The Origin of Aphrodite 9781883053703, 1883053706

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T he O rigin

of

Aphrodite

Stephanie Lynn Budin

GDI Press Bethesda, Maryland

Library of Congress

Cataloging-in-Publication Data

B ud in, S te p h a n ie T h e o rig in o f A p h r o d ite / Stephanie Budin p. crn . in c lu d e s b ib l io g r a p h i c a l references and index.

ISBN l-,S830vw0-i> 1. A p h r o d ite ( G r e e k d e ify )

I, Title.

BL820.V5 B83 2 0 0 2

292.2Ί l4-dc21

200203-1972

Cover design by Duy-Khuong Van. C o p y rig h t 2 0 0 3 . All r ig h t s r e s e r v e d . T h is h o o k m ay n o t b e r e p r o d u c e d , in w h o le o r in p a r t , in a n y fo rm ( b e y o n d th a t c o p y in g p e r m i t t e d in S e c tio n s 1 0 ” a n d 108 o f th e L .S. C o p y r ig h t L aw a n d e x c e p t by r e v i e w e r s fo r th e p u b lic p r e s s ) , w i th o u t w r itt e n p e r m is s i o n fro m th e p u b li s h e r , C D L P r e s s . P C ). B o x 3 4 4 5 4 . B c th e s d a . M d. 2 0 8 2 " .

Table

of

C ontents

Acknowledgments,....,.,.,....,,,.,,».,.,,....,«,,,...,,,.,,,.,,,,,,,...,,,,,..,.,,,,,.,..,,.,.., v i t A b b re v ia tio n s..................

ix

I. In tr o d u c tio n .......................

1

II, T h e P erso n a o f A p h ro d ite .............. ........ ............................................ TIT. A p h ro d ite in Early G re e c e

...................

IV, T h e C ults o f A p h r o d ite ..... ............................

13

.....3 3 ..............................6 9

V, A p h ro d ite and C yprus: T h e C h a lc o lith ic to Late P re h is to ric P e r i o d s ...................

103

VI. A p h ro d ite a n d C yprus: T h e P ro to h isto ric A g e ....................................................

131

VII. C y p ru s b e tw e e n O c c id e n t a n d O rie n t..................................... 181 VIIL L evantine C o n trib u tio n s to A p h ro d ite .................................... 199 IX. T h e P h o e n ic ia n Q u e stio n ..........................

243

X. A p h ro d ite B eco m es G re e k .......................................................2 7 3 A p p e n d ix A .......................

..2 8 3

D itties in the Linear B T exts ............................. . "H istory " of the G reek G o d s ................ Em ily G reek Sanctuaries

and

283 285 T emples ................... 2 86

A p p e n d ix B: T e x t T r a n s c r ip t io n s ..............................................2 9 1 B ib lio g rap h y .....................

....3 0 5

S e lected In d e x .........................................................................3 3 7

V

A cknowledgments liie r e are many people and in stitutions w h o deserve a w o rld o f thanks for helping me at various points in th e co m p letio n o f this study. At the University o f Pennsylvania, I th an k Sheila Murnaghan, Keith DeVries, Jerem y Maclnerney, and Earl Leichty fo r h e lp on m atters fem inist, geo­ m etric, and Assyrioiogical. Special than k s go to Philip Betancourt at Tem ple University for guidance in Bronze Age m atters, especially concern in g contacts b e tw e e n C rete and Cyprus; and to Neal W alls o f Emory University, for help in the study of Levantine goddesses. My gratitude also goes to form er Dean Licht for the Pennflek! Fellowship th at enabled m e to spend my first year in A thens at the A merican School o f Classical Studies, and the Samuel H. Kress Foundation for the Samuel H. Kress Jo in t Athens-Jerusalem Fellow ship, w hich let me continue my studies at the American School in A thens as w ell as w ork at the Albright Institu te in Jerusalem . At the A m erican School o f Classical S tudies in A thens, thanks go to the late William Coulson. C onnie and Ronald Stroud, C harles K. Williams TÏ, Molly Richardson (for help with epigraphy), Sandra Blakely. Barbara Olsen, and Albert Morales. At the A lbright in stitu te o f A rchaeological R esearch in Jerusalem , 1 th a n k Sy Gitin, Edna Sachar, G erald Bilkes, and F.W. “C h ip ”

Dobbs-Allsopp. I am eternally indebted to the p eo p le w h o help ed m e in areas of C ypri­ ot research. First and foremost, is Jen n y W ebb of LaTrohe University. G rati­ tu d e and ex trem e fondness go to N ancy Serwint, fo rm er acting d irecto r of CAARL and to Diane Bolger, for organizing the excellen t co nference “En­ gendering A phrodite," w hich c o n trib u te d m u ch data for C h ap ter Six and for th eir w illingness to discuss th e ir w o rk w ith me. Such thanks also go to Edgar Pel ten berg of th e University o f E dinburgh, w h o discussed with me his w ork at Lemba and allowed m e to use som e o f his m aterials in this book. To the east, I thank Garth Gilmour for review ing the section on Levantine archaeology and offering ex trem ely helpful bibliography on easiw est connections. I am also grateful to Steve W iggins and M. Dijkstra for allowing me to quote their w orks here, and for show ing general enthusiasm in this topic. On a m ore personal level, I thank my friends Kellce Barnard, Eric R obinson, Jenny W ilson, an d Jo h n C riinm ins for help, good cheer, and em pathy. I thank th e Sum m er Session Office at R utgers University, Camden,

v iti

THE ORIGIN OF A PH R O D ITE

for office and technical su p p o rt. Regards to Janice, Tina, and especially T om Venables. 1 thank my parents for all sorts of support. Finally, m ost of all, I than k my husband Paul Butler. He d re w m ost o f th e illustrations in this hook. He also provided technical and moral su p p o rt, transportation, trips to the zoo. and rem arkable patience and good hum or. All these people c o n trib u ted to the completion of this book. I again express my deepest gratitude to each. W hen quoting from translations p rep ared by o th e r scholars, I have m ain­ tained the spelling of p ro p e r nouns in that translation, e.g.. Astari, Astarte, or Attart. T ranscriptions or transliterations of texts translated have been gathered in A ppendix B. H ow ever, I have not included th e Ugaritic trans­ literations, since they are easily accessible in M. D ietrich, O. Loretz, and J. Sanmartin, The C u n e ifo rm A lp h a b etic Texts f r o m Ugarii: R a s Ih n H a n l a n d O ther Places (2nd ed.; M ünster: Ugarit-Verlag, 1995) and H. D onner and W. Rollig, K cm aan ciisch e u n d A ra m ä isch e Inse h riften (Wiesbaden: Ο t to Ha ira ssowi tz. 1962).

S. L. B.

A bb reviations1 AAA ABD Λ Deli AION AJA AJBA Alasia I A n t Cl Arch An z A RSIA ASAA

ASCSA ASOR A til Mitt BA BASOS, BCH BSA BSRAA CA CAA

CAB CAJ CANE

Αρχαιολογικά αναλεκτα εξ AQvyn\yv/Athens Annals o f Archaeology. A nchor Bible Dictionary. Αρχαιλογικον Δελτlov/A rchaiologikou Deltion. A nnal i. Isti iulo IJniversiiario (trientali (Napoli). A n i e i ica n J o u r n al of' Ai vi ia eo log) ·. A astral ia n J o u rn a l o f Biblical Archaeology. Mission Archéologique d'Alasia. Cl. F A. Schaeffer (ed.) E.J. Brill. Paris. 1971. L A ntiq u ité Classique. A rch ä olo gisch e A n.zeiger. A nnuario. Regia Scuola Archeologia llaliana A tene. A nnuario. Reale Scuola Archeologica d i Ale ne. American School of Classical Studies at Athens. American Schools of Oriental Research. Mitteilungen. D eutsches Archäologische Institut. Abteilung Athens. Biblical Archaeologist. Bulletin, A m erican Schools o f O riental Research. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique. British School a t Athens. A nn u a l. Bulletin. Société Royale clArchéologie d Alexandrie. Current A nthropology. Cyprus a n d the Aegean in A ntiquity: From the Prehistoric period to the ~th century A.D.: Nicosia 8 -1 0 December 1995. Departm ent of Antiquities, Cyprus. Nicosia. 1997. Cambridge A ncient History. Cambridge Archaeological Journal. C ivilizations o f the A n cien t Near Fast. J.M. Sasson (ed.). Scribner. New York. 1995.

1. B a se d o n A lk ire 1998: p a ssim .

X

CBOO

CPh CMAI CW HSPh ICr m JG JAOS JAM JARCE JEA JFA JHS JNIIS JRAS KAI K ret Chrom KTU LIMC Marh W Pr M.A.R.l.

MEM

MIO MUSJ OA O pAth PAAH PBA

THE O R IG IN OF A PH R O D ITE

Acts o f the International Archaeological Sym posium "Cyprus Between the Orient a n d the Occident.'' Nicosia 8-14 Septem ber 1985. V. Kanigeorghis (ed.). Dept, of Antiquities, Cyprus. Nicosia. 1986. Classical Ph ilology. Comptes Rendus: l 'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles. Lettres. Classical World. H arvard Studies in Classical Philology. Inscriptiones Creticae. M. Giiarducei (eel.). Israel Explo rat io / 1Jo a n ml. Inscriptiones Graecae. Journal. Am erican Oriental Society. _Jo iirnal o f A n thro palog real Research. Journal. A m erican Research Center in Egypt. Jo u rn a l o f Egyptian Archaeology. Jo u rn a l o f Field Archaeology. Jo u rn a l o f Hellenic Studies. Jo u rn a l o f N ear Eastern Studies. Journal. R oyal Asiatic Society o f Great B ritain a n d Ireland. K anaanaische a n d A ret maische Inschriften. Donner, H. and W. Rolling (eds.). Otto Harrassowitz. Wiesbaden. 1968. ΚρητιKtl Xpovιh:-o may he interp reted as Hermes in th e genitive, indicating that the sheep u n d er consideration belong to him. This is in accord with the role o f H ermes in the T hebes tablets, w h e re he is associated also with w ool p ro d u c­ tion (TH O f 3 184). Such evidence may suggest th at H erm es w as revered in C rete at least in the Late Bronze Age. H ow ever, since the nam e is Indo-Euro­ pean, there is an extrem ely high probability that he was Mycenaean in origin, a hypothesis su p p o rted by the g reater rep re se n ta tio n o f his nam e on the m ain­ land.8^ This leads to the possibilities that e ith e r at som e period after 1400 BCE a Minoan god worshipped at Kato Synii w as assim ilated into G reek Hermes, or that the G reeks adopted the M inoan god, nam ed him Hermes, and p rac­ ticed his cult m ore so on the m ainland than on th e island, as is docum ented in th e Linear B records. T he form er h y p o th esis, m o re convincing in my o p in ­ ion, argues against continuity; the latter in favor o f it. Second, th ere is the absence o f many o f th e attributes that indicate god­ dess cult in Minoan iconography. A few la b ryd es w ere discovered at Kato Symi, but no snakes, birds, or goddesses-w ith-upraised-arm s. Although the absence o f the latter may indicate m erely that the deities w ere w o rsh ip p ed in an iconic form at Kato Symi in th e Bronze Age,86 this offers yet an o th er exam ple of change in cult betw een th e Bronze and Iron Ages, for Hermes is frequently portrayed in the votives in the historic period, and fem ale images of the G eom etric and Archaic Ages a p p e a r to give evidence for the cult of a

81.

L ebessi J 9 8 5 : p a ssif}/ . A lth o u g h , as m e n tio n e d a b o v e , a n im a l m o tifs a re a d e q u a te ly c o m m o n at A e g e a n c u lt site s in g e n e ra l to le s s e n th e im p a c t o f th is p a r tic u la r m a n i­ fe s ta tio n o f c o n tin u ity .

82.

K am a 1991: 4 8 2 .

83. N osch 2000: 214. 84.

D o-]d e k it LANA PA\ )d o -d e k n LANA PA ( c-m a -a , re-[.

85.

H ägg 199": 1.65; N o s c h 2000: 211. PY N n 1359. T n 3 16, 1hi 219; a n d

86.

K ant a 1991: 4 8 1 .

H e rm e s a p p e a r s o n th e m a in la n d at Pylos in tablets at: T h e b e s in te x t TH O f 31.

60

THE ORIGIN OF APHRODITE

goddess. Either th e re is a ch an g e in th e deities at Kalo Symi, th e re is a chan g e in m ethod of w orship, o r both . Even th e fem inine im ages do n o t offer as m uch inform ation co n cern in g goddess/Aphrodite w o rsh ip at Kato Symi as could be desired, eith er in term s of the identity of th e g oddess o r o f th e chronology and continuity o f th e cult. The earliest fem inine votive is a terra-cotta fem ale idol (ra th e r aptly describ ed as resem bling a x o a n o n by Lebessi, insofar as it is plank-like in shape and b are­ ly anthro p o m o rp h ic) dating from c. 1050 BCE (see fig. 30- The image is clearly female, w ith prom inently m olded breasts and hands th at curve to w ard th e genital region. A lthough th ere may be deb ate as to th e p ro p e r identification o f this im age, Lebessi is m ore certain ab o u t applying th e nam e “A phro d ite” to a bro n ze idol found in the first year o f excavation in a c o n te x t o f G eom etric p o tte ry and

Fig. 3f

Proto-Geometric a n th r o p o m o r p h ic

fig u rin e fro m K a to L e b essi, 1972, p in a x 187 a.

Symi.

APHRODITE IN EARLY GREECE

61

votive anim al figures, all dating to th e n in th c e n tu ry BCE (see fig. 3g) 87 It is, in fact, highly unlikely th at this b ro n ze im age w as in ten d ed to re p resen t A ph­ rodite. It is one o f a con tin u u m o f b ro n ze and clay figurines that em erged in th e G reek iconographie rep erto ire du rin g th e n in th cen tu ry and evolved in a gradual and continual fashion until th e e n d o f th e sev en th cen tu ry B C E.88 These small im ages w ere d ispersed th ro u g h o u t th e so u th ern half o f th e G reek w orld by th e beginning of th e eig h th cen tu ry , covering a range from Ithaka to th e w est, D elphi to th e no rth , Samos an d Lindos to th e east, and m uch of C rete to th e so u th .89 As A phrodite is n o t rev ered at all th ese sites, n o r is any one deity consistently rep re se n te d at th e se sanctuaries, such figurines are p erh ap s b e tte r u nd ersto o d as votive figurines ra th e r th an as represen tatio n s o f any particular deity. N evertheless, the p resen ce o f o n e o f th e se figurines at Kato Synii does offer som e evidence of a specifically g o d dess-oriented cult. T he ninth/eighthcentury nude-fem ale figurines th a t a p p e a r th ro u g h o u t th e G reek w orld arise

G e o m e tric a n th r o p o m o r p h ic fig u rin e fro m K ato S y m i. L ehessi, 1972, p in a x 189 h.

87. Lcbessi 1972: 199 and image 189ß. 8 8 . B ö h m , p a s sim .

89- Ibid.

62

THE ORIGIN OF APHRODITE

in specific contexts: e ith e r w ith in to m b s o r at sanctuaries. O ne exam ple from M erenda, one from Fortetsa, o n e from Knossos, and th e four fam ous ivory exam ples w ere all funerary in c o n tex t. From th e sanctuaries, tw o have com e to light near the tcm enos o f Apollo at Delphi, two near and u n d er the Mention at Olympia, one on the akropolis of Lindos, one at the Hendon at Samos, tw o w ithin the Diktaian Cave at Psychro, tw o at th e sanctuary at Hagia Triada, tw o at the Ei lei thyia cave at fnatos, one at the Aphrodite temple at Axos, and one from the sanctuary at Kato Symi. Other figurines, including th ree from C rete, com e from uncertain contexts. An exam ination of th e sanctuary find-spots show s a g reater co n cen tratio n in those sanctuaries and tem ples dedicated to female deities, such as Hera, Eileithvia, and A phrod ite/50 in fact, on the island of Crete, th e only definite, sanctuary find-spot w h ere tfiese images are not associated w ith a goddess is the Diktaian Cave, dedicated to baby Zeus. As Zeus is not associated with Kato Symi and the figurines are clearly not associated with Hermes, the p resen ce of one of these images signals the w o rsh ip of a goddess at the sanctuary, in this case (based on the later identification), A phrodite. Unfortunately, the Kato Symi bronze figurine is not helpful for the unrav­ eling of the chronology of the cult o f A phrodite. The Kalo Symi bronze is one of the earliest of this genre and, as such, its presence at the sanctuary in the ninth century offers m ore evidence as to w hen the idols becam e p ro m in en t than to w hen the cult of a goddess becam e en trenched. It does, how ever, offer a te rm in u s a n te q u ern—a goddess, possibly A phrodite, m ust have b een w orshipped at Kato Symi no later than the ninth century B O - 9091 Although there is evidence for continuity of cult at Kato Symi. th ere is n o t necessarily evidence for co ntinuity of deities revered. At least one god, pos­ sibly associated with hunting, is p resen t at the site from the Middle Minoan

90,

B öhm 1990: 134.

91.

in th e s e v e n th c e n tu r y m a r e fe m a le im a g e s a p p e a r th a t a re D ak ia lic in sty le . O n e o f th e s e s h o w s ty p ic a l L e v an tin e. D aid a lic g o d d e s s ic o n o g ra p h y ( o f t h e so -c a lle d A stari ty p e ) a n d h as h e r h a n d s b y h e r th ig h s , p u llin g h a c k h e r s k irts to re v e a l h e r g e n ita lia (s e e fig. 3 h ) (L e b e ssi 10~ 2: p la te 190γ). A n o th e r, sim ila r fig u rin e s h o w s a D aid a lic-sty lc fem ale h o k fin g a sm all c h ild to h e r c h e s t, s u g g e s tin g , a c c o r d in g to L eb essi, th a t a t K ato Sym i A p h ro d ite w a s w o r s h i p p e d as a k o u r o lr o p h o s . a th e o ry th a t s h e b e lie v e s m e s h e s w ell w ith th e p r o b a b le m a le in itia to ry u s e o f th e s a n c tu a ry (ibicL 2 0 1~2. L e b essi 1973: 198). O n c e ag a in , th o u g h , c a u tio n m u s t b e u s e d w h e n c o n s id e r in g th e c o r r e la tio n b e ­ tw e e n th e s e im a g e s a n d A p h ro d ite , for. as w ith th e n in th /e ig h th - c c n tu r y id o ls d is ­ c u s s e d a b o v e , th e s e im a g e s also a p p e a r th r o u g h o u t th e G re e k w o rld , f o u n d b o th in m o rtu a ry a n d re lig io u s s e ttin g s , n o t n e c e ss a rily a s s o c ia te d w ith A p h r o d ite (B ö h m , p a s s im .}. F o u r o f th e o ld e s t o f'th e s e , iv o ry re n d e rin g s o f a n u d e fe m a le s ta n d in g e r e c t w ith a rm s at th e s id e s a n d w e a rin g a p o lo s h e a d d re s s , c o m e fro m T o m b 13 in th e A th e ­ n ia n K e ra m e ik o s . T h e s e d a te to 7 3 5 - 7 2 0 BCE {ibid,, 1 5 6 -5 7 ). In th e re lig io u s c o n t e x t,

A PH R O D ITE IN EARLY GREECE

D a id a lic

Fig, 3h mould m a d e p la q u e from K a to L e b essi, 1972, p in ax 190 g.

63

S y m i.

ns w ith t h e n in th /e ig h rii-c e n tu ry v e rs io n s , t h e s e fig u rin e s m a in ly c o m e to lig h t in th e s a n c tu a rie s o f g o d d e s s e s , n o ta b ly A th e n a at G o rty n , H e ra o n S am o s, A rte m is at S p arta a n d F .phesos, E ileith y ia a t Lato a n d ! n a to s , a n d A p h r o d ite a t K ato Sym i a n d A x o s d b id .. ! 3 ‘a - 3 S ) . T h e s e d a te fro m th e m id- to k ite -e ig h th c e n tu r y d o w n to th e last q u a r t e r o f flic s e v e n th c e n tu r y , w h e n th e s ty le d is a p p e a r s fro m th e G re e k r e p e r to ir e . T h e s e la te r im a g e s h a v e m a n y a t tr ib u t e s in c o m m o n w ith th e e a rlie s t id o ls, s u c h as th e o n e fro m K ato Sym i, T h e m o s t im p o r ta n t e l e m e n t s a re th e n u d ity o f th e fem ales r e p r e s e n t e d (a lth o u g h in la te r v e rs io n s th e y o c c a s io n a lly w e a r a s k irt th a t is p u lle d h a c k to re v e a l th e g e n ita lia , th u s a d d in g e m p h a s is to th a t a s p e c t o f th e im a g e ) a n d th e p o s itio n in g o f t h e arm s, l i i e r e a re fo u r p o s e s fro m th e n in t h th r o u g h s e v e n th c e n t u ­ ries: ( 1) a rm s h a n g in g s tra ig h t d o w n th e s id e s o f th e b o d y ; (2 ) a rm s c u r v e d to t h e b o d y w ith h a n d s h o ld in g th e b re a s ts; (3 ) h a n g in g a rm s w ith h a n d s a t th e g e n ita lia ( th e p u ll­ in g h a c k o f th e s k irt a p p e a r s to h e a c o m b in a tio n o f th is a n d th e first ty p e ); a n d (T) im ag es w ith o n e h a n d h o ld in g a b re a s t , th e o t h e r in d ic a tin g th e g e n ita lia . O n e sty le th a t e x is ts o n ly in th e e a rlie s t p h a s e o f th e s e im a g e s ' e x i s t e n c e s h o w s th e fig u rin e w ith a rm s s tr e t c h e d o u t frw ard, as is t h e c a s e w ith th e e x a m p le fro m K a to S y m i. As w e w ill s e e in C h a p t e r E ig h t, th is ic o n o g r a p h y d e riv e s fro m a N e a r E a ste rn p r o to ty p e , o rig i­ nally m o s t c o m m o n in th e re g io n s o f n o r th e r n S yria, esp ecial!} ' in th e O r o n te s valley , th a t s p re a d to e n c o m p a s s th e e n t ir e L e v a n tin e c o a s t a n d E g y p t. (B a d re 19B0: p a s sim ). Ï d is a g re e h e r e w ith th e in t e r p r e ta tio n o f S. B ö h m , w h o c la im s th a t w h e r e a s th e first a n d fo u rth ty p e s a re N e a r E a stern in o rig in , d ie s e c o n d a n d th ird d e r iv e fro m M in o a n /

64

THE O R IG IN OF A PH R O D IT E

period, although th ere are argum ents against this god being identified as H er­ mes during the earliest periods. T he evidence for a goddess may be inferred from th e fem inine im ages th a t begin to a p p ear in th e P rotogeom etric p erio d , although, once again, th e re is no clear evidence to indicate th at this w as sp e ­ cifically A phrodite. T he G reeks, at som e p o in t b etw een th e Late B ronze Age and the Archaic Age, may have assim ilated th e local divinities of Kato Symi

M v ccn ac an p ro io -tv p e s . W h e re a s s im ila r arm p o s itio n s d id e x ist in th e M in o a ty M y ce­ n a e a n r e p e r to ir e , hill n u d ity u s u a lly d id n o t. w h ile , lik e w is e , th e r e is a s e v e r a l- c e n tu r y g a p b e t w e e n th e last o ld h e A e g e a n v e rs io n s a n d th e s e o f th e G e o m e tr ic A ge. F u r th e r ­ m o re . all o f th e s e p o s itio n s a re p r e v a le n t in th e N e a r E a ste rn m o d e ls . T h e d is tin c tiv e ly G re e k tra its o f th e K e ra m e ik o s fig u rin e s in d ic a te th a t th e y w e r e m a d e b y Ci re e k s as e a rh ' as th e s e c o n d h a lf o f th e e ig h th c e n tu r y B Œ (B ö h m 1990: 2 4 - 2 7 ) , w h ile S y rian , E g y p tian , a n d C y p rio t im p o r ts c o n t in u e d to b e u s e d a t c u lt s ite s s u c h as S am o s. K ato S ym i, In a to s, U n d o s , a n d K a m iro s {ibid., p a ssim ). B ö h m . in lie r w o r k o n th e n u d e g o d d e s s , a rg u e s th a t th e s e im a g e s s o m e tim e s r e p r e s e n t m o rta l w o m e n , e s p e c ia lly th o s e th a t w e a r th e p o l o s . am i o th e r tim e s r e p r e ­ s e n t g o d d e s s e s , s u c h as th o s e s ta n d in g a to p lio n s. W h e n fo u n d in g ra v e s th e y a re w a sh a b t i fig u rin e s , s u c h as th o s e d is c o v e re d at th e K e ra m e ik o s . w h e r e a s at s a n c t u ­ a rie s th e y in d ic a te th e w is h e s o f th e d e d ic a to r s fo r c h ild re n . So, s h e a rg u e s , m u s t o n e in t e r p r e t th e p o in tin g to tile b r e a s ts a n d g e n ita lia {ib id .. 1 3 - i- f 1 T h e p r o b le m s h e r e a re n u m e r o u s , in id e n tify in g m a n y o f th e fig u re s th a t c o m e fro m e i th e r f u n e ra ry o r s a n c tu a r y c o n t e x ts as e x c lu s iv e ly r e p r e s e n t a ti o n s o f m o rta l w o m e n , B öhm d e n ie s th e d e a r l y d iv in e ic o n o g ra p h y th a t m a n y o f th e s e im a g e s p o s ­ sess. W h ile th e (w e e k s d id o c c a s io n a lly b u ry th e ir d e a d w ith c r e a tu r e c o m f o r ts fo r t h e n e x t life, s u c h as s w o rd s , p o tte r y , a n d je w e lry , n e i th e r th e e v id e n c e fro m g ra v e s n o r o u r c u r r e n t k n o w le d g e o f th e G re e k u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e a fte rlife m a k e it lik ely th a t s u b s titu te w iv e s w e r e b u r ie d w ith th e d e a d ( w ith th e p o s s ib le e x c e p tio n o f P o ly x e n a a n d A k h illeu s). T h e fact th a t th e earl} fe m a le fig u rin e fro m th e to m b at M e re n d a w a s b u rie d w ith a c h ild ce rtain !} ' argues a g a in s t a washabti interpretation (Böhm 1990: 149. " K in d e r G ra b 1.9"). N o n e o f th e im a g e s is o f a p r e g n a n t w o m a n , an a r g u m e n t a g a in s t th e ir b e in g v o tiv e s in te n d e d to ask fo r p re g n a n c y . A n o th e r a r g u m e n t is th a t A th e n a , H e ra , a n d A p h ro d ite w e r e n o t in v o k e d in m a tte rs o f p o ig n a n c y o r b irth , o n ly A rte m is a n d . la te r. A sk le p io s (D e m a n d 1994: 8 7 fE ). F inally, as p e r th e e v id e n c e o f a d m itte d ly la te r h e a l­ in g s h rin e s , o n ly th e p a r t o f t h e bod}' s p e c ific a lly c o n c e r n e d w a s r e n d e r e d o n th e v o tiv e , th u s e y e s fo r e y e p r o b le m s , e a rs fo r e a r p ro b le m s , a n d , in th is in s ta n c e , b r e a s ts fo r p r o b le m s w ith la c ta tio n . O f in te r e s t h e r e is th e s h rin e o f A p h r o d ite ju st o u ts id e o f m o d e rn A llie n s o n th e w a y to D a p h n i a n d E leusis, w h e r e v o tiv e v u lv a e w e r e d is c o v ­ e r e d w ith in th e ro c k d e p r e s s io n s . E n tire b o d ie s d e d ic a te d to n o n - f e r tiliu - o r ie n te d g o d d e s s e s s im p ly c a n n o t b e i n t e r p r e te d as w is h e s fo r p re g n a n c y . i w o u ld a rg u e in s te a d th a t th e s e im a g e s h a v e th e s y m b o lic m e a n in g o f th e 'O t h e r " a n d th a t th e y e m b o d ie d G re e k c o n c e p tio n s o f th e e x o tic . As g o d d e s s e s s p e c ific a lly w e r e n o t r e p r e s e n t e d in th e n u d e in G re e k art u n til th e f o u rth c e n tu r y BCE ( s ta r tin g , sig n ific a n tly , w ith th e K n id ia n A p h ro d ite ), it. is e v id e n t th a t a n u d e g o d d e s s im a g e w a s q u in te s se n tia l!} ' n o n -G re e k . T h e ir p r e s e n c e in to m b s a n d as v o tiv e s p r o b a b ly c o n ­ fe rre d a c e rta in é lite stat u s to th e d e c e a s e d o r th e d e d ic a n t, in d ic a tin g h e r / h is a c c e s s to s u c h e x o tic ite m s .

).

APHRODITE IN EARLY GREECE

65

w ith new deities: H erm es and A phrodite, w h o may have shared com m on traits w ith th e original M inoan pair. It is im possible to k n o w w h e n this assim­ ilation took place, o r even if b o th o c c u rre d sim ultaneously.

C onclusions Based on th e cu rren t evidence, a n u m b e r o f solutions to th e chronology q u es­ tion may be posed. O ne m ight argue th a t A p h ro d ite did n o t yet exist in th e Aegean during th e Bronze Age, b u t ra th e r e n te re d th e G reek p an th e o n in th e early Iron Age. This w ou ld be su p p o rte d by A p h ro d ite ’s absence from th e Lin­ ear B tablets and th e infrequency w ith w h ic h A phrodite-type iconography appears in th e Bronze Age Aegean reco rd , an ab sen ce m ade all th e m ore star­ tling by the p resen ce o f the gold-foil im ages from M ycenae, w h ich prove th at such iconography w as no t u n know n. Or, o n e m ight argue th at A phrodite w as p resen t in the Bronze Age Aegean, based o n th e im ages from th e M ycenaean shaft graves and th e birds bedecking th e goddess-w ith-upraised-am is in C rete and, later, G reece. Or, th ere is th e possibility th a t a goddess of Minoan C rete w as assim ilated into a n ew or d ifferent g o d d ess in th e Iron Age, and this g od­ dess becam e k n o w n as A phrodite. This study suggests th at at least som e elem en ts o f th e later G reek A phro­ dite w ere p re se n t already in th e B ronze Age A egean. This is evident especially in th e “nude/bird "goddess iconography. This c h a ra c te r raises tw o questions: (1) Was this goddess Minoan o r a M ycenaean goddess in tro d u ced into th e divine rep erto ire in Crete? That th e goddess in q uestion w as, in fact, M inoan and n o t M ycenaean is su p p o rted by th ree data. The first tw o are obvious. T he sanctuary of Kato Symi, the oldest kn o w n sanctuary o f A phro d ite in th e G reek w orld, predates the M ycenaean invasion o f C rete.92 Likew ise, th e m ajority o f th e nude-god­ dess iconography com es from C rete, as d o es th e bird-goddess iconography. T he third datum com es from th e ev id en c e o f th e Linear B tablets. A lthough A phrodite h erself does n o t a p p ear in th e Linear B co rp u s, th e evidence co n ­ cerning the M ycenaean versus M inoan divine nam es that does appear, esp e ­ cially at Knossos, suggests that th e C retans, w h e n th e y did ad o p t M ycenaean deities, w ere m ore likely to ad o p t gods th an goddesses. This is expressed most clearly in R. Hrigg's essay on religious syncretism at Knossos. wherein Hägg com pares th e deities listed in th e Linear B tablets w h o w ere w o rsh ip p ed in C rete a n d the m ainland to those w h o w ere only w o rsh ip p ed in Crete or the m ainland (data from K nossos, Khania, Pylos, Mycenae, and Thebes).93*95

92.

A lth o u g h , o n c e a g a in , it is p o s s ib le th a t a n e w g o d d e s s o r d e itie s in g e n e ra l m a y b e e n in t r o d u c e d in to K alo Sym i at a n y p o in t u p to th e h is to r ic p e r io d .

95.

H ägg 19 9 “ :

165.

have

THE ORIGIN OF A PH R O D ITE

Hägg notes that th e deities shared by b oth geographic areas are Poseidon, Zeus (Diktaios in Knossos), Ares, Dionysos, Diwya, and Marineus 9495Save for Diwya (the later Greek D ione), all are male deities. By contrast, th e m ajority of deities w o rsh ip p ed exclusively in C rete w ere female: Atana Potnija (Lady Athena?), Potnija Dapuritojo (Lady o f th e Labyrinth), Fade, Qeraija, Pipituna, Eleuthia (Eileithyia?), and Erinus (th e Furies?), along with tw o m ale divinities: Enyalios and Paiwon (later assim ilated into Ares and Apollo respectively). Sev­ eral more familiar deities w ere w orshipped exclusively on the m ainland (e.g., Hera, Artemis, Hermes), including male and fem ale deities.95 It w o u ld appear that w hereas a few gods and o n e goddess passed from th e m ainland into C retan cult practice, th e m ajority o f th e deities w ere exclusively C retan o r m ainland—C retan goddesses rem ained e n tren ch ed on C rete and m ainland goddesses rem ained in G reece. As th e majority o f the evidence suggests th a t an A phrodite-style goddess w as revered in C rete m ore so th an in G reece, it w ould stand to reason that this goddess was Minoan rather than an a d o p ted M ycenaean. (2) Was this goddess A phrodite, a contributing factor to A phrodite, or did she have nothing to do with the evolution o f Aphrodite? Can one say that this “nude/hird” goddess was, indeed. A phrodite, he,, a deity w ho evolved directly into the G reek goddess of sex with or without min­ imal influences from th e outside world? 1 am inclined to say “no." A lthough the iconography and the continuity of cult at Kato Symi may argue in favor o f a Bronze Age Aegean A phrodite, th ere are too many ambiguities with b o th sources of evidence. The nude goddess o f the Minoan iconography is a rarity, especially in contrast to the strong prevalence o f the goddess-w ith-upraisedarms, w ho plays such a significant role in Cretan iconography and religion (and later in M ycenaean and even C ypriot iconography and religion; see C hap­ ter Six). O f the tw o instances (the gold-foil images from Shaft Grave III) in w hich the nude goddess is d ep icted w ith birds, it cannot be denied that: (1) works of art are subject to considerable foreign influence, especially Levan­ tine, thus not necessarily entirely Aegean in conception; and (2) these item s are pieces of decoration on clothing, and are not necessarily "icons” in th e ir own light. O ne cannot easily argue for the p resen ce of an erotic bird-goddess in the Bronze Age Aegean rep erto ire, which w ould have offered the best ico n ­ ographie evidence for A phrodite. The role o f th e nude females in the glyptic is likewise am biguous. It is only the nude fem ale figurine from K nossos that may offer unam biguous ev id en c e for an eroticised goddess in the M inoan pantheon. She is nude, draw s atten tio n to h er breasts w ith h er arm s, sits on

94, Ibid, 95.

I b id .

APHRODITE IN EARLY GREECE

67

throne, and w as discovered in the c o n te x t o f a shrine. O ne very crudely rendered im age, th en , is the m ain ic o n o g ra p h ie e v id en c e for A phrodite in the Bronze Age. Also the evidence from Kato Symi is not unequivocal. There is evidence for cult continuity at th e site since M iddle Minoan tim es. T here is, how ever, Jitde evidence concernin g the deities w o rsh ip p e d th e re before th e Archaic Age. The greatest continuity at the site is th e c o n tin u ed use of animal imagery, libation vessels, and p ro m in en ce o f cult site. All of th ese aspects are com m on to alm ost ail Aegean sanctuaries, h o w ev er, and offer little practical inform a­ tion about K ato Symi p e r s e . F urtherm ore, th e ev id en c e o f th e Linear B tablets, especially in light o f Hägg’s analysis o f Minoan-Mycenaean religious syncre­ tism s, suggests th a t H erm es, b y th a t n am e, w as w o rsh ip p e d prim arily on th e mainland (Pytos and T hebes), not on C rete.96 Perhaps, rather than H ermes, an alternate, M inoan god w as rev ered at K ato Symi, a god associated w ith hunting. Concerning a fem ale deity at Kato Symi, unlike m ost o th e r Minoan sanc­ tuaries, the usual iconographie m otifs associated specifically with goddesses are mostly absent. T here are no snakes, birds, or goddesses w ith upraised arms at the site. The evidence for a goddess at Kato Symi is, therefore, rather slight, and no evidence w h atso ev er is available to suggest w h at type of god­ dess she may have been had she ex isted (e.g., snake- or bird-goddess). In short, th ere is no good evidence to suggest that eith e r H erm es o r A phrodite was originally w o rsh ip p e d at K ato Symi, w h ile th e Linear B ev idence does suggest that H erm es w as not w o rsh ip p e d th ere. As th ere is evidence against the hypothesis that H erm es and A phrodite w ere the original deities of Kato Symi, the use of the site as evidence for the cu lt o f A phrodite in the Bronze Age Aegean also becom es less secure. In the end, I w ould argue that the Mi nouns, b u t not the Mycenaeans, w ere am enable to an eroticized goddess, possibly even one associated with birds. Tliis am enability probably facilitated the eventual ad o p tio n o f A phrodite in C rete and ultim ately may have c o n trib u te d som e Aegean influence to her character. N evertheless, the paucity o f evid en ce suggests that the nude Minoan goddess did not evolve into Aphrodite on h e r ow n. a

96. Ibid.

U n lik e th e d e itie s P a iw o n a n d A p o llo a n d t h e d e itie s E n v a lio s a n d A res, th e r e a re n o s p e c ific a lly C re ta n g o d s m e n tio n e d in th e f.in e a r 13 c o r p u s w h o c o m e to h e a s s o ­ c ia te d , e v e n m e rg e d , w ith H e rm e s .

IV.

T he Cults

of

A phrodite

The p u rp o se o f this survey is to find th e earliest evidences o f A phrodite th ro u g h o u t th e Iron Age G reek w orld, follow ing last c h a p te r’s consideration o f th e Bronze Age evidence. For every site co n sid ered , only th e earliest traces are here reco rd ed and, for th e sake o f practicality, I have only included artifactual testim onia earlier than th e Classical Age. As such, m uch o f th e G reek w orld does n ot ap p ear in this survey an d th e re ad er will n otice th at although I include Asia M inor and Magna G raecia in this section, th ere is little m ention of these eastern and w estern p arts o f th e G reek w orld, save for Naukratis, Samos, Lesbos in th e east, and a sm all handful o f sites in th e w e st (see below ). T hese lacunae are due to th e ab sen ce o f any testim onia to early cult p ractice rendered to A phrodite in these reg io n s.1

Greek M a in la n d K y th e ra

According to all th e ancient literary acco u n ts, th e first place w h ere the cult of A phrodite obtained a foothold on G reek soil w as th e island o f Kythera, te n kilom eters off the coast of the Peloponnese. T he four prim ary testim onia com e from Hesiod, Herodotus, and Pausanias: First among the holy Kytherians she drew near, thence she went to sea-girt Cyprus, and the reverend fair goddess walked forth, and about her slender feet grass sprung forth. Hesiod, T h e o g o n y , 192-205.2

And when they [the Skythians] appeared in Syro-Palestine, Psammetikhos, the King of Egypt, entreating them with gifts and prayers dissuaded them from proceeding farther. Then they, heading hack again, appeared in the city Ashkalon of Syria; the majority of the Skythians passed by unharmed, hut some of them, seizing the sanctuary of Aphrodite Ourania, plundered it. This is the sanctuary, as I discovered through inquiry, (w hich is) the oldest of all the sanctuaries of this goddess; for the sanctuary of Cyprus originated there 1. F o r a b r o a d e r e x a m in a tio n o f d ie c u lts o f A p h r o d ite t h r o u g h o u t th e G re e k w o rld , s e e P ire n n c -D e ifu rg e 1994: p a s sim fo r th e c u lt o f th e g o d d e s s o n th e G re e k m a in la n d ; S im on 1986: p a s s im fo r H astern a s s o c ia tio n s ; a n d S c h in d le r 1998: p a s s im fo r M agna

Graecia. 2. See A p p e n d ix B 2.14.

69

THE ORIGIN OF APHRODITE

70

(Ashkalon), as the Cypriots themselves say, and as tor the one among the Kytherians, the Phoenicians are its founders, who are from Syria too. Herodotos, Bk. I, 10T3

Nearby is a sanctuary of Aphrodite Ourania. It was established that the first people to revere Ourania w ere the Assyrians, and after the Assyrians the Paph1ms of Cyprus and those of the Phoenicians w ho dwell in Ashkalon in Pal­ estine; Kytherians w orship her having so learned from the Phoenicians. Pausanias 1, XIV, 7.4

Kythera is about ten stades inland from Skandeia. The sanctuary of Ourania, the most holy and sacred, is the most ancient of all the sanctuaries of Aph­ rodite among the Greeks. The goddess herself is represented by an armed xoanon. Pausanias 3» XXIII» I ,5 In his testim ony. H erodotos strongly suggests that the cult of K ytherian A phrodite w as the earliest in G reece, and this cult likewise earned the d e sc rip ­ tion άρχαιότατον from Pausanias. A ccording to the testim onia, it w as the Phoenicians, acting as religious interm ediaries b etw een Assyria and the Greeks, w ho first established the sanctuary o f A phrodite O urania on th e island. The connections b e tw een Kythera and the Phoenicians are m aintained by others authors as well, such as X enophon, w ho, in his H ellenica, IV, 8, 7, claims that K ythera contained a bay nam ed Phoinikous;6 and Stephen o f Byzantion, w ho stated that th e island was n am ed after its eponym ous founder» Kytheros son of Phoinikos. Contran78to the life ran7 evidence, it is th e Cretans, not th e P hoenicians, who are attested in the archaeology on early Kythera. The island was origi­ nally inhabited by a popu latio n w ho used Early Helfadie pottery. In the EM Π period this Helladic pottery' is replaced by Minoan w ares, w h ich rem ained the dom inant pottery on the island through Late Minoan / Interm ediate Bronze. Thus, it is clear that K ythera becam e a M inoan colony, with the Minoa ns using th e site as a port-of-call on th e w ay from C rete to the P eloponnese 8 Further-

3. See Appendix B 4.1. See Appendix B 1.3.

4.

5. See Appendix B 2.13.

6.

O f c o u r s e , it is e n tir e ly p o s s ib le th a t th e a s s o c ia tio n b e t w e e n K y th e ra a n d φοΐ'νίΑ h a s m o re to d o w ith th e is la n d ’s e x t e n s iv e in v o lv e m e n t in th e p u rp le -d y e in d u s tr y s in c e B ro n z e A ge tim e s (s e e H u x le y in C o ld s tre a m a n d H u x ley 1973: 3 3 - 4 1 ) th a n w ith th e Iro n A ge P h o e n ic ia n s . N e v e rth e le s s , M a rk o e 1998: 2 3 7 s e e s ih is as e v id e n c e o f s o m e e a rly c o n t a c ts w ith th e L e v an t.

7. Coldstream and Huxley 1973: 291. 8. Ibid,, 35-36.

THE CULTS OF APHRODITE

71

m ore, as Sakellarakis discovered, th e re w as at least o n e peak sanctuary o f Minoan type on th e island, providing ev id en c e o f th e transm ission o f religious ideas.9 The Minoan colony a b an d o n ed th e settlem en t at Kastri on Kythera at the end of Late Minoan / In term ediate B ronze (c. 1450, as m ost Minoan col­ onics did in the face o f the rival M ycenaeans), and excavators found “no trace of any structures dating from the century immediately following.”10 Beyond d irect relations w ith C rete, B ronze Age K ythera seem s to have had at least superficial contacts with the N ear East and Egypt. A vase inscribed in hieroglyphs w ith the nam e of the Sun T em ple of th e Fifth-Dynasty Pharaoh Userkaf (2 4 9 4 -2 4 8 7 BCE) com es from Kythera, although it is possible that this im port cam e from Egypt via C re te .11 Likewise, a cuneiform inscription, unfor­ tunately now lost, of Naram-Sîn, king o f E shnunna, is said to have com e from a tomb near Kastri (th e ancient city o f K y th era).12 This inscription dates from the First Dynasty of Babylon (c.1792 B C E ):13

To Misai* The land of Dur-Rimus Naram-Sîn, son of rpiq-Adad... for his life ... It is unlikely that a Mesopotamian king d ed ica ted a votive so far from his homeland. It is far more likely that this small item arrived in Kythera as som e sort of souvenir or trinket belonging to the grave in h ab itan t.1415 Finally, a colum n dating from the tim e o f Amenhotcp III (c. 1400 BCE) lists several place nam es, p resum ably associated with the A hhijaw oi (Mycenaeans). On the from /rig h t are the nam es of Crete an d Rhodes, and on the reverse/left of the column are Amnisos, Phaistos, Kydonia, MycenaeC?), Mes­ senia, Nauplia, K ythera, llios, Knossos, Amnisos, and Lyktos.13 W hereas Kythera\s Bronze Age links to th e East are archaeologically vis­ ible, those links cease to show up in the Late R ronze/Eudy Iron Age, precisely when the Phoenicians began their voyages th ro u g h o u t th e M editerranean. C oncerning th e P hoenicians and th e archaeology o f Kythera in the Dark and

9. 10.

N o full p u b lic a tio n o r p r e lim in a ry C o ld s tre a m in C o ld s tre a m

11. W.S. 12.

S m ith , CAH

(2),

publication is yet available.

and Huxley 1973: 303-

vol. I.

ch. XIV: 38,

H.F. W e id n e r 1939: 1 3 7 -3 8 .

B4,2.

13.

W u 1994: 8 5 . S ee A p p e n d ix

14.

T h a t th e o bject, in q u e s tio n w a s in fact o rig in a lly a votive is evident in the in s c r ip tio n itself, w h ic h is d e d ic a te d to a g o d { a n a d i)N ...) a n d contains the standard r e q u e s t "fo r h is lib s' (a n a b a lä tisu ).

15. Cline 1987: 3.

THE O R IG IN OF A PH R O D ITE

72

early Archaic Ages, H uxley n o tes th at th e supposed P hoenician founders o f the cult of A phrodite m en tio n ed by Herodotos are archaeologically invisible. O f course, it is n ot possible to argue convincingly e x s i l e n t i o th at th e re w e re no Phoenician settlers on Kastri (o r Kythera in general) during this period. But it may be b etter to suggest th a t if th e re w as Phoenician influence on th e island in the G eom etric and A rchaic Ages, it cam e from trading, n o t settlem ent, and that trading may have been in perishable item s such as w ool and foodstuffs. Only in this w ay could th e excavators reconcile the reports o f H erodotos w ith the (lack of) archaeological e v id e n c e .16 It is im possible to d eterm in e th e role of th e Phoenicians in the establish­ m ent of A phrodite’s sanctuary on Kythera, since th e sanctuary has n o t yet b een excavated. Furthermore, as H uxley states, the critical period o f tim e, from tw elfth through eighth centuries, show s no signs o f settlem en t at the ancient city of Kastri (o n ce again, th o u g h , no such inform ation is yet available for the site o f the sanctuary itself). In any event, if Kythera w as an early sanc­ tuary of A phrodite, this c u lt could have com e from m any different regions, Near Eastern, Egyptian, Minoan. Some w ould argue that Aphrodite has no real historical relation w ith the island at all. This is predominantly based on th e linguistic difficulties raised by the fact that the island itself is Κύθηρα whereas the epithet of the goddess is Κυθέρεια, with no reasonable explanation for the eta becom ing e p silo n or vice versa. O ne possible explanation is that the epithet does not, in fact, relate to the island, but derives from an Indo-European root ghwedh-/ghwodh”desire,” “pray.”17 As such, the epithet “Kythereia” does not mean “Kytheran” but rather “G oddess of D esire.”18 The later association made by Hesiod, Hero­

dotos, and Pausanias with Aphrodite and the island were merely attempts to make sense of the epith et, which, apparently by the time of Hesiod, had lost its meaning in Greek.19 A rgos a n d th e A rg o lid

The x o a n a of Aphrodite and Hermes, which they say one is the work of Epciros, the other a votive offering of Hypernmestra. For Danaos brought lier to court, she being the only one of his daughters to neglect Ms command, and 16. C o ld s tre a m a n d H u x le y 1973: 3 6. 17. M o rg an 1978: 118ff. 18.

Ibid,

120.

19. T h e re a re tw o p r o b le m s w ith th is th e o ry . F irst. A p h ro d ite w o u ld , fro m e a rlie s t tim e s , h a v e h a d an In d o -F u ro p e a n e p i t h e t . w h ic h is u n lik e ly as p e r th e a r g u m e n t th a t A p h r o ­ d ite h e r s e lf is n o t In d o -H u ro p e a n ( s e e a b o v e ). F u r th e r m o r e , o n e w o u ld e x p e c t to fin d c le a r e r c o g n a te s to th e e p i t h e t w ith o ffe re d m e a n in g e ls e w h e r e in th e G re e k la n g u a g e , w h e re a s it d e a rl y h ad n o d o s e p arallel in G re e k as early as th e w ritin g s o f H esio d , o th e r ­ w ise h e w o u ld n o t h av e h a d to " in v e n t" a m e a n in g relying o n th e islan d o f K y th era.

THE CULTS OF APHRODITE

73

the deliverance of Lykeos bringing danger to him, and because her not taking part with her sisters in his plan increased his disgrace. Being tried among the Argives she went free and there dedicated Aphrodite Nikephoros. Pausanias 2., XIX» 6.20 Above the theater is a sanctuary of Aphrodite; before the chamber is an

engraved stele of the lyric poetTelesilla. Books are cast there at her feet, while site looks at a helm she holds in her hand an ci is about to put upon her head.

Pausanias 2» XX, 8.21

The (road) to Mantineia from Argos is not the same one that goes onto Tegea, but the one from the gates before the Denis Ridge. Upon this road is a double sanctuary, with an entrance to the west and another to the east. In the one lies a x o a n o n of Aphrodite, while in the direction of the setting sun is one of Ares. They say these are the dedications of Polyneikos and the Argives who fought as his allies to avenge his honor. Pausanias 2, XXV, l.222345 Near the agora of Argos was a tem p le o f A phrodite, so identified through the writings of Pausanias and through numerous dedications to this goddess found at the site. Although excavations have shown that settlement at this site does go back into Middle Helladic times, there is a definite break between the Bronze Age settlement at Argos and the beginnings of cult practice at the site of this A phrodision.2-'’ The cult, to judge from the chronology of the finds, goes back in tim e further than does the tem p le itself. Votive offerings in the form of pottery and animal and fem ale figurines of b o th clay and lead are dat­ able to the end of th e seventh cen tu ry BCE and are m ost abun d an t during the sixth and fifth centuries. Many of these were found underneath the architec­ tural remains of the temple, and it is probable that a smaller, older structure w as present th ere before the construction o f th e Late Archaic/Early Classical stru ctu re.2 :f Daux has argued that the construction o f th e sanctuary does not appear to date back further than the middle of the sixth century. If there was a cult building presen t at th e site from the late seventh century, th en it could have been no m ore than a sim ple oikos, isolated in a sum man7fernen os.2^ 2 0 . S ec A p p e n d ix B 4.3 .

21. S ee A p p e n d ix B 4.4. 22. S ee A p p e n d ix B 23.

4.5.

D a u x 19 6 9 : 9 9 2 . C 'e s t e n re v a n c h e u n e p e r i o d d 'a b a n d o n e x t r ê m e m e n t p r o lo n g é e q u i s 'o u v r e a v e c la d e s tr u c tio n d e l'h a h i ta t m y c é n ie n . La c a m p a g n e d e 1968 a en effet c o n firm e l'a b s e n c e to ta le d e v e s tig e s d e s é p o q u e s p r o to g é o m é t r i q u e et g é o m é tr iq u e . Le h a u t a rc h a ïs m e m e m e n 'e s t p a s r e p r é s e n t é . ’'

2 4 . Ib id , 996, 25. Ib id , 1 0 0 2 .

THE ORIGIN OF APHRODITE

Hägg has offered a similar h y pothesis regarding the A phrodision o f Argos, w hile noting that cultic activity in this region, w h ich dates back to th e e ig h th century, is associated only w ith Hera, Apollo, A thena, and Zeus.2627 O th er than at the A phrodision itself, Pausanias m entions that th ere w as a joint cult, or at least cult statues, of A phrodite and Hermes located in the san c­ tuary of Lykian Apollo (Pausanias 2, XIX, 6). It is now suggested that this joint cult took place in a small, square, divided architectural structure in th e easte rn city, w herein w ere discovered tw o tu rtle shells su rro u n d ed (cerem oniously?) with rocks.2. O ne shell w as discovered w ithin each of the divisions o f th e structure, thus, perhaps sep arate dedications to both o f th e deities revered in the struct ore. O ne of the shells had four distinct holes drilled into it; M archetti suggests that this shell w as a lyre. As th e lyre m ight be associated w ith b o th Apollo (w ho played th e lyre) an d H erm es (w ho in v en ted it according to his H om eric Hymn), it w ould stand to reason, according to M archetti, that this w ould be the perfect d edication to give to H ermes w ithin the sanctuary o f Apollo.28 If the turtle/lyre shell from the o n e com p artm en t of the stru ctu re w as a dedication to H erm es, w ho, then, w ould have b een the recipient o f th e o th e r shell? Marchetti argues that th e o th e r deity was A phrodite, basing this asser­ tion on the passage from Pausanias that links these two deities in cult at A pol­ lo’s sanctuary and the fact that A phrodite, especially in her m anifestation as Ourania, w as associated with the turtle. This association com es p red o m in a n t­ ly through, a sculpture of Aphrodite O urania in Elis ren d ered by Pheidias, on w hich the goddess w as d ep ic te d standing upon a turtle (Pausanias 6, XXV,!).29301This image, th o u g h , is all th a t associates A phrodite w ith turtles in ancient G reece, and in m any resp ects A phrodite was far less likely to have the turtle as an attribute than other deities, notably Hermes. A thena at Lindos (w here 27 terra-cotta turtle shells w ere u n e a r th e d ) ,A p o llo , Artemis, an d even Hera at AphaiaT1 Thus, although the shell, especially p rep ared to receive potential lyre strings as it was, serves as good evidence for a cu lt o f H erm es in Argos, the p o ten tial of the joint cult is based m ore on th e passage from Pausanias and similar joint cults o f A phrodite and Hermes th ro u g h o u t the G reek w orld than on an intrinsic association b etw een A phrodite h erself and turtles. N evertheless, th e votives do allow for a reasonable theo ry as to th e

26. Hägg 1992, 27. Marchetti 1993: 212. 28. Ibici. 29.

P ir c n n e - D d f o r g e

1994: 232-36.

30. Ibid., 234. 31.

B evan '1 988 : p a s s im .

75

THE CULTS OF APHRODITE

location of both the statues of Hermes and Aphrodite mentioned by Pausanias and thus the sanctuary of Lykian Apollo. According to the testimony of Pausanias, there existed a double sanctuary of A phrodite and Ares outside o f this city. No chronological inform ation is

available concerning this cult, as the sanctuary itself has not been discovered. However, Tom linson sees this joint cult as evidence of a military aspect o f

Aphrodite at Argos and asserts that, at this city, Aphrodite was a war-goddess as well as a goddess of love. This m ight be seen in the joint cult and general

relationship between Aphrodite and Ares; the previously mentioned statue of A phrodite N ikep h o ro s "Bringer of Victory,” and a relief of th e poet Telcsilla,

standing, arming herself before the sanctuary of Aphrodite by the theater.^2 Troizen T here is a sanctuary of Aphrodite Akniia in Troizen, identified through the description of its location given in Pausanias 2, XXXÏT, 6. The rem ains of the sanctuary are located on a northern slope and include the rem ains o f άp e r i­ bolos wall and the tem ple itself, although no trace o f th e altar rem ains. The tem ple, identified as in a n tis and sh o w in g Archaic pro p o rtio n s, has been dated by the excava to r—Legrand—to the m id-sixth cen tu ry .3r> Sparta a n d L a ko n ia There is a sanctuary of Hera Hyperkheiria made according to an oracle w hen the Eurotas greatly overflowed their land. The old xo a n o n they call Aphro­ dite Hera; it has been held customary that m others sacrifice to this deity upon the marriage of a daughter. Pausanias 3, XIII, 8-9.*3435 Heading not much farther on is a small hill, upon which is an ancient temple and ά xo a n o n of Aphrodite Armed. Of all the tem ples I know only on this one did they build a second storey—a tem ple of Morpho. Morpho is an appellation of Aphrodite, and she sits and hears a veil [upon her head] and fetters upon lier feet. It is said that Tyndareus placed the fetters on her feet to symbolize by the bonds the faithfulness of wives to their husbands. For indeed the other story, that Tyndareus avenged himself upon the goddess, as the disgrace upon his daughters came from Aphrodite, I absolutely shall not admit; for indeed it was absolutely ridiculous to have made an image of cedar and to have, given it the name Aphrodite so as to take vengeance on the goddess. Pausanias, 3, XV, 10-11.53

52. T o m lin s o n 1972: 2 0 8 - 9 . T h e t h e a te r 35.

is,

as y e t,

undiscovered.

B e rg q u ist 1967: 51; P ire n n e -D e lfo rg e 1 9 9 4 : 1 8 1 -8 2 .

3 4 . S ee A p p e n d ix B 4 .6 .

35. See Appendix B 4.7.

THE O RIG IN OF A PH R O D ITE

76

To the left of the Bronze House they set up a sanctuary of the Muses, because the Lakedaimonians go out to their battles not by trumpet-call but rather to the tune of flutes and the stroke of lyres and kitherai. Opposite the Bronze House is a temple of Aphrodite Areia; die xocina are as old as any in Greece. Pausanias 3, XVII, 5.36 W hereas Pausanias is adam ant in his belief th at th e cult o f A phrodite in Sparta is of extrem e antiquity, w ith on e statue being “fe tte re d ” by T yndareus him self (the father o f Helen o f Sparta), and the x o a n o n o f A phrodite Areia being am ong the oldest in G reece, th e archaeological evidence is no t w ell in accord w ith the literary evidence. To date, none of th e sanctuaries o f Aph­ rodite in Sparta lias yet b een discovered and, thus, it is im possible to d e te r­ mine if they do, in fact, su p p o rt Pausanias' claims. So far, only tw o arch aeo ­ logical shreds of evidence have com e to light th at speak o f A p h ro d ite’s cult in Lakonia. The first, from th e akropolis of Sparta, is an iron blade with a bronze mid-rim bearing th e in scription “Λ ύκειος Ά ρ έ[ί]ια [ι].” A ccording to W oodw ard, the first w o rd is p robably the nam e of the dedicator, and the se c ­ ond nam e, in accord w ith Pausanias 3» XVII, 5, is A phrodite Areia, w h o se shrine would have b een n ear th e find site, th e “Bronze H ouse” o f A thena.3738*402 Although the d ig a m m a suggests an early date for this inscription, its p re s­ ence w ithin a deity’s nam e easily could cause it to rem ain “fro zen ” in epi­ graph ic time; so it should not be used as a chronological criterion.'’8 Som ew hat m ore helpful in d eterm ining the chronology o f A phrodite's cult in Lakonia are the rem ains of a tem p le discovered w ithin a co w sh ed in the region, of Dichova. H ere, n ear the rem ains of w hat appears to have b een a Roman villa, w ere discovered scattered about several Doric colum n capitals of “exceptional quality” and of a style that suggests a Late Archaic construc­ tion.'’9 In the sam e c o n te x t as th ese column capitals w ere the rem ains o f an inscription, possibly part of a votive offering, w hich reads “FIOIT / ΕΦΑΝΟί ΆΦΡΟΔΙΤΑΓ “V iolet-Crowned A p h r o d ite .A c c o r d in g to E.L Mastrocostas, the inscription dates to aro u n d 500 BCE7 ä although G. Saunders suggests that the date might be closer to 525 at the latest.12 In eith er case, the inscription suggests quite strongly that the Archaic sanctuary in question w as d ed icated to A phrodite.

36. Sec Appendix B 4.8.

37. Woodward 38. Buck

39-

1 9 2 8 -3 0 :

252-53· SEC? XI, 671.

1928: 4 5 , # 5 3 : SVfCr XI,

D e liv o rria s 1968: 153-

40. Ibid.

4L Mastrokostas 1970: 427-28. 42. Personal communication.

671.

THE CULTS OF A PHROD ITE

77

O nce again, as w ith Argos (an d to a certain e x te n t w ith K ythera), A phro­ dite is p resen ted in Sparta as a goddess w ith m ilitaristic leanings, b o th in h e r association w ith Ares (insofar as sh e is w o rsh ip p e d as A phrodite Areia), and as h er cult x o a n o n portrays h e r as arm ed. C orinth Going up to Akfocorintli is a tem ple of Aphrodite; th e statues are; Aphrodite

armed, and Helios and Eros w ith a bow; Pausanias 2, ¥, I.45 A phrodite is th e city goddess and c h ie f p ro te c tre ss o f C orinth, watching over th e city from h e r sanctuary on th e p eak o f Akrocorinth. A ccording to Pausanias, she acquired this τιμή from H elios, w h o w as th e first lord of Akro­ corinth, having b e e n allotted th e territory by Briareos during a dispute over the land w ith Poseidon, w h o for his own share received th e Isthm os 4344*467It is possible th at w ithin this an ecd o te lies th e history o f th e religious d evelop­ m ent of C orinthia from th e Protogeometric era.45 E vidence of cultic activity in the Isthm ian region goes back to the tenth century BCE, show ing evidence of drinking ritual and a bull c u lte 6 This ev id en ce, along with the evidence o f the later Isthm ian gam es in h o n o r (at least partially) o f Poseidon, suggests th at the isthm ian region w as sacred to Poseidon from earliest times. Although physical evidence of a cult o f Helios does n o t e xist on A krocorinth, th e phys­ ical milieu does m ake the location ideal for th e "veneration of a solar deity, w hose p resen ce in G reece m ust go back at least to th e arrival o f th e Indo-Euro­ peans, if not to the earliest inhabitation o f th e land. Helios handing over Akro­ corinth as a gift to A phrodite provides a co n v en ie n t, m ythic explanation for the later rep lacem en t of the sun-god by the sex-goddess. It is possible that historieal/poiitiea! ev en ts can h elp in dating th e arrival of Aphrodite at A krocorinth. A ccording to a th eory p resen ted by Williams, the cult of Aphrodite as the p atroness o f th e city could hardly have occurred before the city itself existed as a unified political entity, thus, not before the sy n o ik ism o s o f C orinth. This event probably o ccu rred in the eighth century BCE, as determ ined by archaeological data from the city graves. In the mideighth century, the small “family p lo t'’ burials aro u n d the city w ere consol­ idated into a new , com m on burial g round in th e lo w er plain below the city, and the North C em etery cam e into co m m o n usage.4 Thus, one possible date for the introduction of Aphrodite’s cult into C orinth is c . 750 BCE. 43.

S ec A p p e n d ix B 2 .1 7 .

44. P a u sa n ia s, II, i. (>. a n d 11. 4, 6. 43.

P ire n n e -D e lfo rg e 1994: 9 4 .

46. Gebhard 1993: 3. 47.

Williams 1994:

3 3 -3 6 .

THE ORIGIN OF A PH RO D ITE

An earlier date m ay be offered by th e rem ains on Akrocorinth itself, th e site of th e goddess’ sanctuary. Here, conical footed Protogeometric cups w ere dis­ covered, which may have served as cult items or votives.'48 The tem ple was originally constructed at th e en d o f th e seventh century, to be replaced by a som ew hat m ore elaborate version in the fifth century.4950123It w ould ap p ear that Aphrodite was worshipped on Akrocorinth at least since th e seventh century as A phrodite Hoplismene, th e city goddess of Corinth. But was this goddess always A phrodite5 Williams notes that norm ally th e ancient Greek p o leis w ere p ro te c te d by an arm ed Athena. Why in Corinth w ould it be an arm ed Aphrodite? Williams, as others, suggests that this break with tradition may be due to early Corinthian contacts with the Phoenicians. As the Corinthians saw their trading partners w orshipping Astart, they a d o p t­ ed this goddess in h er perceived Hellenized form—Aphrodite7° As such, there is the possibility that the original city protectress of Corinth was, in fact, not A phrodite, but perhaps som e local deity. This local goddess was th en assim ­ ilated into A phrodite (Armed, as h evxocm oii) in the Archaic period7 1 W hile there may be evidence fo ra cult on Akrocorinth from Protogeom etric tim es, there is also the possibility that Aphrodite was worshipped there co n tin u ­ ously only from the eighth o r seventh century. The earliest iconographie evidence of an Astart/Aphrodite cult in C orinth is a figurine of the seventh cen tu ry BŒ, w ith Dai dal ic hair, one hand on a breast and the o th er apparently indicating the genitalia'’2 (see fig. 4a). Although such images do not necessarily refer to A phrodite in the G reek icon­ ographie repertoire, they often do indicate the cult of a female deity 7 ΛFrom nearby Perachora com es one o th e r possible representation of Aphrodite d at­ ing to the seventh century, in this case, it is a clay plaque from th e Heraion show ing a bearded female rising from a bulbous "sack." The female has p ain t­ ed hair and eyes; the h eard is ren d ered by painted dots on the cheeks. Both Payne, the excavator, and W illiams have interpreted this image as the Hesiod-

48. Ibid, 36.

49. Williams 1986: 21. 50. W illiam s 1994: 3 6 - 3 7 .

51.

If th is h y p o th e s is is tru e , it w o u ld o ffe r an e x tre m e ly in te r e s tin g insight into early G re e k c o n c e p tio n s o f th e g o d d e s s A start. R a th e r th a n s e e in g h e r as a sex g o d d e s s , v is­ a-vis h e r id e n tific a tio n w ith A p h ro d ite , as is c o m m o n in la te r c e n tu r ie s , the Corin­ th ia n s m ay h a v e o rig in a lly s e e n th is g o d d e s s as s h e w a s k n o w n by the Phoenicians th e m s e lv e s , as a w a r g o d d e s s . S ee C h a p te r big h t b e lo w .

52.

D av id so n 1952: pi. 6, # 8 5 . N o exact: find s p o ils o ffe re d fo r th is im ag e, c ith e r in D a v id so n o r in J e n k in s , 1956. D av id so n claim s th a t th e m a jo rity o f s u c h im ag es d e riv e fro n t th e P o tte rs ' Q u a rte r, b u t d o c s n o t m e n tio n th is im age sp ecifically . See D av id so n 1952: 12.

53. See above, Chapter T h r e e ,

th e s e c tio n o n K ato Symi.

T H E CU LTS O F A P H R O D IT E

79

Fig. 4a T e rra -c o tta m o ld - m a d e Astart p la q u e . O ld C o rin th M u s e u m , in v . 4039.

ic account o f the birth of A phrodite, sh o w in g the goddess em erging from the severed genitalia of O uranos.V1 T he b eard is indicative o f h e r h erm aphroditic nature, strongly associated w ith N ear Eastern c o n n ectio n s. A ccording to Wil­ liams, this plaque is dated Early Daidalic by style, probably to th e second quar­ ter of the seventh century W Finally, th e re is also a fifth-century sherd in­ scribed in Corinthian epichoric scrip t with the nam e “A start.'06 This might offer su p p o rt to W illiams' theory th a t th e cu lt ol:Aphrodite arose in C orinth due to Phoenician influence. We have discussed the three sites in an cien t G reece w h ere Aphrodite was portrayed as arm ed in h er cult statues: Kythera. Sparta, and Corinth. In no case is the original arm ed version o f th e goddess preserved, and it is im pos­ sible to know the original p u rp o se and portrayal of the arm ed Aphrodite7 5467 54. Payne 1940: 231-32; and Williams 1986: 14. 55. Williams 1986: 14. 56. ihkL 12. 57. They may have been similar to the terra-cotta “Armed Aphrodite” from Mannella in Italy. See below .

THE O RIG IN OF A PH R O D ITE

80

In fact, it appears th at th ese im ages confused even the ancients, as R om an school boys w ere asked w hy th e statue of Lakedaimonian A phrodite w as a rm e d ? 8 Although A phrodite to o k p art in a tradition o f bearing w eap o n s in the G reek iconography, it w as n o t a com m on, or even necessarily com pre­ hensible, practice. The later ren d erin g of these images, as p reserved at Corinth, portrayed th e goddess n o t bearing arms in a belligerent o r th re a t­ ening guise, b u t in th e nude, admiring herself in the in n er m irror o f the sh ield ?9 By Roman tim es, th e n u d e Venus surrounded by w inged Erotes “playing” w ith the w eap o n s o f Ares w as a com m on artistic motif.585960 Thus, w hile A phrodite is presen ted as an arm ed goddess at som e of her earliest plac­ es of w orship, it is, as yet, n o t possible to do a thorough analysis o f the m ean ­ ing of that specialized iconography, e x cep t for h ow it w as in te rp re te d later by the Roman populations, w h e re th e am is w ere seen as belonging to A res/ Mars, m erely serving as toys for A phrodite, Sikyori This peribolos indeed furnished such things of note; by it is another sanctu­ ary, of Aphrodite, in w hich the first statue is of Antiope. For they propose that [tierj children were Sikyonians and through them that Antiope herself was one of them. After this is the tem ple of Aphrodite, into this enters a woman “neokoros? for whom it is no longer permissible to visit a man, and a maiden having the office annually. The maiden is named “Loutrophoros? For the oth­ ers, they stand seeing the goddess from the entrance and there make [their] prayers. Kanakhos the Sikyonian made this statue, and he also wrought the Apollo of Didyma in Milesia and the Ismenian Apollo in Thebes. The statue [of Aphrodite ] is made of gold and ivory, bearing a polos on the head, and has in her one hand a poppy and in the other an apple. Pausanias 2, X, 4 -5 .61 The tem ple and tem enos o f A phrodite that Pausanias m entions have not been discovered and, thus, no archaeological or chronological data can be derived. That the original cult statue was rendered by Kanakhos, though, does give evidence that the cu lt of the goddess existed at least since the Late A rcha­ ic period. Some have theorized that Aphrodite’s cult should have an early presen ce in Sikyon due to that city's early contacts with Cyprus, and that in im porting Cypriot bronze they also w ould have im ported Kypris, The origin o f this the-

5 8 . Q u in tilia n , Inst. O ra l ., II, 4, 26.

59. W illiam s 1986: 15.

60.

F o r a g e n e ra l fo rth c o m in g .

discussion of tills motif, see D. M ichaelides in E n g e n d e rin g A p h r o d ite ,

6 1 . S ee A p p e n d ix B 4 .9 .

T H E CU LTS O F A P H R O D IT E

81

ory lies w ith Stephanus o f Byzantion, w h o claimed th at “G olgoi” w as “a city of Cyprus, nam ed after Golgos th e lead er o f th e Sicyonians aw ay from h o m e.”62 Thus, he claims that Golgoi, an early site o f th e w o rsh ip o f A phro­ dite on Cyprus according to Pausanias,63645w as a Sikyonian colony. This is high­ ly unlikely. A m ore plausible scenario, suggested by Lippold, is th at early metal trade b etw een these tw o regions, C yprus and Sikyon, led in later tim es to theories o f a m other-daughter relatio n sh ip b e tw e e n th e tw o .6"1Gjerstad, in his article “T he C olonization o f C yprus in G reek L egend,” is even m ore ada­ m ant in his rejection of S tephanus o f Byzantion’s claims, arguing th a t it w as only th e com m on im portance o f th e cu lt o f A phrodite b e tw e e n th e tw o cities that caused later authors to specu late u p o n som e m an n e r o f co n n ectio n or relationship b etw een th em .05 A th en s a n d A ttica Nearby is a sanctuary of Aphrodite Ourania. It is held that the first people to revere Ourania were the Assyrians, and after the Assyrians the Pa ph kins of Cyprus and those of the Phoenicians who dwell in Ashkalon in Palestine; Kytherians worship her having so learned from the Phoenicians. Aigens established (lier cult] among the Athenians, believing himself to be without children—for at that time he had none—and his sisters in duress due to a curse from Ourania. The statue, existing in our day. is of Parian marble and the work of Pheidias. But there is a deine Athmoneos of the Athenians, which daim s Porphyrion was king before Akfaios, and that lie set up their sanctuary of Ourania. But w hat they say in the denies is not totally in accord with what they hold true in the city. Pausanias 1, XIV, 7.66 When Theseus lead into one city the demes, he established the w orship of Aphrodite Pandemos and Peitlio. Now the old image no longer existed in my day. but those that did were not of the worst artists. Pausanias 1, XXII, 3·67 Concerning the location they call the (Cardens and the tem ple of Aphrodite, no word is said among them, nor about the Aphrodite that stands by the tem­ ple. For its form is quadrangular in the m anner of the h enncil; the inscription states that Ounmian Aphrodite is the oldest of those called the Fates. The stat-

62. P irc n n c -D c lfo rg e 1 9 9 4 :

V,

63.

P a u s a n ia s 8,

64.

L ip p o ld 1923: 2 5 3 d .

2 -3 -

6 5 . G je rs ta d 1944: 121. 6 6 . S ec A p p e n d ix B 1.3,

67. See Appendix B 4.10.

151.

THE O RIG IN OF A PH R O D ITE

ne of Aphrodite in the gardens is the work of Alkamenes and one of the m ost noteworthy sights in Athens. Pausanias 1, XIX, 2 .68 And Philemon in “Brothers’' narrated as well that Solon first set up in dwell­ ings women for sale, due to the 'crisis' of the young men, and likewise Nikander of Kolophon in the third section of his Kolophon iakon relates that he (Solon) also was the first to set up the sanctuary of Aphrodite Pandemos from the revenues received from the house mistresses. Athenaios XIII, 569, d.6970123 According to Pausanias, th e cult o f Aphrodite, both of Ou rani a and Pandem os, w as established in Attica by the family of These us. It was Aigeus, T h e­ seus" father, w ho established the w orship of .Aphrodite Ourania in A thens to assuage the w rath of the goddess, w hereas Theseus him self founded the cult of A phrodite Pandem os to co m m em orate Ills sy n o ik ism o s of Attica. As T he­ seus is a character of the G reek Age of Heroes and. thus, w ould date back to Br,85 There arc xocm a of Aphrodite in Thebes that arc indeed so old that they say they were dedications of Harmonia. They were made from the gunwales that w ere made of wood for Kadmos’ ships. They call the one Ourania, the other Pandemos, and the third Apostrophia. Harmonia gave these titles to Aphro­ dite so: Ourania for love that is pure and separated from the body: Pandemos for sexual intercourse, and third Apostroph ia, because she turns the race of humans away from illicit desire and inappropriate works. For Harmonia knew' of many such tilings among the barbarians, and as well endured among the Greeks, such as later w ere sung about the mother of Adonis, and Phaidnt of Minos, and the Thrakian Tereus. Pausanias 9, XVI, 3-4.8687

These quotations from Hesiod and Pausanias are the sole literary evidence thiit attests to tlie antiquity o f th e cult o f A phrodite in T hebes, although the evidence from Hesiod speaks m ore co ncerning A phrodite’s d au g h ter than o f th e cult of the goddess herself. By contrast, the presence o ï x o c m a and the leg­ end of th eir dedication at the hands of this Harmonia, according to the ancient G reeks them selves, w ould date the cult back before the Age o f Heroes, or, for Symeonoglou in his w ork on the history of Thebes, back into EH III 8 ' A so m e­ w hat m ore conservative estim ate, based on the xo cm a and th e tradition, m ight place the cult back into the A rchaic Age.88 To date, th e re is no ev idence as to the age of the cult o f the goddess from any architectural o r artistic rem ains. It is possible that a rem n an t o f wall found in the east central p art of tlie T hebes m ight have b een part of her tem ple, but even this dates back only to the Classical Age and is, at the m om ent, unstudied and u n su b s ta n tia te d 89 As such, it is im possible to d eterm in e how old the cult of A phrodite is in T hebes beyond the A rchaic Age, if it does, indeed, ex ten d fu rth er back. For the rest of Boiotia, S chächter offers two pieces of evidence that may, tentatively, be offered as evidence of a pre-Classical cult of A phrodite. O ne is

85.

S ee A p p e n d ix

B 4.13.

8 6 . S ee A p p e n d ix

B 4.14.

87.

S y m e o n o g lo u 1985: 78. This is b is r e c k o n in g of th e m y th o lo g ic a l h is c h r o n o lo g y o f th e h is to ry o f T h e b e s by m o d e rn s ta n d a rd s .

88.

“'T h e re a re also r e p o r t e d to h a v e b e e n th r e e v e ry o ld s ta tu e s o f A p h r o d ite m a d e o f m o o d , w h ic h m ay h a v e b e e n A rc h a ic , a lth o u g h th e e x is te n c e o f a s a n c tu a r y d e d i c a te d to th e g o d d e s s is n o t d o c u m e n te d u n til la te r ,” ibid.. 109.

89. Ibid..

time frame, and not

12~ a n d 2 9 9 . S y m e o n o g lo u h as th is h y p o th e s is as an o ra l c o m m u n ic a tio n fro m th e e x c a v a to r K. D c m a k o p o u io u ; f u r th e r a n a ly sis o f th e w a ll h a s n o t y e t b e e n c a rr ie d

out.

TH E CU LTS O F APH RO DITE

87

a fragm ent o f Hesiod (fr. 70 M -W ) th at refers to th e story o f a boy nam ed Argynnos, w h o se nam e becom es an e p ith e t o f A phrodite in Argyneion and Argo u n i s/A rg \m n is ,90 H ow ever, according to Schächter, this cult conics into prominence, if not existence, only at th e end o f th e fifth century BCE. Thus, in spite o f th e H esiodic reference, S ch äch ter does no t offer evidence for the cult o f th e goddess herself in pre-Classical tim es.91 Furthermore, A phrodite received sacrifice on th e great altar at O ropos, based on Pausanias 1.XXXIV.3 and I G 7.4 2 3 3 .929345678T he cult o f Amphiaraos (the deity o f O ropos) dates back at least to the sixth cen tu ry BCfw and, thus, if A ph­ rodite w as w o rsh ip p ed at th e altar since th e creatio n o f th e sanctuary, this also may point to a pre-Classical cult o f A phro d ite in Boiotia. C rete K ato S y m i A lthough this site is not noted by the an cie n t authors, it is possible th at this is the oldest sanctuary o f A phrodite in th e G reek w orld. Located in so u th ­ eastern central C rete, the sanctuary w as in use from Middle Minoan I until th e Late Roman era, with the apex of the sa n ctu ary ’s prosperity being in the sev­ enth century BCE.9"1 Olous In th e m o d em ham let o f Sta Lenika is a tem p le o f A phrodite and Ares, w hich, on the basis of po ttery and arch itectu ral style, can be dated to the G eo­ m etric, or possibly Protogeometric, Age.9*’ Unlike the sanctuary at Kato Symi, this was a relatively poor, rural sanctuary, and votive offerings w ere few and uninformative.9u n a il o ffe rs a n e x a m p le o f a C y p rio t re lig io u s s tr u c t u r e b e fo re th e LG II p e rio d . H o w e v e r, as th e e v id e n c e a t th e site o n ly o ffe rs p r o o f o f re lig io u s u s e s ta rtin g in th e C y p rio t A rc h a ic A ge, I am d is c o u n t ­ in g it as e v id e n c e fo r e v o lu tio n o f c u lt in B ro n z e A ge Cy p ru s .

13. Sjöqvist 1927-31: 356. 14.

Ibid., 357.

CYPRUS; THE P IO T O H IS T O R IC AGE

135

Sjöqvist had b een u n d e r th e im pression th a t this shrine had b een in use since the MC III period. He based this assessm ent on th e p o ttery from th e rock-cut pit in the eastern section o f th e sh rin e —th e oldest material present at th e site—dating back to late MC III, w h ic h h e felt certain w e re fragm ents o f earlier votive offerings from an o ld er san ctu ary on th e same g ro u n d .1'’As no L€ I items w ere p resent at the shrine, Sjöqvist co n clu d e d that the shrine was abandoned during the L€ I religious "dark age" and reused during the renais­ sance of the LC II period. H ow ever, it is n o w a p p a re n t that the pit that con­ tained the pottery p redates th e sh rin e level by at least tw o centuries. As th ere is no indication of any activity during this hiatus, it is p e rh ap s safer to say that ritual activity began at Ajios Jakovos-D/zzwa only in LC II, w ith no relationship w hatsoever to the 300 odd MC p o tte ry sh erd s located at th e site .1516 In the LC II period, the podia that Sjöqvist in te rp re ts as altars and the terra­ cotta basin (in w hich the shrine's votive offerings w e re discovered) w ere erected. T he finds discovered at the site c o n sisted o î {intercilia): gold and sil­ ver jewelry, silver funnels (six with gold m ountings), several bronze w eapons including six arrow heads, a stone axe, a small b ro n ze lion figurine, several shards of p ottery including M ycenaean w ares, a ring bearing the cartouche of Thutmosis Hi of Egypt, and four cylinder seals.1' T w o o f these seals, identified by Sjöqvist as Babylonian b ut by W ebb as C y p rio t,18 sh o w images o f nude indi­ viduals with hands clasped before th e ch est, and o n e wars inscribed in c u n e ­ iform w ith the w o rd /n a m ç M ila ta w a y a ,19 The rem ains of this shrine suggest tw o develo p m en ts. First is the im por­ tance of foreign goods as votive offerings, d u e m ost probably to their luxu­ rio its and exotic nature. Second, the shrine ap p ears to have been dedicated to tw o deities, probably male and fem ale.20 T he high quantity o f jewelry p o s­ sibly suggests a fem ale deity, especially since jew elry had played such a prom­ inent role in the im agery of female figurines in C yprus for the past millennia. W eapons are a new addition to the C ypriot religious rep erto ire, and th e high n um ber of w eap o n s dedicated at the sh rin e suggest th at they were an im por­ tant attribute o r aspect of th e deity/deities th e re adored. A lthough it is c e r­ tainly possible that w eaponry, like jew elry, m ight be dedicated to a female deity, especially if she w as a w ar-goddess such as Anat o r Istar, parallels b oth

15. Ibid., 360. 16. j. W e b b ,

personal communication.

17. Webb 1992a: 95;

Eriksson 1993: 41.

18. Sjöqvist 1927-31: 357-58; J. Webb, personal

c o m m u n ic a tio n .

19. Webb 1992a: 95. 20. Tills is following the standard in t e r p r e ta tio n of tills site as a shrine. For a counter argu­ ment in favor of identification as a fu n e r a r y site, see Webb 1992a, 94ff.

T H E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

to th e east and w est o f Cyprus, especially w ith th e Ugaritie Baal m en tio n ed in the te x t discussed above, suggest, rather, that th e w eapo n s w ere in ten d ed for a male deity. As an arm ed m ale deity does becom e p ro m in en t in th e C ypriot glyptic iconography at this p o in t, as w ell as in the three-dim ensional ico n o ­ graphie rep erto ire in LC III, th e dual nature o f th e shrine at Ajios JakovosD h i m a and the w eap o n s fo u n d th ere argue that this male deity e n te re d th e C ypriot religion as early as LC II. H ow ever, th e glyptic also show s a goddess bearing arm s and, thus, th e w e ap o n s could be in terp re ted as belonging to eith er deity, or both. K itio n

The idea of dual deities in C ypriot religion, as recognized at th e sh rin e at Ajios Jakovos, is also p re se n t at th e LC II sanctuary of Kition. Excavation at th e northern tip of the city (Area II) revealed a com plex containing tw o stru ctu res attributable to floor IV (LC IIC period). T hese are identified by Karageorghis as tem ples 2 and 3, separated by a garden and bo rd ered to th e n o rth by th e city w all.21 T em ple 3, th e sm aller o f th e two temples,, is lo cated o n th e n o rth -cen tral sector of Area II. It consists o f tw o room s of unequal size, w ith th e larger room to th e east appearing to be th e m ain hall o f th e tem ple. While no co lu m n bases w ere discovered associated with this level o f o ccupation, th e excavator— Demas—believes th a t the space w as small en ough th at th e area co u ld have been roofed w ith o u t th e use o f co lu m n s.22 In th e southeast co rn e r o f this room w as located th e en tra n c e to th e tem ple, giving th e tem ple a bent-axis ap p ro ach .232456At th e eastern en d , in front of th e en trance, w as altar E, possibly consisting o f bo th a h earth and a table o f offerings. The h earth itself w as filled w ith a 10 centim eter-thick layer o f ash, w h ereas the area around th e h e a rth contained disturbed p atch e s o f ash and carbonized h o n e.2'· No objects w ere found w ith in T em ple 3» probably due to extensive re c o n ­ struction on and around th e tem p le in su b seq u en t years .'2 j H ow ever, objects w ere discovered in several o f th e large pits th at separated T em ples 3 and 2, and Demas suggests that two o r th re e o f these pits contained objects originally located in T em ple 3, including several M ycenaean figurines and tw o sto n e anchors.“0

21.

K a ra g e o rg h is a n d D e m a s

22. Ib id ..

1985: 24ff., Chapter IV.

25.

23.

Ibid: W e b b 1999:

24.

K a ra g e o rg h is a n d

25. Ib id ., 26. 26. Ibid., 30.

38. Demas 1985: 25.

C Y P R U S ; T H E P I O T O H I S T O R I C AG E

137

T em ple 2 lay Ιό m eters so u th east o f T em p le 3 an d w as m ore than th ree tim es as large. Like T em ple 3, it w as o rie n te d east to w est, w ith an entrance on th e so u th ern side and con sisted o f a large m ain hall w ith a small room adjoining it to th e w est, although in th e case o f T em ple 2 th e re w as also an entrance hall to th e east.27 As w ith T em ple 3, a bent-axis a p p ro ach is present. Tw o row s o f colum n bases w ere p re s e n t in th e m ain hall o f T em ple 2, dividing this hall into th ree parts and giving it sym m etry and a focus o n th e hearth. For these reasons—greater size, ex tra room , m o re monumental co n stru ctio n —it appears th a t T em ple 2 is th e m ore significant o f th e tw o tem ples. Unlike T em ple 3, several objects o f th e LC ÏIC p erio d did com e to light from T em ple 2. In room 24B (th e e n tra n c e hall to th e te m p le providing access to the main hall) w ere found tw o sto n e an ch o rs, tw o fragm entary base-ring bow ls, a bronze pin, a w h ite shaved-ware jug, a w eig h t, and tw o LH III stirrup jars.28 The main hall o f Tem ple 2 (Room 24) co n tain ed a h e a rth similar to that o f Tem ple 3 at the w estern end o f th e room . T he ashy rem ains from this hearth are attributed to th e later re o ccu p atio n o f th e tem ple, b u t a pit at the eastern end of the hall contained ashy soil, bo n es, a fragmentary cooking-pot, and a bronze ring. T hese may indicate a use for the h earth sim ilar to T em ple 3 at this tim e.29 Finds from this room include (in te r alia)', a stone anchor; faience beads; LH IIIB chalices, a stirrup jar, bow l, an d rhyton; C ypriot w ares; scrap metal; a bronze arrowhead; a gold ring; and a lead sling-bullet.''’0 The final room of the tem ple, Room 24A, ap p ears to have b e e n a storeroom , containing beads of faience and Canadian, gold and b ro n ze jew elry, a bronze votive "'kid­

ney,” base-ring ware, a spindle whorl, and scrap metal. 1 Between the two temples was a complex of pits and channels th at the excavators believe rep resen ts the remains of a sacred garden.'’2 It is im portant to note that although the gardens are located b e tw e e n and, thus, associated w ith, both tem ples, it is Temple 3 specifically w h o se en tran ce o p en s onto the garden, whereas that of T em ple 2 faces aw ay from th e garden.·'’·· One could argue, then, that it is specifically T em ple 3 that is linked to the garden. W ho “lived" in the temples at Kition is a difficult issue. It is im portant to note that the two tem ples form a unit, suggesting the cult o f a pair of deities. If the objects found in the pits are, in fact, th e votives from Tem ple 3, then 27. I b i d „ , 2 6 .

2 8 . m id .. 2 7 . 29.

Ib id .. , 2 8 .

30.

ib id .

31.

Ib id .. 2 9 .

32. ibid... , 3 2 . 33.

ib id .. 3 7 .

THE O R IG IN OF A PH R O D IT E

the Aegean figurines may indicate th at T em ple 3 was dedicated to a fem ale d ei­ ty, as does the d o s e link b e tw e e n th e tem ple and the sacred gardens (in later times strongly associated w ith A phrodite). The remains from T em ple 2 w ould, at first glance, a p p e a r to go eith e r way: the bronze arro w h ead and lead sling-bullet could indicate a male deity, even a war-god (although see possible links b etw een w eap o n s and goddesses u n d er “Ajios jakovos"). w h ereas the gold jew elry and spindle w horl w ould seem to be indicative of a fem ale deity. H ow ever, the m ore “m ascu lin e” item s, such as the arrow head, derive from the main hall of the tem ple, w h ereas the m ore “fem inine” item s com e from w hat the excavators believe w as a storage room . O ne m ight suggest that the votives from the main hall are m ore indicative of the nature of the deity than the cult paraphernalia from the storage room and, thus, lend g reater w eight to the hypothesis that T em ple 2 was dedicated at least to a male deity, if not the joint cult of a male and female.

Athienou A thienou ex ten d s over four periods, ranging from MC III/LC 1th ro u g h the Iron Age. H ow ever, th e remains from the earliest phase (Stratum I V)—pits and small huts—suggest a secular use of the area and the significance of th e site as a religious ce n te r does not begin until Stratum III = L€ II. At this time, a large court area was co n stru cte d flanked to the n ortheast by a large building m ea­ suring approxim ately 20 m eters by 20 meters.^ In the co u rt area w e re pits containing votive deposits, m ost notably over 10,000 pottery fragm ents, b o th of norm al size and m iniature, which th e excavators estim ate w ere of votive rather than practical in te n ta ”5Beyond the potteiy, the co u rt b ro u g h t forth a wealth of significant finds. In the central courtyard of the building w ere sev­ eral c o p p e r nodules, along with a large quantity of votive vessels. Also in this area w ere unfinished, finished, or broken c o p p e r objects. These, along with the c o p p e r nodules m en tio n ed previously, suggest the presen ce o f a c o p p e r w orkshop at the site. In nearby pit 54-3 w ere discovered bone, ash, shells, and sea urchins, w hich the ex cav ato r believes may have been involved in the m etal-working process, although they may also be votive in nature. This pit also yielded LH IIIC p o ttery along with the b ro w and Itor ns of a h u llo 6 W hereas the LH IIIC p o tte iy from this stratum seem s to he an intrusion from Stratum II, both LH IIIB and Minoa n w ares are prevalent in the Stratum III finds.3 It is clear that bo th ox rem ains and c o p p e r are im portant asp ects of cult practice during the LC II phase. 34567 34.

Al-Radi 1983: 67.

35. D o th a n a n d B en -T o r 1983: 20.

36. Ibid., 14.0. 37. Ibid., 46-52.

C Y P R U S : T H E PR O TO H ISTO R IC AG E

139

MyrtourPigadhes Similar in m any respects to Athienou and Ajiosjakovos is th e last sanctuary dating to th e LC II period, Myrtou- P i g a d h e s . O n ce again, w hile this site has elem ents that date back into the MC perio d , the a rc h itectu re associated with cult ritual appears only during the LC II phase. P igadhes was clearly of great significance as a cult sp o t during th e LC II p erio d , for no less than five phases of construction and reco n stru ctio n are identified as belonging to th e period b etw een c. 1400 to 1175.38 H ie first architectural stru ctu res associated with P igadhes as a cult spot are several room s constru cte d during th e sa n ctu ary ’s Phase III (early LC HA). In som e respects, the area m ight be likened to a rectan g u lar version of the A jiosjakovos structure. To the w est is a small room in which the excavators discovered a pit in th e floor that contained a small stone axe and p o tte ry shards.3940*23Although hardly equal to th e sum ptuous finds at Ajios Jakovos, it d o es suggest a ten d en cy toward h o th ro i for votive offering apart from the altar/podium room. To th e east of this antech am b er of sorts is a longer, rectan g u lar room in w hich it is possible (although not entirely certain ) that a po d iu m existed as early as the Phase III structure. Entrances into this room (€I>3) ap p e a r to have been at openings in the eastern corners o f th e room , suggesting, as with. Kition, a bent-axis approach/*0 The presen ce of Base-Ring and White-Slip wares, as well as early wheel-made pottery, date this level to the early LC II 51 During the next phase o f o ccu p atio n . Period IV, little occu rred at the site, to judge from the paucity o f rem ain s/52 But in Period V. dat ing to LC HC, the sanctuary is expan d ed to becom e a large cult co m p lex , w ith its central fea­ tures being a large court to th e w est of a ste p p e d altar c o n stru cte d of lime­ stone and to p p e d by w hat th e ex cav ato r believes to be horns-of-consecratio n w D iscovered oil top o f the rem ains o f this altar w as a bronze figurine of a bull, w hich may have som e sym bolic association with the large quantity of animal horns found th ro u g h o u t the sa n c tu a ry /5'* Many of the votives dedicated at the sanctuary rem ained at the site, so something m ight be determ ined about the cult o f th e deity there worshipped. The most noticeable dedications are anim al bones. In the earlier phases of the sanctuary, starting in Phase 10 but significant as well in Phases IV and V, are 38. DuPlat Taylor e t ai. 1957: 113-16. 39. Ibid., 940. Webb 1999:

36.

4L DuPlat Taylor etal. 1957: 10. 42. Ibid. 43. Ib id ., 10-18: Ai-Radi 1983: 8 1 - 8 2 . 44.

DuPlat Taylor at ul. 1957:13-

T H E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

anim al horns, particularly d e e r antlers and goat h orns 45 O ther, scatte re d bones from these species, as w ell as from sh eep and oxen, w e re p re se n t at th e site, and so one m ight th in k o f anim al sacrifice. H ow ever, no b u rn t rem ains o r signs of burning w e re p re se n t in th e co u rt o r by th e altar; it is, th erefo re, difficult to d eterm in e th e role played by th ese anim als in th e c u l t 4 6 N ever­ theless, it m ust be n o te d that incised ox scapulae formed an important p e r­ centage of th e item s d isco v ered w ith th e votives. T he p resen ce o f th e h o rn s, antlers, and incised o x b o n es p o in ts to a cult of a deity associated w ith h o m e d animals, a m atter to b e c o n sid ered further in o u r section o n glyptic. Incised ox scapulae w e re found w ith o th e r votive deposits w ith in sto re ­ room s at th e eastern m o st edge o f th e sanctuary (Rooms 15, 16, 17, 20a, and 20b), w h ere it w ould seem th a t old votives w ere co llected during p erio d s o f re co n stru ctio n .47 H ere th e ex cav ato r fo und shards of local pottery , shards o f M ycenaean w are, bronze, and a quan tity of c o p p e r slag.48 It w o u ld seem that, although th ere is no ev id en ce o f c o p p e r sm elting at this site, th e p ro d u c ts o f th at industry are ap p ro p ria te for th e deity in question. F igurines À second source for reco n stru ctin g Cypriot religion in th e LC II p eriod are th e fem ale figurines prevalent th ro u g h o u t th e island. As in th e Chalcolithic, Early, and Middle Bronze Ages, LC II figurines com e frequently from tom bs, w h e n any provenance for them is available at all. It must be rem em bered, however, that this p rovenance has m ore to do w ith the p rep o n d eran ce of funerary c o n ­ texts excavated than on any intrinsic relationship between female figurines and m ortuary p ractice, as W ebb has argued.49 The n e w LC II figurines have a com m on style and icon o g rap h y th ro u g h o u t the island, ap pearing in Yiaiousia in the north, Bamboula in the south, Enkomi in the east. Lin ou in th e w est, and throughout th e cen tral island.5051Furthermore, unlike th e ir p re d e ­ cessors, the LC II linages sh o w clear derivation from Near Eastern im ages that are explicitly divine. It is during this period that a new religious ideology appears to have entered Cyprus, an ideology of a deity who could be re p re ­ sented in an th ro p o m o rp h ic form (as o p p o sed to the bull and snake im ages of the preceding centuries). Thus, for the first time, we m ight discuss these fem ale images as true goddess figurines."*1 45. Z e u n e r in D u P lat T a y lo r e t al. 1957: 9 7 - 1 0 0 . 46. C o rn w a ll in D u Plat T a y lo r e t al. 1957: 101.

47. DiiPiat T a y lo r et a l

1957: 20. W e b b

48.

D u P lat T a y lo r e( a!. 39 5 7 : 2 0 - 2 1 .

49.

W e b b 1992: 8 8 - 9 0 . 9 " - 9 9 .

in Karageorghis and Demas 1985: 320.

50. Merriilees 1988: 55. 51. For the full explanation and identification of these figurines, see Chapter Eight.

CYPRUS: THE P R O T O H ISTO R IC AGE

141

T he LC II figurines are o f a style co nsiderably distin ct from th e MC variety, although they evidently began th e ir em e rg e n c e in th e C ypriot rep erto ire at the very end of this latter period. This is e v id en t in th e MC III dark-slip-style figurine described above. A lthough this figurine dates to th e end o f th e Middle C ypriot III period and show s a close affinity w ith th e earlier terra-cotta female figurines o f th e Middle Cypriot period, sh e n ev erth eless show s the earliest developm ents o f w hat will be o n e o f th e d o m in an t ch aracteristics o f at least one style o f LC fem ale figurines. This is h e r overall form, a form that has been described as “spindle-shaped,” and is ty pified b y a relatively small head, arm s curving onto the ch est o r abdom en, ex trem ely broad hips and thighs, and small, rath er pointy feet (see fig. 6a). The fem ale figurines, all terra-cotta, th a t b ec o m e p ro m in en t in th e LC II period are of tw o similar, th ough distinct, types. T he first o f these is the socalled bird-faced figurine, a style typified by th e spindle-shaped silhouette described above (see fig. 6b). T hey exist in tw o iconographically identical types: hollow and solid-bodied. T he to p o f th e h ead is generally ro unded and on eith er side of th e face are large ears w ith tw o or th re e piercings each. The face itself has a prom inen t, beak-like n o se an d ro u n d eyes o f m olded clay. The m outh is seldom indicated. The neck is long and d eco rated with incised

T H E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

bands, possibly indicating a necklace, and incised lines crisscross b etw e e n th e breasts. In alm ost all cases, th ese breasts are ren d ered by m olding. T he m ost prom inent aspect o f th ese figurines is th e pubic triangle. This is indi­ cated by incised lines o v er th e p u b ic region, one to th re e lines at th e w aist and on eith er leg. T he region w ith in th e triangle is filled in w ith incision, eith e r dots, lines, or cross-hatching. In som e exam ples a navel is indicated. T he legs are always ren d ered separately and, in som e cases, knees are ren d e re d by molding. The arms, also m olded, are found in various poses, in som e figurines th e arm s ex ten d from th e sho u ld ers away from th e body, curving back to rest on the torso o r u nd er th e breasts. In others, th e arm s lie akim bo on th e hips or have one arm on the chest, stom ach, or holding an object, such as a child, bird, or musical instrum ent. T he second type o f figurine has a “no rm al” face, w ith a flat head, m old ed eyes, eyebrow s, nose, and an incised m outh (see fig. 6c). Unlike th e bird-faced figurines, these figurines are d eco rated not by incision, but with paint, p a r­ ticularly on the face, neck, and pubis. They are never show n carrying children or o th e r objects; o th erw ise, they m ake use of the sam e arm positioniugs. In all o th er respects, the norm al-faced figurines are similar to the bird-faced fig­ urines and appear to be an a ttem p t to “A egeanize” the m ore avian style.

Fig. 6c

Cypriot n o rm a l-fa c e d figurine. Cyprus M u se u m , Inv. A 51.

C Y PR U S: THE P R O T O H IS T O R IC AGE

143

These LC II figurines show som e c o n tin u ity w ith th e fem ale figurines o f the p receding ages on th e island as w ell as co n sid erab le novelty. Certain motifs rem ain just as im p o rtan t in th e Late B ronze Age in C yprus as th ey w ere in the C halcolithic and the earlier Bronze Ages. D ating back even into the Chalcolithic is th e im po rtan ce o f jewelry b ed eck in g th e figurines, as w ell as the stress on a specific p o se or p o stu re h ighlighting th e fem inine attributes of the figurines (the birth pose in th e case of the Chalcolithic figurines and the arms indicating breasts, belly, and hips in the case of LC H figurines). C on­ tinuous from the Early Bronze Age is the em phasis on incised decoration, prom inent nose, and ears (the latter consistently p ierced and bearing ear­ rings), and the tendency tow ard a k o u ro tro p h o s motif. Finally, the LC II fig­ urines show th e ultim ate fulfillm ent of th e MC te n d e n c y to w ard three-dimensionalism and em phasis on sexual attributes. Both periods of figurines show m olded breasts highlighted by th e p la c e m e n t o f th e an u s. T he MC sub-waist pierced hole, indicating eith er navel o r vagina, is re p re se n te d on the LC ver­ sions th rough th e incised p ubic triangle and th e frequently incised navel. These figurines are distinctive in th eir over-all shape, the em phasis on the legs and, m ost im portantly, the em p h asis on th e p ubic triangle and hips. While the MC figurines sh o w a g row ing te n d e n c y to w ard three-dim ensional representation, th eir cylinder-shaped bodies hardly foretell th e spindleshaped bodies of th e LC Π period. O nly on e figurine from MC ill begins to show this silhouette, possibly th e result o f an exten siv e influx of Syrian ico­ nography. While the feet of the MC figurines w ere occasionally divided by a small, incised line, the legs of the LC II im ages are w ro u g h t individually, each being added to the torso separately A2 Finally, w h ereas th e MC figurines occa­ sionally made use of a single incised hole on the lo w er abdom en, representing either navel or vagina, the LC II figurines emphasize th ese attributes, often representing the navel on the m id-abdom en and always portraying the genital area with strongly incised lines In the case o f th e bird-faced figurines, and with paint in the case of the norm al-faced figurines. These novelties are due to a heavy influx o f iconography during the LC Bronze Age, b o th in (pro b ab ly ) LC I and LC II. T he bird-faced figurines, w hich are the o ld er of the tw o styles, derive from N ear Eastern figurines prom inent in n o rth ern M esopotamia and Syria since the third millennium . These figurines exist in three distinctive types th ro u g h o u t th ree separate regions of the Near East: th e Littoral region, the O ro n tes region, and th e Euph­ rates regionT - The figurines from the Littoral region, w hich includes LIgarit and Bybios offer little inform ation co n cern in g th e origins and m eaning of the Cypriot figurines. Very few terra-cotta figurines com e from the Littoral re­ gion. possible due to the availability of bronze and ivory in this area. Further-* 53 1983: 3 0 - 3 3 53- Bad re 1980: passim.

52. O r p h a n id e s

THE O R IG IN OF A P H R O D IT E

m ore, mass produced , m old-m ade figurines are m ore com m on in this region, thus rendering a style quite distinct from the handm ade C ypriot versions. To the east, in the E uphrates region, th e figurines are also different in m any respects from the Cypriot version. It is in th e O rontes region, especially at Hama, Ebla, Selemiyeh, Alalakh, and Tel Judaidah, th at figurines alm ost id en ­ tical to the C ypriot im ages a p p e a r? 4 A ccording to Badre, th ese im ages are m ost com m on during th e m iddle o f th e second m illennium , at a pproxim ately the tim e that p o ttery trade b e tw e e n C yprus and Syria is at its peak. T hus, it w ould seem that th e Syrian figurines en tered th e C ypriot rep erto ire du rin g the MC I1I-LC 1 phase, w h e n c o n tac ts betw een th ese tw o regions w e re strong. This w ould also a c c o u n t for th e ir sudden em erg en ce island-w ide at. th e beginning o f LC II.

These Orontes-style figurines, like the Cypriot versions, have spindleshaped silhouettes. The heads are rounded and frequently bear a hairstyle consisting of curls on either side of the face?5 They wear molded necklaces decorated with incised lines. Two crisscrossed incised lines appear over the chest. The majority of th e figurines have molded breasts, although this is n o t as consistent as in th e C ypriot figurines. The navel is eith er ren d ered as a mold­ ed bead with one incised dot on th e belly or is entirely incised. T he pubis is indicated by incised lines, either in the form of a filled in triangle as in C yprus, or by tw o parallel lines at the top o f the legs running p erp en d icu lar to the line separating the legs. The legs are straight, w ith knees occasionally being ren­ dered by molding. The toes are indicated by incision. T here are four styles of arm-positioning. They might extend straight out from the body (similar to Mycenaean ta u figurines); extend out from the shoulders and b e n d back to su p p o rt or cover the breasts; hang straight dow n the sides of the body; or one arm might curve to cover a breast w hile the o th e r hangs down the body. Whereas the attributes of breasts and navel are common throughout the Near East on female figurines, the pu b ic incisions and the crossed lines b etw een the breasts are common, to the O ro n tes re g io n ? 5 T he most important difference betw een the early Syrian figurines and those from Cyprus is that the Syrian ver­ sions never have a child in th e arms? There is also a minim al am o u n t of influence from the west in th ese LC II images, particularly in the case o f th e normal-faced figurines. It is generally believed that these figurines are a later evolution of the bird-faced figurines, 5467

54. Ibid.

55. I tint! it quite possible that these hairlocks were re-interpreted by the Cypriots as pierced ears, according to their own long-standing tradition. 56. Badre 1980: Chapter Two. 57. Ibid., 136. Later versions, found in Palestine only, showkourotrophosimagery, possi­ bly due to influence from Cyprus.

C Y P R U S : T H E P R O T O H IS T O R IC AG E

145

b u t heavily influenced by Aegean-style figurines. T hus, th e use o f paint, th e m ore ‘human” dim ensions, and th e flat head, all recall th e decorative motifs of M ycenaean tau , p h i and p s i figurines. Finally, a purely Aegean style o f figurine m u st b e m en tio n ed , although these im ages beco m e far m ore co m m o n in th e ensu in g LC III period. These images are typical Mycenaean p s i figurines, w ith p o lo s - style headdresses, schem atic bodies w ith upraised arm s, and sem i-conical bases. They are rel­ atively u n p o p u lar in the LC II period: th e small hoard at Kation, one figurine at Enkomi, o ne at Kourion-B a m b o u la , and o n e at M a r o n i - T s a r o u k a s .58 It is evident that th e A egean is beginning to e x e rt som e ico nographie (possibly ideological?) influence on Cyprus at this tim e, ev id en t b o th in Aegeanizing architectural m otifs as at Athienou and t h e p s i figurines, although this influ­ ence appears to pale in com parison to th e L evantine.59 Glyptic A nother im portant source o f data for th e C ypriot p a n th e o n is th e glyptic art. There are certain difficulties in dealing w ith this particu lar m edium : th e uncertainty as to th e actual use o f cylinder seals in C yprus (no im pressions have been discovered);60 th e difficulty in d eterm in in g th e e x te n t to w hich th e C ypriots ad o p ted i n t o t o th e icono g rap h y o f th e ir neig h b o rs (M esopotam ia, the Levant, Anatolia, and th e A egean); and th e e x te n t to w h ic h th ey adapted the glyptic to portray th eir ow n w orldview . T he creative m ixing o f styles—Syr­ ian, M ittaei, and A egean—have lead som e to argue th at th e C ypriot glyptic is, in fact, distinctive, and that the ico n o g rap h y p re s e n te d m ight serve to reveal inform ation concerning C ypriot religion.61 The m ajority o f cylinder seals on C yprus have com e to light at Enkomi, o th ­ ers from K ourion, Hala Sultan Teke, Iaysos, Kameiros, Klavdia, Maroni, and Dhima 62 As might be ex p ected , a certain p e rc e n ta g e of these are im ports, approxim ately 20 p e rc e n t at Enkom i 63 In term s o f chronology, th e seals appear to have been in use from th e LC IIB p erio d u p th ro u g h LC ΙΠΒ 64

58.

B egg 1991: A p p e n d ix ill.

59.

F r e n c h 19"1 : i 0 6 s u g g e s ts th a t d ie p o p u la r ity o f th e s e M y c e n a e a n fig u rin e s in Greece m ay b e d u e to L e v a n tin e in flu e n c e . H e re , w e m a y h e s e e in g a s im ila r d e v e lo p m e n t, or e v e n c o n t r ib u ti o n to th a t d e v e lo p m e n t, b y w a y o f C y p ru s .

60.

W e b b 1 9 9 2 b : 1 1 3 -1 7 .

6 1 . W e b b 1988: p a s si ni\ 62.

Porada

1991: p a s s im .

K e n n a 1971: 39.

26.

63.

C o u rto is a n d W e b b 1987:

64.

P o ra d a 1998: 178: Courtois and W e b b 1987: 26. Tills flatly contradicts the a s s ig n e d b y Schaeffer-Forrer to the cylinder s e a ls from Enkomi as published to

dates 1983,

THE ORIGIN OF APHRODITE

A handful of seals re p re se n t deities, both male and female. In typical C yp­ riot fashion, the deities are strongly influenced by both Syrian and Aegean styles. Thus the “M aster o f A nim als” on the hem atite seal from Enkomi (Enkomi-Alashia 1.002) is strongly M inoan in imagery, w earing a Minoan style kilt and “petting" heraldically placed lions w ith faces turned aw ay from th e god.61 By contrast., cylinder seal no. 1900.5-21.1 from the British M useum shows a god of Near Eastern type, with h o rn ed m itre, upraised mace in on e hand and a variety o f w eapon s in th e o th er, in striding p o stu re atop a seated bull (see

fig. 6d).66 The glyptic preserves three goddess types: a goddess, possibly armed, show n o pposite a god; a p o tn ia ih ero n goddess; and a nude goddess, possibly w inged. These categories overlap and, thus, may not be viewed as p o intedly distinct. That the females in question are, in fact, goddesses can be deter­ mined by eith er the p resen ce of horned mitres (as in the N ear Eastern style), their presence upon th ro n e s o f a divine style (also as p er com parison w ith the N ear Eastern glyptic), and th e ir possession of certain non-hum an attributes, m ost notably w ings. An exam ple o f th e first category, an arm ed goddess, is MMA 74.51.4308 from Kourion, a member of Porada5s G roup I 6 Here is a fem ale deity w earing a tall, conical cap. In Iter left hand she w ields a flail above her head; in h e r right hand she holds a spear with its b u tt u pon the ground. She is w inged and w ears a fringed gow n similar to th o se of the Syrian style, e x cep t that such item s of attire never adorn a fem ale in the Syrian glyptic.68 In the co m position she faces a male deity (with horned cap). Betw een them are a lion and a genie with the head and w ings of a bird and the low er body o f a hum an. In this p articular instance, the goddess carries a sp ear that is similar in style to Aegean Bronze Age spears. Furthermore, th e m otif o f a god and goddess fighting the sam e creature is not a Levantine motif, but has its closest parallels in G reece. As such, Porada suggests that, in this instance, one m ight regard th e “Armed G od­ dess" as being Aegean in inspiration.69 Nevertheless, an arnie d -w i nge d -potn ia iheron goddess ap p ears in the Syrian repertoire, and th e Aegean origin of this m otif should not be exaggerated/’0*657890

w h o d a te s s o m e s e a ls u p in to th e n in e te e n t h e e n tu iy . C y lin d e r seals fro n t th is te x t w ill h e c o n s id e r e d h e r e , b u t th e d a te s o tt e r e d by S c h a c ffc r-F o rre r w ill n o t b e a c c e p te d .

65. S c h a e ffc r-F o rre r 1983: 56. 66. K e n n a 1971: PI. IX. n o . 36. 67. P o ra d a 1948: PI. VMI, no. 8. 68 . ib id ., 1.82-83. 69. Ibid. 70. More on this m otif in C hapter Eight.

CYPRUS: THE PROTO HISTORIC AGE

147

Fig. 6d C y p rio t c y lin d e r seal. ’ BM 1 0 0 .5 .2 1 .1 .

A similar m otif is evident on th e cylinder seal m en tio n ed above, BM 1900.5-21.1 (see fig. 6d). W hile th e striding god stands to th e left of the image, th ere is a seated goddess to th e right o f th e scene. She wears a horned mitre anti is facing left. Her left hand is raised in a gesture o f greeting; in her right hand site holds tw o objects that Kenna identifies as grain but. that bear no resem blance to grain as typically p re se n te d in Near Eastern glyptic 71 The goddess sits upon a throne with h e r feet resting u p o n a footrest, in the middle of the com position is a. votary (?), w ho faces the goddess and offers h er a bird that is trying to fly aw ay,7172 The p o tn ia theron motif appears predominantly with lions and caprids. An excellent exam ple o f the p o tn ia th e r o n motif is cylinder seal MMA 74.51.4315 from Avia Paraskevi, categorized as belonging to Group VIE'3 Here is a goddess presen ted en f a c e but w ith the head turned to the side (although a dam age in the cylinder seal upon the face makes this difficult to make out entirely). Tins goddess is su rro u n d ed to th e right and left by animals, including a cap rid, an ox, and a fantastic-looking bird that she is touching on the beak. In this instance, the goddess ap p ears to be associated with several different groupings of animals. 71. Kenna 1971: 22. 72. Kenna identifies the bird as a dove, but w ith little supporting evidence (ibid.). 73- Porada 1948: 190-91 and PI. X, no. 35.

THE O R IG IN OF A PH R O D IT E

Cylinder seal 1 8 9 8 .1 2 -1 .6 4 in th e British M useum, from M aroni, th o u g h faint, show s at least o n e if n o t tw o fem ales in Hill dress g ripping caprids by th e horns.74 The fem ales have schem atically ren d ered heads w ith n o facial fea­ tures. The dresses are reminiscent ofMinoan clothing: th e re is a full u p p e r gar­ m en t w ith w hat, in m o d e m tim es, w o u ld be regarded as sh o u ld er pads. T he skirts, w hile also faintly ren d ered , a p p ear to be flounced, as th e re are h o ri­ zontal lines descen d in g d o w n th e length o f th e skirts, p arted by a vertical line in th e center. T he caprids are po rtray ed as rearing u p o n th eir h ie d legs; each is facing aw ay from th e fem ale w h o holds th e caprid’s horns. As w ith the “Mas­ te r of Animals” describ ed above, th e re is a strong A egean flavor to this re p ­ resentation of th e p o t n i a t h e r o n . A full collection o f cylinder seals portraying a goddess d om inating caprids is offered in W eb b ’s 1988 p u blication 7576In o n e exam ple, Louvre AO.4500, a goddess sits upon a throne that is itself set upon th e back of a lion (see fig. 6e). A p rocession o f individuals (th e last having th e face o f a bird, possibly representing a genie o r priests/priestesses in a mask) w alks to w ard this g o d ­ dess, each carrying a cap rid by th e horns. T he person standing before th e g o d ­ dess holds th e caprid to h er, w h ic h th e goddess takes w ith h e r right hand. On seal Louvre AO. 450, a goddess sits up o n a th ro n e facing a pro cessio n .7778In h e r right hand she holds a sickle. T he procession itself appears, o n ce again, to con­ sist of fantastic: creatures/cult personnel, each holding one or tw o caprids. Of particular interest are tw o w in g ed goddesses portray ed e n fa c e holding tw o caprids by the low ers paw s. From Enkomi Q u arter 3 com es a cylinder seal in tw o registers. In th e u p p e r register is a goddess u p o n a sim ple th ro n e wearing a long gow n/8 In h e r left hand she holds a knife, w hile in h e r right hand she holds a caprid by a leash(?) at the anim al’s neck. To the right o f this goddess is a lion-hunt scene, w ith a chariot chasing three lions, in th e low er register are two heraldically seated goddesses, each seated upon the back of a seated lion. These two goddesses are holding a caprid b e tw e e n them and each lias th e o th e r arm raised as if to strike. Beneath th e chariot, in the low er register, are two individuals, on e in a long skirt carrying a sp ear and a stick, and one in a kilt carrying just a stick. The heraldically seated goddesses m otif occurs on a seal from Kit ion (C yprus

74.

K e n n a 1971: 30, n o . 8 4 .

7 5 . W e b b i 9 8 8 : 2 7 6 ft.

76. I b i d PI. XXXV111, no. 2. "77. i b i d ., PI. XXXV111 n o . 37 8 . T e rm s s u c h as ‘u p p e r " a n d " lo w e r" a re s o m e w h a t m is le a d in g , as th e r e g is te r s a re in v e r te d fro m e a c h o th e r , a n d o n e o r d ie o t h e r s id e a p p e a r s rig h t-sid e -u p w h e n th e c y lin d e r is h e ld e i t h e r w a y .

C Y P R U S : T H E P R O T O H I S T O R I C AG E

149

Fig. 6e Cypriot cvUnder seal. Louvre AO.4500.

Museum T.9/16), w h e re th e e n th ro n e d g o d d esses each hold a caprid by th e h o rn s./9 In the m ajority o f cases, the goddess is shown eith e r sitting upon a caprid or Hon (or upon a th ro n e with the feet of such anim als) o r holding a caprid by the horn (as described above) with a w e a p o n of som e sort in her opposite hand. In such instances, she m ight be u n d ersto o d as dom inating the creatures in question. W hen the imagery7portrays the goddess with a w eap o n in com junction with the living or dead bodies o f caprids, we may be seeing refer­ ences to animal sacrifice associated with h e r cult a n d /o r ideology.7980 ft is high­ ly probable, then, that the Cypriot pantheon had a goddess strongly associ­ ated w ith animals, in general, and caprids and lions, in particular. Perhaps caprids w ere associated with the goddess thro u g h th e ir prevalence as sacri­ ficial animals in this goddess's cult (although in som e instances, as seen above with M yvtou-Pigadhes, the bones may be p re se n t at a sanctuary with no o th er evidence of sacrifice).

79. Ib id ., PI. XXXVIfL no. 8. 80. Ibid., 277-78.

THE O RIG IN OF A PHROD ITE

Finally, there is the nude goddess prevalent in Cypriot glyptic iconogra­ phy. O ne excellent exam ple of this goddess is show n on seal A9 from En ko mi (see fig. όί).Η! The image in question is a nude, w inged female, show n en fa c e but facing to her right and w ith feet pointing to the right. She w ears an elab­ orate headdress; the breasts are not rendered, but both the navel and the pubic triangle are emphasized by incision. One of her hands is at h er w aist, the other holds som e o b ject above w hat appears to be an altar. Behind the god­ dess in an a n k h , behind w hich is a striding male figure, probably a god, w ho holds som e m anner of w eapon in his right hand. Standing before the goddess and facing her over the altar is another male deity, w earing an a te)'crow n. His left hand, like her right, holds an object above the altar, and his right hand, raised behind his head, w ields a w eapon. A small lion is behind this god, sur­ rounded top and bottom by a guilloche. A second exam ple of th e nude goddess is show n on seal MM A, 74.51.4310 from Kourion.,s~ In this case, the nude goddess does not have wings. She w ears a small cap and faces to h er right, although otherw ise she is portrayed en fa ce. Her arms bend at the elbow s and curve in to clench at the waist. T he pubic triangle is rendered by incision and the thighs are large. Before h er stands a striding male in a kilt w h o holds w hat appears to be a lam p or highly stylized tree in his hands. On the opposite side of the lamp and facing the pair is a genie with the head, wings, and feet of a bird but the torso and legs of a hum an. Behind the goddess is a guiiloche; above the guilloche are two Hons co u c h a n t: below are two heraldically placed caprids facing each o th e r over a small, stylized plant.812 81. Schaeffer-Forrer 1983: 62. 82. Porada 1948: PL VIII, no. 2.

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151

A nother exam ple (C hypre A 2) sh o w s a n u d e goddess standing u p o n a striding lion’s back, holding a cap rid in b o th h an d s—one by the leg and one by th e h o rn .83845T he goddess w ears som e manner o f h ead d ress (schematic) and has a H atlioric hair-do. The face is m inim ally ren d ered . T h ere is som e p a t­ terning upon the chest (n o t breasts) and the genital triangle is rendered by molding. The goddess herself stands en f a c e , but h e r feet p o int tow ard the right. On eith er side o f th e goddess are gods. The o n e to her right w ears an Egyptian-style w h ite c ro w n and holds a sh e p h e rd ’s staff in his right hand. The god to the left w ears an Egyptian-style a t e f cro w n , holds a similar staff, and in his other hand grasps a cap rid. On e ith e r side of th e goddess's head are small, winged sphinxes. The goddess a p p ears to be sm aller than the tw o gods, because of h e r placem ent upo n th e lion. All th re e have h ead s at th e sam e level (isocephaly), indicating that they are to be u n d ersto o d as being the same height. O ne fu rth er exam ple o f a n ude goddess in C ypriot glyptic is British Muse­ um 99.1 2-29.35, from Klavdia.8'· It includes a nu d e goddess with w ings stand­ ing en face. She wears a highly schem atic h o m e d m itre and, once again, the arm s are b ent so that the hands reach the breasts. No sexual characteristics are show n. To the left of this goddess is a caprid facing tow ard the goddess; to h er right is a griffin, ap p aren tly striding tow ard th e goddess, in this in­ stance, a w inged, nude goddess is clearly being p o rtray ed as a p o tn ia th eron . In all these exam ples, the goddess is the sam e size as the god(s) and is show n in co n tex t w ith him. This is in co n tra st to o th e r portrayals of the nude goddess that sh o w her on a much sm aller scale than the o th e r figures w ithin a scene. O ne excellent exam ple of this is on British Museum seal 1900.521,3·8^Το one side is a fantastic creatu re with the head o f a bull, w ings, and the body of a hum an in a full gow n. O ne “hand” reaches behind th e creature to hold the tail of a ram pant lion, the o th e r “hand" is ex te n d e d upw ard in an ap p aren t sign of greeting. To the right of this c reatu re and hieing it is a goddess w ith upraised arms. She has a cap from w h ich horn-like protrusions em erge. She faces to the left, and a hair knot is visible at the nape o f h e r neck. Both of her arm s are raised and she is clad in a full-length gow n. B etw een these two figures is a floral motif, beneath which is a w inged, n u d e goddess. She stands en fa c e , although h er feet point to the right. H er cap is similar to that of the goddess to h er right, m arking her as divine. She holds h e r hands to h er breasts. In height she is about th ree quarters the size o f th e o th e r two divinities. To the rights of this g roup are two ram pant lions on e ith e r side of a sacred tree, at the base of which are two juxtap o sed cap rids (? no horns are visible). A

83. Schacffer-Forrer 1983: 59-

84. K tnna J971: no. 28. 85. ib id ., 2 9 , n o . 7 7 ; P o ra d a 1948, no. 11.

THE O R IG IN OF A P H R O D IT E

small male figure is sh o w n squatting un d er the tail o f th e farther lion. A egean elem ents are evident in b o th th e ap p aren t goddess-with-upraised-arms m o tif and the three-quarter rotatio n of th e bull-creature’s head.86 In som e exam ples th e nu d e goddess is show n equal in size to th e o th e r m em bers of the com position; in o th e r instances she is considerably sm aller, and even looks as th o u g h she w as added as an after th o u g h t (although this cat­ egory is clearly in th e m inority). She may be w inged or not; she may be a p o t ­ n i a th ero n or not. She is usually portrayed with lions o r caprids, th u s strongly associating h er w ith th e p o t n i a t h e r o n type. T here appears to b e considerable interchangeability between th e p o i n t a t h e r o n and the nude goddess. It is possible that they rep resen t th e sam e e n ti­ ty, o r that th ere is a strong com m onality b etw een the different goddesses o f Cyprus at this time. In at least som e instances, th e nude goddess is p o rtray ed as strongly resem bling the figurines m entioned above in this section: n ude, e n f a c e , w ith hands to breasts o r w aist, and em phasis on th e genital region. It is, thus, possible that the n u d e goddess in the glyptic rep resen ts th e sam e entity as the figurines, but, as w ell, offers a fuller picture o f this goddess, insofar as the d e m e n t of the p o t n i a t h e r o n is added into h e r character 878 In all instances o f th e latter tw o goddess types, p o t n i a t h e r o n and nude, the similarities w ith th e Levantine glyptic are overwhelming, especially in, light of the m otif o f th e w inged, n ude goddess, which is quite common in th e N ear Eastern repertoire. T hese motifs will be exam ined in greater detail in fol­ low ing chapters, but, as w ith th e figurines them selves, th e glyptic provides yet one m ore piece of evidence that th e significant con trib u to rs to th e evo­ lution of the C ypriot goddess came from the east.

Ultimately, what might be gleaned from the texts, the architecture, and the art is that Cyprus played a significant role in the eastern Mediterranean in the LC II period, and that the island absorbed a considerable amount of Near Eastern and Aegean influence at this time. In term s of religious development/ evolution, the LC II period marks a point where what existed of Cypriot tra­ dition merged with Levantine, and some Aegean, influences and from this confluence a new manifestation of cult, visible both in the places of worship and the depiction of th e deities, em erged. A strong Levantine influence can be seen in Cypriot architecture with the rectangular structures located within the city walls using bent-axis approach, such as at Kition and Myrtou-/Vg^/r///es.8,sSiich tem ples are composed o f long, usually bent-axis rectangular halls complete with b en ch es or platforms and a back room for the storage of cult paraphernalia. Similarly styled structures 86. Porada 1948: 185. 87. W iggcrm unn 1998' 59 d iscu sses rhe possible in terch an g eability between nude god­ dess and p o tn ia th e ro n in M esopotam ian and C ypriot glyptic.

88. W right 1992 (Vol. I): 507.

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153

ap p ear in LB Π-IA I Palestine at such sites as th e Fosse tem p le at Lachish, th e W ayside shrine at Tel Mevorakh, and th e tem p les at Tel Qasile. This style appears also in thirteenth-century G reece, co n tem p o ra n e o u s w ith those structu res in th e Levant and C yprus.89 The direction and o rd e r o f influence is, o f co u rse, a m a tte r o f som e debate. Negbi has postulated that an original P alestinian design, b est ex p ressed at Tel Mevorakh, w as ad o p ted in th e w est, notably at th e cult c e n te r at M ycenae and the sanctuary at Phylakopi. This style o f a rc h ite c tu re w as th en bro u g h t back to th e Levant by th e Philistines, recognizable in th e shrine at Tel Qasile.90 As the LC II tem ples pre-date th e m ov em en ts o f th e Philistines (and th e end of the Bronze Age in general), it is ev id en t that th e influence m ust com e from the east. Ultimately, influence from b o th east and w est m erge in Cyprus in LC III sanctuaries such as at Paphos (see belo w ), resulting in an architectural style that both Burdajewicz and Maier recognize as essentially Cypriot in nature.91 This m erging o f cultures is also ev id en t in th e n e w figurines, w here, as m entioned above, aspects o f th e earlier C ypriot artistic tradition, dating even as far back as th e Chaicolithic, were retained. This is m ost evident in the Cyp­ riot LC II k o u r o tr o p h o s figurines, a motif that does not occur among the Syr­ ian bird-faced images, but that is common in Cyprus since, at least, EC III. Evi­ dently, the Cypriots, while importing a n e w image whose iconography must

have embodied many of their own beliefs, needed to add an aspect of their own co n cep tio n of the supernatural missing from the traditional Syrian ver­ sion so as fully to answer their o w n worldview and spiritual needs. The glyptic offers yet one more so u rce of religious data. The mere fact that Cypriots adopted cylinder seals shows a considerable influence from the Near East, even if th e actual function of the seals was not adopted on the island. These seals show some of the greatest mixing of N ear Eastern and Aegean motifs in Cypriot art of the tim e and also shed light on the nature of the deities revered. It appears evident that oxen are associated with male deity/ies in Cyprus, based on the glyptic (sec fig. 6d. e.g.) and b o th Near Eastern and Aegean com­ paranda. As such, the p resen ce of ox bones (especially incised) and horns at a sanctuary may indicate that the sanctuary-temple was dedicated to a god. However, the glyptic argues very strongly for the association of horned ani­ mals, especially caprids, with a goddess. Thus, not all animal horns can be said to be indicative o f a god and, in fact, it may be safer to argue that only oxen might be seen in co n tex t w ith a god. and that o th e r h o rn ed animais can be regarded as belonging to the cult of a goddess.

89.

ib id .. =>15-16.

90. Negbi 1988: p a ssim . For counter argum ents, see Gilmour 1993: passim . 91. Burdajewicz 1990: 105- 1I ; Maier 1979: passim.

TH E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

Faunal rem ains o f b o th o x en and caprids w ere discovered at Myrtouand A thienou in c o n te x t w ith c o p p e r slag and copper-w orking. This w ould suggest that copp er-w o rk in g (th e national industry) was associated w ith at least a god or a goddess, if not both. Finally, th e goddess associated w ith animals, according to th e glyptic, may be identified w ith the n u d e goddess w h o often functions in th e glyptic as a p o in ta (heron. The sim ilarities between the nude goddess as she ap p ears in the glyptic and the bird- and norm al-faced figurines are adequately strong to suggest that the tw o im ages indicate the same entity. T here w ould, th erefo re, ap pear to Ire an island-wide cult o f a goddess associated w ith (h o rn ed ) anim als and nudity/eroticism and p robably co p p er. This goddess (o r goddesses) exist(s) alongside th e cult o f at least o n e male deity, possibly m ore. P ig a d h e s

S u m m ary

Unlike th e previous eras o f C ypriot prehistory and protohistory, in the L€ If th ere is a unified religion th ro u g h o u t the island, as can be seen in the island­ w ide use of similar sanctuaries, sim ilar votives, similar female figurines, and a com m on glyptic tradition. T he twin sanctuaries of A jiosjakovos and Kation suggest that at least tw o deities w e re revered in Cyprus at this tim e, and th at it w as not uncom m o n to w o rsh ip th ese tw o together. To judge from th e votive rem ains at A jiosjakovos and the glyptic, this p a n th eo n consisted o f at least a god and a goddess. Beyond the sanctuaries, the fem ale figurines w ere associated with the grave, suggesting at least o n e role as th e protector/guide o f the dead, possibly, although this is speculative, to rebirth.. The iconography as a k o u ro tro p h o s suggests, also, eith er associations with m aternity, guardianship of children, o r care over n e w life. All th re e are certainly possible. W hat is significantly novel in the representation of this goddess (or goddesses) in th e LC II is lier p rev ­ alence thro u g h o u t the island and a strong sexuality, as h er iconography heavi­ ly focuses on the sexual attrib u tes o f breasts, hips, genitalia, and, occasionally, navel. The com bination o f sexual attributes, the significance o f jew elry in both the figurine iconography and in the votives (as at A jiosjakovos), and the occasional association w ith children all emphasize the extrem ely fem inine nature of this deity. In many respects, the sole distinction b etw een this deity and A phrodite is the association with children, an association that is mini­ mized in subsequen t centuries. It is during the LC II period that a female divinity appears that may. in fact, be the earliest know n version o f th e eventual G reek A phrodite. She is heavily influenced by Levantine, notably Syrian iconography and probably ideology.

CY PRUS:

THE

P R O T O H IS T O R IC A G E

155

LATE CYPRIOT III (1 2 0 0 -1 0 5 0 BCE)

T he Late C ypriot III period show s a rem arkable d eg ree o f cultural conti­ nuity during w h at w as for th e en tire e astern M editerranean a p eriod o f chaos and extensive change. What is particularly significant ab o u t these tribulations for th e aims of this study are th e facts th a t ( ! ) in c. 1190 settlers from G reece established residence in Cyprus w h e re (2) th e y cam e into extensive contact w ith a deity at Paphos w ho, th rough archaeological co n tin u ity and literary tra­ dition. appears to be an early form, if not the actually progenitress, of the later G reek A phrodite. F igurines O ne m ajor change that occurs in C ypriot cu lt p ra c tic e b e tw e e n LC II and LC III is th e style o f the cult images. T he bird-faced and norm al-faced figurines that dom inated the LC 0 ico nographie rep erto ire vanish alm ost entirely. These are replaced in part by bro n ze idols, som etim es m easuring up to half a m eter in height, represen tin g b o th fem ale and m ale, th ereb y show ing yet another change from the LC I! practice in which the male was only minimally portrayed. A nother great innovation o f th e LC Hi figurines is their anthropo­ morphism. Unlike the figurines o f previous eras, the LC III images are ren ­ dered w ith natural propo rtio n s, especially hip-to-height ratios, ear size, and general hair styling. The faces, w hile adm ittedly rath er crude, are far m ore nat­ uralistic than th e bird-faced, or even th e norm al-faced, figurines o f LC II. Ail these innovations might be a ttrib u ted to N ear Eastern influence. In the litto ral region, including Ugarit, Tell Sukas, and Bybios, a highly a n th ro p o ­ m orphized style of divine images cam e to be co m m o n by around i 500 BCE.92934 In general, hum an images w ere w ro u g h t o f terra-cotta, whereas bronze, ivory, and o th er precious m aterials w e re used for creating divine images 9λ This style reached its pinnacle in th e first m illennium in the gold foil “Astarte" plaques that w ere widespread th ro u g h o u t th e Phoenician and G reek w orlds in the eighth and seventh centuries. Before this, however, this style probably reached Cyprus from Ugarit around 1200 BŒ. w h en the city w as destroyed and refugees fled to the island.9'1 Unlike in previous eras, very few cult im ages rem ain from th e LC Hi period, possibly due to the rather precious nature of th e material involved. Only five bronze images show the stylistic develo p m en t o f goddess iconography; a tiny votive figurine from Enkomi, the unprovenanced Bom lord Figurine, the Nico­ sia Figurine, the Paphos Figurine, and th e Ladies at th e Window” upon a stand from a tom b in Enkomi. 92. Bacire 1980; 128. 93. Ibid,, 109. 94. Sanders 1987:

153-

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T he figurine from Enkom i (p e rh a p s th e m ost dubious in term s o f Identi­ fication as a goddess im age), 5 cm in height, is Intact from th e to p o f th e h ead to oiid-thigh. The to p o f th e head Is flat and is covered by w h at looks like a veil b ut is probably hair. The face has a very slight forehead with no eyebrow s, and the eyes are ren d ered as circu lar beads. The nose is extrem ely p ro m in en t, and the m outh is a slight incision u n d ern eath th e nose. T he figurine’s arm s are close to th e body, b en t at th e elb o w s so th at th e forearm s co v er th e breasts, and the hands are just b elo w n eck level, grabbing w h at appears to b e tresses of hair. The body is nude, w ith clearly incised navel, pu b ic delineation and a groove separating th e legs. J. Karageorghis n otes that a similar, small, doubleheaded fem ale figurine cam e from a to m b c o n te x t in Enkomi dating to th e LC II period.9-> Äs such, this im age m ight sh o w part o f th e transition o f ic o n o ­ graphie media from th e LC II to LC III periods. T he unprovenanced b ro n ze statu ette, th e so-called Bomford figurine, is closely associated w ith th e In g o t G od statue o f Enkomi (see b elo w ) as she stands u p o n an ingot-shaped base. The figure is 9.9 cm in h eight and d ep icts a nude female (see fig. 6g). T he to p o f th e head is rather flat, and th e hairstyle has four tresses, two long and two short. The sh o rter tresses lie on e ith e r side o f th e figure’s face just b efo re th e ears, w hereas th e larger tresses fall b e h in d the ears and th en com e forward to lie on th e figure’s shoulders just at breast lev el T he sta tu e ’s ears are relatively large and tu rn ed forw ard. The ey eb ro w s are lightly incised; th e eyes are large and m olded as is the nose; th e m outh is a vaguely incised gash. The neck has sm all m olded ridges that Catling in te r­ prets as setting off th e tig h t n ecklace th at th e figure w ears, b elo w w h ic h is a cord from which hangs a p e n d a n t d escending dow n to the sta tu e ’s a b d o ­ m en.9596 T he breasts are unusually highly set and are com posed of dumps" o f metal. The pubic triangle is p ro m in en t, ren d ered in strongly incised lines filled in w ith slighter gashes. The legs are straight and separated by a groove. The arm s extend out from th e shoulders and curve back in to rest akim bo on the waist. T he back of th e figurine, although show ing slightly m old ed b u t­ tocks, is, nevertheless, less fully w ro u g h t than the front, and so the image was probably intended to be view ed from the front exclusively.9 This statuette, both stylistically and iconographically, is very similar to a bronze statuette that w as u n earth ed in Nicosia. The figurine, intact from th e head to just above the ankles, m easures 10 cm in height and m ight have attained a height of 12 to .13 cm when fully intact, especially if it, too, stood on a base.98 The top of th e head is m ore ro unded than that of the Bomford fig-

95. J. Karageorghis 1977: 10396. Catling 1971: 19. 97. Ibid.

98. Ibid., 20-21.

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157

Fig. 6g Bom ford figurine. A s h m o le a n M u s e u m , in v .

1971,888.

urine, and the Nicosia statu ette has only tw o large tresses descending from the head behind the ears to the shoulders. The ears stick out at a 90-degree angle from the side of the face. Eyebrows and mouth are minimally incised; the eyes are large m olded dots; th e no se is q u ite p ro m in en t. The Nicosia stat­ uette show s no indication of a tight necklace aro u n d the neck, but she w ears a p en d an t similar to that of the Bom ford figurine; a thick cord around the neck descending dow n b etw een the breasts and term inating in an unidentifiable pendant, just above the navel. The breasts themselves are prom inently m old­ ed dots. T he pubic triangle is ren d ered w ith strongly incised o u ter lines, slighter incised lines w ithin the triangle and, unlike th e Bomford version, the vulva is also clearly incised. The arm s arch out at the shoulders, but hang dow n the length of the body. Both of these figurines, on the basis of style, can be dated to the early tw elfth century BCE. This is due both to th e ir evolved form from the bird-faced and normal-faced figurines of th e LC II period, and to their resem blance to the “Ladies-at-the-Window’' stand from Enkomi. This stand is dated by both Gjerstad and Catling to the first half o f th e tw elfth century, w hich is consistent with the other objects discovered in the sam e tom b group, including pottery of the decorated LC Ilï-styfe," This b ro n ze stand, although badly corroded, 9 99- Ibid., 22-23.

TH E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

has cut-out "w indow s” along all fo u r panels, w h ich supposedly re p re se n t building façades. W ithin each o f these w indow s are tw o female heads m odeled in the round. A lthough it is difficult to discern exact features, these fem ales have large noses, p ro m in en t ears tu rn ed out: 90 degrees from the side of th e face, and large tresses, w h ic h d escen d from the head d ow n to th e shoulders. A final version o f this figurine style com es from an excavated tom b at Palaipaphos. This figurine w as d iscovered in T om b 104, C ham ber K at Kouklia-Teratsoiicihia. It lay face d o w n on a b e n ch by the hole that linked C ham ber K w ith its adjoining d r o m o s L, and th e excavator suggests that, in fact, th e fig­ urine may have fallen into th e c h a m b e r th ro u g h this open in g during th e loot­ ing, w hich w as ap p aren t in th e c h am b e r.100 As such, it is n o t practical to assum e an inten d ed m ortuary c o n te x t for th e image. T he figurine itself (K.S) stands 9-5 cm high and is fully intact e x c e p t for som e corrosion at th e feet. T he to p o f th e head it flat; the hairstyle consists o f tw o broad tresses descen d in g from the top of the head passing behind th e ears, com ing forw ard of the shoulders and finally resting on the figurine’s w rists. T he eyes resem ble coffee beans, th e nose is p rom inent, as are th e ears, and the m outh is not indicated. Tw o bands encircle the neck (visible as only one band from b ehind), and a fu rth e r band d escends from th e n eck b e tw e e n the breasts dow n to the navel. The arm s ex ten d away from th e body, bend at the elbow s and curve back to the body, w here the hands grasp the breasts. A ccording to λ7. Karageorghis, the hands are squeezing the n ip p le s.101 The pubic triangle is both m olded and incised, making it quite pro m in en t, w hile a line of “flesh"(?) lies directly above th e pubic triangle. The legs are ro u n d ed and separated by an incised groove. T he feet are mostly co rroded away, but it is evident that they rested u p o n som e m anner of base, still p re s e n t.102 The back of the image is minimally w ork ed , and it w ould ap p ear that, on ce again, it w as intended to be view ed from the front only. All these im ages—th e tw o-faced fem ale figurine from Enkomi room 11. the Bom ford figurine, the N icosia figurine, the Paphos figurine, and the “Ladiesat-the-W indow ” from Enkom i—show certain consistent traits. They all have large noses (rem iniscent o f the bird-faced figurines) and hair tresses that descend dow n to the chest. E xcept for the Enkomi figurine, all have pro m i­ nent ears and w ere m eant to be view ed only from the front. All the free-stand­ ing figurines are portrayed n u d e and emphasize the p u b ic triangle (ab sen t on the Enkomi stand for the obvious reason). Many o f these attributes show a clear sense of continuity w ith fem ale figurines o f th e previous eras: th e flat­ tened heads, the large noses, and th e out-turned ears. P erhaps even th e n e w

100. Karageorghis 1990: 11. 101. Ibid., 29. 102. Ibid.. Piate XXL

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159

p e n d a n t s o f t h e b r o n z e id o ls h e a r k e n b a c k t o a tr a d i t i o n o f r e n d e r in g fe m a le f ig u rin e s w i t h a b u n d a n t je w e lr y . N e v e rth e le s s » th e s e b r o n z e id o ls a n d f ig u r in e s a ls o s h o w s t r o n g in s p ir a ­ ti o n fr o m th e r e lig io u s ic o n o g r a p h y o f t h e L e v a n t, m o s t n o ta b l y U g a rit. L e v a n ­

tine coastal goddess images, com m only m old-poured for mass p ro d u ctio n ,*104105 a re p r e d o m in a n t ly f r o n ta l fig u re s , a n d t h e i r p o s e is a lm o s t e x c lu s iv e ly en face.l(H T h e y a r e p o r t r a y e d n u d e , w i t h careful a t t e n t i o n to t h e b r e a s ts a n d p u b i c tr ia n g le . The b o d ie s a r e r e n d e r e d in h u m a n p r o p o r t i o n s , w i t h a rm s e i t h e r h a n g in g to th e s id e s , r e s tin g o n t h e b o d y , o r h o ld i n g a tt r i b u te s , s u c h as f lo w e r s , o n e i t h e r s id e o f th e b o d y . T h e t r e a t m e n t o f t h e h a ir is im p o r ta n t. T w o sty le s , o n e M e s o p o ta m ia n in o r i g in a n d o n e E g y p tia n , c o if e d th e g o d ­ d e s s e s o f t h e L e v a n t. T h e E g y p tia n v e r s io n , k n o w n a s t h e uHathor-style,”

show s the hair parted in the center, curving aro u n d the Lice, and descending to the shoulders, w here the end of each tress curls outw ard. The hair o f the d o u b le f a c e d fig u r in e fr o m Enkomi m i g h t b e in s p i r e d b y th i s sty le . T h e M e s o ­ potam ian style show s the hair divided into braid o r cork-screw-like tresses, usually curling tow ard the front of th e body to lie on the shoulders o r c h e st.105 T h is sty le w a s p a r t ic u l a r ly c o m m o n o n m o l d e d , te r r a - c o t ta fe m a le fig u rin e s ,

but w as also em ployed on the mold-poured, metal versions. This tressed style is the inspiration behind the new hairstyle on the Bomford, Nicosia, and Enko­ mi-stand figures, show ing a definite, co n tin u e d co n tact with and inspiration from Near Eastern iconography.

Sanctuaries Further information a b o u t Cypriot re lig io n in t h e LC III p h a s e m a y b e d e r iv e d from a study of the sanctuaries. C ontinuity o f cult is evident in the continued use of the sam e sacred areas th rough and beyond the transition o f LC il to LC ILL A lthough significant changes o c c u r in the layout and orientation o f these early sacred sites, their overall use rem ains fairly c o n s t a n t.

Athienou Tiie shrine of Athienou con tin u es in use from its earliest foundation in t h e sixteenth century into the mid-twelfth century B Œ . The only tw o elem ents o f the shrine that alter b etw een Stratum III (LC II) and Stratum II (LC III) a re t h e nature of the pottery and the focus o f th e industry. As the LH IIIB pottery is replaced by LH IOC, the forms o f the vessels change as well. Instead of th e smaller, votive vessels com m on in the LC 0 period, the LC III rem ains are prac­ tical in nature, suggesting use by hum ans rather than gifts to gods. So. too. the 103- Catling 1971: 19. 104. The exceptions to this will be examinee! in Chapter Eight. 105. B adre 1980; passim.

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m e ta l- w o r k in g c o m p o n e n t o f t h e s h r in e is e x p a n d e d in LC III, t h u s i n c r e a s i n g t h e le v e l o f c o p p e r - s m e l ti n g a s s o c ia te d w i t h t h e s h r in e . T h e e x c a v a t o r s a t t r i ­ b u t e t h e s e c h a n g e s to t h e a rriv a l o f t h e Achaeans in C y p r u s .1061078 N e v e r th e le s s , o n e s h o u l d r e m e m b e r th a t t h e LC II s h r in e o f Athienou w a s a s s o c ia te d w ith c o p p e r - w o r k i n g , a n d t h e a s s o c ia tio n b e t w e e n m e ta l- w o r k in g a n d r e lig io n w a s a t h e m e in t h e r e lig io u s e v o lu t io n o f C y p r u s t h r o u g h LC III th r o u g h o u t th e is la n d . A s s u c h , t h e g r e a t e r e m p h a s is o f A th ie n o u a s a f o u n d r y r a t h e r t h a n as a s h r in e s h o u l d n o t b e s e e n a s a r a d ic a l c h a n g e at t h e s ite , b u t r a t h e r a s a re la tiv e ly n a tu r a l p r o g r e s s i o n o f u s e .

K it ion E v e n m o r e r a d ic a l c o n tin u ity - ! n-change o c c u r s a t Kition. T h e t w o s ig n if­ ic a n t c h a n g e s a t t h e t u r n f r o m LC II to LC III ( c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o le v e ls IV a n d III a t t h e s ite ) a re : ( 1 ) th e a rriv a l o f A c h a e a n s a t t h e s ite a s in d i c a te d b y fa r g r e a t ­ e r q u a n ti ti e s o f M y c e n a e a n w a r e s th a n e a r lie r (e s p e c ia lly LH IIIC.Tb), t h e w id e -s c a le u s e o f a s h la r m a s o n r y in c o n s t r u c t i o n s a n d r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s o f A re a II, 10 a n d c o r r e s p o n d i n g d a ta o f A c h a e a n m ig r a tio n a r o u n d t h e is la n d , m o s t n o ti c e a b le a t P a p h o s b e g in n i n g c. 1 1 9 0 ; a n d ( 2 ) e x te n s iv e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s in Area II, in c lu d in g t h e e r e c t i o n o f t h r e e n e w t e m p le s a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f th e c o p p e r fo u n d r ie s . C o n ti n u it y is e v id e n t in t h e t e n d e n c i e s o f t h e b u il d e r s to h a v e la t e r structures, e s p e c ia lly T e m p l e s 1 a n d 2, c o r r e s p o n d t o t h e s t r u c ­ tu r e s o f th e LC II p e r i o d . The m o s t s ig n if ic a n t c h a n g e t h a t o c c u r r e d in A re a II was t h e g e n e r a l e x p a n s i o n o f th e s a n c t u a r y c o m p l e x , e v id e n t in F lo o r s HIA a n d III. T e m p l e 3

was dism antled (or at least not reco n stru cted ), and Tem ple 1 was e re c te d in its s te a d . T h is t e m p le w a s m u c h la r g e r t h a n e i t h e r T e m p l e s 2 o r 3» a n d w a s

probably intended to be th e main focus o f the sanctuary com plex. As this te m ­ p le w a s e n tir e ly r e c o n s t r u c t e d by the Phoenicians in the ninth century, the rem ains of the LC III tem ple, b o t h in term s of arch itectu re a n d votives, are s c a n ty . T e m p l e 1 s t o o d to t h e s o u t h o f T e m p l e 2 , w h i c h w a s r e c o n s t r u c t e d but in

most resp ects sim ilar to the T em ple 2 of th e LC if period. The m ain d iffer­ ence in construction is the use of ashlar maso my (as in T em ple 1 and th e n ew city w alls).1,,KO bjects found associated w ith the LC if!, level w ere, in te r alia., s e v e r a l p ie c e s o f A e g e a n -w a r e (L H M B a n d C), c o a r s e - w a r e , a n d plain-whiteware vessels.109 106. Dothan and Ben For 1983: 140. 107. Karugeorghb 19” 6: 59. In Area IF a new Cyclopean wall was c o n s tru c te d sim ilar in style to those at Fnkonii, Sinda, and Maa-Palaiokastro.

108. Ib id ., 49. 109. Ibid.,

106.

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B e y o n d th e s e t w o m a in te m p le s , t h e s a c r e d p r e c i n c t o f LC III Kition c o n ­ ta i n e d t w o tem enoi. Temenos B w a s t h e f o c a l p o i n t a t t h e w e s t e r n e n d o f th e p r e c i n c t, comm unicating with Temple 1 t o t h e w e s t , T e m e n o s A to th e n o r t h , T e m p l e 2 t o t h e s o u t h , a n d p o s s ib ly w i t h s o m e m a n n e r o f p ia z z a to t h e e a s t .110 T h e te m e n o s w a s a n e n c lo s e d c o u r t y a r d w i t h a p o r t i c o a lo n g its s o u t h e r n s i d e 111 a n d m a y h a v e served as a m o n u m e n t a l e n t r a n c e o r p r o c e s s io n a l r o u t e to/for Temple 1. N o r th o f Temenos B ( a n d m u c h s m a lle r ) is T e m e n o s A. T h e n o r t h w a ll o f t h e t e m e n o s is t h e c ity w a ll, a n d its s o u t h wall c o m p r is e s t h e n o r t h e r n limit o f T e m p l e 1. A t th e w e s t e r n e n d , t h e t e m e n o s h a d d ir e c t a c c e s s to t h e c o p p e r w o r k s h o p s in th e n o r t h e r n s e c t o r o f A re a II .112 P r o c e e d i n g e a s t fr o m T e m e n o s A, t h r o u g h a n e m p t y c o u r t y a r d , w a s a c o m ­ p le te ly new structure: T e m p le 4. U n lik e t h e p r e v i o u s t w o te m p le s , T e m p le 4 was first c o n s t r u c t e d f o r F lo o r II1A. It is l o c a t e d in t h e e a s t e r n s e c t o r o f th e s a c r e d p r e c i n c t a n d a b u t t e d th e n o r t h e r n c ity w a ll a t its e a s t e r n e n d . 1131456T h e t e m p le w a s c o n s t r u c t e d o f a s h la r masonry and, as the other te m p le s , con­ sisted primarily o f a large h a ll (Room 38) to the w est a n d tw o s m a ll r o o m s a n d a v e s tib u le to t h e e a s t (R o o m s 38A-C). R o o m 38C m a y h a v e b e e n th e t e m p l e ’s s to r a g e r o o m . D is c o v e r e d w ith i n it a t t h e le v e l s e p a r a ti n g F lo o rs IIIA from III

(but attributable to Floor IIIA according to the excavators) w ere objects o f (1) ivory: a plaque o f a lion, a plaque o f the Egyptian g o d Bes, and an engraved rod and a p ip e ;111 ( 2 ) bronze: a nail, a tool, a disk, and a fragmen ta 17 dagger; (3) ceramic: ten plain w h i t e wheel-made bow ls, LH IHR w a r e s , d e c o r a t e d L ate C y p rio t w a r e s ; a n d ( 4 ) m is c e lla n e o u s m a te ria ls : a le a d w e ig h t, f a ie n c e a n d p a s t e b e a d s , a n d a b o n e s p i n d le - w h o r l .11> T h e fin al in n o v a t io n in t h e s a c r e d a r c h i t e c t u r e o f A re a II a t K itio n w a s T e m ­ p le 3, ly in g o b liq u e ly to t h e s o u t h o f T e m p l e 4. L ike T e m p l e 4 , it w a s firs t c o n ­ s t r u c t e d f o r F lo o r IIIA. It c o m p r is e d a la r g e r e c t a n g u l a r hall (R o o m 5 8 ) e x t e n d ­

ing to a courtyard to the east and a narrow in n er ch am b e r (Room 38A) to the w e s t. A w o r k e d a s h la r b lo c k o n t h e s o u t h e r n w a ll m a y h a v e b e e n th e b a s e o f a n ic h e c o n s t r u c t e d in t h e s o u t h w a ll for t h e d is p la y o f c u lt o b j e c t s .515 T h is is the only such construction so far seen at Kition. T h e r e w a s a n altar/table o f o f f e r in g s l o c a t e d a lo n g t h e w e s te r n , wall a n d a s s o c ia te d w i t h F lo o r HI / IIIA, a n d a s t o n e a n c h o r t h a t p r o j e c t s s o u t h w a r d

l i t ) . I b id .. 55. 111. [h id .. 59.

112.

I b id ., 0 1 - 6 2 .

113. Ibid... 107. 114. B oth th e

plaque of Bes and th e pipe were inscribed with Cypro-Minoan characters,

115. Karageorghis and Demas 1985: 71. 116. Ibid., 75.

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f r o m R o o m 58A w a s i n c o r p o r a t e d in t o this a lta r. In th e F lo o r III p h a s e t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t c h a n g e t o T e m p l e 5 w a s t h e a d d itio n o f a built a l t a r .11 / A lso o f particular significance at this level is the discovery of d eer a n tle rs.1i,s

To the north and w est of the tem ples p ro p e r in the sacred p recin ct w ere w orkshops containing slag, b u rnt materials, and signs of copper-working . 119 817 S in c e t h e northern w o r k s h o p s , in p a r t ic u l a r , w e r e d ir e c tly c o n n e c t e d to T e m ­ ple 1, it appears that th e re had b een som e manner of tem ple control o ver the c o p p e r foundry, p o s s ib ly e v e n o v e r t h e e n ti r e c o p p e r - w o r k i n g in d u s tr y . O r, as B. K n a p p s u g g e s ts , t h e “aura o f d iv in ity ” w a s u s e d to le g itim iz e t h e r u lin g class, w ho m aintained th e ir co ntrol and m onopoly over the island’s m ost im portant natural resource (excluding food and w ater, of course ) . 120 D u rin g t h e s e c o n d q u a r t e r o f t h e e le v e n th century, a w a v e o f d e s t r a c t i o n , either natural or human, hit C yprus, and the site of Kition w as destroyed. Unlike Enkomi, w hich was totally abandoned during this period, Kition w as rebuilt over the rem ains o f th e previous structures, and th e tem ples o f Area I! w ere reconstructed according to their original plan s.121 It is during this b rief period, at the very end o f th e C ypriot Bronze Age, that Minoan religious influ­ e n c e b e c o m e s a p p a r e n t a t K itio n . T h e e v id e n c e is s lig h t b u t h ig h ly s ig n if ic a n t

for the study of religious c o n n ectio n s throughout the eastern M editerranean, Excavations of the later, P hoenician construction in the area o f T em ple 1 revealed a bothros at the front o f th e tem ple containing terra-cotta im ages o f a goddess-with-upraised-arms and three clay n a isk o s m odels o f a subMinoan ty p e .122 Evidently, these were buried in the sanctuary co m p lex by later settlers w ho intended to reco n stru ct the tem ple but show ed resp ect for the form er tem ple's votive rem ains. That these objects were bu lled in fro n t of Tem ple 1 suggests that eith er all votives from the LBA w ere collected from throughout the site and buried to g eth er before the largest te m p l e or, m o r e likely, these figurines cam e from the w reckage o f T em ple 1. The identity of the deities revered, at Kition rem ains speculative in s p i t e o f the extensive archaeological evidence. The presen ce of tw o t e m p l e s a t the earliest phase of Area I! would indicate that at least two deities w ere w or­ shipped at Kition since the LC II/Floor IV period at the site. That T em ple 2 c o n ­ tinued in use and that Temple I was clearly and carefully placed on top ofTem-

117.

Ibid., 1 10.

118. Ibid., 144. In the Floor II phase of Temple 4 the number of skulls ofhorneii animals increases considerably, suggesting quite strongly that these animals were of continu­ ing relevance to the deity or deities revered within tills temple. 119. Karageorghis and Demas 1985: 7^-84. 120. Knapp 1986: passim. 121. Karageorghis 1976: 91. 122. Ibid.

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163

p ie 3 s u g g e s t t h a t t h e s a m e t w o d e it ie s w e r e w o r s h i p p e d d u r i n g b o t h LC II a n d LC III. T h e d e ity worshipped in T e m p l e 3 w a s p r o b a b l y th e d iv in ity o f th e s a c r e d g a r d e n s b e t w e e n t h e t w o te m p l e s , a s t h a t t e m p l e w a s c o n s t r u c t e d to

open onto those gardens, w hereas T em ple 2 o p e n e d aw ay from them . In the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , T e m p l e 1 o v e rla y s a n d a b s o r b s t h o s e g a r d e n s . In t h e LC III p e r i o d , th e deity o f T e m p l e 1 c a m e t o e x e r t c o n t r o l o v e r t h e c o p p e r industry, to ju d g e f r o m t h e c lo s e r e l a ti o n s h ip b e t w e e n T e m p l e 1 a n d t h e c it y ’s c o p p e r foundry. F u r t h e r d a ta fr o m t h r o u g h o u t t h e is la n d ( s u c h a s t h e b r o n z e s ta tu e s ,

discussed above in th e case of th e fem ale im ages and below for th e male) sug­ g e s t th a t a t le a s t a m a le a n d fe m a le d e it y w e r e r e v e r e d throughout t h e is la n d a t th is tim e , p o s s ib ly a d iv in e c o u p le , Karageorghis s u g g e s ts th a t it w a s th is pair/couple w h i c h w a s w o r s h i p p e d a t K i t i o n .123124 T h e e v id e n c e s u p p o r t s t h e h y p o t h e s i s t h a t T e m p l e s 3 /1 w e r e d e d ic a te d

to a female deity: the close association b e tw e e n T em ple 3 and the sacred gar­ dens (not difficult to link w ith Aph rodite in later periods). T em ple I , and T em ­ p le 1 !s associations w ith goddess-with-upraised-arms in its later phase (but before the abandonment o f the site). F u rth erm o re, com parable evidence from Palaipaphos show s that a tem p le associated with a copper foundry could belong to a goddess (in the case of P aphos specifically A phrodite) and, thus, the d o s e co n n ectio n to m etal-w orking d o c s n o t r u le o u t a g o d d e s s , if this is the case, th en it is also possible that T em ple 2 w a s d e d ic a te d to a god, at least in the LC II period. Who may have been revered in T em ples 4 and 5 is another, and just as dif­ ficult, issue. Most likely, new gods w ere introduced, on the basis of the n e w ­ ness of these tem ples and the co n tin u ed u s e o f th e o l d e r o n e s ( i.e ., they d o not function as new hom es for old gods). T hese “n e w ” deities arrived p ro b ­ ably from the Levant, cither through close c o n tac ts or actual immigrants. The presence during this and su b seq u en t phases o f anchors, especially in the c o n ­ struction of the altar, suggests that T em ple 5 may have been dedicated to a male deity. This usage o f boat an ch o rs lias parallels in th e Near East, notably at Ugarit and Bybios, and may reflect possible N ear Eastern associations of this deity.121 This tem ple (and associated deity) cam e into pro m in en ce during a period of strong ties with the Levant. If an ch o rs are an asp ect o f the cult, for exam ple, of Baal at Ugarit, then in T em ple 5 w e m ight see eith er evidence for the im portation o f the cult of Baat into C yprus, or, m ore likely, the im porta­ tion of a Baal-type deity, with som e o f this g o d ’s iconography, transform ed into a deity appropriate to the w orldview and spiritual needs of the Cypriots. Karageorghis had originally believed that tw o deities w ere w o rsh ip p ed in T em ple 4, having identified the vestibule and sto rero o m at the eastern end of

123. Karageorghis and Demas 1985: 261-62. 124. F ro st 1082: 164: K arageorghis an d D em as 1985: 282.

THE O R I G I N O F A P H R O D I T E

t h e h a ll as tw in adyta. A lth o u g h t h e p r e s e n c e o f c h a r r e d r e m a in s m a y in f a c t s u p p o r t th is c o n c lu s io n , t h e a b s e n c e o f c u lt id o ls a rg u e s a g a in s t s u c h a n i d e n ­ tific a tio n o f these ro o m s . T h e im a g e o f Bes d is c o v e r e d a m o n g th e fin d s m a y b e s lig h t e v id e n c e fo r e i t h e r t h e c u l t o f a g o d d e s s o r a d e ity o f e i t h e r g e n d e r w h o w a s n e v e r th e le s s a s s o c ia te d w i t h w o m e n , as B es h im s e lf w a s a s s o c ia te d w ith w o m e n a n d c h il d b ir th in Egypt.12“’ In th e e n d , it a p p e a r s t h a t a t le a s t f o u r d e itie s w e r e worshipped in A re a II o f Kition in th e L ate B ro n z e A ge. T w o o f th e s e ( t h e d e itie s o f T e m p le s 2 a n d 3) w e r e o ld e r at t h e s ite t h a n t h e o t h e r tw o, a n d it is lik e ly that t h e y w e r e a g o d a n d a g o d d e s s . A g o d d e s s w a s p r o b a b l y w o r s h i p p e d in T e m p le s 3 /1 ; a g o d in T e m p le 2. A g o d w a s w o r s h i p p e d in T e m p le 5 ( d is c u s s e d a b o v e ) a n d p e r ­ h a p s a g o d d e s s in T e m p le 4.

E nkom i E n k o m i is e x tr e m e l y i m p o r t a n t f o r t h e s tu d y o f LBA re lig io u s d e v e l o p m e n t a t C y p ru s , as th e s ite c o n ta i n e d at le a s t tw o w e ll- p r e s e r v e d s a n c t u a r i e s 125126 a n d p r o d u c e d t h e m o s t iconographically d is tin c tiv e a n d in f o rm a tiv e id o ls o f th e LC III p e r io d . As with K itio n , t h e tr a n s it io n fro m LC II to LC III at E n k o m i s u g ­ g e s ts t h e arriv a l o f a n e w p o p u la t io n a r o u n d 1 2 0 0 BCE, m o s t d e m o n s tr a b l e in th e discovery o f LH IIIB pottery a n d t h e C y c lo p e a n a r c h i te c t u r e o f t h e n e w c ity w a ll.127 H o w e v e r , u n lik e a t K itio n a n d a t P a p h o s , w h e r e la rg e -sc a le s a n c t u a r i e s y ie ld e v id e n c e for th e c u lt o f a C y p r io t g o d d e s s o r g o d d e s s e s , E n k o m i h a s, as of y e t, p r o d u c e d e x tr e m e l y m e a g e r e v id e n c e fo r th e c u lt o f a fe m a le d iv in ity . By c o n tr a s t, th e tw o s a n c t u a r i e s a n d th e tw o id o ls to b e d is c u s s e d o f f e r f a r t h e r e v id e n c e fo r th e g r o w in g polytheism o f LC III C y p ru s , p a r tic u la r ly in th e g r o w in g n u m b e r o f p o s s ib le m a le d e itie s . A lth o u g h t h e a p p a r e n t a b s e n c e o f a fe m a le d iv in ity in th e c u r r e n t d a ta m ig h t s e e m t o m a k e E n k o m i r a t h e r ir r e l­ e v a n t t o th is s tu d y , m u c h c u r r e n t s c h o l a r s h i p a tt r i b u te s a g o d d e s s c u lt to t h e e x c a v a t e d r e g io n s o f th is s ite , a n d t h e s ite , th e r e f o r e , d o e s b e c o m e e n m e s h e d in th e s tu d y o f A p h r o d i t e ’s o rig in s . I d o not th in k th a t the c u r r e n t e v id e n c e s u p p o r t s th is h y p o th e s is . T h e t w o id e n tif ie d s a n c t u a r i e s o f a m a le deity/deities, the “Ingot G o d ” 128 a n d t h e “H o r n e d G o d ,” 129 a re c o n s i s te n t with all o t h e r s a n c tu a r ie s a s s o c ia te d

w ith Cypriot gods from both LC Π and ÜL in term s of votive rem ains if not 125. Drkm>n and Vandier 198-4: -7.

126. Tiic identification of the House of the Columns and the Tower sanctuary as cult sites a re debatable. See Burda je w ic z 1990: 39-45. 127. Karageorghis 1976: 59. 128. Courtois \ 91 \\ passim. 129- D ik aio s ,1969-71: 1 9 4 -2 0 5 .

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architecture. T he first o f these, th e tem p le o f th e Ingot G od (so nam ed for th e statue o f a w arrio r deity m ounted u p o n a stand in th e form o f an ox-hide ingot) is located in secto r 5E o f th e city, and is d ated to th e LC IIIB p e rio d .13013The structure consists of a walled-in rectan g u lar area divided along its long axis by a short, central w a l l lM T he tem ple w as e n te re d by a single e n tran ce on th e southern, sh o rter wall from a paved courtyard, th u s giving a bent-axis ap p ro a c h .132*Along the eastern w all w as a b e n c h on w h ich w ere discovered votive rem ains.133 In th e w estern e n d o f th e m ain cella, just to th e w est of th e wall th at divides th e cella into its northern and so u th ern com p o n en ts, are three monoliths. C ourtois identifies tw o o f th ese as altars, probably for use in the sacrifice of animals, and the third stone, punctured w ith a “teth erin g ” hole, as th e tethering stone used to keep the anim als until sacrifice.134135678Just to th e south of th ese w as located a large h e a rth stru c tu re .1^ Along th e northern wall is evidence o f small colum ns, w h ich led th e ex cav ato r to suggest th at this wall w as originally covered by a p ortico, w h ile th e wall itself w as lined w ith an offering bench w h ereo n w ere d isco v ered tw o c e n ta u r figurines and consid­ erable p o tte ry .156 In th e n o rth easte rn c o m e r o f th e stru c tu re w as a small room en te re d from th e so u th in w h ic h w as d isco v ered th e statu e of th e Ingot God; for this reaso n th e ex c a v a to r suggests th a t th is m ay have b e e n an a d y t o n . Ιλ; A lthough this structure is u n iq u e in m any w ays from what w e have so far seen o f C ypriot sacred arch itectu re, th e com m onalties are q uite strong. The plan consists o f a rectangular sp ace th a t is e n te re d by a bent-axis approach. T he internal space is divided into tw o sub-divisions, o n e o f w hich, being pos­ sibly covered by a portico , is rem in iscen t of th e tem p le of A phrodite at Paphos (see below ). Votive rem ains o f pottery and faunal rem ains w e re discovered strew n all over tem ple floor, w ith th e slight e x c e p tio n of th e so u th eastern co m er. The finds w ere m ost heavily c o n c e n tra te d along th e n o rth e rn wall and along th e western b e n c h .(>s The faunal rem ains co n sisted mainly of ox skulls and in130. Courtois 19H : 308; Courtois, Lagarce and Lagarce 1986; 32; Burdajewicz 1990: 42.

131. Courtois. Lagarce ci Lagarce '986: Pig. 5. 132. Ibid, Courtois 1971: Figure 2.

133-

ib id .

134. Courtois i 97 1: i~8-90. 135. Ibid. ,211 IT. 136. Ibid.. Figure 2: Courtois. Lagarce and Lagarce 1986: 33-

137. i’M XA-Palcieokast)r> n e a r P a p h o s a n d lixh\.-K.

ami there is n o s u g g e s tio n th a t Istar and Qudsu (the lion-standers) are the same deity in either Egypt or th e southern Levant.

THE O RIG IN OF APHRODITE

Fig.

8f

G o ld A sia n p e n d a n t fro m U garit. L o u v re , ίη ν. AO 1 4.714.

T he nude-goddcss-standing-atop-a-lion m otif is prom inent both in Ugarit, w h ere several of the gold p en d an ts are so rendered, and in Egypt in the ico­ nography of Qudsu, The origin of the goddess-upon-the-iion m otif is Meso­ potam ian glyptic, w h ere the image w as indicative of the goddess Istar. As early as the Old Akkadian period, the goddess is portrayed heavily arm ed and dom inating a lion through the p lacem ent of at least one of her feet upon the back of the animal (see fig. 8e). As Istar is a war-goddess, and as the lion re p ­ resents the forces of chaos, the image show s a w ar deity capable of releasing or harnessing the pow ers of mass d estru ctio n .1i0 T here is evidence that th ere was an identification of Astart w ith Istar at Ugarit. KTU 1,118; a bilingual tex t from Ugarit lists the nam es of th e gods of Ugarit and their Akkadian/Mesopotamian equivalents.1"*0 Astart is presented as the w estern equivalent of Istar Ctiri = dISTAR.is-icir), although Ugaritic Astart is in no w ay as significant in h er pantheon as Istar is in hers, nor does Astart share Istar’s fully erotic or military character. But this identification,* 150

149· C o ilo n 1 9 8 /: C h a p te r T h r e e a n d 19 /. 150. See S c h a e ffe r U g m itic a V, RS 2 0 .2 4 .: H e rd n e r. U g a n tic a VII, K TU 1 ,1 1 8 ; I S 2 4 .2 64* 2 8 0 ; a n d o th e r re f e r e n c e s in P re c h e l 1996: 135, no. 341.

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239

nevertheless, allow s for speculation as to th e sharing o f ico nographies b e ­ tw een th e tw o goddesses. T he second diagnostic elem ent on th e N ude G oddess plaques is th e horse iconography, o n ce again with the Nude Goddess standing on the anim al's hack. 'This horse im agery is found only in Egypt and In the Levantine regions heavily influenced by Egypt, such as Lachish (see fig, 8a) o r Tel Qarnayim, in th e region o f Beth Shan, from w h ic h co m es a LBA m old d ep ictin g th e N ude G oddess standing u p o n a horse. T he fem ale, in Egyptian style, holds a bird in each of her hands, w hich ex ten d out to h e r sides, and she lias the Hathoric hair style. Also Egyptian are th e tw o m ales (th e gods Resef and Min o r Onuris) on eith er side o f h e r.H1 T he so u th ern Levant w as culturally d o m in ated by Egypt in th e Late Bronze Age, and in Egypt Astari w as associated w ith th e horse. From the burial cham ­ b e r of Thutmosis IV cam e an inscribed c h ario t calling the pharao h “Valiant u pon the chariot as Astart.”1^2 So too, th e re is an in scription from th e Nine­ teenth Dynasty that reads (in part): “as fo r the hands o f thy chariot they are Anat and A s ta r t," ^ O ne fu rth er piece of ev id en ce may even com e from Ugarit in tex ts RS 18.039 (=KTU 4.330) and RS 18.041 (=KTU 1.86), w h erein the different deities o f Ugarit are ju x tap o sed with th e nam e o f an animal. A sian is mentioned in co n n ectio n with th e h o rs e .1512*154

Fig. 8 g Seal im p r e s s io n . T e is s ie r n o . 490.

151. W in te r 1984: 112; C o rn e liu s 1994; 4L Ben A rieh 1983; p a s sim . 152. S ee L eclan t i9 6 0 ; 2 2 - 2 4 . S ee also P e rlm a n 1978; 191; S ta d e lm a n n

153- Translation from Perlman 1978: 154, Leclant

I9 6 0 :

1.

192.

1967:

1 0 1 -3 -

T H E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

The inscribed images o f Astart on horseback that com e from Egypt are: (1) a stele discovered at the W âdi Abbad in close proxim ity to th e tem ple o f Seti I, w ith an inscription that appears to have “A start” before a goddess w h o is arm ed and w earing an atef- c ro w n ;155156(2) an Egyptian(izing) cylinder seal from Beitin depicting a w arrior-god and a goddess. This goddess w ears th e Egyptian w hite crow n flanked by tw o feathers. In h e r right hand she holds erect a spear. The hieroglyphs carved before this deity ’s face read “A start”;156 (3) Turin stele 30068, w hich depicts “an equestrian goddess handling a bo w w ith an inscrip­ tion containing ‘A start.’”157 It is w orth noting that th ere are several uninscribed images of a young, nude goddess riding a horse from Egypt, w hom Leclant and C ornelius accep t as portrayals of A start.158159Thus, in Egypt, the nude warrior/chariot-goddess is generally understood to be Astart. T herefore, in regions heavily influenced by Egypt, w e should ex p ect horse im agery to be associated w ith Astart, e sp e­ cially if the associated iconography (nude, armed) also suggests this goddess. Finally, there is th e p o t n i a t h e r o n motif, present both in th e glyptic art and on th e mold-made plaques (see figs. 8f and 8g). As p e r th e evidence derived from the Ugaritic literary corpus, th e m ost extensive tale currently kno w n about Astart records th at she is a h u n tress.159 While Ugaritic Astart may not possess th e explicit erotic qualities th at w ould make th e N ude Goddess m otif appropriate for such a goddess as istar, the mistress of animals motif w ould easily relate the N ude G oddess image w ith th e Ugaritic hunting goddess. As none of th e Ugaritic goddesses can be sh o w n through th e literary evidence to be explicitly sexual, th e evidence o f th e alternate iconography rath er suggests that in the Levant this image probably refers to the goddess Astart. S u m m ary

The Nude Goddess should perhaps be u n derstood as the nude goddesses, representing Istar. Aserah. Ishara, Astart, and Qudsu, if not even m ore god­ desses of w hom we, as yet, know little or nothing. For th e sake of this study, it is the bird-faced versions of this image that are of particular im portance, for 155. Ibid,, 156. ibid,,

31. 22-23.

157. Cornelius

1993: 29.

158. L e clan t I9 6 0 : pass/nr. C o rn e liu s 199-4: 7 5 - 7 5 . 159. P. Day. in “A nat: U g a rit's M istress o f A nim al " a rg u e s th a t it is th e g o d d e s s A nat w h o is in te n d e d by t h e p o ln ia (h ero n , b a s e d o n A naf's ro le s in th r e e m y th s w h e r e s h e e i th e r d e s ire s a h u n tin g w e a p o n ( M y ih o f A q h a t), w h e r e s h e e n c o u n te r s Baal w h ile h e h im se lf is h u n tin g , o r w h e r e s h e g o e s h u n tin g w ith A start. As A start is m o r e c le a rly p o rtra y e d as th e U g aritic h u n tre s s , a n d as a lte rn a te fo rm s o f th is N u d e G o d d e s s m o tif a p p e a r to p e rta in to h e r, I th in k it p ra c tic a l to a ttr ib u te th e s e im a g e s to A start.

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it is they w ho first ap p ear throughout C yprus in LC II and d em onstrate the arrival o f the goddess w ho w ould become A phrodite. In a stroke o f simplicity, I w ould offer th at it was the bird-faced figurines from th e region ofAlaiakh th at had the greatest im pact on Cyprus, du e b o th to th e ir p rev alen ce in that ter­ ritory and th e contacts m anifest b e tw e e n C yprus and Alalakh during the Bronze Age. As it w ould ap p ear that th e bird-faced figurines from Alalakh, as discussed above, rep resen te d e ith e r Istar o r Ishara o r b o th , and as bo th of these goddesses are adequately ero tic to give rise to such a goddess as A ph­ rodite, th en let m e end this section on B ronze Age Levantine goddess ico­ nography by suggesting th at it w as th e goddesses Istar and Ishara w ho, th rough no rth ern Syria, gave rise to th e original ico n o g rap h y and persona of the Paphian in Cyprus, N evertheless, as w as show n above, Cyprus did m aintain trade and co n ­ tacts with several o th e r sites in th e N ear East, an d it w o u ld be unreasonable to suppose that the similar ico nographies from such areas as Ugarit did not have an effect or im pact on th e new ly em erging cu lt in Cyprus. Ugaritic Astart may also have co n trib u ted to th e Paphian, as w ell as Egyptian Qtidsti. and Ugaritic Aserah, th e “Lady o f the Sea. ” I am lo ath to ascribe to only one goddess the persona w ho, in Cyprus, evolved into A phrodite, b u t rath er I look to a com bination o f N ear Eastern goddesses. T h ro u g h b o th iconography and p e r­ sona I suggest th at Ishara and Istar played do m in an t roles in this developm ent, but that Astart, Aserah, and Qtidsu may have also had th e ir parts to play. But this is only th e beginning, for o th e r cu ltu res had th eir o w n im pact in this process. T he goddess w h o w ould, and did, b eco m e A phrodite w as a m ix­ ture of several elem ents: Levantine, C ypriot, C retan, G reek, all interacting over th e course o f several cen tu ries in Cyprus. T he C retan goddess-witliupraised-arms, w h o ev er she m ight have b e e n in ten d ed to rep resen t, had a considerable im pact o n th e C ypriot ico n o g rap h y from th e eleventh century onw ard, and this im pact w as to c o n tin u e far b e y o n d th e tim e w h e n A phrodite

on Oiympos. T h e P h o e n ic ia n c o l o n iz a tio n o f C y p r u s , a n d their movement throughout t h e M e d ite r r a n e a n at the beginning of the fron II peri­ od, a ls o had a p r o f o u n d in f lu e n c e o n the p e r s o n a a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e had h e r h o m e

Paphian.

IX. T he Phoenician Q uestion Aphrodite's cult em erged (and ap p eared to the G reeks) in C yprus after ex te n ­ sive contacts with the Levant. But th ere is a further questio n in the study of the origins of A phrodite, and that is w h at roie the Phoenicians played in the em ergence of h er cult. It is evident that the G reeks believed that A phrodite (specifically Ourania) w as P hoenician in origin, and that the G reek A phrodite was the Hellenized version of Phoenician Astart or, acco rd in g to H erodotos (H. I. ! 31)'· ‘‘Assyrians call A phrodite Mylitta; the Arabs call her AliJat, and the Persians Mitran." Following the lead of th e G reek historians, m odern histo­ rians and classicists have suggested that A phro d ite was originally a Phoenician goddess and was in troduced into the G reek p a n th e o n by the Phoenicians. This hypothesis is su p p o rte d not only by the a n cie n t testim ony, but also by the evidence of contacts between th e Aegean and Phoenicia during the early Iron Age, at precisely that point w h en th e e x ta n t ev id en ce suggests that Aph­ rodite entered into the G reek p an th eo n (see C hapters T h ree and Four). In the analysis o f th e Phoenicians' role in A p h ro d ite ’s origin, the definition of the term "P hoenician” is critical. Contrary to the m odern practice, w hereby the term "Phoenician” refers to the p o p u latio n inhabiting th e area now moreor-less covered by m odern-day Lebanon b eginning in th e early Iron Age (i.e., not the Bronze Age population), th e ancien t G reeks m ade no such distinction between Bronze Age and Iron Age "P h o en ician s” (or “Sidonians” as was used as a synonym from H om er onw ard). T he B ronze Age "P hoenicians,” then, for a m odern audience, would have consisted of th e Syrian, Amori te, and Canaan* ite populations. As w e have seen, th ese cu ltu res brought forth an assortment of goddesses w ho could well parallel, and even he the so u rce of, Greek A ph­ rodite. H ow ever, as the ex tan t data suggest that A phrodite only appears in G reece in the Iron Age, it is not sound to suggest that th e G reeks im ported a Levantine, A phrodite-like goddess directly from the Levant during the Bronze A ge.1 It is likew ise not possible to sp eak of a p o ten tial P hoenician origin of the Cypriot goddess discussed in C h ap ter Six, since the earliest evidence of A phrodite’s sanctuary at Paphos p red a te s the ex isten ce o f the Iro n Age P hoe­ nicians.

1.

T im s o u r s u g g e s tio n th a t th e B ro n z e A ge L e v a n tin e in f l u e n c e e n t e r e d d ire c t!}· in to CA p ru s d u rin g th e Late B ro n z e A ge. a n d o n ly c a m e to in f lu e n c e th e G re e k s a f te r ] 2 0 0

BCE.

243

THE O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

The Phoenician hypothesis h ere considered uses th e m o d em sense o f th e term “Phoenician” as an Iron Age population, and suggests specifically that A phrodite w as introduced into G reece by the Phoenicians as a m anifestation of their goddess Astait at som e p o in t in the early Iron Age. The tim e period considered will be from th e end o f th e Bronze Age to th e eighth century, after which tim e A phrodite is clearly established in G reece. Contrary to th e C ypriot hypothesis, this Phoenician hypothesis holds that A phrodite was in tro d u ced directly from the Levant, w ith o u t a Cypriot intermediary (although C yprus will be discussed later in this c h a p te r concerning the later G reek u n d erstan d ­ ings of the goddess Astait). In contrast to th e extensive materials for contacts betw een th e various populations of th e Bronze Age M editerranean, early-first-millennium co n ­ tacts between G reece and Phoenicia are rather limited due to the “Dark Age” status o f G reece during th e Early Iron Age (1 2 0 0-800 BCE). The m ajority of data on mainland G reece com es from the Euboian site of Lefkandi and Attica, w hile on Crete one of o u r b est sites of contact is Kommos ( i n t e r c i l i a ) . In the east, most of our ex tan t data com es from th e sites of Tyre and A1 Mina. The evidence in b o th directions show s contacts betw een Phoenicia and the Aegean as early as th e te n th century. The patterns of trade appear to sh o w an export of maitiland-Greek (Euboian and Attic) pottery to th e East, with a return of Phoenician luxury goods (gold, faience, unguents) to th e W est, including not only the m ainland, b u t Crete, th e D odecanese, and th e Cycla­ des, as w ell.2 This trading p attern occurs w ithin th e time period th at w ould allow for the transm ission o f th e cult of Aphrodite: after th e evidence from th e Linear B tablets, and before th e H om eric epics and the N estor cup. There are tw o data, how ever, that argue strongly against th e Phoenician origins of A phrodite. The first is that, as already established in C h ap ter Six, there is continuity of th e cult of A phrodite at th e sanctuary at Paphos from at least 1200IKT, if not earlier. Any Phoenician contribution to the origins of this Cypriot goddess must, by definition, com e after that date. One possible argu­ m ent to be m ade for the Phoenician hypothesis in this instance is that the ancient Greeks w ho proclaim ed the Phoenician origins of A phrodite may have been referring to the Bronze Age Levant, w here excellent cognates for A phrodite did exist, and w hich had a considerable im pact on the religion of Cyprus, and thus the "P hoenician” origin is actually a Levantine origin through Cyprus. The fact that both Herodotos and Pausanias claim that th e cuit of A phrodite was passed from th e Phoenicians to the G reeks by w ay o f Cyprus may support this argument.

2. Coldstream 1982: 264. For discussion on the contact between the Phoenicians and

die Aegean, see Coldstream 197”; Boardman 1980; Coldstream and Bikai 1988: Cold­ stream 1988; Coldstream 1989: Coldstream 1998.

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245

The second datum is th e perso n a o f th e P hoenician goddess Astart, who, according to th e Phoenician hypothesis, is A p h ro d ite ’s m ain cognate and p ro ­ genitress. As will now be discussed, th e p e rso n a of A start is adequately dis­ tinct from that o f A phrodite so th at it w o u ld b e difficult, if n o t im possible, to equate the tw o.

The Iron Age P ersona o f A sta rt The literary and iconographie data from th e Iron Age co m p lete th e picture of Astart as derived from th e Bronze Age ev id en c e co n sid ered in th e previous chapter, b o th in term s of continuity and change. O ne important fact m ust be b orne in m ind w h en considering th e ev id en ce fo r Iro n Age Astart: scholars, b o th ancient and m odern, have te n d e d to see Iron Age Astart th ro u g h th e lens o f A phrodite. A ttributes such as eroticism and even carnality are applied to th e Levantine goddess thro u g h h e r identification w ith th e G reek goddess rath er than th ro u g h w hat few P hoenician in scrip tio n s and objets d 'a rt have com e dow n to us. In tru th , th e few w ritte n d o cu m e n ts th a t do rem ain portray a goddess far m ore like th e Ugaritic Attart th an th e H ellenic Kythereia, n oted for military qualities rath er than ero tic ones. In o rd er to avoid this problem , th e follow ing survey w ill only include preHellenic data, so as to p re se n t P h oenician A start as she existed before being ‘T ainted” by the G reek and Rom an authors. In this my m ethodology differs from that o f B onnet and Delcor, b o th o f w h o m c o m b in e P hoenician and Clas­ sical texts to derive a p ictu re of Astart th at sh o w s h e r to be in many, if n o t ail, respects the d o p p e l g ä n g e r i n o f G reek A p h ro d ite.34*This lack of discernm ent is especially ironic in view o f Delcor’s attestatio n that the two goddesses must be distinguished from one another, after which he lists the literary references for Astart as beginning with Lucian (s e c o n d century C E ) and co n tin u in g to Macrobius in the fifth century C E . 1As a result, D elco r comes to the conclu­ sion that Astart, like Aphrodite and Istar, was a goddess of love? Likewise, after an extensive examination of the persona of Astart in Iron Age Phoe­ nicia, Bonnet co n clu d e d that Astart was not m erely a goddess of love and fer­ tility, b u t also a deity associated with war and hunting, the sky and sea, and the protection of the (royal) family.6 While many of these assertions are based on the epigraphic evidence from Phoenicia, the attributes of “love”” and “fer­ tility” are groundless, and yet are maintained due to a long-standing, inaccu­ rate, tradition.

3. D e lc o r 1986: p a s sim : B o n n e t 1 9 9 6 : p a s s im .

4. Delcor 1986: 1077. 3.

Ibid.

6.

Bonne?. 19 9 6 : 49-

T H E O RIG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

This study follows th e th eo ries o f H errm ann, w ho, after an analysis of th e non-Classical evidences fo r Astart, cam e to th e conclusion th at th e goddess w as not associated w ith e ith e r love o r fertility, b ut justice, belligerence, an d h u n tin g / Such an exam ination of the Iron Age evidence will allow for an understanding o f Astart in h e r ow n right, w ith her own persona, w hile sim ul­ taneously indicating th e ex tre m e differences betw een Astart and A phrodite, thus supporting the argum ent that A phrodite is not, in fact, simply th e “G reek A start.” LITERARY DATA

T here is remarkably little to learn about Iron Age Astart, as th e Phoenicians did not record th eir m yths on im perishable materials. We cannot see Astart interacting with gods or humans as she did in the Ligaritic epics, and, thus, o u r understanding of the goddess is based solely on royal, funerary, and votive dedications to her. The m ost pro m in en t difference betw een Bronze Age and iron Age Astart is that, in the later period, Astart takes on the role o f the d o m ­ inant city goddess, eclipsing both Anat and Asc rah in Sidon and Tyre. The earliest attestation of the cu lt of Astart in Sidon is an in scription on a krater dated to the eighth century BCE:78 Great-Milku. Prie fst less of Human Astart (or possibly “Astart at the win­ dow"). The bones were collected by Ittoba'al. May she be lamented. Although this small dedication attests to the p resence o f a cult of Astart: in Sidon as early as the eighth century, the goddess's actual role in the city cult is only fully expressed in two funerary inscriptions from the end of the sixth and early fifth centuries BCE. Both are of kings of Sidon. The first belongs to King T abnit:9 1, Tabnit. priest of Astart. king of the Sidoni ans, son of Esmunazor (I), priest of Astart, king of the Sidonians, repose in this sarcophagus. Whoever you are. whatever man. who will find this sarcophagus, O! do not open it and do not disturb me, for there is no silver by me. there is no gold by me nor any other precious object. 1 alone rest in this sarcophagus. O! do not open it and do not disturb me. for it a thing abominable to Astart and if you dare to open upon me and if you dare to trouble me. may you have no descen­ dants among the living under the sun, nor a bed of repose among the

Rephaim.

The second inscription is by Tabnit’s son Esmanezer, and is so m uch longer than that of his fat lier one alm ost suspects a revolution in inscription tech-

7. Herrmann 1969: passim.

8. Translation based on Piiech in Bonnet 1996: 30-31. 9. KAI13. Translation based on Lipinski 1995: 128.

T H E P H O E N IC IA N Q U E S T IO N

247

nique th at allow ed for greater verbosity. T h e begin n in g o f th e inscription is quite similar to that o f Tabnit, asking th a t n e ith e r th e coffin n o r th e body be disturbed in any way, and calling d o w n cu rses o n w h o e v e r would ignore this plea. The seco n d half o f th e in scription lists th o se acts o f piety that cast light on this stu d y .10

I, a

p it ia b l e m a n , urn c o l l e c t e d not at m y ti m e ( r e a d : b e f o r e m y ti m e ) , s o n a f e w d a y s , the s o n of a w i d o w am I . L Esmanezer, K in g of t h e Sidonians. s o n of KingTabnii. K in g o f t h e S id o n ia n s , g r a n d s o n o f K in g E s m a n e z e r , K in g o f t h e S id o n ia n s , a n d m y m o t h e r , Am‘Astart. p r i e s t e s s o f A s ta r t, O u r L ad y , of

t h e Q u e e n , d a u g h t e r o f E s m a n e z e r . K in g o f t h e S id o n ia n s . W e a r e th e y w h o

built the

te m p le fo r

the g o d s .

a n d le t A s ta r t d w e ll t h e r e in

T h e te m p le o f A sia n ,

all

in S id o n

o f t h e S e a -la n d ,

h e r g lo r y . A n d w e a r e t h e y w h o b u il t th e

of Esmun. the H o ly P r in c e , 'N JD L L o n t h e m o u n t a i n , a n d 1er him glory. A n d w e a r e t h e y w h o b u i l t the t e m p l e f o r the g o d s o f d i e S id o n ia n s in S id o n o f t h e S e a -la n d , a t e m p l e f o r B aal o f Sidon a n d a t e m p l e of Astart-Name-of-Baal. A n d to u s g a v e the L o rd the K in g o f D o r a n d J a ffa the f r u itf u l g r a in la n d s in t h e p la in o f S h a r o n , for the g r e a t t h i n g s w h i c h I d id . A n d w e e x p a n d e d t h e b o u n d a r i e s o f the la n d b e l o n g i n g to t h e S id o n ia n s . W h o e v e r y o u a r e , k in g o r m a n . d o not o p e n upon m e a n d s t r i p m e o r r e m o v e m e fro m this r e s t i n g p la c e , a n d do n o t remove t h e c o f f in o f m y r e s t in g p la c e : T h e H o ly G o d s w ill ta k e h im a n d cut d o w n th i s k in g o r m a n , a n d h is o f f s p r in g te m p le

d w e ll t h e r e in

fo re v e r.

W hat is first evident from a reading b o th o f this inscription and that ofTabnit is that d ie p riesth o o d o f Astart was w ithin the royal family, in th e case of Tabnit, this is m entioned even before his title “King o f Sidone' w hile lor A m ‘Astart her title “Priestess of A start” likew ise com es before h er title “Q ueen o f Sidon." It w ould ap p ear that this religious function is o f g reater im portance (or perhaps prestige) than the actual royal status of th e m em bers of the royal family, and it is certainly probable that th e relationship o f th e royal family to the goddess is what justifies th eir reign (much as Sargon of Akkad attributed his justification to rule to Lstar). That Esm anezer him self does not use this title m ight be attributable to his early death: If he w as too young upon the death of his father to take up the priesthood, his m o th e r A m'Astart took it up in his ste a d .11 The inscription also m entions the various tem p les constructed by this royal family during its reign. T he first m en tio n ed is th a t o f Astart, possibly located on the coastal region o f Sidon. This prim acy o f place com bined with th e royal priesthood suggest that Astart w as the dominant deity of th e city, the city goddess, the Sidonian equivalent o f A thena in Athens. That h er priest­ hood runs in the royal family also suggests that h er cult is associated with the

10.

KAI 14. Translation based on Peckham 1987: 8384.

11. Bonnet 1996: 32-33.

TH E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

ruling dynasty, making h e r a dynastic goddess as Istar in Assyria. Thus, Astart is a political goddess, possibly th e p ro tectress o f the city and its royal faintly, w ho in turn might justify its p o w e r through service to th e city’s goddess. Some evidence for th e antiquity o f A sian ’s cult in Tyre conies from an adm ittedly late source, Jo sep h u s Flavius. In his A g a in st A p io n I, 118, he records that King Hiram I o f T yre:12 cur d o w n the forest o f t r e e s from t h e m o u n t a in s the}· call Lebanon, taking them for the r o o f s of t h e te m p l e s . A n d having d is a s s e m b l e d the ancient temples he constructed a temple of Herakles (read: M e lq a it) a n d of Astart: t h e firs t raising of the temple o f H e r a k le s was wrought in t h e m o n t h o f P e r i-

tios.

King Hiram I of Tyre is a contemporary of King Solomon of Israel and, therefore, can be dated to the tenth century BCE. Thus, the cults of both Astart and M elqait might be dated back at least this far in Tyre. However, as Josephus Flavius refers to older tem ples in the city, it is possible that these cults go back even further. Unfortunately, no data either written or archaeological offer in­ sight into this issue as yet. A second piece of evidence casting light on the role of Astart in Tyre is a treaty concluded between King Esarhaddon of Assyria and King Baal of Tyre in 670 BCE. At the end of this treaty, in typical Near Eastern fashion, the gods of the two regions are invoked to protect the treaty and to punish any who would transgress it. The Phoenician deities invoked are as follows:13 May Ba’al S a m a im , Parai Malagee. and Ba'al Saphon raise an evil wind against their m o o r i n g s and te a r o u t their mooring p o le , may a s t r o n g w a v e sink th e m in t h e s e a a n d a v io le n t ti d e [rise ] a g a in s t you.

y o u r s h ip s to u n d o

M ay M e 1q u a i t h and Esmun d e l i v e r y o u r land to d e s t r u c t i o n a n d your p e o p l e to deportation; m a y they 1uproot] you from your land ami take away the food from y o u r mouth, th e clothes fro m your body, a n d th e oil for your anointing.

May Astart break y o u r bow feet o f y o u r e n e m y , m ay a

in the thick of battle a n d h a v e y o u c r o u c h at the foreign enemy d iv id e y o u r belongings.

It is evident from this invocation that Astart, like her Ugaritic equivalent, is still associated to som e degree with w arfare and the military, it is actually rather ironic that while modern scholars have so avidly recognized Astart as a fertility goddess, it is the three Baals who threaten with the powers of nature, while Astart maintains h er p o w e r through battle and force o f arms. A lthough it is certainly possible that Tyrian Astart’s military connotations arise from the Akkadian context, where she would be closely aligned with Assyrian Istar and, thus, partake of som e of this latter goddess's attributes, especially mil­ itarism, A sian’s role as dynastic/city goddess, as well as h er earlier associa12. See Appendix B 91. 13. Translation from Parpola and Watanabe 1988: 27.

TH E P H O E N IC IA N Q U E S T IO N

249

tions w ith battle, m ake it just as conceivable th a t h e r m ilitary aspects are appli­ cable to h er in Tyre as well as in Assyria. T w o o th e r small inscriptions rem ain from th e early Iron Age. O ne is a small ivory box from U r inscribed in P hoenician dating to th e seventh century:14 This coffer here ‘MTB’L, daughter of PTS. servant of our lord, has offered as a gift to her lady Asian:; may she bless her. In his days, [the days] of our lo r d .../, son of YSD'R. T he second in scrip tio n is u p o n a small p laq u e from Sarepta, dated also to th e seventh century: “This statue

SHLM, son of M’P’L, son of *ZY, made to Tanit-Astart.’’15

T hese are th e very few w ritten testim o n ies c o n cern in g th e cult o f Astart In Phoenicia. Only a little m ore evid en ce is p re se n te d in th e H ebrew Bible (notably in K ings 1 and 2, ju d g e s, an d 1 Sam uel), a lth o u g h m u ch o f it is m e re ­ ly condem natory in n a tu re .16 T hat Astart is th e city goddess o f Sidon is m en ­ tioned tw ice, in 1 Kgs 11:5 and 2 Kgs 23:13» although it is p robable that both Sidon and Tyre are inten d ed in th ese passages w h e re th e term “Sidoniae,” m uch as w ith H om er, m eant e ith e r “Sidonian and T yrian” o r m ore simply “P hoenician.” T here is slight evidence th at A start w as w o rsh ip p e d also in th e Philistine cities in 1 Sam 31:10, w h e re it is reco rd e d that: “They (th e Philis­ tines) p u t Saul’s arm or in th e tem p le o f A staroth, and th ey fastened his body to th e wall o f Beth Shan.”17 Such are th e literary and ep igraphic testim o n ia th a t have co m e do w n to us concerning th e cult o f Astart in th e early Iron Age in th e Levant. Her cult extended from n o rth e rn Phoenicia possibly as far so u th as th e Philistine pentopolis, d ep ending on h o w one w ishes to in te rp re t 1 Sam 31:10. Little is know n of th e nature of th e goddess—n o t as w e k n o w th e crafty side o f A thena o r the h unting p ro w ess of Artemis. A start is clearly a goddess co n cern ed w ith the city, w h e th e r Sidon o r Tyre, and, acco rd in g to th e inscriptions from Sidon, is closely allied w ith th e royal family, w h o pro v id es h e r priest(ess)hood. That she has military co nnotatio n s is suggested b o th in th e Tyrian treaty w ith Assyr­ ia and, once again, in the passage from 1 Samuel. In at least som e instances, she is paired w ith a male deity, Baal in Sidon, w h e re she also has a tem ple as

14. A m a d a si G u z z o 1 9 9 0 : 59. 15.

Ibid., 6 2 .

Ιό ,

P e rlm a n 1978: lOOff. fo r full r e f e r e n c e s . All b ib lic a l c ita tio n s a r e fro m t h e O x f o r d A n n o ta te d B ible w ith th e A p o c ry p h a , R e v ise d S ta n d a rd V e rs io n .

17. A n o th e r u s e o f th e w o r d 'sin e t ( A s to re t) a p p e a r s in D e u t 15 a n d 28: 4, 18, a n d 5 1, w h e r e th e w o r d re fe rs to th e fe rtility o f th e flo c k s. It is n o t e n tire ly c le a r h o w th is u sa g e o f th e w o rd m ig h t re la te to th e n a m e o f th e g o d d e s s , if at all. b u t it m ay b e slig h t e v id e n c e fo r fe rtility a s p e c ts o f A start in th e H e b r e w B ible.

TH E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

Astart Name-of-Baal, o r M elqart/H erakles in Tyre. She just as frequently a p ­ pears alone. As w as the ease w ith th e Ugaritic tablets, th ere is nothing in th e w ritte n data that hints at any erotic attrib u tes o f th e goddess. Less than atUgarit, really, for w e do not even have tales w h e re she is invoked as a standard o f beauty, as in tile Epic ofK irlct. or desired by an o th er god, as in the tales of Yamm and Baal. O nce again, then , it b eco m es necessary to exam ine th e ico nographie evi­ dence closely to determ in e if, as in th e Bronze Age, th e fairly erotic, nude-god­ dess m otif may be applied to Astart.

Fig. 3a Statuette o f A start fro m S eville.

Mtiseo Arqueolo g ic o ,

R.H.P, 11 .1 3 6 .

T H E P H O E N IC IA N Q U E S T IO N

251

ICONOGRAPHY

T here Is, fortunately, one relatively unambiguous exam ple o f Astart ico­ nography in th e Iron Age, although, b o th in tim e and space, it is som ew hat rem oved from th e m ain focus o f this study. This p iece (see fig. 9a) is a votive figure from El Carambolo, Seville, Spain and dales to th e seventh century BCE. This bronze figure, standing 16.5 cm high, sh o w s a seated n ude female. H er hair, tex tu red , is sh o rt in front and lies just above h e r eyes, w hile th e rem ain­ d er is past shoulder-length and falls in front o f h e r shoulders to lie just above h e r breasts. T he facial features are ren d e re d in m olding and sh o w Egyptian influence. T he breasts are m olded in th e ro u n d and stand o ut prom inently from th e chest. H er right arm, b roken off b e tw e e n th e elb o w and w rist, is b en t at th e elbow and rises forw ard in the traditional gesture of benediction. The left arm is missing entirely. The stom ach is so m ew h at rou n d ed and the nave! is distinct. No genitalia are indicated. T he thighs b en d out from the torso at a right angle, and the knees again b en d at a right angle from the thighs. The feet are w ell preserved w ith th e toes ren d e re d by incision, and th ey rest atop a cubical foot rest. T he dedication reads: "This th ro n e was m ade by Biytn, son of D'mnilk, and by Ixlhl, son of D 'm nilk, son o f Ys’k for Astart-Ar, o u r Lady, because she heard the voice o f their w ords [prayers] Y18 T he ‘sir t hr, m eaning either *‘Hurrian A start” o r “Astart at th e w in d o w ,” w as also applied to Ugaritic Astart. Thus, the one extant, identified image o f A start in the Iron Age Phoenician w orld show s a fem ale portrayed in the n ude in a g esture of b en ed ic tio n .19 T he rem aining evidence for Iron Age Astart iconography com es pred o m ­ inantly from continuity of iconography from the Bronze Age. a tricky m atter, as the Bronze Age iconography is am biguous in nature. The continuity in the archaeological record, com bined o n ce again with elem ents of Asian's dis­ tinctive imagery (lions and horses), and the use o f these im ages on cultic items all point to the sacred nature of th ese im ages in general, and their in terp re­ tation as specifically Astart in the P hoenician w orld in particular. The greatest evidence for co n tin u ity o ccu rs in Syria at the site of Hama. The low er rem ains of an Astart plaque cam e to light from Level H, dated to

18. Bonnet 1996: 161. 19. A lth o u g h th e r e is a p o s sib ility th a t th is im a g e w a s o rig in a lly c lo th e d , th is is u n lik ely . T h e s ta tu e is s e a te d a n d a tta c h e d to th e t h r o n e /c h a i r . so th a t a n y c lo th in g a d o r n in g th e s ta tu e w o u ld , o f n e c e s s ity , h a v e to c o v e r th e c h a ir. Vs th e th r o n e w a s an im p o r ta n t a s p e c t o f A s ia n 's royal s ta tu e , it is u n lik e ly th a t th e a rtis t w o u ld h a v e c h o s e n to c o v e r it. T h a t th e s ta tu e m ay h a v e b e e n c o v e re d b y s o m e m a n n e r o f p r e c io u s m e ta l in th e fo rm o f c lo th in g is also u n lik e ly , as th e r e re m a in s n o e v i d e n c e th a t a n o t h e r m a te ria l w a s e i th e r o rig in a lly a tta c h e d to th e fig u re o r s u b s e q u e n tly r e m o v e d . L ik ew ise, o n c e ag a in , th e c o n n e c tio n b e t w e e n th e s ta tu e a n d h e r th r o n e w o u ld h a v e m a d e th e a p p li­ c a tio n o f an a d d itio n a l, c o v e rin g m a te ria l d iffic u lt.

252

TH E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

1550-1450 BCE ,20 A second exam ple, this one m ore fully preserved, com es from Level F, dated to th e Iron I period, o r 1200-900 BCE (see fig. 9b ) . 2 1 T hree final exam ples conies from Level E in th e eighth century.22 All these, e x c e p t the unclear exam ple from Level H, sh o w a nude female e n f a c e holding h e r breasts in her hands. This ten d e n c y for an individual site to m aintain th e use of these im ages during and th ro u g h th e so-called Dark Ages is rep eated in Pal­ estine, w here m ore extensive excavation has yielded greater results, Megiddo, studied above in C h ap ter Seven, had yielded Astart plaques from Levels ¥11 (1350-1150 BCE) through III (7 8 0 -6 5 0 BCE).23G ezer has p ro d u ced su ch im ag­ es from th e fo u rteen th cen tu ry th ro u g h the n in th ,24 and Ashdod, excavated by D othan, has exam ples from th e mid-fifteenth century continuously th ro ugh to th e early sixth c e n tu ry BCE .25 Finally, th e re is t h e s o u t h e r n site o f

Fig. 9b

Late Bronze Age Astart plaque from Hama. Ingholt. Fl. XXIV, no. 5. 20. Ingholt l TïO: PL XX. 21. Ib id ,, PI. XXTV. 22. Ib id .. PI. XXXÎ1. 23. Böhm 1990: 83 with noted bibliography. 24. Ibid. Note also Holland’s appendix C in Dover 1975.

25. Aslidod publications in 'A liq u i

7 ( 1 9 6 7 ), 9 11971), 10 (1973),

and 15 (1982).

T H E P H O E N IC IA N Q U E S T IO N

253

G erar, w here Petrie discovered “goddess p la q u e s” from strata ranging from 1700-600 B C E ,26 Some sites show th e p re se n c e o f th e im ages in question d ur­ ing the transition from Bronze to Iron Age, as at Tel Z eror27 and Beth Shem esh.28 Excavations at o th er sites have revealed th e presen ce o f these plaques as late as th e Neo-Babylonian period, such as th e Syrian sites of Khun Sheikoun,29 N eirab,30 and Tel Hataf.3132Beyond plaques, im ages of this nude fem ale clasping h e r breasts are also p resen t in th e ro u n d from Phoenicia. One, from Akhziv, eighth to sixth centuries, is a terra-cotta, mold-made, hand­ w o rk ed and painted image, tm w orked only in th e b a c k 7 2 H er breasts are prom inently ren d ered and, ex c e p t for th e lack o f em phasis on th e genitalia, is in all respects similar to the Bronze and Iron Age images. A similar bronze fem ale standing atop a tripod base dates to th e eig h th to seventh centuries, although no m ore definite place o f origin is k n o w n than sim ply “Phoenicia. ”33 The continual p roductio n and use o f th ese im ages from th e Bronze Age into th e Iron Age, corrobo rated by th e possibility of a nude-fem ale rep re se n t­ ing th e goddess Astart during the Bronze Age as p e r th e Levantine materials, provides a strong argum ent that th e identification of th ese plaques is contin­ uous from th e Bronze Age and, thus, are in ten d ed to be u n d ersto o d as Astart in the Levant. The only difficulty in identifying th ese im ages as the goddess of Phoenicia is th eir relative paucity in P hoenicia itself, especially from such sites as Sidon and Tyre. H ow ever, on e m ust rem ain cognizant o f th e small ex ten t of excavations in these areas, du e to th e p resen ce o f m odern cities directly atop the ancient. H ow ever, it is significant th at in all excavated areas north, south, east and w est of P hoenicia p ro p e r, su ch as Hama, and w ithin Phoenicia p ro p er, such as Akhziv, th ese plaques have co m e to light. This sug­ gests that th eir paucity in Phoenicia is du e m ore to lack o f excavation than a tin e absence. T hat th ese im ages are in ten d ed to re p re se n t A start is fu rth e r m aintained by the iconography, w here, as in th e B ronze Age, th e n ude fem ale rep resen t­ ed is often show n in conjunction w ith e ith e r lions o r horses. T he association w ith horses is m ost blatant in the use o f th ese im ages as d ecoration on horse paraphernalia, both in ivory and, less com m only, bronze. An exam ple of the

26. Petrie 1928: Tables 33 and 36. 27. Stern 1993: 1324-26. 28. Böhm 1990: 83. 29. Comte du Mesnil du Buisson 1928: 178-84. 30. Carrière et Barro is 192": 291-5. 31. O p p e n h e im 1962: 1 2 -1 3 . 3 2 . M oscati 1 9 8 8 : F ig u re 3 7.

33. Ibid., Figure 112.

TH E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

la tte r , a h o r s e ’s h e a d - p i e c e , c o m e s f r o m T e ll Tainat in s o u t h e a s t e r n T u r k e y a n d d a te s t o t h e la te e i g h t h o r e a r ly s e v e n t h century BCE.343 5T h is o b j e c t is d iv id e d in to tw o r e g is te r s , a n u p p e r a n d a lo w e r. T h e th e m e o f t h e u p p e r r e g ­ i s te r is o f a m a le h e r o o n o n e b e n t k n e e c o n te n d i n g w i t h f o u r lio n s , t w o o n e i t h e r s id e o f h im . T h e l o w e r r e g i s t e r s h o w s t w o nude-female f ig u r e s h o l d ­ in g t h e i r b r e a s ts a n d s ta n d in g a t o p li o n s ’ h e a d s . T h e ir h a ir s ty le s a re “Hathoric” in n a tu r e , a n d b o th w e a r e la b o r a te n e c k la c e s , b r a c e le ts a n d a n k le ts . T h e b r e a s ts a re r e n d e r e d in t h e r o u n d , a n d th e i r g e n ita lia a r e a c c e n t u a t e d b y

incised clots. In all resp ects they are strongly rem iniscent of the Bronze Age v e r s io n s o f g o d d e s s e s . T h is is n o t o n ly e v id e n t in t h e e m p h a s is o n s e x u a l c h a r ­ acteristics, b u t as w e ll o n the association w ith lions. N o r th Syrian-styie b r o n z e h o r s e a d o r n m e n ts s u c h as th is w e r e a ls o d is ­ c o v e r e d in t h e e a s t G r e e k r e g i o n s o f S a m o s a n d M ile to s. O n e well-preserved

example from Samos show s not only the nude-female m otif but also the strong association w ith lions—both lion heads and Hons c o u c h a n t ,363 7 The m otif of the N ude Goddess associated w ith horses through h er ap p e a r­ a n c e o n o b je c ts o f h o r s e p a r a p h e r n a li a , a n d as w e ll a s s o c ia te d w i t h lio n s

through the use of their com bined iconography on said objects, is well rep­ resented a m o n g the hoards of ivories brought to light at M o u n d and dating to the eighth c e n tu r y BCE. Although these items were recovered by excava­ tion within the limits of Assyria proper, the style of these ivories is p re d o m ­ in a n tly N o r th Syrian and Phoenician, having been “exported” to the Assyrian heart land through conquest, booty, and the (forced) importation of Levan­ tine crafts people.·" in his catalogue of ivory equestrian bridle-harness orna­ ments from Nimrud, Orchard lists ten “Naked Maidens with Lotus Flowers and Lions.”38 O n e example o f such an image is represented on Plate XXVIII (see fig. 9c) of the catalogue, which show s an ivory, triangular object w ith a nude female in the c e n te r of the triangle. While her face and breasts are w orn away, it is easy to make out that the female stood en fa c e with her arms out to either side of her body, grasping (lowers in either hand. The genital triangle is rendered by carving, and no navel is visible. Like the nude females from the Tainat bronze, she w ears both bracelets and anklets (the neck is im possible to make out ). She stands atop the head of a crouching lion, w hose face is effaced but w hose paw s are carefully rendered with d a w s and a m ane detailed with incision. All around this scene is a continuous g tiillo c lie pattern.

34. Kantor 1962: 93-95. 35. Ibid., 101. 36. {bid.. 108-9. 37. Barnet 1982: Chapter Seven. 38. Orchard 1967: 2 7 -2 9 an d Plates XXVIII-XXXL

THE PHOENICIAN Q U EST IO N

255

Fig, 9 c

Ivory horse blinker from Nimrud. Orchard, #135, Plate XXVIII, A second exam ple is show n on Plate XXIX o f O r c h a r d . H e re , o n c e a g a in , is a tr ia n g u la r p ie c e in iv o ry , w i t h t h e n u d e f e m a le im a g e in th e c e n t e r o f th e triangle. She stands en fa c e with h er an u s to eith e r side, this tim e grasping a sm a ll lio n b y t h e r e a r p a w

in e a c h

h a n d . H e r h a i r is s im ila r t o t h a t o f t h e v o tiv e

from Seville, with blunt-cut bangs and tresses hanging over the shoulders to lie ju s t a b o v e t h e b r e a s ts . H e r e a rs s t a n d o u t 9 0 d e g r e e s fro m , h e r fa c e , a n d h e r e y e s a r e r e n d e r e d b y in c is io n . S h e w e a r s a n e la b o r a t e n e c k la c e a n d a n k le ts , a n d w h ile t h e n a v e l is r e n d e r e d b y a n in c i s e d d o t. n e i t h e r th e b r e a s ts n o r th e

genitalia are em phasized or d ecorated. Above the head of the female is a w inged solar disk. Below her feet, as is visible from th e side, is a lotus, upo n w h i c h t h e f e m a le s ta n d s . A s im ila r im a g e , in a n e v e n b e t t e r s t a te o f p r e s e r ­

vation, is show n on Plate XXX of Orchard's catalogue (see fig. 9d), Beyond the “nude maiden with lions’’ motif, the n u d e female a p p e a r s in four m ore exam ples of equestrian deco ratio n , eith e r standing on lotus flow ­ ers w ithout lions or show n holding ibex o r birds. It is clear that these motifs— the nude female, eith er with or w ith o u t h e r lion—w ere o f im portance in the

256

T H E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

Fig. 9cl

Ivory horse blinker from Nimrud. Orchard. #157. Plate XXX. ic o n o g r a p h ie r e p e r t o i r e . T h a t Astart in t h e B ro n z e A g e w a s a s s o c ia te d w i t h b o t h o f t h e s e a n im a ls —h o r s e a n d lio n —in li te r a tu r e a n d i c o n o g r a p h y s u g g e s ts

that a similar, if not the sam e, image is m eant to he conjured here. If Astart w ere a patroness of horses, th en p erh ap s h er image u pon that animal w ould h a v e p r o t e c ti v e v a lu e .

A nother item that show s the close association betw een the nude female, lions and religion is a cult stand from Ta’anach dating hack into the tenth c e n ­ tury BCF. v; The bottom register of this rectangular, cubical, terra-cotta stand d e p ic t s a n u d e f e m a le s t a n d in g b e t w e e n t w o (re la tiv e ly ) la rg e lio n s . T h e fe m a le is r a t h e r c r u d e ly w r o u g h t , b e in g h a n d -m a d e . H e r h a ir is a sm all, s t r ip

of clay laid atop her head; h e r lace consists of two pressed-in pellet, eyes, a m o l d e d n o s e , a n d a m o u t h r e n d e r e d b y a light, s tr a ig h t in c is io n b e l o w t h e n o s e . H e r b r e a s ts , s e t a w k w a r d l y lo w o n h e r to r s o s o that th e y a re b e n e a t h a r m 39

39. Hestrin 1987: 61.

T H E P H O E N I C I A N Q U EST IO N

257

le v e l, a re m o l d e d a n d p r o t r u d in g . T h e le g s a r e s t r a ig h t m o l d e d lin e s o f c la y , w i t h b o t h f e e t t u r n e d o u t to e i t h e r s id e a n d with t o e s r e n d e r e d b y in c is io n . B e tw e e n t h e k g s is a d e e p ly in c is e d h o le , a p p a r e n t l y r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e v a g in a . H e r a rm s e x t e n d to e i t h e r sid e o f t h e b o d y , curving u p w a r d at t h e ( p u r e ly t h e ­ o r e tic a l) e lb o w s , a n d th e h a n d s , lik e t h e f e e t , a r e d e ta i le d b y in c is io n . In e a c h h a n d t h e fe m a le g r a s p s an e a r o f b o t h o f t h e lio n s , w h o , lik e t h e fe m a le , a re p o r t r a y e d c o m p l e te l y en face. O n ly t h e f r o n ts o f t h e lio n s a r e v is ib le , w i t h t h e i r f a c e s in h ig h r e l ie f a g a in s t t h e b a c k in g o f t h e s t a n d , d e ta ile d b y in c is io n w i t h m a n e s , e y e s , e a rs , n o s trils , w h is k e r s , t e e t h , a n d c la w s . L ike t h o s e o f t h e fe m a le , t h e i r le g s a r e s im p ly a p p li e d s t r ip s o f cla y . T h e p r o f ile s of t h e r e s t of th e li o n s ’ b o d ie s a r e r e n d e r e d o n t h e la te ra l s id e s o f t h e s ta n d , n o t v is ib le f r o m t h e f r o n t.40 It is c le a r t h a t w h a t is h e r e p o r t r a y e d is t h e N u d e G o d d e s s dom­ inating tw o lio n s , s im ila r in m a n y r e s p e c t s t o t h e n u d e fe m a le s o n t h e ivory h o r s e o r n a m e n ts h o ld i n g lio n s o n e i t h e r s i d e o f t h e b o d y . Hestrin s u g g e s ts that th is N u d e G o d d e s s t e n ta tiv e ly m ig h t b e id e n t if ie d as Aserah, b a s e d o n th e a s s o c ia tio n b e t w e e n th is g o d d e s s a n d lio n s 41 H o w e v e r , th e a s s o c ia tio n b e t w e e n A s e ra h a n d lio n s d e p e n d s u p o n t h e id e n t if ic a t io n o f E g y p tia n Q u d s u as A se ra h , as it is o n ly Q u d s u w h o is n a m e d o n h e r im a g e r y s ta n d in g u p o n a lio n . A s W ig g in s h a s n o te d , t h e id e n t if ic a t io n o f A s e ra h a s Q u d s u is not d e f ­ in ite , a n d it is n o t m e th o d o lo g ic a lly s o u n d t o a s s o c ia te A s e ra h a n d lio n s 42 T h e a s s o c ia tio n o f t h e s e n u d e - f e m a le im a g e s w i t h c u lt ic ite m s a n d , th u s , t h e d iv in e s p h e r e , is a ls o s u g g e s te d b y t h e i r p r e s e n c e o n m o d e l s h r in e s fr o m T e l Q a s ile a n d Akhziv, w i t h s im ila r m o d e l s c o m i n g a s w e ll f r o m C y p ru s . T h e s o -c a lle d "naos” ( “t e m p l e ”) fr o m T e l Q a s ile d a te s t o t h e t e n t h c e n tu r y BCE ( S tr a tu m X ) a n d w a s d is c o v e r e d ly in g o n t h e f l o o r o f T e m p l e 131 in f r o n t of a r a is e d p la t f o r m .43 T h e te r r a - c o tta o b j e c t is r e n d e r e d with a full E g y p tia n a r c h i te c t u r a l f a ç a d e , w i t h rim s b o t h a b o v e a n d b e l o w t h e c e n tr a l im a g e s e x te n d i n g out f r o m t h e fa c e o f t h e im a g e . T h e r e a re p iv o t h o le s w ith i n th e s e e x te n s io n s in d i c a ti n g w h e r e w o o d e n d o o r s w e r e a t t a c h e d , c o v e r in g t h e naos in te r io r . W ith in t h e naos a re t w o b r o k e n im a g e s th a t , f r o m t h e i r re m a in s , a p p e a r to b e tw o n u d e fe m a le s w h o w e r e h o ld i n g t h e i r b r e a s ts . T o d a te , o n ly t h e le g s o f t h e s e im a g e s r e m a in .44 T h e o v e r a ll s t r u c t u r e o f t h e naos s u g g e s ts th a t , w h e n in u s e , t h e d o o r s w o u ld h a v e b e e n c lo s e d , th u s v e ilin g t h e f e m a le /

40.

Ibid.. 66, Figure: 4.

41.

I b id ..

"Off.

42. Wiggins 1991: 3«4-89· 43. Mazar 1980: 82.

44. i’hc positioning ( ή the upper body is based on the outline of the break lines on the back ovali" of the n a o s . Although die high relief of the bodies is missing, this outline shows a silhouette similar in form to the nude-goddess plaques with arms extending out from the shoulders and reaching in toward the chest. See Mazar 1980, p a s s i m .

TH E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

g o d d e s s fig u r e ( s ) fr o m p u b li c v ie w . T h e n , t h e d o o r s , o n s p e c if ic o c c a s i o n s ,

could be opened to reveal th e figiire(s). Tw o o th er sections o f this object are broken off: som e m anner of handle on th e bottom exten sio n of th e facade, a n d w h a t a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n a c r o u c h i n g lio n o il t h e t o p o f t h e n a o s. I f th i s

latter identification is co rrect, than th e T d Qasile na o s gives one more indi­ c a ti o n o f t h e a s s o c ia tio n b e t w e e n t h e Astart im a g e s a n d lio n s. In a n y c a s e , t h e shrine-like imagery o f t h e o b j e c t , its lo c a t io n w i t h i n a s a n c tu a r y , a n d t h e a b il­

ity to “hide" the goddesses w ithin the shrine point to a divine nature b oth for t h e o b j e c t its e lf a n d f o r t h e id e n t if ic a t io n o f t h e fe m a le im a g e s,

A similar shrine from Phoenicia, and now in the Museum of the A m erican U n iv e rs ity , Beirut, s h o w s a c e n t r a l n i c h e e d g e d w i t h n e a tly r e c e s s e d p a n e ls a n d fla n k e d o n e i t h e r s id e b y n u d e fe m a le im a g e s , th is ti m e o u ts id e o f t h e soc a lle d naos in s te a d o f w i t h i n / 0 O n c e a g a in , t h e hairstyle o f t h e S ev ille v o tiv e is to b e s e e n , a n d th e n u d e g o d d e s s e s w e a r e la b o r a te n e c k la c e s a n d b r a c e l e ts . T h e b r e a s ts a r e m o l d e d in t h e r o u n d , a n d t h e h a n d s lie u n d e r t h e b r e a s ts ,

either supporting them , as in. o th e r exam ples in this study, o r lying on the s t o m a c h b e l o w t h e b r e a s ts . B o th t h e tr e s s e s o f th e fe m a le s a n d t h e i n t e r i o r o f

the niche were painted with black paint/*6 Shrines such as these, although w ithout the nude-goddess elem ents, com e not only from Jordan, but also from Cyprus. The majority of the shrines from this latter c o n tex t com e from Amathus, w hich was subject to considerable Phoenician influence from the end of the Iron I period. A lthough th ese small m odel shrines from Am athus la c k t h e N u d e G o d d e s s , t h e y n e v e r t h e l e s s o f t e n e n c lo s e w i t h i n t h e naos a n a n t h r o p o m o r p h i c fig u re , e i t h e r fe m a le o r m a le . In s o m e in s ta n c e s , t h e im a g e

w ithin th e m odel is m ore aniconic than a n th ro p o m o rp h ic, appearing as a clay cylinder decorated with pressed-on clay dots. Culican argues that: th ese dots a re i n t e n d e d to r e p r e s e n t e i t h e r r o s e s o r p e r h a p s s ta rs , a n d , th u s , t h e s e im a g ­

es are aniconic images of th e “Rose G oddess“ or "Queen of Heaven," to wit, Aphrodile-K ypris-Astart/1 As o th e r references to aniconic images of A phro­ dite and Astart. such as th e sto n e from Paiaipaphos, are later in date by several cen tu rie s/18 it is perhaps b e tte r to refrain from any specific identification of th e deity im plied with th ese m odel shrines and trends tow ard aniconism. H owever, the close associations b etw een Amathus, the C ypriot m odel shrines, and A phrodite argue in favor o f an Aphrodite-Astart identification in th e C y p r io t c o n t e x t , w h ile t h e n u d e - g o d d e s s im a g e ry p r e s e n t in t h e L e v a n t w o u ld a r g u e f o r a s s o c ia tio n s w i t h A s ta it.

45. Culican 19/0: 53. 46. Ibid. 47.

Ib id .. j)u s s im .

■"»8. S o y ez \ < r)~72 \ passim.

THE PHOENICIAN QUESTION

259

U ltim a te ly , w h a t d o th e s e d a ta m e a n in r e l a ti o n to t h e ic o n o g r a p h y a n d p e r s o n a of Astart in t h e Ir o n A ge? T h e u s e o f t h e N u d e - G o d d e s s p la q u e s in th e L e v a n t fr o m t h e B ro n z e A ge th r o u g h t h e I r o n A g e m a k e s a s tr o n g c la im fo r c o n ti n u it y o f ic o n o g r a p h y , a c la im t h a t is s t r e n g t h e n e d b y t h e c o n t i n u e d u s e

of horse and lion im agery present in the n orth Syrian- and Phoenician-m ade h o r s e a d o r n m e n ts fr o m n o r t h S yria a n d Nimrud, as w e ll as t h e c u lt s ta n d fro m T e l Ta’anach. F u r t h e r m o r e , th e v o tiv e d e d i c a t i o n f r o m S ev ille, s p e c ific a lly n a m in g t h e g o d d e s s , p o r tr a y s th is g o d d e s s as a n u d e fe m a le . Is it p o s s ib le , th e n , to r e c o g n i z e t h e I r o n A ge g o d d e s s p l a q u e s a s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f A start? I w o u ld a r g u e '‘y e s ” in s p i te o f th e f a c t t h a t t h e sexualized n a tu r e o f t h e ic o ­ n o g r a p h y fin d s n o p a ra lle ls in t h e w r i t t e n s o u r c e s c o n c e r n i n g th is g o d d e s s , m u c h as w a s t h e c a s e in t h e B ro n z e A ge. T h e id e n tif ic a tio n o f th e s e im a g e s a s A s ta r t r e c e i v e s f a r t h e r s u p p o r t fro m t h e i r p r e s e n c e in t h e s o u t h e r n r e g io n s o f Is ra e l a n d J u d a h , w h e r e t h e lite r a ­ t u r e r e c o r d s t h e n a m e s o f very f e w fe m a le d e itie s , to w i t A sta rt (Astoreth/ Astaroth) and Aserah. T h e Q u e e n o f H e a v e n , a s r e c o r d e d in J e r e m ia h q u o te d

above, might he eith er of these goddesses, although Astart's associations with

Istar, t h e M e s o p o ta m ia n Q u e e n o f H e a v e n , m a y s t r e n g t h e n t h e a r g u m e n t in h e r fa v o r. T h a t t h e s e im a g e s o f n u d e fe m a le s p o r t r a y e d enface w i t h e m p h a s is o n t h e s e x u a l c h a r a c t e r i s ti c s a n d s h o w n e i t h e r g r a s p in g t h e b r e a s ts , o r flo ra or fauna to eith er side of the body do not re p re se n t the goddess Aserah is sug­ g e s t e d b o t h b y t h e lio n ic o n o g r a p h y a n d t h e f r e q u e n t a s s o c ia tio n w ith h o r s e

paraphernalia, and, possibly, by th e proliferation, o f a different style of god­

figu­ rines/' female figurines that have a m olded head, arm s grasping the breasts in long-standing N ear Eastern fashion, but with the low er body cylindrical in the g e n e r a l s h a p e o f a p illa r o r c o lu m n . T h e w o r k of Kletter s u g g e s ts that th e s e images might represent Aserah due to th eir a d h eren ce to the description of images of that, goddess in the Bible.'19 If there is a possibility to distinguish betw een the iconographies of the two named goddesses revered in iron Age Palestine, perhaps the non-columnar im ages refer to Astart. it is im portant to rem ain aware that this identification only applies to the Levant, including Syria, Phoenicia proper, and possibly the southern regions of Israel and Judah. Heading west, tow ard Cyprus and the G reek world, the m atter of identification becom es increasingly m ore com plicated. As the w orks of H. K antor and S. Böhm have show n, th ese Astart. plaques a n d images becom e com m on in t h e Cypriot a n d Greek repertoires in th e L ate Geometric-Early Archaic Ages. H owever, as discussed above in Chapter Three, in the Iron Age these images are not necessarily associated with any specific god or goddess. This is especially so in the Greek world, w here nude-goddess figurines appear in sanctuaries ranging from Aphrodite to Athena to Eileithyia to Zeus in Crete. d e s s im a g e in P a le s tin e d u r in g t h e I r o n II p e r i o d . T h e s e a r e t h e ‘‘p illa r

49.

.Kletter 199€: passim.

THE ORIGIN OF APHRODITE Although the presence of such images usually suggests the presence of a god­ dess cult (notably in Crete, where the only god with whom they are found is “baby” Zeus), no specific goddess can be identified in their iconography. One other iconographie motif remains that, like the plaques, may portray the goddess Astart, although once again the lack of written material makes this identification tentative. This image is the so-called “Smiting Goddess,” a female image shown brandishing a weapon in either hand while striding for­ ward in typical Egyptian pose. According to Negbi, only six such images have come to light from the Bronze Age, none with a clear provenance or chro­ nology, although a tentative date of the mid-second millennium is possible?0 Four of these figures are clothed, while the remaining two are nude, one of which, from Hauran, is also portrayed standing upon two lions. This combi­ nation of nudity and lions suggests an identification as Astart, although this is the only example of a goddess upon a lion shown in the smiting pose, and this figurine is strongly influenced by Anatolian styles?1 Similar bronze images derive from Phoenician Iron Age contexts, although the exact date of some of these remain debated?2 One such example is pub­ lished by Falsone, an example datable solely by style as, once again, the prov­ enance is unclear.55This figure, like the majority of the Bronze Age examples, is clothed in a long dress, visible only where it connects the striding legs at the bottom of the image. The image wears a large, Hathor-disk upon the head, and has blunt bangs and short hair. From the head protrude four (probably orig­ inally five) horns, two on either side of the head bending forward and one above the forehead curving upward. The facial features are well-wrought, and the eyes were originally inlaid. The figure holds up her right arm from the shoulder, bent 90 degrees at the elbow, and the left arm extends down along the body and bends forward from the elbow. Both fists are clenched and prob­ ably originally held weapons?4 The waist is small, and the figure steps for­ ward with her left leg, thus offering a counterbalance to the raised right ami. Stylistically, Falsone dates this statuette to the eighth century BCE?5 On the basis of style, it is possible that this image represents Baalat Gtibal, the city goddess ofByblos, who is strongly identified with both Hathor and Isis in the Egyptian pantheon?6 That one of the possible Iron Age statuettes comes from Byblos would certainly support this argument and, thus, in this 50. Negbi 1976: 84-86.

51. Ibid., fbi.

52. Falsone 1986: 68. 53. Ibid., S3. Ibid..

55.

55. ib id ..

~A.

5T

56. Bonnet 1996: 20 - 22 .

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261

c o n t e x t , it m ig h t b e p r u d e n t to id e n tif y t h e im a g e h e r e as Baalat GubalC7H o w ­ e v e r, tw o o t h e r e x a m p l e s a tt r i b u ta b l e to t h e I r o n A g e c o m e fro m b o th P al­ e s tin e (T e l D a n ) a n d P h o e n ic ia p r o p e r (Qal’at F a q ra ) a n d , th u s , o ff e r e v id e n c e t h a t a d e ity b e y o n d ju s t t h e c ity g o d d e s s o f Bybios is r e p r e s e n t e d , at le a st in o t h e r contexts.*18 T h e p r o m i n e n c e o f A s ta it in P h o e n ic i a d u r in g th e e ig h th century a n d h e r I d e n tif ic a tio n as a w a r - g o d d e s s as p e r t h e w r i t t e n te s tim o n ia in b o t h the B ro n z e a n d I r o n A g es s u g g e s t that t h e s m itin g g o d d e s s m ig h t in s o m e in s ta n c e s r e p r e s e n t th e g o d d e s s A s ta it. In c o n c lu s io n . Ir o n A ge A s ta it is in m o s t w a y s id e n tic a l t o h e r B ro n z e A ge c o u n t e r p a r t . F ro m t h e inscriptional e v id e n c e s h e is a g o d d e s s c o n c e r n e d w ith ju s tic e a n d t h e p r e s e r v a ti o n o f t h e ro y a l fa m ily ; s h e p r o t e c t s th e d e a d ; a n d , lik e Ishara, g u a r d s t h e o a th s o f k in g s , u s in g h e r in f lu e n c e in b a ttle to p u n is h t h e w r o n g - d o e r . In m a n y r e s p e c ts s h e is lik e Istar. As with h e r B ro n z e A ge c o u n t e r p a r t , o n ly t h e ic o n o g r a p h y o f I r o n A g e A s ta it h in t s at s e x u a l n a tu r e , b e in g p o r t r a y e d as a n u d e fe m a le b o t h o n t e r r a - c o t ta p la q u e s a n d on o n e in ­ s c r ib e d b r o n z e v o tiv e s ta tu e . T h e d is c o n ti n u it y b e t w e e n t h e literary p o r tr a y a l o f th e g o d d e s s a n d h e r ic o n o g r a p h ie p o r t r a y a l is, p r o b a b ly , d u e p rim a rily to c o n ti n u it y b e t w e e n Istar/Ishara a n d A s ta it ic o n o g r a p h y in t h e LBA, a n d c o n ­ tin u ity b e t w e e n B ro n z e A ge a n d I r o n A g e p o r tr a y a ls o f this g o d d e s s . T h u s , Astart, as th e w e s t e r n e q u iv a le n t o f Is ta r, to o k p a r t in S y rian Istars ic o n o g ­ r a p h y . T h is r a t h e r a w k w a r d ic o n o g r a p h y t h e n r e m a in e d in c o n tin u a l u se . It is im p o r t a n t t o n o te h o w s t r o n g t h e d i f f e r e n c e s a r e b e t w e e n P h o e n ic ia n A s ta rt a n d G re e k A p h r o d ite . As d is c u s s e d in C h a p t e r T w o , A p h r o d ite is p r i­ m a rily a g o d d e s s o f lo v e a n d s e x ; A s ta rt is a g o d d e s s a s s o c ia te d w i t h ju s tic e a n d ro y a lty ; h e r e r o t ic ic o n o g r a p h y is q u it e d if f ic u lt to e x p la i n in lig h t of h e r lit­ erary portrayals. To s u g g e s t th a t t h e G r e e k s a d o p t e d t h e P h o e n ic ia n g o d d e s s a n d t u r n e d h e r into A p h r o d it e is n o t m e t h o d o lo g i c a ll y s o u n d , as, a p a r t fr o m g e n d e r , t h e s e tw o g o d d e s s e s h a d little to d o w ith o n e a n o th e r . T h u s , fo r r e a ­ s o n s o f c h r o n o l o g y a n d s p r e a d o f c u lt as m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , a n d th e fa c t th a t P h o e n ic ia n A s ta it is s im p ly n o t a g o o d c o g n a t e f o r G r e e k A p h r o d ite , o n e m u s t a c c e p t t h e fact that t h e P h o e n ic ia n h y p o t h e s i s is n o t v ia b le . T h is d o e s , how ever, le a v e the q u e s t i o n o f h o w t h e tw o g o d d e s s e s c a m e to b e a s s o c ia te d w ith e a c h o t h e r in t h e firs t p la c e . O t h e r t h a n in ic o n o g r a p h y , A s ta it is far c lo s e r in p e r s o n a to e i t h e r A th e n a o r H e r a .575859 Why w a s s h e s e e n as t h e e a s te r n A p h ro d ite ? T h e answer to th i s q u e s t io n lie s in t h e r e la tio n s h ip b o t h g o d d e s s e s h a d w i t h t h e is la n d o f C y p ru s .

57. Fatsone 1936: 6 8 . 58. ibid., 67. 59. At th e h iru s c a n s ite o f P yrgi, A start is. in fact, e q u a te d w ith U n i/J u n o . Sec ( a d o n n a 1 9 8 4 -8 5 : p a s sim fo r in fo rm a tio n a b o u t th e s a n c tu a r ie s a n d th e d is c o v e ry o f th e goldle a f in s c rip tio n s . F o r a tra n s la tio n o f a n d c o m m e n ta r y o n th e P h o e n ic ia n in s c r ip tio n (ΚΛΙ 277). s e c B o n n e t 1996: 1 2 0 -2 5 , 161: P c c k h a m 1 98": 8 7.

THE O R IG IN OF A PH R O D ITE

A sta rt A rrives in Cyprus: K itio n 60 It w as In th e ten th centu ry w h e n Cyprus, and th e Aegean as w ell, cam e o n ce again u n d er explicit Levantine influence. 61 In Cyprus, Phoenicians settled Kition in approxim ately 850 BCE, rebuilding the city d eserted for over a cen­ tury and dedicating th e n ew ly reconstructed T em ple 1 to th e ir m ain deity: A start.62 T hat they w ere, in fact, inhabitants o f Tyre, o r possibly from b o th Tyre and Sidon, is evident in an eight-line inscription dating to the A rchaic Age discovered in Sardinia and k n o w n as th e Nora inscription:6^ T e m p l e o f t h e c a p e o f N o g a r , w h i c h is in S a rd in ia . M ay it h i 1p r o s p e r o u s ! M ay

Tyre,

th e

m other

of

Kition,

be

prosperous! Construction

th a t

constructed

Nogar in the honor of Pumay! Both literary and archaeological evidence offer various dates for the fo u n ­ dation of the Phoenician settle m e n t at Kition. The literary evidence dates th e settlem ent to the very beginnings o f th e Iron Age, w hen the G reek foundation myths o f Cyprus claim that Kition was founded by King Belos, king of the Sidonians, w ho, likewise, assisted th e A chaean king T eukros to take p o sses­ sion of Salamis.61 As such, Kition w ould have been inhabited by Sidonians (or perhaps a com bination of Sidonians and Tyrians) after the fall of Troy. A som ew hat later date is offered by M enander, w h o says th at Hiram L king of Tyre, at the beginning o f his reign, uundertook a cam paign against the Itykaians, who had not paid th eir tribute, and w hen he had again m ade th em su b ­ ject to him, returned h o m e ” (A n t VII!, 14 6 ). 6-1 If this is the case, then Kition (the understood identification of “Itykaians”) m ust have b een u n d er the authority of Hiram’s father Abihaal during the ten th century BŒ.66 The archaeological evidence low ers th e date of th e Phoenician settlem en t a bit further. The earliest style o f p o tte ry fo u n d in quantities s u g g e s t in g a n e w 60,

T h e fo llo w in g s e c tio n s a rc in n o w a y in t e n d e d to e x a m in e , in to to, th e c u lts o f e i th e r A start o r A p h r o d ite in C y p ru s , h u t, ra th e r , s im p ly o ffe r an e x p la n a tio n as to h o w th e s e tw o g o d d e s s e s ma}· h a v e c o m e to b e a s s o c ia te d . A nja Ul b ric h o f th e U n iv e rs ity o f H e id e lb e rg is c u r r e n tly u n d e r ta k in g a full e x a m in a tio n o f th e c u lts o f A start a n d A n at in Iro n A ge (A p rils.

0 1 , A c c o rd in g to b o th Bikai a n d K u ra g e o rg h is , P h o e n ic ia n set tie m e m o f C y p ru s b e g a n as e a rly as th e e le v e n th c e n tu r y BCE, as p e r th e w id e -s c a le p r e s e n c e o f P h o e n ic ia n p o tt e r y at th e c e m e te r y o f Palaipaphi)s-.VA^//cx. K a ra g e o rg h is 1983: p a ssim : Bikai 1994: H i. By b o t h lite ra ry a n d a r c h a e o lo g ic a l e v i d e n c e , th e firs t a c tu a l P h o e n ic ia n c o lo n s ' in C y p ru s w a s K itio n .

62.

K a ra g e o rg h is 1976: C h a p t e r

63-

T ra n s la tio n b a s e d o n

64.

K a ra g e o rg h is 1976: 95.

65. Katzenstein 1973: 84. 66. Karageorghis

1988:

Five.

Dupoot-Sommer 1974: 83.

152.

THE P H OE NI CI AN QUES TIO N

263

population at Kition is red-slip I w are, a style diagnostic o f th e mid-ninth cen­ tury.67 M uch o f this potter)7w as d iscovered w ith in th e reconstructed tem ple overlying the rem ains o f th e Bronze Age T em ple 1 in Kition’s Area 2. A pproxim ately one hu n d red fifty7years sep arate th e final years o f th e Cyp­ riot sanctuaries in Kition from th eir P hoenician reco n stru ctio n s, a period that is rep resen ted in th e archaeological reco rd by a th ick layer o f alluvial deposit at th e site.68 T he n ew Phoenician te m p le w as c o n stru c te d entirely on to p o f the previous T em ple 1, making use o f th e ashlar foundations, w hile th e co n ­ structors piously rem oved the o lder votives and placed litem in b o th ro i out­ side o f th e n ew tem ple. T he chronology, the founders, and th e deity o f this n ew tem ple are sup­ ported., by an inscription discovered in th e tem p le on a shard o f red-slip ware. T he orthography of the inscription is Phoenician and dates, according to D upont-Som m er. to som etim e b e tw e e n 830 and 800 BCE.6970The shard was found in a co n tex t preceding the b u rning and rebuilding o f the tem ple in 800 BCE, thus confirm ing this hypothesis. The inscription reads: 0

[In mejmoriurn. Moula shaved this hair (from his head), and he invokfed the I.ady Asjtart, and As [tart heard his voice. And he offered (as a sacrifice): for Moula, a sheep and a Ij'anih with] this hair; for the household of Moula, a sheep. [This] recipient [here], Moula completed with [this] hair seven times, because of the vo| w) of Tamassos. A pparently Moula is taking part in a ritual whereby the hair of the dedicant is offered to the goddess, eith er in fulfillment of a vow , as it w ould ap p ear above, or during a liminal point in life, such as p reced in g marriage. This was an estab­ lished practice in the Phoenician cult o f Astari, for it is described in tw o other docum ents of the Classical Age. The first o f these is an inscription dating to 4 0 0 -3 5 0 BCE on alabaster w rit­ ten in black ink discovered on the Bamboula hill. On the to p o f side A is w rit­ ten “TKLT, ” in terp re ted by Masson-Sznycer and D elcor as “total (o f e x p e n s­ e s ) /’ thus referring to the personnel on the payroll o f th e tem p le of Astart in K ition—the goddess w ho is m entioned th ro u g h o u t th e various listings. 1Line 12 on. side A of the list records the "GLBM," the b arb ers o f th e tem ple. 2 Both D elcor and D upont-Som m er identify th ese as th o se b arb ers w h o cu t th e token locks o f hair to be dedicated to th e goddess 73 67.

K a ra g e o rg h is 1 9 7 6 :9 5 ,

68. Karageorghis 1973a: 20. 69- Dupont-Sommer 1974: 90-94; Guzzo Amadasi and Karageorghis 1977: 149: D 21. 70. Translation based on. Dupont-Sommer 1974: 91; Peckham 71. .Delcor 19~9: i48. 72. I b i d 156. 73. Ibid; Dupont-Sommer 1974: 92

1987: 8 5 .

T HE O R I G I N O F A P H R O D I T E

A further bit o f evidence com es from Lucian o f Samosata o f th e se c o n d cen­ tury CE, w ho in his work D e Dea Syria , section VI, notes a ritual w h ereb y :7"1 They (the inhabitants of By bios ) shave their heads as do the Egyptians at the death of Apis. The women who refuse to cut their hair are punished in the following manner: They set their beauty out for an entire day. at a market only open to foreigners, and the money for these women is brought as an offering to Aphrodite. This evidence is m ore rem o te co n cern in g th e cult of Astart in Kition, b o th in time and place. It does, h o w ev er, link th e dedication of hair to a sacred p ra c ­ tice involving the goddess Astart (referred to as A phrodite by th e Classical authors).7’ The historical events o ccu rrin g in Phoenicia at th e tim e of th e foundation of the settlem ent at Kition also suggest th at th e principle tem ple o f Kition w as dedicated to Astart. B etw een th e years 887 and 856 BCE, th e temporarily unit­ ed cities of Tyre and Sidon w e re u n d e r th e authority o f King Ethbaal, who established the supremacy of the cult o f Astart during his reign, having him self

been her high priest before his kingship.747576 This practice, whereby secular kings were also the (high) priests of Astart, continues into the Classical Era, as is evident in th e inscription recorded on the fifth-century sarcophagus of King Tabnit I of Sidon, mentioned above. Both the inscription of Moula and the shard upon which it was written show that Kition and its chief temple were erected no later than the m iddle of the ninth century BCE. It is logical that the city deity of a new Phoenician outpost would be the chief deity o f the mother city, Ethbaal’s Astart, as is recorded in Moula s dedicatory inscription. While the Phoenicians had th eir original stronghold on the island of Cyprus at Kition, over the centuries they spread o u t to have considerable influence over the entire island. As early as the ninth and eighth centuries BCE they had reached the mining districts of Meniko in the center of the island. 7 Between 950 and 750 BCE the Shales tomb complex brought forth gold répoussée plaques decorated w ith Astart- and Hathor-style figures. 8 Like­ wise, a stele of mid-seventh-century Phoenician manufacture was discovered at Pyla, northeast of Kition. 9 Eventually, Phoenician products and elements of Phoenician culture and religion covered the entire island.80 74.

/hid: L ipinski 1995: 9 6 . See A p p e n d ix B 9.2 .

75.

H e rrm a n n 1 9 6 9 \ p a s sim .

76.

K a ra g e o rg h is in M use at i 1 9 8 8 ; 1 55.

77.

K a ra g e o rg h is 1988: 1 6 1 -6 2 .

78.

Maiei- a n d K a ra g e o rg h is 1 9 8 4 : 149.

79-

K a ra g e o rg h is 1 9 8 8 : 1 61.

80.

(bid., 153.

THE PH O E N IC IA N Q U ESTIO N

265

A sta rt Meets the Paphian: A m a th u s O ne of th e m ore im p o rtan t sites o f P hoen ician se ttle m e n t and influence for this study is the ancient city of A m athus, w h ic h in Rom an tim es w as consid­ ered to he, along w ith Paphos, on e o f th e m ost im p o rtan t A phrodite sanctu­ aries in the Roman w orld 81 Amathus is especially in terestin g for th e study of th e origins o f A phrodite as it is h ere th a t the P hoenicians cam e into contact w ith an Eteo-Cypriot po p u latio n still in c o n tro l o f th e area, and on e m ight im agine that it w as here that a C ypriot c u lt o c c u rre d side-by-side w ith th e Phoenician. It is u nfortu n ate that th e arch aeological data are lim ited by th e p resen ce of a Roman sanctuary and a C hristian basilica o ver the rem ains of th e A rchaic sanctuary.8 182 A ccording to th e m ythical trad itio n h an d e d d o w n th ro u g h Theopompos, Amathus was founded by King Kinyras of Paphos when he was driven from

Paphos by the arrival of the Achaeans lead by Agapenor of Tegea returning from Troy. He and his followers, moving eastward, established the kingdom of Amathus and re-instituted the cult of the Paphian goddess there. The first half of this tale is partly supported by the archaeological evidence, which shows no Bronze Age settlement at the site 83 Only one red polished I vase from the Early Bronze Age was disco v ered in a grave of the Cypro-Geometric period. Furthermore, the site is not mentioned in the list of city names of Cyprus in th e Medinet Habu inscription of c. 1186 BCE, which mentions no cities b etw een Kourion and Kition.8"1 Human occupation at the site is ev id en t only from the eleventh century BCE.8'* At this date a small ceram ic d ep o sit w as buried in a pit near the ancient palace, and it is also the possible date of a grave on the city acropolis that later tradition attributes to Ariadne.86 The style of this tomb, a shaft dug into rock and covered with slabs, is typical of earlier periods in Cypriot funerary archi­ tecture. Both this tom b and the area o f the sanctuary of Aphrodite pro d u ced stone gaming c u p u la e prevalent in Cyprus during the Bronze Age. This, corn8 1 . H e r m a n 1995: 180.

82. Ibid.. 181. 83- A u p c rt 1985:

2 3 0 . "En c e q u i c o n c e r n e la c h r o n o lo g ie d u site , n o s r e c h e r c h e s o n t r e le v é u n e p r e m ie r e o c c u p a tio n à l'é p o q u e n é o lith iq u e , s u iv ie d 'u n e a p p a r e n t e n t lo n g u e p é r io d e d 'a b a n d o n : q u e lq u e s o b je ts d e l'A g e d u B ro n z e , d o n t d e u x s e u le m e n t o n t é té tro u v é s e n fo u ille d a n s d e s to m b e s d e d a te u lté rie u re , n e su ffis e n t p a s à a tte s te r l'e x is te n c e d a m é ta b lis s e m e n t a c e t te é p o q u e s ’ See a lso H e rm a ry 1993: 171.

84. Aupert

199” : 19.

85. Hermary 86.

19 8 7 ;

376.

A u p e rt 1997: 19. ( ’. o u tr a n tu th e e v i d e n c e o f th is tr a d itio n , th e r e d o e s n o t a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n a n y p r o n o u n c e d M in c a n p r e s e n c e at A m a th u s as d is c e r n ib le in th e

ceramic repertoire.

THE O RIG IN OF A PH R O D ITE

bined w ith th e lack o f M ycenaean w ares at Amathus, argues th a t th e p o p u ­ lation was, as p e r the m ythical tradition, Eteo-Cypriot. This possibility is fur­ th e r strengthened by th e fact th at, u p until th e fourth century BCE, th e city used tw o official languages, G reek and an undecipherecl language k n o w n as Eteocypriot:88 A lthough Aegean-style spits and knives w ere found am ong the funerary rem ains of th e city as early as 1050, th e Aegean d e m e n t at Am athus never grew in prom in en ce as it. did at Paphos and Salamis, and th e city rem ained essentially “n ative” at least until the eighth cen tu ry 8789 It is difficult to determ in e through archaeology w h e th e r a cult of Paphia w as established at this early period, for th e site of the later tem ple, located on the city acropolis, show s no rem ains o lder than th e eighth century.90 If the Cypriots under King Kinyras did establish a cult to the Paphian at A mathus, either they did so with no archaeologically visible sanctuary, or the location of their cult site is, as yet, u ndeterm ined. Aupert suggests that the Amathusians continued the cults of Bronze Age Cyprus, w orshipping a male h o m e d god and the female deity adored at Paphos, w hich w ould accord well w ith th e foundation myth. Evidence for the H orned God lies in scraps o f later evidence: small sculptures of priests w earing bull masks and th e tale related by Ovid of the Cerast legend, wherein A phrodite tu rn ed h o rn ed m onsters into hulls.91 Evidence for the goddess lies in the presence o f several goddess-withupraised-arm s found in the an cie n t to m b s o f the city, as well as the above-m en­ tioned tale.92934 in the eighth century, A m athus b ecom es a grand city, and this is w h e n the earliest traces of a sanctuary ap p e a r on the city acropolis 93 The question rem ains w h eth er o r not eith er o r bo th o f th ese events are due to th e Phoe­ nicians. According to A upert, during this century the Phoenicians w ere also present and active establishing a city alongside the Eteo-Cypriots. The veiy ancient Phoenician inscriptions from Moutti Sinoas, a hill sum m it 10 km north of the settlem ent, attests to a Semitic cult h ere.9'*The Phoenician influence on 87.

H e rn ia ry 1987: 3 7 6 - 7 7 ;

Aupert 1997:

2 0 -2 1 .

8 8 . A u p e rt 1 99": 2 1 -2 2 .

89.

i b i d .. 2S. As p e r th e d is c u s s io n s o f E a s t-W e s t tra d e in th e e arly Iro n A ge m e n tio n e d a b o v e . A m a th u s is u n d e r s to o d as a m a in p o it-o h c a ll b e tw e e n th e A eg ean a n d P h o e ­ n ic ia , v isib le in th e h ig h n u m b e r o f H u b o ian . th e n A ttic, c e r a m ic s at th e site . In s p ite o f th is, it a p p e a r s to h a v e re ta in e d its in d ig e n o u s c u ltu r e lo n g e r th a n th e re s t o f th e island.

90. 1-lermary 1987: 376-77.

91. Aupert 1997: 23. 92. Ibid,

93. Herniary 1987: 378-79. 94. Aupert 1997: 24.

THE PH O E N IC IA N Q U ESTIO N

267

th e city is su p p o rted also by th e ceram ic assem blage o f th e eig h th and seventh centuries, w h en th e graves at A m athus sh o w a h igh p ro p o rtio n o f Phoenician pottery am ong th eir goods. F u rth erm o re, th e ceram ics front th e votive re­ m ains o f the eighth-century sanctuary sh o w e ith e r an origin o r a strong inspi­ ration from th e N ear East.9· N otable am ong th e latter o f th ese are terra-cotta goddess images, similar in iconography to th e goddess p laques o f th e Levant. Tw o of these, now in Limassol, are votive figurines sh o w in g the u p p e r half (the rem ains are broken) of a female whose hands curve into th e body to su p ­ p o rt th e breasts.9596 O ne is m old-m ade, th e o th e r hand-rendered. N either of them show the hair-styles typical o f th e P h oenician im ages o f this period, and, as such one m ight suggest that th ey are o f C ypriot m anufacture. H ow ever, beyond the positioning o f th e am is, th ey sh o w no affinities to e ith er th e birdfaced o r norm al-faced im ages of th e C ypriot Bronze Age, and, thus, consid­ ering their chronology, they may be seen as p u rely Phoenician in inspiration. If w e are to u n d erstan d th at th e cu lt of Amathus arrived w ith th e earliest, Eteo-Cvpriot settlers, then w e must recognize that a pre-Phoenician, arguably Paphian, goddess was w orsh ip p ed in th e city as early as the eleventh century BCE. With th e arrival of th e P hoenicians in th e e ig h th century, th e city ex p an d ­ ed. Expansion w as the result of e ith er P hoenician influence or, perhaps, the revenues that the Phoenicians b ro u g h t with th em , w hich led to th e c o n stru c­ tion of the earliest know n sanctuary to the goddess, eventually A phrodite, at Amathus. It appears at least probable that the cu lt o f this goddess w as orig­ inally practiced by both populations of Amathus, Eteo-Cypriot and Phoeni­ cian, to judge from the prevalence of both goddess-with-upraised-arms and Astart-plaque votives at the sanctuary. O ne “G oddess of Cyprus” w as simul­ taneously identified as the Paphian, Astart, and eventually by th e G reek set­ tlers as Aphrodite. It is this syncretism , th e com m onality of the cult of Cyprus, and not a com m on erotic persona, to w h ich on e m ight attrib u te the original identification o f A phrodite w ith Astart: A phrodite = Paphia = Goddess of Cyprus =Astart.

A s t a r t Becomes ”Aphrodite PHOENICIAN INFLUENCE IN IRON AGE CYPRIOT ICONOGRAPHY

Even, though the Phoenicians never did e x e rt extensive political control over Cyprus, their presence from the ninth cen tu ry did have a profound influence on the arts of the island, m ost critically in th e C ypriot goddess iconography, as, once again, the N ear Eastern ico n o g rap h y m ade itself m anifest in the reli­ gion of Cyprus.

95. Herniary 198": 3B0. 96. Ib id .,

F ig u re s 2 a n d

3-

THE O RIG IN OF A PH R O D ITE

From this ren ew ed Levantine influence beginning in 8 5 0 -7 5 0 (CyproG eom etric III), a n ew goddess iconography appears in Cyprus, replacing th e purely occidentalized style o f th e previous tw o centuries. This new iconog­ raphy is m anifest b o th in terra-cotta figurines (such as those just m en tio n ed at A m athus) and in gold/gold-foil im ages of th e C ypriot goddess. As j. Karageorghis noted, these im ages are n o t exclusively Levantine in th eir iconog­ raphy, but rather a m ixture o f Levantine, Cypriot, and Aegean styles.9 ' T hey mix the nudity typical o f th e Levantine iconography with th e upraised arm s of the C retan style and th e jew elry and facial characteristics prevalent in Cyprus since the Chalcolithic Age. O ne such exam ple o f this n e w style is a terra-cotta plaque from Famagousta, currently in th e Louvre (see fig. 9e) 9798 H ere, on a plaque w ith strong parallels to Levantine v ersio n s,99 is a nude-female figure in high relief. T he

Fig. 9e F a m a g o u sta i'ix tu re . H a jip ro d ro m o u C o lle c tio n .

97. K a ru g c o rg h is 19 7 7 ; Chapter Seven. 98 . C a u b e t a n d Y on 19 7 4 : p a s s im . 99. Ib id ., !2 Off.

T H E P H O E N IC IA N Q U E S T IO N

269

to p o f h e r head is ren d ered flat, as th o u g h she is w earing a p o l o s . T he face is painted, with the brow s coining to g e th e r and leading into th e prominent nose, w hile th e eyes are only slightly visible. A round h e r n eck is a painted line indicating a sim ple necklace. The b reasts are slight and m olded, and th e am is ex ten d up from the shoulders to th e head, w h e re th e hands to u ch th e p o l o s . Painted lines on eith er shoulder probably in dicate fu rth e r jewelry. The navel is indicated by a p ainted rosette p attern , and th e p u b ic triangle is also painted. T here is one painted sw astika on either thigh, th e knees are deco rated w ith painted circles, and th e ankles are also a d o rn ed w ith painted lines. The full frontal, nude characteristics o f th e im age are strongly Syrian in character, especially th e careful delineation o f th e genitalia and th e navel. The position of th e arm s recalls th e upraised p o stu re o f th e Minoan-style figurines b o th in C rete and Cyprus. The pain ted d e co ratio n on th e neck and amis shows the sam e em phasis on jewelry, especially th e necklace, of traditional C ypriot fem ale figurines. A similar im age appears in gold foil from a tomb at Lapithos (see fig. 9f). Here, once again, is a female figure en f a c e and co m p letely nude. The top of h er head is surm ounted by a p o lo s » w hile h e r arm s, b e n t at th e elbow s, are held up vertically on eith e r side o f h e r head as w ith th e traditional goddesswith-upraised-arms o f th e previous periods. H er breasts are m olded, and th e pubic triangle is ren d ered in faintly incised lines. A d e e p groove separates th e legs, and the feet are poin ted sideways.

Gold foil im a g e fro m Lapithos. Cyprus M u se u m , in v . 4 0 3 /4 0 .

270

THE O R IG IN OF A PH R O D ITE

Fig. 9 g Incense box. Metropolitan Museum of Art, 74.51.5163

A final, and especially interesting exam ple, from Cypro-Geometric III, is a lim estone bo x decorated at e ith e r end with low-relief images of a nude g o d ­ dess-with-upraised-arm s from Kythrea (see fig. 9g).1001 0These female images show, yet again, the am algam ons iconography of th e Cypro-Geometric ΠΙ style. The hair is stylized (although not really flat enough to be identified as a polos), and the facial features are beautifully rendered with d o se d eyes and small m outh. The arms, e x ten d in g out from the shoulders and bending at right angles at the elbow s, rise vertically on eith er side of the head. Tw o incised lines around the neck indicate one or tw o necklaces. The breasts are m olded dots; the navel is incised, as is the pub ic triangle. The legs, fully m olded, are separated, and the feet are w ell-form ed, and even have incised toes. This style of box co n tin u es th rough the Cypro-Archaic period, and is esp e ­ cially notew orthy for its associations with the cult of A phrodite. According to Mvres, som e broken fragm ents from boxes w ith similar dim ensions and over­ all style were discovered hearing inscriptions in Syllabo-Cypriot. As the pieces w ere uniformly burnt, Myres surmised that they may have functioned as incense-burners.101 On tw o of these the inscriptions are still legible, while the remainder are reconstructed:

100. Karageorghis 1977: 153-

101. Myres 1914:

304.

271

THE PH O E N IC IA N Q U ESTIO N

# 1 8 3 1 : '"I a m (the g if t) o f P r o to ti m o s , o f f e r e d m e to P a p h ia n A p h r o d i t e .” # 1 8 3 2 : "I

belong

to

the

P a p h ia n . a n d

the priest of the Paphian; and he

Onasithemis dedicated me.”

# 1 8 3 1 - 5 2 : ” 1 b e l o n g to t h e P a p h i a n .” 102

T he boxes com e prim arily from Kythrea and Tamassos, b o th of w hich w ere fam ous in antiquity for th e ir san ctu aries o f P aphian A phrodite.103 The close association of these boxes with c u lt places of A phrodite, h er name as receiver of the dedication on the boxes, and the possible use of these boxes in sacred practice (i.e., incense bu rn ers) all suggest that th e boxes w ere close­ ly linked to the cull o f that goddess at least in the A rchaic Age, although the general continuity o f cult o n C yprus argues th a t even th e earliest Cypro-Geom etric ΙΠ boxes w ere associated' with her. It w ould a p p e a r that th ese nude fem ale im ages are closely linked w ith th e P ap h ian goddess, sh o w n to be A ph­ rodite in the previous chap te r, and are possibly even in ten d ed to be images o f that goddess. From 850, and continu in g into the Cypriot A rchaic Age, the goddess ico­ nography of Cyprus once again show s strongly orientalizing features due to the influx of a Levantine population. The ex p licit sexuality that was the dom ­ inant characteristic in the Late Cypriot B ronze Age and the Phoenician Iron Age em erges once again at precisely th e time when it would ap p ear that the Paphian goddess is brough t fully into the G reek conscio u sness and im agina­ tion. This offers an explanation as to why th e later G reeks, such as Herodotos. believed this goddess to be P hoenician in origin, eith e r as a m anifestation of Astart o r even Istar/Mylitta from Babylon. Seeing a sim ilar iconography fe rtile Paphian am ong th e Phoenicians, w ho ap p eared to worship this goddess as the "goddess of C yprus/' lead u n derstandably to a G reek (m is-)conception that the Phoenician goddess of Cyprus and the G reek g oddess of Cyprus w ere one and the same, that they w ere identical deities, and that th e one derived from the other.

102. ibid. 103. Karagcorghis 1977: 153.

X.

Aphrodite Becomes G reek T he ancient G reeks clearly th o u g h t o f A phro d ite as eastern , and th e farther east th eir contacts reached, th e m ore o riental A p h ro d ite b ecam e. In th e days o f H om er and H esiod she w as th o u g h t to be C y p rio t.1For H erodotos, she w as m ore P hoenician in origin, h er cult traveling from Ashkalon to C yprus before heading farther w e st.2 Later, for Pausanias, A p h ro d ite Ourania w as consid­ ered to have b een originally w o rsh ip p e d by th e Assyrians, w h o tau g h t h e r cult to th e Phoenicians, w ho, in turn, tran sm itted it to th e C ypriots, before it was passed on to th e G reeks.3 But A phrodite w as n o t an o riental goddess. She em erged slowly from Cypriot, Levantine, and A egean influences, aU left to sim­ m er together in Cyprus for centuries during th e Dark Ages before finally em erg­ ing and establishing h er cult in th e G reek w orld. A phrodite w as C y p rio t q

Oi’ervietv o f the D e v e lo p m e n ta l Process In the Middle and Late Bronze Ages, m erch an ts actively trad ed along the coasts of the Eastern M editerranean, ex ch an g in g goods and ideas am ong Cyprus, th e Levant, and th e neighboring regions. Evidence for such trade b etw een Cyprus and th e Levant is especially stro n g in Ugarit, Alalakh, and in th e south at Tel ePAjjti! and Megiddo, b u t it c a n n o t b e d en ied th at the entire Levantine culture had a p ro fo u n d influence o n C ypriot cu ltu re at this time.

1. 7Jieogony, 11. 187-202, Odyssey, Bk. VIII, E, 386-89. 2. Histories 1.103, 2-3. 3-

P a u s a n ia s I, 14, 7. If A le x a n d e r t h e G r e a t h a d r e a d i e d C h in a w h o k n o w s w h a t m i g h t h a v e h a p p e n e d ! A ctually, A le x a n d e r d id re a c h as far as In d ia , y e t n o a tte s ta ­ tio n s o f A p h r o d ite 's In d ia n o rig in s h a v e c o m e to lig h t in s p ite o f th e c o m b in e d e r o t ic / v io le n t c h a ra c te r is tic s o f s u c h g o d d e s s e s as D u rg a a n d K ali. H i e m o v e m e n t e a s tw a r d o f A p h r o d ite ’s a lle g e d o rig in s o n ly g o s o far as t h e c u it o f ïs ta r . As s u c h , a lth o u g h th e a n c ie n t G re e k s d id c o n t in u e to p u s h th e e a rlie s t m a n ife s ta tio n o f th e ir g o d d e s s f a r th e r a n d f a r th e r to th e e a s t, th is w a s w ith in lim its, a n d m u s t m o s t lo g ically h e e x p la in e d by th e p e r c e iv e d id e n tif ic a tio n o f A p h ro d ite w ith Is ta r ( th r o u g h A start, n o d o u b t) as th e G re e k s th e m s e lv e s c a m e to find th is g o d d e s s f a r th e r a n d f a r t h e r afield .

4,

An in te re s tin g n o te to h e a r in m in d is th e fa c t th a t th e P h o e n ic ia n s th e m s e lv e s d id n o t a u to m a tic a lly e s ta b lis h th e c u lt o f th is g o d d e s s in t h e ir c o lo n ie s . C o n s id e r th e P h o e ­ n ic ia n s e ttle m e n t at T h a s o s , w h e r e th e P h o e n ic ia n c u l t o f M e lq a ri b e c a m e th e G re e k c u lt o f H e ra k le s. T h e p r e s e n c e o f P h o e n ic ia n s d id n o t n e c e s s ita te th e arriv al o f A p h r o ­ d ite , o r e v e n A start.

273

THE O R IG IN OF A PH R O D ITE

From the Levant the C ypriots cam e into con tact with different N ear Eastern deities, such as Baal El, Aserah, As tart, Anat, Reset, Sapas, Qudsu, Ishara, and Lstar, and from the Late Cypriot Bronze Age it becom es a p p aren t that at leastsom e of these deities w ere a d o p ted into the Cypriot p antheon. O ne piece of evidence for this is th e Ugaritic le tte r m entioning “Baal, Astart, Anat, Sapas, and all the o th er gods of Alasiya.” Far m ore profound and far-reaching, how­ ever, is the architectu re and iconography that appear in Cyprus during the L€ I and L€ II periods. T he sanctuary' and tem p le arc h ite c tu re that a p p e a rs at such locations as Enkomi, Kition, and Paphos is notably N ear Eastern in c h a r­ acter. W hat seem s to be a new- god appears in the Cypriot ico nographie rep eitoire, a god w earing a kilt and a h o rn ed helm et, and w ho may even earn7a spear and be associated with m etallurgy, ingots, and animals. Likewise, a new type of goddess figurine ap p ears simultaneously all over th e island. This n ew iconography show s a fem ale com pletely nude with strikingly prominentbreasts and hips, b ed eck ed w ith necklaces, earrings, and bracelets. Som e­ tim es site carries a child; m ore o ften she does not, and by the LC III period she is no longer viewed as a k o u ro tro p h o s at all. The figurines and fem inine votives discovered at Kition and Paphos during the Late Bronze Age, and the continuity of cult observable at Paphos during th e follow ing periods, indicate that a goddess cult w as prevalent at different, p rom inent, far-flung reaches of Cyprus by no later than LC II. O f all the Levantine deities e x p o sed to Cyprus, Ishara was th e m o st likely progenitress o f A phrodite. Ishara w as revered in Alalakh, a close trading neighbor of Cy prus. It is a p p a re n t that th e bird-faced figurines that w ere used for a millennium at Alalakh w ere associated with this goddess (and, as well, her d o s e cognate lstar). And finally, Ishara’s ch aracter is m ost like that of G reek Aphrodite. Ishara is specifically a sexual goddess, possibly even the bridal aspect of Lstar, and she is also a goddess c o n cern ed w ith affairs o f justice and the punishm ent of w rong-doers. Possibly through. Alalakh, th e Cypriots were ex p o sed also to the cult o f lstar, w ho is, probably, th e second-most likely progenitress o f A phrodite. The d o se associations o f this goddess with sex, love, the heavens, birds/doves, and even warfare m ake h er an ex cellen t parallel to A phrodite. F urtherm ore, the p resence of this goddess, and Ishara as well, at Alalakh gives a reasonable hypothesis as to why G reek A phrodite did, in fact, share so m any qualities with these M esopotam ian goddesses. Furtherm ore, C yprus m aintained trade and contacts with several o th e r sites in the N ear East, and it w ould be unreasonable to suppose that iconog­ raphies from such areas as Ugarit did not have any effect or im pact on the new ly em erging cult in C yprus. Ugaritic Astart ma}7have c o n trib u ted to the Paphian, as well as Egyptian Qudsu, the “Mistresses of the Heavens.” Like­ wise, the literature suggests certain relationships between A phrodite and such goddesses as Ugaritic Aserah, th e “Lady o f th e Sea.” Through iconogra-

A PHROD ITE BECOMES GREEK

275

phy and persona, I suggest that Ishara and Istar played dom inant roles in the developm ent of the Paphian, with only m inor influences from the goddesses Astart, Aserah, and Qudsti. W lien the end of th e Bronze Age fell on th e Eastern M editerranean, Mycenaeans and Min cans m igrated to C yprus and established new hom es for them selves. O ne of the first places to be in h ab ited by th e M ycenaeans was Paphos, one of the m ore prominent cult c e n te rs of a C ypriot goddess, and the continuity’ of architecture and votive offerings attest that the new com ers adopted the cult of the local goddess. From the Minoans the Cypriots adopted a new type of iconography, the goddess-with-upraised-arms, and it is p o s­ sible that d e m e n ts of the Minoan and C ypriots goddesses fused at this time, creating a goddess w ho was still essentiali}' C ypriot, but familiar and recog­ nizable to the Minoans. In the eleventh cen tu ry th e re w as considerable cul­ tural interchange betw een Cyprus and C rete, and in the te n th century and beyond, relations w ere op en b etw een C yprus and the entire Aegean, esp e­ cially Crete. At this time, several elem ents of C ypriot art and style m ade their w ay into the C retan repertoire. It is entirely pro b ab le that know ledge of this Cypriot goddess reached Crete, where she m erged with the goddess of Kato Svmi, thus, paving her way for accep tan ce into this Aegean com m unity. By as early as the late ten th century, and certainly by the mid-ninth c en ­ tury, the Phoenicians set off westward from the Levantine coast to trade and to inhabit many parts of the M editerranean. From 850 BCE they colonized Cyprus and introduced the cult o f Astart on the island. T he re-introduction of Near Eastern art and iconography even tu ated the “re-sexuaiization” of the C ypriot goddess iconography, and the deity later known through the SyilahoCypriot inscriptions as "W anassa” o r ’‘Paphia," o n c e again ap p eared nude and heavily bejew eled. As trade and relations w arm ed in th e eastern M editerranean, a n ew ico­ nography was introduced into the sanctuary located at Kato Symi in Crete, evidenced by the dedication, of one, possibly two, nude-female figurines d ur­ ing the Protogeom etric and G eom etric Ages. Sanctuaries of the Geometric/ Early Archaic period w ere found at Olous and Axos; inscriptions and iconog­ raphy establish that these sanctuaries w ere dedicated in part to A phrodite. From the early Archaic period onw ard, th e cult o f this new·' goddess A phrodite spread throughout the Greek w orld, touching u p o n Kythera, Corinth, Samos, Lesbos, and Naokratis am ong o th er sites. But. it w as always recognized that this new goddess was essentially eastern in o rientation, w ith h e r primary sanctuary at Paphos and her ep ith ets of K ypris and P aphia. The goddess w ho w ould, and did, b e c o m e A phrodite w as a. m ixture of several elem ents: Levantine, Cypriot, C retan, G reek, ail interacting over the course of several centuries, predom inantly in Cyprus. The Phoenician colo­ nization of Cyprus, as well as the P hoenician spread throughout the Medi­ terranean at the beginning of the Iron I! period, also had a profound influence

THE O R IG IN OF A PH R O D ITE

on th e persona and understan d in g o f th e Paphian. In th e Iron Age and later, seeing the iconography and dom ain o f th e Phoenician Astatt, the G reeks cam e to associate their C ypriot goddess with the Phoenician C ypriot goddess. Astatt becam e the ‘‘parallel” of A phrodite, and the Phoenicians w ere cred ited w ith the introduction o f h e r cult into G reece. The

G reek

A d a p ta tio n

o f A p h r o d ite ’s P erso n a

Q uestions rem ain co n c e rn in g th e passage o f this goddess into th e G reek p an th eo n . W hat qualities did th e P aphian lose in h e r transm ission from east to w est? How did th e G reeks Hellenize this goddess to conform to th e ir ow n w orldview s? What qualities e n d u re d from th e earliest manifestation o f th e goddesses into the Classical persona? These issues can be addressed based on the know n qualities of th e N ear Eastern goddesses w h o co n trib u ted to A ph­ ro d ite’s final form and on th e p erso n a o f A phrodite herself. It is un fo rtu n ate that m ore cannot be said ab o u t th e C ypriot goddess, Paphia/Wanassa, w h o first em erged in Cyprus at th e en d o f th e Bronze Age-we must await further

advances in our understanding of Eteocypriot. LESSENING OF MARTIAL PROWESS

The m ost obvious difference between Greek Aphrodite and her Levantine progenitresses (and possibly M inoan as well, considering the iconography of the ‘armed goddess” in M inoan glyptic) is her relation to warfare and her bel­ ligerent nature. If Aphrodite is, in fact, the western descendant of the Near Eastern goddesses o f love and war, how did the Greeks, who proclaimed her to be the same goddess as Astatt, do away with the more militaristic asp ects of her character? The G reek A phrodite did maintain some militaristic attributes: her early arms-bearing xocinci on Kythera, Sparta, and Corinth, later repeated by Hel­ lenistic and Roman artisans. But these images appear to have confused even the ancients: Roman school boys w ere asked why the statue of Aphrodite in Lakedaimonia was armed.5 F urtherm ore, the later rendering of these images, most notably the one from Corinth, portrayed the goddess not bearing arms in a threatening pose, but in the n u d e, admiring her reflection in the inner mirror of the shield.6 By Roman times, the nude Venus surrounded by winged Erotes “playing” with the weapons of Ares was a common artistic motif. ' Although Aphrodite is shown armed in the Lydos dinos, the g ig a n tc m u ik h )» theme militarized all the deities, and, therefore, Aphrodite is amied not due to her own persona, but due to the overall motif.

5. Quintilien, Inst. Orat, II, 4, 26. Pirenne-Delforge 1994: 193· Flemberg 1991:passim. 6. Williams 1986: 15.

A PHROD ITE BECOMES GREEK

277

T urning from th e iconography to a literary and an thropological p ersp ec­ tive, A phrodite’s role in military affairs is as th e c re a to r o f conflicts. Examining G reek m ythology th ro u g h a stru ctu ralist approach,7 8 it b eco m e s a p p aren t that th e G reek deities possess p o w e r in opposite/opposing forms. D em eter, the goddess of grain, can w ithhold h e r gift and, thus, be a goddess o f famine, as in th e H o m e r i c H y m n to D e m e t e r . A pollo, th e god o f healing, can also send plague, as in th e o p en in g lines of th e Ilia d . Dionysos, w h o causes d runk­ enness and m adness, can also resto re sanity—it w as lie w h o tau g h t humans to dilute w ine w ith w a te r so as to avoid d ru n k en n ess. Persephone, the queen o f the dead, is also th e herald of sp ringtim e and n e w life. Artem is th e Virgin is th e p ro tectress o f children and w o m en in labor, but a w om an w h o dies a quick and painless death is said to have b een stru ck d o w n by th e arrow s of Artemis. A phrodite, th e goddess o f sex, is n ev er p o rtray ed as a goddess of chastity. H ow ever, as th e goddess o f love, she can use h e r p o w ers e ith e r to inflict love or to w ithhold it, and th ereb y cause th e w o rst wars reco u n te d in th e tales of th e hero ic w orld. For H om er in th e A rchaic Age, she instigated th e Trojan W ar by causing H elen to fall in love with Paris. For Aiskhylos in the Classical era, she brought about the death of the Lemnian m en by causing the Lemnian w om en to be repugnant to their husbands. A centuiy later, for Euripides, she caused the death of Hippolyt os by filling Phaidra with love for the hero. In Roman tim es, Aphrodite was (at least in term s of the literature) considered responsible for the Punic Wars th ro u g h her instigation of the Trojan War, by causing Dido to fall in love with Aineas, and by giving rise to the Roman royalty through her affair with Ankhises. A phrodite certainly should not be labelled as a war-goddess, especially when co n trasted to Athena and Hera. She did, h o w ev er, play a significant role in the war ideology of ancient G reece through her ability to begin and,

less frequently, end wars. Aphrodite’s nature is quite dissimilar to that of the highly belligerent Istar or of the h u n tre ss Astart. Nevertheless, rem nants of an earlier, m ortal character are preserved in the literature, both concerning her early iconography and h e r role in the instigation of wars.

THE MORTAL-LOVER MOTH·'

Whereas A ph ro d ite appears to have lost a m artial em p h asis u p o n her introduction into the Greek pantheon, she did acquire traits that rendered

7. For a general discussion o f this motif, se e D. M ichaelides in Engendering Aphrodite, forthcom ing.

8. Strauss 1903: passim.

T H E O R IG IN O F A P H R O D IT E

h e r persona m ore H ellenic in c h a ra c te r. Tw o o f these are the m otif o f th e goddess w ith a m ortal lover and th e m otif of th e goddess w h o conceals. In the G reek pantheon certain goddesses typically had sexual relations with mortal m en. Thus A phrodite and Adonis, Phaethon, and Ankhises; Eos and Tithonos; T hetis and Peleus; Kirke and O dysseus; Kalypso and Odysseus; and D em eter and Iasion all are part of a com m on m ythological archetype. R oedeker notes that this m otif is com m on to the Indo-European tradition.9 T he Vedic goddesses Surya and Ushas take m ortal lovers/husbands, and th e Phrygian Kybele takes as h e r p aram o u r the m ortal A ttis.10 To th e w est, this motif is paralleled by Irish M ad ia, w h o m an ies a m ortal farm er, and W elsh Rhiannon. who marries the m ortal p rin ce Pwyll. H ow ever, die goddess with m ortal param our appears also in non-Indo-European literature. P erhaps th e best-know n exam ple, as n o te d by Boedeker, is M esopotam ian Istar, w h o propositions Gilgames, w h e re u p o n she is rebuked by Gilgames for turning all her form er mortal lovers into anim als (Tablet V], col. i).11In Norse m ythology Frevja pines for h er lost m ortal husb an d Odr. Since A phrodite stands b e tw e e n th e G reek and N ear Eastern traditions, it is fruitless to try to identify a sp ecific trad itio n th a t sp aw n ed this trait. T he A donis m yth clearly stem s from N ear E astern tradition, w h ereas A p h ro d ite’s tryst w ith P haethon, th e so n of Eos, p laces the affair m ore firmly in th e realm s of Indo-European lore.

THE GODDESS WHO CONCEALS In h er w ork The Pcnver o f T hetis, L. Siatkin takes th e goddess w ith mortal lover aspect one step further, c o n ten d in g that the m ortality of th e lover (or resultant son) leads to a secondary, Indo-European motif: the goddess: w h o conceals-a goddess who hides for his p ro tectio n a mortal hero, eith er a lover or the mortal son of a m ortal lo v er.12 Thus, Aphrodite conceals both Paris and Aineas in the I lia d , Eos conceals T ithonos in the H o m e ric H y m n to A p h ro ­ d ite . and Kalypso and Kirke conceal the hero O dysseus in th e O dyssey. Slatkin’s assertion that this m otif is Indo-European derives from h er belief that it is intim ately co n n e c te d to the goddess-with-mortal-lover motif, w hich she accepts as Indo-European. I disagree with Slatkin’s argum ent on tw o grounds. First, the them e of the goddess w ho conceals is not necessarily relat­ ed to th at of the goddess with m ortal lover. Second, th e them e is n o t IndoE uropean in origin, b u t G reek,

9- Hocck-ker 1974: 68£f.

10. Ibid. 11. Ibid: