for something to come, partly perhaps in fear, but far more largely in hope. Things could hardly get worse; they might get better. Men's minds were charged with expectation; every sight, every sound, became an omen ; if some men risked prophecies, if some of their prophecies were fulfilled, it was not wonderful. The first half of 1

See N. C. vol. iii. p. 161.

310 CHAP.

THI VII.

LAST

DAYS O F W I L L I A M

RUFFS.

the year, blank in events, was rich in auguries; in the second half the auguries had largely become facts. In its first months men were saying with hope, " Non diu dominabuntur effeminati." 1 Before the twelvemonth was out, they were beginning to say with joy, "Hie rex Henricus destruxit impios regni." 2 § 1.

The Last Days of William January—August, IIOO.

Rufus.

This year the King, occupied by no warfare beyond his realm, was able to hold all the assemblies of the II00year at their wonted times and in their wonted 3 Christmas places. At Christmas William Rufus wore his crown U cester° " Gloucester, the place of his momentary repentance 10 99- 1000 -and of his Mildest insolence. He had there given the staff to Anselm; he had there sent away Malcolm Easter at from his con rt without a hearing. At Easter he wore Chester. crown at Winchester, the city which had first reA p n i i, ceived him utter the death of his father, where he had IIOO. first unlocked his father's treasures, and had put in Pentecost bonds those whom his father had set free. At Whitminster" suntide he wore his crown at Westminster, and again May 20, } le ld the assembly and the banquet in the mighty hall of The three

0/1099-

No record of these assemblies.

^is own rearing. We have no record of the acts of any of these three assemblies. The two former at least may well have I'eon gatherings which came together more for the display of kingly magnificence than for the transaction df any real business of the realm. All things seemed to be as glorious as ever for the defeated of Ala vet and Chaumont. In the death of Urban 1

Ord. Vit. 7 : D, "We shall come to this again. Ann. Burtoi;. 1100. 3 The three .¡sstmblies are recorded in the Chronicle in a marked w a y ; " On ]>ison gearu >: cyng W. heold his hired to Xpes mcessa on Gleaweceastre, and to Eastron o Winceastre, and to Pentecosten on Westmynstre." 2

THE

ASSEMBLIES

OP T H E

YEAR

1100.

Rufus saw the removal of an enemy, at least of a hindrance in his way. He had indeed found that Urban \

.

311 CHAP.

vn.

Death of Urban.

could be won to his will by a bribe. Still he was a Pope, a Pope whom he had himself acknowledged, a Pope whom it might be needful to bribe. Better far was it to come back to the happy days before he had been cajoled by Cardinal Walter, before he had been frightened into naming Anselm, the happy days when he was troubled by no archbishop in the land and no pope out of it. Those days were come again. Anselm was far away; Urban was dead; Paschal he had not acknowledged. The last recorded words of Rufus before the day of Lammas and its morrow were those in which he set forth his fixed purpose to use as he would the freedom which was his once more. 1 But if we have no record of the three assemblies of the year, if we have no traditional sayings of the King, if we have no record of anything that really happened during these months, we can see that great schemes were planned ; great preparations were making, which must have been the matter of deep debates at the Pentecostal assembly. Our own Chroniclers are silent; our tidings come from our familiar teacher at Saint Evroul. Though the Red King kept himself so close in his island Conkingdom, he was planning greater things than ever be- themes yond the sea. He had Normandy to keep and he had of Eufus Aquitaine to win. For such objects he had need of both gold and steel, and we cannot doubt that in the assembly held at Whitsuntide within the new hall of Westminster King William demanded no small store of both to enable him to carry out the schemes of his overweening pride. Normandy was to be kept. Duke Robert, the bold Robert's crusader, was coming back from the lands where his fromThe name, once so despised in his own duchy, had been crusade 1

See vol. i. p. 623.

312

THE

CHAP.

VII.

LAST

DAYS

OF

WILLIAM

crowned with unlooked-for glory.

RUFUS.

He was coming back

by the path by which he had gone, through the Norman lands of southern Italy.

And he was coming with a

companion whose presence promised something in the w a y of amendment alike of his private life and of his His mar-

public government.

Sibyl of t h

of Conversana, daughter of Geoffrey lord of Brindisi,

Co,1~

versana.

and grand-niece of Kobert Wiscard. a

His re-

comed b y his southern countrymen with all honours

msouth

and with precious gifts ; both Kogers, the D u k e

itaiy.

He brought with him a wife, Sibyl He had been welof

Apulia and the young Count of Sicily, to be one day the first an- all but the most famous of Sicilian kings,

Character

were zealous in showing their regard. But from the house

Duchess

of the Count of Conversana he took away the most pre-

Slby1-

cious gift of all in a woman who is described as uniting all merits and beauties within and without, and who was certainly far better fitted to rule the duchy of Normandy

His funds back

than he was. 1

His father-in-law and his other friends

thè"8 gave him great gifts in money and precious things

duchy.

towards redeeming his dominions

from his brother. 2

1 The portrait of Sibyl is drawn by William of Malrnesbury, iv. 389, where she appears as " Filia Willelmi de Conversana, quam rediens in Apuliam duxer.it, cu jus elegantissima speciei prodigium vix ullius disertitudinis explicabit conatus." So Orderic, 780 A ; "Heec- nimirum bonis moribus floruit, ut multis honestatibus compta, his qui novcrant illam amabilis extitit." The continuator of William of Jumièges (viii. 14) goes further; " F u i t iero praadicta comitissa pulcra facie, honesta moribus, sapientia preclara, et aliquando absente duce ipsa melius per se negotia provincia, t a i l privata quam publica, disponebat, quam ipse faceret si adesset." Wact (15422) calls her Sebire, and speaks only of her personal beauty. She was tlie mother of William Clito who plays so conspicuous a part in Henry reign. According to William of Malrnesbury she died at his birth in 1103, but Orderic (810 A ) tells a strange story how she was poisoned by Agnes the widow of the old Earl Walter Giffard, who hoped to marry : lie Duke. The more general statement in the continuation of William of J umiiiges is to the same effect. 2 Will. Malli'-; i f . 389. " P e c u n i a m infinitam, quam ei socer dotis nomine annumera v erat, ut ejus commercio Normaimiam exueret vadi-

monio, ita dilapi ; . v i t ut pauculis diebus nec nummus superesset."

DEALINGS

WITH

WILLIAM

OF

AQUITAIITE.

313

But William Rufus had no thought of restoring the CHAP. vn. pledge; he had Normandy in his grasp, and he had no mind to let it go. But besides this, Aquitaine was to be won. It was William of indeed to be won in a peaceful sort, as far as the en- A i u i " a i n e > gagements of its sovereign went. Duke William of Ms Poitiers, the ally of William of England in his French ' campaign, was at last ready for his crusade. Strange warrior of the cross, strange comrade for Godfrey or even for Robert, was he who, after his return from the Sepulchre, spared the life of a holy bishop who rebuked him on the ground that he hated him too much to send him to paradise, who brought together the monastic harem at Niort, and who marched to battle with the form of his adulterous mistress painted on his shield.1 But now he was setting forth for the holy war. Thirty thousand warriors—the conventional number everywhere—from Aquitaine, Gascony, and other lands of southern Gaul, were ready, we are told, to follow in his train.2 But He proDuke William, like Duke Robert, lacked money. He pkdgehis ul;hy to sent therefore to the master of the hoard which seemed 4 ITUIUH open to all comers, seeking to pledge his duchy, as Robert had pledged his.3 We cannot help suspecting that some such arrangement had been made at an earlier time, when the two Williams joined their forces together against France; but, if not made then, it was made now. King William readily agreed to an offer which would practically make him master of the greater part of Gaul. A l l these stories are told by William of Malmesbury, v. 439. Orderic (780 B ) allows only thirty thousand. I n William of Malmesbury (iv. 349, 383) they have grown into sixty thousand. Figures of this kind, whether greater or smaller, are always multiples of one another. 1

2

3 Ord. Y i t . 780 B. " I s nimirum decrevit Guillelmo Buffo, regi Anglorum, Aquitanise ducatum, totamque terrain suam invadiare, censumque copiosum abundanter ab illius aerario haurire, unde nobiliter expleret iter, quod cupiebat inire. Eloquentes itaque legatos ad regem direxifc eique quod mente volvebat per eosdern insinuavit."

314

THli

LAST DAYS OP WILLIAM

RUFUS.

CHAP. VII. He was lord of N o r m a n d y ; he held himself to be master of al:, tionsTr M a i n e ; l i e out t o become lord of Aquitaine. Maine occupation andPoitou indeed did not march on each other; but Anion

of Aqui-

-

i

l

l

taine.

might be won by some means. F u l k could not hold out against a prince who hemmed him in on either side. Either gold or steel would surely open the w a y to Angers, as well as to Uouen and to Bourdeaux. Prepared for all chances. William was gathering money, gathering ships, gathering men. for a greater work than fruitless attacks on Mayet and ( haumont, for the great task of enlarging his dominion.—-our guide says to the Garonne; he should rather have said to the Pyrenees. Robert was to be k e p t out of N o r m a n d y ; to restore to the debtor his pledge was the dull virtue of the merchant or the J e w ; such duties touched not the honour of the good knight. No m a n could perform all his promises, and the restoration of Normandy was a promise of the class which needed not to be performed. Aquitaine was to be peacefully bought; but possibly arias might be needed there also. All who should dare to withstand the extension of William's dominion to the most southern borders of Gaul were to be brought to obedience at the sword's point. His alleged I have said " d o m i n i o n ; " but the word in the writer designs on

the Empire.

.

whom I follow is Empire. l h a t name, one not unknown to u> in the history of Rufus, m a y have been dropped a t random; but it m a y have been meant to show that mightier schemes still were at w o r k in the restless brain of the Red King. We m a y couple the phrase with vague hints dropped elsewhere, which show 1

Orderic (780 1 ) describes the ambition of the " pomposus sceptriger " whose yearning for dominion was like the thirst of a dropsical man, and then tells us, '' Máximum jussit classem prseparari, et ingentem equitatum de Anglia secum c-mitari, ut pelago transfretato, in armis ceu leo supra preedam praesto >• n.sisteret, fratrem ab introitu Neustriae bello abigeret, Aquitaniae ducatum pluribus argenti massis emeret, et, obstantibus sibi bello subactis, us< '¡e ad Garumnam fluvium imperii sui fines dilataret."

DESIGNS OF KUFUS ON THE EMPIRE.

315

that, whether Rufus really thought of it or not, men gave chap. vii. Hrn credit for dreams of dominion greater even than the supplanting of Fulk of Angers, of William of Poitiers, and of Philip of Paris all at once. The doctrine that Britain was a land fruitful in tyrants was to be carried out on a greater scale than it had been in the days of Carausius or Maximus or the later Constantine. The father had once been looked for at kingly Aachen; 1 the son, so men believed, hoped to march in the steps of Brennus to imperial Rome.2 He would outdo the glory of all crusaders, of princes of Antioch and kings of Jerusalem. Geoffrey, Bohemund, his own brother, had knelt as vassals in the New Rome; he would sit as an Emperor in the Old. Then he would have no question about acknowledging or not acknowledging popes; he would make them or refuse to make them as he thought good. The patrimony of Saint Peter might be let to farm, along with the estates of Canterbury and Winchester and Salisbury. Whether such thoughts really passed through the mind of William Rufus we can neither affirm nor deny. That men could believe that they were passing through his mind shows that they believed, and rightly, that he was capable of dreaming, of planning, of attempting, anything. But while the preparations were making, the portents Portents, were gathering. First came a stroke which reads like a rehearsal of his own end. While Robert was coming back with his Sibyl to found a new and legitimate dynasty in the Norman duchy, a blow fell on one of the children of his earlier wanderings.3 One Richard had Death of already fallen in the haunted shades of the New Forest,4 Richfrd. and his death opened the path for his younger Ma y' I I 0 0 , brother to reign at Winchester and Rouen and Le Mans, 1 3

SeeN. C.vol.iv. p. 539. See N . C. vol. iv. p. 640.

2

I h a v e quoted the passages i n N . C. vol. r. p.99. * See N . C. vol. iv. pp. 609, 650, 843.

316 CHAP.

THE

LAST

DAYS

OF

WILLIAM

RUFUS.

vii. and to dream of reigning at Dublin, Paris, Poitiers, and Rome.

Another Richard, the natural

son of

Duke

Robert, who must have been enrolled in the service of his uncle, was cut off on the same fatal ground early in May, shortly before the Westminster assembly.

The

King's knights were hunting the deer in the forest; one of them drew his bow to bring down a stag; the arrow missed the intended victim, and pierced Richard with a stroke which brought him dead to the ground. 1

Great

grief followed Ms f a l l ; his unwitting slayer, to escape from vengeance, fled and

became a monk. 2

Young

Richard thus died while his uncle was making ready to keep his father out of the dominions which he was William,

pledged to restore.

of Eobert.

of Robert's vagrant days, seems to have followed the

His brother William, the other son

fortunes of his father, till, after Tinchebrai, he went to Jerusalem anil died fighting in the Holy War. 3 The death of Richard might be a warning.

It might

be taken as a sign that some special power of destiny hovered over the spot where the dwellings of man and the houses of God had been swept away to make clearer ground for sports where j o y is sought for in the wanton infliction of death and suffering.

Still it was no portent

out of the ordinary course of nature. Wonders

_ this kind too were not lacking.

But portents of

The pool of blood in

tionsaPPan Berkshire welled again; 4 the devil was seen openly in many places, showing himself, it would seem, to Nor1

See X . C. voi, iv. p. 843.

Orderic's account (780 C) is ; " T u n c circa

rogationes lugubris eventus in Nova-foresta contigit.

Dum regii milites

venatu exercerentur, et damulas vel cervos catapultis sauciare molirentur, quidam miles sagsttam, ut agrestem feram vulneraret, emisit, egregiumque juvenem Ricardum Rodberti ducis filium casu percussit." 2

Orderic goes 011 to say, " Eques, infortunio gravi territus, ad sanctum

Pancratium

statiin

confugit, ibique

ultionem ita evasit,"

mox

monachus factus

genuinatn

" Sanetus Pancratius" means Lewes, the foundation

of William of Warren. 3

So says Orderic, u. s.

* See above, p. 5.

CONSECRATION

OF

GLOUCESTER

317

ABBEY.

mans only, and talking to them of their countrymen the CHAP. V H . King and the Bishop of Durham. 1 Strange births, stranger unbirths, were told as the news of the day co a visitor from another land.2 As the day approaches, a crowd of vivid pictures seems to pass before us. June Warlike and July passed amidst preparations for war, but July Sons™" saw also one great ecclesiastical ceremony. Abbot j™y~II00 Serlo's minster of Gloucester was now near enough to perfection for its consecration to be sought for. Whether all the lofty pillars of the nave were as yet reared or not, at least that massive eastern limb with its surrounding o chapels, which may still be seen through the lace-work of later times, was already finished. The rite of its Consecrahallowing wTas done by the diocesan Samson and three Gloucester other bishops, Gundulf of Rochester, Gerard of Here- f ^ I ' s ford, and Hervey the shepherd of the stormy diocese of »00. Bangor. The zeal of the monks and their visitors was stirred up by the ceremony, and the house of Saint Peter at Gloucester became a special seat of vision and prophecy. One godly brother 3 saw in the dreams of vision and the night the Lord sitting on his throne, with the prophecies hosts of heaven and the choirs of the saints around 1 Florence (1100) gives a long list of wonders. Among others, " Multis Normannis diabolus in horribili specie se frequenter in silvis ostendens, plura cum eis de rege et Rannulfo et quibusdam aliis locutus est." Orderic (781 B ) does not draw this national distinction, and speaks of visions in holier places; " Mense Julio (1100), dum regia classis regalis pompae apparatu instrueretur, et ipse pervicaciter, imrnensa pretiosi metalli pondera undecunque congerens, prope fretum prsestolaretur, horrendie visiones de rege in ccenobiis et episcopiis ab utrisque ordinibus visas sunt, unde in populis publicse collocutiones in foris et ccemeteriis passim divulgate sunt, ipsum quoque regem minime latuerunt." 2 See that Appendix G.

strangest

of all

stories

which I have

referred

to

in

3 The consecration and the bishops who had a hand in it are recorded by Florence, 1100. But he does not mention the other Gloucester stories; these come from Orderic, who does not mention the consecration. The two accounts thus fit in to one another. "We see why the monks of Gloucester should be in a special fit of exalted devotion.

318 CHAP.

Abbot

THE

DAYS

OP

WILLIAM

RÜFUS.

vii. him. A fair and stately virgin stood forth and knelt before the Lord. She prayed him to have pity on his people who were ground down beneath the yoke of King William of England. The dreamer trembled, and understood that the suppliant was the holy Church of Christ, calling on her Lord and Saviour to look down on all that her children bore from the lusts and robberies and other evil deeds of the King and his followers.1 Serlo, filled with holy zeal, set down the vision in writing, and sent the message of warning to the King. 2 FulBut the visions of the night were not all. A more

clisrcd's sermon a t open Gloucester. ^ f e August i ,

iioo-

LAST

•

voice of prophecy, so men deemed, was not lacking. ¿ y after the monk's vision, on the day of

w

a

J

S

J

Lammas, a crowd of all classes was gathered in Saint Peter's church at Gloucester to keep the feast of Saint Peter-in-Chains.3 Fulchered, Abbot of Earl Roger's house at Shrewsbury, once a monk of Earl Roger's house at Seez, an eloquent preacher of the divine word, was chosen from a crowd of elders 4 to make his discourse to the people. A near neighbour of the terrible son of his own founder, none could know better than he under what woes the land was groaning. Fulchered mounted the pulpit ot' (he newly-hallowed minster, and the spirit of the old prophets came upon him.9 In glowing words 1

Ord. V i t .

r B , C.

sed m e l i o r i s v i t ; e . "

He

T h e d r e a m e r was " q u í d a m m o n a c h u s bonas f a m ® , a t l a s t u n d e r s t a n d s " s á n e t e Virginia e t m a t r i s

ecclesise c l a m o r e s p e r v e n i s s e

ad

a u r e s D o m i n i , pro r a p i n i s

et

mcBchiis, alioruniijue f a c i n o r u m s a r c i n a i n t o l e r a b i l i , q u i b u s r e x

turpibus e t pedis-

sequi ejus n o n desistunt d i v i n a m l e g e m q u o t i d i e t r a n s g r e d í . " 2

lb.

" H i s aíielitis, v e n e r a n d u s S e r l o a b b a s c o m m o n i t o r i o s a p i c e s edidit,

et amicabiliter

de G l o u c e s t r a r e g i d i r e x i t , i n q u i b u s i l i a qua3

i n visa d i d i c e n u l u c u l e n t e r i n s e r u i t . " u n d e r various ^ ¡ a p e s . 4

" F u l c h e r e d us,

mandrita

seniorum elect! 5

3

Sagiensis

primus, in

divinis

fervens

monachus, Scrobesburiensis

tractatibus

explanator

appear

I b . C, D .

profluus, d e

archigrege

in p u l p i t u m a s c e n d i t . "

" Q u a s i p r e p h e t i c o spiritu plenus, i n t e r caetera c o n s t a n t e r

dixit."

monachus

T h i s letter of Serlo's will

vaticinatns

ABBOT

FULCHERED'S

319

SERMON.

he set forth the sins and sorrows of the time, how Eng- chap. vu. land was given as an heritage to be trodden under foot of the ungodly. Lust, greediness, pride, all were rampant, pride which would, if it were possible, trample under foot the very stars of heaven.1 The words have the ring of the words of Eadward on his deathbed ; but Eadward had to tell of coming sorrow, and of only distant deliverance. Fulchered could tell of a deliverance which was nigh, even at the doors. A sudden change was at hand; the men who had ceased to be men should rule no longer.2 And then in a strain which seems to carry us on to the days of Naseby and Dunbar, he told how the Lord God was coming to judge the open enemies of his spouse. He told how the Almighty would smite Moab and Edom with the sword of vengeance, and overthrow the mountains of Gilboa with a fearful shaking. " Lo," he went on, " the bow of wrath from on high is bent against the wicked, and the arrow swift to wound is drawn from the quiver. It shall soon smite, and that suddenly; let every man that is wise amend his ways and avoid its stroke." 3 Such is the report of Abbot Fulchered's sermon, as it is told us by one who no doubt set down with a special interest the words of the first prelate of the minster into which the humble church of his own father had grown. 4 Other stories tell us how on the night of that same T h e a l l e g e d Wednesday a more fearful dream than that of the monk ^ K i n » * " E f f r e n i s e n i m superbia u b i q u e v o l i t a t , et omnia, si d i d fas est, e t i a m stellas cseli c o n c u l c a t . " 2

S e e above, p. 3 1 0 . " E c c e arcus superni faroris c o n t r a reprobos i n t e n s u s est, et

velox

ad v u l n e r a n d u m

de p h a r e t r a

extracta

est.

sagitta

Eepente j a m feriet,

seseque

corrigendo sapiens omnis i c t u m d e o l i n e t . "

find i t ;

i t is easy to guess t h a t t h e A b b o t ' s p r e a c h i n g p u t i t into some

I t e l l the t a l e as I

one's head t o shoot the K i n g ; i t i s e q u a l l y e a s y to g u e s s t h a t the story of the sermon 4

is a legend

s u g g e s t e d by t h e f a c t t h a t t h e K i n g w a s shot.

S e e N . C. vol. i v . p. 498.

320

THE

LAST

DAYS

OF W I L L I A M

RÜFUS.

vn. of Gloucester disturbed the slumbers of some one. In the earlier version the seer is a monk from beyond sea; in its later form the terrible warning is vouchsafed to the King himself. 1 The story, as usual, puts on fresh details as it grows; but its essential features are the same in its simplest and in its most elaborate shape. The King, with his proud and swelling air, scorning all around him. enters a church. In one version it is a chapel in a forest; in another it is a minster gorgeously adorned. Its walls were robed with velvet and purple, stuffs wrought by the skill of the Greek, and with tapestry where the deeds of past times lived in stitch-work, like the talc of Brihtnoth at Ely and the newer tale of William at liayeux. 2 Here were goodly books, here were the shrines of saints, gleaming with gold and gems and ivory, a sight such as the eyes of the master and spoiler of so many churches had never rested on. At a second glance all this bravery passed away; the walls and the altar itself stood bare. At a third glance he saw the form of a man lying bare upon the altar. A cannibal desire came on him; he ate, or strove to eat, of the body that lay before him. His victim endured for a while in patience ; then his face, hitherto goodly and gentle as of an angel, became stern beyond words, and he spoke—"Is it not enough that thou hast thus far grieved me with so many wrongs 1 Wilt thou gnaw my very flesh and bones'?" One version gives the words another t u r n ; the stern voice answers simply, "HenceExhortaforth thou sluilt eat of me no more." In those accounts Gundulf which make the King the dreamer, Kufus tells the vision to a bishop—one tale names Gundulf—who explains the easy parable. The exhortation follows, to mend his CHAP.

1 On these various stories of the death of Rufus and of the warnings which went bet' ¡res it, see Appendix SS. 2 See N. C. col. i. p. 276.

DREAMS

AND

321

WARNINGS.

ways, to hold a synod and to restore Anselm. The chap.vii. King, in one account, in a momentary fit of penitence, promises to do so. But his better feelings pass away; in defiance of all warnings, he goes forth to hunt on the fatal ground, the scene of the wrong and sacrilege of his father—in some of these versions the scene of further wrong and sacrilege of his own. The details of some of these stories I shall discuss elsewhere. If they prove nothing else, they prove at least the deep impression which the Red King's life and the Eed King's end made on the men of his own days and of the days which followed them. One thing is William at certain; on the first day of August, while Fulchered was hurst"5"" preaching at Gloucester, King William was in the New A u § u s t Forest, with his head-quarters seemingly at Brockenhurst.1 He had with him several men whose names are His comknown to us, as Gilbert of Laigle, once so fierce against panionsWilliam's cause at Rouen, Gilbert and Roger of Clare, the former of whom, had won his forgiveness by his timely revelations on the march to Bamburgh.2 Henry, Henry. iEtheling and Count, if not one of the party, was not far off; he too had, if not his visions, at least his omens.3 But chief among the company, nearest, it would seem, Walter to the King in sportive intercourse, was one who was Tlre1 ' perhaps his subject in Normandy by birth, perhaps his subject in England by tenure, but whose chief possessions, as well as his feelings, belonged to another land.4 This was a baron of France, whom we once A s to the N e w Forest all accounts agree.

1

I get Brockenhurst as the

immediate spot from Geoffrey Gaimar, Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, i. 51 ; " L i rois estoit alé chacer

C'est en la Noeve-Forest

Vers Bukerst od li archer :

U n liu qi ad non Brokeherst."

For Bukerst in the second line another MS. has Brolcehest. 2 See above, p. 45. 8

See below, p. 345.

VOT,. I I .

4

Y

See Appendix SS.

THE

322 C H A P . VJI.

LAST

D A Y S OF W I L L I A M

EUFUS.

before heard of in better company, but whom the fame of the Red King's boundless liberality had led into his

His father service.

In days before the stern laws of Hildebrand

of Evreux. were strictly enforced, a churchman of high rank, Fulk, Dean of Evreux, was, seemingly by a lawful marriage, the father of a large family.

Walter, one of his sons,

bore the personal surname of Tirel, Tyrell, in many spellings, pointing perhaps to his skill in drawing the His lord-

bow.

He became, by whatever means, lord of Poix in

S T ; ! ™ Ponthieu, and of Acheres by marriage. ^ the Seine between Pontoise and Poissy : at the former of these lordships, it would seem, he bad once been the host of Anselm. 1

He was

not, in the days of the Survey at least, a land-owner of much account in England.

A small lordship in Essex,

held under Richard of Clare, is the only entry under any name by

lxich he can be conceived to be meant.

He

had married a wife, Adelaide by name, of the great line of Giffard, who seems to have lived till the latter days of K i n g Henry.

He was now a near friend of the Red

King's, a -pecial sharer with him in the sports of the forest, so much so that, when legend came to attribute the laying waste of Hampshire to the younger instead of the

William, Walter Tirel was charged with

elder

having been the adviser of the deed.2 Gab of the

On the Wednesday of Fulchered's sermon, the King

Walter'1''

an'l

Tirel.

f e ]i i n t o that kind of discourse which is called in the

chosen comrade were talking familiarly. Walter

Old-French tongue by the expressive words gaber and gab?

He began to talk big, to jeer at the K i n g for the

small results of his own big talk. 1

But the matter of

S e e v o l . e p. 380.

2

See A p p i m l i x

3

G e o f f r e y 1 ¡ a i m a r ( C h r o n i q u e s A n g l o - N o r r o a n d e s , i . 52) ; "Ensemb!. De

SS.

vout

amdiu parlant,

mei! te cliose esbaiioiant.,

Tant

qe

VYauter prist h g a b e r

Et

par e n g i n

Demanda A

au roi

Iui e n

parler;

riant

q u e i il s o j o u r n o i t

tant."

THE

KING

AND

WALTER

TIREL.

323

the discourse sounds a little strange, if it was really chap.vii. uttered at a moment when such great preparations were making for the defence of Normandy, for the purchase of Aquitaine, perhaps for the conquest of Anjou, to say nothing of schemes greater and further off. The lord of Walter the Poix asked the King why he did nothing; with his vast 1 power, why did he not attack some neighbour ? Great as the Red King's power was, Walter is made to speak of it as a good deal greater than the truth, so much so indeed that we can read the speech only as mockery. All William's men were ready at his call, the men of William's Britanny, of Maine,1 he adds of Anjou. The Flemings held of him—we have heard of his dealings with their Count; 2 and aUiesthe Burgundians held him for their king ; Eustace of Boulogne would do anything at his bidding.3 Why did he not make war on somebody? Why did he not go forth and conquer some land or other ? The King answers The King's that he means to lead his host as far as the mountains— wIllTeep'16 the Alps, we may suppose, are meant. He will thence Ch«stmas djti Poitiers.

turn back to the West, and will keep his next Christmas feast at Poitiers.4 The mocking vein of Walter Tirel A n g r y now turns to anger ; he bursts forth in wrathful words. Walter^ It would be a great matter indeed to go to the mountains and thence back to Poitiers in time for Christmas. 1

Geoffrey Gaimar, Chron. Anglo-Norm. i. 52 ; " Breton, Mansel et Angevin."

2

See vol. i. p. 411.

3

Geoffrey Gaimar, u. s. ; " Cil de Boloine te tienent roi. Eustace, cil de Boloigne, Poez mener en ta besoigne."

Another manuscript reads, " C i l de Burgoine te unt pur roi." 4

Ib. " D'ici q'as monz inerrai ma guet, En occident puis m'en irrai, A Peiters ma feste tendrai. Si jo tant vif, mon fié i serra." v

9,

324

THE

C H A P . VII.

LAST

D A Y S OF

WILLIAM

RÜFUS.

Burgundians and French would indeed deserve to die by the worst of deaths, if they became subjects to the English. 1

Iiiustra-

This talk, put into the mouth of the King and his

of

chosen comrade by a writer of the next generation, is in

value

the story.

ever

y

wa

y remarkable.

The King's boast that he would

keep Christmas at Poitiers is found also in an earlier writer, and it is almost implied in his preparations for taking

possession of Aquitaine. 2

The

words

about

French and Burgundians becoming subject to the English might sound more in harmony with the next generation; but we have already seen examples which show that, even so soon after the Norman Conquest of England, the Knglish name was beginning to be applied on continental lips to all the subjects of the English crown. The armies of William Rufus were English in the same sense in which the armies of Justinian were Roman. The threat of a King of England, speaking on English ground, to overrun all the provinces of Gaul is conceived as calling forth a feeling of patriotic anger in the lord of Pois and Acheres.

Yet, while we might have

expected such an one to fight valiantly for Ponthieu or the Vevin against a Norman invader, we might also have expected him to be quite indifferent to the fate of Poitiers, indifferent at all events to its transfer from the Aquitanian to the Norman William. 1

The speech

Geoffrey Caimar, Chroniques A n g l o - N o r m a n d e s , i. 52 ; D e male mort pussent morir Li Burgoinon et li Franfois, Si souzget soient aa E n g l o i s ! "

Cf. the list' .if the word English

in Orderic and Suger which I h a v e com-

mented on in V. C. vol. v. p. 835. 2

W i l l . Malnid. iv. 3,53.

promittere 0 t.l. ret.

" T a n t a vis erat aniini, ut quodlibet sibi regnum

Denique

ante proximam

diem mortis

interrogatua

ubi festum s i.mi in natali teneret, respondit P i c t a v i s , quod comes Pictavensis, Jeros. lyinam ire gestiens, ei terram suara pro pecunia invadaturua dieebatur."

above, p. 3 1 3 .

THE

DAY

OP

HIS

325

DEATH.

is followed by words which imply that the King's chap. vn. boast was taken more seriously than it was

meant,

and which almost suggest a plot on Walter's part for the King's destruction. 1

In the crowd of conflicting

tales with which we are now dealing, we must not insist on any one as a trustworthy statement of undoubted facts ; but the dialogue which is put into the mouths of William Rufus and Walter Tirel is almost as remarkable if we look on it as the invention of the rimer himself as if we deem it to have been, in its substance, really spoken by those into whose mouths it is put. Of the events of the next day we may say thus much L a s t day with certainty ; " Thereafter on the morrow after Lammas R u fe' l l a m day was the King William in hunting from his own men A u S u s t 2> IIOO.

with an arrow offshot, and then to Winchester brought statement and in the bishopric buried." 2 These words of our own chronicle Chronicler state the fact of the King's death and its manner ; they suggest treason, but they do not directly assert it ; they name no one man as the doer. Nearly other all the other writers agree in naming Walter Tirel as Walter* ' the man who drew the bow ; but they agree also in T i r e l . , .

, .

.

.

mentioned

making his act chance-medley and not wilful murder, Y e t it is clear that there were other tales afloat of which we hear merely the echoes. One tradition attributed the blow, not to Walter Tirel, but to a certain Ealph of Aix. 3 1

Geoffrey Gaimar, u. s. ; " L i rois par gab li avoit dit ;

2

P u r p e n s a soi d'une estoutie :

E t cil come fel le requit

S'il j à lui veeir porreit,

E n son queor tint la félonie,

T u t a u t r e m e n t l e plait irroit."

Chron. Petrib. iioo.

" A n d fœrsefter on morgen aefter Hlarnmsesse

dœge wear® se c y n g W i l l e l m on huntno'Se frain his anan m e n mid anre lia ofsceoten and bebyrged."

sySSan

to

T h e bishopric

Winceastre

gebroht, and

on Jam

biscoprice

of course means the Old M i n s t e r , the episco-

pium. 3

" Badulphus

de A q u i s , " says Giraldus,

D e Inst. P r i n c . 176.

See

in most.

R a l p h of Alx'

326 CHAP.

THE

LAST

DAYS

OF

WILLIAM

KUFUS.

vii. A s the talc is commonly told, the details of the King's death could have been known from no mouth but that of

The charge Walter himself; yet it is certain that Walter Walter.by

him-

self, long alter, when he had nothing to hope or fear one w a y or the other, denied in the most solemn w a y that he had any share in the deed or any knowledge of it. 1 The words of the Chronicler, though they suggest treason, do not sim t out chance-medley; they leave the actor per-

Estimate reeeiv tale.

fectly open

There is nothing in the received tale which

is in the le ast unlikely; but it is the kind of tale which, even if untrue, might easily grow up.

William may

have died ' >y accident by the hand of Walter Tirel or of any other.

He may also have died by treason by the

hand of Walter Tirel or of any other.

In this last case

there weiv many reasons w h y no inquiries should have been mad'', many reasons w h y the received tale should be invent- 1 or adopted.

It was just such a story as was

wanted in such a case. It satisfied curiosity by naming a particular actor, while it named an actor who was out of reach, and did not charge even him with any real guilt. In favour • >f the same story is the statement, which can hardly be an invention, that Walter Tirel fled after the King's death.

But this was a case in which a man who

was innocent even of chance-medley might well flee from the fear of a suspicion of treason.

A n d Walter's own

solemn denial may surely go for as much as any mere suspicion against him.

Guesses in such a case are easy;

the slayei ¡nay have been a friend of Henry, a friend of Anselm, a man goaded to despair b y

oppression—all

such guesses are likely enough in themselves; there is no evidence for any of them.

A l l that can be said is

that the u ords of the Chronicle certainly seem to point below, p. 3 p. We are not told which of all tile places called Aquae is meant. 1 See Appendix SS.

ACCOUNTS OF HIS

327

DEATH.

out the actor, whether guilty or only unlucky, as be- chap.vii. longing to the King's immediate following. " The King The stateWilliam was in hunting from his own men by an arrow chronicle 6 only offshot." Beyond that we cannot go with certainty. J o j t n. sa e

0 e

But the number of men of every class who must have felt that they would be the better, if an arrow or any other means of death could be brought to light on the Red King, must have been great indeed. The real Wonder wonder is, not that the shaft struck him in the t h i r - ^ ' ^ . illed tcenth year of his reign, but that no hand had stricken ksooner. him long before. Of the last day of the Red King, Thursday, the second Accounts day of August, we have two somewhat minute pictures Kin^s last which belong to different hours of the day. There is no d a y ' contradiction between the two; the two may be read as an unbroken story; but we have that slight feeling of distrust which cannot fail to arise when it is clear that he who records the events of the afternoon knew nothing o of the events of the morning. The details of such a day would be sure to be remembered; for the same reason they ran a special chance of being coloured and embellished. We shall therefore do well to go through the details of the earlier hours of that memorable day as we find them written, not forgetting the needful cautions, but at the same time not forgetting that the tale has much direct evidence for it and has no direct evidence against it. 1 The King then, even according to those who do not Morning of assign the specially fearful vision to himself, passed a A u s u s t 2restless night, disturbed by dreams which, on this milder showing, were ugly enough. He dreamed that he was William's bled—a process which in those days seems to have passed dreams 1

On the different versions of the death of Rufus, see Appendix SS.

328 CHAP.

THE VII.

Robert hamon monk's 6 dream. William's mocking answer.

His disturbance of mind. His morning.

LAST

DAYS

OF W I L L I A M

KUFUS.

for a kind of amusement—and that the blood gushed up towards heaven, so as to shut out the light of day. 1 He woke suddenly with the name of our Lady on his lips; he bade a light to be brought, and bade his chamberlains not to leave him.2 He remained awake till daybreak. Then, according to this version, came Robert Fitz-hamon, entitled to do so as being in his closest confidence,3 a n d t o l d -1"111 t l i e d r e a m of the monk from beyond sea. William was moved; but he tried to hide his real feelings under the usual guise of mockery; "He is a monk," he said with liis rude laugh, " h e is a monk; monklike he dreams for the sake of money; give him a hundred shillings." 4 Here we see the boasted liberality which recklessly squandered with one hand what was wrung from the groaning people with the other. Seriously disturbed in mind, W i l l i a m doubted whether he should go hunting that morning: his friends urged him to run no risk, lest the dream should come true. He therefore, to occupy his restless mind, gave the forenoon to serious business ; 6 there was enough of it on hand, if he was planning a march to Rome or even a march to Poitiers. The early dinner 1 William .if Malmesbury (iv. 333) describes the process with some pomp of words ; " Pridie quam excederet vita, vidit per quietem se phlebotomi ictu sanguinem omittere, radium eruoris in caslum usque protentum lucem obnubilare, diem interpolare." But the common word for being bled is " m i n t i e r e " (see Ducange in voc.), and the many monastic rules which forbid the practice of bleeding except at stated times would seem to imply that tin; process, if not liked in itself, was at least made use of as an excuse - idleness. 2 lb. " L u m e n inferri praecipit." This is a comment on the reform of Henry (v. 3y.;), " Lucernarum usum noctibus in curia restituit, qui fuerat tempore f'ratris intermissus." s

lb. "Quod ei a secretis erat." Robert is also described as " vir magnatum prince)*." 1 lb. " M< nachus est et causa nummorum monachaliter somniat; date ei centum solidos " 5 " S e r i i s n. yotiis cruditatem indomitffi mentis eructuans" is the odd phrase of William of Malmesbury,

HIS LAST

329

MORNING.

of those days presently came; he ate and drank more CHAP. V I I . than usual, hoping thus to stifle and drown the thoughts that pressed upon hiin. 1 In this attempt he seems to have succeeded; after his meal he went forth on his hunting. At this point we take up the thread of the other story. He sets The King, after his meal, has regained his spirits, and, ^nt. surrounded by his followers and flatterers, he is making ready for the chase. He was putting on his boots—• The new boots doubtless of no small price—when a smith drew a r r o w s ' near, offering him six new catapults, arrows, it would seem, designed, not for the long bow, but for the more deadly arbalest or cross-bow.2 The King joyfully took them; he praised the work of the craftsman; he kept four for himself, and gave two to Walter Tirel. "Tis He gives right," he said, " t h a t the sharpest arrows should be them to given to him who knows how to deal deadly strokes with them." 3 The two went on talking and jesting; the flatterers of the King joined in admiringly. Suddenly Abbot Scrlo's

there came a monk from Gloucester charged with a letter letter, from Abbot Serlo. The letter told the dream of the monk, in which the Holy Church had been seen calling on her Lord for vengeance on the evil deeds of the King of the English. The letter was read to the King 4 —there was a future king© not far oil' who could read letters for himself. William burst into his bitter laugh ; he turned to his William's favourite comrade ; " Walter, do thou do justice, according mocker y1 Will. Malms, v. 333. " Ferunt, ea die largiter epulatum, crebrioribus quam consueverat poculis frontem serenasse." This phrase is almost equally odd with the last. 2 Ord. Yit. 782 A . " C u m hilaris cum clientibus suis tripudiaret, ocreasque suas calcearet, quidam faber illuc advenit, et sex catapultaa ei prsesentavit." 3 "Justum est, ut illi acutissimie dentur sagittee, qui lethiferos inde noverit ictus infigere." 4 " Abbatis sui litteras regi porrexit, quibus audilis, rex in eachinnum resolutus est."

330

THE

LAST

DAYS

OF W I L L I A M

KUFUS.

chap. vii. to these things w h i c h thou hast heard." lord," answered

Walter.1

" S o I will, m y

Then the K i n g t a l k s more a t

length about the A b b o t ' s letter.

" I wonder a t m y lord

Serlo's fancy for w r i t i n g all this ; I a l w a y s thought h i m a good old abbot.

'Tis v e r y simple of him, w h e n I h a v e

so much business about, to t a k e the trouble to put the dreams of his snoring m o n k s into w r i t i n g and to send His sneers them to me all this w a y .

Does he t h i n k I am like the

reward for English, wlu> throw u p their j o u r n e y or their business omens.

because of tin' snoring or the dreams of an old w o m a n ? "

2

This speech has a genuine s o u n d ; it should be noticed as being the only speech put into the mouth of W i l l i a m R u f u s which can be construed as expressing a n y dislike or scorn for his English subjects as such.

Y e t the words

are rather words of good-humoured raillery t h a n pressive of a n y deeper feeling.

The R e d K i n g oppressed

and despised all men, except his o w n immediate lowing.

exfol-

Practically his oppression and scorn must h a v e

fallen most h e a v i l y on men of native English b i r t h ; but there is 110 sign that he purposely picked them out as objects of an} special persecution. William and his companions go to the hunt.

In the version w h i c h records this speech the sneer at the English regard for omens are the R e d

King's

last recorded words.

H e n o w mounted his horse and

rode into

part

a wooded

of

the

forest to seek

sport, the sport of those to w h o m the

wearied,

of j o y .

wounded,

weeping,

his

the sufferings of

beast

are a

source

C o u n t H e n r y the K i n g ' s brother, 3 W i l l i a m of

Breteuil, and other nobles, w e n t forth to the hunt, and 1 Ord. Vit. j S ; A. "Gualteri, fac rectum de his quas audisti. A t ille : Sic faciam, domili.'." I do not quite see what these words mean. 2 " Ex simplii ¡tate nimia, mihi tot negotiis occupato somnia stertentium retulit, et per pi'ira terrarum apatia scripto etiam inserta destinavit. N u m prosequi me ritntn autumat Anglorum, qui pro sternutatione et sommo vetularum dimitr unt iter suum seu negotium?" 3

H e is brought in as " Henricus comes frater ejus."

HE

GOES

TO T H E

HUNT.

331

were scattered about towards different points. The King CHAP. vit. and the lord of Poix kept together, with a few compa- J^d Waffer nions, some say; others say that they two only kept Tirel. together.1 The sun was sinking towards the west when The K i n g an arrow struck the King; he fell, and his reign and life arrow.7 were ended. This is all that we can say with positive certainty. That the arrow came from the bow of Walter Tirel is a feature common to nearly every account; but all the details differ. In one highly picturesque version, Various •

versions

not only the King and Walter Tirel,2 but a company of barons are in a thickly wooded part of the forest near a marsh. The herd of deer comes near; the King gets down from his horse to take better aim; the barons get down also, Walter Tirel among them. Walter places himself near an elder-tree, behind an aspen. A great stag passes by; an arrow badly aimed pierces the King; by whose hand it was sent the teller of the tale knew not; but the archers who were there said that the shaft came from the bow of Walter Tirel. Walter fled at once; the King fell. He thrice cried for the Lord's body. But Alleged there was none to give it to him; the place was a wilder- the K i n g t the 1,aBt ness far from anyJ church. But a hunter took herbs and amoment. flowers and made the King eat, deeming this to be a communion. Such a strange kind of figure of the most solemn act of Christian worship was not unknown. 3 Our author charitably hopes that it might be accepted in the case of the Red King, especially as he had received holy bread—itself a substitute of the same kind—the Sunday before. In this version there is no mention of the warning o 1 " Cum rex et Gualterius de Pice cum paucis sodalibus in nemore constituti essent," says Orderic; " Solus cum eo [Walterio] remanserat," says William of Malmesbury. 2 This is the version of Geoffrey Gaimar. See Appendix SS. 3 Thus the English took each a morsel of earth in their mouths before the battle of Azincourt. See Lingard, v. 498.

THE

332

I,AST DAYS OF W I L L I A M

KUFUS.

dreams either of the King or of any other person. The scene in the wood follows at once on the boasting discourse with Walter Tirel. In another version the King Another version ; has the frightful dream ; he receives, and receives in a good spirit, the warning interpretation of the Bishop. 1 His companions, knights and valets, make ready for the chase; they are mounted on their horses; the bows are ready; the dogs are following; the dogs b a r k ; the horns blow; all is ready that could stir up the soul of the hunter. The King is unwilling to stir; his companions William unwilling tempt him, entreat him, jeer at him ; it is time to set to go to the hunt. out; he is afraid. He tells them solemnly that he is sick and sad a hundredfold more than they wot of. The end is come; he will not go to the forest. They think that he is mocking, and at last constrain him to come. The chase is described; the King seems to be alone The King calls on his H e is shot with one unnamed companion. by accident comrade to shoot; he is frightened as being too near by a knight unnamed. the King. He shoots; the devil guides the barbed arrow so that it glances from a bough, and pierces the King near the heart. He has just strength enough to bid the H e dies penitent. knight to flee for his own life, and to pray to God for him who has lost his life by his own folly, and who has been so great a sinner against God. The knight rides off in bitter grief, wishing a hundred times that he had himself been killed instead of the King. In these versions, both written in the Red King's own Tenderness towards tongue, the details are very remarkable. They seem to E u f u s in these two come from a kind of wish, like the feeling which strewed versions. flowers on the grave of Nero, to make the end of the oppressor and blasphemer one degree less frightful. Other version ^ know nothing of this conversion at the last moment. In one of them, the two, the King and Walter, are alone ; the King shoots at a stag; he hits 1

This is the v e sion of Benott de Sainte More.

See Appendix SS.

VERSIONS

OP

HIS

333

DEATH.

the beast, but only with a slight wound. The stag flies; CHAP. V H . the King follows him with his eyes, sheltering them with 0 t h f r his hand from the sun's rays. Walter Tirel meanwhile mention Walter

aims at another stag, misses him, and strikes the King. Tirel. Rufus utters no word; like Harold, he breaks off the shaft of the arrow; he falls on the ground, and dies. Walter comes up, finds him lifeless, and takes to flight.1 Or again, the stag comes between his two enemies; Walter shoots; the King at the same moment shifts his place; Walter's arrow flies over the stag's back, and pierces the King. 2 In another version the arrow, as we have already heard, glances from a tree; 3 in another the King stumbles and falls upon it.4 In later but not less graphic accounts the string of the King's bow breaks; the stag stands still in amazement; the King calls to Walter, " Shoot, you devil," " Shoot, in the devil's name ; shoot, or it will be the worse for you." Walter shoots; his arrow, perhaps by a straight course, perhaps by glancing against a tree, strikes the King to the heart.5 In all these versions the arrow comes from the bow of a known companion, and in all but one that companion is said to be Walter Tirel. In another form of the story the general outline is the same, but the persons are different. The vision which in the other version is seen at Gloucester Dunstable is moved to Dunstable, and is seen there by the prior of versl0n that house. The change of place is unlucky, as the 1 2

So William of Malmesbury. See Appendix SS. So Orderic. See Appendix SS.

3 A s in Benoit's account. So Matthew Paris in the Historia Anglorum. See Appendix SS. This seems to have become the most popular version. 4 This is one of two accounts which reached Eadmer. Hist. Nov. 54. " Qusa sagitta, utrum, sicut quidam aiunt, jacta ipsum percusserit, an, quod plures affirmant, ilium pedibus offendentem superque ruentem Occident, disquirere otiosum putamus." 5 This tale, some of the details of which have become popular, is preserved by Matthew Paris, and in a fuller form by Knighton. See Appendix SS.

334

THE

LAST

DAYS

OP

WILLIAM

RUFIIS.

vn. priory of Dunstable was not yet founded. 1 The Prince The dream o n throne, and the fair woman complaining of the 1 CHAP.

with n e w

°

deeds of William Rufus, are seen, with some differences of detail, but quite a new element is brought in. A man all black and hairy offers five arrows to the Prince on the throne, who gives them back again to him, saying that on the morrow the wrongs of the suppliant woman shall be avenged by one of them. The Prior has the vision explained to him much as in the other versions of the story, but with the addition that, unless the King repented, the woman—the Church—would be avenged by The prior one of the arrows on the morrow. The Prior starts stable"" from his sleep, and midnight as it was, he sets out at xtng8 t h e o n c e 011 a j ° u m e y t o forest, as swift and headlong as the King's own ride to Southampton the year before. He reaches the place at one in the afternoon, and finds ihe King going forth to hunt. As soon as William sees him, he says that he knows why he is come, and orders forty marks to be given to him. For, it is added, the King, who destroyed other churches throughout all England, had a love for the church of Dunstable and its prior, and had even built the minster there at his own cost. The Prior says that he has come on much greater and weightier matters; he takes the King aside; he tells him his dream, and warns him on no account to go into the forest, but at once to begin to repent and amend his ways. The Prior has hardly ended his discourse when a man, like the man whom, he had seen in his dream, comes and offers the King five T h e K i n g arrows, like the arrows of the dream. The King gives Ra*phyof t h e m — n o t t() Walter Tirel, who is not mentioned, but to Aix Ralph of Aix, to take with him into the forest. The Prior meanwhile prays him not to go, but in vain. He goes into the wood, and is presently shot with one of details.

1

T h i s is from Giraldus Cambrensis.

See A p p e n d i x SS.

STOEY

OF

RALPH

OP

335

AIX.

those arrows by the hand of Ralph.

N o details are chap.vii.

given, nor is it implied whether the K i n g ' s death was an act of murder or of chance-medley. These v a r y i n g tales, whose v e r y variety shows the

Impression

impression which the event made upon men's minds, m a y Retime by make us glad to come back to the safe statement of the _

Chronicler, that the Red K i n g was shot from his own men.

The place and circumstances of the death

of

Rufus were such as could not fail to stamp themselves upon men's minds.

W e see the proud and godless K i n g ,

in the height of his pride and godlessness, w i t h his heart puffed up w i t h wilder plans and more swelling boasts than a n y of his plans and boasts in former years.

He

goes forth, in defiance of all w a r n i n g — f o r some kernel of truth there must surely be in so many

tales

of

w a r n i n g — t o t a k e his pleasure in the place which men had already learned to look on as fatal to his house, the place where his brother had died by a mysterious death, where his nephew had died only a few weeks before his own end.

H e goes forth, after striving first to quiet

his restless soul w i t h business, and then to quench all thoughts and all warnings in the wine-cup.

In

the

midst of his sport, he falls, b y w h a t hand no man k n o w s for certain.

One writer rejoices to tell us how the

oppressor of the Church died on the site of one of the churches which had been uprooted to make w a y for his pleasures. 1

Others rejoice to tell how the K i n g whose

life and reign had been that of a w i l d beast, perished 1 This is the line taken by Florence. I t is at this point that he brings in his account of the making of the N e w Forest (see N . G. vol. iv. p. 841), and of the deaths of the two Richards in it. He then adds ; " In loco quo rex occubuit priscis temporibus ecclesia fuerat constructa, sed patris sui tempore, ut praediximus, erat diruta." Sir Francis Palgrave naturally makes the most of this, and with fine effect; iv. 9, 680, 682.

de ? th

oi Bums.

336 CHAP.

THE

LAST

DATS

OF

WILLIAM

vxi. like a beast among the beasts. 1

Its abiding n 0 t ID emory.

only at

the

RUFUS.

And the impression was

time; it has been abiding.

The death of

William Rufus is one of those events in English history which are familiar to every memory and come readily to every mouth.

His death lives in the thoughts of not a

few who have no clear knowledge of his life.

The arrow

in the New Forest is well known to many who know nothing of the real position of the Red King's reign in English history.

The name of Walter Tirel springs

readily to the lips of many on whose ears the names of Randolf Flambard and Robert of Belleme, of Helias of Maine and Malcolm of Scotland,

nay the

name

of

Local

Anselm himself, would fall like unwonted sounds.

No

traditions.

k e e n e r j o c a | r , ; m embrance can be found than that which binds together the name of Rufus and the name of the New Forest.

A t the scenes of the great events of his

reign, at Rochester and Bamburgh and Le Mans, local memory has passed away, and the presence of the Red King has t> bo called up by book-learning only.

In a

word, in popular remembrance William Rufus lives, not Impressive

in his life but in his death.

of the°ter

the widest survey of his reign, we can only say that his

Nor is this wonderful.

In

death of

death was the fitting ending of his life; in a life full of striking incident, it is not amazing that the last and 1 Orderic (7S2 D) says that they brought his body, " veluti ferocem aprum venabuiis corifossum." W e get the same idea a little improved in William of Nen-burgh (i. 2), who says, " Quippe in venatione sagitta proprii militif homo ferocissimus pro fera confossus interiit." (The words in Italics must be a translation of the Chronicle.) The full developement comes in Thomas Wykes (Ann. Mon. iv. 13), who must surely have had William of Newburgh before him. He, like Giraldus and others (se>- above, p. 322), looked on Rufus as the maker of the New Forest, if not as the inventor of forests in general. " Rex Willelmus Anglice, dietus Rufus, qui pro eo quod accipitrum et eanum ludieris quasi se totum dederat, totum fere regnum A n g l i c in multorum perniciem et omnium regmcolarum dispendium primus afforestavit, propellentibus eum ad interitum peccatis suis, a quodam milite suo Waltero Tyrel, in Nova Foresta, tanquam pro fera, confossus sagitta quadam, vulneratus interiit."

POPULAR

MEMORIES.

337

most striking incident of all should be the best remem- chap. vii. bered. Of all the endings of kings in our long history, Rufus and the two most impressive are surely the two that are most y^ r t leathe opposite. There is the death of the king who fell suddenly in the height of his power, by an unknown hand in the thickest depths of the forest; and there is the death of the king who, fallen from his power, was brought forth to die by the stroke of the headsman, before the windows of his own palace, in the sight of his people and of the sun. The striking nature of the tale is worthy of its long remembrance; but one could almost wish that the name of the supposed actor in the death of Rufus had never attached itself to the story. The dark The words words of the Chronicle are in truth more impressive chronicle, than the tale, true or false, of Walter Tirel. Rufus was shot in his hunting from his own men. That is enough; his day was over. A life was ended, stained with deeds End and wThich, in our history at least, stand out without fellow 0 f R u f u s . before or after, but a life in which we may here and there see signs of great powers wasted, even of momentary feelings which might have been trained into something nobler. As it is, the career of William the Red is one of which the kindest words that we can say are that he always kept his word when it was plighted in a certain form, and that he was less cruel in his own person than many men of his time, than some better men than himself. But, however we judge of the man, there is but one Judgement judgement to be passed on the reign. The arrow, by j"igI10f whomsoever shot, set England free from oppression such Rufus as she never felt before or after at the hand of a single man. One tale of the death of Rufus, it will be remembered, Alleged charitably describes him as seeking at the last for the f^V^" 1 ' mercy of the God whom he had so often defied. Others Kufus. VOL. II.

z

THE LAST DAYS OF WILLIAM liUFUS.

338 CHAP. VII.

The other version prevails.

Accounts of William's burial.

paint him as stubborn to the end, and put the name of the fiend in his mouth as his last words. The latter version is the one which left its abiding remembrance; it is the one which all men accepted at the time as the true picture of the oppressor whose yoke was broken at that memorable Lanimas-tide. But the versions "which try to assert a repentance for William Rufus at the last moment try also to claim for him a solemn and honourable burial amid the tears of mourning friends. One story goes so far as to place at the head of the assembly the late Bishop of the diocese, Walkelin of Winchester, whose body was already resting in the Old Minster, while the revenues of his see were in the hands of the King. This \ rrsion gives us a vivid picture of the scene which followed the King's death. 1 A company of barons gather round the corpse. There were the sons of Richard of Bienfaite. pointedly distinguished, the one as Earl, the other only a- Lordr There were Gilbert of Laigle and Robert Fitz-hamon. names familiar to us, and William of Montfichi-t. a name afterwards well known, but which is not enrolled in Domesday. These lords weep and rend their hair; they beat themselves and wish they were dead; they could never have such another lord. Gilbert of Laigle at last bids them turn from vainly lamenting the lord who could not come back to them to paying the last honours to what was left of him. The huntsmen make a bier; they strew it with flowers and fern; they lay it on two palfreys; they place the corpse on the bier and cover it with the new mantles of Robert Fitz-hamon and William of Montfichet. Then they bear him to the minster of Saint Swithhun, where bishops, 1

This is Ge-ifroy Gaimar's story (i. 55). See Appendix T T . - " L i filz Ricard erenfc oil dui, Quens Gilebert e dan Roger-, Oil furent preisé chevaler." But Roger ought 1o be Richard.

HIS

BURIAL.

339

abbots, clerks, and monks, a goodly company, are come together. Bishop Walkelin, strange to say, watches by the body of the King till the morning. Then it is buried with such worship, such saying of masses, as no man had ever heard before, such as no man would hear again till the day of doom.

CHAP.

vn.

Such is the tale of those who would soften down the The story; but the version which bears on it the stamp off t e ™ me truth gives us quite another picture. The King, forsaken by his nobles and companions, lay dead in the forest, as little cared for as his father had been when he lay dead in his chamber at Saint Gervase. Those who had been his comrades in sport hastened hither and thither to their own homes, to guard them against troubles that might arise, now that the land had no longer a ruler. Only a few churls of the neighbourhood, men of the race at whom Kufus had sneered for heedinoO

omens and warnings, were, now that omens and warnings had proved too true, ready to do the last corporal work of mercy to the oppressor. They laid the bleeding body on a rustic wain; they covered it as they could, with coarse cloths, and then took it, dripping blood as it went, to the gates of Winchester. He who had so dearly loved the sports of the woods was himself borne from the woods to the city, like a savage boar pierced through by the hunting-spear.1 And now took place one of the most wonderful scenes that our history records.2 That Popular history records not a few cases of popular canonization; y0™uiza" neither pope nor king could hinder Earl Waltheof and Earl Simon from working signs and wonders on behalf of the 1 This is from Orderic, whose story is essentially the same as that of William of Malmesbury. See Appendix T T . 2 This is all brought out most plainly by Orderic; but the less distinct words of William of Malmesbury and others in no sort contradict Orderic, and in truth look the same way.

Z 2

340 CHAP. VII.

Popular excommunication of Rufus.

THE

LAST

DAYS

OF

folk for whom they had died. 1

WILLIAM

KUFUS.

But nowhere else do we

read of a popular excommunication.

William Rufus, as

I have more than once remarked, had never been openly cut off from the communion of the Church.

He had

died indeed unshriven and unabsolved, but so had many a better man in the endless struggles of those rough days.

There was no formal ground for refusing to his

corpse or to his soul the rites, the prayers, the offerings, which were the portion of the meanest of the faithful. But a common thought came on the minds of all men that for William Rufus those charitable rites could be of none avail. His fou I life, his awful death, was taken as a sign that he was smitten b y a higher judgement than that of Popes and Councils.

A crowd of all orders, ranks, and

sexes, brought together b y wonder or p i t y — w e will not deem that the\ came in scorn or triumph—met the humble funeral procession, and followed the royal corpse to the H e is buried in the Old Minster without religious rites.

Old Minster.

The dead man had been a king; the conse-

crating oil hail been poured on his head; his body was therefore allowed to pass within the hallowed walls, and was laid with all speed in a grave beneath the central tower. But in those rites, at once sad and cheerful, which accompany the burial of the lowliest of baptized men, the lord of England and Normandy had no share.

No

bell was rung; no mass was said; no offerings were made for the soul which was deemed to have passed beyond the reach even of eternal mercy.

No man took

from the hoard which Rufus had filled by wrong to win the prayers of the poor for him b y almsgiving.

Men deemed

that for him prayer was too late; no scattering abroad of the treasure by the hands of others could atone for the wrong In which the treasure had first been brought together.

Many looked o n ; but few mourned.

None

wept for him but the mercenaries who received his pay, 1

See N . C. vol. iv. p. 599.

HIS

POPULAR

EXCOMMUNICATION.

341

and the baser partners of his foul vices. They would CHAP. vn. gladly have torn his slayer in pieces, but he was already far away out of their reach. Thus unwept, unprayed for, a byeword, an astonishment, and a hissing, the Red King lay beneath the pavement of the minster of St. Swithhun. A few years later the tower under which Fall of the he lay crumbled and fell. Men said that it fell because j so foul a corpse lay beneath it.1 But as portents had gone before the fall of the Red King, Portents at so portents did not wait for the crumbling of Walkelin's ¿^th"'' S tower to startle men in strange ways with the news that he had fallen. That news, so say the legends of the time, was known in strange ways in far-off places, long before the tidings could have been brought by the utmost speed of man; sooner, it would seem, than the moment when the arrow hit its designed or unwitting mark. Already on the last day of July, the holy abbot Hugh Dream of of Clugny was able to tell Anselm that he had seen in Hugh* of a dream the King of the English brought before the throne of God, accused, judged, and condemned to eternal noo. damnation.2 The next day, the night of the kalends of Vision of August, a bright youth stood before Anselm's door-keeper doorkeeper, at Lyons, as he strove to sleep, and asked if he wished August i, to hear the news. The news was that the strife between King William and Archbishop Anselm was over.3 The News next day, the day of the King's death, one of the Arch- Anselm^" bishop's clerks was at the matin service, singing with his 2 See Appendix T T . Eadmer, V i t . Ans. ii. 6. 55. " I n t u l i t idem venerabilis abbas sub testimonio veritatis proxime praeterita nocte eumdein regem ante thronumDei accusatum, judicatum, sententiamque damnationis in euin promulgatam." 1

2

l b . 56. " Juvenis ornatu ac vultu non v i l i s " speaks to the clerk, " q u i prope ostium earners jacebat, et needum dormiens, oculos tamen ad somnum elausos tenebat." The message runs t h u s ; " Pro certo noveris quia totum dissidium quod est inter archiepiscopum Anselimim et W i l lelmum regem determinatum est atque sedatum."

342 CHAP. VII.

THE

eyes shut.

ACCESSION

OP

HENRY.

He felt a small paper put into his hand and

a voice bade him read.

He looked u p ; the bearer of the

paper was gone; but he read the words, " K i n g William is dead." 1 "Vision of

Within our own island the news was said to

have been spread abroad in yet stranger ways.

W i l l i a m of s a m e Mortain. New A u g u s t 2.

A t the

hour when King William went forth to hunt in the Forest, his cousin Count William of Mortain went

forth for his spurt also in some of his hunting-grounds in Cornwall.

He too found himself by chance alone, apart

from any of his comrades.

No archer from Poix crossed

his path, but a sight far more fearful.

A huge goat,

shaggy and black, met him, bearing on his back a king; — h o w was his kingship marked ?—black and naked, and wounded in the midst of his breast.

The Count adjured

the beast in the holiest name to say what all this meant. 3 The power of speech was not lacking to the monster.

"I

bear," he answered, " y o u r king, rather your tyrant, William the Red. to his doom. For I am the evil spirit, I am the avenger of the wickedness with which he raged against the Church of Christ, and I brought about his death, at the bidding of the blessed Alban, protomartyr of England, who made his moan to the Lord, because this man sinned beyond measure in the island which he had been the first to hallow." 3 1

E a d m e r , V i t . A n s . ii. 6. 56.

From what mint this wild tale " Sequent! autem nocte inter

u n u s n o s t r u m clausis o c u l i s s t a b a t et p s a l l e b a t . tulam admodum paryam legendam exhibuit. W i l l e l m u s , scrl}.' : 1111 i n v e n i t . p r a t e r socios."

matutinas

E t ecce alii q u i d a m char-

A s p e x i t , et in ea, obiit r e x

C o n f e s t i m a p e r u i t oculos, et n u l l u m

vidit

N o n e of t h e s e stories are f o u n d in t h e H i s t o r i a X o v o r u m ,

b u t t h e y a r e copied b y R o g e r of W e n d o v e r , i i . 1 5 9 . 2

M a t t h e w P a r i s . H i s t . A n g l . i. 7 1 .

" E a d e m h o r a c o m e s Cornubise in

s i l v a ab i l i a q u a hoc a e c i d e r a t p e r d u a s d i e t a s distante, d u m v e n a t u n i iret, et solus casu a si.is d e r e l i n q u e r e t u r sodalibus, o b v i u m h a b u i t u n u m m a g n u m pilosum e t n i g r u m

h i r c u m f e r e n t e m u n u m r e g e m n i g r u m et n u d u m , p e r

m e d i u m pectoris * a u c i a t u m . " 3

l b . " E t a d j a r a t u s h i r c u s p e r D e u m t r i n u m et u n u m , q u i d h o c esset,

respondit, F e r n ad j u d i c i u m s u u m r e g e m v e s t r u m , iino t y r a n n u m , W i l lelmum K u f u m

M a l i g n u s e n i m spiritus sum, et ultor malitiie 3me, c u a

VACANCY

OF

THE

343

THRONE.

comes it is needless to add. The house of Saint Alban was only one of thirteen abbeys which the King had kept vacant to receive their revenues.1 But the other twelve were less rich in that special growth both of legend and of genuine history which adorns the house of the protomartyr.

chap. vii.

§ 2. The First Days of Henry. August 2—November n , i i o o . The throne was again vacant; and now came the V a c a n c y question which Englishmen knew so well whenever throne the throne was vacant, Whom should they choose to fill it 1 There was indeed an instrument in being, c l a i m s of dated nine years before, by which it had been agreed j ^ ^ a t y that, if either Robert or William died without lawful of I09rissue, the survivor should succeed to the dominions of his brother.2 But Englishmen had never allowed their Subclaims most precious birthright to be thus lightly signed away Regarded beforehand. And many men of Norman birth must by this time have put on the feelings of Englishmen on this point as on many others. With the great mass of both races there could have been no doubt at all as to the right man to place upon the vacant throne. By this Choice time, we may be sure, all thought had passed away of ^ ^ J 0 choosing outside the line of the Conqueror; and if such of the Conqueror. dessevit in ecclesiam C h r i s t i ; et hanc necem suam procuravi, imperante prothomartire Angliae beato A l b a n o , qui conquestus est Domino quod in insulam Britannise, cujus ipse f u i t primus sacrator, supra modum grassavetur.

Comes igitur hisec statim sociis e n a r r a v i t . "

Wonders, though

not quite so wonderful as this, reached Devonshire as well as Cornwall. W a l t e r M a p ( 2 2 3 ) tells us, " E a d e m die P e t r o de M e l v i s , viro de partibus E x o n i a , persona quasdam vilis et fceda, telum ferens cruentum, cursitans apparavit dicens, H o c telum hodie regem vestrum perfodit." 1

Chron. P e t r i b . 1 1 0 0 .

" S w a pmt J)ses daeges pe he gefeoll he heafde

on his agenre hand past arcebiscoprice on C a n t w a r b y r i g , and past bisceoprice on Winceastre, and J>ait on S e a r b y r i g , and x i . abbotrices, ealle to gafle gesette."

This is copied by various writers.

2

See vol. i. p. 279.

344

THE ACCESSION OF HENRY.

vii. a thought had come into the head of any man, there was no candidate who could have been brought forward. No thought The elder Eadgar was far away on his crusade, and no Eadgar1" o n e w a s likely to think of sending to Scotland to offer the crown to his nephew. His nieces were near at hand; but the thought of a female ruler did not come into men's minds till the next generation. Within the house of Choice the Conqueror there were two claimants. Robert had Eobertand whatever right the treaty could give him, a better right Henry. undoubtedly than any which he could put forward as the eldest son of his father. But a paper claim of this kind went f< < little when the man who asserted it was far away, and when, had he been at hand, everything except the letter of the treaty was against him. It went for naught when there, on the very spot, was the man Claims of whom every sign marked out for kingship. There among only'sonof them was the ut an undisputed king-elect. The hoard Against a king-elect the gates of the hoard could theTing-0 n o longer lie shut. Not five thousand pounds only, elect. i^ut the whole treasure of the kingdom was now

Warwick.

1

See N. C. vol. i. p. 486.

ELECTION

OF

HENRY.

349

Henry's. His first act was to stop one of the many chap.vii. sources by which the hoard was filled. One of them was found in the revenues of the vacant bishopric of the city in which they were met. Henry, still only chosen and not crowned, took on him to do one act of royal authority which all men would hail as a sign that the new reign was not to be as the last. As the un- He grants crowned iEtheling Eadgar had confirmed the election rfoofw'kiof Abbot Brand by the monks of Peterborough,1 so the uncrowned iEtheling Henry bestowed the staff o f G i f f a r d . the see of Winchester on the late king's Chancellor, William Giffard, doubtless a kinsman of the aged Earl of Buckingham. In his appointment we may perhaps see a wish on the part of a king who was emphatically the choice of the English people to conciliate at once the Norman nobles and the royal officials.2 But seven years were to pass before the bishop-elect appointed by the king-elect became a full bishop by the rite of consecration. And what we should hardly have Conselooked for in a minister of the Red King, some of those years were years of confessorship and exile en- d i e d II29dured by the new prelate on behalf of an ecclesiastical principle.3 But Henry, .¿Etheling and Count, was not long to remain a mere king-elect. The interregnum ended on 1

See N . C. vol. iii. p. 529. The speed with which events happened is strongly marked by the Chronicler. A s soon as Henry is chosen, " he Jiaerrihte J>sjt biscoprice on Winceastre Willelme Giffarde geaf, and sij>)>an to Lundene for." The appointment is also recorded by Florence and Henry of Huntingdon. William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 1 1 0 ) says, when speaking of a somewhat later time, " Willelmus fuerat adhuc recenti potestate Henrici violenter ad Wintoniensem episcopatum electus, nec electioni assentiens, immo eligentes asperis convitiis et minis incessens." Henry of Huntingdon (De Contemptu Mundi, 3 1 5 ) speaks of him as " vir nobilissimus." Orderic (783C) marks his former office; " Guillelmo cognomento Gifardo, qui defuncti regis cancellarius fuerat, Guentanie urbis cathedram commisit." 2

3

See the references in N . C. vol. v. p. 225.

350 CHAP.

THE VII.

N e e d for hastening

ACCESSION

OP

HENRY.

the fourth day. It was not a time to tarry; it was needful ^ a t ^ e land should have a full king at the first _

°

the corona- moment that the rite of his hallowing could be gone through. It was known that Robert was on his way back from Apulia, and Henry and his counsellors feared lest, if the Duke should show himself in England or even in Normandy liefore the crown was safe on the new king's brow, the Gorman nobles in England might repent of an election in which it is clear that they had not very heartily agreed. 1 From Winchester therefore Heiny went to London with all speed, in company with Count Robert of Meulan, who kept under the new reign the same post < >f specially trusted counsellor which he had Henry held during the reign of Rufus. 2 On the Sunday after crowned at t h a t m e m o r a b l e Thursday, Count Henry was admitted minster. kinam se biscop of L u n d e n e

M a u r i c i u s t o c y n g e g e h a l g o d e , a n d him ealle on Jieosan l a n d e t o a b u g a n , a n d a S a s sworan, a n d his m e n w u r d o n . " 3

William

of M a l m e s b u r y

( v . 3 9 3 ) is

emphatic

on

the

popular joy :

" La?tus e r g o dies v i s u s est r e v i r e s c e r e populis, c u m , post tot a n x i e t a t u m nubila,

serenarum

promissionum

infulgebant

H e n r y w a s c r o w n e d " c e r t a t i m p l a u s u plebeio is i m p o r t a n t .

lumina."

concrepante."

He

adds

that

The adjective

O r d e r i c ( J S 3 C , D ) t a k e s t h e o p p o r t u n i t y for a n e l a b o r a t e

352

THE

CHAP.

vii.

H e puts f o r t h his Charter.

ACCESSION

OF

HENRY.

Before the Sunday of his consecration had passed, King Henry had put the solemn promises which he had made before the altar into the shape of a legal document.

That very day

he

set forth in writing

that

famous charter which formed the groundwork of the I t s provisions.

yet more famous charter of John. 1

I have commented

on its main provisions elsewhere, and I have tried to show how it at once establishes the new doctrines as to the tenure i >f land, and promises to reform the abuses to which they had already led.2 its main provisions in order.

I will now go through First, Henry, King of the

English, does his faithful people to wit that he has been crowned king by the common counsel of the barons of the whole realm of England. 3 T h e Church

ti,

e

He had found the realm

ground down with unrighteous exactions.

ree,

^

For the fear

^ ^ which he has to his people, he

first of all makes the Church of God free. sell the C'hurch nor put her to farm. 4 panegyric

on

Henry

and

his r e i g n .

He

had

He will not

When an arch-

a l r e a d y (782 D ) ,

before

W i l l i a m is b u r i e d , said, " H o c a n t e a d u d u m f u i t a B r i t o n i b u s p r o p h e t a t u m , et h u n c A n g l i o p t a v e r u n t h a b e r e d o m i n u m , q u e m n o b i l i l e r i n solio r e g n i noverant g e n i i ' i m . "

T h e p r o p h e c y is g i v e n in f u l l in 887 D (see N . C .

v o l . v . p. 1 5 3 ) ; " S u c c e d e t L e o justitiee, ad c u j u s r u g i t u m Gallicange t u r r e s et insulani draeones t r e m e b u n t . "

F o r a n " insularis draco " o f t h e s a m e

class, see vol. i. p. 124. 1

F l o r e n c e m a r k s the c h a r t e r as g r a n t e d on t h e d a y of t h e coronation.

H e g i v e s a good s u m m a r y ; " Qui

consi i rationis

sute die s a n c t a m D e i eeclesiam, qu;e fratris; sui

t e m p o r e v e n d i t a erat et ad

firmam

e r a t posita, l i b e r a m

fecit, a c

omnes

m a l a s c o n s u e t m l . n e s et i n j u s t a s e x a c t i o n e s q u i b u s r e g n u m A n g l i s e i n j u s t e opprimebatur.

ibstulit, pncem

firmam

in t o t o r e g n o suo posuit, e t

teneri

p r a c e p i t : l e g e m regis E a d w a r d i o m n i b u s in c o m m u n e r e d d i d i t , c u m i l l i s emendationibr;.-. q u i b u s p a t e r suus i l l a m e m e n d a v i t : sed f o r e s t a s q u a s ille c o n s t i t u i t et liabuit in m a n u sua r e t i n u i t . " 2

S e e vol. i. ¡ ' i . 3 3 5 - 3 4 1 , and N . C . v o l . v . pp. 3 7 3 - 3 8 1 .

3

S e l e c t Oil irters, 96.

silio

baronun,

-,otius

" Sciatis m e D e i m i s e r i c o r d i a et c o m m u n i conregni

Anglia?

ejusdem

regni

regem

eoronatum

esse." 4

l b . 97.

' S a n c t a m D e i ecclesiam i m p r i m i s l i b e r a m facio, i t a quod nec

v e n d a m nec a ! f i r m a m p o n a m . "

HENRY'S

353

CHARTER.

bishop, bishop, or abbot, dies, he will take nothing during

CHAP. VII.

the vacancy from the demesne of his church or from its j^jj8188" tenants.

And he will put away the evil customs with

vacancies,

which the realm of England was oppressed, which evil customs he goes on to set down in order. Secondly, he touches the question of reliefs.

The heir

Reliefs,

of lands held in chief of the crown shall no longer, as was done in his brother's time, be constrained to redeem his land at an arbitrary price; he shall relieve it by a just and lawful relief. 1

And as the K i n g does b y his

tenants-in-chief, he calls on his tenants-in-chief to do in their turn by their under-tenants. Thirdly, he comes to the abuse of the lord's rights in Marriage, the matter of marriage. 2

He will take nothing for

licence of marriage, nor will he meddle with the right of his tenants to dispose of their daughters or other kinswomen, unless the proposed bridegroom should be the King's enemy.

The rights of the childless widow are

also secured. The fourth clause touches the case of the widow with children.

Wardship,

The mother herself or some fitting kinsman

shall have the wardship. 3

And as the King does b y his

barons, so shall they do in the case of the daughters and widows of their men. Fifthly, the coinage is to be brought back to the state The in which it was in the days of King Eadward, and justice

is denounced against false moneyers and other

retailers of false coin.4 Sharp justice it was, as we k n o w from the annals of Henry's reign. 1

See vol. i. p. 338.

5

See N. C. vol. v. p. 374.

lb. p! 376. Select Charters, 97. "Monetagium commune quod capiebatur per civitates et comitatus quod non fuit tempore regis Edwardi, hoc ne amodo fiat omnino defendo. Si quis captus fuerit sive monetarius sive alius cum falsa moneta, justitia recta inde fiat." 3

4

VOL. II.

coma S e -

354 CHAP.

THE

vn.

Debts and

ACCESSION

OF

HENEY.

Sixthly, The King forgives all debts owing to his brother, and stops all suits set on foot by him.

This is

not the first time in which it is presumed that claims made by the crown must be unjust. debts

arising

Henry excepts

out of the ordinary farming of the crown

lands ; he excepts also anything that any man had agreed to pay for the inheritances or other property of others. 1 Does this refer to property confiscated and sold by the King?

Payments which had been made in relief for a

man's own inheritance are specially forgiven. 2 Seventhly, he confirms the free right of bequest of

Wills.

personal property.

If a man, through warfare or sick-

ness, dies intestate, his wife, children, kinsfolk, and lawful men, are to dispose of his money as they may think best for his soul.3 Amercements.

The eighth provision goes back a step further than the others.

It cancels the practice of both Williams,

and goes back in the most marked w a y to earlier times. If one of the King's barons or other men incurred forfeiture, he should not bind himself to be at the King's mercy, as had been done in the time of his father and brother; Ik should be fined a fixed amount according to custom, as was done in the days of the kings before his father. 1 Ninthly, the King forgives all murders up to the day

Murders.

of his coronation.

That is to say, he forgives all pay-

ments due from the hundreds according to the special 1

See vol.

2

Select Charters, 97.

pp. 345, 394. " E t si quia pro haereditate suaaliquid pepigerat,

illud eondono, et omnes relevationes quae pro rectis hsereditatibus pact® fuerant." 3

See vol. i. p. 338.

1

Select Charters, 98.

" S i quis baronum sive hominum raeorum foris-

fecerit, non dabit vadium in misericordia pecuniae, sicut faciebat tempore patris mei \ t , fratris mei, sed secundum modum forisfacti, ita emendabit sicut emendaii> 1 retro a tempore patris mei, in tempore aliorum antecessorum

PROVISIONS

OP

THE

CHARTER.

355

law made by his father for the protection of his foreign CHAP. vn. followers. 1 For the future the payment shall be according to the law of King Eadward. 2 Tenthly conies the one illiberal provision in the docu- The forests, ment. " By the common consent of my barons, I have kept the forests in my own hands, as my father held them." 3 Here, where the King's personal pleasure was concerned, we hear nothing of the law of King Eadward or of the practice of yet earlier kings. The eleventh clause is a remarkable one. It does not Privilege speak, like the others, of reforming abuses or of going knights, back to the practice of some earlier time. The King, of his own free will, bestows a certain privilege on one class of his subjects. Knights who held their lands by military service are to be free, as far as their demesne lands are concerned, from all gelds and other burthens. This the King grants to them as his own gift. In return for so great a boon, he calls on them to stand ready with horses and arms for his service and the defence of his kingdom. 4 This boon seems meant for a class whom it was very important for Henry to attach to his interest, the men namely of both races who were of knightly rank but not higher. Many of them were his tenantsin-chief; those who held only of other lords were still his men by virtue of the law of Salisbury. It was his See N. C. vol. i. p. 758; vol. v. pp. 444, 881. Select Charters, 98. " Murdra etiam retro ab ilia die qua in regem corona tus fui omnia condono : et ea quae amodo facta fuerint, juste emendentur secundum lagam regis Edwardi." 1

2

3 lb. " Forestas communi consensu baronum meorum in manu mea retinui, sicut pater meus eas habuit." 4 lb. " Miiitibus qui per loricas terras suas defendunt, terras dominicarum carrucarum suarum quietas ab omnibus gildis, et omni opere, proprio dono meo concedo, ut sicut tarn magno allevamine alleviati sint, ita se equis et armis bene instruant ad servitium meum et ad defensionem regni mei." We have had an example of this tenure " p e r loricam" in the case of an Englishman T. E . W . in N . C. vol. iv. p. 339.

A A

O.

356

THE

ACCESSION

OF

HENRY.

chap. vii. policy to strengthen both classes in opposition to the Effect of

great nobles whom he knew to be disaffected to him.

the provision.

may not be too much to see in this clause of Henry's

It

charter an important stage in the developement of an idea which is peculiar to England, the idea of the gentle-

Growth of the country gentry.

man who lias no pretensions to be a nobleman.

The

knights of 11 enry's charter are the representatives of the thegns of Domesday, the forerunners of the country gentlemen of later times.

Holding a place between the

great barons and the mass of the people, and again between

1'olicy of wards the second order.

the

greatest and the C3

smallest

of the king's O

tenants-in-chief—largely Norman by descent, but also largely English—they were well suited to become the leaders of the people, as they worthily showed themselves in ( in early parliaments. Their existence and importance as a class separate from the great barons, did much t> establish that distinctive and happy feature of English political life, which spread freedom over the whole lam I. instead of shutting it up within a few favoured towns. The existence of the knight, as something separate from the baron, secured, not only his own freedom, but the freedom of land-owners smaller than himself It helped to hinder the growth of the hard and tast line which in France divided the gentilhomme from the roturier. I t was part of the policy of Henry to raise particular men of this second rank, while he broke the power of the great barons of the ^

Conquest.

This

clause shows that it was also his

policy to strengthen and to win to his side this class as a class. Of the other three clauses of the charter, the first two

The King's Peace.

a r e

g

e n e r a

]

^he

jg

temporary.

The twelfth clause

establishes firm peace through the whole kingdom.

The

thirteenth ox presses that mixture of old things and new which marks the time.

Henry lays down the great

EADWARD'S

LAW

RESTORED.

357

basis of all later English jurisprudence; " I restore to CHAP.vn. you the law of King Eadward, with those amendments ^ o f which my father made with the consent of his barons." 1 The law of Henry was to be the old law of England, traditionally called by the name of the king to whose days men looked back as to the golden age, but modified The Conby the changes, or rather additions, which were brought in amendby the few genuine statutes of the Conqueror.2 Here, as ments throughout, Henry sets forth his full purpose to reign as an English king, and he carefully puts forward the nature of his kingship as a strict' continuation of the kingship of Eadward and of the kings before Eadward. We The alleged have seen that the collection which goes by the name of Henry, the Laws of Henry is no real code of Henry's issuing.3 But it breathes the spirit of this clause and of the other clauses of the charter. It shows how English, in theory at least, the government of Henry was meant to be. The fifteenth and last clause is a kind of amnesty for any irregularity which might have happened during the short interregnum. Two days and parts of two other days had passed after the peace of King William—if we may so speak of the days of unlaw—had come to an end, and before the peace of King Henry had begun. If any man had during that time taken anything which belonged to the King or to any one else, he might restore it without any fine ; if he kept it after the proclamation, he was to be heavily fined.4 Such was the famous charter of Henry, the document 1 Select Charters, 98. "Lagam Edwardi regis vobis reddo cum illia emendationibus quibus pater meus earn emendavit consilio baronum suorum." The half-English, half-Latin, form " l a g a " should be noticed. 2 See N. C. vol. iv. p. 325. 3 See N . C. YOI. v. p. 149. 4 Select Charters, 98. " Si cjuis allquid de rebus meis vel de rebus alicujus post obitum Willelmi regis fratris mei ceperit, totum cito sine

Amnesty,

358 CHAP. VII.

THE

ACCESSION

OF

HENRY.

to which Stephen L a n g t o n appealed as the birthright of

Witnesses

English freemen. 1

charier,

crowning l>v the bishop w h o had officiated, Maurice of London, by

I t w a s witnessed on the d a y of the

Gundulf

Bishop

(of

Rochester),

William

Bishop-elect (of Winchester). H e n r y Earl (of W a r w i c k ) , Simon Ear 1 (of Northampton), W a l t e r Giffard, Robert of Montfort. Roger Bigod, and H e n r y of Port. 2 names look forward and b a c k w a r d .

Such

There is already a

Bigod, forefather of the E a r l w h o w o u l d neither go nor hang. 3

There is a Simon, and if the likeness of names

is merely accidental, the tradition is carried b a c k

in

another wa\ w h e n w e remember t h a t E a r l Simon of Northampton

w a s the son-in-law of Waltheof. 4

The

fewness of the names m a y perhaps show that the coronation of H n r y , celebrated as it w a s amidst a burst of popular j o y was but scantily attended b y the great men of the realm.

The whole t h i n g w a s almost as sudden

as the death of E a d w a r d and the election of Harold, and it did not, like those events, happen while the W i t a n were actually in session.

The summons, or even the

news, could h a v e gone t h r o u g h a v e r y small part o n l y of the kingdom.

One w o u l d be g l a d to k n o w h o w men

heard in distant shires, in H e n r y ' s o w n Y o r k s h i r e

for

e m e n d a t i o n e m l d a t u r , e t si quia i n d e a l i q u i d r e t i n u e r i t , ille s u p e r q u e m i n v e n t u m fuerit m i h i g r a v i t e r e m e n d a b i t . " 1

R o g e r of W e n d o v e r , iii. 293.

" P r o d u c t a est in m e d i u m c h a r t a qusedam

r e g i s H e n r i c i primi, q u a m iidem barones a S t e p h a n o , C a n t u a r i e n s i arehiepiscopo, u t pra dictum est, in u r b e L o n d o n i a r u m a c c e p e r a n t .

Continebat

a u t e m lijec c h a r t a q u a s d a m l i b e r t a t e s et leges r e g i s E a d w a r d i sanctse ecclesise A n g l i c a n a e p a r i t c r et m a g n a t i b u s r e g n i coneessas, e x c e p t i s q u i b u s d a m l i b e r t a t i b u s q u a s idem rex de suo a d j e c i t . " 2

S e e t h e list in S e l e c t C h a r t e r s , 98.

sign as E a r l !

Or is it his son ?

Why

does n o t W a l t e r

Giffard

W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y (v. 3 9 3 ) s e e m s to

s p e a k of a g e n e r a l oath to t h e c h a r t e r on t h e p a r t of t h e n o b l e s ; " A n t i q u a r u m m o d e r a t i o n e m l e g u m r e v o c a v i t in s o l i d u m , s a c r a m e n t o suo et omn i u m procerum. no l u d e r e n t u r c o r r o b o r a n s . " 3

S e e N . C. vol. ii. p. 2 9 5 ; iii. p. 5 9 0 ; y . p . 893.

' S e e N . C . u>l. v . p.

602.

WITNESSES

TO

THE

359

CHARTER.

instance, not only that the oppressor was gone, but that chap. vii. the new king was crowned, pledged by his oath and his seal to give his land a new time of peace and righteousness. The new King had taken upon himself to undo the evils of his brother's reign, to bring back the days of Eadward, to reign as an English king.

One step

towards the restoration of the good state was to fill the churches which his brother had sacrilegiously kept vacant. The see of Winchester he had filled already; he now

Appoint-

began to fill the thirteen abbeys which Rufus had held abbeys, in his hands on the day of his death. Several were filled before the year was out; two at least were filled on the very day of his coronation.

These were the abbey of

Saint Ead-

Saint Eadmund, void by the death of its abbot Baldwin, Ely. and that of Ely, which had stood void for seven years since the death of the aged abbot Simeon.1

The staff of

Saint Eadmund was now placed in the hand of Robert, a young monk of Bee, who is described as a son, seemingly a natural son, of Earl Hugh of Chester. 2

That of Ely

1 On Abbot Simeon, see N . C. vol. iv. pp. 481, 833. According to the local writers (Anglia Sacra, i. 612 ; Stewart, 284) he reached his hundredth year. They have much to tell of the troubles of the abbey during the vacancy at the hands of Flambard (Stewart, 276-283). But it seems that Flambard needed to be stirred up by a local enemy, who, we are sorry to find, bears an English name and a singular surname ; " vir Belial iEhvinus cognomento Retheresgut, id est venter pecudis." 2 Orderic (783 C, D) mentions all these appointments to abbeys along with the appointment of William Giffiird to Winchester and that of Gerard to York. It will be remembered that he fancied that Archbishop Thomas was dead before the coronation. " Eliense ccenobium dedit Ricardo, Ricardi de Bonefacta filio, Beccensi monacho, et abbatiam Sancti Edmundi regis et martyris Rodberto juveni Uticensi monacho, Hugonis Cestrensis comitis filio. Glastoniam quoque commisit Herluino Cadomensi, et Habundoniam Earisio Malmesburiensi." That the appointments were made on the day of the coronation appears from the two local histories, the Annals of Saint Eadmund's in Liebermann, 130, and the two Ely histories, that in Anglia Sacra, i. 613, and the Liber Eliensis (Stewart,

S a"

360

Herlwin Abbot of Glastonbury. IIOO-1120.

THE

ACCESSION

OF

HENIIY.

was given to Richard, another monk of Bee, son of Richard of i .'la-re.1 In these appointments and in some others we again see the need in which Henry stood of pleasing the great nobles, even at the cost of sinning against ecclesiastical rule. In the case of the appointment to Saint Eadmund's we are distinctly told that the King's nomination was made against the will of the monks, and a little later Anselm thought it his duty to remove both Robert and Richard from their offices. Two other prelates, appointed before any long time had passed, are of greater personal fame. The name of Herlwin of Caen, who now received the staff of Glastonbury, lives in local memory as a great builder.2 And the Italian Fari'

^

cius, now placed in the vacant stall of Abingdon, figures Abingdon among the most renowned abbots of his house, famous 1100-1117. a m ongst his other merits for his skill in the healing art. Oddly enough, his skill in this way kept him back from higher honour. Had Faricius been less cunning in leechcraft, ho might have been Archbishop of Canterbury. 3 But to undo the evils of the days of unlaw and to Faricius

284), which lar^t-ly copies Florence.

A s Richard the second E a r l of Chester

was " f i l i u s unions Hugonis consulis " (Hen. Hunt. D e Contemptu Mundi, 304), and as Onluric (787 C) calls him " Pulcherriraus puer, quern solum ex Erraentrude filia Hugonis de Claromonte genuit [Hugo]," it would follow that Abbot Robert was one of the many natural children of E a r l Hugh. See N . C. vol. v. p 450.

H e was appointed, say the local Annals, " reni-

tentibus monachis. ' 1

Orderic, as wt have seen, calls Abbot Richard a son of Richard of

Eienfaite, while ti e E l y writers call him the son of Count Gilbert, which must be wrong.

Y e t they have much to say about his family, who are

oddly spoken of as the " Ricardi," along with the " Gifardi."

They tell

at length the stm-y of his deposition, but attribute it to the K i n g rather than to Anselm.

B u t see Florence, 1 1 0 2 ; Eadmer, 67 ; Ans. E p . iii. 140.

2

See Willis, Glastonbury, p. 9.

3

Faricius fiLs a large space in the history of his abbey.

native of Arezz> 285.

H e was a

and had been cellarer at Malmesbury; Hist. A b . ii. 44,

H e was l i t back from the archbishopric by the scruples of Robert

(Bloet) Bishop ise about the K i n g are also worthy of notice. The King's

The King's inner council must certainly have contained

council

the

Beaumont brothers, the subtle Count of Meulan

and the upright Earl of Warwick. It contained Roger the Bigod, more honoured in his descendants than in himself. It contained too some of Henry's old friends from his Norman fief, Richard of Redvers and Earl Hugh of Chester. We are told that as soon as the news of the death of Rufus was known in Normandy, several of the great men who were there, specially the Earls of Chester and Shrewsbury, hastened to England to acknowledge Henry. 2

We

do not find Robert of Belleme among Henry's inner counsellors ; we do find Hugh of Avranches.

And to the

list we may also most likely add the bishop-elect of Winchester, William Giffard, a tried court official, though

1

See M»canl«y, u

2

Ord. Y i t .

J).

557. " H u g o Cestrensis comes, et Rodbertus Belesmensis,

ac alii optimates. qui erant in Normannia, audito casu infortunati principis, rerumque mututione

subita, compositis in N e u s t r i a

rebus suis, iter in

A n g l i a m acceleraverunt, novoque regi debitam subjectionem

obtulerunt,

eique hominio fa.U f r a t r e s i n t r a n t i n ecclesia et e x e u n t . "

W h y was a d o u b l y

imperial s t y l e ik-edcd on such a m a t t e r ? 2

Ord. V i t . 7S4 A .

multimodamqur

" Sapiens Henricus, generositatem virginis agnoscens,

m o r u m e j u s h o n e s t a t e m j a m d i i d u i n concupiscens,

niodi s o c i a m in Cliristo sibi e l e g i t . "

hujus-

S o W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y , v . 393 ;

" C u j u s amori ¡.impridem a n i m u m i m p u l e r a t , p a r v i pendens dotales d i v i t i a s , d u m m o d o din . uj.itis p o t i r e t u r a m p l e x i b u s . "

So E a d m e r ( H i s t . N o v . 5 6 )

m e n t i o n s t h e i t >ry of t h e v e i l , a n d adds, " quse res, d u m i l i a j a m olim dimisso velo a r e g e a n . a r e t u r , p l u r i m o r u m ora l a x a r e t , et eos a c u p i t i s a m p l e x i b u s retardaret." marriage. 3

This

In

the g e n u i n e

story she c e r t a i n l y

seen:-

implied in t h e w h o l e

E a d m e r , " dinii. su v e l o . "

s t o r y , especially i n t h e w o r d s

of

H e r f a t h e r , it w i l l b e r e m e m b e r e d , is said t o h a v e

t a k e n h e r a w a ; from R o m s e y in 1093. 4

seems a n x i o u s for t h e

T h e s t c r y of her d i s l i k e to it is a m e r e l e g e n d . S e e A p p e n d i x W W .

See Appendix

EE.

Sir F r a n c i s I ' a l g r a v e (iv. 366), c o u n t e r s i g n e d b y D e a n C h u r c h , A l i s e l m ,

243, assures us that " E d i t h w a s v e r y b e a u t i f u l . " note)

will

not

allow

t h a t she w a s

M r . R o b e r t s o n (i.

more than " r a t h e r

pretty."

153, The

HENRY

SEEKS

EADGYTH

IN

MAliRIAGE.

883

worldly possessions; 1 but she came of a stock which CHAP. vir. made a marriage with her the most politic choice which the King could make at the moment. Eadgyth had r!agelived so long in England that men seem to have for- i^oke^on gotten that she was the daughter of Malcolm, and to a s E n S l l s l 1 have remembered only that she was the daughter of Margaret. As such she was held to be of the right kingly kin of England, 2 marked out as the most fitting bride for a king whose purpose was to reign as an Englishman. True she came of the blood of Cerdic only by the spindle-side, and by the spindle-side Henry caine of the blood of Cerdic himself. 3 But no one was likely H e n r y ' s to remember that a daughter of ¿Elfred was a remote from ancestress of Henry's mother, while everybody remembered that Eadgyth was the daughter of Margaret, the daughter of Eadward, the son of Eadmund, the son of iEthelred, the son of Eadgar. It was for the English King to take an English Lady, and to hand on the English crown to kings born in the land and sprung of the true blood of its ancient princes. So thought the people; so thought the K i n g ; so A b b e s s in H e r m a n n of Tournay witnesses to her beauty at the a g e of twelve, but all that W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y (v. 4 1 8 ) can say of her is that she was " n o n usquequaque despicabilis formse."

W e have already heard

of her studies at Romscy, and in her letters to Anselm (Epp. iii. 55, 1 1 9 ) the display of scriptural and classical learning might have satisfied Orderie himself.

I t is more comforting to find in the second letter that she wishes

to bestow the abbey of M a l m e s b u r y on one bearing the English name of Eadwulf.

A n s e l m refuses his consent, because E a d w u l f sent him a cup,

which seemed like an attempt at simony.

E a d w u l f however did in the end

become abbot. 1

Will. M a l m s , v. 393.

" E r a t ilia, licet genere sublimis, utpote regis

E d w a r d i ex fratre Edmundo abneptis, modicas tamen domina supellectilis, utroque tunc parente p u p i l l a . " 2

Chron. P e t r i b . 1 1 0 0 .

"And

si?!j>an sona heraefter se cyng

genam

M a h a l d e him to wife, Malcolmes cynges dohter of Scotlande, and M a r g a r e t a Jisere goda cwajne, Eadwardes cynges magan, and of }>an rihtan iEnglalandes k y n e k y n n e . " E a d m e r (Hist. N o v . 56) traces up the pedigree to E a d g a r , but ho does not forget that she was " filia Malcholmi nobilissimi regis Scotorum." 8

See N . C. vol. ii. p. 30S.

384

THE

ACCESSION

OP

HENRY.

seemingly thought the daughter of Malcolm herself. But not a few mouths were opened to denounce the 6 marriage. marriage as contrary to the laws of the Church. Eadgyth, they alleged, was a consecrated virgin, and a marriage with her would be sacrilege. She had, they said, taken the veil at Romsey, when she was dwelling there with her aunt Christina. 1 She appealed to the ArchEadgyth bishop, to whom all looked to decide the matter. 2 She ha™ taken told her story, as we have already heard it, and called the veil. The o n Anselm to judge her cause in his wisdom. holds an Archbishop called together at Lambeth—the manor of his frielld the Bisho settle t h e ' 0 P o f Rochester —an assembly of question, bishops, abbots, nobles, and religious men, before whom he laid the matter, and the evidence bearing on it. 3 There was the evidence of the maiden herself; there was the evidence of two archdeacons, William of Canterbury and Humbaid of Salisbury, whom Anselm had sent to the monastery, and who, after inquiries among the sisters, reported that there was no ground to think that Eadgyth ha< 1 ever been a veiled nun. 4 The Archbishop then loft the assembly, and the rest, who are spoken of as the Church of England gathered into one place,6 debated the question in his absence. Much stress was laid on the case of those women who, in the first days of the Conquest, had sought shelter in the cloister from CHAP. VII.

Objections

1 See above, p. 31, and Appendix E E . Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 56. " Siquidem eadem Marhildis. inter sanctimoniales in monasterio ab infantia nutrita et adulta, credebatur a multis in servitiumDei a parentibus oblata, eo quod publice visa f u t r a t earum inter quas vivebat more velata." 2 lb. " Ipsa Anselmum cujus in hoc nutum omnes expectabant adiit." 3 lb. 57- " Oiffert Anselmus sententiam ferre et causam judieio religiosarum pel's, marum regni determinandam pronunciat. Statute itaque die coeunt ad mitum illius, episcopi, abbates, nobiles quique, ac religiosi ordinis viri." \i,selm's Convocation thus admitted lay members. 4 The archd. aeons are sent " Wiltuniam, ubi ilia fuerat educata," but Romsey must Mirtiy be meant. See Appendix E E . 5 lb. "EeiiL..to a conventu solo patre, ecclesia Anglise quie convenerat in unum de pio.Wenda scntentia tractat."

OBJECTIONS

TO THE

385

MARRIAGE.

shame and violence, but who had not taken religion upon themselves. 1

CHAP.

vn.

The late Archbishop had declared Eadgyth declared

them free to marry, and the judgement of the assem- f ree to bly was that the same rule the daughter of Malcolm. 2

applied to the case

0f

marry"

Anselm came back, and the

debate and the decision were reported to him.

He de-

clared that he assented to the judgement, strengthened as it was by the great authority of Lanfranc. 3

Then

Eadgyth herself was brought in, and heard with pleased countenance all that had passed.4

a

She then

offered to confirm all that she had said by any form of oath that might be thought good.

She did not fear that

any one would disbelieve her; but she wished that no occasion should be left for any one

to blaspheme. 5

Anselm told her that no oath was needed; if any man out of the evil treasure of his heart should bring forth evil things, he would not be able to withstand the amount and strength of the evidence b y which her case was proved. 6

He gave her his blessing, 7 and she went

forth, we may say, Lady-elect of the English. In another version, also contemporary but not resting other veron the same high authority, things are made to take gto^.°f ' h e See N . C. vol. iv. pp. 564, 835. Hist. Nov. 58. The members of the Assembly say that they remember the judgement of Lanfranc, and that they hold that the present case is still stronger than that which he decided. " Licet enirn seiamus causam illarum istius esse leviorem dum ill» sponte, ista coacta, pari de causa velum portaverit." They add their protest, " nequis nos favore cujusvis duci existimet." 3 lb. " Ego judicium vestrum noil abjicio, sed eo securius illud suscipio quo tanti patris auctoritate suffultum audio." 4 lb. " Gesta comi vultu audit et ampleetitur." s lb. " Quod non propterea facturam fatetur quasi sibi non creditum esse putet, sed ut malevolis hommibus omnem deinceps blasphemandi occasionem amputet." • lb. " Si malus homo de malo thesauro cordis sui protulerit mala, dicto citius opprimetur ipsa veritate jam tantarum personarum adstipulatione probata et roborata." 1

2

7

lb. " Allocutione posth.ec et benedictione Anselmi potita abut."

VOL. I I .

C C

386

THE

another turn.

ACCESSION

OF

HENRY.

The King bids Anselm perform the mar-

riage rite between himself and the nameless daughter of A nselm made to object.

Malcolm, called in this version David. 1

Anselm refuses

on the ground that, having worn the veil of a nun, she belonged to a heavenly, not to an earthly bridegroom. The King says that he has sworn to her father to marry her. and that he cannot break his oath, unless it can be shown by a canonical judgement that the marriage is unlawful. 2

Anselm is therefore bidden to summon the

Archbishop - >f York, and the rest of the bishops, abbots, and other ecclesiastical persons of all England, to come S t o r y of K u f u s and the Abbess.

Decision in favour of the marriage.

together an 1 examine the matter. 3 The Abbess is brought before them, and she tells the story of the Red King's visit to her (lowers.4

The K i n g bids Anselm call on the

synod for its judgement.

The assembled fathers debate;

canons are read, and it is judged that the maiden is free to marry, chiefly on the ground that, if she was veiled, it was while' she was under age and without her father's

Anselm's scruples and i

consent.5

The King asks Anselm whether he objects to

this decision ; Anselm says that he has no fault to find with it. 1

.Henry then asks Anselm to m a n y them at

This is the . ersion of H e r m a n n of T o u r n a y ( D ' A e h e r y , ii. 893) referred

to in Appendix E E , W W ;

''Confirmabas in regno voluit conjugem habere

puellam quamdam filiam D a v i d regis Scotia?, dixitque D . Anselmo,

tunc

temporis Cantuariensis urbis venerabili archiepiscopo, u t earn sibi beiiediceret et sjlemnibus nuptiis benedictam in c o n j u g i u i n sociaret." ,£

lb.

" Ide' que pro conservando juramento suo se non eam dimissurum,

n : si canonico judioio fuisset deterininatum." 3

l b . " P r s e c p i t ut, adicito archiepiscopo Eboracensi, congregaretur consi-

lium episcoporum et abbatum totiusque A n g l i ® ecclesiasticarum personarum ad diffmienduìi! ecclesiastica censura t a n t u m n e g o t i u m . "

Thomas of Y o r k ,

i t must be remembered, must have been now on his deathbed ; at least he died a few days later.

T h e lay nobles of E a d m e r ' s account are left

out in this very. 32, and A p p e n d i x W W .

4

See above

5

D ' A c h e r v , i. 894.

"In

communi

judicaverunt

propter

hujusmodi

ftictum non ei , rohibeiidum conjugium, quoniam, quamdiu infra l e g i t i m a m a-.tatem sub tie ,1a pritris fuerat, nihil ei sine ejus assensu facere licuerat." See the auswe ' •>? Harold, N . C. vol. iii p. 265.

THE

MARRIAGE

AND

387

CORONATION.

once. Anselm pleads that, though the judgement is right, CHAP. TH. yet, as the maiden had somehow or other worn the veil, it were better that she should not marry; there were others, daughters of kings and counts, one of whom the King might marry instead. Henry still insists; Anselm performs the ceremony; but with a warning that England would not rejoice in the offspring of the marriage.1 The fate of the White Ship and the wars of Stephen and Matilda are quoted as a proof of Anselm's prophetic power. The tone of this story is quite unlike that of the more trustworthy version; yet there is perhaps no actual contradiction between them. But the foreign writer stumbles greatly in his names and pedigrees, and writes by the light of forty years later. We may see in his Later version the beginnings of the wild stories of later times, where Eadgyth is pictured as forced into the marriage against her will, and even as devoting her future offspring to the fiend.2 A few days later, on the feast of Saint Martin, the Marriage marriage was celebrated by Anselm, and Matilda, as we an?Eadmust now call her, was hallowed to Queen.3 It is only gythJ

1 D'Achery, ii. 894. " Vos quidem, dominerex, consiliomeo prsetermisso, facietis quod vobis placuerit, sed qui diutius vixerit, puto quod videbit non diu Angliam gavixuram de prole quse de ea nata fuerit." 2 See Appendix W W . 3 Ckron. Petrib. 1100. " A n d siiSjian sona heraefter se cyng genam Mahalde him to wife, Malcolmes cynges dohter of Scotlande, and Margareta Jnt-re goda cwsene Eadwardes cynes magan of ]>;ui rihtan jEnglalandes kynekynne. A n d on See Martines maessedssg heo wear's him mid mycelan weorSscipe forgifen on Westmynstre, and se arcebiscop Ansealm hi him bewieddade and srSS'an to cwene gehalgode." Florence notes that, at the wedding, " r e x Anglorum Heinricus majores natu Anglise congregavit liimdonise." Orderic (784 A ) makes Gerard of Hereford the eonsecrator of the Queen. Her descent from the " right cynecyn of England" stirs him up to a grand flight, going up to the very beginnings of things. W e there read how " A n g l i de Anglo insula, ubi Saxonise metropolis est, in Britanniam venerunt, et, devictis, seu deletis, quos modo Gualos dicunt, occupatam bello insulam, Hengist primo duce, a natali solo Angliam vocitaverunt." /1 /•. 1

November II, n o o .

388

THE

ACCESSION

OF

HENEY,

CHAP. vii. a guess that this was the time of her change of name. the6name8 hardly sees its motive; it was Henry's policy at of Matilda, this moment to be as English as possible, and the name of his bride was one of the few English names which the Normans now and then adopted. Could it be Henry's abiding reverence for his mother which made him wish to place another Matilda on his throne? Be this as it The may be, the new Queen bears no other name. All the

weddino1 and corona-

great men of the kingdom and a crowd of folk of lower ' degree came together to her wedding and crowning. At the door of the West Minster, as the multitude thronged towards the King and his bride, the Archbishop stood Anselm's on high and harangued the people. He told them how speech. -whole matter had been settled, and on what grounds. And he once again called on any one who had aught else to say against the marriage to stand forth and say it. 1 The only answer was a general shout of assent to the 2 Objections judgement and the marriage. The rite was done. But Slenced!ly there were still some who blamed Anselm for the course that he had t a k e n ; s and years afterwards the validity of Matilda s marriage, and the consequent legitimacy of her children, was called in question by those whose political objects it suited to do so.4 It is somewhat singular that Matilda practically stepped info the place of the Lady whose name she had forsaken. There had been no queen constantly living in England since the elder Eadgyth. The elder Matilda had been but little in England; William Rufus had been pre-eminently the "bachelor king."

tlon

1

Eadmer, 11 itt. Nov. 58. See N . C. vol. v. p. 169. l b . " (.'[metis una elamantibus rem ju3te definitam neo in ea quid residere unde ¡juis nisi forte malitia ductus jure aliquam posset movere calumniam, legitime conjuncti sunt, honore quo decuit regem et reginam." 3 I t is so implied by Eadmer, who of course gives his own very distinct •witness in favour of the righteousness of all that Anselm did. 1 See N. C vol. v. pp. 251, 857. 2

II EN" E Y

AND

389

MATILDA.

I t must have been a wonderful change when the riot c h a p . v u . and foul excess of the Red King's court gave w a y Novelty of .

a queen.

to a household presided over by a devout and virtuous woman.

For a time at least Henry as well as his

wife lived a sober and regular life.

Regular

A s a generation King and

back the strict conduct of Henry's father had called Q ueen ' forth the jeers of the profligate scoffers of his day, so now the profligate scoffers of another generation jeered at the decorous court of Henry

and

Matilda,

and

mocked the English King and his English Lady by the characteristic English names of Godric and Godgifu. 1 The married life of Matilda reached over eighteen years

"Godric

»ot'"

only ; of her two children, both born early in her wed-

uoo-iiï8.

lock, she did not live to see her son, the iEtheling

Children

William, cut off in the White Ship ; she did live to see

marriage,

her daughter of her own name raised to a place which

;

had never before been filled by a daughter of England,

Empress

sitting as a crowned Augusta in the seat of Livia and

Matllda-

Placidia. 2

Later life

After a while Henry seems to have fallen

back into his old courses ; some at least of his natural and16""7 children must have been born after his marriage ; and the same kind of language which was used about his first marriage was used about his second.3

The Queen,

for whatever reason, ceased to follow the endless wanderings of the court; and lived in all royal pomp at 1

See N". C. vol. v. p. 170.

T h e note in Sir T. D . Hardy's edition of W i l l i a m

of Malmesbury is very strange.

A g e s after, K n i g h t o n ( X Scriptt. 2375)

gives these English names an odd t u r n ;

" M u l t i de proceribus clam v e l

palam a rege Henrico se subtraxerunt, fictis quibusdam occasiunculis vocantes eum Godrych Godefartyr, et pro Roberto comité clam miserunt."

In

his day Godric, in his various spellings, was doubtless, ns now, in familiar use as a surname.

Godgifu must have been pretty well forgotten, except

in the form which she takes at Coventry, though I suppose that she too survives in the surname Goodeve. 3

2

See N . C. vol. v. p. 184.

T h e Continuator of ï l o r e n c e ( 1 1 2 1 ) tells us how Henry, " legalis con-

jugii olim nexu solutus, ne quid ulterius inhonestum committeret," b y the advice of Archbishop Ralph and his great men, maorries Adeliza.

Orderic

(823 B ) witnesses that Henry's bad habits in this way went on to old age.

Matlkla-

390

THE

ACCESSION"

OF

HENKY,

chap.vii.

Westminster 1

iÌ'*'r

it was shown in all the usual forms of the time; and

,

?haracter.

Her piety rivalled that of her mother; '

her brother David, not an undevout prince, went so near to a scoff a- to ask his sister whether King Henry would care to kis^ the lips which had kissed the ulcers of the lepers.2

llt v boundless liberality to the poor, to clerks,

scholars, and strangers of every kind, was perhaps not the less amiable for a manifest touch of vanity. 3

We

read that rho means for her lavish bounty in. this w a y had to be 'bund by harsh exactions from her tenants; but, here is ever, the blame is laid upon the reeves rather than un their mistress. 1 Will.

1

M /•

-. v. 4 1 8 .

The memory of "good

''_-Equanimiter

curiae v a l o d i c t r < ' , W e s t m o n a s t e r i o m u l t i s

f e r e b a t , rctje alias

annis morata.

intento,

ipsa

tamen

quic-

Nee

q u a m ei regali^ m a g n i f i c e n t i ® d e e r a t , " & c . William

2

curious

'' M a h n e s b u r y

remaik

that

she

p r o d i g a " [ t i n i ' ¡¡- s u r e l y t h e how

she

David

ki-

the

comes

Surtees

gives

was

many

"in

details

clericos

of her

bene

of t h e

lepers.

The

half-profane

[.,¡11 „ - E t l i e l r e d o f R i e v a u x ( X S c r i p t t . 3 6 7 ;

S i m o . .u. 2 6 7 ) , w h o

had

the

story from

David

enim

sciebam

Dominimi, nec

reminded

the

seneschal

his M e m o i r s , 3

the

story

refuses

to

H>.

revelatus

of S a i n t wash

the feet of the poor.

8 , 218, e d . M i c h e l ,

himself.

of 20;

Matilda "Needurn

ejus."

One

of Joinville,

when

Spiritus

and John

H e tells saying

Fordun, v.

he refused;

fuerat mihi

Lewis

the

inconsiderate

r i g h t reading, a n d not " p r o v i d a " ] .

wounds

wished her lnother to follow her example, which

is

piety, with

melodos

I t is t w i c e t o l d

in

1,858.

" V e r y v a ; a , ' s a y s M r . R o b e r t s o n , w h o is d e t e r m i n e d to b e h a r d u p o n

her. 4

There

is

in i m p o r t a n t

r e e v e s , o f wh> m w e h a v e

passage heard

of W i l l i a m

so o f t e n ;

of M a l m e s b u r y a b o u t

"Eo

effectum est u t

the

prodigo

d o n a n t i u m n< u - ; ' T u g e r e t v i t i u m , m u l t i m o d a s c o l o n i s s u i s d e f e r e n s c a l u m n i a s , inferens

i n j u r t a s , a u f e r e n s s u b s t a n t i a s , q u o bonas l a r g i t r i c i s n a o t a

suorum

parvi

pmsaret

consiliis m i n i ^ r o r u m corripere quorum

ung ^lus, fcoeiilmtis

contraxit."

In

eontumeliam.

S e d hrec

imputabit, qui, more vel

infodiebant

susurris

all this

we

aures learn

liarpyarum, quicquid

marsupiis oppìeta,

the

more

famam,

qui recte judicare

vel

insumebant

naìvum

volet,

poterant conviviis,

honestissimte

to admire the constant

menti care

o f A n s e l m thi.i n o w r o n g s h o u l d b e d o n e t o h i s p e o p l e . The

story

imhbeen come to which were to save the blood of the subjects of both. By the treaty now sworn to Robert gave up all claim The treaty to the kingdom of England. Henry, on his part, gave up to Robert his county of Coutances, and all that he gives up possessed within the borders of Normandy. One con- England'" tinental possession alone, a small and isolated one, he Henry 1 gives up

kept. He might give up the lands which he had once hisNorman 0 bought of Robert and which he had afterwards received „H e .keeps in fief of William. But he could not give up the town Domfront. and castle of Domfront, whose people had of their own free will chosen him as their lord, and had received his oath never to give them over to any other lord. Domfront therefore, the border post of Normandy and Maine, once the solitary possession of the wanderer, now remained the solitary continental possession of the island king. 2 Thus, in his small dominion on the mainland, Henry had Henry and in a neighbour his friend and ally Count Helias, a neigh- ^¡jghbours bourhood which had some influence on the events of a few years later. Besides the territorial cessions, the Yearly Duke was to receive a yearly payment of three thousand Kdjert"* pounds from his brother. The vain provision was again Stipulation inserted that, if either brother died without lawful issue guccesMon. 1

See Appendix X X .

2

See Appendix X X .

414

THE

ACCESSION

OF

HENKY.

chap. vii. in the lifetime of the other, the survivor should succeed to his dominions. Such a provision might seem even vainer than ever, now that both brothers were lately Dying oat married to young and fruitful wives. Yet it is strange legitimate to look forward, and to see how each brother outlived a , le i ine "¡• his son.' and how short a time the younger brother outJ of both lived the elder. Is either Robert nor Henry could have dreamed that the succession of both would pass to the son Natural of their sister at Chartres. Anyhow the arrangement Henry. shut out those who afterwards showed themselves to be, in personal qualities, the most worthy to reign. These Earl were the natural sons of Henry. Robert, the son of the unknown French mother, came to fill no small place in history as the renowned Earl of Gloucester; and the Richard, short life of Richard, the son of the Berkshire widow, showed him as a O "'allant soldier and something O more. Thus the relations and the succession of the two states of Normandy and England were settled. But a personal Henry matter still remained between the princes. At some ir'mShis earlier time, most likely when he first received the homage But Robert. to Cotentin, lleriry had become the man of Robert. now Henry was a k i n g ; Robert was to remain only a duke. It was not becoming for a crowned and anointed king to be the man of a mere duke. Henry was there l o r e released from all personal obligations of Each prince homage tow ards his brother. Lastly, a provision borthe par-" 0 ¿owed from the elder treaty was inserted, seemingly tisans of only for form's sake. Each -prince bound himself to J 1 tiie other. brothers,

The treaty b\\oin Robert o. ar.u his army Michaelmas, I ioi .

restore the lands and honours of all men who had suffered forfeiture for supporting the cause of the other. The treaty thus agreed to was, like the older one, con£ r m e ( j k - ( | i e Q j ^ h y of twelve of the chief men on each side. 1 Part of the Duke's army at once left England ; part stayed till he himself went back at Michaelmas. 1

See Appendix X X .

THE

TREATY

OP

415

I IOl.

He tarried till then as his brother's guest, treated with chap. vii. all honour, and enriched with many gifts.

But it is

i •

Mischief done b v the

recorded that the part of his army which stayed with Norman him did much harm in the land. 1 army.

§ 4.

The Revolt of Robert of Belleme. I 102.

K i n g Henry was now made fast in his kingdom; but he still had enemies to strive against.

The allegiance of o f t h e ^

many of the chief men of Norman birth in England was ^

°

still not a little doubtful.

Continued

N°rman

nobles.

They had to be fully brought

under the royal power before either the K i n g or his kingdom could be safe.

Henry, there can be little

Henry's

doubt, cold and calculating as he Avas, formed a settled breaking plan for breaking the power of those great barons who, at least if they joined together, might easily make themselves dangerous to the peace of the land.

the°gxeai barons,

It was not

his policy to hurry, nor to make over-many enemies by attacking all the dangerous men at once.

The work

was to be done bit by bit; opportunities were to be found as they offered themselves, to settle matters with those who had been traitors once and who were likely to be traitors again. To some of the most dangerous traitors of all the provisions of the late treaty did not apply.

of Durham had lost nothing in the cause of D u k e Robert.

He had been imprisoned, and his temporalities

had been seized, on the ground of his old offences, 1

" Q u i b u s pacatis," says Florence, " r e g i s exercitus domum, comitis vero

pars in Normanniam rediit, pars in A n g l i a secum r e m a n s i t . " done conies

T h e mischief

from the Chronicle ; " A n d se eorl s y S S a n oSiiet ofer See

Michaeles msesse her on lande wunode, and his men m y c e l to hearme asfre gedydon swa hi geferdon, } « hvvile se eorl her on lande wunode."

Orderic

(788 I)) says nothing about the army, but records the " r e g a l i a

xenia"

w h i c h H e n r y g a v e to Robert.

T h e treaty

The Bishop appiyTo F1ambard.

41G

CHAP.

TIIE

D e a t h of Bishop of

noi.

luicher J" l a m b a r d brother. holds t h e

OF

HENRY.

before Robert's claims had been heard of. He had no claims to restoration, nor did he as yet find a n y favour. He went back to Xormandy, and there, in his banishment to his native land, he found means to provide for himself at the cost i if one of its bishoprics. Gilbert Maminot, the skilful leech whom the Conqueror had placed in the see Lisieux. 1 died in August, while Duke Robert was in 0f

vir.

Lisieux. August,

ACCESSION

England.

°

The see was not filled till the next June, when o ' i y r i i to Flambard's brother Fulclier, who was s ° consecrated and held the bishopric with a «rood reputation 1 °

ml

see. for liberality till his death seven months later. Then 52January Flambard caused the see to be bestowed on a young son 1 io 3of his own, Thomas by name. As far as a not very intellireceives

gible account can be made out, Thomas remained unconhis father received the revenues. I t was

the reve- s e c r a t e t i w 'lnle nues under ' cover of his Banish-

Eaiioi*' 16 Surrey.

till after Henry's conquest of Normandy that a more regular appointment to the bishopric was made. 2 Earl William of Warren too paid the penalty of rebollion, rebellion aggravated by personal gibes against the King. If our accounts are correct, ho was disinherited so soon that he went away to N o r m a n d y in company with Duke Robert. He is said to have had other companions in the same c a s e . 3 He was afterwards restored at Robert's intercession : but the chronology is confused, and we m a y guess t h a t his fall did not happen quite so soon as is said. If lie did suffer forfeiture directly after the treaty, it must have been on some other ground, and not t h a t of taking Robert's side during the quarrel, which would have been covered b y the treaty. On Earl William 1

See N . C. u . | . iv. p. 656.

- ()nl. V i t , ''t A . F u l c h e r is described as " p e n e i l l i t e r a t u s , " b u t " dapsiliiate ] .! d.tbilis." H e was " a d episcopatuni procuratione f r a t r i s sui de curia ei Of the second a p p o i n t m e n t we read, " L u x o v i e n s e m pontificatum j;:\. suo Thomas puero suscepit, et per triennium, non u t prajsid, sed u t |.r;i e c , g u b e r n a v i t . " % l b . 788 H . R o b e r t a s dux in N e u s t r i a m rediit, et secum a d d u x i t Guillelmum o i geare to NatiuiteS waes se eyng Heanrig on Westmynstre, and to Eastron i Winceastre, and sona jjiercefter wurdon unsehte se eyng ai.i1. se eorl Roi> rt of Riekesme, se hoefde ])one eorldotn her \n\ lande on Scrobbesbyrig. ! his fabler Roger eorl £er ahte, and micel rice Jiierto,iegSer ge beheonon su . begeondon." lUeing that the Chronicler here uses the English form, I t is worth \oUcing " liolbcrt of 1' ' -1.:' ; in 1 1 0 6 lie changes to the French, " Rotbert de 4 See above, p. 3 1 0 . Bit le.:me."

REBELLION

OF

ROBERT.

423

begin by doing that useful work on an offender whose

CHAP.

vn.

ungodliness was on the grandest scale of all. The overweening greatness of the house of Mont- Greatness gomery or Belleme, and the personal

energy of its possessions,

members, is shown in the range both of warfare and of negotiation which was opened by what was in its beginning a mere legal process on the part of the K i n g of the English against an offending subject.

We must

always remember that, whatever Robert was at Shrewsbury or at Montgomery, at Belleme he was something more than an ordinary vassal of either king or duke. He had lately increased his continental power by taking His acpossession of the county of Ponthieu, the inheritance of his son, who bore the name of his own maternal grandfather, the terrible William Talvas. 1

The Earl of Shrews-

bury was thus entitled to deal with princes as one of their own order.

He and the two best known of his Hi
. . " Audiens defectionem suorum ingemuit, eosque a promissa fide, quia impos erat adjutorii, absolvit, multumque mcerens licentiam concordandi cum rege concessit." 3 So Orderic; I add the stipulation about Robert from William of Malmesbury ; " Egregia sane conditione, ut dominus suus integra membroruni salute Nonnanniam permitteretur abire." William's account just here is very confused; but this condition seems to have struck him, and it explains some things which come later. H e goes on to make this strange statement. " P o r r o Scrobesbirienses per Radulfum turn abbatem Sagii, postea Cantuariai archiepiscopum, regi misere castelli claves, deditionis prassentis indices, futurae devotionis obsides." Now Orderic has, as we shall see, a wholly different account of the surrender of Shrewsbury, and Abbot Ralph, a victim of Robert of Belleme (see vol. i. p. 184), is not at all likely to have been in one of his castles. Can it be t h a t William has got hold of the wrong castle and the wrong Ralph ? Did Bishop R a l p h of Chichester act by any chance as mediator between the K i n g and the garrison of Arundel, a place in his diocese ? 4 The name of Howard is not heard till the time of Edward the First, and it is not noble till some generations later. If it really be the name of an English office, Unyward or Horjicard, and not a N o r m a n Ilouard, then

SURRENDER

OF

ARUNDEL

AND

TICKHILL.

The surrender of Arundel took away all fear lest any

431 CHAP. V H .

help should come to Robert of Belleme from his Norman partisans.

But before the K i n g made any movement

towards the lands on the Severn, he marched far to the north-east, to the lands watered by the tributaries of the northern Ouse, on the borders of Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire.

Here the mound of Tickhill was still

held for the rebel Earl, and the new gate-house of his

Surrender ofTlcklu11-

predecessor's building still frowned defiance in the teeth of any advancing enemy. 1

But Tickhill proved yet an

easier conquest than Arundel.

I t needed no Malvoisin,

no messages sent to Shrewsbury or Bridgenorth, to persuade its garrison to surrender.

According to one ver-

Question of

sion, the siege was not even deemed worthy of the royal presence?3 presence.

While Henry himself marched to the greater

enterprise at Bridgenorth, a spiritual lord was deemed to be captain enough for the siege of Tickhill.

The work

Action of

to be done there was entrusted to the hands of Bishop Bioe?1 Robert of Lincoln. 2 According to another version, which is perhaps not quite inconsistent with the other, the K i n g himself appeared before Tickhill, and the garrison at once marched forth with all readiness to meet their natural lord—cynehlaford to Normans and Englishmen alike, cynehlaford above all to Yorkshiremen, if he was really born in their shire—and received him with all fitting joy. 3

The castle of Tickhill or B l y t h passed back

Arundel, already a castle T. K. E., has fittingly come back to the old stock. 1 See above, p. 160. Tickhill appears as " T y c k y l l " in Florence, as " Blida " in Orderic, as " B l i f " in the Brut. The editor of this last, who carefully translates " Amuythia " as Shrewshury, seems not to have known that " B l i f " and " B r y g " — t h e r e seem to be several readings—meant Blyth and Bridgenorth. 2 So Florence ; "Rotbertum, Lindicolinie civitatis episcopum, cum parte exercitus Tyckyll obsidere jussit [rex]: ille autem Brycge cum exercitu pene totius Anglia; obsedit." 3

" Unde," says Orderic - t h a t is from Arundel—" rex ad Blidam eastern,

432 CHAP. VII.

Later history of Tickhill.

Henry's Shropshire campaign. Autumn, T102. Robert of Belieme at Shrewsbury. Defence of Bridgenorth.

The three captains.

THE

A C C E S S I O N OF

HENRY.

again for a while to the kinsfolk of its former owner, and afterwards became a possession of the Crown. 1 A collegiate chapel was founded within its walls by the first Queen Eleanor, and in the reign of her son Richard the ground between Tickhill and Blyth became the special scene of fantastic displays of chivalrous rashness. 2 There was no licensed tournament-ground at Tickhill or elsewhere in the days of the King who made peace for man and deer.:l The more distant possessions of the rebel Earl were thus brought under the King's obedience. The peace of King Henry reigned in Sussex, in Yorkshire, and in Nottinghamshire. Now came the time for attacking the special strongholds of Robert's own earldom; the stage of attacking himself was to come last of all. After the surrender of Arundel and Tickhill, the King allowed his men a breathing-time; 4 then, in the course of the autumn, he gathered together the forces of all England for the final overthrow of the rebellion. Robert of Belieme had chosen his capital of Shrewsbury as the post which he would defend himself. His new fortress of Bridgenorth he placed in the hands of three chosen captains, at the head of eighty mercenary knights, attended doubtless by a fitting following of lower degree.5 Of the three leaders, Robert son of Corbet—a quod Rogerii .

86.

p a c i f i c a n d o • disconie

" C o n s u l e s et priinores r e g n i u n a c o n v e n e r u n t , et d e cuni d o m i n o suo a d m o d u m

enirn, S i r e x n ;i. ;iiIleum [peyaAoTipdypovd violenler subegtr.t

tractaverunt.

Dicebant

r e /tal KaKoirpd-y^ova] c o m i t e m

mmiaque pertinacia, ut conatur, eum

o m n e s nos ut i m b ules a n c i l l a s a m o d o c o n c u l c a b i t . "

exhiereditaverit,

DIVISION

OF

FEELING

IN

THE

KING'S

lands w h i c h the K i n g had a l r e a d y won.

437

ARMY.

I n this w a y

t h e y w o u l d put an end to disputes, and w o u l d

CHAP.

vn.

make

both the K i n g and the E a r l their debtors. 1 So reasoned the great men, the N o r m a n nobles, the men to most of w h o m Robert of Belleme w a s a countryman and a comrade, and none of w h o m were l i k e l y to h a v e felt the grip of his iron c l a w s 2 in their o w n persons.

So reasoned not the sons of the soil; so reasoned The sindillcr

not men of a n y race w h o were l o w l y enough to feel that

men,

in the power of the K i n g — t h a t is in H e n r y ' s days, the power of l a w — l a y their only hope of shelter against smaller oppressors. field—perhaps

The great men came together in a

ful > to t h elisll

filith

Kin»,

in the meadows beside the S e v e r n — a n d Meeting of the nobles.

there held a parliament

w i t h the K i n g — a meeting, one

might say, of the W i t a n from w h i c h the

land-sitting

men were shut o u t — a n d earnestly pressed peace upon the K i n g . 3

H e n r y ' s o w n feelings were clearly the other

w a y ; and those w h o were shut out from the counsels of the great ones n o w came to his help.

Three thousand

Gathering

men of the mass of the army, men seemingly of the

m a s s i f the

shire most n e a r l y concerned, w h o were stationed on one

army'

of the neighbouring hills, k n e w , b y w h a t e v e r means, the counsel of the leaders, and w e r e minded to h a v e their voice in the matter too. 4

I f the K i n g chose to hold a

military Gemot, an assembly of the armed nation, 5 t h e y 1

Ord. V i t . 807 B . " P a c e m i g i t u r inter eos obnixi seramus, ut hero com-

parique nostro legitime proficiamus, et sie u t c u n q u e perturbationes sedando debitorem nobis f a e i a m u s . " 2

See above, p. 1 5 1 .

3

Ord. V i t . 807 B .

colloquium

" R e g e m omnes siraul a d i e r u n t , et in medio eampo

[see N . C . vol. iv. p. 688] de pace m e d u l l i t u s fecerunt, ac p l u r i b u s

argumentis r e g i a m austeritatem emollire conati s u n t . " 4

lb.

" T u n c in quoJam proximo colle tria millia

pagensium militum

stabant, et o p t i m a t u m inolimina satis intelligentes, ad regem vociferando clamabant."

T h e word " milites " is qualified by " p a g e n s e s ; " so w e are

not to conceive three thousand English " chivalers " or " rideras," least of all in a shire w h e r e no K i n g ' s thegns were left. 5

S e e N . C. vol. ii. pp. 104, 105, and b e l o w , p. 448.

438 CHAP.

THE

ACCESSION

OF

HENRY.

vn. had a right to be heard as well as men of higher degree. A t Rochester too the English soldiers had spoken their minds; but to the Red K i n g they must have spoken them through an interpreter.

But Henry k n e w

the

tongue of his people, and we may fancy him not unwilling to listen to counsels which he could hear and weigh, while the mass of those of whom he had reason Appeal of

to be jealous understood not what was said.

to^th™1^

8 P e e ch,

A vigorous

Kin g-

moment, is put into the mouths of the three thousand or

which doubtless fairly represents the feelings of the

their leaders;

Lord King Henry, trust not those traitors.

They do but, strive to deceive you, and to take away from you the strength of k i n g l y justice.

W h y do you

listen to them who would have you spare the traitor and leave unpunished the conspiracy of those who seek your death?

Behold we all stand by you faithfully;

we are ready to serve and help you in all things. A t t a c k the castle vigorously; shut in the traitor on all sides, and make no peace with him till you have him alive or dead in your hands." 1

The speakers do not call, as the English

before Rochester called in the case of Odo, for the judicial Henry's

death of the traitor.

pledged for

^ e g a r r i s o n "f Arundel that Robert of Belleme should

The faith of Henry was pledged to

Robert's

be

allowed to go safe into Normandy. 2

But the three

thousand clearly cherished a hope, perhaps that Robert's own men might turn against him, certainly that, when Bridgenorth should fall and Shrewsbury should be beleagued, then some lucky bolt from an arrow or a mangonel might light on him before the time of surrender came, or, best of all for those who had felt his iron claws, that he might fall beneath one of their own axes in a sally or a storm. 1

I have here s i m p l y translated Orderio.

own ; but the m a t t e r is quite in place. 4

See aboye,

430.

The words are doubtless his

H E N R Y ' S DEALINGS WITH THE

The lower people camp

439

WELSH.

King listened to the counsels of his advisers of degree, but of more honest hearts. King and were one, and the designs of the traitors in the were brought to naught. 1 First of all, Henry

CHAP. V I I .

Henry 366k 3 t o

determined to weaken the strength of Robert, and no d e t a c h t h e doubt to relieve his own army from a never-ending ^ ¡ * t f r o m annoyance, by detaching the Welsh force from the cause of the rebels. William Pantulf, who was doubtless well D e a l i n g s of known to the Britons, acted as the King's agent with Jor- pantuif werth son of Bleddyn. We are not told why was J • he ' J orwerth. thought more easy to win over than his brothers; but it seems plain that the negotiation was carried on with him only, unknown to Cadwgan and Meredydd.2 The H e n r y ' s King invited Jorwerth to his presence, with the assur-f^es to° ance that he would do more for him than Earl Robert J o r w e r t h ' and his brothers could do.3 Jorwerth came; the gifts of King Henry were acceptable; his promises were magnificent indeed. As long as Henry lived—it was wise not to bind his successor—the British prince should 1

O r d . V i t . 807 B .

" H i s a u d i t i s , r e x a n i m a t u s est, eoque mox

conatus factiosorum adnihilatus est."

recedente,

I do n o t q u i t e see t h e f o r c e o f t h e

words in Italics. D o e s it mean simply leaving the place of t h e " colloquium " ? I t cannot, from w h a t goes before and after, m e a n c h a n g i n g the quarters of t h e who]e a r m y . 2

l b . B, C.

"Prsefatos Gualorum reges per Guillelmum Pantolium rex

accersiit, e o s q u e d a t i s m u n e r i b u s et promissis d e m u l c e n s , hosti c a u t e s u r r i p u i t suseque p a r t i c u m v i r i b u s suis a s s o c i a v i t . "

T h e detailed narrative comes

f r o m t h e B r u t , to w h o s e a u t h o r t h e d i f f e r e n t c o n d u c t of t h e b r o t h e r s w a s n a t u r a l l y more

interesting than it was to Orderic.

He

speaks of the

m e s s a g e as " sent t o t h e B r i t o n s , " a n d s p e c i a l l y t o J o r w e r t h , w i t h o u t m e n tioning Cadwgan and Meredydd.

H e is t h e best a u t h o r i t y for w h a t w e n t

o n a m o n g his o w n people, w h i l e w e m a y t r u s t O r d e r i c for t h e n a m e of t h e n e g o t i a t o r on t h e K i n g ' s side. Walanos, in quibus

fiduciam

Florence speaks quite generally; " Interim m a g n a m Rotbertus habuerat, ut juramenta

quae illi j u r a v e r a n t i r r i t a fierent, e t a b illo p e n i t u s deficerent in i l l u m q u e consurgerent, donis modicis facile corrupit."

T h e gifts actually given m a y

h a v e b e e n s m a l l , b u t t h e promises w e r e c e r t a i n l y l a r g e . 3

T h e B r u t m a k e s t h e K i n g " promise h i m more t h a n h e should o b t a i n

f r o m t h e earls, a n d t h e portion h e o u g h t t o h a v e of t h e l a n d of the B r i t o n s . " T h i s is t h e n defined as t h e d i s t r i c t s m e n t i o n e d i n t h e t e x t .

440 CHAP.

THE VII.

ACCESSION

OF

HENRY.

have, free of all homage and all tribute, Powys, Ceredigion, half Dyfed with the castle of Pembroke, the vale of Teifi, Kidwelly, and Gower. 1

Such a dominion would

give its holder a seaboard on two seas; it would leave under English rule little beyond the central and southern lands of Brecheiniog, Gwent, and Morganwg, and the outlying land of Pembroke, which would thus be most distinctly "Little England beyond Wales."

W e are not

told what was to be the fate of Cadwgan when Jorwerth received this great inheritance;

but Jorwerth himself

naturally caught at such a prospect.

And it seems that

Jorwerth makes the

, .

, .

Welsh

his power ovt

his countrymen was so great that, while

s!desge

,

j ,i

,

i •i

brothers knew nothing of what was going on, Jorwerth was able to turn the whole British force which had come to the Earl's help to the side of the King. The Welshmen now harried the lands of the Earl and his friends instead of those of his enemies, and carried off a vast booty. 2

In any case the lands of some one

were harried, and for the Britons that was doubtless enough. Henry's

Having thus relieved himself of the enemy who hung

with"!«

upon his flanks, Henry began to deal directly with the

captains at

defenders of Bridgenorth. Three of the leaders—-we m a y

north.

safely guess that Roger son of Corbet, Robert of Neville, and Wulfgar, are the three meant—were invited to the King's presence.

They doubtless had a safe-conduct for

that once; but they had to take back an ugly message to their comrades.

The K i n g swore in the hearing of all

men that, unless they surrendered the castle within three 1 " Half of Dy \vd," says the Brut, " as the other half had been given to the eon of Baldwin." That Jorwerth's half was to take in Pembroke Castle appears fr ' 1104.

there was no need of a siege of Pevensey or of Montacute. A simple legal process was enough to send him out of the land without slash or blow.2 He lived to His imtry the chance of slash and blow at Tinchebrai, and after1!?»"' to meet with a heavy doom, live-long bonds, perhaps cchebrai. 106. borne in blindness, at the hands of his offended cousin His alleged and sovereign.3 His ambition could not disturb the blmdlngpeace of the land for a single day; the might of armed unlaw had been broken when the gates of Shrewsbury to Shrewsbury, through the treachery of the King's council. And his pleadings and claim^ were arranged; and on his having come, all the pleadings were turned against him, and the pleading continued through the day, and at last he was adjudged to be fineable, and was afterwards cast into the King's prison, not according to law, but according to power." Again I should like to be able to judge of the translation. The Annals say in one copy, " Iorward iilius Bledint apud Saresberiam a rege ^fenrico injuste capitur;" in another, "captus est ab hominibus regis apud Slopesburiam." Shrewsbury is of course the right reading. 1 So says the Brut. The Annals also call him "decus et solamen Britannise." a His story is told among others by William of Malmesbury, v. 397, 398. 3 The question of his blinding has a bearing on the question of the blinding of Duke Eobert. See N . C. vol. v. p. 849.

454

THE

CHAP.

VII.

Henryi reign. 1102-1135.

ACCESSION OF

HENRY.

opened to receive King Henry. From that day for three-and-th irty years, a wonder in those days, a whole kingdom s a w neither civil war nor foreign invasion. A T I

As Italy rented of old under Theodoric, as Sicily rested under his contemporary Roger, so England rested under EogeJof d ® e n r y - The two Norman and insular kings, lords of the Sicily. great island of the Mediterranean and of the great island of the Ocean, had each his wars to wage. But each kept his battle-ground on the mainland, while his island ^Henry's r e a ^ m peace. The bright promises with reign. which the reign of Henry opened, the dreams of an English king reigning over an English people, were Its prot wholh fulfilled. The fair dawn was in some n miaes now o measure clouded over; the winning promises were not in everything earned out. Still things were not under Henry as they had been under his brother. The dawn was never ' hanged into the blackness of darkness; the promises of righteous and national rule were never utterly trampled under foot. Under the strong hand of the Lion of Justice such deeds as those of Robert of Belleme became impossible. The complaints of exactions in money go on throughout his reign. The more grievous complaints of the wrongs done by his immediate followers are not heard of after the stern statute by which Henry and Anselm joined together to check their misdoings. Under Henry law did not always put on a winning shape; but it was felt that the reign of law in an? shape was better than the reign of unlaw. It may be that the very restraint under which the powers of evil were kept down during the reign of Henry led to a fiercer outbreak when they were set free at his death. But the same process had given the nation life and strength to bear up through the frightful years of anarchy, and to be ready at their . . . . close to welcome another Henry again to do justice

farfulfilied.

The reign ofIaw

'

Effects^of

reign.yS

Henry the Second.

CHARACTER

OP H E N R Y ' S

REIGN.

455

and make peace. But above all, the rule of Henry CHAP. vn. wiped out the distinction which, at his accession, Fusion o f 1 -

JNormans

had divided the conquerors and the conquered. Under and Enghim Normans born on English ground grew up as Henry. Englishmen. They felt as Englishmen, when the second restoration of the reign of law brought with it, as its dark side, the preference of men from beyond the sea to the. sons of the soil of either race. With all his Henry the faults, his vices, his occasional crimes, Henry the Clerk, 0 f the En?llsh the first of the new line who was truly ^ an English ° nation. iEtheling, must rank before all other kings as the refounder of the English nation. He is himself the He emembodiment of the process by which the Norman on pr00ess of English soil washed off the varnish of his two cen- f u s i o n ' turies' sojourn by the Seine, and came back to his true place in the older Teutonic fellowship of Angle, Saxon, and Dane. When Henry gave back to his people the laws of King Eadward with the amendments of King William, he wrote in advance the whole later history of England. The old stock was neither cut down nor withered away; but a new stock was graffed upon it. And it was no unworthy fruit that it bore in the person of the King in whose days none durst misdo with other. With the firm establishment of Henry's rule by the fall of Robert of Belléme my immediate story ends. Of the memorable time which followed, a time memorable for many things, but memorable above all as being, within the English kingdom, a perfect blank in military history, I have sketched the outline in another volume. I there traced out the leading features of the reign and discussed its leading results. I there traced the later The comstages of the career of Anselm, his dispute with Henry, with Arishis second departure and second restoration, the final

456 CHAP.

THE

ACCESSION

OF

HENRY.

vn. compromise which to the wisdom of Henry and the

The war

single-mindedness of Anselm was not impossible.

Robert.

traced out also the various matters in dispute between

I

Henry and Robert till the time when, as men fondly deemed, England, after forty years, paid back the day of 1106.

Senlac on the day of Tinchebrai.

I could have been

well pleased to carry on in detail to their end two stories of which I have had to tell so large a part.

But

my immediate subject ends when K i n g Henry is made fast on his throne b y the overthrow of the rebel Earl of Shrewsbury. The reign

stop.

Earlier than that point the tale could not

Deep as is the importance of the reign of William

how far an Rufus in so many ways, there is a certain w a y of looking episode.

^ings jn of episode.

which

the reign of William Rufus is a kind

Or rather it is an attempt at a certain

object which, when tried in the person of Rufus, failed, and which had to be again tried, with better luck, in Problem

of the person of Henry.

The problem was to reconcile the

England™8

English nation to the Norman Conquest, to nationalize,

Conquest

s 0

sPea^'

Conquest and the dynasty which the

Conquest had brought in.

The means thereto was to

find a prince of the foreign stock who should reign as an English king, with the good will of the English people, in Not solved the interest of the English people. Eufus,

William Rufus might

have held that place, if he had been morally capable of it.

His crown was won for him from Norman rebels

b y the valour and loyalty of Englishmen, when for the last time they met Normans on their own soil as enemies. But Rufus forsook his trust; he belied his promises; if he did not strictly become an oppressor of Englishmen as Englishmen, it was only because he became the but solved common oppressor and enemy of mankind. by Henry. y

e a r g

f^g

s a m e

Thirteen

drama was acted over again.

Henry, who reigned by a more

direct choice of the

English people than William, owed his crown also to

EFFECTS OF HENRY'S REIGN.

457

the loyalty of Englishmen whose valour against Norman chap. vii. enemies it was found needless to test in the open field. This time the problem was solved; if Henry did not bring back the days of iElfred or even the days of Cnut, he at least brought in a very different state of things from what men had seen in the days of his brother. After the election at "Winchester, the con- England ference at Alton, the fight at Tinchebrai, England could conquered"1 no longer be called a conquered land. The work of the landp °

.

The Con-

Norman Conquest was from one side confirmed for ever, quest at from another side it was undone for ever. The last act grmedTnd of the struggle, an afterpiece more stirring than the main undone drama, was when Robert of Belleme came forth, shorn of his power to do evil, to surrender the stronghold of Shrewsbury to his sovereign. The surrender of Chester to the elder William marked that the first struggle was over, and that the Norman was to rule in England. The Import surrender of Shrewsbury to his youngest son marked surrender that the second struggle was over, the struggle which Shrewsruled that, though the Norman was to reign in England, he was to reign only by putting on the character of an English king, called to his throne by the voice of Englishmen, and guarded there by their loyalty against the plots and assaults of Norman rebels.

APPENDIX

NOTE A. T H E ACCESSION

Vol. i. p. i l . OF "WILLIAM

RUPUS.

THE remarkable thing about the accession of William Eufus is that it is the one case in those days in which a king succeeds without any trace of regular election, whether by the nation at large or by any smaller body.

The ecclesiastical election which formed

part of the rite of coronation was doubtless not forgotten ; but there is no sign of any earlier election by the Witan, or by any gathering which could call itself by their name. sole actor.

Lanfranc appears as the

One account, the Life of Lanfranc attached to the

Winchester Chronicle, speaks of the archbishop in so many words as the one elector ; " Mortuo rege Willielmo trans mare, filium ejus Willielmum, sicut pater constituit, Lanframus

in regem elegit, et

in ecclesia beati Petri, in occidentali parte Lundonise sita, sacravit et coronavit."

The words of Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 13) are almost

equally strong ; "Defuncto itaque rege Willielmo, successit ei in regnum W i l lielmus

filius

ejus, qui

cum regni fastigia fratri suo

prseripere gestiret, et Lanfrancum, sine cujus accenm

in

Roberto regnum

aseisci nuìlatenus poterat, sibi in hoc ad expletionem desiderii sui non omnino consentaneum

inveniret, verens ne dilatio suse con-

secrationis inferret ei dispendium cupiti honoris," &c. William of Malmesbury too (iv. 305) goes so far as to say; " A patre, ultima valetudine decumbente, in successorem adoptatus, antequam ille extremum efflasset, ad occupandum regnum contendit, moxque volentibus animis provincialium

exceptus, et claves

460

APPENDIX.

thesaurorum naotus est, quibus subjecit suo. mentum,

fretus

totam

Angliam

Aeeessit etiam favori ejus, maximum

animo

rerurn mo-

archiepiscopus Lanfrancus, eo quod eum nutrierat

et

militem fecerat, quo auctore et annitente, . . . coronatus," &c. Neither of these writers follows any strict order of time.

The

willing assent of the people may mean either their passive assent at his coming, or their more formal assent on the coronation-day. The general good will shown towards the new king is set forth also by Robert of Torigny (Cont, W i l l . Gem. viii. 2 ; " susceptus est ab Anglis et Francis"), by the author of the Brevis Relatio ( 1 1 ) in the same words, and by the Battle writer (39); " omnium favore, ut decebat, magnifice exceptus." I f then we accept Eadmer's words in their fulness, the only objection made at the time to Rufus' accession came from his special elector, Lanfranc himself.

This incidental notice, implying

that Lanfranc did hesitate, is very remarkable. the ground of his objections.

We are not told

But of whatever kind they were,

they were overcome by the new King's special oath, in which the formal words of ihe coronation bond seem to be mixed up with oaths and promises of a more general k i n d ; "Coepit, tam per se tam per omnes suos quos poterat, fide sacramentoque Lanfram-o promittere justitiam, aequitatem, et

miseri-

cordiam, se per totum regnum, si rex foret, in omni negotio servaturum; pacem, libertatem, securitatem, ecclesiarum contra omnes defensurum, necne praceptis atque consiliis ejus per omnia et in omnibus obtemperaturum." We may compare the special promise of .¿Ethelred on his restoration (N. C. vol. i. p. 368) to f o l b w the advice of his Witan in all things. The first signs of any thought of usurpation or the like in the accession of Rufus may be dimly seen in the Hyde writer (298); where however stronger phrases

are, oddly enough, applied

to

Robert; " Defuncto rege Willelmo et sepulturse tradito, Willelmus filius ejus in Angliam tvansvectus regnum occwpat, regemque se vocari omnibus imperat;

Robertus quoque frater ejus regressus a Gallia,

Normanniam invadit, et nullo resistente ditioni suae supponit." B y the time of William of Newburgh men had found out the hereditary right of the eldest son.

He says, first (i. 2), that Robert

THE ACCESSION

OF WILLIAM

461

BUFUS.

succeeded in Normandy, W i l l i a m in England, " ordine quidem preepostero, sed per ultimam patris, ut dictum est, volùntatem commutato."

Directly after, the rebels of next year favour Robert,

" tanquam

justo

hseredi

et perperam

exhseredato "

(cf. Suger,

Duchèsne, iv. 283, " Exhseredato majore natu Roberto fratre suo "). A n d presently, we hear of " frater senior Robertus, cui nimirum ordine naturali regni successio competebat."

A l l this is odd, when

we remember how well in the next chapter (see vol. i. p. 1 1 ) the same author understands the position of Henry, as the only true JEtheling, son of a king.

Oddly enough, Thomas W y k e s (Ann.

Mon. iv. 1 1 ) gives this last position to Rufus, " q u e m

primum

genuit

regnum

[Willelmus

le Bastard,

rex Angliae]

postquam

adquisivit." Matthew Paris (Hist. Angl. i. 34, 35), as usual, gives the story a colouring of his own, which may be compared with his version of the accession of H e n r y the First (see N . C . v o l . v . p. 845).

H e has

told us that the Conqueror, in bequeathing his kingdom to his second son, gave him special advice as to its rule ; " Willelmo R u f o filio suo Angliam, scilicet conquestum suum, assignavit ; supplicans ut Anglos, quos crudeliter et veluti ingratus male tractaverat, mitius confoveret." H e crosses to England, " utilius reputans regnum sibi

firmare

vivorum quam mortui cujuscumque exsequiis interesse."

Then

we read ; " W i l l e l m u s , cognomento

Rufus,

filius

regis

Willelmi

primi,

veni ens in Angliam, Consilio et auxilio Lamfranci Cantuariensis archiepiscopi, qui ipsum a primis annis nutriverat et militem fecerat, sine moroso dispendio nec tamen totam.

A n g l i a m sibi conciliatam

inclinavit,

Sed ut negotium regis optatum cito sortiretur

effectum, ipsum die sanctorum Cosmse et Damiani, etsi cum lemnitate

mutilata,

sol-

coronavit, veraciter promittentem ut A n g l i a m

cum modestia gubernaret, leges sancti regis Edwardi

servaturus,

et Anglos prsecipue tractaret reverenter." These remarkable words must be taken in connexion with what immediately follows, which is in truth a very rose-coloured version of the rebellion of 1088, which is made immediately to follow, or rather to accompany, the coronation. "Verumtamen

F o r the next words are ;

quamplures Anglorum

nobiles, formidantes et

augurantes ipsum velie patrissare, noluerunt ei obsecundare, sed

462

APPENDIX.

elegerunt potius Roberto, militi strenuissimo, militare, et t a m q u a m primogenito ipsi in regem creato famulari, quam fallacibus promissis Rufi fidem adhibere. Sed L a m f r a n c u s hsec sedavit, bona promittens." Still the new K ing sees t h a t many of t h e nobles of the kingdom are plotting against him. B y the advice of L a n f r a n c therefore he gathers a secret assembly of English nobles (" Anglorum nobiliores et fortiores invitando secretius convocavit"); he promises with an oath on the Gospels to give them good laws and all the old free customs (" pristinae libertatis eonsuetudines"). H e then wins over R o g e r of Montgomery, according to t h e account in vol. i. p. 61. T h e n , again by L a n f r a n c ' s advice, he divides and weakens t h e E n g lish by his promises ( " omnes Anglos, quos insuperabiles, si fuissent inseparabiles, cognoverat, talibus sermocinationibus et promissis dissipatos et enervates sibi conciliavit"). A few only r e s i s t ; against those he wages a successful war at the head of t h e nation generally ( " e o r u m conamiua, universitatis a d j u t u s viribus, quantocius annullavit"), and confiscates their goods. I t is clear that Matthew P a r i s had the elder writers before him, b u t that he did nut full}' understand their language with regard to the appeal of liufus to t h e English. We must remember t h e time when he wrote. I n his day t h e immediate consequences of the Conquest had j e s s e d a w a y ; t h e distinction of " A n g l i " and " F r a n c i , " so living in the days of Rufus, was forgotten. But men had not yet begun to speculate about " N o r m a n s and Saxons," as Robert of Glouce-Ur did somewhat later. Moreover Matthew was used to a state of things in which a k i n g who, if not foreign by birth, was foreign in feeling, had to be withstood by an united English nation, indifferent as to t h e remoter pedigree of each man. H e therefore told the story of t h e reign of R u f u s as if it had been the story of t h e ivi;jn of H e n r y the Third. All are " A n g l i ; " the distinction drawn by the Chronicler between t h e " F r e n c h " w h o rebelled against the K i n g and the " English " to whom he appealed, is lost. Tlie English people whom ho called to his help against t h e N o r m a n nobles become English nobles w h o m he cunningly wins over in secret. Matthew understands t h a t E n g l a n d was a conquered country with a foreign king ; he does not understand t h e relations of foreigners and natives in t h e island, and t h a t the foreign king appealed to the natives against his own countrymen. The

THE ACCESSION

OF W I L L I A M

RUTUS.

463

passage is most valuable, not as telling us anything about the reign of "William R u f u s , but as showing us how the reign of William R u f u s looked when read by the present experience of the reign of H e n r y the Third. A t the same time Matthew Paris must have

had

something

special in his eye, when he spoke of the coronation rites of W i l l i a m R u f u s as being in some way imperfect.

"Was there any tradition

that, as John did not communicate at his coronation, so neither did William 1

Men may have argued from one tyrant to another.

On the whole we may say that "William Rufus, like

Servius

Tullius (Cic. de Rep. ii. 21), " regnare coepit, non jussu, sed volúntate atque concessu civium." Besides these accounts, given by contemporary or nearly contemporary another

writers,

version

wholly mythical. chester abbey

or

founded

of William's

on

E u d o the dapifer,

which

I

there

is

to

be

take

T h i s is preserved in the local history of Col-

(Monasticon, iv. 607).

R u f u s is said to

their statements,

accession, In

this the accession

have been almost wholly brought the son of Hubert of Rye.

about

of by

I t seems to be a

continuation of another legend (see N . C . vol. iii. p. 683), in which H u b e r t is made the chief actor in the bequest of the crown which E a d w a r d is said to have made in favour of the elder William.

It

is in short a family legend, devised in honour of the house of R y e . The same part is played in two successive generations ; the father secures the crown for the elder "William, the son for the younger. First of all, we are told of the way in which E u d o gained his office of dajnfer,

an office which the witness of Domesday shows that he

really held.

The story is almost too silly to t e l l ; but it runs thus.

William Fitz-Osbern, before lie set

out to

seek for crowns in

Flanders, held the post of " major domus regise."

I n that cha-

racter he was setting a dish of crane's flesh before "William, and, as it was ill-cooked ( " carnem gruis semicrudee ádeo ut sanguis exprimeretur "), the K i n g aimed a blow at him.

Eudo, as though he

had been Lilla saving Eadwine from the poisoned dagger of Eomer, thrust himself forward and received the blow which was meant for the E a r l of Hereford.

"William Fitz-Osbern accordingly resigns

his office, asking that Eudo may succeed him in it. no more

We

hear

till William's death, when E u d o appears as exhorting

464

APPENDIX.

William R u f u s to hasten and t a k e possession of t h e English crown ( " E u d o , arrepta occ^sione ex p a t e r n a ooncessione, W i l l e l m u m juniorem aggreditur, et ut negotio insistat h o r t a t u r " ) . T h e y cross over together, and are made to land at Worcester—Portchester must be meant, through some confusion of p and p. Thence they go to "Winchester, and get t h e keys of t h e treasure-house by favour of its keeper, William of P o n t de l'Arclie, a person whom I cannot find in Domesday (" I n A n g l i a m transvecti, appliciti Woreestrice comparato sibi favore Willielmi de Ponte-arce, claves thesauri Wintonise suscipiunt q u a r u m idem Willielmus custos erat"). N o t only t h e coming of t h e younger William, b u t the death of the elder, is carefully kept secret, while E u d o goes to Dover, Pevensey, Hastings, and t h e other fortresses on t h e coast. Pretending orders from the K i n g , he binds their garrisons by oatlis to give u p t h e k e y s to no one except by his orders (" fide et sacramento custodes obligat nemini nisi suo arbitrio claves munitionis t r a d i t u r o s . . . prsetendens regem in N o r mannia moras facturum, et velle de omnibus munitionibus Anglise securitatem habere, per se scilicet qui senescallus erat"). H e then comes back to W i n c h e s t e r ; t h e death of the K i n g is announced, and, while the peers of the realm are in N o r m a n d y debating about t h e succession to the crown, William Rufus is, t h r o u g h the diligence of E u d o , elected and crowned ("acceleratoque negotio, W i u toniam r e d i t ; et tunc demum regem obiisse propalat. I t a d u m caateri proceres de regni successione t r a c t a n t in Normannia, interim studio et opera Eudonis, Willielmus junior in regem eligitur, consecratur, confirmatur, in A n g l i a " ) . The story goes on to say t h a t t h e people of Colchester petitioned the new K i n g t h a t they might be p u t under the care of Eudo. To this William gladly agreed, and E u d o ruled the town with great justice and mercy, relieving the inhabitants from their heavy burthens, seemingly by t h e process of t a k i n g to himself a large a m o u n t of confiscated land and paying the taxes laid upon the town out of it ( " causas ccepit inquirere, sublevare gravatos, comprimere elatos, et in suis primordiis omnibus complacerc. Terras d a m n a t o r u m , exlegatorum, et p r o culpis eliminatorum, d u m nemo coleret, exigebantur tamen plenaliter fiscalia, et hac de causa populus valde gravabatur. H a s ergo terras E u d o sibi vindicavit, u t pro his fisco satisfaceret et populum eatenus alleviaret").

THE

BEGINNING

OP T H E

REBELLION

OP 1 0 8 8 .

465

The share taken by Eudo in the accession of William seems to be pure fiction. His good deeds at Colchester are perfectly possible; but the latter part of the story seems to be a confusion or perversion of an entry in Domesday (ii. 106), which rather reads as if Eudo had become possessor, and that in the time of the elder "William, of the common land of the burgesses (" E u d o dapifer v. denarios et xl. acras terrse quas tenebant burgenses tempore R. E. et reddebant omnem consuetudinem burgensium. Modo vero non reddunt consuetudinem nisi de suis capitibus"). This looks as if the burgesses had hitherto paid the royal dues out of their corporate estate, but that, when that estate passed to Eudo, a poll-tax had to be levied to defray them.

N O T E B.

Vol. i. p. 24.

T H E BEGINNING OF THE REBELLION OF

1088.

OF the great revolt of the Normans in England against "William Rufus we have three accounts in considerable detail, in the Chronicle, in Florence, and in Orderic. The Chronicle and Florence do not follow exactly the same arrangement, but I do not see any contradiction between them. Florence simply arranges his narrative in such a way as to give special prominence to his own city and his own bishop. B u t Orderic, from whom we get a most vivid, and seemingly quite trustworthy, account of certain parts of the campaign, seems to have misconceived the order of events in the early part of the story, especially with regard to the time of Bishop Odo's coming to England. According to him, Odo did not come to England till after Christmas. H e then comes, along with Eustace of Boulogne and Robert of Belleme, as the agent of a plot already devised in concert with Duke Robert for the death or deposition of his brother. The others join them, and the rebellion begins. I n the other version, that of the Chronicle and Florence, illustrated in various points of detail by William of Malmesbury, H e n r y of Huntingdon, and other writers, Odo comes to England much sooner, in time for the Christmas assembly. H e brings no treasonable intentions with h i m ; he takes to plotting only when VOL. I I .

H H

466

APPENDIX.

h e finds t h a t his ¡mirer in E n g l a n d is loss t h a n he had h o p e d t h a t it

would he.

Eubtaee

England till

and

Robert

of B e l l e m e do not

a later stage, w h e n the rebellion

come

to

has f u l l y

broken

out, a n d w h e n Odu is h o l d i n g R o c h e s t e r a g a i n s t the K i n g .

They

are then sent by D u k e R o b e r t , w h o is r e p r e s e n t e d (see p. 5 6 ) as h e a r i n g f o r the first t i m e of the r e v o l t in his f a v o u r a f t e r R o c h e s t e r w a s seized b y

Odu,

O r d e r i c begins his story ( 6 6 5 D ) w i t h an account of

seditious

m e e t i n g s held b y t h e nobles of N o r m a n d y and E n g l a n d , a n d speeches m a d e at them.

of

I t is not said w h e r e t h e y w e r e s p o k e n o r

b y w h o m , b u t tin- c o n t e x t w o u l d s p o k e n b y O d o in X o r m a n d y .

seem to i m p l y t h a t t h e y

were

F o r i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r the speech

follow the w o r d s ¡ 6 6 6 C ) 3 "Hoc comes

itaquc

consilium

Boloniensis

communiter

Odo p r a s u l

at que

decnveruut,

Robertus decretumque

Baiocensis

Belesmensis suum

et

Eustachius

aliique

Roberto

plures

duci

de-

texerunt." T h e n the consent of R o b e r t is g i v e n , as in p. 56, a n d t h e t h r e e r i n g l e a d e r s cross to E n g l a n d , and b e g i n t h e r e v o l t ; " I « i t u r p o s t natale D o m i n i praedicti proceres i n A n g l i a m t r a n s fretaverunt, et cast i lia sua p l u r i m o a p p a r a t u m u n i v e r u n t , m u l t a m q u e p a r t e m patriae contra r e g e m i n f r a b r e v e t e m p u s c o m m o v e r u n t . " I h a v e v e n t u r e d (in p. 25) to w o r k the substance of t h e speech into the t e x t , as it contains a r g u m e n t s w h i c h suit t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s of the case, and w h i c h are specially suited to speakers in N o r m a n d y . B u t the speech c a n n o t really h a v e b e e n spoken b y O d o i n N o r mandy.

F o r it

impossible to resist the evidence w h i c h b r i n g s

O d o over to E n g l a n d before the C h r i s t m a s A s s e m b l y , and w h i c h m a k e s his enmity to the K i n g arise out of t h i n g s w h i c h h a p p e n e d a f t e r he came to E n g l a n d .

W e h a v e , first, the d i r e c t

statement

(see p. 19) of H e n r y of H u n t i n g d o n t h a t O d o was present a t t h e Christmas

Gemrit.

And

this

statement

is

the

more

because it is not b r o u g h t in as p a r t of the story of O d o ;

valuable, it r e a d s

r a t h e r as if it came f r o m some official source, perhaps f r o m a list of signatures to

some act of the A s s e m b l y .

B u t the w o r d s of

William, of M a l m i - b u r y (iv. 306) come a l m o s t t o t h e same t h i n g ; "Cum

ille, solutus a v i n c u l i s , R o b e r t u m n e p o t e m in

comitatu

Normannia? confi masset, A n g l i a m v e n i t , recepitque a rege c o m i t a t u m Cantiae."

THE BEGINNING OP THE REBELLION OF

I088.

467

The Midwinter G-emót was the obvious time for such a grant, and Odo's restoration to his earldom is asserted or implied everywhere. Thus in the Chronicle we read a little later how " Odo . . . ferde into Cent to his eorklome," and Florence speaks of him as " Odo episcopus Baiocensis, qui et erat comes Cantwariensis." Orderic himself (666 C) says, " Odo, ut supra dictum est, palatinus Cantise consul erat, et plures sub se comités virosque potentes habebat," seemingly without seeing that his version hardly gives any opportunity for the restoration of the earldom. Henry of Huntingdon ( 2 1 4 Arnold), almost alone, speaks of him as " p r i n ceps et moderator Angliee," without reference to his special office of earl. William of Malmesbury goes on (see p. 23) to give the reason for Odo's discontent, the greater authority of the Bishop of Durham. The Chronicle and Florence (see pp. 23, 24) mention only the great authority enjoyed by Bishop William, and the revolt of Odo, without mentioning Odo's motive. That is, they simply state the facts, while William of Malmesbury supplies the connecting link. If we acccpt Orderic's version that Odo did not come to England till after Christmas, we have hardly time for the events as they are stated in our other authorities. For we have to find time for Odo's reestablishment in his earldom, for his hopes and for his disappointment, all leading up to the seditious gatherings during Lent. A n d in some parts of the kingdom, as we shall see in the next Note, these gatherings took the form of an open outbreak somewhat earlier than we should have been led to think from the account in the Chronicle. Now there can be no doubt as to the truth of the version in which the Chronicle, Florence, and William of Malmesbury substantially agree. A l l that Orderic has done has been to place the voyage of Odo to England at a wrong time, and it is easy to see how the mistake arose. H e makes Odo, Eustace, and Robert of Belléme cross together soon after Christmas. Now it is quite clear that Eustace and Robert did not come to England till after the rebellion had fully broken out, when Odo was holding Rochester against the King. The Chronicle simply says (see p. 57) that they were at Rochester with Odo. Florence (see p. 56) tells us more fully how they came to be there, namely, because they had been sent by Robert in answer to Odo's request. Nothing was more easy than for Orderic to mistake this for a crossing in company H h%

APPENDIX.

468 with Odo.

In his version, Odo, Eustace, and Robert, all cross

with a commission from D u k e Robert.

I n the true version Odo

crosses long before to receive his English earldom, but with no purpose of disturbing the new settlement of England.

H e becomes

discontented on English ground ; he rebels, he asks help of D u k e Robert, and Eustaeo and Robert of Bell&me come in answer to his asking. T h e H y d e writer, as usual, has a version of his own, which however, as far as Odo is concerned, follows that of Orderic. soon as Robert

has taken possession

As

of his duchy, he calls a

council, and sends over an army under his two uncles Bishop Odo and

Count Robert, to take away the

brother. fleet;

English crown from

his

They cross the sea, winning a naval victory over a pirate

they seize Rochester and Pevensey, and begin the rebellion

seemingly before the end of the year 1087.

T h i s account (298)

runs t h u s ; " Robertus . . . vorivocatis principibus et consilio habito, duos avunculos suos, com it em Moritanii et episcopum Baiocensem, cum valida manu transmittit, omnimodis decertatis Waltero [sic] fratri regnum auferre sib ¡que conferre. cum piratis obsistentilras

Qui vela ventis committentes, et

in mari viriliter decertantes, A n g l i a m

veniunt, urbernque Roffensem et castellum Pevenesellum intrantes, rebellare contendunt.'' W e easily see f j 0111 the later history of the rebellion how this writer has taken

some of its most

it were, crushed them up together.

striking

incidents and,

as

A s Orderic confounds the

crossing of Odo with the crossing of Eustace and Robert of Belleme, so the H y d e writer seems to confound both with the later expedition from Normandy (see p. 74), which did not occupy Pevensey after a victory, but was driven back by the K i n g ' s English troops in an attempt to laud at Pevensey. The account given

incidentally by Robert of Torigny

(Cont.

W i l l . Gem. viii. 3) has points in common w i t h this version, though it may be more easily reconciled with the true story.

He records

the peace between AVilliam and Robert in 1 0 9 1 , and adds; "Licet

regnum

Anglise

ipse R o b e r t a s

potuisset habere, 11 ¡si minus cautus esset.

facillrme paullo

ante

Siquidem Eustachius

comes Bolonias, et episcopus Baiocensis et comes Moritolii patrui ejus, et alii principes Normannise, cum magno apparatu militum

WILLIAM OP

469

SAINT-CALAIS.

mare transeúntes, Rovecestriam et alia nonnulla castella in comitatu Cantuariensi

occupantes et tenentes ad opus illius, dum ipsum

Robertum ducem exspectant, qui tunc temporis ultra quam virum deceat in Normannia deliciabatur, obsessi diu a rege

Willelmo,

dum ille cujus causa tantum discrimen subierant, non subvenit, cum dedecore ipsas quas tenebant munitiones exeuntes ad propria sunt reversi." A s for the object of the rebellion, the transfer of the English crown from W i l l i a m to Robert, we may hear AYilliam of N e w burgh, who, though he believes (see above, p. 461) in Robert's right of succession, yet says that he " in minori administratione, scilicet ducatus Normannici, claruit quod regno amplissimo administrando nunquam idoneus fuerit." W h a t could M. de Rémusat (Anselme, 1 1 3 ) have meant when he said that the revolt of the Norman nobles " forca le roi à se rapprocher de ses sujets bretons" 1 indigène."

Then " il fit appel à la noblesse

This last may come from Matthew P a r i s ;

but the

Welsh, the nearest approach to Bretons, joined the rebels.

N O T E C. THE

SHABE

V o l . i. pp. 28, 89.

OF B I S H O P W I L L I A M REBELLION

OP

OP S A I N T - C A L A I S

IN

THE

1088.

THEKE are few more glaring contradictions to be found in history than the picture of Bishop W i l l i a m of Saint-Calais as drawn by the southern writers, and his picture as drawn by his own hand or that of some local admirer in the Durham document printed in the Monasticon, i. 245, and in the old edition of Simeon.

N o one

would know the meek confessor of this last version in the traitor whom the Chronicler does not shrink from likening to the blackest of all traitors.

Y e t , if the narratives are carefully compared, it may

seem that, with all the difference in colouring, there is much less contradiction in matter of fact than we are led to think at first sight. The opposition is simply of that kind which follows when each side, without asserting any direct falsehood, leaves out all that tells on behalf of the other .side.

W e read the Bishop's s t o r y ; w e see no

470

APPENDIX.

reason to suspect him of stating anything which did not happen ; under the circumstances indeed he could hardly venture to state anything which did not happen.

But we see that the statement,

though doubtless true as a mere record of facts, is dressed up in a most ingenious way, so as to put everything in the best light for his side, while everything that was to be said on the other side is carefully left out. But, on the other hand, while the Chronicler, Florence, and William of Malmesbury, clearly leave out a great deal, there is no reason to think that they leave it out from any partizan wish to pervert the truth.

They believed, and doubtless on good grounds,

that the Bishop of Durham was a chief actor in the rebellion, and they said so.

B u t there was nothing to lead them to dwell on his

story at any special length.

Their attention was chiefly drawn to

other parts of the events of that stirring year.

Orderic indeed,

whose account of some parts of the story is so minute, does not speak of Durham or its bishop at all. Some of the passages from the Chronicle have been quoted in the text. times.

The Bishop of Durham is there mentioned

three

F i r s t comes the record of his influence with the King,

and his treason against him ; " On Jjisum ra;de w « s serest Oda bisceop and GosfritS bisceop and Willelm bisceop on Dunholme.

Swa wsell dyde se cyng be J)am

bisceop J^eet eall Englaland fserde cefter his reede, and swa swa he wolde, and he Jjohte to donne be him eall swa Iudas Scario'S dide be ure Drihtene." Then, after the account of the deliverance of Worcester, Bishop William is named at the head of the ravagers in different parts of the country; " Se bisceop of Dunholme dyde to hearme pset he mihte ofer eall be norcSan." Lastly, at the end of the whole story, when Odo has come out of Rochester and gone beyond sea, we r e a d ; " Se cyng siS'San sende here to Dunholme, and let besittan }>one castel, and se bisceop griSode and ageaf pone castel, and forlet his biscoprice and ferde to Normandige." Florence, writing seemingly with the Chronicle before him, changes the story so far a- to make, not Bishop William but Count Robert (see p. 33), the chief accomplice of Odo.

He then gives the list

of the other confederates, at the end of which, after Robert of Mowbray, Bishop Geoffrey, and E a r l Roger, we read, " quod erat

WILLIAM

OF

SAINT-CALAIS.

471

pejus, W i l l e l m u s episcopus Dunholmensis," followed by the passage (see p. 23) in w h i c h he describes the Bishop's influence w i t h the King.

A f t e r this, he says nothing more about him till he records

his death in 1096. H e n r y of H u n t i n g d o n (215), also w r i t i n g w i t h the

Chronicle

before him, leaves out the first passage of the three and translates the two others.

The third stands in his t e x t ;

" Mittens rex exercitum Dunhelmise obsedit urbem, donee reddita est ei.

Episcopus vero multique proditorum propulsi sunt in

exilium." W i l l i a m of Malmesbury, in the G e s t a R e g u m

(iv. 306),

first

mentions the influence of Bishop W i l l i a m and the e n v y w h i c h Odo felt at it.

T h e n , in reckoning up the conspirators, he a d d s ;

" Quinetiam

Willelmus

Dunelmensis

episcopus,

quem

rex

a

secretis habuerat, in eorum perfidiam concesserat; quod graviter r e g e m tulisse ferunt, quia, cum amissae charitatis dispendio, remot a r u m provinciarum frustrabatur compendio." A t the end of the story, after Odo is gone, he adds ; " D u n e l m e n s i s episcopus ultro mare transivit, quem rex, verecundia prseteritse amicitiee, indemnem passus est effugere.

Cseteri

omnes in fidem recepti." I n the Gesta P o n t i f i c u m ( 2 7 2 ) he introduces Bishop W i l l i a m as " potens in sseculo," and " oris volubilitate promptus, m a x i m e sub W i l l e l m o rege juniore."

T h i s almost sounds as if he had read the

debates at the bishop's own trial, but it is more likely that he had his dealiugs w i t h A u s e l m before his mind.

H e then goes o n ;

" Quapropter, et amicorum cohorti additus, et Anglise prselatus, non permansit in gratia.

Quippe nullis principis dictis vel faetis

contra eum extantibus, ab amicitia descivit, in perfidia Odonis B a i ocensis et ceterorum se immiscens.

Quapropter, victis partibus,

ab A n g l i a fugatus, post duos annos indulgentia principis rediit." Simeon of D u r h a m , in his H i s t o r y (1088, at the end of the year), says simply, ' E t i a m Dunholmensis episcopus W i l l i e l m u s vii. anno sui episcopatus, et multi alii de A n g l i a exierunt."

This omission is

the more to be noticed, as he clearly had Florence and the Chronicle before him.

I n the History of the C h u r c h of D u r h a m (iv. 8) w e

get a fuller a c c o u n t ; " H u j u s [ W i l l i e l m i regis], sicut et antea patris, amicitiis antistes prasfaius adjunctus,

1'amiliariter

ei ad tempus

adheereb&t: u a d e

472

APPENDIX.

etiam Alvertoniam cum suis appenditiis rex illi donavit. P o s t non m u l t u m vero temporis, per aliorum machinamenta orta inter ipsos dissensione, episcopus ab episcopatu pulsus u l t r a mare secessit, quem comes N o r m a n n o r u m , non u t exulem, sed ut patrem suscipiens, in magno honore per tres annos quibus ibi moratus est, habuit." I n these accounts almost t h e only direct contradiction as to matters of fact comes in at t h e end, about the surrender of t h e castle of D u r h a m to t h e K i n g . The Chronicle certainly seems to imply a siege; and, reading t h e Chronicle only without reference to a n y t h i n g else, we should have t h o u g h t t h a t the Bishop himself was besieged there. W i l l i a m of Malmesbury, on the other hand, makes the story wind u p between the K i n g and the Bishop in a wonderfully friendly way. B u t on this point we can have little doubt in accepting (he version which I have followed in t h e t e x t (see p. 114), namely t h a t t h e Bishop was not at D u r h a m , t h a t t h e castle was surrendered after a good deal of haggling, and perhaps a little plundering, on both sides, b u t with nothing t h a t could be called a regular siege. I n short, t h e Chronicler makes a little too much of t h e fact t h a t t h e castle was surrendered to a milit a r y force. William of Malmesbury, on the other hand, makes a little too much of the fact t h a t t h e Bishop was not, strictly speaking, driven from E n g l a n d by a judicial sentence, but t h a t lie r a t h e r went by virtue of a proposal of his own making. T h e only other question of strict fact which could be raised is as to the ravages which the Chronicler says were w r o u g h t by the Bishop. T h e picture in W i l l i a m of Malmesbury of t h e Bishop t u r n i n g against t h e K i n g without any provocation on his part, and t h e picture in the H i s t o r y of the Church of D u r h a m of the men w h o stirred u p strife between the K i n g and the Bishop, are merely t h e necessary colouring from opposite sides. The only i m p o r t a n t point on this head is that the disposition to make t h e best of the Bishop's conduct seems to have been general at D u r h a m , and t h a t i t is not confined to t h e narrative which must have been w r i t t e n either by himself or under his immediate inspiration. B u t we must remember t h a t the general career of William of Saint-Calais at D u r h a m , his bringing in of monks and his splendid works of building, were sure t o make him pass into t h e list of local worthies, so t h a t local writers, both at the time and afterwards, would be led to m a k e t h e best of his conduct in any matter.

WILLIAM

OF

473

SAINT-CALAIS.

Of the Bishop's own story, or at least the story of some local writer who told it as the Bishop wished it to be told, I have given the substance in the text.

And, as its examination does not in-

volve any very great amount of comparison of one statement with another, I have given the most important illustrative passages in the form of notes to the text.

I have said that, after all, there is

little real contradiction in direct statements of fact between this version and that of the southern writers. We find the kind of differences which are sure to be found when we have on one side a general narrative, written without any special purpose, a narrative doubtless essentially true, but putting in or leaving out details almost at random, while we have on the other side a very minute and ingenious apology, enlarging on all points on which it was convenient to enlarge, and leaving out those which might tell the other way.

But the truth

is that the Bishop's own statement of his services done to the K i n g (see pp. 29, 1 1 1 ) , and the charge which was formally brought against him by the K i n g (see p. 98), do not really contradict one another. They may be read as a consecutive story, according to which the Bishop continued to be the K i n g ' s adviser, and to do him good outward service, after he had made up his mind to join the rebels and while he was waiting for an opportunity of so doing. I t is most likely this special double-dealing which led the Chronicler to his exceptionally strong language with regard to the Bishop's treason.

The

only point where there seems any kind of contradiction in fact is with regard to the dates. From the Chronicler and the other writers on the King's side we should have thought that there was no open revolt anywhere till after Easter, whereas it is plain from the Durham story that a great deal must have happened in southeastern England much earlier in the year.

On this point the

Durham version, a version founded on documents and minutely attentive to dates, is of course to be preferred.

W i t h the other

writers the Bishop's affairs are secondary throughout, and the affairs of K e n t and Sussex are secondary in the first stage of the story. Till they come to the exciting scenes of the sieges of Tunbridge and Pevensey, the attention of the Chronicler, Florence, and the others, is mainly given to the affairs of the region stretching from Ilchester to Worcester.

W e may infer from them that the occupation of

Bristol and the march against Worcester did not happen till after Easter, while we must infer from the Durham account that the

APPENDIX.

474

movements in London, K e n t , and Sussex, had happened not later than the beginning of March.

T h e r e is in short no real contra-

diction ; there is only that kind of difference w h i c h there is sure to be found when 0110 writer gives a general v i e w of a large subject w i t h a general object, while another gives a minute v i e w of one part of the subject with a special object. W e can have little doubt in accepting the fact of the Bishop's treason, not only on the authority of the Chronicler and the other writers who follow him, but on the strength of the proceedings in the K i n g ' s court.

I n the B i s h o p ' s own story a definite charge is

brought against him, and he never really answers it.

H e goes

off into a cloud of irrelevant questions, and into a statement of services done to the K i n g , a statement w h i c h most likely is perfectly true, but which is no answer to the indictment.

T h e great

puzzle of the whole story, namely w h y Bishop W i l l i a m should have turned against the K i n g at all, is not made any clearer on either side. I t is certainly strange that this whole story of Bishop W i l l i a m , so minutely told as it is and illustrating so many points in our law and history, should have drawn to itself so little attention as it has done.

T h i e r r y takes no notice of it.

I t would indeed be hard

to get anything about " S a x o n s and N o r m a n s " out of it.

For,

though the " i n d o r t a multitudo" may fairly pass for " S a x o n s , " y e t these same " S a x o n s , " if hostile to the Cenomannian Bishop, are loyally devoted to the N o r m a n K i n g . the story altogethi-r.

L a p p e n b e r g also passes by

Sir Francis P a l g r a v e ( N o r m a n d y and E n g -

land, iv. 31, 46) makes some references to it which are p r o v o k i n g l y short, as it is the kind of story to w h i c h he could have done full justice.

D r . Stubos (Const. H i s t . i. 440) has given a s u m m a r y of

the chief points in debate.

B u t I believe that I may claim to be the

first modern writer who has told the tale at full length in a narrative history,

T h e r e are very few stories w h i c h bring the men and

the institutions of the latter part of the eleventh century before us in a more living v ay, while the conduct of W i l l i a m of Saint-Calais at this stage mu;-t specially be borne in mind when we come to estimate his later

onduct in the controversy with Anselm.

THE

DELIVERANCE

OF

NOTE D. THE

DELIVEBANCE

WORCESTER

IN 1 0 8 8 .

475

Vol. i. p. 47-

OP W O B C E S T E B I N

1088.

T H E story of the deliverance of Worcester is one of those stories in which we can trace the early stages of legendary growth. I t is one of the tales in which a miraculous element appears, but in which we can hardly say that there is any distortion of fact. The story is told in a certain way, and with a certain colouring, with which a modern writer would not tell it. Effects are attributed to causes to which a modern writer would not attribute them. But this is all. The mere facts are perfectly credible. There is no reason to doubt that Wulfstan exhorted the royal troops and excommunicated the rebels. There is 110 reason to doubt that the rebels were utterly defeated by the royal troops. And we may well believe that, in a ccrtain sense, the defeat of the rebels was largely owing to the exhortations arid excommunications of Wulfstan. The only legendary element in the story is to treat a result as miraculous which, under the circumstances, was thoroughly natural. W e have several accounts from contemporary or nearly contemporary writers. First comes the Peterborough Chronicler. After the passage quoted in p. 48, he goes on ; " Das |>ing geseonde se arwur¥a bisceop Wlfstan wearS swi%>e gedrefed on his mode, forSig him wses betseht pe castel to healdene. Deahhw'e^er his hiredmen ferdon ut mid feawe men of Jiam castele, and Jjurh Godes mildheortnisse and jrarh |)8es bisceopes geearnunga ofslogon and gelsehton fif hundred manna, and pa, oSre ealle aflymdon." Here is nothing miraculous, only a very natural tendency to ascribe the deliverance to the prayers and merits of the Bishop. The version of Simeon of Durham (1088) gives us the "yearning" of Wulfstan in the more dramatic shape of a spoken prayer ; " Perrexerunt usque "Wigornam, omnia ante se vastantes et igne consumentes. Cogitaverunt etiam quod castrum et ecclesiam vellent accipere, quod videlicet castrum tunc temporis commendatum erat Wlstano venerabili episcopo. Quando episcopus ista audivit, valde contristabatur, et cogitans quid consilii inde haberet, vertit se ad Deum suum, et rogat ut respiciat ecclesiam suam et populum suum ab hostibus oppressum. Hsec eo meditante, familia

476

APPENDIX.

ejus exiliit de castro, et acceperunt et occiderunt ex eis quingentos viros, et alios in fugam verterunt." I n the version of Henry of Huntingdon (p. 2 1 5 , A r n o l d ) again find only the p r a y e r ;

we

but it is told with a picturesque

description of the Bishop lying before the altar, while the loyal troops go forth, and, by a somewhat bold figure, the discomfiture of the enemy is made to be the work of Wulfstan himself.

The

number of the slain is also increased tenfold; Principes Hcrefordscyre et Salopscyre prsedantes combusserunt cum Walensibus provinciam Wireceastre usque ad portas urbis. Cum

autem

templum

et castellum assilire pararent,

Wlstanus

episcopus sanctu> qucndam amicum familiarem summis in necessitatibus compellavit, Deum videlicet excelsum.

Cujus ope coram

altari jacens in oratione, paucis inilitibus emissis, quinque mille hostium vel occidit vel cepit; ceteros vero mirabiliter fugavit." William of ILilmesbury in the Gesta R e g u m (iv. 306) gives the prayer the form of a blessing on the K i n g ' s troops; " Rogerius do Monte Gomerico, exercitum suum a Serobesbiria cum "Walensibus

mittens, coloniam Wigorniensem

pnedabatur;

jamque Wigorniam infestus advenerat, cum regii milites qui p r a tendebant, fret! l-enedictume Wulstani

episeopi, cui custodia castelli

commissa crat, pauei multos effugarunt, pluribusque sauciis et csesis, quosdam abduxirunt." Orderic (666 0) cuts the matter very short;

but it is in his

version that we lirst hear of Wulfstan cursing the rebels, as well as blessing the K i n g ' s troops. H a v i n g mentioned Osbern and Bernard (see pp. 33, 34), he merely adds; " I n territorio Wigornensi rapinis et csedibus, pro'h>l-ente et anathematizante

viro Dei Wlfstano

episcopo,

nequiter insistebuut." Here one mi'Jit almost think that the anathema was of none effect.

It

is quite otherwise in the version which W i l l i a m

of

Malmesbury g i v s in the Gesta Pontificum ( 2 8 5 ) — i n his special Life of Wulfstan lie leaves out the story altogether; " Rogerius comes de Monte-gomerico, perfidiam contra priueipem meditatus, cum riusdem factionis complicibus arma inovebat infestus. Jamque, a Scrobbesberia usque Wigorniensem coloniam omnibus vastatis, urbem ipsam appropinquabat; cum regii milites, qui prsetendebant, periculum exponunt episcopo.

Is, maledictionis fulmen

jaculatus in periklos qui domino suo fidem non servarent, jubet

THE DELIVERANCE OP WOKCESTEK IN 1 0 8 8 .

477

milites properare, Dei et ecclesise injurias ulturos. Mirum quis dixerit quod subjiciam, sed auctoritati veracium narratorum cedendum 1 Quidam enim adversariorum, regiis conspectis, timore inerti perculsi, quidam etiam csecati, victoriam plenam, et qualem sperare nequibant, oppidanis oessere. Multi enim a paueis fugati, pars caesi, pars saucii abducti." ¥ e have liere only the cursing without the blessing; the point is that the curse is pronounced before the royal army sets out. The anathema in this version has its full effect; the legendary element appears in the story of the blindness of the enemy. Lastly, we come to the account to which William most likely alludes when he speaks of the " veraces narratores," that is, to the minute account given by Florence, which I have mainly followed in the text. His local knowledge and special interest in the story led him to tell it in much fuller detail than is found anywhere else. On the other hand, he gives a greater prominence than is given by any one else to the wonder-working effects of Wulfstan's curse. This is only what was natural; it was in his own city, and above all in his own monastery, that the merits and miracles of the saint would be most fondly dwelled on, and most firmly believed in. A t Worcester, if anywhere, the tale of the deliverance of Worcester was likely to grow. I t is therefore in the local writer from whom we get our most trustworthy details that we also find tlie first approach to a really legendary element, though that element seems to go no further than a slight change in the order of events which brings out the saint's powers more prominently. As we read the other versions, above all the fuller one of "William of Malmesbury in the Gesta Pontificum, we should certainly infer that whatever Wulfstan did in the way of praying, blessing, or cursing, was done before the royal troops marched out of Worcester. I n Florence the blessing and the cursing stand apart. The Bishop goes into the castle (see pp. 49, 50) ; the royal troops of all kinds make ready for battle, and meet the Bishop on his way to the castle, offering to cross the river and attack the enemy, if he gives them leave. He gives them leave; and promises them success (see p. 50). They then cross the bridge, and see the enemy afar spoiling the lands of the bishopric. On hearing of this, Wulfstan is persuaded to speak his anathema, which at once takes effect in the wonderful overthrow of the enemy.

APPENDIX.

478

" Kes miranda, et Dei virtus et viri bonitas nimis in hoc prsedicanda; nam statim hostes, ut sparsi vagabantur per agros, tanta membrorum pcreutiuntur debilitate, tanta exteriori oeulorum attenuantur csecitate. ut v i x arma valerent ferre, nee socios agnoscere, neo eos discernere qui eis oberant ex adversa parte,

lllos fallebat

ciecitatis ignorantia, nostros confortabat Dei et episcopalis benedictionis confidentia.

Sic illi insensati nec sciebant capere fugam,

nee alicujus defensionis quserebant viam ; sed Dei nutu dati in reprobum sensum, facile cedebant manibus inimicorum." N o w this is a legend of the very simplest kind ; or rather it is not strictly a legend at all, but only a story on the way to become a legend.

Beyond a slight change in the order, there is no reason

to suspect that the facts of the case are at all misrepresented ; they are simply coloured in the way in which it was natural that the successful party should colour them.

There is in strictness no

miraculous element in the story; it has merely reached the stage at which the germs of a miraculous element are beginning to show themselves.

That Wulfstan would encourage his people to fight in

a good cause, that he would pray for their success, we may feel certain.

That his exhortation might take the shape of a promise—

perhaps only a conditional promise—of victory is no more than was natural.

A n d an anathema pronounced against the rebels is as

natural as the blessing pronounced on the royal troops.

W e may

be sure that men stirred up by such exhortations and promises would really fight the better for having heard them.

A n d if the

fact that Wulfstan had pronounced an anathema, or even that he was likely to pronounce an anathema, anyhow came to the knowledge of the rebels, it is hardly loss certain that they would fight the worse for hearing of it.

The only thing in which there is even

the germ of miracle is the statement that the invaders were smitten with lameness or blindness or something like it, at the very moment when the Bishop pronounced his excommunication.

Now, in all

stories of this kind, we must bear in mind that mysterious power of 4>wi (see vol. ii. p. 309), which I

do not profess to ex-

plain, but which certainly is a real thing.

News certainly does

sometimes go at a wonderful pace; and the rebels might really hear the news of Wulfstan's excommunication

so soon that it

would be a very slight exaggeration to say that it wrought an effect 011 them at the very moment when it was uttered.

A body

THE DELIVERANCE OP WORCESTER IN 1 0 8 8 .

479

of men who had already broken their ranks and were scattered abroad for plunder hear that a sentence has been pronounced against them by a man whose office and person were held in reverence by all men, French and English — for the Britons I cannot answer. At this news they would surely fall into greater confusion still, and would become an easy prey to the better disciplined troops who had the Bishop's exhortations and promises still ringing in their ears. To say that such men, confused and puzzled, not knowing which way to turn, were struck with sudden blindness and lameness would be little more than a poetical way of describing what really happened. That all this was owing to the prayers and merits of Wulfstan would of course be taken for granted ; that the victory was owing to his prayers and merits is taken for granted in those versions of the story which do not bring in the least approach to a miraculous element. One change only in the story itself would seem, as I have already hinted, to come from a legendary source. I have in my own text, while following the details of Florence, not scrupled so far to depart from his order as to make the Bishop's anathema come before, instead of after, the march of the royal troops from the city. That is, I have made the blessing and cursing take place at the same time. This seems better to agree with the account in the Gesta Pontificum. And, following, as it seems to me, the words of the Chronicle (geseonde), I have ventured to make Wulfstan actually see the havoc wrought by the invaders, while we should infer from Florence, as from Simeon, that he only heard of it. I t is of course part of the wonder that his anathema should work its effect on men at a distance. By making these two small changes—which the other accounts seem to bear out—in the narrative of Florence, we get a version in which there is really no legendary element at all, beyond the pious or poetical way in which the discomfiture of the enemy is spoken of. To say that the enemy were smitten with blindness and lameness was an obvious figure of speech. To say that they were so smitten by virtue of the Bishop's anathema was, in the ideas of those times, no figure of speech at all, but a natural inference from the fact. To say that they were smitten, while still at a distance, at the very moment when the Bishop pronounced the anathema was an improvement, perhaps rather a devout inference, so very obvious that it hardly marks a later stage in the story. The tale is as yet hardly legendary;

APPENDIX.

480

it is only on the point of becoming so.

B u t it is the kind of

story which one would have expected to grow.

Y e t those later

writers who mention the matter seem simply to copy Florence, without bringing in any further improvements of their own.

It is

strange that, in the local Annals, as in the L i f e of Wulfstan, the deliverance of Worcester is left out altogether. The story of the deliverance of Worcester may be

compared

with the story of the overthrow of Swegen at Gainsburgh. N . C. vol. i. p. 366. than

See

B u t the Worcester story is in an earlier stage

the Gainsburgh story.

The

main

difference is that

the

hero of the one story was dead, while the hero of the other story was alive.

The living Bishop of Worcester could not, even in

a figure or in a legend, be brought in as acting as the dead and canonized K i n g of the East-Angles could be made to act. utmost

that

could

be done

in this

way

was when

Henry

The of

Huntingdon speaks of the exploits of the loyal army as the personal exploits of the Bishop whom he describes as lying before the altar. Wulfstan, notwithstanding his youthful skill in military exercises (see N . C. vol. ii. p. 470), could not be brought in as smiting the enemy, lance in hand, as Saint Eadmund did Swegen. Another story of an army smitten with blindness is that of the Normans at Northallerton in 1069 (see N. C. vol. iv. p. 241). A n d a scene not unlike the scene before Worcester, though the circumstances

are all

different, and the position of the bishop

in the story is specially different, is to be found in the rout of the Cenomannian army before Sille in 1073 (see N. 0. vol. iv. p. 553). T w o small questions of fact arise out of the comparison of our authorities.

The

expressions

of the Chronicler

(" forSig

him

was betseht \>e eastel to healdene"), of Simeon, and of W i l l i a m of Malmesbury in the Gesta B e g u m ( " cui custodia castelli commissa e r a t " ) would certainly lead us to think that Wulfstan was actually commanding for the K i n g in the castle when the rebellion began. T h e detailed narrative in Florence makes him go to the castle only at the special request of the garrison when the enemy are on their march. There is perhaps no formal contradiction. Wulfstan had before now held military command (see N. C. vol. iv. p. 579), and he might have the command of the castle without being actually

ATTEMPTED LANDING OF THE NOEMANS AT PEVENSEY. within its walls.

481

B u t the story in Florence does not set W u l f s t a n

before us as an actual military commander, but rather as a person venerated of all men whose approval of the course to be taken was sought by those who were in command. the detailed story in Florence, Chronicler

and

of Simeon

I t is safest to take

and to take the words of

and W i l l i a m

as the laxer

the

way

of

speaking used by men who did not aim at the same local precision. The Bishop might in some sort be said to have the castle entrusted to him when the garrison had asked him to come into it. T h e other point is that W i l l i a m of Malmesbury in both his versions seems to make Worcester.

Earl

Roger

present

in person

before

B u t the language of the other accounts (see p. 47) seems

carefully to imply that, though lie joined in the " unrede," and though

his

men

were

engaged

in

the

revolt

on

the

border,

yet he had not himself any personal share in that campaign.

It

is certain that, when w e next hear of him (see p. 58), it is in quite another character and in quite another part of England. A lately published record brings in a new actor in the defence of Worcester.

T h i s is the " A n n a l e s de ecclesiis et regnis A n g l o r u m "

in Liebermann's " Ungedruckte Anglo-Normannische quellen," 22.

Geschichts-

This contains an account of the deliverance of W o r -

cester, enlarged from Florence, in which A b b o t G u y of Pershore appears

as Wulfstan's

military lieutenant;

consilio providus W i d o Persorcusis abbas.

" Intererat

quidam

Hunc ultro se offeren-

tem jus pontificale creans ad tempus militem, statuit belli ducem totum in Deo et in orationibus episcopi confidentem."

G u y was the

successor of Thurstan (see N. C. vol. iv. pp. 384, 697) who died in 1087.

He was one of the abbots deposed by Anselm in 1 1 0 2 .

As

A n s e l m himself had held a military command, the deposition could hardly have been on the ground of G u y ' s expolits on this day.

N O T E E. THE

ATTEMPTED

V o l . i. p. 74.

L A N D I N G OF THE N O R M A N S A T

PEVENSEY.

IT is with some hesitation that I have spoken as I have done in the text, because it is hard to reconcile our authorities without supposing that the siege of Pevensey was accompanied by a seaVTOL. II.

I i

APPENDIX.

482 force on the part

of the K i n g .

N o ships have been spoken of

before; none are distinctly mentioned now; some of the descriptions might be understood only of a land-force lining the s h o r e ;

but

operations on the water seem implied in some of the accounts, and they may be understood in any.

There is no need to think of a

great fleet; the sea-faring men of the neighbourhood could surely do all that is recorded to have been done. The words of the Chronicler, of William of Malmesbury, and of H e n r y of Huntingdon, might

be understood

merely of a land-

force employed to keep the enemy f r o m l a n d i n g ;

but their e x -

pressions may be quite as naturally taken of operations on the w a t e r as well.

The Chronicler is emphatic on the exploit of the

English; " A c pa Englisce men ]?e waerdedon jssere see gelsehton of p>am mannon and slogon, and adrengton m a Jjonne senig man

wiste

to tellanne." So Henry of Huntingdon ( 2 1 5 ) ;

" A n g l i c i mare custodientes

occiderunt et submerserunt ex illis innumerabiles." The details come from William of Malmesbury, iv. 3 0 6 ; " I n t e r has oUidionis moras, homines regis mare

custodientes

quosdam quos comes Xormannice in a u x i l i u m perfidorum miserat, partim

CEede, partim

tendentes et

naufragio, oppressere:

su^iendere

reliqui

fugam

earbasa conati, moxque vento

in-

cessante

destituti,ludibri.- nostris, sibi exitio, fuere ; nam, n e v i v i caperentur, e transtris se in mare pracipitarunt." It

is Simeon

out the features

of

D u r h a m ( 1 0 8 8 ) who more distinctly brings

f a fight b y s e a ;

" R e x "Willeliiius j a m mare munierat suis piratis, qui venientes in A n g l i a m

tot occiderunt et in mare merserunt, ut nullus sit

hominum qui sciut numerum pereuntium." T h i s seems to come from the C h r o n i c l e ; but "}>a Englisce men J>e wserdedon Jmciv s ® " are distinctly sent 011 board vessels of some k i n d by the nam The " p i r a t e s

of " piratie." too and the sea-fight come out more distinctly

in the narrative of the H y d e writer quoted above (see p. 76).

Ilia

tale must really mean the attack 011 Pevensey with which we are now dealing, though iie has strangely confused times, places, and persons. R o g e r of W e a d u v e r (ii. 34) gives the narrative of W i l l i a m of

THE BISHOPRIC OF SOMERSET AND THE ABBEY OP BATH. 483 Malmesbury a new turn, and sj)ecially puts the " perfidi" of his version in an unlooked-for light; " Inter has obsidionis moras, ministri regis mare custodientes quosdam quos dux Robertas iu auxiliuni prsedictorum miserat schismaticorum, partim csede et partim naufragio oppresserunt: quorum quidam fugam meditantes veuto destituuntur, et sic ludibrio Anglis sibique exitio exstiterunt, nam, ne vivi caperentur, ultro sese fluctibus submerseruut." Florence (see p. 74) gives an animated account of the operations by land; but he wholly leaves out the coming of the Norman fleet. N O T E F . Vol. i. p. 1 3 7 . THE

BISHOPRIC

OF S O M E K S E T

AND T H E A B B E Y

OF

BATH.

WILLIAM of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 194) has got wrong in his chronology when he makes John already bishop before the death of the Conqueror, but unable to carry out his scheme for the removal of the bishopric till the accession of Eufus. " Minoris gloriae putans si in villa [should this be some form of We2lsf\ resideret inglorius, transferre thronum in Bathoniam animo intendit. Sed cum id iuaniter, vivente Willehno patre, cogitasset, tempore "Willelmi fxlix effecit." Gisa certainly did not die till 1088, and John was consecrated in J u l y of that year. "Qui cum rex excellentissimus Willielmus senior, qui xxij. anuis regnaverat, fine laudabili vitam conclusisset, et Willielmus junior filius ejus pro eo reguaret, conseeratus est episcopus in Julio." (Historiola, 2 1 . ) The transfer of the bishopric to Bath and the union of the abbey with the bishopric are undoubted facts; as the writer of the Historiola says, " Statim cathedram pontificis transtulit de Wella Bathonise." The charter of "William Eufus making this grant is printed in the ITonasticon, ii. 266 ; the original is preserved in the chapter library at Wells. I t is in two handwritings, the former part containing the first grant of 1088, while the second consists of a confirmation of 1090, or rather 1 0 9 1 . The substance of the grant is contained in the words; " E g o Willelmus "Willelmi regis filius, Dei disposition monarches I i 2

484

APPENDIX.

Britannise, pro mese meique patris remedio anirnse, et regni prosperitate, et populi a D o m i n o mihi collati salute, concessi Johanni episcopo abbatiam sancti P e t r i Bathonise, cum omnibus appendiciis, tam in villis quam in civitate et in consuetudinibus, illis videlicet, quibus saisita erat ea die qua r e g n u m suscepi.

Dedi, inquam, ad

Sumersetensis episcopatus augmentationem, eatenus prsesertim u t inibi instituât praesuleam sedem." O n the,use of the title " monarches Britannise," see N . C. vol. i. p. 5 6 1 .

I t is somewhat singular that, w h e n H e n r y of H u n t i n g d o n

( 2 1 1 ) speaks of the Conqueror as leaving " regnum

A n g l i s e " to his

second son, R o b e r t of T o r i g n y , in his own Chronicle, 1085, changes it into " monarchiam

Anglise."

T h e date of the first grant is thus given ; " Lanfranco donum

hujus

Domini,

archiprsesule beneficii,

secundo

vero

machinante,

Wintonise

mill, l x x x v i i i 0 . anno

regni

anno

regis

ab

Willelmi

factum

est

incarnatione filii

prioris

Willelmi." The second year of William R u f u s takes in from September 26, 1088, to September 26, 1089.

I t is perhaps not necessary to sup-

pose that this first grant was made in an assembly at all. was, we

must

I f it

either suppose an extraordinary assembly in the

autumn of 1088 (for we have seen by the story of Bishop W i l l i a m of Durham that the Christmas assembly of that year was held as usual at Westminster, see p. 1 1 6 ) , or else we must suppose that it was done in the Easter assembly of

1089.

Y e t it is rather

straining chronology, even if w e begin the year at Easter, to reckon that assembly to 1088.

(In 1089 Easter-day fell on A p r i l

1st.)

B u t that the dates of this charter begin the year at some time later than the 1 st of J a n u a r y is plain from the confirmation, w h i c h was made at D o v e r " anno D o m i n i e z incarnationis mill. xc. regni vero mei iiii. indictione xiii. vi. kal. Febr. luna iii."

This must

mean the J a n u a r y of 1 0 9 1 , as the January of 1090 comes in the third, not in the fourth, year of Rufus. b y Ralph

Bishop

of Chichester

and

Also the charter is signed Herbert

Bishop

of

Thet-

ford, who did not become bishops till 1 0 9 1 , and who thus seem to have been consecrated very early in the year.

The

confirmation

would thus seem to have been made j u s t before William R u f u s crossed into N o r m a n d y in 1 0 9 1 (see p. 273), when D o v e r was a likely place to find him at.

A long list of signatures was made

THE BISHOPRIC OP SOMERSET A N D THE ABBEY OF BATH. 4 8 5 ready, though some only of the names actually received the cross from the signer's own hand.

A m o n g these indeed are the names

of R a l p h and Herbert themselves, as well as those of Saint Wulfstan and Bishop Geoffrey of Coutances.

Bishop H o w e l of L e Mans

signs with his own hand, and after the abbots comes the unsigned name of " Gosfridus Mala T e r r a " without any further description. Can this be the historian of the A p u l i a n wars?

T h e earls and

counts whose names are given are R o g e r (of Shrewsbury), R o b e r t (of Mortain or of Meulan ?), Simon (of Northampton), H u g h (of Chester), A l a n (of Britanny and Richmond), Henry, "Walter, and William.

Of these, Roger, Simon, and A l a n actually sign.

Earl

Walter must be Walter Giffard, created Earl of Buckingham R u f u s (see Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 361).

E a r l of Warwick, brother of Robert of Meulan (see W i l l . vii. 4 ; Ord. Y i t . 676 A ;

by

H e n r y must be Henry

W i l l . Malms, v. 3 9 3 ;

Gem.

Stubbs, u. s.),

and William must be the younger W i l l i a m of W a r r e n , E a r l of Surrey, that is, if his father died as is asserted by the

Hyde

writer, or even so soon as we should infer from Orderic (680 D). The signatures to this, charter thus help us in fixing the dates of the creation

of these earldoms.

future Bishop of Lincoln.

Robertus

cancellarius" is the

" Samson capellanus," who does not

sign though his name is there, must surely be he w h o refused the bishopric of L e Mans (see p. 205), or else he who was afterwards Bishop of Worcester (see p. 542), if the two are not the same. familiar.

A m o n g smaller lay names are many with which we are The name of Robert Fitz-hamon stands apart after the

earls, marking his special position in the King's favour.

The name

of Randolf Peverel, whom we have met with in the story of Bishop William (see p. 109), is followed in the original by that of William. Peverel, which is left out in the Monasticon.

The Sheriff A i u l f

(see N . C. vol. iv. p. 163) and iElfred of Lincoln (see N . C. vol. iii. p. 778) are the only names which can be those of Englishmen.

So

soon were the promises of the Red K i n g forgotten. I t was almost needless on the part of Roger of Wendover (ii. 42), or whoever he followed, to say that the change was made " consensu Willelmi regis, albo unyuento

manibus

ejus delibatis,"

a

phrase which reminds one of " candidi n u m m i " in Domesday, 164. Of the two societies which this change so deeply affected, w e

APPENDIX.

486

hear the moan ci" the m o n k s of B a t h in W i l l i a m of Malmesbury (Gest. P o n t . 195). and that of the canons of W e l l s in the Historiola (22). "Primo

local

Of Bishop John's doings at Bath we read ;

aliqiumtum

dure

in

monachos

agebat,

quod

essent

liebetes et ejus ¡vstimatione barbari, et omnes terras, victualium ministras, auferens, paucuiumque v i c t u m per laicos suos exiliter inferens.

Sed, procedentibus annis, factis novis monachis,' mitius se

agere, aliquantulmn terrarum, quo se hospitesque suos quoquomodo sustentarent, priori indulgens.

Multa ibi nobiliter per eum

in-

cepta et consummata, in ornamentis et libris, maxinieque monachorum

congregatione, qui sunt

scientia

literarum

et

sedulitate

officiorum j u x t a prsedicabiles. . . . Obiit grandsevus, qui nee etiam moriens emolliri potuit, ut plena manu monachorum terras redderet, successoribus sui? non imitandum prsebens exemplum." T h e W e l l s talc forms a very remarkable piece of local history, the main features of which are given in the local Historiola (22), and which has been illustrated by D r . Stubbs. Our more general history is chiefly concerned w i t h the u n d o i n g of the w o r k of Gisa ; " Domiciliis quoque canonicorum quse G y s o venerabilis construxerat, refectorio

scilicet et

dormitorio

necnon et cellario et aliis

officinis necessari!-, cum claustro dirutis, canonici foras ejecti coacti sunt cum populo communiter vivere, quos G y s o docuerat regulariter et religiose cohabitare." H e afterward-, we are told, r e p e n t e d ; b u t the canons of W e l l s did

not

recover their property till the days of B i s h o p

( 1 1 3 6 - 1 1 6 6 ) , who, though himself a monk, settled the tion

Robert constitu-

of the chinch of Wells after the usual pattern of secular

chapters. T h e later W e l l s writer in A n g l i a Sacra, i. 560, tells this story, that is the story of the Historiola, w i t h a few further touches. W e read how John, " inconsultis canonicis Wellensibus et prseter corum consensu»!, transtulit sedem episcopalem W e l l e n s e m in abbatiam

Bathoniensem . . .

et dimisso nomine

episcopatus

Wel-

lensis, primus omnium fecit se Bathoniensem episcopum appellari." T h i s last charge is doubtless t r u e ; b u t it may be doubted whether the bishopric of the Sumorsaetan, though its bishopsettle was at. W e l l s , had ever been k n o w n by the local style of bishopric W e l l s (see N . C. vol. ii. pp. 606, 608).

of

H e tells the story of the

THE BISHOPRIC OF SOMERSET AND THE A B B E Y OF BATH. 4 8 7

destruction of the canonical buildings, with the addition that " fundum in quo prius habitabant sibi et suis successoribus usurpavit, palatiumque suum episcopale ibidem construxit." One is almost inclined to think that there is here some confusion between John's two sets of victims, at Bath and at Wells. The use of the word "palatium" is later than the days of J o h n ; but he doubtless did build his chief house at Bath, and it may very likely have been at the cost of the monks. He is not at all likely, when forsaking Wells, to have built himself a house there, and, unless Bishop Robert in the next century altogether changed the site of the church, no cloister can ever have stood on the site of the present palace of Wells. Yet the building of the house supplies a motive for pulling down the cloister, which otherwise seems to be lacking. Tli e grant of the city of Bath to Bishop John was first made by William Rufus, and was afterwards confirmed by Henry the First. The first grant is recorded in the Historiola (21) ; " Cum in multis et magnis obsequendo regis familiaritatem obtineret, impetravit ab ipso sibi civitatein Bathonise." The confirmation by Henry is recorded by Florence (1122), and by William of Malmesbury, Gest. Pont. 194 ; " Neo eo contentus, totani etiam civitatem in suos et successorum usus transtulit, ab Henrico rege quingentis libris argenti mercatus urbem, in qua balnearum calidarum latex emergens auctorem Julium Csesarem habuisse creditur." (He goes on with more about the Bath waters and the history of the place.) The Monasticon contains several charters bearing on this matter (ii. 267, 268). There is first the charter of Rufus, addressed " 0[smundo] episcopo Saresbergensi et T[urstano] abbati Glastoniensi et A[iulfo ì j vicecomiti, omnibusque baronibus Francigenis et Anglis de Sumerseta et de Wiltunscire," which grants " totam civitatem Bathoniae in eleemosynam et ad augmentationem pontificalis sedis suae . . . ut cum maximo honore pontificalem suam habeat sedem." Then comes one of Henry's grants at Windsor in n o i , when he says, "Renovavi donum quod fecerat frater meus Willelmus rex de civitate Bathonias, et eamdem civitatem donavi Deo et beato Petro apostolo et Johanni episcopo, cum omnibus consuetudinibus et appendiciis quse ad ipsum pertinent,

APPENDIX.

488

civitatem constitui et concessi, ut ibi deinceps sit caput et mater ecclesia totius episcopatus de Sumersete." Another

charter

of

Henry, confirming various privileges, is

granted at Bishop's "Waltham in 1 1 1 1 " i n transitu regis in Normanniam" (see the Chronicle, m i , and N . C. vol. v. p. 182).

It

says, "Earn donationem quam donavi Deo et sancto Petro in Batlia, uhi frater meus Willielmus et ego constituimus et confirmavimus sedem episcopatus totius Summersetse, quae olim erat apud villani quse dieitur Wella, scilicet ipsam urbem et omnia pertinentia ad firmam ejusdem civitatis, dono et confirmo ipsi Domino nostro Jesu Christo et beato apostolo Petro et Johanni episcopo ejusque successoribus jure perpetuo et hsereditario." Another from Geddington in 1102 is addressed to a string of great men, " omnibusque baronibus Francigenis et Angligenis de Sumerset et de omni Anglia." The wording of these charters illustrates a crowd of points which we have come across at various times, as the name of the land of Somerset, the use of " j u s hsereditarium," and specially " barones [Jjegnas] Angligense." of 1 1 1 1 has the

the

Among the signatures the charter

unsigned names

of two Romans, " Johannes

Tusculanus episuopus " and " Tyberius dapifer et legatus."

(This

Tiberius is spoken of again in a letter of Anselm to Gundulf, Ep. iii. 85, and in a letter to K i n g Henry, iii. 86, therefore before 1108, the date of Gunilulf's death, but after the promotion of Gerard to the archbishopric of Y o r k ; he was in England on business about the Romescot.)

The second has the name of " Johannes

Baiocensis," seemingly the son of Bishop Odo. K i n g makes any mention according to William

Naturally neither

of the five hundred pounds

which,

of Malmesbury, the Bishop paid for the

grant. Lastly, there is Bishop John's charter of 1106 ("regnanteHenrico fìlio magni Willelmi Nwthmannorum

ducis et Anglorum regis "),

which records his own acts, and makes some restitution at least to the monks ; " N o t u m vobis facio quod ad honorem Dei et saneti Petri elaboravi et ad effectum perduxi, cum decenti auctoritate, ut caput et mater ecclesìa totius episcopatus de Sumerseta sit in Bathonia in ecclesia S. Petri.

urbe

Cui beato apostolo et servitoribus

ejus monachis reddidi terras eorum quas aliquamdiu injuste temieram

THE BISHOPRIC OF SOMERSET AND THE ABBEY OF BATH. 489 in manu mea, ita integre et libéré sieut Alsius abbas ante me tenuit." H e grants t h e m certain lands which he had bought, amongst others the estate of H u g h or H u g o l i n with t h e Beard, a purchase mentioned also in the Historiola, where t h e price is given at sixty pounds. A comparison of t h e three places in Domesday 49 b, 50 6, and 99 seems to show t h a t Mr. H u n t e r (p. 38) is r i g h t in m a k i n g " H u g o barbatus " in H a m p s h i r e ancl " Hugolinus interpres " t h e same man. B u t he leaves out his t h i r d description in 50 b as " H u g o latinarius." I t is some comfort to learn from Mr. H u n t e r t h a t t h e " t a i n i r e g i s " were " a very respectable c l a s s ; " b u t it is perhaps more i m p o r t a n t to note t h a t we have here a " tainus Francigena " to match the " b a r o n e s Angligense." Some of H u g h ' s lands had been held of E a r l Tostig by one Siward. I n t h e Monasticon (ii. 264) and t h e Codex Diplomaticus (vi. 2 0 9 - 2 1 1 ) are some English documents, chiefly sales and m a n u missions, done at Bath in t h e days of A b b o t iElfsige and Bishop John. As usual in these private documents, there is a great m i x t u r e of N o r m a n and English names among t h e signatures. Take such a list as this in Cod. Dipl. vi. 2 1 0 ; " Osward preost, and Willelm ^e clerce, and H u g o ¥e postgerefa, and Bearing, and Leöfric, and HeoSewulf, and Burchhard, anil W u l w i , and Geosfrai, and i E l f w o r d Se siniS, and Eâdwi se rédes sune, and Rodberd Se Frencisce." H e r e we have one of our puzzling Domesday iElfreds (see N . C. v - 737» 777) witnessing a manumission of Bishop J o h n ; " H e r swutelaS on tSisse Cristes bée Sset LifgiS set F o r d a is gefreöd and hire twa cild for Sone biscop Iohanne and for ealne Sone hired on BaSon on ./Elfredes gewitnesse Aspania." A g a i n in Monasticon, ii. 265 (cf. p. 269), we have a somewhat puzzling mention of an Abbot "Wulfwold as well as iElfsige ; " H e r geswytelaS on }>ysan gewrite pa, forefarde £>a Willelm H o s a t t geworhte wiS Wlfvvold abbod, and wiS yElfsige abbod and wiS eall ¡3one hired on BaSan." All this must be a little startling to those who believe t h a t t h e Conqueror ordered all documents to be drawn up in French. There is also a L a t i n document printed in t h e Archœological J o u r n a l , No. 145. p. 83, in which William of Moion, t h e first

APPENDIX.

490

N o r m a n lord of Dunster, grants the church of Dunster to Bishop John and his monks ("ecclesia; beati P e t r i de Bathonia et Johanni episcopo

ejusdem

futuris").

monasterii

et monachis tam prsesentibus

quam

W i l l i a m of Moion's witnesses seem to be all N o r m a n s ;

but w e get some E n g l i s h names among those on the part of the Bishop;

" G i r e u u a r d u s monaehus et Girebertus arcliidiaconus et

Dunstanus sacerdos et Gillebertus sacerdos et W i l l e l m u s clericus et A d e l a r d u s dapifer et Turaldus et Sabianus." There is a letter of A n s e l m ( E p . iii. 1 5 1 ) addressed to J o h n Prior of B a t h and the monks, but it contains 110 historical information.

J o h n was the first Prior after the change of foundation.

N O T E G. TJIK

CHAEACTEE

V o l . i. p. 144. OF W I L L I A M

RUFUS.

SOME of the main points in the character of W i l l i a m R u f u s are not badly hit oil' by Giraldus (de I n s t . Princ. iii. 30), t h o u g h there are features 011 w h i c h he, does not d w e l l ; " E r a t rex ille strenuus in armis et animosus, sed tyrannus, adeo militiam diligcn? ecclesiamquc D e i exosam habens u t monasteria cuncta domosque religiosas ab A n g l i s olim per A n g l i a m fundatas et

ditatas, cum

terris omnibus et possessionibus, vel ex majori

mutilarc vel in militares feodos convertere These last w o i d s are of inquiry ( s e e p . 3 4 6 ) ;

proposuisset."

importance for another part

of our

but the general phrase " militiam diligens,"

a phrase capable of more meanings than one, is, in all its meanings, strictly applicable to Rufus. Part of the character of him given by the H y d e w r i t e r (299) lias been already quoted (see p. 353).

H e is b r o u g h t in as follows,

w i t h the furthei note that he was " nimis amator pecuniae; " " Willelmus vex ammo ferus, corpore strenuus, defensor quidem patriie ccepit es>i', sed 11011 satis idoneus procreator [protector 1 or is a " n u r s i n g - f a t h e r " m e a n t ? ] ecclesise.

Si enim ita studeret reli-

gioni quam vara. 1 curiositati, nullus ei profecto deberet

princeps

comparari." Geoffrey Gaimar (Chron. A n g . N o r m . i. 30) brings him on the stage with some respect;

THE CHARACTER OF WILLIAM RUFUS. " Willam out non come son pkre, E t cil refut mult allosé. Englois, Normanz, l'ont honuré ; Tant come le duc ala conquere,

491

L e firent roi en Engleterre ; E t il la tint et bien régna, Normanz, Englois, fort justisa, Tote la terre mist en fees. 1 '

(For " honuré" another reading is " eoroné.") H e then goes on to the war in Maine, so closely that he reaches Seez on his march soon enough for the name of that city to rime with " peès." But, after the picturc in the Chronicles ( n o o ) , the character of William "Rufus is best studied in the two works of William of Malmesbury. On the account in the Gesta Regum I have of course drawn largely; it is in fact, with some help from Orderic, our main storehouse. The tone which its writer takes throughout is very remarkable ; he tries to make the best of things without directly contradicting the facts. In his prologue to the fourth book he complains of the difficulty, one which has not lessened since his time, of telling the exact truth about recent matters, especially when kings are concerned ; and he at last lays down a rule which would forbid any suggestio falsi, but would allow a good deal of suppressio veri ; " Dicam in hoc libro . . . quidquid tie Willelmo filio Willelmi magni dici poterit, ita ut nec Veritas rerum titubet, nec principalis decoloretur majestas." He brings William Ilufus in in the beginning of the book itself; " Incomparabilis proculdubio nostro tempore princeps, si non eum magnitudo patiïs obrueret, nec ejus juventutem fata précipitassent, ne per setatem maturiorem aboleret errorcs licentia potestatis et impetu juvenili contraetos." Certainly JEtufus, like many other sinners, might have reformed ; but the charitable hope is made less likely by the general witness, including that of the writer himself, that he grew worse and worse. For William of Malmesbury (iv. 3 1 2 ) says himself; " Excellebat in eo magnanimitas, quam ipse processu temporis nimia severitate obfuscavit ; ita in ejus furtim pectus vitia pro virtutibus serpebant ut disccrnere nequiret. Diu dubitavit mundua quo tandem vergeret, quo se inclinaret, indoles illius. Inter initia, vivente Lanfranco archiepiscopo, ab omni crimine abhorrebat, ut unicum fore regum speculum speraretur ; quo defuncto, aliquamdiu varium se praestitit sequali lance yitiorum atque virtutum, j a m vero, postremis annis bonorum gelante studio, incommodorum seges

492

APPENDIX.

succrescens incaluit.

E t erat ita liberalis quod prodigus, ita rnag-

nanimus quod superbus, ita severus quod ssevus.

Liceat enim mihi,

pace majestatis regise, verum non occuluisse, quia iste p a r u m D e u m reverebatur, nihil homines." H e then gives some details, most of w h i c h I have quoted already, and adds an elaborate discourse on real and false liberality.

H e is

obliged to allow (ib. 3 1 3 ) that the liberality of W i l l i a m R u f u s was of the latter k i n d ; " Quidam, cum non habeant quod dent, ad rapinas convertuntur, majusque odium assequuntur ab his quibus auferunt q u a m beneficium ab his quibus contulerunt; quod huic regi accidisse

dolemus."

Some way on, after more about his liberality, followed b y the description of the vices of the court, of which more anon, and a short reference to Anselm and E a d m e r , comes (iv. 3 1 6 ) a most singular passage ; " Vides eruperit.

quantus e liberalitate q u a m putabat

fomes

malorum

I n quibus corrigendis quia ipse non t a m exhibuit dili-

gentiam quam prretendebat negligentiam, magnam et v i x abolendam incurrit infamiain ; immerito, credo, quia nunquam se tali supponeret probro

qui se tanto meminisset prselatuin imperio.

Hsec

igitur ideo inelaborate et celeri sermone convolvo, quia de tanto rege

mala

diceiv

erubesco, in

dejiciendis et

extenuandis

malis

laborans." T h e n come the anecdotes, the annals of the reign, and the account of the K i n g ' s death.

T h e n (iv. 333) w e get another small picture

of liim, how he was " Ingentia prresumens, et ingentia, si pensa P a r c a r u m evolvere vel violentiam fortunse abrumpere et eluctari potuisset, facturus." Lastly, he is dismissed w i t h this general character ; " Y i r sacrati ordinis hominibus, pro damno animse cujus salutem revocare laborent. maxime miserandus; stipendiariis militibus pro copia donativorum mirandus; provincialibus, quod eorum substantias abradi sinebat, non desiderandus." The

Gesta

Eegurn

was the courtly book, written

for

courtly

readers, and dedicated to E a r l Robert, the R e d K i n g ' s nephew. T h e subject demanded that the writer should say something about the R e d K i n g ;

ho had 110 mind to tell actual lies; so he made

the best of him that he could w i t h o u t telling any. of Malmesbury also wrote the Gesta PmUiJieurn

But William

for ecclesiastical

THE CHARACTER OF WILLIAM RUFUS. readers.

493

I n that book bishops were the main subject ; kings came

in only incidentally.

But, when he did speak of them, he was not

under the same necessity as he was in his other work of speaking of them with bated breath. E u f u s very much

I n this work he treated

William

as he treated several bishops, "William's own

Flambard among them.

H e first wrote a most severe character

of him, and then cut it out altogether.

The passages which thus

perished in the second edition are printed in Mr. Hamilton's notes, pp. 73, 79, 84, 104.

In the first place ( 7 3 ) he tells us how the K i n g ,

" abjecto respectu omnis boni, omnia ecclesiastica in fiscum redegit." H e was " j u v e n i l i calore et regio fastu prsefervidus, humana divinaque j u x t a ponderans et sui juris aestimans."

B u t he has spoken of

his ways elsewhere—doubtless in the Gesta Regum—he speak of them only as occasion serves.

will now

I n the next place (79) he

wrote at first ; " L i c e t nulla Dei consideralo, nulla cujuscunque hominis sanctitas, ejus proterviam sedare possent, adeo cuncta quae sibi dicebantur vel turbida ira vel facetis, ut sibi videbatur, salibus eludebat." T h i s was too s t r o n g ;

in the second edition things are put in

another light ; " H o c in rege magnificum videri debet, quod qui omnia pro potestate facere posset, magis qusedam joco eludebat, ad sales multa extra judicium animi transferees." The third passage (84) comes in the story of Anselm ; the part of it which concerns us here runs thus ; " B e x in eum [Anselmum] et in oinnes venabatur lites, commentabatur caussas quibus congregaret peeunias.

In

exactionibus

ssevus, in male partis dispertiendo prodigus, ibi harpyiarum ungues, hie C l e o p a t r a luxum, in utroque impudentiam prsetendens.

Si

quis ei sponte quid obtulisset, nisi quantitas dati suse conveniret menti, statim obliquo intuitu exterrebat quoad ilium ad quas liberet doni conditiones adduceret." The last passage(ic>4)also comes in the story of Anselm.

William's

character is thus drawn ; " Protervus et arrogans, seque in D e u m ut in homines rebellis, religioni Christianse magis ex usu quam amore addictus, ut qui plures Judeeos Cliristianos factos ad Judaismum pecuniis corruptus revocaret.

Omnia fato agi credulus, nullum sanctorum nos posse

adjuvare credebat et dicebat, subinde increpitans et dicens, scilicet

494

APPENDIX.

ea cura j a m olim mortuos sollicitât u t nostris intersint negotiis. Proindeque, si ab apostolico excommunicaretur,

in secundis

ha-

beret, qui quantum suee conscientise interesset, non m u l t u m curaret si totis annis sacramentorum expers esset." T h i s last passage is remarkable, as seeming to show that R u f u s rather wondered that he was And

not

excommunicated (see p. 6 1 1 ) .

one wonders too, on reading this passage and some others

(see p. 166), that no controversialist has ever claimed R u f u s as a premature Protestant.

E v e n Sir R i c h a r d B a k e r , a y e t more loyal

apologist than the author of the Gesta Regum, did not hit upon that, "William of Malmesbury then goes on to tell the story of the accused deer-stealers—doubtless from E a d m e r , to whom he so often r e f e r s — a n d then gives some reasons for not enlarging further on the evil doings of Rufus.

One is " quod non debeam defunctum

meo premere judieio qui habet judicem prsefata [sic], cui judicanti omnis attremit creatura."

T h e other is that it is better, for the

sake of edification, to pass by evil doings, especially some kinds of evil d o i n g s ; " A d u l t e r i u m discitur dum narratur, et omne crimen faciendum menti male inculcatur, dum qualiter ab alio factum sit studiosius explicatur." Orderic is in this case less elaborate in his portrait-painting than W i l l i a m of Malmesbury.

Some of his

sayings

bearing

character of W i l l i a m R u f u s have been already quoted.

on the

H e some-

times brings liim in, after bis fashion, w i t h some epithet, appropriate or q u a i n t — " liberalis rex," " turgidus rex," " p o m p o s u s sceptriger," and the like. length picture.

B u t he t w i c e gives something like a full-

The first is at 680 A ;

" I n diebus illis lucerna verse sanctitatis obscurius micabat pene cunctis in ordinibus, mundique principes cum subjectis a g m i n i b u s inhserebant

tenebrous

operibus.

Guillelmus Rufus Albionis

rex

j u v e n i s erat protervus et lascivus, quem nimis inhianter prosequebantur agmina populovum impudicis moribus.

Imperiosus et audax

atque militaris erat, et inultitudine m i l i t u m pompose tripudiabat. Militise titulis apply udebat, illisque propter fastum secularem admodum favebat.

Pagenses contra milites defendere negligebat, quo-

r u m possessiùnes a suis tironibus et armigeris impune devastari permittebat.

Tenaci? memorise et ardentis ad b o n u m seu malum

THE voluntatis

CHAKAOTEK

erat.

OF

WILLIAM

KUFUS.

495

T e r r i b i l i s f u r i b u s et l a t r u n c u l i s i m m i n e b a t ,

pa-

c e m q u e s e r e n a m per s u b j e c t a m r e g i o n e m s e r v a r i v a l e n t e r eogebat. O m n e s ineolas r e g n i sui a u t illexit l a r g i t a t e , a u t c o m p r e s s i t v i r t u t e et t e r r o r e , u t n u l l u s contra e u m a u d e r e t a l i q u o m o d o

rautire."

T h i s comes j u s t before the p i o u s a n d h u m a n e speech (see p. 223), i n w h i c h R u f u s proposes the first w a r in N o r m a n d y .

Towards the

end of the r e i g n of R u f u s ( 7 6 3 C ) , O r d e r i c t a k e s u p

his

brush

again ; " G u i l l e l m u s R u f f u s , m i l i t i a clarus, p o s t m o r t e m p a t r i s in A n g l i a r e g n a v i t , rebelles

sibi

fortiter

virga

justitise

compressit, et x i i .

a n n i s ac x . mensibus ad l i b i t u m s u u m o m n e s suge d i t i o n i s u b j u g a v i t . Hilitibus

et e x t e r i s

largus

erat, sed p a u p e r e s

ineolas

regni

sui

n i m i s o p p r i m e b a t , et illis v i o l e n t e r a u f e r e b a t quse p r o d i g u s a d v e n i s tribuebat.

M u l t i sub ipso patris sui proceres o b i e r u n t , q u i p r o a v i s

suis e x t r a n e u m j u s bellicose v e n d i c a v e r u n t , p r o q u i b u s

nonnullos

dégénérés i n locis m a g n a t o r u m r e s t i t u i i , et a m p l i s p r o a d u l a t i o n i s m e r i t o d a t i s lionoribus s u b l i m a v i t .

Legitimam conjugem nunquam

habuit, sed obscœnis f o r n i c a t i o n i b u s

et f r e q u e n t i b u s m œ c h i i s

in-

e x p l e b i l i t e r inhsesit, flagitiisque p o l l u t u s e x e m p l u m t u r p i s lascivise subjeetis d a m n a b i l i t e r e x h i b u i t . " T h e r e is also an earlier passage ( 6 6 9 A ) w h i c h sets f o r t h h o w W i l l i a m k e p t the peace of the land.

H e records the s u r r e n d e r of

R o c h e s t e r , and adds ; " O m n i u m qui c o n t r a p a c e m enses a c c e p e r a n t n e q u a m c o m m o t i o compressa est.

Nani

iniqui

et o m n e s malefactores, u t

audaciam

r e g i s et f o r t i t u d i n e m v i d e r u n t , q u i a prsedas et cœdes a l i a q u e facinora c u m a v i d i t a t e a n i p l e x a t i f u e r a n t , c o n t r e m u c r u n t , nec x i i . annis q u i b u s r e g n a v i t m u t i r e a u s i f u e r u n t .

postea

I p s e a u t e m callide

se h a b u i t et v i n d i c t e t e m p u s o p p o r t u n u m e x s p e c t a v i t . " T h i s of course refers to disturbers on a l a r g e r scale t h a n c o m m o n robbers.

B u t one l a w applied to all.

K i n g William kept down

a l l evil-doers, save himself a n d his o w n c o m p a n y . H e n r y of H u n t i n g d o n (vii. 22) m a i n l y translates t h e C h r o n i c l e ; b u t he adds some touches of his o w n , and s t r e n g t h e n s s o m e of the epithets, " invisus r e x n e q u i s s i m u s et D e o et populo," & c .

His

g e n e r a l picture is ; " Nec

respirare

potuit

Anglia

miserabiliter

suffocata.

Cum

a u t e m o m n i a r a p e r e n t et s u b v e r t e r e n t q u i r e g i f a m u l a b a n t u r , i t a ut

adulteria

violenter

et

impune

committerent,

quicquid

antea

496

APPENDIX.

nequitiae pullulaverat in perfectum excrevit, et quicquid antea non fuerat his temporibus pullulavit." He makes also, improving the words of the Chronicler, an important addition ; " Quicquid Deo Deumque diligentibus displicebat hoc regi regemque diligentibus placebat. Xec luxurise scelus tacendum exercebant occulte, seel ex impudentia coram sole." This represents tlie English words (Chron. Petrib. i i o o ) , " A n d Jjeah pe ic hit lang ylde, eall pet pe Gode wees la(5 and rihtfulle mannan, eall J)set wses gewunelic on J^isan lande on his tyman." Somewhat later again the discerning William of Newburgh (i. 2) thus paints the lied King ; "Factum est ut . . . Willelmus in principio infirmius laboriosiusque imperaret, et ml conciliandos sibi animos subditorum modestior mitiorque apparent. At postquam, perdomitis hostibus et fratre mollius agente, roboratum est regnum ejus, exaltatum est illieo cor ejus, apparuitquc. succedentibus prosperis, qualis apud se latuisset dum premeretur adversis. Homo vecors et inconstans in omnibus viis suis ; Deo indevotus et ecclesise gravis, nuptiarum spernens et passim lasciviens, opes regni vanissima effusione exhauriens, et eisdem deficientibus subditorum fortunas in hoc ipsum corradens. Homo typo immunissim® superbise turgidus, et usque ad nauseam vel etiam derisiont in doctrinse evangelicae, temporalis glori® fedissima voluptate ab-orptus." This description, after all, is very much that of William of Malmesbury translated into less courtly language. The "magnanimitas" has now fully developed into " immanissima superbia." From putting together all these descriptions we get the portrait of William Rufus as one of those tyrants who keep a monopoly of tyranny for themselves and their immediate servants. He puts down other offenders, and strictly keeps the general peace of the land. His justice, in the technical sense, is strong, with of course the special exceptions hinted at by William of Malmesbury (see p. 143). There i-. no charge of cruelty in his own person; but he allows his immediate followers, his courtiers and mercenaries, to do any kind of wrong without punishment. He oppresses the nation at large by exactions for the pay of his mercenaries. He is withal a warlike and chivalrous king. AY e must take in the full

THE CHARACTER OP W I L L I A M

497

RUFUS.

sense of phrases like " militiam diligens," which mean more than simply " w a r l i k e ; " the technical sense of " m i l e s " and " m i l i t i a " often comes in. lavish.

H e was bountiful to his mercenaries, and generally

H e was renowned for a quality called " magnanimitas."

H e was irreligious and blasphemous.

Lastly, he and his immediate

company were noticed for specially foul lives, of a kind, it would seem, out-doing the every-day vices of mankind. Some of these points call for a more special notice.

T h e " mag-

n a n i m i t a s " of William of Malmesbury is not exactly

"magnani-

mity " in the modern sense, which generally means a certain grand and stately kind

of mercy.

The

magnanimous

man

nowadays

chiefly shows his magnanimity, not so much in forgiving wrongs as in passing them by without notice;

they have hardly moved

him enough for forgiveness to come in.

There is something ap-

proaching to this in the "magnanimitas W i l l e l m i " (iv. 309) shown to the k n i g h t who unhorsed him before Saint Michael's Mount ( s e e p . 289).

B u t the " praclara magnanimitas " (iv. 320) shown in

his voyage to Touques is of another kind.

Then it is that we have

the wonderful comparison, or rather identification of W i l l i a m E u f u s and Caesar, of which more in a later note (see N o t e P P ) .

"William

of Malmesbury clearly means the word for praise; and it is at least not meant for dispraise when Suger, at the beginning of his life of L e w i s (Duchesne, iv. 283), speaks of " e g r e g i e magnanimus rex Anglorum Guillelmus, magnanimioris Guillelmi regis filius Anglorum domitoris." sense when

B u t the word

seems to have reached a bad

(p. 302) Count Odo is called " tumultuosus,

maynaniinitatis,

caput

sceleratorum"

mirce

(see N . C. vol. v. p. 'j 4).

A n d it is surely a fault, though it seems to be recorded with admiration,

that

the first P e r c y w h o held A l n w i c k

" fuit

vir

magnanimus, quia noluit injuriam pati ab aliquo sine gravi vindicta"

(see the Chronicle of A l n w i c k in the second volume of

the Archaeological Institute at Newcastle, Appendix, p. v). as it is not exactly our " magnanimous," neither is it t h e fieya\o\jrvxos

of A r i s t o t l e

(Eth. iv.

agios a v — t h o u g h it comes nearer to it. " magnanimus" wards the

is perhaps

xawor.

Aristotle's

3 ) — o fieya\cov

And, exactly

avrov

aijtcov

"William of Malmesbury's fieynkm^os

verging

to-

The essence of the character is self-esteem,

self-confidence; a step will change him from William's " m a g n a n i m u s " into Orderic's " t u r g i d u s . " VOL. II.

K k

A n d this comes pretty

much

498 to

APPENDIX. t h e riTvcpiOfiivo',

not

unlike

tvcrfftd'as. Version

of t h e

William Here

has

New

our

version

by

This again

has

" puffed u p " — j u s t

J a n u a r y 30 the slayers of minded"

Testament

Rufus, only that

those

who

he

at

least

Charles

in

the departed

the F i r s t were did

not

mean

Revised

service

called

to

is

a fiop, ut decebat, regaliter nutritus, et adlmc impubis

decanus noster eifectus, in summam regis amicitiam et curiales dignitates m o x provectus est." W e may be sure that it was the existence of this son w h i c h caused

Bishop Robert

to be

reproached with looseness of

life.

Y e t Simon may very likely have been born in l a w f u l wedlock, t h o u g h it is hardly safe to assume with l l r . D i m o c k that he certainly was.

B u t , when Robert had once become an object of monastic

dislike, stories grew as u s u a l ; it was found out that his tomb in Lincoln minster

was haunted.

So

says the

so-called

Bromton

( X Scriptt. 988), who is copied by K n i g h t o n ( 2 3 6 4 ) ; " Episeopatum

Lincolniensem, per

mortem sancti R e m i g i i va-

ROBERT

BLOET.

587

cantem, Roberto cognomento Bloet cancellario suo, viro libidinoso, dedit, qui prsedictam ecclesise dedicationem ensis postea segniter explevit.

quidem Lincolni-

Hie demum apud Wodestoke a latere

regis recedens obiit et exenteratus est, cujus viscera apud monasterium de Eynesham quod ipse fundaverit, cetera apud Lincolniam sunt humata, ubi satis constabat loci custodes nocturnis

umbris

esse agitatos, quousque ille locus missis et eleemosynis piaretur." The reputation which Bishop Robert left behind him at Lincoln we learn from Giraldus and John of Schalby in the seventh volume of Dimock's Giraldus.

Giraldus himself (p. 31) brings him in as

" p r u d e n t i a et probitate conspicuus."

H e records his gifts to his

church, and his doubling the number of its prebends.

From a

Lincoln point of view, he highly approves of the translation of the monks of Stow to E y n s h a m ; but he seems not to like the separation of E l y from the diocese of Lincoln (see N . C. vol. v. p. 229), and he speaks of Robert's " inconsiderata largitio" and " alia sui deliramenta" in charging his see with the gift of a mantle of sable, worth a hundred pounds, to the K i n g . John of Schalby ( 1 9 5 ) copies Giraldus, but abridges him, and leaves out some of his epithets both of praise and blame. The death of Bishop Robert in 1 1 2 3 is recorded by several of our writers, but there is no account so graphic as that in our own tongue.

The K i n g is riding in his deerfold at Woodstock

with the two bishops, R o b e r t of Lincoln and Roger of Salisbury, on either side of him.

The three

ride and talk.

The

Bishop

of Lincoln suddenly sinks, and says to the K i n g , " Lord I die (Laferd kyng, ic swelte)."

King,

The K i n g gets down from his

horse, lifts him in his arms, and has him carried into the house, where he soon dies i " Se k i n g alihte dune of his hors, and alehte hine betweox his earmes, and let hine beran ham to his inne, and wearS pa. sone dead").

Does this " i n n e " mean the K i n g ' s own

house at Woodstock, or any separate quarters of the Bishop, like the " hospitium " of Anselm at Gloucester and elsewhere 1 There is something odd in the Bishop's last words being given in English.

The K i n g knew that tongue, and the Bishop

may

very likely have done so; but we can hardly fancy that they spoke it to one another.

588

APPENDIX.

T h e name " B l u e t , " a c c o r d i n g to M . de R 6 m u s a t ( A n s e l m e , 160), is the same as " b l o n d . "

NOTE AA.

V o l , i. p. 5 5 3 .

THE MISSION OF ABBOT GEBONTO. I

AM not a w a r e t h a t t h i s mission of the A b b o t of D i j o n h a s

h i t h e r t o f o u n d a n y place in a n y n a r r a t i v e h i s t o r y of t h e t i m e s William

Kufus.

m i s g i v i n g t h a t I b r i n g i t in.

I t is c e r t a i n l y r e m a r k a b l e t h a t o u r o w n

w r i t e r s should w i t h one consent pass b y a n event, of t h i s but

of

A n d I confess t h a t it is not w i t h o u t a c e r t a i n

it w o u l d be y e t more a m a z i n g if i t w e r e

kind;

sheer m i s t a k e

i n v e n t i o n on t h e part of t h e f o r e i g n w r i t e r w h o records it.

It

or is

one of those cases i n w h i c h , w i t h o u t a n y actual c o n t r a d i c t i o n , it is v e r y hard to b r i n g a certain s t a t e m e n t i n t o its r i g h t place.

There

is n o t h i n g in the story told b y H u g h of F l a v i g n y w h i c h is r e a l l y inconsistent w i t h the n a r r a t i v e of E a d m e r ; o u r o n l y difficulty is h o w it came t h a t , if these t h i n g s happened, E a d m e r , w h o could not f a i l to h a v e k n o w n of t h e m , did n o t t h i n k t h e m w o r t h y place in his v e r y m i n u t e n a r r a t i v e . o v e r h o w we can.

of any

T h i s difficulty w e m u s t g e t

O t h e r w i s e the e v i d e n c e of H u g h of F l a v i g n y i s

in a certain sense as g o o d as t h a t of E a d m e r himself.

H e stood t o

A b b o t G e r o n t o in m u c h the same r e l a t i o n i n w h i c h E a d m e r stood to A n s e l m .

I n his n a r r a t i v e , G e r o n t o is sent b y t h e P o p e on a

mission t o N o r m a n d y and E n g l a n d , a n d H u g h himself, a m o n k G e r o n t o ' s monastery, comes w i t h him.

of

F o r t h e mere facts t h e r e f o r e

of G e r o n t o ' s mission H u g h is as good a w i t n e s s as E a d m e r ; b u t , as a foreigner on a short visit, h e could not b e e x p e c t e d t o h a v e t h e same t h o r o u g h k n o w l e d g e

of E n g l i s h

affairs as E a d m e r , o r a n y

o t h e r E n g l i s h , or even N o r m a n , w r i t e r .

T h e r e is to u s a t least

s o m e t h i n g v e r y s t r a n g e in his tone t o w a r d s A n s e l m , or r a t h e r t h e l a c k of any mention of A n s e l m a t all.

in

H e n e v e r s p e a k s of h i m

b y name, and the only fact w h i c h h e r e c o r d s of h i m is the v e r y s t r a n g e one w h i c h 1 have m e n t i o n e d i n p. 5 3 5 , t h a t a t some t i m e , s e e m i n g l y at t h e r e c e p t i o n of the p a l l i u m , A n s e l m t o o k an o a t h to t h e P o p e , w i t h a reservation of h i s d u t y to the K i n g . sees h o w f a r he

means

to blame

Anselm.

The

One hardly

person

chiefly

THE MISSION OF ABBOT

GERONTO.

589

blamed is Cardinal W a l t e r ; Anselm comes in, in a strange casual way, between the K i n g and the Cardinal. I have given the whole or nearly the whole of H u g h ' s story in the foot-notes to those parts of the text which are founded upon his account.

H e goes on a little later in his story (Pertz, viii. 495, 496)

to record the death of W i l l i a m E u f u s , and to say something more about English affairs in general.

I t is plain that his friends in

England found him perfectly ready to believe the wildest tales that they chose to tell him.

A t the same time, the tales that they did

tell him are such as could hardly have come into any man's head to tell, except in the reign of William E u f u s . I t is H u g h of F l a v i g n y who tells us those specially amazing stories to which I have referred in vol. i. p. 544 and p. 503.

H e has also (496) some odd notices of

the dogs of the city of London, which were small, but very fierce, and which gathered toget her by night in front of Saint Paul's church, so that no one could dare to pass by.

H e has also a good deal t o say

about those natural phenomena of the reign of which we heard a good deal from other writers.

have

H e tells the story of the"

storm which visited the church of Saint Mary-le-bow, with some further embellishment,

that

"quadros

super

muri

altitudinem

sitos, supra quos tectum stabilitum erat, usque ad septem liaria

evolare fecit."

And

while two

servants

of the

mil-

churcli

were sleeping in one bed, a beam was driven down between them into the earth

without

doing

frightening them to death ;

them

any

" I n eadem

harm, except

nearly

etiam ecclesia jacebat

quidem ajdituus cum alio quodam in lecto uno, et inter medium eorum, cum jacerent distante inter se spacio, una trabium vento acta per medium lecti terram intravit, ut v i x summitas ejus appareret, nec laesit jacentes, nisi quod timore pene exanimati sunt." Hugh's Chronicle, in two books, reaches from the Christian Eera to the year 1 1 0 2 .

H e was born at V e r d u n in 1065.

H e was a

monk, first at Y e r d u n , then at F l a v i g n y in the diocese of T o u l , then at Dijon, and lastly Abbot of F l a v i g n y .

Jarento or G e r o n t o —

I hardly know how to spell his n a m e — w a s in the close confidence of Gregory the Seventh and his successors.

There is a letter of

Anselm's (iii. 87) addressed to Geronto; but it contains nothing bearing on his mission to England.

I t is all concerned with the

affairs of certain monks at Dijon and Chartres.

APPENDIX.

590

NOTE BB. THE

EMBASSIES

Vol. ii. p. 9.

BETWEEN W I L L I A M IN

KUFUS

AND

MALCOLM

1093.

THE fullest and clearest narrative of the transactions between William Rufus and Malcolm which led to their rupture at Gloucester in 1 0 9 3 comes from the Chronicle, while some particular points are given at greater length by Florence. In the Chronicle the story runs thus ; " Da sefter pisson sende [se] cyng of Scotlande and ])sere forewarde gyrnde pe liira behaten wses, and se cing W . him steofnode to Glowcceastre and him to Scotlande gislas sende, and Eadgar sepeling sefter, and pn men sytSSan ongean, pe hine mid mycclon wurft'scipe to ])am cynge brohtan. A s pa. }>a lie to J>am cynge com, ne rnihte he beon weor'Se naSer ne lire cynges spajce ne paera forewarde }JC him ser behatene wseron, and forSi hi ]?a mid mycclon unsehte tohwurfon." Here we have very clearly an embassy of complaint sent by Malcolm t.i William—an invitation or summons, whichever it is to be called, to the Gemot at Gloucester sent by William to Malcolm and accompanied by hostages for his s a f e t y — a second embassy from William to Malcolm, with Eadgar at its head, in whose company Malcolm's ambassadors went back to Scotland and Malcolm himself camc to England. All this is cut short by Florence, who however distinctly affirms the going to and fro of some embassies, while it is from him that we get the date and a fuller account of what happened at Gloucester. H i s narrative stands thus ; " Rex Scottorum Malcolmus, die festivitatis S. Bartholomsei Apostoli [24 Aug.], regi Willelmo juniori, ut prius per legatos inter eos statutum fuerat, in civitate Glaworna occurrit, ut, sicut quidam primatum Anglise voluerunt, pace redintegrata, stabilis inter eos amicitia, firmaretur; sed impacati ab invicem discesserunt; nam Malcolmum videre aut cum eo colloqui, prse nimia superbia et potentia, WTillelnmni despexit." Colloqui is the technical word which we so often come across. The meeting of the two kings would have been a colloquium or parliament. It is from Florence again that we get all the technical law. His account goes on thus;

EMBASSIES BETWEEN WILLIAM KUFUS AND MALCOLM.

591

" Insuper ctiam ilium [Malcolmum] ut secundum judicium tantum suorum [Willelmi] baronum, in curia sua rectitudinem ei faceret, constringere voluit ; sed id agere, nisi in regnorum suorum confiniis, ubi reges Scottorum crant soliti rectitudinem facere regibus A n glorum, et secundum judicium p r i m a t u m utriusque regni, nullo modo Malcolmus voluit." W i l l i a m of Malmcsbury (iv. 3 1 1 ) loses the fact of the embassies and the summons in a cloud of words ; " Multis controversiis utrobique habitis, et utrorumque animositatem justitia, Malcolmus

fluctuante

propter

ultro Gloecestram

venit, œquis duntaxat eonditionibus, multus pro pace precator." W i t h regard to more modern discussions, I do not k n o w that I can do more than give the reader the same references which I gave in N . C. vol. v. p. 1 2 0 .

B u t M r . Robertson (i. 1 4 4 note) certainly

has reason when he says that " it does not follow that Malcolm spoke feudal L a t i n because Florence wrote it."

One would be glad

to have the actual words in French, E n g l i s h , or, more precious than all, I r i s h .

(This sets one thinking what languages Malcolm

m a y have spoken.

W e know that he understood E n g l i s h , whether

he learned it at the court of E a d w a r d , or afterwards from his wife. I n one or other of those schools he would most likely also pick up French.

M a r g a r e t herself may also have learned H i g h D u t c h ,

and possibly Magyar', from lier parents.) B u t I can make nothing of Mr. lïobertson's strange comment that " i t is singular to m a r k how nearty all thé E n g l i s h authorities accuse Malcolm of ' a breach of faith ' because he resented the conduct of "William, whilst they pass over without notice the glaring ' breach of faith ' on the p a r t of their own k i n g . "

W h o charges Malcolm with any breach of faith,

except W i l l i a m of Malmesbury in the almost casual passage, iii. 2 5 0 ? A n d what more could he wish the Chronicler and Florence to say against W i l l i a m E u f u s than: what they do say 1

Mr. Robert-

son's criticism is more to the purpose when he attacks the words of William of Malmesbury, iv. 3 n ; " N e c quicquam obtinuit, nisi ut in regnum indemnis rediret, dedignante rege dolo capere quem virtute subegisset."

H e remarks that " the safe-conduct and the

hostages detract something f r o m this much vaunted magnanimity, but Malmesbury would sacrifice a good deal f o r the sake of a wellturned period."

I t is certainly hard to see what William had

done to Malcolm which could be called " virtute subegisse ; " but

APPENDIX.

592

M r . R o b e r t s o n fails to notice t h a t t h i s p a r t i c u l a r scruple is c h a r a c teristic of W i l l i a m R u f u s .

Careless of his faith in so m a n y o t h e r

cases, he is a l w a y s careful to observe a safe-conduct.

NOTE TIIE

CC.

DEATH

V o l . ii. p. 1 6 . OF

MALCOLM.

THE last invasion of E n g l a n d b y M a l c o l m w a s clearly made in reprisal for t h e t r e a t m e n t w h i c h he h a d received at T h e words of t h e P e t e r b o r o u g h

Gloucester.

C h r o n i c l e r are v e r y r e m a r k a b l e .

T h e y seem to describe a w a r w h i c h is a c k n o w l e d g e d to be j u s t in itself, b u t w h i c h is carried on w i t h needless c r u e l t y ; " A n d se c y n g M e l c o l m ham to S c o t l a n d e gewEeude.

A c hratSe

J?aes J>e he h a m com he his f y r d e g e g a d e r o d e . " M o s t of t h e other w r i t e r s fail t o b r i n g out the c o n n e x i o n b o t h of t i m e and of cause and effect b e t w e e n the scene a t G l o u c e s t e r a n d the invasion w h i c h led to Malcolm's death at A l n w i c k .

Perhaps

w e m a y count M a t t h e w P a r i s , the zealous p a n e g y r i s t of M a l c o l m , as an exception. to Gloucester;

H e has n o t h i n g to tell us about M a l c o l m ' s corning but, h a v i n g m e n t i o n e d W i l l i a m ' s

sickness

there,

w h i c h he w r o n g l y places in 1 0 9 2 , he goes on (i. 4 3 ) ; " E o d e m anno pius r e x S c o t o r u m M a l c o l m u s , c u j u s actus in benedictione v i v u n t i m m o r t a l e s , cum non i m m e r i t o contra

tirannum

W i l l e l m u m I I . regem sibi i n j u r i a n t e m g u e r r a m movisset, i n t e r ceptus est subito et. positis insidiis, i n t e r e m p t u s . " So in a later passage (i. 4 7 ) he s p e a k s of R o b e r t of M o w b r a y overcoming Malcolm "proditiose."

M o r e o v e r several e v e n of t h e

E n g l i s h writers seem to i m p l y that there w a s something t r e a c h e r o u s a b o u t t h e w a y in w h i c h M a l c o l m m e t his death.

T h e w o r d s of t h e

C h r o n i c l e r are, " hine pa R o d b e a r d se eorl of N o r S h y m b r a n m i d his m a n n a n unweeres besyrede and ofsloh."

A n d directly a f t e r he de-

scribes the g r i e f of M a r g a r e t on h e a r i n g " h y r e f)a leofstan h l a f o r d a n d sunu )?us beskoikene."

W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y mentions t h e

death of Malcolm twice, and in rather different tones.

The

first

t i m e (iii. 250) he seems to j u m b l e up together Malcolm's t w o i n v a sions, l e a v i n g out all a b o u t the m e e t i n g at Gloucester.

H e had said

t h a t t h r o u g h t h e w h o l e reign of t h e C o n q u e r o r M a l c o l m " incertis e t ssepe fractis f a d e r i b u s sevum e g i t , " and a d d s ;

T H E DEATH OF

MALCOLM.

" Filio W i l l e l m i Willelmo régnante, simili modo impetitus, falso Sacramento insequentem abegit.

Nee multo post, dum fidei im-

memor superbius provinciam inequitaret, a Eoberto de Molbreia comité Northanhimbrise, cum filio csesus est." In the second place (iv. 3 1 1 ) , after describing the meeting at Gloucester, he adds ; " Idem proxima hyeme, ab liominibus Roberti comitis Humbrensium, magis fraude quam viribus occubuit."

No

one would think from this that Malcolm had gone back to Scotland, got would

together his army, and invaded Northumberland.

rather

suggest

the idea

way back from Gloucester. the very

that

he was

attacked

on

It his

A n d this comes out more strongly in

confused account of Orderic, 701 C.

tlie events of 1091 and 1093.

He

mixes

up

A f t e r the first conference by the

Scots' water, the two kings go quietly together into England ; then we read ; " Post aliquod tempus, dum Melcoma rex ad sua vellet remeare, muneribusque multis honoratus a rege rediret pacifice, prope fines suos Rodbertus de Molbraio, cum Morello nepote suo et militibus armatis occurrit, et ex insperato inermem interfeeit.

Quod audiens

rex A n g l o r u m , regnique optimates, valde contristati sunt, et pro tam fœda re, tamque crudeli, a Normannis commissa, nimis erubuerunt.

Priscum facinus a modérais iteratum est.

N a m sicut

Abner, filius Ner, a Joab et Abisai, de domo David pacifice rediens, dolose peremptus est, sic Melcoma rex, de curia Guillelmi regis cum pace remeans, a Molbraianis trucidatus est." This i3 one of those sayings of Orderic by which we are now and then fairly puzzled.

H e gets hold of a scriptural or classical parallel,

and seems to be altogether carried away by it.

I t is hard to see

the likeness between the cases of Malcolm and A b n e r ; but it is harder to see w h y the deed is in a marked way attributed to " Normanni," who seem to be distinguished from the " rex Anglorum regnique optimates."

I n what sense were Morel and Robert of

Mowbray Norman, in which the K i n g and the great mass of the " optimates " were not Norman just as much? Confused as these two last accounts are, they still suggest that there was something about the way in which Robert and Morel contrived the death of Malcolm which W i l l i a m Rufus would have looked on as not quite consistent with the character of a " probus miles." VOL.

The one word " b e s w i k e n e " in the Chronicle doubtless il.

q q

A1TEND1X.

594

goes for more than ¡my amount of Latin rhetoric, though its force is a little weakened by its not occurring in the actual narrative of Malcolm's death. Imt in the account of Margaret's grief at hearing of it, at which point most of our writers put on more or less of the tone of hagiolog\.

But the only writer who gives us any details

is Fordun (v. 20). in a passage which professes to come from Turgot, on which see the remarks of Mr. Hinde in his Simeon, p. 261.

In his story we read how Malcolm,

" C u m maximum prpedam ex Anglia, more soli to, ultra flumen These, de Clefelaud, Riehemond, et alibi ssepius adduceret, castrumque dc Aylnwiek. sive Muroalden, quod idem est, ohsideret, obsessosque sibi rebcllantes oppido affligeret, hi, qui inclusi fuerant, ab omni humauo a h e t s t e of J>es eorles h i r e d e i n n a n a n a n feestene g e w a n n , and on haeftene g e d y d e . "

F l o r e n c e , as I h a v e

said, seems to h a v e misunderstood the w o r d s of the C h r o n i c l e r , a n d to h a v e c o n f o u n d e d T y n e m o u t h and the N e w C a s t l e .

T h i s last w o u l d

s u r e l y be, as the C h r o n i c l e implies, the first p o i n t of a t t a c k a f t e r t h e a r m y entered N o r t h u m b e r l a n d bears.

in t h e sense w h i c h t h a t w o r d

N e x t in t h e n a r r a t i v e of the C h r o n i c l e f o l l o w s t h e

now siege

a n d capture of T y n e m o u t h , and t h e n the g r e a t siege of B a m b u r g l i . O f this f a m o u s fortress I found s o m e t h i n g to say l o n g a g o in N . C . v o l . i. p. 4 1 0 , w h e r e B a m b u r g h a p p e a r s as m a r k i n g one s t a g e i n the art of fortification.

B i e d a (iii. 16) witnesses

that the

place

t o o k its name " e x Bebbae q u o n d a m reginse v o c a b u l o ; " so also t h e N o r t h u m b r i a n w r i t e r copied b y S i m e o n of D u r h a m , 7 7 4 ; " B e b b a civitas u r b s est m u n i t i s s i m a , n o n a d m o d u m m a g n a , sed quasi d u o r u m v e l t r i u m a g r o r u m s p a t i u m , h a b e n s u n u m i n t r o i t u m c a v a t u m , et g r a d i b u s miro m o d o e x a l t a t u m .

H a b e t in

summitate

m o n t i s ecclesiam prsepulcre f a e t a m , in q u a est scrinium s p e c i o s u m et p r e t i o s u m .

I n quo i n v o l u t a pallio j a c e t d e x t e r a m a n u s sancti

O s w a l d i r e g i s incorrupta, sicut n a r r a t B e d a h i s t o r i o g r a p h u s h u j u s gentis."

APPENDIX.

608

The reference here is to Baeda, iii. 6, where he tells the story of Oswald's bounty and the prophecy of A i d a n , and adds how his hand and arm, cut off after his death in the battle by Penda, " i n urbe regia quae a regina quondam vocabulo Behba cognominatur, loculo i n e l u s ® argenteo in ecclesia sancti Petri servantur, ae digno a cunctis honore venerantur." " r e g i a civitas."

S o again, iii. 1 2 , where B a m b u r g h is simply

He goes on to speak of the well; " E s t in oeeidente

et in suminitate ipsius civitatis foris miro cavatus ad potandum et purissimus ad videndum."

opere, dulcis

Florence also refers to

the origin of the, n a m e ; with him it is " Bebbanhyrig, id est, U r b s Bebbte reginae;" and Orderic (704 A ) draws a little picture of the spot ; derunt.

" Munitissimum

Castrum, quod B a b b e n b u r g dicitur, obse-

E t quoniam ilia munitio inexpugnabilis erat, quia inac-

cessibilis videbatur propter

paludes

et aquas, et alia

qusedam

itinerantibus contraria, quibus ambiebatur, rex novam munitionem ad defensionem provinciee et coartationem hostium construxit, et militibus, armis, ac victualibus implevit." of the Malvoishi,

T h i s last fact, the m a k i n g

is recorded by the Chronicler and Florence, both

of whom give the name.

T h e Chronicler s a y s ; " A c pa, pa, se cyng

geseah J^get he liine gewinnan ne mihte, pa bet he makian serine castel toforan B e b b a b u r h and hine on his spasce Malueisin het, J>aet is 011 Englisc yfel nehhebur, and hine swicSe mid his mannan gesaette, and syScSan sutSweard for."

S o F l o r e n c e ; " A n t e B e b b a n b y r i g in

q u a m comes fugerat, castellum firmavit, idque Malveisin nominavit, et in illo militibus positis, in S u t h y m b r i a m rediit." note the w a y in which

the Chronicler

W e may here

assumes F r e n c h as the

language of W i l l i a m K u f u s , and also Florence's somewhat archaic way of speaking of

" S u t h y m b r i a , " where the Chronicler

simply " sutSweard."

I t is something like his mention of W e s t -

says

Saxonia in 1 0 9 1 (see vol. i. p. 305). The Malvoida

w a s clearly such a tower as we often hear of,

temporary and of wood, but still not moveable, as is implied in Florence's w o r d " f i r m a v i t . "

B u t the name seems a f t e r w a r d s to

have been transferred to moveable t o w e r s ; see D u Cange in Malveisin, where he refers to the passage about the siege of D o v e r in R o g e r of Wendover, iii. 3 8 0 ;

" Misso prius ad patrem

suum

propter petrariani, quae ' M a l v e i s i n e ' Gallice nuncupatur, qua cum machinis aliis

Franci

ictibus verberabaut."

ante Castrum locata muros acriter

crebris

I n his account of the siege of B a m b u r g h

TYNEMOUTH AND

609

BAMBUKGH.

(ii. 46) Roger says, " C u m castellum inexpugnabile advertit, ante castellum

illud

castellum aliud ligneum

construxit, quod Mal-

veisin appellavit, in quo partem exercitus sui relinquens inde recessit."

Matthew Paris copies this in the Chronica Majora in the

Historia Anglorum, i. 48 ; his words are, " Ante castellum illud aliud sed ligneum construxit, ad prsecludendum illis exitum, quod patria lingua Maleveisine

appellavit."

Viollet-le-Duc

(Military

Architecture of the Middle Ages, 24, Eng. trans.) seems to implythat moveable towers were known earlier than this time, but he seems (p. 30) to bring the petraria from the East. A s for the details of the siege, the Chronicler and Florence tell us nothing till we come to the escape of Robert from Bamburgh. I t is Orderic who gives us the picture of the state of mind of Robert and his companions, which, if it belongs to any period of the siege, must belong to the time before the K i n g went southward.

We see

the loyal troops busily working at the making of the Malvoisin

;

" Conscii autem perfidiee et fautores eorum detegi verentes conticuerunt, et metu exsangues, quia conatus suos nihil valere perpenderunt, regiis cohortibus immixti, ejus servitium, cujus cxitium optaverant, prompte aggressi sunt.

Interea, dum rex in armis cum

agminibus suis ad bellum promptus constaret, et chiliarchos ac centuriones, aliosque proceres Albionis, cum subditis sibi plebibus, operi novae munitionis indesinenter insistere compelleret, Rodbertus de propugnaculis suis contrarium sibi opus moestus conspiciebat, et complices suos alta voce nominatim compellebat, ac ut jusjurandum de proditionis societate eonservarent, palam commonebat.

Rex

autem cum fidelibus suis haec audiens ridebat, et conscia reatus publicati mens conscios et participes timore et verecundia torquebat." Then the K i n g goes a w a y ;

in Orderic's phrase, " rege ad

sua prospere remeante, et de moderamine regni cum suis amicis solerter tractante," a rather odd description of the war in "Wales. Now comes Robert's escape from Bamburgh.

Orderic, who seems

to have no clear idea of any place except Bamburgh, merely says that Robert, " longse obsidionis tsedio nauseatus, noctu exilivit, et de Castro in Castrum migrare volens in manus inimicorum incidit." The Chronicle is fuller; " Da sona aefter ]>&m J>e Ee cyng wees su(5 afaren feorde se eorl anre nihte ut of Bebbaburh towardes Tinemutian, ac pa }?e innan pam niwan castele wseron his gewser wurdon, and him asfter foran and onfuhton and liine gewundedon, and syStSan VOL. i i .

r

r

APPENDIX.

610

gelasliton, and Tpn pe in id him wasron sume ofslogan sume lifes gefengon."

B u t it is from Florence that we get the detailed account.

H i s story runs thus ; " Post cujus diseessum, eomiti Rotberto vigilcs N o v i

Castelli

promisere in id so permissuros ilium intrare, si veniret

occulte.

Ille autem lsetus effect us, quadam nocte cum x x x . militibus ut id perageret exivit.

Q u o coguito, equites qui eastellum custodiehant

ilium insequente?, ejus exitum custodibus Novi Oastelli per nuntios intimaverunt.

Q u o d ille nesciens, die dominica tentavit peragere

coepta, sed nequivit, depreliensus enim erat. Eapropter ad monasterium S. Oswini regis et martyris fugit, ubi sexto die obsessionis suae graviter in erure est vulneratus dum suis adversariis repugnaret, quorum multi perempti, multi sunt vulnerati, de suis quoque nonnulli vulnerati, omnes sunt capti ; ille vero in ecclesiam fugit, de qua extractus, in custodia est positus." H e r e now comes the obvious difficulty as to the way in which the E a r l could have got into the monastery at Tynemouth after the castle had been taken.

The Chronicler indeed does not necessarily

imply that lie got into Tynemouth at all.

The fight which he

describes might have happened somewhere else and not at Tynemouth.

A n d if any one chooses to move the site of Robert's re-

sistance and capture from Tynemouth to some unknown spot, there is only the statement of Florence against him.

That Robert was

taken, and taken after a stout resistance, is plain. With Robert's capture, Orderic ends his story, as far as military operations are concerned. finem belli fecit.''

" Captus a satellitibus regis, Rodbertus

In a very general way this is not untrue ; it was

the capture of Robert which brought about the end of the war. B u t it is odd thai he should have left out the striking story of the captive Earl being brought under frightful threats before the castle which his wife was defending.

This stands out clearly in the

Chronicle ; " Da j>« se cyng ongean com, Jja Uet he niman ]xme eorl Rotbeard of Noi i\vmbi'am, and to Ba'bbaburli ltedan, and jcgtSer eage ut adon, baton woldan.

Jja }?e Jnerinne wseron }:>one castel agyfan

H i n e heoldan his wif and Moreal, se w a s stiward and

eac his maeg.

Durh jjis wearS se castel J»a agyfen."

Florence

translates this. Lastly comes the great difference of all as to E a r l Robert's last

611

lYNEMOUTH AND BAMBUKGH.

days. The Chronicler and Florence merely record his imprisonment at Windsor, without saying how long it lasted. only,

Florence says

" Comes forti custodiae maucipandus ad Windlesoram est

ductus," followed by the passage about Morel quoted in p. 55.

He

says nothing about the many accusations brought by Morel, or about the special summons of all the tenants-in-chief to the trial, of which the Chronicler speaks (see p. 56). recording them, s a y s ;

The Chronicler, after

" A n d )>one eorl Rotbert het se cyng to

Windlesoran ¡sedan, and ]>ser innan [>am castele healdan."

This is

consistent with any later destiny, with release and monastic profession or with lifelong imprisonment. several authorities.

This last is asserted by

Thus Orderic (704 A ) says ; " Rodbertus . . . .

fere triginta annis in vinculis vixit, ibique scelerum suorum pcenas luens consenuit."'

H e then sets forth the sad state of his w i f e ;

" Mathildis uxor ejus, quse cum eo vix unquam Iseta fuerat, quia in articulo perturbationis desponsata fuerat, et inter bellicas clades tribus tantum mensibus cum tremore viri thoro incubuerat, maritali consolatione cito caruit, multisque mceroribus afflicta diu gemuit." The Continuator of William of Jumieges (viii. 8), who has nothing to say about Matilda, equally bears witness to Robert's lifelong imprisonment ; " Captus a militibus Willelmi regis, ipsoque jubente in ipsis vinculis diutius perseverans; regnante jam Henrico rege, tandem in ipso ergastulo deficicns mortuus est."

So William of

Malmesbury, iv. 3 1 9 : " Captus et seternis vinculis irretitus est." On the other hand, there clearly was a story according to which Robert was released some time or other, and (lied a monlc at Saint Alban's.

I t is somewhat remarkable that there is no mention of

this in any of the chief writings of Matthew Paris, neither in the Historia Major nor the Historia Anglorum, nor the Lives of the Abbots.

But we find the story implied in the extract from his

Additamenta in the Monasticon, iii. 3 1 2 ; " Ibidem [at Tynemouth] monachos congregavit de domo sancti Albani, tanquam ab electissima domo inter omnia ccenobia Anglise, ubi etiam se vovit monasticum liabitum suscepturum, et sepulturam in loco memorato.

Quae omnia, Deo sibi propitio, feliciter consummavit."

in the Abbreviatio

Chronicorum (Hist. A n g l . iii. 175), a

So mar-

ginal note is added to the name of E a r l R o b e r t ; " Sepultus est apud sanctum Albanum."

But, oddly enough, the most distinct

statement that he became a monk comes, not from any Saint Alban's r r %

APPENDIX.

612

writer, but from one manuscript of the " De Regibus Saxonum L i b e l l u s " at the end of the Surtees Simeon, p. 2 1 4 . keeps Robert of Mowbray some while in prison;

K i n g Henry then " rogatu

baronum suorum eundem resolvens, concessit alii mutare vitam habitumque saecularem.

Qui ingressus monasterium Sancti Albani sub

professione monastica ibidem vitam

finivit."

The story about Matilda's second marriage and divorce comes from Orderic.

His story runs thus ; " V i r ejus, ut dictum est, in

carcere vivebat, nec ipsa, eo vivcnte, secundum legem Dei alteri nubere legitime valebat.

Tandem, permissu Paschalis p a p ® , cui

res

patuit,

a curiosis enucleata

post

multos dies Nigellus

de

Albineio ipsam uxorem accepit, et pro favore nobilium parentum ejus, aliquamdiu honorifice tenuit.

Yeruni, defuncto Gisleberto

de Aquila fratre ejus, vafer occasionem divortii exquisivit, eamque, quia consanguinei sui conjux fuerat, repudiavit, et Gundream, sororem Hugonis de Gornaco, uxorem duxifc."

I f all this happened

at all, it must have happened between 1 0 9 9 and 1 1 1 8 , the years which mark the reign of Paschal. Matilda of Laigle could not well have been the sister of William the Chaplain to whom Bishop Herbert Losinga writes his third letter (Ep. Herberti, p. 5). H e there says ; " De matrimomo sororis vestrse noil aliud respondeo vobis, quam id quod priesens ex ore meo audivistis, sno videlicet ut vivente viro, secundum evangelium et secundum sanctorum canonum usum, alii viro nubere non potest."

B u t the person spoken of could hardly have been thinking

of such a marriage, unless she had some special excuse, like this of Matilda. The second wife of Nigel appears both as " G u n d r e a " and as " G u n dreda."

There is a great deal about her husband Nigel and her son

Robert, the founder of Byland Abbey, in the Monastieon, v. 3 4 6 - 3 5 1 . The marriage of Xigel and Gundreda took place after Tinchebrai, and as K i n g Henry gave Nigel the castle of Mowbray, and much else in Normandy and England which had belonged to E a r l Robert, their son Roger called himself Roger of Mowbray.

Such a descrij>

tion was likely to lead to confusion, and it may have led some to fancy that later bearers of the name of Mowbray had something to do with the famous Bishop and E a r l of our story.

The artificial Percy

is indeed connected with the real one by grandmothers ; but the artificial Mowbray was purely artificial.

This Roger of Mowbray

THE

CONQUEST

OF

GLAMORGAN".

613

appears also in the Continuator of William of Jumifeges, viii. 8, who tells us that Nigel himself became a monk at Bee. As Walknol has been casually mentioned in the text (p. 47) there may be some interest in a document in the Cartulary of Newminster published by the Surtees Society, p. 178. The date must be after 1 1 3 7 , the date of the foundation of Newminster. The number of English names, and specially the two bearers of scriptural names who are sons of English-named fathers, illustrate points of which I have often had to speak; " De terra de Walknol in castro. Johannes filius Edwyni fabri, salutem. Sciatis me concessisse, dedisse, et hac prsesenti carta mea confirmasse, Bartholomreo filio Edricii illam terram totarn quse jacet in australi parte cimiterii capellae beati Miehaelis, in longitudine a curtillo Eadmundi clerici usque ad terram quse fuit Johannis Stanhard, et in latitudine a cimiterio capellae beati Miehaelis usque ad antiquam communem viam subtus versus austrum. Habendum et tenendum eidem Bartholomseo et liseredibus suis de me et hseredibus meis et assignatis in perpetuum, libere, quiete, et pacifice, pro duabus marcis arg. quas michi dedit idem Bartholomseus in manu in mea magna necessitate."

N O T E GG.

Vol. ii. p. 79.

T h e Conquest o f Glamokgan". I gave a note to the conquest of Glamorgan in the Appendix to vol. v. of the Norman Conquest, p. 820. I look, as I did then, upon the account in what I find it convenient to call the later Brut as thoroughly legendary in its details, though I am perhaps inclined to put rather more faith in the general story than I was then. And I am not so much inclined as I was then to draw the same wide distinction as Mr. Floyd draws between the expeditions led by the King himself and those which partook more or less of the character of private adventure. There was doubtless a difference, when it was King William who called the whole force of England to his standard, and when it was only either Earl Hugh or Robert Eitz-hamou who set out on an expedition on his own account. B u t

APPENDIX.

614

both processes were parts of the same general undertaking.

Whatever

individual lords conquered, they conquered with the K i n g ' s approval, to be held by them as his vassals and subjects.

H e himself stepped

in only on great occasions, w h e n the W e l s h seemed to be g e t t i n g too strong for the local lords.

The same general w o r k must have

been going on all over the country.

T h e only strange t h i n g is t h a t

the conquest of Glamorgan, of whose general results there can be no doubt, and of which we have so very full a legendary account, is left out altogether in every really t r u s t w o r t h y history. Jestin ap G w r g a u

must

be accepted

as a real

man, 011 the

strength of his real sons and grandsons (for his sons see X . C . vol. v. p. 8 2 1 ) ; but that is all that can be said of him.

W e can

hardly carry our faith so far as Mr. John Williams ab Itliel, the E d i t o r of the Brut in the Chronicles

and Memorials, w h o

us (xxiii) to " consider the great age of the prince of gan when

he died.

He

is said

to have

asks

Glamor-

married his first w i f e

A.i). 9 9 4 " — i t is perhaps prudent to mention the s e r a — " a n d have died at the a.ue of j i i , according to others 1 2 9 . "

do not venture to believe in the kindred tales of our own and G y r t h .

to

"We S a x o n s Harold

B u t we learn from Mr. W i l l i a m s himself, at the v e r y

beginning of his Preface, that " the voice of Tradition w o u l d not lead us to suppose that the ancient B r i t o n s paid any very particular attention to the study of chronology previous to the era of P r y d a i n , son of A e d d the (>reat, which is variously dated from the y e a r I ' j S o to 480 before the nativity of C h r i s t . "

I f centuries went for so little

in the days of Prydain, it is not wonderful that decades did n o t go for much in the days of Jestin.

N o r are we surprised to find

that Mr. Williams k n e w the exact number of the descendants of Jestin, who were, like those of A t t i l a , " p e n e populus."

A l l that w e

can say of Jestin's story, in relation to R o b e r t Fitz-liamon and his companions, is that there is no trustworthy evidence either for or against the story of his invitation to the Norman knights, b u t that the tale has a legendary sound, and that the date is in any case wrong.

I f we should be inclined, according to one or t w o indi-

cations (see p. 84), to place the conquest of Glamorgan

several

years earlier, perhaps even before the death of the Conqueror, w e are only carried away yet further from the perfectly certain date of the death of R h y s ap T e w d w r .

A l l that we can say is that the

general story may be true, but that the list of settlers given in t h e

GODWINE

OF WINCHESTER

AND H I S SON ROBERT.

later B r u t ("72 to 75) is largely due to family vanity.

615

The Stradling

family, for instance, had nothing to do with the original conquest. The best account of the whole matter is to be found in Mr. Clark's first paper on " The Land of Morgan," in the Archfeological Journal, x x x i v . n .

1 cannot however admit with him (p. 18) that

" it seems probable that to the early Vikings, and not to the later settlements of Flemings or English, is due the Teutonic element which prevails in the topography of lower Pembroke and G o w e r . "

I am

quite ready (see p. 95) to admit a certain Scandinavian element; but the Flemish

settlement

in

Pembrokeshire

is

undoubtedly

historical (see N. C. vol. v. p. 855), while we have fair legendary evidence for making the settlement in Gower West-Saxon (see p. 103). The name of Worm's Head given to the great promontory of Gower, in marked distinction to the Scandinavian Orrn's Head in N o r t h Wales, goes a long way to show that the Teutonic settlers in G o w e r were either Flemish or Saxon, and not Scandinavian.

NOTE HH. GODWINE

Vol. ii. p. 115.

OP W I N C H E S T E R

A N D H I S SON

ROBEBT.

I GAVE a short note to the history of R o b e r t son of Godwine in N . C. vol. v. p. 819. On going again more minutely through the story. I am even more struck than before by the singular way in which different notices of Robert and Godwine hang together.

I t is one

of the best cases that I know of the argument from undesigned coincidences.

Besides the interest of the story in itself, it teaches

us, like many other stories, how, if we work with a proper caution, we may dig truth out of quarters where we should hardly have looked for it, and it may specially suggest matter for thought as to the value of those pieces of Scottish history which one hardly knows whether to call the writings of Turgot or Fordun, or of any one else.

I suspect that, if we simply read the story of God-

wine and R o b e r t as it stands in Fordun, we should be inclined to cast it aside altogether.

The story undoubtedly has a legendary

air, and the details of the single combat are likely enough to have received some legendary colouring even at the time.

Some might

APPENDIX.

616

even be a little startled at the appearance of Englishmen of k n i g h t l y rank at the court of W i l l i a m Rufus.

B u t we see from Domesday

on the one hand, and from W i l l i a m of Malmesbury on the other, that Godwine and R o b e r t were real men, and we see that the part which they play in Fordun's story is exactly in accordance with their real position. I have mentioned elsewhere (see N . C. vol. iv. p. 5 7 1 ; vol. v. p. 819) that there was a Godwine holding lands in Hertfordshire of the i E t h e l i n g Eadgar.

W e also have in two places in William

of Malmesbury (iii. 2 5 1 ; iv. 384) notices of " Robertus

Anglus,"

" Robertus filius Godwin! miles audacissimus," who goes to the crusade with the iEtheling, and who does the exploits which I have spoken of in

p. 122.

Now

if circumstantial

evidence is

ever good for anything, one can hardly doubt that the Godwine of Domesday is the same as the Godwine of William of Malmesbury and as the Godwine of Fordun, and that the Robert son of Godwine in Fordun is the same as the Robert son of Godwine in William of Malmesbury.

The three accounts are wholly inde-

pendent, but all bring Godwine and Eobert into connexion with Eadgar.

It

is almost inconceivable that Fordun's story should

be mere invention, when

it makes

men of whom

so little

is

known act exactly in character with the little that is known of them. I n the account in Fordun (ii. 22, Surtees Simeon 263), Ordgar, " Orgarus," is described in the one t e x t as " miles degener A n glicus," in the other as " miles de genere Anglico," which is clearly the better reading. T h e name of Ordgar

appears only twice

in Domesday.

In

Oxfordshire, 1 6 1 , Ordgar, a king's thegn, holds two hides of the worth of forty shillings.

H e had two slaves on his domain, and

half a c-arucate was held by two villains or churls. " Godwinus libere tenuit."

W e then read,

This is pretty sure to be our Ordgar,

and it may very well be our Godwine, though we can say nothing for certain about so common a name.

If they are the same, here is

great likelihood, though no proof, that Godwine may have had other ground for willingness to fight Ordgar, besides his loyalty to the zEtheling.

Ordgar, on the other hand, appears in Somerset,

93, as holding a hide which had passed to R o b e r t of Courcelles, and which, with a good deal more, was held by Anschitil.

Ordgar

GODWINE

OP W I N C H E S T E R

A N D H I S SON ROBERT.

617

was not the only Englishman who, among the endless forfeitures and g r a n t s — t o

say nothing of ordinary sales, bequests, and ex-

changes, which went on T. R. W . as well as T . R . E . — l o s t in one part of England and gained in another. I n Fordun's story E a d g a r is described as " clito Eadgarus, viz. genere gloriosus, nam sic ipsum nominabant."

" D e genere glorio-

sus," it will be marked, is a more literal translation of " Clito " than it is of " iEtheling." Ordgar, " quia

Eadgarus

William is inclined to hearken to

de regia

regno, jure Anglico, proximus."

stirpe

fuerat progenitus,

et

W e then read, " nee incerta de

Eadgaro j a m poterat esse sententia, si crimen impositum probari potuisset."

Eadgar is in great trouble for fear of not finding a

champion, when Godwine

steps f o r w a r d ;

" Miles de W i n t o n i a ,

Anglicus natione, genere non ignobilis, nomine Godwinus, veteris parentelse ipsius non immemor, opem se proestiturum in hac re tam difficili compromisit." The two knights now go forth, as I have described in the text, and we have a significant comment on the lack of English patriotism shown by O r d g a r ; " Hinc etiam calumniatorem cum justa animadversione increpat, qui A n g l i c u s genere existens naturae videretur impugnator, quem enim ut dominum venerari debuerat, utpote de jure generis existens cui se et omnia sua debuisset." Then come the details of the combat.

W e hear no more of

Godwine after his victory and reward, which last is thus t o l d ; " Superati

hostis terras et possessiones hereditario jure

concederet possidendas."

" H e r e d i t a r i o j u r e " most likely

rex

ei

simply

means, as usual, that the land was to go on to Godwine's heirs. I t need not refer to the probable fact that part at least of Ordgar's lands had once belonged to Godwine. Robert first appears in Fordun, v. 2 g, on the march to Scotland (see p. 119).

H e is introduced as " q u i d a m miles, Anglicus genere,

Robertus nomine, filius antedicti Godwini, paternte probitatis imitator et haeres."

Then come his exploits and adventures in Britain,

as I have told them in the text.

A f t e r w a r d s must come his

crusading exploits as described by William of Malmesbury.

In

the earlier of his two accounts (see p. 122) one might almost have thought

that K i n g

Baldwin had no companion except

Robert.

T h e second passage, which gives them four other companions, has

G18

APPENDIX.

therefore the force of a correction; " Rex . . . . quinque militibus comitatus, in Montana rependo, insidiantes elusit. Militum fuit unus Robertus Anglus, ut superius dixi; cseteros notitiie n o s t r a fama tam longinqua oceubuit. Ille cum tribus comprehensus est ; unus evasit cum rege." Another point which is worth notice is that the period of the crusade at which Robert is brought in exactly agrees with the story of his doings in Scotland and North humbcrland. A man who had difficulties with Flambard after he becamc bishop in 1099 could not have been with the first crusaders at Antiocli and Jerusalem; he might have been quite in time to help Baldwin at Rama. It would be worth the while of some Hertfordshire antiquary to see whether anything can be made out as to the descent of the lands held by God wine, or as to any descendants of him and Robert. But I saw a little time back a newly published history of that county, which was eloquent about the grandmothers of various obscure persons of our own time, but which had not a word to say about the champion of Eadgar or the comrade of Baldwin.

N O T E I I . Vol. ii. p. 133. TIIE

EXPEDITION

or

MAGNUS.

THE expedition of Magnus, which, by leading him to the shores of Anglesey, had a not unimportant bearing on English affairs, is not spoken of at any great length by our own writers. The Chronicler does not name the Norwegian k i n g ; b u t he does not fail to mention the death of Earl H u g h of Shrewsbury, and, what was practically its most important result, the succession of his brother Robert. His words a r e ; " And H u g o eoti wearta. Barbatulus likelihood, placed on the Barbatus

only it would be hard

is eonjecturally, but with every

site of the present L y c e u m , between

and the city.

The royal tower was built just outside the Roman wall, t w o of whose bastions, known as La promised bride of Robert 1—and into its precinct.

Tour

Margot—after

Margaret, the

La Tour du Cavalier, were taken

A l l these must be distinguished from the palace

of the Counts (sec N. C. vol. iii. p. 205) which stands on the Roman wall, almost in a line with the east end of the cathedral.

I t con-

tains a window of the twelfth century, of great width, a feature characteristic of L c Mans.

I n this palace was the sainte

chapelle

of the Counts.

NOTE NN. THE

DATES

Vol. ii. p. 240.

OK T H E B U I L D I N G

OF L E

MANS

CATHEDRAL.

I HAVE more than once, in the History of the Norman Conquest, had to speak of the dates of the various parts of the church of Saint Julian at L e Mans.

The subject is so closely connected with so

many names which appear in our story that an inquiry of this kind can hardly be thought

out of place.

M y later visits to L e Mans

have enabled me f > examine and consider several points a g a i n ; and I am now inclined to think that there is very little,'if anything, standing in the present church of an earlier date than William the Conqueror's first faking of L e Mans in 1063.

I have got some

DATES OF LE MANS CATHEDRAL.

633

help from a local book, called " Recherches sur la Cathédrale du Mans. P a r L'Abbé . . . ." (Le Mans, 1 8 7 2 ) ; but its architectural criticism is not of a high order. Another local book, " L'Ancien Chapitre Cathedral du Mans, par Armand Bellée, Archiviste de la Sarthe" (Le Mans, 1875), is a very thorough piece of capitular history, but it throws little light on the architecture. The earliest church of which we have any certain account was a basilica of the ninth century. Saint Aldric, bishop from 832 to 856, rebuilt the cathedral church, of which he consecrated the eastern part in 834 and the rest in 83g. I have for these dates to trust the author of the " Recherches sur la Cathédrale du Mans," who quotes from a manuscript life of Aldric in the library at L e Mans. (I have seen the volume, and I could wish that it was in print.) The time allowed for the building is wonderfully short ; but Aldric, if he did all that is attributed to him by the Biographer of the Bishops (Yet. An. 276), must have been a man of wonderful energy. There is nothing said directly of his works at Saint Julian's; but they might almost be taken for granted when we hear of the many churches which he built and restored (" iEdificia quœ pradictus pontifex multipliciter a novo operatus est, et ecclesias sive nonnulla monasteria quae a novo fundavit atque perficere et ornare studuit, riecnon et restaurationes aliorum monasteriorum et ceterarum ecclesiarum," &c. &c. &c). I n the days of the next Bishop Robert ( 8 5 6 - 8 8 5 ) L e Mans was sacked by the Northmen and the church burned. W e are of course met by the usual difficulty as to the amount of destruction which is implied in words of this kind; but it naturally led to a restoration, and to a new dedication, on which last point however it seems to have been thought needful to consult the Pope (" Matrem ecclesiam, a paganis incensam, diligenti studio renovavit, et ex consilio Romani antistitis jam denuo celeberrime consecravit ; " 287*). We hear again (296*) of a dedication under Bishop Mainard (940-960); but not of any rebuilding, just as in some of the intermediate episcopates (Yet. An. 288* et seqq.) we hear a good deal about havoc and desecration, but nothing about actual destruction. The church of Aldric, allowing for the restorations of Robert and any later repairs, seems plainly to have stood till the days -of Vulgriu ( 1 0 5 5 - 1 0 6 7 ) , the earliest Bishop of Le Mans who has even an indirect share in the building of the present church. No work of his, unless

APPENDIX.

634

possibly the merest fragments, seems to be now standing; but lie was the beginner of a great work of rebuilding which gave us what we now see. I n the Life of Y u l g r i n (Vet. A n . 3 1 2 * ) we are simply told that in 1060 he began the foundations of a new church on a greater scale ( " Quinto ordinationis suse anno fundamenta matris ecclesiee ampliora quam fuerant, inchoavit, sed morte inopina supervenieute perficere non potuit").

His foundations were badly laid and his

work was u n s k i l f u l ; so that, while attempts were making' under his successor Arnold ( 1 0 6 7 - 1 0 8 2 ) to prop it up, it fell down.

Arnold

accordingly destroyed the whole work of Y u l g r i n , and began again from a new foundation.

The extent of his work is clearly marked.

H e finished the eastern limb, as far as its walls and outer roof were concerned; its internal adornments he left for his successor.

Of

the transepts with their towers he merely laid the foundations; " Fabrica novse

ecclesiae quam

prsesul Vulgrinus

inclioaverat,

fundamentorum mobilitate atque lapidum debilitate eorrupta, innumera crepidine ruinam suam ccepit terribiliter minitari;

quam

dum artifices fulciiv conantur, repentino fragore nocturno tempore collapsa est

l n d e . . . episcopus totam

coepti

operis

fabri-

cam usque ad ima fundamenta destruens, denuo ipsam ecclesiam fundamento firmioi i et solidiori lapide construere ccepit, et parti superiori quae vulgo cancellum nominatur etiam tectum imposuit, membrorum quoque qua? cruces vocantur atque turrium solidissima fundamenta antequmn moreretur instituens " (313*). That he added only the outer roof is plain from what we read of his successor Howe! (Vet. A n . 289).

A s H o w e l adorned the " c a n -

cellum" with a pavement and stained glass windows, he also added a painted ceiling; " Cancellum quod ejus antecessor construxerat pavimento decoravit et coelo, vitivas quoque per ipsum cancellum, per quod cruces circum

quoque laudabili sed

sumptuosa

nimium artis

varietate

disponens." So again, p. 299 ; " Cospit . . . suprriores partes ejusdem basilicge diligenti sollicitudine laborare, oratorium scilicet quod chorum vocitant sedemque pontificalem, altaria congrua dimensione disponere, pavimenta substernere,

columnas

ac

laquearia

parietes per circuit 11111 dealbare."

gratissima varietate

depingere,

DATES OF L E

MANS

CATHEDRAL.

635

H o w e l also finished tlie transepts and towers of which A r n o l d had merely laid the foundations (Vet. A n . 2 8 9 ) ; " F a b r i c a m novas ecclesioe . . . tanto studio aggressus est consummare ut oruces atque turres, quarum antecessor ipsius . . . jecerat fundamenta brevi tempore ad eifectum perduxit." W e see then w h a t the w o r k of V u l g r i n and A r n o l d was. touched the eastern part o n l y ; A l d r i c ' s nave was left alone.

It The

original church was a basilica, most l i k e l y with three apses, b u t without transepts.

T h e new design was to rebuild the

eastern

part on a greater scale w i t h transepts, transept towers (like Geneva and E x e t e r ) , and a choir ending in an apse with a surrounding aisle and c h a p e l s — a s is shown by the mention of many altars.

The

arrangement was that of the two other great churches of L e Mans, La Couture and Saint Julian in the Meadow, with the single exception of the towers, which do not appear in either of those churches. A r n o l d built the choir, and began the transepts and t o w e r s ; adorned the choir and finished the transepts and towers. nothing to i m p l y that either of them touched the nave.

Howel

T h e r e is

T h e arcades

of A l d r i c ' s basilica were therefore still standing w h e n W i l l i a m the G r e a t came in 1063 and again in 1 0 7 3 .

^ h e work of V u l g r i n in

the eastern part was doubtless g o i n g on at the earlier of those two dates, and that of A r n o l d at the later. I t must be plain to every one who has seen the building that the w o r k of these bishops in the eastern p a r t of the church has given w a y to the later choir and transepts.

T h e choir was built

between 1 2 1 8 and 1 2 5 4 , and its great extension to the east involved, as at Lincoln, the destruction of part of the R o m a n wall. The

transepts were

built at several times from 1 3 0 3 to

1424.

T h e y are among the very noblest works of the architecture of those centuries; but w e may be allowed to rejoice that, as the w o r k s of V u l g r i n and A r n o l d left Aldric's nave standing, so the great w o r k s of the thirteenth century and later have left the nave w h i c h succeeded that of A l d r i c .

With

all

its artistic

loveliness,

the

w o r k of the later day cannot share the historic interest of the works of the times of W i l l i a m and H o w e l , of H e l i a s and Hildebert. I n the present nave it is plain at the first glance that there are t w o dates of Romanesque ; a further examination may perhaps lead to the belief that there are more than two.

I t is easy to see out-

side that the aisles and the clerestory are of different dates.

The

636

APPENDIX.

m a s o n r y of the aisles is of t h a t R o m a n t y p e w h i c h , i n p l a c e s l i k e L e Mans, w h e r e R o m a n models w e r e a b u n d a n t , r e m a i n e d in use f a r i n t o the middle ages, and w h i c h in some places can h a r d l y be said to have ever g o n e out of use a t all. s t o r y is ashlar.

T h e m a s o n r y of t h e clere-

T h e difference is e q u a l l y clear b e t w e e n the p l a i n

s i n g l e w i n d o w s of the aisles and t h e h i g h l y finished coupled w i n d o w s of the clerestory.

I n s i d e , the e y e soon sees t h a t the d e s i g n lias

u n d e r g o n e a s i n g u l a r change.

"Without the p u l l i n g d o w n of a n y

part, the c h u r c h put 011 a n e w character.

Columns

supporting

r o u n d arches a f t e r the m a n n e r of a basilica w e r e c h a n g e d i n t o a series of alternate c o l u m n s a n d square p i e r s s u p p o r t i n g pointed arches.

obtusely

E a c h p a i r of arches t h e r e f o r e f o r m s a couplet, a n d

a n s w e r s to a single bay of the pointed v a u l t i n g a n d a single p a i r of w i n d o w s in the clerestory. building

as n e a r h

The

o b j e c t c l e a r l y w a s to g i v e

the air of an A n g e v i n

the

nave, l i k e t h a t of

La

C o u t u r e (see N . C. vol. v. p. 6 1 9 ) , as c o u l d be g i v e n w h e r e t h e r e w e r e real piers a n d arches.

Now

b r i n g s in the p o i n t e d arch,

cannot

episcopate of W i l l i a m

this reconstruction, one

which

p o s s i b l y be earlier t h a n

of P a s s a v a n t , B i s h o p f r o m 1 1 4 3 t o

H e w a s a g r e a t b u i l d e r ; he t r a n s l a t e d t h e b o d y of S a i n t

the

1187. Julian

( V e t . A n . 3 6 6 ) ; lie celebrated a d e d i c a t i o n of the c h u r c h ( l b . 3 7 0 ) , w h i c h m y local bonk fixes, s e e m i n g l y f r o m m a n u s c r i p t s , to 1 1 5 8 , a d a t e a little early p e r h a p s f o r such a d v a n c e d w o r k , b u t n o t i m possible.

T o W i l l i a m of P a s s a v a n t t h e n w e m u s t a t t r i b u t e t h e re-

c a s t i n g of the nave, and w h a t e v e r else seems to be of t h e same d a t e . T o this last head belongs the g r e a t s o u t h porch, and, I s h o u l d be inclined to add, the l o w e r p a r t of the s o u t h e r n , the o n l y r e m a i n i n g , t o w e r , t h o u g h some

assign

it to

Hildebert.

The

question

now

comes, W h a t w a s t h e n a v e w h i c h W i l l i a m of P a s s a v a n t recast

in

this fashion, and whose w o r k w a s i t i W e h a v e seen that w e c a n n o t a t t r i b u t e any w o r k in the n a v e to a n y p r e l a t e earlier than H o w e l .

H e m u s t h a v e f o u n d the

of t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y still standing. p a r t of the church i 1093 (Vet. An. 300); h i s w o r k s ill t h e

D i d h e do a n y t h i n g i n

nave that

H e p e r f o r m e d a c e r e m o n y of dedication but that would

other h a n d ,

Hildebert

celebrated in 1 1 2 0 ( V e t . A n . 320) a s p e c i a l l y solemn

dedication,

and

the words

eastern

used

seem

c o m p l e t e in all its parts.

part. to

On

in

be f u l l y accounted f o r b y the

i m p l y t h a t the

The words

church

of O r d e r i c

(531

was

now

D)

seem

DATES OF LE MANS CATHEDKAL. express.

637

Howel began to build the church (" episcopalem basili-

cam . . . .

condere ccepit");

Hildebert finished it (" basilicam

episcopii quam prsedecessor ejus inchoaverat,

consummavit,

cum ingenti populorum tripudio veneranter dedicavit").

et

I t is

doubtless not strictly true that Howel began the church, words which shut out the work of Vulgrin and A r n o l d ; but the time when Orderic wrote

makes him a better authority for

Hilde-

bert's finishing than for Howel's beginning, and the expression might easily be used if Howel began that particular work, namely the nave, which Hildebert finished.

I do not think that we need

infer from certain expressions of the Biographer that Hildebert left the nave, or any essential part of the building, unfinished.

He

says indeed (Vet. An. 320); " Hildebertus opus ecclesi®, quod per longa tempora protractum fuerat, suo tempore insistens consummare, dedicationem ultra quam res exposcebat accelerans, multa inibi necessaria inexpleta prseteriit." Comparing this with the words of Orderic, this surely need not mean more than that, though the fabric was perfect, yet much of the ornamental work was left unfinished.

Hildebert, in short, left

the nave much as Arnold left the choir.

A t least the nave was

in this case when he dedicated the church.

F o r he had time

after the dedication to make good anything that was imperfect. We should then infer from Orderic that the nave which William of Passavant recast was begun by Howel and finished by Hildebert. This may give us the key to a passage in the Biographer on which we might otherwise be inclined to put another meaning.

After

describing Howel's building of the transepts in the words quoted above in p. 635, he goes on (289); " Eisque [crucibus] celeriter culmen imponens, exteriores etiam parietes, quos alas vocant, per circuitum consummavit." One might have been tempted to take this of transept aisles; but, weighing one thing with another, it seems to be best understood as meaning that Howel rebuilt the whole of the outer walls of the nave and its aisles.

This would give to him the whole

extent of the quasi-lcLoman work of the aisles, together with the great western doorway.

The interior work of the aisles seems also

to agree with his date.

We must therefore suppose that Howel

rebuilt the nave aisles only, still leaving the arches of Aldric's basilica.

Then Hildebert rebuilt or thoroughly restored the nave

APPENDIX.

638

itself, w i t h the c o l u m n s and arches a n d w h a t e v e r t h e y c a r r i e d t h e w a y of t r i f o r i u m and

clerestory.

W e m a y therefore

in

suppose

t h a t t h e e x i s t i n g columns, as d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m t h e square piers, are his w o r k , t h o u g h t h e splendid capitals of m a n y of t h e m

must

h a v e b e e n added or c a r v e d o u t of the b l o c k i n t h e r e c a s t i n g b y W i l l i a m of P a s s a v a n t , T h e r e is h o w e v e r one f r a g m e n t of the n a v e arcades w h i c h is o l d e r t h a n H i l d e b e r t , v e r y l i k e l y older t h a n H o w e l . the first pier f r o m the cast.

T h i s is to be seen i n

I need n o t say t h a t t h e e a s t e r n b a y of

a n a v e o f t e n b e l o n g s to an older w o r k t h a n the rest, b e i n g i n t r u t h p a r t of the eastern l i m b c o n t i n u e d so f a r — p e r h a p s f o r c o n s t r u c t i v e reasons, to act as a b u t t r e s s — p e r h a p s for r i t u a l reasons, to m a r k the r i t u a l c h o i r — v e r y o f t e n f o r both reasons combined.

O n e of the b e s t

e x a m p l e s is that small p a r t of the n a v e of D u r h a m a b b e y w h i c h b e l o n g s to the w o r k of W i l l i a m of S a i n t - C a l a i s (see N . C . v o l . v. p. 6 3 1 ) .

A t this point t h e n in t h e n a v e of L e M a n s , w e find h a l f

c o l u m n s w i t h capitals and bases of a s t r a n g e l y rude k i n d , m o r e l i k e P r i m i t i v e R o m a n e s q u e (see ]ST. C . v o l . v. pp. 6 1 3 , 6 1 8 , 628) a n y t h i n g e i t h e r N o r m a n or A n g e v i n . w o r k of H i l d e b e r t .

than

T h e s e are a s s u r e d l y n o t t h e

T h e r e is one a r g u m e n t for a s s i g n i n g t h e m to

H o w e l , n a m e l y t h a t s o m e t h i n g of the s a m e k i n d is to be f o u n d in the remains of the n o r t h e r n t o w e r of w h i c h I shall s p e a k in a n o t h e r N o t e (see b e l o w , N o t e R R ) .

B u t i f a n y one holds t h e m to be t h e

w o r k of A r n o l d or of V u l g r i n , or e v e n l o o k s on t h e m as a s u r v i v i n g f r a g m e n t of the basilica of the d a y s of L e w i s the Pious, I shall n o t dispute a g a i n s t him. I

must

add

h o w e v e r that, b e t w e e n H i l d e b e r t a n d W i l l i a m

P a s s a v a n t , w e have, a c c o r d i n g to the use of L e M a n s , t o for t w o

fires—'•

of

account

solita c i v i t a t i s i n c e n d i a , " as the B i o g r a p h e r ( Y e t .

A n . 349) calls t h e m — a n d t h e i r consequences.

I n 1 1 3 4 there w a s a

fire w h i c h , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e B i o g r a p h e r (350), was more f e a r f u l t h a n a n y w h i c h h a d ever h a p p e n e d a t L e M a n s since the c i t y w a s b u i l t , not even e x c e p t i n g t h e g r e a t one of 1 0 9 8 . " Tota

Cenomannensis

civitas

cum

omnibus

m u r o s c o n t i n e b a n t u r , e v a n u i t in f a v i l l a s . " and

E v e r y t h i n g perished, ecclesiis

quae

ecclesiae

destructio"

because

of its b e a u t y — " ij:>sa e n i m t a m v e n u s t a t e sui q u a m

" c o m b u s t i o , " all the

more

lamentable

r i t a t e t u n c teniporis v i c i n i s et r e m o t i s

e x c e l l e b a t ecclesiis."

Orderie

episcopalis

( 8 9 9 IV),

"Tunc

Cenomannis

intra

W e r e a d of the " m a t r i s claSo

basilica, quae

DATES OF LE MANS pulcherrima

erat, concremata

est,"

CATHEDRAL. The

then

639

Bishop, G u y of

Etampes ( 1 1 2 6 - 1 1 3 6 ) , spent two hundred pounds in trying to repair the d a m a g e ;

" A d cujus restaurationem cc. libras

Ceno-

manvienses dedit, sine mora contulit, et omnibus modis desudavit quomodo

ipsa ad

perpetuitatem

decenter potuisset

restaurari."

Under the next Bishop, H u g h of Saint-Calais ( 1 1 4 6 - 1 1 5 3 ) , there was another fire, the account of which is very curious (Vet. A n . 349); " Ignis circa meridiem a vico sancti Vincentii

prosiliens, sibi

opposita usque ad muros civitatis et domos episcopales, tegmenque sacelli beati Juliani adhuc stramineum, cum fenestris vitreis concremavit et macerias, et in summis imagines sculptas lapidibus deturbavit." T h e people break open the shrine of Saint Julian in order to save his body, which they carry to the place where the Bishop was. The Bishop seems to have repaired the episcopal buildings before he touched the church, and the details have some interest in the history of domestic architecture ( " domum petrinam ex parte sancti Audoeni positam, decenti solariorum interpositu numerosas fenestras habendum cum sua camera contiuuavit"). " Beatissimum

patrem nostrum

Presently we r e a d ;

Julianum

ipso die

a

lignea

basilica in occidentali mernbro ecclesise intra maeerias facta, post incendium in qua fere triennio requieverat, in redivivam sollenniter, clero cantibus insultante, populo congaudente, transtulerunt ecclesiam." W e do not hear of any more building, but there is a long list (Vet. A n . 354) of the ornaments which Bishop H u g h gave to the Church. Some of the expressions used in these passages are very odd. " Sacellum beati J u l i a n i " is a strange phrase for the cathedral church, and yet the thatched roof and the glass windows must be spoken of a building and not of a mere shrine.

I t is Saint

Julian's church itself whose roof and windows are spoken of.

But

the phrase " lignea basilica," which makes one think of Glastonbury, must not lead us to think that any wooden church of early days was then standing at Le Mans.

The whole

story seems quite

intelligible, without supposing any really architectural work between Hildebert and "William of Passavant.

The language of the Bio-

grapher in describing the fire of 1 1 3 4 is, as so often happens, very

640

APPENDIX.

much exaggerated. His own account shows that the walla of the church were left standing. I t looks on the whole as if the roof was destroyed in 1134. I t was hastily repaired with thatch. I t was burned again, and the clerestory (" fenestra vitrese ") witli it, at the next fire in 1146-1153. The whole church perhaps remained for a while unfit for divine service. Then some wooden structure (" lignea basilica ") was raised within the walls of the nave (" in occidentali menibro ecclesise intra macerias facta"). Meanwhile Bishop Hugh repaired the choir (" rediviva ecclesia"), seemingly doing nothing to the nave. Bishop William, finding things in this state, rebuilt the clerestory and vaulted it Angevin fashion. So to do required that every alternate column of the nave should be built up into a square pier. This again required a change in the lino of the arches, and, according to the fashion j u s t coming in, they were made obtusely pointed. If any one thinks that the superb foliage of the nave capitals must be later than 1158, he may hold that they were cut out afterwards, or he may even hold that Bishop "William's dedication in that year belongs only to the eastern parts—where something was clearly done in his time or thereabouts—and that the whole recasting of the nave came later in his long episcopate. I am not writing an architectural history of the church of Saint Julian, and I have perhaps, as it is, gone more into detail than my subject called for. I think that any one who has been at Le Mans will forgive me. But there are many architectural points in this -wonderful church on which I have not entered. There is much also in the other two minsters of Le Mans which throws much light 011 the work at Saint Julian's. I have merely tried in a general way to assign to their most probable dates and founders the different parts of a church which so often meets us in our present history.

NOTE 0 0 . THE

Vol. ii. p. 242.

I N T E K V I E W BETWEEN "WILLIAM RITFUS A N D

HELIAS.

WE have two chief accounts of this remarkable interview, one in Orderic, 773 B, the other in William of Malmesbury, iv. 320.

I N T E R V I E W BETWEEN WILLIAM RUFUS AND H E L I A S .

641

A s with some of the other anecdotes of William Rufus, Orderic tells the story in its place as part of his regular narrative, while W i l liam of Malmesbury brings it in, along with the story of his crossing to Touques, as a mere anecdote, to illustrate the King's " prseclara magnanimitas."

A n d he tells the tale very distinctly out of its

place, for he puts it after the voyage to Touques, that is in the campaign of 1099, whereas it is clear that it happened during the campaign of 1098.

One's feelings are a little shocked when he

speaks of " auctor turbarum, Helias quidam,"

which reminds one

of the meeting between the Count's earlier namesake and another tyrant ( " v e n i t Achab in occursum Eliee.

E t cum vidisset eum, ait;

Tune es ille, qui conturbas Israel ? " 3 Regg. xviii. 16).

To be sure

he does afterwards speak of the " alta nobilitas" of the Count of Maine. There is a good deal of difference in the details of the dialogue in the two accounts.

That in William of Malmesbury is much

shorter, and consists wholly of an exchange of short and sharp sayings between the speakers, which are certainly very characteristic of W i l l i a m Rufus.

There is nothing in this version of the offer

of Helias to enter the K i n g ' s service, or of the counsel given by Robert of Meulan.

I n Orderic's version Helias speaks first, with

the offer of service, beginning " R e x inclute, mihi, quaeso, subveni pro tua insigni strenuitate ; "

and we read, " Liberalis rex hoc

facile annuere decrevit, sed Rodbertus Mellentiuus comes pro felle livoris dissuasit."

Then, after speeches on both sides which are

not given, comes the defiance of Helias, in these w o r d s ; " Libenter, domine rex, tibi servirem, si tibi placeret, gratiamque apud te invenirem.

Amodo mihi, quEeso, noli derogare, si aliud

eonabor perpetrare.

Patienter

ferre nequeo

ablatam hsereditatem perspicio.

E x violentia

mihi denegatur rectitudo.

quod meam praevalente

mihi omnis

Quamobrem nemo miretur si calumniam

fecero, si avitum honorem totis nisibus repetiero." All

this is represented

in William

of Malmesbury

by

two

sentences; " Cui

[Helise] ante

niagister,' dixit.

se

adducto rex ludibundus, ' Habeo

te,

A t vero illius alta nobilitas quse nesciret in tanto

etiam periculo humilia sapere, humiiia l o q u i ;

' Fortuitu,' inquit,

' me cepisti; sed si possem evadere, novi quid facerem.'" This is very characteristic of R u f u s ; is it equally so of Helias 1 VOL. II.

T t

642

APPENDIX.

S u r e l y the t w o speeches g i v e n to h i m b y O r d e r i c — a l l o w i n g f o r a little i m p r o v e m e n t i n the process of t u r n i n g t h e m i n t o L a t i n — m u c h b e t t e r suit his c h a r a c t e r a n d position.

A n d w e can h a r d l y f a n c y

t h a t H e l i a s ' offer to enter W i l l i a m ' s service, the K i n g ' s

inclination

t o accept it, and the evil counsel g i v e n b y R o b e r t of M e u l a n — a l l l i k e w i s e t h o r o u g h l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c — a r e all m e r e i n v e n t i o n . T h e last speech of R u f u s is m u c h f u l l e r i n W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y t h a n in O r d e r i c .

Orderic

s i m p l y says, " C u i t u r g i d u s

ait, ' Y a d e , e t age q u i d q u i d milii potes a g e r e . ' "

rex

I n the o t h e r version

this b e c o m e s ; " Turn

Willelmus,

prse

furore

extra

se

positus,

et

obuncans

H e l i a m , ' T u , ' i n q u i t , ' nebulo, t u , q u i d faceres ? Discede, a b i , f u g e ; concedo t i b i lit facias q u i d q u i d p o t e r i s ; et, per v u l t u m de

Luca,

n i h i l , si ine v i c e r i s , p r o hac v e n i a t e c u m p a c i s c a r . ' " H e adds, w i t h o u t a n y mention of a r e g u l a r safe-conduct, " N e c i n f e r i u s f a c t u m v e r b o f u i t , sed c o n t i n u o d i m i s i t

evadere,

m i r a t u s p o t i u s q u a m insectatus f u g i e n t e m . " I h a v e i n the

text

followed t h e version of O r d e r i c , v e n t u r i n g

only to a d d the e m i n e n t l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c words w i t h w h i c h W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y

begins and

ends.

They

m a i n dialogue as g i v e n b y O r d e r i c . of M a l m e s b u r y

in no w a y

disturb

the

B u t I must a d d t h a t W i l l i a m

w a r n s us a g a i n s t s u p p o s i n g t h a t W i l l i a m

Rufus,

e i t h e r in this speech or in his speech on the v o y a g e to T o u q u e s , k n o w i n g l y quoted Lucan. " Quis aliquis

talia

qui,

de

H i s w o r d s are curious ;

illiterate

Lucanum

homine

legens,

crederet 1

falso

opinetur

Et

fortassis

Willelmum

erit hsec

e x e m p l a de J u l i o Csesare m u t u a t u m esse : sed non e r a t ei t a n t u m studii

v e l otii

i n g e n i t u s , et

ut

literas

conscia

unquam

virtus, eum

audiret; talia

immo

exprimere

calor

mentis

cogebant.

Et

profecto, si C h r i s t i a n i t a s nostra p a t e r e t u r , sicut o l i m a n i m a E u f o r b i i transisse dicta

est

in P y t h a g o r a m

S a m i u m , ita possit dici

a n i m a J u l i i Cn saris t r a n s i e n t in r e g e m

quod

Willelmum."

T h a t is to say, Ctesar a n d W i l l i a m R u f u s , b e i n g the s a m e k i n d of m e n , u t t e r e d tin same k i n d of w o r d s .

T h e passage of L u c a n r e f e r r e d

t o is w h e r e D o m i t i u s (ii. 5 1 2 ) is b r o u g h t before Caesar a t C o r f i n i u m ; " V v e , licet nolis, et nostro munere, dixit, 1 ta'ne diem, victis j a m spes bona partibus esto, Kxemplumque mei: vel, si libet, arma retenta, lit nihil liac venia, ,-i viceris ipse, paciscor."

INTERVIEW BETWEEN WILLIAM R U F Ü S A N D HELIAS.

643

That William Rufus should quote Lucan, as his brother Henry could most likely have done, was so very unlikely that "William of Malmesbury need hardly have warned us against such a belief. A t the same time it does not seem impossible that he might have heard of Csesar without having read Lucan. But we must remember that whatever William Rufus said was said in French, and not in Latin. Without supposing either that Rufus had read Lucan or that the soul of Ciesar had passed into his body, we may believe that William of Malmesbury or his informant could not resist the temptation of translating his speech into the words of a really appropriate passage of a favourite author; then, when he had done this, the singular apology which I have quoted might seem needful. I t must be remembered that William of Malmesbury puts this story altogether out of place. It is put yet further out of its place by Wace ( 1 5 1 0 6 ) , who makes the capture of Helias follow the siege of Mayet (see p. 289). His version brings in some new details. Helias, having been taken prisoner, makes ( 1 5 1 2 0 ) a boastful speech to his keepers, swearing by the patron saint of his city that, if he had not fallen by chance into an ambuscade, he would soon have driven the K i n g of England out of all his lands beyond the sea (15120); K e dechà la mer d'Engleterre Plein pié de terre n'en éust, N e tur ne chastel ki suen feust ; Maiz altrement est avenu, I l a cunquis è jo perdu."

" Mais or vos dirai une rien : P a r monseignor Saint-Julien, Se jo ne fusse si tost pris, Mult éust poi en cest pais. El rei eusse fait tant guerre,

When this is told to the King, he causes Helias to be brought before him; he gives him a horse, and bids him mount and ride whither he will; only he had better take care that he is not caught again, as he will not be let out of prison a second time; Maiz altre feiz mielx vos gardez ; K a r se jo vos prene altre feiz, Jamez de ma prison n'iestreiz. Ne voil mie ke vos kuideiz K e de guerre sorpris seiz, Mais vos n'ireiz jà nule part, K e jo près dos ne vos gart.' (vv. I 5 1 3 4 - 1 5 H 7 - )

" Dune le fist li reis amener, E des buies le fist oster, Son palefrei fist demander E mult richement enseler ; El conte dit : Dans quens, muntez Alez kel part ke vos volez, Fetes al mielx ke vos porrez, T t

2

644

APPENDIX.

I n this version

the horse

o u t of place, as

Helias could not w e l l g e t a w a y w i t h o u t a h o r s e ,

a n d he c o u l d not h a v e

is s o m e t h i n g

had

any

horse

n e w , t h o u g h not at

at

his command

at

all the

moment.

"We m a y note also t h a t "William is h e r e m a d e , w h e t h e r

seriously

or

in

" Dans quens."

mockery,

to

give

Helias

the

title

of

Count,

B u t the s t o r y h a s v e r y m u c h c o m e d o w n f r o m

the l e v e l of e i t h e r of the o t h e r v e r s i o n s .

T h e b o a s t f u l speech to

t h e k e e p e r s is not a t all in t h e s t y l e of H e l i a s , a n d i t is a p o o r substitute

either

or f o r the l i v e l y

for the

dignified offer and

d e f i a n c e in

d i a l o g u e in W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y .

Orderic This

last

w e should g l a d l v h a v e h a d in W a c e ' s v e r s i o n , as t h e r e w o u l d h a v e been some faint c h a n c e of r e c o v e r i n g a s c r a p or t w o m o r e of the o r i g i n a l F r e n c h to m a t c h t h e ' ' D a n s q u e n s , " w h i c h h a s a g e n u i n e r i n g 011 the one hand, as the

"magister"

and

t h e " n e b u l o "' of

W i l l i a m of M a l m e s b u r y h a v e 011 the other. G e o f f r e y G a i n n i r too ( C h r o n i q u e s a

version in

which

Helias, when

A n g l o - N o r m a n d e s , i. 3 7 ) h a s a

prisoner, makes

a

boastful

speech to the efiect that, if i t h a d not been b y a n a m b u s h , he w o u l d n e v e r h a v e been

taken;

" Li quiens des Mans ert en prison, Aiiner voleit »rant rançon ; Mi s ceo disei: 111-\ s'il séust

Qe i'mïm issi prendre le iteust, T u t autrement se contenist., Li rois les Mans jà rie préist."

H e is b r o u g h t ' . d o r e the K i n g , to w h o m ho says t h a t he is m u c h beloved

in h i s

land, a n d that, if he w e r e

his m e n , 110 k i n u c o u l d s u b d u e h i m in it.

o n l y a b l e to

assemble

"William lets h i m

go

to see w h a t he r a n do, a n d g i v e s u p to h i m L e M a n s a n d all the castles of the country ; " Quant f u t eou'e devant le roi, Si le fist m e n u devant soi; P a r bel amur h ad demandé S'il estoit issi 1 aunte Cil respondit. ' Sire, jo'l dis, M u l t sui ann : en eest pais. Il n'ad souz ciel si fort roi, Si par force v nist sus moi, Qu'il ne peril i • -, si jeo le seusse, H e l i a s calls 011 his b a r o n s

P u r quei nia gent assemblé eusse.' L i rois, quant l'ot, si prent à, r i r e : P a r bel aniur et nient par ire, L i eomanda q'il s'en alast, Préist les Mans, s'il guerreinst. E t cil fui lez, si s'en ala. Touz ses chastels renduz li a Li rois par bone volonté, R e n d i t les Mans la forte cité."

to help h i m

in w a r w i t h the

King;

b u t t h e y decline, a n d a d v i s e h i m to g i v e u p the c i t y a n d a l l the

T H E VOYAGE OP W I L L I A M

KUFUS TO TOUQUES.

castles, and to become the K i n g ' s man.

H e does so;

645

otherwise

the poet says that the K i n g would have thrown aside his friendship, and that he would have taken the castles and put all concerned to a vile death; Li quens Elyes issi fist, One ses homes n'en contredist. E t s'il issi ne l'eust fet Mult fust entre els en amur plet; Li rois par force les pr&st E t de vile mort les oeceist."

E t cil manda pur ses barons, Moveir voloit les conten^ons, Mes si baron li ont loe Qu'il rende au roi la cite Et les chasfceus de son pais, Son hom lige seit tuz dis.

I need hardly stop to show how utterly unhistorical all this is. B u t the " bel amur," the challenge, the release of the Count and the surrender of the city and the castles, the general looking on war as a kind of game, are all highly characteristic of the chivalrous King.

T h e last words indeed give us the other side of chivalry;

but I confess that they seem to me to be unfair to W i l l i a m R u f u s , however well they might suit Robert of Belleme.

Geoffrey G a i m a r

lived to see times when the doings of .Robert of Belleme, exceptional in his own day, had become the general rule.

N O T E PP. THE

VOYAGE

Vol. ii. p. 284.

OF W I L L I A M

RUFUS

TO

TOUQCES.

THIS story is told by a great many w r i t e r s ; but, as in the story of the interview of William R u f u s and Helias, our two main versions are those of Orderic ( 7 7 5 A ) and of W i l l i a m of Malmesbury (iv. 320).

A n d , as in the case of that story, with which W i l l i a m of

Malmesbury couples it, he tells it simply as an illustrative anecdote, while with Orderic it is part of his regular narrative.

A n d again

William throws one of the speeches into the form of a familiar classical

quotation, and the curious apology quoted in the last

note is made At

the

to apply to this story as well as to the

same time

the two versions.

tlierc

is

no

actual

contradiction

The messenger—Amalchis

other.

between

according

to Or-

deric—reaches England and finds the K i n g in the N e w Forest. He

thus ( 7 7 5 A ) describes the delivery of the message;

"Ille

mari transfretato Clarendonam venit, regi cum familiaribus s\ns

APPENDIX.

646

in Novam Forestam equitanti obviavit, et alacriter inquirenti rumores, respondit. Coenomannis per proditionem surrepta est. Verum dominus meus Iklaonem custodit, et regalis familia omnes munitiones sibi assignatas sollerter observavit, auxiliumque regalis potentiae vehementer desiderai, in hostile robur quod eos undique includit et impugnai."

William of Malmesbury (iv. 3 2 0 ) does not

mention the place ; " Yenationi in quadam silva intentum nuntius detinuit ex transmarinis partibus, obsessam esse civitatem Cinomannis, quam nuper fratre profecto suae potestati adjecerat."

This

is a somewhat inadequate summary of the Cenomannian war. Now comes the King's answer, in which I have ventured in the text to bring in both the speeches which are attributed to R u f u s on first hearing the news of the loss of L e Mans.

I n Orderic the story

stands thus ; " His auditis, rex dixit, ' Eamus trans mare, nostros adjuvare. Eodem momento inconsultis omnibus equum liabenis regiravit, ipsumque calcaribus

urgens ad pontum festinavit, et in quandam

vetustam navini quam forte invenit,

sine regio apparatu

plebeius intravit et remigare protinus imperavit.

velut

Sic nimirum nec

congruentem flat um nec socios nec alia quae regiam dignitatem decebant exspectavit ; sed omnis metus expers fort unse et pelago sese commisit, et sequenti luce ad portum Tolchse, Deo duce, salvus applicuit." H e then goes on with the graphic details of the landing at Touques and the ride to Bonneville, which find no place in William of Malmesbury.

William's version is as follows ;

" Statini ergo ut expeditus erat retorsit equum, iter ad mare convertens.

Admcuentibus ducibus exercitum

advocandum, paratos

componendos, ' Videbo,' ait, ' quis me sequetur ; putatis me non habiturum homines 1 si cognovi juventutem meam, etiam naufragio ad me venisse volet.'

Hoc igitur modo pene solus ad mare pervenit.

E r a t tunc nubilus aer et ventus contrarius; flatus violentia terga maris verrebat.

Ilium statim transfretare volentem nautse exorant

ut pacem pelagi et ventorum clementiam operiatur. rex, ' numquam

£

audivi regem naufragio interiisse.'

solvite retinaeula navium, videbitis elementa jam meum- obsequiuni.

Atqui,' inquit Quin potius conspirata in

Ponto transito, obsessores, ejus audita fama,

dissiliunt." Then follows the interview with Helias, quite out of place.

THE VOYAGE OF WILLIAM KUFUS TO TOUQTTES.

647

Here we have several separate details in each version; but they quite fit into one another.

Of Rufus' two speeches before he rides

off, each seems to need the support of the other.

The speech to

the sailors lurks as it were in the words of Orderic, " r e m i g a r e protinus imperavit," and his other words, "fortunse et pelago sese commisit," suggest the same general idea which comes out in them. They suggest the well-known story of Caesar which "William of Malmesbury seems to have in his head, which is told by Florus (iv. ii. 37), A p p i a n (Bell. Civ. ii. 57), and Plutarch (^assar, 38).

The

L a t i n writer says only " Quid times ? Csesarem vehis 1" while the two Greek writers bring in the word firjdev.

Kaiaapa

(foepeis

Kai

TTJV

rv^q

("l^T, yewaU,

Ka'urapos

RV^RJV

TOX/xa KO! (¡¿&181

aypukif>vaav^j.

Our

writers are not likely to have read either of the Greek books, and there is enough about " F o r t u n a " in

the passage of L u c a n (v.

5 7 7 - 5 9 3 ) which William of Malmesbury at least must have had in his eye, and where the few words of Appian and tlie fewer of Florus grow into a speech of many lines.

The odd thing however is that

the actual words do not seem to come from anything in Lucan, but to be in a manner made up out of two passages of Claudian.

We

get the sentiment in one (De I I I Cons. H o n . 9 6 ) ; " 0 rnrnium dilecte Deo, cui fundit ab antris iEolus armatas hiemes, cni militat sether, Et conjurati veniunt ad classica venti." B u t the actual words come nearer to the other (De I V Cons. Hon. 2 8 4 ) ; " Nonne vides, operum quo se pulcherrimus ille Mundus amore ligat, nec vi eonnexa per sevum Conspirant elementa sibi ?" Just as in the other story, we may suppose that Rufus said something which, in the course of improving into Latin, suggested the words of the two L a t i n poets.

The saying that he had never heard

of a k i n g being drowned surety has the genuine stamp of the Red K i n g about it.

A n d it is to bo remembered that there is a passage

which evidently refers to the same story in a grave contemporary, who takes his quotations, not from heathen poets but from the N e w Testament.

Eadmer (54) attributes to "William Rufus, as a general

privilege, something like what in our own day we have been used to call " Queen's w e a t h e r ; "

APPENDIX.

648

" Ventus insuper et ipsura maro videbantur ei obtemperare. Vcrum dico, non mentior, quia quam de Anglia in Normanniam transiré vel indi.' cursum prout ipsum voluntas sua ferebat, redirc volebat, mox, illo adveniente, et mai'i appropinquante, omnis tempestas, quae nonnunquam immane sseviebat, sedabatur, et transeunti mira tranquilízate famulabatur." I t is worth notice that the same idea is found, besides Lucan and C'audian, in a third Latin writer, who is much less likely to have been known to cither Orderic or "William of Malmesbury.

This is

in the Panegyric addressed by Eumenius to the elder Constautius (Pan. Y e t . v. 14).

He is describing the voyage of Constautius to

Britain to put down Allectus, when, as in the cases of Caesar and William Rufus, the weather was bad ; " Quis enim sc, quamlibet iniquo mari, non auderet credere, te navigante 1 Omnium, ut dicitur, accepto nuntio navigationis tuai, una vox et hortatio f u i t ; ' Quid dubitamus 1 quid moramur 1 Ipse jam solvit, jam provehitur, jam fortasse pervenit. omnia, per quoscumque

fluctus

eamus.

Experiamur

Quid est, quod timere

posshnus 1 Ciesarem sequiniur.'" Eunienius of course had the story of the earlier Csesar in his mind. In all these versions the saying of "William Kufus seems to be quoted as an instance of his pride and irreverence.

Matthew Paris

alone (Hist. Anül. i. 166) gives his speech an unexpectedly pious turn. To the shipiintn, who addresses him as "hominum audacissime" and asks "numquid tu vent is et mari potcris imperare 1" he answers, " N o n frequeuti 1 ("no longer " n e v e r " but "hardly ever"] auditum est, reges Christinnos Deum invocantes fluctibus fuisse submersos. Aliqui de oppresMs et obsessis apud Cenomanncm orant pro me, quos Deus etsi non un-, cleuicnter exaudict."

Matthew also makes the

news be brought i 0 the K i n g , not when he is hunting, but when he is at a feast. The story is found, in one shape or another, in all the riming chronicles.

W i v e (14908), who tells the whole story of Helias'

entry into Le Mans with great spirit, but utterly out of place, gives a vivid pic tare of the coming of the messenger; " En Engleterrc -1 eit li reís, Mult out Noru.;inz, malt out Engleis ;

Brachez aveit fet Jeraander, £11 boiz voleit aler berser.

THE

VOYAGE

OP W I L L I A M

Eis vus par là un sergeant K i d'uttre iner veneit e r r a n t ; Li reis l'a mult tost entercié ; -El Mans garder l'aveit leissie, Crié li a fe dist de luing ; Ke font el Mans, ont il busuing ?

KUFUS

TO TOUQUES,

649

Sire, dist-il, Ii Mans est pris, Li quens Helies s'est enz mis, La cité a Helies prise, E la tor ad entor assise ; Normanz ki dedenz sa defendent."

The passage in its general effect, and to some extent in its actual words, recalls the better k n o w n description ( 1 0 9 8 3 ; cf. N . C. vol. iii. p. 258) of the news of Eadward's death and Harold's election being b r o u g h t to W i l l i a m the Great. scenes more

completely

I t is perhaps to m a k e the t w o

tally that R u f u s , w h o ,

in Orderic

and

W i l l i a m of Malmesbury, is already engaged in hunting, is in this version merely g o i n g out to hunt.

Of his father it was said ;

" Mult aveit od li chevaliers E dameisels et esquiers.' B u t the son, " Mult out Normanz, mult out Enyleis.' T h i s reminds us of the other passage (see above, p. 533) where " N o r mans " and " E n g l i s h " are made to help the fallen R u f u s before Saint Michael's Mount.

A n d the question again presents i t s e l f ;

did W a c e exactly mean by N o r m a n s and E n g l i s h ? member his position. chronicler of the

Wace

What

W e must re-

was a writer locally Norman,

N o r m a n Conquest,

w r i t i n g when, in

itself, the distinction of races had nearly died out.

the

England

H i s w a y of

t h i n k i n g and speaking, as that of one accustomed to past times, would most likely be different both from that of the time of w h i c h he is w r i t i n g and from that w h i c h would be familiar to either N o r m a n s or E n g l i s h — w h e t h e r genere or natione—in

his own time.

I n R u f u s ' day " N o r m a n z et E n g l e i z " w o u l d have meant " N o r manni et A n g l i generebut genere"

it is not likely that many " A n g l i

w o u l d be in the immediate company

of the K i n g .

In

W a c e ' s own day, " N o r m a n z et E n g l e i z " already meant " N o r m a n n i et A n g l i nalione

only there would hardly have been any occasion

for using the phrase.

Wace very likely used the phrase in a slightly

different sense in the t w o passages.

Before the Mount, in describing

a warlike exploit, he most likely meant simply N o r m a n and E n g l i s h natione.

I n the present passage his mind perhaps floated between

the two meanings. The K i n g hears the news brought by the s e r g e a n t ; he gives up

650

APPENDIX.

his purpose of hunting that day, and swears his usual oath by the face of Lucca that those who have done him this damage shall pay for it ; " Li reis mua tot sun corage Dès ke il oï li message. Li vo de Luchu n a juré

K e mult sera, chier compere. Cest serement aveit en us, N e faiseit nul serement plus."

He bids the messenger to cross the sea as fast as he can, to go to Le H a n s and to tell liis forces there that by God's help he will be there to help them in eight days ; " D'ore en wit jors el Mans serai, Dune se Dex plaist lea secorrai."

H e then—being in England, it must be remembered—-asks the nearest way to L • Mans. On the direct line which is shown him, there is a well-built house. H e says t h a t he will not for a hundred marks of silver turn a hundred feet out of the way. So he has the house pulled down, and rides over the site to Southampton—not alone, in this version, but with a following; " U n e maiziere li mostrerent, Co distrent ke ¡1 Mans ert là, E ço dist ke pa i la ira ; Por eenz mars l'argent, ço diseit, Del Mans cenz j>iez n'esluingnereit De là ù il ses i ioz teneit, Quant li besuii.g (loi Mans oeit,

Dune fist abatre la maiziere, K i mult esteit bone et entiere ; L a maiziere fu abatue E fete fu si grant l'issue K e li Reis Ros b li vassal I passèrent tuit à cheval."

Absurd as this story is, and utterly irreeoncileable with the earlier versions, there is still a ring of William R u f u s about it. And we mav safely accept Southampton as the haven from which he set out. B u t the zeal for taking the straightest road which was so strong on him by land seems to have passed away by sea, as he goes not to Touques but to Barfleur, certainly not the nearest point for getting from Southampton to Le Mans. The story of the voyage is told in much the same w ay as in "William of Malmesbury, the speech to the sailors standing t h u s ; " Unkes, dist-il, 11'0'i parler De Rei ki fu nëié en mer ;

Fetes vos nés el parfont traire, Essaïez ke porreiz faire."

Geoffrey Gaimar (Chroniques Anglo-Normandes, i. 32) îuakes the messenger bring a letter, which the K i n g seemingly gives to -Ran dolf Flambard to read ;

THE

VOYAGE "

OF

WILLIAM

BÏÏFITS

TO

TOUQUES.

651

Tenez cest bref, sire reis.' L i reis le prist, tost le fruissat, Ranulf Flambard le bref bâillât."

4

He sends the messenger back with a letter; he rides to Southampton, orders a force to be got together to follow him, and himself crosses with a company of twelve hundred rich knights.

Otherwise the

tale is essentially the same. But it is worth noticing that Geoffrey, when he gets among sea-faring folk, uses two English words (the steersman we have already met with in his English garb in Domesday ; see N . C. vol. v. p. 763) ; " E t il od mesnée privée, V i n t à la mier, si l'ad passée, Encontre vent la mier passa.

N e jéo n'ierc j à le primer. Fetes vos escMpes nager.' Tant ont nagé et governé

L e stieresman li demanda

Q'en Barbefloe e sont arivé.

S'il voleit contre vent aler E t périller enz en la mier.

II out de privée meisnée Mil-et-ii cenz à cele fiée.

Li rois respont ; ' N'estœt parler,

Tuit erent riches chevaliers ;

Onques ne veistes roi néer,

Sacez, lirois les out mult chers."

Benoît (v. 40379) gives no details peculiar to himself; but he is worth comparing with the others as a piece of language ; " Si fu de passer corajos, Volunteris e desiros :

Mais mult furent li vent contraire E la mers pesme e deputaire."

But the central speech about a king being drowned is in much the same words us in the other riming versions ; " E li reis corajos e proz Responeit e diseit a toz C'unques n'aveit 01 parler

De ré qui fust neiez en mer, N ' i l ne sera j à li premiers."

This writer does not mention Southampton, Touques, Barfleur, or any particular port. The doctrine that kings were never drowned might seem to be contradicted by the popular interpretation of the fate of the Pharaoh of Exodus. B u t the text certainly does not imply that the Pharaoh himself was drowned.

On the other hand, there is somewhere the

story of an Irish king who, setting out with his fleet, was met by Noah's

flood—conceived

seemingly as something like the bore in

the Severn—and was drowned.

652

APPENDIX.

I t is worth v l i i l u comparing this story of W i l l i a m R u f u s with the behaviour of our next k i n g of the same name in a case somewhat like this, when he too was sailing from E n g l a n d to the land of his birth.

W h e n W i l l i a m the Third was in danger in an open

boat off the isle of Goree, w e read (Macaulay, Hist, E n g . iv. 2) ; " T h e hardiest mariners showed signs of uneasiness. B u t W i l l i a m , through the whole night, was as composed as if he had been in thé drawing-room at Kensington.

< F o r shame,' he said to one of the

dismayed sailors: ' a r e you afraid to die in my c o m p a n y ? ' " T h e difference between the t w o speeches is characteristic. the parallel of Csesav was seized on in both cases.

Among

But the

pageants when W i l l i a m entered the H a g u e (iv. 5), when the events of his own life were represented, this scene was shown ; " There, too, was a boat amidst the ice and the breakers ; and above it was most appropriately inscribed, in the majestic language of Rome, the saying of the great Roman, ' W h a t dost thou fear ? Thou hast Csesar 011 board.' "

NOTE

QQ.

THE

SIEGE

Vol. ii. p. 289. OF

MAYET.

I VISITED Mayet with Mr. F o w l e r and Mr. P a r k e r in J u l y , 1 8 7 9 , when we examined many other of the castles and sites of castles in that neighbourhood.

B u t w e could not pitch on the actual site of

the siege of Mayet w i t h the same confidence with which we most of the sites of our present story.

fixed

T h e evidence is by no

means so clear ;is it is in the case of most of the Cenomannian towns and fortresses.

There are in t r u t h too many sites to choose

from. The small town of M a y e t is not rich in antiquities. church has been, first desecrated, and then swept away.

I t s ancient N o r is the

town itself immediately commanded by any fortress, like those of Fresnay, Beaumont, and Ballon.

B u t two spots lie to the east of

the town which cannot fail to have liad some share in our history. A large house of the Renaissance,

with portions of an earlier castle

w o r k e d into it, -¿kinds at the foot of a low hill at some distance from the town, and with a good deal of swampy ground

lying

THE between them.

SIEGE

OF

MAYET.

653

T h i s boasts itself to be the site of t h e f o r t r e s s

w h e r e t h e second

Cenomannian

expedition

c a m e to so s t r a n g e and l a m e an e n d i n g . of e l e v e n t h - c e n t u r y

work

of W i l l i a m

the

Red

B u t there are no t r a c e s

r e m a i n i n g , and t h e

site itself is m o s t

u n l i k e the site of an e l e v e n t h - c e n t u r y fortress.

T h e hill immedi-

a t e l y a b o v e the house, far l o w e r t h a n B a l l o n or a n y of its f e l l o w s , does m a k e some feeble a p p r o a c h to the f a v o u r i t e p e n i n s u l a r shape, and f a n c y a t least has traced, a m i d the h a v o c m a d e b y t h e p l o u g h , some faint signs of ditches a n d m a d e g r o u n d .

O n the h i g h g r o u n d

on t h e other side of the s w a m p , less c o m p l e t e l y cut off f r o m the t o w n , rises a m o u n d , of w h o s e artificial c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d m i l i t a r y p u r p o s e t h e r e can be no d o u b t , and w h e r e ancient objects of v a r i o u s k i n d s a r e said to h a v e been f o u n d .

B u t this m o u n d seems f a r too s m a l l t o

h a v e b e e n the site of such a stronghold as t h e castle of M a y e t a p p e a r s i n o u r story.

C o u l d we believe i t to h a v e b e e n t h r o w n u p d u r i n g

W i l l i a m ' s siege, as a b e s i e g i n g m o u n d , l i k e those of w h i c h w e h a v e so often heard, its interest as r e g a r d s our s t o r y w o u l d be a l m o s t as g r e a t as if it were the site of t h e h e a d castle itself.

B u t it s e e m s

t o o far off f o r a n y p u r p o s e save t h a t of k e e p i n g t h e g a r r i s o n in cheek ; if the besieged castle stood on t h e opposite hill o r a t its foot, t h e stress of t h e siege m u s t h a v e t a k e n place at s o m e p o i n t m u c h nearer t o its site.

T h e siege of M a y e t is so s i n g u l a r a s t o r y ,

and so i m p o r t a n t in t h e h i s t o r y of t b i s w a r , t h a t it is d i s a p p o i n t i n g not to be able to fix its t o p o g r a p h y w i t h a n y confidence.

B u t it is

u n l u c k i l y t r u e t h a t he w h o traces o u t the siege of M a y e t c a n n o t do so w i t h the same f u l l assurance t h a t h e is t r e a d i n g the t r u e h i s t o r i c g r o u n d w h i c h he feels at B a l l o n and F r e s n a y .

I n the details of the siege I h a v e s t r i c t l y f o l l o w e d Orderie, save t h a t I h a v e v e n t u r e d to b r i n g in the v e r y characteristic s t o r y of R o b e r t of B e l l ê m e w h i c h is told b y "Wace.

B u t it c a n n o t

well

h a v e h a d t h e effect w h i c h W a c e ( 1 5 0 7 4 ) a t t r i b u t e s t o it, t h a t

of

c a u s i n g t h e a r m y to disperse, a n d so m a k i n g the K i n g raise t h e siege ; " Partant sunt del sifege méu A peine fussent retenu. Li siège par treis dis failli, Li reis si tint mal bailli Del siège k'il ne pout tenir,

E de l'ost k'il vit despartir. Ne pout eels de l'ost arester Ne il n'oserent retorner; Par veies fuient è par chans, Dune est li reis venu el Mans."

APPENDIX.

654

T h e order of events in W a c e is r e a l l y w o n d e r f u l . has g o n e t o t h e E a s t , W i l l i a m R u f u s r e i g n s o v e r M a i n e as w e l l as N o r m a n d y . n e w s is

brought

to W i l l i a m ;

After Robert

in peace, s e e m i n g l y

H e l i a s seizes L e M a n s ;

he sails to B a r f l e u r ;

he

the

recovers

L e M a n s ( h a v i n g 011 h i s road the s i n g u l a r a d v e n t u r e described in 1 4 9 9 8 of P l u q u e t ' s text, 9 8 9 9 of A n d r e s e n ' s ) ; h e besieges M a y e t ;

he

r e t u r n s to L e M a n s ; h e r a v a g e s the l a n d ; H e l i a s is t a k e n p r i s o n e r ; he is b r o u g h t before the K i n g and released, and then W i l l i a m g o e s b a c k to E n g l a n d to be shot b y W a l t e r T i r e l .

NOTE

EE.

V o l . ii. p . 297.

W I L L I A M R U F U S AXD THE TOWERS o r L B M A N S

CATHEDRAL.

WTAS the b i d d i n g of W i l l i a m R u f u s a c t u a l l y carried out i n this matter 1

Did

Unluckily

Bishop

Orderic

Hildebert pull

tells

us

nothing

down

the t o w e r s

about

the

story,

or

not ?

and

the

l a n g u a g e of the B i o g r a p h e r seems to me to be p u r p o s e l y obscure. Hildebert himself

mentions the

matter

in a passage w h i c h

I

q u o t e d in the t e x t (p. 298), in w h i c h he complains of the h o r r o r s of a v o y a g e to E n g l a n d .

H e says ( D u c h e s n e , i v . 2 4 8 ) ;

" L o n g u m est enurrare q u a m constanti t y r a n n i d e in

nos

ssevierit, qui, t e m p e r a n t i a

regis

rex

Anglicus

abjecta, d e c r e v e r i t

non

p r i u s pontifici p a r e n d u m q u a m pontificem c o m p e l l c r e t in s a c r i l e g i u m . Q u i a etenim t u r r e t ecclesite nostrse dejieere n o l u m u s , " & c . One

can

make

no

certain

inference

from

this,

except

that

H i l d e b e r t w a s n o t disposed to p u l l d o w n t h e towers w h e n he w r o t e t h e letter, s e e m i n g l y in E n g l a n d .

The

Biographer

is f u l l e r .

I

h a v e q u o t e d (see p. 298) t h e passages w h i c h describe the c o m m a n d s a u d offers of E u f u s ; w e t h e n r e a d ; " V e r u m t a m e n H i l d e b e r t u s m a g n i s u n d i q u e c o a r t a b a t u r angustiis, q u i a sibi et de r e g i s offensione p e r i c u l u m , et

de t u r r i s

destruc-

tione sibi et eccleske sure i n u n i n e r e g r a n d e prsevidebat o p p r o b r i u m : p r o p t e r quod a r e g e d i l a t i o n e m petebat, donee super h i s c o n s i l i u m accepisset. in

Q u a v i x i m p e t r a t a , cernens sibi n e q u a q u a m esse u t i l e

illis r e g i o n i b u s d i u t i u s

est ecclesiam. . . . I n t e r e a

immorari, breviter pisesul

de

prsecepto

ad

suam

regis

reversus

vehementer

a n x i u s , de u r b i s incendio, de d o m o r u m et o m n i u m r e r u m s u a r u m

RUFÜS AND THE T0W3KS OF LE MANS CATHEDRAL. destructione, de civium expulsion e ; quos violentia

regis ab urbe

055

primo tamen de clericorum,

eliminaverat, dispersione,

msestis-

simus, D e i omnipotentis elementiam jugiter precabatur, ut ab ecelesia et populo sibi commisso iram indignationis suee dignaretur avertere." H e then goes on to tell how wonderfully God saved them all by the sudden death of Rufus and the final coming of Helias.

But

he does not directly say whether the towers were pulled down or not.

H i s way of telling the story might

suggest the

thought

that the towers were pulled down, but that he did not like to say so. To my mind the appearances of the building look the same way. "We have seen that the towers of H o w e l were clearly at the ends of the transepts.

Of the single tower now standing at the end

of the south transept, the lower part is of the twelfth c e n t u r y ; most likely the work of "William of Passavant (see above, p. 636). The ruined building at the end of the other transept has columns and capitals of a much earlier character, agreeing with the work of Howel.

A base of the same early kind as the single pair of piers

spoken of in the nave (see above, p. 638) may be the work Howel;

of

it may be either a relic of Arnold's foundations or a

scrap of something much earlier.

I t has been objected that this

ruined building does not seem to have been a tower.

And

I

must allow that it must have been a tower of a somewhat unusual kind.

B u t the appearances are quite consistent with the notion of

a transept with aisles, and with its main body ending in an engaged tower. I f these ruins are not the remains of one of Howel's towers, his towers must have stood nearer to the body of the church than the existing southern tower stands, and the ruins to the north-west must belong to the episcopal palace or some other building.

I f this be

so, something of the interest of the place is lost, but the argument seems almost stronger.

I t would have been nothing wonder-

ful if the later rebuilding of the transepts had swept away all trace of the work of the eleventh and twelfth century, so that the fabric should in no way show whether any Romanesque towers were ever pulled down or ever built.

B u t it is not so.

"We see

that a late Romanesque tower was built to replace one of the towers of Howel, while the other, according to this view, has

656

APPENDIX.

vanished without trace or successor. even more strongly

T h i s would seem to point

than the other v i e w to the belief that

towers were built, that both were pulled down, that

two

afterwards

one was rebuilt and the other not. I t is the business of the topographer of L e Mans rather than of the historian of AVilliam R u f u s to settle what the remains at the end of the north transept are, if they are not the remains of Howel's tower,

lint it may be noticed that H o w e l was a con-

siderable builder or restorer in the adjoining palace ( Y e t . A n . 298), and

that

the

palace

itself

had

a

tower

hard

by

"William of Passavant ( Y e t . A n . 373) made certain

the

church.

arrangements

about the three chapels of the p a l a c e — S a i n t David's itself has only t w o — o n e of which is described as " t e r t i a altior, quae in

turri

sita ecclesiam

case

catliedralem vicinius

speculabatur."

In

any

this group of buildings and ruins at the north-east corner of S a i n t Julian's is one of the most striking to be found anywhere.

There

are these puzzling fragments of the days of the counts and bishops of our story ; there is the m i g h t y eastern limb of the present church, begun when Maine bad passed a w a y f r o m all fellowship with N o r mandy and England, when Le Mans was the city of a Countess, widow of Richard, \assal of P h i l i p .

There is the northern transept,

b e g u n when Main, and N o r m a n d y were w h o l l y swallowed u p by France, finished ai the very moment when Maine had again an E n g l i s h lord (Recherches, p. 122).

A n d earlier than all, there is

the Roman wall which the vast choir has overleaped, but w h i c h still remains outs-ide the church. earliest

and the

latest

times,

A n d , as if to bring together the one

of

its

bastions

is

strangely

mixed lip with win k of an almost English character, w h i c h seems plainly to proclaim itself as belonging to the reign of H e n r y , S i x t h of England and Second of i'ranee.

T r u l y , setting aside exceptional

spots like R o m e and Athens, like Spalato and T r i e r and R a v e n n a , no city of Christendom

is fuller of lessons, alike in art and in

history, than the city of Helias, the birth-place Empress.

of H e n r y

Fitz-

THE

DEATH

OF W I L L I A M

N O T E SS. THE

I

DEATH

RUFUS.

657

V o l . ii. p. 320.

OF W I L L I A M

RUFUS.

HAVE briefly compared the chief versions of the death

of

William R u f u s , and the writers from w h o m they come, in A p p e n d i x U . in the fifth volume of the N o r m a n Conquest.

I will now go

somewhat more fully into the matter. I still hold, as I held then, that no absolute certainty can be come to as to the actor, intentional or otherwise, in the K i n g ' s death.

O u r only sure statement is to be found in the v a g u e and

dark words of the Chronicle, which look most like an intentional murder, but w h i c h

do not absolutely

imply

it.

I f Rufus was

murdered, it is hopeless to seek for any record of his murderer. W e may guess for ever, and that is all.

A t any rate there can be no

ground for fastening a charge of murder on W a l t e r T i r e l ; for, if w e except the dark hint in Geoffrey Gaimar (see p. 325), all those who

make him the doer of the deed m a k e it a deed done b y

accident.

A n d the consent in favour of the belief that R u f u s died

by an accidental shot of W a l t e r T i r e l is v e r y general and very weighty.

I t is the accouut of all our highest authorities, except

the very highest of all.

A n d even with the version of the Chronicle

it does not stand in any literal contradiction.

W e have to set

against it W a l t e r ' s own w e i g h t y denial (see below, p. 674), and the fact that there were other versions which named other persons.

We

have also to set against it the circumstance that, if R u f u s did die by any conspiracy, never mind on whose part, it was obviously convenient to encourage belief in such a story as the received one. (See p. 326.)

I f there were anywhere E n g l i s h or N o r m a n mur-

derers, nothing could better serve their purpose, or the purpose of any w h o encouraged or sheltered them, than to attribute the deed to one w h o was French rather than either English or Norman, aud to describe it as accidental on his part.

A n d if, as one can

hardly doubt, W a l t e r Tirel was k n o w n to have been in the K i n g ' s near company on the day of his death, he was an obvious person to pick out for the character of the accidental slayer. I can therefore do nothing b u t leave the doubtful story to the judgement of the reader. VOL.11.

T o that end I have given a summary u

u

APPENDIX.

658

of the chief versions in the text.

T h e account of the early part

of the daj', as given by W i l l i a m of Malmesbury (iv. 333), w h i c h I have followed in p. 327, fits in perfectly well w i t h the account in Orderic (782 A ) , w h i c h begins only after dinner.

N o r is there

any difference, except in details of no importance, between

the

accounts of the K i n g ' s actual death as given by W i l l i a m and by Orderic (see p. 333).

I n both the K i n g dies by a chance shot of

Walter's, but "William makes the K i n g and Walter shoot at two different stags, while in Orderic's version they both shoot at the same stag.

It

is from W i l l i a m of Malmesbury

that w e g e t

the

graphic detail of the K i n g sheltering his eyes from the sun's rays. H i s whole account stands thus ; " J a m Phcebo in ocennum proclivi, rex cervo ante se transeunti, extento nervo et emissa sagitta, non adeo sasvurn vulnus i n f i i x i t ; diutile adirne fugit antera vivacitate oculorum prosecutus, opposita contra

violentiam

solarium

radiorum

inanu.

Tunc

Walterius

pulerum facinus animo parturiens, ut, rege alias interim intento, ipse alterimi

cervum

qui

forte

propter

transibat

prosternerei,

inscius et impotens regium pectus ( D e u s bone !) lethali annidine trajecit.

Saucius ille nullum v e r b u m emisit ; sed ligno

sagittse

quantum e x t r a corpus extabat effracto, rnoxque supra vulnus cadens, mortem acceleravi!.

A c c u r r i t W a l t e r i u s ; sed, quia nee sensum nec

vocem hausit, permetter cornipedem insiliens, beneficio calcarium probe evasit." Orderic is shorter ; " C u m rex et (iualterius de Pice cum paucis sodalibus in nernore constituti

essent,

et

inter eos current sagittam emisit.

armati prsedam avide expcctarent,

fera, rex de statu suo recessit, et Quae super dorsum ferse

subiter

Gualterius

setam radens

rapide

volavit, atque regem e regione stantem lethaliter vulneravit.

Qui

m o x ad terram eecidit, et sine mora, proh dolor ! e x p i r a v i t . " Florence reali}

adds nothing to the account in the Chronicle,

except so far that he adds the name of W a l t e r Tirel. in

the

event with

some

chronological

pomp,

but

He he

brings

cuts

the

actual death of the K i n g short.

H e is in a moralizing fit, and

takes

greater

up

his

parable

at

much

length

than

is

usual

with him ; " Deinde iv. non. A u g u s t i , feria v., indictione viii., r e x A n g l o r u m "Willelnius junior, dum in N o v a

Foresta, quae lingua

Anglorum

THE DEATH OF WILLIAM RUFUS.

659

Ytene nuncupatur, venatu esset occupatus, a quodam Franco, Waltero cognomento Tirello, sagitta inoaute directa percussus, vitam finivit, et Wintoniam delatus, in veteri monasterio, in ecclesia S. Petri est tumulatus. Nec mirum, ut populi rumor affirmat, hano proculdubio niagnam Dei virtutem esse et vindictam." He then goes on with a great deal of matter, much of which I have referred to in various places. He speaks of the making of the New Forest, of the death of young Richard, the natural phenomena of the reign, the recent appearances of the devil, and the iniquities of Eandolf Flambard. It is here that he notices (see p. 335) that a church had once stood on the spot where the King died. Henry of Huntingdon too brings in the event with some stateliness, as the last act of a great drama. But he gives no special details, beyond bringing in, like Orderic, Florence, and William, the name of "Walter Tirel; " Millesimo centesimo anno, rex Willelmus xiii. regni sui anno, vitam crudelem misero fine terminavit. Namque cum gloriose et patrio honore curiam tenuisset ad Natale apud Glouecestre, ad Pascha apud "Wincestre, ad Pentecosten apud Londoniam, ivit venatum in Novo foresto in crastino kalendas Augusti, ubi "Walterus Tyrel cum sagitta cervo intendens, regem percussit inscius. Rex corde ictus corruit, nec verbum edidit." He then goes on to describe at length the evils of the reign, partly in his own words, partly in those of the Chronicle, and records what followed in a kind of breathless haste, keeping the Chronicle before him, but giving things a turn of his own; " Sepultus est in crastino perditionis suse apud "Wincestre, et Henricus ibidem in regem electus, dedit episcopatum "Wincestrise "Willelmo Giffard, pergensque Londoniam sacratus est ibi a Mauricio Londoniensi episcopo, melioratione legum et consuetudinum optabili repromissa." The object of piling facts on one another in this fashion is to bring the record of Henry's promised reforms as near as may be to the picture of the evil doings of Rufus. B y the time that Wace wrote, there were several stories to be chosen from. The King gives arrows to his companions, and specially to Walter Tirel. They go out to hunt in the morning, contrary to the accounts both of Orderic and of William of Malmesbury {15164 Pluqaet, 10069 Andresen);

U u a

660

APPENDIX.

" A u n m a t i n qu'il fu leuez,

G a u l t e r Tirel, un cheualier

S e s c o m p a i g n o n s :i d e m a n d e z ,

Q u i en l a cort esteit m u l t chier,

A toz a saetes donees,

U n e s a e t e d e l rei p r i s t

Q u e li esteient presentees.

D o n c il 1'ocist si c o m l ' e n di&t."

H e distinctly says that he does not k n o w w h o shot the arrow, but that it was commonly said to be W a l t e r Tirel, w i t h some of the variations in detail which w e have already seen, as for instance whether the arrow glanced from a tree or not ; " N e sai q u i traist n-.r qui laissa,

F e r i r un cerf qui trespassout.

N e q u i feri, ne qui bersa,

E n t r e lui e le r e i coreit :

M a i s co dist l'en, uc sai «el fist,

C i l traist qui entese a u e i t ;

Q u e T i r e l traist, h- rei ocUt.

M a i s la saete g l a c e i a ,

Plusors dient qu'il trébucha,

L a fleche a un a r b r e f r e i a ,

E n sa cote s ' e m p c c l i i i ,

E la saete trauersa,

E sa saete t r e s t o r u a

L e r e i feri, m o r t le r u a .

E a l c h a e i r el rei cola.

E G a u t e r T i r e l fost c o r u t

A l q u a n z d i e n t qu-, T i r e l uolt

L a ou li reis chai e i u t . "

The other French rimers are this time, t h o u g h certainly less trustworthy than W a c e , of more importance in one way. as showing that there was in m une quarters, as there well might be in N o r mandy, a more charitable feeling towards the R e d K i n g than we find in the English writers.

I have given in the t e x t the substance

of the accounts of Geoffrey Gaimar and Benoît

de

Sainte-More.

T h e version of GeulFrey Gaimar (Chroniques A n g l o - N o r m a n d e s , i. 5 4 ) I do not remember to have ever seen referred to, except in M. Michel's note t*> Benoit. worth giving at length.

I t is so curious in its details that it is

I t is absolutely impossible to believe it

in the teeth of opposite statements of so m u c h higher authority, yet it is strange

ii all its graphic touches are a mere play of

fancy ; " E n l a foreste estoit li rois, E n l'espesse, j u s t e un maroi.

A p r è s un t r e m b l e s'adossa. Si c u m l a h e r d e trespassa

T a l e n t li prist d'un cerf b e i s e r

E t le g r a n t c e r f a m e s li v i n t ,

Q u ' e n u n e h e r d e vist aler,

E n t e s a l ' a r c q u ' e n sa m a i n t i n t ,

D e j u s t e u n e arbr< est descendu,

U n e seete barbelée

I l méisme ad son arc t e n d u .

A d tret par maie destinée.

P a r t u t descendent li baron,

J à a v i n t si q u ' a u c e r f faillit

L i autre ensemeni d'environ.

D e - c i q u ' a u q u e o r le roi f é r i t .

W a u t e r T i r e l est k-soenduz ;

U n e seete au q u e o r li v i n t

T r o p p r è s de roi, lez un s a n i b u z ,

M è s ne s a v o m qi l ' a r c s u s t i n t ;

THE

DEATH

OP W I L L I A M

Mi's ceo distrent li autre archer Qu'ele eissi del arc Wauter. Semblant en fut, car tost fuit ; Il eschapa. Li rois chéit, Par iij. foiz s'est escriez, Le corps diïï a demandez ; Mès n'i fut qui le li donast, Loingnz fut del mouster en un wast ;

661

RUFUS.

E t nequedent un venéour Prist des herbes od tut la flour, Un poi en fist au roi manger, Issi le quida acomunier. En Dieu est ço et estre doit : Il avoit pris pain bénoit Le dii îenge de devant : Ceo li deit estre bon garant."

Geoffrey, it should be noticed, lias nothing to say about dreams and w a r n i n g s ; the gab between the K i n g and W a l t e r Tirel seems in his version to t a k e their place (see p. 3 2 2 ) .

B u t in the other

account which deals kindly w i t h R u f u s , that of Benoit de SainteMore (see p. 3 3 2 ) , the w a r n i n g dream, in this case assigned to the K i n g himself, plays an important part. the expounder

of the

dream.

So also does Gundulf,

H i s presence is

thus

explained

(40523); ' Veirs est e chose coneue C'une haors avoit eue Od l'evesque de Rovecestre, Qui chapelains est e deit estre L'arcevesque de Cantorbire : E por c'ert vers le rei en ire Que Saint Anseaume aveit chacié E fors de la terre essilié.

Cil evesque de Eovecestre Ert à. lui venuz à W inoestre Por pais requerre e demander, Mais ne la poeit pas trover ; E li bons hom plein de pitié Out mult Nostre-Seignor preié Que de cele grant mesestance Eust e cure e remembrance."

We may note that Anselm, not yet canonized, is already saint

called

in a formal way.

The K i n g is to hunt the next day in the N e w F o r e s t ; in the night he has the dream, which is told with a singular variation. H e first sees the dead body of a stag on the altar ; then it changes into that of a man ( 4 0 5 6 0 ) ; ' Quant il regardout sor l'autel, Si i veeit, ce li ert vis, Un mult grant cerf qui ert ocis, Por eschiver le grant renei Que il vol nit faire de sei, Alout e si 'n voleit manger;

Kar c'erent tuit si desirer. La où il i tendeit la main, Si li ert vis s'ert bien certain, Que c'ert cors d'ome apertement Ocis e nafré et sanglent."

Gundulf, " li evesques, li sainz hom," then preaches a sermon of some length, which the K i n g listens to with unexpected docility; he promises amendment of life, and receives absolution ;

662

APPENDIX. Simple e od bone volunté

Donc de sa vie doucement

Out li reis en pais eseulté,

A l saint evesque a pardoné

Bien sout e conut la raison

Tote sa maie volunté

De cele interpretation,

Quant sa grace out e son congé.

Assez pramist amendement

M u l t s'en torna joios e lié."

I n this version there is no special m e n t i o n of A n s e l m and the synod ; the e x h o r t a t i o n of G u n d u l f is q u i t e general.

I n the a c c o u n t

g i v e n b y G i r a l d u s ( D e I n s t . P r i n . p. 1 7 4 ) — w h o , it m u s t be borne in mind, has t w o dreams, one d r e a m e d b y the K i n g , a n d a n o t h e r b y a p r e m a t u r e canon of D u n s t a b l e — t h i s is s t r o n g l y b r o u g h t out. T h e bishop, whose name is not g i v e n , e x h o r t s the K i n g at m u c h less l e n g t h t h a n

G u n d u l f does in t h e

r i m e s of B e n o i t , and the

¡promise of r e f o r m a t i o n stands t h u s ; " Cum

episcopus c o n s i l i u m ei d a r e t q u a t e n u s , c o n v o c a t i s illico

episcopis r e g n i sui et clero universo, e o r u n d e m Consilio se D o m i n o per o m n i a conciliaret, missisque statini n u n t i i s v e n e r a b i l e m

sanc-

tumque

quem

virum Auselmum

Cantuariensem

archiepiscopum,

ea t e m p e s t a t e , quod l i b e r t a t e s ecclesise t u e r i volebat, e x u l a r e

com-

pulerat, ab e x i l i o r e v o c a r e t , respondens r e x se c u m r e g n i sui proceribus c o n s i l i u m i n d e in "brevi l i a b i t u r u m . " I n Benoit's version g o o u t to hunt.

the K i n g ' s

companions

now urge

h i m to

T h e description is v e r y g r a p h i c ;

" E si vaslet furent. itoesé

E detrès eus lor bons brachez ;

E en lor chaceors munto,

A b a i e n t chens e sonent corns,

Les arcs ès mains. 14'arniz e presz,

Monte atendent le rei fors."

H e refuses f o r a w h i l e , a n d sets f o r t h h i s t r o u b l e d m i n d w i t h some pathos ; " A v o i ! fait-il, seignurs, avoi !

Que j e n'irai mais en bois ui.

XJncor sui-je plus niaus assez

X e voil por rìen qu'alé i seie

E plus cent tant que vos ne quidez;

N e que jamais la forest veie."

M a i s c'est la fin, reinis m'en sui,

He

goes forth, and, as I h a v e

said in the t e x t (p. 3 3 2 ) , is

b y t h e a r r o w g l a n c i n g f r o m a tree.

Benoit

knew through

shot what

agency ; " Mais tant li mostre li reis Kos

E deiables tant l'a conveié[e]

Que c'il r'a d'air rntesée

Qu'k un gros raim fiert e glaceie.

U n e sajette b a r b u t e ,

L e rei feri delez le quor."

H i s speech to his accidental slayer is most p i o u s ;

THE 11

DEATH

OP

WILLIAM

Va-t'en, fui-Loi senz demorer, K ;i r mort m'as par ma grant enfance. Ci a Deus pris de mei venjaïice : Or li cri merci e soplei

KUFUS.

663

Qu'il ait oi merci de mei Par sa sainte oliere douçor, K a r mult sui vers lui peccheor."

In the earlier of Giraklus' two stories, one which has much in common with this of Benoît, the arrow strikes the K i n g accidentally, hut there is nothing about its glancing from a tree.

A s he looks on

William Bufus as the maker of the ISIew Forest, he describes his going forth to hunt there with some solemnity ; " Protiuus contra clissuasionem in prœdictain forestam, ubi tot ecclesias destituerai, totosque fideles qui glebse ibidem ab antiquo ascripti fuerant immisericorditer exheredaverat, venatum ivit.

Nee

mora, soluta per interemptionem contentione ubi deliquit, casuali cujusdam suorum ictu sagittse letaliter percussus decubuit ; miles enim dirccto in feram telo, nutu divino caelum pariter et telum regente, non feram eo sed ferum et absque modo ferocem, transpenetravit."

(Cf. the extracts in p. 337.)

Having got thus far, pretty nearly in Benoît's company, Giraldus goes 011 to tell his other story which brings in tlie Prior of Dunstable.

But Dunstable, in its own Annals, did not claim an earlier

founder than Henry the First.

We are therefore left to guess as

to the origin of a story which speaks of the priory of Dunstable as already existing in tlie time of Kufus, and even as enjoying exceptional favour at his hands.

The " m i l e s quidam" of the former

story here becomes Ralph of A i x , who is brought in after much the same fashion in which "Walter Tirel is in those versions of the story which mention him. These are the chief varieties in the story of the de«th of Rufus ; but the tale is so famous, it has taken such a hold on popular imagination from that day to our own, that it may be well to do as we have done in some earlier cases, and to trace some of the forms which the story took in the hands of writers of later times. The Hyde writer (302), who always has notions of his own about all matters, has nothing special to tell us about the death of R u f u s — " Norman-Anglorum rex Willelmus," in his odd s t y l e — b u t the story of the dream takes a new shape.

A monk in Normandy, in

extreme sickness, sees the usual vision of the Lord and the suppliant woman, here called less reverentially

"puella vultu sole speciosior,"

APPENDIX.

664

who complains of the evil doings of R u f u s a n d asks for vengeance ( " c e l e r r i m a m de eo expetiit vindictam, asserens se a cauibus ejus et lupis potius quam ministris diu esse laniatam ").

H e has a f u r t h e r

d r e a m about t h e sins of his own abbot, whom he r e b u k e s , and causes a letter to be sent to t h e K i n g .

T h e K i n g mocks, b u t less

pithily a n d characteristically t h a n he does in Orderic (" Quicuir.que sorti vel somniis crediderit, sicut semper vivet suspiciosus et inquietus, ita semper r e v c r t i t u r ").

On this manifestation of unbelief

follows t h e j u d g e m e n t ( " D e u s Omnipotens t e l u m quod diu v i b r a verat misericorditer, t a n d e m super regem projecit t e m b i l i t e r " ) . is shot casually in his h u n t i n g (" v e n a t u m pe'rgens, venatus

He

est, et

ex improviso sagiita p e r c u s s u s ; " — w h e r e surely " venatus e s t " is meant to be p a s w e ) . he is buried, and

H e dies w i t h o u t confession or c o m m u n i o n ;

H e n r y reigns in his stead.

T h e n , as a k i n d

of a f t e r - t h o u g h t , comes in t h e mention of W a l t e r Tirel ; " F e r t u r autem quod eodem die v e n a t u m p e r g e n t i o b t u l i t m u n u s s a g i t t a r u m quidani adveniens, q u a r u m u n a m W a l t e r o Tirello viro Ponteiensi in m u n e r e dedit secumquc venire coegit. ingressi, d u m

gregem b e s t i a r u m

accingunt

Denique silvam

et invicem t r a h u n t ,

eadem sagitta, idem W a l t e r u s regem vicinus, u t aiunt, jxsrcussit et subito extinxit." T h e a u t h o r of the " Brevis E e l a t i o " (Giles, u ) cuts t h e actual death of R u f u s very short, and m e n t i o n s no p a r t i c u l a r actor, b u t he connects it in a somewhat singular way w i t h t h e presence of Henry; " Contigit vero postea u t R o b e r t u s comes Kormannise

Hiero-

solymam iret, t o t n m q u e N o r m a n n i a m f r a t r i suo Willelmo regi A n g l o r u m invadiaret. et t u n c H e u r i c u s f r a t r i suo omnino se conferret a t q u e cum eo ex toto remaneret.

D u m itaque cum eo esset p o s t

a l i q u a n t u m tempoi i< contigit u t q u a d a m die rex W i l l e l m u s v e n a t u m iret, ibique, nescio quo judicio Dei, a q u o d a m milite sagitta percussus occumberet.

Quern statim f r a t e r suus H e n r i c u s W i n t o n i a m referri

fecit, ibique in eci iesia Sancti P e t r i a n t e majus altare scpulturse traclidit." The introduction of H e n r y in t h e former p a r t of t h e e x t r a c t is the more remark;'Me, because t h e w r i t e r has e i t h e r

copied

the

account given by R o b e r t of T o r i g n y in t h e C o n t i n u a t i o n of William of J u m i e g e s (viii. oi, or else he has borrowed from t h e same source. R o b e r t ' s words ar>

THE DEATH OF WILLIAM

EUFUS.

665

" Igitur, sicut supra diximus, cum Robertas dux Normannorum anno ab incarnatione

Domini mxcvi, Hierusalem perrexisset, et

ducatum Normannias Willelmo fratri suo regi Anglorum

inva-

diasset: contigit post aliquantum temporis, ut idem rex quadam die venatum iret in Novam forestam, ubi iv. nonas Augusti missa sagitta incaute a quodam suo familiari in corde percussus, mortuus est anno ab incarnatione Domini mo. regni autem sui xiii Occiso itaque Willelmo rege, ut prsemisimus, statim frater suus Henricus corpus ejus Wintoniam deferri fecit ibique in ecclesia sancti Petri ante majus altare sepulturse tradidit." The words which I have left out record the death of the elder Richard, the son of the Conqueror, in the New

Forest — the

younger Richard, the son of Robert, is not mentioned—and the belief that the deaths of the two brothers were the punishment of the destruction of houses and churches done by their father.

One

phrase is remarkable; " Multas villas et ecclesias propter eandern forestam

amplificandam

in circuitu ipsius destruxerat."

Here is

nothing about Walter Tirel or any one else by name, and this is the more to be noticed, because in his own Chronicle, where he seems to have had before him the account of Henry of Huntingdon, who mentions Walter Tirel, he leaves out the name.

Henry's words

are; " Ivit venatum in Novo foresto in crastino kalendas Augusti, ubi Walterus Tyrel cum sagitta cervo intendem, rcgem percussit inscius.

Rex corde ictus corruit, nec verbum edidit."

Robert's version becomes " Willelmus rex Anglorum

This in in

Nova

Foresta, sibi multum dilecta, cum sagitta incaute cervo intenderetur, in corde percussus interiit, nec verbum edidit."

He then goes on

to copy part of Henry of Huntingdon's description of the doings of Rufus somewhat further on. Among the monastic chroniclers and annalists, the History of Abingdon (ii. 43) seems to see in the Red King's death a judgement on him for some dealings connected with the lands of that abbey. A man described as Hugo de Dun had, by the help of the Count of Meulan ("Comitis Mellentis Rotberti senioris ope adjutus"), got into his hands some lands of the abbey at Leckhampsted, as had also the better known Hugh of Buckland, Sheriff of Berkshire (" eo quod et Berchescire vicecomes et publicarum justiciarius compellationum a rege constitutus existeret").

The writer then goes on ;

"Quadam itaque die rex Willelmus dum cibatus yeuatuin exer-

666

APPENDIX.

ceret, suorum umis militum, quasi ad cervum sagittam regem e contra stantem corde percussit.

emittens,

sibique non caventem eadem sagitta

in

Qui inox ad terrain corruens exspiravit."

T h e legend received at Saint A l b a n ' s (Gesta A h b a t u m , i. 65) seems to have rolled together the dream of the monk at Gloucester and the revelation of William's death to the abbot of C l u g n y (see p. 343). Anselm at C l u g n y has a vision in which m a n y of the saints of E n g l a n d bring their complaints against K i n g W i l l i a m before the tribunal of God.

T h e n the story takes a local t u r n ;

" Iratus Altissimus r e s p o n d i t , — A c c e d e , A n g l o r u m E t accedente A l b a n o , tradidit D e u s sagittam

protomartyr.

ardentem, dicens ;

vindica te, et omnes sanctos Anglise, la;sos a tyranno.

Accipiens

autem A l b a n u s sagittam de manu Domini, projecit earn in terram, quasi faculam, dicens ; Accipe, Satan, potestatem in ipsum Willelnium t y r a n n u m . per

medium

diabole.

E t eadem die, mane, obiit rex transverberatus

pectoris

sagitta.

Dixit

autem arciteuenti,

Trahe,

E r a t tunc temporis, episcopo Wolstano defuncto, episco-

patus "Wygorni® nimis afflictus sub manu regis, et multse ali® ecclesise, sedente tune Paschali papa." I do not k n o w w h y the Saint A l b a n ' s w r i t e r should have specially mentioned the church of Worcester, w h i c h certainly had a Bishop (see vol. i. p. 542) at (he time of W i l l i a m ' s death.

B u t neither

should I at p. 43 of this volume have mentioned Saint A l b a n ' s among the churches vacant at that time.

For

the f o u r

years'

vacancy which followed the death of P a u l was ended in 1097 b y the election of Richard.

" Determinata lite quae in conventu

exorta

fuerat inter Normannos, qui j a m multiplicati invaluerunt, et Anglos, qui, j a m senescenti--s et imminuti, o c c u b u e r a n t " (Gest. A b b . i. 66). H e r e is a glimpse of the internal state of the convent which would be most precious if it came from a writer of the y e a r 1097, but w h i c h must be taken for w h a t it may be worth in the mouth of Matthew Paris or one whom he followed.

T h i s abbot R i c h a r d was

on «ood terms w i t h Rufus as well as with his successor v( " W i l l e l m i o Secundi et Henrici P r i m i regum, amicitia familiari fultus, multos honores et possessiones adeptus t u r ").

est, et

adeptas viriliter

tueba-

P r e s e n t l y we get a second shorter entry of the R e d K i n g ' s

death ; "Tempore

quoque

hujus

abbatis

Ricardi,

immo tyrannus-—ultione divina, obiit sagittatus."

Willelmus

rex—

THE DEATH OF WILLIAM KUFUS.

667

The Winchester Annals which really should, just as much as the Hyde writer, have given us something original at such a moment, have nothing more to tell vis than that " hoc anno rex a sagitta perforates est in Nova Foresta a Waltero Tirel ecclesia Sancti Swithuni Wintonise."

et sepultus in

The Margam Annals merely

mark that " hoc anno interfectus est rex Angliae Willelmus junior, rex Rufus vulgo vocatus, non. Augusti, anno regni sui xiii. cum esset annorum plus xl."

This reckoning falls in with what I said in vol. i.

p. 141, and N . C . vol. iii. p. 111.

Dunstable, which is so strangely

dragged into the tale by Giraldus, and Bermondsey, which has some special things to record during the reign, have

nothing

fresh to tell us, only Dunstable mentions Walter Tirel and B e r mondsey

does not.

usual story.

Osney

and Worcester

merely

copy

Thomas Wykes has been quoted already,

Hoveden simply copies Florence.

Ralph the Black and Roger of

Wendover at least give a little variety by copying the in AVilliam of Malmesbury.

the

lloger of account

I t is not till we get to the English and

French rimers, Robert of Gloucester and Peter Langtoft, that we come to anything worthy of much notice or anything showing any imagination.

Robert of Gloucester tells the story of the dream,

attributing it to a monk, but not saying of what monastery.

The

appearance on the altar loses perhaps somewhat of its awfulness when it is made into the ordinary rood of the church. " pat ]?e kyng eode into a chyrche, as fers man and wod, And wel hokerlyehe by held pc folc pat, ]?ere stod. To ]>e rode he sturfce, and bygan to frete and gnawe pe armes vaste, and };yes inyd hys te]> to drawe. pe rode yt ]>olede long, ac su)>j?e atte laste He pulte hym wyt vot, and adoun vp rygt hyin easte." This is surely no improvement on the older version of the story. Robert does not forget the bodily appearances of the devil recorded by Florence, but at his distance of time he does not draw the national distinction which the earlier writer drew; " Vor ]iu Deuel was jier byuore per aboute yseye In founne of body, and spee al so myd men of j>e countreye." He then goes on to tell the story, clearly after William of Malmesbury, but everywhere with touches of his own.

They have

the interest of being in any case the earliest detailed account, true

668

APPENDIX.

o r f a l s e , of t h e s t o r y i n o u r o w n t o n g u e .

T h u s t h e a c c o u n t of t h e

K i n g ' s not g o i n g to hunt before dinner takes this s h a p e ; " So pat pe kyng was adrad and byleuede vor such cas To wende er non an hontep, pe wule he vastyng was. A c after mete. po he adde yete and ydronke wel, He nom on < >f hys priues, ]?at het Water Tyrel, A n d a uewe (>pere of hys men, and nolde non lender abyde, pat he nolde to hys game, tyde wat so bytyde." T h e a c t u a l a c c o u n t of h i s d e a t h s t a n d s t h u s ; " H e prykedc after vaste ynou toward pe West rygt. Hys honden he huld byuore hys eyn vor pe sonne lygt. So J>at pys Water Tyrel, pat per bysyde was ney, Wolde ssete anoper hert, pat, as he sede, he sey. H e sset J)e kvng in atte breste, pat neuer eft he ne speke, Bote pe ssaft, pat was wypoute, gryslych he to brec, A n d anowarde hys woni.be vel adoun, and deyde without spech, Wypoute ssryft and hosel, anon per was Code's wreche. Water Tyrel ysey, pat he was ded, anon He atornde, as vaste as he mygte, pat was hys best won/' P e t e r of L a n g t o f ' t (i. 4 4 6 ) h a s s o m e t o u c h e s of h i s o w n .

Among

o t h e r t h i n g s , t h e d a y s of t h e w e e k h a v e g o t w r o n g , i n o r d e r

to

b r i n g i n a p r e c e p t as to t h e p r o p e r o b s e r v a n c e of t h e w e e k l y f a s t day.

W e also g e t a p u r e l y i m a g i n a r y B i s h o p of W i n c h e s t e r ; " P a r ;ih Jovedy ?t vespre le ray ala cocher E n la N'eve Forest, oil devayt veneyer. Si tot-i in endormy, comen^a sounger K ' i l fus: en sa chapele, soul saunz esquyer, Les 11- furent ferines k'yl ne pout passer ; Si gruKnt faym avayt, ke l'estout manger, Ou ma gerad Jjet se cyng forlet eall f>set he mid streangtse innan Normandig togeanes ]jam eorle heold, and }>9et ealle J>a on Englelande heora land ongean heafdon, pe hit ajr J^urh pone eorl forluron, and Eustaties eorl eac call his fsederland her on lande, and jjet se eorl Rotbert aelce gearc sceolde of Englalando ]?reo Jjusend marc seolfres habban, and loc lnvetSer peera

gebroSra otSerne

oferbide wrere

yrfeweard ealles Englalandes and eac Normandiges, buton se forSfarena yrfenuman heafde be rihtre sewe." Florence says nothing about the mutual succession of the t w o brothers, nor does he mention Eustace by name.

H e also leaves

out the cession of Henry's Norman dominions ; " Pacem inter fratres ea ratione composuere ut iii. millc marcas, id est MM. libras argenti, singulis annis rex persolveret comiti, et omnibus suos prist inos honores quos in Anglia pro comitis fidelitate perdiderant, restitueret gratuito, et cunctis quibus honores in N o r mannia causa regis fuerant ablati, comes redderet absque pretio." Nothing in the t reaty seems to have struck William of Malmesbury, except the yearly payment of three thousand marks by the K i n g to the Duke.

A n d even that he brings in quite incidentally,

as if to account for its being very shortly given u p ; " Sed

et trium

millium

marcarum

promissio

lenem

comitis

fallebat credulitatr-m, ut, procinctu soluto, de tanta pecunia menti blaudiretur suse, (¡nam ille posteriori statim anno voluntati reginse libens, quod ilia peteret, eondonavit." One is reminded of the story which W i l l i a m elsewhere (iii. 251) tells, without

any date, of Robert's friend E a d g a r ;

" Quantula

simplicitas ut libram argenti, quam quotidie in stipendio accipiebat, regi pro uno equo perdonaret."

No doubt in both cases the horse

and the gift to tin. Queen were mere decent pretences for stopping the payment;

but

the gift to Matilda is quite of a piece with

Robert's conduct to her at Winchester (see p. 406).

The Chronicler

two years later (1 1 03) records Robert's surrender of his pension ;

T H E TREATY O F

IIOI.

691

" Dises geares eac com se eorl Rotbert of Normandig to spreoene wi¥> Jjone cyng [the common Domesday form in English] her on lande, and ser he lieonne ferde he forgeaf J>a preo ]?usend marc })e him seo cyng Heanrig be foreweard selce geare gifan sceolde." Here we have no mention of Matilda, unless she anyhow lurks in the feminine article so oddly assigned to her husband. Orderic helps us to the more distinct resignation by Robert of his claims on the English crown, which is however implied in all the other accounts—to the release of Henry from his homage to Eobert—and to the stipulation about Domfront, which was naturally more interesting to him than it was to those who wrote in England. He does not mention the mutual heirship of the brothers. He also confounds marks and pounds ; " I n primis Rodbertus dux calumniam quam in regno Anglise ingesserat fratri dimisit, ipsumque de homagio, quod sibi jamdudum fecerat, pro regali dignitate absolvit. Henricus autem rex tria milia librarum sterilensium sese duci redditurum per singulos annos spopondit, totumque Constantinum pagum et quidquid in Neustria possidebat, prseter Danfrontem, reliquit. Solum Danfrontem castrum sibi retinuit, quia Danfrontanis, quando ilium intromiserunt, jurejurando pepigerat quod nunquam eos de manu sua projiceret, nec leges eorum vel consuetudines mutaret." I am glad to end with the mention of one of the noblest spots of which I have had to speak in my story, and with one of the most honourable features in the history of King Henry.

Y y 2

INDEX. A. AAEON", the Jew, i. 160 (note). Abbeys, sale of, by William Rufus, i. I 3 4 - 1 3 5 . 3+7, 349 ; vacancies of, prolonged by him, i. 134, 135, 34?, 3 5 ° . ii. 564; Englishmen appointed to by him, i. 352; in what sense the king's, i- 455Aberafan, held by the descendants of Jestin, ii. 8 7 ; foundation of the borough, ii. 88. Aberllech, English defeat at, ii. 107. Aberlleiniog Castle, ii. 9 7 ; destroyed by the Welsh, ii. 101; rebuilt, ii. 129; modern traces of, ii. 130; fleet of Magnus off, ii. 143. Aberllwehr Castle, ii. 103. Abingdon Abbey, dealings of Hugh of Dun and Hugh of Buckland with, ii. 665. Adela, daughter of William the Conqueror, her correspondence with Anselm, i. 374, ii. 571. Adelaide, wife of Walter Tirel, ii. 322, 673 ; her tenure of lands in Essex, ii. 674. Adeliza, Queen, wife of Henry I., ii. 389 (note). Adeliza (Atheliz), abbess of Wilton, Anselm's letter to, ii. 578. Adeliza, wife of Eoger of Montgomery, legend of her vow, ii. 154. Adeliza, wife of William Fitz-Osbern, i. 266. Advocatio, advowson, right and duty of, i. 420. j®lfgifu-Emma. See Emma. ¿Elfheah, Archbishop of Canterbury, Anselm asserts his right to the title of martyr, i. 377. JElthere, Prior of Saint Eadmund's, ii. 579-

JSlfred, King,Heilry I . descended from, ii. 383.¿Elfred of Lincoln, ii. 485. iElfsige, Abbot of Bath, his death, i. 136. iElwine Retheresgut, ii. 359 (note). .¿Ethelflsed, Lady of the Mercians, fortifies Bridgenorth, ii. 152,153 (note). iEthelflsed, Abbess of Romsey, her alleged outwitting of William Rufus, ii. 32, 600. iEthelnoth the Good, Archbishop of Canterbury, his gift of a cope to tile Archbishop of Beneventani, i. 610. jEthelred I I . , compared with William Rufus, ii. 307. iEthelward, son of Dolfin, ii. 551. Agnes of Ponthieu, wife of Robert of Belluine, i. 180 ; his treatment of her, i. 183 ; escapes from him, i. 183 (note). Agnes, wife ofHelias of Maine, ii. 373. Agnes, widow of Walter Giffard, said to have poisoned Sibyl of Conversana, ii. 312 (note). Aiulf, Sheriff of Dorset, ii. 485. Alan the Black, lord of Richmond, part of Bishop William's lands granted to, i. 90 ; his agreement with the Bishop, i. 93 ; intervenes 011 his behalf, i. 109, 117, 120; Rufus bids him give the Bishop ships, i. 114 ; seeks EadgythMatilda in marriage, ii. 602 ; his death, ib. Albanians, followers of Magnus so called, ii. 623. Alberic, Earl of Northumberland, confirms the grant of Tynemouth to J a r row, ii. 18, 605. Alberic of Grantmesnil, goes on the first crusade, i. 552 ; called the " rope-dancer," i. 565 (note). Aldric, Saint, Bishop of L e Mans, liia buildings, ii. 240, 633.

694

INDEX.

Alenyon, garrison of, driven out by R o b e r t of Belleme, i. 19,3; surrenders to D u k e Robert, i. 21S ; the a r m y of W i l l i a m R u f u s m e e t s at, ii. 228. A l e x a n d e r t h e Great, William R u f u s compared to, 1. 287. A l e x a n d e r I I . , Pope, his excommunication of H a r o l d , i. 612. Alexander, K i n g of Scotland, son of Malcolm a n d M a r g a r e t , ii. 22 ; driven o u t of Scotland, ii. 30 ; his accession, ii. 124; marries a d a u g h t e r of H e n r y I., ib.; Anselm's letter to, ii. 581. Alexios Komntinos, E a s t e r n Emperor, appeals for help to the Council of Piacenza, i. 545 ; D u k e R o b e r t does homage to, i. 564. Alli&res, castle of, ii. 216, 217. A l m a r i c the Y o u n g , ii. 251. Alnwick, history of t h e castle a n d lords of, ii. 15, 5 9 6 ; death of Malcolm I I I . at, ii. 16, 592. A l t o n , m e e t i n g of H e n r y I . and R o b e r t near, ii. 408. Alvestone, sickness of W i l l i a m R u f u s at, i. 390. Amalchis, brings news to William R u fus of t h e victories of Helias, ii. 283, 64S-652. 7»5Amalfi, siege of, i. 562. A m a l r i c of M o n t f o r t , gets possession of t h e county of E v r e u x , i. 268 {note). Amercements, provision for, in H e n r y ' s charters, ii. 354. A m f r i d a , her correspondence w i t h Anselm, ii. 5 7 1 . Anglesey, advance of H u g h of Chester in, ii. 97 ; deliverance of, ii. IOJ ; w a r of 1098 in, ii. 127 et seq.; fleet of M a g n u s off, ii. 143 ; his, designs thereon, ii. 1 4 5 ; Bubdued by H u g h of Chester, ii. 1 4 6 ; recovered by t h e Welsh, ii. 301 ; second visit of M a g nus to, ii. 442. Annates Cambria:, ii. 3 (note). A n s e l m , his biographers, i. 3 2 ; (note), 3 6 9 ; his birthplace and parentage, i. 3 6 6 ; compared w i t h Lanfranc, i. 368, 4 5 6 ; his friendship w i t h W i l l i a m the Conqueror, i. 368, 3 8 0 ; n o t preferred in E n g l a n d by him, i. 3 6 8 ; his character, i. 3 6 9 ; his childhood and youth, i. 370, 371 ; leaves Aosta, sojourns at Avranches, and becomes a m o n k at Bee, i. 371 ; elected prior and abbot, i. 372 ; h i s wide-spread fame, i. 373 ; his correspondence, i. 374, ii. 570 et seq.; his desire to do justice, i, 377 ; his first visit to England, ib.; asserts

jJDlfheah's right t o t h e title of m a r t y r , ib.; his friendship w i t h the monks of Christ Church, i. 378 ; w i t h E a d m e r , i- 369, 378, 4 6 0 ; his popularity in E n g l a n d , i. 378; his preaching a n d alleged miracles, i. 379 ; his friendship for E a r l H u g h , i. 3 8 0 ; entertained by W a l t e r Tirel, i. 380 (note); regarded as t h e f u t u r e Archbishop, i. 381 ; refuses E a r l H u g h ' s invitation to Chester, i. 383 ; yields at last, at t h e bidding of his monks, i. 3 8 4 ; hailed at C a n t e r b u r y as t h e f u t u r e Archbishop, i. 385 ; his first interview w i t h W i l l i a m R u f u s , ib.; rebukes him, i. 3 8 6 ; goes to Chester, i. 387 ; t h e K i n g refuses him leave to go back, i. 388; his form of p r a y e r for t h e a p p o i n t m e n t of a n archbishop, i. 3 9 0 ; t h e K i n g ' s mocking speech about, ib. ; sent for by him, i. 393 ; n a m e d by h i m to t h e archbishopric, i. 396, ii. 584; his unwillingness, i. 396 ; R u f u s p l e a d s w i t h h i m , i . 3 9 8 ; invested by force, i. 399 ; his first installation, i. 4 0 0 ; his prophecy a n d parable, i. 401 ; h a s no scruple about t h e royal r i g h t of investiture, i. 4 0 3 ; later change in his views, i. 4 0 4 ; stays w i t h Gundulf, i. 406 ; his interview with W i l l i a m a t Rochester, i. 412 ; conditions of his acceptance, i. 4 1 3 4 1 6 ; refuses to confirm W i l l i a m ' s g r a n t s d u r i n g t h e vacancy, i. 4 1 8 4 2 1 ; states t h e case in a l e t t e r to H u g h of Lyons, i. 419, ii. 571, 576 ; receives the archbishopric a n d does homage, i. 422 ; his friendship w i t h A b b o t P a u l of Saint A l b a n ' s , i. 423 ; t h e p a p a l question left unsettled, i. 424, 4 3 2 ; his e n t h r o n e m e n t , i. 4 2 7 ; F l a m b a r d ' s suit against him, i. 428 ; his consecration, i. 429-432 ; professes obedience to t h e Church of Rome, i. 432 ; a t t e n d s t h e Gem its intercourse and connexion w i t h E n g l a n d , i. 3 7 4 - 3 7 6 , ii. 5 7 2 ; Gundulf's letter to t h e monks, i. 405 ; m o n k s of, object to A n s e l m ' s accepting t h e primacy, i. 406. Belfry, origin of the name, ii. 520. Bell^me, surrenders to D u k e Robert, i. 218; site of t h e old castle, i. 2 1 8 {note). Benefices, vacant, policy of W i l l i a m R u f u s with regard to, i. 134, 336, 337, 347. 348. 364 ; sale of, under R u f u s , i. 134, 347, 349; sale of, not systematic before R u f u s , i. 348. B e n e v e n t u m , Archbishop of, sells the a r m of Saint Bartholomew to t h e L a d y E m m a , i. 609 ; / E t h e l n o t h ' s gift of a cope to, i. 61 o. B e n j a m i n the m o n k , ii. 579. Bequest, r i g h t of, confirmed by H e n r y I., i 338, ii. 354Berkeley, harried by William of E u , i. 44 ; its position a n d castle, i. 45.

697

Berkshire pool, p o r t e n t of, ii. 258, 3 1 6 . Berinondsey Priory, its foundation, ii. 508. B e r n a r d of N e w m a r c h , rebels a g a i n s t W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 34 ; his conquest of Brecknock, ii. 8 9 - 9 1 ; his gifts t o B a t t l e Abbey, ii. 90; m a r r i e s N e s t , g r a n d d a u g h t e r of Gruffydd, ib. B e r t r a d a of Montfort, b r o u g h t u p b y Countess Heloise, ii. 193 ; sought in m a r r i a g e by F u l k of A n j o u , ii. 192 ; marries him, ii. 194 ; h e r adulterous m a r r i a g e w i t h P h i l i p of France, i. 548, ii. 1 7 1 , 1 7 2 ; Bishop I v o of C h a r t r e s protests against, i. 559 (note); denounced by H u g h of Lyons, ii. 1 7 3 ; excommunicated, i. 549, ii. 1 7 3 ! I""1" sons, ii. 174 ; schemes against Lewis, ib. Berwick, g r a n t e d to and w i t h d r a w n from t h e see of D u r h a m , ii. 121. Bishops, their power in t h e eleventh cent u r y , 1.138 ; no reference to t h e P o p e in t h e i r appointment, i. 4 2 5 ; order of t h e i r a p p o i n t m e n t t h e n and now, i. 4 2 5 - 4 2 7 ; theories of t h e two systems, i. 426 ; w h y t h e peers' r i g h t of t r i a l does not extend to, i. 604 (note). Bishoprics, sale of, under W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 134, 347, 349 ; vacant, his policy w i t h regard to, i. 134, 336, 337, 347, 350, ii. 564. _ B l a s p h e m y , frequency of, 1. 166. Blkves, castle of, ii. 216, 217. Blindness, armies s m i t t e n with, ii. 478, 480. B l y t h P r i o r y , founded b y Roger of Bully, ii. 1 6 1 ; g r a n t e d to Saint K a t h a r i n e ' s a t R o u e n , ii. 162 (note). Bofig, his lordship of R o c k i n g h a m , i, 490. Bohemond, M a r k , b r o t h e r of Roger of Apulia, besieges Amalfi, i. 561 ; goes on t h e crusade, i. 562 ; origin of his name, i. 562 (note). Boleslaus K i n g of Poland, i. 6 1 1 . Bonneville, castle of, ii. 285 ; early history a n d legends of, ii_286. Boso of D u r h a m , his visions, ii. 59. Botolph, A b b o t of S a i n t E a d m u n d ' s , ii. 268. Bourg-le-roi, castle of, ii. 232. Boury, castle of, ii. 189. Brecknock, conquest of, ii. 8 9 - 9 1 ; castle of, ii. 90 ; revolt of, ii. 106. Bribery u n d e r William R u f u s , i. 153, 344Bridgenorth, fortified by ^ t h e l f l i e d , ii. 152, 153 (note) ; fortress of R o b e r t of Belleme at, ii. 1 5 5 - 1 5 8 ; churches a n d

698

INDEX.

t o w n of, ii. 1 5 7 ; defence of, a g a i n s t H e n r y I., ii. 428, 432 ; siege of, ii. 435 et s e q . ; dealings of the captains w i t h H e n r y , ii. 440 ; divisions in, ii. 442 ; surrender of, ii. 444. B r i h t r i c , son of .¿Elfgar, lands of, h e l d b y R o b e r t Fitz-hamon, ii. 83. Brionne, said to be e x c h a n g e d for T u n bridge, i. 68 (note) ; g r a n t e d to K o g e r of B e a u m o n t , i. 1 9 4 ; t a k e n b y D u k e R o b e r t , i. 244. Bristol, its position i n t h e e l e v e n t h cent u r y , i. 37 ; castle of t h a t date, i. 5 7 , 38 ; later g r o w t h of, i. 3 9 ; occupied b y B i s h o p G e o f f r e y , i. 40. B r i t a i n , effects of t h e r e i g n of W i l l i a m R u f u s on its union, ii. 6 ; causes of t h e union, ii. 7 ; E n g l i s h conquest of, c o m p a r e d w i t h R u f u s ' s conquest of W a l e s , ii. 72 ; changes in, in t h e eleventh c e n t u r y , ii. 303 et s e q . ; fusion of e l e m e n t s in, ii. 3 0 4 ; ceases to be another world, ii. 305. B r o c k e n h u r s t , W i l l i a m R u f u s at, ii. 321. B r o m h a m , g r a n t of, t o B a t t l e A b b e y , ii. 504. B r i m t o n , c h u r c h of, g r a n t e d to the m o n k s of D u r h a m , ii. 535. Brat-y-Tyijcysogion, t h e t w o versions of, ii. 3 . 4 (note). B r y c h a n , K i n g , his daughter*, ii. 90. B u c k l e r , M r . , on I l c h e s t e r , i. 43 (note). B u l g a r i a , use of t h e n a m e , i. 5 6 3 . B u r e s , castle of, i. 236 ; t a k i n g of, i. 463B u r f C a s t l e , ii. 158. B u r g u n d i u s , brother-in-law of A n s e l m , ii. 579. C. C a d u l u s , A n s e l m ' s a d v i c e to, i. 372. C a d w g a n , son of B l e d d y n . drives out R h y s a p T e w d w r , i. 12 ; harries D y f e d , ii. 92 ; h i s revolt, ii. 9 9 ; his a c t i o n in D y f e d , ii. i o i ; mentioned in t h e C h r o n i c l e , ii. t i i ; schemes to s a v e A n g l e s e y , ii. 128 ; flees to I r e l a n d , ii. 1 3 1 ; returns to W a l e s , ii. 301, 4 2 4 ; h i s settlement w i t h R o b e r t of B e l l e m e , ii. 4 2 4 ; his action on h i s b e h a l f , ii. 433, 4 4 2 ; Ceredigion ceded to, b y J o r werth, ii. 4 5 1 . C a e n , t r e a t y of, i. 275 et seq., ii. 5 2 2 - 5 2 8 ; its short duration, i. 283. C a e r a u . See C a r e w . C a e r m a r t h e n , conquest of. ii. 102. C a e r p h i l l y Castle, ii. 87. Ciesar, C. J u l i u s , h i s speech c o m p a r e d

w i t h t h a t of W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 497, 647, 652. Candida Casa. See W h i t h e r n . Canonization, popular, instances of, ii. 339C a n t e r b u r y , citizens of, side w i t h t h e m o n k s of S a i n t A u g u s t i n e ' s a g a i n s t G u y , i. 1 3 9 ; m o n k s f r o m C h r i s t C h u r c h sent to S a i n t A u g u s t i n e ' s , i. 1 4 0 ; v e n g e a n c e of W i l l i a m R u f u s on, i. 1 4 1 ; t h e c i t y g r a n t e d to t h e archbishopric, i. 4 2 3 ; A n s e l m ' s ent h r o n e m e n t and consecration at, i. 427, 4 2 9 ; his dealings w i t h the m o n k s , i. 540 ; t h e i r r i g h t s confirmed b y W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 423 ; r e b u i l d i n g of the choir, i. 597 ; its consecration u n d e r H e n r y I., ib. C a n t e r b u r y , A r c h b i s h o p r i c of, policy of W i l l i a m R u f u s in k e e p i n g t h e see v a c a n t , i. 328, 360, ii. 5 6 5 ; F l a m b a r d ' s action in t h e m a t t e r , i. 363 (note); effects of t h e v a c a n c y , i. 3 5 7 , 3 6 3 - 3 6 5 ; its special position as metropolitan, i. 3 5 7 ; no a t t e m p t at election. i. 362 ; feeling as to t h e v a c a n c y , i. 381 ; p r a y e r s for the a p p o i n t m e n t of t h e A r c h b i s h o p , i. 3 8 9 ; t h e A r c h bishop t h e parish priest of t h e C r o w n , i. 4 1 4 (note). C a n t i r e , M a g n u s a t , ii. 1 4 1 ; p a r t of S i g u r d ' s k i n g d o m , ii. 1 4 6 ; i t s formal occupation b y M a g n u s , ii. 1 4 7 . C a p u a , siege of, i. 6 1 4 , ii. 403. Ca.radoc, son of G r u f f y d d , ii. 8 1 , 8 2 . C a r d i f f , castle of, ii. 7 7 , 84, 86 ; R o b e r t F i t z - l i a m o n ? s settlement a t , ii. 81, 84 ; b o r o u g h of, ii. 88. C a r e g h o v a Castle, b u i l t b y R o b e r t of B e l l e m e , ii. 158 ; history of t h e site, ii. 1 5 9 (note)', s t r e n g t h e n e d b y R o b e r t , ii. 428. C a r e w C a s t l e , ii. 9 5 . Carlisle, its cathedral c h u r c h c a l l e d abbey, i. 139 (note); history and c h a r a c t e r of, i. 3 1 4 , 3 1 7 ; d e s t r o y e d b y S c a n d i n a v i a n s , i. 3 1 5 ; c o n q u e r e d by W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 4, 3 1 3 - 3 1 5 » 3 1 8 ; S a x o n colony in, i. 3 1 6 , ii. 5 5 0 ; earldom of, i. 3 1 7 , ii. 5 4 5 - 5 5 1 ; its a n a l o g y w i t h E d i n b u r g h and Stirling, i. 317 ; w a l l a n d c a s t l e of, i. 318 ; see founded b y H e n r y I . , i b . ; effects of its restoration on Scotland, ii. 8 ; not a n E n g l i s h e a r l d o m u n d e r t h e C o n q u e r o r , ii. 546 ; shire of, ii. 5 4 9 ; its p u r e l y B r i t i s h n a m e , ii. 5 5 0 ; entries of, in t h e P i p e R o l l , ii. 5 5 1 . Castles, b u i l d i n g of, in N o r m a n d y , i.

INDEX. 192 ; garrisoned b y W i l l i a m the Conqueror, ib.; building of, in W a l e s , ii. 70, 76, 77, 93, 108, 1 1 2 ; rarity of, in E n g l a n d , as compared w i t h M a i n e , ii. 220. C a u x , obtained as dowry b y H e l i a s of Saint-Saens, i. 235. Cedivor, P r i n c e of D y f e d , ii. 78. Cenred the priest, his mutilation, ii. 132 ; restoration of his speech, ib. Ceredigion, conquest of, ii, 9 2, 9 3 ; action of C a d w g a n in, ii. 1 0 1 ; recovered by the Welsh, ii. 3 0 1 ; ceded to C a d w g a n b y J o r w e r t h , ii. 451. Charina, M . , his L i f e of A n s e l m , i. 325 (note). C h a t e a u du Loir, ii. 275, 2 7 6 ; H e l i a s flees to, ii. 287. C h a t e a u - G o n t h i e r , ii. 428. C h a t e a u - T h i e r r y , monks of S a i n t Cenery flee to, i. 213. Chaumont-en-Vexin, claimed by W i l liam R u f u s , ii. 1 7 6 ; castle of, ii. 185 ; siege of, ii. 248. Cherbourg, ceded to W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 276. Chester, R o b e r t of R h u d d l a n buried at, i. 127 ; his gifts, i. 127 (note) ; E a r l H u g h ' s reforms at, i. 127 (note), 381, 382 ; A n s e l m at, i. 387. C h i v a l r y , g r o w t h of, under W i l l i a m Rufus, i. 1 6 9 ; its true character, ib.; P a l g r a v e and A r n o l d on, i. 169, ii. 5 0 8 ; its one-sided nature, i. 1 7 2 ; practical w o r k i n g of, ib.; illustrations of, i. 173, 291, ii. 237, 406, 5 3 4 ; tenure in, systematized by E l a m b a r d , 335 > personal character of, ii. 407. Christina, A b b e s s of R o m s e y , her treatment of E a d g y t h - M a t i l d a , ii. 31, 32, 599; Chronicle, the, witness of, to F l a m b a r d ' s system of feudalism, i. 335. Church, R . W . , his L i f e of A n s e l m , i. 326 (note), 370. Church, Sir R i c h a r d , paralleled with R o b e r t son of Godwine, ii. 123. C h u r c h lands, revenues of, appropriated b y W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 336, 337, 347, 3 4 9 ; feudalization of, i. 3 4 6 ; nature of Rufus's grants of, i. 4 1 9 . Churches, plundered to raise the pledgemoney for N o r m a n d y , i. 558. Clare, Suffolk, priory of, a cell of B e e , i. 376. Clarendon, news of the loss of L e M a n s b r o u g h t to R u f u s at, ii. 283, 645, C l a r k , G . T., on M a i l i n g tower, i. 70 (note); on Rochester, i. 79 (note) ; on the site of Careghova Castle, ii.

699

159 (note); on " T h e L a n d of M o r g a n , " ii. 615. Clemence, Countess of B o u l o g n e , A n s elm's letters to, ii. 581. Clement, A n t i - P o p e , i. 4 1 5 ; his position, i. 488 ; excommunicated a t the Council of Clermont, i. 549 ; his alleged scheme against A n s e l m , i. 607. C l e r g y , their exemption from temporal jurisdiction asserted b y W i l l i a m of Saint-Calais, i. 97 ; not asserted b y A n s e l m , i. 599; their corruption under W i l l i a m Rufus, i. 363. C l e r k s , the king's, preferments held by, i- 3 3 ° ; their position and p o w e r , i. 342. 343Clermont, Council of (1095), i. 5 4 5 ; decrees of, i. 548 ; crusade preached at, i. 549. Coinage, false, issue of, punished b y H e n r y I., ii. 353. C o k e r (Somerset), grant of, to S a i n t Stephen's, Caen, ii. 504. Colchester, story of Eudo's good rule at, ii. 464. Coldingham, lands of, g r a n t e d to D u r ham, ii. 1 2 1 . Comet, foretells t h e departure of A n s elm, ii. 1 1 8 . Commons, H o u s e of, foreshadowed b y the outer council of the W i t a n , i. 603. Conan of Rouen, his wealth, i. 246 ; his treaty w i t h W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 247, 248; exhorts the citizens against G i l b e r t of L a i g l e , i. 253 ; t a k e n prisoner b y H e n r y , i. 256 ; his death, i. 2 5 7 - 2 5 9 , ii. 5 1 6 - 5 1 8 . Conches, besieged b y W i l l i a m of E v reux, i. 261, 266, ii. 627 ; its position, i. 262, 264 ; a b b e y and castle of, i. 265. Conrad, son of the Emperor H e n r y the F o u r t h , i. 5 2 2 ; receives U r b a n at Cremona, i. 525 ; his marriage, i. 526. Constantius I., Emperor, his v o y a g e to B r i t a i n , ii. 648. Corbet, his lands in Shropshire, ii. 433 (note). Cornelius t h e monk, i. 545 (note). Corsham ( W i l t s ) , g r a n t of, to S a i n t Stephen's, Caen, ii. 504. Cosiin the T u r k , joins the crusaders, i. 565. _ Cotentin, bought by H e n r y of R o b e r t , i. 196, ii. 5 1 0 - 5 1 6 . Coulaines, W i l l i a m R u f u s encamps at, ii. 233 ; ravaged b y him, ii. 234, 625, 627.

700

INDEX.

C o u r c y , siege of, i , 2 7 4 , ii. 5 1 9 - 5 2 2 ; c h u r c h of, ii. 5 2 2 . C o w b r i d g e , ii. 88. C o y t y , held b y P a g a n of T u r b e r v i l l e , ii. 87. C r i c k l a d e , e n t r y of, in D o m e s d a y , i. 4 8 0 (note). C r o c t h e h u n t s m a n , s i g n s t h e foundation c h a r t e r o f S a l i s b u r y C a t h e d r a l , i. 3 0 9 (note). C r o s e t - M o u c h e t , M . , his life of A n s e l m , i. 3 2 5 (note); onAnselm'sparentage, i. 3 6 6 (note). C r u s a d e , t h e first, its b e a r i n g on E n g lish history, i, 5 4 6 ; no k i n g s t a k e p a r t in, ib.; a L a t i n m o v e m e n t , ib.; a r g u m e n t i n f a v o u r of, ii. 2 0 7 ; success of, ii. 3 0 6 . C r u s a d e s , P a l g r a v e ' s c o n d e m n a t i o n of, ii. 5 0 9 . C u m b e r l a n d , w h y n o t e n t e r e d in D o m e s d a y , i. 3 1 3 ii. 5 4 7 et s e q . ; S c a n d i n a v i a n s in, i. 3 1 5 ; e a r l d o m of, a m i s n o m e r , ii. 5 4 8 ; origin o f t h e m o d e r n c o u n t y , ii. 5 4 9 . Ctiriti Regis, the, i. 1 0 2 . C u t h b e r h t , S a i n t , a p p e a r s t o E a d g a r of S c o t l a n d , ii. 1 1 9 . D. Dadesley. See T i c k h i l l D a n e s f o r d , ii. 1 5 2 , 1 5 5 . Dangeuil Castle, strengthened by Helias, ii. 2 1 3 ; site of, i i . 2 1 4 ; effects of his occupation, ib. : H e l i a s t a k e n prisoner near, ii. 2 2 3 . D a v i d , K i n g of Scots, « . n of M a l c o l m a n d M a r g a r e t , ii. 2 2 ; d r i v e n out o f S c o t l a n d , ii. 3 0 ; d i v i d e s t h e k i n g d o m w i t h A l e x a n d e r , ii. 1 2 4 ; m a r r i e s M a t i l d a , d a u g h t e r of W a l t h e o f , ii. 1 2 4 ; effects of his r e i g n on S c o t t i s h history, ii. 1 2 5 ; his E n g l i s h position, ib.; i n v a d e s E n g l a n d on b e h a l f of t h e E m p r e s s M a t i l d a , ib ; his m o c k i n g speech t o E a d g y t h - M a t i l d a , ii. 3 9 0 ; e a r l d o m of C a r l i s l e g r a n t e d to, ii. 5 4 9 . D e v e r e l ( W i l t s ) , lordship of, held b y B e e , i. 3 7 5 . D i a c u s , B i s h o p of S a i n t J a m e s of C'ompostella, h i s correal»>udence w i t h A n s e l m , ii. 5 8 2 . D i m o c k , J . i \ , his d e f e n c e of R o b e r t B l o e t , ii. 5 8 5 . D o l f i n , son of Grospatric, lord of C a r l i s l e , d r i v e n out b y W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 3 1 5 . D o m e s d a y , a l l e g e d n e w version of, b y R a n d o l f F l a m b a r d , i. 3 3 2 , ii. 5 6 2 . D o m f r o n t , e n m i t y of R o b e r t o f B e l l e m e

to, i. 1 8 3 , 3 1 9 ; m e n of, choose H e n r y t o lord, i. 3 1 9 . ii. 5 3 8 ; position of, i. 3 1 9 ; k e p t b y H e n r y I . , ii. 4 1 3 , 6 9 1 . D o n a l d B a n e , K i n g o f Scots, i. 4 7 5 ; s t o r y of his a t t e m p t i n g t o d i s t u r b M a r g a r e t ' s b u r i a l , ii. 2 8 , 5 9 7 ; his election, ii. 2 9 ; d r i v e s o u t t h e E n g l i s h , ib.; d r i v e n o u t b y D u n c a n , ii. 3 4 ; his r e s t o r a t i o n , ii. 3 6 ; d e t h r o n e d a n d i m p r i s o n e d b y E a d g a r , ii. 1 1 9 . D o n a l d , sent b y K i n g M u r t a g h t o t h e S u d e r e y s , ii. 1 3 7 ; d r i v e n out, ii. 138D r e s s , n e w fashions i n , i. 1 5 8 , ii. 5 0 0 502. D r o g o of M o n c e y , marries E a d g y t h , w i d o w of G e r a r d of G o u r n a y , i . 5 5 2 . D u n c a n , K i n g of Scots, son o f M a l c o l m , set f r e e b y R o b e r t , i. 1 3 ; signs t h e D u r h a m c h a r t e r , i. 3 0 5 , ii. 5 3 6 ; c l a i m s t h e S c o t t i s h c r o w n , ii. 3 3 ; h i s N o r m a n e d u c a t i o n , ii. 3 4 ; r e c e i v e s the crown from W i l l i a m R u f u s , 1. 475> 5> 34 i o v e r t h r o w s D o n a l d , ib. ; his d e a t h , ii. 3 6 ; h i s b u r i a l , ii. 3 6 (note). D u n f e r m l i n e , M a l c o l m t r a n s l a t e d to, ii. 1 8 ; M a r g a r e t ' s b u r i a l a t , ii. 2 8 , 597D u n s t a b l e , P r i o r of, his a l l e g e d w a r n i n g t o W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 3 3 4 ; m i n s t e r of, f o u n d e d b y H e n r y I . , ii. 6 6 3 . D u n s t e r , c h u r c h of, g r a n t e d by W i l l i a m of M o i o n to the c h u r c h o f B a t h , ii. 490. D u r h a m , c a t h e d r a l c h u r c h of, c a l l e d abbey, i. 1 3 9 (note); e v i d e n c e of, i n c h a r t e r s , i. 3 0 5 , i i . 5 3 5 ; r e b u i l d i n g of the a b b e y , ii. 1 1 ; M a l c o l m t a k e s p a r t in l a y i n g t h e f o u n d a t i o n , ii. I I , 1 2 ; w o r k s of B i s h o p W T illiam o f S a i n t C a l a i s at, ii. 6 0 ; g i f t s of K i n g E a d g a r to, ii. 1 2 1 ; w o r k s o f R a n d o l f F l a m b a r d a t , ii. 2 7 2 ; m o n k s of, f a v o u r a b l y t r e a t e d b y W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 2 9 8 , ii. 5 0 8 ; b u i l d i n g of t h e refect o r y , i. 2 9 9 ; B i s h o p W i l l i a m r e s t o r e d to, ib. D u r h a m castle, s u r r e n d e r e d t o W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 1 1 4 . D w y g a n w y , p e n i n s u l a a n d c a s t l e of, i. 1 2 3 , 1 2 4 ; attack made by Grufiydd on, i. 2 4 ; m e e t i n g of M a g n u s a n d t h e t w o E a r l s H u g h at, ii. 1 4 3 . D y f e d , h a r r i e d b y C a d v v g a n , ii. 9 2 ; c o n q u e s t of, ib.; action of C a d w g a n in, ii. 1 0 1 ; g r a n t of, b y H e n r y I . , ii. 4 5 1 . D y r r h a c h i o n , D u k e R o b e r t crosses to, i- 563-

INDEX. E. E a d g a r i E t h e l i n g , banished from N o r mandy, i. 281, ii. 527 ; policy of W i l liam R u f u s towards, ib.; goes to Scotland, i. 282 ; mediates b e t w e e n R u f u s and M a l c o l m , i. 301, ii. 5 4 1 ; reconciled to R u f u s , i. 304 ; signs the D u r h a m charter, i. 305, ii. 536 ; returns to N o r m a n d y w i t h R o b e r t , i. 307 ; his mission to Malcolm, ii. 9, 10, 5 9 0 ; protects M a l c o l m ' s children, ii. 30, 31 ; his designs as to the Scottish crown, ii. 1 1 4 ; Ordgar's charge against, ii. 1 1 5 , 6 1 7 ; his a c q u i t t a l b y ordeal, ii. 1 1 7 ; estimate of the story, ii. 1 1 7 , 615 ; marches to Scotland, ii. 118 ; and wins the crown for his nephew E a d g a r , ii. 1 2 0 ; goes on the crusade, ii. 1 2 1 ; not thought of to succeed W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 3 4 4 ; his character, ii. 393. E a d g a r , K i n g of Scots, son of M a l colm and Margaret, ii. 22 ; brings the news of his father's death, ii. 27 ; driven out of Scotland, ii. 3 0 ; his vision, ii. 1 1 9 ; dethrones and imprisons D o n a l d , ib.; his gifts to D u r ham and to R o b e r t son of G o d w i n e , 11. 121 ; his action towards R o b e r t F l a m b a r d , ib.; his peaceful reign, ii. 1 2 3 ; his death, ii. 1 2 4 ; bears the sword before W i l l i a m R u f u s a t his W h i t s u n feast, ii. 2 6 5 ; results of his succession, ii. 304. E a d g y t h , w i f e of H e n r y I , See Matilda. E a d g y t h , mistress of H e n r y I . and mother of M a t i l d a Countess of Perche, ii. 379. E a d g y t h , mistress of H e n r y I . and wife of R o b e r t of Ouilly, ii. 379. E a d g y t h , wife of Gerard of Gournay, i. 2 3 0 ; goes on the first crusade, i. 5 5 2 ; her second marriage, i. 552 {note). Eadmer, his belief in the ordeal, i. 166 (note) ; his L i f e of A n s e l m , i. 325, 3 6 9 ; his friendship w i t h Anselm, i. 369, 378, 460 ; references to in other writers, i. 370 ; on the N o r m a n campaign of 1094, i. 474 ; leaves E n g l a n d w i t h A n s e l m , i. 5 9 5 ; recognizes the cope of B e n e v e n t u m a t Bari, i. 609, 6 1 0 ; bishop-elect of Saint A n d r e w s , ii. 124, Eadmund, Saint, k i n g of the EastA n g l e s , his miracles, ii. 268 ; translation of his body, ii. 270. E a d m u n d , son of M a l c o l m and M a r -

701

garet, ii. 22 ; helps D o n a l d against D u n c a n , ii. 3 6 ; becomes a monk a t Montacute, ii. 1 2 0 ; his burial in chains, ib. E a d m u n d the monk, his vision, ii. 604. E a d r i c the W i l d , m a r k e d as " E d r i c Salv a g e , " ii. 433 (note). Eadric the Provost, ii. 2 70 {note). E a d w a r d the Confessor, his l a w restored b y H e n r y I., ii. 357. E a d w a r d , son of M a l c o l m and M a r garet, killed a t A l n w i c k , ii. 16, 2 1 , 504E a d w i n e , K i n g of the N o r t h u m b r i a n s , builds a church at T y n e m o u t h , ii. 603. E a d w u l f , A b b o t of M a l m e s b u r y , ii. 383 {note). Eardington, lordship of, ii. 154. E a r l e , J o h n , on B a t h , i. 42 {note). E a r t h q u a k e of 1089, i. 176. Edinburgh, M a r g a r e t ' s death at, ii. 28, 597E d w a r d the B l a c k P r i n c e and the massacre of L i m o g e s , i. 1 7 3 ; his twofold character, ib. E g i n u l f of L a i g l e , i. 243 {note). E g l a f of Bethlington, priest, signs t h e D u r h a m charter, ii. 536. Einion, story of h i m and Jestin, ii. 80 ; estimate of the story, ii. 81, 614. E l e a n o r of A q u i t a i n e , her foundation a t Tickhill, ii. 432. E m m a (yElfgifu), the L a d y , b u y s t h e arm of Saint B a r t h o l o m e w of the A r c h b i s h o p of B e n e v e n t u m , i. 6 1 0 ; changes her name on her marriage, 3°5E m m a , daughter of C o u n t R o b e r t of Sicily, sought in marriage b y P h i l i p of F r a n c e , ii. 1 7 1 (note). E m m a , wife of R a l p h of W a d e r , goes on the first crusade, i. 552. Emmeline, wife of A r n u l f of H e s d i n , her gifts to Gloucester A b b e y , ii. 65. Empire, W e s t e r n , advance of, in the eleventh century, ii. 305, 3 0 6 ; alleged designs of W i l l i a m R u f u s on, ii. 314. Empire, E a s t e r n , decline of, ii. 306. England, extension of, under W i l l i a m R u f u s , 1. 4 ; beginning of her r i v a l r y w i t h F r a n c e , i. 5, 228, 2 4 0 ; her wealth, ib.; her E u r o p e a n position, ib.; unity of, i. 81 ; how indebted to foreigners, i. 3 6 5 ; in w h a t sense feudal, i. 341 ; compared w i t h N o r mandy, i. 468 ; wretchedness of, under R u f u s , i. 4 7 4 ; position of.

702

INDEX.

towards the Popes, i. 496; her relations with Sicily, i. 5 2 6 ; Welsh inroad into, ii. 1 0 0 ; rarity of castles in, as compared with Maine, ii. 2 2 0 ; oppression in, during William's absence in Normandy, ii. 256; various grievances in, ii. 258 ; changes in, in the eleventh century, ii. 303 etseq.; becomes part of the Latin world, ii. 305 ; united under Henry I . against Norman invasion, ii. 401. English, accept William R u f u s as king, i. 7, 16, 20, 66, 1 3 1 ; their loyalty to him, 18, 64, 65, 1 3 0 ; their hatred of Odo, i. 67, 86; their position under R u f u s , i. 1 3 3 ; native, not specially oppressed by him, i. 341 ; growth of their power and nationality under Rufus, ii. 4. English and Normans, fusion of, i. 130, 134, ii. 4 0 1 , 455. English Conquest, compared with that of Wales, ii. 72. Englishmen, the fifty charged with eating the king's deer, i. 1 5 5 , 614, ii. 4 9 4 ; acquitted by ordeal, i. 156. Epernon, castle of, ii. 2 5 1 . Epitumiwrn, Orderic's use of the word, ii. 288 (note). Erling, E a r l of Orkney, taken prisoner by Magnus, ii. 140 ; his death in Norway, ib. Ermenberga, daughter of Helias, betrothed to Geoffrey of Anjou, ii. 232 ; married to Fulk of Anjou, ii. 232 (note), 374. Ermenberga, mother of Anselm, her pedigree, i. 366 (note). Ermengarde of Bourbon, second wife of E u l k of Anjou, ii. 1 9 j . Ernan, " Biscope sune," ii. 605. Erneis of Burun, his action in the case of Bishop William, i. 1 1 4 . Ernulf, Bishop of Rochester, his buildings at Christchurch, Canterbury, i. 597Ernulf of Hesdin. Set Arnulf of Hesdin. Etard, Abbot of Saint Peter on Dives, his appointment, i. 5 70. E u , castle of, Philip and Robert march against, i. 238. Eudo of R y e , story of his share in the accession of William Rufus, ii. 463 ; how he became dapitcr.. ib. ; his good deeds at Colchester, ii 464, 465. Eulalia, Abbess, Ansclm's letters to, 578. Eustace I I I . Count of Boulogne, sent over to England by Uuke Robert, i.

56, ii. 465 et seq. ; agrees to surrender Rochester, i. 80; pleading made for, i. 84 ; goes on the first crusade, i. 55 r. Eustace, monk of Bee, i. 399. Eustace, father of one Geoffrey, Anselm rebukes him for bigamy, ii. 579. Eustace, son of William of Breteuil, i. 268 (note). E v a , widow of William Crispin, her correspondence with Anselm, ii. 5 7 1 . Everard of Puiset, goes on the first crusade, i. 5 5 1 . Evreux Castle, garrisoned by William the Conqueror, i. 192 ; its position and history, i. 262-264. Ewermy, priory of, ii. 86, 89. Exmes, Robert of Belleme driven back from, i. 242. Eynesham, monks of Stow moved to, «• 585, 587Eystein, brother of Sigurd, does not go on the crusade, ii. 206. E. Faricius, Abbot of Abingdon, his appointment, ii. 360; why not appointed to the see of Canterbury, ib.; recovers the manor of Sparsholt, ii. 380 (note). Farman the monk, ii. 579. Earn Islands, ii. 50. Fecamp, ceded to William Rufus, i. 276. Feudalism, developement of, under Rufus, i. 4 ; systematized by Randolf Flambard, i. 324, 335 et seq., 3 4 1 . Feudal tenures, mainly the work of Flambard, i. 335, 3 3 6 ; abolished in 1660, ib. Finchampstead, portent at, ii. 258, 3 1 6 . Flanders, her share in the first crusade, i. 547. Flemings, their settlement in Pembrokeshire, ii. 70 (note), 74, 88, 6 1 5 ; whether also in Gower and Glamorgan, ii. 88, 103. Florus, son of Philip and Bertrada, ii. 174Forest laws, become stricter under William R u f u s , i. 1 5 5 ; enforced by Henry I., ii. 355. Forfeiture, provision as to, in Henry's charter, ii. 354. Fourches, castle of, ii. 428. France, beginning of her rivalry with England, i. 5 ; effects of the war with, i. 7 ; her rivalry with Normandy, i. 201 ; her firdt direct dealings with England, i. 2 4 0 ; her

INDEX. relations with England and Normandy, ib. ; designs of William Ruflis on, ii. 167 ; his war with, ii. 1 6 7 , 1 7 1 , 1 7 5 et seq.; its position compared with that of Maine, ii. 168170. Francis I. of Trance, compared with William Rufus, i. 173. Franlc-almoign, tenure of, i. 350. Franks, Eastern name for Europeans, i. 546. Fresnay-le-Vicomte, castle and church of, ii. 229. Freystrop, ii. 95 (note). Frome (river) at Bristol, i. 38. Fulcher, brother of Bandolf Flam bard, ii. 552 ; receives the see of Lisieux, ii. 416. Fulchered, Abbot of Shrewsbury, his sermon at Gloucester, ii. 318. Fulcherius Quarel, i. 215 (note). Fulk, Abbot of Saint Peter on Dives, his deposition and restoration, i. S7°Fulk, Bishop of Beauvais, Anselm intercedes for, ii. 582. Fulk, Eechin, Count of Anjou, Robert does homage to, for Maine, i. 204; patronizes pointed shoes, i. 159, ii. 502 ; his wives, ii. 172 (note), ii. 192 ; Robert seeks help from him, ib. ; seeks Bertrada of Montfort in marriage, ib.; marries her, ii. 1 9 4 ; garrisons Le Mans, ii. 232, 62S ; his unsuccessful attempt on Ballon, ii. 236; returns to Le Mans, ii. 237, 628; his convention with William, ii. 238, 628-630; helps Helias to besiege the castle of Le Mans, ii. 37°Fulk, Count of Anjou, K i n g of Jerusalem, marries Ermenberga daughter of Helias, ii. 374. Fulk, Dean of Evreux, father of Walter Tirel, ii. 322, 672. G. Gaillefontaine, castle of, surrendered to Rufus, i. 230. Galen, story of, i. 151 (note). Galloway, dealings of Magnus with, ii. 141. Gausbert, A b b o t of Battle, 1. 443. Gentry, growth of, under Henry I., ii. 356Geoffrey, Archbishop of Rouen, his appointment to the deanery of Le Mans, ii. 201 ; nominated bishop by Helias, ii. 210 ; set aside by the chapter, ib.; appointed to the see of Rouen, ib.

703

Geoffrey, Bishop of Coutances, rebels against William Rufus, i. 27, 34, ii. 470; occupies Bristol, i. 40 ; notices of his estates, ib.; his relation to Bristol, ib.; his speech on behalf of William of Saint-Calais, i. 100; charges the Bishop's men with robbing his cattle, i. 1 1 3 ; his death, i. 444. Geoffrey, Bishop of Chichester, his death, i- 135Geoffrey, monk of Durham, charge brought against him, i. 116, ii. 60 (note). Geoffrey of Baynard, his combat with William of Eu, ii. 63. Geoffrey Martel, son of Fulk Rechin and Ermengarde, ii. 192 ; betrothed to Ermenberga daughter of Helias, ii. 232 ; left by his father in command of Le Mans, ib. Geoffrey, Count of Mayenne, i. 205; submits to Duke Robert, i. 209; founds the castle of Saint Cenery, i. 2 1 4 ; accepts the succession of Hugh, ii. 195,197 ; truce granted to him by Rufus, ii. 230 ; estimate of his conduct, ii. 231; submits to Rufus, ii. 241. Geoffrey Plantagenet, his parentage, ii. 374Geoffrey, Count of Perche, enmity of Robert of Belleme to, i. 183, 242 ; Orderic's estimate of, i. 242 (note). Gerald, Abbot of Tewkesbury, visits Wulfstan, i. 479. Gerald of Windsor, his wife Nest, ii. 97, 110 (note); builds Pembroke Castle, ii. 96 ; defends it against the Welsh, ii. 101,108 ; his devices against them, ii. 109; his mission to K i n g Murtagh, ii. 425 ; grant of Henry I. to, ii. 451. Gerald, story of his attempt on Randolf Flambard's life, ii. 560. Gerard, Bishop of Hereford and Archbishop of York, his mission to Pope Urban, i. 524, 525; returns with Legate Walter, i. 526; his appointment and consecration, i. 543, 544; present at the consecration of Gloucester Abbey, ii. 317 ; signs Henry's letter to Anselm, ii. 366; appointed to the see of York, ii. 392. Gerard, Bishop of Seez, story of the capture of his clerk by Robert of Belldme, ii. 5 2 1 ; his death, ib. Gerard of Gournay, submits to William Rufus, i. 229 ; his castle, i. 230 ; supports Rufus, i. 472 ; goes on the first crusade, i. 552 ; his death, ii. 55. Germinus. See Jurwine.

704

INDEX.

Geronto, A b b o t of Dijon, his mission to W i l l i a m Rufus, i. 553, ii. 5 5 8 ; rebukes him, i. 554 ; overreached b y him, ib.; A n s e l m ' s letter to, ii. 589. Geroy, history of his descendants, i. 214. Gervase, Archbishop of Rheims, ii. 196. Gervase, nephew of Bishop Gervase of L e M a n s , ii. 201 (note). Oevelton. See Y e o v i l t o n . Giffard, in the fleet of M a g n u s , ii. 4 5 1 . Gilbert, Bishop of E v r e u x , goes on the first crusade, i. ? 6 o ; goes to Sicily, i. 562 ; attends Odo on his deathbed, i. 5 6 3 ; A n s e l m ' s letter to, ii. 575. G i l b e r t Maminot, Bishop of Lisieux, his death, ii. 416. G i l b e r t of Clare, holds T u n b r i d g e Castle against W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 6 8 ; surrenders, i. 69 ; his gift of the priory of Clare to Bee, i. 376 ; his confession to R u f u s , ii. 45 ; with h i m in the N e w Forest, ii. 321. G i l b e r t of L a i g l e , drives back R o b e r t of Belleme, i. 242 ; his descent and kindred, i. 243 (note); comes to Robert's help at Rouen, i. 249, 253; enters Rouen, i. 2 5 6 ; t a k e n prisoner by Lewis, ii. 190 ; charged w i t h the government of L e Mans, ii. 241 ; w i t h W i l l i a m R u f u s in the N e w Forest, ii. 3 2 1 ; legend of his share in the burial of Rufus, ii. 33S, 676. Gilbert, nephew of Bishop Walcher, ii. 605. Gilliugham, meeting of A n s e l m and W i l l i a m R u f u s at, i. 4 7 7 - 4 8 1 ; written Illingham by Eadmer, i. 477 (note). Gilo de Soleio, beholds W i l l i a m ' s army on its way to Maine, ii. 228. Giraldus Cambrensis, born at Manorbeer, ii. 95 ; his parentage, ii. 97. Gisa, Bishop of Somerset, his death, i. 136. Gisors Castle, its first defences b y P a g a n or TheobaJd, ii. 1 8 6 ; strengthened by Robert of Belleme, ii. 151, 1 8 7 ; under H e n r y I I . , ii. 188 ; its present appearance, ib.; restored to P a g a n b y D u k e Robert, ii. 396. Givele. See Y e o v i l . Glamorgan, legend of the conquest of, ii. 79-81, 6 1 3 ; estimate of the story, ii. 8 1 ; settlement of, by Robert Fitzhamon, ii. 81, 8 4 ; distinguished from M o r g a n w g , ii. 85 ; its extent, ib.; military character of its churches, ii. 88. Gloucester, sickness of W i l l i a m R u f u s at, i. 3 9 1 ; A n s e l m ' s first installation at, i. 4 0 0 ; meetings at, ii. 10, 13, 33.

Gloucester A b b e y , g i f t s of A r n u l f and E m m e l i n e of Hesdin t o , i i . 65 ; works of R o b e r t Fitz-hamon at, ii. 8 4 ; grant of W e l s h churches to, ib. ; consecration of, ii. 317 ; A b b o t F u l c h e red's sermon there, ii. 318. Gloucestershire, ravaged by W i l l i a m of E u , i. 41, 44. Godehild, daughter of R a l p h of Toesny, her marriages, i. 270 (note). Godgifu, nickname g i v e n to M a t i l d a , ii. 389. G o d r e d Crouan, his dominion, ii. 136 ; his expulsion and death, ii. 1 3 7 ; his sons, ib. Godric and Godgifu, nicknames g i v e n to H e n r y I . and M a t i l d a , ii. 389. Godricus unus liber homo, holds Sparsholt, ii. 380 (note). Godwine, Earl, a benefactor of Christ Church, T w i n h a m , ii. 555. Godwine of Winchester, story of his duel w i t h Ordgar, ii. 1 1 6 , 6 1 7 ; notices of him in Domesday, ii. 1 1 6 , 6 1 6 ; estimate of the story, ii. 1 1 7 , 6 1 5 . Godfrey of Lorraine, goes on the first crusade, i. 552. Goodeve, surname, a corruption of Godg i f u , ii. 389 (note). Gordon, General,parallelled with R o b e r t son of Godwine, ii. 123. Gosfridus M a l a Terra, ii. 485. Gospatric, son of Beloch, ii. 5 5 1 . Gospatric, son of Mapbennoe, ii. 5 5 1 . Gospatric, son of Orm, ii. 551. Gournay, castle and church of, i. 230. G o w e r , no part of Glamorgan, ii. 85 ; conquest of, ii 102 ; castles built in, ii. 1 0 3 ; alleged W e s t Saxon settlement of, ii. 103, 6 1 5 ; g r a n t e d to H o w e l , ii. 451. G r u f f y d d , son of Cynan, his Irish allies, i. 1 2 2 ; attacks R h u d d l a n , ib. ; at D w y g a n w y , i. 1 2 4 ; invades E n g l a n d , ii. 100 ; schemes to save A n g l e s e y , ii. 1 2 8 ; fails to hold it and flees to Ireland, ii. 131 ; returns to W a l e s , ii. 301, 4 2 4 ; his settlement w i t h R o b e r t of Belleme, ii. 424. G r u f f y d d , grandson 0 f C a d w g a n , defeats the English, ii 107. G r u f f y d d , son of Rhydderch, ii. 81. G u n d r a d a of Gournay, marries N i g e l of A l b i n i , ii. 5,5, 612. G und ul f, Bisho p of Rochester, his buildings at Rochester, i. 54 (note); his tower a t Mailing, i. 70; sent to punish the monks of Saint A u g u s tine's, i. 1 4 0 ; his friendship w i t h A n s e l m , i. 3 7 4 ; his letter to the

705

INDEX. monks of Bee, i. 405 ; A n s e l m ' s visit to, i. 4 0 6 ; blasphemous speech of W i l l i a m R u f u s to, i. 407 ; present at the consecration of the church of B a t t l e , i. 4 4 4 ; question as to his action in the council of Rockingham, i. 516 (note) ; present a t the consecration of Gloucester A b b e y , ii. 3 1 7 ; his signature to H e n r y ' s charter, ii. 3 5 8 ; expounds "William R u f u s ' s dream to him, ii. 661. Gundulf, father of A n s e l m , i. 366, G u y of Etampes, Bishop of L e Mans, his rebuilding after the fire, ii. 639. G u y , A b b o t of Pershore, his share in the defence of Worcester, ii. 481. G u y , A b b o t of Saint A u g u s t i n e ' s , sent w i t h a summons to Bishop W i l l i a m , i. 90 ; driven out b y the monks and citizens, i. 139 ; signs the D u r h a m charter, ii. 536. G u y , monk of Christ C h u r c h , i. 140 (note). G u y , Count of Ponthieu, i. 180. G u y of the R o c k , his fortress of Roche G u y o n , ii. 1 8 0 ; submits to W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 181. G u y of Vietme, Legate, his pretensions not acknowledged, ii. 391. G u y the R e d K n i g h t , helps to defend Courcy, ii. 5 1 9 ; his daughter betrothed to K i n g Lewis, ib. G w e n l l w g , revolt of, ii. 106. G w e n t , revolt of, ii. 106 ; E n g l i s h defeat in, ii. 107. G w y n e d d , revolt in, ii. 424.

H. Haimericus de M o r i a , his conference w i t h Heiias, ii. 3 7 1 . H a i r , long, fashion of, i. 158, ii. 500. H a k o n , E a r l of O r k n e y , A n s e l m ' s letter to, ii. 5 8 1 ; his murder of Saint M a g n u s and repentance, ii. 582. H a l l a m , held b y R o g e r of Bully, ii. 160. H a l l a m , H e n r y , on H e n r y V I I I . , i. 1 7 3 (note). Hamon, V i s c o u n t of Thouars, notices of his lands, ii. 83 (note), H a m o n the Dapifer, signs H e n r y ' s letter to Anselm, ii. 366. Harecher, or A r c h a r d , of Domfront, revolts against R o b e r t of Belleme, l. 319, ii. 5 3 8 ; signs the foundation charter o t ' L o n l a y A b b e y , ii. 539. Harold, son of God wine, case of his excommunication, i. 6 x 2 ; his W e l s h VOL. II.

campaign compared w i t h t h a t of W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 71, 105. Harold, son of Harold, w i t h the fleet of M a g n u s , ii. 1 3 4 - 1 3 6 , 619. Harold, son of Godred Crouan, ii. 137. H a r r o w , church of, dispute as to its consecration, i. 440. Hartshorne, M r . , on Rochester, i. 53 (note), 54 (note); on A l n w i c k , ii. 592. H a s g a r d , ii. 95 (note). Hasse, M , , his L i f e of A n s e l m , i. 325 (¡note). Hastings, castle of, held b y R o b e r t of E u , i. 229 ; assembly at, i. 441 ; consecration of R o b e r t B l o e t at, i.

445*

H a s t i n g s , F r a n k A b n e y , paralleled w i t h R o b e r t son of Godwine, ii. 123. H a v e r f o r d w e s t Castle, ii. 95. Hebrides. See Sudereys. H e d e n h a m , grant of, to Rochester, ii. 506. H e i i a s of L a Flfcche, contrasted w i t h R u f u s , i. 1 7 1 ; enmity of R o b e r t of Belleme to, i. 183 ; his character and descent, i. 205,11. 195, 1 9 6 ; submits to D u k e R o b e r t , i. 209 ; his position compared with that of K i n g Philip, ii. 1 6 9 ; his castles, ii. 196 ; his wife M a t i l d a , ib. ; his possible claim on the county of Maine, ii. 195, 197 ; imprisons and sets free Bishop H o w e l , ii. i(;8, 199, 624 j b u y s the county of H u g h , ii. 203; excellence of his reign, ii. 2 0 4 ; his friendship for Bishop H o w e l , ib. ; prepares to go on the crusade, ii. 205 ; estimate of his action, ii. 206; his interview w i t h R o b e r t and with W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 2 0 7 - 2 1 0 ; challenges Rufus,ii. 208 ; m a k e s ready for defence, ii, 210 ; his action in the appointment to the bishopric, ii. 2 1 1 , 6 2 4 ; his acceptance of H i l d e b e r t the cause of the war, ii. 213, 625 ; strengthens D a n g e u l Castle, ii. 213, 214 ; his guerilla warfare, ii. 215 ; defeats R o b e r t of Belleme at Saoneg, ii. 222 ; his second victory over him, ii. 223 ; t a k e n prisoner near D a n g e u l , ii. •223, 224, 6 2 5 ; surrendered to W i l liam R u f u s , ii. 225 ; honourably treated b y him, ib.; Hildebert negotiates for his release, ii. 238, 625, 628-630 ; W i l l i a m agrees to release him, ii. 238, 628 ; his interview w i t h W i l l i a m at R o u e n , ii. 242-245, 640 - 6 4 5 ; defies him, ii. 243, 641 ; is set free, ii. 244, 642, 643 ; his renewed action, ii. 275 ; marches against L e Mans, ii. 277 ; his victory at Pontlieue, ii. 378 ; recovers

706

INDEX.

L e M a n s , ib. ; besieges t h e castles i n v a i n , ii. 282 ; flees to C b a t e a u - d u L o i r , ii. 2 8 7 ; b u r n * two castles, ii. 288 ; r e t u r n s to L e M a n s , ii. 370 ; his d e a l i n g s w i t h t h e garrison of t h e castle, ii. 370, 371 ; called t h e " W h i t e B a c h e l o r , " ii. 3 7 1 ; his c o n f e r e n c e w i t h W a l t e r of R o u e n , ib.: s u r r e n d e r of t h e castle to, ii. 3 7 3 ; hi* last reign, ib.; h i s f r i e n d s h i p w i t h H e n r y I., ii. 373, 4 1 3 ; his second m a r r i a g e , ib,; descent of t h e A n g e v i n k i n g s f r o m liim, ii. 3 7 4 ; notices of his d e a t h , ii, ^4 (note); A n s e l m ' s l e t t e r to him, ii. 5 8 1 . H e l i a s of S a i n t - S a e n s . m a r r i e d t o Rob e r t ' s d a u g h t e r , i. 235 ; his descent, ib.; i m p o r t a n c e of his position, i. 2 3 6 ; his fidelity t o R o b e r t , i. 237. Heloise, C o u n t e s s of E v r e u x , h e r r i v a l r y w i t h I s a b e l of Conches, i. 2 3 1 - 2 3 4 , 245 ; Orderic's a c c o u n t of h e r , i. 237 (note) ; h e r b a n i s h m e n t a n d d e a t h , i. 2 7 0 ; B e r t r a d a of M o n t f o r t b r o u g h t upby.ii.1g3. H e n r y I V . , E m p e r o r , i, 5 4 9 ; excomm u n i c a t e d a t t h e Council of C l e r m o n t , i. 549, 61 H e n r y I., his f a m i l i a r k n o w l e d g e of E n g l i s h , i. v i i i ; t h e one ^ E t h e l i n g a m o n g W i l l i a m ' s sons, i. 11, ii. 461 ; a n alleged p a r t y f a v o u r s his i m m e d i a t e succession, i.i 1 (note); difficulties in t h e w a y of it, i. 20; r e f u s e s a l o a n to R o b e r t , i. 196 ; b u y s t h e C o t e n t i n a n d A v r a n c h i n o f h i m , i. 196, ii. 5 1 0 - 5 1 6 ; his firm rule, i. 197, 221 ; goes t o E n g l a n d a n d claims his m o t h e r ' s l a n d s , i. 195, 1 9 7 ; W i l l i a m Etufus p r o m i s e s t h e m t o h i m . i. 197 ; b r i n g s R o b e r t of B e l l e m e b a c k w i t h h i m , i. 1 9 9 ; imprisoned b y D u k e R o b e r t , ib. ; set free, i. 220 ; s t r e n g t h e n s his castles, i. 2 2 1 ; comes to R o b e r t ' s h e l p a t R o u e n , i. 2 48 ; sends h i m a w a y , i. 2 5 4 ; t a k e s O m a n , i. 2 5 6 ; p u t s h i m to d e a t h w i t h his own h a n d , i. 2 5 7 - 2 5 9 , i i . 5 1 6 - 5 1 8 ; policy t h e r e o f , i. 2 6 0 ; W i l l i a m a m i R o b e r t a g r e e t o g e t h e r against, i. 278, ii. 5 2 7 ; excluded from t h e succession b y t h e t r e a t y of Caen, i. 280 ; his position as .¿Etheling, i. 281 ; W i l l i a m ' s policy t o w a r d s , ib.; strengthens himself Against his b r o t h e r s , i. 283 ; besieged by them at Saint Michael's M o u n t , i. 2 8 4 - 2 9 2 , ii. 528 5 3 5 ; Robert's generosity to, i. 291, ii. 5 3 4 ; s u r r e n ders, i. 2 9 3 ; accompanies W i l l i a m to E n g l a n d , i. 293, 295 : his a l l e g e d a d v e n t u r e s , i. 294, ii. 535 -540 ; signs

t h e D u r h a m c h a r t e r , 1. 305, ii. 5 3 6 ; chosen lord of D o m f r o n t , i. 3 1 9 , ii. 5 3 8 ; restored t o W i l l i a m ' s favour, i, 3 2 1 ; w a r s a g a i n s t R o b e r t , ib.; g e t s b a c k his c o u n t y , ib.; occupies t h e castle of S a i n t J a m e s , ib.; g r a n t s it t o E a r l H u g h , i. 3 2 3 ; alleged spoliation of, b y F l a m b a r d , i. 334, 3 5 7 ; h e l p s R o b e r t , g r a n d s o n of G e r o y , a g a i n s t R o b e r t of B e l l e m e , i. 4 6 9 ; s u m m o n e d b y W i l l i a m to E u , ib.; goes t o E n g l a n d , i. 470 ; reconciled t o W i l l i a m , ib.; r e t u r n s t o N o r m a n d y a n d w a r s a g a i n s t R o b e r t , ib.; W i l l i a m ' s g r a n t s to, i. 5 6 7 ; s t o r y of h i m o n t h e d a y of W i l l i a m ' s d e a t h , ii. 3 2 1 , 345, 346 ; his claims to t h e t h r o n e , ii. 3 4 4 ; h i s speedy election, ii. 345, 68d ; W i l l i a m of B r e t e u i l w i t h s t a n d s his d e m a n d for t h e t r e a s u r e , ii. 346, 680 ; p o p u l a r f e e l i n g for h i m , ii. 346, 3 5 1 ; h i s f o r m a l election, ii. 347, 3 4 8 ; fills u p t h e see of W i n c h e s t e r , ii. 349 ; h i s coronation, ii. 350, 681 ; g o e s to L o n d o n w i t h R o b e r t of M e u l a n , ii. 350, 6 8 0 ; f o r m of his o a t h , ii. 350 ; h i s c h a r t e r , i. 336, 3 3 8 , 34 2 > 3 4 4 ' 3 5 2 ~ 3 5 7 J his s t a t u t e a g a i n s t t h e m e r c e n a r i e s , i. 1 5 4 , ii. 49S ; his policy t o w a r d s t h e second order, ii. 3 5 6 ; his a l l e g e d laws, ii. 3 5 7 ; his a p p o i n t m e n t s t o a b b e y s , ii. 3 5 9 ; i m p r i s o n s R a n d o l f F l a m b a r d , ii. 3 6 1 ; h i s i n n e r council, ii. 362 ; recalls A n s e l m , ii. 3 6 4 ; N o r m a n int r i g u e s a g a i n s t , i i . 367, 368, 393, 395 ; his w a r w i t h R o b e r t , ib.; t h e g a r r i s o n of L e M a n s s e n d a n e m b a s s y to, ii. 3 7 2 ; h i s f r i e n d s h i p w i t h H e l i a s , ii. 373' 4*3 5 meeting with Anselm, ii. 3 7 4 ; his d i s p u t e w i t h h i m c o m p a r e d w i t h t h a t of R u f u s , i. 605, ii. 374 ; calls on A n s e l m t o do h o m a g e , ii. 3 7 5 ; t h e q u e s t i o n is a d j o u r n e d , ii. 3 7 7 , 378, 399 ; h i s r e f o r m a t i o n of t h e c o u r t , ii. 379, 502 ; hi3 p e r s o n a l c h a r a c t e r , ii. 3 7 9 ; his mistresses a n d c h i l d r e n , ii, 97, 1 1 0 (note), 380, 3 8 1 , 389, 4 1 4 ; seeks E a d g y t h - M a t i l d a in m a r r i a g e , ii. 382, 684 ; his descent f r o m i E l f r e d , ii. 383 ; objections t o t h e m a r r i a g e , ii. 384, 6 8 3 - 6 8 8 ; l a t e r fables a b o u t h i s m a r r i a g e , ii. 387, 684, 685 ; h i s m a r r i a g e , ii. 3 8 7 ; his n i c k n a m e of Godric, ii. 389 ; his c h i l d r e n b y M a t i l d a , ib.; a p p o i n t s G e r a r d t o t h e see of Y o r k , ii. 3 9 2 ; his r u l e d i s t a s t e f u l t o t h e N o r m a n s , ii. 395 ; p l o t s a g a i n s t h i m , ii. 395, 3 9 9 ; his W h i t s u n g e m o t , ii. 399 ; loyalty of t h e C h u r c h a n d people to, ii. 401, 410, 4 1 1 ; f u s i o n of N o r -

707

INDEX. mans and English under, ii. 401, 4 5 5 ; peace of his reign, ii. 402, 454; his l e v y against Hubert's invasion,, ii. 403 ; desertion of some of his fleet, ii. 404, 686, and of certain of the nobles, ii. 409 ; his nickname of Hartsfoot, ib.; his trust in A n s e l m , and promises to him, ii. 410, 4 1 1 ; his exhortation to his army, ii. 4 1 1 ; his negotiations w i t h Robert, ii. 412 ; their personal meeting and treaty, ii. 4 1 2 - 4 1 5 , 538, 688 - 6 9 1 ; his schemes against the great barons, ii. 4 1 5 ; his rewards and punishments, ii. 417 ; his action against R o b e r t of Belleme, ii. 421, 422 ;; negotiates against h i m w i t h D u k e R o b e r t , ii. 426 ; besieges A r u n d e l , ii. 428 ; A r u n del and T i c k h i l l surrender to him, ii. 428, 429 ; his faith pledged for Robert of Belleme's life, ii. 430, 438 ; his Shropshire campaign, ii. 432 et seq.; besieges Bridgenorth, ii. 4 3 5 4 4 4 ; division of feeling in his army, ii. 43/ ; appeal of his army to, ii. 438 ; his dealings w i t h the W e l s h , ii. 439, 4 5 1 - 4 5 3 ; surrender of Bridgenorth to, ii. 4 4 4 ; his march to Shrewsbury, ii. 446-448 ; R o b e r t of Bellgme submits to, ii. 448 ; banishes him and his brothers, ii. 449, 4 5 0 ; his later imprisonment of R o b e r t of Belleme, i. 184, ii. 450 ; banishes W i l liam of Mortain, ii. 4 5 3 ; character and effects of his reign, ii. 454, 457 ; the refounder of the E n g l i s h nation, ii. 455 ; his compromise with A n s e l m , ib.; E n g l a n d reconciled to the Conquest under, ii. 4 5 6 ; his correspondence w i t h A n s e l m , ii. 5 7 9 ; see of Carlisle founded by, i. 3 1 8 ; at the consecration of C a n t e r b u r y Cathedral, i. 597 {note) ; his settlement of Flemings in Pembrokeshire, ii. 7 0 (note); his second marriage, ii. 389 {note); seizes on the treasure left by M a g n u s at Lincoln, ii. 624. H e n r y I I . , his blasphemy, i. 1 6 7 ; question of the legatine power granted to, i. 526 {note); estimate of his dispute with Thomas, i. 605. H e n r y V I I I . compared with F r a n c i s I., i. 173 {note). H e n r y of B e a u m o n t , earidom of W a r wick granted to, i. 4 7 2 ; his influence in favour of the election of H e n r y I., ii. 348,680; his signature to H e n r y ' s charter, ii. 358; one of his inner council, ii. 362 ; signs H e n r y ' s letter to A n s e l m , ii. 3 6 6 ; the owner of a burgess at Gloucester, ii. 564. Z Z

H e n r y of H u n t i n g d o n as a contemporary writer, i. 9 {note). H e n r y of P o r t , his signature to t h e charter of H e n r y I . , ii. 358. H e n r y , son of N e s t and H e n r y I., ii. 379' H e n r y , son of Swegen, ii. 5 5 1 . H e p p o the balistarius, given as a surety to Bishop W i l l i a m , i. 1 1 4 , 120. H e r b e r t Losinga, Bishop of Thetford, buys the see for himself, i. 354, ii. 568, and the A b b e y of N e w M i n s t e r for his father, i. 355 ; repents, and receives his bishopric from the P o p e , i. 355, ii. 568 ; anger of R u f u s thereat, i. 356, ii. 569 ; not present a t A n s e l m ' s consecration, i. 4 2 9 ; deprived b y R u f u s , i. 448, ii. 5 6 9 ; restored to his see, i. 449, ii. 5 6 9 ; moves the see to N o r w i c h , ib. H e r e d i t a r y right, growth of, i, 280. Hereford, seized b y R o b e r t of L a c y , 1. 46. H e r f a s t , Bishop of Thetford, his encounter with Saint Eadmund, ii. 268. H e r l w i n , A b b o t of Glastonbury, his appointment, ii. 360. H e r v e y , Bishop of Bangor, a t the consecration of Gloucester A b b e y , ii. 3i7- . Hiesmois, w a r in, ii. 428. H i l d e b e r t , Bishop of L e M a n s , his election accepted b y Helias, ii. 2 1 1 , 625 ; his character, ii. 212 ; anger of W i l liam R u f u s at his election, ii. 213, 625 ; negotiates for the release of H e lias, ii. 2 3 8 , 6 2 5 , 6 2 8 - 6 3 0 ; a t the head of the municipal council of L e M a n s , ii. 226, 238 ; welcomes W i l l i a m R u f u s into L e M a n s , ii. 2 4 0 ; reconciled to him, ii. 297, 6 2 6 ; charges brought against, ib.; ordered to pull d o w n the towers of Saint Julian's, ii. 297, 298, 6 5 4 ; receives t h e kiss of peace from Rotrou's mother, ii. 373 {note); translated to the see of Tours, ii. 212 ; Anselm's letters to, ii. 580. Hildebert I I . , A b b o t of S a i n t M i c h a e l ' s M o u n t , his buildings, i. 284. H i l g o t of L e Mans, ii. 201. H o l m P e e l , Island of, M a g n u s at, ii. 141. Honour, l a w of, as practised b y W i l l i a m Rufus, i. 85, 92, 169, 408, ii. 14, 237, 244 ; P a l g r a v e on, ii. 508. Hook, W . F . , his estimate of A n s e l m , i. 326 {note). H o w a r d , family of, ii. 430 {note). H o w e l , Bishop of L e M a n s , his l o y a l t y 2

708

INDEX.

to D u k e Robert, i. 205, 208, ii. 198 ; story of his appointment, i. 205 ; consecrated at Rouen, i. 207, 208; his conduct during the famine, i. 208; imprisoned b y Helias, ii. iy8, 624; liberated by him, ii. 1 9 9 ; flees to Robert and is bidden to return, ii. 200 ; his disputes with H u g h and with his chapter, ii. 201 ; comes to England, ib.; his reconciliation and return, ii. 202 ; his friendship with Helias, ii. 204 ; translates Saint Julian, ib.; his buildings, ii. 205, 634 et seq., 6 5 6 ; entertains Urban, ii. 205 ; his sickness, ib., and death, ii. 210 ; foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral signed by, i. 309 (note). Howel, W e l s h prince, flees to Ireland, ii. 301. Howel, son of Goronwy, besieges Pembroke, ii. 108 ; grants to, by H e n r y I., ii.452. H u b e r t of R y e , his alleged share in the accession of William the Conqueror, ii. 463. Hucher, M., on L e Mans, ii. 631. Hugh, Archbishop of Lyons, denounces Philip's adulterous marriage, ii. 173 ; advises Anselm to return after the death of Rufus, ii. 364 ; Anselm's letter to, i. 419, ii. 571, 576. H u g h , Saint, his foreign origin, i. 365. H u g h of Saint-Calais, Bishop of L e Mans, his buildings at and gifts to L e Mans, ii. 639, 640. H u g h , A b b o t of Clugny, his dream about William Rufus, ii. 341, 666. Hugh, Abbot of Flavigny, his story of the mission of Abbot fi-eronto, ii. 588 ; marvellous tales told by, ii. 5S9 ; his chronicle and career. 55 1 ) illN o r h a m Castle, founded Ijy F l a m b a r d , ii. 272. N o r m a n Conquest, at once completed and undone under R u f u s and under H e n r y I., i. 3, 7, 130, ii. 4 5 6 ; E n g land reconciled to it by H e n r y I., ii. 4 5 6 ; compared with that of W a l e s , ii. 72. N o r m a n nobles, revolt against W i l l i a m Rufus, i. 22 et seq., ii. 465 et seq.; refuse to attend the Easter Gemot, i. 32; amnesty granted to, b y R u f u s , i. 8 8 ; accepted as Englishmen, i. 132 ; some loyal to R u f u s , i. 62 ; second revolt of, ii. 37. N o r m a n d y , chief seat of u arfare in the reign of R u f u s , i. 1 7 S ; contrasted w i t h England, ib.; temptations for the invasion of R u f u s , i. 1 8 8 ; under Robert, i. 189, 190; spread of vice in, i. 1 9 2 ; building of castles in, ih.; its r i v a l r y w i t h F r a n c e , i. 201 ; R u f u s ' s invasion of, agreed to by the W i t a n , i. 222-224; its relations with England and France, i. 240; private wars in, i. 2 4 1 - 2 4 4 ; Orderic's picture of, i. 271 ; R u f u s crosses over to. i. 2 7 3 ; compared with England, i. 468 ; her share in the first crusade, i. 5 4 7 ; pledged to R u f u s b y Robert, i. 5 5 5 ; R u f u s takes possession of, i. ¡66; his rule in, i. 567, 569, 5 7 ° ; renewed anarchy in, on his death, ii. 366. N o r m a n n u s . See Northman. N o r m a n s and English, fusion of, i. 130, 134, ii. 401, 4 5 5 ; use of the words, ii. 649.

Northallerton, church of, granted to the monks of D u r h a m , i. 535. Northampton, architectural arrangements of the castle, i. 601 ; constitution of the Council of 1164, i. 602. N o r t h m a n , monk of Christ Church, i. 140 (note). N o r t h u m b e r l a n d , invaded b y M a l c o l m , i. 296. N o r w i c h , see of T h e t f o r d m o v e d to, i. 449, ii. 569. 0. O a k b u r n , a cell of Bee, i. 376 (note). Odo, Bishop of B a y e u x , restored to his earldom, i. 19, ii. 467 ; his discontent and intrigues, i. 23, 24, ii. 4 6 5 ; his hatred towards Lanfranc, i. 24, 53 (jtote); his harangue against W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 26, ii. 4 6 6 ; his ravages in K e n t , i. 5 2; occupies Rochester Castle, i. 5 5 ; invites R o b e r t over, i. 5 6 ; hated by the English, i. 67, 86 ; moves to P e v e n s e y , i. 7 0 ; besieged therein b y R u f u s , i. 7 2 - 7 6 ; surrenders on favourable terms, i. 7 6 ; his treachery at Rochester, i. 77 ; besieged therein, i. 79 ; agrees to surrender, i. 8 0 ; R u f u s refuses his terms, i. 81 ; pleadings made for, i. 8 3 ; terms granted to, b y R u f u s , i. 8 5 ; his humiliation and banishment, i. 85-87 ; Ills influence w i t h D u k e Robert, i. 199 ; his exhortation to him, i. 200 ; marches w i t h liim into M a i n e , i. 208 ; his further schemes, i. 2 1 1 ; goes on the first crusade, i. 560; his death and tomb at Palermo, i. 563, 5 7 1 , ii. 307 ; said to have married P h i l i p and B e r t r a d a , ii. 172. Odo, A b b o t of Chertsey, resigns his abbey, i. 3 5 0 ; restored b y H e n r y , ib. Odo of Champagne, lord of H o l d e r ness, part of the lands of the see of D u r h a m granted to, i. 9 0 ; his agreem e n t w i t h the Bishop, i. 93 ; intervenes on his behalf, i. 109, 117, 1 2 0 ; confiscation of his lands, ii. 66. Odo, D u k e of B u r g u n d y , his alleged scheme against A n s e l m , i. 606. Ogmore Castle, ii. 86. Olaf, Saint, legend of h i m and M a g n u s , ii. 139. Olaf, son of Godred Crou.tix, ii. 137, 623. Oldbury, ii. 155. Omens, W i l l i a m R u f u s sneers at the E n g l i s h regard for, ii. 330. Ordeal, contempt of W i l l i a m R u f u s for,

INDEX. i. 157, 165; Eadmer's belief in, i. 166 (note}. Orderic, writes R o b e r t of R h u d d l a n ' s epitaph, i. 128; his picture of N o r mandy, i. 271 ; dictates his writings, 1. 272 (note) ; his account of the expedition of Magnus, ii. 142 ; the only writer who mentions Eadgyth-Matilda's change of name, ii. 687. Ordgar, his charge against Eadgar j33theling, ii. 115, 6 1 7 ; story of his duel with Godwine, ii. 1 1 5 - 1 1 7 , 6 1 7 ; estimate of the story, ii. 117, 6 1 5 ; notices of, in Domesday, ii. 616. Ordwine, monk, Anselm's letters to, ii. 579Orkneys, invaded by Magnus, ii. 140. Orm, priest, signs t h e D u r h a m charter, ii. 536. Orm's Head, the, origin of the name, i. 123 (note). Orricus de Stanton, ii. 555. Osbern, monk of Bee, various bearers of the name, i. 374 (note). Osbern, brother of Flambard, ii. 551. Osbern of Orgères, companion of Robert of Rhuddlan, i. 126. Osbern of Richard's Castle, rebels against William Rufus, i. 33. Osgod Clapa, his irreverence towards Saint Eadmund, ii. 268. Osmund, Bishop of Salisbury, sent with a summons to Bishop William, i. 116; consecrates his cathedral, i. 3095 helps at t h e consecration of the church of Battle, i. 444 ; absolved by Anselm for his conduct at Rockingham, i. 533 ; Anselm confers with him at Winchester, i. 586; receives William of Alderi's confession, ii. 68 ; not present at his hanging, ib.; his death, i. 351, ii. 302; his signature to the D u r h a m charter, ii. 536. Oswald, Saint, K i n g of the N o r t h u m brians, rebuilds the church of T y n e mouth, ii. 17, 604; his relic at Bamburgh, ii. 49, 608. Oswine, K i n g of Deira, his martyrdom, ii. 1 7 ; invention of his relics, ii. 18, 603; his translation, ii. 18, 606. Outillé Castle, strengthened by Helias, ii. 275 ; burned by him, ii. 288. Owen, son of Edwin, ii. 424. Oystermouth Castle, ii. 103. P. P a d u a , siege of, i. 173 (note). Pag-an or Theobald, fortifies Gisors, ii. 186; taken prisoner by Lewis, ii.

715

186 (note), 190 j Gisors restored to, ii. 396. P a g a n of Montdoubleau, holds Ballon against D u k e Robert, i. 209 ; Orderic's tale of his forsaking Saint Cenery, i. 469 (note) ; betrays Ballon to William Rufus, ii. 235. P a g a n of Turberville, holds Coyty, ii. 87 ; joins the Welsh, ii. 104. Palermo, death and tomb of Odo of Bayeux at, i. 563, 571, ii. 307. Palgrave, Sir F., on chivalry, ii. 508 ; his condemnation o f ' t h e crusades, ii. 509 ; on the alleged Domesday of R a n dolf Flambard, ii. 562-564 ; his belief in the legend about Purkis, ii. 679. Pallium, elder usage as to, i. 482 ; not needful for the validity of archiépiscopal acts, i. 483. Papacy, English feeling as to the schism in, i. 415. Paschal I I . , Pope, speech of William R u f u s on his election, i. 623; Anselm's letters to, ii. 582. P a u l , Abbot of Saint Alban's, Anselm's friendship with, i. 424; his death, i. 424, ii. 18. P a u l , Earl of Orkney, t a k e n prisoner by Magnus, ii. 140; his death in Norway, ii. 140, 581. P a u l a , mother of Helias of L a Flèche, ii. 196. Peckham manor, mortgaged by Anselm to t h e monks of Christ Church, i- 559 ; kept by t h e monks, i. 596. Peers, their right of trial, i. 604 (note). Pembroke Castle, description of, ii. 96 ; begun by Arnulf of Montgomery, ib. ; later castle, ib. ; defended b y Gerald of Windsor, ii. 101, 108 ; surrendered to H e n r y I . by Arnulf, ii. 450 (note) ; grant of, by H e n r y I., ii. 451' Pembrokeshire, Flemish settlement in, ii. 70 (note), 74, 88, 615 ; building of castles in, ii. 93 ; military character of its buildings, ii. 96. P e n m o n Priory, ii. [29, 130 (note). Penrice Castle, ii. 103. Percy, house of, beginning of its connexion with Alnwick, ii. 15, 596. P e r r a y , castle of, ii. 216. P e t e r of Maule, ii. 252. Peterborough, monks of, buy a congé d'élire of Rufus, i. 352. Pevensey, held by Robert of Mortain, i. 53, 62 ; Odo moves to, i. 7 0 ; castle of, i. 72 ; besieged by William Rufus, i. 7 3 - 7 6 ; attempted landing of the Normans at, i. 74, ii. 468, 481 ;

716

INDEX.

surrenders, i. 76 ; H e n r y I. g a t h e r s his fleet at, ii. 404, P h i l i p I . of F r a n c e , marches w i t h Hubert against E u , i. 238 ; b o u g h t off b y "William R u f u s , i. 2 3 9 ; historical i m p o r t a n c e of this bribe, ib.; mediates b e t w e e n W i l l i a m R u f u s and R o b e r t , i. 275, ii. 5 2 2 ; helps R o b e r t a g a i n s t W i l l i a m , i. 463 ; ret u r n s to F r a n c e , i. 464 ; b o u g h t off b y W i l l i a m , i. 466 ; his position compared w i t h t h a t of H e l i a s of M a i n e , ii. 1 6 9 ; r e b u k e d by B i s h o p I v o of Chartres, i. 559 (note) ; puts a w a y his first wife, ii. 1 7 1 ; seeks E m m a of Sicily in m a r r i a g e , ii. ] 71 (note); his a d u l t e r o u s m a r r i a g e w i t h B e r t r a d a of M o n t f o r t , i. 548, ii. 1 7 1 , 1 7 2 ; denounced by H u g h of L y o n s , ii. 1 7 3 ; his excommunication, i. 549, ii. 1 7 3 ; his p r e t e n d e d divorce, ii. 1 7 3 (note) ; his sons b y B e r t r a d a , ii. 1 7 4 ; g r a n t s t h e V e x i n to L e w i s , ii. 1 7 5 ; his letter to A n s e l m , ii. 580. P h i l i p , son of P h i l i p and B e r t r a d a , ii. 174. P h i l i p of Braose, supports W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 4 7 2 . P h i l i p , son of R o g e r of M o n t g o m e r y , goes on the first crusade, i. 552 ; conspires against W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 38 ; signs t h e D u r h a m charter, ii. 536. P i a c e n z a , Council of, i. 322, £ 4 5 ; no mention of E n g l i s h affairs at, i. 522. P i p e Rolls, notices of n o m e n c l a t u r e in, 55i, .. „ P o i x , lordship of W a l t e r T i r e l , 11.673. P o n t h i e u , acquired by R o b e r t of B e l leme, ii. 423. P o n t l i e u e , victory of H e l i a s at, ii. 278. Pontoise, g r a n t e d to L e w i s b y P h i l i p , ii. 1 7 5 ; claimed b y W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 1 7 6 ; withstands W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 185 ; castle and t o w n of, ii. 2 4 7 ; t h e f u r t h e s t point in t h e F r e n c h c a m p a i g n of W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 248. P o p e , W i l l i a m of Saint-Calais appeals to, i. 103, J 0 9 ; first appeal made to, i. 1 1 9 ; not to be a c k n o w l e d g e d w i t h o u t t h e k i n g ' s consent, i. 4 1 4 ; A n s e l m insists on the a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t , i. 4 1 6 ; question left u n s e t t l e d , i. 4 2 4 ; no reference to, in t h e ease of E n g l i s h episcopal appointments, i. 425 ; position of E n g l a n d towards, i. 496. P o r c h e s t e r , D u k e R o b e r t lands at. ii. 405 ; church and castle of, ii. 406 (note). P o w y s , a d v a n c e of E a r l R >a r in, ii. 97.

Prisoners, ransom of, i. 464. P u r k i s , t h e charcoal-burner, legend of, ii. 679. Q. Q u a t f o r d , D a n i s h fortification a t , ii. 152 ; castle of, ii. 1 5 3 ; E a r l R o g e r ' s b u i l d i n g s at, ii. 1 5 4 ; l e g e n d of t h e f o u n d a t i o n of t h e church, ii. 1 5 4 (note). R. R a d e g u n d , w i f e of R o b e r t of G e r o y , i. 469 (note). R a d n o r , ii. 77R a l p h L u f f a , B i s h o p of Chichester, i. 353 ; at t h e consecration of the c h u r c h of B a t t l e , i. 4 4 4 ; w h e t h e r a m e d i a t o r b e t w e e n H e n r y I . and t h e garrison of A r u n d e l , ii. 430 (note). R a l p h , B i s h o p of Coutances, at t h e consecration of t h e c h u r c h of B a t t l e , i. 444' R a l p h , A b b o t of Seez, a f t e r w a r d s A r c h bishop of C a n t e r b u r y , d r i v e n out b y R o b e r t of B e l l e m e , i. 184, 2 4 2 ; h i s a l l e g e d share in t h e surrender of A r u n d e l , ii. 430 (note). R a l p h of A i x , death of W i l l i a m R u f u s a t t r i b u t e d to, ii. 325, 334, 663. R a l p h of F r e s n a y and B e a u m o n t , t r a c e g r a n t e d to, b y W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 230; e s t i m a t e of liis conduct, ii. 231 ; subm i t s to W i l l i a m R u f u s . ii. 241. R a l p h of M o r t e m e r , rebels a g a i n s t W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 3 4 ; submits to him, i. 231. R a l p h P a g a n e l , Sheriff of Y o r k s h i r e , his t r e a t m e n t of W i l l i a m of S a i n t Calais, i. 31 ; founds H o l y T r i n i t y P r i o r y , Y o r k , ib.; his action in reg a r d to B i s h o p W i l l i a m ' s lands, i. go ; at the m e e t i n g at Salisbury, i. I I I . R a l p h of T o e s n y , or Clinches, drives out t h e ducal forces, i. 193 ; joins R o b e r t ' 3 e x p e d i t i o n into M a i n e , i. 209 ; his f e u d w i t h W i l l i a m of E v r e u x , i. 231, 233, 245 ; a s k s help in vain from D u k e R o b e r t , i. 234 ; submits to R u f u s , ib.; his treaties w i t h W i l l i a m of E v r e u x , i. 267, 2 7 0 ; w a r s a g a i n s t R o b e r t o f M e u l a n , i. 2 7 0 ; supports W i l l i a m R u f u s in his second invasion, i. 472 ; his death, i. 2 70 ; entertains W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 246. R a l p h of T o e s n y , t h e y o u n g e r , 1. 233, 271. R a l p h of W a c e y , his n i c k n a m e , ii. 193. R a l p h of W a d e r , goes on t h e first crusade, i. 552.

INDEX. R a m a , siege of, ii. i t * (note), 122. R a n d o l f F l a m b a r d , Bishop of D u r h a m , feudal developement under, i. 4 ; his early history, i. 329, ii. 5 5 1 ; said to have been D e a n of T w i n h a m , i. 330, ii. 553 ; his parents, i. 331 ; origin of his surname, i. 331, ii. 555 ; his financial skill, i. 331 ; his probable share in Domesday, i. 331, ii, 552 ; his alleged new Domesday, i. 332, ii. 562 ; J u s ticiar, i. 333, ii. 557 ; his loss of land for the N e w Forest, i. 333 ; his systematic changes and exactions, i. 333, 339» 346, 348 ; his alleged spoliation of the rich, i. 334, 341 ; systematizes the feudal tenures, i. 336 e t s e q . ; his theory of land tenure, i. 337 ; e x t e n t of his changes, i. 340 ; the l a w - g i v e r of E n g l i s h feudalism, i. 3 4 1 ; suggests the holding of the revenues of vacant sees, i. 345 et s e q , ii. 564 ; his action in k e e p i n g the see of Canterb u r y vacant, i. 363 (note); his suit against A n s e l m , i. 428 ; a t t a c k s and imprisons R o b e r t son of Godwine, ii. 121 ; K i n g E a d g a r ' s action towards, ib. ; his exactions, ii. 256; joint reg e n t w i t h Bishop W a l k e l i n , ii. 266 ; see of D u r h a m granted to, ii. 2 7 1 ; his consecration, ib.; character of the appointment, ii. 272 ; his buildings at D u r h a m , ii. 60, 272 ; founds Norhani Castle, ib.; his personal character, ii. 273 ; his penitent end, ii. 274 ; his dealings w i t h Saint A l b a n ' s A b b e y , ii. 359 (note); imprisoned by H e n r y , ii. 3 6 1 ; his escape, ii. 3 9 7 ; adventures of his mother, ii. 398 ; stirs D u k e R o b e r t up against H e n r y , ib.; said to h a v e brought about desertions to D u k e Robert, ii. 404 ; receives the revenues of the see of Lisieux under cover of his son, ii. 4 1 6 ; his signature to the D u r ham charter, ii. 536 ; entries about, in Domesday, ii. 5 5 3 ; his official position, ii. 557 ; story of the attempt on his life, ii. 560 ; his measurement by the rope, 563R a n d o l f Meschines, E a r l of Chester, grant of the earldom of Carlisle to, ii. 549. R a n d o l f Peverel, ii. 485. Randolf, his encounter w i t h Saint Eadmund, ii. 269. Ransom, g r o w t h of the custom, i. 464- . Rapes, in Sussex, origin of the name, ii. 564R a y m o n d , C o u n t of Toulouse, refuses to do homage to A l e x i o s , i. 564 (note).

717

R e d e m p t i o n of land, as devised b y F l a m b a r d , i. 3 3 7 ; as reformed b y H e n r y I . , i. 338, 353. R e g i n a l d , A b b o t of A b i n g d o n , said to h a v e helped in distributing t h e Conqueror's treasure, ii. 265 (note); his death, ii. 265 (note), 381 (note). R e g i n a l d of Saint E v r o u l , adorns R o b e r t of R h u d d l a n ' s tomb, i. 128. R e g i n a l d of W a r r e n , comes to R o b e r t ' s help at Rouen, i. 249, 253. R e i n g a r , Bishop of L u c c a , his protest in favour of A n s e l m , i. 622. R e l i e f , F l a m b a r d ' s theory as to, i. 337, 3 3 8 ; enforced b y H e n r y ' s charter, i. 3 3 g . «• 353R e m i g i u s , Bishop of Lincoln, denounces the slave trade, i. 310 ; completes the minster, ib.; his dispute w i t h Thomas of Y o r k , i. 3 1 1 ; wins over W i l l i a m R u f u s , ib.; his death, i. 312 ; alleged miracles a t his tomb, i. 312 (note) ; his -signature to the D u r h a m charter, 536. B & n u s a t , Charles de, his L i f e of A n s e l m , i. 325 (note). R h u d d l a n , a t t a c k e d b y G r u f i y d d , i. 122 ; castle of, ii. 77. R h y d - y - g o r s Castle, built b y W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 9 7 ; defence of, ii. 1 0 1 ; gained b y t h e Welsh, ii. 106. R h y s ap T e w d w r , K i n g of D e h e u b a r t h , driven from and restored to his k i n g dom, i. 121 ; his a t t a c k on R h u d d l a n Castle, i. 122, ii. 7 8 ; his defeat and death a t B r e c k n o c k , ii. 9 1 ; effect of his death, ii. 92. R h y s ap Thomas, Sir, ii. 95 (note). R i c h a r d X., compared w i t h W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 290. R i c h a r d I I . , recasts W e s t m i n s t e r H a l l , ii. 263. R i c h a r d the Good, D u k e of t h e N o r mans. i. 169. R i c h a r d , son of D u k e Robert, his death, ii. 316. Richard, son of H e n r y I. and A n s f r i d a , 314. 3 8 0 ; dies in the W h i t e Ship, ii. 381. R i c h a r d , A b b o t of S a i n t A l b a n ' s , ii. 166. R i c h a r d , A b b o t of E l y , his appointment, ii. 360 ; removed b y A n s e l m , ib. R i c h a r d of Courcy, besieged by D u k e R o b e r t and R o b e r t of Belleme, i. 274 ; supports W i l l i a m Rufus, i. 472. R i c h a r d of M o n t f o r t , his d e a t h before Conches, i. 266. R i c h a r d of Redvers, supports H e n r y , i. 2 2 1 ; surrenders to W i l l i a m R u f u s ,

718

INDEX.

i. 2 8 3 ; j o i n s H e n r y , 1. 3 2 0 ; one o f H e n r y ' s i n n e r council, ii. 362 ; b i s l o y a l t y t o H e n r y , ii. 399 ; g r a n t e d to H e n r y b y R o b e r t , ii, 5 1 3 . R i c h a r d S i w a r d , ii. 86. R i c h a r d T i s o n e , ii. 596. R i c h e r o f L a i g l e , i. 243 (note.) R i c h e r a ( R i c h e s a ) , sister of A n s e l m , h i s l e t t e r s to, ii. 579. R o b e r t , D u k e of t h e N o r m a n s , assertion o f his h e r e d i t a r y r i g h t , i. 11 (note), ii. 4 6 0 ; r e l e a s e s D u n c a n a n d W u l f , i. 1 4 ; his g i f t s for his f a t h e r ' s soul, 1 . 1 8 ; compared w i t h W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 20, 226 ; a r g u m e n t s of t h e rebels i n his f a v o u r , i. 24 e t s e q . ; i n v i t e d to E n g l a n d b y O d o , i. 56 ; sends o v e r R o b e r t o f B e l l e m e a n d others, ib.; d e l a y s his c o m i n g , i. 7 1 , 7 4 ; his childish b o a s t i n g , i. 71 ; his promises t o O d o , i. 7 2 ; w e l c o m e s B i s h o p W i l l i a m , i. 1 1 7 ; M . le H a r d y ' s a p o l o g y f o r h i m , i. 1 7 5 (note)-, W i l l i a m o f M a l m e s b u r y ' s e s t i m a t e of h i m , ib.; c h a r a c t e r of his r e i g n foretold by his f a t h e r , i. 1 8 9 ; a n a r c h y u n d e r h i m , i. 190, 191 ; his c h a r a c t e r , i. 190, 298, ii. 3 9 3 ! s p r e a d of v i c e u n d e r h i m , i. 1 9 2 ; his l a v i s h w a s t e , i. 195 ; sells t h e C o t e n t i n a n d A v r a n c h i n to H e n r y , i. 1 9 6 , ii. 5 1 0 - 5 1 6 ; imprisons H e n r y a n d R o b e r t of B e l l e m e , i. 199 ; E a r l R o g e r m a k e s w a r on him, ib.; Odo's exhort a t i o n to h i m , i. 200; does h o m a g e to F u l k o f A n j o u for M a i n e , i . 204; M a i n e s u b m i t s t o h i m , 1. 209 ; B a l l o n surr e n d e r s t o h i m , i. 2 1 0 ; besieges S a i n t C e n e r y , i. 211 ; b l i n d s R o b e r t C a r r e l , i. 2 1 6 ; g r a n t s S a i n t Ceriery to R o b e r t , g r a n d s o n o f G e r o y , i. 2 1 7 ; A l e n f o n a n d B e l l e m e surrender to h i m , i. 218 ; f r e e s R o b e r t of B e l l e m e a n d H e n r y , i. 220 ; a s k s K i n g P h i l i p to h e l p h i m a g a i n s t W i l l i a m , i. 237 ; suspects t h e l o y a l t y of M a i n e , ii. 1 9 1 ; a s k s h e l p of F u l k of A n j o u , ii. 1 9 2 ; barg a i n s f o r the m a r r i a g e of F u l k and B e r t r a d a , ii. 1 9 3 , 1 9 4 ; M a i n e r e v o l t s a g a i n , ii. 197 ; his carelessness as t o h i s loss, ii. 2 0 0 ; c l e a v e s to his r i g h t s o v e r the bishopric, ib. ; m a r c h e s on E u , i. 238; a p a r t y in R o u e n in his f a v o u r , i. 24S ; H e n r y a n d R o b e r t of B e l l e m e come t o his help, ib.; sent a w a y f r o m R o u e n b y H e n r y , i. 255 ; is b r o u g h t b a c k , i. 260 ; his t r e a t m e n t of t h e citizens, ib.; h e l p s R o b e r t of B e l l e m e in his p r i v a t e w a r s , i. 273 ; h i s t r e a t y w i t h W i l l i a m , i. 2 7 5 - 2 8 1 , i i . 522, 5 2 8 ; m a r c h e s a g a i n s t H e n r y ,

i. 2 8 3 ; b e s i e g e s S a i n t Michael's M o u n t , i. 2 8 5 - 2 9 2 , ii. 5 2 8 - 5 3 5 ; s t o r y o f his c l e m e n c y t o w a r d s H e n r y , i. 291, ii. 534 ; a c c o m p a n i e s W i l l i a m t o E n g l a n d , i. 295, 2 9 7 ; his r e l a t i o n s w i t h M a l c o l m , i. 297, ii. 541 e t seq. ; mediates between William and Malcolm, i. 301 ; f o r m e r h o m a g e of M a l c o l m to him, i. 302, ii. 542 ; signs t h e D u r h a m c h a r t e r , i. 305, ii. 5 3 6 ; his fresh d i s p u t e w i t h W i l l i a m , i. 3 0 6 ; l e a v e s E n g l a n d , i. 3 0 7 ; H e n r y w a r s a g a i n s t h i m , i. 3 2 1 ; consents t o A n s e l m ' s a c c e p t a n c e o f t h e p r i m a c y , i. 4 0 6 ; his c h a l l e n g e s to W i l l i a m , i. 4 3 5 , 4 3 6 ; h i s m e e t i n g w i t h h i m i. 4 6 1 ; calls on P h i l i p for h e l p , i. 4 6 3 ; t a k e s L a H o u l m e , i. 4 6 5 ; besieges M o n t a c u t e , i. 469 (note); Henry again w a r s a g a i n s t him, i. 4 7 0 ; his e a g e r n e s s t o g o on the c r u s a d e , i. 552 ; f o r c e d t o a p p l y t o W i l l i a m for h e l p , i. 553 ; A b b o t Geronto mediates between t h e m , i. 5 5 3 - 5 5 5 ; p l e d g e s N o r m a n d y t o W i l l i a m , i. 5 5 5 , ii. 506 ; his conference w i t h W i l l i a m , i. 5 5 9 ; sets forth, i. 560 ; his c o n d u c t as a c r u s a d e r , i. 560, 564, 565, 566, ii. 394 ; b l e s s e d b y U r b a n a t L u c c a , i. 5 6 1 ; g o e s t o R o m e , ib.; w e l c o m e d b y R o g e r o f A p u l i a , ib.; crosses t o D y r r h a c h i o n , i- 5^3 ; does h o m a g e t o A l e x i o s a t C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , i. 5 6 4 ; h i s presence a t L a o d i k e i a a n d J e r u s a l e m , i. 564, 565, ii. 3 0 0 ; said t o h a v e r e f u s e d t h e c r o w n of J e r u s a l e m , i. 566 ; m a r r i e s S i b y l of C o n v e r s a n a , ii. 3 1 2 ; h i s rec e p t i o n i n S o u t h e r n I t a l y , ib.; r e t u r n s t o N o r m a n d y , i. 566, ii. 3 1 1 , 3 6 7 ; g i v e s t h a n k s a t S a i n t M i c h a e l ' s for his safe r e t u r n , ii. 367 ; his r e n e w e d m i s g o v e r n m e n t , ii. 367, 3 9 4 ; his c l a i m s to t h e E n g l i s h t h r o n e , ii. 3 4 3 , 344, 346 ; s u p p o r t e d f>y W i l l i a m of B r e t e u i l a n d o t h e r N o r m a n s , ii. 3 4 6 , 347 ; N o r m a n nobles i n t r i g u e w i t h , a g a i n s t H e n r y I . , ii. 366, 368 ; b e g i n n i n g of his w a r w i t h H e n r y , ii. 368 ; his r e p l y t o t h e garrison of L e M a n s , ii. 372 ; plots on h i s b e h a l f , ii. 395 ; h i s g r a n t s a n d promises, ib.; h i s fleet, ii. 402 ; desertions to, ii. 404, 409, 686 ; l a n d s a t P o r t c h e s t e r , ii. 405 ; e s t i m a t e of his c o n d u c t in n o t b e s i e g i n g W i n chester, ii. 4 0 6 ; m e e t s H e n r y n e a r A l t o n , ii. 4 0 9 ; t h r e a t e n e d w i t h e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n b y A n s e l m , ii. 4 1 0 ; n e g o t i a t e s w i t h him, ii. 4 1 2 ; p e r s o n a l m e e t i n g a n d t r e a t y b e t w e e n t h e brot h e r s , ii. 4 1 2 - 4 1 5 , 538, 6 8 8 - 6 9 1 ;

INDEX. returns to Normandy, ii. 414 ; Henry negotiates with him, against Robert of Bel'6me, ii. 426 ; besieges Vignats, ib.; said to have stood godfather to Eadgyth-Matilda, ii. 602. Robert, Bishop of Hereford, foretells the death of Remigius, i. 3 1 2 ; receives Wulfstan's confession, i. 479 ; Wulfstan appears to him, i. 480; absolved by Anselm for his conduct at Rockingham,i. 533; Wulfsfcan appears to him again, ib. and note; his death, i- 535Robert Bloet, Bishop of Lincoln, accompanies William Rufus to England, i. 13 ; his appointment, i. 395, ii. 584; his character and offices, i. 39:;, 447, ii. 584 et seq.; Thomas of Y o r k claims the right to consecrate him, i. 433 ; consecrated by Anselm, i. 445-447 ; bribes Rufus, i. 446; his death, i. 448, ii. 587 ; local legends about, i. 448, ii. 586; said to have besieged Tickhill, ii. 431 ; signs the Durham charter, ii. 536; not in good favour with monks, ii. 585 ; his son Simon, ii. 586 ; meaning of his name, ii. 588. Robert, Bishop of Bath, restores the canons of Wells, ii. 487. Robert Losinga, Abbot of N e w Minster, the abbey bought for him by his son, i. 355 ; his death, ii. 265 {note), 267. Robert, Abbot of Saint Eadmund's, his appointment, ii. 3 5 9 ; removed by Anselm, ii. 360. Robert of Belleme, sent over to England by Duke Robert, i. 57, ii. 465 et seq.; agrees to surrender Rochester, i. 80; pleadings made for him, i. 84; his history and greatness, i. 179,180; his character, i. 1 8 1 ; his cruelty and 15I> 222 i enmities, i. 182-184, drives out the ducal garrisons, i. 193, 201 ; sent against Rufus by Robert, i. 5 7 ; returns to Normandy and is imprisoned, i. 199, 219; exhortation of Odo against him, i. 201 ; released at his father's prayer, i. 219, 220; his subsequent action, i. 242 ; drives away Abbot Ralph of Seez, i. 184, 242 ; comes to the help of Duke Robert, i. 248 ; helped by Robert against his neighbours, i. 273, 274; his oppression at Domfront, i. 319 ; succeeds to the Norman estates of his father, i. 180, 4 7 3 ; to his English estates, i. 180, ii. 148 ; men of Domfront revolt against, i. 319; his action in Wales, ii. 123 ; extent of his estates, ii. 148, 163; his position on the continent

719

and in England, ii. 149, 150; compared with the Counts of Mortain, ii. 149, and with Hugh of Chester, ii. 150; his oppression, ii. 1 5 1 ; his skill in castle-building, ib.; his defences in Shropshire, ii. 152 ; removes from Quatfordto Bridgenorth, ii. 155 ; builds Careghova Castle, ii. 158 ; his Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire estates, ii. 1 5 9 ; lands of Roger of Bully granted to, ii. 162 ; strengthens Gisors Castle, ii. 187 ; attacks Maine, ii. 2 1 3 ; stirs up William Rufus to war, ii. 215 ; carries it on, ii. 216 ; his nickname of " Robert the Devil," ii. 216, 219 ; his castles in Maine, ii. 216; wrong and sacrilege done by him, ii. 221, 222 ; defeated by Helias, ii. 222, 223 ; takes Helias prisoner, ii. 224 ; contrasted with William Rufus, ib.; occupies and strengthens Ballon Castle, ii. 235, 282 ; story of him at the siege of Mayet, ii. 291; hastens to acknowledge Henry I. as king, ii. 362; calls himself the " m a n " of Helias, ii. 373 (note); plots against Henry, ii. 395 ; Duke Robert's grants to, ib.; deserts from Henry, ii. 409 ; said to have negotiated between Henry and Robert, ii. 412 ; charges brought against, ii. 421 ; does not appear before the assembly, ib.; proclamation against, ii. 442; again summoned, but refuses to come, ib.; greatness of his possessions, ii. 423 ; his acquisition of Ponthieu, ib.; his Welsh and Irish allies, ii. 423-426; strengthens his castles, ii. 428; harries Staffordshire, ii. 429 ; Henry's faith pledged for his life, ii. 430, 438 ; seizes the land of William Pantulf, ii. 434 ; feeling in the army on his behalf, ii. 436; his dealings wth Murtagh and with Magnus, ii. 442 ; holds out at Shrewsbury, ii. 445 ; his despair, ii. 446 ; sues for peace, and submits, ii. 448 ; his banishment, ii. 449 ; joy at his overthrow, ib.; his later history, 1.184, ii. 450. Robert Carrel, holds Saint Cenery against Duke Robert, i. 215 ; blinded by him, i. 216. Robert of Conteville, i. 115. Robert the Cornard, his device of pointed shoes, i. 159, ii. 502. Robert of Courcy, marries Rohesia of Grantmesnil, i. 273 (note) ; wounded at Saones, ii. 222. Robert of Curzon, Saint Eadmund's dealings with, ii. 269,

720

INDEX.

R o b e r t t h e Dispenser, signs t h e foundation c h a r t e r of S a l i s b u r y C a t h e d r a l , i. 309 {note); invents t h e surname Flambardf i. 309 (note), 3 3 1 . R o b e r t C o u n t of E u , submits to R u f u s , i. 229. R o b e r t F i t z - h a m o n , his l o y a l t y to W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 6 2 ; M a t i l d a ' s lands g r a n t e d to, b y R u f u s , i. 1 9 8 ; his foundation a t T e w k e s b u r y , i. 4 7 9 ; story of him and J e s t i n , ii. 8 0 ; estimate of the story, ii. 8 i , 6 1 4 ; his conquest of G l a m o r g a n and settlement a t Cardiff, ii. 81, 8 4 ; other notices of, ii. 8 2 ; marries E a r l R o g e r ' s daughter, ii. 83 ; his w o r k s at G l o u c e s t e r and T e w k e s b u r y , i i . 8 4 ; said to h a v e t a k e n p a r t against R h y s , ii. 91 ; tells t h e monk'B d r e a m to W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 328 ; legend of his share in t h e burial of R u f u s , ii. 338, 6 7 6 ; signs H e n r y ' s letter to A n s e l m , ii. 3 6 6 ; his loyalty t o h i m , ii. 399 ; said to h a v e n e g o t i a t e d b e t w e e n H e n r y and R o b e r t , ii. 4 1 2 . R o b e r t F i t z h a r d i n g , his probable orig i n , i. 46 (note). R o b e r t t h e Frisian, C o u n t of F l a n d e r s , his i n t e r v i e w w i t h W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 4 1 1 ; his e x p e d i t i o n to t h e E a s t , ib.; his help to the E m p e r o r A l e x i o s , ib.; his death, ib. R o b e r t of J e r u s a l e m , C o u n t of F l a n d e r s , succeeds h i s father, i. 4 1 2 ; goes on t h e first crusade, i. 5 5 1 , 5 6 0 ; A n s e l m ' s letter to, ii. 5 S 1 . R o b e r t , E a r l of Gloucester, n a t u r a l son of H e n r y I., ii. 379, 4 1 4 » marries M a b e l , d a u g h t e r of R o b e r t F i t z hamon, ii. 83. R o b e r t , n a t u r a l son of H e n r y I . a n d N e s t , ii. 379. R o b e r t M a l e t , his banishment, ii. 4 1 7 . R o b e r t , C o u n t of ]V£pulan. son of R o g e r of B e a u m o n t , i. 1 8 4 ; his possessions, i. 185 ; his exploits at Senlac, ib.; his f a m e for wisdom, ib.; claims I v r y , i. 2 4 3 ; his imprisonment and release, ib.; advises R u f u s as to A n s e l m ' s conditions, i. 4 1 7 ; supports W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 472 ; his description of A n s elm, i. 5 x 1 ; marries Isabel of V e r mandois, i. 187 (note), 5 5 1 ; his marriage denounced b y Bishop I v o of C h a r t r e s , i. 5 5 1 (note); his a n s w e r to A n s e l m ' s discourse, i. 591 ; his policy t o w a r d s W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 182, 184 ; receives his troops, ii. 1 8 2 ; counsels W i l l i a m R u f u s to r e j e c t H e l i a s ' s offer of service, ii. 243, 641 ; accompanies

H e n r y to L o n d o n , ii. 350, 6 8 0 ; one of his councillors, i. 186, ii. 350, 362, 4 2 0 ; does not sign H e n r y ' s c h a r t e r or l e t t e r to A n s e l m , ii. 366 ; N o r m a n raid a g a i n s t his lands, ii. 367 ; his a d v i c e to H e n r y I . , ii. 400 ; his bargain w i t h I v o of G r a n t m e s n i l , ii. 4 1 8 ; becomes E a r l of L e i c e s t e r , ii. 4 1 9 ; his d e a t h , i. 187, 4 1 9 ; his sons, ib.; his college at Leicester, ii. 4 2 0 ; A n s e l m ' s l e t t e r s to him, ii. 580. R o b e r t , E a r l of L e i c e s t e r , son of R o b e r t of M e u l a n , i. 187, ii. 4 1 9 ; founds L e i c e s t e r A b b e y , ii. 420. R o b e r t of M o n t f o r t , repairs a n d holds V a u x - e n - B e l i n for W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 2 8 9 ; his signature to H e n r y ' s charter, ii- 3 5 8 ; his treason to D u k e R o b e r t , ii. 4 2 7 . R o b e r t , C o u n t of M o r t a i n , rebels a g a i n s t W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 33, ii. 4 7 0 ; holds P e v e n s e y against him, i. 53, 62 ; exhorted b y Odo to hold out, i. 70 ; besieged b y W i l l i a m R u f u s i n P e v e n s e y , i. 73, 76 ; surrenders, i. 76. R o b e r t of M o w b r a y , E a r l of N o r t h u m berland, rebels a g a i n s t W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 3 5 ; b u r n s B a t h , i. 41 ; besieges I l c h e s t e r w i t h o u t success, 1. 42, 44 ; d r i v e s b a c k M a l c o l m , i. 2 9 7 ; h i s e x p e d i t i o n against him, ii. 16, 592 ; g r a n t s T y n e m o u t h to S a i n t A l b a n ' s , ii. 1 9 , 6 0 5 ; g r o u n d s for his conspiracy, ii. 3 7 , 40 ; marries M a t i l d a of L a i g l e , ii. 38 ; his second r e v o l t a g a i n s t W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 38. 4 3 ; plunders N o r w e g i a n ships, ii. 4 0 ; refuses redress, ii. 41 ; s u m m o n e d to t h e k i n g ' s court, ib,; demands a safeconduct, ii. 42 ; his open rebellion, ii. 42, 4 3 ; defence and sieges o f his fortresses, ii. 4 6 ; holds B a m b u r g h a g a i n s t R u f u s , ii. 50, 607 ; his a l l e g e d despair, ii. 5 1 ; his escape from B a m b u r g h , ii. 52, 609; said to h a v e b e e n t a k e n a t T y n e m o u t h , ii. 53, 6 1 0 ; t h r e a t e n e d w i t h blinding, ii. 54, 6 1 0 ; versions of his later history, ii. 5 4 , 6 r 1. R o b e r t of N e v i l l e , one of t h e defenders of B r i d g e n o r t h , ii. 433 ; his n e g o t i a tions w i t h H e n r y I „ ii. 440, 443. R o b e r t of P o n t e f r a c t , plots a g a i n s t H e n r y I,, ii. 395; his banishment, ii. 417. R o b e r t , M a r q u e s s of R h u d d l a n , r e b e l s a g a i n s t W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 34 ; a t t a c k m a d e on h i s lands b y G r u f f y d d , i. 122, 1 2 4 ; his probable c h a n g e of p a r t y , i. 1 2 3 ; returns to N o r t h W a l e s , ib.; his d e a t h a t D w y g a n w y , i. 126 ; buried a t

IttDEX. Chester, i. 127; his gifts to Chester, i. 12 7 (note); his connexion with Saint Evroul, ib.; translated thither, i. 128; Orderic's epitaph on, ib.; his lands in North Wales, ii. 77 ; extension of his possessions, ii. 78. Robert of Saint Alban's, his apostasy, ii. 123. Eobert of Torigny, his Chronicle, i. 9 (note). Eobert of Yeci, first lord of Alnwick, ii. 596. Eobert, son of Corbet, one of the defenders of Bridgenorth, ii. 432 ; notices of his estates in Domesday, ii. 433 (note); his negotiations with Henry X., ii. 44°, 443Eobert, son of Godwine, ii. 117 (note), 118 ; his exploits in Scotland, ii. 118, 617 ; King Eadgar's gifts to, ii. 121 ; attacked and imprisoned by Randolf Elambard, ib. ; goes on the crusade, ii. 122, 6x7 ; his exploits and martyrdom, ib.; modern parallels and contrasts with, ii. 123; notices of, in Fordun and William of Malmesbury, ii. 616, 617. Eobert, son of Harding, i. 45 (note). Eobert, son of Hugh of Montfort, sent to occupy the fortresses of Le Mans, ii. 2 39 Eobert, son of Nigel and Gundrada, founder of Byland Abbey, ii. 612. Eobert, son of Geroy, his rebellion and death, i. 214. Eobert, grandson of Geroy, Saint Cenery granted to, i. 217; loses the castle, i. 469 ; Henry iEtheling comes to his help against Eobert of Belleme, ib. Eobertson, E. W„ on Malcolm's homage to William Eufus, ii,. 540. Boche Guyon, La, castle of, ii. 180, 181. Eochester, its early history and position, i- 53, 54 ; later sieges of, i. 53 ; occupied by Odo, i. 55 ; the garrison refuse to surrender to William Eufus, i. 77 ; siege of, i. 79—85 ; surrenders, i. 85 ; benefactions of Eufus to the church, ii. 506. Kockingham, Council of (1095),!. 487 et seq.; position and history of the place, i. 489, 490; the castle, i. 490; importance of the council, i. 519 ; its constitution, i. 602. Eoger, Count of Sicily, legatine power granted to, i. 525 (note) ; marriage of his daughter, i. 526 ; besieges Amalfi, i. 561, and Capua, i. 614 ; forbids conversions of the Saracens, i. 161, 617 ; contrasted with Henry I., ii. 454. VOL. II.

721

Eoger, Duke of Apulia, welcomes Duke Eobert, i. 561 ; besieges Amalfi, i. 562; besieges Capua,i 614; receives Urban and Anselm in his camp, i. (15. Eoger, Bishop of Salisbury, possibly one of Henry's inner council, ii. 363. Eoger, Abbot of Saint Michael's Mount, i. 284. Eoger of Beaumont, father of Eobert of Meulan, i. 184; Brionne granted to, by Duke Eobert, i. 194; obtains the release of his son, i. 243 ; his death, i. 472. Eoger Bigod, rebels against William Eufus, i. 34 ; his ravages, i. 36 ; his action at the meeting at Salisbury, i. 98 ; signs Henry's charter, ii. 358 ; his loyalty to Henry, ii. 399 ; his signature to the Durham charter, ii. 536. Eoger of Bully, greatness of his estates, ii. 159, 161; foundsthe priory ofBlytli, ii. 161; his death, ii. 162; his lands granted to Eobert of Belleme, ib. Eoger of Clare, with William Eufus in the New Eorest, ii. 321. Eoger of Lacy, rebels against William Eufus, i. 33 ; seizes on Hereford, i. 46; his second rebellion, ii. 39 ; his trial and sentence, ii. 63. Eoger of Montgomery, Earl of Shrewsbury, rebels against William Eufus, i. 33, ii. 470; his action in the rebellion, i. 47, 57; his alleged presence before Worcester, ii. 481 ; at Arundel, i. 58; founds the priory of Saint Nicolas at Arundel, i. 59 (note) ; won over by William, i. 61, ii. 462 ; his action at the siege of Eochester, i. 80 j makes war on Duke Eobert, i. 199 ; his fortresses, i. 200; obtains his son's release, i. 219; his advance in Powys, ii. 97 ; his death, i. 473; his buildings at Quatford, ii. 154 ; his foundation at Wenlock, ib.; his signature to the Durham charter, ii- 536Eoger of Mowbray, son of Nigel and Gundrada, ii. 612. Eoger of Poitou, son of Earl Roger, rebels againstWilliam Rufus, i. 57 ; his agreement with Bishop William, i. 93 ; intervenes on his behalf, i." 109, 117, 120; holds Argentan for William Eufus, i. 463; surrenders to Robert, i. 464; plots against Henry i'- 395 ! his share in the rebellion of Robert of BellSme, ii. 423; his banishment, ii. 450. Eoger of Toesny, son of Ralph and Isabel, county of Evreux settled on, q A

722

INDEX.

i. 268 ; his character, if). ; his dream, i. 269; his death, 1. 270, E o g e r , son of Corbet, net,ices of, in Domesday, ii. 433 (note\ Rohais, wife of R i c h a r d of Clare, ii. 572. Rohesia, daughter of H u g h of Grantmesnil, marries R o b e r t of Courcy, i. 2 73 (note). Romania, use of the word. 1. 564 (note). R o m e , P o p e U r b a n on the unhealthiness of, i. 367 (note); treatment of D u k e Robert at, i. 561. Rope, measurement by, i. 68 (note), ii. 562, 564. Rosella, daughter of E a d w i n e , ii. 603. Rotrou of M o n t f o r t , Orderic's tale of his forsaking Saint Cenery, i. 469 (note); truce granted to, b y R u f u s , ii. 230; estimate of his conduct, ii. 231. Rotrou, Count of Perclie, goes on the first crusade, i. 551 ; imprisoned in the castle of L e M a n s , ii. 3 7 3 ; his mother gives the kiss of peace to Bishop H i l d e b e r t , ii. 373 (note). R o u e n , municipal spirit in, i. 246 ; the citizens favour W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 247; H e n r y comes to R o b e r t ' s help at, i. 248 ; its position in the eleventh century, i. 250; ducal castles at, ib.; cathedral and other churches of, i. 252 ; its gates and suburbs, i. 252, 2 5 3 ; R o b e r t sent a w a y from, i. 255 ; t a k e n b y H e n r y , i. 256 ; treatment of the citizens, i. 260 ; council held b y W i l l i a m R u f u s at, ii. 226. Rouen, synod of, i. 5 6 8 ; small results of, i. 569. R u a l e d u s , story of his treatment b y H e n r y , ii. 540. Ruislip, Middlesex, said to have been a cell of Bee, i. 376 (note). S. Saer, holds P e m b r o k e Castle, ii. 4 5 1 . Saint A l b a n ' s , Jews at, i. 160 (note); the abbey granted to the see of Cant e r b u r y , i. 423 ; four years' v a c a n c y of, i. 4 2 4 ; grant of T y n e m o u t h to, ii. 18, 605 ; Flambard's dealings w i t h , ii. 359 ('note). Saint Augustine's, Canterbury, disturbances at, on G u y ' s appointment, i. 1 3 9 ; vengeance of W i l l i a m R u f u s on, i. 140. Saint Cenery, his relics, i. 213 (note). Saint Cenery-le-Gerey, castle besieged b y D u k e Robert, i. 2 1 1 , 2 1 5 ; the former monastery, i. 212 ; foundation

of the castle, i. 2 1 4 ; seized b y M a b e l , i. 2 1 5 ; surrenders to R o b e r t , ib. ; mutilation of its defenders, i. 216 ; granted to Robert, grandson of G e r o y , i. 2 1 7 ; taken b y R o b e r t of B e l l è m e , i. 469. Saint D a v i d ' s , robbed b y pirates, ii. 78 ; tale of W i l l i a m R u f u s ' s visit to, ii. 93. Saint Eadmundsbury, J e w s at, i. 160 (note) ; church of, rebuilt b y A b b o t B a l d w i n , ii. 268 ; William R u f u s forbids the dedication, ii. 269. Saint Evroul, connexion of R o b e r t of R h u d d l a n with, i. 1 2 7 ; his translation to, i. 1 2 8 ; burial of H u g h of Grantmesnil at, i. 473. Saint Gervase, R o u e n , priory of, i. 252. Saint J a m e s , castle of, occupied b y H e n r y , i. 321 ; position and remains of, i. 321, 32 2 ; granted to E a r l H u g h , 1. 323, ii. 540. Saint Julian, translation of his body, ii. 204. Saint Mary-le-bow, roof of the church blown down, i. 308, ii. 589. S a i n t M i c h a e l ' s M o u n t , bought of R o b e r t by H e n r y , i. 196 ; cession of, demanded b y W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 277, ii. 5 2 4 ; buildings on, i. 2 8 4 ; H e n r y besieged at, i. 284-292. ii. 528-535 ; its position, i. 285 ; later sieges of, i. 286 ; surrenders to W i l l i a m , i. 292. Saint Oswald's, Worcester, granted to the see of Y o r k , i. 447. Saint Ouen, Rouen, abbey of, i. 252. Saint Remy-du-plain, castle of, ii. 216, 218. Saint Saens, its position, i. 235. Saint Stephen's, Caen, g i f t s of R u f u s to, i. 168, ii. 504-506. Saint T y f r y d o g , desecration of t h e church, ii. 131. Saint V a l é r y , submits to R u f u s , i. 227 ; historical importance of the fact, i. 228. Salisbury, assembly a t (1096), case of W i l l i a m of Saint-Calais heard at, i. 94 et seq. ; constitutional importance of, ii. 56, 57 ; compared w i t h that of 1086, ii. 5 8 ; sentences passed at, ii. 62. Salisbury Cathedral, consecration of, i. 308 ; fall of the tower roof, i. 309 ; signatures to the foundation charter, i. 309 (note). Samson, canon of B a y e u x , his appointment and consecration to the see of Worcester, i. 5 4 2 - 5 4 4 ; his great appetite, i. 543 (note) ; consecrates Gloucester A b b e y , ii. 3 1 7 .

INDEX.

Sibyl, daughter of E a r l R o g e r , marries R o b e r t Eitz-hamon, ii. 83. Sicilian monarchy, the, i. 525. Sicily, its relations w i t h E n g l a n d , i. 526 ; under the N o r m a n s , ii. 306. Siegfried, Bishop of Seez, signs the foundation charter of L o n l a y A b b e y , 539Signs and wonders, i. 176, ii. 246, 258, 302, 316. Sigston, church of, g r a n t e d to the monks of D u r h a m , ii. 535. Sigurd, son of M a g n u s and T h o r a , ii. 133 ; earldom of O r k n e y g r a n t e d to, ii. 140 ; his kingdom, ii. 146 ; his I r i s h marriage, ii. 136, 146, 443, 622 ; goes on the crusade, ii. 206. Sille, siege of, compared w i t h the deliverance of W o r c e s t e r , ii. 480. S i m e o n , A b b o t of E l y , ii. 359. Simon, son of R o b e r t Bloet, D e a n of Lincoln, i. 448, ii. 586. S i m o n of Montforfc, the elder and the ^ younger, ii. 190, 253, 254. S i m o n of M o n t f o r t , E a r l of L e i c e s t e r , his siege of Rochester, i. 53 (note) ; his ancestry, ii. 253. Simon of Senlis, E a r l of N o r t h a m p t o n , t a k e n prisoner b y L e w i s , ii. 190 (nute); his signature to H e n r y ' s charter, ii. 358. Simony, not systematic before R u f u s , . i . 348Siward B a r n , signs the D u r h a m charters,

Samson, chaplain to the Conqueror, story of his refusing the bishopric of L e Mans, i. 206. Samuel, Bishop of Dublin, consecrated b y A n s e l m , i. 544. Sanctuary, right of, decree of the council of Clermont as to, i. 548 (note). Sanford (Devonshire), held b y R o g e r of B u l l y , ii. 160 (note). Saones, castle of, ii. 216, 2 1 8 ; H e l i a s defeats R o b e r t of B e l l e m e at, ii. 222, Saracens in Sicily, compared w i t h the Jews, i. 161 ; A n s e l m ' s dealings with, i. 6 1 6 ; conversion of, forbiJden by D u k e R o g e r , i. 617 ; in Spain, mentioned in the Chronicle, ii. 306. Scandinavians, in Cumberland, i. 3 1 5 ; destroy Carlisle, ib. Schiavia, A n s e l m retires to, i. 615. Scotland, kingdom of, becomes English, ii. 5 ; compared w i t h W a l e s , ii. 6 ; effects of the Cumbrian conquest on, ii. 8 ; M a r g a r e t ' s reforms in, ii. 23; g r o w t h of E n g l i s h influence in, ii. 24-26 ; party feeling ill, on M a l c o l m ' s death, ii. 28; dealings of M a g n u s w i t h , ii. 14 7 ; E n g l i s h influence in, under D a v i d , ii. 125 ; results of Eadgar's succession, ii. 304. Scotland, A b b o t of Saint A u g u s t i n e ' s , his death, i. 1 3 6 ; disturbances consequent 011, i. 139. Seez, enmity of Robert of Belltsme to its bishops and abbots, i. 183. Seit, and others, letter of A n s e l m to, ii-577Selby A b b e y , granted to the see of Y o r k , i. 447. Serlo, Bishop of Seez, ii. 521 ; excommunicates R o b e r t of Belleme, i. 184. Serlo, A b b o t of Gloucester, visits W u l f stan, i. 479 ; his warning to W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 318, 329. Shoes, pointed, i. 158, ii. 502. Shrewsbury, burial of E a r l H u g h at, ii. 145 ; R o b e r t of Belleme holds out in, ii. 445 ; castle of, ii. 446 ; H e n r y I . marches against, ii. 446, 4 4 7 ; surrender of, ii. 448, 457 ; Gemots held at, ii. 452 ; earldom of, ib, Shropshire, defences of, strengthened b y R o b e r t of Belleme, ii. 1 5 2 ; early history of its fortresses, ii. S i b y l of Conversana, marries D u k e R o b e r t of N o r m a n d y , ii. 3 1 2 ; her character, ib.; tales of her death, ii. 312 (note); called Edith, ii. 687. S i b y l , d a u g h t e r of He'nry I., marries A l e x a n d e r of Scotland, ii. 124.

3

723

3°5. 53ÖS i w a r d the priest, ii. 270 (note). S l a v e trade, denounced b y R e m i g i u s , SolSmes, priory of, ii. 202. Somerset, ravaged b y R o b e r t of M o w bray, i. 41, 42 ; bishopric of, removed to B a t h , i. 136, ii. 483 et s e q . ; use of the name, ii. 488. Spain, Saracens in, mentioned in the Chronicle, ii. 306. Sparsholt, manor of, seized b y W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 380; recovered b y A b b o t Faricius, ii. 380 (note); notices of, in Domesday, ii. 381 (note). Stafford, commanded by W i l l i a m P a n tulf, ii. 434. Stars, shooting, notices of, i. 478 (note), ii. 4 1 , 118. Stephen L a n g t o n , A r c h b i s h o p of Canterbury, appeals to the charter of H e n r y I., ii. 358. Stephen, A b b o t of Saint M a r y ' s , Y o r k , signs the D u r h a m charter, ii. 536. Stephen, A r c h d e a c o n of R o m s e y , A n s elm's letter to, ii. 578. A

a

724

INDEX.

S t e p h e n of A u m a l e , s u b m i u to R u f u s , i. 228 ; one of his N o r m a n supporter.}, i. 4 7 2 ; c o n s p i r a c y ill his f a v o u r , ii. 39, 6 3 ; no g r o u n d f o r his c l a i m , ii. 39. S t e p h e n of C h a r t r e s a n d B l o i s , goes on t h e first c r u s a d e , i. 5 5 1 . 5*10; dec a m p s for a w h i l e , i. 566 (note). S t e p h e n , the J e w i s h convert;, s t o r y of, i. 1 6 3 - 1 6 5 . S t i g a n d , B i s h o p of C h i c h e s t e r , his d e a t h , i- 135- . S t o k e , p r i o r y of C l a r e m o v e d to, i. 3 7 6 . S t o n e , m a n o r of, ii. 507. S t o p p e l e , c h u r c h of, g r a n t e d to T w i n ham. ii. 555. S t o w , m o n k s of, m o v e d b y R o b e r t B l o e t t o E y n e s h a m , ii. 585, 5 8 ; . S t r e a t h a m . l a n d s of B e e at, i. 376. S t u b b s , W i l l i a m , on the alleged D o m e s d a y of F l a m b a r d , ii. 562. S u d e r e y s , d i s t u r b a n c e s in, on the d e a t h of G o d r e d C r o u a n , ii. 1 3 7 , 138 ; inv a d e d by M a g n u s , ii. 140. S u l i e n , B i s h o p of S a i n t D a v i d ' s , h i s d e a t h , ii. 78. S u m m o n s , e f f e c t of t h e practice of, ii. 58. S u s s e x , E a r l s of, i. 60 {note). S u t t o n , c h u r c h at, g r a n t e d to A b i n g d o n A b b e y , ii. 506. S w a n s e a C a s t l e , ii. 103. S w e g e n , son of ^Ethelric, ii. ^51. S w e g e n , K i n g , his o v e r t h r o w at G a i n s b u r g h c o m p a r e d w i t h the d e l i v e r a n c e of W o r c e s t e r , ii. 480. S w i n e c o m b e , held b y B e e , i ,575. T. T a n c a r d , A b b o t of J u m i e g o s , h i s app o i n t m e n t , i. 570. T e n b y C a s t l e , ii. 95. T e w k e s b u r y A b b e y , founded by Robert F i t z - h a m o n , i. 479, ii. 84 ; g r a n t of W e l s h c h u r c h e s to, ib. T h a m e s , g r e a t tide in the, i i . 302. Thenmgmannagemdt, the, i. 604. T h e o b a l d of Gisors. See P a g a n . T h e o b a l d , t h e W h i t e K n i g l i t , h e l p s to d e f e n d C o u r c y , ii. 5 1 9 . Thetford, hospital at, founded by W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 506 ; the see m o v e d to N o r w i c h , i. 449, ii. 5O9. T h i e r r y , A u g u s t i n , on the p u n i s h m e n t of t h e m o n k s of S a i n t A ugustine's, i. 140 {note). T h o m a s of L o n d o n , A r c h b i s h o p of C a n t e r b u r y , case of, a t Northampton, i. 95 ; g e n e r a l surprise at his a p p o i n t m e n t , i. 359 ; his case c o m p a r e d

w i t h those of A n s e l m and o f W i l l i a m of S a i n t - C a l a i s , i. 597 et seq. T h o m a s o f B a y e u x , A r c h b i s h o p of Y o r k , a t the m e e t i n g a t S a l i s b u r y , i. 95, 102 ; claims j u r i s d i c t i o n o v e r L i n d e s e y , i. 3 1 1 , 4 3 3 ; present a t A n s e l m ' s consecration, i. 429 ; asserts his m e t r o politan rights, i. 4 3 1 ; c o m p r o m i s e a g r e e d to, i. 447 ; a t t h e d e a t h b e d of W i l l i a m of D u r h a m , ii. 61 ; n o t p r e sent a t t h e coronation of H e n r y I . , ii. 350 {note), 6 8 1 ; his d e a t h , ii. 3 9 1 ; Ins s i g n a t u r e to t h e D u r h a m c h a r t e r , ii. 5 3 6 ; his a l l e g e d c o r o n a t i o n o f H e n r y , ii. 682. T h o m a s , son o f F l a m b a r d , i i . 552 ; h i s a p p o i n t m e n t t o t h e see of L i s i e u x , ii. 416. T h o r a , m o t h e r of S i g u r d , ii. 133. T h u r s t a n , A b b o t of G l a s t o n b u r y , r e stored b y W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 1 3 5 . Tiberius, Emperor, W i l l i a m R u f u s comp a r e d to, i. 148. T i b e r i u s , L e g a t e , ii. 488. T i e k h i l l ( D a d e s l e y ) C a s t l e , ii. 160 ; name used indiscriminately with B l y t h , ii. 162 ; s u r r e n d e r s to H e n r y I., ii. 431 ; its later h i s t o r y , ii. 432. Tinchebrai, English feeling about the b a t t l e , ii. 402. T o l e d o , t a k i n g of, ii. 306. T o o t i n g , l a n d s of B e e a t , i. 3 7 6 . T o s t i g , his w o r k s a t T y n e m o u t h , ii. 18, 604. T o u q u e s , W i l l i a m R u f u s sets sail from, i. 1 3 ; h i s v o y a g e to, ii. 284 ; its p r e sent a p p e a r a n c e , ib. Toustain, manor of Sparsholt g r a n t e d to, ii. 380. T o w e r of L o n d o n , s u r r o u n d e d b y a w a l l , i. 261 ; first recorded case of its use as a s t a t e prison, ii. 3 6 1 . T r e p o r t , R o b e r t ' s fleet at, ii. 402. Trondhjem, Saint Olaf's body translated to, ii. 139. T r u c e of G o d , confirmed b y t h e s y n o d of R o u e n , i. 568 ; observed b y W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 290. T r y e , castle of, ii. 188. Tunbridge Castle, holds out against W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 53 ; its position, i. 68 ; n o t in D o m e s d a y , i. 68 (note); g r a n t e d t o R i c h a r d of C l a r e in e x c h a n g e f o r Bi'ionne, ib.; t a k e n by W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 69. T u r g o t , P r i o r of D u r h a m and B i s h o p of S a i n t A n d r e w s , f a v o u r a b l y r e c e i v e d b y W i l l i a m R u f u s , i. 298 ; j o i n s in l a y i n g t h e f o u n d a t i o n stone of D u r h a m A b b e y , ii. 1 1 ; a p p o i n t e d t o the

INDEX. see of S a i n t A n d r e w s , ii. 1 2 4 ; as to t h e writings a t t r i b u t e d to him, ii. 596. Turold, Bishop of Bayeux, his appointment, i. 5 7 1 . Turold, A b b o t of P e t e r b o r o u g h , his death, ii. 267. T w i n h a m , connexion of Randolf F l a m bard with, ii. 553 ; church of, ii. 554 ; E a r l Godwine a benefactor of, ii. 555T y n e m o u t h , Malcolm's b u r i a l at, ii. 17 ; history of, ii. 1 7 - 1 9 , 602 et seq. ; besieged by W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 47, 606 ; description of, ii. 48, 606 ; t a k i n g of, ii. 48, 6 0 7 ; alleged escape of R o b e r t of M o w b r a y to, ii. 53, 609. U. U h t r e d , b r o t h e r o f M o r k e r e , ii. 605. TJhtred, son of E d w i n , besieges P e m broke, ii. 108. U h t r e d , son of F e r g u s , ii. 551. Ulf, son of H a r o l d and E a d g y t h , ii. 134» 1 35U r b a n I I . , Pope, advises Anselm against going to R o m e , i. 367 (note) ; English feeling as to his claim to t h e papacy, i. 4 1 5 ; A n s e l m claims to acknowledge him, i. 4 1 6 ; t h e question left unsettled, i. 424 ; his correspondence w i t h W u l f s t a n , i. 479 ; his acknowledgem e n t insisted on by Anselm, i. 486 ; position of the rival Popes, i. 488 ; no r e a l objection on W i l l i a m ' s p a r t to acknowledge him, i. 489 ; holds a Council at Piacenza, i. 522, 545 ; mission of W i l l i a m R u f u s to him, i. 524 ; received at Cremona by Conrad, i. 5 2 5 ; acknowledged by R u f u s , i. 528 ; holds t h e Council of Clermont, i. 5 4 5 - 5 4 7 ; preaches t h e crusades, i. 5 4 9 ; sends A b b o t J e r o n t o on a mission t o William R u f u s , i. 553, ii. 588 ; bribed by William, i. 5 5 4 ; sends his nephew, ib. ; blesses D u k e R o b e r t and his companions, i. 561 ; his reception and t r e a t m e n t of Anselm, i. 607, 608, 621 ; in R o g e r ' s camp a t Capua, i. 615 ; E a d m e r ' s w a y of speaking of him, i. 616 {¡note); forbids A n s e l m to resign, i. 6 1 7 ; holds t h e Council of Bari, i. 608, 618 ; his dealings with William of Warelwast, i. 619, 6 2 0 ; t h r e a t e n s W i l l i a m R u f u s with excommunication, i. 619 ; is bribed to give him a respite, i. 620; his t r e a t m e n t of A n s e l m , i. 621 ; holds t h e L a t e r a n Council, i. 607, 6 2 1 ; his death, i. 622,

725

ii- 3 ° ° . 311 5 A n s e l m ' s l e t t e r s to him, i. 612, ii 582. U r s e of A b e t o t , Sheriff of Gloucester and Worcester, at t h e trial of W i l liam of Saint-Calais, i. 94. V. Vacancies, ecclesiastical, policy of W i l l i a m R u f u s with regard to, i. 135, 336, 337» 347» 348. ii- 5 6 4 ; o l d e r practice as to, i. 3 5 0 ; l a t e r instances, i. 351 (note); provision of H e n r y ' s charter w i t h regard to, ii. 353, Vaux-en-Belin, castle of, ii. 277 (note) ; b u r n t by Helias, ii. 288 ; repaired a n d held by R o b e r t of M o n t f o r t , ii. 289. Vescy, house of, ii. 15. V e s t m e n t s , L a n f r a n c ' s view of, i. 95. Vetheuil, fortress of, ii. 1 8 1 . V e x i n , t h e French, g r a n t e d to L e w i s b y Philip, ii. 175 ; its cession d e m a n d e d by W i l l i a m R u f u s , ib. ; n a t i o n a l feelr i n g in, ii. 189. Victor I I I . , Pope, i. 415. Vignats, siege of, ii. 4 2 6 ; foundation of t h e abbey, ii. 427. V u l g r i n , Bishop of L e M a n s , his buildings, ii. 634; W. Wace, his use of t h e words ' ' N o r m a n s a n d E n g l i s h , " ii. 649. W a l c h e l m , priest, his vision, ii. 5 2 1 . W a l e ran, Count of M e u l a n , i. 186, ii. Wales, civil wars in, i. 1 2 1 ; alleged campaign of W i l l i a m RufUs in (10941095), i. 476 ; t y p e of conquest in, ii. 6 ; disunion in, ii. 6, 99 ; n a t u r e of R u f u s ' s wars in, ii. 69 et seq. ; eifecfc of castle-build ing in, ii. 70, 76, 77, 108 ; campaigns of H a r o l d compared w i t h those of Rufus, ii. 71 ; its conquest compared with t h e English a n d N o r m a n Conquests, ii. 72 ; various elements in, ii. 74 ; local nomenclature of, ii. 75 ; earlier wars in, ii. 7 7 - 7 9 ; beginning of t h e conquest, ii. 79 ; revolt in, ii. 99, 100 ; general deliverance of, ii. 101; first campaign of William R u f u s in, ii. 105 ; English feeling as to t h e war, ii. 1 0 6 ; his second and t h i r d campaigns, i. 572, 583, ii. IIO, I I I . Wales, N o r t h , subdued by H u g h of Chester, ii. 146. Wales, South, Saxon settlements i n , ii.

88.

726

INDEX,

W a l k e l i n , Bishop of Winchester, sent w i t h a summons t o W i l l i a m of SaintCalais, i. 1 1 7 ; sent to punish t h e m o n k s of Saint Augustine's, i. 1 3 9 ; assists Osmund to consecrate Salisbury cathedral, i. 309 ; at the consecration of t h e church of Battle, i. 444; his speech to Anselm at t h e Winchester assembly, i. 586; a t t h e death-bed of W i l l i a m of Saint-Calais, ii. 61 ; his character a n d acts, ii. 266 ; joint reg e n t with F l a m b a r d , ib. ; W i l l i a m R u f u s demands money of, ii. 267 ; his death, i. 3 5 1 , ii. 265, 267 ; legend of his share in t h e burial of R u f u s , 338. Wall, Roman, traces of t h e name, 11.47. W a l k e r (Wallcar), ii. 47 y/wte). W a l l k n o l l , ii. 47, 6 1 3 . Wallsend, i. 47. W a l t e r of Corbeuil, Archbishop of Cant e r b u r y , his works at Rochester, i. 53, 54 (note). W a l t e r , Bishop of Albano, received by W i l l i a m R u f u s as P a p a l Legate, i. 5 , 7 , « . 3 9 1 ; brings t h e pallium, i. 527; refuses t o depose Anselm, i. 5 2 8 ; gives t h e pallium to Anselm, i. 5 3 4 ; stays in E n g l a n d , i. 535 ; objects of his mission, i. 5 3 6 ; his letters to Anselm, i. 536, 538, ii. 41, 5 7 1 ; accompanies W i l l i a m R u f u s to N o t t i n g h a m , ii. 44. W a l t e r of E y n c o u r t , i. 113. W a l t e r Giffard, E a r l of B u c k i n g h a m , submits to R u f u s , 1. 231 ; supports R u f u s against R o b e r t , i. 472 ; signs H e n r y ' s charter, ii. 358 ; plots against him, ii. 395 ; his death, i. 473. W a l t e r Tirel, entertains A n s e l m , i. 380 (note), ii. 322 ; his friendship w i t h William R u f u s , ii. 321, 3 2 2 ; his parentage, i. 322, 672 ; his lordships a n d marriage, ii. 3 2 1 , 322, 6 7 3 ; his alleged share in the m a k i n g of t h e N e w Forest, ii. 322, 674 ; his discourse w i t h the K i n g , ii. 3 2 2 - 3 2 5 , 661 ; mentioned in most versions as his slayer, ii. 325 ; his solemn denial of t h e charge, ii. 326, 674 ; no ground for t h e charge, ii. 657 ; w h e t h e r t h e W a l t e r Tirel of Domesday, ii. 673 ; legend about t h e shoeing of his horse, ii. 676. W a l t e r of Saint Valery, i. 228 (note) ; goes on t h e first crusade, i. 551. W a l t e r , stin of A n s g a r , in command at L e M a n s , ii. 241, 370; sets fire to L e M a n s , ii. 2 8 0 ; confers with Helias, ii. 3 7 1 .

W a l t h a m , church of, plundered b y R u f u s , i. 168, ii. 505, 506. W a l t h e o f , E a r l of N o r t h a m p t o n a n d H u n t i n g d o n s h i r e , grants T y n e i n o u t h to J arrow, ii. 18, 604. W a r , private, u n l a w f u l in E n g l a n d , ii. 417W a r d s h i p , t h e lord's right of, established by F l a m b a r d , i. 336, 339 ; oppressive working of, i. 3 3 8 ; peculiar to E n g l a n d a n d N"ormandy, i. 3 4 0 ; provision for, in H e n r y ' s charter, ii. 353. W e e d o n Beck, N o r t h a m p t o n s h i r e , said to h a v e been a cell of Bee, i. 376 {note). W e l l s (Norfolk), g r a n t of, to Saint Stephen's, Caen, ii. 504. W e l l s (Somerset), see of, moved to B a t h , i. 136, ii. 483 ; dislike of t h e canons to Bishop J o h n ' s changes, i. 138, ii. 486; t h e y recover their property u n d e r Bishop Robert, ii. 486 ; c h a r t e r of W i l l i a m R u f u s preserved at, ii. 483. W e l s h language, endurance of, ii. 75. Wenlock, E a r l R o g e r ' s foundation at, ii. 154. W e s t m i n s t e r H a l l , its foundation by W i l l i a m Rufus, ii. 259, 262 ; he holds his W h i t s u n feast there, ii. 257, 264, 271 ; recast by R i c h a r d I I . , ii. 262. W e s t m o r e l a n d , w h y n o t entered in Domesday, i. 3 1 3 , ii. 547 et s e q . ; entries of, in t h e P i p e Rolls, ii. 5 5 1 . W h i t h e r n , see of, ii. 551. W i d o . See Gruy. W i l f r i t h , Bishop of Saint David's, suspended a n d restored, i. 5 3 4 ; sides w i t h W i l l i a m Rufus, ii. 94 ; Gerald of W i n d s o r ' s dealings with, ii. 109. William t h e Conqueror, his informal nomination of William R u f u s , i, 9, I I ; his advice to him, ii. 461 ; distribution of his treasures, i. 1 7 , 1 8 ; comp a r e d with R u f u s by Odo, i. 2 6 ; his ecclesiastical supremacy, i. 105 ; compared w i t h R u f u s , 1. 158, 4 5 6 ; foretells t h e character of R o b e r t ' s reign, i. 189 ; garrisons t h e castles of t h e nobles, i. 192 ; his ecclesiastical position, i. 3 2 8 ; his relations w i t h L a n f r a n c , ib.; his friendship w i t h A n s e l m , 1. 380 ; use of his " d a y s " as a note of time, i. 569 ; his visit to S a i n t D a v i d ' s a n d his designs on I r e l a n d , ii-94W i l l i a m R u f u s , character of his reign, i. 3 ; feudal developement under him, i. 4 ; character of his accession, i. 9 - 1 1 , 1 9 - 2 1 , ii. 4 5 9 - 4 6 5 ; his informal nomination by his f a t h e r , i. 9, 11, ii. 461 ;

INDEX. not formally elected, i. 9, ii. 459 ; sets sail from Touques, i. 1 3 ; re-imprisons Morkere and Wulfnoth, i. 1 4 ; his meeting with Lanfranc, i. 1 5 ; his coronation, ib. ; his special oath, i. 16, ii. 4 6 0 ; his coronation rites said to have been imperfect, ii. 461 ; his distribution of gifts, i. 17 ; restores Odo to his earldom, i. 1 9 ; revolt of the Norman nobles against, i, 22 et seq., ii. 465 et seq.; compared with his father by Odo, i. 26 ; seizes the temporalities of William of Saint-Calais, i. 30 ; summons him to his court, i. 3 1 ; lays waste his land, i. 32 ; wins over E a r l Roger, i. 6 1 , ii. 462 ; loyalty of the bishops towards him, i. 63 ; his appeal and promises to the English, i. 63, 6 4 ; their loyalty to him, i. 64, 65, 66 ; their motives for supporting him, i. 65 ; accepted as their kincf, i. 66, 1 3 1 ; marches against the rebels, i, 6 7 ; takes Tunbridge Castle, i. 6 9 ; marches on Pevensey, i. 72, and tukes it, i. 7 6 ; his N i x i n g Proclamation, i. 78 ; besieges Rochester, i. 7 9 ; Odo surrenders to him, i. 80 ; at first refuses terms to the besieged, i. 81 ; his answer to the pleadings for them, i. 83 ; grants terms, i. 85 :; his confiscations and grants, i. 88; his amnesty to the chief rebels, ib.; again summons William of Saint-Calais, i. 89 ; grants him a safe-conduct, i. 91 ; refuses him the privileges of his order, i. 92 ; holds a meeting at Salisbury, i. 94 ; his speeches thereat, i. 98, 107, 1 1 0 ; his offers to Bishop William, i. i l l , 1 1 4 ; his answer to Ralph Paganel, i. H 2 ; Durham castle surrendered to, i. 1 1 4 ; summons Bishop William again, i. 1 1 6 ; grants him leave to depart, i. 1 1 7 ; estimate of his behaviour in the case, i. 1 1 9 , 605 ; his breach of his promises, i. 132 ; position of the English under, i. 1 3 3 ; mocks at omens, i. 1 3 3 (note); his employment of mercenaries, i. 1 3 4 , 1 5 3 , 226, ii. 496, 498 ; early charge of simony against, i. 1 3 5 ; his charter to J o h n of Tours, i. 1 3 8 ; suppresses the disturbances at Saint Augustine's, i. 1 3 9 ; effects of Lanfranc's death on him, i. 142, 148, 3 4 3 ; description and character of, i. 5, 143 et seq., ii. 244, 256, 337, 490 et seq.; his surname of IIufus, i . 1 4 4 ; his filial zeal, i. 1 4 5 ; general charges against him, i. 147 ; his lack of steadfastness, i. 149 ; his unfinished campaigns, ib.; his " magnanimity," i.

727 149, ii. 4 9 7 ; trick played on, by his chamberlain, i. 1 5 0 ; his " l i b e r a l i t y , " i. 1 5 1 , ii. 492 ; his extortions, i. 1 5 3 , ii. 498 ; his strict government, i. 1 5 3 , ii. 496 ; his stricter forest laws, i. 1 5 5 ; dress and manners at his court, i. 158, ii. 500-502 ; his special vices, i. 1 5 7 , 159, ii. 497, 5 0 2 ; contrasted with his father, i. 1 5 8 , 4 5 6 ; his irreligion, i. 159 ; favours the J e w s , i. 1 6 1 ; question as to hig scepticism, ib.; makes the J e w i s h converts apostatize, i. 1 6 2 , 6 1 4 , ii. 504 ; his dispute with Stephen the convert, i. 1 6 3 - 1 6 5 , ii. 5 0 4 ; his blasphemies, i. 1 6 5 - 1 6 7 , ii. 5 0 3 ; his favourite oath, i. 108, 1 1 2 , 164, 289, 39T, 5 1 1 (-note\ ii.61 {note), 503, 650 ; redeeming features in his character, i. t68 ; his respect for his father's memory, i. 168, ii. 505 ; his ecclesiastical benefactions, ib.) his chivalry, 1. 1 6 9 - 1 7 1 ; law of honour as practised by, i. 85, 92, 169, 408, ii.14, 237, 244 ; his schemes against Duke Robert, i. 221 ; obtains the consent o f t h e W i t a n to an invasion of Normandy, i. 2 2 2 2 2 4 ; his constitutional language, i. 2 2 3 ; his policy against Normandy, i. 2 2 4 ; his position compared with that of Robert, i. 2 2 6 ; his employment of money, i. 226, 2 2 7 ; joined by the Norman nobles,i. 228 et seq.; bribes Philip of France, i. 237, 2 3 9 ; his position compared with that of his father, i. 240 ; result of his dealings with Philip, i. 2 4 1 ; his treaty with Conan of Rouen, i. 247 ; crosses to Normandy, i. 273 ; his treaty with Robert, i. 275-279, ii. 5 2 2 - 5 2 8 ; his probable object in the spoliation of Henry, i. 2 7 9 ; his policy towards Henry and Eadgar, i. 281 ; joins Robert against Henry, i. 2 8 3 ; besieges Saint Michael's Mount, i. 2 8 5 -292, ii. 528-535 ; personal anecdotes of, i. 287-292, ii. 497, 532 ; compared to Alexander the Great, i. 287; contrasted with Robert, i. 290; returns to England, i. 293, 295 ; sets forth against Malcolm, i. 298 ; his favourable treatment of the monks of Durham, i. 298, ii. 5 0 8 ; Bishop William reconciled to, i. 299; meets Malcolm at the Scots' Water, i. 3 0 1 ; his treaty with Malcolm, i. 3 0 4 ; receives the homage of Malcolm, i. 304, ii. 541 ; signs the Durham charter, i. 305, ii. 5 3 6 ; his fresh dispute with Robert, i. 3 0 6 ; orders the consecration of Lincoln minster, i.

728

INDEX.

3 1 2 ; his conquest and colonization of Carlisle, i. 3 1 3 - 3 1 8 ; character of the early years of his reign, i. 325 ; his relations with Ansel 111, i. 328 ; liis policy in keeping the see of Canterbury vacant, i. 328, 359, 360; influence of Randolf Flambard on him, i. 329, 332 et seq. ; his dealings w i t h v a c a n t bishoprics and abbeys, i. 336, 347, 350, ii. 5 6 5 ; his dealings with church lands, i. 345 et seq.; charges of simony brought against, i. 348 ; story of his appointment to a vacant abbey, i. 352 ; his first interview with Anselm, i. 385 ; rebuked b y him, i. 3 8 6 ; refuses him leave to return to N o r m a n d y , i. 3 8 8 ; petitioned by the W i t a n to appoint an archbishop, i. 389 ; his mocking speech about A n s elin, i. 390; his sickness, i. 391 ; repents and sends for Anselm, i. 392, 3 9 3 ; his proclamation of reforms, i, 3 9 3 ; names A n s e l m archbishop, i. 396; prays him to accept the see, 1. 398; invests him b y force, i. 400 ; orders the restitution of the temporalities, i. 403 ; his recovery and relapse, i. 407 ; keeps his engagement to Anselm, i. 408 ; his interview w i t h R o b e r t of Flanders, i. 4 1 1 ; with A n s e l m at Rochester, i. 412 et seq. ; his answer to A n s e l m ' s conditions, i. 4 1 7 ; asks A n s e l m to confirm his grants of church lands, i. 4 1 8 ; renews his promises and receives A n s e l m ' s homage as archbishop, i. 42 2; his writ, ib.; receives A n s e l m at Gloucester, i. 4 3 4 ; challenged by Robert, i. 435 ; his dealings with the contributions offered for the war, i. 437 ; refuses Anselm's gift, i. 438; gathers his forces a t H a s t i n g s , i. 441 ; present a t the consecration of B a t t l e A b b e y , i. 443, 444 ; upholds A n s e l m against Robert B l o e t , i. 4 4 6 ; deprives Herbert Bishop of Thetford, i. 448, ii. 5 6 9 ; his interview with A n s e l m a t Hastings, i. 450 et s e q . ; no synod held under him, i. 4 5 2 ; his answer to A n s e l m ' s prayer to Jill the vacant abbeys, i. 455 ; attempts to g e t more money out of A n s e l m , i. 4 5 8 - 4 6 0 ; sets sail for N o r m a n d y , i. 460 ; vain attempts to settle the dispute between him and Robert, i. 4 6 1 ; castles held by him, i. 462 ; his levy of E n g lish soldiers, i. 465 ; trick played on them, i. 4 6 6 ; buys ofi Philip, ib.; summons H e n r y and E a r l H u g h to E u , L 4 6 9 ; returns to England and

is reconciled to H e n r y , i. 470 ; his N o r m a n supporters, i. 471-474; causes for his return, i. 4 7 4 ; his a l l e g e d W e l s h campaign in 1 0 9 4 - 1 0 9 5 , i. 476 ; refuses A n s e l m leave to go for the pallium, i. 483, 484 ; will acknowledge no Pope, i. 484 ; frequency of assemblies under him, i. 487 ; summons an assembly at R o c k i n g h a m , i. 4 8 7 - 5 1 9 ; estimate of his conduct in this dispute, i. 488 ; his Imperial claims, i. 503 ; bids the bishops renounce A n s e l m , i. 5 1 2 ; w i t h d r a w s his protection from him, ib. ; his appeal to the lay lords, i. 5 1 3 ; his examination and treatment of the bishops, i. 5 1 5 , 5 1 6 ; summons A n s e l m before him, i. 5 1 7 ; adjourns the assembly, i. 5 1 8 ; oppresses A n s e l m ' s friends, i. 5 2 0 ; his fresh schemes against him, i. 5 2 3 ; his mission to U r b a n , i. 5 2 4 - 5 2 6 ; W a l t e r of A l b a n o ' s mission to, i. 5 2 7 ; acknowledges U r b a n , i. 528 ; forced to be reconciled to A n s e l m , i. 529, 5 3 1 ; A n s e l m refuses the pallium a t his hands, i. 532 ; his position as regards the crusade, i. 553 ; A b b o t Jeronto's mission to him, ib. ; N o r m a n d y pledged to hiin, b y R o b e r t , i. 5 5 5 ; his taxation for the pledge-money, i. 5 5 6 - 5 5 9 , ii. 5 0 6 ; his conference w i t h Robert, i. 559, ii. 207 ; t a k e s possession of N o r mandy, i. 566, ii. 207 ; his g r a n t s to H e n r y , i. 567 ; his rule in Normandy, i. 5 6 7 - 5 7 0 ; his appointments to N o r m a n prelacies, i. 5 7 0 ; returns to England, i. 571 ; his expeditions against Wales, i. 572, 583, ii. 69 et seq. ; complains of A n s e l m ' s contingent, i. 5 7 2 ; summons him to his court, i. 5 7 4 ; refuses him leave to go to Rome, i. 582, 583, 5 8 4 ; holds an assembly at Winchester, i. 584 et seq. ; his conditional leave to A n s e l m , i. 592 ; his last interview w i t h A n s e l m , i. 593 ; blessed b y him, i. 594 ; seizes on the estates of his see, i. 595 ; estimate of his behaviour towards W i l l i a m of Saint-Calais and towards A n s e l m , i . 605 ; A n s e l m p l e a d s against his excommunication, i. 6 1 1 , 6 1 8 ; probable effect of an excommunication, i. 6 1 1 , 612 ; A n s e l m ' s and U r b a n ' s letters to, i. 6 1 3 ; his mission to U r b a n , i. 613, 6 1 9 ; threatened w i t h excommunication, i. 6 1 9 ; bribes U r b a n , i. 6 2 0 ; his words on U r b a n ' s death and Paschal's election, i. 623, ii. 311 ; growth of the English power

INDEX. and nation under, ii. 4 ; effects of his reign on the union of Britain, ii. 6 ; complaints made against, by Malcolm, ii. 8 ; sends Eadgar to invite him to Gloucester, ii. 9, 590; refuses to see him, ii. 590; dispute between them, ib; his probable pretensions, ib. ; observes his safe-conduct, ii. 14, 591 ; story of him and EadgythMatilda, ii. 31, 600; grants the Scottish crown to Duncan, ii. 34; revolt of Robert of Mowbray against him, ii. 37 et seq.; orders Robert to make good his plunder of the merchants, ii. 41 ; summons him to his court, ib.; refuses him a safe-coniluct, i. 42 ; marches against him, i. 537, ii. 43; takes Newcastle, ii. 47, and Tynemouth,ii. 48,606; besieges Bam burgh, ii. 50, 607; makes the Malvoisin tower, ii. 51, 608; leaves Bamburgh, ii. 5 2, 609 ; holds an assembly at Salisbury, ii. 56 ; refuses to spare William of Alderi, ii. 67; nature of his Welsh wars, ii. 69 et seq.; builds castles in Wales, ii. 70, 1 1 2 ; his campaign compared with that of Harold, ii. 71, 105; his alleged designs on Ireland, ii. 93; his first Welsh campaign, ii. 105 ; his second and third campaigns, i. 572, 583; ii. 110, 1 1 1 ; his relations with Eadgar ^Etheling, ii. 1 1 4 ; doubtful policy of his grant to Robert of Belle me, ii. 148, 162 ; character of his last years, ii. 163; his designs on France, ii. 167 ; demands the cession of the Vexin, ii. 1 7 5 ; crosses to Normandy, ii. 167, 176; excesses of his followers in England, ii. 1 7 6 ; chief men on his side, ii. 178; his treatment of his prisoners, ii. 179, 190 ; his prospects, ii. 184; failure of his plans, ii. 185 ; befriends Bishop Howel of L e Mans, ii. 201; his interview with Helias, ii. 208-210; delays his attack on him, ii. 210; his anger at the election of Hildebert, ii. 213, 625 ; his designs on Maine, ii. 613 ; stirred up to war by Robert of Belleme, ii. 215 ; contrasted with him, ii. 224; hi.s treatment of Helias, ii. 225; his speech at the council of Rouen, ii. 226; levies an army, ii. 227; invades Maine, ii. 229 ; grants a truce to Ralph of Fresnay, ii. 230; his march onwards, ii. 232; arrives at L e Mans, ii. 233; ravages Coulaine, ii. 234, 625, 627; raises the siege of Le Mans, ii. 234; his treatment of the knight at Ballon, ii. 237; Le

729

Mans submits to, ii. 239; his entry, ii. 240; receives the general submission of Maine, ib. ; his interview with Helias, ii. 242-245, 640-645 ; his seeming quotation from Lucan, ii. 642 ; sets Helias free, ii. 244, 628, 642, 643 ; extent of his conquests in Maine, ii, 245 ; invades the Vexin, ii. 246; besieges Chaumont, ii. 248; agrees to a truce, ii. 255 ; ill-success of his French war, ib.; his gemots in 1099, ii. 257; his architectural works a national grievance, ii. 257-260; legal position of his reign, ii. 263; his object in building Westminster Hall, ib.; holds his Whitsun feast there, ii. 257, 264; demands money of Bishop Walkelin, ii. 267 ; forbids the dedication of Saint Eadmund's, ii. 269; hears of the recovery of L e Mans by Helias, ii. 283, 645 ; his ride to the coast, ii. 283 ; his voyage to Touques, ii. 284, 645-652 ; his speech to the sailors compared with that of Julius Caesar, ii. 497, 647; his ride to Bonneville, ii. 285, 646; marches against L e Mans, ii. 287; passes through it and harries southern Maine, ii. 288; besieges Mayet, ii. 289-294, 6 5 3 ; observes the Truce of God, ii. 290 ; his narrow escape at Mayet, ii. 293; raises the siege, ii. 294, 653; failure of the campaign, ib.; his treatment of Le Mans, ii. 295 ; leaves garrisons and returns to England, ii. 296 ; Hildebert reconciled to, ii. 297, 626 ; bids Hildebert pull down the towers of Saint Julian's, ii. 297, 654 ; compared with iEthelred, ii. 307 ; his schemes of conquest, ii. 307, 3 1 1 ; contradiction in his character, ii. 308; his chivalrous feelings, ii. 237; illustrations of his character, ii. 244, 256; his dealings with William of Aquitaine, ii. 313; prepares to occupy Aquitaine, ii. 314; his alleged designs on the Empire, i. 7, i. 314; Abbot Serlo's warning to, ii. 318, 329; his alleged dream, ii. 319-321 ; his discourse with Walter Tirel, ii. 322-325 ; his death, ii. 325 ; whether accidental, ii. 325, 657 ; various versions thereof, ii. 327, 657-676; its immediate impression and abiding memory, ii. 335, 336, 663; his death looked on as a judgement, ii. 665 ; contrasted with that of Charles I., ii. 337; his end and char a c t e r , ^ . ; his alleged penitence, ii. 331, 332, 337 ; accounts of his burial, ii. 338-340, 676-680; his popular ex-

730

INDEX.

communication, ii. 340 : portents a t his death, ii. 3 4 1 ; advantage given to tbe Popes by his reign, ii. 3 7 7 ; effect of his reign on the fusion of races, ii. 456. W i l l i a m I I I . , his fearlessness in danger compared with t h a t of W i l l i a m R u f u s , ii. 652. W i l l i a m .¿Etheling, son of H e n r y I . and Matilda, ii. 389. W i l l i a m Clito, son of R o b e r t and Sibyl, ii. 3 1 2 (note). W i l l i a m , natural son of Robert, ii. 316. W i l l i a m Bona Anima, Archbishop of R o u e n , consecrates Bishop Howel, i. 208 ; consents to Anselm's acceptance of t h e primacy, i. 406 ; said to have married Philip and B e r t r a d a , ii. 1 7 2 (note). W i l l i a m of Saint-Calais, Bishop of Durham, his influence with W i l l i a m R u fus, i. 23 ; his treason against him, i. 28, 3 0 ; different statements of his conduct, i. 28, ii. 4 6 9 - 4 7 4 ; his alleged services to W i l l i a m , i. 2 9 . 1 1 1 , ii. 4 7 3 ; his temporalities seized, i. 30, ii. 4 7 0 ; his letter to t h e K i n g , i. 3 0 ; summoned before him, i. 31 ; t r e a t m e n t of, by R a l p h P a g a n e l , ib.; evidence against him, i. 35, ii. 4 7 0 ; again summoned by W i l l i a m , i. 89 ; complains of R a l p h P a g a n e l , i. 90 ; comes with a safe-conduct, i. 91 ; asserts his ecclesiastical claims, ib.; goes b a c k to D u r h a m , i. 92 ; further ravaging of his lands, ib.; his agreem e n t with the Counts A l a n and Odo, i. 9 3 ; his conduct at the meeting at Salisbury, i. 95 ; denies the a u t h o r i t y of the court, i. 96, 9 7 ; formal charge against him, i. 98, ii. 4 7 3 ; his answer, i. 99 ; debates on the charge, i. 1 0 1 - 1 0 3 ; appeals to R o m e , i. 103, 1 0 9 ; sentence pronounced against him, i. 1 0 6 ; renews his appeal, ib.; W i l l i a m demands the surrender of Durham castle, i. 107 ; appeals to A l a n and Odo, i. 1 0 8 ; final sentence against, i. 1 1 0 ; asks for an allowance, ib.; surety for the ships demanded of him, i. I l l ; new charges against, i. 1 1 3 , 1 1 6 ; Lanfranc interferes on his behalf, i. 113 ; conditions and difficulties about his sailing, i. 1 1 4 - 1 1 6 ; surrender of D u r h a m castle, i. 1 1 4 , ii. 4 7 2 ; Odo and A l a n interfere on his behalf, i. 1 1 7 ; allowed to depart to Normandy, ib.; importance of the story, i. 1 1 7 - 1 3 0 ; scarcely noticed by modern historians, ii. 4 7 4 ; restored

to his bishopric, i. 299 ; his renewed influence with W i l l i a m , i. 300; his grant to t h e church of Durham, i. 305, 535 J advises R u f u s as to A n s e l m ' s conditions, i. 4 1 7 ; at t h e consecration of the church of B a t t l e , i. 4 4 4 ; assists in t h e consecration of R o b e r t Bloet, i. 4 4 5 ; plots against Anselm, i. 497, 500 ; aspires to t h e primacy, i. 501 ; his promises to W i l l i a m and speech to Anselm, i. 502 ; recommends force, i. 5 1 0 ; his case compared with those of A n s e l m and Thomas, i. 597 et s e q . ; his rebuilding of his church, ii. 11, 60 ; invites Malcolm to the foundation ceremony, ib.; probably concerned in R o b e r t of Mowbray's rebellion, ii. 38 ; portents foretelling his death, ii. 59 ; summoned to t a k e his trial, ii. 6 0 ; his death, i. 4 7 8 (note), 542, ii. 61 ; debate as to his burying-place, ii. 61 ; substitutes monks for canons, ii. 60. W i l l i a m o f W a r e l w a s t , Bishop of E x e ter, his first mission to U r b a n , i. 524, 5 2 5 ; returns with t h e L e g a t e W a l t e r , i. 5 2 6 ; searches Anselm's luggage at D o v e r , i. 595 ; his second mission to U r b a n , i. 6 1 3 , 6 1 9 ; his secret dealings with him, i. 620 ; signs H e n r y ' s letter to Anselm, ii. 366. W i l l i a m of Passavant, B i s h o p of L e M a n s , his buildings, ii. 636, 640, 656. W i l l i a m , Bishop of Thetford, his death, i- 354W i l l i a m Giffard, Bishop of W i n c h e s t e r , his appointment to the see, ii. 349 ; l a t e r notices of, ii. 349, 5 7 8 ; his signature to H e n r y ' s charter, ii. 3 5 8 ; probably one of H e n r y ' s inner council, ii. 3 6 2 ; signs H e n r y ' s l e t t e r to A n s elm, ii. 366. W i l l i a m , Archdeacon of Canterbury, sent to inquire into the m a t t e r of E a d g y t h - M a t i l d a , ii. 3 8 4 . W i l l i a m of Alderi, his sentence and death, ii. 6 6 - 6 8 . W i l l i a m of Albini, defends R o c h e s t e r ,

i. 53 (note).

W i l l i a m , D u k e of A q u i t a i n e , helps W i l liam R u f u s against Lewis, ii. 250, 2 5 1 ; seat of war affected by his coming, ii. 250, 252 ; his crusade, ii. 3 1 3 ; proposes to pledge his duchy to R u f u s , ib. W i l l i a m of Arques, monk of Molesme, i. 220 (note), 256. W i l l i a m of B e l l e m e , founds L o n l a y A b b e y , ii. 5 3 9 . W i l l i a m of Breteuil, son of E a r l W i l -

INDEX. liam Fitz-Osbern, drives out t h e ducal forces, i. 1 9 3 ; I v r y granted to, by D u k e Robert, i. 1 9 4 ; joins Robert's expedition into Maine, i. 209; his war with Ascelin Goel, i. 243; comes to Robert's help a t Rouen, i. 249 ; imprisons William son of Ansgar, i. 261 ; marches against Conches, i. 261, 266; his imprisonment and ransom, i. 267 ; settles his estates on Roger of Toesny, i. 268 ; his natural children, i. 268 (note); maintains Robert's claim to the throne, ii. 346, 680. William Capra, ii. 508. William, son of Robert Count of Eu, rebels against William Rufus, i. 3 3 ; his ravages in Gloucestershire, i. 41, 4 4 ; submits to William, i. 2 2 9 ; suggests an invasion of Normandy, i. 4 1 1 ; supports William Rufus, i. 472 ; conspires against him, ii. 39, 44; his combat with Geoffrey of Baynard and defeat, ii. 63 ; sentenced to mutilation, ii. 64, 65, 68 ; his faithlessness to his wife, ii. 64. William, Count of Evreux, drives out the ducal forces, i. 193 ; his feud with R a l p h of Toesny, i. 231, 233, 245 ; comes to Robert's help at Rouen, i. 249; marches against Conches, i. 261, 266 ; makes Roger of Toesny his heir, i. 268; his later treaty with Ralph of Toesny, i. 2 70; wars against Robert of Meulan, ib.; his bargain about Bertrada'a marriage, ii. 193 ; charged with the government of L e Mans, ii. 241 ; granted to H e n r y by Robert, ii. 5 T 4 j his banishment and death, i. 2 70. William Fitz-Osbern, story of him and Eudo of Rye, ii. 463. William of London or Londres, his settlement at Kidwelly, ii. 86, 102. William of Malmesbury, his Gesta Begum and Gesta Pontificam, ii. 492. William of Mandeville, ii. 397. William of Moion, his grant of Dunster church, ii. 489. William of Montfichet, legend of his share in t h e burial of Rufus, ii. 338, 676. William of Montfort, recommended by Anselm as his successor at Bee, ii. 575William, Count of M o r t a m , founds Montacute priory, ii. 120 ; his vision of William R u f u s , ii. 342 ; doubts aa to his loyalty to H e n r y I., ii. 404; his

731

banishment, ii. 4 5 3 ; his imprisonment and alleged blinding, ib. William Pantulf, Robert of Belleme's dealings with, ii. 434; joins H e n r y , ib.; commands at Stafford, ib.; notices of, in Domesday, ii. 434 (note); negotiates with J o r w e r t b , ii. 439; mediates at Bridgenorth, ii. 441. William Peverel, holds L a Houltne for William Rufus, i. 463 ; surrenders to Robert, i. 465; signs t h e D u r h a m charter, ii. 536. William of P o n t de PArche, ii. 464. William Talvas, his capture of Geoffrey of Mayenne, i. 214. William Tisonne, ii. 596. William of Wacey, taken prisoner by Helias, ii. 222. William of Warren, E a r l of Surrey, his loyalty to William Rufus, i. 5 9 ; receives the earldom of Surrey, i. 60, 62 (note); his death and burial at Lewes, i. 62 (note), 76. William of W a r r e n t h e younger, E a r l of Surrey, helps to defend Courcy, ii. 5 1 9 ; deserts from H e n r y I., ii. 409 ; his enmity towards him, ib.; his banishment, ii. 416, and restoration, ii. 417. William, son of Ansgar, i. 247; his imprisonment and ransom, i. 261. William, son of Anskill, his estates seized by William Rufus, ii. 380; his marriage, ii. 381 (note). William, son of Baldwin, builds R h y d y-gors castle, ii. 9 7 ; defends it, ii. 1 0 1 ; his death, ii. 106. William, son of Geroy, rescues Geoffrey of Mayenne from William Talvas, i. 214. William, grandson of Geroy, poisoned, i. 469 (note). William, son of Holdegar, ii. 551. Williams, J o h n , on J e s t i n ap Gwrgan, ii. 614. Wills. See Bequest. Winchcombe, fall of the tower, i. 307. Winchester, wealth of the treasury at, i. 1 7 ; J e w s at, i. 160 (note); special gemc5t a t (1093), i. 422 ; its position under t h e N o r m a n kings, ii. 261 ; burial of R u f u s at, ii. 3 4 0 ; fall of the minster tower, ii. 3 4 1 ; D u k e Robert declines to besiege it, ii. 406. Witenagem