The owl and the nightingale: musical life and ideas in France 1100-1300 0460047779, 9780460047777

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PEER ON GAIND THE NIGHTINGALE Musical Life and Ideas in France 100-1300

Christopher Page

J.M.DENT & SONS

LTD’

LONDON

O4-4 0% PAG i= me

First published 1989

IFS

© Christopher Page 1989

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any

form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd This book is set in 10 4/12 pt Baskerville by BP Datagraphics

Printed and bound in Great Britain

by The Bath Press, Avon for J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd

gi Clapham High Street, London SW4 7TA British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Page, Christopher The owl and the nightingale : musical life and ideas in France

1100-1300. 1. France. Music, 1200-1500

I. Title

780'.944 ISBN 0-460-04777-9

Frontispiece Robert of Courson, Master of Theology at the University of Paris Since Grocheio’s remarks about trouvére song and the ductia have been discussed elsewhere,** let us concentrate upon the chanson de geste (which Grocheio calls the cantus gestualis) and then upon the estampie. We have already seen that when the theologian Thomas Chobham distinguishes good instrumentalists from bad ones he does so on the basis of

69

Minstrels in Paris c. 1300. rules and repertoire

their repertory ; good minstrels chant of ancient heroes and men of the church ; bad ones go to taverns and sing ‘wanton songs’.*? Such an unqualified reference to lascivas cantilenas would scarcely have satisfied Grocheio, a musician who was inclined to be indulgent to even such love-songs as were sung for caroles. Nonetheless, it may be significant that he begins his discussion of ‘the monophonic music of the people’ (musica simplex vel vulgaris) with repertory which is very close to the material that exonerated certain jongleurs in the judgement of Thomas Chobham - that is to say sung narratives ‘in which the deeds of heroes ... and the lives and martyrdom of various saints are

told.*

*.

It may be that Grocheio recognised such narratives to be the most readily defensible element in minstrel repertoire and began his account of secular monophony with them because of a desire to act as an apologist for secular music. From his description it is clear that these narratives are chansons de geste differing little in at least their form and their subject matter from the lengthy and ‘literate’ examples of the genre that have survived. These are poems about the greatest heroes of the French nation such as Charlemagne, generally cast in assonating or monorhymed laisses whose length within a single poem may vary considerably. The delicate question of whether these ‘book’ epics were sometimes sung as they survive, or whether musical performance was confined to ‘oral’ and partially improvised chansons de geste, is one to which we shall soon return. Grocheio’s De musica is our principal source of information for the detail that in sung performances of epic every line in the laisse was chanted to the same melodic phrase.*’ What was the audience for such songs in thirteenth-century Paris? According to Grocheio, epics ought to be performed for the old, for working citizens and for those of middle station because any story of the miseries and calamities endured by the ancient fathers of France made present work and hardship seem more bearable.*® There is independent evidence that the minstrels of

thirteenth-century Paris were able to exploit a popular interest in epics,°? so Grocheio may be prescribing them for the people who did indeed enjoy chansons de geste in the city (although it is another question whether they relished them for the reasons that Grocheio gives). What of the knights, the mzlites? Grocheio’s declaration that epics were a comfort to working people should not lead us to underestimate the evidence for a continuing chivalric interest in these chansons de geste. Evrard du Val-desEcoliers, whose sermons contain so many references to Parisian life and customs, refers to knights and men of martial calling (homines militares) who

love to hear stories of Roland, Oliver and Charlemagne.*? For the Parisian minstrels of c. 1300, did the chanson de geste form a written repertoire or an unwritten one? Was it both? We may be confident. that the music was never written down; the musical idiom was so simple, and the tunes associated with particular stories were probably so widely known, that with very few exceptions the melodic material of the chansons de geste existed entirely in an oral tradition.*! The question of the texts of these 70

Munstrels in Paris c. 1300: rules and repertoire

narratives, however, is more complicated than the issue of the music and it brings us back to the distinction between a ‘book’ epic and an ‘oral’ epic. The chanson de geste literature of twelfth- and thirteenth-century France is not the only corpus of medieval narrative poetry which scholars have investigated in relation to the oral traditions of professional entertainers. Some narrative poems in Old English, for example, and the Middle English tailrhyme romances, are also written works that were probably brought into being by literate poets adopting the metrical forms and subject matter of illiterate minstrels to produce texts: relatively fixed creations which possess (or so the common argument runs) a sophistication supposedly made possible only by leisured composition at a desk as opposed to improvisation or composition without writing. In the case of the Old French chansons de geste the problem of origins has been much disputed,* but many would accept that in the oral tradition of minstrels there were narrative songs whose characteristic metrical forms and subject matter are mirrored in the texts of chansons de geste in manuscripts of the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The key issue is whether the words of the chansons de geste which Grocheio heard were derived from written texts, or whether they were extemporised (or perhaps composed without writing and then performed from memory) in the manner documented for the Yugoslav epic singers by Parry and Lord.** In simple terms, do we have the actual repertory of these minstrels, or only something lke it? According to the theory of oral composition, developed both by Parry and Lora and by many subsequent scholars, the illiterate improviser of stories is a universal phenomenon ;* singing to a musical instrument, he improvises a narrative poem by deploying formulas learned during his apprenticeship. These formulas are pre-set pieces of language that express a certain action or idea within fixed metrical constraints. The written chansons de geste contain a significant amount of language which is formulaic in this way ;*© the literate poets who produced these works were adopting an aspect of style from the oral tradition of minstrels. What is Grocheio describing in his De musica - the performance of improvised (or at least orally composed) chansons de geste, or the performance of the written epic texts that have survived in manuscripts? For an insight into the narrative repertory of Parisian jongleurs in the decades before Johannes de Grocheio’s De musica we can turn to a sermon preached by the Dominican friar Daniel of Paris. In this sermon, dated 1272 and preached in the church of St Leufroy (by the Grand Pont), Daniel refers to St Martin who, with a ‘blow’ of his knife, divided his cloak with a pauper (for the original see Chapter 1) : this was a handsome blow... A great deal is sung about Roland and Oliver and it is said that Roland smote his adversary upon the head so that he cut him down to the teeth, and that Oliver cut another in

the stomach so that the lance passed out beyond the other side of his body. But this is al/nothing. Because it is nowhere found to be true of Roland, of Oliver, of Charlemagne nor of Ogier the Dane that he 71

Minstrels in Paris c. 1300. rules and repertoire

made such a handsome blow [as St Martin] because there will be none such until the end of the world. Whence Holy Church must sing of the blow and call it to mind but does not concern itself with the other blows,

and even if some minstrels sing of the blows of the aforesaid [heroes] that comes to nothing because they add many false things.

This carries us directly into the realm of Grocheio’s cantus gestualis. The milieu is a Parisian one, and the epic heroes mentioned are those whose stories cluster around the figure of Charlemagne, the rex Karolus mentioned by Grocheio. The performers are professionals, called here hystriones. This passage may also bring us close to something resembling the Oxford text of the Song of Roland; Daniel of Paris has obviously heard minstrels performing something like the formulaic (but none the less horrific) single combat scenes that abound in the Oxford version of this famous epic :*’ [Rollant] le fiert tant vertuusement, Tresqu’al nasel tut le elme hi fent ; Trenchet le nes el buche e les denz. Roland struck [the saracen Grandonie] with great force, he split the helmet down to the nasal piece, cutting down through the nose, the mouth and the teeth.

Daniel’s description of Oliver’s blow also sets up many echoes of the Oxford version of the Song of Roland. There may even be an allusion in Daniel’s Latin text to one of the many verbal formulas which the poet uses to describe

combat :*8 Daniel of Paris per medium ventrem totum ultra Song of Roland _ tut le fer li mist ultre (1286) tut le fer li mist ultre (1540) We move closer still to a written text of an epic in Grocheio’s reference to a type of chanson de geste in which the last line of each laisse does not have the same ‘poetic concord’ as the others (i.e. it does not rhyme or assonate). As an example he cites the gesta que dicitur de Girardo de Viana. In the only available English translation of his treatise these words are rendered ‘the chanson de geste which is said to be by Girarde de Viana’,** but the correct interpretation is undoubtedly ‘the chanson de geste which is about Girart de Vienne’. Girart was one of the most famous heroes of French epic tradition and he is the protagonist in a chanson de geste written by Bertrand de Bar-surAube, perhaps in the period 1205-25. The importance of this identification is that the surviving text of Bertrand’s epic shows exactly the feature which Grocheio describes; each laisse ends with a line ad altts consonantia discordantem.

A brief extract will show the manner :*” Et qant ill ont la novele entendue, Einz ne veites gent plus fort irascue. Lors fu li oz de grant duel conmete. 72

Minstrels in Parts c. 1300: rules and repertoire Nus cele nuit n’i boit ne ne menjue, N’a bon cheval n’i ot sele tolue. Juq’au demein que l’aube est aparue Firent baron grant duel et gent menue Por le roi Karlemene.

This correspondence between Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube’s epic and Grocheio’s description of a narrative de Girardo de Viana suggests that Grocheio is referring to this very text and that the minstrels of Paris around 1300 who performed narrative repertory were singing all or parts of a written epic. When instrumental accompaniment was used in such performances, a minstrel would have needed to memorise his material, perhaps dividing it into key episodes that could be narrated in one sitting. There are many ways that a jongleur could gain access to such texts. Some members of the jongleur community were clerics who had dropped out of the educational system and who would have been better equipped to read a ‘book’ epic than many of the lay patrons whom they served. Others, although perhaps illiterate themselves, could presumably

have the material

read to them,

and then store

it with all the remarkable facility of memory which illiterates so often display.

Maunstrel repertoire II: polyphony In an important article, Lawrence Gushee has drawn attention to the way in which Grocheio’s discussion of instruments and their repertoire is distinct from the section of his treatise devoted to polyphonic music.°! The structure of his De musica might therefore be taken to imply that instrumentalists’ repertoire did not normally encompass motet and conductus. This would be consistent with the fact that all of the music which Grocheio associates with the most esteemed kind ofinstrumentalist, the bonus artzfex in viella, is monophonic.

The evidence on these points is delicate and contradictory, however, for a consideration of the social backgrounds of professional secular musicians suggests a different conclusion. The trade of minstrelsy absorbed individuals from many walks oflife who, whether through failure in some other profession or through inclination, had decided to become professional musicians. Many of these men were clerics in the sense that they had taken a tonsure at some time in their lives and had perhaps also received a certain amount of education, clergie. The earliest detailed information that we possess about the social backgrounds of jongleurs is contained in the Old Occitan Vidas, or ‘Lives’ of the troubadours, and these documents reveal some of the patterns of social mobility that could cause a man of clerical condition to become a minstrel ; they include a personal inclination to the jongleur’s life, an insupportable boredom with studies and love for a woman. Canon Law decrees of the thirteenth century confirm that clerics sometimes crossed the boundary into jonglerie. The Liber Sextus Decretalium (1298), for example, commissioned by Pope Boniface VIII as a supplement to Gratian’s Decretals, rules that clerics

73

Minstrels in Paris c. 1300: rules and repertoire

who become joculatores are to lose all clerical privileges if they persist in that trade for more than a year.” This decree suggests that it may be misguided to speak of a ‘boundary’ between clergie and jonglerie. The ruling in the Liber Sextus has the effect of allowing jongleur-clerics to continue in the trade of minstrelsy for twelve months before they forfeit the privileges of clerical status and their freedom from the jurisdiction of civil courts. It is not entirely clear, however, what sort of people the jongleur-clerics of the Liber Sextus may be. A tonsure, the outward sign of membership of the clergy, was easy to obtain for it indicated ‘an inclination to the ecclesiastical condition’ and little more ;** indeed there

were many thieves and criminals who had themselves tonsured in order to escape the civil courts, and in higher social spheres there were artisans and merchants who also took the tonsure.® In this sense the concepts ‘cleric’ and ‘clerical condition’ were flexible and generous in their inclusiveness; no doubt some minstrels were also clercs of this kind, enjoying (possibly on a temporary basis only), the privileges conferred by the tonsure. There were other jongleur-clerics, however, who had acquired a measure

of learning. They were clercs who had abandoned the clerical life or who had been driven out of it by circumstances. As mentioned above, the Old Occitan Vidas reveal these refugees in the process of fleeing, and the state of the employment situation for churchmen and university graduates in northern France was difficult enough to steer many clerics into unorthodox careers. Most of the young men who studied at the University of Paris, for example, were doing so with a view to office - a position within the university, a bishopric, a stall in a cathedral chapter, an archdeaconry or perhaps a pastoral cure - but such positions were not easily won because there was little growth or mobility in these areas. In theory, at least, new bishoprics could be created, but they rarely were. Membership of cathedral chapters varied little and after the twelfth century ‘could show a downward trend, numbers in some parts being limited by law’.°® The number of archdeaconries was also stable to the point of stagnancy and in many regions very few fresh parishes were created during the thirteenth century. In one of his reminiscences about life in Paris c. 1200, the theologian and chronicler Jacques de Vitry reveals how the life of minstrelsy had found its place among the range of student ambitions as early as the first decades of the thirteenth century. In an exemplum he recalls how three Flemish students fell into a discussion one day about their reasons for studying. The first wished to become a master at the university, while the second, going to the opposite extreme, hoped to join the Cistercians. The third student, with ambitions of a different kind, declared his wish to become an organizator, hystrio and woculator. Jacques reports that he was successful in achieving this aim and that he lived an itinerant life, ‘thrusting himself up to the tables of others and refusing to do proper work’.*’ We can only wonder how many other students turned minstrels there may have been in thirteenth-century France. Such men would have possessed some reading knowledge of Latin, 74

Minstrels in Paris c. 1300. rules and repertoire

an ability to read at least plainchant notation, a good singing voice and perhaps (if this is what is implied by the term organizator in Jacques’ account) some ambition in the direction of polyphony.

Minstrel repertoire IIT: estampies Johannes de Grocheio reports that two of the principal forms which good fiddlers play ‘before the wealthy in their feasts and entertainments’ are ductia and stantipes. The stantipes is unique among the monophonic secular forms which he discusses because it can be admired for the same intellectual reasons as a motet or a polyphonic conductus. This is principally because ofits complex structure, or in Grocheio’s words, because of its ‘difficult succession of agreements’ (difficilem concordantiarum discretionem).°® The complexity of the stantipes causes the anzmus of both player and listener to become rapt in a concentration that prevents depraved thoughts. Grocheio describes the form of the stantipes and refers to some specific examples composed by a musician named Tassin (the res Tassinc) fragments of which have survived. This information leaves no room for doubt about the form and the musical style of the pieces which he calls stantipes. The musical form is PICA | SOX Ve

UX. Cys

etc

where a change of capital letter signals a new melodic section, x stands for an ‘open’ ending and y for a ‘closed’ one. By a remarkable piece of good fortune, which has often been commented upon, Tassin is probably to be identified with the minstrel of that name who is listed in a roster of the household of King Philippe le Bel in 1288.°° This Tassin would undoubtedly have spent periods of residence with the royal court at Paris which might explain how his music reached the ears of Johannes de Grocheio. Furthermore, three sections from the otherwise lost stantipes which Tassin composed,

and which Grocheio admired, have been preserved as tenor parts in three

motets in the Montpellier Codex where each bears the title chose Tassin.™ In their form and musical style the Tassin pieces point directly to the estampies royales preserved as fourteenth-century additions to the Manuscrit du Roi (Music example 3). Brief though these pieces may be, they are long enough to give pause for thought. If Example 3 represents a difficult style of instrumental music, as Grocheio’s account leads us to assume,

then where does the

difficulty lie ?Like the supposedly difficult pieces by Tassin, La quarte Estampve Royal has seven sections, but as it stands it looks far from virtuosic. What was there in such music to provide strenuous exercise for what Grocheio calls the performer’s animus, ‘the rational mind’ ? At this point the scholar must give way to the musician. To learn one of these estampies by heart, and then to set oneself the task of reproducing it exactly, is to discover where the element of difficultas lies. The musical

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Minstrels in Paris c. 1300: rules and repertoire

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idiom of the Manuscrit du Roi pieces is highly controlled - indeed it is stereotyped - and a performer relying upon his memory must indeed exercise his animus to ensure that no repeat be forgotten and that no section of the music be inadvertently allowed to dissolve into another through the intermediary of shared melodic material. The open and closed endings, which look as if they are ready to offer moments of relaxation and consolidation (like 76

Minstrels in Parts c. 1300: rules and repertoire

the refrains of a lyric, for example), prove in performance to be only false friends ; they do indeed allow the mind to relax, momentarily, in the performance of familiar material, but this can easily trip the player into muddling open and closed endings (since they both begin in the same way). When these pieces are considered in terms of performance it becomes possible to listen to them in an historical manner and to appreciate the artifice which Grocheio admired in them, and which prompted him to dignify the minstrels who played them with the title artefex: craftsman.

Visions of the city The changing position of minstrels in Latin writings of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries can be explained in various ways. The emergence of the scholastic method certainly accounts for some of the change. As the Middle Ages knew it, the tradition of passionate harangue against professional entertainers was principally a legacy from the Church Fathers of Late Antiquity, so the schoolmens’ determination to submit the writings of the Fathers to a dispassionate analysis, and to ascertain what guidance they could offer to preachers and confessors, was inevitably a force for change. The absorption of Aristotelian writings, and especially of the Ethics and Politics, brought Christian theologians into contact with an extraordinarily stimulating thinker who perceived the usefulness and dangers of music in terms both more urbane and more sophisticated than the terms of good and evil, godly will and perverse will, which defined the Judaeo-Christian heritage. The elaboration of the scholastic enterprise and the study of the ‘new’ Aristotle in the twelfth century were both urban phenomena, the work of magistri in cathedral schools and the nascent universities. The changing position of minstrels between 00 and 1300 owes a great deal not merely to the intellectual activities that were

fostered in the urban

schools, but also

to the very fabric and appearance of urban agglomerations. It is the intense visual stimulus which cities offer to urban dwellers that sociologists have increasingly come to recognise as the one constant element in the many attempts which have been made to describe the consistent effects of urbanism upon human psychology.®! Our attention naturally turns to Paris, home of many of the texts which have been cited in the last three chapters. There are many descriptions of Paris in medieval French sources, both Latin and vernacular, and like the fourteenth-century illustration reproduced here as Figure 5, they emphasise the major physical features of the city (such as bridges, market squares and gates) together with the extraordinary density of commercial activity visible on every side passing over, within or between the physical structures of the city. The description of Paris composed by Guido de Bazoches between 1175 and ugo is typical of many in this respect. ‘The Grand Pont’, says Guido, ‘is crowded, rich, ideal for buying, it swarms with people, it abounds,with shops, with wealth, with innumerable commodi-

ties; it swarms with boats, it groans with goods, it abounds with things to

77

Minstrels in Paris c. 1300: rules and repertoire

une

(due tune {bins ydola pret

~a rr1ccs {ite ENP

Violid

CULT

RES!

Figure 5 View of Parts, the Ile de la Cute. The drawing shows a stylised view of the Ile with uts two major bridges and crowded commercial life. On the Seine below three young men (students at the University ?) sing from a music rotulus as they are rowed along by two boatmen. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS fr. 2090-91-92, f. 997 (detail). Reproduced by permission.

78

Minstrels in Parts c. 1300: rules and repertoire

be bought and sold’.® Like many who contemplated Paris in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Guido is impressed by the diversity of the city. The goods are diverse, the purposes and wants which the goods imply are more diversified still, and the relations which trading establishes between people, essentially impersonal and yet to their mutual benefit, are infinite in their variety and extent. For Guido, as for many others who recorded their admiration of Paris, this sense of the city as a massive collaborative effort is not in the least abstract; it is so closely perceived in relation to the physical structure of the city (in this case the Grand Pont) that it seems to be an interpretation of the very stones. The conventional Christian concept of work could not survive this intense visual stimulus without change. A monk, whatever his experience of a city might be, knew that it lay within his contemplative purpose to suppress all confused sounds and images, whatever their source, and to seek the prayerful peace which alone guaranteed true happiness. If he spoke or wrote, it was usually to other monks, whether in the present or in the future. Having no pastoral responsibilities, he had no need to diversify his understanding of how those outside the monastery lived and survived, and he was not required to address the problems of faith and conscience which lives vastly different to his own might present. It is in this sense that the great achievement of the thirteenth century can be described as unmonastic, for what happened in the Western Church between 1200 and 1300 was that many churchmen who lived outside the monastic cloister felt the need for an extraordinarily thorough, articulate and practical ministry in all areas of the pastoral calling. The emergence of the orders of friars, licensed to preach and to hear confession, provided one answer to this need, and their ministry was specially directed towards the cities.

AsHumbert of Romans, one of the most eminent

of the thirteenth-century Dominicans, records: ‘in cities there are more people than in other places, and therefore it is better to preach there than elsewhere . there are more sins there ... [and] ... lesser places which lhe around cities are more influenced by cities than vice versa.’® It was impossible for this pastoral mission to develop in the cities - whether led by the friars or by others - without a keen sense of the diversity ofwork. Churchmen like Peter the Chanter and Robert of Courson knew that the city of Paris supported a huge number of small and specialised trades; it was generally obvious to them that their civztas was essentially a dense agglomeration of non-agriculturalists. They knew that there were many in the city of Paris whose labour did not help to produce what monastic theologians, with a severity befitting the strictness of their vows, had always regarded as necessities: essential food and raiment, and no more. Courson had confronted the confusion of small-scale manufacture in Paris, however, and to turn over the folios of

a manuscript of his Summa, allowing one’s eye to wander from the lines which deal with minstrels, is to become instantly lost in a throng of Latin words denoting the practitioners of small trades. There are makers of dice, makers of crossbows, compounders of toxic substances, dealers in white lead,

79

Minstrels in Parts c. 1300: rules and repertowre

and many more. Musical minstrels could now be regarded as merely one kind of tradesman among very many. For Peter the Chanter instrumentalists are ‘artifices instrumentorum musicorum’, while for Johannes de Grocheio the expert fiddler is a ‘bonus artzfex in viella’. The Parisian instrumentalists call themselves ‘bons ouvriers’. All these terminologies seem designed to draw instrumentalist-singers into the ranks of legitimate and skilled artisans. Within the intellectual context of Courson’s Summa, and of Peter the Chanter’s writ-

ings, the legitimacy of non-essential labour and craftsmanship is accepted in principle, for it supports the city’s diversity, power and wealth. The questions which Courson asks about minstrels are therefore much the same as he chooses to ask about many other kinds of tradesmen. Is it legitimate for them to earn money from their trade? May some varieties be allowed to do so while others may not? The thrust of thirteenth-century reasoning on these questions was towards a special status for the instrumentalist, especially the string-player (trumpeters were clearly a special case), and it is tempting to believe that the institution of the Parisian minstrel confraternity in 1321, an association of instrumentalists, owed something to more than a hundred years of teaching in the confessional that instrumentalist-minstrels are a breed apart, to be distinguished from entertainers offering other kinds of minstrelsy.

80

CHAPTER

FOUR

PEOMES SHAAND “rHE COUMRLTLY SONG Ree Ee Ral: @ Roy.

The previous three chapters have been concerned with professionals. This chapter is devoted to one of the most intriguing and enigmatic manifestations of musical life in medieval France: the activities of courtly amateurs. These amateur activities are intriguing, for they may have accounted for a good deal of musical performance at court, exploiting a repertoire that ranged from light and ephemeral dance-songs to multi-stanza trouvére lyrics of the kind preserved in the great chansonniers. The performances given by amateurs at court are also enigmatic, for archival documents reveal next to nothing about them (the performers were not paid, although they might be rewarded), ' and the question of whether pictorial sources from the thirteenth century can advance our knowledge about music-making of this kind is still under

discussion.” However, the literary sources of the period are generously supplied with fictionalised references to the musical pursuits of courtly amateurs that have only recently been sorted and classified, albeit in a provisional fashion.’ In particular, there are many narrative works in Old French that portray the musical life of large households during festivals and tournaments. The amateur musicians at court are usually young people such as vallets, damoiseles, escuters, bachelers and puceles, and this chapter will therefore be closely concerned with manifestations of the ideal ofjeunesse: a candid and insouciant disposition that was affected for the sake of mutual harmony and delight in court society. The evidence will mostly be taken from the epics and romances that cover the period from c. 1080 (the approximate date of the earliest epic, the Song of Roland), through to 1300, by which time the epic was almost moribund and new departures in narrative fiction (such as the emergence of the dit) were about to take place. These sources can be supplemented with other writings, but they are scattered and highly diverse in character; they are so varied, indeed, and the topic of amateur musicianship at court is such an elusive one, that this chapter cannot do more than present a few isolated extracts, from texts of various periods and places, in the hope of creating a suggestive context for them. 81

Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory

When the musical references in the Old French epics and romances are approached in this way it becomes clear that they form a pattern. In the earliest epics musical delight is often but an occasional episode in a general drama of pain; in many of the romances, however, it is associated with the insouciant bearing of the perfect vallet, bacheler, pucele or chevalier.* This is a contrast of tone and imagination; it can best be illustrated by comparing the way in which an epic and a romance treat the same narrative motif, and I have selected the motif of ‘singing on horseback’ for the purpose.’ The epic of Les Quatre Fils Aymon (c. 1200) has an arresting passage where the four brothers of the title ride from"the town of Montauban, singing as they go:° Or chevalchent li conte a joie et a baldor, Chascuns porte en sa main une molt bele flor. De Montauban issirent par la porte Foucon . . Aallars et Guichars commenceront .1. son, Gasconois fu li dis et Limosins li ton,

Et Richars lor bordone belement par desos ; D’une grande huchie entendre les puet on. Now the counts ride with joy and high spirits, and each of them carries a beautiful flower in his hand. They leave Montauban by the ‘Foucon’ gate... Aallars et Guichars begin a song; the words are Gascon and the music Limousin, and Richars delightfully sings an accompaniment below them; one can hear them from a good way off.

This has a certain charm, but things are not as they seem. All four of Aymon’s sons are riding here, yet only three are singing. A few lines later the fourth son, Renaus, rides into view sobbing and calling upon God. Bent under a weight of foreboding, he prays intently lest he and his brothers be murdered or cast into prison. Eventually, the poet shows why Renaus weeps as his brothers sing so gaily. They are riding into an ambush. The story of Les Quatre Fils Aymon is made of violent struggles such as this; every man is vulnerable to physical attack and to the mental torment of conflicting loyalties. Only by their prayers to a fearsome God and to his saints do men have the power to avert catastrophe or to mitigate its effects. To examine the presentation of musical life in the twelfth-century epics is to discover how often music appears as a momentary consolation amidst violence and conflict. The mental landscape of the knights and aristocrats in the earlier epics is akin to the one that George Eliot depicted for the rural workers of the English countryside before the Industrial Revolution

in Silas Marner :' ... the rude mind with difficulty associates the ideas of power and benignity. A shadowy conception of power that by much persuasion can be induced to refrain from harm, is the shape most easily taken by the sense of the Invisible in the minds of men who have always been pressed close by primitive wants . . . their imagination is almost barren 82

Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory

of the images that feed desire and hope, but is all overgrown by recollections that are a perpetual pasture to fear.

Whatever reservations we may have about ‘the rude mind’ as a historical term, it is undeniable that this sounds like the terrain of the earlier chansons

de geste. The view of a warring military class ‘pressed close by primitive wants . their imagination ... almost barren of the images that feed desire and hope’ would seem to have been one of the chief attractions of the chansons de geste for twelfth- and thirteenth-century audiences. These poems offer one of the eternal pleasures of epic story: the chance to send one’s imagination into a past where an insufficiency of reflection makes action magnificent in the performance but dire in the consequence. As an evocation of the historical past in which many epics are set (the time of Charlemagne and the long period of conflict following the collapse of his empire) the chansons de geste have something to recommend them still. R.W.Southern, for example, has dedicated an imposing chapter to the proposition that the earlier chansons de geste record the mental and spiritual climate of Europe before the twelfth century with considerable fidelity.? The tendency for God to be conceived as a terrible judge who must be pacified by offerings, prayers and pilgrimages - atendency which Southern, in company with many other historians, regards as a major characteristic of European spirituality before the twelfth century - evokes Les Quatre Fils Aymon with some immediacy. Now let us follow the daift in literary fashion from epic to romance during the second half of the twelfth century. Here is another instance of the ‘singing on horseback’ motif, this time from Guzron le courtots, an Arthurian romance

in prose of c. 1235.'° At this point in the story the knight Breuz is travelling through a forest when he sees another chevalier coming towards him :"! ... li cheualier estoit adonc montez sor vn cheual molt cointement . et en faisoit mener un autre en destre. li cheualiers dont ge uos cont uenoit chantant vn son noue! chant qui a celui tens estoit fait en la meson le roi artus . le cheualiers chantoit si halt et si fort . que toute la forest aloit retentissant la ou iJ aloit . et li uers qui aloit chantant si cestoit cest.

En grant ioie ma amor mis Et de grant dolor ma hostez ; Malerez trestuit mes henemis Sui ge si haltement montez, Que por son ami ma conte Cele qui passe flor et lys Et quant por son home ma pris Bien ai le monde sormonte.

En tel guise com ge uos cont aloit chantant li cheualiers . si haltement que d’assez loing le peust l’en oir . a ce qu’il faisoit merueilleusement la forest retentyr . endroit soi . por la uoiz qu’il auoit fort . et halt . .. [Breuz] dist adonc a soi meesmes . que a merueilles chantoit bien li

Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory cheualier . et se alcuns me demandoit qui estoit li cheualier . ge diroie que ce estoit vn cheualiers de la meson le roi artus . gentill home . et de grant afaire . et auoit nom messire yuains. ... the knight was mounted very graciously on a horse and was having another led by his right. This knight of whom I am telling you came singing a new song of his which at that time had been composed in the court of King Arthur. The knight sang so loudly and strongly that all the forest resounded as he went, and this was the poem he sang . . . [poem follows]. The knight went along singing in the manner that I am relating to you so that one could hear him from afar ;he made the forest resound around him with his loud and strong voice. Breuz [who is listening] says to himself: ‘The knight sings marvellously well, and if anyone were to ask me who the knight might be, I would say that it must be a knight from the household of King Arthur, and a noble man of great account, named Sir Yvain.’

Here the clamour of battle, so clearly heard in the epic of Les Quatre Fils Aymon, has subsided. Instead of four brothers trotting towards a catastrophe and embroiled in a feud, the romance of Guzron le courtois presents a knight who is fashioned for courtoisie. The almost exclusively masculine realm of epic is far behind and Yvain rides with a lady as well as two squires, while the song he sings - and the poet is glad to supply the text - is a delicate love-lyric. In the best style of the trouvéres it presents love as a kind of jowe (one of the most potent words in Old French lyric) and celebrates a triumph over the backbiters who are the foes of every lover. Yvain’s song also expresses the view of love as a social and moral ascent which lies at the heart of the trouvéres’ view of sexual passion. Of the song’s courtliness there can be no doubt, for it has the mystique of la meson le roi artus where it has lately been composed. Furthermore, Yvain sings it in such a fashion that Breuz identifies him at once as a knight from Arthur’s retinue. It seems that the gateway to Arthur’s court leads into the capital of love-song in the best trouvere fashion. Les Quatre Fils Aymon is not the only epic where heroes sing to express their good spirits immediately before some disaster overtakes them, nor is Guiron le courtois the only romance in which singing is associated with an unsullied and courtly bearing. This contrast suggests that between 1150 and 1200, when the genre of vernacular romance arose, French readers became increasingly interested in stories where singing is portrayed as it is in Guzron le courtois. Our sense that there is something here to be explored becomes sharper when we discover that an astute and severe social commentator like John of Salisbury could be disturbed by a sense that the ethos surrounding secular song was changing. “The singing of love-songs in the presence of men of eminence was once considered in bad taste’, he writes in his Policraticus

of 1159, ‘but now it is considered praiseworthy for men of greater eminence to sing and play them ...’.!” How did the imagery of romance give shape and colour to the musical activities of ‘men of eminence’ - of courtly amateurs ?

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Music and courtliness In the romances music is usually a gregarious and convivial pleasure to be enjoyed in the hall of some noble or in a royal palace.'? The occasion is often a full court convened for a great holiday of the liturgical year or for a feast to mark an event in the court’s own calendar (a royal wedding, for example).'* Tablecloths being swept away, trestles being folded against the walls, vallets running forward with ewers and towels: these are the signs that music is about to be enjoyed in a lord’s Great Hall.!° Viewed in this light, music at court seems to be inseparable from the sense of corporate indentity so important in the social life of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. That was not an age when reasonable men valued solitude overmuch. Unless it were for the purpose of religious retreat, loneliness could be shameful and dangerous. Hermits might be alone for long periods, and so might the mad or destitute; but even these marginals gravitated towards highways and bridges where alms could be had, and within the body of feudal society most of the truly significant relationships were defined by obligations that were publicly owned and just as publicly discharged. A knight who wandered alone invited gossip and disdain; such a man needed heraldry on his shield to show where he belonged, and a household to join at the end of his travels. Even the Cistercian monks, building their monasteries in ‘a place of horror and infinite solitude’ as the book of Deuteronomy required of them, sought isolation within a communal life where their prayers, like the grain in their barns, could be heaped into a store of sustenance. From the mid-twelfth century on, a close and complex relationship developed between the full courts convened by kings or magnates and the way in which such courts were portrayed in romance. Chivalry, a richly ethical conception of the mounted warrior’s military duties and sportive inclinations, begins to find literary expression in the epics and romances of the m70s;'° it imposed many obligations upon the chevalier, but none was so easy to fulfil, and yet so charged with romance imagery, as the duty to be playful and festive during major court celebrations. These festivities would include both the full courts and also (as well shall see) the tournaments. The most ardent desire known to chivalry was the passion to win renown in a good lord’s wars: to behave like a proz e vasals in contemporary terminology. But in practice this ideal could be compromised by political expediency, by brutish cruelty or by sheer cowardice. In contrast, the duty to be playful was easier to perform; it lay most heavily upon the vallet, esquier or chevalier at exactly the time when it seemed lightest: during some great festivity when presents flowed and when ladies were present in abundance ‘exerting themselves to the utmost to be joyful’. For complete success the escuzer, vallet or chevalier had only to suppress his personal anxieties beneath a show of carefree bearing, and that at a time when all things contrived to produce an intoxication of sense :"7

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ert coustume que cele feste estoit si haute et si honeste que s’aucunz eust duel au cuer n’osast il mostrer a nul fuer que nuz s’en alast percevant. It was the custom for that festival to be so courtly, and to be conducted in such good faith, that if anyone had a sadness in his heart he dared not show it in any way so that none could perceive it.

During the thirteenth century one of the most striking developments in the romance portrayal of musical life affects courtly dance under the general name carole. Carolling, the performance of ring- and chain-dances, appears to have gradually become an acceptable pastime for young men as vallets, bachelers and esquiers showed themselves less determined to spend all their leisure with competitive and martial sports. In the romances of Chrestien de Troyes, for example, all of which are customarily dated to the m7os and 180s, the carole is a predominantly female diversion ; amidst the entertainments

which grace the Great Hall for the marriage of Erec and Enide, for example, puceles querolent et dancent.'® There is no mention of young men here, and since the dances follow the entertainments offered by minstrels it may be that these caroles are being ‘performed’ by the girls for the pleasure of the onlookers.'? Compare a passage in Chrestien’s Yvazn where it appears that the pursuits of the young girls and of the young men are again quite distinct.

While the puceles dance”? D’autre part refont lor labor Li legier bacheler qui saillent. In another place the sprightly bachelers renew their exertions and jump.

It is tempting to assume that Chrestien is witnessing a tradition of unfathomable age in these lines. As we shall see in the next chapter, the strictest churchmen of the Middle Ages never relaxed in their war against the mulieres and puellae who formed dancing throngs. Their enemy was an ancient one indeed. From King David’s triumph through to Chrestien’s Perceval, for example, it is possible to trace a tradition of women’s dance-songs performed in honour of men for their victories in arms.?! However, the potential of carolling to become an acceptable pastime for young men is latent in the lines from Chrestien’s Yvain quoted above where the bachelers show their agility by leaping. Bacheler is a highly expressive word in Old French, denoting a man in hisjeunesse with the fitness of body and the strength of will required for success in war and in adventure - qualities which are brought together in the favourite epithet degier, literally ‘light’.** Gradually, it would seem, the concept of what made a man /egter expanded to include a purely pacific display of physical address: the carole. 86

Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory

The process is at work in Hervis de Metz, an epic of c. 1250 whose relationship to developing ideals of courtliness has been described in a most illuminating

way by Noiriel.*? His view of the poem as one that reveals a new concern with courtly bearing is confirmed by the poet’s attitudes to dancing. At one point in Hervis de Metz the puceles dance while the legier bacheler engage in

the bohord, a contest involving equestrian display :** Behorder vont ci legier baicheler, Et ces puceles prandent a queroller. the legier bacheler engage in the bohord, and the girls begin to carole.

Later in the same poem, however, the young men are prepared to put their competitive sports aside :*° Carolent i mescin et baceler, A lescremie sont chil Breton alé

young girls and bachelers go carolling there, while the Bretons go off to fence

While the caroles were sometimes an alternative to the joust, tourney or bohord, their ethos was often close to the festive but competitive spirit which prevailed at tournaments. Indeed there are many thirteenth-century narratives in which carolling is associated with the periods of evening celebration that separated the days of a tournot. A striking example is provided by the biography of William Marshall (d.1219), Earl of Pembroke and Regent of England, which an otherwise unknown poet named Jean completed in 1226. In one episode William Marshall sings for a carole whilst he and his team are waiting for

proceedings to begin at the tournament of Joigny (Yonne), held in 178.” At this time the earl is a knight errant, thirty-one years old, unmarried, and so still in his jeunesse according to contemporary reckoning :2’ Aucuns a dit: ‘Kar carolomes Dementiers que ci atendomes, Si nos en ennui [e] ra mains’. Lors s’entrepristrent par les mains Alcun[s] demande: ‘Qui sera Si corteis qu’il nos chantera ?’ Li Marischa[I]]s qui bien chantout E qui de riens ne se vantout Lors commensa une chansun, O simple voiz et o doz son. Molt lor plout a toz cels qu’i érent E bonement 0 lui chantérent.

Someone said : ‘Let us dance a carole while we wait here, that way we shall not be so bored’. Then they took one another by the hand and someone said : ‘Who will be so courtly as to sing for us?’ Then William

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Marshall, who sang very well and who never boasted of his accomplishments, began a song in his sweet and pure voice. It greatly pleased all those who were there with him and they graciously sang with him.

This passage may seem to be as simple et doz as William Marshall’s voice, and yet there is no guarantee that this scene took place as the poet Jean describes it, writing a generation after the event. Furthermore, the tournament of Joigny is exceptional amongst those which Jean recounts because he signals the presence of woman there - a marked ‘romance’ touch; elsewhere in his poem the tournoi appears to be an exclusively masculine affair.** To sweep Jean’s passage aside for these reasons, however, is to miss the point, for his debt to romance is what gives these lines their special interest. Jean has surely been reading a work like the Lancelot, an influential romance praised by Philippe de Novarre around 1265 for its ‘fine and subtle matter’. *? In the Lancelot the youthful hero is admired because*” chantoit a mervoilles bien gant il voloit . . . qant il avoit raison de cui il detist faire joie, nus ne poist estre tant anvoisiez ne tant jolis. he sang marvellously well when he wished to . . . and when he had cause that he should be glad nobody could be so animated nor so delightful.

And in the Lancelot carolling is one of the diversions which Jlegzers bachelers enjoy:*! Qant vint aprés disner, si ne pot estre que mainz de ces legiers bachelers ne preist talanz et envie d’els deporter et esbanoier . . . Li um joerent as tables et as eschas et li autre querolent et esgardent les dances des dames et des damoiselles. After dinner there was no stopping many of the legzers bachelers from conceiving a wish and desire to divert and entertain themselves . . . some played at draughts and chess, and others go carolling and watch the dances of ladies and young women.

Recent studies of chivalric narrative have stressed the way some romances like Lancelot were

regarded,

in part, as models

for excellent behaviour

by

contemporary readers.** As Philippe de Novarre admired Lancelot for its biaus diz et... soutis, so William Caxton could still call English knights to read ‘the noble volumes

of Saynt Graal,

of Lancelot,

of Galaad,

of Trystram

... Ther shalle ye see manhode, curtosye, and gentylnesse’.*’ Putting aside the question of whether William Marshall did indeed sing for a carole at the Joigny tournament of 178, it is certain that his biographer, writing between 1219 and 1226, believed that to put such a scene into his poem would do honour to the memory of the Earl of Pembroke and Regent of England. The insouciance of the scene (knights and ladies are whiling away the time before a tournament) catches the tone of many references to music in romance. How many other knights were influenced by the kind of romance imagery 88

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with which Jean invests his historical hero at this point? It is a short step from here to the caroles which took place at the tournament of Chauvency (Meuse) in 1285,°* and to the caroles of the celebrated tournament at Hem (Somme) in 1278, where so many of the noble families of Vermandois and of the surrounding region acted the part of characters from Arthurian legend. As the poet Sarasin records in his versified account of the tournament at Hem :°° De toutes pars puet on véoir Vins et viandes metre as tables; N’1 oissiés romans ne fables Mais parler d’armes et d’armour. Les caroles dessi au jour Durerent. On all sides one might see wines and meats put on the tables; you might hear no romances or tales there but conversation about love and arms instead. The caroles lasted until the dawn.

To dance in a carole during a tournament or full court was not merely to pass the time; for those whose imaginations inclined them thus, it was also

to act in a romance scene of one’s own making. The fallen present dissolved into the brilliant past of Arthur. Life was sensed, for an instant, to be like a text, and the texts in their turn became more verisimilar in their presentation

of the carole until literature and life were easily confused in the exhilaration of the moment.

The bachelers and the carole How did carolling become so closely associated with the ideal bearing of the young knight or knight-to-be, the vallet or bacheler? Part of the answer to that question may lie with the urban renewal of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. In Chapter 5 we shall see that carolling was a prominent feature of urban life, and various chronicles suggest that caroles were judged to be an adornment to major civic events. Amongst the greatest occasions were the royal or aristocratic ‘entries’ which could inspire the whole citizenry to celebration with music and dance. The early thirteenth-century annalist Nicholas de Braia describes such a royal entry in his Latin verse-chronicle the Gesta Ludovict VIII Francorum Regis. He reports that when the king entered Paris to a rapturous welcome in 1223, ‘young men in festive mood, and the excited girls led their caroles through the fields and through the broad cross-

roads’ .*© Many of the Old French romances (and some of the later epics) describe fictional entries whose details match those given by Nicholas de Braia point for point: the same banners in the streets, the same throng of minstrels, and so on. These entries, together with other kinds of civic show and

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procession, rarely failed to excite the authors of narrative poetry and prose alike. In common with some of the Latin sermons to be examined in the next chapter, these narratives often convey the impression that a crowd of girls carolling in the square was one of the first sights a visitor saw upon entering a city in festive mood :*’ Et en la place querolent ces pucelles.

In the romance of Meraugis de Portlesguez (¢c. 1200-20), by Raoul de Houdenc, the carolling girls issue forth from the city gates as part of a splendid civic procession to meet an approaching party :* De la cité qui bien fu close Voient par mi la porte issir La gent et la terre covrir Dou pueple qui fors s’en issoit. N’i remaint dame qui n’i soit Venue, et totes vont chantant.

Les puceles dont i ot tant Vienent chantant et font caroles Si granz qu’onques as maieroles Ne veistes greignors ; devant Vienent li chevalier corant Sor les chevaus isneaus et forz.

They see the citizens issuing out of the gate of the city that was securely surrounded by walls. They cover the land. There was not one lady that did not come, and they all went forward singing. The girls, of whom there were so many there, come forth singing and making caroles so large that you never saw the like at the May celebrations ;before them come the agile knights on their swift and powerful horses.

There is a similar description of an entry in the romance ofJehan et Blonde (c. 1270-80) by Philippe de Remi, Sire de Beaumanoir. This time the dancers are vallets, presumably the young men in the royal retinue, but also, perhaps, the boys and youths of the town: A tant es chevaus remonterent, Ne de chevaucier ne finerent Devant qu’il entrent en la vile, Ou il avoit plus de dis mile De bourgoises bien acesmees, Qui les routes ont saluées Le roi leur signeur, la roine. La oissiés maint buisine, Mainte moinel et maint tabour Et maint grant cor Sarrazinour,

Mainte cytole et mainte muse. N’est mervelle se on i muse C’as courtines c’as estrumens go

:

Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory C’as autres apparillemens C’as trompes que devant aus vont C’as danses que li vallet font. They remount their horses and do not stop riding until they enter the town where there are more than ten thousand townswomen who have adorned themselves to greet their lord the king and the queen along the streets. There might you have heard many a trumpet, many moznel [?], many tabors, many great Saracen horns, many citoles and many bagpipes. It is no wonder if one is fascinated there by the hangings, by the instruments, by the other adornments, by the trumpets that go before them and by the dances of the vallets.

Sermons and devotional treatises of the thirteenth century suggest that many different social classes mingled in the urban caroles. Ceremonial entries and the festivals which followed them - could draw many social groups together: the girls and young men of the town, local knights, townsmen and townswomen, the serjens, escuzers and vallets of the magnate’s retinue and the sons and daughters of any local nobles in residence in their town-houses. The reference to vallets in the lines above suggests that the festive splendour of these entries and processions could easily create circumstances in which pages, young knights, and men aspiring to be knights would find themselves drawn into a carole. Several texts suggest as much: the romance of Floriant

et Florete (c. 1250), for example :*° Ensi vers Palerne s’en vont;

Quant en la cité entré sont Voient les ries portendues De courtines a or batts; Ces dames et ses damoiseles Courtoises, avenanz et beles, Ces varlés et cil bacheler Dancier, treschier et caroler.

[King Loth and King Baudemagus] make their way towards Palerne ; once they have entered the city they see the streets adorned with hangings of beaten gold; ladies and young women, courtly, fair and beautiful, vallets and bachelers dance and go carolling.

Or again, perhaps, in the mid-fourteenth-century epic of Godefroid de Bouillon :*' Les borjois et les dames... Véissiés en ces places trescher et caroler. Esquiers et serjans et puceles canter, N’ia maison, ne rue c’on i puisse trover Qui ne soit portendue de paile et de cender.

You might see the townsmen and the ladies carolling in the squares, squires and senjans and young girls singing; there is no street and no house to be found there that is not adorned with hangings of gold and silk. QI

Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory

References such as these suggest that urban customs and practices may have influenced the prevailing conception of what was legier about a legier bacheler. The emergence of carolling as a festive activity for young men during full courts and tournaments, reflected in thirteenth-century narratives, might therefore be interpreted as an opening of masculine, martial decorum towards the festive culture of urban centres when seigneurial retinues were united in celebration with the townspeople amongst whom they lodged. It is impossible to say for certain when this process occurred; the romances cannot be expected to map changes in social custom with any precision. It seems likely that the change was taking place throughout the twelfth century, especially during the second half when both urban expansion and demographic increase were moving towards their peak.

Jeunesse de cuer The ability to sing for a carole in an acceptable way, like the ability to dance in one, was probably widespread amongst the nobility of thirteenth-century France. A carole was a relatively informal affair so it seems unlikely that an excellent voice was required (although some, like William Marshall, could sing unusually well). The dance was not a musical performance but a shared experience of sound and movement: spontaneous, gregarious and informal. What then of the surviving trouvére songs, mostly High Style grands chants, that did require special gifts? What courtly amateurs (if any) performed these songs, and under what circumstances did these performances take place? The answers to these questions, insofar as we may hope to answer them, may best be sought amongst the young men and women of the household. As we have seen, a recurrent theme in the romance imagery of festivity is jeunesse: a candid and insouciant bearing which was especially gratifying in the young who needed little nurture to make them what they already were by nature. The constant preoccupation of both medieval romance and trouvére song might indeed be described as ‘young’ love as the Middle Ages understood it: the infatuation which a man was free to feel for any woman until he married, the contract which put an end to his jeunesse for ever.” It is therefore particularly instructive to examine the role of the young men and boys to whom contemporary writers applied the terms bacheler and vallet, for these were the individuals whose position at court was particularly susceptible to the influence of romance imagery. We begin with one of the most celebrated of all the epic heroes: William, Count of Orange. In the two redactions of Le Moniage Guillaume, composed during the later twelfth century, this celebrated warrior joins the monastic community at Genevois, having been told by an angel to enter a monastery. When the abbey lands are threatened by robbers William is asked to undertake the hazardous journey which is necessary if fresh provisions are to be fetched. He agrees to go, and sets off with two pack-horses and a young groom (valleé) Q2

Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory

to lead them. As they make their way, William decides that he wishes to enliven his journey with song, so he calls upon the vallet to sing: Li quens Guillaumes met son vallet devant Et sili dist: ‘Biaus amis, or entent... Se sés canchon, par amors, di nous ent,

Sien irons un poi plus liement.’ Li valles ]’ot si respont erraument: ‘Sire’, dist il, ‘par le cors saint Vincent,

Est chou a certes, ou vous m’alés gabant?’ Count William bids the groom to go before him and then says to him: ‘Fair friend, listen: if you know any song then I pray you sing it for us, thus our journey will be more pleasant.’ The groom hears him and then replies at once: ‘Sire’, he said, ‘by the body of Saint Vincent, is this serious or are youjoking?’

The groom, who knows that the hills are full of robbers, has no wish to draw attention to himself by singing. William persists, nonetheless, and the young man eventually begins to sing a narrative song.** At first he is timid and Count William finds that his singing is too soft. Just as the vallet feared, the robbers hear the song. ‘That sounds like a minstrel’, says one of them to his companions, ‘who has come out of some town, village or city where

he sings in the square.’* This episode is designéd to reveal William’s boldness in the face of danger and to do so with a certain humour. But this does not lessen the interest of the relationship between Count William and the groom whose only acknowledged duty on the journey is to lead the pack-horses. In the twelfth century the obvious way to speak of the relationship between a magnate and a groom attending upon him was to regard the vallet as if he were a servant in the lord’s household; the second redaction of Le Moniage Guillaume makes this clear by calling the groom William’s famle, a term derived from latin famulum (compare familia, ‘household’) and denoting a domestic servant.* It seems to come naturally to a count like William to request a song from his servant in this way. This passage from Le Moniage Guillaume highlights an important theme: the theme of service. At a time when most social relations of significance were dominated by the hierarchical structures of feudalism there may often have been occasions when a performance by a gifted amateur was perceived as a form of service: the due which a young man owed to his elders, for example, or the many informal services which every landless and unmarried young man performed in the hope of favour. As early as ¢. 1000 it is possible to discern the mechanism which drew promising boys into court service, at least in England and Germany. The Vita of Bishop Bernward of Hildesheim, composed around 1000 by Thangmar, tells how Bernward used to gather skilled young men to himself and lead them to court when business required him to be there. Some of these young

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men,

Thangmar

relates, were

scribes, while others were painters, smiths

or jewellers.*” Can we doubt that some of them were also musicians? he various Lives of the Englishman St Dunstan (d.g88) show how young men with musical talents might be taken to court in the tenth century. A gifted scribe, painter, and ‘player upon that instrument which we call “‘harp’’ in the native tongue’, Dunstan’s talents were noticed by a bishop who introduced him to the court of King Athelstan. Indeed, Osbern’s Vita Sancti Dunstan (c. 1090) relates that Dunstan used to play for Athelstan when the king was exhausted by his worldly cares.*? In the light of these stories we begin to understand why the sons of noblemen weréso keen to study stringed instruments at the Abbey of St Gall with the gifted monk Tuotilo (d.g15) ;°° such talents, if they caught the eye of a bishop who made regular visits to court, could help a young man of good family to preferment in royal or aristocratic service. Old French literature of the twelfth century shows many signs that young men with musical talents could obtain a privileged position within a royal or noble household. Let us glance at the royal entourage, the familza regis.°! In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the royal household included chamberlains whose task was to ensure the security of the king and of the treasure kept near him.*” They were therefore required to ‘sleep before him’, exorcising his fear of the dark. At the French royal court these chamberlains were generally drawn from the ranks of the king’s unmarried and unlanded retainers, the juvenes.° These juvenes of the royal chamber make several striking appearances in epics of Charlemagne.** In Aye d’Avignon, probably composed around 1200, a young member of the royal household named Garnier has enjoyed the privilege of being raised by Charlemagne and his queen; he is currently a young page in the king’s household.°*° His main duty, it seems, is to attend the king when he goes to bed and to sing for him before he sleeps :°° Quant le roi veut dormir, Garniers est au couchier, E dit changons e sons por le roi solacier. Jamés n’orrez tel honme por gent esbanoier. When the king wishes to sleep, Garnier is there when he is bedded, and he performs songs and melodies to relax the king; there never was such an entertaining man.

As he emerges from boyhood Garnier earns a rich reward for his services as a singer in the royal chamber; when he reaches the age when he may bear arms the Emperor knights him and appoints him to the office of senes-

chal.°’ In La chanson d’Aspremont the figure of Charlemagne’s retainer-musician is given more circumstantial detail. This time the young man is called Graelens - a significant choice of name, as we shall see :°8 Né de Bretagne, parent fu Salemon; * Deduitor Karle, estoit de sa maison

04

Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory Et l’ot nori petitet valeton ; Ne gissoit mais se en sa cambre non. So siel n’a home mels vielast un son, Ne miels desist un bon ver de cancon.

Icestui fist le premier lai breton. [Graelens] is a Breton, a relative of Salemon ;Charlemagne’s entertainer, he was a member of his household where the king had raised him from the time that he was a little boy; he sleeps nowhere if not in the king’s chamber. There is no man under the skies who could fiddle a melody better nor who might sing a song in a more accomplished fashion. He it was who composed the first Breton /az.

Graelens does not seem to be a minstrel; the poet calls him a deduitor (‘entertainer’), and this is a rare word in Old French despite the abundance of references to minstrels in both the epics and the romances of the period 100-1300.°° Like Garnier in Aye d’Avignon, Graelens is connected with the royal bedchamber for he invariably sleeps there. The poet intends us to understand that this young man has been placed in Charlemagne’s household as a young boy to perform small services; at the same time he would be trained in stablecraft, swordplay and the other skills so often mentioned in connection with the raising of young men (Figure 6). To this extent the figures of Garnier and Graelens are similar. Yet the poet of La chanson d’Aspremont has gone further with Graelens, for this petztet valeton also plays the fiddle. Furthermore, Graelens is a composer: ‘he it was who composed the first Breton Jaz’. This is perhaps the most revealing detail of all, not only because Graelens is presented as a kind of trouvére,

but also because the poet has immersed him in the imagery of the new romances. To say that Graelens composed the first Breton /az is to swathe him in the mystique so powerfully evoked in the Lais of Marie de France, the celebrated collection of narrative poems produced in the third quarter of the twelfth century.®! In contrast to the earlier epics like the Song of Roland, the Lais of Marie tell some brief but notable stories in which love is often the most important theme. Furthermore, Marie gives these stories of love a mystique by claiming that the original events happened in Bretaigne - Britain before the coming of the English.® Marie also says that the events she recounts inspired the musicians of ancient Bretaigne (including Tristan) to produce commemorative instrumental compositions. This mythology endowed instrumental playing with a romance aura which it was to retain - at least as a motif in chivalric narrative - well into the fifteenth century.®* Graelens, a fiddle-player, takes his name from the title of a poem by one of Marie’s imitators.© By calling this valeton Graelens, and by making him not only a composer of Jats but also the originator of the genre, the author of La chanson d’Aspremont associates him with the mystique of a figure like Tristan.

As we read in Marie de France :° /

Tristram, ki bien saveit harper,

95

Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory

verh aime pmanti

idiot es fp

wi Geter AOE

anaes

Figure 6 =The coronation and celebratory banquet forHenry, son ofHenry IT of England. At the bottom right-hand of the picture a musician, clearly a young boy, sits and plays the harp. Hts hair ws held back by an elegant headband, and in accordance with general usage at this time he secures the harp on his lap by wrapping the base of the instrument in its bag. From the Becket Leaves. London, British Library,

MS Loan 88, f.3r. English, thirteenth century.

Reproduced by permission of the owner and of the British Library. En aveit fet un nuvel lai;

Tristan, who knew well how to play the harp, made a new Jai about it [i.e. the event narrated in Marie’s Chevrefoil].

96

Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory

Official documents and chronicles reveal so little about amateur music-making at court that we can scarcely hope to trace the historical counterparts of Garnier and Graelens in their pages. Nonetheless, we may glimpse a musician of this kind in one of the thirteenth-century Lives of St Louis (reigned 1248-54). Emphasising the piety of the king, the author reports that King Louis did not sing secular songs (/es chancons du monde) and never permitted the members of his household to sing them; however, there was a squire in the king’s retinue who had sung such things excellently el tens de sa joenece, and the king told him to give them up, teaching him instead a Marian antiphon

and the ‘hymn’ Ave maris stella ‘which was a very difficult thing to learn’.®’ This is a suggestive story, for in his youth this squire would have been a vallet, like Garnier and Graelens, and he had clearly acquired a reputation for excellence in the performance of secular songs. This reputation seems to have lingered about him into later life and caused the king to single him out for genial correction - indeed for special favour, since the biographer goes on to relate that the squire and St Louis sometimes sang these plainchant items together.®® To judge by La chanson d’Aspremont, it was already possible by c. 1200 for such activities to be endowed with a sense of history - or rather, with a sense of estozre: an awareness of the dignity and exhilaration that could derive from imagining the present in terms of the distant past as revealed in narratives.

Music and eloquence The fundamental sense of the Old French word vallet appears to have been

‘a young male individual’ ;® a vallet might therefore be a male child newly born, a boy or an adolescent not yet knighted. The main current of meaning, however, tended strongly towards the semantic area ‘young boy, youth’. Thus in Gautier de Tournai’s Gille de Chyn, a valuable record of social life in Picardy and the Walloon area, a vallet is mentioned who is fifteen years old and the son of a German count; ‘he was not yet a knight’.”° In the epic of Doon de Maience a valleton (the diminutive is perhaps an affectionate one) is seven years old.’! The aristocratic courts of twelfth- and thirteenth-century France incorporated a population of vallets being trained, above all, in the use and maintenance of horses and arms.’* Several texts suggest that musical skills were much appreciated in any young person who possessed them. The late thirteenthcentury romance of Sone de Nansay tells how the hero, born to an aristocratic family, begins his education at an early age. He learns letters, becomes accomplished at chess and draughts, acquires mastery over the dogs and birds used for hunting and becomes a fine swordsman - all by the age of twelve.’? Board-games and hunting, however, are not the only arts of peace

in which he excels :”* OF,

Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory

Sonez avoit. xii. ans passés, Plus biaus enfes n’estoit trouvés Ne nus enfes mieus ne cantoit.

Sone has now reached the age of twelve ; a more handsome child was not to be found nor did any child sing better.

Despite the hyperbole, there is nothing unbelievable in the presentation of a boy who is praised for his singing at twelve years old, and some romances (and later epics under the influence of romance) suggest the importance of such vallets in keeping the festive energy of a household alive. Time and time again it is the vallets, together with ‘the young girls of the court, who enliven the household on greater occasions. In Guillaume de Palerne (c. 1300), for example :” La peussiés oir grant joie Chanter vaslés et damoiseles.

While in Jehan et Blonde by the famous legist and romancer Philippe de Remi, Sire de Beaumanoir, a courtly party enters a city enlivened by the danses

que It vallet font.’° In Les Quatre Fils Aymon, Charlemagne’s court gathers for Pentecost in Paris, and”’ Grant joie 1 ot le jor el palais honoré, Assez 1 ont vallet et chanté et joé.

There is a wealth of evidence in the romances to reveal the qualities that were expected of the vallet.”® As we have seen, the physical alacrity which he would require as a knight were displayed as he danced caroles with the young women of the household; ideally, he should be a boy quz le corps ot legier. It was even more of a credit to his masters if - as Jean Renart says of one young man - he was a vallet . . . qui de chanter avoit le los.’° These were not the only virtues expected of a vallet, however. There was also that quality of wisdom expressed in (moderate) eloquence of speech, sagessé,*” and here we begin to approach the trouvéres and their love-songs in the High Style. In the year 1203 the trouvére Conon de Béthune was conducting delicate negotiations at Constantinople on behalf of the Crusaders ; he was chosen for this task because he was ‘wise and most eloquent’ (sages et bien emparlez).®' This is the only contemporary comment we have on the personal qualities of a trouvére relevant to his poetry and to the way in which his art was appreciated. There can be little doubt that contemporaries would have regarded Conon’s love-songs in the High Style as a manifestation of his scrupulous judgement and the considered eloquence of his speech when the occasion demanded. In trouvére songs, does the lover not generally address his lady with the delicacy of an ambassador newly come to court? The qualities attributed to Conon de Béthune - that he was sages et bien emparlez - are exactly those which seem to have been valued in these young attendants. We hear of a vallet who is bien ... emparlés and who is assigned 98

Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory

the task of carrying letters,®* while in Jean Renart’s romance of Guillaume de Dole (1228), Lienor, sister of the hero Guillaume, seeks a valles who is plus sages so that she may find a messenger

fit to carry a letter to court.

‘I have one’, replies a knight, ‘and he is handsome and gracious.’®’ In the Anglo-Norman romance of Waldef the task of carrying an important missive is entrusted to a vaslet who is sage ... et bien parlant.** The task of carrying a letter, of course, required a vallet to be much more than a mere courier. When he arrived at his destination he had to make a favourable impression upon those who saw him, and he was required to explain his purpose before the letter was opened and to receive any reply that was to be given. In short, he had to be - like Conon de Béthune - an ambassador and negotiator, speaking both well and to the point. Such missions will not have been entrusted to mere boys, but the eloquence of a vallet was especially pleasing in one who had barely emerged from adolescence. The social position of vallets, and the imagery with which they were surrounded by their elders, may often have made those who could sing well seem ideal as performers of courtly song, both of the informal, impromptu kind used for dancing and of the High Style variety as cultivated by the trouvéres. Fortunately, Jean Renart’s romance of Guillaume de Dole contains a passage which suggests that this is exactly what happened. Renart has a sharp eye for the good qualities of these young attendants and more than once he draws attention to a vallet ‘who was praised for his singing’.®° The most striking scene occurs when a vallet performs a High Style song by a noted trouvére, the Vidame de Chartres (Music example 4). The emperor of Germany, a single knight and a minstrel named Jouglet are present :®° [li bons rois] onques n’ot conpegnon ne per q’un sol chevalier et Juglet, s’oirent chanter un vallet La bone chancon le Vidame

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FEagn Text in Strange, Dialogus miraculorum, I, pp. 78-9 ° Text in Hinnebusch, Historia occidentalis, p. 81: Et plerumque ad carceres et uincula trahebantur insontes, et cruciabantur innocentes, nulla alia causa, nisi quod aliquid habere credebantur, et maxime cum domini prodigalitate uacantes et luxut, pro torneamentis et pomposa secult uanitate, expensis superfluis et debitis astringebantur et usuris. Sed et mimi et toculatores, scurre, uagt et hystriones, canes aultci et adulatores, spoliatorum patrimonia consumebant. ’ Evrard du Val-des-Ecoliers, Sermones, Zviij : histrionibus vel hiraldis qui in torneamentis muilttes ad strenue pugnandum incitant. Cf. Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MS lat. 16481, f. 249r (a sermon by the ‘cancellarius parisiensis’ preached at Notre-Damedes-Champs, 1271): Istt hayraudi quando sunt in istis torneamentis et ipsi vident quod unus miles pugnat cum altero tunc animant ipsum dicentes: ‘Ha! vade illi fili valentis patris qui fuit ita valens et ita strenuus’. For the association of minstrels and heralds see also Bromyard, Summa predicantium, I, f.454v: in ludis armorum, maximis dico expensis equorum, et donorum, quae heralds, et menestrallis copiosius dantur pro laude humana.

® Evrard du Val-des-Ecoliers, Sermones, qviij’. ° Oxford, Jesus College, MS E.8, p. 166. ‘© For texts in which the heroes of chansons de geste express their determination that nobody will be able to make a ‘bad song’ of their enterprise see Whitehead, La Chanson de Roland, lines 1014 and 1465-6, where the speaker is Roland: Tantes batailles en avum afinees !/Male changun n’en dett estre cantee; Wienbeck et al., Aliscans, line 450 d-h. There is no specific reference to minstrel narrators in the lines from the Song of Roland, but the parallel passage in Aliscans, and the fact that narrative material about military exploits seems to have formed an exclusively professional repertoire, strongly suggest that minstrel narratives are meant. It is striking that some epics seem to blur the distinction between the warrior aristocracy and the minstrel-narrator, by referring to minstrels who are of respectable lineage, or who are even members of the fighting band in the manner of the famous Taillefer, the Norman hzstrio who taunted the English at Hastings according to the Carmen de Hastingae Proelio. These epics may preserve an echo of a rather more complex relationship between the performers of epic stories and the warrior class whom they served than most other texts reveal. For a study of this fascinating and neglected aspect of minstrelsy see GyGry, ‘Réflexions sur le jongleur guerrier’, and Gitton, ‘De l’emploi des chansons de geste pour entrainer les guerriers au combat’. The evidence pertaining to Taillefer is detailed, mildly contradictory, and of great interest. William of Malmesbury, writing two generations after the battle of Hastings, believed that a narrative song about Roland (cantilena Rolland) had been used to hearten the Norman troops, while Wace, writing a generation or so later still, believed that Taillefer had sung this song as he rode before the Norman army ‘chantant/De Karlemagne ¢ de Rollant’. (The relevant texts are quoted and discussed in Morton and Muntz, The Carmen de Hastingae Proelio, pp. 81ff.; it is less fashionable now than it once was to associate this cantilena Rolland: with the surviving Song of Roland.) All the sources are agreed that Taillefer took part in armed combat during the opening moves of the battle. Compare the illustration of a minstrel, complete with fiddle (which he is playing), unarmed but apparently mounted, and riding with crusading knights setting off to do battle in Syria, reproduced in the article by Gitton cited above (Fig. 2). Chronicle sources describing comparable events are discussed in Page, Anglo-Saxon Hearpan, pp. 67-8. Com-

219

Not es to pages 44-45

pare also the description of Count William of Aquitaine’s warrior-jongleur in the Chanson de Guillaume, probably of c. 140 (text in Wathelet-Willem, Recherches sur la Chanson de Guillaume, lines 1258ff.); William’s jugleir knows the gestes of all the great figures of duce France, including Clovis, Roland, Oliver and more besides, but he is not en bataille vassals conqueretir. The conclusion seems of the later twelfth and thirteenth centuries who

Flovent, Pepin, Charlemagne, only a bons chanteur, he is also inescapable that the minstrels performed epic narratives were

making a living from material which, in the eleventh century (and perhaps still in their own day), was sometimes associated with warrior-narrators who were minstrels but were also valued members of the military retinue. Vale, Edward III and Chivalry, passim, wsing both French and English evidence, and relying very heavily (as is necessary) upon the French material. The phrase is from Caesarius of Heisterbach (Strange, Dialogus muraculorum, 1,

pp. 78-9).

16

For full text and translation see above, p. 12. Sermones, Cvj". Broomfield, Thomas de Chobham Summa Confessorum, p. 2Q1: circueunt curtas magnatum et loquuntur obprobia et ignominias de absentibus. This was a constant complaint, and the number of texts which voice it in various forms is enormous. Compare Robert of Courson: De mimis et detractoribus et adulatoribus ... per detractiones et adulationes et scurilia et effeminata verba alliciunt favorem magnatum et adolescentes nobiles infatuant et sic pecunias emungunt (Cambridge, Gonville and Caius College, MS 331/722, f.6v). The importance which music could assume in the competitive and careerist environment of the court is shown by the remarks of John of Salisbury in his treatise concerning the ‘trifles of courtiers’, the Policraticus, of 159: Non tamen curtalium nugis musicam calumpnietur aliquis sociatam, licet se beneficio evus conentur nugatorum plurimt commendare (Webb, Policraticus, I, p. 39, which is rendered by Pike, Frivolities

of Courtiers, p. 30, as ‘One should not slander music by charging it with being an ally of the frivolities of courtiers, although many frivolous individuals endeavour by its help to advance their own interests’). The best descriptions of court-experience have been provided by historians such as Norbert Elias, whose book The Court Society, though devoted to the court-culture of Versailles under the ancien régime, provides a stimulating discussion of court behaviour and will be referred to 17 18

19

20 21 22

220

several times in what follows. See also Ferrante, ‘The court in medieval literature’. Evrard du Val-des-Ecoliers, Sermones, Iij".

Peter the Chanter, Verbum abbreviatum, PL 205, col. 266, attacking the vices of the clergy: sed clerict habitu milites, sermone histriones, opere et gestu meretrices, occupatione curarum temporalium saeculares, tn qua harum facierum Deum sequuntur, vel in quo habitu

resurgent, qui in nullo vivunt? Compare a passage by Evrard du Val-des-Ecoliers which encapsulates what was perhaps the clerics’ principal objection to minstrelsy : multi enim sunt qui libencius audirent unum ioculatorem quam unum bonum predicatorem (Sermones, Ei’). Troyes, Bibliothéque Municipale, MS 144, volume II, f.to7r: illos qui in choro cantant ... habent canticum non cytharam sicut sunt mimi solo ore nescientes instrumentum musicum manibus tractare. Alexander of Hales, Summa Theologica, II, p. 424. London, British Library, MS Royal 3 A. xiii, f.49r-v. This aspect of courtliness is discussed at length in Elias, The Court Society, especially pp. 106ff.

Notes to pages 46-52 23 24

See p. 56. The text is edited and (often somewhat adventurously or loosely) translated, with copious notes but without an introduction, in Field, Razmon Vidal. The poem has attracted relatively little attention. The principal studies and relevant articles are Limentani,

‘Il guillare nelle novas di Ramon

Vidal’; Paden,

‘The role of

the joglar’; Page, Voices and Instruments, p. 25ff.; and Poe, ‘The meaning of saber in Raimon Vidal’s Adri issia’. A valuable study might be made of the relationship between Vidal’s poem and the rich tradition of the Latin ‘courtesy’ books which developed particularly in the twelfth century. It seems very likely that Raimon Vidal is drawing upon this tradition in order to dignify a certain kind of minstrel profession with a manual. For the courtesy books see Nicholls, The Matter of Courtesy. Field, Ratmon

[e)peng

2 ow

B}rs 35 36

37 38

39 4 4 ©=

4 nN

Vidal, lines 10-11 and 19-25; translation from p. 61. The English

version here, as throughout this chapter, is taken from Field’s edition with a few minor modifications. Ibid.,lines 755-61; translation from p. 72. Boutiére and Schutz, Biographies des troubadours, p. 39: tota la estat anava per cortz. Ibid., p. 167: E st tole mozller una soldadera qu’el menet lonc temps ab st per cortz. Field, Razmon Vidal, lines 142-51, 154-63 and 168-71; translation from p. 63. For an edition of the poems of Dalfi, with documentation concerning his life and many literary contacts, see Brackney, A Critical Edition of the Poems of Dalfin d’Alvernhe. Although this is an unpublished dissertation, it is preferable for scholarly purposes to the recent edition (with a French translation of the poems) by de Labareyre. Brackney, A Critical Editeon . . ., xxiiiff. The Vida of the troubadour Peire d’Alvernhe reports that Peire lived in good society, ‘according to what Dalfi d’Alvernhe has to say on the matter’ (segon qu’en dis lo Dalfins d’Alvernhe; Boutiére and Schutz, Biographies des troubadours, p. 264). The razos associated with Dalfi’s own poems contain a good deal of information, both of a historical and of a gossipy sort, which may derive from Dalfi himself or from his circle. For full bibliography on this and all the other drawings by Revel, together with a discussion and bibliography pertaining to Dalfi’s castle (and indeed to his life) see Fournier, Chdteaux, villages et villes d’Auvergne, especially pp. 78-85. Ibid., pp. 78ff. Ibid. This account is based upon Fournier, Chdteaux, villages et villes d’Auvergne; idem, Le chateau dans la France médiévale, especially pp. 82 and 290-1, and Gardelles, ‘Les palais dans |’ Europe occidentale chrétienne du X* au XII siécle’. Guillaume ‘de Lavicea’, Dveta salutis, p. 334. On the estage see Fournier, Le chdteau dans la France médiévale, pp. u4ff., and Poly and Bournazel, La mutation féodale, p. 86. Field, Raimon Vidal, line 170. Ibid., lines 619-22; translation p. 70. Boutiére and Schutz, Biographies des troubadours, pp. 229-30 (the vida of Gausbert de Poicibot). Such equipment was vital for travelling between households; as Gausbert’s vida says, the moment he received his, el por anet per cortz: ‘he went afterwards around the courts’. Field, Raimon Vidal, lines 625-6; translation p. 70. 221

Notes to pages 52-62 43oo 44 oeOo 46

Ibid.,lines 627-32; translation p. 70. Ibid.,lines 634-5; translation p. 70. Ibid., lines 643-4; translation p. 70. On restrictions during Lent see p. 217, n. 85.

“7 For the first-hand account of these travels see Hughes, An Itinerary of Provence and the Rhone.

*® Oxford, Jesus College, MS E.8, f.13v. See Chapter 4. ° Elias, The Court Society, pp. 106ff. Field, Ibid., Ibid., Ibid.,

Razmon Vidal, lines 1081-5; translation p. 77. lines 1195-1200; translation, p. 79. ~~ lines 782-91; translation, p. 73. lines 1694-7; translation, p. 87.

°° Elias, The Court Society, p. 108. © Ibid. Field, Raimon Vidal, lines 176-7; translation, p. 63. Tbid., line 201. Ibid., lines 218-21; translation, p. 64.

62 63

Ibid., lines 226-7; translation, p. 64. Towards the end of his discourse to the minstrel (that is to say, after a suitably discreet interval) the narrator tries to give the minstrel an objective view of his blunder at Dalfi’s court: ‘Some jongleurs are obstinate and sing their own praise [which is exactly what the minstrel did before Dalfi] and because they are stupid they want to sit down beside you even if you were before the king, almost as if they were more knightly and of higher rank’ (zbid., p. 86). The narrator’s message to the minstrel could scarcely be more discreet and yet more plain. Ibid., lines 531ff; translation, p. 69. Ibid., line 152. I cannot tell what reason Field has (zdzd., p. 78) for translating nostres here as ‘your’ (1.e. as if the reading were vostres).

64

Ibid., line 660; translation, p. 71.

65

Ibid.,lines 1038-41; translation, p. 76.

66

Ibid., lines 38ff. ; translation, p. 61.

6n

Ibid.,lines 1445-60; translation, p. 83.

68

Ibid., lines 1690-1; translation, p. 87.

69

Ibid., lines 1574-9 ; translation, p. 85.

Chapter 3: Minstrels in Paris c. 1300: rules and repertoire For the original text of the statutes see the Appendix. Principally by Bernhard, ‘Recherches sur l’histoire de la corporation des ménétriers’, where the text of the statutes is given, by Faral, Les jongleurs, pp. 128ff., which also prints the statutes, and by Gushee, “Two central places’. On this street, and on the general integration of minstrels into the topography of Paris c. 1300, see the excellent study by Gushee, ‘Two central places’, and Geremek, The Margins of Society, p. 74 and passim. Appendix, p. 205, Statute VIII. on For a summary of the conventional aims and purposes of confraternities see Mollat,

nN

222

Notes to pages 62-67 The Poor in the Middle Ages, pp. 142ff., and with special reference to Paris, Geremek, The Margins of Society, passim.

Statute XI. In practice the duration of apprenticeships in guilds of the later thirteenth and fourteenth centuries appears to have been variable.

Statute XI. These synopses omit little of substance, although their principal purpose is to indicate the contents of the statutes which bear directly upon the arguments that will be adduced in this chapter. Roques, Erec et Enide, lines 1978ff. For the terms lz peuples and les bonnes genz see Statute I, and for the meaning of the latter, Matoré, Le vocabulazre et la société médiévale, p. 115.

Statute I. On the term ouvrier see Matoré, Le vocabulaire manual, non-agricultural labour. Ruelle, Huon de Bordeaux, lines 7256-60.

... p. 174; it denotes

Field, Razmon Vidal, lines 38-46; translation p. 61.

Statute I. Statute V. Ibid.

Ibid. For the power of the trumpeters,

which the statutes seek to limit, see Statute

I. 20

For the names, and for what is known of the individuals concerned, see Gushee, “Two central places’, pp. 140ff.

21

With his usual insight into the habitual difficulties of the minstrel life, the narrator in Raimon Vidal’s Abril issia reflects that in courtly society there are always some ‘among the barons ... who think that you are sufficiently rewarded if they listen to you and condescend merely to address you’ (Field, Razmon Vidal, p. 83). Gerbert’s continuation of Perceval le Gallows (c. 1220) refers in biting terms to the failure of magnates to meet the standards of the Arthurian period when the young men and knights at a feast would unrobe themselves, taking off their cotes, sorcos et roubes vaires to present them to minstrels. Their modern counterparts, Gerbert complains, promise their robes, and set a time to give them over, but then fail to honour their obligations. The relevant passage is readily accessible in Faral, Les jongleurs, pp. 306-7. Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages, p. 107. Geremek, The Margins of Society, p. 254. While the minstrels were proverbial for having itchy feet (see extract II from Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MS lat. 16481 above, p. 1), it should be emphasised that the essentially itinerant life which was led by many (perhaps most) minstrels was not regarded as disreputable per se. As Geremek comments (zbid., p. 262), referring to the tendency of many medieval social groups to be mobile, it would be ‘unwise to see travel in itself as a factor in social downgrading .... We can see in these travels the need to perfect technical education and the need to see the world. These motives were, in fact, complementary. The same desire to improve skills and see the country were found in worlds as far apart as the art of war and intellectual endeavour. For knights, for students and for clergy, as for journeymen, the discovery of the world, of feudal courts, of tournaments, or of famous schools and universities constituted an indispensable element in professional and social initiation.’ This aspect of

22

23 24

223

Notes to pages 67-71

25 26 Pay

28

medieval life is succinctly summarised in one line of The Owl and the Nightingale; referring to the nightingale’s resourcefulness and cunning, the poet comments: ‘she had thoroughly gained her knowledge everywhere’ (Stanley, The Owl and the Nightingale, line 216). Statute V. The names are listed in Gushee, ‘Two central places’, p. 141. The phrase comes from a section of the statutes not reproduced here. See Bernhard, ‘Recherches sur |’ histoire de la corporation des ménétriers’, I, p. 400. Page, ‘German musicians’, gives text and translation of some fourteenth-century comments upon this subject by Konrad of Megenburg, who studied in Paris.

29

Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MS lat. 16481, f.64v.

30

Multi enim sunt qui libentius audirent unum toculatorem quam unum bonum predicatorem (Sermones, Ei’). Rohloff, Quellenhandschriften, p. 136.

31 32

For further discussion of this issue, with citation of sources, see Chapter 8.

33

Statute I. For the popular audience for chansons de geste in Paris, exploited by minstrels, see further Chapter 8. Page, Voices and Instruments, passim. Broomfield, Thomae de Chobham Summa Confessorum, p. 292: some minstrels with musical instruments frequentant publicas potationes et lascivas congregationes ut cantent

34 35

36 37

tbt lascivas cantilenas, ut moveant homines ad lasciviam, et tales sunt damnabiles .... The words publicas potationes undoubtedly refer to the communal alehouses which England seems always to have possessed, back to the festive drinking gatherings (gebeorscipe) of the Anglo-Saxons. Rohloff, Quellenhandschriften, p. 130. Ibid., p. 132. It should not go unnoticed that this, the prevailing interpretation of what Grocheio is saying about the musical style of the chansons de geste, incorporates several significant emendations ofthe text as transmitted by both manuscripts. Having established a terminology whereby versus means a laisse and versiculus a line (i.e. the constituents of a laisse), Grocheio’s

text, as witnessed

by both

manuscripts, proceeds to use the term versus to mean both laisse and line. I do not doubt that the text as emended by Rohloff, and as interpreted here, embodies Grocheio’s intended meaning, but strictly speaking this can only rank as a supposition about what he intends, since the meaning of the text as transmitted seems unaccountably confused. Tbid., p. 130. See Chapter 8. Sermones, q8". For a discussion of the melodic traditions of the chansons de geste, and of the few musical remains of them, see Stevens, Words and Music, pp. 199 ff. 42

This subject touches upon the enormous scholarly literature relating to oral composition and formulaism in medieval narrative. For the strain in modern literary criticism which associates ‘leisured’ or ‘written’ composition with sophistication and ‘oral’ or ‘minstrel’ composition with untidiness, repetitiveness and thinness of texture, see Mehl,

The Middle English Metrical Romances. In relation to the Old

French chansons de geste the principal axes of the debate are still Rychner’s seminal book La chanson de geste: Essai sur l'art épique des Jongleurs of 1955, and the papers of the colloquium organised in response to it, La technique littéraire des chansons de geste of 1957. See especially the articles by Riquer (‘Epopée jongleresque’) and

224

Notes to pages 71-75

43 44

45

46

4 NI

48 49 50 5 52

2 5 5 5Ww oO Dn 5 Nn

Delbouille (‘Les chansons de geste et le livre’), For recent comment upon the question of the minstrels as authors of the chansons de geste see Siciliano, Les chansons de geste, pp. 106ff., and Delbouille, ‘Le mythe du jongleur poéte’. For a summary, with bibliography, see Boyer et al., L ’¢popee. Lord, Singer of Tales, and Hymes, A Bibliography of Studies relating to Parry’s and Lord’s Oral Theory. This claim is in fact an old one, being deeply ingrained into the traditional notion of a ‘Heroic Age’. See Chadwick, The Heroic Age, pp. 220ff. See Rychner, La chanson de geste, and for a recent detailed examination of one group of formulas in the best known of the epics, The Song of Roland, Ashby-Beach, The Song of Roland. Whitehead, La Chanson de Roland, lines 1644-6. On this formula see Ashby-Beach, The Song ofRoland, p. 108. Seay, Johannes de Grocheo [sic], p. 18. Yeandle, Grrart de Vienne, lines 6598-6605. Gushee, ‘Two central places’, p. 143. Boutiére and Schutz, Biographies des troubadours, numbers g (Arnaut Daniel, who abandoned his studies to become a minstrel), 29 (Gausbert de Poicibot, who left his order for a woman and became a minstrel), 33 (Uc de St Circ, sent to study at Montpellier, but learned songs and became a minstrel), 40 (Peire Rogier, who, being of nobler background, abandoned his canonry and became a minstrel). Liber Sextus Decretalium, cols. 423-4. Geremek, Margins of Society, p. 136. Ibid., pp. 136ff. Murray, Reason and Society, p. 307. Greven, Die Exempla... des Jakob von Vitry p. 51: Memini, cum essem Parisius, quod tres adolescentes de partibus Flandrie, cum causa studendi venirent Parisius, ceperunt in via

58

mutuo se querere, quale propositum haberent et ad quid tenderet vnusquisque eorum. Vno autem respondente: ‘Volo laborare et studere, vt sim magister Paristensis’; alto vero dicente: ‘Et ego volo litteris imbut, ut postmodum sim monachus Cysterciensis ordinis’ ; tercio dicente : ‘Durum est tantos labores sustinere, volo esse organizator, hystrio et toculator’. Rohloff, Quellenhandschriften, p. 136. On the instrumental stantipes and estampre (the form could be provided with words, as Grocheio acknowledges and as surviving examples in Old French, Old Provengal and Catalan prove) see Aubry, Estampies et danses royales; Handschin, ‘Uber Estampie und Sequenz’; Hibberd, ‘Estampie and Stantipes’ ;Jammers, ‘Studien zur Tanzmusik des Mittelalters’ ; Levarie, ‘Duc-

a9) 60

tia and stantipes’ ; Wagenaar-Nolthenius, ‘Estampie/Stantipes/Stampita’, and Vellekoop, ‘Die Estampie’. Using literary references, Vellekoop demonstrates that the estampie was primarily a free-standing kind of instrumental music, and not a dance-form. Rohloff, Quellenhandschriften, p. 34. For the music see Tischler, The Montpellier Codex, tenor parts of numbers 270, 292 and 294 (this last being one of the texts beginning with the Entre ... topos and almost certainly reflecting a Parisian milieu of students). It should be noted that in Wolf’s transcription of the chose corresponding to Tischler’s number 270 (‘Die Tanze des Mittelalters’, p. 22), the second punctum is spurious, being the tenor part of the next motet in the manuscript (Tischler’s number 271). For a comparable snatch of music, probably another detached punctum from an estampie, see Tischler’s number 297 (Chose Loyset ).

225

Notes to pages 75-83

8! Holton, Cities, Capitalism and Civilisation, pp. 27ff., and Krupat, People im Cities, p. 67. It is tempting to interpret the extraordinary fascination which medieval Paris exerted in terms of what some historians of urban civilisation would call its pronounced smageadility: the ease with which its shape and topography could print a coherent image on the individual’s mind, leaving him with a clear sense of its socio-physical structure. The Ile de la Cité, bearing the Cathedral of Notre Dame and set in the waters of the Seine, joined to the left and right banks by two famous bridges, constituted one of the most ‘imageable’ urban configurations that any medieval city produced.

® Denifle and Chatelain, Chartularium, I, p. 55. 8 Quoted in d’Avray, The Preaching ofthe Friars, p. 31.

Chapter 4 : Jeunesse and the courtly song repertory ‘ Such, at least, is the impression we receive from later (i.e. fifteenth century) narrative sources, where the excellence of young amateurs at court in singing and dancing caroles brings a grant of money or some other form of reward (an allowance of cloth, for example). The outstanding text here is the prose tale of Jehan de Saintreé, composed during the first half of the fifteenth century by Antoine de la Sale, but set in the time of King John II of France (ruled 1350-64). The story tells of Jehan’s experiences at the French court as a valefen, the son of the seigneur de Saintré placed in the este’ of the king to receive his education in matters chivalric, political and courtly. See Misrahi and Knudson, Jehan de Samére. Saintré’s preferment at court, and the presents he receives, all spring from his gracious and festive demeanour, singing and dancing being amongst the principal manifestations of those qualities - and ones, furthermore, which are made in the public arena of the royal hall. For a general and wide-ranging discussion of chivalric education, primarily based upon English sources, see Orme, From Childhood io Chivalry. 7] Foster, The Iconology ofMusical Instruments and Musical Performance in Thirteenth Century French Manuscript Illuminations. we Page, ‘Music and chivalric fiction’. * Here I gladly acknowledge my debt to the magisterial chapter entitled ‘From epic to romance’ in Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages. uo For the usual constituents of this motif see Page, ‘Music and chivalric fiction’, pp. 25-6. Castets, La chanson des quatre filsAymon, lines 6595-6602. ” Silas Marner, Chapter 1. The Making ofthe Middle Ages, pp. 209ff. * Medieval Humanism, p. 35: ‘In the early Middle Ages God had not appeared as a friend. By great labour and exertion, by crippling penances and gifts to the Church, by turning from the world to the monastic life. men might avert God's anger: but of God as a friend they knew little or nothing.” For the probable date of this romance, not published in modern times, together with a full discussion of its literary affiliations, see Lathuillére, Guiron le courte. a

LD

i]

I quote the text in London, British Library, Additional MS wee. ff. 55v-6. This

manuscript, of fourteenth-century date and Italian provenance, is of exceptional 226

Notes to pages 84-88

interest for the illustrations which accompany the text. For an example see Grove 6, sv. ‘Performing practice’. Webb, Policraticus, I, p. 41: translation in Pike, Frivolities of Courtiers, p. 32. See Page, ‘Music and chivalric fiction’. In romances musical activity is closely connected with what Matoré has called ‘focalising centres’ (Le vocabulaire et la société médiévale, p. 98): ‘l’aspect statique [of the perception of space in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries] est le plus apparent: il se concrétise en premier lieu par l’existence d’un certain nombre de ‘‘centres focalisants’’ ot Ja vie d’un groupe est concentrée : eglise, hostel, mesnie, tournois, festes, etc., ou les rapports entre individus sont soumis a des régles fixes, a des coutumes, a des rites, dont |’observance

exclut autant que possible les décisions individuelles qui n’appartiennent qu’au chef’. Page, ‘Music and chivalric fiction’, p. 23. Thid. Flori, ‘La notion de chevalerie’, and Paterson, ‘Knights and the concept of knighthood’. Michelant,

Escanor, lines 6136-40.

This romance,

written for Eleanor,

wife of

King Edward I of England, towards 1280, is a rich source of information about the festive decorum of music in a royal court during the late thirteenth century. Roques, Erec et Enide, line 1993. A valuable study could be made of the way in which courtly caroles, performed in the body of the hall, could assume the character of an entertainment, watched by those who, for whatever reason, did not choose to participate. In fifteenthcentury narrative sources, where descriptions of courtly festivities abound, there is often an acknowledgement that when a dance was going forward le roy watched it with pleasure, or that when a song was performed to general acclaim, that le roy meesmes was impressed. See particularly the romance of Jehan de Saintré, mentioned in note 1 above. 20

I quote the text in Foerster, Yvain, lines 2354-5; for bacheler the text in Roques, Yvain, line 2357, reads sazlleor.

2=

Lecoy, Le conte du graal, lines 8716ff. Other texts in this genealogy of women’s celebratory songs would include (1) the references to dance-songs of women about the Anglo-Saxon warrior Hereward the Wake soon before 1066 (Page, ‘Secular Music’, p. 235; the source is the early twelfth Century Gesta Herwardt); (2) the reference by Hildegaire of Meaux (c. 869) to a popular song (carmen publicum) concerning Clothar, King of the Franks, and sung by women as they danced (Van der Veen, ‘Les aspects musicaux des chansons de geste’, p. 83). On the term bacheler, and the epithets used to qualify it in Old French (legter being by far the most common), see Flori, ‘Qu’est-ce qu’un bacheler?’. Noiriel, ‘La chevalerie dans la geste des Lorrains’. Stengel, Hervis von Metz, lines 4862-3. Tbid., lines 5504-5. On this tournament see Painter, William Marshall, pp. 41 and 58-9, and Duby, William Marshall, pp. aiff.

22

23 24 25 26

2“

Meyer, L Histoire de Guillaume le Marechal, 1, lines 3471-82.

28

Duby, William Marshall, p. 41, and Benson, ‘The tournament’.

29

Fréville, Les quatre dges de Vhomme,

p. 23: Il est ecrit ou livre Lancelot, ou il a mout

de biaus diz et desoutis....

227

Not es to pages 88-94 30

31 32

34

35

Kennedy, Lancelot, p. 40..Cf. p. 230, where a queen and her ladies watch a tourna-

ment. Ibid., p. 135. See, for example,

the essays in Benson

and Leyerle,

Chivalric Literature; Vale,

War and Chivalry (especially pp. 14ff); Vale, Edward III and Chivalry; and Green, Poets and Princepleasers. Quoted in Benson and Leyerle, Chivalric Literature, xiii. For an edition of Jean Bretel’s poem which celebrates this tournament, see Delbouille, Le Tournoi de Chawvency. Henry, Le Roman du Hem, lines 3336-41. Vale, Edward III and Chivalry, provides an indispensable point of reference for the study of the depiction of reality in this poem and in Jean Bretel’s Le Tournot de Chauvency. Nicholas de Braia, Gesta, pp. 88ff. : ... circum pagos et compita lata choreas Reducunt festi juvenes trepidaeque puellae ; Occurrunt lyrici modulantes carminis odas, Occurrunt mimi dulci resonante viella, Instrumenta sonant, non sistrum defuit illic,

Tympanum, psalterium, citharae, symphonia dulcis, Dulce melos Regi concordi voce canentes. Terracher, La Chevalerie Vivien, line 1016. Friedwagner, Meraugis von Portlesguez, lines 2880-91. Lécuyer, Jehan et Blonde, lines 5837-52. Williams, Floriant et Florete, lines 6051-8. Hippeau, Godefroid de Bouillon, Il, lines 3471-5. Like La Chevalerie Vivien, this text associates carolling with the town squares (places), a clear link with the coreae described in the treatises on the Seven Deadly Sins where the location of the dances is often a platea. See Chapter 5. Another striking passage in this connection is Godefroid de Bouillon, II, lines 3543ff., where Godefroid and his men have just completed a ceremonial banquet in the city of Bouillon. After the meal some rise to play chess and other board games, some go off to fence, and others go down into the city (aval le borc) for carolling. Details such as those contained in the epics and romances just cited are easily matched in chronicles of the thirteenth century: ‘Les bourgois de Paris firent feste grant et solempnel, et encourtinerent la ville de riches dras de diverses couleurs et de pailes et. de cendaulx. Lez dames et les pucelles sesbaudissoient en chantant diverses chancons et diverses motés’ (Guillaume de Nangis, Vie de Philippe III, p. 497, recounting events of

1275).

42 4 oo 44

45

4a

47

228

Duby, Bess aleuness7e Cloetta, Monzage Guillaume, second redaction, lines 951-2 and 954-8. Ibid., line 1202 (d’un viel estoire). In the first redaction (zbid., lines 446ff.), the vallet sings a chanson de geste. Ibid., second redaction, lines 1248ff. For further discussion of this passage see Chapter 8. Tobler-Lommatzsch,

Altfranzdsisches

Worterbuch,

sv famle; Godefroy, Dictionnaire,

sv famle. Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptorum, IV, p. 760: Ingeniosos namque pueros et extmiae indolis secum vel ad curtem ducebat vel quocumque longius commeabat, quos, quicquid dignius in ulla arte occurrebat, ad exercitium impellebat. For the preferment of talented

Notes to pages 94-95

48

49

50

51

52 53

5 rs

5 5

young men at court through episcopal patronage in the tenth and eleventh centuries see Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness. Auctor B (c. 1000), in Stubbs, Memorials ofStDunstan, p. 21. Auctor B’s Vita provides several illuminating glimpses of aristocratic and domestic amateur string-playing in tenth-century England. For texts, translations and discussion see Page, AngloSaxon Hearpan, pp. aff. Stubbs, Memorials of St Dunstan, p. 80. It is the nature of saints’ legends to grow in richness of details each time the story is retold by a new writer. The claim of each new hagiographer upon his readers’ attention is usually that he has discovered new information (usually a bogus claim), or that he has elaborated the content and style of his predecessors. It is best to keep an open mind about Dunstan’s court minstrelsy; as Stubbs points out (zbzd., Ixv), it is often impossible to tell with Osbern’s account what is derived from tradition and what is ‘the product of an imagination intent upon the contemplation of what ought to have happened’. Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptorum, II, p. 94. See Page, ‘Instruments and Instrumental music to 1300’. For an account of the French familia regis in the twelfth century, and of the importance of the juvenes within it, the ‘jeunes nobles en apprentissage’, see Poly and Bournazel, La mutation féodale, pp. 189ff, and especially pp. 277ff. Ibid., pp. 277ff. Ibid., p. 278: ‘Qui sont ces gens de la familia? Beaucoup sont des ‘“‘jeunes’’ qui font partie trés tot de la mesnie, et qui ont di étre élevés avec le jeune prince’. It is profitable to compare the texts about to be cited in tandem with a key document in the history of the familia regis in the twelfth century, the Historia Karoli Magni, also known as the chronicle of pseudo-Turpin. This Latin prose work of the midtwelfth century, which poses as a chronicle by Charlemagne’s archbishop Turpin, is preserved in the celebrated codex Calixtinus, well-known to musicologists for its leaves containing items of liturgical polyphony, also from the mid-twelfth century. For the significance of the Historia see Poly and Bournazel, La mutation féodale, Pp. 277 (it should be noted, however, that Poly and Bournazel interpret the text as stating that Charlemagne had 1200 in his familia, whereas the correct sum is 120, in three shifts of forty). The vernacular texts now to be used clearly reflect the same interest in the details of Charlemagne’s familia, and like the Historia Karoli Magni which is approximately contemporary with them, it may be assumed that they present a hyperbolised version of mid-twelfth-century reality. For the text see Meredith-Jones, Historia Karoli Magni. Borg, Aye d’Avignon, lines 1ff. Tbid., lines 10-12. Ibid., lines 13 ff. Brandin, La Chanson d’Aspremont, lines 9483-9. Tobler-Lommatzsch, Alifranzdsisches Worterbuch, sv deduitor, refers the reader to Godefroy, Dictionnaire, sv deduitor, where there is one example, from Meraugis de Portlesguez. For epics and romances which refer to the education of vallets see Cremonesi, Enfances Renier, lines 1563ff.; Raynaud de Lage, Eracle, lines 338eff.; Foerster, Richars li biaus, lines 683ff.; Goldschmidt, Sone von Nausay lines 7off. (I cite this romance using the French form of its title); Hippeau, Godefroid de Bouillon, II, lines 750ff.; Holden, Ipomedon, lines 185ff; Meunier, La Chanson de Godin, lines

5Ot SO

58 59

60

229

Not es to page 95

12138ff ;Todd, La naissance du chevalier au cygne, line 3028 ; Vernay, Maugis d’Aigremont, lines 630ff. ; Williams, Floriant et Florete, lines 733ff. In these accounts the education

of the young men is dominated by martial and sportive pursuits such as fencing and hunting with dogs and birds. A degree of literacy is sometimes involved; letres, for example, are mentioned in Godefrord de Bouallon, Sone de Nansay and Ipomedon; in Floriant et Forete there is mention of the seven Liberal Arts, exceptional in texts of this kind. Advanced literacy, including the ability to read musical notation, is regarded with suspicion to the extent that it is often imparted to humans

by members

of the otherworld.

In Floriant et Florete, for example,

the

hero is taught the seven arts by members of the otherworld (fees), while in Maugis d’Aigremont we find a hero who can sing from musical notation (line 637: Et par ordre de game sot trestoz chanz chanter), but who is taught to do so by a fee, and there is talk also of Maugis studying the seven arts at Toledo; the exotic, ‘pagan’ associations seem very strong. A conspicuous ability to sing well is only mentioned in one of these texts (Sone de Nansay), no doubt because it was, at best, a minor star in the constellation of chivalric virtues.

It is quite clear, however,

that the

absence of references to musical skills in many descriptions of education and accomplishments cannot be used as the basis for an argument from silence to the effect that musical skills were rare. See Reinhard, Amadas et Ydoune, lines 53ff.,

describing the hero’s education but making no reference to music; later in the text Amadas sings un sonnet poitevin, i.e. a song in some form of Occitan and possibly to be understood as a troubadour song. The question of string-playing skills proves more complex. Eracle, lines 3382ff., includes a remark which clearly indicates that the author, Gautier d’Arras, regarded it as having been the custom in antiquity that lz baron et li haut per would have their children instructed in the art of playing upon instruments (the harp is mentioned) ; for other references to vallets playing the harp and other instruments see lines 3430ff. and 3450ff. The implication in this text seems to be that this custom has now died out. What seems clear is that most of the references to such a practice in texts of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries are in works produced in the Anglo-Norman realm (e.g. the Roman de Horn, the Tristan romances including Marie de France’s Chevrefoil - all of c. 170), and it is very likely that those romances are reflecting a particularly British practice that can be traced, in England, back through texts like the Gesta Herwardi (Ely, c. 1109-31), the ‘harperhero’ stories recounted by Wace and William of Malmesbury, the ‘Lives’ of St Dunstan (beginning ¢. 1000), and beyond to Old English poems such as The Fortunes of Men. For these texts see Pope, The Romance of Horn; Payen, Les Tristan en vers; Miller and Sweeting, De gestis Herwardi Saxonis, pp. 17ff.; Arnold, Le Roman de Brut, lines 3694ff. and lines grorff. (following Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum

62

Britannie, IIL 19 and 1 X:1); Stubbs, Willelmi Malmesbiriensis monachi De Gestis Regum Anglorum, II, pp. 126 and 143; tdem., Memorials of St Dunstan; Page, Anglo-Saxon Hearpan. There is still no more succinct and accurate an assessment of Marie’s sources and achievement than Ewert’s introductory notes to his edition (Ewert, Marie de France, v-xviii). And Brittany, of course, which Marie variously calls Bretaigne, Bretaigne la menur, or Brutaine. Ewert, Marie de France, v-xviii, summarises the information.

A late example is the fifteenth-century prose romance

230

of Cleriadus et Meliadice,

Notes to pages 95-97

65

66 67

whose hero, a young squire (later a knight) of aristocratic birth, is a gifted harpist and composer. Much of the story is set in ancient Britain shortly after the time of King Arthur, and some of the narrative motifs connected with music (the hero asking for a harp at his lodgings, for example) can be found in thirteenthcentury romances set in ancient Britain, including Guzron le courtois. See Page, “The performance of songs’. The name Graelens has certainly been borrowed by the author of La chanson d’Aspremont from a lai by an imitator of Marie. This is the /az which, in Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MS fr.2168, f.65r, begins with blank staves. This detail has often been mentioned as if it were of some significance for the vexed question of Breton /ais, including Marie’s, and their performance (e.g. in Grove 6 sv ‘Lai’). It is important to remember, however, that (1) the blank stave is almost certainly a scribal mistake, for a text of Aucassin et Nicolette immediately follows in the manuscript (f.7or) complete with head stave, (2) the la: of Graelens is almost certainly not by Marie, and (3) Marie’s poems are not themselves Breton /azs, but versified accounts of the events which inspired the ancients of Bretaigne to compose commemorative songs/instrumental pieces. It is these commemorative compositions that were the /azs whose manner of performance can never be known. Compare Alton, Anseis von Karthago, lines 4975-7. Ewert, Marie de France, Chevrefoil lines 12-13. Vie de St Louis, p. 66: ‘Ni il ne chantoit pas les chancons du monde, ne ne soufroit pas que cil qui estoient de sa mesniee les chantassent, por qu’il le seust; ainz

commanda a un sien escuier qui bien chantoit teles choses el tens de sa joenece, que il se tenit de teles changons chanter, et li fist aprendre aucunes antienes de Nostre-Dame et cest hympne Ave maris stella, comment que ce fust fort chose a aprendre’. 68

69

70 71 72

Ibid., ‘et cil escuies et il meesmes li benoiez rois chantoit aucune foiz ces choses

meemes desus dites avec cel escuier’. For studies of Old French vallet see Guilhiermoz, Essai sur l’origine de la noblesse, pp. 483ff.; Laugesen, ‘Un cas de synonymie’; Matoré, Le vocabulazre et la société médiévale, p. 142; Stefenelli, Der Synonymenreichtum, pp. 59ff. Place, Gille de Chyn, 3592ff. Mauclére, Doon de Mayence, line 1273. Fossier, Enfance de |’Europe, pp. 341ff.; Poly and Bournazel,

La mutation feodale,

pp. 189ff. In the vernacular narratives, perhaps the most ringing endorsement of the vallets is provided by these lines from La naissance du chevalter au cygne: Li vallet sont a cort a molt grant segnorage, Molt ia bels vallés, tot sanblent d’un eage; I] porsivent le roi quel part qu’il onques aille, Il se pruevent molt bien cascuns en vasselage. S’il parolent a gent, bien sanblent estre sage, Et s’il vont behordant, il ne sont pas ombrage De ferir en quintaine ne de porter leur targe . . .

73

Todd, La naissance du chevalier au cygne, lines 3028ff.; the description continues in these terms. Goldschmidt, Sone von Nansay, lines 81ff.

231

Notes to page 98 74

This valuable description of Sone’s accomplishments seems worth citing here in its full context : Ki bien l’esgarde, a voir conter,

De biauté nus ne set son per... Mais Sones qui est li mainsnés, Adiés est crus et amendeés. Quant crus fu, as letres ala,

D’aprendre nus ne le passa. D’eschiés, des tables tant savoit

Que nus a lui ne s’en tenoit. Des chiens savoit et des oysiaus, Escremissieres iert mout byaus; De tout aprendre estoit en grant Que on séust, de jone enfant. Quatre diviers mestres avoit, D’aprendre tous les anuioit. Mout en a grant joie Henris, Ses freres qui tant iert petis. Sonez avoit .xil. ans passés, Plus biaus enfes n’estoit trouvés Ne nus enfes mieus ne cantoit. De tous biaus jus juér savoit, S’ot tel grasce que mout l’amoient Chil et chelles qui le véoient. Goldschmidt, Sone von Nansay, lines 81-2 and 85-104. For a fifteenth-century source in which the term enfant is used to describe a young page in an aristocratic retinue who takes part in impromptu performances of polyphonic secular chansons, see Page, “The performance of songs’, p. 448. 76 77

Michelant, Guillaume de Palerne, lines 2928-9. Lécuyer, Jehan et Blonde, line 5852.

Castets, La chanson des quatre fils Aymon, lines 1765-6. Cf. also the following three texts: Hilka, Athis et Prophilias, lines 2557-60: La véissiez ces jeus noviaus Et olssiez mil chalemiaus, Gigues, harpes rotes, vieles,

Vaslez juer, chanter puceles.

Michelant, Escanor, lines 8087-93 : Et cil qui esoient joli et baceler net et poli venoient trop mingnotement et se penoient doucement de plaire a teles y avoit ; et cil qui mix chanter savoit n’en faisoit mie grant dangier?

232

Notes to pages 98-103

Stengel, Durmart le Galois, lines 993-8 : Jone bacheler et legier o les puceles vont servir. Et si vos di sens escharnir,

Que a chascun mes aporter Les oissies en halt chanter Chanson d’amor(s) bien envoisie. See note 60. Lecoy, Guzllaume de Dole, line 2387. Jean Renart’s romance is replete with interesting and useful references to the qualities and duties of vallets; see lines 343, 397, 468, 509 (les puceles et li vallet dance in caroles), 520 (a song is performed by uns

vallez au prevost d’Espire), 639, 643, 880-1180, 1220, 1260, 1296ff., 1316 (a vallet who

8 i)

8 8nN=

83 8 8 8Dn Oo > 87 8 8 9O26 8 o

9 9 9 NHN WO = 9BF

95) 96

9N

ot de grant beauté le los), 1808ff., 2000ff. (Guillaume de Dole’s vallets include des pluz sachanz/que chevaluers petist avoir), 2386ff., 2437, 3258, 3798, 3914, 3998, 4120, 4233 fF.,4275ff. (a vallet entrusted with a message is bel et gent ), 4483. For the importance of sagesse, a counterbalance to martial and sportive excellence, see the lines from La naissance du chevalier au cygne quoted in note 72, and Page, Vowces and Instruments, pp. 3ff. Ibid., p. 8. Mauclére, Doon de Mayence, lines 8128-9: ‘... un vallet qui bienfu emparles, /Ses letres lt barlla et ses bries seeles’. Lecoy, Guillaume de Dole, lines 4275ff. Holden, Waldef, lines 6651 and 6613. Lecoy, Guillaume de Dole, ¥nes 520 and 2387. Ibid., lines 4120ff. Page, Votces and Instruments, p. 9. Lecoy, Guillaume de Dole, lines 343ff., 639ff and 1260 (vallets bring water). Tbid., line 2438. For the few surviving Old French treatises on polyphony see Grove 6, ‘Anonymous theoretical writings’. Scheler, Dits et contes, 2, p. 305; this text is discussed by Fuller, “Theory of fifthing’.

Ibid., lines 65ff. Tbid., lines 82-5. Fuller, “Theory of fifthing’. On doubler see Page, ‘Machaut’s ‘‘pupil’’ Deschamps’, p. 491, note 35. For Jacques’ comments on this piece and facsimiles of the original, see Bragard, Jacobi Leodiensis Speculum Musicae, 7, pp. 68-9; there is a transcription in Husmann, ‘Der Hoketus A /’entrade d’avril’. The transcription offered here differs from that of Husmann in certain respects. Foulet, Galeran de Bretagne, lines 3878-87. There is much material of interest in this romance. For other references to the education and accomplishments of young girls see Alton, Claris et Laris, lines 15329-31; Boer, Philomena, lines 172ff. (based on Ovid - a particularly impressive passage); Goldschmidt, Sone von Nansay, lines

12569 (a puchielle ... /Qui de harper avoit le pris), 16332ff. and r17624ff.; Guessard and Chabaille, Gaufrey, lines 1777ff. (a pagan girl); Hilka, Athzs et Prophilias, lines 19709ff.; Michelant, Escanor (a romance whose author has a highly developed sense of the way in which courtly women could enliven court festivities and even be summoned to do so), lines 6163ff., 6324ff., 8596ff. and passim; Stengel, Durmart

233

Notes to pages 103-114.

98 99

le Galois, lines 3217ff. (a pucele harping, so too lines 6344ff. and 11327ff.) ; Wallenskold, Florence de Rome, 1, p. 135. For the extent to which women and young girls could be regarded as a means to provide entertainment, and transported from place to place for the purpose - like a chess set - see Régnier, Prise d’Orange, lines 58 and 1089. Lecoy, Guillaume de Dole, lines 148-51. Doutrepont, La clef d’amors, lines 2589ff.

100

Compare Ars amatoria, III, 315ff.

10

Ulrich, Robert von Blots, III, lines 453-69.

102

Michelant, Escanor, lines 8322-3.

103 Ibid, lines 6ogoff. 4 rs Toid., lines 6324ff. 10 a 106

107

108 109 110

“

Ibid., lines 6165-6. See note 10 above. London, British Library, Additional MS 12228, f.2a1r. Thid. Tbid., f.221v. See Painter, William Marshall, and Duby, William Marshall. Meyer, Guillaume de Marechal, lines 18528ff.

"! "2 Tbid., lines 18547ff. 13° Tbid., lines 18559-60.

Tbid., lines 18562-72. See Grove 6, sv ‘Rotrouenge’. 116 Ibid. In addition to the material cited there by Van der Werf, see London, British Library, MS Royalig C.v, f.207r, an Anglo-Norman commentary upon the psalms where the words canticum vetus (i.e. ‘the old song’) are interpreted as une vielz chancun . une vielz rotruenge. 117 See Rakel, Die musikalische Erscheinungsform der Trouvere Poeste. 114 415

118 119 120 121

122" 123 '24 '29 126

12 _ 128

Lecoy, Guillaume de Dole, lines 1ff. For discussion and a facsimile see Coldwell, ‘Guzllaume de Dole’. Lecoy, Guillaume de Dole, line 2.

Bell, L ’estovre des Engleis, lines 6477ff. Thid. Thid., line 6486.

Rohloff, Quellenhandschriften, p. 132. Bell, L’estoire des Engleis, p. 278. Foulet, Galeran de Bretagne. For the abundant and detailed musical references in this romance see lines g18ff., 157ff., 2276ff., 3878ff., 4188ff., 4315ff., 4810ff., 5420ff., 6668ff., 68g0ff., 7054ff., 7103ff.and 7204ff. Ibid., lines 918-19 and 924-7. Page, Vowces and Instruments. pp. 57-9.

Chapter

5: The carole, the pulpit and the schools

' Page, Voices and Instruments, pp. 77ff. * For some account of these texts, with bibliography, see the section entitled ‘Treatises on the virtues and vices’ in the brief conspectus of some major types of sources in the Appendix.

234

Notes to pages u1-115 Ibid., sv ‘Exempla’. * Thomae Cantipratani... miraculorum ... libri duo, p. 418. For other pertinent references in this collection see pp. 450-2, 455 (a curious passage) and 570-1. ow

oo

Riviére, Pastourelles, 2, LX.

In reading this and other exempia it is always necessary to bear in mind the remarkably international character of these stories, virtually none of which can be precisely localised or accurately dated. Bromyard, Summa predicantium, I, f.153v. Reproduced and discussed, inter alia, in Brown’s illuminating article, ‘Fantasia on a theme by Boccaccio’, p. 330. Hubert, ‘Evolution de la topographie et de l’aspect des villes de Gaule’. For comparative maps see Ganshof, Etude sur le développement des villes. Brown, Socvety and the Holy in Late Antiquity, p. 223; see also Ward-Perkins, From Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages, p. 55. Ganshof, Etude sur le développement des villes, pp. 60-1. London, British Library, MS Harley 3823, f.375r. See the Appendix for the full text. circa corpora mortuorum. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 801, f.1gor. For a minstrel (t2bicen) convening a carole with a wind instrument see Bromyard, Summa predicantium, I, f.152v, and for a garcia beating a drum, Nicolas de Bayard

in London, British Library, Additional MS 37670, f.14v. The extent to which minstrels were involved in caroles is difficult to establish from the evidence that survives. Bromyard, Summa predicantium, I, f.153v, refers to a minstrel (mimus) in Germany who cannot fulfil his function (exercere ... opus) in a carole because of illness ;the Devil takes his place and begins to musare (? ‘play the bagpipe’).

Guido d’Evreux in Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MS lat.15966, f.207: Mult: sunt promptiores vocation diabolice quam Det. Si diabolus vocat ‘a la touche de karoles’, statim currunt ad locutiones, ad cantatores “de geste’. Summa predicantium, I, f.153Vv.

Birmingham, University Library, MS 6/iii/19, f.103r. London, British Library, MS Harley 3823, f.375v. f.27IVv. Cambridge, University Library, MS Ii.4.8, f.18r. f.375v. For the town square (p/atea) as a place for carolling, compare the Old French narrative sources cited in Chapter 4, where the location of the carole is sometimes the place. The phrase is from the Mainz print of 1618 (II, p. 30); the Cambridge manuscript I am following reads motu ... seculari (f.18v), but the context proves that this is a corruption of Peyraut’s words. Cambridge, University Library, MS Ii.4.8, f.19. Birmingham, University Library, MS 6/1ii/19, f.103r. Cambridge, University Library, MS Ii.4.8, f.18r. London, British Library, MS Harley 3823, f.375v. Cambridge, University Library, MS Ii.4.8, f.18v. As remarked by Peyraut; see the Latin text in the Appendix, lines 26ff. Ibid., lines 22ff. Ibid., line 19. Hinnebusch, Historia occidentalis, p. 82: ‘mulieres non solum in ornatu meretricio et superfluitate vestium, in tortis crinibus, in auro et margaritis et ueste pretiosa, in plausu

239

Notes to pages 115-125 illicito et choreis . .’. For the blushes of those who did not have such adornments see Cambridge, University Library, MS Ii.4.8, f.1gr-v. Cf. Strange, Dialogus miraculorum, I, p. 183. Bromyard, Summa predicantium, I, f.161v. Cf. Stevens, Words and Music, pp. 163 ff. Sermones beati Umberti Burgundi, I, pp. 96-7. f.58v :quando plures sunt in chorea vel quando plures spectant tanto est letior. London, British Library, Additional MS 37670, f.14v. See, for example, Wright, British Calendar Customs : England (London, 1936). Lecoy, Guillaume de Dole, lines 522-7.

44 45

46

47

4

Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MS lat.16481, f.52v. The full text runs: hodte angeli . cantabant pro gaudio dicentes gloria in altissimis domino et in terra pax hominibus bone voluntatis. Tu dices mihi certe domine ego feci in isto festo sicut angeli fecerunt quia optime cantavi in isto festo quia per totam istam noctem ego fut et cantavi ad coream. Certe karissime, tu non cantastt sicut angeli; non eis ibant ad coream propter cantandum de marion ne de robecon, sed cantillena eorum vult dicere in gallico: gloria sit sursum in celo domino et pax in terra hominibus qut sunt bone voluntatis. Koenig, Les Miracles de Nostre Dame, III, p. 277, lines 324-5. Wa, f.230 r-v. A note in a manuscript of thirteenth-century Latin sermons from France casts a sidelight on the vogue for pastourelles: Amenum est multis cantilenas pastorales vitiorum incendits plenas audire sed cantilenas Ihesu Christe id est verba salutifera fastidiunt (Cambridge, Gonville and Caius College, MS 233/119, f.122r). The point of departure here is still Gennrich’s monumental Rondeaux, Virelais und Balladen, although it is becoming increasingly obvious, thanks to the work of Ardis Butterfield and Mark Everist (still in progress), among others, that a fresh survey of the material covered by Gennrich would produce a much more complex and variable picture than he left. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 801, f.203v: De Superbia . . .. Si coreas celebraverit et hoc multipharie fuertt in contrahendo, in vestes comodando, in inquietando puellas et hutusmodt. Ibid., f.205r-v: De Luxuria .... St cum meretrice se polluerit vel virginem defloraverit vel viduam frequentaverit .... St choreas vel hutusmodi spectacula secutus fuerit plurimum et in alts delectatus. Birmingham, University Library, MS 6/iii/19, f.103. London, British Library, MS Harley 3823, f.374v. Kuhne and Stengel, Maztre Elie’s Uberarbertung, lines 101-7 and 133-8. London, British Library, MS Harley, 3823, f.375v. Strange, Dialogus miraculorum, I, p. 279,

As usual, I follow Cambridge, University Library, MS Ii.4.8., but the text at this point (f.19) is slightly incomplete and lacks the Old French line, supplied here from London, British Library, MS Cotton Appendix xxiv, f.33v. Compare Boogaard, Rondeaux et refrains, 1019. The manuscripts of Peyraut’s treatise do not agree on what the reading for the Old French words should be. Among other sources in the British Library, Additional MS 14081, f.20v, has ‘Pour mon mari .fi. et cetera’, while Additional MS 22571, f.1giv, has ‘portum (?) mari .fi. et cetera’.

Cf. Wenzel, Preachers, Poets and the Early English Lyric, pp. 216ff. ° Wilkins, Adam de la Hale, rondeau 6 (F1, maris, de vostre amour ¥

Cambridge, University Library, MS, Ii.4.8, f.19: Unde in nullo festo timeant coreas ducere, nullt sancto tument contumelia inferre.

Notes to pages 125-134

*” In his Summa de poenitentia (b.1302), John of Erfurt seems to allow that some caroles

58 5 ito}

60 6 -_

62

6

are a form of devotion. See the text and translation in the Appendix. For the tendency for dancers on religious festivals to join religious processions on feast-days but to turn aside when the church is reached and to go carolling, see the vivid passage from a thirteenth-century sermon quoted in Hauréau, Notices et extraits, IV, p. 176. As pointed out by Peyraut. This is the Vitae fratrum composed 1259-60 by the Dominican Gerardus de Fracheto : Frater quidam de provincia Romana, qut in seculo multum in audiendis et cantandis secularibus cantilents fuerat delectatus, nec adverterat quod confiteretur hutusmodi vanitatem, in infirmitate gravi positus, dictos cantus quasi continue in aure et cerebro habebat, et inde non delectacionem ut prius, sed vexacionem et penam non modicam sustinebat (Reichert, Vitae Fratrum, pp. 100-1). Dimock and Brewer, Gzraldi Cambrensis Opera, 2, p. 120. See the distznctzones of Nicholas de Bayard in London, British Library, Additional MS 37670, f.14v, and the collection of exempla in the same MS, f.149 (where a nun who hears a cantilena but without confessing it endures 18 days in purgatory). In the story cited in n. 59 above, the friar is afflicted with a jangling memory of the secular songs he has heard because he does not confess to having heard them. The substance of Peyraut’s attack on the carole is given in the Appendix. It was so frequently copied, and became so well-known, that thirteenth-century writers could refer to it as ‘the treatise on vices’, knowing that the allusion would be understood. See, for example, the De instructione puerorum by William of Tournai, a book commended at the General Chapter of the Dominicans in 1264 at Paris: De chores require in Summa de vicits (Corbett, The De instructione puerorum, p. 24). Leclercq, The Love of Learning, p. 116. Borgnet, Beate Alberti Magni... Opera Omnia, 29, pp. 632ff., from which all the quotations used in what follows are taken.

6-

65

This point about the dances of Miriam

is made,

with characteristic firmness,

by Pierre de Palude in his commentary upon the Sentences: coree ... damnabiles sunt quia non sunt quales olim soror Moyst ducebat (£.75v). 66 See, for example, the usage of Guillaume ‘de Lavicea’: chorus vel chorea vel ballata (Dieta salutis, p. 346). °? Summa Theologica, III, p. 472. 8 Summa confessorum, III, questio cclxxviii. ° Rohloff, Quellenhandschriften, p. 132.

Chapter 6: The Masters of organum : the study and performance of Parisian polyphony during the early thirteenth century ' For an elaborate set of stipulations about conduct in the monastic choir and concerning the decorum of chant-performance see pseudo-Bonaventura, De instztutione novitiorum, pp. 3orff.

* Stanley, The Owl and the Nightingale, line 313. > For an anthology of twelfth- and thirteenth-century texts pertaining to this debate see Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 240, pp. 894-8, compiled after 1377

=57

Notes to pages 135-138 at Bury St Edmunds. Also see pseudo-Bonaventura, De institutione novitiorum, pp. gorff. Webb, Policraticus, 1, p. 42.

PL 176, col. 1081. For a modern edition of some of the key documents in the Cistercians’ various programmes of chant reform, with bibliographical references to others, see Guentner,

Epistola S. Bernardi

..., and for studies of the reforms

see Waddell,

‘The early Cistercian experience of liturgy’ and idem, ‘The original and early evolution of the Cistercian antiphonary’. Leclercq, Love of Learning, p. 143 and passim. Strange, Dialogus miraculorum, I, p. 83.” ~

Ibid., p. 181. For hostile references to the secular clergy in writings by Parisian masters who were contemporaries of Caesarius of Heisterbach see Gilbert of Tournai, Collectio de scandalis ecclesiae, pp. 44ff. (their superfluity of benefices, indiscipline and carelessness in divine services; their careerist ambitions and sojourns in the university where they neglect theology in favour of the lucrative sciences); zdem, Sermones ad omnes status, \xxix ad canonicos seculares (they gather benefices; they sing for money rather than for God, and ‘they are wakeful in entertainments, in songs and in banquets, but they sleep in their spiritual duties’); Jacques de Vitry,

Historia occidentalis, pp. 152ff. (the minstrels who sing at their feasts); J. Halgrin d’Abbeville, Exposztio in psalmos, col. 891 (the minstrels who sing at their feasts with secular songs and with musical instruments; this passage also contains a reference to organum, discussed below, n. 35). The

institution of this custom is associated with the name of Ivo of Chartres; see Le Bras, Instztutzons eccléstastiques de la chretienté medrévale, II, p.384, n. 58.

For a Cistercian view of the personal wealth that could be accumulated by a canon of Notre Dame at Paris, see Strange, Dialogus miraculorum, I, p. 83: multa

habens stipendia delicatissime vixerat. On the welcome which minstrels could find in the houses and refectories of the secular canons see n. 10 above. Roze, Neécrologve de |église d’Amiens, p. 463. PL 205, col. 98. Music in the Medieval and Renaissance Universities, p. 48. Grove 6, sv ‘Paris’, p. 186. Mathiassen, The Style of the Early Motet, p. 35. Mathiassen reaches this conclusion in translating the words quinque posttiones solemnes (‘renowned treatments’) which are used by Jerome of Moravia to describe the polyphonic treatises inserted into the twenty-sixth chapter of his Tractatus de musica. I have been unable to find evidence to support Mathiassen’s translation of posttiones solemnes as ‘university lectures’. It was on the basis of Jerome’s usage that Coussemaker gave the name Discantus positio vulgaris to the first polyphonic treatise in Jerome’s compendium, and Jerome himself says that the work in question is vulgaris, meaning ‘commonplace’ or ‘widespread’. This was presumably because part of it is concerned with the rudimentary and quasi-improvisatory technique of fifthing. It is in this context, I believe, that we should understand Jerome’s later reference to the treatise as being used ‘commonly by all nations’ (Cserba, Hieronymus de Moravia, p. 97); there seems no good reason here to interpret nationes as a reference to the four academic ‘nations’ of the University of Paris (cf. Reimer, Johannes de Garlandia,

238

Notes to pages 138-142 I, pp. 13-14). Even if we do interpret Jerome’s use of the term natzo in that way, it does not necessarily follow that polyphony was a subject of formal study. For a published example of one of the ‘musical’ quodlibets see Quo/dJlibeta .. . Ricard: de Mediavilla, pp. 97-8, which gives the text of Richard of Middleton’s discussion of the question ‘of whether herbs or harmonies can hinder a demon from vexing a man’. This is one section of a quodlibet pronounced at Paris in 1287. See Glorieux, La littérature quodlibetique, p. 270. I find no relevant material in the two disputations by Petrus de Alvernia, pronounced in Paris at Christmas, 1301, and contained in Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MS lat.14562 (Glorieux, La littérature quodlibetique, p. 263, Quodlibet VI, items 15 and 16). I am most grateful to Dr Mark Everist for the loan ofa microfilm of this manuscript. 20

21 22

Denifle and Chatelain, Chartularium, I, pp. 78-9; see also Ferruolo, ‘The Paris statutes of 1215 reconsidered’, p. 5: ‘Together the legate and the Masters set out to draw up a set of statutes which would secure the corporate achievements and

complete the programme of educational reform begun years before when Courson himself had been teaching in Paris’. Haskins, ‘A list of text-books’, p. 374. See Appendix. There is a poor edition of the text, and of the questions and answers, in Haas, ‘Studien zur Mittelalterlichen Musiklehre . .. I’, pp. 354ff. See Appendix. The author’s only comment on the contents of Books III-V of the De musica is that they set out to ‘correct the opinions of others’.

> Haas, ‘Studien’, pp. 358-9. Sermones beati Umberti Burgundi, 1, pp. 63ff. 2’ Bridges, Opus maius, I, pf. 236-7, and compare Brewer, Opus tertium, pp. 228ff. Text in Pitra, Analecta novissima, p. 368. For examples in the works of Paris-trained theologians from the first half of the thirteenth century see Ranulph Ardens, Homulzae, in PL, 155, col. 1327 (a reference, partially disguised by allegory, to the position of organistae, newly appointed) ; William of Auvergne, Opera, p. 996 (De universo), where the reference to the ars inveniendi componendique cantus, maxime harmonicos, qui omnium sunt suavissimi presumably relates to polyphonic music; Evrard du Val-des-Ecoliers, Sermones, Avj": Sequitur per vicos eius cantabitur Alleluia. Alleluia est verbum grecum ineffabilem exprimens jocunditatis affectum. Vero angeltwi spiritus ad exhilarationem tllius superne curte maxime in hac sacra solemnitate non cessant alleluia organice modulationts jubilo decantare. Opera, p. 293 (De ientationtbus et reststentus). William is describing what seems to be a bagpipe with three pipes (éribus calamis uno flatu) performing cantum, discantum et triplum and with the player’s voice adding a guadruplum. In reality, of course, the melodic material provided by the chanters cannot have possessed a high degree of mutual independence, although it is possible to imagine how a double-chanter bagpipe, equipped with a drone and further adorned by the singing voice of the player, could have produced something akin to certain effects in the melismatic sections of four-part organa by Perotin. Opera, pp. 364ff. (De rhetorica divina), a long cithara ce. ? Opera, p. 293 (De tentationibus et resistentis). For full text and translation of this passage see Page, Voices and Instruments, p. 204. Opera, p. 627 (De unzverso). Opera, p. 704 (De universo). For the references to music and aspects of musical life in the works of William of Auvergne which have formed the basis of our

239

Notes to pages 144-147 discussion, see Opera, pp. 193, 226, 231, 238, 364ff., 555, 620, 627, 703-4, 757, 971

and gg5ff. Molinier, Ob:tuatres de la province de Sens, 1, pp. 95, 150, 152 and 161. On the relatively light liturgical duties of the secular canons, and the easy life-style which many clerics of other kinds associated with it, see in particular J.Halgrin d’ Abbeville, Expositio in psalmos, p. 891, an interesting passage for an implied reference to organum: Putant enim ipsi pingues canonici se satisfecisse, st in choro unum Alleluia, vel unum

Responsorium bene cantant, et alte; et in domibus suis postea vadunt lascwire,

habentes plausores, histriones, joculatores in coenis. Unde Hieronymus: Non sufficit pleni gutturis libido, nisi tibiarum, et psalterii, et lyrae canticis aures mulceantur; ut quod fecit David in cultum Domini, Levitarum ordines, etorganorum reperwens varietates, vos in luxuriam

convertatis. ‘These fat canons think that they have done enough if they sing in choir one Alleluia, or one Response in a loud fashion; afterwards they return to their houses to carouse, having there sycophants, minstrels and jongleurs at their dinners. Whence St Jerome [in his commentary upon Amos 6:4-6; see PL 25, col. 1059]: ‘‘The lust of a full glutton is not sated unless his ears are soothed by the melodies of pipes, psaltery and lyre; and what David did for the cult of the Lord, instituting the order of Levites and varieties of organa, you have turned into lustfulness.’’’? When St Jerome speaks of organa, a general term for musical instruments, he is merely paraphrasing the biblical text upon which he is commenting: Svcut David putaverunt se habere vasa cantict, ‘they thought themselves to have musical instruments like those of David’. J. Halgrin d’ Abbeville, however, is clearly punning on the word organum and is referring to liturgical polyphony. The canons are therefore attacked not merely for their laziness, but for the way in which they institute elaborate liturgical polyphony in their services. Wright, Music and Ceremony, p. 25. Ibid., pp. 24ff. Ibid., p. 25. See above, p. 74. PL 155, col. 1327: Per quatuor animalia [of Apocalypse 4:6] quatuor evangelistas, et per viginti quatuor seniores, Veterts et Novi Testaments Patres, id est, duodecim patriarchas et duodecim apostolos intelligimus. Ante rgitur sedem et quattuor animalia et seniores canticum novum virgines cantant, qui Deum et sanctos e.us, et magistratus, senatoresque coelestis curiae, novitate virtutis et laudis suae delectant. O quam beati sunt virgines, qui in coelesti curia novt organistae statuuntur, et quodammodo angelorum cantico veterascente, nova melodia, Deum totamque Det curiam merentur praedelectare | 41

As suggested by Baldwin, Masters, Princes and Merchants, Il, p. 142, n. 218.

42

Waesberghe, Johannis ... De musica, p. 134. Johannes depicts a group of singers who, beset by the ambiguities of the chant notation prevailing in their day, have learned their chants from different teachers and now find that their versions conflict with one another: Dictt namque unus: Hoc modo magister Trudo me docutt; subiungit altus: Ego autem sic a magistro Albino didict; ad hoc tertius: Certe magister Salomon longe altter cantat. Henri cardinalis hostiensis Summa Aurea, 392v: Quis dicitur magister? Is qui alicutus ret, sive negott prae ceteris curam gerit ... praeceptor curuslibet discipline magister vocari potest.

44

240

For an early example of this Antique ‘theatrical’ vocabulary being used to stigmatise performances of chant see the pronouncement of the Council of Cloveshoh (?Brixworth) held in 747, quoted in Faral, Les jongleurs, p. 31, n. 4: ‘ ut presbytert

Notes to pages 148-149

45

saecularium poetarum modo in ecclesia non garriant, in tragico sono sacrorum verborum compositionem et distinctionem corrumpant vel confundant. Roesner, “The performance of Parisian organum’, where many of these ornaments are discussed in a most enlightening way and with full references to the original sources.

46

The word notula is formed from nota, ‘a note’, with the conventional diminutive

ea

48 49

SO

sufhx -ula; the literal meaning of notule is therefore ‘little notes’, and is surely to be translated as such despite the greatly weakened force of this diminutive sufhx in a great deal of medieval Latin vocabulary. For Courson’s use of the verb effemino (‘to render effeminate’) in a sense denoting the effect of secular music performed by minstrels, see the extract from his Summa in the Appendix, line 3. Rohloff, Quellenhandschriften, p. 144. The most convenient exposition of the development ofthe thirteenth-century motet is by Sanders in Grove 6, sv ‘Motet’, with an accompanying bibliography listing the principal contributions to the debate about chronology between Sanders, Tischler and others. Almost a quarter of the French two-part motets in the tenth fascicle of W2 can be classified as poems using major features of the pastourelle manner. In this sense the early motet repertoire is distinct from the generally more solemn productions of the contemporary trouvéres. As pointed out by Riviére, Les pastourelles, I, p. 43, the grand chant courtois was the dominant trouvére genre during the ‘classic’ period (from the end of the twelfth century to c. 1240), and the pastourelle was considered a very minor form which few named trouvéres chose to cultivate. (This observation must be glossed with the comment that there are many unattributed pastourelles whose dates cannot be established, and some of these may be the work of major trouvéres active before c. 1240.) Attributed pastourelles before this approximate date are generally the work of somewhat minor or idiosyncratic poets. These include, for example, the rather unusual poet Richart de Semilli, whose period of activity is usually placed (on what secure evidence I do not know) c. 1200, and who, in contrast to virtually all the major trouvéres, had close contacts with Paris. See Steffens, ‘Richart de Semilli’, poems II, VI, VII, and VIII. When

compared with the work of ‘classic’ trouvéres such as Gace Brulé, or with Conon de Béthune, Semilli’s work shows a marked preference for the lighter courtly styles of pastourelle, chanson de rencontre, and chanson avec des refrains. Another somewhat anomalous trouvére who produced pastourelles in this early period is Jean Bodel (d.1209/10), an anomaly amongst the northern songwriters because he produced a substantial range of work in non-lyric genres. At first sight the exception to all this would appear to be Thibaut de Blason (d.1229), of noble family. The pastourelle beginning Hui main par un qjournant is preserved in eight manuscripts and attributed to him in all save one. Compare, however, the important comment in Rosenberg and Tischler, Chanter m’estuet (which gives a text, pp. 273-4 and a modal transcription, p. 273), p. 275: “This is a most unusual pastourelle, substituting shepherd for shepherdess and a discussion of love for the poet-knight’s quest of love.’ Another pastourelle, Quant se resjoutssent ousel, is also attributed to Thibaut de Blason, 51 52

and

so too En avril au tens novel (but Riviere,

Les pastourelles,

I, p.

13, appears to reject the attribution). Wright, Music and Ceremony, pp. 235ff. Ibid. ,

241

Not es to pages 149-152

Ibid. Ibid., p. 267. Thid.. P2270. If the generally accepted dating of Franco’s Ars cantus mensurabults (¢. 1280) is correct, then Anonymous IV, who mentions Franco, can scarcely have been writing very much before c. 1285. For the text see Reckow, Der Mustktraktat; there is a full English translation by Yudkin. Anonymous IV is deeply interested in the history of the Parisian repertoire. Indeed, he is the first writer on musica mensurabtlis to register such an awareness as scholars in other fields like theology or dictamen had long possessed - namely that measured music had not only present but also past masters: its antiqut and moderni. A brief comparison with theology helps to place his interest in the succession of Parisian organiste in context. Around 1200 theologians were increasingly aware of the need to distinguish the scriptures and the works of the Church Fathers, the authentica, from the writings of more recent

date produced by theologians and possessing less authority, the magistralia. Since the writings of the Masters were not guided by divine inspiration in the same way as the Scriptures or the books of the Fathers, it followed that their contents could only be fully understood in terms of the contingencies which had influenced them. Chief among these was the order in which the Masters had appeared, for it was necessary to know who had followed whom and to which school of thought each Master owed allegiance. Peter the Chanter, for example, describes the precedence of theological Masters as it appeared at the end of the twelfth century, and it seems to him that the great tradition of the Masters had begun about three generations before with the first anteguz such as Anselm of Laon (d.1117). Great things had happened, in other words, almost within living memory. Anonymous IV is moved by exactly this sense of significant change and development within a period of about eighty years, for the earliest Master whom he names is Leonin, whose activities at Notre Dame may be tentatively placed towards 1200. There can be little doubt, indeed, that the precedence of musical Masters

57

sketched by Anonymous IV owes something to theology and the ars dictaminis where such a sense of tradition was already to be found. There is no reason to regard Anonymous IV’s list of magistri with the exaggerated scepticism that it has sometimes aroused; it was not unusual for scholars in the thirteenth century to speak in such terms and there is abundant evidence that pupils’ memories of their teachers, and the international grapevine that served all learned men, were often enough to ensure a generally accurate record of names, of precedence, and ofindividual achievements. As suggested by Reckow, Der Mustktraktat, I, p. 97. Text from Reckow, Der Musvktraktat, I, p. 50; translation from Yudkin, The Music

Treatise ofAnonymous IV, save that I have changed IV’s words about Master Petrus - that his fame to ‘as may be seen from the material which he to give better sense than Yudkin’s ‘as appears from Reckow,

Der Musvktraktat, 1, p. 33; Yudkin,

the rendering of Anonymous is attested ex documento suo has left’, which seems to me his own testimony’.

The Music Treatise ofAnonymous IV,

p. 25. Anonymous IV refers to Garlandia as quidem and ipse idem. 60

61

242

Reckow,

Der Mustktraktat, I, p. 50; Yudkin,

The Music Treatise ofAnonymous IV,

P- 44. On the custom at Notre Dame of performing the services without liturgical books see Wright, Music and Ceremony, passim.

Notes to pages 154-156

°° There is a thin but continuous tradition in the Latin music-theorists of commenting upon the musical characteristics of songs for the carole. Around 1100 Johannes comments on the agreeable singing of those who lead the dances (chorearum praecentores) which he says is granted to them ‘not by art but by nature’ (Waesberghe, Johannis

... De musica, p. 77). Grocheio,

writing ¢. 1300, mentions carole music

under the heading ductza, reflecting the ubiquitous Latin idiom established since Late Antiquity, ducere choreas, and describes it as ‘light and brisk’ (Rohloff, Quellenhandschriften, p. 132). Around 1350 Johannes Boen describes the music of coreae as being strictly measured in either duple or triple time in these interesting terms: Per has duas species numerorum, scilicet aut per ternarium aut per binarium, natura incitat ut procedat omnis cantus, ut in tripudits experimur et choreis, quast mensuram cutusvis alterius numert qui non sit reducibilis ad has natura penitus abhorreret (Gallo, Johannis Boen Ars Musicae, p. 19). In the 1330s Jacques de Liége paraphrases and elaborates the remarks of Johannes from ¢. noo (Bragard, Jacobi Leodiensis Speculum Musicae, 6, p. 216). Finally, an anonymous and undoubtedly British treatise, perhaps of the early fifteenth century but probably a compilation of pre-existing material and therefore earlier in date, refers to carollis; it mentions their use of open and closed endings, and then dismisses them as frivolous and fantastic songs to which no serious composer has ever paid any attention (Reaney, De origine et effectu musicae, pp. 17-18).

Chapter 7: Plainchant and the Beyond ' London, British Library, Additional MS 15722, f.36. A note in the manuscript (f.43v) records that the sermon was preached at Paris zn presentia circiter mille scolarium et magistrorum multorum. According to Schneyer, Repertorium, sv Humbertus de Balesma, this is the only known manuscript of this, the only known work by Humbertus. See Post et al., ‘the medieval heritage of a humanistic ideal’. > Catalogue of Additions to the Manuscripts in the British Museum in the years 1856-7, p. 16. See above, p. 136. Marténe and Durand, Thesaurus, V, p. 1586. Canivez, Statuta, I, p. 30.

Oo eS “ca GS Ss ©

PL 185, cols. 1273-1384. Pez, Thesaurus, 1:2, cols. 375-472. Strange, Dialogus miraculorum. There is acomplete English translation of the Dzalogus (not consulted for this book) by Scott and Bland, The Dialogue on Miracles. There is also material of interest and importance in Caesarius’s Libri VIII Miraculorum, only three books of which survive. These are printed in Hilka, Die Wundergeschichten, 3, pp. 15-222. The newly-discovered miracle stories by Caesarius, printed in Vennebusch, ‘Unbekannte miracula’, contain nothing of relevance here. There is a large literature on Caesarius, the major studies for the present purpose being McGuire, ‘Friends and tales in the cloister’, and zdem, ‘Written sources and Cistercian inspiration’ ; Schmidt, Der Teufels und Daemonenglaube, and Wagner, ‘Studien

zu Caesarius von Heisterbach’. Since many of Caesarius’s stories of the supernatural involve

the lay brothers,

or conversi, see Leclercq,

‘Comment

vivaient

243

Notes to pages 157-159 les fréres convers’, and Van Dijk, ‘L’ instruction et la culture des fréres convers’. There is material of interest in Cohn, Europe’s Inner Demons, pp. 60ff., and Ward,

Miracles, pp. 1g2ff. Constable, ‘Renewal and reform in religious life’, p. 50. Ibid. Ibid. See Chapter 6, passim, and from the multitude of original sources which might be cited in this connection, pseudo-Bonaventura, De institutione novitiorum, pp. gorff. Anecdotes about the dire consequences which could ensue if a singer pitched a chant too high to show off his voice are common in medieval works of religious instruction. See the examples in Caesarius of Heisterbach (Strange, Dialogus miraculorum, I, pp. 181 and 283-4, the latter a particularly striking example of a young novice in a monastery who does not wish to sing the psalm at the low pitch preferred by the older monks and who therefore begins ‘almost five tones higher’). A complex and ambivalent conception of high-pitched singing prevailed in the religious communities of the Middle Ages; on one hand it was clearly vain, and yet on the other it was sublime in both the literal sense (‘high’) and in the transferred sense (‘delightful’) of the word. Compare the influential Cistercian text by Herbertus, De miraculis (PL, 185, col. 1320), where the voices of angels are heard singing so high ‘that no straining of human voices could possibly equal them’. In the choral institutions of the Middle Ages, where chant was often performed without any reference to a fixed pitch-standard, it must have been a common accident for singers to begin to chant too high in their voices and so find themselves unable to follow the melody into its higher reaches, leading to a breakdown of the liturgy and (no doubt) to recriminations. This phenomenon is often described, as for example by Pierre de Palude: Sed quidam cantores multum alte intonando et cantando inciprunt, qui cito post aut raucedine totum dimittunt aut remissione cantum demittunt et voce subprimunt (Troyes, Bibliotheque Municipale, MS 144, volume I, f.304v). Pseudo-Bonaventura,

16

244

De institutione novitiorum, p. 461, where the surrender of will

in conventual chanting and reading is made very plain indeed: Debitus legendi et cantand: modus est, ut nec nimium festinetur, nec nimia frat, aut inaequalis protractio : sed cum pausantibus statim pausetur, ut vox unius vix inter alvos discerni possit. For a systematic exposition of this and a wealth of other conventional teaching about the decorum of liturgical chant it would be hard to improve upon the fifteenth-century Middle English compendium The Myroure ofOure Ladye (ed. Blunt), passim, but especially pp. 22ff. The author (once thought to be Thomas Gascoign) borrows material from St Bernard and from Caesarius of Heisterbach with some frequency. According to Thomas of Cantimpré, theologians had given much attention to the question of whether heavenly praise would be genuinely vocal (Thomae Cantipratant... miraculorum . . . libri duo, pp. 404-5). For examples of the kind of theological discussion to which Thomas refers we can turn to William of Auvergne, who discusses this and similar questions several times in his voluminous treatise De unwverso (Opera, pp. 6g97ff. and 703-4). Compare the story told by Caesarius of Heisterbach (Strange, Dialogus miraculorum, II, pp. 120-1). Summa de exemplis, f.212r. Pez, Thesaurus, 1:2. cols. 352-3. These concepts are eloquently and persuasively discussed in Leclercq, Love of Learning, passim.

Notes to pages 159-166 Genesis 3:1. It may be doubted whether a simple particle word has ever borne a greater weight of significance than Sed in this passage. In modern editions of the Bible the effect of these words is heightened by the fact that they begin a new chapter. In medieval Bibles this naturally does not occur, but the word Sed is often marked as the beginning of a major new section by a touch of rubrication, use of lineation, or by some other device. An oft-repeated story, told by Boethius among others ( De institutione musica 1:1). I Samuel

16:22.

This story is recounted,

or alluded

to, in an infinite number

of medieval writings which mention music, both of a technical and a non-technical nature. Printed in Quo/djlibeta. . Ricardi de Mediavilla, pp. 97-8. Ibid. > Tbid. Pez, Thesaurus, I:2, col. 417. Ibid., col. 423. Tbid., col. 393.

Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid.,

col. col. col. col.

423. 379. 397. 378.

Ibid., col. 381.

Tbid., col. 380. Ibid., col. 382. Ibid., col. 377.

Ibid., col. 385. i Strange, Dialogus miraculorum, I, pp. 281-2. Tbid., p. 283. Ibid., pp. 333-4. Ibid., p. 334. Ibid., p. 283 Ibid. Of the many references to this ‘abuse’ which might be cited, one of the most elaborate is found in the statutes of St Paul’s, London. 45

46 47

See Simpson, Registrum

Statutorum, pp. 65-6. Thomae Cantipratani... miraculorum ... libri duo, p. 309: In ordine Cisterctenst gloriosae virgini specialiter dedito, multa valde facta miracula referuntur. Forshaw, Speculum religiosorum, p. 74: in verbis rithmicts aut curtoso dictamine compositis. Thomas of Cantimpré tells a story of how Adam of ‘St Victor’ was visited by the Virgin as he was in the process of composing the sequence Salve mater salvatoris (Thomae Cantipratani ... miraculorum ... libri duo, p. 279), showing that the recent origin of the sequence was well known. For a story of similar import, this time connected with the Marian compositions of Philippe the Chancellor, see Page, ‘Angelus ad virginem’. It is common for sermons in manuscripts of the twelfth and thirteenth century to incorporate short snatches of Latin devotional poetry and to ascribe them to ‘a certain doctor of theology’, or something similar, reflecting a clear awareness that the great theological enterprise of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and the rise of the magistri, had produced a wealth of new Latin devotional verse.

See, for example, Cambridge,

Gonville and Caius College, MS 358/585,

f.103v; on f.138v the sequence Sanctus spiritus assit is attributed (as it is in many

245

Notes to pages 166-171 other non-musical sources) to Strange, Dialogus miraculorum, See above especially pp. gaff. Leclercq, Love ofLearning, pp. Strange, Dialogus miraculorum,

Robertus rex francte. I, pp. 10-1. 72ff. II, pp. 39-40.

Ibid., 2, p. 68. Ibid., pp. 38-9. Ibid.

58

59

Thomae Cantipratani... miraculorum . . . libri duo, pp. 309-10. See Leclercq, ‘Comment vivaient les fréres convers’. Caesarius of Heisterbach sometimes’ notes that a monk saw a certain vision in a dream, or that he saw it between waking and sleeping, but he does not seem to regard such experiences as a path to a rational or physioiogical explanation of dreams. See, for example, Strange, Dzalogus miraculorum, 1, p. 204. On such passages in the Dialogus miraculorum, see McGuire, ‘Friends and tales in the cloister’, pp. 179ff. On the whole these stories leave the impression that the monks were much more vulnerable for their laziness, inattentiveness and boredom with the monastic life

than for their sexual desire, although it is possible that the Cistercian sources deliberately conceal the true extent of the sexual tensions and problems created by monastic celibacy. 60 6

Lawrence, Medieval Monasticism, p. 15}. Strange, Dialogus miraculorum, I, pp. 281-2.

Chapter 8: Inventing the State 1 2

Rohloff, Quellenhandschriften, p. 144. In this respect northern France must be distinguished from the south, including Catalonia, where a tradition of writing about the metrical and (by Grocheio’s lifetime) the musical characteristics of vernacular songs had become established. A striking example is provided by the Doctrina de compondre dictats (c. 1300), probably by Jofre de Foixa; for excerpts see Page, Voices and Instruments, pp. 4off. Grocheio is quite alone, however, in his decision to write about the literary and musical aspects of the chansons de geste. Text from Rohloff, Quellenhandschriften, p. 130, with the crucial difference that the word exequiartum, printed by Rohloff in his text (as in his edition of 1943, p. 50), has been replaced here by exaquzensem, surely implied by the mildly contracted form of the relevant word in both of the surviving manuscripts of the treatise, presented in facsimile in Rohloff’s 1972 edition. Wolf (‘Die Musiklehre’, p. 90) printed exaguiansem but could offer no interpretation of the word. However, in the phrase ad Clementem exaquiensem monachum, exaquiensem surely denotes Clement’s abbey, and Orbis Latinus interprets this as Lessay, about 40 miles due west of Bayeux in western Normandy, where there was a Benedictine Abbey founded in the eleventh century. It is striking that the only area of France to which Grocheio refers, apart from Paris, is Normandy (puta in Normannia); he is referring to the dance-songs of young people (Rohloff, Quellendhandschriften, p. 132).

Notes to pages 171-177

10

There seems no reason to question the identification which Orbis Latinus offers for Grocetum, associating it with Gruchy in western Normandy. Rohloff, Quellendhandschriften, p. 130. Instances ofthe term civztas are scattered throughout the earlier pages ofthe treatise. I concur with Moore (The Formation of a Persecuting Society, p. 128, n. 8) that ‘the literati of the twelfth century should be viewed pre-eminently as a single class, ultimately serving the same interests and causes (for better or worse) whether they happened to find themselves agents at any particular moment of ‘‘church’’ On estatea, Murray, Reason and Society, p. 290. Borgnet, Beat: Alberti Magni... Opera Omnia, 7, p. 30. I translate comoedia as ‘the recitation of epics’ on the basis of Albertus’s use of the term comoedi to denote minstrels with fiddles who perform the ‘deeds of heroes’ (Opera, 8, p. 748). Durandus de Sancto Porciano, Jn Sententias Theologicas Petri Lombardi, 337v: Item wlla sine quibus respublica non potest conservari non sint impedimenta operum penitentie et cutuscunque virtutts. Compare Pierre de Tarentaise: Item videtur quod negociatio et milicia penitentiam non impediant quia sine quibus respublica non bene regitur (Cambridge, Gonville and Caius College, MS 322/523, f.96). Borgnet, Beats Alberti Magni... Opera Omnia, 8, p. 150. Cheyette, ‘The Invention of the State’, p. 150. Post, ‘The naturalness of society and the State’. Bartholomaeus de Pisa, Summa Pisana (completed in 1338), M3. The Formation of a Persecuting Society, p. 140. Murray, ‘Confession as a historical source’, pp. 279ff. Moore, The Formation of#a Persecuting Society, p. 7. For the original text see Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 22, cols. 978-1058. For material relating to minstrels, for example, in legal works and commentaries upon the standard legal texts see Baldwin, Masters, Princes and Merchants, I, pp. 198ff., with useful quotations from original sources in the accompanying volume

19 20 21

22 23 24 25

26

of notes. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society, p. 102. Ibid., p. 132, and Peters, Torture, pp. 30-31, 44-5. Broomfield, Thomae de Chobham Summa Confessorum, p. 291: Cum igitur meretrices vel histriones veniunt ad confesstonem, non est ers danda penitentia nisi ex toto relinquant talia officia, quia aliter salvart non possunt. Post, ‘The naturalness of society and the state’, explains this concept admirably. Ibid., p. 553, with the relevant passage from Nicholas de Lyra. John of Freiburg, Summa confessorum, III, questio cclxxviil. For the ready use which thirteenth-century theologians often make of the phrase tristicla huius secult see the excerpts from William of Auxerre’s Summa Aurea in the Appendix. Histriones et bedelli communes vestes sibi datas induunt per paucos dies ad ostentationem, nec consumunt eas in servitio domini; immo vendunt eas altert.

Videbitis hodie histrionem

indutum tta pulchre ac st esset filius unius comitis ;cras apparebit in una veste misera. From a sermon by Guillaume de Saccovilla, quoted in Faral, Les jongleurs, p. 291. Spufford, Money and tts Use in Medieval Europe, p. 383. Text in Jubinal, Jongleurs et trouveres, pp. 164-9. Cloetta, Moniage Guillayme, lines 1248-50. Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MS lat.14925, f.132, and MS lat.3495, f.192.

247

Notes to pages 177-184 31

3 nN

3 3 osao -p &

36

3n

The phrase is from a version of Beuve de Hantonne, quoted in Faral, Les jongleurs, Pp. 292. For the prevailing attitudes to the clergy and to mercantile success in the chansons de geste see Rossi, Huon de Bordeaux, pp. 555ff., and Combarieu du Grés, L ‘ideal humain, pp. rf. Rohloff, Quellenhandschriften, p. 130. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society, p. 103. Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MS lat.16481, f.104v (Arnulphus de Albumeria on the Virgin’s marriage to Joseph): unt pauper: homini fuit desponsata, sctlicet unt fabro vel carpentario. Bene scitis quod tales homines qui manibus suis panem suum lucrantur non sunt consueti esse multum divites in hoc mundo. Non fuit uxorata uni divitt magno vel potenti militi nec unt burgensi [nec] magno usuario sed carpentatort modico. Broomfield, Thomae de Chobham Summa Confessorum, p. 290. There is an illuminating discussion of officium and similar crucial concepts of twelfth-century thought in Bynum, ‘Did the twelfth century discover the individual ?’. The importance which the concept of officum was believed to possess in relation to minstrelsy may be judged from the appearance of this issue in a widely disseminated manual for confessors arranged alphabetically by topics, the Swmma Pisana of Bartholomaeus de Pisa, completed in 1338, sv Histrio. Bartholomaeus accepts, following Aquinas, that any offictum ordained ad solatium hominibus exhibendum is not evil secundum se, and that therefore some minstrel earnings are legitimate: unde et ili qui moderate eis subveniunt non peccant. Le Goff, Time, Work and Culture, pp. 58ff. ; compare Bynum, p. 15.

‘The Invention of the State’, p. 169. Tobler-Lommatzsch, Altfranzosischer Worterbuch, sv. ‘menestrel’, columns 1422-3. See also Wright, ‘Misconceptions’, p. 36. 4 See the Capitulare de villis of c. 800, or possibly later, in Boretius, Capitularia regum francorum, p. 87 (clause 45). 4 For examples see Depping, Reglemens sur les arts et metiers, pp. 43, 44, 124, 219 and 221. In the French version of the Latin surgical treatise by the royal surgeon Henri de Mondeville, the Latin word artefex (‘craftsman’) is rendered menestrel. See Bos, La chirurgie de Mattre Henri de Mondeville, p. 22. 42 See, for example, Molenaer, Li livres du gouvernement des rots, p. 245. ae os * The distinction between menestrel and jongleur is discussed in Wright, ‘Misconceptions’, pp. 36-7. Ruelle, Huon de Bordeaux, lines 7255 and 7257. Soctety and the Holy in Late Antiquity, pp. 302ff. S+ Ferruolo, “The Paris statutes of 1215 reconsidered’, p. 5. Moore’s stimulating book, The Formation of a Persecuting Society, is devoted to this phenomenon. PL 88, cols. 813-14. 38 39

co

ou a

~ Koenig, Miracles, 2, p. 103, lines 52-3. 50

Fita, ‘Cincuenta leyendas’, p. 95. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society, pp. 64-5. Ibid., p. 133. Brett, Humbert ofRomans, p. 144. Quoted in d’Avray, The Preaching of the Friars, p. 31. Moore, The Formation ofaPersecuting Society, passim. Text in Prou, Raoul Glaber, p. 94. On Glaber’s demonic

visions

see Colliot,

Notes to pages 184-189 ‘Rencontres du moine Raoul Glaber avec le diable’, and on Glaber’s references

to heretics, Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society, pp. 13ff. *” Text in Prou, Raoul Glaber, pp. 15-16. *® Radding, ‘Superstition to science’, p. 966.

Appendix - Documents ' d’Avray, The Preaching of the Friars, p.1. * The indispensible guide to sermon literature, both published and unpublished, is Schneyer, Repertorium. A most useful guide to the social and intellectual background of thirteenth-century Latin sermons in northern France (home of very many of those that will be cited here) is d’Avray, The Preaching of the Friars. As d’Avray points out (zbid., p. 206), the business of ‘studying sermons to find nuggets of evidence for social history ... is by no means a new approach’. I do not believe, however, that this field of material, most of it unpublished, has been much exploited hitherto for the evidence it can provide about musical life in

the Middle Ages. For the use of sermon evidence in the context of general social history see Lecoy de la Marche, La chaire francaise au moyen dge (the section entitled ‘La société d’aprés les sermons’), and Bourgain, La chaire francaise au XII° siecle, pp. 271-369 (‘La société d’aprés les sermons’). See also Longére, La preédication médvevale and idem, Oeuvres oratowres des mattres paristens. (e) The standard guide to these sources is Bloomfield, Incipits of Latin Works on the Virtues and Vices. Most of the solid information in these treatises relates to the carole. Although the number of surviving sources is very large, it may be said with some confidence that a more systematic investigation than it has been possible to mount here would confirm the finding that the greater part of the material about the carole is stereotyped and derivative, the principal source being Guillaume Peyraut’s highly influential Summa de vitzts et virtutibus. Apart from Peyraut’s Summa, the main sources of this kind used for this book have been the anonymous collationes in Birmingham, University Library, MS 6/iii/19, the chapter De chorets in London, British Library, MS Harley 3823 (ff.372v-8v), and the material in MS Royal 1 B.iul, ff.e71v-er. rs Schneyer’s catalogue of sermons, the Repertorium der Lateinischen Sermones des Mittelalters, runs to nine volumes and contains over 7,300 pages in all. On the device of the szmzlztudo see d’ Avray, pp. 228ff. The presence of a relatively high proportion of vernacular words or phrases in a sermon is often some indication that the text will accommodate references to contemporary life. A striking example is provided by the Parisian Latin sermons of 1272-3 in Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MS lat. 16481 (for extracts from this manuscript pertaining to minstrels see Chapter 1). For French words see extracts II (jugleor ow a menestrere) and IV (soper). Other important examples include the anonymous sermons in Cambridge, Sidney Sussex MS 34 (for a reference to minstrels in this manuscript see figure 4), and the sermons of Guido of Evreux (as preserved, for example, in Oxford, Jesus College, MS E.8, or in Oxford, Lincoln College, MS lat.13). On the spread of a vernacular or vernacular-based vocabulary in Latin theological writing see Page, Voces and Instruments, pp. 53-4. ° Thomae Cantipratant .. . ‘miraculorum ... libri duo, pp. 451-2. The best introduction

249

Notes to page 189 to the exemplum literature is provided by the systematic collections of exempla which were compiled in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries for the use of preachers. Printed collections, in addition to the one of Thomas of Cantimpré, include Little,

Liber exemplorum ad usum praedicantium; Greven, Die Exempla .. . des Jakob von Vitry; Welter, Speculum laicorum, and idem, La Tabula exemplorum. Other collections are usefully calendared in various volumes of the Histoire Littéraire de la France, and some are cited from manuscript sources in Hauréau, Notices et extraits, passim. Many exempla can be found scattered through the theological miscellanies of the twelfth

and

thirteenth

centuries.

See,

for example,

London,

British

Library

Additional MS 37670, ff.125ff., and Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, MSS lat.16481 and 16482 passim. An index of exemfia, covering most of the standard printed collections, is available in Tubach, /ndex exemplorum. For discussions of the exemplum genre see Bremond,

et al., L’exemplum;

McGuire,

‘The Cistercians and the rise

of the exemplum’, and Welter, Lexemplum. oO xn

Thomae Cantipratani... miraculorum ... libri duo, pp. 570-1. Tbid., p. 451: Excusantur tamen in parte, sed non in toto, choreae quae in nuptis fidelum fiunt, in quibus solatium modesti gaudit habere decet illos qui ad vitam laboriost matrimonit convenerunt. Unde vulgariter dicitur : Virum dignum habere parvam nolam cum aurea cathena suspensam, qui infra annum de suscepta uxore non doluerit. This is a pleasing variation upon the theme of misogyny so common in theological writings about the chorea. For a further reference to caroles at wedding celebrations see the Summa de poenitentia of John of Erfurt (Appendix, p. 193). References to carolling at court during royal and aristocratic marriage celebrations appear in the earliest layers of Old French romance. See, for example, the description of the marriage celebrations of Erec and Enide in Chrestien’s Erec (text in Roques, Erec et Enide, lines 1993-4). See particularly Longére, ‘Quelques Summae de poenitentia’ ;Michaud-Quentin, ‘A propos des premieres Summae confessorum’, and Murray, ‘Confession as a historical source’. Longére’s edition of the Summa de confessione of Peter of Poitiers (as surviving in a redaction made by Jacques de St Victor c. 1200) provides an excellent entry into this literature with its footnotes giving parallel passages from other manuals of confession. ‘The text includes the following passages: CHOREE ... sicut deus habet ecclesiam sanctam in qua salvandis dantur sacramenta salutis, ita diabolus suo modo habet ecclesias suas sicut tabernas et cetera

mala loca in quibus conveniunt homines loco sancte ecclesie. Et inter ceteras ecclesias taliter vel ita factas habet unam

ecclesiam,

scilicet choreas,

in quibus

diabolus nititur suprimiare sanctam ecclesiam. In ecclesia, inter cetera, ceremonia solent fieri; 1bi deus habet ministerios suos qui sollempnitates in ecclesia faciunt et processiones; ibi ostenduntur reliquie sanctorum, et ipse, sanctissimus sanctorum, et ibi dantur indulgentie. Ista ceremonia diabolus nititur in choreis tanquam in ecclesia sua suprimiare... . Inspiciatis illa processio totum e contrario vadit respectum processionis ecclesie ; vadit enim ad sinistram at alia ad dexteram; ibi et ostenduntur reliquie diaboli

a domino relicte, scilicet corpora fatuorum virorum et mulierum, et fiunt indulgentie totaliter contrarie eis que fiunt in ecclesia, quia in ecclesia domini fiunt indulgencle propter remissionem peccatorum, ibi vero propter relaxationem omnium bonorum, quia ibi sepe omnia bona que unus bonus iuvenis vel bona iuvencula vel puella vel coniugata vel alia congregaverat ibi amittit per unum vanum aspec-

tum. 24 :

250

Notes to pages 191-192 Irreligiosa consuetudo est quam vulgus per sanctorum sollempnitates agere consuevit: populi quondam deberent divina officia attendere saltationibus invigilant, cantica non solum mala canentes sed etiam religiosorum officiis perstrepunt ;hoc

etenim ut ab omnibus provinciis propellatur vel depellatur sacerdotum et iudicum a concilio sancto cure committitur. . . . CAROLES . . just as God has Holy Church in which the sacrament of salvation is given to those who must be saved, so the Devil, in his own fashion, has his churches such as taverns and other evil places in which men gather instead of in Holy Church. Among other churches set up in this way he has one church, that is to say the caroles, in which the Devil attempts to overturn Holy Church. In [Holy] Church, amongst other things, it is the custom to have ceremonies ; there God has his ministers who perform the ceremonies in the Church and processions; there the relics of the saints are displayed, and He, the most Holy of Holies, and there indulgences are given. The Devil attempts to ruin these ceremonies in his own church through caroles. . . . The procession [of a carole] is utterly contrary to a procession of [Holy] Church, for [the carole] goes to the left, and the other [the procession of Holy Church] goes to the right. There also [in the carole] are shown the relics of the Devil, forsaken from God, that is to say the bodies of foolish men and women, and indulgences are made there which are entirely contrary to those which are made in [Holy] Church, because in the Church of God indulgences are given for the remission of sins, but there [in the church of the Devil] they are given for the remission of all good things, because there all the good things that a good young man or a good young girl or a young woman or a wife or another possess are let slip in a show of vanity... It is an irreligious custom amongst the people that, on the feast-days of saints, they go to watch dances when they should be present at divine services, not only singing evil songs but also drowning out the liturgical offices of those in religious orders; wherefore it has been committed by holy counsel to the charge of priests and judges that the carole be driven out and expelled from all provinces... . See note 3. For a recent collection of essays bearing upon this topic see Aers, Medieval Literature. I quote from a review of an epic poem, The Siege ofAcre, in The Gentleman’s Magazine for 1801, p. 817. On this question see particularly Nichols, ‘The interaction of life and literature’, and Beer, ‘Epic imitation’. See Page, ‘Music and chivalric fiction’, passim.

251

BBA @ Gok ear iad

Primary sources I

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London, British Library MS Arundel 198 (Servasanctus of Faenza) MS Arundel 376 MS Arundel 379 MS Arundel 491 MS Arundel 691 (Franciscus of Perugia) MS MS MS MS

Cotton Cotton Cotton Cotton

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MS Egerton 746 (Gulielmus de Pagula) MS MS MS MS

Harley Harley Harley Harley

2 1298 3244 3823

MS Royal 4 D.iv MS Royal 8 A.x MS Royal 8 B. xvii MS Royal 8 C.11

MS MS MS MS

Royal g E.iii Royal to B.xvi Royal 11 A.xiii Royal B.in

Additional MS 14070 Additional MS 14081 (Guillaume Peyraut) Additional MS 22571 (Guillaume Peyraut)

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II

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269

Index

Abril issia see Raimon Vidal

Ave Dei genitrix, 168

Adam de la Hale, 125

Ave maria, 1

Adam of Dryburgh, 158 Adam of ‘St Victor’, 166, 245 n.47

Ave mars stella, 97 Ave praeclara maris stella, 168

Adamnan, 181 Adele of Louvain, 108

Aye d’Avignon, 94, 95

Aegidius of Zamora OM, 181 Aiol, 213 n.45

Albertus Magnus OP, 38-9, 126, 129-32, 172-3 A Ventrade d’Avrillo, 101-2 (mus. ex. 5) Alexander Nequam, 139 Alexander of Hales OM (Summa Theologica), 45, 132, 210 n.22, 212 n.36 Aliscans, 213-14 n. 45 alms, 16, 17

Amadas et Ydoine, 230 n. 60 amateur music-making, 81-109 passim Ambrogio Lorenzetti, 14 Amiens Cathedral, 136

anima see Latin terms Annales Flodoardt, 32

Anonymous IV, 151-3, 242 n.56; and the magistri, 242 n.50 Anselm of Laon, 142, 242 n.56 Anseis de Carthage, 231 n.65 antiqut, of Anonymous IV, 151-3 anti-semitism, 6, 181-2

Aribo (De musica), 214 0.56 Aristotle: 9, 35, 38, 39, 40, 138, 171, 217 0.77; Ethics, 35, 37, 395 77> 139, 172; Politics, 35,

Aymeri de Narbonne, 30, 32, 177

bachelers, 86-92 passim Barbarismus (Book III of the Ars maior of Donatus), 138 Bartholomaeus de Pisa OP (Summa Pisana), 174, 248 n.36 Beatrice of Savoy, 52 Bernart de Ventadorn, 46, 59 Bernward of Hildesheim, 93

Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube (Gurart de Vienne), 2S Bertran de Born, 46

Besalu, 46, 47, 53 Béziers, 52 biblical passages (titles and numberings of Gen. 1: 26-7, 17

3:1, 245 0.20 3:19, 16

Ex. 10: 5-19, 198

15 : 20-21, 131 32:19, 130, 132 Deut. 32:10, 85, 156, 170, 184 Judg. 21: 19-25, 124

36, 77, 172-3; Topics, 139 Arnaut Daniel, 46, 225 n.52

1Sam. 16: 22, 245 n.22 2Sam. 6:5, 201

Arnaut de Maroill, 58, 65

2 Kgs. 3:15, 199 Ps. 13:6, 18 33:3, 201 35:26, 201 68 : 25-6, 130 95:2, 203

Arnulphus de Albumeria, 248 n.35 Ars cantus mensurabilis see Franco of Cologne Arthurian romance, 63, 83-4, 104, 105 artifex see Latin terms Athelstan, 94 Athis et Prophilias, 232 n.77, 233 0.97 Auberi le Bourgoing, 32, 177 Aucassin et Nicolette, 231 n.65 Auctor B (Vita sancti Dunstan), 229 n.48 auctorttas see Latin terms audiences: for chansons degeste, 31, 70, 178; for

troubadour song, 46-60; for secular motets, — 148-54; behaviour in Provence, 58-9

270

132 :18, 201

149 :1, I Prov. 31: 21, 201 Eccles. 9:3, 198 STING Isa. 3 :16-17, 11, 130 5:12, 198 43:26, 203

Index

ereste ano! Ezek. 25:6, 115 Zech. 10:3, 197, 198 Matt. 18:15, 195 18 : 17, 137 22:4, 200 Mark 6: 22, 201 Luke 14:16, 12

15225, 132 1 Cor. 10:7, 130, 131

Chanson de Godin, 229-30 n.60 Chanson de Guillaume, 220 n.10

Chanson des Saisnes see Jean Bodel chansons degeste: 2, 43, 69-73, 83-4, 108; and hagiography, 30-33, 212-13 n.39, 213-14 n.45, 215 n.68; audience, 31, 70, 176-8; and

minstrel pride, 32, 177; and history, 32-3, 216 n.69, 216 n.70; sense of the past, 33, 215 n.68; oral and written, 70-73, 224-5 n.42; and ‘invention ofthe state’, 177; musical remains, 212-13 n.39, 224 n.37; see also performance practice

MAES 2S) Gal. 6:4, 202 1 Thess. 5: 22, 130

chansons de toile, 103

Apoc. 6:11, 200, 201

chansons d’histovre, 103

g: 2-11, 196-8 bien emparles, 98-101 passim Black Mass, 14-15, 183

board games, 97-8 Boethius (De institutione musica), 139, 142, 143,

171, 203-4, 245 n.21 Bonum universale de apibus see Thomas of Cantimpré

Chantarai d’aquestz trobadors (Peire d’Alvernhe), 59 Chanter m’estuet de recomens, 107 (mus. ex. 6) chaplain-tutors, 102-9 Charlemagne, 11, 25, 30, 31, 33, 43, 70, 71, 72; 83, 94-5, 177, 213 n.45, 220 n.10

Chartres, 215 n.68 Chastelain de Couci, 26-7, 206, 214 n.48

Breton Jaz, 95; see also laz

Chastovement des dames see Robert de Blois Chevalerie Vivien, 228 n.37, 228 n.41

Cabardeés, 48, 52, 53

Chevrefotl, 135-6; see also Marie de France children, 13

Brabant, 188

Caesarius of Heisterbach (Dialogus miraculorum), 43, 124, 135-6, 159, 164-8, 170,

243 n.Q, 244 n.13, 244 n.16, 246 1.57 cantare see Latin terms Carcassonne, 52

caritas see Latin terms Carmen de Hastingae Proelto, 219 n.10 carole: 193-4, 196-8, 250-51 n.g; and demonic imagery, 14; changes in 12th century, 86-g2; and tournaments, 87-9; during civic ‘entries’, 89-91; in urban context, 91, 13-18;

clerical opposition to, 10-33 passim; and urban configurations, 13-15, 228 n.41; choreography, 14-15, 116; links court and city, 16-18; social mobility in, 116-18; of

Robin and Marion, 118-19, 236 n.43; and Paris, 18-20, 123, 149; and the young, 110-33 passim; social and family traditions, 123; and

marriage, 123-5; during urban festivals of saints, 125, 237 n.57; and scholastic method, 122, 125-31; opposed by Dominicans 126;

music, 131, 243 n.62; and confession, 132-3; and the motet, 149; as popular heresy, 182-

3; and women, 110-33 passim, 227 n.19; and minstrels, 235 n.16. Cassiodorus, 29 Castillon, 48, 52 castles, 49 cemeteries, 114 / chamber service, 95-7 Chanson d’Aspremont, 94-5, 97, 231 0.65

Chirurgie see Henri de Mondeville chivalry, 85, 88 chorea see Latin terms Chose Loyset, 225 n.60 Chose Tassin, 75 Chrestien de Troyes (Erec, Perceval, Yvain) 63, 86, 211 n.26, 250 n.7

Church Fathers, 6, 14, 77, 129, 242 n.56 Cistercians: 74, 85, 155-70; descriptions of their monasteries, 157; plainchant reforms,

135-6, 238 n.6; opposition to seculars, 135-6, 156; demonic encounters, 157, 161-70, 184-5; devotion to Mary, 165-8; see also Caesarius of Heisterbach, Herbertus, Richalm

Citeaux, 155, 166 cithara, 26 citharedus, 25, 26 cithariste, 24, 26

city: 77-80; monastic sense of, 36, 79; scholastic sense of, 37; as common welfare,

79; see also urban environment, urban expansion, urban festivity civitas see Latin terms Clairvaux, 156 . Claris et Laris, 233 0.97 clausulae, 152, 154 Clement of Lessay, 171, 172, 246 n.3, 247.7 Cleriadus et Melradice, 230 n.64 clerical /iteratz; 2, 6; as legislators for the laity,

172, 174-8, passim clerict chori, 144

271

Index

clerks of Matins, 144 Clothar, 227 n.21 Clovis, 220 n.10

Cluniacs, 156 Collectio de scandalts ecclesie see Gilbert of Tournai commemorative songs, 43 common good, as criterion ofexcellence, 247

n.10 comoedia see Latin terms composers, 4 confession see penance Conon de Béthune, 26, 98-9, 241.50 conversi (Cistercian lay-brothers), 168-70, OLSmee Ole) corporate identity, 85 Council of Cloveshoh, 240 n.44 court experience, 45, 53-60 courtliness: 4, 84; and tactics of conversion, 45, 55-60, 85-9; and system offavour, 45,

53 courtly song: 24; in Anglo-Norman England, 27; in France, 81-109 passim; in Provence,

46-60 passim; and castles, 49; in romance, 84-5; written traditions, 108-9; composers,

206-8; see also performance practice, troubadours, trouvéres

curtositas see Latin terms Dalfi d’Alvernhe, 46-57 passim, 206, 221 n.30,

221 N.32, 221 N.33 Daniel of Paris OP, n, 33, 71-2, 08 De claustro anime see Hugh of St Victor Decretals see Gratian deduttor, 95, 229 0.59 De institutione musica see Boethius De institutione novitiorum see Pseudo-

Distinctrones, 189-91, 250-51 Dit des taboureurs, 18, 32, 33, 40, 176, 177, 213

n.45

Doctrina de compondre dictats see Jofre de Foixa Donatus, 138 Doon de Matence, 97 Doon de Nanteuil, 213 n.45 doubler, 101

ductia, 69, 75, 133 Durandus de Sancto Porciano OP (Jn sententias), 38, 217 n.84

* Durmart le Galois 233-4, 0.77, 234.97 Ecclesia see Latin terms Ecclestastical History see Orderic Vitalis Edmund Rich (Speculum religiosorum), 166 Edward I, 104, 227 n.17

Egidius of Paris (Karolinus), 25 Eleanor of Castile, 104 En avril au tens novel (?Thibaut de Blason), 241

n.50 Enfances Renier, 229 n.60 Enfances Vivien, 213 n.45 Enmelot, 18 epic and romance, 3, I1gI-2; music in, 81-5,

185, 200, 227 n.13; change ofliterary fashion,

8 Eracle see Gauthier d’ Arras Erec et Enide see Chrestien de Troyes Escanor see Gerard d’ Amiens estage, 51

estampie, 40-41, 69, 75-6, 225.58 Estoire des Engleis see Gaimar Ethics see Aristotle, Peter Abelard

Bonaventura De instructione puerorum see William of Tournai De laudibus beate Marie Virginis see Richard of St Laurent delectatio animals see Latin terms delectatio naturalts see Latin terms demonic imagery and carole, 14 demonic manifestations, 164

Etienne Boileau, 179 Etymologiae, see Isidore of Seville eutrapelia see Latin terms Evrard du Val-des-Ecoliers (Sermones), 31, 43-4, 69, 70, 212 n.36, 219 n.4, 220 n.18, 239 n.29 exempla, 18-19, 74-5, 1-13, 188-g, 210 n.g, ZAG SOO Expositio in psalmos seeJ.Halgrin d’ Abbeville [E]xultemus et letemur 4 (fig. 1), 5 (mus. ex. 1), 6

De musica see Aribo, Johannes, Johannes de Grocheio, Lambertus

familia regis, 94-7, 229 1.54

De origine et effectu mustcae, 243 n.62

fiddle, 1, 18, 65

descanter, 101

Fierragu, 213 n.45 fifthing, 101-2

Dialogus inter Cluniacensem et Cisterctensem Monachum, 156

Dialogus miraculorum see Caesarius of Heisterbach Dieta salutis see Guillaume ‘de Lavicea’ Discantus positio vulgaris, 238 n. 18 disciplina see Latin terms

Dis dou levrier see Jean de Condé

272

flajols, 32

Jleustes, 32

floratura, 148 Florence de Rome, 234 1.97 Floriant et Florete, 91, 228 n.40, 230 n.60 lorificatio vocis, 148 flos harmonicus, 148

Index Flovent, 220 n.10

Guillaume au Court Nez, 26, 30, 32, 33, 176,

Foix, 48, 52

Lith

Fortunes ofmen, 230 n.60

Fourth Lateran Council (1215), 174, 175, 189 Franco of Cologne (Ars cantus mensurabilis), 152,

153, I71, 242 n.56 Franco ‘the first’, 153 friars, 1-13, 16-17, 18, 28, 45, 69, 71, 79, 14, 117, 182, 237 n.62; for principal references to

individual friars see Albertus Magnus, Daniel of Paris, Gerardus de Fracheto,

Guido of Evreux, Guillaume ‘de Lavicea’,

Guillaume Peyraut, Humbert of Romans, Jerome of Moravia, John Bromyard, John of Erfurt, John of Freiburg, Nicholas de Bayard, Pierre de Palude, Roger Bacon,

Thomas Docking, Thomas of Cantimpré

Guillaume de Dole see Jean Renart Guillaume ‘de Lavicea’ OM (Dieta salutis),

202-3 Guillaume de Moussy le Neuf, 68 Guillaume de Nangis (Vie de Philippe II), 228 n.4I Guillaume de Palerne, 98

Guillaume Peyraut OP (Summa de vittis et virtutibus), 114-15, 123, 124, 125-6, 127 (fig. 9) 131-2, 155-6, 182, 183, 187, 191, 193, 196-8, 210

n.13 Guillaume Revel, 49-50 Guiraut de Bornelh, 46, 47, 49, 50 (mus. ex.

2), 58, 65

Guiraut Riquier de Narbonne, 211 n.26 Gutron le courtois, 83-4, 105, 226-7 n.m1, 231n.64 Guiteclin, 213 n.45

Gace Brulé, 26, 206, 241.50

Gaimar (Estozre des Engleis), 108-9 Galen, 171

Gaufrey, 233 0.97

harp, 65 harper-hero stories, 230 n.60, 230-31 n.64 Henri Bate, 109 Henricus de Arimino OP (77actatus de quattuor virtutebus cardinalibus ad cives venetos), 212 n.37 Henri de Mondeville (Chirurgie), 248 n.41 Henry I of England, 108 Henry II of England, 208 n.5 Henry III of England, 208 n.5 heralds, 44, 219 n.7

Gauthier de Tournai, (Gille de Chyn), 97, 238

Herbert of Vermandois, 32

Galeran de Bretagne, 103, 108, 233 n.97

Garnier, 94-5, 97 Gaucelm Faidit, 47

Gausbert Gauthier Gauthier 118-19,

de Poicibot, 225 n.52 d’ Arras (Eracle), 229-30 n.60 de Coinci (Miracles de Nostre Dame), 181

n.10 Geoffrey of Monmouth (Historia regum Britannie), 230 n.60 geometry, I41

Gerald of Wales, 125-6, 214 0.55 Gerard d’Amiens (Escanor), 104-5, 232.77, 2330207 Gerardus de Fracheto OP (Vitae fratrum), 237

n59 Gerbert (Perceval le Gallots) 223 n.22 Gerbert de Montreuil, Roman de la Violette,

Herbertus (Liber de miracults), 156, 244 n.13 heresy, 6, 181-3 Hereward, 227 n.21

Hervis de Metz, 87 Hildegaire of Meaux, 227 n.21 Eistoire de Guillaume le Marechal, 42, 105-6, 218 n.1; see also William Marshall

Historia Karoli Magni see Pseudo-Turpin Historia occidentalis see Jacques de Vitry Historia regum Britannie see Geoffrey of Monmouth

25-6 Gesta Herwardi, 227 n.21, 230 n.60

‘Histrionibus dare est demonibus immolare’,

Gesta Ludovici VIII Francorum Regis see Nicholas de Braia

hocket, 102

Gilbert of Tournai (Collectio de scandalis ecclesie;

Honorius Augustodunensis, 8, 16, 40 Hugh of St Victor (De claustro anime), 135 Hugues Capet, 213 n.4.5

Sermones and omnes status), 238 n.10

Gille de Chyn, see Gauthier de Tournai Girart de Vienne, 30, 32, 72, 177 Godefroid de Bouillon, 91, 228 n.41, 229 n.60 Graelens, 95, 97, 231.65 Gratian (Decretals), 73, 217 n.75 Guido de Bazoches, 77 Guido of Arezzo, 153, 180

/

Guido of Evreux OP, 43, 53, 64, 202, 210 n.g, 235 n.17

15-16, 19, 22, 210 n.15 ‘homiletic’ manner, 126-9

Hugues d’Avranches, 215 n.68 Hut main par un ajournant (Thibaut de Blason),

241 1.50 Humanism, 6, 156

human physique: dignity of 21, 23-4; fear of possession, 162-3 Humbert of Balesma, 155, 243 n.1 Humbert of Prully (Jn sententias), 217 n.85

273

Index Humbert of Romans OP, 79, 16-17, 141, 182, 218 n.g2

John of Freiburg (Summa confessorum), 39-40, 132-3, 218 n.88

Huon de Bordeaux, 179, 248 n. 32

John of Salisbury (Poltcraticus), 4, 37, 84,

Imago dei see Latin terms

jowe, 84 Joigny, tournament of, 87-9, 106 Joinville, 18

134-5, 209 n.10, 220 n.16 immanent justice, 185 informatio see Latin terms In sententias see Durandas de Sancto Porciano; Humbert of Prully; Pierre de Palude; Pierre de Tarentaise; Richard of Fishacre; Richard of Middleton intentions, issue ofin confession, 28

Ipomedon, 229 n.60 Isidore of Seville (Etymologiae), 140, 143

Jordan of Saxony OP, ai n.22 juvenes, 94-5

Karolinus, see Egidius of Paris “King David, 26, 86, 159, 160 (fig. 1), 240 0.35 Koningsthorpe, 189 Konrad of Megenburg, 218 n.87

Ivo of Chartes, 238 n.10

lai, 95-6, 103, 108-9, 231.65 Jacques de Liége (Speculum musicae), 101-2, 243

n.62 Jacques de Vitry (Exmpla), 74, 144, 211n.27, 225.57; (Historia occidentalis), 43, 115, 141,

238 n.10 Jardin des Nobles, 212 n.37 Jean Bodel (Chanson des Saisnes), 33, 213 0.45,

215-16 n.68, 241.50

Lais, see Marie de France

Lambertus (De musica), 152, 171 Lancelot, 88 largesse, 42-4, 47, 52, 55, 57, 63, 67, 69, 200,

223 n.22; as a sin ofluxuria, 43 lascivas cantilenas, 27, 70

Lastours, 52 Latin terms discussed or defined: anima,

Jean de Baume OP, an n.24

158-9; artifex, 20, 69, 73, 79, 179, 248 n.41;

Jean de Condé (Dis dou levrier), 101 Jean de la Rochelle OM, 212 n.37 Jean d’Erly, 106 Jean Renart (Guillaume de Dole), 98-101 passim, 103, 107-8, 117-18, 233 n.79 Jehan de Saintré, 226 n.1 Jehan et Blonde see Philippe de Remi Jerome of Moravia OP (Tvactatus de musica),

auctoritas, 35; cantare, 213 n.42; caritas, 17; chorea, 116; civitas, 3, 36, 40, 172, 181; 16; comoedia, 247 N.Q; curtositas, 34, 35; delectatio animalts, 176; delectatro naturalts, 132; disciplina, 173; ecclesia, 3; eutrapelia, 37-8, 39; imago det, 17, 19; informatio, 28; liberalis, 38-9;

147-8, 152, 189, 238-9 n.18

luteratus, 172; tudus, 34, 39, 217 n.84, 217 n.85; luxuria, 43, 15; magister, 146; mendacia, 177; ministertales ,179; nationes, 238-9 n.18;

Jeunesse, 81-109 passim J. Halgrin d’ Abbeville (Expositio in psalmos), 238 n.10, 240 0.35 Jofre de Foixa (Doctrina de compondre dictats),

necessaria, 16, 37, 79; notula, 241 n.46; officium, 37, 178-80, 248 n.36; ordino, 37, 172; otium,

246 n.2 Johannes (De musica), 29, 146, 243, n.62, 240 n.42 Johannes Agnellus OP, 11-12 Johannes Boen (Musica), 243 n.62

sancta simplicitas, 134-5; sapientia, 155; scientia, 34, 353 Scientia pretatis, 141; scurrilitas, 45; sumilitudo, 1, 9; spectacula, 34-5; tedium claustrt, 158; utilia, 23, 28, 37; utilttas, 16, 21, 34, 35, 40; virtus, 38; voluptas, 28

Johannes de Garlandia: music theorist, 139,

I4I, 151, 152, 153, 171, 242.59; grammarian, 138 Johannes de Grocheio (De musica), 2-3, 26, 30,

31, 32-3, 39-41, 69-77, 80, 108, 14, 133, 148, 152, I71, 172, 176, 178, 179, 193, 212 n.3Q, 218 n.8g, 218 n.g2, 224 n.37, 225.58, 243 n.62, 246 n.2, 246 n.3, 247 n.4; and sermons, 40 Johannes de Sancto Geminiano OP, 158, 159

37; pauperes, 178; praeordino, 173; ratio, 159;

recreatio, 28; requtes, 37; res publica, 35-6;

learning (scientia), as a commodity, 37 legver, nuances of the term, 86-g2

leisure (otiwm, requies), concept of, 36 Lent, and suspension of minstrelsy, 53, 217 n.85 Leonin, 137, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149, 151, 153, 242

n.56 lepers, 6; see also persecution

Johannes le Fauconer, 153

Le Puy, 52, 53 Les quatre dges de l'homme see Philippe de

John Bromyard OP (Summa predicantium), 13-14, 115, 211.22, 219 n.7, 235 n.16 John of Erfurt OM (Summa de poenitentia), 193-4, 237 1.57, 250 0.7

Lessay Abbey, 171, 246 n.3 Leu chansonet’ e vil (Guiraut de Bornelh), 49, 50 (mus. ex. 2)

274

Novarre

Index

liberal arts, 39, 138, 141

Satan, 19, 22; and artisans, 16, 20, 40, 61,

liberalis see Latin terms

‘liberal’ pleasures, 38

64-5, 67, 73, 79, 179, 195-6; and flattery, 21, 22, 44, 59, 69, 195-6, 220 n.15; prestige of

Liber de miraculis see Herbertus Liber revelationum see Richalm

instrumentalists, 23-39 passim; as narrators, 30, 6g; in warrior retinue, 219-20 n.10; as

Liber Sextus Decretalium, 73-4

family men, 25, 67; pride and chanson de geste, 32; at tournaments, 42; and chivalric culture, 42-3; and courtly strategy, 45-6,

lira, 26 literatus see Latin terms Lives of Saints, 23-4, 30-33, 70, 176, 212-13

56; travels, 44, 46-53; meaning of

London, St Paul’s, 245 n.44 longa florata, 148

itinerancy, 223-4 n.24; earning power, 54; judging nobility, 54; lowly status, 55; and corporate organisation, 61; boasting, 64-5; apprentices, 65-6; hired through cooks, 66;

ludus see Latin terms luxuria see Latin terms

small-group solidarities, 66; power curbed by clerics, 67; oral and written repertoire,

luxury trades, 36

69-73; and polyphony, 73-5; employed by secular canons, 136; concessions to by theologians, 175, 212 n.36; and money supply, 176; the Parisian statutes, 204-5;

n.39 ‘Lives’ of the troubadours, see Vidas

machicott, 144 magister see Latin terms magistri, legitimacy of their earnings, 217 n.80 magistrt organict, 145-54 Magnus liber organi, 145, 146, 148, 151; and the

masters of organum, 149-52 Main se levoit Aaliz 122, (mus. ex. 8), 125 manuals for confessors, 189; see also penance,

John of Erfurt, John of Freiburg, Thomas Chobham Manuscnt du Ro, 75-6

«

and the carole, 235 n.16; in legal texts, 247 n.18; schools, 217 n.85

minstrelsy: in romances, 63; and fixed fee, 65; and aristocratic milieu, 67; social mobility,

73; urban context for, 176-7 minstrel-clerics, 74-5 Maracles de Nostre Dame see Gauthier de Coinci monasticism: wretchedness of man, 3-4, 208

n.6; view of the city, 36-7; demonic visions,

Marie de France (Las), 95-6, 208 n. 7, 230 n.60, 231.65

155-7 passim; and the opus det, 157; the

Marion, 18

claustrt, 158; rumination, 158; sequences and rumination, 168

Mary: plainchant in her honour, 165, 166; and Cistercians, 165-8 “Master of Burgundy’, 153 Masters of organum: 145-54, 179-81 passim; beneficed and unbeneficed, 146; earning capacity, 146; performing styles, 147; clerical ‘patronage’, 147; and motets, 148; ornamenting organa, 148; and the dissemination of Parisian organa, 149; work on the Magnus liber, 149; and the antiquz,

151-3; as singers, teachers and notators, 15I2 Mataplana, 53 ‘Matter of France’, 33, 177 Maugis d’Aigremont, 230 n.60 mendacia see Latin terms menestrel, nuances of the term, 179 Meraugis de Portlesguez, 90, 229 0.59 merchants, clerical views of, 8, 16, 210 n.17

ministervales see Latin terms minstrels: preparing to perform, 1; at feasts, Io (fig. 2), 12, 43-4; terminology of, 13, 23-4, 179, 209 n.1, 212 n.36; and magic, 14; and poverty, 15-19, 63-4 (fig. 4), 210-1 n.22, 2m n.24, 2U-12 n.27, 2u-12 n.28; fear of competition, 18, 32, 176, 211 n.26; and

monastery as Paradise, 157; the tedium

modes, of chant, 29 money, and theology, 16-17, 210 n.16

Montage Guillaume, 92-3, 176, 213 0.45, 215 n.68 Montferrand, 47-53, passim Montpellier, 19, 225 n.52

Montpellier Codex, 75 motet, 1, 100, 148; and caroles, 18-23, 149;

‘difficulty’ of polytextuality, 148; origin, 152; ethos 119, 148-9; and the pastourelle, 241.50;

see also performance practice musele, 32

music: effects of, 23, 29-30; and good government, 40, 172; power of healing and exorcism, 159-60; and courtly advance-

ment, 81-109 passim, 220 n.16, 226 n.1, 227 n.19, 229 n.47, 229 n.48; study of advocated by William of Auvergne, 142-3; and university disputations, 239 n.19 musica humana, 139 musica instrumentals ,139 musica mundana, 139

Myroure of Oure Ladye, 244 n.15

Naissance du chevalier au cygne, 230 n.60, 231.72 Narbonne, 30, 32, 177, 21 n.26

275

Index 139; questions on music, 139-41; neglect of

narrative songs, 23-4, 176-7; see also chansons de geste, Lives of Saints nationes see Latin terms necessaria see Latin terms Nicholas de Bayard OM, 117, 235 n.16, 237 n.61 Nicholas de Braia (Gesta Ludovict VIII Francorum Regis), 89, 228 n.36

Pariset, 61

Nicholas de Caen, 12, 13

pastourelle, 101-2, 13, 149, 236 n.45, 241.50

Nicholas de Gorran OP, 18, 210 n.g Nicholas de Lyra OM, 176 Nicholas of Guildford (? The Owl and the Nightingale), 208 n.5 Normandy, 171, 246 n.3 nota procellaris, 148

Pater noster, 1

practical music, 141; music and theology, 141-2; music in works of magistrt and

William of Auvergne, 142; formal study of music, 238-9 n.18; music as subject in university disputations, 239 n.1g9

patristic authority, 14-16, 35, 198, 210 n.0 pauperes see Latin terms * pauperes clerict, 144 peasants, as minstrels, 18

Peire d’Alvernhe, 49, 59, 221.32 Peire Roger, 225.52 Peire Vidal, 46 Peirol, 49

notula see Latin terms

officium see Latin terms

penance, 6, 14-29 passim, 34, 35, 39-40, 120,

Ogier the Dane, 11, 33, 71, 213 n.45 Oliver, 11, 13, 31, 33, 70, 71, 177, 220 n.10

121 (fig. 8), 126, 132-9, 174-6, 189, 193-4, 214 n.51, 237 n.57; changes in theology of, 214

Opus maius see Roger Bacon Opus terttum see Roger Bacon oral and literate composition, 224-5 n.42

n.52

Orderic Vitalis (Ecclesiastical History), 215 n.68 organiste, 142, 144-5, 239 N.29, 240 n.40, 242 n.56 organizator, 74, 144 organum duplum, dissemination of, 149; see also performance practice Osbern (Vita sancti Dunstant), 94 Otinel, 213 1.45 otium see Latin terms

Pepin, 220 n.10 Perceval, 86 Perceval le Gallois see Gerbert Perdigon, 49 performance practice, the carole: performers,

104-5, 10-33 passim, 227 N.19, 227 n.21; performing contexts, 114-25, 228 n.41; choreography, 14-15 performance practice, chanson de geste:

Cathedral of Notre Dame, 2, 19, 135-7, 142,

performers, 30-33, 219-20 n.10; manner of performance, 25-6, 70-73; instrumentation, 213-14 n.45; performing contexts, 31, 178; audience, 31, 70-73, 176-8 performance practice, French monody: performers, 81-109 passim; performing contexts, 87-8, 94-7, 99, 102-6; audience, 81-109 passim performance practice, Occitan monody: performers, context and audience, 46-60 passim performance practice, organum duplum: performers, 144-53, 180; ornamentation, 147-8 performance practice, motet: performers, 148-9, 152-5; performing contexts, 119, 148-55; audience, 148-55 Perotin, 137, 146, 151, 152, 153, 239 n.30

144-54 passim, 147, 148, 156; St Leufroy, m1,

persecution, of Jews, heretics and lepers 6,

71; La Madeleine, n; Ste Chapelle, 9, 12, 44; St Antoine-des-Champs, 12; St Germain-des-Prés, 119, 123, 149; St Gervais, g, 18; Convent of St Jacques, 18; rue aus

174, 182-5 passim Peter Abelard, 155; (Ethics), 28, 214 0.53 Peter of Poitiers (Summa de confessione), 28 Peter the Chanter, 242 n.56; (Summa de sacramentis), 21-8 passim, 181; (Verbum abbreviatum), 2-3, 6, 17, 19, 79-80, 136-7

ouvrier, 64, 65, 79, 179 Ovid (Ars amatoria), 103, 123, 233 n.97 Owl and the Nightingale: 6, 134, 224 n. 26; themes, 3-4; authorship and date, 208 n.5; symbolism of the nightingale, 208 n.7

Pantheologia see Rainerus of Pisa Paris: 2-3, 9, 13, 21, 31, 33, 39, 40, 44, 61-80, 78 (fig. 5), 98, M1, 14, 19, 129, 133, 171-2, 179,

204-5, 225 n.60; influence of commercial activity on mentality, 2, 36; its artisans, 2,

36, 79; milieux for minstrelsy, 61-80 passim; and concept of the professional musician, 66; minstrel schools at, 217 n.85; Grand

Pont, 71, 77, 79; Petit Pont, 31, 177, 178;

jougleurs, 61, 66 Paris, University: 74, 126, 180; study of

‘

polyphony, 137-43; structure of studies, 138;

set books in Arts, 138-9; study of Boethius,

276

Peter the Lombard (Sentences), 34, 37, 129, 132,

138, 173, 217 n.73, 217 n.84

Index

Petrus (magister mentioned by Anonymous IV), 151, 153, 242 n.58 Petrus de Alvernia, 239 n.19 Philippe de Novarre (Les quatre dges de Vhomme), 88 Philippe de Remi (Jehan et Blonde), go, 98 Philippe le Bel, 75 Philippe the Chancellor, 245 n.47

Philomena, 233 n.97 Pierre de Limoges, 9-13, 10 (fig. 2), 44, 189, 190 (fig. 14), 209 n.6 Pierre de Palude OP (Jn psalmos), 1, 45, 201-2, 244 n.13; (In sententias), 217 n.85, 237 n.65, Pierre de Tarentaise OP (Jn sententias), 34-5, 247 N.10 plainchant: ethos of performance, 134, 157, 244 n.15, 244 n.16; vulnerability, 147; and Cistercian experience, 155; and rumination, 159; power to exorcise, 159; and diabolic attack, 159-70 passim Plato, 171 Poéme Moral, 213 n.45 Policraticus see John of Salisbury political thought, 35, 36 polyphony, 217 n.84; ethos, 4, 134-5; in Old French literature, 100; performers, 100-102;

and carole, 125; in writings by magzstri from Paris, 142, 239 n.29, 239 n.30,,240 n.40; and ambition, 74-5, 144; as a ‘lucrative science’, 144-5; anxiety about over-decorative performances, 134-5; legitimacy ofcertain performing styles, 147; ornamentation, 148; and secular clergy, 240 n.35 Pons de Capdoil, 49 popular heresy, see carole poverty: 15-19; and urban growth, 17 pracordino see Latin terms praise, purchased by knightly class, 44 preaching, 9-14, 68-9, 209 n.5; see also

sermons Prise d’Orange, 234.97 psalterium, 26 Pseudo-Bonaventura (De instztutrone novitiorum), 237 N.1, 238 n.3, 244 n.13, 244 n.14 Pseudo-Turpin (Historia Karoli Magnz), 299

n.54 puceles, 233-4 n.97 quadruplum, 142 Quant la sesons del douz tens s’assetire (Vidame de Chartres), 100 (mus. ex. 4) Quant se resjoutssent o1sel (Thibaut de Blason),

Raimbaut de Vaqueiras, 49 Raimon Vidal (Advil issia), 46-60 passim, 63-5, 67, 69, 221.24, 223 n.21; (Razos de trobar), 57 Rainerus of Pisa (Pantheologia), 37 Ranulph Ardens, 144, 239 n. 29 Raoul de Cambraz, 31, 32

Raoul Glaber (Five Books ofHistory), 183, 184 ratio see Latin terms Raymond Berenguer V, 52 Razos de trobar see Raimon Vidal recreatio see Latin terms refrains, 125 requies see Latin terms reverberatio, 148 s Richalm (Liber revelationum), 156, 161-4, 191 Richard of Fishacre (Jn sententias), 217 n.85 Richard of Middleton OM (in sententias), 38,

217 n.85; (Quodlibetae), 160-61, 239 n.19, 245 N.23 Richard of St Laurent (De laudibus beate Marie virginis), 206-7 Richars li biaus, 229 n.60 Richart de Semilli, 241 n.50 Rievaulx Abbey, 157 righteous work: 20, 22, 80; monastic views of,

16, 79, 157 Riom, 48, 53

Robert de Blois (Le chastovement des dames), 104 Robert Grosseteste (translation of Aristotle’s Ethics), 35, 38 Robert of Courson (Summa), Frontispiece, 20, 21, 22, 24, 26, 27, 67, 79-80, 138, 145-55

passim, 179, 180, 194-6, 214 n.51, 220 n.15, 239 n.20 Robertus de Sabilone, 151, 152, 153 Robin and Marion, 118-19, 236 n.43 Roger Bacon OM (Opus maius), 141; (Opus tertium), 239 n.27 Roland, 11, 13, 30, 31, 33, 43, 70, 71, 177, 213 n.45, 215 n.68, 219-20 n.10, 220 n.10 romance: influence upon aristocratic life, 88, 227 n.13; fiction and reality, 85-90 Roman de Brut see Wace Roman de Horn see Thomas Roman de la Violette see Gerbert de Montreuil Roman du Hem see Sarrasin rotruenge, 42, 106-7 Rule of St Benedict, 135 St Anthony, 170, 184 St Augustine, 34, 35, 198, 217 n.74 St Denis, 33

St Dunstan, 94, 229 n.48, 229n.49

241 1.50 Quarte Estampie Royal, 75, 76 (mus. ex. 3) Quatre Fils Aymon, 82 83, 84, 98

St Gall, Abbey of, 94 St Gregory, 198, 208 n.6

quintier, 101

St Guilhem-le-Désert, monastery of, 32

277

Index

St Jerome, 15, 19, 22, 240n.35 St Louis, 18, 97, 21 n.24 St Martin, 1

St Stephen, 30 sagesse, 98-9, 233 n.80

salaire, 65, 69

Summa de vitits et virtutibus see Guillaume Peyraut Summa Pisana see Bartholomaeus de Pisa Summa predicantium see John Bromyard superstition and reason, 155-70 passim, 185 Symon de Scacalia, 153

Salve mater salvatoris (Adam of ‘St Victor’), 166,

167 (fig. 12), 245 n.47 Salve regina misertocordie, 168 sancta simplicuas see Latin terms Sanctus spiritus assit, 246 n.47 sapientia see Latin terms Sarrasin (Roman du Hem), 89 Satan: and minstrelsy, 14, 19, 181-2; his power in the monastic choir, 159-70; demons as an

anti-community, 162 science, 35 scientia see Latin terms

secular clergy: 135-6, 240 n.35; fondness for minstrelsy, 238 n.10 secular music, 24; defence of, 70; clerical

disapproval of, 27 Sentences see Peter the Lombard

sequences, in private devotions, 166-9; and rumination, 168; alternation with organ (?), 217 n.84 sermones ad status, 40, 116, 238, n.10, 218 n.g2

sermons: 9-13, 16, 18, 31, 33, 43, 44, 45, 53; 64, 68-9, 70, 71-2, m1-18 passim, 126-9, 141, 155, 177-8, 187-8, 210 n.g, 249 n.1, 249 N.3; and vernacular terminology, 249 n.4 service (domestic), and musical performance,

Oa) Siena, 114 sumalitudines, 1, 9, 64, 142, 187-8 (fig. 13), 200-203 Simon of Tournal, 21 n.22

sin, changing conceptions of, 14, 27 singing, high-pitched voices, 244 n.13

Sone de Nansay, 97-8, 229 n.60, 232 n.74, 233 Bayi) Song ofRoland, 30, 72, 81, 95, 219 n.10, 225 n.46,

225.48 Soper, 12

spectacula see Latin terms Speculum musicae see Jacques de Liége speech, faculty of: 66-9; and sermons, g, 68;

and minstrels, 45-6 stantipes, 75-7, 225.58 state: 6, 35; invention of, 2, 171-86 passim;

‘naturalness’ of, 174-6 passim, 181 subversion: fear of subversion by Jews, lepers and heretics, 6, 174-5, 181, 184; see also persecution Summa Aurea see William of Auxerre Summa confessorum see John of Freiburg, Thomas Chobham

278

tabour, 32 Taillefer, 219-20 n.10 Tassin, 40-41, 75, 225 n.60 _taverns, 65-6

tedium claustri see Latin terms Thangmar, 93 Theobaldus, 153 Thibaut de Blason, 241.50 Thierry l’Ardenois, 32, 177 Third Lateran Council (1179), 6 Thomas (Roman de Horn), 230 n.60 Thomas Chobham (Summa confessorum), 15, 16, 20-33 passim, 35> 42, 44, 67, 69, 79; 175; 176,

178, 181, 212 n.37

Thomas Docking OM, 20-29 passim, 67 Thomas Lebreton, 45

Thomas de Sancto Juliano, 151, 153 Thomas of Cantimpré OP (Bonum universale de apibus), 112-13, 165-6, 168, 188-9, 235 n.4, 244

n.16, 245.47, 250 n.7 Toledo, University, 124

tonsure, 74 Toulouse, 53; Cathedral, 32; Count of, 52 tournaments, 42, 87-8, 219 n.6, 219 n.7

Tournot de Chauvency, 89 Tout lets enmi les prez, 150 (mus. ex. 9) Tractatus de musica see Jerome of Moravia triplum, 142

Tristan, 95-6, 230 n.60 troubadours, 46-60 passim trouvéres, 27, 81-109 passim, 206-7, 241 n.50 trumpeters, 63 Tuotilo, 94 Tybregon, 18 tympanum, 26 Uc de Mataplana, 53 Uc de St Circ, 225 n.52 urban environment, 36, 77-80 urban expansion, 17, II, 114, 178

urban experience, 17, 77-80, 217 n.78, 226 n.61 urban festivity, 89-92, 114-15, 125, 183 uitlia see Latin terms utzlitas see Latin terms vallets, defined, 97; and household festivity, g8; ideals and duties, 98-100, 233 n.79; and

trouvére song, 98-9; and polyphony, 100-102; accomplishments, 229-30 n.60, 232

Index

n.74; string-playing and musical literacy, 230 n.60 vibratio, 148 Vidame de Chartres, 9g, 100 (mus. ex. 4), 107 Vidas, 47, 49, 73-4, 221.32, 221n.41, 225.52 Vie de Philippe III see Guillaume de Nangis viele, 25, 32, 69, 95 viella, 25, 31, 40, 69, 73, 79, 142, 179, 211n.28 viellatores, 24, 26 vielleurs, 62 virtues and vices, treatises on, 14, 15, 115, 117,

I9I, 237 n.62, 249 n.3; see also Guillaume

William Nez), William N.30,

of Aquitaine (Guillaume au Court 32

of Auvergne, 142-3, 239 n.29, 239 239-40 n.34, 244 n.16

William of Auxerre (Summa Aurea), 17, 198-

200, 247 1.25 William of Malmesbury, 219 n.10, 230 n.60 William of Moerbecke OP, 35

William of Tournai OP (De instructione puerorum), 237 n.62 women: in carole, as objects of clerical disgust, 15, 10-33 passim, 189, 250 n.7; in texts before

Peyraut virtus see Latin terms

1200, 86; at tournaments, 88; and urban

Vita sanctt Dunstani see Auctor B, Osbern Vita sancti Gutllelmi, 32, 215 n.68

102-6; music and ideals of womanhood, 103; enhanced attractiveness in the carole, 115,

Vite fratrum see Gerardus de Fracheto voluptas see Latin terms

183; social classes in carole, 16-17; satanic and sexual imagery in caroles, 14-15, 183, 189,

carolling, go; as performers of courtly song,

196-8; perform caroles as an entertainment,

227 n.1g; performing eulogistic dance-songs, 227 n.21; accomplishments of, 233-4 n.97;

Wace (Roman de Brut), 219 n.10, 230 n.60 Waldef, 99 Walter Daniel, 157 William Marshall, 42, 43, 87, 88, 92, 105-6, 192, 218 n.1

as a reservoir of musical and social skills,

234°n1-97 Yugoslav epics, 71 Yvain see Chrestien de Troyes

279

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