The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths: A catalogue and analysis of precious objects from the royal cemetery of Nuri 9781407355498, 9781407356167

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BAR S2948 2019

2019

‘This is a much needed study of a group of funerary objects from the royal Napatan tombs.’ Dr Brigitte Balanda, Independent Researcher ‘The Author does an excellent job of tracing out the mythical connections of the goddesses with both the Egyptian myth of the Eye of Ra, and their Nubian-context specific meaning within the pantheon present at Gebel Barkal.’ Dr Elizabeth Minor, Wellesley College

Amarillis Pompei is a scholar of Nubian archaeology. She is a postgraduate student at Sapienza Università di Roma, specialising in the Kushite period, particularly Napatan and Meroitic kingship. She has participated in numerous international conferences and written many publications.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths provides a complete analysis of the precious finds discovered at the royal cemetery of Nuri (Sudan) for the first time. This volume critically analyses translations of the inscriptions and identifies the divinities occurring on the cylinder sheaths, which were important in Kushite history between the VII and IV centuries BC. The work is composed of four parts studying: the royal cemetery of Nuri, where the cylindrical sheaths were found; the complete catalogue of the cylinders with their iconographical and epigraphic descriptions; observations on the inscriptions, the features of the bottoms and the main decorations, the crowns worn by the main figured goddesses, the relation of these goddesses and crowns, the attributes held by goddesses, and the small motifs occurring on the cylinders; and the hypothetical identification of the cylinders, their practical function and their ideological significance. This work emphasises the importance of Nubian archaeology as a subject, providing a useful contribution to stimulating and developing further discussion on the function of the cylindrical sheaths.

POMPEI

B A R I N T E R NAT I O NA L S E R I E S 2 9 4 8

B A R I N T E R NAT I O NA L S E R I E S 2 9 4 8

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

A catalogue and analysis of precious objects from the royal cemetery of Nuri

AMARILLIS POMPEI

2019

B A R I N T E R NAT I O NA L S E R I E S 2 9 4 8

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

A catalogue and analysis of precious objects from the royal cemetery of Nuri

AMARILLIS POMPEI

2019

Published in 2019 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 2948 The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths ISBN 978 1 4073 5549 8 paperback ISBN 978 1 4073 5616 7 e-format doI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407355498 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library © Amarillis Pompei 2019 Cover Image Gold cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.339a-b). Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. The Author’s moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

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To Costantino, my beloved husband, whose sweet care for me and our children made it possible to complete this work, supporting and encouraging me during all my years of study. To my beloved children, Anaïs and Alessandro, “ornamenta mea”, for their patience and tolerance.

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BAR International Series 2834

Contents List of Figures................................................................................................................................................................... vii List of Plates.................................................................................................................................................................... viii Foreword............................................................................................................................................................................ ix Chronological List of the Royal Tombs at the Cemetery of Nuri................................................................................. xi Abbreviations.................................................................................................................................................................. xiii Abstract............................................................................................................................................................................ xiv I. The Cemetery of Nuri and the Cylindrical Sheaths.....................................................................................................1 II. Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders............................................................................................5 II.1. King Senkamanisken................................................................................................................................................5 II.1.1............................................................................................................................................................................6 II.1.2............................................................................................................................................................................6 II.1.3............................................................................................................................................................................7 II.2. King Aspelta.............................................................................................................................................................8 II.2.1............................................................................................................................................................................9 II.2.2..........................................................................................................................................................................10 II.2.3..........................................................................................................................................................................13 II.2.4..........................................................................................................................................................................14 II.2.5..........................................................................................................................................................................15 II.2.6..........................................................................................................................................................................17 II.2.7..........................................................................................................................................................................19 II.2.8..........................................................................................................................................................................20 II.2.9..........................................................................................................................................................................24 II.2.10........................................................................................................................................................................29 II.2.11........................................................................................................................................................................30 II.2.12........................................................................................................................................................................31 II.2.13........................................................................................................................................................................32 II.2.14........................................................................................................................................................................33 II.2.15........................................................................................................................................................................34 General comments on the cylinders of Aspelta..............................................................................................................35 II.3. Unknown................................................................................................................................................................36 II.3.1..........................................................................................................................................................................36 II.4. Queen Mernua (?)...................................................................................................................................................37 II.4.1..........................................................................................................................................................................37 II.5. King Aramatelqo....................................................................................................................................................38 II.5.1..........................................................................................................................................................................38 II.5.2..........................................................................................................................................................................39 II.6. Queen Madiqen......................................................................................................................................................40 II.6.1..........................................................................................................................................................................40 II.6.2..........................................................................................................................................................................42 II.7. Queen Amanitakaye...............................................................................................................................................42 II.7.1..........................................................................................................................................................................42 II.8. King Amani-natake-lebte.......................................................................................................................................43 II.8.1..........................................................................................................................................................................44 II.9. King Amaniastabarqo.............................................................................................................................................45 II.9.1..........................................................................................................................................................................45 II.10. King Siaspiqo.......................................................................................................................................................47 II.10.1........................................................................................................................................................................47 II.11. Queen Saka’aye (?)...............................................................................................................................................48 II.11.1........................................................................................................................................................................48 v

Contents II.12. King Talakhamani.................................................................................................................................................48 II.12.1........................................................................................................................................................................49 II.13. King Nastasen.......................................................................................................................................................49 II.13.1........................................................................................................................................................................50 III. Consideration of the Decoration and the Inscriptions on the Cylinders...............................................................53 III.1. Measurements of the cylinders.............................................................................................................................53 III.2. Inscriptions on the cylinders.................................................................................................................................53 III.3. Decoration of the upper part and the bases of the cylinders.................................................................................54 III.4. Composition of the main decoration of the cylinders...........................................................................................55 III.4.1. Crowns worn by the goddesses.....................................................................................................................55 III.4.2. Relation between goddesses and crowns......................................................................................................56 III.4.3. Attributes of the goddesses............................................................................................................................56 III.4.4. Small motifs on the main decoration.............................................................................................................56 IV. Opinions on the Function of the Cylinders...............................................................................................................59 IV.1. The sistrum in Egypt from the Old Kingdom to the Roman Period......................................................................67 IV.2. The sistrum in the Kushite kingdom.....................................................................................................................71 IV.3. Conclusion.............................................................................................................................................................74 Plates..................................................................................................................................................................................75 Bibliography......................................................................................................................................................................95 Appendix..........................................................................................................................................................................101

vi

List of Figures Fig. 1. Elevation and section of two cylinders......................................................................................................................3 Fig. 2. Cylinder of Senkamanisken MFA 21.11742..............................................................................................................7 Fig. 3. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.339a-b..........................................................................................................................9 Fig. 4. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.340.............................................................................................................................11 Fig. 5. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.341a-e........................................................................................................................13 Fig. 6. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11731.........................................................................................................................14 Fig. 7. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11732.........................................................................................................................16 Fig. 8. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11733.........................................................................................................................17 Fig. 9. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11734.........................................................................................................................19 Fig. 10a. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11735.....................................................................................................................20 Fig. 10b. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11735.....................................................................................................................24 Fig. 11a. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11736 a-b...............................................................................................................25 Fig. 11b. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11736 a-b...............................................................................................................25 Fig. 11c. Comparison of the ‘twin’ cylinders......................................................................................................................28 Fig. 12. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11737.......................................................................................................................29 Fig. 13. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11738.......................................................................................................................30 Fig. 14. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11739.......................................................................................................................31 Fig. 15. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11740.......................................................................................................................32 Fig. 16. Cylinder of Aspelta SNM 1372/1373....................................................................................................................33 Fig. 17. Cylinder of Aspelta SNM 1371.............................................................................................................................35 Fig. 18. Unknown Cylinder................................................................................................................................................37 Fig. 19. Cylinder of Aramatelqo (Amtalqa) MFA 20.265...................................................................................................39 Fig. 20. Cylinder of Madiqen MFA 21.11746.....................................................................................................................40 Fig. 21. Cylinder of Amanitakaye MFA 21.11745..............................................................................................................43 Fig. 22. Cylinder of Amani-natake-lebte MFA 20.275.......................................................................................................44 Fig. 23. Cylinder of Amaniastabarqo SNM 1360...............................................................................................................46 Fig. 24. Cylinder of Siaspiqo MFA 20.291.........................................................................................................................48 Fig. 25. Cylinder of Talakhamani MFA 21.342..................................................................................................................49 Fig. 26. Cylinder of Nastasen SNM unregistered...............................................................................................................50 Fig. 27. Scene from the Tomb of Rekhmira........................................................................................................................69 Fig. 28a. Sistrum of Tety.....................................................................................................................................................70 Fig. 28b. Sistrum of Tety....................................................................................................................................................70

vii

List of Plates Pl. I. Cemetery of Nuri........................................................................................................................................................75 Pl. II. a) Tomb of king Senkamanisken ‘Nu. 3’..................................................................................................................76 Pl. II. b) Tomb of king Aspelta ‘Nu. 8’...............................................................................................................................76 Pl. III. a) Tomb of king Aramatelqo ‘Nu. 9’.......................................................................................................................77 Pl. III. b) Tomb of queen Madiqen ‘Nu. 27’.......................................................................................................................77 Pl. IV. a) Tomb of queen Amanitakaye ‘Nu. 26’.................................................................................................................78 Pl. IV. b) Tomb of king Amani-natake-lebte ‘Nu. 10’........................................................................................................78 Pl. V. a) Tomb of king Amaniastabarqo ‘Nu. 2’..................................................................................................................79 Pl. V. b) Tomb of king Siaspiqo ‘Nu. 4’..............................................................................................................................79 Pl. VI. a) Tomb of queen Saka’ye ‘Nu. 31’.........................................................................................................................80 Pl. VI. b) Tomb of king Talakhamani ‘Nu. 16’...................................................................................................................80 Pl. VII. Tomb of king Nastasen ‘Nu. 15’............................................................................................................................81 Pl. VIII. Cylinder of Senkamanisken (MFA 21.11742)......................................................................................................82 Pl. IX. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.339a-b).....................................................................................................................83 Pl. X. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.340)...........................................................................................................................84 Pl. XI. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.341a-e).....................................................................................................................85 Pl. XII. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.11733).....................................................................................................................86 Pl. XIII. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.11735)...................................................................................................................87 Pl. XIV. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.11737)....................................................................................................................88 Pl. XV. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.11739).....................................................................................................................89 Pl. XVI. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.11740)...................................................................................................................90 Pl. XVII. Cylinder of Madiqen (MFA 21.11746)................................................................................................................91 Pl. XVIII. Cylinder of Amanitakaye (MFA 21.11745).......................................................................................................92 Pl. XIX. Cylinder of Amani-natake-lebte (MFA 20.275)...................................................................................................93

viii

Foreword hypothetical identification of the cylinders, their practical function and their ideological significance.

‘The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths: A catalogue and analysis of precious objects from the royal cemetery of Nuri’ presents for the first time a complete analysis of these precious finds found at the cemetery of Nuri (Sudan), each accompanied by an iconographic and epigraphic commentary.

As I have pointed out some discordances between the current museum accession numbers and the original excavation ‘field numbers’, the monograph includes a final appendix that presents the correct concordances for each of the cylindrical sheaths for facilitating researchers’ consultation.

The subject of this book originated from a study which I produced for the 13th International Conference for Nubian Studies at the University of Neuchâtel, (1st - 6th September 2014). On that occasion, I presented a paper entitled “Function and Significance of the Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths”, which showed the early results of this research. Over time, this study became so extensive that it was necessary to produce a complete volume.

The achievement of ‘The Napatan cylindrical Sheaths. A Catalogue and Analysis of precious Objects from the royal Cemetery of Nuri’ has been made possible by extensive use of The Royal Cemeteries of Kush, vol. II: Nuri2 written in 1955 by Dows Dunham, in which all archaeological finds discovered in the royal cemetery of Nuri (Sudan) are collected/listed.

The focus of this investigation is the iconographical and epigraphic analysis of each cylindrical sheath found in royal burials of the cemetery of Nuri. A complete and detailed study of these cylinders had never been undertaken. For the first time, translations of the inscriptions and identification of the divinities occurring on the cylinder sheaths, accompanied by critical comments, are presented in this volume. These material attestations have proved to be important elements for Kushite history between the VII and IV centuries BC.

To illustrate the cylinders, this work includes the indispensable drawings reproduced by Miss Suzanne Chapman and W.G. Kemp in 1955, contained in Dunham’s publication of the Royal Cemeteries of Kush, vol. II: Nuri and the photographs sent to me by the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston. This study is based on the methodical observation and comparison of photographs and drawings, and not on my direct inspection. The systematic comparison of drawings and of both old and modern photographs has permitted the comprehension and so the realization of this work. Only a few drawings have been here ‘modified’ to provide a better interpretation of reading. The drawing shown in fig. 18 is reproduced with the permission of Susanne Gänsicke, as well as all the photographs and drawings with the permission of the MFA of Boston.

This work is composed of four parts: the preliminary part is concerned with some considerations on the royal cemetery of Nuri, where the cylindrical sheaths were found (chapter I)1; the second part considers the complete catalogue of the cylinders with their iconographical and epigraphic descriptions, together with a tabulary summary of information relating to each cylinder and detailed comments which point out the iconographical and epigraphic features of all cylinders compared with each other. Since this part has to be considered as a real catalogue and so read separately for consulting a single cylinder, I have repeated the explanatory footnotes in the Comments of each cylinder (chapter II); the third part of the work relates the specific considerations on the cylinders through observations about the inscriptions, the features of the bases and the main decorations, the crowns worn by the main goddesses, the relation of these goddesses and crowns, the attributes held by goddesses and the small motifs occurring on the cylinders (chapter III). All these new data collected together helped me to postulate the final part of the volume (chapter IV), relating to the

I have omitted inserting transliterations of the hieroglyphic inscriptions, because the epithets and the formulae occurred on the cylinders are very common in the Egyptian and Nubian literature. Besides, the inscriptions of the late cylinders are so difficult and uncorrected that it is impossible to transliterate and sometimes translate them. I should like to add that I believe that this work is really necessary in order to emphasize the importance of Nubian archaeology as a subject and so, even if identification of the function of the cylindrical sheaths remains a hypothetical question, this study will provide a useful contribution

1 All pertinent references to these chapters will be identified using the following numbering: I, II, III and IV.

In the present monograph, The Royal Cemeteries of Kush, vol. II: Nuri is quoted as RCK II. 2

ix

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths to stimulating and developing further discussion on the subject among scholars. Finally, I am grateful to Prof. Luisa Bongrani Fanfoni for her constant encouragement over the years. Our long conversations have always been a source of knowledge and inspiration for me.

x

Chronological List of the Royal Tombs at the Cemetery of Nuri King ARAMATELQO (ca. first third of the VI century BC)

The names marked in bold correspond to the royal ‘owners’ of the cylindrical sheaths. King TAHARQO (690-664 B.C.)

Nu. 1

A queen (Abalo?)

Nu. 35

Queen Atakhebasken

Nu. 36

Queen Malaqaye

Nu. 59

Unnamed woman

Nu. 74

Unnamed woman

Nu. 77

Unnamed woman

Nu. 80

King ATLANERSA (ca. second half of the VII century BC)

Nu. 20

Queen Yeturow/Irtiru

Nu. 53

A queen

Nu. 60

Unnamed woman

Nu. 75

King SENKAMANISKEN (ca. second half of the VII century BC) Queen Malotaral I

Nu. 41

Unnamed woman

Nu. 71

Unnamed woman

Nu. 73

Unnamed woman

Nu. 78

Unnamed woman

Nu. 81

Unnamed woman

Nu. 82

King ANLAMANl (ca. late VII century BC)

Queen Kheb/Henuttakhebi(t)

Nu. 28

Queen Akheqa

Nu. 38

Queen Malotasan

Nu. 39

Queen Pihatis

Nu. 54

Queen Atmataka

Nu. 55

Queen Piankh-her

Nu. 57

King MALONAQEN (ca. first half of the VI century BC)

Nu. 3

Nu. 5

Queen Amanitakaye

Nu. 26

Queen Tagtal (?)

Nu. 45

King ANALMA’AYE (ca. middle of the VI century BC)

Nu. 18

King AMANI-NATAKE-LEBTE (ca. second half of the VI century BC)

Nu. 10

Queen Malotaral II

Nu. 25

King KARKAMANI (ca. second half of the VI century BC) A queen King AMANIASTABARQO (ca. VI-V centuries BC)

Nu. 6

Nu. 9

Nu. 7 Nu. 30 Nu. 2

A queen

Nu. 47

A queen

Nu. 50

A queen (Takhatamani?)

Nu. 21

King SIASPIQO (ca. first half of the V century BC)

A queen, possibly Amanimalol

Nu. 22

Queen Piankh-qe-qa

Nu. 29

Queen Masalaye

Nu. 23

A queen

Nu. 52

A woman

Nu. 72

A woman

Nu. 76

King NASAKHMA (ca. first half of the century BC)

Nu. 19

A woman

Nu. 79

A queen

Nu. 46

A queen

Nu. 49

King MALOWIEBAMANI (ca. middle of the V century BC)

Nu. 11

Queen Saka’aye

Nu. 31

Queen Akhrasan

Nu. 32

King TALAKHAMANI (ca. second half of the V century BC)

Nu. 16

King ASPELTA (ca. end of the VII century BC)

Nu. 8

Queen Nasalsa

Nu. 24

Queen Madiqen

Nu. 27

Queen Makmalo

Nu. 40

Queen Asata

Nu. 42

Queen Artaha

Nu. 58 xi

Nu. 4

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths King IRIKE-AMANNOTE (ca. second half of the V century BC)

Nu. 12

A queen

Nu. 33

King BASKAKEREN (ca. end of the V century BC)

Nu. 17

King HARSIYOTEF (ca. first third of the V century BC)

Nu. 13

Queen Henutirdis

Nu. 34

Queen Batahaliye

Nu. 44

Queen Atasamalo/Tesmalo

Nu. 61

A queen

Nu. 43

A queen

Nu. 48

A queen

Nu. 51

King AKHRATAN (ca. middle of the IV century BC)

Nu. 14

A queen

Nu. 37

A queen

Nu. 56

King NASTASEN (ca. second half of the IV century BC)

Nu. 15

xii

Abbreviations

Ad Aen

Ad Aeneidem (Commentarii in Vergilii Aeneidos libros), Latin commentaries written by Servius

Beg. N

Burial in the Begarawiya North cemetery at Meroe

Beg. S

Burial in the Begarawiya South cemetery at Meroe

Berlin

Staatliche Museen zu Berlin-Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Berlin

BM

British Museum, London

Cairo

Egyptian Museum, Cairo

CG

Catalogue Général des Antiquités Egyptiennes du Musée du Caire

at Kawa (Macadam 1949, 50-67, pls. 17- 26). In situ km kilometer

FHN II

Eide-Hagg-Pierce-Török 1996

JE

Journal d’Entrées du Musée du Caire.

Stela of Taharqo, year 6, found in Amun Temple T at Kawa (Macadam 1949, 14-21, pls. 7, 8). Now in Khartum, Sudan National Museum SNM 2678

Kawa V

Stela of Taharqo, year 6, found in Amun Temple T at Kawa (Macadam 1949, 2232, pls. 9, 10). Now in Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Museum 1712

Kawa VI

Stela of Taharqo, years 8-10, found in Amun Temple T at Kawa (Macadam 1949, 32-41, pls. 11, 12). Now in Khartum, Sudan National Museum SNM 2679

1

LD

Lepsius C.R. 1849-1859

LdÄ

Helck W. – Westendorf W. 1972-1991

Met.

Metamorphoses, Latin narrative poem written by Ovid

MFA

Museum of Fine Arts, Boston

Nu.

Burial in the Nuri cemetery

p. page Phars Pharsalia, Latin epic poem wrtitten by Lucan

Kawa VIII Stela of Anlamani, found in Amun Temple T at Kawa (Macadam 1949, 44-50, pls. 15, 16). Now in Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Museum 17081 Kawa IX

Line(s) of a text

nr. number

Kawa III Stela of Taharqo, years 2-8, found in Amun Temple T at Kawa (Macadam 1949, 4-14, pls. 5, 6). Now in Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Museum 1707 Kawa IV

l./ll

n. note

Col./cols column(s) of a text Eide-Hagg-Pierce-Török 1994

Burial in the el-Kurru cemetery

m meter

cm centimetre(s) FHN I

Ku.

Great Inscription of Irike-Amannote, years 1-2, inscribed as graffito in Temple T

In modern literature, this stela is misquoted as 1709.

xiii

Pl./pls

Plate, plates

PT

Pyramid Texts

RÄRG

Bonnet H. 1971

RCK II

Dunham 1955, The Royal Cemeteries of Kush, vol. II: Nuri

RCK IV

Dunham 1963. The Royal Cemeteries of Kush V: the West and South Cemeteries at Meroe, Boston 1963

SNM

Sudan National Museum, Khartum

Wb

Erman A. – Grapow H. 1926-1963

Abstract ‘The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths: A catalogue and analysis of precious objects from the royal cemetery of Nuri’ presents for the first time a complete analysis of these precious finds found at the cemetery of Nuri (Sudan). The focus of this investigation is the iconographical and epigraphic analysis of each cylindrical sheath found in royal burials of the cemetery of Nuri. A complete and detailed study of these cylinders had never been undertaken. For the first time, translations of the inscriptions and identification of the divinities occurring on the cylinder sheaths, accompanied by critical comments, are presented in this volume. These material attestations have proved to be important elements for Kushite history between the VII and IV centuries BC. This work is composed of four parts: the preliminary part is concerned with some considerations on the royal cemetery of Nuri, where the cylindrical sheaths were found (chapter I); the second part considers the complete catalogue of the cylinders with their iconographical and epigraphic descriptions, together with a tabulary summary of information relating to each cylinder and detailed comments which point out the iconographical and epigraphic features of all cylinders compared with each other (chapter II); the third part of the work relates the specific considerations on the cylinders through observations about the inscriptions, the features of the bases and the main decorations, the crowns worn by the main goddesses, the relation of these goddesses and crowns, the attributes held by goddesses and the small motifs occurring on the cylinders (chapter III). All these new data collected together helped the Author to postulate the final part of the volume (chapter IV), relating to the hypothetical identification of the cylinders, their practical function and their ideological significance. The Author believes, in fact, that these precious cylinders were handles of sistra used during specific royal rituals, acted by royal women identified with mothergoddesses. This research thus additionally proves that the above-mentioned attestations point out the importance of the royal women, as fundamental custodians of the ideology of the Napatan kingship. This is generally well-known because of the role of the royal women in playing sistra in order to pacify deities, but in this research there has been evidence to suggest that in the Napatan period the sistra seem also to have been the symbol evoking the covenant between Alara and Amun and so guaranteeing the continuity of the Napatan kingship. The sistra, therefore, symbolized the royal legitimation of the Napatan king. At the death of the royal owners (king or queen), the handles of sistra were laid in their tombs, to guarantee the continuity of life for the dead in the Underworld. Therefore, the symbolic sistrum was removed from its handle; subsequently, this ‘personal’ handle (= Napatan cylinder) was placed in the royal tomb, while the sistrum it once held (i.e. the symbolic object) was possibly preserved in the Amun temple, where other royal Napatan insignia were conserved. It seems, in fact, that the Amun temples were the depositories of the sistra. The sistra were removed from their cylindrical handles probably for a magical exorcism, which allowed not only ‘continuity of life’ to the dead, but also to the living (and successor) king. Perhaps, in turn, the successor king would have received the symbolic sistrum inserted in his personal handle.

xiv

I The Cemetery of Nuri and the Cylindrical Sheaths The royal cemetery of Nuri is located at the Fourth Cataract of the Nile, about 6 miles to the north of Kareima (pl. I). It is approximately 10 km upstream from Gebel Barkal on the opposite bank of the Nile and 26 km upstream from the old royal cemetery at el-Kurru.

“Taharqa could have imagined himself fully united with the Great God in all his aspects on both banks” (Kendall 2008, 140). According to Michela Schiff Giorgini, “the tomb [of Taharqo] at Nuri, reminiscent of the Osireyon at Abydos in plan, must have been merely a memorial to Taharqa and not his place of burial” (Schiff Giorgini 1965, 130). In fact, Michela Schiff Giorgini believed that the real tomb of Taharqo was the pyramid called WT1 at Sedeinga, but Ali Hakem wrote “I find it difficult to see in the very poor pyramid of Sedeinga W.T.I. a tomb of the greatest king of the Meroites. His works had set the tradition followed for generations after him and it will be difficult to think that his successors would not – if not all, at least some of them – follow his example or develop Sedeinga cemetery into an alternative cemetery as Barkal or Begrawiya South and West cemeteries. Hence, I would suggest that Sedeinga W.T.I. was, perhaps, a tomb of one of his queens or minor sons who was buried at Sedeinga near an important religious centre, for which the blocks were taken from a destroyed building of Taharqa nearby, and were reused” (Hakem 1988, 283).

The Egyptologist George A. Reisner described the topography of the pyramid field of Nuri as follows: “At Nuri, the flat alluvial land is bordered by low ridges and knolls of sandstone founded on a deep bed of micacious schist. These ridges and knolls, rising gently to a range of low hills lying a mile or so out in the desert, are separated by dry wadys cut by rain torrents. Most of the ridges therefore run towards the river. At one place, however, owing perhaps to some difference in the rock, two adjacent wadys have diverged, one to the “north” and one to the “south”1, leaving a sort of large island of rock whose main ridges run nearly parallel to the river. On this island of rock stand the pyramids of Nuri, close to the alluvial plain, and less than a mile from the river” (Reisner 1918b, 3). Chronologically, the cemetery of Nuri followed that of el-Kurru, the earliest royal necropolis of Napata. The cemetery of Nuri was inaugurated by king Taharqo of the XXV dynasty, whose pyramid was designated ‘Nu.1’ by George A. Reisner, but his successor Tanutamani was buried at el-Kurru cemetery in the tomb named ‘Ku.16’. The second successor of Taharqo, Atlanersa, was buried at Nuri and so all subsequent kings for the next 360 years. The Nuri cemetery was in use from the end of the VII century BC up to the middle of the IV century BC, when the most important site became Meroe. The last king buried at Nuri was Nastasen in the tomb named ‘Nu.15’.

The logistical organisation of the tombs at Nuri followed a precise pattern. Reisner recorded “The curious fact thus appears that Tirhaqa2, the first and greatest of the Nuri kings, and the queens of all the periods there represented, were buried on the “eastern” part of the knoll, while all the kings after Tirhaqa were buried on the “western” part. The chapels and the entrances of all these tombs are turned to the “west,” the land of Amenti, the land of Osiris, god of the dead” (Reisner 1918a, 73), and Dunham wrote: “The western ridge, and its outlying western projection behind Nu. 1, was reserved for the tombs of women. The pyramids of the later kings, starting on a projection southeast of Nu. 1, gradually occupied the eastern ridge from south to north, and then the slightly less desirable area between the two ridges” (RCK II, 1). The Nuri cemetery, therefore, accommodated together the tombs of Napatan kings and queens, so the royal women were not separated from their rulers. According to Angelika Lohwasser, “The tombs of royal women are located on the west plateau. They form three groups: the southern group inscribes an arch to the south and west of Nu. 1; the second group consists of two parallel rows north of Nu. 1; while a cluster of very small tombs to the far north form a third group. [… ] kings’ mothers were buried in the southern group, in the largest tombs of the cemetery. Some women buried in the same

George Reisner supposed that Taharqo chose Nuri, rejecting el-Kurru, because the king was not of the direct royal line, while Dows Dunham thought that for Taharqo el-Kurru was overcrowded for his project, i.e. building the largest royal pyramid. According to Timothy Kendall, Taharqo chose Nuri for astronomical and mythological reasons: “Taharqa’s pyramid was placed on the horizon with respect to the pinnacle [of Gebel Barkal] so that the sun rose over it forty days after the summer solstice. […] When the rising sun cast a shadow from the pyramid to the pinnacle, the “god” on the opposite bank would have seemed to “wake up” on his day of rebirth. Three and a half months later, when the sun set behind the pinnacle, the “god”, by casting his shadow to his tomb, would have seemed to “die” (Kendall 2008, 140). Therefore, 1 Reisner used a specific nomenclature for naming the cardinal points relating to Nuri (Reisner 1918b, 2).

2

1

Tirhaqa was the name of Taharqo in earlier literature.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths 51,75 m square at the base and a height of about twice that of its first phase.

sector of the cemetery, however, do not bear the title mwt njswt. Perhaps they fulfilled other functions which were the prerogative of women in an especially high position entitling them to burial alongside kings’ mothers. Kings’ wives were laid to rest primarily in the two rows of tombs north of Nu.1. These women seem to have enjoyed a median status. The tombs forming the group to the north are smaller, and they preserve little textual information with hardly any titles, arousing the suspicion that this part of the cemetery was reserved for royal women of comparatively low status. The form of these smaller tombs can be cited in support of this interpretation. While the tombs of the southern group and those of the two parallel rows possess relatively well-preserved pyramidal superstructures, the small tombs to the north give no indication of ever having superstructures of any kind. The substructures, too, are modest affairs with a single chamber, by contrast to the more complex subterranean arrangements in the other tombs of royal women at the site” (Lohwasser 2001b, 66). This distribution, therefore, suggests that “royal women were allotted burial in a particular part of the cemetery according to their status” (Lohwasser 2001b, 66) and so, this aspect shows the importance of the role of the ‘king’s mother’, which is one of the most significant elements for this research.

Later, the only enlarging of pyramid size, from 26,45 m to 32,2 m, was made by Irike-Amannote (‘Nu.12’) in the second half of the V century BC. On the contrary, in the same period, the king Talakhamani (‘Nu.16’) had a disproportionately small pyramid (Lohwasser 2001a, 6777), perhaps due to his unexpected death. In Nubia, pyramids were built at the royal cemeteries of el-Kurru, Nuri, Gebel Barkal and Meroe. These pyramids are very different from the best known Egyptian pyramids of the Old and Middle Kingdoms, which are of enormous size and have the burial chamber within or entered by a passage through the same pyramid. The Nubian examples imitated the New Kingdom Egyptian and Nubian élites and not the Old Kingdom pyramids. For this type of stylistic imitation, scholars frequently use the term of ‘cultural entanglement’ between Egypt and Kush (Smith 1998; 2016), in which the cultural material and funerary and customary practices tend to be combined and remixed in a particular cultural fusion. As demonstrated by Susan K. Doll, these combined features can also be seen in the “series of stelae [from Nuri, which] contains the liturgy for the mortuary rites performed in the chapels and that the utterances on them accompany a Napatan royal ancestor ritual. On the stelae are intentionally soughtout quotations and extracts from Egyptian sources, which have been reorganized, sectioned-off, and reframed so as to create a new Napatan rite, specific to Napatan beliefs and imperatives” (Doll 2014, 191).

Generally, the pyramids of Nuri were greater in size that those of el-Kurru. The Nuri tombs were cut into the bedrock beneath the pyramids and are composed of a superstructure and a substructure. The superstructure consisted of a sandstone masonry pyramid, an enclosure wall of sandstone masonry, a foundation deposit with animal bones, pottery, faïence, etc., and a mortuary cult chapel of sandstone masonry with a pylon. The substructure below the level of the ground constituted of a stair of various steps leading to the interconnecting chambers. Commonly, the number of the subterranean chambers was two or three for the kings, and one or two for the queens. According to Kendall, “When well-finished, these rooms were completely painted and carved with Egyptian texts from the “Book of the Dead.” Each was entered by a long flight of stairs cut in a descending trench in the rock ledge, far out in front of the chapel entrance. After the burials, the stairway was filled in, camouflaged from the ground, and the chapels were built over their shafts in order to seal the tomb entrances3”.

The Nubian tomb chambers lay beneath the pyramid and were structurally independent of it. Reisner recorded that “All the pyramids at Nuri were of the slender type, with steep sides inclined at an angle of about 68° to the horizontal, quite different in aspect from the massive squat pyramids of Giza” (Reisner 1918a, 73). Normally, Napatan kings and queens were mummified according to Egyptian practice.  Their bodies, bearing gold crooks and flails, were wrapped in bandages; their fingers and toes were protected with gold; their faces were covered with gold or electrum masks; and large heart scarabs and gold pectorals were located over their chests. During mummification, their viscera were removed and put in canopic jars. The royal mummies were successively enclosed inside wooden anthropoid coffins covered with gold foil. The coffins were then located inside one or two larger gilded anthropoid coffins (Lehner 1997, 196-197). Unfortunately, the mummies and other friable objects have not been preserved, perhaps decaying over time or destroyed by termites (Derry 1911). Some mummies had also been torn to pieces by thieves looking for gold and precious objects.

At Nuri, the tombs showed different dimensions4. Taharqo’s pyramid was the largest ever built in the cemetery and in all Nubia. It appears that his pyramid was enlarged during its construction, because the outer pyramid was a posthumous addition that encased the original pyramid (whose base was 28,5 m square), its chapel and foundation deposits. The new plan enlarged its dimensions, reaching

3 http://www.jebelbarkal.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=ar ticle&id=65&Itemid=75. 4 For a summary on the classification of types of pyramids, s. Hakem 1988, 256ff.

Commonly, the royal chapels preserved funerary stelae placed in their west wall niches, containing “the liturgy for the mortuary rites performed in the chapels” (Doll 2

The Cemetery of Nuri and the Cylindrical Sheaths The precious cylinders were found in the tombs of both kings and queens, dating from the reign of Senkamanisken (second half of the VII century BC) to that of Nastasen (second half of the IV century BC). Almost all were discovered on the floor of the burial antechamber, often in material disturbed by ancient plundering.

2014, 191). The tombs also contained numerous shawabti statuettes (lit. “answerer”) which were often ranged in rows. The archaeological excavations at the cemetery of Nuri were conducted by George A. Reisner (1916-1918), who used scientific methodologies for survey with plans and stratigraphic descriptions. Reisner published only a little information about his excavations in ‘Preliminary Report on the Harvard-Boston excavations at Nuri’ of the Harvard African Studies (Reisner 1918b)5. Part of his work was also edited in The Boston Museum Bulletin (Reisner 1918a).

Dunham described the cylinders as follows: “The objects referred to as cylinder-sheaths, found in a number of the Nuri tombs, are of unknown purpose, and have not been recorded elsewhere. They consist of two parts; (a) a cylindrical tube, closed at the base by a circular disc, and (b) a shorter cylindrical tube open at both ends, fitted with an internal sleeve which projects beyond its lower end and slides inside (a). The decoration of (a) usually features a winged female figure as its main motif, with decorative borders above and below. The decoration of (b) consists of friezes of uraei, ram’s heads, or sometimes hieroglyphs, cartouches, flowers and the like. The upper end of (b) is open. Although the suggestion has been made that these objects may have been cases to contain papyrus rolls, no trace of any contents was found in any example, and the fact that they appear to have remained open at the top renders the suggestion improbable” (Dunham 1955, 43).

In 1951, Bertha Porter and Rosalind Moss published the inventory of the tombs of Nuri in the VII volume of ‘Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings. Nubia, the Deserts, and Outside Egypt’6, where most of the objects found there were listed. In 1955, Dows Dunham, Reisner’s assistant, edited the entire excavation records in ‘The Royal Cemeteries of Kush II: Nuri’, describing all the royal tombs and their finds, in detail. Dunham’s important contribution was that of assembling and collecting the complete excavation records, but unfortunately his work was limited, however, to the minimum of information.

The drawing shown in fig. 1 (from RCK II) represents examples of elevation and section of cylinder sheaths of Aspelta and Amani-natake-lebte. As Dunham noted, the cylindrical objects seemed to be open at the top without a top cover, but with a bottom. It is, therefore, supposed that they were the end of cylindrical handles.

Dunham noted that the pyramids had already been ‘visited’ by plunderers in antiquity, who caused disorder within the tombs, and serious confusion among the discovered finds. The “method of penetration [of the plunderers] into the subterranean chambers was by digging a hole through the original filling of the stairway at its western end, adjacent to the doorway which gave access to these chambers. On reaching the upper part of the blocked doorway sufficient of the blocking was removed to allow entry into the chambers which, at the time of penetration by the thieves, were unencumbered by debris, except in so far as rock falls from the roof may have occurred” (RCK II, 4). So, “One must imagine that the thieves, whose small penetration afforded them but scanty light for their work, took everything which could be easily carried to the surface for examination, and then threw back into the hole they had made such objects as did not interest them. Subsequently much of this discarded material would be washed back into the tomb by the summer rains” (RCK II, 4). *** During the archaeological excavations of the cemetery of Nuri, in some burials George A. Reisner discovered about thirty cylindrical objects made of gold, electrum and silver (Reisner 1918a, b), which are the focus of this research. Such cylinders represent an archaeological unicum, because they have not been found elsewhere. 5 6

Fig. 1. Elevation and section of two cylinders (RCK II, pl. XCIV).

H.A.S. II, 1-64. PM VII, 223-233.

3

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths In general, one or two cylinders were discovered in each one of these tombs, except in that of Aspelta, where surprisingly fifteen cylinders were found. According to Dunham, “Of the fifteen found in that [Aspelta’s] tomb only three were of true gold; the rest were described as being of base gold, possibly containing copper or silver. These were easy to distinguish from the gold ones because they were considerably oxidized” (RCK II, 5). These precious objects did not undergo formal changes during all this period (VII-IV centuries BC), and their measurements and dimensions remained almost the same during all three centuries7. Almost all of the Napatan cylinders found were consigned to the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston (MFA), the remaining four ones were transferred to the Sudan National Museum of Khartoum (SNM). During the 1930-40s, the cylinders of the MFA were restored, but unfortunately, after their restoration, no notes were recorded regarding any original material impressions inside the cylinders. In the catalogue ‘Sudan. Ancient Treasure’, Julia Anderson and Philippa Pearce observed the presence of “wood impressions” in Aspelta’s cylinder conserved in SNM, which was ‘fortunately’ not restored (Sudan 2004, 129). Fabrication of these cylinders consisted of a “multistep process involving soldering, gilding, chasing, and the addition of appliqués, decorative wires, and enamel” (Lacovara-Markowitz 2019, 43, nr. 22). It is generally known that the royal tombs where the cylinders were found belonged to: • • • • • • • • • •

King Senkamanisken (three cylinders); King Aspelta (fifteen cylinders); King Aramatelqo (two? cylinders); Queen Madiqen (two cylinders); Queen Amanitakaye (one cylinder). King Amani-natake-lebte (one cylinder); King Amaniastabarqo (one cylinder); King Siaspiqo (one cylinder); King Talakhamani (one cylinder); King Nastasen (one cylinder);

But, I believe that it is necessary to add to this list a further three cylinders belonging to: • an unknown owner, • Queen ‘Mernua’ (?) • Queen Saka’aye.

7

S. III.1.

4

II Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders All the cylinders are here grouped in chronological order according to the Napatan owners. The analysis of the cylinders is also accompanied by short information about the life of its possessor and a description of the tomb, where the cylinders were found.

• King Senkamanisken (his cylinders will be here denominated as II.1.1, II.1.2 and II.1.3); • King Aspelta (his fifteen cylinders will be here denominated as II.2.1, II.2.2, II.2.3, II.2.4, II.2.5, II.2.6, II.2.7, II.2.8, II.2.9, II.2.10, II.2.11, II.2.12, II.2.13, II.2.14 and II.2.15); • an unknown owner (his/her cylinder will be here denominated as II.3.1); • so-called ‘Queen Mernua’ (her cylinder will be here denominated as II.4.1); • King Aramatelqo (his cylinders will be here denominated as II.5.1 and II.5.2); • Queen Madiqen (her cylinders will be here denominated as II.6.1 and II.6.2); • Queen Amanitakaye (her cylinder will be here denominated here as II.7.1); • King Amani-natake-lebte (his cylinder will be here denominated as II.8.1); • King Amaniastabarqo (his cylinder will be here denominated as II.9.1); • King Siaspiqo (his cylinder will be here denominated as II.10.1); • probably Queen Saka’aye (her cylinder will be here denominated as II.11.1); • King Talakhamani (his cylinder will be here denominated as II.12.1); • King Nastasen (his cylinder will be here denominated as II.13.1).

The cylinders are composed of two tubular parts fixed together. The upper section - designated ‘part b’ by Dunham (RCK II, 43) and here quoted as ‘upper part’is generally decorated with repeating symbolic friezes: uraei, ram-heads, papyrus and leaves, Khonsu’s figures, cartouches and rare inscriptions (III.3), while the lower section - designated ‘part a’ by Dunham and here quoted as ‘main decoration’ - shows primarily winged deities, emblems and inscriptions (III.4). The base of the cylinders was closed with a round disk soldered to it; this base is decorated with floral motifs, rosettes and lotus blossoms (III.3). For the description of the cylinders, I preferred to consider the decorations of the ‘upper part’, the ‘main decoration’ and the ‘base’ of these objects separately, and to analyse them in the Comments presented after each cylinder description. Also the inscriptions occurring on the cylinders are translated and analysed, as well as the different decorations, on the final Comments presented after the cylinder description. For the technical details and construction methods, I refer to Gänsicke-Kendall’s paper presented in the Boston Conference of Nubian Studies in 1998 (G – K 2004), while for the measurements, dimensions and material of the cylinders, they are derived from the MFA online catalogue1.

Since this chapter has to be considered as a real catalogue and so read separately for consulting a single cylinder, I have repeated the recurrent concepts and common features several times in the Comments of each cylinder. II.1. King Senkamanisken

The configuration of the decorations and of the inscriptions suggests that the cylinders had to be used vertically, in such a way that the figures and the inscriptions could be easily comprehensible and readable. All the decorations are made up of Egyptian motifs, all connected with the ideological aspects of kingship and royal rebirth. It is significant to understand the reasons for the choice of such motifs because this makes it possible to understand the real function of the cylinders. Therefore, each motif occurring on the cylinders has been carefully analysed.

It is thought that Senkamanisken was the son and successor of king Atlanersa (M 1949, 129), and married to queen Nasalsa. He was thus the father of Anlamani and Aspelta. His reign is dated to the second half of the VII century BC (FHN I, 211-214). The choice of his names (“Pacifier of Two Lands”, “Who appears in Maat”, “Whose strength is mighty”) reflects the archaizing tendency of his titularies (FHN I, 213). There are only a few attestations of this king, so that we do not know much about his reign. At Gebel Barkal Senkamanisken completed Temple 700, started by Atlanersa. Other building activity is preserved at Sanam and Napata (FHN I, 211). At the Amun temple of Gebel

This chapter contains the description of the cylinders of the following thirteen royal owners:

1

Museum of Fine Arts: http://www.mfa.org/collections.

5

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths Barkal (B 500) he erected three colossal statues2. In 2003, great statues of Taharqo, Tanutamani, Senkamanisken, Anlamani and Aspelta were discovered in the temple precinct at Doukki-Gel/ Kerma (Bonnet-Valbelle 2005), all presenting deliberate damage including the royal insignia.

all together: “17-2-220, 221, 1971. Frags. of 3 decorated silver cylinder- sheaths, at least 2 of which were originally gilded. Found in too decayed a condition for photography or measurement in the field. Electrolytic cleaning and restoration have since made it possible to draw one of them. Incised scene of two male figures facing each other, crowned with discs, kneeling upon nb-signs and holding emblems with curving tips resting upon frogs; the whole forming the hieroglyphic group which signifies “myriads of years.” On the lid section, in relief, rows of uraei and of rams’ heads crowned with discs. Height 12,5, diameter 3.3 cm. Pl. xcv A,B.” (RCK II, 43).

Senkamanisken was buried at Nuri in the tomb named ‘Nu. 3’, whose identification “is certain” (Reisner 1918b, 48). “The site of Pyr. III is on the “northern” ridge in the place nearest to I which would take a pyramid of this size, assuming XX to have been already in place. But it is not on the middle of the ridge, the position of first choice, - a fact that can be best explained by placing it after XX. […] The orientation of both XX and III is to the “north” of that of Pyr. I, following the long axis of the “northern” ridge” (Reisner 1918b, 49).

The present-day measurements and decoration of II.1.1 are difficult to report because of its fragmentary nature; in fact, the online MFA catalogue sheet declares that the top part of the cylinder is at present broken into 11 fragments3.

The tomb of Senkamanisken (pl. IIa) was composed of a superstructure, constituted of a sandstone masonry pyramid (27,59 m square) with a chapel, and a substructure below the level of the ground, constituted of a stair of 50 steps leading to three chambers: A (with walls inscribed with hieroglyphic texts), B (with walls inscribed with texts which Reisner identified as Chap. 125 from the Book of the Dead) and C (with two small niches in the north, south and west walls and a larger niche with ornamental mouldings in the centre of the western wall, inscribed as in A). In the centre of chamber C, there was the granite coffin-bench of the king (RCK II, 41).

II.1.2 Provenance: Nu. 3 Material: silver gilt Measurements: height: 12,2 cm; diameter: 3,4 cm Object register (from RCK II): 17-2-1971 Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11742 Condition: broken round the top, erosion at the bottom. Restored This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11742. It corresponds to the one numbered ‘17-21971’ by Dunham who mentioned it together with MFA 21.11743 (RCK II, 285), but the MFA catalogue records them as two different cylinders4. Dunham’s description of this cylinder is reported in II.1.1 and comes from RCK II, 43, pl. XCV. It is 12,2 cm high with a diameter of 3,4 cm (fig. 2, pl. VIII).

In the tomb, fragments of three silver gilt cylinders were found in the debris at the doorway of the chamber A and in B, disturbed by ancient plundering. “Found in too decayed a condition for photography or measurement in the field. Electrolytic cleaning and restoration have since made it possible to draw one of them” (RCK II, 41-47). These cylinders are here named: II.1.1, II.1.2 and II.1.3, and their descriptions are as follows:

The cylinder is composed as follows:

II.1.1

Upper part:

Provenance: Nu. 3 Material: silver gilt Measurements: height: 12,5 cm; diameter: 3,3 cm (from RCK II) Object register (from RCK II): 17-2-220 Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11741 Condition: fragmentary

a) row of uraei with sun disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with uraeus and sun disc above the head5. Main decoration: the decoration is composed of a double anthropomorphic god Heh, crouching with one knee touching the gold symbol. The gods wear a great sundisc and in each hand hold a curved palm branch ending with a frog figure; a great ˁnḫ-sign hangs from their outer elbows. The names and the titles of Senkamanisken appear protected by the curved palm branches.

This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11741. According to Dunham, the cylinder corresponds to the one numbered ‘17-2-220’ (RCK II, 280), but the online MFA catalogue declares that such a cylinder belongs to Aspelta. Dunham recorded the three cylindrical sheaths

2

https://www.mfa.org/collections/object/cylinder-sheath-ofaspelta-­144730. 4 https://www.mfa.org/collections/object/cylinder-sheath-ofsenkamanisken-144732. 5 S. III.3. 3

MFA 23.731; SNM 1842; Richmond Museum (USA) 53-30-2.

6

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders to separate the earth and sky, supporting the goddess Nut (Pinch 1994, 26, 113). On the decoration, the Heh gods hold palm branches (considered as the symbol of the year), ending with a frog figure, symbol of fertility, creation and regeneration (LdÄ II, cols 334-336). The gold symbol positioned beneath the Heh gods probably indicated the purity and stainlessness of this metal which constituted the flesh of the divinities. And perhaps it means the indestructibility and stability associated to the inexorableness of time. The decoration of the base is common to all Napatan cylinders here examined, and is represented by a simple rosette, having a significance associated with fecundity and rebirth (Michaux-Colombot 2007)6. The occurrence of the figures of the god Heh, the frogs and the rosette at the base of the cylinder reveals that the function of the cylinder was surely connected with the concept of rebirth of the sun and so rebirth of the king’s power. Regarding the inscriptions, only the king’s Throne name “sḫpr-n-Rˁ” and the Son-of-Ra name ‘Senkamanisken’ occur on the cylinder. The prototype of Throne name of Senkamanisken was probably late Ramesside. All his complete titulary was composed with an archaizing tendency (FHN I, 213).

Fig. 2. Cylinder of Senkamanisken MFA 21.11742 (RCK II, pl. XCV A).

The Egyptian royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” were usually used in Kushite titulatures (III.2) and could be referred to the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4).

Close to the left god, two inscriptions occur: “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands” on the right side, and “sḫpr-n-Rˁ” in a cartouche on the left side. Close to the right god, the king’s name ‘Senkamanisken’ in a royal cartouche occurs on the right side. It is very probable that another inscription occurred on the left, but it is now missing.

II.1.3 Provenance: Nu. 3 Material: silver gilt Measurements: height: 11,7 cm; diameter: 3,3 cm Object register (from RCK II): 17-2-1971 (?) Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11743 Condition: erosion at the middle and the bottom. Restored

Base: the base of the cylinder was decorated with a simple rosette composed of 12 petals. Comments The main decoration on Senkamanisken’s cylinder is represented by the god Heh (LdÄ II, 1082-1084), who was a primordial god in the Hermopolitan creation legend and personification of temporal eternity. Since his name means “million”, he was linked to the concept of time duration, and so connected with the eternity of the kingship ideology, through the ritual of confirmation of royal power and the duration of the reign. “Heh, dieu d’une nature complexe impliquant à la fois les concepts de possesseur des infinités spatio-temporelles et deporteur/soutien de la creation” (Berlandini 1993, 11-14). According to the Book of Amduat, Heh was responsible for the daily rebirth of the sun. In Egyptian myth, eight Heh gods helped Shu

This silver gilt cylinder is numbered MFA 21.11743 by Museum of Fine Arts at Boston, but Dunham recorded it together with the previous one (= II.1.2) with the same number ‘17-2-1971’ (RCK II, 43, 285). It is unexpected, because according to the MFA catalogue they seem to be two different cylinders. Dunham’s record does not give information regarding the decoration, so that no details are given about the drawing

6

7

S. III.3.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths II.2. King Aspelta

of this cylinder. Consequently, on the basis of a MFA photograph7, it can be assumed that the decoration and the inscriptions seem to be very similar to II.1.2.

Aspelta probably was the son of the queen Nasalsa and of the king Senkamanisken10, and younger brother and successor of Anlamani. He married his niece Kheb/ Henutakhebit, a daughter of Anlamani and Madiqen. He was probably the father of Aramatelqo.

Its height is 11,7 cm, with a diameter of 3,3 cm. The cylinder seems to be composed as follows:

His reign, which is dated around the end of the VII century BC, was almost certainly prosperous and flourishing, as attested by the extraordinary quality of his monuments and other material evidence (FHN I, 228-279). Aspelta’s building activity is evidenced by a chapel built into the Hypostyle Hall of the Amun Temple (Temple T) at Kawa (Macadam 1955, 89-92; now Oxford, Ashmolean Museum 1936.662); a similar shrine erected in the Hypostyle Hall of the Sanam temple (Griffith 1922, 107-110); by blocks at Meroe City at the site of the early Amun Temple. The original Temple M 250 at Meroe City appears to have been built by him (FHN I, 231-232). In 2003, great statues of Taharqo, Tanutamani, Senkamanisken, Anlamani and Aspelta were discovered in the temple precinct at DoukkiGel/Kerma (Bonnet-Valbelle 2005), with deliberate damages including the mutilation of royal insignia.

Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with uraeus and sun disc above the head8. Main decoration: the decoration is represented by the anthropomorphic gods Heh, crouching with one knee touching the gold symbol. The gods wear a great sun-disc and in each hand hold a curved palm branch. The names and the titles of Senkamanisken appear protected by the curved palm branches. Close to the left god, the inscription: “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands” occurs on the right side, and another inscription (unreadable from the online MFA photograph) in a cartouche on the left side (perhaps, “sḫpr-n-Rˁ”, as in II.1.2).

He was buried at Nuri in the tomb designated ‘Nu. 8’, “certainly identified” (Reisner 1918b, 50), where his great granite decorated sarcophagus was found11.

Base: engraved rosette (reported by the online MFA sheet), whose details remain unknown to me.

“Thus we know that XX, III and VI were already built when Aspalta came to select the site for his pyramid. These formed a straggling row running from the proximity of the “northwestern” corner of pyramid I out along the “northern” ridge to the “northern” end of the “western” ridge. At this point the most obviously suitable site was the “western” ridge to the “south” of VI and beyond the “westward” outlook of the chapel of I. […] Clearly in this early period, great respect was felt for the tomb of Tirhaqa” (Reisner 1918b, 50-51).

Comments Since two of the three cylinders of Senkamanisken present very similar decorations, it can be hypothetically supposed that the lost decoration of the first fragmentary cylinder (= II.1.1) showed a similar scene, too. Naturally, such as hypothesis cannot be confirmed. The sun-disc of the god’s head of the ‘upper part’ results hemi-hidden by the upper edge of the cylinder. This curious anomaly is clearly caused by the modern repositioning of the upper and lower parts of the cylinder after the restoration work.

The tomb of Aspelta (pl. IIb) was composed of a sandstone superstructure constituted of a sandstone masonry pyramid (27,81 m square) on plinth course and a - now destroyed - chapel, and a substructure below the level of the ground, constituted of a stair of 64 steps in front of the chapel leading to three chambers: A, B and C (all three with inscribed sandstone slabs). The granite sarcophagus was sunk into the pavement (RCK II, 78).

As already mentioned, the royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” were usually used in Kushite titulatures and could be referred to the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4)9.

His tomb holds the record for the largest number of cylinders from the entire royal cemetery of Nuri, with fifteen gold and silver gilt cylinders found in situ on the floor in the centre of the outer chamber A (RCK II, 280, 285, pl. XXVc). The cylinders seem to have been intentionally grouped on the floor.

7 http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/cylinder-sheath-ofsenkamanisken-144732. 8 S. III.3. 9 For these titles, s. III.2.

Some scholars have questioned the name of mother (Lohwasser 2005, 152) and that of the father (Morkot 1999, 199). 11 MFA 23.729. For the text of the sarcophagus, s. Doll 1978. 10

8

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders About these cylinders, Dunham wrote: “Owing to the crushed and corroded condition of many of these objects, it was necessary to clean them electrolytically before they could be adequately recorded. In the process much detail of the incised decoration, originally obscured, was clarified, but conversely, some parts were too far corroded to be preserved through the cleaning process and were lost. Many of these objects were drawn in the field by the late W. G. Kemp soon after they were found. Of the cylinders which came to Boston (a-f, h, j-o) those were drawn by Miss Suzanne Chapman after cleaning which had not been drawn by Mr. Kemp, or for which his drawings appeared inadequate because their detail had been then too obscured for full recording. Twelve of the above have been photographed after electrolytic cleaning. Pls. XCVI to CVII” (RCK II, 79). The fifteen cylinders of Aspelta will be here denominated as: II.2.1, II.2.2, II.2.3, II.2.4, II.2.5, II.2.6, II.2.7, II.2.8, II.2.9, II.2.10, II.2.11,II.2.12, II.2.13, II.2.14 and II.2.15 and their descriptions are described in the following list. II.2.1 Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: gold Measurements: height: 11,3 cm; diameter: 3,1 cm Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70h Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.339 a-b. Condition: complete; top crushed. Restored

Fig. 3. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.339a-b (RCK II, pl. CII B).

as well as the spread wings touching the ground. The centre of the lozenges is adorned with a small dot. The scene is flanked by the heraldic goddesses of Upper and Lower Egypt. On the left, the cobra-goddess Wadjet, wearing the red crown and holding the w3s-sceptre and the šen-symbol, is disposed above a nb-symbol over a clump of papyrus emerging from a semi-hidden symbol of water, representing the swampy Delta. Both the cobra-goddess and the papyrus-plant symbolize Lower Egypt. On the right, the vulture-goddess Nekhbet, perhaps wearing the white crown and holding the w3s-sceptreand the šensymbol in her claws, is placed above a nb-symbol over clump of lily14. Both the vulture-goddess and the lily-plant symbolize Upper Egypt.

This gold cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.339 a-b. According to Gänsicke–Kendall, this cylinder is made in pure gold (Gänsicke–Kendall 2004, 24), as well as SNM 1372/1373 (= II.2.14). Dunham mentioned it with the number ‘16-4-70h’ (RCK II, 277, pls. XCIII A, CII B, C). It is 11,3 cm high with a diameter of 3,1 cm12 (fig. 3, pl. IX a, b). The cylinder is composed as follows: Upper part:

In front of Mut the vertical inscription linked to the goddess reads on the right: “Son-[of-Ra], Aspelta, may he live eternally, beloved of Mut eye-of-Ra, mistress (?), given life”. Behind Mut another inscription reads: “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mry-Ka-Ra, may he live eternally, beloved of the gods of Lower and Upper Egypt, given life”.

a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with uraeus and great sun-disc; c) row of papyrus umbels alternating with small closed buds. In turn, the papyrus umbels are interchanged with papyrus inflorescences13 (Kantor 1947, 11-18). Main decoration: the winged figure who occupies almost all the main scene is the goddess Mut eye-of-Ra. She wears a vulture crown on the head and a double-crown (the red one is spotted with circlets). The long dress adorned with the typical lozenge-pattern is carefully decorated in detail,

Three bigger hieroglyphic signs are written between the inscriptions and the heraldic deities, symmetrically on both sides, and they read “given life and health”.

12 The catalogue ‘Africa in Antiquity’ reports the following measurements: height 11.0 cm, diameter 3.2 cm (1978, 194, nr. 114). 13 S. III.3.

14

9

For the term ‘lily’ s. Kantor 1947, 90.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths The motives of heraldic goddesses with their plant attributes were very common in Egyptian representations and signified the union of the Two-Lands. Their presence on the cylinders indicated the iconographical assimilation of royal Egyptian motives in Kushite culture. It is wellknown, in fact, that the Egyptian and Kushite cultural and customary practices tended to be combined and re-mixed in an interesting cultural fusion17. The šen-symbol carried by the heraldic deities symbolized eternity and so the infinity of the king’s rule.

Vertical inscription: the main inscription is vertically incised where the cylinder was soldered and reads: “[…]15 Lord of the Two Lands, Lord of doing things, Aspelta, beloved of Amun-Ra, given life for ever”. Base: rosette. Comments The entire decoration of the cylinder appears to have been cut/covered by the upper border and I suppose that this happened when the cylinder was reassembled after the restoration. The quality of the work is excellent in the smallest detail.

The inscriptions on the cylinder mention the divine couple Mut and Amun-Ra, but on the main inscription, the drawing made by Kemp (RCK II, pl. CII, B) does not copy the ‘I of Imn-R’ word, while the sign is clearly visible on the photograph from Dunham’s publication (RCK II, pl. CII C) and MFA photograph (pl. IX b). Certainly, Kemp drew the cylinder before cleaning (RCK II, 79).

The main decoration is represented by the goddess Mut eye-of-Ra, identified with certainty by means of her hieroglyphic name. Normally, the name Mut was written with the sign of the vulture (LdÄ IV, 246-248; te Velde 1997, 457; te Velde 2008), but the goddess was represented with an anthropomorphic form, never using the vulture as her attribute. The vulture was the patron goddess of Upper Egypt, where Mut was worshipped together at the Theban cult (Troy 1986, 60). As the vulture sign was linked to the motherhood and femininity concept and the word mwt means ‘mother’, it is very probable that Mut was considered the most representative mother goddess (te Velde 1997; te Velde 2008).

Amun-Ra was connected with the Napatan kingship ideology. The Kushite king was considered son of AmunRa, according to the Kushite myth of the State, and was elected directly by the god. In the inscription in front of Mut, the nb sign (written in a masculine form) could refer to the king, but since also ‘eye-of-Ra’ is written without –t (considered masculine, erroneously), the nb may refer to Mut-eye-of-Ra, too. The epithet nb ỉrt-ḫt (= lit. “Lord of doing things”) seems to have connections with royal power and the king’s role in creating and preserving the order of the world (Routledge 2007). I therefore suppose that this epithet occurring on the cylinder (III.2) tried to emphasize Aspelta’s ambition to be considered a pious and correct king.

The goddess Mut eye-of-Ra bore her title for the first time in the reign of Ramses II (te Velde 1988, 398). The epithets ‘mistress of the sky’ and ‘eye-of-Ra’ born by Mut characterize the goddess as mother and daughter of the sun. On the main decoration the winged goddess Mut eye-of-Ra is shown wearing the vulture crown, i.e. the most important and most attested headdress for queens and represents the skin of a vulture, whose head and neck are worn over the forehead, with the wings hanging down over the sides of the head, and the tail extending over its back.

The royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” occurring on the cylinder (III.2) were usually used in Kushite titulatures and could be referred not to the Egyptian, but the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4).

Since the Egyptian word ỉrt (= ‘eye’) was feminine, the eye-deities were personified as goddesses (Darnell 1997), such as Tefnut, Hathor, Bastet, Sekhmet, etc. As Pinch said, “The Ancient Egyptian word for eye (ỉrt) sounded like a word for ‘doing’ or ‘acting’. This may be why the eyes of a deity are associated with divine power at its most interventional” (Pinch 2002, 129-131). Besides, the words for ‘eye’ (udj3t, ỉrt) were puns on the terms for ‘uraeus’ (uadjet, ỉ’rt), sharing each other’s meaning and symbolism16.

II.2.2 Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: silver gilt Measurements: height: 12.3 cm; diameter unknown to me Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70c Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.340 Condition: almost complete. Restored This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.340. Dunham mentioned it with the number ‘16-4-70c’

15 The first sign is hidden by the upper edge of the cylinder. This curious anomaly is clearly caused by the modern repositioning of the cylinder after the restoration work. 16 S. PT 2206 “This king […] is the uraeus (i’rt) which came from the Eye of Ra (ìrt R’).

For the concept of ‘cultural entanglement’ between Egypt and Kush, s. Smith 1998, 271; 2016. 17

10

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders Main decoration: a winged sun-disc is positioned in the middle of the horizontal inscription reading: “(Horus) of Behedet, great god giving life”. This inscription is repeated both on the left and right side, symmetrically. A row of small stars separates the band of the inscription and of the winged sun-disc from the main representation. Beneath the extended wings of the sun-disc, the winged goddess Hathor of Dendera occupies the central scene. She wears a vulture crown19 with sun-disc flanked by cow horns and uraeus. She holds an ostrich plume in each hand. The spread wings are carefully decorated, as well as her long dress adorned with the typical lozenge pattern. Under the wings, at the foot of Hathor, two udjat-eyes are figured above the signs of the festival (Gardiner sign-list W3). Two other udjat-eyes are located between Hathor and the Amun figures, symmetrically. The scene is flanked by two symmetrical Amun forms; on the left, a seated ram-headed ‘Amun of Napata’, with a big sun-disc, uraeus and two tall feathers above the head; on the right, a seated anthropomorphic ‘Amun-Ra, Lord of the Thrones (?) of the Two-Lands’, with the typical Amun crown composed of a modius surmounted by two tall feathers and small sun-disc. The gods are indubitably identified by means of the hieroglyphic inscriptions located in front of their headdresses, respectively. Both the gods hold the symbol djed-w3s-ˁnḫ and are seated on the top of a rectangular structure (= palace facade), on which the crossed twinned papyrus motif, symbolizing the unification of the Two Lands, and the cartouche of ‘Aspelta’ are visible on the both sides. Fig. 4. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.340 (RCK II, pl. XCVIII A).

The inscription located on the right, between Hathor and Amun-Ra, reads: “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Aspelta, may he live for ever, beloved of Hathor of Dendera, Mistress of the gods”; three signs symbolizing ‘given life and health’ conclude the inscription.

(RCK II, 79, 277, pl. XCVIII A, B). It is 12.3 cm in height (fig. 4, pl. X).

The inscription located on the left, between Hathor and Amun of Napata, starts with three signs symbolizing ‘beloved’ and ‘given life’, but the real inscription reads: “Son-of-Ra, Aspelta, may he live for ever, beloved of mistress of the gods of Lower and Upper Egypt, given life, like Ra”.

The MFA catalogue18 and Dunham (RCK II, 79) report that its material is ‘gold’, but according to Gänsicke–Kendall (2004, 24) only two cylinders from Aspelta’s tomb were made of gold: II.2.1 (MFA 21.339) and II.2.14 (SNM 1372/1373). The cylinder is composed as follows:

The decoration of the cylinder ends with a zig-zag frieze made with the granulation technique.

Upper part:

Vertical inscription: the main vertical inscription reads: “(words) spoken by Hathor of Dendera, my beloved son, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Aspelta, may be protected thy flesh, in life and dominion like Ra”.

a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of small stamped simple rosettes with eight petals; c) row of seated falcon-head Khonsu with great lunardisc and uraeus. The divine figures hold an ostrich plume and alternate with the different king’s ‘doubleplumed’ cartouches, in which “Son-of-Ra, Aspelta” and “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mry-Ka-Ra” are inscribed.

Base: a combination of Nymphea rosettes presents four petals in the foreground, with the addition of four

18 https://www.mfa.org/collections/object/cylinder-sheath-ofaspelta-143776.

19

11

On the meaning of the vulture crown, s. II.2.1.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths as determinative sign for festival. Generally, these signs were used for indicating the sed-festival23. The presence of these signs could induce one to think that these cylinders were connected with - and so used during - the sed-festival. Also called “jubilee”, the sed-festival was celebrated from the earliest Egyptian dynasties, but it remains one of the most enigmatic festivals, because no text describing it has been found and consequently it is not known exactly what rites occurred during this festival. Anyway, a lot of iconographic attestations have been recognised and identified as representations of the sed-festival. It has been assumed that such as festival meant a renewal of kingly potency and a renovation of rulership. So, the function of the cylinders could be connected with this royal aspect.

secondary petals and eight other minor petals (Kantor 1947, 139-144). Comments The decoration of the cylinder seems to be characterized by a sort of horror vacui. The figures, the symbols and the inscriptions, in fact, totally fill the entire surface of the cylinder, obliterating blank space on the surface. The quality of execution of the decoration is very elegant and refined and the granulation technique of the lower frieze makes it more valuable. According to Gänsicke–Kendall, the small rosettes located on the upper part were stamped individually and then soldered one at a time onto the cylinder (Gänsicke– Kendall 2004, 27). These stamped rosettes are an unicum on the cylinders (III.3).

The festival signs occur on another Aspelta cylinder (= II.2.13), as well. The iconographical aspect and the hieroglyphic names of the two Amun forms, occurring on the main decoration, inform us about their identity: on the left Amun of Napata and on the right Amun of Thebes. The name of Napata24 appears assured, while that of the Theban Amun-Ra is written with uncorrected throne-signs. The motif of the two figures of Amun of Napata and Amun of Thebes is also present on the decoration of other cylinders (= II.6.1 and II.8.1) and is linked with the Gebel Barkal ideology25. The two Amun gods hold the ˁnḫ-djed-w3s-signs, meaning “life, stability and power” (Leclant 1961a, 151-154). The iconographical parallels of these symbols could be seen in many Napatan objects found at Kawa (Macadam 1949, 87 nr. 30; 1955, 14, 43), Gebel Barkal26, Karnak27 (Berlandini 1994, 9-10). It is plausible that the three signs assembled in a unique symbol might in this way reinforce their extraordinary magical power.

The main decoration of the cylinder is occupied by a figure of the goddess Hathor. She was a polymorphic deity who can appear as cow, lioness, uraeus and woman. Her name suggests a connection with the kingship, because the term Hathor means “the house of Horus”, who was the god prototype of the living king. Hathor was analogously connected with queenship20. “Hathor of Dendera”, mentioned in the cylinder inscription, was the main goddess of the temple of Dendera, her most ancient place of worship. As DenderaIwnet seems to be the feminine term of Heliopolis-Iwnw, Hathor of Dendera was connected with Heliopolis and this reveals her solar aspect. The cult of Hathor of Dendera was considerately encouraged by the Egyptian kings of the VI Dynasty.21

As regards the formula “may be protected thy flesh” appearing on the vertical inscription, a comparable parallel occurs in a scene from the temple of Sethi I at Abydos, where the king receives the menit and the sistrum from the goddess Isis, who says

In the vertical inscription, some mistakes made by the modern drawer are emerged: in Kemp’s drawing (RCK II, pl. XCVIIIA) the name of ‘Dendera’ is reported as “given”, but in reality it is the sign ‘Iwn’, as can be seen from the excavation photograph (RCK II, pl. XCVIIIB) and from MFA photograph (pl. X); in the formula “thy flesh”, Kemp’s drawing reports a nb-sign, but it is the ‘.k’ of the suffix-pronoun 2nd singular masculine, as can be seen from Dunham’s photograph (RCK II, pl. XCVIIIA) and from MFA photograph (pl. X).

which Gardiner translated as follows: “receive for thyself the menit and the sistrum, that they may infuse health into thy flesh”, while Schäfer translated it: “unite themselves to thy flesh in health” (Gardiner 1916, 101). This Abydene formula will become very important for this research, as explained later (IV.2).

In the main decoration of the cylinder, two udjat-eyes disposed on festival-signs are represented at the goddess’s foot22. The festival sign consists of the heb hieroglyph, which represents the alabaster bowl for purifications used 20 From the IV dynasty, Egyptian queens may be priestesses of Hathor (Gillam 1995, 222). 21 The king Teti dedicated an ‘alabaster’ sistrum (fig. 28a-b) to Hathor of Dendera and his son Pepy I is the first to call himself son of Hathor of Dendera (Fischer 1968, 37-40). 22 S. III.4.4. The udjat-eyes on festival-signs also occur on a bronze box inscribed for Shepenupet II, daughter of Piye, Divine Adoratrice of Amun and sister of Taharqo (Louvre E 10814).

A decoration of the first jubilee of Amenhotep III shows the king seated on the throne, with his feet positioned over the heb hieroglyph. The tomb of Kheruef: TT 192, 1980, pl. 24. 24 For the orthography of the term ‘Napata’, s. Griffith 1922, 77-78. 25 S. III.4.4. 26 London BM 54412. 27 Cairo JE 43600. 23

12

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders The presence of Egyptian symbols on the cylinder decoration indicates the usual iconographical assimilation of royal Egyptian motives. II.2.3 Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: silver gilt Measurements: height: 8,7 cm; diameter: 3,6 cm Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70j Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.341 a-e Condition: almost complete. Restored This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.341 a-e. Dunham recorded it with the number ‘16-470j’ (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CIII B, C). It is 8,7 cm height with diameter 3,6 cm (fig. 5, pl. XI). The MFA catalogue and Dunham (RCK II, 79) report that its material is “gold”, but according to Gänsicke–Kendall (2004, 24) only two cylinders from Aspelta’s tomb were made of gold: II.2.1 (MFA 21.339) and II.2.14 (SNM 1372/1373). Fig. 5. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.341a-e (RCK II, pl. CIII B).

The cylinder is composed as follows: Upper part:

Vertical inscription: the main vertical inscription reads: “my beloved son, good god, Aspelta, may be protected thy flesh31, in life and dominion like Ra, for ever”.

a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with great sun-disc and uraeus above the heads28.

Base: fragmentary rosette.

Main decoration: under a band of small stars, the winged goddess Isis is represented wearing the vulture crown29, sun-disc, cow horns and uraeus. She is dressed with a long lozenge pattern dress and holds a great ostrich plume in each hand. In front of Isis’s face an inscription reads: “Son-of-Ra, Lord of the appearances, Aspelta, beloved of Isis, given life for ever”; behind Isis’s head another inscription reads: “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Aspelta, beloved of Isis (?), given life for ever”. The scene is flanked by two gods seated over the nb-sign: on the left, above the clump of papyrus (= Lower Egypt), the god Nefertem appears with postiche beard, wears his typical lotus with two feathers over the head and holds the ˁnḫ-w3s-djed symbol; on the right, above the clump of lily (= Upper Egypt), the ram-headed Khnum wears the atef crown and holds the ˁnḫ-w3s-djed symbol30. The identification of the two deities is confirmed by the occurrence of their names in hieroglyphics, located in front of their headgears.

Comments The execution quality of the decoration of this cylinder is less refined and less elegant, because the goddess Isis appears disproportionate, with coarse facial features. The main decoration of the cylinder is occupied by the winged Isis, whose origins are obscure. Her name, attested from the V dynasty, means ‘throne’ and it is supposed that she came from the Delta. Isis was associated with Osiris, as his sister and wife. She was also the mother of Horus, son of Osiris. From the New Kingdom, Isis appeared to be the mother-goddess for excellence, together with Mut32. Isis became tutelary goddess of the dead and the live and this protective character was revealed by her magician role, developed in her epithet “Mistress of the Magic”. As noted by Leclant “[…] les souveraines koushites n’hésitent pas à utiliser systématiquement la légende isiaque pour légitimer leur pouvoir” (Leclant 1981, 41). Also on this cylinder, some mistakes made by the modern drawer emerge. In the vertical inscription on the cylinder,

28 29 30

S. III.3. On the meaning of the vulture crown, s. II.2.1. For this symbol, s. Comments.

31 32

13

For the corrected translation, s. Comments. On the figure of Mut, s. II.2.1 Comments.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths the formula “may be protected thy flesh” has been incorrectly drawn, because Kemp copied the nb-sign, but it is really the .k of the suffix-pronoun 2nd singular masculine (RCK II, pl. CIII B). The recurrent formula “may be protected thy flesh” indicated probably the protective function of the object which was originally kept inside the cylinder33. Also the ˁnḫ-w3s-djed symbol carried by Khnum on the decoration was incorrectly reproduced because in Kemp’s drawing, the symbol was copied without djed sign, but observing the photograph made after cleaning (RCK II, pl. CIII C), it is clear that the part where the djed should be incised is damaged, therefore I think that the djed sign was present in the original decoration. For the use of the ˁnḫ-w3s-djed symbol, s. II.2.2. The epithet occurring in Aspelta’s titles, “Lord of the appearances” is certainly connected with the royal coronation and its presence could suggest the use of the cylinder during one of the coronation rituals of Aspelta34. The royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” occurring on the Napatan cylinders (III.2) were usually used in Kushite titulatures and could be referred not to the Egyptian, but the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4).

Fig. 6. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11731 (RCK II, pl. XCVI A).

II.2.4 Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: silver gilt Measurements: height: 12,4 cm; diameter: 3 cm Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70a Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11731 Condition: erosion at the bottom. Restored

c) row of two different typologies of papyrus umbels alternating with small closed buds. The papyrus umbels, in turn, are interchanged with fine papyrus inflorescences36 (Kantor 1947, 11-18). Main decoration: here, there is a variant to the theme of the single winged goddess, because two winged goddesses facing to the right are represented on the cylinder decoration as follows:

This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11731. Dunham mentioned it with the number ‘16-470a’ (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. XCVI A, B). Dunham reported its material as ‘gold’ (RCK II, 79). The measurements of the cylinder are 12,4 cm in height and a diameter of 3 cm (fig. 6).

a) according to Chapman’s drawing (RCK II, pl. XCVI A), on the right side the decoration is represented by Hathor of Dendera who can be identified by the vertical inscription behind her. She wears a vulture crown and a tall double-feather with sun-disc. Hathor extends the wings, holds an ˁnḫ-sign in each hand, and wears a long undecorated dress. The goddess stands between smaller heraldic goddesses of Upper and Lower Egypt. On the right of Hathor, the cobra-goddess Wadjet, whose crown is missing, is disposed above a nb-symbol over a clump of papyrus emerging from a small symbol for water, representing the swampy Delta. Both the cobra-goddess and the papyrus-plant symbolise Lower Egypt, as already mentioned (II.2.1). On the left of Hathor, the vulture-goddess Nekhbet, wearing the

The decoration of the cylinder is composed as follows: Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with great sun-disc and uraeus alternated with figures of leaves35; S. III.2. S. III.2. 35 For the leaf form, s. golden pendant (MFA 20.270) from the tomb (‘Nu.18’) of Analma’aye (RCK II, pl. CXII E); golden pendant from the tomb of Tanutamani (Ku.16) at el-Kurru (Dunham 1950, pl. LXIII B, C). 33 34

36

14

S. III.3.

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders atef crown and holding the šen-symbol in her claws, stands above a nb-symbol over clump of lily37. Both the vulture-goddess and the lily-plant symbolize Upper Egypt. This Egyptian motif signified the union of the Two-Lands. In front of Hathor’s face an inscription reads: “Son-of-Ra, Aspelta” and behind Hathor’s head, another inscription reads: “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mry-Ka-Ra”. The king’s Throne name and the Son-of-Ra name are inscribed in royal cartouches. Vertical inscription 1: the inscription which appears linked to the goddess Hathor reads vertically: “[…] Hathor of Dendera, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Aspelta, may be protected […], life [..]”. b) on the left side, the probable goddess Mut appears, although her identification is not assured, because the inscription related to the goddess is fragmentary and her name is lost. The representation of this winged goddess is similar to that of Hathor, except for the headgear; in fact, Mut wears the double crown of the North and the South, whose red crown is decorated with dots, as that worn by Mut eye of Ra in II.2.1. The tutelary goddesses and heraldic plants are the same occurring in the right side, but in inverted positions. In front of Mut’s face an inscription reads: “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Aspelta” and behind Mut’s head another inscription reads: “Son-of-Ra, Aspelta”. Vertical inscription 2: behind Mut’s figure, the inscription which appears linked to the goddess is very fragmentary and its readable part recites: “[…] the Two Lands under the control of the king […], life […]”.

the Napatan cylinders (III.4.2). The double crown, also called pschent (= p3 sḫmty: “The Two Powerful Ones”), is a combined form of the White and Red Crown. As its name refers to the two heraldic goddesses (Nekhbet and Wadjet), the double crown expresses the dual aspect of unified kingship of the Upper and Lower Egypt. The double crown is only worn by Mut on the cylinders decorations; so, this crown seems to be her exclusive attribute, as Te Velde suggested: “The Mut-headdress is not the vulture cap, as is sometimes still said, prompted perhaps by the idea that Mut is a vulture goddess. Over the vulture cap Mut wears the pschent. In the so-called Crossword-hymn to Mut it is said that the white and the red crown are fastened upon her head and furthermore that the headdress of Atum has been given her with which she rules the two lands” (Te Velde 1979-80, 6).

Base: the cylinder base is composed of a central rosette with 16 petals, enclosed in a circular band formed by 8 lotus flowers.

Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: gilded silver Measurements: height: 12,2 cm; diameter: 3 cm Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70b Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11732 Condition: almost complete. Restored

The inscription linked to Mut reading: “the Two Lands under the control of the king…”40 is the only occurrence on the Napatan cylinders. The expression “Two Lands” (III.2) could be referred to the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4). On the inscriptions located between Mut (?) there is an unusual difference: the repetition of the name Aspelta in both the cartouches, in place of the usual king’s Thronename Mry-Ka-Ra. II.2.5

Comments The execution of this cylinder is elegant and refined, because the decoration design is made with careful attention to detail.

This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11732. Dunham mentioned it as ‘gold’ with the number ‘16-4-70b’ (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. XCVII A, B). The cylinder is 12,2 cm high, and has a diameter of 3 cm (fig. 7).

The presence of two mother goddesses is observable also on another Aspelta cylinder (= II.2.6) and could indicate a double divine protective role for Aspelta. The close relationship between two goddesses (Hathor38 and Mut39) occurs many times in the Napatan culture, as can be seen at the B 300 temple of Gebel Barkal, built by Taharqo, in which the two goddesses appear often as incarnations of the same deity (Török 2002, 78). Thus both goddesses shared similar costumes, headdresses (cow-horn, vulture crown, etc.) and attributes (sistra, menat, etc.) and can sometimes share the reciprocal and opposite aspects. Hathor is identified by her pertinent inscription with certainty, while Mut is recognized by the double crown (with red one spotted), which seems to be an exclusive attribute of Mut on the decoration of 37 38 39

The cylinder is composed as follows: Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of circlets (sun-discs?) in relief; c) row of ram’s heads (with great sun-disc and double uraeus) disposed on well-detailed two different typologies of lotus flowers; the ram’s heads alternate with seated falcon-headed Khonsu figures with lunar-disc over the head and a long ostrich plume in the hand41.

For the term ‘lily’ s. Kantor 1947, 90. On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. On the figure of Mut, s. II.2.1 Comments.

40 41

15

For this expression, s. Wb IV, 4. S. III.3.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths who is wearing a great sun-disc with two tall feathers and holding anˁnḫ-djed-w3s symbol. Vertical inscription: “(words) spoken by Hathor of Dendera: my beloved son, Aspelta, may he live for ever, may be protected thy flesh, in life and dominion like Ra, for ever”. Base: simple rosette with 16 petals. Comments This cylinder presents four unique features compared to the other cylinders: a) an incongruity between the goddess figured on the main decoration (= Isis) and the goddess mentioned in the main vertical inscription (= Hathor of Dendera44). This is difficult to explain, but it could indicate an inattention of the craftsman or the interchangeability of the two goddesses; b) the presence of the double-uraeus over the rams’ heads, in the upper part of the cylinder decoration. The double uraeus was the typical royal emblem from the XXV dynasty rulers onward, generally connected with the two heraldic goddesses Nekhbet and Wadjet and also with Shu and Tefnut (Leclant 1961c, 77-78)45. The presence of the double uraeus on the cylinder can be connected with the god Montu, bearer of the double uraeus for excellence (Leclant 1961c, 77 ff), who occurs represented on the main decoration; c) the presence of Montu, Lord of Thebes. The god originated in the Theban region and had two consorts, Tjenenyet and Rattawy (= “feminine sun of the Two Lands”). Montu was generally represented as a falconheaded man and had a special role during Taharqo’s reign, because at Kawa he was represented on the east side of the king’s shrine with the triad Amun-MutKhonsu (Macadam 1955, pl. LVI; Leclant 1961c, 92). Taharqo was often associated with Montu (FHN I, 161), who was in turn associated with Amun-Ra in Taharqo’s coronation rituals (Leclant 1965, 254262)46. Besides, Montu was the god connected with the double uraeus, the main symbol of the Kushite kingship, and with the duality of Egypt, bearing the epithet “king of Two Lands” (Leclant 1961c, 78)47 ; d) the presence of two figures of papyri with a great sundisc flanked at the foot of the goddess. Generally, the

Fig. 7. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11732 (RCK II, pl. XCVII A).

Main decoration: beneath a band of stars, the scene shows a winged Isis42 wearing the vulture crown43, sun-disc enclosed in cow horns, and uraeus. The goddess wears a long lozenge patterned dress and holds a large ostrich plume in each hand. Two figures of papyri with great sundisc are disposed at the foot of the goddess. In front of Isis’s face, an inscription reads: “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Aspelta, may he live for ever, beloved of Isis the Great, god’s mother, given life”. Behind Isis’s face, another inscription reads: “Son-of-Ra, Aspelta, may he live for ever, beloved of all the gods of Lower and Upper Egypt”. Two “given life” signs are off-axis with respect to the inscription line and disposed differently with respect to its symmetrical inscription on the right. The scene is flanked by two seated gods over a rectangular structure (= palace facade); on the left, there is a ram-headed “Khnum-Ra, Lord of Elephantine” (as the inscription reads in front of him), who is wearing the atef crown with a double sun-disc and holding anˁnḫ-djed-w3s symbol; on the right, there is a falcon-headed “Montu, Lord of Thebes” (as the inscription reads in front of him),

42 43

On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. The double uraeus was also used by the queens, by goddess Neith and god Montu and very exceptionally by kings (Akhenaton, Ramses III and Herihor). Leclant 1961c, 79 nn. 1-2. 46 The decoration on the handle of Amani-natake-lebte’s mirror (MFA 21.338 a-d) presents four standing figures: two human-headed (Amun and the king) and two hawk-headed (Ra and Montu) figures. A royal cartouche appears under both Amun and Ra gods, while an inscription meaning the “south” appears under Montu and another inscription meaning the “north” appears under the king. So, Montu results to be the counterpart of the king; and Amun that of Ra. 47 Also the etymology of the name of his consort Rattawy (“feminine sun of the Two Lands”) was connected with the concept of duality. 44 45

On the figure of Isis, s. II.2.3 Comments. On the meaning of the vulture crown, s. II.2.1.

16

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders small motifs occurring at the foot at the main goddess are udjat-eye on festival-sign, udjat-eye alone or criosphinxes48. The papyrus symbol had protective and solar properties, as indicated by the above figured sundisc. The papyrus was the symbol of Lower Egypt, too. The god, represented on the opposite side of Montu, is Khnum, who was the universal creator god, bringer of the floods, god of the First Cataract. He formed the Elephantine triad with the goddesses Satis and Anukis and was usually represented as ram-headed. According to Török, in the New Kingdom, his assimilation with Amun “was promoted probably by the establishment of the cult of the ram-headed Amun-Ra in Thebes, whose sanctuary at Luxor corresponded as “Theban Napata” to the remote southern sanctuary of the ram-headed Nubian Amun. Both Amun of Napata and Amun of Luxor were bringers of the Inundation” (Török 2001, 137). In the Kushite period, the god Khnum was mentioned together with the goddess Satis by king Kashta (middle of the VIII century BC) in the Dedication Stela from Elephantine, underlining the king’s affirmation in Lower Nubia (FHN I, 45-47). Tanutamani visited the Khnum temple in Elephantine, emphasizing the king’s legitimacy in Nubia (FHN I, 199). Later, it seems that the god was assimilated with Amun of Kawa, almost disappearing in the late Kushite period. On the cylinders, the motif of Khnum also occurs in II.2.3, where it is faced to god Nefertem on the opposite side. Also on this cylinder, there is the repetition of the name Aspelta in both the cartouches, in place of the usual king’s Throne-name Mry-Ka-Ra (as in II.24).

Fig. 8. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11733 (RCK II, pl. XCIX A).

The recurrent formula “may be protected thy flesh” appearing on the vertical inscription indicated the protective function of the goddess and of the object which was originally kept inside the cylinder49.

is rather damaged now and fortunately Kemp’s drawing helps us to ‘re-compose’ some missing parts. It is 12,8 cm high with a diameter of 3,3 cm (fig. 8, pl. XII). The decoration of cylinder is composed as follows:

For the use of the ˁnḫ-djed-w3s symbol on the cylinders decoration, s. II.2.2.

Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads. Kemp’s drawing does not show the detail of the sun-disc visible on Dunham’s photograph (RCK II, pl. XCIX B) and from the MFA photograph (pl. XII); b) row of papyrus umbels alternating with small circlets in relief (= sun-discs?); c) row of ram’s heads with great sun-disc and uraeus50.

II.2.6 Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: gilded silver Measurements: height: 12,8 cm; diameter: 3,3 cm Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70d Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11733 Condition: upper and central parts damaged. Restored

Main decoration: beneath a band of stars, the scene shows a couple of winged goddesses, who are difficult to identify because of the absence of their hieroglyphic names. The goddesses are so represented:

This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11733. Dunham mentioned it ‘gold’ with the number ‘16-4-70d’ (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. XCIX A, B). The cylinder 48 49

S. III.4.4. S. III.2.

50

17

S. III.3.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths a) On the left, a winged goddess, standing over the goldsymbol, wears a long undecorated dress, the vulture crown and the double crown. The goddess does not hold attributes in her hands. She is flanked by the heraldic goddesses of Upper and Lower Egypt. On the left, the cobra-goddess Wadjet wears a checked redcrown and holds the šen-symbol and w3s-sceptre; she is disposed above a nb-symbol over a clump of papyrus emerging from a small symbol for water, representing the swampy Delta; the cobra-goddess and the papyrus-plant symbolize Lower Egypt. The inscription occurring below this plant reads “for ever and ever”. On the right, the probable vulture-goddess Nekhbet, whose figure is missing after the cleaning, wears the atef crown and holds the šen-symbol and w3s-sceptre in her claws, and stands above a nb-symbol over a clump of lily51. The vulture-goddess and the lily-plant symbolise Upper Egypt. In the photograph (RCK II, pl. XCIX B), below the plant two signs occur “given life” and “lady”. The tutelary goddesses present their name in hieroglyphics, near their heads. The traditional motif of the heraldic deities means the union of the Two-Lands. b) On the right, another winged goddess, standing over the gold-symbol, wears a long undecorated dress, and a checked red crown. The goddess does not hold attributes in her hands. She is flanked by the heraldic deities of Upper and Lower Egypt. On the left, the cobra-goddess Wadjet with a checked red crown holds the šen-symbol and w3s-sceptre and is disposed on a nb-symbol over a clump of papyrus emerging from a small symbol for water (= the Delta). The cobra-goddess and the papyrus-plant symbolize Lower Egypt. Below the plant an inscription occurs, reading: “for ever and ever”. On the right, a fragmentary vulturegoddess Nekhbet wears the atef crown, holds the šensymbol and w3s-sceptre in her claws and stands above a nb-symbol over clump of lily52. The vulture-goddess and the lily-plant symbolize Upper Egypt. The tutelary goddesses present their names in hieroglyphics, near their heads. Below the plant, two signs occur: “given life” and “lady”.

he live for ever, beloved of Amun-Ra, given life for ever”. Base: simple rosette with 12 petals encircled by a band of 10 lily flowers alternating with small closed buds. Comments The decoration with a couple of goddesses is also observable on another cylinder of Aspelta (= II.2.4), on which Hathor of Dendera53 and Mut (?) are represented. In this cylinder, unfortunately, the two goddesses remain unidentified. The two goddesses differ only by their headgear: on the left the goddess wears the double crown54 with the vulture crown55, while on the right the other goddess wears a checked red crown56. Usually, the double crown consists of a red crown containing ‘inside’ the white crown, while, here, the goddess crown seems to point out the white crown; in fact, the red one is partially visible, semi-hidden behind the white crown. The dress of the left goddess seems to be incomplete on the left shoulder, resulting unfinished part of the necklace, perhaps because of an inadvertency by the craftsman. It is difficult to identify the two deities with certainty because their hieroglyphic names and divine attributes are absent, but it is possible to suppose their identification by comparing the decoration of other cylinders. The left goddess could be identified as Mut57, because she wears the double crown, which seems to be worn only by Mut on the cylinder decorations58, while the identification of the right goddess remains unclear, because the single (checked) red crown appears only on this cylinder. The uniqueness of the decoration of this cylinder is composed of the followings elements: a) the absence of the hieroglyphic names of the two goddesses; b) the unique representation of the (checked) red crown worn by one of the main goddesses and by the tutelary goddess Wadjet; c) the couple of the goddesses standing over the goldsymbol. On the decoration of the Napatan cylinders, god Heh is represented over the gold-symbol (II.1.2; II.1.3; II.7.1).

Vertical inscriptions: the cylinder presents two vertical inscriptions, which separate the figures of the two goddesses. In Kemp’s drawing, they seem to be identical and almost complete, but the photograph (RCK II, pl. XCIX B) shows that one of two inscriptions is totally missing (probably the one on the left in Kemp’s drawing). a) In Kemp’s drawing, the left inscription can be read: “Good god, Lord of the Two Lands, Mry-ka-Ra, Sonof-Ra, Aspelta, may he live for ever, beloved of AmunRa, given life for ever”. b) The right inscription reads: “Good god, Lord of the Two Lands, [Mry-ka-Ra], Son-of-Ra, [Aspelta], may

For the vulture-goddess Nekhbet, whose figure is missing after the cleaning, Kemp’s drawing (RCK II, pl. XCIX A) presents an almost complete decoration, but the

53 54 55 56

51 52

For the term ‘lily’ s. Kantor 1947, 90. For the term ‘lily’ s. Kantor 1947, 90.

57 58

18

On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. On the meaning of the double crown, s. II.2.4. On the meaning of the vulture crown, s. II.2.1. S. III.4.1 and III.4.2. On the figure of Mut, s. II.2.1 Comments. S. III.4.2.

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders photographs (RCK II, pl. XCIX B) show clearly that some parts of the decoration are missing. Additionally, the vertical inscriptions do not help us identify the two goddesses, because unexpectedly here, the name of Amun-Ra is mentioned. It is only plausible that the two represented goddesses were connected with the god Amun-Ra and also they were associated with each other. Suppositions on the probable identification of two goddesses can be various, but remain unconvincing. They are as follows: 1) two forms of Mut: on the left side, the winged goddess wears the double crown and Mut is the only goddess who bears it on the Napatan cylinders (III.4.2); on the right side, the other winged goddess wears the red crown, only occurring on this cylinder, which can be considered part of the double crown; 2) Wadjet and Nekhbet: the heraldic goddesses were sometimes featured in human form, as in scenes of coronation rituals59. Here, on the right side, the winged goddess wears the checked red crown which is similarly held by the tutelary goddess Wadjet (but the other goddess wears the double crown and not the atef crown worn by Nekhbet); 3) Mut and Hathor: two winged goddesses occur also on another cylinder of Aspelta (II.2.4), and they are identified as Mut (?) and Hathor. But, for this cylinder the interpretation on the identification as Mut and Hathor remains unconvincing, because Hathor does not seem to wear either double crown or the red crown on the Napatan cylinders (III.4.2); 4) other two different unidentified goddesses: they are the only to stand over the gold-symbol, so they are different compared to the here analysed goddesses.

Fig. 9. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11734 (RCK II, pl. C A).

Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11734 Condition: upper and central parts damaged. Base missing. Restored This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11734. Dunham mentioned it with the number ‘16-470e’ (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. C A, B). The cylinder is 11,4 cm high, with a diameter of 3,2 cm (fig. 9). The decoration of the cylinder is composed as follows: Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with great sun-disc and uraeus; c) row of leaves60.

Below the plant on the right two signs occur “given life” and “lady”, but from the photograph (RCK II, pl. XCIX B) it seems that the “dì ankh” was inverted compared to Kemp’s drawing.

Main decoration: the scene shows a winged goddess (Hathor?) who does not wear the usual vulture crown61, but only the sun-disc with uraeus and the cow-horns over her head; she wears an undecorated long dress and holds an ˁnḫ-sign in each hand.

The royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” occurring on the Napatan cylinders (III.2) were usually used in Kushite titulatures and could be referred not to the Egyptian, but the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4).

The goddess is flanked by the heraldic deities of Lower and Upper Egypt. On the left, the cobra-goddess Wadjet with a red crown, holding the šen-symbol and ˁnḫ-w3s signs, is disposed on a nb-sign over a clump of papyrus on a symbol for water, representing the Delta. Behind the head’s cobra, her name was probably written. The formula “given life” remains visible below her name, even though some hieroglyphic signs are now missing. On the right, the vulture-goddess Nekhbet, wearing the atef crown,

II.2.7 Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: gilded silver Measurements: height: 11,4 cm; diameter: 3,2 cm Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70e

For the Napatan leaf motif, s. II.2.4; for the decoration of the upper parts, s. III.3. 61 On the meaning of the vulture crown, s. II.2.1. 60

For example: coronation of Hery-hor at Khonsu Temple of Karnak, or Ptolemaic kings’ coronation at Dendera, Kom Ombo, Edfu. 59

19

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths holds the šen-symbol and ˁnḫ-w3s signs in her claws, and stands on a nb-symbol over a clump of lily62. Behind the vulture head, her name was probably written, even if some hieroglyphic signs are now missing. In front of Hathor (?)’s face, there is an inscription which reads: “[King of Upper and Lower Egypt], Aspelta, may [he live] for ever”. Behind the goddess’s face, another inscription reads: “Son-of-Ra, Aspelta, may he live for ever”. Vertical inscription: the text reads: “(words) spoken [ˁnḫ?] Hathor, my son, Aspelta, may be protected thy flesh in life, stability and dominion in [name of a place]”. Base: missing63 Comments The winged goddess is probably identifiable with Hathor64, although her name does not appear to be mentioned in connection with the goddess. Her identity can be recognized by the crown she is wearing65 and by the presence of her divine name in the vertical inscription. The identification is not so obvious as one might believe, because in another cylinder (= II.2.5) the represented goddess is not the same of that mentioned in the vertical inscription.

Fig. 10a. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11735 (RCK II, pl. CI A).

Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11735 Condition: broken fragments on the upper part; central decoration damaged. Restored

Chapman’s drawing shows the presence of an ˁnḫ-sign in the main inscription, which could be due to an error instead of the preposition “by”.

This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11735. Dunham mentioned it with the number ‘16-470f’ (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CI A, B). The cylinder is 12,1 cm high, with a diameter of 3,1 cm (fig. 10a, pl. XIII a, b).

The uniqueness of this cylinder is that, at the end of the vertical inscription, if Chapman’s drawing is correct, there is mentioned the name of a locality, but unfortunately the principal signs for identifying it are missing. Another interpretation could be that the sign mr (Gardiner sign-list N36) may perhaps be read mi (= “like”) and the niwt-sign of the “city”(Gardiner sign-list O49) may be identified with the ra-sign (Gardiner sign-list N5); therefore, the end of the speech could be translated as “like Ra”.

The cylinder decoration is composed as follows: Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of papyrus umbels alternating with small closed buds. In turn, the papyrus umbels are interchanged with papyrus inflorescences (Kantor 1947, 11-18); c) row of ram’s heads with great sun-disc and uraeus alternated with figures of leaves67.

The expression “may be protected thy flesh” on the vertical inscription indicates the protective role of the goddess to Aspelta; so, in the same way, also the object which was inserted inside the cylinder had to have a protective function for the king66. II.2.8

Main decoration: the cylinder decoration presents twelve deities disposed in two rows and divided in four parts of three deities each. A sky-sign (Gardiner sign-list N1) is placed over each section of the triads, but the only sky of the upper section is filled by stars. The decoration will be described following the disposition of the scenes.

Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: gilded silver Measurements: height: 12,1 cm; diameter: 3,1 cm Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70f For the term ‘lily’ s. Kantor 1947, 90. http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/cylinder-sheath-of-kingaspelta-144723. 64 On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. 65 S. III.4.2. 66 S. III.2. 62 63

For the Napatan leaf motif, s. II.2.4. for the decoration of the upper part, s. III.3. 67

20

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders Upper section, left side: it is occupied by the divine triad “Amun-Ra, Lord of the Two Lands”, “Mut eye-of-Ra, Lady of the heaven”, and “Khonsu given life”, as the captions in front of them mention.

Behind him, the goddess Hathor wears the double-feather crown with uraeus (?), horns and sun-disc, and a decorated long dress. She holds a papyrus sceptre in her left hand and an ˁnḫ-sign in her right hand.

The anthropomorphic god Amun-Ra wears his typical tall double-feather crown, postiche beard, short dress and a bull-tail. He holds a w3s-sceptre in his left hand and an ˁnḫ-sign in his right hand.

Besides her, the goddess Satis occurs wearing her typical white crown with gazelle (or antelope) horns. The goddess bears an ˁnḫ-sign in her right hand and holds hands with the central goddess (Hathor) close to her.

Behind him, there is the goddess Mut eye-of-Ra wearing a vulture crown, double crown and a long dress decorated with wrapped wings. She holds a papyrus sceptre in his left hand and an ˁnḫ-sign in his right hand.

Lower section, right side: it is occupied by another divine triad, the two first figures of which are mostly missing. I presume that the first figure is to identify with the god Onuris-Shu, both for the preserved (uncertain) hieroglyphic signs, whose the W25 and the H6 signs of the Gardiner sign-list can be distinguished, and the long pleated dress (typical of Onuris), with a bull tail. He holds a w3s-sceptre in his right hand and an ˁnḫ-sign in his left hand.

Behind her, Khonsu appears standing on a pedestal and wearing his typical cap-crown, great lunar-disc and uraeus above the head, postiche beard, collar with a counterpoise. He wears a long dress decorated with a falcon holding a sun-disc above the head and wrapped wings. The god holds the w3s-djed-ˁnḫ-signs and a flagellum (?) in his hands.

Behind him, there is a second figure who could be identified as his sister Tefnut, recognisable from a fragmentary great sun-disc, which is usually disposed above the heads of the leonine goddesses. The goddess Tefnut (?) holds a fragmentary papyrus sceptre in her right hand and an ˁnḫsign in her left hand.

Upper section, right side: it is occupied by the divine triad “Amun of Napata”, “Mut eye-of-Ra, Lady of the heaven” and “Khonsu given life”, as mentioned by the captions linked to them.

The last figure of the triad is represented by the goddess Anukis identifiable only by her typical headgear with tall four-feathers. Like Satis on the opposite side, she holds the right hand with the central goddess (Tefnut?) close to her and probably bears an ˁnḫ-sign in her left hand. The identification of this last attribute can be based on a comparison with the other goddesses, because the figure of Anukis has been partially covered by one of the vertical inscriptions, perhaps when the cylinder was reassembled after the restoration.

Amun wears his typical tall double-feather crown (the decoration of the feathers is slightly different compared to that of the opposite Amun-Ra)68. His face is missing, but it is credible that it was ram-headed as typical of Amun of Napata. He wears a short dress, whose decoration is slightly different compared to that of the opposite AmunRa, and a bull tail. He holds a w3s-sceptre in his right hand and an ˁnḫ-sign in his left hand. Behind him, Mut eye-of-Ra appears wearing a vulture crown, double crown and a fragmentary long dress decorated with wrapped wings. She holds a papyrus sceptre in her right hand and an ˁnḫ-sign in her right hand.

Vertical inscriptions: on this cylinder there are two vertical inscriptions, which according to Chapman’s drawing (RCK II, pl. CI A) read:

Behind her, Khonsu stands on a pedestal and wears his typical cap-crown, great lunar-disc, postiche beard, a long dress decorated with a falcon having a sun-disc above the head and wrapped wings. He holds w3s-djed-ˁnḫ-signs and a flagellum (?) in his hands.

a) on the left “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Lord of doing things, Mry-Ka-Ra, Sonof-Ra, Lord of the appearances, Aspelta, may he live for ever, beloved of Amun-Ra […], Lord of the Lands”; b) on the right “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Lord of doing things, Mry-Ka-Ra, Sonof-Ra, Lord of the appearances, Aspelta, may he live for ever, [beloved of] Amun of Napata”.

Lower section, left side: it is occupied by the divine triad formed by falcon-headed Ra, Hathor and Satis. The names of the first two deities are written close to them, but that of Satis, who is recognizable only for her typical white crown with gazelle (or antelope) horns, is absent. The god Ra wears a great sun-disc with uraeus above the falcon-head and a short dress with a bull tail. He holds a w3s-sceptre in his left hand and an ˁnḫ-sign in his right hand.

Base: damaged rosette. Comments Every deity occurring on the decoration holds an ˁnḫsign, which is the symbol of divine capacity of giving life. The gods wear the bull tail, symbol of strength, and hold a w3s-sceptre, symbol of power (Gordon-Schwabe 1995), while the goddesses hold a wadj papyrus sceptre,

68 It is difficult to understand the reason for which the tall feathers are differently decorated. Perhaps, they belonged to different species of ostriches. For the ostrich, s. Pompei 2016.

21

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths On this cylinder, it is suggestive that the epithet Amun-Ra “Lord of the Two Lands” seems to be composed of the determinatives representing the sand (Gardiner, sign-list N33) and the land (Gardiner, sign-list N23). Perhaps, in this way, the significant concept of the divine and royal territoriality was reinforced.

which is linked to the concept of protection and renewal, but all the peripheral deities present a variant; in fact, in the upper section the figures of Khonsu hold a flagellum with an ˁnḫ-djed-w3s symbol, while in the lower section the Elephantine goddesses, Satis and Anukis, do not bear a sceptre, but hold hands with the central goddess close to them. This latter gesture could mean a closer association between the goddesses or a ‘subjection’ of Satis and Anukis as ‘daughters’ of the triads.

Khonsu was a moon god whose name means “the Traveler.” In the south of Egypt he was considered the son of Amun and Mut, while in the north, he was known as son of Ptah and Sekhmet. His usual headdress represented a full moon above a crescent moon. Generally, since Amun and Mut were considered the king’s parents, consequently their son Khonsu embodied the same king.

The double crown69 worn by the two figures of goddess Mut eye-of-Ra in the upper section (left and right sides) seems to be identical and curious. In fact, normally the Egyptian double crown consists of a red crown containing ‘inside’ the white crown, while, here, the goddess crown seems to point out the white crown; in fact, the red one is partially visible, semi-hidden behind the white crown, as can be seen in other Aseplta’s cylinder (= II.2.6).

Upper section, right side: The triad of this section is composed of Amun of Napata, Mut eye-of-Ra and Khonsu. The sure identity of the triad is due to the epithet of Amun “of Napata”. Generally, also the Napatan Amun bears the title “Amun-(Ra), Lord of the Throne(s) of the Two Lands” shared with the Theban Amun (Seguenny 1981), as well as “Amun who is in the Pure Mountain” (= Gebel Barkal). The mountain had been recognized as the ‘primeval mound’ and source of creation, and considered a double of Thebes.

Regarding the composition of the decoration, the cylinder is divided into four sections; each section is occupied by a divine triad showing close relationships and correlations with the other triads; these relationships will be analysed one compared to the others, in order of appearance, as follows: Upper section, left side: The triad of this section is formed by Amun-Ra of Thebes, Mut eye-of-Ra and Khonsu. The iconographical aspect of the divine triad (Theban Amun-Ra and Mut) represented on this cylinder is usually considered as Theban. Its opposite counterpart on the cylinder (upper section, right side) is the divine triad of Gebel Barkal/Napata. Already during the XVIII dynasty, the king Thutmosis III, founder of the first Amun temple at Gebel Barkal, established a solid mythological association between Karnak/Thebes and Gebel Barkal/Napata. It has been observed that at Gebel Barkal the Theban and Napatan Amuns always appear with the same pattern; the human-headed on the left side (= ‘north’) for Amun of Karnak and the ram-headed on the right side (= ‘south’) for Amun of Napata (Kendall 1999, 69). In this case, the “Thrones of the Two Lands” refer to the mythological connection between Karnak and Gebel Barkal. Generally, the Theban Amun bears the title “Amun-(Ra), Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands” shared also with the Napatan Amun (Seguenny 1981). The mountain of Gebel Barkal had been recognized as the ‘primeval mound’ and source of creation, and considered a double of Thebes. Therefore, this triad can represent the ‘double Napata’.

The epithet of Mut Nb(t) pt (= “Mistress of heaven”) occurs in Nubia at Kawa (TT, Macadam 1955, 88), Sanam (Griffith 1922, pl. XLIII) and Napata (B 300, Robisek 1989, 59).

The particular relationship between Amun and Mut is characterized by their ‘interchangeability’; in fact, Mut was considered both mother and daughter of Amun at the same time, and Amun both father and son of Mut (te Velde 1988, 401).

In this section, the name of Ra is written using four signs, whose last seems to be a st (Q1 of the Gardiner sign-list); so, the hieroglyphic name could be translated as “place of Ra”, providing a geographical or territorial connotation to the section.

69

Khonsu, moon god, was generally represented as son of the triad, and, therefore, personification of the king, as above mentioned. Lower section, left side: Ra, Hathor and Satis formed the divine triad of this scene. The divine couple of Ra and Hathor has a precise close relationship as the male and female elements of the solar theology (Allam 1963, 113ff) and generally forms a triad with Horus. The particular relationship between the two deities is characterized by their ‘interchangeability’, as the aforementioned couple Amun-Mut; Hathor was considered both mother and daughter of Ra at the same time and Ra both father and son of Hathor. Here, in this triad, Horus is replaced by the goddess Satis (Hofmann 1974). In the New Kingdom, Amun-Ra and Hathor were also considered the divine parents of the king, as can be seen in the temple of Hatshepsut (Troy 1986, 55-56).

The last deity of the triad of this section is Satis, generally associated with Anukis mainly in the Elephantine area, forming a divine triad with Khnum (Hofmann 1974; Valbelle 1981). Satis was considered the daughter of Ra

On the meaning of the double crown, s. II.2.4.

22

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders (as Anukis) and connected with the myth of the return of the Distant Goddess (= Eye of Ra). She was also connected with the legitimisation of the Kushite kings, as it can be seen at Kawa (Macadam 1955, pl. XVII e). In this section, Satis seems to be represented as daughter; therefore, she can embody a royal woman (king’s mother, wife, sister or daughter).

uraeus). Therefore, Onuris was considered the warrior fighting Apophis (the major enemy of the solar god) and saviour of the mankind. For this reason, he was chosen for being associated to the Kushite king, who appeared thus the saviour of Egypt from the South (Török 1997b, 195196). The last deity of the triad of this section is Anukis who was generally associated with Satis and Khnum in the Elephantine area (Hofmann 1974; Valbelle 1981). Anukis was considered the daughter of Ra and connected with the myth of the return of the Distant Goddess (= Eye of Ra), as Satis, her counterpart on the cylinder.

In my opinion, since the hieroglyphic name of Ra provides a geographical connotation, this section seems to be dedicated to the Pnubs locality, as explained later (= II.2.9). The god Ra of this triad can be identified as Ra of Pnubs, a deity mentioned among the names of deities at Philae in the Ptolemaic period (Vassilika 1989, 118, 204, 266).

***

Lower section, right side: Onuris-Shu, Tefnut and Anukis formed the divine triad of this section. The couple Onuris/ Shu-Tefnut was specially worshipped under Taharqo who had raised its cult in Upper Nubia (Macadam 1955, pls. VIa, VIIb; Radwan 1999, 260-261). The number of connections between the Kushite rulers and Onuris-Onuris/ Shu and Tefnut is significant (Leclant-Yoyotte 1952, 2930; Lohwasser 2001, 313-319); in fact, these connections can be observed in many attestations, such as in the reliefs and statues, by means of the presence of the four-feathered crown of Onuris above the royal heads70; on the amulets from Sanam (Leclant-Yoyotte 1952, 30, n.1); in the onomastic of royal and aristocratic personages71; in royal texts, such as Taharqo’s stela (Kawa IV, l. 3), in which the king is said “a son of Ra, like Onuris”. Besides, “Taharqo is also associated with Onuris and Tatenen as creator gods” (FHN I, 144). The ‘theological’ choice of Taharqo of emphasizing his association with Onuris, whose name means “he who brings back the Distant One”, is linked to the mythological legend of the god and the Eye of Ra. According to this legend, the latter goddess left Egypt and went to live in Nubia, but Ra needed her back to defend him from the chaos and so sent Onuris-(Shu) to pacify the goddess Tefnut-(Hathor), the sun-eye72, and brought her back from Nubia to Egypt. Shu and Tefnut returned with the eye goddess, who became furious, because in her absence Atum-Ra had grown another eye. Ra pacified her by placing her on his brow as a protective cobra (=

Observing the composition of the decoration, it emerges that the triads not only had close associations between them, but also were connected with their ‘opposite’ counterparts. Now, I will analyse them considering the ‘opposite’ correspondences and their relationships, in order of appearance, as follows: Upper section: • the ‘Theban’ and ‘Napatan’ triads have always had a close association in the Kushite culture, as above mentioned. Lower section: • Ra and Onuris have a familiar relationship, for the reason that Onuris was the son of Ra. As indicated above, the name Onuris signifies “bringer back of the Distant One”, identified with Hathor-Tefnut (= Eye of Ra), according to myth of the eye. Shu and Tefnut are identified with the sun and the moon; besides, Onuris becomes the god who recovered the lost lunar Eye of Horus and restored the cosmic order. The association Onuris/Shu occurred already in the New Kingdom. • The correspondence between Hathor73 and Tefnut is supported by the reciprocal qualities of two goddesses: Hathor was the pacific form of Tefnut and Tefnut was the wild form of Hathor. Besides, both of them were connected with the myth of the solar eye, as well as Mut74 (mentioned as eye-of-Ra in the upper section of the cylinder). For all these reasons, one of the central themes of the cylinder decorations seems to be the myth of the eye of Ra, because not only the two Mut figures bear the epithet “Mut, eye-of-Ra, Mistress of heaven”, but also there is a close correlation with Mut, Hathor, Isis and Tefnut, as goddesses of the Eye of Ra, i.e. all goddesses occurring on the Napatan cylinders. • The ‘external outside’ goddesses, Satis and Anukis, were strongly associated in the Elephantine area, forming the divine Elephantine triad together with Khnum. Both the goddesses were considered the daughters of Ra and

70 On a relief in temple B 300 at Gebel Barkal, the Onuris-crown is worn by Taharqo (with nw-pots) standing together with his wife (with sistrum and libation vase). Th king offers to Amun-Ra and Mut, located inside of Gebel Barkal mountain (LD V 5); the Onuris-crown is worn on some Napatan royal statues found at Gebel Barkal in a cachette of temple B 500: statues representing Taharqo (SNM 1841), Anlamani (MFA 23.732; from cachette B 500; upper part of the crown from temple B 904), Aspelta (MFA 23.730; torso from cachette B 500; head from temple B 800). Besides, the Onuris-crown is visible on some Napatan royal stelae: on the lunette of Kawa VIII, Anlamani with Onuris-crown offers to Amun, followed by his mother Nasalsa shaking the sistrum (Macadam 1955, pl. 15); on the lunette of Adoption Stela, Aspelta wears the Onuris-crown before Amun, Mut and Khonsu. Such crown seems to be “next to the cap, the most characteristic […]” of the Kushite rulers (Russmann 1974, 3334). 71 One of the sons of Taharqo was named Nsy-Shu-Tefnut (LeclantYoyotte 1952, 30, n.2). 72 The solar eye took the forms of daughters of Ra, as Hathor, Mut, Wadjet.

73 74

23

On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. On the figure of Mut, s. II.2.1 Comments.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths connected with the myth of the return of the Distant Goddess (= Eye of Ra). Besides, both goddesses shared the same (but opposite) qualities; Anukis was the pacified form of Satis and Satis was the ferocious form of Anukis, in the same way as the abovementioned correspondence of Hathor-Tefnut. Such deities were chosen to legitimise the Kushite kings. In fact, at Kawa Taharqo is represented offering to Amun-Ra of Kawa, Satis and two Anukis forms, on the sides of his shrine (Macadam 1955, pl. XVII e). Later, in the Hypostyle Hall of the temple T at Kawa, Aspelta is represented offering to Amun of Kawa and Anukis Nety at the western face and offering to Amun-Ra, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands and Mut Eye-of-Ra at the eastern face (Macadam 1955, pls. XVIII A, B).

Fig. 10b. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11735 (Detail of the vertical inscription).

the conventional mountain-sign (Pompei 2006 and 2009). It is surprising that this Gebel Barkal sign occurs relating to the ‘Theban’ Amun-Ra name, while it would have been natural to find it in the other symmetrical inscription mentioning Amun of Napata. The answer could be due to the fact that the represented deities embodied a double nature linked to the Gebel Barkal mountain, as one can see on the Abu Simbel relief where the Theban Amun-Ra is seated on the Gebel Barkal mountain76. Perhaps, there is also the possibility that the sign is to be considered a simple inattention or mistake by the craftsman. Unfortunately, the question remains unsolved.

It emerges decisively that the decoration of this cylinder reproduces elements attributable to the myth of the Eye of Ra, connected with Mut-Hathor-Tefnut to whom was also dedicated temple B 300 at Gebel Barkal (Török 2002, 278-279 n. 178). It is probable that the division of the twelve deities in four parts could have also some ‘cosmic’ significance, interpreting them as the four sides of the world. In the Coronation Stela of Aspelta, the speech of Amun-Ra of Napata could be useful for the comprehension of the question: “my beloved son, [Aspelta], I give you the crown of Ra, his kingship on (your) father’s throne. I have fixed the Two-Ladies on your head (even) as heaven is fixed on four posts”. Perhaps, the division in four parts recalls the division of the heaven, also supported by the presence of the sky-signs appeared above the four sections of the cylinder.

The usual epithet “Lord of the Two Lands” relating to Amun-Ra is replaced by “Lord of the Lands” on the left vertical inscription. In fact, the term Lands is written using three signs for t3 (N17 of the Gardiner sign-list). As already mentioned, the royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” occurring on the Napatan cylinders (III.2) were usually used in Kushite titulatures and could be referred not to the Egyptian, but the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4).

For trying to comprehend the meaning of the decoration, I think it is necessary to compare such decoration with that of the following cylinder (= II.2.9), which presents a similar structure. In fact, as only these two cylinders (= II.2.8 and II.2.9) present a parallel decoration with twelve deities divided into two rows and distributed into four parts of three deities each, I believe they had to be used together to form an indissoluble pair of objects. For this, I will explain their probable significance in the Comments of the next cylinder.

The recurrent epithet nb ỉrt-ḫt (= “Lord of doing things”) is also used on other cylinders (= II.2.1; II.2.9; II.3.1; II.8.1 and II.9.1), and the epithet “Lord of the appearances” also occurs on two cylinders (= II.2.3 and II.9.1) and suggests a connection with the coronation rituals (III.2). So, it can be assumed that the cylinder could be used during the coronation ceremonies or the sed-festival when the coronation rituals were repeated (II.2.2 and III.4.4).

With regards to inscriptions, I would point out a particular hieroglyphic sign, I am not certain whose, unfortunately; in the left vertical inscription, I seem to discern a dome-shaped sign with uraeus, connected with the name of Amun-Ra, which Suzanne Chapman did not report (fig. 10b).

II.2.9 Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: gilded silver Measurements: unknown Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70k Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11736 a-b Condition: fragmentary

As noted by Priese, in some Napatan texts, the domeshaped sign with uraeus was used as the determinative sign to indicate the Gebel Barkal mountain (Priese 1977)75. The hieroglyphic sign was employed replacing

This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA

75 For another point of view on the hieroglyphic sign, s. Kormysheva 1999, 243-244, n.7.

76

24

South wall of the great hall of the south temple.

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders 21.11736 a-b. Dunham mentioned it with the number ‘164-70k’ (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CIV A). Since the cylinder is fragmented in some parts, it is not possible to indicate the precise measurements (figs. 11a, b). The cylinder presents the distinctive decoration composed of twelve deities ordered in two rows and divided into four parts of three deities each, as on the previous cylinder (= II.2.8). Chapman’s reconstruction of the decoration can be misleading (fig. 11a), and needs to be modified. So, I propose a new cylinder reconstruction aligning the fragments of the triads and of the inscriptions in a different way to facilitate an appropriate comparison between the two cylinders (fig. 11b). On the basis of this new reconstruction, the deities are converging and facing each other, as on the previous cylinder (= II.2.8). Naturally, the following description of the cylinder decoration relates to my new reconstruction. Fig. 11a. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11736 a-b (RCK II, pl. CIV A).

Upper section, left side: This part is occupied by a divine triad, only the last two figures of which are recognisable: the goddess Mut and behind her the god Khonsu. The first god of the triad is completely missing, as are all three divine epithets, but it is possible to identify the lost divine figure with Amun, thus forming his usual triad. Behind Amun, Mut wears a vulture crown, double crown and a long dress decorated with wrapped wings. She holds a fragmentary papyrus sceptre in her left hand and an ˁnḫsign in her right hand. Behind her, a fragmentary Khonsu is recognizable by his typical (fragmentary) cap, part of the lunar-disc with uraeus, the partial long dress decorated with wings and by his distinctive pedestal under his feet. Only the ḫ-sign (Aa1 of the Gardiner sign-list) forming his hieroglyphic name is conserved above Khonsu head. He holds a set of symbols, of which only a w3s-sign and a flagellum (?) are distinguishable. Upper section, right side: This part is occupied by another divine triad: ram-headed Amun, Mut “Mistress of the heaven”, and Khonsu. The divine attributes are the same as the previous cylinder (= II.2.8). Here the Amun figure is visible, but it is not possible to recognise his hieroglyphic name. Instead, in II.2.8, the name of Amun (of Napata) is visible, but not his face. Even if the hieroglyphic signs copied by Chapman seem different with respect to the previous cylinder, I can guess that this god can be identified with Amun of Napata on the basis of the typology of his ram-head, characterized by curved horns around the ears, sun-disc, uraeus and two tall feathers (Pamminger 1992, 105-109).

Fig. 11b. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11736 a-b (reassembled by Author from RCK II, pl. CIV A).

Behind her, a fragmentary Khonsu is recognizable by his typical cap, lunar-disc, the partial long dress decorated with wings and by his fragmentary hieroglyphic name. This section could symbolise the locality of Napata, as explained in the following Comments. Lower section, left side: This part is occupied by another divine triad, formed by fragmentary deities: an almost totally missing god and two fragmentary goddesses. The god is recognizable only by his preserved w3s-sceptre and the goddesses by their long dresses and by a partial papyrus sceptre. Here, it is difficult to identify all the deities, because of its very damaged state, but it is possible

Behind Amun, Mut “Mistress of the heaven” wears a vulture crown, fragmentary double crown and a long dress decorated with wrapped wings. She holds a papyrus sceptre in her right hand and an ˁnḫ-sign in her left hand.

25

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths II.2.8, where only the upper section presents the starry sky. This detail could suggest a significant difference between the night aspect (= starry sky) and the diurnal one (= clear sky) of the sections.

to distinguish the upper part of two tall feathers of the central goddess. If the feathers are the same as present on II.2.8, in the same position, the goddess represented here could be identified with Hathor or a form of Hathor. The unidentifiable outside goddess presents the same position (hand in hand) as Satis on II.2.8, but no traces remain to identify the lost goddess with certainty.

On II.2.9 decoration, on the right-hand sides (upper and lower sections), it is plausible that two Kushite ramheaded Amun forms (‘Amun of Napata’ and ‘Amun-Ra of Kawa’) could be figured; on the left side of the upper section was surely represented another Amun form. His possible identification, in fact, is reasonable for the presence of two deities of his triad. For the fourth part (lower section, left side) it is possible that the unidentified god is another Kushite Amun. If this is correct, it is possible that the decoration of the cylinder could be symmetrically composed of two ram-headed Amun forms (‘Amun of Napata’ and ‘Amun-Ra of Kawa’) on the right side and of two human-headed Amun forms on the left side. The most important forms of Nubian human-headed Amun were ‘Amun of Pnubs’ (= Kerma)78 and ‘Amun-Ra, Bull of the Land of T3-Stỉ’ (= Sanam?)79.

Lower section, right side: This part is the only one in which the sky-sign is visible and filled by stars. It is occupied by another divine triad, of which only the first two figures are distinguishable: a ram-headed god (whose epithet is too fragmentary) and behind him, a (probable) goddess Mut “Mistress of the heaven”. So, it is likely that the third completely missing god could be identified with Khonsu or a goddess, as in the opposite part (lower section, left side). The typology of the ram-head, characterized by the undulating horizontal horns (distinctive of the ovis longipes palaeoaegyptiaca) with a great sun-disc and uraeus is typical of two gods: Khnum and Amun of Kawa. I can guess that the ram-headed god figured on the cylinder could be identified with Amun of Kawa, because from the XXV dynasty he would appear with iconographical features of Khnum and be worshipped in Nubia together with Satis and Anukis77. Besides, Amun (of Kawa) is the god forming the triad with Mut and Khonsu.

Therefore, the divine triads can be related to precise localities: • Napata (upper section, right side on II.2.8 and II.2.9 (?) and also upper section, left side on II.2.8 and II.2.9 if it considers the Theban triad as the double of Napata); • Kawa (lower section, right side on II.2.9); • Pnubs (lower section, left side on II.2.8).

This section can thus represent the locality of Kawa, as explained in the following Comments. Vertical inscriptions: also on this cylinder, as on II.2.8, two (fragmentary) vertical inscriptions occur:

The identification of the localities can be reinforced by the mention made on the stela of Anlamani (Aspelta’s brother and predecessor), who gave his four kinswomen to the gods as sistrum-players (one to Amun of Napata, one to AmunRa of Gematen/Kawa, one to Amun of Pnubs/Kerma and one to Amun-Ra, Bull of T3-Stỉ (= Sanam?) (Macadam 1949, pls 15-16; FHN I, 223). In the stela text, after the coronation description at Kawa, Anlamani reports the visit of the Queen Mother, the appointment of the four royal kinswomen as sistrum-players and the encounter with Amun, which had to be the last actions of the coronation rituals. Also on other Napatan Enthronement Stelae, the Amun temples are mentioned as places of coronation at Napata, Kawa and Pnubs (later, in the Harsiyotef stela a fourth temple at Tara was added, dedicated to Bastet), all visited during the coronation journeys. The appointment of the sistrum-players seems to be connected with the king’s enthronement, because it was described in detail, as part of the coronation rituals.

a) The left inscription reads: “… (King of Upper and Lower Egypt), Mry-Ka-Ra, Son-of-Ra, Aspelta, may he live for ever, beloved of Amun-Ra, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands”. b) The right inscription reads: “[…] Lord of the Two Lands, Lord of doing things, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mry-Ka-Ra, Son-of-Ra, ….”. Base: rosette. Comments The comments are related to the two cylinders (= II.2.8 and II.2.9), because, in my opinion, they have to be considered an inseparable couple. The pattern of the decorations, in fact, is distinctive and analogous (fig. 11c) and only appears on these two cylinders, composed of twelve deities disposed in two rows and divided in four parts of three deities each. These two cylinders present differences regarding the cornice of the four sections; on II.2.9 decoration, the skysign (Gardiner sign-list N1) seems to be present only on the lower section and is filled with small stars, as against

77

Amun of Pnubs was represented as criosphinx at Sanam (Valbelle 2003, 193, fig.2) and in Gebel Barkal (Temple B 300. Robisek 1989, fig. p.118), while at Kawa he was represented with a human body (Temple T. Macadam 1955, 98). Also a New Kingdom stele from Kerma shows the human-headed Amun of Pnubs (Valbelle 2003, 202, fig. 7, pl. XII). 79 For the Nubian Amun forms, s. Pamminger 1992, 105-109. Pamminger did not mention the human form of Amun of Pnubs. For the different interpretation of the term T3-Sty, s. Vinogradov 2000a; 2010. 78

Török 2002, 80ff, 173ff, 187ff.

26

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders On the two cylinders only three localities (Napata, Kawa and Pnubs) are most likely identified thanks to their triads. One could almost venture to guess that the fourth missing locality was Sanam (?)80 and it can be identified with the triad on the upper section, left side on II.2.8, because the human-headed Amun-Ra of Sanam (?) formed his divine triad with Mut81 eye of Ra and Khonsu, as it can be seen on the lunette of the Adoption Stela of Aspelta82. Unfortunately, the inscription relating to Amun-Ra (“Amun-Ra, Lord of the Two Lands”) on the cylinder does not seem to confirm such hypothesis.

For better comprehending the role of the twelve/twentyfour deities, we need to try to find some significant connections concerning the number twelve/twenty-four. We know that twenty-four deities, divided into two groups of twelve, were connected with the Amduat. It is wellknown that the numbers twelve and twenty-four were associated with the division of the day, i.e. twelve hours for the day and twelve for the night. The twelve number is also connected with the journey of the sun god: “Other sources envisaged the sun god in an eternal voyage across the skies above and below the earth. At sunset, the Day Boat of the sun left the upper sky to be replaced by the barques for the moon and the stars. The Night Boat carrying the sun god was towed on water and over sand through the twelve regions of the underworld” (Pinch 2002, 92). Besides, the number twelve had a cosmic significance in the signs of the Egyptian zodiac.

If the cylinder is connected with the appointment of the sistrum-players (as priestesses of Amun), it is probable that the divine triads represented the places where the women were invested: Napata, Kawa, Pnubs and Sanam. If the cylinder is connected with the royal coronation, it is probable that the divine triads represented the places where it was repeated: Napata, Kawa and Pnubs (the northernmost coronation station). The fourth place could be again Napata.

The number twelve may have been considered as a multiple of three and four and so a ‘completion of plurality’ or a ‘plurality of completeness’ (Wilkinson 1994, 146). As the decoration is divided into four sections, I can assume that each section was dedicated to a geographical part and to a cardinal point and that this could imply an objective of acknowledging of his legitimacy over the world. In some Napatan stelae, the geographical connotations are mentioned in relation to the royal legitimisation, as the stela of Harsiyotef reads: “I give you the crown of the land of Nehesy. I give you the four corners of the land in its entirety” (ll. 11-13). The inscription of Irike-Amannote at Kawa (Kawa IX) reads “I give you every land, south, north, west and east”, a formula repeated four times (FHN II, 406, 408, 409, 419). I believe that it is no coincidence that the text repeats this territorial concept four times, like the number of the cardinal points, for indicating the entire world.

Interpreting the significance of the decoration is difficult, because some deities are missing, but I am convinced that the ideological meaning of the ‘twin’ cylinders should be explained by simultaneously analysing the decoration of the both cylinders (= II.2.8 and II.2.9). Anyway, if my hypothesis about the representation of the four Kushite Amun forms is correct, it is probable that this cylinder (= II.2.9) is linked with the feminine role of the sistrumplayers, as mentioned in Anlamani’s stela, or with the king’s coronations. It is significant that on the ‘twin’ cylinders the main inscriptions do not present the protection message generally pronounced by the goddesses. Therefore, it seems that the purpose for which these ‘twin’ cylinders were used, was different.

If the ‘outside’ lost goddesses (on II.2.9) corresponded to Satis and Anukis on the lower section, as on II.2.8, my hypothesis about the correspondence of Amun of Kawa (right side) might be confirmed. Anukis and Satis, in fact, formed a triad with Amun of Kawa83, even if “At Kawa wherever only one of these consorts [Anukis and Satis] is chosen to be represented it is Anukis who is preferred to Satis” (Macadam 1955, 87). This can be seen in the T temple (West face), where Aspelta is figured offering the maat-symbol to Amun of Kawa and Anukis Nety (Macadam 1955, pl. XVIII A), as abovementioned, while on the East face to Amun-Ra Lord of the Throne of the Two Lands and Mut eye-of-Ra (Macadam 1955, pl. XVIII B). Therefore, on the cylinder, on the right side, the triad could be formed by Amun of Kawa, Mut Mistress of the heaven and Anukis. So, Anukis appears in the same position (lower section, left side) of one represented on

The mention of the epithet “Lord of the appearances” (III.2) emphasizes the legitimation of Aspelta before twelve deities (or twenty-four, adding together the deities of II.2.8 and II.2.9). The royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” occurring on the Napatan cylinders (III.2) were usually used in Kushite titulatures and could be referred not to the Egyptian, but the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4).

80 Sanam was the probable birthplace of Alara, as mentioned in Nastasen’s stela (l. 8). FHN II, 477. 81 On the figure of Mut, s. II.2.1 Comments. 82 Louvre C 257. Also called Dedication Stela. The inscription records the investiture of Kheb/Henuttakhebit into a priestly office held formerly by Madiqen in the temple of Amun Bull of T3-Sty (= Sanam?). FHN I, 259ff. Vinogradov 2012.

“The emergence of the Kushite triad Amun-Satis-Anukis was probably determined by the association of the ram-god as god of fertility, water and Inundation with the deities of the cataract as bringers of the Inundation” (Török 1997b, 308-9). 83

27

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths I.2.8

Amun-Ra of Thebes, Mut eye-of-Ra and Khonsu

Amun-Ra of Napata, Mut eye-of-Ra and Khonsu

(= Napata? Sanam?)

(= Napata)

Ra, Hathor and Satis

Onuris/Shu, Tefnut and Anukis

(= Pnubs?)

(?)

II.2.9

Amun (?), Mut and Khonsu

Amun-Ra of Napata (?), Mut and Khonsu

(= Napata? Sanam?)

(= Napata?)

God (?), Hathor (?) and goddess (?)

Amun of Kawa (?), Mut and goddess (?)

(?)

(= Kawa?)

Fig. 11c. Comparison of the ‘twin’ cylinders.

But, if we try to replace the locality related to the Theban triad with Sanam, the significance seems to appear to be the pattern of the sites related to the appointment of the Kushite sistrum-players: Napata, Kawa, Pnubs and another locality, which is believed to be Sanam, i.e. the site situated on the river bank opposite Napata.

II.2.8. As regards the lower section, left side, the clearly identified elements are too scarce to suggest any possible parallels. For simplifying the identification of the deities on the two cylinders, I can propose a schematic pattern of the decoration (fig. 11c). We can try to search for the logical significance of the ‘twin’ cylinders by combining the ‘geographical’ data of two cylinders. So, if we consider the Theban triad as ‘the double of Napata’, it seems to appear to represent the schematic iter of the Kushite coronation journeys acted during the rituals of the king’s election, which started at Napata, continued to Kawa and Pnubs and then returned to Napata again, following the course of the Nile.

Even if the attempt of identification of the cylinders remains misinterpreted, the analysis of the cylinders suggests their unequivocal association with the Kushite kingship. *** It is necessary to add here that an unpublished cylinder (= II.3.1) was found in a box together with this cylinder (= II.2.9). The paper of Gänsicke–Kendall (2004, 28) reports “Recently a box was found in MFA storage containing 28

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders fragments of an unpublished cylinder sheath of unique type. Unfortunately, the tomb from which it derived is unknown”. The caption of its photo (G –K 2004, 28, fig. 12) reports: “Fragments of an unregistered cylinder sheath of unique type, found in box with MFA 21.11736”. II.2.10 Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: gilded silver Measurements: height: 8,4 cm; diameter: 2,8 cm Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70l Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11737 Condition: some parts missing. Restored This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11737. Dunham registered it with the number ‘16-470l’ (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CIV B, C). The cylinder is 8,4 cm high, with a diameter of 2,8 cm (fig. 12, pl. XIV). The cylinder decoration is composed as follows: Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with great sun-disc and uraeus; c) row of papyrus umbels alternating with small closed buds. In turn, the papyrus umbels are interchanged 1947, 11-18). with papyrus inflorescences84 (K

Fig. 12. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11737 (RCK II, pl. CIV B).

Main decoration: the scene shows a winged goddess (Mut?), wearing a vulture crown, double-crown (the red one is spotted) with uraeus. She is dressed in a long, lozenge patterned dress and holds a great ostrich plume in each hand. In front of Mut’s face, an inscription reads: “[…] Mry-Ka-[Ra].., given life”.

Comments

Base: simple rosette with 21 petals. Curiously, there is an odd number of petals.

The dimensions of this cylinder seem to be strangely smaller than the other cylinders; besides, observing the MFA photo (pl. XIV) it is clear that the usual ‘rings’ joining the ‘upper part’ with ‘the main decoration’ are missing. Certainty, the measurements reported by MFA do not take into account this lack, even if the dimensions of this cylinder seem to be really smaller86.

Behind Mut’s face another inscription reads: “Son-of-[Ra], Aspelta, given life”.

It is very probable that the represented goddess is to be identified with Mut87, both for her mention in the vertical inscription and for the double-crown with the red one spotted, which seems to be an exclusive attribute of Mut on the decoration of the Napatan cylinders (s. III.4.2). However, the identification of the goddess remains only very probable, because in II.2.5 the goddess name on the main inscription does not correspond to that of the main figure.

The scene is flanked by the heraldic deities of Upper and Lower Egypt. On the left, the fragmentary cobra-goddess Wadjet holds an ˁnḫ-w3s-symbol with šen-ring and is disposed above a nb-symbol over a clump of papyrus, representing the Delta. Both the cobra-goddess and the papyrus-plant symbolize Lower Egypt. On the right, the vulture-goddess Nekhbet, whose part of her hieroglyphic name is visible, holds the w3s-sceptre and the šen-ring in her claws, and is positioned on a nb-symbol over clump of lily85. Both the vulture-goddess and the lily-plant symbolize Upper Egypt.

The expression “may be protected thy flesh” indicates the protective role of the goddess to Aspelta; so, in the same way, the object which was originally inserted inside the

Vertical inscription: the vertical text reads: “(words) spoken by Mut, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Aspelta, may be protected thy flesh, in life”.

86 84 85

S. III.3. For the term ‘lily’ s. K

M

1947, 90.

87

29

For a significant comparison of the dimensions, s. L 2019, 146, nr. 121. On the figure of Mut, s. II.2.1 Comments.

-

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths cylinder also had to have a protective function for the king (III.2). II.2.11 Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: gilded silver Measurements: height: 12,4 cm; diameter: 3,1 cm Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70m Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11738 Condition: broken off in upper section. Damaged in the central part. Restored This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11738. Dunham mentioned it with the number “16-470m” (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CV A, B). The cylinder is 12,4 cm high, with a diameter of 3,1 cm (fig. 13). The cylinder decoration is composed as follows: Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with great sun-disc and uraeus, alternating with figures of leaves88; c) row of papyrus umbels alternating with small closed buds89. Main decoration: beneath a starry sky, the scene shows a winged goddess (perhaps Isis), wearing the vulture crown90, cow horns flanking the sun-disc, and uraeus. She is dressed with a long, lozenge patterned dress and holds a great ˁnḫ-sign in each hand. In front of Isis, there is an inscription which reads: “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Aspelta”. Behind Isis, another inscription reads: “Son-ofRa, Aspelta”.

Fig. 13. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11738 (RCK II, pl. CV A).

Base: small central little rosette of 8 petals, from which 4 great papyrus inflorescences arise, alternating with 4 narrow closed buds. Comments

The scene is flanked by the heraldic goddesses of Upper and Lower Egypt. On the left, the cobra-goddess Wadjet, all of whose the hieroglyphic name is visible, holds the w3s-sceptre and the šen-symbol and wears the spotted red crown. The goddess is disposed above a nb-symbol over a clump of papyrus, emerging from the water sign, representing the Delta. On the right, the vulture-goddess Nekhbet, all of whose hieroglyphic name is visible, holds the w3s-sceptre and the šen-symbol in her claws. She wears an atef-crown, and is placed on a nb-symbol over clump of lily91.

The identification of the winged goddess occurring on the main decoration remains uncertain, because of the lack of her personal hieroglyphic name. She may be both Isis92 and Hathor93; in fact, both the goddesses seem to share the same cow horn headdress (III.4.2). It is more likely to be Isis, because her name appears on the vertical inscription. This cylinder presents unique features, which does not appear on other cylinders: • the spotted red crown worn by the cobra-goddess Wadjet. This identical crown (III.4.2) is usually visible on the double crown94 of Mut95 on three cylinders (= II.2.1, II.2.4, II.2.10);

Vertical inscription: the text reads “(words) spoken by Isis, my carnal son, Aspelta, may be protected thy flesh, in life, stability and dominion”.

88 89 90 91

For the Napatan leaf motif, s. II.2.4. S. III.3. On the meaning of the vulture crown, s. II.2.1. For the term ‘lily’ s. Kantor 1947, 90.

92 93 94 95

30

On the figure of Isis, s. II.2.3 Comments. On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. On the meaning of the double crown, s. II.2.4. On the figure of Mut, s. II.2.1 Comments.

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders • for the first and only time the term ‘carnal’ in relation to the son of the goddess (= king) is mentioned. Perhaps, this term reinforced the concept of the divine legitimacy of Aspelta96. In the vertical inscription, the expression “may be protected thy flesh” indicates the protective role of Isis to Aspelta; so, in the same way, the object which was originally inserted inside the cylinder also had to have a protective function for the king (III.2). II.2.12 Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: gilded silver Measurements: height: 11,4 cm; diameter: 3,2 cm Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70n Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11739 Condition: damaged upper section. Restored This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11739. Dunham mentioned it with the number “16-470n” (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CVI A, B). The cylinder is 11,4 cm high with a diameter of 3,2 cm (fig. 14, pl. XV). The cylinder decoration is composed as follows: Upper part:

Fig. 14. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11739 (RCK II, pl. CVI A).

a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with great sun-disc and uraeus, alternated with figures of leaves97; c) row of papyrus umbels alternating with small closed buds. In turn, the papyrus umbels are interchanged with papyrus inflorescences98 (Kantor 1947, 11-18).

holds the w3s-sceptre and the šen-symbol in her claws and is placed above a nb-symbol over clump of lily100. Both the vulture-goddess and the lily-plant symbolize Upper Egypt. The signs indicating “may he live, be prosper and in health” are disposed close to the two heraldic plants, on the right and chaotically on the left of the main goddess.

Main decoration: the scene shows a winged Hathor of Dendera, wearing the vulture crown99, sun-disc with cow horns, and uraeus. She is dressed with a long, lozenge patterned dress and holds an ostrich plume and a probable ˁnḫ-sign in each hand. In front of Hathor, an inscription reads: “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Aspelta, beloved of Hathor of Dendera”. Behind the goddess, another inscription reads: “[Son-of-Ra] Aspelta, … given life”.

Vertical inscription: the text reads “.. (Aspelta?), beloved son, Aspelta, may he live for ever, may be protected thy flesh, in life, dominion …” Base: simple rosette with 16 petals. Comments The identification of the goddess as Hathor of Dendera is certain, for the presence of her hieroglyphic name close to her.

The scene is flanked by the heraldic deities of Upper and Lower Egypt. On the left, the fragmentary cobragoddess Wadjet, holding the w3s-sceptre (?), is disposed on a nb-symbol over a clump of papyrus, representing Lower Egypt. Her hieroglyphic name is shown behind the goddess. Both the cobra-goddess and the papyrus-plant symbolize Lower Egypt. On the right, the vulture-goddess Nekhbet, whose hieroglyphic name is visible behind her,

According to Chapman’s drawing, Hathor101 seems to hold two attributes in each hand: an ostrich plume (= symbol of maat) and an ˁnḫ-sign (= symbol of life). This type of feature seems to be unique, because on the decoration of the Napatan cylinders, the winged goddesses usually hold only one (or no) attribute (s. III.4.3).

For the legitimacy of Aspelta and his consequent damnatio memoriae, s. General comments. 97 For the Napatan leaf motif, s. II.2.4. 98 S. III.3. 99 On the meaning of the vulture crown, s. II.2.1. 96

100 101

31

For the term ‘lily’ s. Kantor 1947, 90. On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths In the vertical inscription, the expression “may be protected thy flesh” indicates the protective role of the goddess to Aspelta; so, in the same way, the object which was originally inserted inside the cylinder also had to have a protective function for the king (III.2). II.2.13 Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: gilded silver Measurements: height: 11,8 cm; diameter: 3,1 cm Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70o Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11740 Condition: some parts of the main decoration missing; fragmentary upper section. Restored This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11740. Dunham mentioned it with the number “16-470o” (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CVII A, B). The cylinder is 11,8 cm high with a diameter of 3,1 cm (fig. 15, pl. XVI). The cylinder decoration is composed as follows: Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with great sun-disc and uraeus; c) row of papyrus umbels alternating with small closed buds. In turn, the papyrus umbels are interchanged with papyrus inflorescences102 (Kantor 1947, 11-18).

Fig. 15. Cylinder of Aspelta MFA 21.11740 (RCK II, pl. CVII A).

Base: simple fragmentary rosette, of which only 15 petals remain.

Main decoration: beneath a starry sky, the scene shows a fragmentary winged goddess who wears a long, lozenge pattern dress, without attributes in her hands. According to Chapman’s drawing, traces of a double-crown seem to be visible above the head of the main goddess. Two great crowned cobras appear to emerge directly from the upper part (of the head?) of the lost figure. The cobras “hold” a šen-symbol and the w3s-sceptre, while an ˁnḫ-sign is hanging down from their curved bodies.

Comments Unfortunately, the identification of the goddess remains difficult to recognise, because the upper part of her body is missing; also the headdress with its representative attributes and any inscriptions, which are generally showed in the upper part of the goddess, are unfortunately lost. It is likely she represents the goddess Mut or Hathor. The identification with Mut could be suggested by the presence of two elements: a) traces of a double crown, which seems to be an exclusive attribute of Mut on the decoration of the cylinders (III.4.2)103; b) her name in the vertical inscription.104 It is necessary to add that other elements of the decoration do not support her identification. In fact, the preserved decoration shows two great crowned cobras seeming to emerge directly from the head (?) of the lost figure. Commonly, such cobra’s representations are shown hanging from the sides of a sun-disc. One cannot exclude that this curious decoration could be the result of an incorrect placing of the fragments after cleaning, even if Chapman’s drawings are generally accurate and precise. Anyway, a similar decoration of two

A royal cartouche, in which the name Aspelta is written, occurs in front of the goddess. The cartouche is “crowned” by two plumes with sun-disc. It is probable that the same type of cartouche was symmetrically present behind the goddess. The scene is flanked by two seated figures of falconheaded Khonsu, with lunar-disc and uraeus above the heads, both placed on decorated festival-signs (Gardiner sign-list W3), as on another Aspelta cylinder (= II.2.2), above papyrus plants. Vertical inscription: the text reads “(words) spoken by Mut, Mistress of the heaven, my son, Aspelta, may be protected thy flesh, in all life, stability and dominion”.

On the meaning of the double crown, s. II.2.4. It is not certain, because in II.2.5 the goddess names on the main inscription and on the figure do not correspond. 103 104

102

S. III.3.

32

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders II.2.14

emerging cobras can be noted on little golden ornaments of Amanishakheto, (mentioned as “têtes hathorique” in the catalogue Soudan 1997, 320 nr. 354), where the double cobras emerge from the head of Hathor105. Another similar feature is visible on the so-called “shield ring”106, where two cobras emerge directly from a great crowned sun-disc in which the udjat-eye is shown. On a Napatan faïence amulet, a lioness-headed winged goddess has a cobra (perhaps there were originally two) hanging from the sun-disc above her head (Kormysheva 2006, 49 nr. 14). Other evidences are attested on the faïence pendants decorated with a Hathoric head and flanked by uraei on each side (Kormysheva 2006, 50 nr. 15; 268 nr. 276. MFA 24.659 from Ku. 53). Another significant parallel can be seen on the top of a sistrum, in which double cobras emerge from the head of Hathor (London BM EA38172), as on a Kushite ram-headed scaraboid, where the double cobras emerge from the head of Hathor which is placed between two udjat–eyes and arises from a lotus flower (MMA 30.8.1043). It is remarkable that all these elements (Hathor with cobras, udjat-eye and lotus flower) are the same symbols occurring on the decoration of the cylinders. Therefore, the goddess could be identified with Hathor.

Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: gold Measurements: height: 7,5 cm (without the upper part); diameter: 2,9 cm Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70g Museum nr. inv: SNM 1372/1373 Condition: complete the base and the central section. Upper section missing (?) This gold cylinder is conserved in the Sudan National Museum of Khartoum, with the accession number: SNM 1372/1373. Dunham reports that the cylinder named ‘16-4-70g’ (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CII A) corresponds to one catalogued with the nr. inv. SNM 1371107, but some exhibition catalogues (Soudan 1997, 228-229 nr. 256; Sudan 2004, 129 nr. 104) numbered it with SNM 1372/1373. One would assume that present-day cataloguers would have reported the correct inventory numbers on the catalogue sheets; therefore, the cylinder SNM 1371 of Dunham’s record should be really considered SNM 1372/1373. The partial measurements of the cylinder are copied by Soudan 1997 (229, nr. 256): 7,5 cm high (without the upper part) with a diameter of 2,9 cm (fig. 16).

Anyway, the cobras decoration on the cylinder could represent the personification of the double uraeus, the most important symbol of the Kushite ideology. The uraeus was connected with the Eye of Ra, because the two terms “Eye” (= udjat) and “uraeus” (= wadjet) revealed a parallel word-play and shared the same meanings, as already mentioned in Comments of II.2.1. The cobra represents the generative powers of the eye, defender of the kingship (Troy 1986, 66, 71). The Eye of Ra was also linked to the goddesses Mut, Hathor, Isis and Tefnut; so, the mention of Mut on the main inscription is not unexpected. All of these iconographical elements were associated with the Gebel Barkal ideology. On the decoration, the presence of the festival sign, as on the decoration of II.2.2, could lead us to think that the cylinders were connected with - and so used during - the sed-festival (III.4.4). In the vertical inscription, the expression “may be protected thy flesh” indicates the protective role of the goddess to Aspelta; so, in the same way, the object which was originally inserted inside the cylinder also had to have a protective function for the king (III.2).

Fig. 16. Cylinder of Aspelta SNM 1372/1373 (RCK II, pl. CII A).

105 106

On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. Munich, SSÄK Ant., nr. 2446d.

107

33

Gänsicke–Kendall 2004, 24, n. 2 report Dunham’s numbering.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths The attribute held by the goddess, i.e. the ostrich plume, was connected with maat, symbol of order, justice and equilibrium.

The cylinder decoration is composed as follows: Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with great sun-disc and uraeus alternated with figures of leaves108.

II.2.15 Provenance: Nu. 8 Material: gold (from Dunham) Measurements: unknown to me Object register (from RCK II): 16-4-70i Museum nr. inv: SNM 1371 Condition: Unknown to me

Main decoration: the scene shows a winged goddess (Hathor or Isis?) wearing a simple, long dress and a vulture crown109, great sun-disc between cow horns with uraeus. She holds an ostrich plume in each hand. The scene is flanked by the heraldic goddesses of Upper and Lower Egypt. On the left, the vulture-goddess Nekhbet with white crown, whose hieroglyphic name is visible behind her head, holds the šen-symbol and the ˁnḫ-w3ssigns in her claws; she is placed above a nb-symbol over clump of lily110 (= Upper Egypt). On the right, the cobragoddess Wadjet with red crown holds the šen-symbol and the ˁnḫ-w3s-signs; she is placed on a nb-symbol over a clump of papyrus (= Lower Egypt). Her name is shown (“beloved of Wadjet, given life”). Between the goddess and the vulture an inscription reads “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mry-Ka-Ra, may [he live] for ever, beloved of the gods of the Lower and Upper Egypt”. Between the goddess and the cobra another inscription reads “Son-ofRa, Aspelta, for ever, beloved of the gods”. On the both sides some disordered hieroglyphic signs can be translated “given all the life, stability and power like Ra”.

This cylinder is conserved in the Sudan National Museum of Khartoum, with the accession number: SNM 1371. Dunham (RCK II, 277) reports that the cylinder named ‘16-4-70i’ corresponds to one catalogued with the inv. nr. SNM 1372-1373114, but, as already mentioned in II.2.14, some exhibition catalogues (Soudan 1997, 228-229 nr. 256; Sudan 2004, 129 nr. 104) numerated the above cylinder (= II.2.14) with SNM 1372/1373. Therefore, I can deduce that the numeration of two cylinders was wrongly reported in Dunham’s list. So, the cylinder SNM 1371 would seem to be the SNM 1372/1373 of Dunham. (RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CIII A). My description is based only on Kemp’s drawing. The measurements are unknown to me (fig. 17). The cylinder decoration is composed as follows:

Vertical inscription: the vertical text reads: “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mry-Ka-Ra, Son-of-Ra, Aspelta, beloved of Hathor, given life, for ever”.

Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with great sun-disc and uraeus115.

Base: simple rosette with 16 petals.

Main decoration: the scene shows a winged goddess (perhaps Mut) who wears a long, lozenge pattern dress, a vulture crown and the double crown. She holds an ˁnḫ-sign in each hand.

Comments According to Gänsicke–Kendall, this cylinder is made in pure gold (Gänsicke–Kendall 2004, 24), as well II.2.1111. The quality of this cylinder is less refined, even though made from very precious material, because some hieroglyphic signs are arranged in a disorderly manner. It seems to have been composed in a hurry way, without a precise organisation in the composition of the usual royal formulae.

The scene is flanked by the heraldic deities of Upper and Lower Egypt. On the left, the cobra-goddess Wadjet with red crown holds the šen-symbol and the w3s-sceptre, and is disposed on a nb-symbol over a clump of papyrus (= Lower Egypt). Her name is shown behind her head. On the right, the vulture-goddess Nekhbet with white crown, whose hieroglyphic name is visible, holds the ˁnḫ-w3ssigns and the šen-symbol in her claws. She is placed on a nb-symbol over a clump of lily116 (= Upper Egypt).

The winged goddess occurring on the main decoration of the cylinder may be Isis112 or Hathor113, but it is more likely to be the latter, because her name appears on the vertical inscription.

Between the goddess (Mut?) and the vulture an inscription reads “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mry-Ka-Ra, beloved of the gods, given life and stability (?)”. Between the goddess (Mut?) and the cobra another inscription reads “Son-of-Ra, Aspelta, beloved of [?], given life”.

For the Napatan leaf motif, s. II.2.4. On the meaning of the vulture crown, s. II.2.1. 110 For the term ‘lily’ s. Kantor 1947, 90. For the decoration of the upper parts, s. III.3. 111 Soudan 1997, 228-229 nr. 256 reports “or”; Sudan 2004, 129 nr. 104 reports “gold, silver”. 112 On the figure of Isis, s. II.2.3 Comments 113 On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. 108 109

Gänsicke–Kendall 2004, 24, n. 2 report Dunham’s numbering. S. III.3. 116 For the term ‘lily’ s. Kantor 1947, 90. 114 115

34

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders and/or by different goldsmiths. Thus, it is possible to think that the cylinders came from workshops of other Napatan places. If this is the case, one can conceive that they had been produced for some important royal ceremonies, such as coronations which took place at three - and later four – royal Napatan residences. Of the complete titulary of Aspelta, only his Throne name (Mry-ka-Ra) and Son-of-Ra name (Aspelta) occur on the cylinders. His Throne name recalls prototypes of the First and Second Intermediate Periods (FHN I, 228). His complete titulary was composed of archaising names, like that of Senkamanisken119. During Aspelta’s reign, some differences occurred in his royal protocol and this could be explained by his not legitimately ascending the throne. After Aspelta’s death, in fact, on the Election Stela (Cairo JE 48866) the names of the king, of his brother (Anlamani), of his mother (Nasalsa?)120, and his female ancestors were totally erased. This seems to indicate the desire to condemn the memory of the king and of his matrilineal succession line. On the lunette of his Election Stela, the main scene reveals a variant in the traditional coronation ritual; in fact, the king is kneeling in front of his queen-mother shaking two sistra (Grimal 1981, pls. V-VII). Here, the particular positions of the mother and the son are remarkable, because not only does the queen-mother’s position evoke her priestess’s function121, but also the uncommon position of Aspelta emphasizes and accentuates his will to be considered the legitimate king, as crowned directly by Amun-Ra seated behind him and guaranteed by his queen-mother. Besides, the king mentioned not only his mother in his stelae, but also seven generations of his female ancestors, as a further element of legitimacy reinforcement. It is plausible that his enthronement was not quite lawful, so that Aspelta tried by all means to emphasize his (improper) legitimacy. This aspect leads me to believe that the large number of cylinders could have been to emphasize just this aspect.

Fig. 17. Cylinder of Aspelta SNM 1371 (RCK II, pl. CIII A).

Vertical inscription: the text reads “(words) spoken by Mut, good god, Aspelta, … in all life, stability and dominion”. Base: simple rosette with 16 petals. Comments The identification of the goddess can be confirmed both by the name of Mut in the vertical inscription117 and by the double crown which seems to be only worn by Mut on the decoration of the cylinders (s. III.4.2)118.

Another difference seeming to have occurred in the time of Anlamani and Aspelta was the change of installation process for the appointment of the sistrum-players, introducing the active role of the husbands as those who appointed the sistrum-players to office (IV.2).

On the basis of Kemp’s drawing, part of the vertical inscription remains difficult to translate. Literally, it could be read “standing above the giving” or “who gives”, but the sense is not clear. General comments on the cylinders of Aspelta

Regarding the decoration of the Aspelta cylinders, the mother-goddesses Mut, Hathor, Isis and the other goddesses (Tefnut, Satis and Anukis) figuring on the decoration of Aspelta’s cylinders are linked to the myth of the Eye of Ra. Besides, the most represented are Hathor and Mut, who had a further special connection with each other. In fact, according to Troy, “Hathor and Mut are associated

It is noteworthy that the decorations of all fifteen cylinders were differed greatly from one another. In fact, it seems that they were made by different craftsmen, because the manufacturing style and the material used are also assorted, as already noted by Gänsicke–Kendall (2004, 28). This fact could represent an important element for indicating that the cylinders were created at different times

S. II.1.3 Comments. Also the face of the queen-mother. 121 Such position is usually personified by the iwnmutef priest. So, during the coronation of her son, she replaces the iwnmutef, so expressing her acting as priestess (FHN I, 245). 119

120 117 It is not certain, because in II.2.5 the goddess name in the vertical inscription does not correspond to name on the main decoration. 118 On the meaning of the double crown, s. II.2.4.

35

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths II.3.1

as complementary elements during the early years of the New Kingdom. […]. Mut is found in the temples of east bank in the realm of the living. Hathor, however, has her center on the west bank in association with the realm of the dead. The solar eye and night sky relate to the realms of the ‘living’ and the ‘dead’. Both the goddesses enjoy a consort relationship to Amun at Thebes. One is the mother of the lunar child Khonsu, the other of the solar Horus” (Troy 1986, 61).

Provenance: MFA storage Material: ? Measurements: none Object register (from RCK II): none Museum nr. inv: unregistered Condition: fragmentary The cylinder was found in a box from MFA storage. Since Dunham did not report this cylinder, its description is based only on Gänsicke’s drawing (fig. 18).

On the cylinders of Aspelta, the winged goddesses generally bear an attribute in each hand (III.4.3) and almost always it is the ostrich plume, symbol of truth, justice and cosmic order; sometimes the goddesses hold an ˁnḫ-sign, symbol of the giving of life, and sometimes the goddesses carry no attributes; in a single instance (= II.2.12) the winged goddess seems to hold two attributes in each hand (ostrich plume and ˁnḫ-sign).

The decoration of the cylinder is composed as follows: Upper part: a) missing; b) row of ram’s heads with hem-hem crown, alternating with figures of leaves (?)122.

Regarding the inscriptions, as already mentioned, the royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” used on the cylinders could be referred not to the Egyptian, but the Kushite context (III.2) and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4).

Main decoration: a standing king with cap-crown, uraeus and long ribbons, offers a Maat symbol (?) to a quadruplewinged god, who wears a hem-hem crown and holds an ostrich plume. Behind the king, a winged goddess with lioness (?) head, great sun-disc over the head and ostrich plume in the right hand, protects the king in front of her with her spread wings. Between the king and the goddess, an udjat-eye with šwty feathers and solar disc is located on a stand with the shape of papyrus (?). The inscription linked to the king reads “Good god, Lord of the Two Lands”. The two rectangular spaces close to the two deities, which generally served to contain the names of the figures, were unfortunately left blank.

The recurrent expression “may be protected your flesh” occurs only on the inscriptions of the cylinders of Aspelta (= II.2.2, II.2.3, II.2.5, II.2.7, II.2.10, II.2.11, II.2.12 and II.2.13) and indicates the protective role of the goddesses pronouncing these words and also the protection function of the object which was originally contained inside the cylinders (III.2). Such protection will be examined later, in detail (IV.2).

Vertical inscription: it is very fragmentary, but it is possible to read a few signs: “Lord of the Two Lands, Lord of doing things (?), King of Upper and Lower Egypt (?)”.

The epithet “Lord of appearances” (III.2) is very frequently used on the cylinders of Aspelta. Such an epithet was generally employed to emphasize the ‘appearance as king’, i.e. the ‘enthronement’. Therefore, it is probable that these cylinders were used in connection with the coronation rituals.

Base: missing. Comments This cylinder is published for the first time in an article written by Susanne Gänsicke and Timothy Kendall (Gänsicke-Kendall 2004, 24, 28, figs. 12-13), who, unfortunately, did not report the detail of its material. From the drawing of Gänsicke, it is possible to establish that the decoration is very different than the other cylinders, because the figure of a king occurs for the first and only time, as well as the presence of a winged god. In the Nubian environment, the motif of the quadruple-winged deity can also be found on some golden ornaments123

The epithet nb ỉrt-ḫt (= lit. “Lord of doing things”) (III.2) is one of the most used on all the known Napatan cylinders and seems to have correlations with the royal power and the king’s role in creating and preserving the order in the world (Routledge 2007). II.3. Unknown Gänsicke–Kendall’s paper (2004, 24 n. 1, 28, figs. 1213) reports an unpublished cylinder, whose fragments were contained in a box together with another cylinder of Aspelta (= II.2.9) found in MFA storage. It is not known in which tomb such fragments were found.

For the Napatan leaf motif, s. II.2.4. For the decoration of the upper part, s. III.3. 123 Some examples in Kushite context: many scarab amulets (MFA 24.705; MFA 24.1019a; 24.1019.1; 24.672; 24.713), goddess amulet (MFA 24.1800). In Meroitic context: Bracelets (Munich, SSÄK Ant., nr. 2455 and nr. 2495a). Ring (Berlin ÄMP, nr. 1712). 122

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Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders the VII century BC to around the VI-V centuries BC. The epithet seems to have connections with the royal power (III.2). For the small motifs of the papyri and the udjat-eye, s. III.4.4. II.4. Queen Mernua (?) Queen Mernua was a minor wife of Aspelta. Her name m-rnw-3 occurs written without cartouche (Lohwasser 2001, 167) and she was buried in ‘Beg. S 85’ at Meroe (RCK IV, 366-375). Dunham described her tomb as follows: “Burial intact, but decayed. Mummy, head W. with silver trappings in place, lying on bench in three nested anthropoid coffins. Along both N. and S. walls of chamber, faience shawabti figures standing in situ. […] Name: Mernua, with title (on mummy band) of ḥm.t nsw.t. Same name on shawabti figures. Note: There were found on the coffin bench 3 complete pairs of eyes and eyebrows, and two brows and one eye of a fourth pair, leading to the conclusion that there had been a cartonage mummy case (with inset eyes) inside the three anthropoid wooden coffins. The mummy had been overlaid with silver trappings and covered with a net of faience and silver beads strung on braided silver wire. […] Although the burial was undisturbed, the tomb chamber had undoubtedly been entered: the finding of objects at base of stair, the lack of a doorblock, and the remarkable paucity of grave goods with such a rich burial make that evident” (RCK IV, 366). And also: “She lay encased in a triple set of wooden anthropoid coffins upon a low bench in the center of the room, and all about against the walls of the chamber stood the faience shawabti figures from which her name was recovered” (Dunham 1958, 125). Her wooden coffins were totally destroyed. Differently from the other royal queens of Aspelta’s period, her tomb was located at Meroe (and not at Nuri). Surely, she was considered a minor wife, because her name is not found inscribed inside the royal cartouche.

Fig. 18. Unknown Cylinder (courtesy of Gänsicke–Kendall 2004, fig. 13).

and on tomb walls124. From the drawing of Gänsicke, the winged god on this cylinder seems to wear the hem-hem crown, a tripled form of the atef crown, which appears to be associated with the verb hem, “to be hot, burn” (Wb. II, 489.15-16) and to have a meaning of regeneration. The same hem-hem crown also occurs above the ram’s heads on the ‘upper part’. A Kushite faïence pectoral or amulet125 discovered at el-Kurru cemetery (Ku. 53) shows a similar quadruple-winged deity with ram head and human figure; he is crowned with sun disc, horns, two-feathers, and two uraei emerging from the sun disc. I believe that the crown occurring on the unknown cylinder could be the same. Its reverse is incised with lotus flower over winged serpent on column, ‘ˁnḫ’ and ‘w3s’. The feminine deity on the right seems to be represented with a lioness head, because normally such a large sun disc is associated with the head of a lioness. If such is the case, she could be identified with Tefnut, because such a lioness goddess is already present on another cylinder (= II.2.8).

Her “probable” cylinder is here named II.4.1 and its notice is as follows:

The royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” occurring on the Napatan cylinders (III.2) were usually used in Kushite titulatures and could be referred not to the Egyptian, but the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4).

II.4.1 Provenance: MFA storage (Beg. S 85?) Material: ? Measurements: none Object register (from RCK II): none Museum nr. inv: unregistered Condition: fragmentary

The epithet nb ỉrt-ḫt (= “Lord of doing things”) seems to be written in the vertical inscription and its occurrence just does not help us identify its possessor with certainty, because this epithet often appears on other cylinders (= II.2.1; II.2.8; II.2.9; II.8.1; II.9.1), dated from the end of

The fragments of this unpublished cylinder were found in a box from MFA storage together with fragments of the mummy trappings of Queen Mernua from Meroe, but the mention of her cylinder does not occur in the records of Dunham. The existence of this cylinder is announced by Susanne Gänsicke and Timothy Kendall who added: “it is unclear whether the latter fragments were found at Meroe or whether they were simply placed with the

124 At Meroe, a ‘multi-winged’ deity occurs in the middle of the cornice of the pylon of Amanishakheto’s pyramid (Beg N 6). Dunham 1952, pl. 17. 125 MFA 24.696 from the tomb of the queen Tabiry.

37

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths The tomb of Aramatelqo (pl. IIIa) was composed of a superstructure with a sandstone masonry pyramid (27,74 m square) on plinth course, and a substructure below the level of the ground with a sandstone chapel without pylon. A stair of 60 steps runs to three undecorated chambers: A, B and C. No traces of coffin-bench or sarcophagus were found.

Mernua material in post-excavation handling at the MFA” (Gänsicke–Kendall 2004, 24 n. 1). Unfortunately, also in this case, the detail of the material of the cylinder is not reported in the article. It was not possible to have the photograph of the cylinder, because of its too fragmentary status and its extreme fragility. Its damaged conditions do not permit a valid description of the cylinder.

According to Dunham, there could have been two cylinders from this tomb. In fact, the text records: “Many fragments of probably two cylinder-sheaths similar to those from Nu. 8, but impossible to reconstruct fully, gilded silver or electrum”. Some fragments were discovered “Washed debris above roof falls in A [chamber]” and others “debris in A [chamber]” (RCK II, 121).

Comments Not having a photograph or a drawing to examine, it is difficult to comment. The unique relevant element is the abnormality of the discovery of the cylinder fragments. It seems improbable that Mernua had a precious cylinder given that she was buried in Meroe and that she was only a minor wife, who did not deserve to have her name inscribed in a royal cartouche. All Napatan cylinders, in fact, were found at the cemetery of Nuri and the queen-owners of the cylinders were important members of the royal families and their names inscribed inside the royal cartouche. Besides, if the cylinder had belonged to Mernua, the lack of Dunham’s notation of it remains difficult to explain.

His cylinders are here named II.5.1 and II.5.2, and their description is as follows: II.5.1 Provenance: Nu. 9 Material: gilded silver or electrum Measurements: none Object register (from RCK II): 17-1-211; 227; 239; 416 Museum nr. inv: MFA 20.265 Condition: fragmentary

Therefore, the abovementioned elements make me think that these cylinder fragments did not belong to the queen Mernua. Probably, the last affirmation of Susanne Gänsicke and Timothy Kendall that the fragments “were simply placed with the Mernua material in post-excavation handling at the MFA” (Gänsicke–Kendall 2004, 24 n. 1) remains the best explanation.

This gilded silver or electrum cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, with the accession number: MFA 20.265. It is impossible to indicate the actual measurements, because of its too fragmentary status. (RCK II, 121, 278, pl. CIX A, XCIII C). (fig. 19).

II.5. King Aramatelqo

The cylinder decoration is composed as follows:

Data on the reign of Aramatelqo (or Amtalqa in earlier literature) are very few. On the basis of the situation of his pyramid burial ‘Nu.9’, Aramatelqo is considered to have been son and successor of Aspelta (FHN I, 290-291). It is probable that Queen Amanitakaye (II.7) was his wife, and since she bears the title “king’s mother”, she is also believed to have been the mother of King Malonaqen. Aramatelqo’s reign may be dated to the first third of the VI century BC.

Upper part: a) fragmentary row of uraei (with probable sun-disc); b) fragmentary row of falcon headed Khonsu figures with lunar-disc and uraeus, holding an ostrich plume. The seated Khonsu figure is alternated with a cartouche “crowned” by two plumes and sun-disc with the name of the king; c) a horizontal inscription occurs. The Ra-sign represents the middle of the line and it is the point from which the inscription has to be read, in the two opposite directions. From left to right: “Son-of-Ra, Aramatelqo, beloved of Hathor of Dendera, given life, [like] Ra”. From right to left: “W3dj-K3-Ra, beloved of Amun-Ra, given life [like] Ra”.126

He was buried in Nuri (‘Nu. 9’), whose “identification is assured” (Reisner 1918b, 51). “After the building of VIII, there could be no hesitation in selecting the place of IX for the next large pyramid. The area “north” of VI was cramped by the fall of the rock towards the “northern” wady, and the space between VI and VIII was barred as before out of respect to the tomb of Tirhaqa. But between VIII and the bend in the ridge, a space of 80 meters offered every possible advantage of natural position and of proximity, and every part of the space presented equal natural suitability. The obvious procedure was to select a site at a comfortable distance from VIII. On such a site stands pyramid IX, nearly in the middle of the space, about on a line with VIII and leaving some 18 meters between the two” (Reisner 1918b, 51).

Main decoration: fragmentary figure of winged goddess (Hathor?) with an unique visible attribute: a large ostrich plume in her left hand. It is probable that the lost plume motif was repeated on her right hand. On the right of the goddess there is a fragmentary inscription “Son-of-Ra,

126

38

S. III.3.

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders Lands, Lion over the Southlands, who is in Gem-pa-aten (= Kawa)”. Other examples are visible on the relief from the Amun temple of Sanam, built by Taharqo, where a criosphinx is mentioned as “Amun of Pnubs”; at Kawa, where Taharqo is mentioned  as “beloved of Amun-Ra, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, Lion over the South, who resides in Gem-pa-aten (= Kawa). The same epithet occurs twice in the Coronation Stela of Anlamani (Kawa VIII, ll.2, 15; FHN I, 218, 221). Furthermore, Nastasen is mentioned as “the great devouring Lion, who establishes every land” and at the same time “son of Amun” (Nastasen stela, l. 2; FHN II, 474). The lion connected with Amun seems to be in close relationship with the solar god and the Occident (= night), as mentioned in the New Kingdom “falcon in the day, lion in the night”. In the PLeyden 350 Amun is “a mysterious lion, great of roar […] bull for his place and lion for his people” (de Witt 1951, 215-220). We only know the Throne name (= W3dj-K3-Ra) and Son-of-Ra name (= Aramatelqo) of the king, and they are those occurring on the cylinder. The W3dj-K3-Ra (= lit. “Ra is One whose ka endures”) name imitates the Throne name of an obscure king of the VIII dynasty (FHN I, 290). Aramatelqo is called “beloved of Amun-Ra Harakhty” on his statue from the Amun temple at Napata, representing the king wearing the jubilee (sed-festival) robe129. Fig. 19. Cylinder of Aramatelqo (Amtalqa) MFA 20.265 (RCK II, pl. CIX A).

A gold necklace spacer discovered at Meroe bears the names of Aramatelqo130. On one side, the inscription reads “Son of Ra, Lord of the appearances, Aramatelqo, living forever, beloved of Hathor, Lady of Dendera, beloved of the gods, given life”. The text on the other side reads “The king of Upper and Lower Egypt, W3dj-K3-Ra, living forever, beloved of Ra-Harakhty, the great god, Lord of heaven, given life forever”.  The goddess (Hathor of Dendera) mentioned on the necklace spacer occurs on the inscriptions of the cylinder.

A…”, and part of a seated lion (whose forelegs alone are visible) above a structure (palace facade?) decorated with the w3s-ˁnḫ-signs. It is possible that the lion motif was repeated on left side. Vertical inscription: missing. Base: missing.

The cylinder appears to have been manufactured to a high standard of quality.

Comments The horizontal inscription occurring in this cylinder also is present in another cylinder (= II.9.1) and it mentions two deities: Hathor127 of Dendera and Amun-Ra. Perhaps, the mention of these two deities permits the identification of the represented figures. It is very likely, in fact, that the main figure of goddess is to be identified with Hathor128. Furthermore, next to her, the lion (or sphinx) figure, which is the only-such representation on cylinder decorations, can be identified with a hypostasis of Amun. The latter identification can be confirmed by some epithets found in Napatan environment, as for example the stela of Panakht from Temple A at Kawa (Macadam 1949, pl. 3), which shows Amun-Ra, Ra-Harakhty and Atum on the lunette. Here Amun-Ra is named “Lord of Thrones of the Two

II.5.2 Provenance: Nu. 9 Material: gilded silver or electrum Measurements: unknown Object register (from RCK II): 17-1-211; 227; 239; 416 Museum nr. inv: unknown Condition: unknown The only mention of a second cylinder is given by Dunham (RCK II, 121), as already said, but he did not report the inventory number. It remains uncertain whether the cylinder was really existed or had been lost.

On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. It is not certain, because on II.2.5 there is an incongruity between the goddess represented on the main decoration (= Isis) and the goddess mentioned in the vertical inscription (= Hathor of Dendera). 127 128

129 130

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Berlin 2249. Brooklyn Museum nr. 49.29.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths II.6. Queen Madiqen

Her cylinders are here named II.6.1 and II.6.2, and their description is as follows:

Madiqen was the daughter of Senkamanisken and Nasalsa; sister and wife of Anlamani and then of Aspelta; adoptive mother of Kheb/Henuttakhebit131 (Dunham-Macadam 1949, 144). Being “king’s sister” and “king’s wife”132, Madiqen could have been married to Aspelta after the death of Anlamani, her previous husband (FHN I, 267; Lohwasser 2001, 165-166).

II.6.1 Provenance: Nu. 27 Material: gilded silver Measurements: height: 13,2 cm; diameter: 3,3 cm. Object register (from RCK II): 18-3-1012 Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11746 Condition: almost complete. Restored

Her name m-d-j-q-n(n) always occurs inscribed inside a royal cartouche (Vinogradov 2009).

This gilded silver cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11746.

The text of the Adoption Stela of Aspelta (Louvre C 257) records that the “king’s sister and king’s wife” Madiqen133 (with the “king’s mother” Nasalsa and the “king’s sister and king’s daughter” Kheb/Henuttakhebit) was formerly appointed by Anlamani to the office of the sistrum-player134 of Amun, Bull of T3-Sty135 (= Sanam?), “placing a sistrum of silver in her right hand” (FHN I, 259ff, l.11)136. From the text, it seems that Anlamani gave her a silver sistrum as a seal of her appointment.

The cylinder is in gilt silver, even though Dunham (RCK II, 110) records “18-3-1012: Gold “cylinder-sheath”: winged goddess between two seated deities in relief, inscriptions incised”. It is 13,2 cm high, with a diameter of 3,3 cm. (RCK II, 110, 293, pl. CVIII A, B) (fig. 20, pl. XVII a, b). The composition of the cylinder decoration is disposed as follows:

As indicated by Anlamani’s inscription (Kawa VIII, ll. 23-25), Madiqen, Anlamani’s wife, was appointed into priestly office during Anlamani’s coronation, when also three further “king’s sisters” were appointed into parallel offices in the Amun temples of Napata, Kawa and Pnubs. In the Adoption Stela of Aspelta, the office was given to Kheb/ Henuttakhebit “king’s sister, king’s daughter, the mistress of the land, the eldest daughter of the king’s sister and king’s wife of the Living One, Madiqen” (l.14). On the epithet “the living one” which precedes the name of Madiqen, Vinogradov suggests the possibility that Madiqen was no longer alive at the time of Kheb/Henuttakhebit’s installation (Vinogradov 2009). She was buried at Nuri in the tomb called ‘Nu. 27’. Her tomb (pl. IIIb) was composed of a superstructure with a sandstone masonry pyramid on plinth course and a sandstone chapel, and a substructure of 32 stairs running to two undecorated chapels: A and B. No coffin-bench was found, but it remains confirmed her mummification, because “One complete mummy-eye and frame and a gold finger-cap, constitute the only concrete evidence of mummification” (RCK II, 110). In her tomb, Dunham (RCK II, 110) mentions the presence of several fragments of two different cylindrical sheaths, discovered in the “A [chamber] in floor debris” and in “B, siftings”.

For the name of this princess, s. Vinogradov 2000b. Adoption Stela of Aspelta. Louvre C 257. FHN I, 259-268. 133 On the titulary of this queen, s. Vinogradov 2009. 134 Contra Vinogradov 2012. 135 For the different interpretation of the term T3-Sty, s. Vinogradov 2000a, 2010. 136 Corrigenda from FHN IV, 1231, rectify the “left/right”. 131 132

Fig. 20. Cylinder of Madiqen MFA 21.11746 (RCK II, pl. CVIII A).

40

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders This cylinder recalls vaguely the pattern of another cylinder of Aspelta (= II.2.2), although Hathor139 is replaced by Isis (?)140. Unfortunately, the hieroglyphic signs are not very accurate and this causes some confusion. Double-plumed cartouches occurring on the upper part of this cylinder present a problematic question. In fact, generally, doubleplumed cartouches on the upper part of the Napatan cylinders show two royal names of “Son-of-Ra” and “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” of the king (III.2), but on the cylinder of Madiqen the hieroglyphic signs are almost unintelligible. One of her double-plumed cartouche presents the name “Madiqen”, and the second cartouche seems to show another name (perhaps Isis?).

Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of seated falcon-headed Khonsu with great sun (or lunar?) disc. The god figures hold an ostrich plume and are alternated with cartouches crowned by double plume and sun-disc. In turn, the cartouches present an alternate name: “Madiqen” and “ (?)”.137 Main decoration: a winged sun-disc is positioned in the middle of a simple horizontal cornice, under which a row of little stars occurs. The scene is occupied by a winged goddess (Isis?), who wears a vulture crown with a sundisc flanked by cow horns. She holds an ostrich plume in each hand and wears a long dress decorated with the typical lozenge pattern. Under the wings, two udjat-eyes are figured at the foot of Isis. The scene is flanked by two symmetrical Amun forms, as in two other cylinders (= II.2.2 and II.8.1):

The identification of the term “Isis” seems to be confirmed by the comparison with the hieroglyphic signs forming the name of the winged goddess, even if their rendering is almost indecipherable. But it remains unclear whether this name (Isis?) refers to a ‘second name’ of the queen or to the winged goddess. If the name inside the second cartouche mentions another name of the queen, this would be the first case we know of a queen having two names and it is reasonable to believe that the choice of the winged goddess Isis on the main decoration was influenced by her second personal name. The queen’s “Isiac” name inside the cartouches could have different readings as “3s.t-qo”, “3s.t-šw-qo” or “3s.t-j-s-qo”. To date it is not known whether Madiqen possessed a second name141. If this is the case, whatever her name is, it is very important to confirm the existence of a previously unreported ‘new’ Napatan name of the queen.

a) on the left, a seated ram-headed “Amun-Ra of Napata (?)”, with sun-disc and two tall feathers above the head. The inscription related to him remains hard to translate; b) on the right, a seated anthropomorphic “Amun-Ra, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands (?)”, with two tall feathers crown and ribbons behind the head. The gods are identified by means of the hieroglyphic inscriptions located in front of their headdresses, respectively. Both the gods hold the ˁnḫ-sign and are seated on the top of the rectangular structure, evoking ‘the palace façade’.

However, if this cartouche does not indicate a second name of the queen, we can suppose that it was a kind of epithet: perhaps “3s.t-qo”, where “-qo” could be translated as the later Meroitic demonstrative pronoun = “this (is) Isis”. This suggestion also remains hypothetical.

The inscription placed in front of Isis (?) reads: “Isis (?), given life”; below the inscription, the name “Madiqen” occurs inscribed in a cartouche.

I believe, however, that the second cartouche was referred to the queen’s name, because it was inscribed inside a royal cartouche, and that such a personal theophoric name had influenced the presence of the goddess Isis on the main decoration.

Between the names of Isis (?) and the anthropomorphic Amun there is a falcon Horus with double crown138, located above a stand (= serekh?). Vertical inscription: The vertical inscription reads “AmunRa … Lord of the Thrones (?) of the Two Lands, given life, king’s sister, king’s wife, ?, Mistress (?), Madiqen, given life for ever”.

In the vertical inscription three signs, which appear to be the ones indicating the plural, are difficult to translate. The royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” occurring on the Napatan cylinders (III.2) were usually used in Kushite titulatures and could be referred not to the Egyptian, but the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4).

Base: fragmentary simple rosette with 16 (?) petals. Comments The stylistic execution of this cylinder proves to be rather rough and unrefined, with irregular figures and imperfect signs. The rendering of the inscriptions is very bad and unintelligible and it makes very difficult the reading and problematical the translation.

On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. On the figure of Isis, s. II.2.3 Comments. 141 The important Lohwasser’s study on the Napatan royal women does not report a second name of Madiqen (Lohwasser 2001, 124, 165). 139 140

137 138

S. III.3. On the meaning of the double crown, s. II.2.4.

41

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths to have been the mother of the King Malonaqen. She lived in the first third of the VI century BC. Her name jmn-t3k3(-j) always occurs inscribed inside a royal cartouche. Amanitakaye bears a theophoric personal name, containing a reference to the god Amun (“Amani”).

The identification of the goddess remains however uncertain, because the headgear of the sun-disc with cow horns was indifferently used both by Isis and Hathor on the decorations of the Napatan cylinders (III.4.2). However, I am inclined to identify the main goddess with Isis for the presence of almost unintelligible hieroglyphic signs close to her, which seem to suggest her name. Certainly, this inscription is connected with the winged goddess, because the inscriptions on the decoration referring to the deities (as two forms of Amun) are inscribed inside rectangular contours, while those referred to the queen are inscribed in the usual oval cartouche.

She was buried at Nuri in the tomb named ‘Nu. 26’. Her tomb (pl. IVa) was composed of a superstructure with a sandstone masonry pyramid on plinth course and a sandstone chapel, and a substructure of 46 steps running to two undecorated chapels: A and B (RCK II, 145-146). A granite stela was discovered in situ in the chapel niche. Figures of Osiris, Hathor, Isis, and the Queen were cut in its tympanum in very rough outline. The main body of the stela remained uninscribed (RCK II, 148).

The motif of the two figures of Amun of Napata and Amun of Thebes also is present in other cylinders (= II.2.2 and II.8.1) and is linked with the Gebel Barkal ideology (III.4.4). For the motif of the udjat-eyes, s. III.4.4.

Amanitakaye’s cylinder is here named II.7.1 and its description is as follows:

II.6.2

II.7.1

Provenance: Nu. 27 Material: gold/electrum Measurements: none Object register (from RCK II): 18-3-108, 1011 Museum nr. inv: MFA 18-3-109 Condition: fragmentary

Provenance: Nu. 26 Material: silver gilt or electrum Measurements: height: 12,7 cm; diameter: 3,1 cm Object register (from RCK II): 18-2-667, 670 Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.11745 Condition: parts of the main decoration missing. Restored

The existence of this second cylinder is recorded by Dunham (RCK II, 110) in the following way: “18-3-108, 1011 Several frags. thin sheet gold with faint traces of design, probably once laid over a silver base. Apparently parts of another “cylinder sheath” similar to 18-3-1012 below”. Dunham registered these fragments with the number 18-3-108-110 without the accession number of MFA (RCK II, 293), while the online MFA catalogue reported its accession number (MFA 18-3-109) writing: “Several pieces of a [gold/electrum] cylinder sheath, including part of a bottom rosette”142.

This silver gilt cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.11745. Fragments of the silver gilt143 cylinder were discovered in floor debris in chamber A (RCK II, 146). Dunham records “18-2-667, 670: fragments of an electrum cylinder-sheath inscribed with incised kneeling figure and name and titles of Amanitakaye. Cleaned and reconstructed” (RCK II, 146).

Comments

The composition of the cylinder decoration is disposed as follows:

It is 12,7 cm high and the diameter is 3,1 cm. (RCK II, 146, 292, pl. CIX B, C). (fig. 21, pl. XVIII a, b).

Not having a photograph or a drawing to examine, it is difficult to describe and comment. The unique relevant element is its existence in fragments.

Upper part: a) row of uraei with sun-discs; b) row of very stylised figures of leaves144.

We know only that the cylinder presented “faint traces of design” as decoration and included “part of a bottom rosette”.

Main decoration: an anthropomorphic god Heh, crouching with one knee touching the gold-symbol, wears a postiche beard, a band tied at the head with the year-sign and a great sun-disc. He holds a curved palm frond, ending with a frog, in each hand; a great ˁnḫ-sign hangs from each curved side of the palm frond and perhaps another fragmentary ˁnḫ (?) from his left elbow.

II.7. Queen Amanitakaye Queen Amanitakaye was the daughter of Aspelta and possibly sister and wife of Aramatelqo. Since Amanitakaye bears the titles “king’s sister” and “king’s mother” (RCK II, fig. 111; Lohwasser 2001a, 145), she is also believed

Dunham records “electrum”. For the Napatan leaf motif, s. II.2.4. For the decoration of the upper part, s. III.3. 143

http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/fragments-of-a-cylindersheath-333419. 142

144

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Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders interpretation of the inscriptions is very comprehensible and its translation extremely unequivocal. For the first and only time the epithet “justified” occurs on the Napatan cylinders. It is mentioned in the vertical inscription and suggests that Amanitakaye was dead when the cylinder was manufactured. This can also be confirmed by the main decoration, representing Heh, god connected with the concept of time duration, and not the usual winged goddess. I believe that the decoration with the usual protective winged goddess could not be used on this cylinder, since the goddess was connected with a ‘living’ royal person. In fact, the pronounced utterances of the winged goddess involved the protection “of the [living] flesh”, i.e. the living king. This represents an unusual and unique situation, because the epithet “justified”, i.e. “dead”, does not occur on the other Napatan cylinders. It is plausible that the death of Amanitakaye had happened suddenly and/or unexpectedly, possibly when the cylinder was already being manufactured. The two undecorated chapels of her tomb (RCK II, 145-146) could be a further reason for supposing her sudden death, as well the very rough cutting of her funerary stela which remains uninscribed (RCK II, 148). Or alternatively, the son, recently enthroned, wanted to offer a tribute showing devotion and gratitude to his newly-dead mother. We are certain that the son was crowned, when Amanitakaye was alive, because she is called “king’s mother” and it is probable that (the living) Amanitakaye acted as the guarantor of the coronation of her son. Unfortunately, this point remains obscure, because the historical data regarding this period are too scarce to establish anything more than a hypothesis regarding what happened.

Fig. 21. Cylinder of Amanitakaye MFA 21.11745 (RCK II, pl. CIX B).

Vertical inscription: the vertical inscription reads: “King’s sister, king’s mother, Amanitakaye, justified like Ra, for ever”. Base: missing. Comments

II.8. King Amani-natake-lebte

It can be observed that the decoration of the cylinder presents a hasty and summary manner of execution with very stylized contours of the design. This can suggest the inaccuracy of the craftsman or a ‘sudden’ event which needed the rapidity of execution.

The family relationships of Amani-nataki-lebte are totally unknown and the period during which he reigned was hypothesised by Reisner thanks to the topographical position of his burial named ‘Nu. 10’ (RCK II, 154-157). So, his reign has been assigned to the second half of the VI century BC (FHN I, 293ff). His building activity at Meroe is attested by blocks from door jambs at the Amun temple. Amani-nataki-lebte bears a theophoric name composed of the mention of Amun (=Amani).

The rendering of the lines of the design, however, results it clean and comprehensive. As regards the decoration, this cylinder recalls the pattern of those of Senkamanisken (her grandfather and father of Aspelta), i.e. of the first known cylinders (= II.1.1, II.1.2 and II.1.3). The presence of the main decorative motif of the god Heh145 could be due to two reasons: 1) familial reason, because it evoked her family relationship with her grandfather; 2) ‘physical’ reason, because she was dead, as explained below.

He was buried at Nuri (‘Nu. 10’). The tomb of Amaninatake-lebte (pl. IVb) was composed of a superstructure with a sandstone masonry pyramid on plinth course and a sandstone chapel, and a substructure with 52 steps running to three painted (now illegible) chambers; A, B and C. The coffin-bench was partially sunk in the floor. The burial was completely plundered out. As noted by Dunham, “Evidences indicating the presence of a mummified burial are: a gold figure of a winged kneeling goddess (17-1-6) from the breast, a gold fingercap (17-1-2), and sheet gold ribbons (1612- 307). In addition a number of stone and glass inlay pieces suggest a decorated anthropoid case,

However, it is necessary to remark that the hieroglyphic signs are very clear to read, and consequently, the 145 For the motif of Heh god, palm branches, frogs and gold symbol, s. II.1.2.

43

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths but no traces of the usual mummy-eyes were found” (RCK II, 154). Amani-natake-lebte’s cylinder is here named II.8.1 and its description is as follows: II.8.1 Provenance: Nu. 10 Material: gilded silver Measurements: height: 12 cm; diameter: 3,1 cm Object register (from RCK II): 17-1-10 Museum nr. inv: MFA 20.275 Condition: complete. Base almost complete This gilded silver cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 20.275. The cylinder was discovered in the floor debris in chamber B (RCK II, 154-155). Dunham recorded “17-1-10: gold plated silver cylinder-sheath with bands of colored paste in cloisons, and decorated with winged standing goddess and cartouches of Amani-nataki-lebte” (RCK II, 155). It is 12 cm high and the diameter is of 3,1 cm146 (RCK II, 155, 278, pl. CX A, B). (fig. 22, pl. XIX). The composition of the cylinder decoration is constituted as follows: Upper part:

Fig. 22. Cylinder of Amani-natake-lebte MFA 20.275 (RCK II, pl. CX A).

a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of ram’s heads with great sun-discs and uraeus; c) band of cloisonné (now missing inlay)147.

Both the gods hold the ˁnḫ-w3s-signs and are seated on the top of a rectangular structure (= palace façade).

Main decoration: a winged sun-disc is positioned in the middle of a starry horizontal cornice. The central scene is occupied by a winged goddess (Isis or Hathor?), who wears a vulture crown148 with sun-disc flanked by cow horns. She holds an ostrich plume in each hand and wears a long dress decorated with the typical lozenge pattern.

Two identical inscriptions located in front and behind the goddess read: “Good god, Amani-natake-lebte”. The king’s name is inscribed in royal cartouches. Between the cartouches and the two Amun figures there are two falcon Horus figures with double crown149, disposed above a stand (= sereḫ?). The decoration ends with a band of cloisonné.

The scene is flanked by two symmetrical Amun forms:

Vertical inscription: the vertical inscription reads: “Good god, Lord of the Two Lands, Lord of doing things, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Manifestations-of-Ra-aregreat, Son-of-Ra, Amani-natake-lebte, may he live for ever, beloved of Amun-Ra, Lord of the Thrones of the TwoLands, given life”.

a) on the left, a seated ram-headed Amun-Ra [of Napata?], identified thanks to his inscription which reads: “beloved of Amun-Ra [of Napata?], given life”. The god wears sun-disc and uraeus and two tall feathers above his head; b) on the right, a seated anthropomorphic Amun-Ra [of Thebes?] identified thanks to his inscription which reads: “beloved of Amun-Ra, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, given life”. The god wears with two tall feathers crown.

Base: fragmentary cloisonné rosette with 24 (?) petals. Comments We know only two titles of Amani-natake-lebte (Throne name and Son-of-Ra name) and both occur on this cylinder. The Throne name of Amani-nataki-lebte replicated that

Soudan 1997, 230 nr. 258. S. III.3. 148 On the meaning of the vulture crown, s. II.2.1. 146 147

149

44

On the meaning of the double crown, s. II.2.4.

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders The tomb of Amaniastabarqo (pl. Va) was composed of a superstructure with a sandstone masonry pyramid and a sandstone chapel with pylon, and a substructure of 55 steps running to three chambers: A (decorated with now illegible hieroglyphic texts), B and C.

occurring in the titulary of Amenophis II of the XVIII dynasty. This cylinder vaguely recalls the decoration of one of Aspelta’s cylinders (= II.2.2), because of the presence of two Amun forms. The motif of the two figures of Amun of Napata and Amun of Thebes is present also in II.2.2 and II.6.1 and is linked with the Gebel Barkal ideology (III.4.4).

A granite stela, presumed to come from his chapel, but found in Coptic church ‘Nu. 100’, was re-used as a paving stone (RCK II, 169). Amaniastabarqo’s cylinder is here named II.9.1 and its description is as follows:

It is difficult to identify the winged goddess occurring on the main decoration with certainty, because of the lack of the personal hieroglyphic name. She may be Isis150 or Hathor151; in fact, both the goddesses seem to share the same cow horn headdress (III.4.2).

II.9.1 Provenance: Nu. 2 Material: gold or gilded silver Measurements: height: unrecorded; the upper part: 4 cm (tot. about 12cm); diameter: 3 cm Object register (from RCK II): 17-2-258 Museum nr. inv: SNM 1360 Condition: almost complete, but the upper part of the central section (‘main decoration’) is damaged.

The cloisonné is the only instance on the Napatan cylinders; the occurrence of this elegant technical manufacture represents the high quality of the workmanship in this period. The cloisonné rosette on the base still contains red-coloured cement with imprints of the (now missing) inlays. Therefore, this cylinder would have probably carried red inlays.

This gold or gilded silver152 cylinder is conserved in the Sudan National Museum of Khartoum, with the accession number: SNM 1360 (RCK II, 280).

The royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” occurring on the Napatan cylinders (III.2) were usually used in Kushite titulatures and could be referred not to the Egyptian, but the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4).

The cylinder was discovered in the debris in chamber B (RCK II, 168-169, pl. CXI A). Dunham recorded: “172-258: gold or electrum cylinder-sheath, damaged and incomplete. Winged Hathor standing, with seated figures of Amun on either side, and names of AMANIASTABARQA, all in repoussé relief with incised details. Upper section with frieze of uraei, inscription, and frieze of hawk-headed figures alternating with cartouches” (RCK II, 169).

The presence of the epithet nb ỉrt-ḫt (= “Lord of doing things”), as in II.2.1; II.2.8; II.2.9; II.3.1; II.9.1, points out the connections with royal power and with the order of the world (Routledge 2007). The translation of the epithet “Lord of the Thrones” remains unclear because the signs connected with the thrones could be two signs designating two ‘t’, perhaps referred to the following term of ‘lands’.

Its total height is unrecorded, but the upper part is 4,2 cm (tot. about 12 cm) and the diameter of 3 cm153 (fig. 23). The composition of the cylinder decoration is constituted as follows:

II.9. King Amaniastabarqo

Upper part:

The family relationships of Amaniastabarqo are unknown. It is possible that he was the successor of Karkamani on the basis of the topographical situation of his tomb named ‘Nu. 2’ (RCK II, 168-171). So, Amaniastabarqo may have reigned around the VI-V centuries BC (FHN I, 299-300). The king’s name is a theophoric name composed of the mention of Amun (=Amani).

a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) a horizontal inscription, whose ˁnḫ-sign determines the centre, reads from the centre to the right: “King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Amaniastabarqo, may he live for ever, beloved of Amun-Ra, Lord of Throne of Ra (?) of the Two Lands, given life, for ever”; from the centre to the left: “Son-of-Ra, Amaniastabarqo, may he live for ever, beloved of Atum, given life, for ever”;

He was buried at Nuri (‘Nu. 2’). His burial was completely plundered. Inlays and mummy-eyes indicate the mummification ritual for the king (RCK II, 168).

150 151

152 Soudan 1997, 229 nr 257 only reports “or”, while Nubia 2003, 260 nr. 233 reports “plata dorada, oro y pasta coloreada”. Also Dunham was in doubt, recording “gold or electrum”. 153 Soudan 1997, 229 nr 257. Nubia 2003, 260 nr. 233 reports: “alt. 6,6; diàm: 3,2cm”.

On the figure of Isis, s. II.2.3 Comments. On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments.

45

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths The goddess is flanked by two symmetrical Amun forms: a) on the right, a seated ram-headed Amun of Napata with sun-disc and two tall feathers above his head, in front of which the inscription “beloved of Amun of Napata” appears; b) on the left, a seated anthropomorphic Amun with sun disc and two tall feathered crown (the inscription connected with the anthropomorphic Amun is not drawn by Kemp). Both the gods hold the ˁnḫ-djed-w3s-signs and are seated on the top of a rectangular structure (= palace facade). Next to both of the Amun forms an inscription reads (on both sides) “given life, dominion…”, but it is difficult to understand to whom it relates. Between the inscriptions and the two Amun figures there are two falcon figures (= Horus-Ra) with double crown156, arranged above a sereḫ, in which the term ‘kingship’ is written. Close to each falcon figure a hieroglyphic sign of sun disc (= “Ra”) occurs for indicating the solar name of the falcon god. The scene ends with a granulation band with a ziz-zag pattern, similar to the band above the main decoration.

Fig. 23. Cylinder of Amaniastabarqo SNM 1360 (RCK II, pl. CXI A).

Vertical inscription: the vertical inscription reads “Good god, Lord of the Two Lands, Lord of doing things, Son-ofRa, Lord of the appearances (?), Amaniastabarqo, may he live for ever, … given life”.

c) row of seated falcon Khonsu figures with lunar-disc above the heads and ostrich plume in hand, alternated with interchanged cartouches “Amaniastabarqo” and “Ra-is-One-whose-ka-is-choice”, surmounted by two plumes.154

Base: a combination of Nymphea flowers presents a little central rosette with 12 petals delimited by another four large petals in the foreground, with a further four secondary petals and eight minor petals. Comments

Main decoration: below a granulation band with ziz-zag pattern (now missing), a winged sun-disc is positioned in the middle of a starry horizontal cornice. Below this cornice, the central scene is occupied by a winged Hathor, on whom only traces of a vulture crown and uraeus remain155. She holds an ostrich plume in each hand and wears a long dress decorated with the typical lozenge pattern. Two identical inscriptions are located in front of and behind Hathor and read: “Son-of-Ra, Amaniastabarqo, may he live for ever, beloved of Hathor of Dendera (?), given life”.

The decoration work is excellent with a very accurate rendering of the elegant granulation technique. The embellishment of the granulated bands with a zig-zag pattern is similar to another cylinder of Aspelta (= II.2.2). Both names of Amaniastabarqo (Throne name and Son-ofRa name) are present on the cylinder. According to FHN, the Throne name (“Ra is One whose ka is choice”) seems to have been created especially for Amaniastabarqo “in the spirit of the long tradition of Kushite throne names consisting of the element K3-Ra starting with Shabaqo’s Throne name” (FHN I, 299).

Below the wings and at the foot of Hathor, there are two crouched ram-headed sphinxes with two tall feathers and sun disc above their heads. In front of the sphinx’s face the inscription “beloved of Amun, may he live for ever” is repeated on both sides.

This cylinder presents an additional horizontal inscription, as well as in another cylinder (= II.5.1)157. In this inscription, the epithet of Amun drawn by Kemp158 is “Lord of Throne of Ra (?) of the Two Lands”, but the rendering of the term

S. III.3. Kemp completed the drawing “before cleaning” with sun disc and cow horns (RCK II, pl. CXI A).

On the meaning of the double crown, s. II.2.4. S. III.2. 158 RCK II, pl. CXI A.

154

156

155

157

46

Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders for indicating the throne is not clear; it would seem to be an error of transcription or an expression whose sense is incomprehensible for us. The determinatives of Amun(Ra) present both the sun sign and an unclear sign, which could be a throne or the same doubtful sign as found on another cylinder (= II.2.8).

identification is correct. The ram-sphinx represents the hypostasis of Amun in all his forms, as for examples: in the Amun temple at Sanam a relief shows a criosphinx with the inscription “Amun of Pnubs” (Griffith 1917, 26); other criosphinx figures are represented in the Amun temple at Gebel Barkal (LD V 9) and in the A temple of Kawa (Macadam 1955, pl. IV).

The horizontal inscription mentions two gods: Amun-Ra and Atum. The latter is cited for the first and only time on the Napatan cylinders. Atum had an important role in the cosmogony, whose preserved mythological tales present many variants with small differences. The best-known version describes Atum/Atum-Ra as the creator god, who generated the first couple Shu and Tefnut, whose important role is mentioned on another cylinder (= II.2.8). Shu and Tefnut went out to explore the dark Nun and were lost to their father Atum-Ra, who took his divine eye and sent it to look for them. The solar eye took the forms of daughters of Ra (Hathor159, Mut160, Wadjet, ..) and Shu and Tefnut returned with the eye goddess, who became furious, because in her absence Atum-Ra had grown another eye. Ra pacified her by placing her on his brow as a protective cobra (= uraeus). During Taharqo’s reign161, Atum had a special role, as father of the first couple Shu and Tefnut (s. II.2.8 Comments). Besides, Hathor, represented on the main decoration, is connected with Atum, not only because she is called “eye of Atum” and “eye of Ra”, as Mut, Bastet, Isis, Tefnut (Darnell 1997), but also “hand of Atum” (Pinch 2002, 63-64).

The motif of the rosette of the base is similar to another cylinder (= II.2.2). II.10. King Siaspiqo The filiation and family relationships of Siaspiqo are unknown (FHN I, 300-301). He is believed to be Amaniastabarqo’s successor on the basis of the topography of his tomb at Nuri. He was buried in the tomb named ‘Nu. 4’. His tomb (pl. Vb) was composed of a superstructure with a sandstone masonry pyramid and sandstone chapel, and a substructure of 49 steps leading to three uninscribed chapels: A, B and C (RCK II, 176-180). Inlay pieces from mummy-case (?) and mummy-eyes found in his tomb indicate the mummification ritual of the king. A granite stela was discovered fallen from niche in the western wall of his chapel. The tympanum was originally coated with gold leaf and the decoration of the stela shows a winged disc with cartouche and pendant uraei and, beneath the tympanum, Osiris enthroned attended by Isis and Anubis before a table of offerings, beyond which Siaspiqo adores the god. The funerary stela is composed of 27 lines of text (SNM 1858).

The two gods (Amun-Ra and Atum) were chosen to be mentioned together in the horizontal inscription, because they shared the similar ideological meaning in the Kushite kingdom. As already noted by Kendall, in the XVIII dynasty “the Egyptians identified Gebel Barkal as an important centre of Creation and the birthplace of Amun […] and the residence of a mysterious southern aspect of Amun, merged with Atum-Ra” (Kendall 2008, 124125), called “great god of the first moment”, “the Primeval One”, and “Ka (of Amun of Karnak)”.

His cylinder is here named II.10.1 and its description is as follows: II.10.1

The royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” occurring on the Napatan cylinders (III.2) were usually used in Kushite titulatures and could be referred not to the Egyptian, but the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4).

Provenance: Nu. 4 Material: gilded silver (?) Measurements: unknown Object register (from RCK II): 17-4-141 Museum nr. inv: MFA 20.291 Condition: only the base remains

The probable presence of the epithet “Lord of the appearances” (also mentioned in II.2.3 and II.2.8) suggests a connection with the coronation rituals (III.2).

This cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 20.291. According to Dunham, fragments of a gilded silver (?) cylinder were discovered in debris disturbed by ancient plundering at the door-block and in chamber A: “17-4141: crumpled frags of gold and silver sheet, probably the remains of a cylinder-sheath of ca. 2.5 cm diameter, as indicated by a 6-lobed gold rosette which covered its base” (RCK II, 177; 288, pl. CXIV A (fig. 24).

The motif of the ram-headed sphinx also occurs on the decoration of Nastasen’s cylinder (= II.13.1), if the latter On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. On the figure of Mut, s. II.2.1 Comments. 161 For Atum as primary aspect of Amun at Gebel Barkal, s. Kendall 2008. 159 160

47

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths Several fragments of gold (?) sheet were discovered in the floor debris in chambers A and B (RCK II, 200). The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, conserves a cylinder with the accession number: MFA 18-3-114; 132; 135. The online MFA catalogue reads: “possibly from a cylinder sheath”162, but Dunham recorded: “18-3-115, 124: Several fragments of sheet gold showing faint traces of design in relief, including a human hand and a forearm with bracelet. Originally laid on a silver base […]”, adding also “18-3-116, 132, 135, 138: Many rectangular gold sheets ca.1.8 cm. long: coverings for gilded silver cylinder beads like 18-3-60, etc. above. PI. CXXI A: right, rows 3 and 4” (RCK II, 201). Dunham registered the fragments as ‘18-3-114-125’ and ‘18-3-132-138’ and reported that they were conserved in Boston without accession numbers (RCK II, 293).

Fig. 24. Cylinder of Siaspiqo MFA 20.291 (RCK II, pl. CXIV A) (drawing by E. Ricci).

Comments Unfortunately, the fragments are too small to determine any possible identification of the decoration and/or inscription. Only the simple rosette of the base with 6 petals remains almost complete. The measurement of the rosette diameter (2,8 cm, according to the MFA catalogue) is analogous to the diameters of the other cylinders and can confirm its identification as a ‘Napatan cylinder sheath’.

Comments Unfortunately, the fragments are too small to determine any possible identification of the decoration and/or inscription. Nevertheless, it is important to attest that very probably the king’s mother Saka’aye possessed a cylinder sheath then placed in her tomb.

Notwithstanding the fragmentary evidence for the cylinder, it is important to record the occurrence of such a cylinder inside the tomb of king Siaspiqo.

II.12. King Talakhamani According to the Great Inscription of Irike-Amannote at Kawa (Kawa IX), Talakhamani was the predecessor of Irike-Amannote, who was the son of King Malowiebamani. It may thus be supposed that Talakhamani was the younger brother of Malowiebamani (FHN II, 393ff). His reign is dated to the second half of the V century BC.

II.11. Queen Saka’aye (?) The king’s mother Saka’aye was probably the wife of Nasakhma or Siaspiqo and mother of Malowiebamani. She bears the title of mwt nswt, as can be seen on her shawabti (RCK II, 264; Lohwasser 2001a, 182-183). Her name was inscribed inside a royal cartouche. Saka’aye was buried at Nuri in the tomb named ‘Nu. 31’.

Talakhamani was buried at Nuri in the tomb named ‘Nu. 16’. His tomb (pl. VIb) was composed of a superstructure with a sandstone masonry pyramid (12,15 m square) on plinth course and an incomplete (undecorated and uninscribed) chapel, and a substructure of 47 steps running to three chambers: A, B and C (RCK II, 206-210). A rough granite funerary stela was discovered in situ in the niche of the western wall of his burial chapel. This irregular shaped stela was lightly incised and in part decayed. Its decoration presents a winged disc sun over scene of King offering to seated Osiris together with two standing deities. The stela shows 10 lines of a hieroglyphic inscription.

Her tomb (pl. VIa) was composed of a superstructure with a sandstone masonry pyramid on plinth course and destroyed chapel, and a substructure of 32 steps running to two undecorated chambers: A and B (RCK II, 199-202). Only the western end of the almost totally destroyed chapel is preserved, with a deep niche, but no stela was found. Two gold finger-caps and a mummy-eye, with elements of a bead net, found in her burial, indicate the mummification ritual of the queen. Her cylinder is here named II.11.1 and its description is as follows: II.11.1 Provenance: Nu. 31 Material: gold (?) Measurements: unknown Object register (from RCK II): 18-3-115, 124; 18-3-116, 132, 135, 138 Museum nr. inv: MFA 18-3-114; 115; 132; 135 Condition: fragmentary

http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/fragments-of-goldfoil-363948. 162

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Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders His cylinder is here named II.12.1 and its description is as follows:

Comments It is the only cylinder which does not present any decoration. It is difficult to know why no decoration was chosen. Even though the cylinder of Talakhamani does not bear decoration and inscription, the form and the measurements leave its identification as a ‘Napatan cylinder sheath’ in no doubt (III.1).

II.12.1 Provenance: Nu. 16 Material: gilded electrum Measurements: height: 11,8 cm; diameter: 3,4 cm. Object register (from RCK II): 16-12-303 Museum nr. inv: MFA 21.342 Condition: complete

The only reason we know that the cylinder belonged to Talakhamani is due to its discovery in his tomb, because in fact the cylinder carries neither epigraphic indication nor iconographical reference to the king.

This gilded electrum cylinder is conserved in the Museum of Fine Arts of Boston, with the accession number: MFA 21.342.

The small dimensions of his tomb, the incomplete chapel and the undecorated and uninscribed cylinder of Talakhamani (unique undecorated example among all decorated Napatan cylinders) could be elements indicating an ‘urgency’ most probably related to the sudden death of the king.

This plain cylinder was discovered on the floor of the chamber A. Dunham recorded “16-12-303: Gilded electrum cylinder-sheath, somewhat crushed. Undecorated” (RCK II, 208).

II.13. King Nastasen

It is 11,8 cm high and the diameter is 3,4 cm (RCK II, 208, 278, pl. XCIV D, CXIII A) (fig. 25).

Nastasen was a little known Napatan king. The name of Nastasen’s father remains unknown, while we know that of his mother, Pelkha, because she is represented on the lunette of Nastasen’s stela (Berlin 2268). As Pelkha bears the titles “king’s mother, royal sister, Mistress of Kush”, Nastasen was consequently the son of a ruler (FHN II, 468). On the lunette of his stela, Nastasen’s wife (Queen Sekhmakh) is also represented, bearing the titles of “king’s daughter, king’s wife, Mistress of Egypt”. The reign of Nastasen is dated in the second half of the IV century BC. The king was buried at Nuri in the tomb named ‘Nu. 15’. His tomb (pl. VII) was composed of a superstructure with a sandstone masonry pyramid (26,34 m square) on plinth course and sandstone chapel, and a substructure of very irregular 61 steps running to three unexcavated chambers: A, B and C. (RCK II, 246-250). The niche in the western wall of the chapel shows the lower part of a very lightly incised scene, presenting the king seated enthroned before a table of bread, approached by at least two registers of offering bearers. According to Dunham, “Incomplete excavation and recording of the chambers was due to extremely dangerous condition of the rock as well as to excessive infiltration of water which did not yield to bailing”. (RCK II, 246). As stated by Dunham, no conclusive evidence on the kind of funerary practice was pointed out, but the occurrence of two sheet gold ears and amulets suggest a mummification ritual with gold trappings and equipment for the king (RCK II, 246).

Fig. 25. Cylinder of Talakhamani MFA 21.342 (RCK II, fig. 161).

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The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths His cylinder is here named II.13.1 and its description is as follows:

The cylinder decoration is composed as follows: Upper part:

II.13.1

a) row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; b) row of seated falcon Khonsu figures with sun (or lunar?) disc and ostrich plume in the hand, alternated with cartouches crowned by the double plumes and sun disc, in which “Nastasen” is written163.

Provenance: Nu. 15 Material: gold (?) Measurements: unknown Object register (from RCK II): “not registered B” Museum nr. inv: SNM unrecorded Condition: unknown

Main decoration: below a row of stars, a winged goddess (Isis or Hathor?) wears a vulture crown164 with sun-disc flanked by cow horns and uraeus. She holds an ostrich plume in each hand and wears a long dress decorated with the typical lozenge pattern. The wings are well decorated in detail.

This gold (?) cylinder is conserved in the Sudan National Museum of Khartoum, but no accession number is known. In fact, the cylinder of Nastasen was found on  the  floor  of chamber A, but Dunham only wrote about it “not registered B. Base gold cylinder-sheath of relatively coarse workmanship” (RCK II, 246, 250, 294). For this reason, it is not possible to document the measurements.

The goddess is flanked by two symmetrical Amun forms: a) on the left, a seated ram-headed Amun [of Napata?] with sun-disc and two tall feathers above his head; b) on the right, a seated anthropomorphic Amun [of Thebes?] with sun disc and two tall feathers above his head.

The description of the cylinder is based solely on Kemp’s drawing (RCK II, CXI B) made before cleaning (fig. 26).

Both the gods hold the ˁnḫ-w3s-signs and are seated on the top of a rectangular structure (= palace facade). Their captions could be translated as “Amun, Lord (?)”. A cartouche reading “Nastasen” occurs both in front of and behind the goddess’s face. Below the wings of the goddess two crouched criosphinxes (?) are represented on each of her sides. Between the royal cartouches and the Amun figures two falcon Horus figures with double crown165 are represented disposed above a rectangular structure (= sereḫ). Next to the ostrich plumes of the goddess, two udjat-eye figures are represented on the nb-sign, on both sides. Vertical inscription: The vertical inscription reads: “(A) mun, Lord of the Two-Lands, great? .. each man?...?”. Base: a simple rosette with 16 petals. Comments Nastasen is considered the last Napatan king, because he was the last to be buried at Nuri (the royal cemetery was then transferred to Meroe) and the last king who used the hieroglyphic writing, because of the emergence of the Meroitic writing occurring in this period. Over the centuries, the hieroglyphic signs underwent significant changes which make them difficult to translate. Fig. 26. Cylinder of Nastasen SNM unregistered (RCK II, pl. CXI B).

S. III.3. On the meaning of the vulture crown, s. II.2.1. 165 On the meaning of the double crown, s. II.2.4. 163 164

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Decorations and Inscriptions of the Napatan Cylinders The language changed and the hieroglyphic signs became approximate, inaccurate and incorrect. For this reason, on the basis of the cylinder drawing, the words seem to be inexact and so, unfortunately, the vertical inscription remains unclear for the most part, as well as the term for indicating Amun (close to Amun figures) is written with nb-sign (= Lord) but without adding its reference. Two figures of Amun flanking the main motif of the decoration are already present on other cylinders (= II.2.2, II.6.1 and II.8.1). Kemp drew ‘free’ stars on the main decoration, but the stars were generally inserted inside the sky-sign, which Kemps did not report. The udjat-eye motif close to the goddess occurs on the decoration of other cylinders (= II.2.2, II.3.1, II.6.1). If the tall “ears” of the criosphinxes drawn by Kemp are really two feathers, the same motif can be seen on Amaniastabarqo’s cylinder (= II.9.1). The identification of the winged goddess on the main decoration remains uncertain, because of the lack of her personal hieroglyphic name. She may be both Isis166 and Hathor167; in fact, both the goddesses seem to share the same cow horn headdress (III.4.2).

166 167

On the figure of Isis, s. II.2.3 Comments. On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments.

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III Consideration of the Decoration and the Inscriptions on the Cylinders This section considers the features of the cylinders, and includes their measurements (III.1), their inscriptions (III.2), the decoration of the upper part and the bases of the cylinders (III.3) and the composition of the main decoration (III.4), with particular attention to the crowns worn by the goddesses (III.4.1), the relationship between goddesses and crowns (III.4.2), the attributes of the goddesses (III.4.3) and small motifs occurring on the main decoration (III.4.4).

On the vertical inscriptions, the expression “may be protected your flesh” occur only on the Aspelta cylinders (= II.2.2, II.2.3, II.2.5, II.2.7, II.2.10, II.2.11 II.2.12 and II.2.13) and it indicates the protective role of the goddesses pronouncing these words. Consequently, the objects kept inside the cylinders had to confer a protective function for the king, the ‘owner’ and ‘user’ of the cylinders. The royal formulae were different when they referred to the cylinders of kings or queens. On the kings’ cylinders, in fact, the goddesses represented are considered as the king’s mother and the king as the son of the goddess on the inscriptions. Conversely, on the few legible queens’ cylinders, the queens are mentioned as “king’s mother”, “king’s sister”, and “king’s wife”: namely, all epithets related to their relationship with the king. Such important features provide evidence that these cylinders were connected not only with the king’s divine nature and his relationship with the goddess, but also with the female participation in royal ceremonials linked to the king’s legitimisation.

III.1. Measurements of the cylinders The measurements of the cylinders range between 8 and 13 cm in height and average about 3 cm in diameter. Since the size and the measurements of the cylinders remained almost constant over time, it is probable that the cylinders kept the same purpose and significance over time. It is plausible, therefore, that the shape and the dimensions of the object fixed inside the cylindrical sheaths remained recurrent over time. III.2. Inscriptions on the cylinders

The epithet nb ḫˁ.w (= lit. “Lord of appearances”) is also used on the cylinders (= II.2.3, II.2.8 and II.9.1). Usually, in the royal inscriptions, such an epithet was employed to emphasize the ‘appearance as king’ and translated as ‘enthronement’, ‘coronation’, ‘ascent to the throne’, ‘epiphany’ (LdÄ III, 531-533). This term is one of the expressions designing the rising of the sun, so attesting the cosmic aspect of the coronation. Therefore, it is likely that the objects kept in the cylinders were used during the coronation of the king or during a sed-festival (as recorded in II.2.2), when the coronation rites were repeated (III.4.4).

The cylinders are covered with hieroglyphic inscriptions displaying royal titles and well-known formulae in the Egyptian context. It is reasonable to consider that the cylinders were personal (and personalized) containers because of the presence of royal cartouches, sheathing a significant ritual object. Usually, each cylinder presents one or two vertical inscriptions, in which the names of the king and his protective goddesses occur. Only two cylinders show a horizontal inscription (= II.5.1 and II.9.1, but perhaps, the short horizontal inscription on II.2.2 can be added). The different rendering of the main inscription positions does not modify the information in the inscriptions which, unfortunately, is not very useful in trying to understand the nature and the function of the cylindrical sheaths. It is possible only to compare the recurrent inscriptions and expressions in an attempt to clarify the function of the cylinders.

The epithet nb ỉrt-ḫt (= lit. “Lord of doing things”) is one of the most used on the vertical inscriptions of the cylinders (= II.2.1, II.2.8, II.2.9, II.3.1, II.8.1, II.9.1), but its meaning is difficult to explain, because scholars have interpreted it differently1. Often, it is translated as “Lord of the Rituals”. However, the epithet seems to have connections with the royal power and the king’s role in creating and preserving the order in the world (Routledge 2007).

The royal titles “King of Upper and Lower Egypt” and “Lord of the Two Lands” occurring on the Napatan cylinders were usually used in Kushite titulatures and could be referred not to the Egyptian, but the Kushite context and considered as “generic terms of authority and not as expressions of a claim of suzerainty over Egypt” (Török 1997, 4).

Some Napatan cylinders present the royal names inscribed inside double-plumed cartouches occurring on the upper part of the cylinder (II.2.2, II.5.12, II.6.1, II.9.1, II.13.1). Wb I, 124 has not given a translation, but reads only “Titel des Königs”. 2 Unfortunately, this cylinder results fragmentary and only one doubleplumed cartouche appears, but it is very likely that other double-plumed 1

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The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths 6) a row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads, a second row of papyrus umbels and a third row of ram’s heads with sun-disc and uraeus alternate with leaves (II.2.8); 7) a row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads, a second row of ram’s heads with sun-disc and uraeus alternate with leaves and a third row of papyrus umbels (II.2.11, II.2.12); 8) a row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads, a second row of horizontal inscription and a third row of crouching Khonsu with lunar discs alternated with double-plumed cartouches (II.9.1).

Generally, they consist of the two royal names of the king: the “Son-of-Ra” and the “King of Upper and Lower Egypt”; sometimes, only the Son-of-Ra name appears repeated. The case of Madiqen’s cartouches presents a curiousness (II.6.1, Comments), which at the moment is not possible to explain with certainty. III.3. Decoration of the upper part and the bases of the cylinders The decoration of the ‘upper part’ of the cylinders is generally formed by two or three rows of Egypt-Kushite elements. Excluding the fragmentary cylinders, the pattern of such a decoration can be simplified as follows:

These figurative elements are almost always the same (uraei, ram’s heads, papyrus umbels, leaves, cartouches, crouching Khonsu)4, but positioned in mixed way and combined each other. The only element which always remains in the first row, at the top of all cylinders, is the series of uraei. This could suggest that it was considered as the most important element to emphasise. I believe that its importance also lies in the pun of term for ‘uraeus’ (uadjet, ỉ’rt) and ‘eye’ (= ỉrt), sharing each other’s meaning and symbolism. In Old Kingdom, in fact, this concept is also expressed as follows: “This king is the falcon which came forth [from Ra] and the uraeus (i’rt) which came from the Eye of Ra (ìrt R’)5. As already mentioned, the eye and the uraeus are essential concepts emerged in this study.

Two rows: 1) a row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads, a second row of ram’s heads with sun-disc and uraeus (II.1.2, II.1.3, II.2.3, II.2.15, II.8.1); 2) a row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads, a second row of crouching Khonsu with lunar discs alternated with double-plumed cartouches (II.6.1, II.13.1); 3) a row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads, a second row of ram’s heads with sun-disc and uraeus alternate with leaves (II.2.14); 4) a row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads, a second row of leaves (II.7.1).

Other elements occurring on the ‘upper part’ of the cylinders are:

Three rows:

a) the ram’s heads with sun-disc and uraeus, which symbolised the symbol of Amun-Ra of Napata/Gebel Barkal; b) the papyrus umbels and the leaves, which were considered symbols of renewal and rebirth; c) the figures of crouching Khonsu which could allude to the same king, because Amun and Mut were generally considered the king’s parents and consequently their son Khonsu the personification of king. An early Napatan period bronze seal (SNM 634) in the form of a falcon-headed Khonsu, found at Meroe6, could suggest a probable connection between Khonsu and the uraeus, i.e. two elements occurring on the cylinders. In fact, the seal bears two inscriptions: “Khonsu” (recto) and “[ḥtp dỉ nsw] a boon which the king gives to the uraeus, plenty of beauty” (verso). Recently, Lohwasser pointed out “the possibility that there was the idea of Khonsu dwelling IN the Jebel Barkal like it is postulated for Amun and Mut” (Lohwasser 2015).

1) a row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads, a second row of ram’s heads with sun-disc and uraeus and a third row of papyrus umbels (II.2.1, II.2.4, II.2.10, II.2.13); 2) a row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads, a second row of small stamped simple rosettes with eight petals, a third row of crouching Khonsu with lunar discs alternated with double-plumed cartouches (II.2.2); 3) a row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads; row of circlets (sun-discs?) in relief; row of ram’s heads (with great sun-disc and double uraeus) disposed on well-detailed two different typologies of lotus flowers; the ram’s heads alternate with seated falcon-headed Khonsu figures with lunar-disc over the head and a long ostrich plume in the hand (II.2.5); 4) a row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads, a second row of papyrus umbels and a third row of ram’s heads with sun-disc and uraeus (II.2.6); 5) a row of uraei with sun-disc above the heads, a second row of ram’s heads with sun-disc and uraeus and a third row of leaves3 (II.2.7);

The decoration of the base of the cylinders is characterised by floral motifs, composed of simple rosettes with 6, 8, 12, 16, 21 or 24 petals; there are some composite rosettes with the addition of Nymphea flowers - lotus blossoms

cartouches were present. 3 For the leaf form, s. golden pendant (MFA 20.270) from the tomb of Analma’aye (‘Nu.18’) (RCK II, pl. CXII E); golden pendant from the tomb of Tanutamani (‘Ku.16’) at el-Kurru (Dunham 1950, pl. LXIII B, C).

The small stamped simple rosettes with eight petals are an unicum (II.2.2), as well as the circlets (sun-discs?) (II.2.5). 5 PT 2206. 6 It was found by J. Garstang in the Royal Palace (M 294) at Meroe. Kormysheva 2006, 153-154, nr. 136. 4

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Consideration of the Decoration and the Inscriptions on the Cylinders different social factors. In fact, the Napatan religion was characterised by a mixture of Egyptian and Nubian beliefs: so, the decoration of the cylinders may express the result of a process of intercultural assimilation and adaptation, with the presence of Egyptian deities and friezes. An example of this Egypt-Kushite cultural fusion is the Egyptian motif of the winged sun-disc positioned in the middle of a horizontal cornice, under which a row of stars appears, occurs on four cylindrical sheaths: II.2.2, II.6.1, II.8.1 and II.9.1. This motif recalls the god Horus the Behdetite (Ḥr Bḥd.ty), who generally appears above nearly every temple doorway and numerous stelae (Gardiner 1944). The word “Behdet” seems to be a term indicating the site of Edfu. The winged sun-disc was connected with the kingship, since it was considered as the god protector of the king. This Egyptian motif was normally used in Kushite culture.

(Kantor 1947, 139-144). In Egyptian environment, “Rosettes are among the most commonly found and most widely discussed ornamental motives. The term, which can be used to cover all radially symmetrical circular designs (all the radial elements of which are frequently identical in form), is usually considered to denote decorations derived from plant forms” (Kantor 1947, 127). Besides, “The Nubian rosette witnesses sun cult saga celebrated by the main Near-Eastern cultures in antiquity on theogamy, divine kingship, divine feeding and rebirth” (MichauxColombot 2007, 286)7. Generally, these floral motifs had a primordial significance linked with the Nile flood, renewal and rebirth. This feature represents another important element for identifying the function of the cylinders, connected therefore with the royal rebirth. III.4. Composition of the main decoration of the cylinders

An important observation is that, even if the iconography of the cylinders is similar, none is identical, not only as regards the upper part and the main decoration, but also the base figures. Furthermore, manufacturing methods were totally different (soldering, gilding, chasing, and the addition of appliqués, decorative wires, and enamel), as well as the quality of the workmanship. It is therefore clear that each cylinder was unique and created expressly for the royal owner, as is also evidenced by the personal cartouches. Different manufacturing methods also occur on the fifteen cylinders of Aspelta; this is significant for explaining the different times at which they were commissioned and, perhaps, the different places in which they were produced. And so, it also probably indicates various rituals during which the cylinders were used.

As regards the decorations, the earliest examples of the cylinders (VII century BC) were decorated by kneeling Heh figures with king’s cartouches and inscriptions. Later, the decoration became more varied and complex with the addition of winged goddess figures (Mut, Hathor of Dendera, Isis). Some cylinders present a couple of goddesses or multiple rows of deities. All the decorations show additional royal symbolic friezes, such as uraei, udjat-eyes, sed-festival signs, papyri (III.4.4), divine emblems, such as ram’s heads, Horus falcon, criosphinxes (III.4.4), royal cartouches and hieroglyphic inscriptions (III.2). Some cylinders were also decorated with symmetrical secondary figures of couples of gods (Amun of Napata and Amun of Thebes, Khnum and Montu, Nefertum and Khnum) and heraldic goddesses (Wadjet and Nekhbet).

III.4.1. Crowns worn by the goddesses All the winged goddesses hold crowns and attributes on the cylinders, but only the ones clearly or hypothetically identified will be ‘inventoried’ in the following list; the uncertain and unidentified representations will not be here considered.

By contrast, one of the latest examples (V century BC) was characterised by plain surfaces, without decoration or inscriptions. A single attempt to revive the decoration has been made by Nastasen, the last Napatan king, in the IV century BC.

The crowns worn by the goddesses are the following:

The decoration of the cylinders presents combined elements of Egyptian (deities, friezes and inscriptions) and Nubian features (Kushite forms of ram-headed Amuns and elements of the Gebel Barkal ideology). Perhaps, also the same unknown function of the cylinders could be considered a Kushite feature, because it has not been found elsewhere.

• vulture crown8: with the double crown (= II.2.1; II.2.4; II.2.6; II.2.8; II.2.9; II.2.15); with cow horns and sun disc (= II.2.2; II.2.3; II.2.5; II.2.11; II.2.12; II.2.14; II.6.1; II.8.1; II.9.1; II.13.1); • double crown: II.2.6; II.2.8; II.2.9 and II.2.16; • double crown whose red one is spotted: II.2.1, II.2.4 and II.2.10; • cow horns and sun disc: II.2.2; II.2.3; II.2.5; II.2.7; II.2.11; II.2.12; II.2.14; II.6.1; II.8.1; II.9.1 (?); II.13.1; • checked red crown: II.2.6; • two feathers crown: II.2.4, II.2.8.

As the cultural material and customary practices tended to be combined and re-mixed in an interesting Egypt-Kushite cultural fusion, the concept of ‘cultural entanglement’ between Egypt and Kush (Smith 1998, 271; 2016; Kahn 2018) seems to be expressed in this circumstance, resulting a hybrid interaction among these 7 The motives of row of uraei and floreal rosette also occur on a Meroitic gold sheath (MFA 24.498) for a staff or scepter, from ‘Beg. N. 21’.

8

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On the meaning of the vulture crown, s. II.2.1.

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths Some important aspects about the crowns worn by the goddesses have emerged in this study: firstly, the crown typologies are more varied and diversified on the cylinders of Aspelta, while the crown forms occurring on the later cylinders seem to be standardised in a single typology, i.e. the cow horns with sun disc. Also, the occurrence of the vulture crown changed over time: on the cylinders of Aspelta the vulture crown may not be present in some instances, because the goddesses wear many different types of crown; instead, on the later cylinders the vulture crown becomes a standardised (and ever-present) element.

• • • •

III.4.2. Relation between goddesses and crowns The worn crowns are here correlated with the goddesses bearing them; besides, only the crowns of the clearly identified goddesses are ‘inventoried’ in the following list:

III.4.3. Attributes of the goddesses The attributes held in the hands of the main winged goddesses are the following:

Mut9: • double crown, red one spotted (= II.2.1; II.2.4; II.2.10) • double crown (= II.2.8; II.2.9; II.2.16) • vulture crown (= II.2.1; II.2.6 (?); II.2.8; II.2.9; II.2.10; II.2.11) • cow horns/sun disc: none • two feathers crown: none

• the ostrich plume: (= II.2.2, II.2.3, II.2.5, II.2.10, II.2.12, II.2.14, II.3.1, II.5.1, II.6.1, II.8.1, II.9.1, II.13.1); • the ˁnḫ-sign (= II.2.4, II.2.7, II.2.11, II, 2.12, II.2.15); • two attributes for each hand: ostrich plume and ˁnḫ-sign (= II.2.12); • no attributes (= II.2.1, II.2.6, II.2.13).

Hathor10:

What has emerged is that the attributes held by the main goddesses are more numerous and diversified only on the Aspelta cylinders, while the ones appearing on the later cylinders seem to be standardised into a single typology, namely the ostrich plume. Besides, these attributes (the ostrich plume and the ˁnḫ-sign) do not appear to be connected with a specific goddess; subsequently, Hathor, Mut and Isis can bear the same interchangeable attributes.

• double crown: none • cow horns/sun disc (= II.2.2; II.2.7; II.2.12; II.2.14; II.9.1 (?)) • vulture crown (= II.2.2; II.2.4; II.2.8; II.2.12; II.2.14, II.9.1) • two feathers crown (= II.2.4; II.2.8) Isis11: • • • •

III.4.4. Small motifs on the main decoration

double crown: none cow horns/sun disc (= II.2.3; II.2.5; II.2.11; II.6.1) vulture crown (= II.2.3; II.2.5; II.2.11) two feathers crown: none

Small motifs, occurring recurrently on the decoration of the Napatan cylinders, are the following: • the festival-sign (= II.2.2 and II.2.13). The festival sign consists of the heb hieroglyph, which represents the alabaster bowl for purifications used as determinative for festival. Generally, these signs were used for indicating the sed-festival13. Its presence could lead one to think that those cylinders were connected with - and so used during - the sed-festival, as suggested above (= II.2.2, Comments). Called also ‘jubilee’, the sed-festival was a renewal of kingly potency and a renovation of kingship. The function of the cylinders could be connected with this royal aspect; • the motif of the two figures of Amun of Napata and Amun of Thebes (= II.2.2, II.6.1, II.8.1 and II.13.1). It is linked with the Gebel Barkal ideology;

Some important elements have emerged by analysing the crowns and the goddesses figured on the cylinders: • Mut wears only the double crown12 which seems to be exclusively worn by her, also with its variant provided with the red one spotted, and the vulture crown. This aspect confirms the observation already expressed by Te Velde: “The Mut-headdress is not the vulture cap, as is sometimes still said, prompted perhaps by the idea that Mut is a vulture goddess. Over the vulture cap Mut wears the pschent. In the so-called Crosswordhymn to Mut it is said that the white and the red crown are fastened upon her head and furthermore that the 9 10 11 12

headdress of Atum has been given her with which she rules the two lands” (T V 1979-80, 6); the cow horns with sun disc are worn by Hathor and Isis, never by Mut; Isis wears only the cow horns with sun disc (with vulture crown), never the double crown and the two feathers crown; Hathor is the only goddess who wears two types of crowns (and vulture crown): the cow horns/sun disc and the two feathers crown; the vulture crown was an attribute worn by all three goddesses (Mut, Hathor and Isis), because it represented the symbol of the maternal aspect of the goddesses ( V 2008).

On the figure of Mut, s. II.2.1 Comments. On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. On the figure of Isis, s. II.2.3 Comments. On the meaning of the double crown, s. II.2.4.

As already cited, a decoration of the first jubilee of Amenhotep III shows the king seated on the throne, with his feet positioned over the heb hieroglyph. The tomb of Kheruef: TT 192, 1980, pl. 24. 13

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Consideration of the Decoration and the Inscriptions on the Cylinders • the motif of the criosphinxes (= II.9.1 and II.13.1). The ram-sphinx represents the hypostasis of Amun in all his forms, as stated above in II.9.1, Comments; • the motif of papyri with a great sun-disc is visible on the decoration of a single cylinder (= II.2.5). The papyrus had protective meaning and solar properties. This latter aspect is reinforced by the presence of the sun-disc figured above. The papyrus was the symbol of Lower Egypt, too; • the udjat-eye motif occurs many times in the decoration of the cylinders, consequently it has not to be thought of as a simple padding. The motif is represented as follows: a) udjat-eye above festival-sign (= II.2.2); b) udjat-eye above stand or papyrus (= II.3.1); c) udjat-eye simple (= II.6.1); d) udjat-eye above the nb-sign (= II.13.1). What has emerged is that the udjat-eye, symbol of the Eye of Ra or of Horus, is one of the most recurrent small motifs on the cylinder decorations, from VI to IV century BC; therefore, it has to be considered as one of the significant elements determining the ideological function of the cylinders. This small motif was associated with the myth of the Eye of Ra and with the Gebel Barkal ideology. The ‘pure mountain’ of Gebel Barkal, in fact, was considered by Egyptians in the early XVIII dynasty as the birthplace and chief southern residence of their state god Amun. The enormous free-standing pinnacle on the south corner of its cliff was interpreted as a uraeus, wearing the tall White Crown (Kendall 2004, 40). The uraeus was connected with the Eye of Ra, because the two terms ‘eye’ (= udjat) and ‘uraeus’ (= wadjet) revealed a parallel word-play and shared the same meanings. The cobra of the uraeus represents the generative powers of the eye, defender of the kingship (Troy 1986, 66, 71). The Eye of Ra was also linked to the goddesses Mut, Hathor, Isis and Tefnut, who were worshipped in a temple built at Gebel Barkal and associated so with its ideology. These female deities are often represented on the decoration of the cylindrical sheaths. Besides, “According to the myth of the “Eye”, the goddess was said to have been brought out of Nubia by her brother Shu-Onuris14 to serve as her father Re’s uraeus and protector when the forces of chaos were threatening his well-being and continued life. Her return to Egypt ultimately dispelled the chaos and brought a return to Maat […]. Since the royal queens were also wives - and daughters – of Amun-Re, they would also have been identified as temporal manifestations of the “Eye” (Kendall 1999, 62).

14 For the occurrence of the god Onuris-Shu on the cylinder decoration, s. II.2.8.

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IV Opinions on the Function of the Cylinders For identifying the function of the cylinders1, brief mention must be made of aspects of the Napatan Kingdom legitimation, from the reign of Taharqo to that of Nastasen. Firstly, the royal succession in the Napatan period remains one of the unsolved questions of Kushite studies. This problem was long examined by Nubian scholars who theorized three possible systems of legitimation: patrilineal (from father king to his eldest son), collateral (from the elder brother to the younger brother) and matrilineal (from the king to son of a king’s sisters)2. In this chapter, the criteria of royal succession have been deliberately ignored, because they constitute a still unsolved question owing to the lack of incontestable evidence, and besides, they do not play a significant role in this context. This chapter considers only the question about the criteria of legitimacy which are one of the most important aspects of the Napatan kingship. Properly, the question about the criteria of legitimacy chosen by Napatan kings from Taharqo to Nastasen provides the evidence for supporting and confirming their legitimation to the throne. The examination of these criteria makes it possible to recognize the development of royal ideology in this historical period and consequently, a contribution towards identifying the function of the Napatan cylinders. The textual attestations from Taharqo to Nastasen suggest the existence of forms of legitimacy based on two different elements: the divine sonship and Alara’s covenant with Amun-Ra.

the greatest source of legitimacy for all Kushite kings and, therefore, the Napatan coronation rituals happened at Amun temples of the Nubian kingdom, at Napata, Kawa, Pnubs5 and later Tarat/Tare/Tele6. The cult of Amun of Napata granted the dynastic continuity, creating a sort of coregency between the king and the god. In this chapter only Napatan kings, whose attestations present evidence which reveal distinguishable forms of legitimacy will be taken into consideration. The legitimacy attestations of these Napatan kings comprises a historical period from the VII century BC to the IV century BC, and includes the following kings: Taharqo, Tanutamani, Senkamanisken, Anlamani, Aspelta, Aramatelqo, IrikeAmannote, Harsiyotef and Nastasen. After the death of his predecessor Shabataqo, Taharqo was crowned at Memphis (Kawa V, l. 15)7. As regards the royal titulatures of Taharqo, the king chose archaizing names. Taharqo’s Horus and Nebty names (= “Whose appearances are lofty”) were modeled on already archaizing Horus name of Shabataqo, while his Throne name (= “Nefertum is protector of Ra” or “Nefertum and Ra protect (me)”) refers to Nefertum, member of the Memphite triad, in accordance with the place of his enthronement. Taharqo’s Golden Horus name (“Protector of the Two Lands”) belonged to Sobekhotep III of the XIII dynasty (FHN I, 130).

At the beginning of the XXV dynasty, the criteria of legitimacy emphasised the divine agreement through the concepts of predestination, choice of the king by god and the divine favour during the reign: all criteria derived from the Egyptian royal propaganda. In fact, Kashta, Piye, Shabaqo and Shabataqo aspired to present themselves as true heirs of the Egyptian tradition.3 It is remarkable, however, that the relationship between the god and the king was constantly maintained until the end of the Napatan kingdom. Also the choice of the royal titulary of Kushite kings represented a significant element for comprehending their criteria of legitimacy; in fact, the titularies were almost always adopted from Egyptian tradition and emphasised the concept of royal legitimacy as son of Amun4. Association with the god Amun became

As regards the criteria of legitimacy, Taharqo was the first Kushite king who introduced a variation about the choice of criteria of legitimacy. With Taharqo, in fact, a different conception seems to become prevalent, because the king favoured focusing on his predecessor’s favour as confirmation of legitimacy. So, Taharqo promoted a new mythical creation of royal legitimacy. While the conception of the king as an incarnation of Horus and the grantor of the Maat over the kingdom, the adoption of the royal titulatures, the divine sonship of the king8 were adopted from Egyptian New Kingdom models, the Kushite tradition of legitimacy changed with Taharqo who established an ‘original’ local dynastic myth through a historical covenant concluded between Amun-Ra and

For preliminary results of this research, s. Pompei 2018. Reisner 1931; Priese 1981; Apelt 1990; Kormysheva 1994; Morkot 1999; Török 1999a; Lohwasser 2000, 2001b, 2005; Khan 2005, 2018; Revez 2014b; Saito 2015. 3 These kings presented themselves as defenders of the Egyptian traditions, as the return to the traditional values, the calendar of the feasts, the archaising tendency of the arts, the Osirian mythology, the Middle Kingdom language, the tombs conformed to Egyptian practice. 4 Török 1997b, 200-206.

Now identified with Kerma-Doukki-Gel. Bonnet-Valbelle 1980. Now identified with Cadata/Radata in the Napata region. “[…] da bald darauf Meroe erwähnt wird, wird wohl Rhadata mit T3r(t) gleichzusetzen sein” (Hofmann 1971, 24); Zibelius 1972, 179ff. 7 Stela of Taharqo, year 6, found in Amun Temple T at Kawa (Macadam 1949, 22-32, pls. 9, 10). Now in Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Museum 1712. 8 Son and heir of Amun-Ra and at the same time was Horus and heir to Osiris.

1

5

2

6

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The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths Alara9, considered as the first known Kushite ruler10. No objects of Alara have been discovered, but his name is known from allusions in later inscriptions. The covenant between Amun-Ra and Alara was mentioned in two Taharqo’s stelae found at Kawa: Kawa IV (ll.16-20) and Kawa VI (ll.23-26) and represented the ‘ancestral’ royal legitimation of Taharqo’s dynasty (Vinogradov 1999; Jansen-Winkeln 2003). The covenant between Alara and Amun-Ra was so described in Kawa IV (ll.16-20):

not pay heed to his every word. He appointed for him his son, the Son-of-Ra: Taharqo, may he live for ever, a king [ … ]to com[memor]ate his name, to embellish his monuments, to maintain his statues, to inscribe his name on the temple ,to call out the names of his foremothers, to establish funerary offerings for them, and to give them numerous ka-servants, rich in all things. May he be granted all life, like Ra, forever12. So, the historical event of Alara’s ‘commitment’ of his sister to Amun-Ra is represented as a treaty between Alara and the god: the latter grants kingship to the descendants of Alara’s sister (= Taharqo’s grandmother) in return for their devotion. Therefore, Alara’s sister became a priestess of the royal cult and bearer of legitimacy: this appointment is emphasised in Taharqo’s texts as the main act of foundation of his dynasty. In this way, the Amun cult and its priesthood were maintained and assured in the time, combining a sort of royal/divine ‘coregency’ between the king and the god.

“The (fore)mothers of my mother were ordained for him by their brother, the chief, Son-of-Ra: Alara, justified, saying, “Oh you god who knows who is loyal to him, swift, who comes to him who calls upon him, look upon the womb of my mothers for me and establish their children on earth. Act for them (even) as you acted for me, and let them attain what is good.” He (the god) hearkened to what he (Alara) said about us, and raised me up as king, (even) as he (the god) had told him (Alara). How good it is to act for him that acts, (for) the heart of him that acts for him that acts is satisfied.” They said to His Majesty, “All that you say is a fact. You are (indeed) his son who embellishes his monument.”11

According to Török, “the re-emergence of the Amun cult in Upper Nubia is attested first by the legend of Alara’s covenant with Amun. The legend refers to the times around c. 780 BC, but its earliest preserved record dates from c. 685 BC […]. In Napata, the first indication of the existence of the Amun cult occurs in the titulary and name of Queen Pebatma (Paabtameri), sister of Alara and wife of Kashta, who was “Sistrum-Player-of Amun-Ra, king of the Gods” (Török 2002, 51).

The same covenant between Alara and Amun-Ra was so described in Kawa VI (ll.23-26): “O beneficent god, swift, who comes to him that calls upon him, look upon my sister for me, a woman born with me in one womb. Act for her (even) as you acted for him that acted for you, as a wonder, unpremeditated, and not disregarded by reflective people. (For) you put a stop to him that plotted evil against me after you set me up as king. Act for my sister in this wise (too). Elevate her children in this land. Let them attain prosperity and appearing as king(even) as you have done for me.” He hearkened to all that he said and did

The role of sistrum-players and the function of the sistra were very significant for the Napatan kingdom and they will be analysed in detail, later (IV.2). The sistra were played during royal ceremonies linked to the legitimation of the new king by royal priestesses who guaranteed a rightful legitimisation of the king, as appear in the lunettes of some stelae from Taharqo’s reign onwards. In the lunette of stela Kawa V13 of Taharqo, Abar (or Abalo), mother of Taharqo, occurs twice behind her son, shaking the sistrum, and in the text of the same stela her presence is mentioned during Taharqo’s coronation.14

9 There are different interpretations on Alara’s memory: Zibelius-Chen 1997, 86 ff.; Vinogradov 1999; Jansen-Winkeln 2003; Török 2009, 314 ff. 10 The excavations of el-Kurru cemetery, where Alara and his ancestors and successors were buried, suggested that Alara was not the first ruler of his line. Besides, “In the funerary stela of Tabiry, which was carved during the reign of Piye, Alara’s name is written in a royal cartouche. In Kawa IV and VI he is mentioned as wr, Chieftain; but at the same time his name is written in a royal cartouche and preceded by the royal title S3-Rˁ, Son of Re. These texts refer to an act in which he dedicated his sister, Taharqo’s grandmother, to Amun in order to secure legitimacy for her descendants. […] The act in which he committed his sister to Amun signals a religious as well as a political orientation towards Egypt and indicates the establishment of a new system of succession; all these changes mark the end of the tribal state and the emergence of a kingdom. The change also comes to expression in the double perspective of Taharqo’s references to Alara in the Kawa texts: he is viewed there from the perspective of his actual rank as chieftain of a tribal state and at the same time from the perspective of his descendant Taharqo who derives his kingship from Alara and hence bestows upon him a cartouche and the S3-Rˁ title” (FHN I, 42). Vinogradov studied the expression “Their brother, the Chief, the Son of Ra” referred to Alara, interpreting it as “Their elder brother, the Son of Ra” (Vinogradov 1999). 11 Tranls. FHN I, 141. It is necessary to refer that Macadam commented “It is uncertain whether no more is meant than that Alara recommended his sister or sisters to the care of Amun, or whether the words mean that she or they were actually installed in the temple service as priestesses in the manner of those in the Dedication Stela” (Macadam 1949, 20 n. 38).

Since the sistrum played by royal women always occurred in all Napatan stelae from Taharqo to Nastasen, I believe that it has to be identified as an instrument intended to evoke the covenant of Alara and Amun, through the royal queens (IV.2)15. The covenant between Alara and Amun, in fact, seems to have still been in use during Nastasen’s reign as the ideological symbol of Napatan kingship, because Nastasen’s stela mentions Alara16, thus connecting the kingship to the ‘mythical foundation’ of Kush.

12 13 14 15 16

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Tranls. FHN I, 173-174. Now in Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Museum 1712. Kawa V, ll. 16-19. For the interpretation of the Napatan sistrum, s. IV.2. Berlin 2268, l. 8.

Opinions on the Function of the Cylinders The visit of the queen mother was one of the last coronation rituals, which will be recorded also in later inscriptions of Anlamani17, Aspelta18 and Irike-Amannote19. According to Gozzoli, “She [Abar] is the physical re-enactment of that established bond between god and king: Taharqo mentions the previous deed of his ancestor because the consequences are still valid in his own times; that is to say, the Nubian king is the latest fruit of that alliance” […] and the role of Abar “connects the past to the future and permits the transmission of the royal power to her son Taharqo, confirming to what was established by Alara almost a century earlier” (Gozzoli 2009, 248).

The lack of royal coronation documents of Atlanersa, Tanutamani’s successor, makes it difficult to know information on his conception of legitimation. It is possible to suppose from his own titulary the right of the legitimation through the will of Ra. In fact, Atlanersa’s Throne name was ḫw-k3-Rˁ (= “Protector of ka of Ra”). Atlanersa was the second king to be buried in the cemetery of Nuri, inaugurated by Taharqo. Senkamanisken was probably son of his predecessor Atlanersa and married to queen Nasalsa and so, probable father of Anlamani and Aspelta. His reign is dated around the second half of the VII century BC23. The legitimation of Senkamanisken seems to be associated with the ‘traditional’ divine sonship, as attested from a fragment of his obelisk from temple B 700 at Gebel Barkal. In the text of this obelisk, in fact, the utterance “I knew him in the womb before he was born” (FHN I, 214) suggested the concept of the king’s predestination. The Throne name of Senkamanisken was Sḫpr.n-Rˁ (= “the one whom Ra has brought into being”), which might indicate his right of legitimation through the will of Ra. Also, his Son-ofRa name (‘Senkamanisken’), like Tanutamani’s, was the theophoric personal name, containing a mention of god Amun (‘Amani’), which can be interpreted as another indication related to the concept of his divine birth and his predestination (concepts already unequivocally expressed on his obelisk).

Taharqo’s reign represented the end of the Napatan domination in Egypt. Besides, Taharqo’s ‘dynastic’ changes appeared also with the rejection of the royal dynastic cemetery of el-Kurru and the inauguration of a new royal necropolis at Nuri20. Tanutamani, Taharqo’s successor, seemed to have insisted on continuity with the first kings of the XXV dynasty, attested also by his choice of erecting his tomb at el-Kurru, close to the tomb of his father Shabaqo, by refusing the new royal cemetery of Nuri, inaugurated by Taharqo. Only three names of the royal titulary of Tanutamani remain (Horus, Throne and Son-of-Ra names) and this seems to be due to incomplete survival attestations. His Horus name (“Whose love endures”) was typologically similar to names of Egyptian kings of the XVIII dynasty (Amenophis I, Thutmosis III and Amenophis III). According to Török, the meaning of his Throne name (‘B3-k3-R’”) is unknown (Török 1997b, 201), but Leclant believed that it “peut recouvrir un nom kouchite” (Leclant 1965, 351). The Son-of-Ra name (‘Tanutamani’) was his theophoric personal name, containing a reference to the god Amun (‘Amani’), and this can be interpreted as indications related to the concept of his divine birth or his predestination.

Anlamani was the successor and son of Senkamanisken (?)24 and of Nasalsa, and the elder brother of Aspelta. He was married to his sister Madiqen. In his titulary, Anlamani chose names imitating those of the first kings of the XXV dynasty (Piye, Shabaqo, Shabataqo and Tanutamani). Also, his Son-of-Ra name (‘Anlamani’), like those of Tanutamani and Senkamanisken, was the theophoric personal name, containing a reference to god Amun (‘Amani’), which indicated the concept of his divine birth and his predestination: both concepts were already clearly expressed on his Coronation Stela.

In the lunette of the Dream Stela of Tanutamani, two royal women appeared shaking the sistrum: his royal-sister and wife, Piankh-arty, and his mother Qalhata, so imitating the composition of Taharqo’s stelae emphasising the significant role of the royal queens. The text of this stela declared that his legitimation was assigned by Amun-Ra of Karnak and Amun-Ra of Gebel Barkal through an oracular dream (‘incubatio’); so, the divine wish determined the king’s ascent to throne. The incubatio, therefore, indicated that the divine election was (pre)-announced, and this suggested a sort of predestination of the king21. As in Taharqo’s stelae, in the Dream Stela of Tanutamani the lunette showed royal women shaking the sistrum22.

The Coronation Stela of Anlamani (Kawa VIII, Copenhagen,  Ny Carlsberg Museum 1709) was found in the temple T of Amun at Kawa25 and it is one of the first interesting documents describing details on the royal legitimation. In the lunette of this stela, the mother of Anlamani, Nasalsa, occurred twice behind her son, “shaking the sistrum for her father that she may be granted life”. The presence of Nasalsa, therefore, was connected to the concept of royal legitimation and assurance of kingship and the sistrum shaken by her can be identified as the symbol evoking the covenant between Alara and Amun, confirmed also by the donation of his four sisters to Amun, as priestesses, described in the text of the same

Kawa VIII, ll. 22-23. Coronation Stela, lunette. 19 Kawa IX, cols. 81-92. 20 For the cemetery of Nuri, s. I. 21 The oracular dream also occurred with Harsiyotef and Nastasen (Berlin 2268, ll. 5-7). 22 For the interpretation of the Napatan sistrum, s. IV.2. 17 18

FHN I, 212-213. Morkot observed that his father’s cartouche in Aspelta’s Election Stela is too small to contain the erased name of Senkamanisken (Morkot 1999, 199). 25 FHN I, 216-228. 23 24

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The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths third year39 and the stela on the mortuary cult foundation of prince Khaliut40.

stela. The appointment of these royal women seems to be associated with their predestination as king’s mothers: “they were invested as priestesses in order to distinguish them as predestined king’s mothers” (Török 1997b, 235).

The Election Stela came from the Amun temple B 500 at Gebel Barkal and it provides one of the most important pieces of evidence for the Napatan coronation. On the lunette, Aspelta’s mother appears: she was presumably Nasalsa, whose identity remains unclear because of the intentional elimination of her face and her name. According to Lohwasser, “[…] die auf der Intronisationsstele dargestellte und genannte mwt njswt nicht Nasalsa sein kann” (Lohwasser 2005, 152). Aspelta’s mother was shown shaking two sistra in front of her kneeling son Aspelta, Amun of Napata and Mut. This scene presents both the coronation from Amun who crowns kneeling Aspelta and the legitimacy through his mother ‘Nasalsa’, who asks the god to concede kingship to her son. In this way, ‘Nasalsa’ renewed the promise by the god playing the sistra. According to Gozzoli, “Aspelta is at the same time member of the divine triad and child of a human mother” (Gozzoli 2010, 490). As noted by Lohwasser, Nasalsa was the only attested Kushite royal woman who bore the epithet “s3.t Rˁ”, i.e. “daughter of Ra” (Lohwasser 2001a, 199-200). It is significant that this epithet was used by Egyptian reigning queens (Kahn 2005, 147, n.31).41

The divine birth of Anlamani (“the first son of Atum”)26 and his predestination (“He [Amun] saw you in your mother’s womb before you came forth”)27 were unequivocally emphasised on the stela. The text reveals an initial legitimation in the human sphere (= a dialogue between the king and his entourage), the king’s journey to Kawa, the visit of his mother during the coronation rites, the donation of his four sisters as priestesses to four Amun temples (Napata, Pnubs28, Kawa, Sanam?) and finally, the encounter with Amun of Kawa. The visit of the king’s mother as final act of the coronation rites is an already emerged theme during Taharqo’s period29 and will be confirmed also later, in the inscriptions of Aspelta30 and Irike-Amannote31. The visit of Anlamani’s mother, Nasalsa, was described in the same theological terminology as the visit of Taharqo’s mother in Memphis, in which the emotion of Abar recalled the reaction of Isis32 before Horus (“as Isis saw her son Horus crowned upon the throne of his father”)33. Certainly, the mothers’ visits had the same legitimating meaning. The mother’s visit and the donation of his four sisters as priestesses of Amun cults confirmed the important role of the royal women for the Napatan legitimacy (Kormysheva 1999; Lohwasser 2001a, 2001b). The concept of legitimacy through the female ancestor (“Amun-Ra of Kawa […] have regard for my mother and establish her children on earth”)34 seems to originate with the covenant between Alara and Amun, ‘instituted’ by Taharqo.

The text of Aspelta’s stela presents a chaotic indecision about the choice of Anlamani’s successor (Verhoeven 1998). The death of Anlamani seems to have been unexpected, as can be supposed from the words “like a herd of cattle without their drover”42. The text describes that the army officers and civil officials declared themselves to be incapable of recognizing the new king. So, they asked Ra to choose him, but the god remained silent43. Then, the assembly sought help from Amun-Ra of Napata, who finally chose to crown Aspelta among snw nsw44. According to Lohwasser, this latter expression means “the group of potential successors to the throne, equals from among whom the new Kushite king was chosen. They belonged to this group because the mothers of each of them was a snt njswt. Only when her son became king did a snt njswt attain the status of mwt njswt.” (Lohwasser 2001b, 65).

After Anlamani’s death, his younger brother Aspelta ascended to the throne. He was a son of Senkamanisken (?) and Nasalsa (?)35, and married to his niece Kheb/ Henutakhebit36, a daughter of Anlamani and Madiqen. Four stelae of Aspelta’s reign allow us to understand the development of the royal ideology of this period: the Election Stela (Cairo JE 48866) of the first year of the reign37, the Banishment Stela (Cairo JE 48865) of the second year38, the Adoption Stela (Louvre C 257) of the

The king’s coronation at Napata is described with these words: “In entered His Majesty to appear before his father, Amun-Ra, Lord of the Thrones of Two-Lands, and found all the sdn(w)- crowns of the kings of Kush and their w3sscepters set before this god”45. It is very probable that the royal coronations had already taken place in Napata during the XXV dynasty, because the earliest reference to

Kawa VIII, l. 5. Kawa VIII, l. 5. 28 Now identified with Kerma-Doukki-Gel. Bonnet-Valbelle 1980. 29 Kawa V, ll. 16-19. 30 Coronation Stela, lunette. 31 Kawa IX, coll. 81-92. 32 On the figure of Isis, s. II.2.3 Comments. 33 Kawa V, ll. 20-21. 34 Kawa VIII, l. 26. 35 On the genealogy of Nasalsa, s. Morkot 1999, 196-200. Lohwasser suggests that Nasalsa was not the biological mother of Aspelta, but his adoptive mother, because the name of the king’s mother was erased from Election Stela, while the name ‘Nasalsa’ remained on Khaliut’s stela (Lohwasser 2005, 152). 36 For the name of this princess, s. Vinogradov 2000b. 37 Grimal 1981, pls. V-VII. FHN I, 232-252. 38 Grimal 1981, pls. VIII-IX. FHN I, 252- 258. 26 27

Urk. III, 2, 101-108. FHN I, 259-268. In situ in front of the first pylon of the Amun temple B 500 at Gebel Barkal. 41 Hatshepsut, Ahmose Nefertari and Karomama. 42 L. 5. 43 For the explanation of this aspect, s. Revez 2014a. 44 For the interpretation of the election rite from candidates, s. Lohwasser 2000; 2001a, 249 ff; Kormysheva 1992. 45 FHN II, 400-428. 39 40

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Opinions on the Function of the Cylinders Napata appears around 747 BC in the Horus Name of Piye “Mighty-Bull-who-appears-in-Napata”. The term ‘ḫˁ’, in fact, means ‘appearance as king’ and may be translated as ‘enthronement’, ‘coronation’, ‘ascent to the throne’ (LdÄ III, 531-533). This term is one of the expressions designing the rising of the sun, attesting so the cosmic aspect of the royal coronation. So, the name of Piye signified “Mighty-Bull-who-is-crowned-in-Napata”. The discovery of a colossal cult statue of Taharqo (SNM 1841) from the Amun temple at Napata might indicate that the king was also crowned in Napata (as well as in Memphis). Anlamani was also crowned in Napata (even though the stela does not explicitly mention this), because the king’s journey usually started from there and the text records that Anlamani “sailed northwards”.

the king’s figure was erased, but restored later, while his erased names remained unrestored. The Adoption Stela (also called ‘Dedication Stela’) of the third reign year of Aspelta was found at Gebel Barkal and perhaps came from Sanam. The decoration of its lunette presents Aspelta offering Maat-symbol to Amun-Ra, Bull of T3-Sty (= Sanam?), Mut eye of Ra, Lady of the Heaven and Khonsu. Behind the king, three queens (Nasalsa, Madiqen and Kheb/Henutakhebit) appeared shaking the sistrum. Nasalsa was Aspelta’s mother, Madiqen his wife and Kheb/Henutakhebit daughter of Madiqen50. The stela recorded the (adoptive) appointment of Kheb/ Henutakhebit of a priestly office as sistrum player, occupied earlier by Madiqen at the temple of Amun-Ra, Bull of T3Sty (= Sanam?). Also the subject of this stela referred to legitimacy through the female ancestors, emphasising “the role of the queens as members of a chain of mothers” (FHN I, 267).

Certainly, the legitimation of Aspelta was condemned by posterity, because the names of his mother and of the seven46 generations of his royal ‘sisters’ (i.e. his female ancestors) were erased from the stela. Although it is difficult to determine the identity of these ancestors, the significant aspect of their designations was that earlier generations of women were mentioned for establishing Aspelta’s legitimation. For this king it seems it was not sufficient to mention solely his mother, and so he also indicated seven generations of his female ancestors as a further element in reinforcing his legitimacy. In fact, “each of these seven women might have been a decisive factor in the succession of kings between Alara and Aspelta. […] they all belonged to that group of women who might bequeath the right to the throne, substantiating the legitimacy of his selection. Aspelta thus belonged to the pool of snw njswt, and, moreover, his association extended back through time over seven generations” (Lohwasser 2001b, 65-66).

The fourth important document on Aspelta’s legitimacy concept was the stela on the mortuary cult foundation of prince Khaliut, bodily son of Piye (= “s3 nswt n ẖt.f Pˁnḫy”). The stela was erected by Aspelta in the Amun temple B 500 at Gebel Barkal and it celebrated Aspelta’s donations for the mortuary cult of prince Khaliut. The reasons for this king’s devotion remain obscure51, but it was probably intended to reinforce Aspelta’s legitimation through the memory of the ancestors. In the initial part of the stela text, in fact, Khaliut prays for Aspelta’s kingship and for his mother appearing with Aspelta as Isis did with Horus. In return for Aspelta’s donations, Khaliut asks the god to grant Aspelta the eternal kingship and the succession of his descendants. As the stela was erected at the Amun temple, it is plausible that Khaliut’s cult was continued by the temple priests through daily offerings.

The Banishment Stela of the second reign year of Aspelta was found at the Amun temple B 500 at Gebel Barkal. It describes the expulsion of a family of priests from the temple of Gebel Barkal, because they planned to kill an innocent man “without the god having decreed doing it”47. On the lunette of this stela, the king is presumed to be Aspelta, but his identity remains uncertain because of the intentional elimination of his figure and his name, even if the first was later restored. The king was represented offering a maat-symbol before Amun-Ra of Napata, Mut Lady of the Heaven48 and Khonsu. The initial text underlined the king’s role of creator like Ra and the expression “eldest son who protects his father”49 emphasised the king’s legitimacy, associating him with Horus, avenger of his father (FHN I, 257). In the lunette,

The examination of these stelae shows that Aspelta legitimised himself as rightful heir to the royal throne through three significant elements: a) election by the god Amun (Election Stela, ll. 11-19; FHN I, 237), i.e. legitimacy through divine will; b) seven generations of king’s sisters (Election Stela, ll. 20-21; FHN I, 240), i.e. legitimacy through the female ancestors; c) link with Khaliut, bodily son of Piye (Khaliut’s stela, ll. 9-15; 24-27; FHN I, 268-276), i.e. legitimacy through the memory with a more ‘ancient’ past. Therefore, Aspelta emphasised his predecessor’s favour as confirmation of legitimacy: a concept used by Taharqo through the covenant between Alara and Amun.

46 Kahn signaled “It is not clear if the seven enumerated generations are fictional (playing on the magical number seven), precise, telescoped, or if the length of a generation can be determined with precision” (Kahn 2005, 149, n. 53). 47 Ll. 7-8. 48 The epithet “Lady (or Mistress) of the Heaven” affirms the cosmic sovereignty of the goddess. On the figure of Mut, s. II.2.1 Comments. 49 L. 2.

Not necessarily ‘carnal’ daughter of Aspelta. She could be also daughter of Anlamani, brother of Aspelta. 51 Macadam argued that “this re-burial of Khaliut and the setting up of his mortuary service must have been intended to propitiate Khaliut’s descendants” (Macadam 1949, 128). 50

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The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths The reasons for which Aspelta’s names were erased in the Election and Banishment Stelae, but not in the Adoption and Khaliut’s Stelae remained unclear.

b) Kawa XII56, in which the king’s attribute ‘stp’ (= ‘the chosen one’) referred to the divine origins of IrikeAmannote’s kingship (col. 3)57.

Aramatelqo (or Amtalqa) was the probable Aspelta’s son and successor. Aramatelqo’s wife was probably Amanitakaye, who was presumably mother of king Malonaqen. His reign is dated to the first third of the VI century BC. Aramatelqo’s Throne name was W3d- k3-Rˁ (= “Ra is One whose ka endures”) and it came from the name of an obscure king of the VIII dynasty, while his Son-ofRa name referred to the god Horus52. No attestations on the king’s legitimation have been found, but the reference to Horus in his Son-of-Ra name could signify the adoption of the name after the king’s coronation or at his birth and in this latter case, according to Priese’s translation, Aramatelqo was a son of the ruling king (FHN I, 290-291).

There are no attestations of royal titulatures nor his concept of legitimation for Irike-Amannote’s successor, king Baskakeren. He was probably a successor of IrikeAmannote and he was buried at Nuri cemetery in tomb named ‘Nu. 17’. More evidence for criteria of legitimation can be found in the reign of Harsiyotef, the second successor of IrikeAmannote. His reign seems to have been very long and dated to some time in the first half of the IV century BC, as indicated by the granite stela of 35 regnal years, also called ‘Annals Stela’ (Cairo JE 48864)58 and found in the Amun temple of Gebel Barkal. Harsiyotef’s Throne name (= “Beloved-son-of-Amun”) and his Son-of-Ra name (= “Horus, son of his father”) referred to the concept of divine sonship and to the king’s incarnation as Horus. The identities of his royal mother (Atamasalo) and his royal wife (Batahaliye) are the unique certain data of his family: the royal women are mentioned by name on the Annals Stela and are also represented on the lunette shaking the sistrum and performing a libation, while the name of his father remains unknown. The long text of the Annals Stela records Harsiyotef’s legitimation, coronation, donations, restorations, expeditions against rebels, building activities and festivals in several temples. His coronation rituals included journeys to the Amun temples of Napata, Kawa, Pnubs and the Bastet temple of Tarat/Tare/Tele, which is mentioned for the first time as a coronation place59 (the later stela of Nastasen also mentions this latter coronation place).

Attestations on the legitimation of the following kings have not been found before king Irike-Amannote, whose reign is dated to the second half of the V century BC. Irike-Amannote was a son of king Malowiebamani and successor of his uncle king Talakhamani. His long vertical inscription (Kawa IX), incised on the Hypostyle Hall of Amun temple T at Kawa, was found in 1930 by Francis Llewellyn Griffith and it is one of the most significant pieces of evidence for the enthronement of the Napatan kings53. The singularity of this inscription is that it was situated in a place inaccessible to the public, while the other royal Napatan inscriptions were positioned in accessible places so as to be used by priests who read them to the public. Irike-Amannote’s inscription recorded his coronation and his donations to the Amun temple at Kawa. When his predecessor Talakhamani died, Irike-Amannote was at Meroe among sn.w nsw54. Irike-Amannote left Meroe to be crowned at Napata. Then, the king was crowned in the Amun temples at Kawa and at Pnubs (= Kerma). He sailed back to Kawa, where the mother arrived for the concluding ritual of coronation.

According to Török, “unlike other royal inscriptions of a related character, [the stela] does not record a legitimation of the heir in the human sphere. […] his legitimation had not taken the usual course but started instead with what seems to have been a solicited oracle” (FHN II, 459). In the Amun temple of Napata Harsiyotef received an oracle in which Amun promised him the kingship with these words: “I went before Amun of Napata, my good father, saying, “Give me the sḥ [a type of Kushite crown]60 of the land of Nḥs (= Nubia). “Amun of Napata said to me, “To you is given the sḥw [crowns] of the land of Nḥs (= Nubia). I give to you the 4 corners of the land in its entirety. (I) give to you the good water (= the inundation). (I) give you a sky of good rain. (I) give you every rebel under your sandals” (FHN II, 442-443).

Irike-Amannote’s legitimation was presented through the concept of predestination as son of god Amun, explicitly mentioned in the text: “because his father [Amun] has given it in his mother’s womb” (col. 10). His royal legitimacy was confirmed by two other donation inscriptions incised in the Amun temple of Kawa: a) Kawa X55, which recorded the king’s offerings to Amun of Kawa, who confirmed, in turn, Irike-Amannote’s royal power and his appearance on the throne of Horus like Ra;

Attestations on the royal legitimation of the two kings following, Akhratan and Amanibakhi, have not been Macadam 1949, 71-72, pls. 29-30. FHN II, 435. 58 Grimal 1981, 40-61, pls. X-XXV; FHN II, 438-464. 59 Now identified with Cadata/Radata in the Napata region. Hofmann 1971, 24 (“[…] da bald darauf Meroe erwähnt wird, wird wohl Rhadata mit T3r(t) gleichzusetzen sein”; Zibelius 1972, 179ff. 60 For the identification of these crowns, s. Pompei 2008. 56 57

52 “Welcher Sohn/Erbe/jüngere Erscheinungsform des Horus, der Edle” (Priese 1974, 226). 53 Kawa IX. Macadam 1949, 50-67, pls. 17-26. 54 Kawa IX, cols. 3-6. 55 Macadam 1949, 68-69, pls. 27-28.

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Opinions on the Function of the Cylinders found. The next attestations found are for king Nastasen, whose reign is dated to the second half of the IV century BC. The identity of his father is unknown, while the titles of ‘royal sister’ (snt nswt), ‘king’s mother’ (mwt nswt) and ‘mistress of Kush’ (ḥnwt Kš) for his mother Pelkha are known, and allow us to identify Nastasen as the son of a king. The identity of his wife, Sekhmakh, is also known, and she bears the titles of ‘king’s daughter’ (s3(t) nswt), ‘king’s wife’ (ḥm(t) nswt) and ‘mistress of Egypt’ (ḥnwt Kmt). Both the royal women are represented on the lunette of Nastasen’s stela from his VIII regnal year (Berlin 2268), shaking the sistrum and performing a libation. On the lunette of this stela, the caption referred to Nastasen’s mother, i.e. “she gave the sḥ [a type of Kushite crown]61 in Napata, because her father established the shrine of the ḫ3 [another type of Kushite crown] of Ra-Harakhty” suggested the significant role of the royal mother as guarantor of legitimation.

Nastasen was the particularly significant occurrence in this period of two main forms of legitimacy based on the divine sonship and on Alara’s covenant. The Napatan kings, therefore, seemed to have selected criteria adopted from two different (Egyptian and Nubian) kingship ideologies often combined together: a) the ‘divine sonship’: the practice of legitimacy already adopted from the Egyptian ideology at the beginning of the XXV dynasty and continuing until Nastasen; b) the ‘Alara’s covenant’: the new local (= Nubian) formula of legitimacy established and inaugurated by Taharqo and continuing probably until Nastasen. The source of legitimacy for all Napatan kings remained its association with the god Amun who chose the new king. In this way, the cult of Amun of Napata granted dynastic continuity, creating a sort of co-regency between the king and the god, and the covenant between Alara and Amun, through the royal priestesses, reinforced the link between the kingship and the god. The appointment of these royal women seems to be associated with their predestination as king’s mothers: (Török 1997b, 235).

Nastasen’s legitimation in the human sphere was indicated through the words: “I had summoned all the snw nswt who were in Meroe” (l. 5)62 and designated the first level of the coronation process. Nastasen summoned his royal brothers/brethren, because he received the calling by Amun (“Come!”) at Meroe. Another divine calling was received by Nastasen during the journey to Napata through a nocturnal incubatio, as early Tanutamani. Another calling seems to have been received during his visit to the temple of “T-k3, the birthplace of Alara” (l. 8), which is probably to identify with Sanam (FHN II, 497). Nastasen met representatives of the people who exhorted him to assume the kingship in quality of son of the god. This suggests that Nastasen’s legitimation happened through the concept of the divine sonship. Besides, the reference to Alara in Nastasen’s time might indicate that the covenant between Alara and Amun still represented the ideological symbol of Napatan kingship. For the concept of Nastasen’s legitimacy, Török suggested that “in different ways, both Harsiyotef and Nastasen strongly emphasize their connection with Irike-Amannote, though wisely embedding it in the concept of dynastic continuity from Alara” (FHN II, 469). As in Harsiyotef’s stela, Nastasen’s coronation journeys at Napata, Kawa, Pnubs and Tarat were recorded on his stela.

I believe that the sistrum occurring on the Napatan stelae played by royal women represents the iconographic symbol of the covenant between Alara and Amun. This significant symbol will be the focus for the conclusion of this monograph. *** Inexplicably, the cylinders have not aroused the interest which they truly deserve, even though, in my opinion, they are very important for the understanding of significant aspects of the Kushite kingship. Already in 1955, Dunham noted that the cylinders were open at the top and so that in 1978, the ‘Africa in Antiquity’ catalogue reported “it is possible that they were handles for fans, the ostrich feathers being inserted into the top” (Africa in Antiquity, vol. II, 194, nr. 11465). Shortly after, Leclant wrote “L’absence d’un couvercle à l’extrémité supérieure et d’une bélière, de même que les dimensions empêchent de les assimiler à des étuis porte-amulettes. On a suggéré que ces objets, inconnus par ailleurs, avaient contenu primitivement des rouleaux de papyrus, mais aucun indice ne vient confirmer cette hypothèse” (Leclant 1980, 106-107).

In conclusion, the choice and the legitimation of the Napatan king happened through divine ‘wonders’63 and/or a wider selection of candidates64, therefore including two main levels: a legitimation by the divine sphere with the choice by the god and a legitimation in the human sphere with the affirmation of the rightful descent (Török 1997b, 216-217). But the most important aspect that emerged from examination of the criteria of legitimacy from Taharqo to

Later, Török considered the cylindrical sheaths as cases for amuletic oracular decrees buried with the king (Török 1997b, 243 n. 247)66.

For the identification of these crowns, s. Pompei 2008. FHN II, 475. 63 Alara (= Kawa VI, l. 22); Taharqo (= Kawa V, l.5); Irike-Amannote (= Kawa IX, l.21). For the interpretation of Taharqo’s wonders, s. Gozzoli 2009. 64 Taharqo (= Kawa V, l.13); Aspelta (= Election Stela, l.17); IrikeAmannote (= Kawa IX, l.3); Nastasen (= stela from VIII year, l.5). 61 62

The important 1978 exhibition ‘Africa in Antiquity’ presented for the first time a complete overview of the most significant material culture achievement of the Middle Nile Region. 66 Also s. Andrews 1994, 42. 65

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The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths • the floral motives reproduced at the base were linked with the Nile flood, renewal and rebirth (III.3); • the cylinders were also found in queens’ tombs; therefore, they were also connected with female royalty; • the epithet ‘my son’ expressed by the main goddess on the cylinders demonstrates that the king was considered as ‘son of the goddess’; therefore, the epithet emphasised the king’s divine nature; • the queens’ epithets ‘king’s mother’, ‘king’s sister’, and ‘king’s wife’ were related to their family relationship with the king, and attest to their connection with the feminine role in the Nubian kingship; • the main motif of mother-goddess could be linked with the king’s real mother who played an important role at the coronation of her son; • the epithet of the king ‘Lord of the appearances’ is connected with his royal coronation (III.2); • if my hypothesis about the identification of the four Amun forms is correct (= II.2.8 and II.2.9), the cylinders can be connected with the coronation journeys or with the sistrum-players who guaranteed the continuity of the Napatan kingship; • the decoration of the small motifs (III.4.4) is connected with the myth of the Eye (= Gebel Barkal); • the recurrent presence of the uraeus always on the top of the cylinders (III.3 and IV.1); • finally, the cylinders were found in royal tombs and used, after death, as funerary offerings.

In the same year, on the catalogue ‘Soudan. Royaumes sur le Nil’, Gänsicke and Kendall wrote “[…] étuis cylindriques en métal précieux, dont la fonction reste inconnue à ce jour” (Soudan 1997, 226). For the first time, in 1998, Gänsicke and Kendall wrote the only paper I know of concerning the Napatan cylinders (Gänsicke–Kendall 2004). Examining the methods of construction and the iconographic patterns, the authors concluded that the cylinders were probably handles for shu feathers (symbols of maat, wind and breath of life) or for palm fronds (symbols of the wish for continued life). According to Gänsicke-Kendall, even if the cylinders were found in funerary equipment, not all the deities represented on the cylinders are of a funerary nature, but they are all connected with ideological aspects of the kingship. As the two scholars noted, the cylinders were used during the lifetime of kings and queens; and, after their death, they were used as final funerary offerings. In the 2003 catalogue entitled ‘Nubia. Los reinos del Nilo en Sudán’, the same Kendall wrote “[…] estos objetos se rellenaban con una sustancia parecida al barro y se utilizaban como mangos para los penachos rituales de plumas de avestruz que llevaban las reinas y princesas en las procesiones reales. Al agitar los penachos junto al rey viviente, o al lado de su sarcòfago en el transcurso de las honras fúnebres, se consideraba que estas damas conferìan al monarca el “aliento de vida” mencionado en el capìtulo 182 del Libro de los muertos. En realidad imitaban a las diosas reproducidas en los grabados de estos cilindros, que suelen llevar unos penachos de plumas de avestruz en las manos” (Nubia 2003, 233).

The cylinders were handles holding an object which had to have a significance whose ideological function was linked to the most important aspects of the Nubian kingship: the king’s divine nature, the role of the queen in the official legitimisation, the role of the sistrum-player as intermediary between the god and the king and the king’s enthronement.

In the 2004 British Museum catalogue ‘Sudan. Ancient Treasures’, Anderson and Pearce wrote that the presence of “wood impressions might suggest that these objects served as terminal for wooden rods or sceptres” (Sudan 2004, 129).

An important question which remains to be understood is why only the handles were found in the tombs. I suggest two reasonable possibilities:

The recent catalogue ‘Nubian Gold’ reads “the most puzzling objects from the Aspelta hoard are the cylinder sheaths – fifteen hollow tubes of gold or gilded silver open at the top and closed at the bottom.[…] The function of these cylinders is unknown, although it has been suggested that they served as handles for ostrich plumes or staves of grain carried during religious ceremonies” (Lacovara– Markowitz 2019, 146-147).

a) these ritual objects, whose cylinders were the handles, would normally have been kept in a special place, such as a temple or a royal palace, because they were considered ideological and emblematic symbols of the Napatan kingship. Evidence for this type of custom/ practice can be recognised in some attestations indicating the keeping of Napatan royal insignia in special places at Gebel Barkal; in fact, the royal crowns and sceptres were kept in the Amun temple67, and another royal emblem in the pr-nsw68. It is possible, therefore, that during the funeral, the ‘personal’ handles were removed69 from the ritual object (kept elsewhere) and placed in the tomb of the deceased royal personage;

Now, in order to identify the function of the cylinders, it is necessary to concentrate our attention on aspects of the living monarchs and the ritual ceremonies in which they were involved. Firstly, listing what we have so far elucidated in previous chapters can facilitate the identification of the role of the cylinders:

67 As mentioned (l. 22) in the Election Stela of Aspelta (Grimal 1981, pls V-VII; FHN I, 232ff). 68 As mentioned (l. 38) in the Irike-Amannote inscription (Kawa IX: Macadam 1949, 50-67, pls 17-26; FHN II, 400ff). 69 For this question, s. IV.2.

• the divinities represented on the cylinders were linked with the Gebel Barkal ideology; 66

Opinions on the Function of the Cylinders b) these ritual objects were made of a perishable material (wood?), decayed over time or destroyed by termites (Derry 1911), so that now only the metal handles are preserved.

mentioned above. Such a covenant guaranteed the Napatan kingship continuity through the sistrum-players. As for the technical aspect, the handles were possibly fixed on wooden supports, today perished, in which the sistra were subsequently inserted. The ‘wood impressions’ were, in fact, observed by Anderson and Pearce in Aspelta’s cylinder from the Sudan National Museum of Khartoum (Sudan 2004, 129). Another possibility was that the supports were made of a “thin layer of gesso on wood, overlaid with gold”, as were the two sistra of Tutankhamun72.

It is possible that the ritual use of these objects (with handles) could have begun during Taharqo’s reign, when the Nuri cemetery was inaugurated for the first time. Unfortunately, Taharqo’s tomb, the earliest and the largest of the Nuri pyramids, as well as in the whole of Sudan, had been flooded; and, despite substantial efforts, the tomb excavations were difficult, and very little archaeological material was discovered there. The hypothesis on the perishable material can be suggested in Reisner’s diary (Kendall 2008, 119, n. 7. Diary (21 Feb 1917), in which he wrote “In the debris in the hole below the floor level, there was some gold foil mixed with black organic matter (decayed wood?)”. The answer to what he found will remain unsolved.

IV.1. The sistrum in Egypt from the Old Kingdom to the Roman Period Since there are numerous publications about the Egyptian sistrum73, I will briefly mention only the most important aspects. The Egyptian sistrum was a musical instrument used during certain ceremonies. It was consisted of a handle and a structure crossed by thin rods, which by shaking produced the sound. Typologically, the sistra can be divided into two main groups: the earlier naos sistrum (called sšš.t) and the later arched sistrum (called sḫm). Less frequently, the sistrum is also referred to by the term ib.

We know the important role of the royal female members (king’s mother and sisters) in the Nubian legitimation; in fact, through their role as Amun’s sistrum-players, the royal women assured the link between Amun and the king, embodying the intermediaries with the god, as confirmed by the Adoption Stela of Aspelta. Thus, after these considerations, I believe that the Napatan cylinders might be identified as sistra handles, because they combined all the above-mentioned elements. Menat and sistra were generally considered the symbol of devotion to the Hathoric cult. In the same way, menat and sistra amulets were the most common types of amuletic objects proving the devotion to the cult of the goddess Hathor. It is curious that a large number of menat amulets70 were discovered in tombs of queens and kings at the cemetery of Nuri, but the sistra amulets were completely absent, with the exception of a single case71.

The first rare examples of a naos sistrum, which is sonamed so for the small structure placed above the handle, are dated from the end of the Old Kingdom; later, during the Middle Kingdom, the Bat symbol was added to the naos sistrum (Fischer 1962, 14), creating the first prototypes of the arched sistrum, named so for its arched upper part. The real arched sistrum appears in Egypt from the New Kingdom onwards, when from the XVIII dynasty further developments of this later type produced the ‘conventional’ arched sistrum. The two typologies of sistra appear with numerous forms: worn as amulets, incised on scarabs, stelae, statues, and capitals. The sistra continued to be used into the Roman period.

The sistrum was not only considered the symbol of devotion to the Hathoric cult, but I believe that in the Napatan period the sistrum also has to be considered as the metaphoric symbol used for representing the covenant between Alara and Amun on the Napatan stelae, as

Notwithstanding the fact that the two different typologies (naos and arched), with their variants, existed at the same time, it would seem that there was not a functional or symbolic difference between the two typologies. The “two terms for two types of sistra appear to exist, but there is a confusion as to which term belongs to which sistrum in which period of Egyptian history” (Reynders 1998, 1015). Regarding the terminology of the sistra, they were called sššt, but were also referred to by the term sḫm, in the same manner as the staff of authority held by high officials and royalty since the Old Kingdom74. Jéquier supposed, in fact, that the sḫm-sistrum was called as the emblem of power: “baton de commandement, considéré généralement

70 The tombs of queens where the menat amulets were found belonged to: Masalaye (MFA 17-3-606), Nasalsa (MFA 20.959, 20.957, 20.960, 20.961, 20.958, 18-2-471, 18-2-422, 18-2-518, 18-2-472), Maleteral II (MFA 17-1-963, 17-1-1008) and unidentified queens (MFA 17-1387; 20.1100; 17-1-340; 17-1-676, 17-1-308). The kings tombs where the menat amulets were found belonged to: Taharqo (MFA 16-12-192, 16-11-71, 17-2-1914, 17-2-1947, 17-3-84, 17-3-105, 17-3-107, 20.248, 20.962, 20.963, 20.249, 16-12-51, 16-12-93, 18-2-595, 17-3-146, 183-36), Atlanersa (MFA 20.1099, 20.1101, 20.1102 a-b, 17-1-897), Senkamanisken (MFA 17-1-112, 17-1-54, 17-1-52, 17-1-99, 17-21837, 20.1031, 20.1032, 20.1052, 20.1046, 20.1047, 20.1048, 20.1049, 20.1050, 20.1051, 17-1-100), Anlamani (MFA 20.1033, 20.1040, 20.1034, 20.1035, 20.1103, 16-11-56, 16-11-49, 17-1-943, 17-1-944, 171-758, 17-1-759, 16-11-47), Aspelta (MFA 16-A-87, 16-A-84, 16-A-85), Aramatelqo (MFA 20.1095, 16-12-121), Analmaaye (MFA 20.1104a-b), Amaniastabarqo (MFA 17-2-108), and Baskaheren (MFA 20.1097). 71 In the tomb (‘Nu. 59’) of the queen Malaqaye, probable wife of Tanutamani; RCK II, 27.

Carter 075 and 076. Some examples: RÄRG, 716-720; LdÄ V, 959-963; Davies 1920; Ellis 1927; Klebs 1931; George 1978; Tutundjian de Vartavan 1986a and 1986b; Reynders 1998; Manniche 2010; Elwart 2005 and 2011. 74 For the question of the names, s. Reynders 1998. 72 73

67

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths considered the instrument which literally makes noise, i.e. a musical instrument (Reynders 1998, 1022-1023).

comme un insigne de puissance” (Jéquier 1946, 206). The term sḫm has the same sound for indicating both ‘sceptre’ and ‘sistrum’75 and as Pinch wrote: “Many Egyptian words which looked different when written in the hieroglyphic or hieratic scripts sounded the same when pronounced. This was thought of as a meaningful connection rather than as mere coincidence” (Pinch 1994, 68).

The sistra were made of several materials (Preys 2002, 100; Daumas 1970a, 13; Daumas 1970b, 72): gold77, silver78, bronze79, ‘alabaster’ (= calcite)80, faience81, glazed steatite82 lapis-lazuli83, ivory84, wood85, gilded wood86. The handles were inscribed especially in the Late Period and almost always bear royal names.

As noted by Jéquier (Jéquier 1946, 206) and underlined later by Reynders (Reynders 1998, 1020), the term sššt recalled the sššt-w3dj (= “the shaking of the papyrus”) mentioned in the Pyramid Texts76. This evoked the sound that Hathor produced when she come out of the papyrus clamp. The sistrum and the papyrus were agitated together and offered to the deceased in many tomb scenes. The sistrum of king Tety, the oldest known Egyptian sistrum (fig. 28a), whose I will explain later, showed a stalk of papyrus as handle, for evoking perhaps the same shared ritual.

A significant feature of the sistra is the recurrent presence of uraei as rattling cross-bars87 and sometimes inside the naos occurring atop the head of the goddess88. The connection with the uraeus might suggest the solar aspect of the sistra89. Already in the reign of Sesostris I, we find the offerings of menat and sistra acted by the queen and princesses in the role of the goddess, as mentioned in the story of Sinuhe (Gardiner 1916, 100-103).

According to Jéquier, “L’existence de deux symboles du même ordre, mais différents de forme, comme attributs d’une seule déesse, paraît quelque peu anormale, de même que l’évolution d’un objet dans deux sens divergents, la valeur des dérivés restant équivalente et tous les deux continuant à être employés conjointement. La difficulté disparaît si nous considérons les deux sistres comme différents d’origine et remontant l’un comme l’autre à deux fétiches primitifs distincts, créés indépendamment dans deux centres religieux géographiquement assez rapprochés, mais attachés à deux divinités: à la déesse de Denderah aurait appartenu le bloc à tête de vache, origine du sistre-crécelle, à celle de Hou, le sekhem, prototype du sistre-hochet. La fusion des deux déesses et des deux emblèmes se serait accomplie postérieurement. Cette solution, que d’ailleurs je ne propose pas comme absolument certaine, a l’avantage de tourner la difficulté conformément au caractère d’une déesse qui, au cours des âges, a peu à peu assimilé toutes celles qui lui ressemblaient” (Jéquier 1946, 208-209).

In Egypt, the sistra also had a votive and symbolic significance linked to mythical associations (Tutundjian de Vartavan 1986b; Manniche 2010) and were used in this way for celebrating many goddesses: Hathor, Nebethetepet, Sekhmet, Bastet, Isis, Anukis, Nehemetawy, and Toeris. During the ritual, the sistrum was used for pacifying a deity, alluding to the Hathoric myth known since the New Kingdom, in which the daughter of the sun god (Hathor)90, left Egypt in a rage and went to Nubia. She had to be pacified and, in the rituals, the use of the sistrum alluded to this pacification. Connected with the goddesses, the sistrum was mostly used by women (even if not exclusively), as priestesses and female members of the royal family. Not only priestesses, but also queens and princesses were, in fact, present in numerous scenes showing the sed-festival and they agitated sistra.91 During the rituals of the New Year the sistra were played, probably with the intention of signifying renewal.

Epigraphical passages from the temple of Dendera read “Le sistre-sekhem est pour ton Ka, Re-féminine des statues divines; Le sistre-sechechet est agité pour toi par les dieuxéclatants” on the eastern side, and “Le sistre-sekhem de la Puissante (Sḫmt) écarte ta violence. Le sistre-sechechet de ton ka efface ta fureur” on the western side (Daumas 1970a, 13; 1970b, 68). The two different ‘functions’ of the sistra seem to be interchangeable with one another.

Cairo CG 69323. Fischer 1968, 40. Cairo CG 69320; 69322. 79 Louvre E 11201. 80 New York MMA 26.7.1450. 81 Louvre E 8063. 82 Lender Johns Hopkins University Archaeological Museum, Baltimore, for Eton College, Windsor, England (1588). 83 Brussel KMKG E 8616; Brooklyn 44.123.176. 84 “Ivory sistrum handle of Bukau, XVIII dynasty”. Petrie 1900, Denderah, pl. XXIIIIA. 85 Cambridge Fitzwilliam Museum E.GA.2880.1943. Tutundjian de Vartavan 1986a. Brooklyn Museum 37.436E. 86 Cairo JE 67887. 87 For example, s. Tutankhamun’s sistra (Carter 075 and 076). 88 For example, s. Saite Period sistrum (MET 17.190.1959). 89 It is important to point out that both the sitra and the cylinders share the same association with the uraei (III.3). 90 On the figure of Hathor, s. II.2.2 Comments. 91 For example, the queen Tiye, the great wife of Amenhotep III, holds a sistrum close to her husband offering before the gods (The tomb of Kheruef: TT 192, 1980, pl. 8). 77 78

Finally, Reynders demonstrated the terminological difference between the two words. The term sḫm had to be literally translated as a divine incarnation and manifestation, i.e. if the sḫm was referred to the goddess Hathor, it has to be considered as the symbolic representation of the goddess. The term sššt has to be 75 For the correlation between the sceptre and the sistrum, Troy 1986, 86; Reynders 1998, 1018. 76 PT 712b, 1095 b-c.

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Opinions on the Function of the Cylinders Sometimes the scenes also show the Pharaoh rattling the sistrum before the divinities92. The sistra were also linked with Osiris, Horus, RaHarakhty, and in particular with Amun, whose temples appear to have been depositories of the sistra: “So wissen wir, daβ im Allerheiligsten des Amuntempels von Karnak ein Naos-sistrum verwahrt wurde […]. Es stand zwischen Gottesstäben (s. Stabkult) und Fächern, wurde also augenscheinlich wie diese als ein Kraftträger verstanden” (RÄRG, 719). The sistra were offered to the deceased by his family to guarantee life and health.93 The offering of the sistra seems to be a feminine prerogative. The representations in Egyptian tombs sometimes show the deceased receiving a sistrum from the hands of a kinswoman (fig. 27)94. According to Jéquier, the real sistrum is the emblem of the goddess receiving the dead in the Afterlife (Jéquier 1921, 79-83).

Fig. 27. Scene from the Tomb of Rekhmira (Davies de Garis 1943, pl. 63).

As mentioned above, the handles of Egyptian sistra were often inscribed, especially in the Late Period, although most of them appear not to have had any figurative decoration. Amongst the handles I examined was the oldest known Egyptian sistrum (Davies 1920), i.e. the calcite sistrum of Tety, founder of the VI dynasty. The typology of Tety’s sistrum is unique in Egyptian art. This sistrum bears an inscription and a decoration comparable with the Napatan cylinders (figs. 28a, b). The long vertical inscription running down the handle says: “The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Son of Re, Tety, beloved of Hathor, Lady of Dendara, may he live for ever” (fig. 28b). At the bottom of the inscription, the decoration shows a figure of the goddess Hathor with a sun disc between cow horns over her head and a lotus flower in her hand. A similar decoration occurs on the handle of a Late Period sistrum, probably from Karnak (MFA 1970.572), where a small goddess figure appears at the bottom of the vertical inscription as on Tety’s sistrum (fig. 28b), while, on the sides of the loop, are figures of Mut ‘mistress of Isheru’ shaking sistra before a recumbent ram (= Amun-Ra).

Furthermore, the protective role of Hathor is well-known both towards the living and the dead. The vignette of Spell 186 of the Book of the Dead shows Hathor as Mistress of the West, emerging from the western mountains in the form of the cow with sun disc. Hathor welcomes the dead into the Beyond, where they will be resuscitated. As a tree-goddess, Hathor restored the deceased during his journey through the underworld, and as a Divine Cow she embodied the sky and acted as a mediating symbol between the underworld and the living. Since Hathor was the symbol of the anticipation of rebirth, her emblem (sistrum) expressed this promise of rebirth for the dead95. In the Ptolemaic period, the scenes showing the king shaking the sistrum/sistra before female and male deities became very common96.

92 For example: Ramses II before Amun-Kamutef (Great Hypostyle Hall, Karnak). 93 Tomb of Puyemrê (Davies de Garis 1923, pl. 53b); tomb of Rekhmira (Davies de Garis 1943, pl. 63). 94 In the tomb of Ramose, the scene of the presentation of sistra and menats to the deceased is accompanied by the text in which Amun-Ra gives life and renewed youth (Davies 1941, pl. XVIII; Barguet 1953, 109). 95 As in Nuri cemetery, also in Tutankhamun’s tomb, two sistra of gilt wood were found in the antechamber. They were placed on one of the four funerary beds in the form of the cow goddess Mehet Wret. Carter described the sistra “Top part plain wood covered with gold leaf. Centre panel & column thin layer of gesso on wood, overlaid with gold. No inscriptions”. Traces of use of these sistra indicate that they were not objects created for the funeral, but used during the life of the king and on his death placed in his tomb by way of final offerings. It is probable that the Napatan cylinders were used during the lifetime of the deceased and then placed in the royal tomb during burial. 96 For example: Ptolemy II shakes the sistrum before Mut and Sekhmet in the temple of Mut at Karnak; relief of Ptolemy II shaking the sistrum from the temple of Isis at Behbeit el Higara (Risdmuseum 18.740); Ptolemy III or IV shakes two types of sistra (the looped and the naos) to Mut at the temple of Montu at North Karnak; Ptolemy VI Philometer before Neith in the temple of Esna; Ptolemy III Euergetes offers a sistrum and a menat to Khonsu on the monumental east gate at Karnak.

As Fischer noted, “Tety is the first king known to be associated with this cult [of the Hathor of Dendera] in a contemporaneous inscription; on the stem of an alabaster sistrum he is said to be “beloved of Hathor Mistress of Dendera” (Fischer 1968, 37). The family of Tety was particularly linked to Hathor Lady of Dendera, one of the goddesses most represented on the cylindrical sheaths. The inscriptions found on the Egyptian sistra handles are often uninformative, bearing generally only the titles and epithets of the owner. Most present only royal names from the Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic Period. In the Roman Period, the sistra were the most common attributes of Isis, whose cult spread across the Mediterranean. “Lors de la diffusion des cultes égyptiens dans le monde grèco-romain, le sistrum devint l’insigne 69

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

Fig. 28a. Sistrum of Tety (MMA 26.7.1450).

Fig. 28b. Sistrum of Tety (detail of the handle of MMA 26.7.1450).

des divinités et officiants” (LdÄ V, col. 963)97. The same term sistrum comes from the Latin language, which is in turn derived from Greek σεῖστρον, originated from σείω (= ‘to shake’).

for that part of the world which undergoes reproduction and destruction is contained underneath the orb of the moon, and all things in it are subjected to motion and to change through the four elements: fire, earth, water, and air. At the top of the circumference of the sistrum they construct the figure of a cat with a human face, and at the bottom, below the things that are shaken, the face of Isis on one side, and on the other the face of Nephthys. By these faces they symbolize birth and death, for these are the changes and movements of the elements; and by the cat they symbolize the moon because of the varied colouring, nocturnal activity, and fecundity of the animal. For the cat is said to bring forth first one, then two and three and four and five, thus increasing the number by one until she reaches seven, so that she brings forth in all twenty-eight, the number also of the moon’s illuminations. Perhaps, however, this may seem somewhat mythical. But the pupils in the eye of the cat appear to grow large and round at the time of the full moon, and to become thin and narrow at the time of the wanings of that heavenly body. By the human

Plutarch attributed to the sitrum cosmic meanings, evoking the four elements: fire, earth, water, and air, and symbolising birth and death. According to Plutarch, in fact, “The  sistrum  (rattle) also makes it clear that all things in existence need to be shaken, or rattled about, and never to cease from motion but, as it were, to be waked up and agitated when they grow drowsy and torpid. They say that they avert and repel Typhon by means of the sistrums, indicating thereby that when destruction constricts and checks Nature, generation releases and arouses it by means of motion. The upper part of the sistrum is circular and its circumference contains the four things that are shaken; 97 On the Greek and Roman diffusion of the sistrum, s. LdÄ V, cols. 963965.

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Opinions on the Function of the Cylinders ancient pharaohs, particularly that of Tety’s dynasty and those of the Middle Kingdom. Tety’s sistrum could have been an object by means of which the Napatan rulers aspired to be considered the direct descendants and heirs of the kings of the Old Kingdom of Egypt (IV.1).

features of the cat is indicated the intelligence and the reason that guides the changes of the moon” (Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride, ch. 63)98. In this period, the sistra seem to be connected with various aspects, such as the announcement of the flow and re-flow of the Nile99 or their sounds inviting to mourn the deceased Osiris100.

By analysing all the aspects of this research, it has emerged that in the Kushite culture, the sistrum was not only considered a musical instrument, as in Egypt, but also had a significant importance connected with the Kushite kingship. The Kawa inscriptions of Taharqo, Anlamani and Irike-Amannote refer to the sounds produced by copper sistra in the temples of Gempaton/Kawa, as “numerous singers, their sistra in their hands to shake the sistra before (Amun-Re’s) beautiful face” (Kawa III, 23-24; VI, 2, 21) and Pnubs/Kerma (Kawa IX, 63), shaken by female musicians. It is clear that in these cases such sistra were considered as simple musical instruments accompanying the temple rituals. Another aspect emerges during IrikeAmannote’s reign, when captured enemies were explicitly registered at Pnubs as “sistrum-bearers before this god” (Macadam, Temples of Kawa I, pls. 19, 24)104.

Relating to its protective role, “Sur des autels funéraires, le sistrum […] est témoignage de foi, mais aussi protection magique, dans le passage vers l’autre monde” (LdÄ V, col. 963). IV.2. The sistrum in the Kushite kingdom The sistra in the Kushite kingdom were generally played by queens, priestesses and female members of the royal family, during official rituals. In the XXV dynasty, the sistrum was sometimes held by kings, as can be seen on the lunette of the Great Triumphal Stela of Piye, of his 21th regnal year (Cairo JE 48862, 47086-47089). Here, the sistrum was shaken by king Nimlot101 and a gold and lapis-lazuli sistrum is mentioned in the text of the same Stela102: “… he brought a horse with his right hand, (and) a sistrum in his left, a sistrum of gold and lapis lazuli”103. The sistrum was used here, perhaps, to pacify the victor king, Piye.

Unfortunately, very few examples of sistra have been found in Nubian archaeological excavations, and these are generally made of faïence or bronze and associated with votive offerings. But the Napatan texts also mentioned sistra, which had a more significant function, because played by royal women, as I hope I have demonstrated in this research.

The most important aspect, however, is that during the Napatan period the use of sistra appears to have substantially increased and developed, as attested on many Kushite monuments. Again and again, royal queens are shown shaking the sistra, behind their husbands or sons, during the most important royal ceremonies, as one can see on the lunettes of the coronation stelae of Taharqo, Tanutamani, Anlamani, Aspelta, Harsiyotef and Nastasen (Pompei 2005); in fact, it is rare to see the Kushite king alone during the Napatan rituals.

The title “Lord of doing things” repeated on the cylindrical sheaths also appears on Egyptian sistrum handles105 and it can suggest the rituals acted during the shaking of the sistra. The recurrent formula “protect thy flesh” occurring on the cylinders can be explained by the act of shaking the sistrum, which had a protective function. The citation from Plutarch “the sound of the sistrum scares away Typhon” (De Iside et Osiride, ch. 63) underlined the protective role of the sistrum, as is also confirmed by some inscriptions from the Hathor temple at Dendera “I dispel what is evil by means of the sistrum in my hand”; “I have taken the sššt-sistrum, I grasp the sekhem-sistrum and drive away him who is hostile to the Mistress of Heaven (= Hathor)”, said by the queen shaking two sistra besides the king (Blackman 1921, 21). A parallel for this expression (“protect thy flesh”) can be found in the already analysed formula from Abydos (= II.2.2) “receive for thyself the menit and the sistrum, that they may infuse health into thy flesh”106 (Gardiner 1916, 101). This formula celebrated the salvific protection of the body by sistra and since the

The Kushite kings had a great respect for the Old and Middle Kingdoms (Leclant 1961b), as indicated not only by the building activity in the territory of Memphis, but also by the renewal of the titles assumed in their royal protocol. It is possible to deduce that they deliberately chose to connect their kingship concept to that of the 98 Translated by Frank Cole Babbitt. The Loeb Classical Library «Plutarch. Moralia», vol. V (1936), 149-151. 99 “Isis autem est genius Aegypti, qui per sistri motum, quod gerit in dextera Nili accessus recessusque significat, per sitellam quam sinistra manu retinet ostendit affluentiam omnium lacunarum” (Servius, Ad Aen. VIII , 696). 100 “Sistraque erant, numquamque satis quaesitus Osiris, plenaque somniferis serpens peregrina uenenis” (Ovid, Met. IX, 694—95); “Nos in templa tuam Romana accepimus Isim / semideosque canes et sistra iubentia luctus / et, quem tu plangens hominem testaris, Osirim” (Lucan, Phars. VIII, 831—33). 101 It is curious that in the stela text, the sistrum is said to be “brought in his left hand”, while on the lunette, the sistrum is shown in Nimlot’s right hand. 102 L. 58. Grimal 1981. 103 FHN I, 83.

For the mention of the captured enemies, s. Pope 2014, 104-105. This same title occurs on faïence sistra handles of the contemporaneous XXVI dynasty (for examples: British Museum EA54824; Cairo Museum CG 69342, CG 69750). 106 Schäfer translated “unite themselves to thy flesh in health”. 104 105

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The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths inscriptions on the cylinders pronounce such a formula, the same cylinders can be identified with handles of sistra.

life to the height of heaven and to the breadth of the earth, like Ra” (Macadam 1955, pl. XVIIIa).

In addition, the identification of the cylinders with sistra can be confirmed thanks to their meaning linked to the concept of Kushite kingship. In fact, as already said, the sistra were played during particular royal ceremonies of kings linked to the legitimation of the new king, by widows of a dead king and future queens, acting as priestesses. So, the function of the sistra was connected with the legitimation of the king, but also, perhaps, with the sed-festival (Grover 2008, 6), when the king’s power was renewed and the coronation rituals were repeated. The royal sed-festival seems to be connected with the concept of rebirth, which surely referred to the rebirth as the new king. Additionally, the most common attribute associated with the sistra, the menat, implied a connection with the sed-festival, with rebirth and legitimation meaning (Barguet 1953, 108; Leclant 1961b).

As guarantors of royal legitimacy, royal women held a very important position in Kush (Lohwasser 1998, 2000, 2005, 2001a, 2001b; Kormysheva 1999; Morkot 1999; Pompei 2005; Gozzoli 2010; Kahn 2012). Kushite royal women supported the king, shaking the sistrum, offered sacrifices together with the king and, in some cases, performed the libation. This latter role indicates the privileged status of women in Kush, because in Egypt the libations were only ever made by the king himself (Lohwasser 1998); therefore, “Kushite royal women not only assisted in preparing for the cult; they participated in the cult, communing themselves with the gods” (Lohwasser 2001b, 68). The king’s mother and the wife were mentioned and represented during the coronation rites of the king. The king’s mother was associated with the goddess Isis and assisted in the enthronement rites of her son who was associated with Horus (= the living king), by shaking the sistrum and pouring libations before the gods (Kormysheva 1999; Lohwasser 2001b). The role of the mother was well proclaimed on Taharqo’s stela Kawa VI, where the king commemorated the female ancestors, who represented the liaison with the past (covenant with Alara’s sister), the present (Taharqo’s mother) and the future (as medium for the future kings).

During the coronation rituals, the sistra were played by the female members of the royal family to guarantee a rightful legitimisation of the king, as can be seen on the lunettes of the above mentioned Kushite stelae. During the coronation ceremonies of Taharqo, the visit of the queen mother was one of the rituals of enthronement, and the continued presence of this ritual is confirmed by later coronation stelae, where not only the lunettes show the presence of the Queen Mother with a sistrum in her hand, but also the main text of the stelae also mentions the visit of the queen mother as an act of legitimisation. The king’s wife, shown behind her husband, is also almost always represented with the sistra in her hands. The particular case of the lunette of Aspelta’s coronation stela (Grimal 1981, pl. V), which shows the queen mother Nasalsa (?) in a different posture, standing in front of the king with two sistra in her hands, is most significant. Both the position of the queen mother and the presence of the two sistra are an exceptional representation when compared to other royal stelae, possibly due to the fact that the legitimation of the king was not universally accepted. The two sistra could be compatible with the ‘twin’ Aspelta handles (= II.2.8 and II.2.9), and thus connected with the desired royal legitimation. In fact, the first cylinder can be connected with coronation in the earthly sense, as the decoration indicates his legitimation over the North and South territories (= all the world) and the inscription shows the epithet “Lord of the appearances” (= coronations), while the second cylinder can be connected with the coronation in the heavenly sense; if my hypothesis is correct, the divine approval is suggested by the presence of the four Kushite temples of Amun forms, associated with the sistrumplayers appointed by Anlamani, predecessor of Aspelta. The significant ideology of the earthly and heavenly legitimation can also be confirmed by the words said by Amun-Ra of Kawa to Aspelta “(words) spoken by AmunRa, the ram over the South Country, who is in Gempaten, my beloved son Aspelta, I grant thee strength on the day of battle, I unite the Two Lands in peace for thee, I give thee

According to Török, “the installation of certain royal women as sistrum players was determined, however, by more concrete considerations: they were invested as priestesses in order to distinguish them as predestined king’s mother. […] royal women could also be installed in priestly offices which were associated with the legitimacy and power of the ruler […]” (Török 1997b, 235). The succession of the sistrum-players is described in detail in the text of the Adoption Stela of Aspelta (Louvre C 257). The king appointed his wife Kheb/Henutakhebit, daughter of his predecessor and brother Anlamani, as sistrumplayer in the temple of Amun Bull-of T3-Sty at Sanam. The priestly position was held by Nasalsa (probable Aspelta’s mother and Kheb/Henutakhebit’s grandmother), and then by Madiqen (sister/wife of Anlamani and then Aspelta, and Kheb/Henutakhebit’s mother). All three priestesses are represented on the lunette of the Adoption Stela, shaking the sistrum and performing a libation, and they were alive at the time of the investiture of Kheb/Henutakhebit, i.e. three generations of priestesses were living at the same time107. The investiture, which took place in the Amun temple at Sanam, included the proposal by the royal council for the appointment of Kheb/Henutakhebit, her appointment by the king and her adoption by the two antecedent priestesses.

Vinogradov suggests the possibility that Madiqen was no longer alive at the time of Henuttakhebit’s installation (Vinogradov 2009, 167-168). 107

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Opinions on the Function of the Cylinders It seems that Madiqen and Kheb/Henutakhebit, members of Aspelta’s family, were appointed into a priestly office as predestined queen mothers, installed by their husbands and not by their fathers (Török 1997b, 240-241). In fact, Madiqen was appointed to the office of sistrum-player by her husband Anlamani during his coronation, as mentioned on his Coronation Stela (Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Museum 1708)108 from Kawa with these words109:

from the early Napatan period, as did the cylinders. The inscriptions of the votive objects indicated their association with the renewal of royal power on New Year’s Day. The texts specified that these objects were dedicated to Amun of Thebes, Amun of Napata, Ra-Harakhty, Amun of Kawa, and Hathor of Dendera, i.e. all divinities who also occurred (represented or only mentioned) on the Napatan cylinders. The celebration of New Year’s Day was one of the annual festivals connected with the kingship concept and with the renewal of royal power. The anniversary of enthronement was also celebrated on this day in New Kingdom Egypt.

“His Majesty gave his sisters [= “wives”], four women, to the gods, to be sistrum-players: -one to Amun of Napata, -one to Amen-Ra of “Finding-(the)-Aton” (= Kawa), - one to Amun of Pnubs, - and one to Amun-Ra, Bull of T3-Sty (= Sanam), in order to shake the sistrum before them, requesting life, prosperity, health, and a long life for the king, every day” (FHN I, 223).

It would appear that the sistrum became a symbol of life: “This association with life was not confined to the funerary contexts, but it also seen in birth houses attached to the Egyptian temples. Known by the Coptic name, mammisi, rituals performed in these birth houses celebrated ideas of birth and re-birth, often with music playing and singing. Rebirth was the deceased’s vehicle into eternal existence in the afterlife” (Ayad 2009, 50).

Besides, from the text of the Adoption Stela of Aspelta (Louvre C 257), reading “placing a sistrum of silver in her right hand” (l. 11), it seems that Anlamani gave her a silver sistrum as a seal of her appointment (II.6). The text of the Adoption Stela also declared that the office of Kheb/Henutakhebit was given by her husband Aspelta. The practice of the female priestly adoption of the sistrumplayers recalled that of the Theban God’s Wife of Amun, as suggested by two pieces of textual evidence:

Why were only the handles (cylinders) of sistra discovered in the royal tombs? I would like to suggest two reasons, as already said: a) the handle was made of precious metal, while the inside sistrum was made of wood110, and so in the tomb only the gold/silver part survived to be found, while the wooden part was perished; b) the funerary offering of sistra might have included the deliberate removal of the cylindrical handles. This deliberate breaking was a well-known practice in Nubia, as demonstrated by the very common ritual of breaking of objects during Nubian funerals (Kendall 1999, 15, 21, 27; Török 1995, 209; Török 1999b, 155-156; Yellin 1994, 246-248; Budka 2014). The breaking of objects seems to be “a preexisting indigenous funerary ritual following the arrival of Egyptian craftspersons” (Yellin 1994, 257).

a) Nitocris’s granite stela (Cairo JE 36327), composed in 656 BC, when Nitocris, the daughter of Psamtik I, was appointed as God’s Wife of Amun (Caminos 1964); b) Ankhnesneferibra’s alabaster stela (Cairo JE 36907), dated in 595 BC, when Ankhnesneferibra, the daughter of Psamtik II, was appointed as God’s Wife of Amun at Karnak (Leahy 1996). These two priestesses were respectively installed by their fathers, as also early Amenirdis II was installed by her father Taharqo, and Shepenupet II by her father Piye. Therefore, the change of installation process seems to have occurred in the time of Anlamani and Aspelta, introducing the active role of the husbands as those who appointed the sistrum-players to office. These adoptions were authorised by the king who gave his royal women to Amun-Ra to play the sistrum in order to pacify the god, as recorded in the case of the Adoption Stela of Aspelta.

In the Napatan tombs the funerary meal ended with the ceremony of breaking not only the typical ‘red pots’ (Van Dijk 1986), but also other objects, such as found in Piye’s tomb (‘Ku. 17’), where bronze cups and a libation stand were deliberately destroyed (Dunham 1950, 65-66, pl. 40 a-c; Kendall 1999, 39-40). To this day, “In Africa, the breaking of grave-goods is frequent among the Sudanese tribes” (Grinsell 1961, 479). There is one further matter which might be significant for this research; in some Memphite scenes, the pots “are not broken by a priest, but the last woman of a group of female mourners” (Van Dijk 1986, 1392).

***

A significant attestation for this research is that, in Sinai, Petrie noted the existence of the voluntary breaking of sistra at the Hathor temple of Serabit el-Khadim, built during the Middle Kingdom, and that this continued into New Kingdom. It would appear that the breaking of sistra occurred at the moment of presentation to Hathor. Petrie so wrote “We accordingly searched all the menats,

There is one curious aspect that I should like to mention briefly here. At the royal palace M 294 of Meroe, fragments (deliberately broken?) of votive faïence sistra and ˁnḫw3s symbols were found in a cache during Garstang’s excavations (Török 1997a, 155-160; Kormysheva 2006, 156-157; Pope 2014, 29-30). All of them were dated 108 In modern literature, the stela of Anlamani (Kawa VIII) is misquoted as 1709. 109 Kawa VIII, ll. 23-25.

As suggests by the ‘wood impressions’ found inside Aspelta’s cylinder (Sudan 2004, 129). 110

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The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths IV.3. Conclusion

bracelets, wands, sistra, and plaques exhaustively. Every fragment was collected, sorted over, and every possible joining was tried. The result was that very few pieces could be fitted together; for instance, not a single one of a dozen sistrum-heads fitted any handle that was found. The general conclusion was forced on me that we have not more than about a third of all the glazed ware that had been broken up. What, then, has become of the rest? We found many hundredweights of fragments, but half a ton or more of pieces must have entirely disappeared. They could not be hidden around the temple, for the whole space is bare rock, and we turned over all the sand and earth in the neighbourhood. The only conclusion seems to be that the greater part of the pieces were scattered upon the rock around” (Petrie 1906, 139)111.

In conclusion, I believe that these precious cylinders were handles of sistra used during specific royal rituals, acted by royal women identified with mother-goddesses. This research thus additionally proves that the above-mentioned attestations point out the importance of the royal women, as fundamental custodians of the ideology of the Napatan kingship. This is generally well-known because of the role of the royal women in playing sistra in order to pacify deities, but in this research there has been evidence to suggest that in the Napatan period the sistra seem also to have been the symbol evoking the covenant between Alara and Amun and so guaranteeing the continuity of the Napatan kingship. The sistra, therefore, symbolised the royal legitimation of the Napatan king.

The reasons of the execration ceremony of breaking were very different across cultures (Grinsell 1961 and 1973; Ritner 1993, 144ff), but in this instance, it may be that the sistra were removed from their cylindrical handles for a magical exorcism, which allowed not only ‘continuity of life’ to the dead, but also to the living (and successor) king, thus guaranteeing the stability of the Napatan kingship. We do not know where the removed sistra were placed, but we can only suppose that they were kept in a special place (temple?) and perhaps delivered to the heir to the throne, with the purpose of guaranteeing the continuity of the Napatan kingship. In this case, we can also use the term of ‘cultural entanglement’ between Egypt and Kush (Smith 1998; 2016; Kahn 2018), observing that the funerary and customary practices of the breaking of objects were frequently used both in Egypt and in Nubia.

Because of the presence of the personal names of the king and the queen on the cylinders, the handles of the sistra had to be personal objects used during the king/queen’s lifetime, most probably during coronations and further royal rituals, such as the sed-festival whose symbol occurs on some cylinders. At the death of the royal owners (king or queen), the handles of sistra were laid in their tombs, to guarantee the continuity of life for the dead in the Underworld. I suppose that after the death of the ruling king (or queen), the symbolic sistrum was removed from its handle; subsequently, this ‘personal’ handle (= Napatan cylinder) was placed in the royal tomb, while the sistrum it once held (i.e. the symbolic object) was possibly preserved in the Amun temple, where other royal Napatan insignia were conserved. It seems, in fact, that the Amun temples were the depositories of the sistra. The sistra were removed from their cylindrical handles probably for a magical exorcism, which allowed not only ‘continuity of life’ to the dead, but also to the living (and successor) king. Perhaps, in turn, the successor king would have received the symbolic sistrum inserted in his personal handle.

Whatever happened, these precious cylinders (= handles of sistra) were deposited in the royal tombs, recalling not only the offering of menat and sistra by women to revivify the deceased, a ceremony first attested to the late Old Kingdom, but also because, in the Napatan period, the sistrum assumed the meaning of ‘continuity of life’ for both the dead and the living (and successor) king, thus guaranteeing the stability of the Napatan kingship.

Finally, as I already stated in the foreword, I have tried here to give my opinion on the identification of the cylindrical sheaths and even if their function remains a hypothetical question, I hope that my work will stimulate discussion on this subject between other academic scholars.

The use of the sistra continued in the Meroitic period, but it seems to have been mostly related to the funerary environment, since most attestations come from reliefs from Meroitic tombs112, as also from the funerary bed of Amanishakheto which has the shape of the wooden element of a sistrum (Soudan 1997, 307, nr. 326). In the Meroitic period, Hathor appears to be connected with the funerary context. Francigny noted that “Hathor assurant la protection du soleil jusqu’au matin, le défunt sollicite la même assistance” (Francigny 2003, 120).

111 I would add a particular annotation found in the travel diary written in 1891 by Amelia Blandford Edwards (1831-1892), an English novelist and journalist, who, describing the objects at the Boulak Museum, wrote: “Here, too, is the broken sistrum buried with the dead in token of the grief of the living” (Edwards 2011, cap. 22). 112 Some examples in Dunham 1952, pls. 4E, 5C-D, 10 A-B.

74

Plates The arrows marked on the plates indicate the exact position of the find of the cylinders

Pl. I. Cemetery of Nuri (RCK II, Map).

75

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

Pl. II. a) Tomb of king Senkamanisken ‘Nu. 3’ (RCK II, fig. 26).

Pl. II. b) Tomb of king Aspelta ‘Nu. 8’ (RCK II, fig. 52).

76

Plates

Pl. III. a) Tomb of king Aramatelqo ‘Nu. 9’ (RCK II, fig. 90).

Pl. III. b) Tomb of queen Madiqen ‘Nu. 27’ (RCK II, fig. 83).

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The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

Pl. IV. a) Tomb of queen Amanitakaye ‘Nu. 26’ (RCK II, fig. 109).

Pl. IV. b) Tomb of king Amani-natake-lebte ‘Nu. 10’ (RCK II, fig. 116).

78

Plates

Pl. V. a) Tomb of king Amaniastabarqo ‘Nu. 2’ (RCK II, fig. 126).

Pl. V. b) Tomb of king Siaspiqo ‘Nu. 4’ (RCK II, fig. 133).

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The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

Pl. VI. a) Tomb of queen Saka’ye ‘Nu. 31’ (RCK II, fig. 152).

Pl. VI. b) Tomb of king Talakhamani ‘Nu. 16’ (RCK II, fig. 159).

80

Plates

Pl. VII. Tomb of king Nastasen ‘Nu. 15’ (RCK II, fig. 191).

81

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

Pl. VIII. Cylinder of Senkamanisken (MFA 21.11742). Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

82

Plates

Pl. IX. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.339a-b). a) Main decoration; b) vertical inscription.Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

83

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

Pl. X. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.340). Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

84

Plates

Pl. XI. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.341a-e). Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

85

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

Pl. XII. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.11733). Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

86

Plates

Pl. XIII. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.11735). a) Main decoration; b) vertical inscription. Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

87

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

Pl. XIV. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.11737). Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

88

Plates

Pl. XV. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.11739). Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

89

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

Pl. XVI. Cylinder of Aspelta (MFA 21.11740). Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

90

Plates

Pl. XVII. Cylinder of Madiqen (MFA 21.11746). a) Main decoration; b) vertical inscription. Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

91

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths

Pl. XVIII. Cylinder of Amanitakaye (MFA 21.11745). a) Main decoration; b) vertical inscription. Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

92

Plates

Pl. XIX. Cylinder of Amani-natake-lebte (MFA 20.275). Photograph © [2019] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

93

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Török L. 2009. Between Two Worlds. The Frontier Region between Ancient Nubia and Egypt 3700 BC – AD 500 (Probleme der Ägyptologie 29). Leiden Troy L. 1986. Patterns of Queenship in ancient Egyptian Myth and History. Uppsala

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Tutundjian de Vartavan C. 1986a. “A Wooden Sistrum Handle”, Varia Aegyptiaca 2, 73-78 Tutundjian de Vartavan C. 1986b. “The Origin, Evolution and Function of the SHM, known as the naos-sistrum”, Wpwawt, 26-29

Soudan 1997. Soudan. Royaumes sur le Nil, Paris 1997 Sudan 2004. Sudan. Ancient Treasures, London 2004 te Velde H. 1979-80. “Towards a minimal definition of the goddess Mut”, Jaarbericht Ex Oriente Lux 26 (1979-1980), 3-9

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100

Appendix Cylinder

King/queen

Prov.

Field numbers (RCK II)

Museum nr. Inv:

References

II.1.1

King Senkamanisken Nu. 3

17-2-220, 221*

MFA 21.11741*

RCK II, 43, 280

II.1.2

King Senkamanisken Nu. 3

17-2-1971

MFA 21.11742

RCK II, 43, 285, pl. XCV A, B

II.1.3

King Senkamanisken Nu. 3

17-2-1971 (?)

MFA 21.11743

RCK II, 43, 285

II.2.1

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70h

MFA 21.339 a-b

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CII B, C

II.2.2

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70c

MFA 21.340

RCK II, 79, pl. XCVIII A, B

II.2.3

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70j

MFA 21.341 a-e

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CIII B, C

II.2.4

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70a

MFA 21.11731

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. XCVI A, B

II.2.5

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70b

MFA 21.11732

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. XCVII A, B

II.2.6

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70d

MFA 21.11733

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. XCIX A, B

II.2.7

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70e

MFA 21.11734

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. C A, B

II.2.8

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70f

MFA 21.11735

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CI A, B

II.2.9

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70k

MFA 21.11736 a-b

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CIV A

II.2.10

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70l

MFA 21.11737

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CIV B, C

II.2.11

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70m

MFA 21.11738

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CV A, B

II.2.12

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70n

MFA 21.11739

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CVI A, B

II.2.13

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70o

MFA 21.11740

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CVII A, B

II.2.14

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70g*

SNM 1372/1373

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CII A

II.2.15

King Aspelta

Nu. 8

16-4-70i*

SNM 1371

RCK II, 79, 277, pl. CIII A

II.3.1

Unknown

?

_______

MFA storage (unregistered)

Gänsicke–Kendall 2004, figs. 12-13

II.4.1

Queen Mernua (?)

Beg. S 85 (?)

_______

MFA storage (unregistered)

Gänsicke–Kendall 2004, 24 n.1

II.5.1

King Aramatelqo

Nu. 9

17-1-211; 227; 239; 416 MFA 20.265

RCK II, 121, 278, pl. CIX A, XCIII C

II.5.2

King Aramatelqo

Nu. 9

17-1-211; 227; 239; 416 _______

RCK II, 121

II.6.1

Queen Madiqen

Nu. 27

18-3-1012

MFA 21.11746

RCK II, 110, 293, pl. CVIII A, B

II.6.2

Queen Madiqen

Nu. 27

18-3-108, 1011

MFA 18-3-109

RCK II 110, 293, pl. CXVII A

II.7.1

Queen Amanitakaye

Nu. 26

18-2-667, 670

MFA 21.11745

RCK II, 146, 292, pl. CIX B, C

II.8.1

King Amani-natakelebte

Nu. 10

17-1-10

MFA 20.275

RCK II, 154-5, 278, pl. CX A, B

II.9.1

King Amaniastabarqo Nu. 2

17-2-258

SNM 1360

RCK II, 168-9, 280, pl. CXI A

101

The Napatan Cylindrical Sheaths Cylinder

King/queen

Prov.

Field numbers (RCK II)

Museum nr. Inv:

References

II.10.1

King Siaspiqo (?)

Nu. 4

17-4-141

MFA 20.291

RCK II, 177, 288, pl. CXIV A

II.11.1

Queen Saka’aye (?)

Nu. 31

18-3-115-125

MFA 18-3-114; 132; 135

RCK II, 201, 293, pl. CXXI A

II.12.1

King Talakhamani

Nu. 16

16-12-303

MFA 21.342

RCK II, 208, 278, fig. 161, pl. XCIV D, CXIII A

II.13.1

King Nastasen

Nu. 15

“not registered B”

SNM unregistered

RCK II, 251, 294, pl. CXI B

* = Discordance between Dunham’s report and the Museum Nr. Inv.

102