The Merchants Adventurers and the Continental Cloth-trade (1560s–1620s) [Reprint 2016 ed.] 9783110893076, 9783110125825

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EUI-Series Β - 2 Baumann, The Merchants Adventurers and the Continental Cloth-trade (1560s—1620s)

European University Institute Institut Universitaire Européen Europäisches Hochschulinstitut Istituto Universitario Europeo

Series Β History/Histoire/Geschichte/Storia 2

Badia Fiesolona — Firenze

The Merchants Adventurers and the Continental Cloth-trade (1560s-1620s)

by Wolf-Rüdiger Baumann

w DE

1990 Walter de Gruyter · Berlin · New York

Translated from the German by Timothy Slater

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Baumann, Wolf-Rüdiger. The merchants adventurers and the continental cloth-trade (1560s-1620s) / by Wolf Rüdiger Baumann. XIV, 425 p. 15,5 χ 23 cm. (Series Β - H i s t o r y ; 2) Includes bibliographical references, (p. 365). ISBN 0-89925-719-4 : DM 176.00 (est.) (J 100.00 U.S. : est.) 1. Textile industry—Europe—History. 2. Merchants — Europe—History. I. Title. II. Series. HD9865.A2B38 1990 380.1 '45677Ό094—dc20 90-2989 CIP

Deutsche Bibliothek Cataloging in Publication Data

B a u m a n n , Wolf-Rüdiger: The merchants adventurers and the continental cloth-trade : (1560s-1620s) / by Wolf-Rüdiger Baumann. [Transi, from the German by Timothy Slater]. — Berlin ; New York : de Gruyter, 1990 (European University Institute : Ser. Β, History ; 2) ISBN 3-11-012582-X NE: Istituto Universitario Europeo (Fiesole): European University Institute I Β

© Printed on acid-free paper. © Copyright 1990 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-1000 Berlin 30. All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Printed in Germany Dust Cover Design: Rudolf Hübler, Berlin. Printing: WB-Druck, Rieden. — Binding: Verlagsbuchbinderei Dieter Mikolai, Berlin.

Contents Introduction

1

Chapter One: Motives of the Merchants Adventurers for Shifting Their Marts, and Their Criteria of Site Selection

7

Chapter Two: The State of the Art of Finishing Techniques for English Woollens Used in Germany at the Time

19

Kinds, Forms and Qualities of English Wool Cloth

19

Workshops and Tools, Raw Materials, and Processes in the Clothworking Trades

22

Steps in the Finishing of Unfinished Cloths, p. 22; Dyehouse Plant and Equipment, p. 24; Dyestuffs and Mordants and Their Use in the Dyehouse, p. 27 The Impact of Dyeworks on Their Environment

35

The Finishing Industry in Antwerp Until the Establishment of the Merchants Adventurers' Mart in Hamburg (1569)

38

The Status of Finishing Technology in Germany at the Time of the Antwerp Mart (until 1564)

41

Status and Development of the Cloth Finishing Trade in Germany After the Relocation of the Merchants Adventurers' Mart to the German North Sea Coast

44

Emden, p. 44; Hamburg, p. 47; Stade, p. 57; Bremen, p. 60; Frankfurt-on-the-Main, p. 67; Kassel, p. 69: Cologne, p. 70; Münster, p. 73; Nuremberg, p. 76; Wesel, p. 100 The Influence of Imports and Finishing of English Cloth on the Development of Cloth Making in Germany

102

Summary

105

Chapter Three: Chronicle of Developments In Imports of English Woollens to Germany (1564-1611J

Ill

1564: Emden

112

1569-78: Hamburg, and 1571-78: Emden

113

1579-87: Emden

117

1587-98: Stade

119

1598-1601: Emden

124

1601-1611: Stade

126

Summary

137

Chapter Four: The Merchants Adventurers in Germany

145

The Merchants Adventurers at Their Marts

147

Communal Activities, p. 147; Economic Concessions in the Charters of Privileges, p. 151; Conduct of Business, p. 155 Direct Selling Inland by the Adventurers

165

English Merchants in Frankfurt-on-the-Main, p. 170; The English Settlement in Nuremberg, p. 174; Trading in Linen by English Merchants, 182 On the Relationships of Adventurers, Stragglers, and Interlopers

191

The Interlopers: Competitors of the Adventurers, p. 191; The Stragglers: Members of the Merchants Adventurers' Company Who Violated the Mart Requirements, p. 194; Measures by the Adventurers Against Merchants Breaching Their Monopoly, p. 199 The Influence of the English on the Economic Development of Germany (1569-1611): An Attempt at Evaluation

205

Chapter Five Centres of the Cloth Trade in Germany (with Antwerp)

217

Antwerp, the Adventurers' Mart Town Until 1582

217

VI

Emden: Mart Town in 1564, 1579-87, and 1599-1600

226

The Mart Towns on the Elbe

234

Hamburg as a Mart (1569- 78) and at the Time of the English Settlement in Stade, p. 234; Stade, Mart Town in 1587-98 and 1601-11, p. 262 Augsburg Bremen Frankfurt-on-the-Main Cologne Leipzig Nuremberg Summary

276 280 284 290 297 301 309

Conclusion

313

Appendix I: Ahareas Ryff from Basel: An Example of How the Business of a Cloth Trader "At Second Hand" Was Run 1. The Biography of Andreas Ryff 2. Cloth Buying 3. Cloth Selling 4. Bookkeeping for the Factorship Appendix 2: Biographical Data on Englishmen Engaged in Trading in Germany — Outside the Mart Towns — in the Latter Half of the Sixteenth and the Early Seventeenth Centuries Bibliography 1. Unpublished Sources 2. Published Sources 3. Secondary Literature 4. Bibliographies, Handbooks, and Reference Works Indexes 1. Index of Places by Country 2. Index of Names

317 317 318 320 324

327 365 365 368 371 383 385 400

VII

Illustrations and Tables Maps: Map 1: The English in Central Eastern Germany in the Period of Guild Contracts

187

Map 2: Size of Purchases, and Marketing Regions, of the Basel Cloth Dealer Andreas R y f r i n tne Latter Half of the l6th Century

322

Charts: Chart 1: Mart Towns and Trading Centres of the Merchants Adventurers' Company in the L o w Countries and Germany Since 1564

5

Chart 2: Trends in Numbers of Cloths Sealed, i.e. Examined and Marked with a Seal Certifying the Dye as Fast, in Hamburg (1563-1612)

50

Chart 3: Numbers of English Cloths Bought from John Morley in Emden and Stade (I6OI-I6O6), and the Numbers of Transactions by Place of Origin of the Buyers

265

Tables: Table 1: Mention of English Cloth in German Sumptuary Ordinances of the 16th and Early 17th Centuries

21

Table 2: Prices of Dyestuffs and Mordants (1550-1590)

34

Table 3: Finishers' Fees in Hamburg in 1575-80 (in Lübeck shillings)

54

Table 4: Dyer's Fees in Hamburg in 1530-92 (in Lübeck shillings)

55

Table 5: Costs of Finishing Unfinished English Woollens in Hamburg in 1572-1612 (in Lübeck shillings)

57

Table 6: Numbers of English Woollens Dyed by Tomes Farwer in Bremen (1583-89)

63

VIII

Table 7: Numbers of Kerseys, Baizes, and "engelsch Lor" Dyed by Tomes Farwer in Bremen (1583-1589)

64

Table 8: Number of English Cloths Dyed and Sealed in Nuremberg in 1578, According to the Searching Fees

86

Table 9: Nuremberg Customs Register of Cloth Merchants and Types and Amounts of English Cloths Dyed and Finished, and Exported, in 1580

89

Table 10: Emigrants from the Low Countries in Nuremberg Cloth Trade and Crafts

98-99

Table 11: Imports of English Cloths to Hamburg and Emden in 1568-78

115

Table 12: Scope of the Trade in English Cloths in Hamburg (1569-78)

116

Table 13: Imports of English Cloths to Emden in 1579-87

118

Table 14: Imports of English Cloths to Stade in 1587-98

123

Table 15: Imports of English Cloths to Emden in 1598-1601

126

Table 16: Imports of English Cloths to Stade in I6OI-I6II

132

Table 17: Dates of Arrival of English Cloth Ships in Stade

134

Table 18: Total Cloth Exports from England in 1598, 1601-04, I6O6 (in Thousands of Shortcloths)

135

Table 19: London's Cloth Exports, and the Portions Going to Germany and the Low Countries, in 1598, 1601-04, I6O6 and l6l4 (Shortcloths)

136

Table 20: Governors (Courtmasters), Secretaries, and Treasurers of the Merchants Adventurers' Company at the German Marts (1564-1622)

150

Table 21: Exports of Cloth by the Merchant Adventurer Randall Mannynge to his Factor John Morley in Stade (April l60l-November l605)

159

Table 22: Purchases by John Morley in Stade for Randall Mannynge & Co. (1601-05)

I6I

IX

Table 23: Purchases and Sales Prices of Various Kinds of English Cloths in 1601-05 in Stade

l64

Table 24: English Merchants in Leipzig in the 2nd Half of the loth and 1st Half of the 17th Centuries

168

Table 25: English Merchants Attending the Frankfurt Fairs (1543-1605)

174

Table 26: English Cloth Merchants in Nuremberg in the Latter Half of the 16th Century

176

Table 27: Hostels, Inns, and Private Lodgings of English Cloth Merchants in Nuremberg in the Latter Half of the 16th Century

178

Table 28: English Cloth Merchants in Nuremberg in the 1st Decade of the 17th Century

180

Table 29: Cloth Export Licences Granted by Queen Elizabeth I of England to European Princes

211

Table 30: Prices of Various Kinds of English Cloth in Antwerp (1546-77), in Flemish Pounds

221

Table 31: Traders in English Cloth in Emden (1600 and 1601)

232

Table 32: Emden Cloth Buyers from John Morley, in Emden (l601) and Stade (1602-04)

233

Table 33: Merchants (by Nations and Places of Origin or Residence) Doing the Biggest Trade Inland from Hamburg with English Cloths in 1568-73

236

Table 34: English Cloths Re-Exported from Hamburg (1568-72), and Receipts from Transit Duty on the 'White English Cloths'

237

Table 35: Re-exports of White English Woollen Cloths from Hamburg, and the Number of Cloths Sealed there (1569-72)

238

Table 36: Merchants (by Nations and Places of Origin or Residence) Importing the Largest Amounts of English Cloths from London or Stade to Hamburg in 1597-1603

244

Table 37: Hamburgers Buying Cloths from John Morley in Stade (1601-07)

246

X

Table 38: Volumes of Banking Transactions by Major Hamburg Merchants ( l 6 l 9 )

26l

Table 39: Number of Cloths Bought from John Morley in Stade (1601-07), and Number of Transactions (in parentheses) by Place of Origin of Buyers

263

Table 40: Cloths Buyers from J[ohn Morley in Stade (1601-07), Number of Transactions, and Numbers of Cloths Bought (by Place of Origin)

264

Table 41: Imports of English Cloths to Stade, and Exports Thereof to Hamburg, Inland and Abroad - in 1597, 1599, and 1601-03 (in Notional Shortcloths)

269

Table 42: Buyers from Stade of Cloths from John Morley in Stade (1601-07)

274

Table 43: Prices for English Cloths and Kerseys in Stade (Minimum and Maximum Prices in Pounds Sterling)

275

Table 44: Bremen Buyers of Cloths from John Morley in Stade (1601-07)

283

Table 45: Prices of "London Cloth" in Frankfurt am Main in the Latter Half of the l6th Century

288

Table 46: Nuremberg Merchants Trading in English Cloths (1570-1603)

303

XI

Acknowledgements

I have received valuable advice from Professors Hermann Kellenbenz (University of Erlangen-Nürnberg, Federal Republic of Germany), George Ramsay (University of Oxford), Thomas Riis (European University Institute E.U.I., Florence), and Charles Wilson (University of Cambridge and E.U.I.) — who suggested this topic to me — as well as from Dr. Jan U. Clauss of the Hochschule für Verwaltungswissenschaften (College of Administrative Science) in Speyer, Federal Republic of Germany. The extensive bibliography — - which is appearing as a separate volume — would not have been feasible without the generous assistance of the heads and staffs of the archives and libraries cited. My particular thanks are due to Brigitte Schwab, Publications Officer of the European University Institute. Wolf-Rüdiger Baumann

XII

"In the history of English commerce there are few subjects more important and none more attractive than that of the Merchant Adventurers." George Unwin, The Merchant Adventurers' Company in the Reign of Elizabeth

Introduction It is not only in English history that the Adventurers have assumed a prominent position. They are also of major significance in the economic history of the Low Countries and Germany. During the reign of Queen Elizabeth I (1558-1603), the Merchants Adventurers' Company 1 was the sole authorized channel for the biggest and most profitable part of English foreign trade: it had a monopoly on trade with the Low Countries, 2 and later with the German North Sea ports as well, 3 by means of which it controlled not only the imports of most foreign goods needed for the English market, but also the exports of the leading English semi-finished product (woollen cloth). Textile manufacturing, especially of woollen cloths, was certainly the most important of the English manufactures of the sixteenth century. Probably no other country was as dependent on the trade in textiles as England during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The export trade in woollens also had an indirect influence on English foreign policy. Since the early Tudors, a system had arisen in which the members of the Company "were simultaneously political agents of the government," and the Company made use "of

I follow the usage of the English government and the Company itself, "Merchants Adventurers." 1

By "Low Countries" are meant all those provinces belonging to the Spanish Hapsburg Netherlands until 1579 (present-day Netherlands, Belgium, Luxemburg, and pans of northern France). 2

3

In practice, they were not able to enforce their monopoly.

1

government authority to achieve their commercial goals." 4 O n e result of this concerted commercial policy was that the Hanseatic League gradually lost its privileges in England, 5 and the Adventurers established themselves at the heart of the Hansa — thus contributing decisively to the decline of the former leading commercial power of Northern Europe. For the first time in 1564, and permanently after 1569, they maintained a cloth "mart" in the North Sea ports of Emden, Hamburg, and Stade (ringing the changes among these cities until I 6 I I , when it became fixed in Hamburg). In Germany, the textile trade was the second most important industrial sector after metal winning. 6 The sellers of cloth, the drapers, belonged to the city elites. The penetration by the English into the German market and the flooding of that market with English cloths had manifold effects on the German economy. The present study deals with the mart towns in the Low Countries only w h e n necessary for understanding the d e v e l o p m e n t s in Germany, and otherwise concentrates on the English cloth marts in Germany. The period covered extends from the middle of the sixteenth to the beginning of the seventeenth century. Numerous works on the Adventurers deal with the development of the Company and its internal structure, its relations with the English government and the Holy Roman Emperor and Empire, and its conflicts with the Spanish Netherlands and the Hansa towns. Ralph Davis is right when he remarks, "More older works were written in terms of the organization of merchant companies rather than of actual trade and traders." 7 In so far as the Adventurers' foreign trade

B. Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel und Schiffahrt im 16. Jahrhundert, Abhandlungen zur Verkehrs- und Seegeschichte, vol. 3 (Berlin, 1910), p. 154.

4

5 The centuries-old privileges of the Hansa were suspended for the first time on 24 Feb. 1552 by decree of King Edward VI. of England. 6

Hermann Kellenbenz, Deutsche Wirtschaftsgeschichte (Munich, 1977), vol.1.

R. Davis, English Overseas Trade 1500-1700, Studies in History, (London and Basingstoke, 1973), p. 41.

7

2

Economic

is treated in other works, it is generally limited to England and the mart towns. When one considers the importance of these trading links between England and the Continent, it is hard to understand why so few studies of them have been published. 8 B y about 1500, London Adventurers already had about 60% of overseas trade in their hands.^ In the year ending Michaelmas 1565, 81.60% of total English exports consisted of woollens. 1 0 In the Age of Discovery, and of new trade routes, the Adventurers' trade with the Continent still made up roughly half the volume of English foreign trade. The present study focuses on the effect of the English cloth mart on individual branches of trade and crafts in Germany, and on trading by the English in Germany, and the effect of this on economic development. For this purpose, the investigation centres on the merchandise as the object of economic interest. The status of the cloth finishing craft and of cloth trading, as major components of the total e c o n o m y , will b e presented following a concrete description of the methods used in trading and in the crafts. My interest lies not so much in outlining the status quo as in pinpointing the processes of development. The production and trade sites, the trade flows, and the agents of this trade, as well as changes within these systems, are shown. Thus the present work contributes to the understanding of a certain phase of economic development in Germany, that was characterized by initial mercantilistic efforts and by the beginnings of capitalist forms of enterprise. It demonstrates in the case of one item of commerce the international interconnections of trade on the Continent, and contributes to our knowledge of the economic interdependence of England and Germany.

Noteworthy works, such as those of Ehrenberg, De Smedt, or Friis, either restrict themselves to individual markets, such as Antwerp or Hamburg, or to a particular topic, such as the Cockayne Project. 8

9 H. Van der Wee, The Growth of the Antwerp Market and the European Economy CThe Hague, 1963), 2:123. R. Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England im Zeitalter der Königin Elisabeth (Jena, 1896), p. 8. (Michaelmas: 29 Sept.) 10

3

In Chapter 1, the motives for the Adventurers changing their mart towns and their criteria for site selection are shown. Chapter 2 illustrates how the close links between England and the Low Countries or Germany were based particularly on the international division of labour in cloth finishing. It also depicts the status and development of the cloth finishing crafts in Germany, the techniques used in the production process, and the centres of production. To summarize the position, the influence on German clothmaking is outlined. In Chapter 3, since the original sources have only survived in fragmentary form, I attempt to derive usable statistics by collating and interpreting numerous individual items of data from various sources. These deal with shipping (restricted to cloth ships and cloth fleets) between England and Germany, and with the trends in the importing of English cloths. Chapter 4 deals with the community life and business activities of the Adventurers in the mart towns, and their privileges. Furthermore, their whole inland trade is presented for the first time, and the question of whether these traders were Adventurers or "interlopers" is investigated. There follows a critical evaluation of the effect of the English on the German economy. Chapter 5 examines the centres of the trade in woollens, identifies those who carried out this trade, and traces the trade flows. The international interconnections of commerce are illustrated by enumerating the European markets. An exact assessment of economic conditions in the second half of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries is difficult, because of the lack of sources containing numerical data. The "natural" sources, such as books of accounts and receipts, archives of merchant and trade guilds, customs and tax registers, and notaries' archives, have mostly gone astray — e.g. by evacuation of archive materials — or have been destroyed by force majeure such as war, fire, and flood, or internal decisions (for example account books, which became worthless for the owners when the companies were dissolved). Precise evaluation of the few surviving examples of the sources mentioned is thus all the more important. Beside these, the files of cases heard before municipal courts, the Reichskammergericht, and the Reichshofrat (Aulic Council) offer detailed information on business matters, and occasionally preserve copies of, or extracts from account books. But doubt always remains as to whether an incident that has been found in administrative or

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Rüdiger, op. cil, p. 295, No. 57a. Originally in Kaufmannsgulden ("merchant's guilders") and stuivers; converted to Lübeck marks by Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 282. " Ehrenberg, p. 282. ι Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, B-Laden-Akten (Rep. 16.a), S.I.L. 208, No.4. Originaly in talers; converted to Lübeck marks (1 taler = 2 Lübeck marks) '> Hoep account books; cited from Ehrenberg, p. 283.

55

all. According to Ehrenberg, the dyer's rates given in the Hoep account books in the period 1572-92 first dropped sharply, and only rose again towards the end of the period. Dyeing a cloth "single Star cost 16, 15, 12, and 13 Lübeck marks, "one-and-a-half Star 24, 22V2, and 13 Lübeck marks, and "double Star 32, 30, 24, and 28 Lübeck marks. 113 In l604, the Braunschweig city council paid for 14 English cloths 466 marks 4 shillings Lübeck in dyer's fees and Stalgeld (searching and sealing fee). 1 1 4 Deducting the sealing fee of two Lübeck shillings per piece, totalling 1 mark 12 shillings Lübeck, this gives an average dyer's fee of 31 marks 12 shillings Lübeck per piece. This high piece rate suggests that the cloths were dyed "double Stai." When the Hamburg council had English cloths dyed and finished in I 6 I I and I612, it paid 20 2 /3 and 22 Lübeck marks. Of the latter sum, I5V3 Lübeck marks were dyer's fee. 1 1 5 A listing of dyer's and finisher's rates allows us to determine the costs of finishing the cloths in various years (cf. Table 5). The dyers and finishers were often paid by the merchants not in cash, but in supplies of goods, such as dyes, but also oxen, grain, paper, beer, honey, etc. The finishers also received Flemish and French cards for napping the cloths, for three to three-and-a-half Lübeck marks per ship. In 1579-81 Mathias Hoep delivered several barrels of madder and woad to the dyers, with exact details as to "how many Stai they could dye." The amount of dye needed for one Stai cost eight to ten Lübeck marks. The five Lübeck marks per Stai which a dyer received in excess of this formed his actual pay. 11 ^ The merchant house of Orth from Heilbronn also paid the Hamburg dyers with woad or indigo in 1592 and 1595. 1 1 7

113

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 283.

114

Vollmer, Wollweberei in Braunschweig, p. 139. Voigt, Beiträge zur Erläuterung der Handelsbeziehungen, p. 391. Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 281.

' ^ von Rauch, Hamburger Briefwechsel, p. 152 and I6I ff.

56

Table 5: Costs of Finishing Unfinished English Woollens in Hamburg in 1572-1612 (in Lübeck shillings) Colour or Stai

1572 1 )

Black, plain Colour unknown One-and-a-half Stai Double Stai

288-304

15802)

16043)

1611/12 4 )

325-352 440-480 608-672

752

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichstadt Nürnberg, B-Laden Akten (Rep. 16.a), S.I.L. 208, No. 4; Rüdiger,, op. cit p. 294, No. 57; 2 ) Hoep account books, cited from Ehrenberg,Hamburg und England, p. 281 and 283. Vollmer, op. cit., p.139. ' F. Voigt,op. cit., p. 391.

Stade There is hardly any information available on the cloth finishing trade in Stade during the residence of the Merchants Adventurers. The existing guilds in Stade were considerably enlarged by the emigrants from the Netherlands. From 1588 there was a Walloon community there, and from 1591 a Flemish one; most of their members worked in the cloth finishing trade. At the time that the English and the Walloons and Flemings were settled there (1587-1618), the wool weavers' guild is said to have employed over 400 journeyman shearers. They were under the supervision of the drapers, who inspected and sealed the pieces of cloth. 1 1 8 Dyers had also come to Stade, such as Thybaut Mathys, teinturier (dyer), from Middelburg.119 It is not known whether there was a local 1 1 8 W. H. Jobelmann and W. Wittpenning, Geschichte der Stadt Stade, rev. by M. Bahrfeldt (Stade, 1897), p. 102 and 128 ff. 1 1 9 O. Beneke, "Die eingewanderten Reformierten in Hamburg und Stade nach ihren Gewerben," Mitteilungen des Vereins für Hamburgische Geschichte 6 (1883), p. 33-38.

57

guild of dyers. The fact that the burgomasters granted a privilege for crimson and cochineal dyeing to the von Bredas, two master dyers, on 24 May l605, suggests that there was not. Thus the brothers possessed the privilege of red dyeing, which the council said must be done "aufrecht und künstlich" ("uprightly and artfully"), i.e. finely and skilfully.120 It seems that special importance was attached to red dyeing. According to the council, there were other dyers in the town, before and after this privilege was granted. One site of the dyehouses was the Herschenfleth, a commercial quarter outside the city walls, along the Schwinge. In 1598, Carsten Krone, son of Hein Krone, sold a house with a dyehouse with vats and coppers, situated in the Herschenfleth, to Silvester Hille for 1,200 Lübeck marks. The latter resold it that same year to Albert Oldehuß. 121 The house with a brewery, that the woollen dyer Jacques le Martin bought for 4,400 Lübeck marks, was also in the Herschenfleth. (It should be noted that vats and coppers were used for both dyeing and brewing in turn, as need be.) In l 6 l l , he sold the brewery to the citizen Heinrich Bornemann. 122

1 2 0 Staatsarchiv Stade, Rep. 27 S 1945· In response to objections, the town council stated that this privilege, that had been confirmed by the Emperor, had been granted for the sake of the repute and fame of the dyeing craft and the prosperity of the town. Besides, the complaint had become groundless, since the von Breda brothers had relinquished the privilege in the meantime. 1 2 1 Staatsarchiv Stade, Rep. 27 O 880; Stadtbuch IV A Erbebuch 1576-1642. The house, with which went a Koblhof (?) above the Schwinge river, lay between the houses of Jacob Stover and Herbert Wernhes (Hubert Usechts). A suit was brought against Oldehuß, who later sold the dyehouse, by Friderich Johann Henrichs zu Gestendorff; the latter laid claim to the dyehouse himself because of a bond issued by Hein and Carsten Krone for 100 marks, secured by the estate in Herschenfleth. During the years 1579-81, Hein Kron bought dyestuffs from the Hamburg merchant Matthias Hoep (see Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 283). 1 2 2 J. Bohmbach, "Die wallonische Gemeinde in Stade," in Hugenotten in Hamburg, Stade, Altona (Braunschweig, 1976), p. 61 f. In connection with the relocation of the Adventurers' mart to Hamburg ( l 6 l l ) , it is suggested that he may have moved.

58

On the average of the three years 1597, l601 and l602, about 35% of the cloths imported annually were exported to Hamburg, and about 65% to other domestic or foreign destinations. 123 The cloths sent to Hamburg were certainly unfinished, as a comparison with the numbers of cloths sealed in Hamburg proves. 124 Thus about 65% of the cloths imported to Stade were finished elsewhere than in Hamburg. To what extent the cloth finishing trade of Stade was involved is not known, since the relevant documents were destroyed in the city fire of 1659. The few indications known from other sources make it seem that the Stade craftsmen were overshadowed by the mighty Hamburg competition. The merchant house of Orth, from Heilbronn, for example, had the cloths bought in Stade finished in Hamburg. Even when, in 1598, after the Imperial mandate, cloth imports to Hamburg were prevented temporarily, the Orths hoped for the resumption of trade and waited, since they believed that the dyers elsewhere did not know how to dye "flesh colour." 1 2 5 The Orths' Hamburg representative only intended to look for another possibility if the ban on cloth imports were to continue for some time. 12 ^ The city council of Braunschweig also had the cloths bought in Stade in I6OI and 1Ó04 finished and dyed in Hamburg. 127 On the other hand, in I6OO the Leipzig merchant Martin Schumartz, furnished with Imperial letters patent, had 1000 pieces of English cloth bought in Middelburg sent to Stade and Hamburg for finishing.128 When, in I6II, the city council of Hamburg, on petition of the drapers, granted permission to dye "gall black" in future, it was 123

Cf. Table 41.

124

Cf. Table 35.

125 Leibfarbe (flesh colour), a red dyed entirely with cochineal, was probably a colour preferred by the Orths. 12

^ von Rauch, Hamburger

Briefwechsel,

127

Vollmer, Wollweberei in Braunschweig,

128

Ehrenberg, Hamburg

p. 155 ff. and 179 ff. p. 139-

und England, p. 205.

59

pointed out that this was already the practice in Stade, i.a. 129 It is not clear whether dyeing was usually done with gallnuts in Stade, which would have harmed the reputation of the craft, or whether the craft had already divided into "woad dyers" and "gall dyers," also known as Schönfärber and Schlechtfärber elsewhere.

Bremen The dyers of Bremen did not form a guild, but rather a free trade. 1 3 0 Their work was considered a "science." 131 The Bremen dyes were especially famed and sought after for their high quality. 1 3 2 The cloths dyed as "one-and-a-half Stai," "double Stai," or "triple Star (usually in black) on a blue bottom were identified by a seal. 1 3 3 In l 6 l 4 , the finishers supported a move to have the council allow the dyers to dye "single Stai," as well. 1 3 4 In n e w statutes for finishers, dyers, and drapers of December, 1597, the council assigned the supervision of the dyehouses to the drapers. Three Stalverwalter, a city councillor, a draper, and a dyer, supervised the blue and black dyeing of the cloths from then on. 1 3 5 129

Ibid., p. 293.

130 Accordingly, the documentation is very sparse, and knowledge of dyeing must rather be obtained from the documents of other guilds working with textiles. 131

Staatsarchiv Bremen, S.3.h., Der Bremer Rat an Regensburg — 1579, Aug. 6: Dyeing had always been a free trade and was open to any citizen, "...in whatever manner he wants and brings skill in the art." (quoted from Höfinghoff, Die bremischen Textilgewerbe, p. 128). 132

Staatsarchiv Bremen, S.l4.o.I.h.l. ; S.l4.o.I.h.3·; S.l4.o.I.i; S.l4.o.I.e,3.

133

A lead seal from the year 1575 is preserved in the Focke Museum.

134

Staatsarchiv Bremen, S.l4.o.I.h.3. (quoted from Höfinghoff, Die schen Textilgewerbe, p. 116). 13

5 Höfinghoff, Die bremischen

60

Textilgewerbe, p. 127 and 129.

bremi-

In September l600, four Stalverwalter, one councillor and one draper and two dyers, were named. 13 ^ The transfer of supervision to the drapers seems to have had an enlivening effect on the cloth finishing trade, thanks to their progressive attitude towards the use of new techniques and dyestuffs. The Reichspolizeiordnung (Imperial Statute of Administration) of 1577 banned the use of harmful cloth dyes, such as vitriol, sumac, gall, and indigo, also known as "devil's colours." In conformity with this, the council, in the regulations of 1597, had explicitly decreed that no one might dye Bremen or other cloths worth half a taler per ell undyed, with anything but woad, under penalty of a fine of one mark. 1 3 7 The drapers, however, supported the use of indigo. 138 Contrary to the regulations cited, the city council also accepted the use of indigo. In letters to the cities of Braunschweig and Münster of 22 September I6OO, the council informed them "that such flowers [i.e. indigo] are also used here," but only as an additive for woad. 13 ^ No sources showing the number of dyehouses in Bremen in the sixteenth century, of masters and of the journeymen and apprentices employed by them, or of cloths dyed have survived. Draper and mayor Dethmar Kenckel had dyeing done by Wilm Timmermann in 1568. 140 For the 1580s, the account book of Tomes Farwer, unevaluated to date, has survived, which provides a mass of information. 141 136

Krumbholtz, Gewerbe der Stadt Münster, no. 6l c, p. 515-17.

137 W. von Bippen, Die bremischen Gewandschneider, publications of the Historische Gesellschaft des Künstlervereins, vol. 27 (Bremen, 1919), p. 69. 138

Höfinghoff, Die bremischen Textilgewerbe, p. 131 f.

13

^ Krumbholtz, Gewerbe der Stadt Münster, no. 6l c, p. 515-17; see also Höfinghoff, ibid. H. Smidt, "Aus Detmar Kenckels Nachlaß," Bremisches (1874), p. 36 ff.

Jahrbuch 7

14

Staatsarchiv Bremen, 7, 2056, Rechnungsbuch des Tuchfärbers Tonies Farwer (1583-91) ("Tomes" — author). The account book gives the quantities dyed each day, the customers, and the kind and thus origin of the cloths dyed. It gives information on the payments in cash or kind, thus allowing price comparisons.

61

For the present work, only the information on English cloths has been evaluated. Of 1966 English cloths dyed from 1583 to 1589, 1879 (95.57%) were of the five colours black, red, violet, tawny (a brown hue), and ash grey. I601V2 cloths, amounting to 81.46%, were of the fashionable colour black. There followed red — 8IV2 pieces (4.15%), ash grey — 69 (3.51%), tawny — 68 (3-48%), and violet 58V2 (2.98%). The remaining 87 cloths (4.43%) were dyed in the following twelve colours: Stai grey (18 pieces), flesh colour (a red hue dyed only with cochineal) (14 pieces), Stai green (IOV2), grass green (5), light green (5), yellow (6), lavender (5), Stai blue (10), cornflower blue (2), light blue (2), Stai brown (8), and violet brown (1V2). The number of English cloths actually dyed by Tomes Farwer is larger than that given in Table 6, since several pages are incomplete or damaged. The above-average upturn in 1589 may perhaps be due to the establishment of the Stade mart of the Merchants Adventurers in May, 1587, and the temporary decontrolling of the cloth trade in England in May, 1588. This must have stimulated commerce and industry. 1 4 2 The continuance of this boom is evidenced by the last entries in the account book: from 1 to 11 January, 1590, 32 English cloths were dyed. Of all the English cloth dyed, 1966 pieces (over 90%) were Laken (woollen cloths). The rest consisted of kerseys, baizes, and "English Lor." The small number of kersey and baize cloths dyed in Bremen (cf. Table 7) is probably due to the fact that their traditional markets were in Southern Germany and Italy. Where the clothiers who patronized Tomes Farwer came from is not indicated in his " F ä r b e r b u c h . " Only one, Garbert Smit "of Nienborch" is mentioned. From this, we may conclude that the customers were normally merchants of Bremen or having a branch office in Bremen. From 1583 until 1585, his customers appear to have been exclusively Bremen citizens. After that, emigrants from the Netherlands also show up. Of 265 English cloths in 1588, 92V2 pieces (34.91%) were dyed for the Netherlander Stephen Wolters (Wouters), and 374 pieces (54.20%) of 690 in 1589. Of the 150 kerseys dyed from 1583 until 1589, 98 pieces (65.12%) belonged to Stephen Wolters, as did 18 pieces (75%) of the 24 baizes. Some other cus

142

62

Cf. Chart 2.

Table 6: Numbers of English Woollens Dyed by Tomas Farwer In Bremen (1583*89) Names of merchants (customers), in alphabetical order Arpsen, Aryp Auspurg, Andres von Bake. Johan Blan(c)k, Johan Bo(e)ker, Jacub Boske uth dem Mornym Botze, Adam Brockman, Borchert Brockman, H armen Bruell, Jacub Dicfchoff, Di rick (Dickhauesch) Dole, Gerdt Doren, Al if van Dor(n)¡ger, Jacub Dreier, Herman Estell, Gerdt van Farwer, Jacub Farwer, Tomes Foegelsanck, Bartelt Gleseker, Johan Goidtswarden, Berent Gyliff, Johann Hachin, ? Hardthouwer, Alerdt Heine, Klawes Heine, Pawel Hilten, Jost van Hunte, Borchert Kenckel, Daniel Kenckel, Detmar Koper, .ettert (?) Koßfeldt, Hans van Koster, Dirick Kote, Eggert Kumprecht (Chumprecht), Guerín Lucas ? Manmuschett, Jan Meier, Alert Meier, Klawes Müller. Johann (der Meli Hoker) OWerhorst, ? Ostenryck, Jacub van Otken, Gerdt Poppe, Dirick Poppe, Hinrich Rengelstorp, Carsten Rode, Jürgen Roe (Ruer), Klawes Rogge,Johann SäbelI (Zobel). Hinrich Schone(n), Albert Schulte, Hinrich Schulte, Micheli Smit, Garbert (van Nienborch) Snelle, Kordt Steneken, Kordt Stolllck, Hinrich Stopper,? Swartynck, Dirkk Thon Boen, Johann Thor Helle, Johan Weh usen, Gerdt Wesselinck, Jürgen Winholt, ? Wolters, Steven Name illegible

1583

1584

-

1585 -

-

1586

7

81 1

-

-

11

-

-

-

-

-

-

29

59

22

.

1 50 Vi -

1 4 Vi 6 -

V« -

18

.

6 5 4 3

15

-

.

-

-

-

1

27

.

-

2 -

-

-

-

31 2

1

-

-

.

3

-

•

82 48

-

-

7

-

-

4 Vi

Vi -

2 Vi -

-

-

34

49

-

-

-

5 12

3 -

2

1 7

2 15

-

2

-

-

25

-

-

1

-

-

-

-

. 1 Vi -

-

.

2

. .

6 Vi 16 -

92 Vi -

.

-

-

-

5 9

-

2 -

15

1 Vt 33 ells

-

2 2 V»

_

-

-

-

26 38

-

3

41 Vi

•

1

-

4 V»

ν*

-

-

3

7

-

2

-

3 19

-

-

5

1

-

40 Vi

-

-

47

39

-

-

-

-

-

3

-

12 94 36

-

3 7

-

-

1

. 8 V» 2

6 Ví Vi

-

-

4 6

-

-

. 4

1

5

•

37

-

20 Va

-

6 4 Vi -

-

-

.

-

31

15

-

27 Vi

-

-

1

1589

-

-

5 3 Vt 2 Vi 3 Vi

-

31 Vi

Vt

-

. 6 .

1588

-

1 5 1

1587

-

-

154 148 V» 142 Vi 290 V« 275 Vi 265 Total: Soiffoe: Staatsarchiv Bremen, 7,2056 (One-and-a-haH, double, and triple Sfa/ have been oounted by the author as one dyed cloth.)

. 9 17

.

374 7 690

583-1589 34Vt 81 15 11 13 6 37 111 93 Vi 94 181 4 Vi 12 20 4Vi 11 27 7 3 Vi 2 Vi 3 Vi 3 1 7 4 30 Vi 31 6 18 Vi 2 Vi 19 2 1 26 120 52 Vi 6 Vi 2 Vi 6 1 7 3 7 3 Vi 4 Vi 3 195 Vi 9 7 17 Vi 7 5 22 2 2 2 7 1 Vi 40 Vi 33 1 478 Vi 7 1966

63

tomers, such as Andreas van Auspurg, Adam Botze (Boots), Hans van Koßfeldt, Jan Manmuschatt, and Jacub van Ostenryck, were probably also of Low Countries origin. Table 7: Numbers of Kerseys, Baizes, and "engelsch Tomes Farwer In Bremen (1583-1589) Names of merchants (customers), in alphabetical order Arpsen, Aryp Boske uth den Mornym Brockmann, Borchert Brockmann, Harmen Bruell, Jacub Dickhoff, Dirick Gleseker, Johan Hardthouwer, Alerdt Kenckel, Daniel Manmuschett, Jan Rogge, Johan Schulte, Micheli Speckman, ? Steneken, Kordt Thon Boen, Johann Wachtendorpesch, ? Wehusen, Gerdt Wesselinck, Jürgen Wolters Steven Total:

Kerseys ("Kirseyen")

Lor " Dyed by Bays ("Bayen")

2

1 4

9 81/2 16 3 1 1 1 1 1 2 2

"engelsch Lor"

5 1

1

1 1

4 1 98

1 18

150

24

1/2

9 1/2

Source : Staatsarchiv Bremen, 7, 2056 (Cloths with more than a single seal have also been counted as a single dyed cloth by the author.)

For his dyeing services, Tomes Farwer received cash payments in various currencies, but also supplies of goods, in the form of dyes and mordants, and of victuals, such as oxen, butter and honey. According to this, a hundredweight of alum cost six talers in 1583, and five talers in 1585, and a barrel of woad 35 old talers (reichstalers). In 1585, a stendt (barrel) of madder cost six talers; a hundredweight of mede (Dutch madder) cost seven talers in 1583, and five talers in 1585. A hundredweight of tartar cost IOV2 talers in 1583, and four

64

talers in 1585. One ton of ash cost one taler, and four "Krumholzer" (?) cost 36 groschen. The results obtained from Tomes Farwer's Färberbuch can only be used to a limited degree to draw conclusions as to the state of the cloth finishing trade in Bremen. Farwer was not a specialized English cloth dyer, but dyed a large number of German cloths of various kinds, as well. It also remains uncertain whether the number of about 700 cloths dyed in 1589 was achieved in the following years, or even increased — thus indicating a trend of expansion in the cloth finishing trade — or whether this was merely a temporary upturn. In the latter case, the 150 to 300 cloths dyed in the years 1583 to 1588 would represent the normal output of this dyehouse. However, Bremen's position as a textile emporium speaks for an important finishing trade. Besides the wholesale drapers and citizens Dickhoff and Zobel, Netherlanders such as Johann and Stephen Wolters, and Adam Boots, had temporary offices, and probably also their place of residence, in Bremen. Taking for comparison the number of master dyers in Hamburg (1579-80: 8, and 1587-88: 9), Nürnberg (1579: 5), and Münster (4), there were probably at least four or five in Bremen. Until the mid-sixteenth century, the cloth shearers, or "Upreder," dealt with the dressing of the cloths. About 1540, the merchants fetched outside cloth finishers to Bremen to finish the English and Dortmund woollens. 1 4 3 The cloth finishers remained unorganized for a long time. In 1587, the city council granted them a guild roll, which stated in the introduction that citizens and strangers had complained about unsatisfactory finishing of the English woollens. 144 The significance of the English cloths for the trade is apparent from the requirements for the masterpiece. The future master had to shear three different sorts of English woollens, namely six ells of black "double Stai," six ells of red, and six ells of tawny. In addition, he had to prove that he possessed four shears, four cards, one shearing bench, and one "Frisiertisch" 143

144

145

HöfinghofF, Die bremischen

(?).145

Textilgewerbe, p. 110.

Ibid. Ibid., p. 111.

65

In a council ordinance of 1597, the finishers were once again prohibited excessive tentering of the cloth, under penalty. At the same time, the finishers were assigned to assist the drapers in supervising d y e s . 1 4 ^ Thanks to strict supervision by the " Wardierer" ("wardens" of the guild), and the use of new techniques, the craft soon enjoyed a good reputation. Λ letter from the masters of 19 January l609, shows that some few years before, they had started to finish certain kinds of cloth on both sides, by a method invented in H o l l a n d . 1 4 7 In l 6 l 4 , they lobbied the council for permission to b e granted to the dyers to dye cloths "single S t a r as well — since, they said, the merchants would otherwise have the woollens dyed and finished in other t o w n s . 1 4 8 And the finishers did not hesitate to use the initially controversial hot presses from the middle of the seventeenth century, although they were first introduced officially in 1662.149 The expansion of the trade led the masters to request permission, in 1613, to work on Sundays and high holidays, too, in urgent cases. This was said to be necessary in order to handle the many jobs which accumulated before the trade fairs in Frankfurt, Leipzig and N a u m b u r g . 1 5 0 In that same year, there were more than seventy tenters standing in Bremen, and the finishers declared that trade, and thus their guild, had "grown considerably in a few short years, the Lord b e praised." 1 5 1 The quality of the cloth finishing industry is indicated by a letter from the Dutch draper living in Bremen, Johan

146

Ibid.

147

Ibid., p. 116.

148

Ibid.

149

Ibid.

150

Ibid., p. 116 f.

151

Ibid.

66

ter Schmitten, of 25 October 1654: "...that the Bremen finish and dyes had been, and still were, ahead of others." 152 Frankfurt-on-the-Main Woollen and silk dyeing had acquired an important position in Frankfurt at the turn of the seventeenth century, due to the arrival of numerous emigrants from the Low Countries. However, little is known about the dyeing of English cloth. Its existence can be proven from various sources, but status and development of the craft remain obscure. The account books of the Frankfurt city council indicate expenditures almost every year on the wetting, shearing and dyeing of unfinished Hessian, Brabant, but also "Lundisch" cloths that were intended for the robes of office of the city officials. 153 The quality of the dyeings appears to have been recognized. At least the Englishmen trading to Nuremberg called upon its city council, in a dispute over customs in 1579, to accept a proposed compromise, since their principals "otherwise might turn to other places, such as Frankfurt-on-the-Main, since a dyehouse has been established there, too, and the cloths are duty-free." 154 However, the fact that the Englishmen continued to bring their unfinished cloths to Nuremberg, despite the introduction of a customs duty, speaks for Nuremberg and against Frankfurt. The English cloths finished in Frankfurt were not only intended for local consumption, but were also marketed at the trade fairs, and exported. In 1597, the Hamburg merchants Widow and Schröder effected a composition with their creditors in Emden, in the presence of the council, by the terms of which the English woollens and kerseys lying there were to be taken to Frankfurt, dyed and finished

152

153

Ibid. Dietz, Frankfurter

Handelsgeschichte,

2: 237.

154 Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, A-Laden-Akten (Rep. 15.a), S.I.L. 35, Nr. 18, fol. 40'.

67

b y Johann Worst, and then sold in Frankfurt and Kassel. 1 5 5 Perhaps the dyer Johann Worst is identical with Johann del Wart (de Lewart) from Lille, in the municipal dyehouse at the Schneidwall. He, together with Franz Collet, at the sign of the Palm Tree on the Allerheiligengasse, and Noë Catelin, in the Fischergasse in Sachsenhausen (suburb on the other side of the river Main), quickly brought cloth dyeing in Frankfurt to full flower from 1589 on. But all three were mainly grosgraine dyers. Hans del Wart worked with eight dye kettles, and paid, for example, the dyehouse excise of 1 kreuzer or 4 hellers per piece (that had been introduced in 1588) for 13,258 pieces of grosgraine, for the period April 1590-91. Collet and Catelin only worked with two dye kettles each. The boom in dyeing reached a peak in 1600, when the number of cloth dyers had increased from three (1592) to twenty, and of dyed cloths to about 50,000 pieces, with a value o f about 3 0 0 , 0 0 0 guilders. 1 5 ^ The trade profited from the emigration of many dyers from Cologne after the introduction there of the "hundredth penny" tax, some of whom came to Frankfurt. 1 5 7 While the dyehouses experienced a boom, thanks to the n e w methods of fabrication and distribution (associated manufacturing and sales firms), the old guild crafts shops stagnated. The wool weavers and cloth shearers had their old guild statutes confirmed by the city council in 1 5 7 3 . 1 5 8 As late as 1625, the cloth finishers petitioned the Senate of the city, demanding a ban on the new methods of production, which they said were beginning to spread from "Hamburg, Amsterdam, Danzig, and the other prominent trading cities" over the whole Empire. The Council backed the old guild statute, and prohibited the expansion o f the employment of journeymen and apprentices demanded by a few cloth finishers.159 This 155

Stadtarchiv Frankfurt am Main, Rep. B. 253, Jud. L 167., 1597 Feb. 22.

156

Dietz, Frankfurter Handelsgeschichte, 2: 237.

157

Oberbach, Kölner Textilgewerbe, p. 82.

1 5 8 H. Mauersberg, Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte Städte in neuerer Zeit (Göttingen, 1963), P- 330 f. 159

68

Ibid.

zentraleuropäischer

restriction of the finishers may have b e e n one reason for the stagnation or decline of the dressing of English cloths in Frankfurt. Another one may have been the ban on indigo passed in 1 5 7 7 . ^ °

Kassel The Landgrave of Hesse, Wilhelm VI, on 1 October 1584, granted to the dyer Johan van Wesick, from Arnstadt in Thuringia, born in Deventer, permission to establish a dyehouse for English cloth in Kassel. Wesick's business must have met with initial difficulties, because in 1586 he fled temporarily from his creditors, and had the business continued during his absence by the dyer Hieronymus Stauffmüller, from Eschwege. In 1587, Wesick received a loan from the landgrave of 500 reichstalers, with this was presumably able to continue his business, and is mentioned later as a householder. After his death in 1597, the dyehouse was run by his son Lambert van Wesick, w h o was granted an exclusive privilege for five years by Landgrave Moritz in l 6 0 3 . Lambert was in debt in I 6 l 6 , and died in 1621. 1 6 1 Also in 1584, the finisher and merchant clothier of Low Country origin, Jorge de Veste, from Niederwesel, was granted the privilege of dressing the "London cloth" intended for the court. Around 1588, he formed a partnership with the widow o f the "woad dyer" Georg Hoffmann from Niederwesel. In 1590, the cloth finisher Amandus van der Eigen, from a Netherlands family resident in Frankfurt, was also granted a privilege. In l600, he was succeeded by his son Abraham, who supplied one hundred black London cloths to the Court Wardrobe. It is not certain whether the finishing of English cloth in Kassel was only done for the needs of the court of the Landgrave, or also for the local or regional market. 1 ^ 2

160

E. E. Ploss, Ein Buch von alten Farben, 4th ed. (Munich, 1977), p. 60.

161

Dascher, Das Textilgewerbe in Hessen-Kassel, p. 34 f., 173 f., and209f.

162

Ibid.

69

Cologne From the late Middle Ages, the main activity of the dyers and cloth shearers of Cologne had been the finishing of foreign cloth, most of which came from England, as the charters of 1533, 1554, and 1607 indicate. 1 6 3 In 1554, the master shearers w e r e given permission to employ four journeymen and one apprentice. 164 In the 1560s, many cloth finishers from the Low Countries came to Cologne with their tenters and "persen" (? presses?) to finish English w o o l l e n s . 1 6 5 W h e n the Adventurers shifted their mart to Emden in 1564, they had the cloths finished in Cologne, in part. 166 The dyers' trade was not organized into a guild. In 1554, the city council issued regulations on the finishing and dyeing of English cloth. Every year, four searchers w e r e appointed, two councillors and t w o masters of the cloth shearers' guild. Cloths dyed black w e r e sealed with three crowns and the arms of England. 167 The dyers in blue used four master samples, including the "single English Stai."168 The commission of searchers for the blue-dyer's guild consisted since 1582 of one dyer and two cloth shearers. 169 The calibre of the cloth finishing trade appears to have declined from the latter half of the sixteenth century on. Fearing a decline of 163

Oberbach, Kölner Textilgewerbe, p. 50.

1 6 4 Hermann Kellenbenz, "Wirtschaftsgeschichte Kölns im 16. und beginnenden 17. Jahrhundert," in Zwei Jahrtausende Kölner Wirtschaft, ed. on behalf of the Rheinisch-Westfälisches Wirtschaftsarchiv zu Köln by Hermann Kellenbenz (Cologne, 1975), vol. 1, p. 358. 165

Ibid.

1 6 6 Höhlbaum, Kölner Stralen, Köln. 167

168

169

70

Inventar, no. 2385, 1564 July 18: Sudermann to

Oberbach, Kölner Textilgewerbe, p. 88. Ibid., p. 73. Ibid., p. 88.

the dyer's art, the city council had three samples dyed in Antwerp in 1554, which were to serve as Stale in future. In 1559, a dyer was brought from Wesel at the council's expense, since there were complaints that nobody was able to dye black properly in Cologne any more. 170 Nuremberg clothiers reported to their city council in 1579 that they had previously (author's note: before 1569) had English cloths dyed and finished in Cologne, to their disadvantage. They said that they had been cheated several times — upon bringing the goods home, they had "im Wasser geblieben,"171 This may refer to deficient dyes and excessive tentering. In 1579, the Cologne city authorities issued an ordinance decreeing that "London" and other good cloths that had been tentered excessively were to be confiscated.172 The ordinance does not seem to have met with much success. According to a report from the year 1582, many cloths were no longer finished in Cologne, but only dyed there.173 With the introduction in 1589 of the tax of the hundredth penny, i.e. an impost of one percent on all bales of goods opened in the city, Cologne lost its importance as a transit point for textiles from the Low Countries and England. Many merchants had their cloths dyed at the place of origin, and dyers emigrated, some to Frankfurt.174 In consequence shearers and dyers complained, in l607, that many cloths were being imported in a finished state. Thereupon, the city council banned, among others, the import of English cloths

170

Ibid., p. 72 f.

1 7 1 Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, A-Laden-Akten (Rep. 15.a), S.I.L. 35, Nr. 18, fol. 64, 65. 172

Oberbach, Kölner Textilgewerbe, p. 69 f.

173

Ibid., p. 82.

174 Ibid.·, H. Thimme, "Der Handel Kölns am Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts und die internationale Zusammensetzung der Kölner Kaufmannschaft," Westdeutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kunst 31 (Trier, 1912), p. 471.

71

dyed "one-and-a-half Stai."175 Only in 1644 was the "hundredth penny" on white woollen cloths imported for dyeing cancelled. 17 ^ It was not only the apparently frequent faulty finishing of the cloth and the introduction of the hundredth penny that harmed the cloth finishing trade. The anti-progressive attitude of the shearers, and of the city council, also led to the decline of these trades. Following the Reichspolizeiordnung of 1577, in 1579 the council had issued an ordinance prohibiting the use of "false, eating or corrosive dyes, which are called devil's dyes," since by their use the "London and other such good woollen cloths" were spoiled. 177 In answer to a question from the council of the city of Münster, Cologne informed them on 23 August l600 that no ordinance on the use of indigo had been issued as yet. The dyers were said to claim that indigo, mixed with large quantities of woad, gave the cloth a faster and better-looking blue than woad alone. But they were prepared to obey a ban on indigo. The finishers of English and other cloths, on the other hand, denied that indigo ("the Indian flower") was a fast dye, and only considered woad fast and acceptable for dyeing for a seal. The Cologne Council informed Münster that it would keep the matter under consideration by the "deputies for all dyes." 1 7 8 In 1609, the drapers and merchants complained that the dyers and shearers were not doing good work. A burgomaster was sent to Holland to study the dyeing and finishing industries there, for ideas on improving the Cologne methods. 179 This does not seem to have done much good, for in l 6 l 3 complaints were made that dyeing to specific patterns was worse and more expensive in Cologne than

17

5 Oberbach, Kölner Textilgewerbe, p. 82.

176

Ibid.

1 7 7 The decree of 31 October 1579 was sent by the Cologne Council to other cities. 178

Krumbholtz, Gewerbe der Stadt Münster, no. 6l c, p. 515-17.

179

Oberbach, Kölner Textilgewerbe, p. 72 f.

72

elsewhere. Therefore, dyeing elsewhere according to these patterns was permitted. 1 8 0

Münster The woollen finishing trade of Münster experienced an upturn in the middle of the sixteenth century. Mainly "grey" English woollens were imported, and re-exported after finishing.181 Until the late sixteenth century, they were bought mostly in Emden and Hamburg, then Amsterdam took their place. The duty on English cloths imported to Münster for dyeing was one mark a p i e c e . 1 8 2 In 1555 a new fulling mill was put into service. Before then, a mill in Telgte had b e e n u s e d . 1 8 3 In 1577, a "Brotherhood o f Cloth Shearers or Cloth Finishers" was founded. Anyone wishing to b e come a master had, after first serving two years as an apprentice, to shear a specimen of "six ells of Amsterdam, six ells of Münster sealed 'schiplakens' (JSchöpftucb ?) and three ells of English ' o / uterfins?." The masters were not allowed to employ two apprentices simultaneously in one year. The use of iron cards was prohibited. The cloths might not b e taken down off the tenters until inspected by the merchants. Every master had to notify the elders of the brotherhood of his lead trademark, and attach this mark to every cloth finished.184 The finishers applied to the council for a raise in pay in 1597, with the following justification: The cloths were now being finished

180

Ibid.

E. Planeth, Der außerwestfälische Handel münsterscher Kaufleute von 1536 bis 1661: Aufgrund von Quellen im münsterschen Stadtarchiv, Ph.D. diss. University of Münster, (Gütersloh in Westfalen, 1937), p. 12. 181

182

Krumbholtz, Gewerbe der Stadt Münster, p. 512-14, no.6l a, 1593 Sept. 16.

Ibid., p. 469, no. 59 a, Nachrichten über den Bau einer Walkmühle zur Sudmühle an der Werse, 1555. 183

184

Ibid., p. 452, no. 57 a, "Ältere Rolle der Bruderschaft," 1557 June 4.

73

better and more attractively than in former times, the prices for shears, cards, etc. had risen greatly, but the finisher's fee had remained one "plain or Münster" taler since 1557, and had lost purchasing power, while at that time it had been equivalent to a reichstaler. The finishers also mentioned that their brotherhood had undergone a boom, thus creating a large source of revenue for the city. 1 8 5 The dyers were an unincorporated trade. The council's request that they form a guild was rejected by the dyers Severin Stoltenkamp, Jasper torn Busch, Justin Schmidt and Peter Heggeler, since they considered their trade an art that depended on luck, and thus not teachable.186 The council ruled in 1594 that the number of four dyers should be maintained. Only those who had learnt from a master and served for several years as an assistant might b e c o m e dyers. The authority to exercise the office was granted by the council. 1 8 7 Since the permission to carry on the business was inherited by widows and orphans, there was only a slight chance of joining the circle of privileged dyers, who could grow rich in Münster. 1 8 8 In 1576, the council passed regulations for the dyers. All English cloths dyed black had to be bottom-dyed blue, b e "searched" by the searchers, and be sealed with a seal. Nor were the Stai blue, Stai green, and other cloths bottomed blue "to the Stat' allowed to be released until the seal had been attached. 1 8 9 The dyers had to pay the searchers a shilling for each blue-bottomed and s e a r c h e d 185

Ibid., p. 455, no. 57 h, 1596 Dec. 5.

1 8 6 H. Lahrkamp, Münsters wirtschaftliche Führungsschichten, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte der Stadt Münster (Münster: Aschendorf, 1970), n.s., vol. 5, p. 13.

Krumbholtz, Gewerbe der Stadt Münster, p. 513, no. 6l b, Weitere Bestimmungen des Rathes, 1594 July 29· 187

1 8 8 Lahrkamp, Münsters Führungsschichten, p. 13· However, marriage to the widow of a master craftsman enabled even "outsiders" to rise in social status. 189

74

Krumbholtz, Gewerbe der Stadt Münster, p. 512-14, no. 61, 1593 Dec. 16.

English cloth. From l604 on, the searchers received one shilling sixpence for an English cloth dyed "single Stai," two shillings for one done "one-and-a-half Stai," and three shillings for one done "double

Stai."190

According to the regulations of 1576, it was forbidden, under penalty of loss of charter, to use "gall sumac" or the like, or more than two pounds of vitriol per English cloth. "Tawny, 'Cologne', grey and violet brown" cloths were to be blue bottomed, and then finished with "honest materials." 191 In 1584, a clause was added to the regulations stating that all English cloth dyed black in Münster was to be blue bottomed exclusively with woad, not with any other dyewood or other m a t e r i a l . 1 9 2 In revised regulations of 1593, this addition was repealed. But for red dyeing, madder was specified, and the use of brazilwood forbidden. 193 The use of indigo for blue dyeing was accepted more and more in Münster, too. Sometimes the dyers added four or five pounds of indigo to a dye vat of woad. 19 ^ After getting information from the city councils of Bremen, Cologne and Lübeck, the council prohibited the use of indigo in l600, requiring that only Erfurt woad be used. In a petition to the council, the dyers declared in 1601 that all fine cloths were dyed with indigo in Holland and elsewhere; thus they could not do without it to obtain the same tints. They also said that they did not understand why they should only use woad from Erfurt, and hoped to be allowed to continue using woad from Thuringia and Jülich. 195 190

Ibid., p. 520, no. 61 f., 1609 Sept. 4.

191

ibid., p. 512-14, no. 6l.

192

Ibid., p. 512 f.

193

Ibid., p. 512 ff., no. 6l, 1593 Dec. 16.

19

^ This information was provided by the Council in an enquiry of 26 June and 7 Sept. 1600, addressed to the cities of Cologne, Bremen and Lübeck, concerning the utility of employing indigo (.Ibid., p. 515 ff·, no. 61 c). 195

Ibid.

75

Towards the end o f the sixteenth century, the dyers themselves had b e c o m e involved in the cloth trade; the council forbad them to trade with finished English cloths in 1 5 9 3 . 1 9 6 From 1603, foreign merchants were only allowed to import unfinished and undyed cloth to Münster. 1 9 7 Despite this, cloths finished elsewhere, and tentered excessively, were often imported, dyed, and given the city seal. Since this brought the seal into miscredit, from l 6 0 9 on only cloths that had also been finished locally were allowed to be d y e d . 1 9 8 From this time on, both a dye seal and a measurement seal were attached to the cloths. 1 9 9 The number of English cloths dyed and finished annually in Münster is unknown. Sales seem to have been limited to the Westphalian region. Thus Dortmund draper Anton Bockholdt obtained English cloths already finished from Bremen, while sending local and other German cloths regularly to master dyer Severin Stoltenkamp and finisher Friedrich Meßmann in Münster for finishing.200

Nuremberg "Since we have heard and also received a report that the English cloths, because of the war that has broken out, are no longer being

196

Ibid., p. 513, no. 6l b.

197

Ibid., p. 129 (1557, 1627).

198

Ibid., p. 520, no. 61 f., 1609 Sept. 4.

2 0 0 L. von Winterfeldt, "Die Dortmunder Wandschneider: Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Tuchhandels in Dortmund", special edition (Dortmund: 1922) no. 29/30 of Beiträge zur Geschichte Dortmunds und der Grafschaft Mark, p. 204-207. Bockholdt sent cloths from Dortmund, Schwerte, Hamm, Herdeck, Lennep, Datteln, Iserlohn, and Recklinghausen to Münster, where they were dyed Cologne grey, violet, chestnut brown, red, blue, black, and Stai grey. For dyeing one ell of Dortmund cloth, Severin Stoltenkamp charged two Münster shillings in 1597, and 2 s. 3 p. in 1600. Some of the cloths were returned to Bockholdt after three months, but others only after six months. He paid Stoltenkamp in cash or settled in cloths.

76

sent to Antwerp, but rather to Hamburg for finishing,"201 the Nuremberg City Council took the initiative to attract this trade to their city. In order to enable the English cloths to be finished properly in the Low Countries fashion, Jan de Boys, who came from Ghent and had acquired Nuremberg citizenship in 1557, was sent to Antwerp to attract dyers and finishers from there to Nuremberg. The dyers Johann Doppengießer and Gerhard Herve, and the finishers Alexander vom Berg and Philip de Fett, travelled to Nuremberg in May for negotiations. They tried the water of the river Pegnitz "on the tongue and by taste" and declared that they could make just as attractive, good and fast dyes there as in Antwerp or Hamburg. 202 On 8 June 1569, the council signed a contract with the dyers and finishers from Antwerp, by which they pledged to be back in Nuremberg with their families and servants (four journeymen for the dyers, and eight for the finishers) within two months. 2 0 3 They received an interest-free loan of 1,200 talers, repayable in four years' time, to purchase dyes, mordants, and other materials. As compensation for the property they left behind in Antwerp, for travel expenses, and for the purchase of new equipment such as shears and cards, the dyers received 200 talers each and the finishers 500 talers each. The council ordered the manufacture of tenters, "Schauben" (??), kettles, vats, and other accessories in accordance with the Netherlanders' wishes. It also ordered a dyehouse to be built on Schütt Island, between the washhouse and the bridge, complete with

2 0 1 Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, "Verlässe der Herrn Älteren," no. 6, p. 105, 1569 March 29. — Unless otherwise stated, the documents cited as sources in the following are all in the Staatsarchiv Nürnberg (StaatsAN). 2 0 2 Akten des 7farbigen Alphabets (Rep. 2.c. Nr. 53), "Verzachnus des ausgelegten gelts vonwegen der Ferber und Zubereiter die Englischen Tuch angefangen adj. 9, Juny 1569."

° 3 Ratsverlässe (RV) 1303, fol. 28', 1569 June 8; B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, "Vergleichung mit den Niderlendischen Tuchbereitern," 9 June 1569, and ibid., Ratsverlaß, 10 June 1569, "Weichergestalt man sich erstlich mit Hanß Duppengießer, Gerhard Herft, beden Ferbern und denn Alexander vom Berg und Philipen de Fett, Bereiters, verglichen." 2

77

space for cooling the c l o t h s . 2 0 4 The tenter yard in front of the Frauentor city gate was bought from the black dyer Hans Gilger for 800 guilders, and thirteen tenters erected there. 2 0 5 On 21 June 1569, the Netherlands dyers and finishers arrived back in Nuremberg already, where they were installed in the "bakery in the court stables" until the new buildings should b e c o m p l e t e d . 2 0 6 Including wives, children and journeymen, a total of twenty-six people c a m e ; 2 0 7 — and four press makers, Davidt Willemsen, Peter van Dimeren, Matheus and Franz Clais, a mender for torn cloths, Ditrich Rosen, and a fuller, Jasper Goublet, with his wife and four children, as well. At J a n de Boys' instigation, Johann Wessels from Niederwesel and J o h a n n Rendeur from "Lesenne" in the Hainaut, also arrived in Nuremberg. In September 1569, citizen Jobst Diterich informed the council that he wanted to form a company with the finishers of English cloth, and hire another eight journeymen from the Low Countries for this purpose. The travel expenses paid by the council for the above persons amounted to 431 guilders, 9 shillings, and 4 p e n c e . 2 0 8 The city council was prepared to spend substantial sums in order to establish a competitive English-cloth finishing trade. In April 1570, it ordered the erection o f a further dyehouse on Schütt Island on the site where the public and weavers' washhouses stood. 2 0 9 The construction costs for the dyehouses were estimated at 3,000 guilders.

204 R V

130

4j

fol

2>

1569 June 9; fol. 4, June 10.

° 5 B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, Ratsverlaß, 1569 Sept. 27, "Außwechslung und Kauf meiner Herren mit Hanß Gilgern Schwartzferber, umb den Ramengarten vor dem Frauenthore." 2

206

Ibid., RV 1305, fol. 27, 1569 July 21.

207

Ibid., RV 1303, fol. 28', 1569 June 8.

208

Akten des 7farbigen Alphabets (Rep. 2.c. Nr. 53).

209 The dyehouse was to be 91 Nuremberg feet (27.5 metres) long, with a width of 27 Nuremberg feet (8.2 metres) facing the other dyehouse and 36 Nuremberg feet (11 metres) facing the house of the braidmakers.

78

The rent to be paid by the dyers was set at 180 guilders per year. 2 1 0 The council promised to maintain the buildings, while the dyers were to bear the maintenance costs for kettles, vats, and tools. 2 1 1 The means of production and tools had also been made available by the city authorities. When, in 1588, the council wanted to sell the upper dyehouse on Schütt Island, at the mouth of the lesser Pegnitz, the municipal master of the works estimated its value, complete with furnishings, at 2,450 guilders, two large dye vats 200 guilders, four large indigo coppers, three oak dye casks, each hooped with five iron hoops, 100 guilders, and numerous tools, 150 guilders. 2 1 2 Since the equipment and tools were no longer new, acquisition costs must have been higher. 2 1 3 The council offered the dyehouse complete with furnishings for sale for 3,000 guilders. 214 For the dyers who did not have any facilities for rinsing and washing the cloths in their houses, a raft was anchored at the inlet of the Pegnitz, at the Dannersgärtlein ("Danner Garden"), for washing the cloth — which was attended to by an old journeyman dyer. After the raft was carried away in a flood a few years later, Baltasar Rinder took over the washing of the cloths in his house below the Steinerne Brücke ("Stone Bridge," the present Maxbrücke). 2 1 5 The expenditures on the dyers and finishers, their travel expenses, the purchase of the site for the tenters, and the construction of the 2 1 0

B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l 6 . a ) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, Ratsverlaß, 1570 May 8.

211

B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l 6 . a ) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, Ratsverlaß, 1577 Jan. 24.

B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l 6 . a ) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, Ao. 1588, "Die ober Ferberey am Einfluss der kleinen Pegnitz auff der Schuet betreffent." 2 1 2

2 1 3 In November 1576 the municipal architect informed the city council that the condition of the dyehouses on Schütt Island, including their kettles, vats, rods and other tools, a n d likewise of the tentering ground outside the Frauentor city gate, was going from bad to worse daily. (B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l 6 . a ) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, Ratsverlaß, 1576 Nov. 28).

214

B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l 6 . a ) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, 1588 Nov. 25.

215

Stadtarchiv Nürnberg, Rst. Bauamt Akt XXXI, Nr. 121, fol. 3.

79

dyehouses, alone came to 7,178 guilders. In addition, there were the expenditures (not known to me) for building the houses for the finishers. And Jan de Boys also requested 3,000 guilders for his efforts in attracting the Netherlanders, in a letter to the council of 17 February 1570. 2 1 6 Thus, all in all, the council's investments in establishing the cloth finishing trade for English cloths must have come to eleven or twelve thousand guilders. In addition to the costs of building and outfitting the dyehouses, which were borne by the city, there were those of the raw materials, dyes, mordants and wood, which the dyers themselves had to pay. The firewood consumption of a dyehouse for English cloth was substantial. A dyehouse with five kettles required 1,000 to 1,200 Maß, and usually even 1,500 Maß, of wood a year. 217 A Maß of wood was valued at two guilders in the inventory of the estate of the deceased dyer Hieronymus Rinder in about 1628, so that the annual quantity of wood came to two or three thousand guilders. 218 Rinder's estate included 2,577 guilders' worth of indigo (which was 30% of the assets), besides Martinsholz (brazilwood from Caesalpina crista), "Röte" (??), madder, gallotannin and indigo, as well as dyeweeds and mordants, such as alum, copper gallate, and tartar. 219 In 1572, Jan Doppengießer had stocks (of woad, "Röte," madder et al.) worth 5,000 reichstalers, for which Lienhard Strolitz, factor of the Weiß family firm in Augsburg, had guaranteed. Gerhard von Herff had bought 2,000 guilders worth of woad and other dyestuffs.220

216

B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, 1570 Feb. 17.

217

Ibid., Ratsverlaß, 1570 June 23.

2 1 8 Stadtarchiv Nürnberg, Prozeßakten Nr. 1433, therein the inventory of the deceased English-cloth dyer Hieronymus Rinder (quoted from Kunze, Geschichte des Nürnberger Textil- und Färbergewerbes, p. 681.). 219

Ibid., p. 682.

2 2 0 B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, 1572 Oct. 14 and 21. At first, Doppengießer had wrongly declared 7,000 guldens for himself alone.

80

The necessary costs for setting up a dyehouse, from construction to the start of production, were considerable: building and furnishing with equipment and tools, about 3,000 guilders; amount made available to the dyers, in part as a loan, by the council, about 800 guilders; average value of Doppengießer and Herve's stocks, about 4,000 guilders; annual consumption of wood, 2,500 guilders. Therefore, the total expenditure required for the erection and basic outfitting of a dyehouse came to about 10,000 guilders. The documents provide little information on the use of the dyes and mordants. While the woad for common dyers was prepared by the sworn woad mixers,221 the dyers of English cloths received permission to buy their woad inside or outside of Nuremberg.222 This means that they themselves prepared the dyestuff from the woad plants. In 1573, they were forbidden to use gall dyes, under penalty of a fine of 50 guilders.223 But, as the estate of Rinder mentioned above proves, not only gall, but also indigo, which had both been banned in the Reichspolizeiordnung of 1577 as "devil's dyes," were in use in Nuremberg dyeing. In a decree of l604, the cloth dyers were forbidden to add indigo to the woad, as was said to be done in Holland, other towns, and even in Nuremberg itself. All English cloths that were bottom dyed blue, and marked with a half, single, or double Stai, might only be dyed with woad. 224 According to Doppengießer and Herve, the prices of dyestuffs had risen substantially by 1572, so that they had to increase the dyer's fees for red, black, and flesh coloured cloths. While before

Cf. Kunze, Geschichte des Nürnberger 671-74. 221

Textil- und Färbergewer bes, p.

B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, Ratsverlaß, 1570 Aug. 1, "Hannsen Doppengießer und seine jetzige Mitverwandten zu erlassen den Wayd alhie zu kaufen, one gemeine Prüf." 222

223

Nürnberger Amts- und Standbücher, no. 259, fol. 719: 1573 July 20.

224 «£) er englischen Tuchferber Pflicht und Ordnung," Decret 4 April 1604. Cf. A. Jegel, Alt-Nürnberger Handwerksrecht und seine Beziehungen zu anderen (Nuremberg, 1965), p. 382.

81

1569, they had paid 19 shillings for madder, in 1572 they had to pay 42 shillings 4 pence to 44 shillings for it.225 Some information on the dyes and mordants used can be obtained from the customs reports. Indigo, South American brazilwood, gallotannin, safflower, and alum are mentioned in 1567/68. In 1580, logwood, fustic, dyewood, dyer's weeds, saffron, copper vitriol, and potash are mentioned, as well.22^ The high quality of the dyeing was always emphasized. In 1572, it was said that the dyes were as good as in Hamburg.227 In 1579, it was even said, "that the dyeing here had been established so that there was surely no better anywhere in the Empire."228 With the first English cloths having been dyed in August, on 23 August 1569, the Herren Eltern (aldermen) issued an council ordinance concerning the Zeichen (seals) and Zeicbenmeister (searchers and sealers).229 Jan de Boys, Balthasar Rinder, Christof Rotenburg, and Jobst Diterich were appointed Zeichenmeister, for a one year's term at first.230 As dyer's seal for the English cloths, three seals were made: the single seal had an image of St. Lawrence on one side, and on the other the Imperial eagle above and the Nuremberg coat of arms below (three shields with a woman's head and a half-eagle); the oneand-a-half seal had on one side the half-eagle, and on the other the 225

B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, 1572 Oct. 21.

2 2 ^ Cf. Kunze, Geschichte des Nürnberger 690 f. 227

Textil- und Färbergewer bes, p.

B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, 1572 Oct. 20.

228 Ibid., 1579 Dec. 3, "Der verordneten Herren Bedencken der Englischen Tuchhandlung."

RV 1306, fol. 27', 1569 Aug. 23; B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, Ratsverlaß, 1569 Aug. 23, "Zaichen und Zaichenmaister der Englischen Tuch bedreffend." 229

2 3 0 Jobst Diterich was, however still (or once again) Zeichenmeister m 1576, and his appointment was renewed for two more years. (Nürnberger Amtsund Standbuch, no. 259, fol. 719': 1576 May 7).

82

eagle with the woman's head; the third seal had on one side the halfeagle, and on the other an "N." An ordinance of 7 January 1570, extended the regulations for dyers, finishers, and searchers. 231 The four Zeichenmeister were all to be present at the searching whenever possible. The presence of at least two Zeichenmeister was mandatory. The finishers of imported cloths had to deliver a list of the numbers of cloths dyed each week by each dyer, and another list of the cloths tentered and finished each week, to the Zeichenmeister every Saturday. Furthermore, the dyers also had to notify the Zeichenmeister every Saturday of the cloths dyed each week — presumably as a counter-check. For each foreign woollen cloth dyed, six pence was due as Zeichengeld (searchers' fee), and two pence for each kersey. The blue-dyed cloths had to be presented to the Zeichenmeister for the search (inspection), and, according to the quality, the corresponding Zeichen (seal) was affixed. For the blue cloths, there was a single Stai, a one-and-a-half Stai, and a double Stai (see above); the cloths that were not blue-dyed were stamped with an "N" and a shield. 232 The fee for the searchers, that was originally one heller, was increased by a heller to one penny in 1576. 2 3 3 Woollen dyeing experienced an exceptional boom. While the two dyers Doppengießer and Herve began with four journeymen in 1569, by 1572 they were employing twelve journeymen each. 2 3 4 That same year, the merchants trading in English cloths declared that they were Ibid., fol. 7l6'-719', "Der Bereiter-, Färber- und Zaichenmaisters Aid und Pflicht: zu den Englischen und Frembden Tuchen, so alhie geferbt werden." In fact, what we have here is a triplet of municipal coats of arms. Nuremberg always had two municipal coats of arms; the larger one is charged with a royal eagle and the smaller one impaled, sinister a half eagle and dexter party per five bends. During the time it was a Free Imperial City, there was the Imperial coat of arms with the Imperial eagle, as well. (My thanks to Leitender Archivdirektor Dr. G. Hirschmann of the Nuremberg City Archives for drawing my attention to this fact.) 231

232

Nürnberger Amts- und Standbuch, Nr. 259, fol. 7l6'-718'.

233

Ibid., fol. 719': 1576 May 7.

234

B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, 1572 Oct. 14.

83

paying the two dyers at least 30,000 guilders a year in dyer's fees. 2 3 5 Besides the "Netherlanders, " the dyer Balthasar Rinder, a native Nuremberger, who operated his dyeing business on the putting-out system, had already been accepted as a master. 236 On Rinder's application, supported by many clothiers, Mathes Fuß, one of Doppengießer's journeymen, was also made a master, so that by 1572 the number of master dyers had increased to four. 237 In 1579, there were five,238 but by l603 the number had dropped to four again (Mathes Fuß, Friedrich Hübner, Endres Rinder and Steffan Schröter). 2 3 9 In 1617, there were still only four dyer's firms.240 With this small number of master dyers, they could make large profits, which they invested in real estate. Doppengießer paid several hundred guilders for a garden in about 1570, 241 bought a house in the Tafelhof (an area outside the city wall) in 1572, a house in the parish of St. Lorenz in 1580, next to Lorenz Schlüsselfelder's house, and owned a piece of land in the Tafelhof in 1583· 2 4 2 The Rotfärber ("red dyer") 235

Ibid., cloth merchants to the Council, 1572 October.

236

Ibid., Johann Duppengießer and Gerhardt Herff to the Council, 1572 Oct.

14. 237

Ibid., 1572 Dec. 2.

® Nürnberger Stadtrechnungsbelege (Rep. 54 a II), no. 314 (1577-79), Zeichengeld. 23

239

Stadtarchiv Nürnberg, Rst. Bauamt Akt XXXI, Nr. 121, Fol. 3, 4.

2 4 0 Kunze, Geschichte des Nürnberger Textil- und Färbergewerbes, p. 682. The dyehouse erected in the Neue Gasse was called "der Fuß" (probably after Mathes Fuß) and the one by the Hieserlein, facing the Unschlitt house, "der Rinder" (probably after Balthasar or Endres Rinder) (J. F. Roth, Geschichte des Nürnbergischen Handels: Ein Versuch (Leipzig, 1801), Part 3, p. 234). 2 4 1 B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, Balthasar Rinder and Mathes Fuß, English-cloth dyers, to the Council, 1572 October. 2 4 2 Stadtarchiv Nürnberg (Rep. Β 7/II) Lib. Litt. Stadtgericht der Reichsstadt Nürnberg, Grundverbriefungsbücher, vol. 1, 89, 18, 96.73, and 99.75'.

84

Balthasar Rinder had inherited a dyehouse in the Nagelleinsgäßlein from his mother, but also owned another dyehouse around 1572. 2 4 3 His son Endres, who carried on the business, was a householder in the parish of St. Lorenz in 1589. His wife, Julia, bought the Dürrmühle in the St. Lorenz area, and a house by the Seeg. In the same year, he owned a house on the "Neuer Bau," and a barn near the Carthusian monastery "auf dem Gras." 244 The number of English cloths dyed yearly is indicated by the Zeichengelder (searchers' fees), which the dyers had to pay the Zeichenmeister (searchers) weekly for the sealing of the cloths. The "Notes of the English cloth" contain, besides the Zeichengeld, the sum of the woollen cloths and kerseys dyed. For the present work, only the calendar year 1578 has been evaluated. 245 The five masters dyed about 4,000 English woollens and about 12,130 kerseys, which makes an absolute value of 16,130 cloths. Using the conversion ratio of three kerseys being equal to one English woollen cloth, customary for excise purposes in England and Germany, this makes 8,044 'notional shortcloths.' Of these dyed cloths (in notional shortcloths), 34.8% were done by Mathes Fuß, 31.1% by Johann Doppengießer, 20.7% by Gerhard Herve, 12.2% by Balthasar Rinder, and 1.2% by Hans Kandter (Pauther). 2 4 ^ Two-thirds of the cloths were dyed by Fuß and Doppengießer. The kerseys amounted to about three-quarters of the woollen cloths dyed. Assuming an average fee of eight guilders per cloth (see below), the dyers earned, from 8,044 cloths dyed (notional shortcloths), an annual income in 1578 of about 64,000 guilders. B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, 1572 Oct. 14. Rinder employed the new master Mathes Fuß in his dyehouse, who promised in return to teach Rinder's son (presumably Endres) the art of dyeing. 243

Stadtarchiv Nürnberg (Rep. 7/II) Lib. Litt., 99.139, 105.108, 106a.l90, 107.65, and 107.10'.

244

107.38,

245 The Adventurers' first cloth mart in Hamburg was closed in 1578. The next year, their residency was moved to Emden, and the Eastland Company was founded. 24
Nürnberger Stadtrechnungsbelege (Rep. 54a II), no. 314, 1578.

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Kerseys

i

1049 1/2

ι

j

j

297 214

Ι - O UI CM s Ό Μ £ Ο Ο £

39

Ό

Januaty15 February 12 March 12 April May June July August September October November December

Μ

Mathes Fuß

C σ» «Β •O Ε Φ 5 ζ e ν « "δ English cloths

1

|

βr-· ΙΑ Τ"

Kerseys

M O o D) C •g δ 0

!

»

Jan DoppengleBer

Ξ §

English cloths

M

Month

1

CT CT

S

R fi io

Φ

a c

1

0

I

ά. Φ tr

s Vi

Φ

y

O)

3 C

a Β In 1568-78 Year

Hamburg

Cloth fleets No. of ships

1568 1569 1570 1571 1572 1573 1574 1575 1576 1577-78

Emden Cloths

Number

Value (Lübeck marks)

Cloths (no.)

Int.

-

•

•

-

•

•

•

-

13

•

•

•

ca. 3,000

•

•

•

3 5 5

•

•

•

•

•

•

-

2 1

• • 4 ca. 50 SO,000-70,000 3,100,000

No. of ships M. A.

50

•

•

1

37

•

•

•

Symbols : - = not applicable; · = no information; M. A. = Merchants Adventurers; Int. = Interlopers; always minimun figures Sources ') J.W. Burgon, vol. 2, p. 323 ff., 331; Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 110 ff, 237. z > Emder Chronik, 96, 98; E.R. Brenneisen, Ostfriesische Historie und Landesverfassung, (Aurich), 1720, vol. 1, VI, 16.

The only thing we can determine definitely from this table is that the Adventurers brought fifty ships to Hamburg in 1569, and again in Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 237. 2 0 Public Records Office, State Papers Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. 119, no. 47. The Hamburg customs duty on one shortcloth was 4 Lübeck shillings, and on one kersey 1 s. 4 d. Lübeck.

115

1570. It may therefore be presumed that in both years, sixty to seventy thousand cloths, to a value of roughly three million Lübeck marks, were imported. Since some of their Company had been shipping cloths to Emden again since 1572, and to Antwerp since 1573, this — together with the lack of figures for 1571-76 — may give the impression o f a declining trade. 21

Table 12: Scope of the Trade in English Cloths in Hamburg (1569-78) Year

1569 1570 1571 1572 1573 1574 1575 1576 1577 1578

Re-exports of white woollen cloths (notional shortcloths) 31,097 49,722 41,079

1°Λ15λ 30,800/ 18,700 20.700J 13,800/ 271,993

Growth of "sealed" (dyed) cloths

Re-exported and "sealed" cloths 39,282 68,709 55,193

8,185 (Aug. 1568-69) 18,987 " 1569-70 14,114 Sept.1570-29.9.71

61 ·195 "121,098 29.9. 1571-29.9.73

)

82,293

33.400

, 26,648

J

60,048

36,800

" ,29,354

1

66,154

24,777

143,163

5.6.1573-31.12.74

43,477

415,156

Since the number of re-exported cloths and the income from the transit duty is known for the years 1569-72, it was possible to extrapolate the corresponding values for 1573-78. Sources : Staatsarchiv Hamburg, Cl. VIII. Lit. E b No. 4, vol. 1a, and Lakenhändler I 5, fol. 150 f.: "Stafouch der hamburgischen Lakenhändler und Gewandschneider".

Let us consider this in the light of a summary of the English cloths sealed in Hamburg, or re-exported unfinished, from 1569 to 1578. This table is only meant to indicate a trend, and does not justify any conclusions as to the number of cloths actually imported per year. Due to the lengthy finishing process, a portion of the sealed cloths were not included in the statistics of the year of importation, but only in the following year; this leads to distortions.

2 1 Ehrenberg saw the reason for the resumption of trading to Emden and Antwerp in a drop in trade volume; trade with Hamburg had improved gradually. Hagedorn even remarks, "The Hamburg business was not exactly flourishing." (Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel im. 16. Jahrhundert, p. 198).

116

In 1569-73, an annual average of about 49,100 cloths were sealed or re-exported unfinished; in 1574-78 this dropped to circa 34,000. A pronounced decrease does not occur until 1574-75. Therefore, a decreasing volume of trade was not a cause, but rather an effect of the resumption of trade with Emden and Antwerp. During the decade 1569-78, an annual average of about 27,000 white English cloths were exported by "foreign" merchants, and about 14,300 sealed ones — making together circa 41,500. These figures do not represent the total volume of the woollen trade, since they do not include the substantial direct sales by Hamburg merchants and the Adventurers, who did not have to pay a duty on reexportation, into the interior. In parallel with the trade to Hamburg, English merchants were also trading to Emden again from the early 1570s; in 1571, thirteen English merchantmen, presumably Interlopers, already called at E m d e n . 2 2 In 1572, three Adventurers' ships carrying over 3,000 cloths dropped anchor there o n c e a g a i n . 2 3 In each of the two following years, the Adventurers sent five ships to Emden. 2 4 There are no figures available on the volume of cloth imports.

1579-87: Emden After the relocation of the English mart to Emden, ships carrying 30,000 cloths arrived there. 2 5 It is not known whether another fleet arrived in the same year, or how many came during the years 1580-

22

Emden Chronicle, 96.

Emden Chronicle, 98; E. R. Brenneysen, Ostfriesische Historie Landesverfassung (Aurich, 1720), I, VI, 16, speaks of two ships.

23

und

2 4 Brenneysen, Ostfriesische Historie I, VI, 16. Cloth ships are said to have called at Emden in subsequent years, as well. 25

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 153.

117

82. On 12 August 1583, five Adventurer ships arrived.2^ For the period 1584-87, Hagedorn determined the number of English cloth ships arriving from the tonnage dues lists. 27 For 1586 we have information that maritime trade to Emden was resumed in winter, after the granting of a charter of privileges. 28 Since the customs records Table 13: Imports of English cloths to Emden in 1579-87 Year

No. of ships M.A. Int.

1579 1580 1581 1582 1583 1584 1585 1586 1587

•

•

30,000

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

5 16 47 19 21

•

•

5 6 6 1

• • • •

Symbols : · = no information; M.A. = Merchants Adventurers; Int. = Interlopers; always minimum figures Sources : H. Brugmans & J.A. Feith, De Kroniek van Abel Eppens tho Equart Part 1 (Amsterdam, 1911 ); Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p; 153,179; Hagedorn 6, p. 65 ff.; Hagedom, HGbll (1910), p. 527.

of the County of Friesland are lost, no statistical material exists on this trade. Hagedorn estimated that about 40,000 woollen cloths, and about 10,000 kerseys and baizes were imported yearly. 29 H. Brugmans and J. A. Fcith, eds., De Kroniek van Abel Eppens tbo Equart, part 1 (Amsterdam, 1911), p. 590: "Die Engelschen ...comtnen eerst den 12. Augusti (1583) weder up den Stapel myt 5 scepen." 27

B. Hagedorn, "Betriebsformen und Einrichtungen d e s Emder Seehandelsverkehrs," Hansische Gescbichtsblâtter 16 (1910), p. 527. 2

® Ehrenberg, Hamburg

29

und England, p. 179.

Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel (1580-1648),

118

p. 65 ff.

1587-98: Stade In 1587, the arrival of twelve English cloth ships and two escort ships in Stade was reported to the Hamburg Council. Four ships, belonging to various merchants from Italy, southern Germany, and other nations, were reported to have arrived together with this fleet. 30 This was presumably the same fleet which Mathias Hoep reported on 14 June 1587: on the eve of Whitsun, twelve English ships bearing cloths had arrived in Hamburg.31 After the failure of the treaty negotiations, the fleet sailed to Stade, where it discharged its cargo on 20 October. On 7 June 1588, 36 English cloth ships arrived in Stade; the Jovis Bonaventura had arrived earlier.32 On 1 Nov. 1588, the late autumn fleet, consisting of twenty well-laden ships, arrived. Thus 57 English cloth ships sailed to Stade in 1588.33 While there is no information available for 1589, the arrival of a fleet in May of 1590 is recorded.34 In 1591, at least two cloth fleets arrived: the first in spring,35 and the second, comprising eleven merchantmen and a warship, on

Giles de Greve and Marten Entzisperger, Hamburg factors of important merchant houses in Nuremberg, Augsburg, Venice, and elsewhere, to the Hamburg Council, 22/23 Oct. 1587. Staatsarchiv Hamburg, Sen. Int. Cl. VII, Ea Pars 2, no. 4, vol. 2a I, fol. 6-8. 30

31

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 182.

Staatsarchiv Bremen, 2-Z.4.d.lO. "Stade betreffend, Hamburg contra Stade," 24 Sept. 1588. 32

E. Pitz, "Die Herzöge von Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel und der Tuchhandel Nordwestdeutschlands im 16. Jahrhundert," Hansische Geschichtsblätter 99 (1981), p. 87 f. 33

F. Willerding, "Die englische Handelsgesellschaft in Stade," Stader Archiv, n.s., 1919, p. 33. 34

35

Ibid., p. 34.

119

2 O c t o b e r . 3 6 On 24 October 1591, a fleet with a cargo of woollens and other goods bound for Stade lay at anchor in the Port of London. 3 7 In 1592, cloth fleets were expected in January and A u g u s t . 3 8 Corresponding information for 1593-94 is missing. On 25 February 1594, the arrival of master mariner Thom. Macel, from Hull, was recorded in the Hamburg Schifferbücher (books of shipmasters), who was said to be "lying at Stade." 39 On 1 September 1595, four Adventurer ships were lying in the Thames, outward bound for Stade. 4 0 Hans Philipp Stamler, factor in Stade for the merchant house of Orth, complained about the small number of cloth ships arriving in early 1596: a cloth fleet was not due in until May; only one cloth ship had arrived on 25 March, coming from Middelburg. 41 The supply of

Hans Philipp Stamler in Stade, to Philipp Orth in Hamburg, 3 Oct. 1591: "Gestern abend sein alhie in salvo dei gratia 11 geladene, 1 convoyschifF fur Englische erschinen ..." ("Yesterday evening there appeared here, in salvo dei gratia, 11 cargo ships and 1 convoy ship for Englishmen ..."). (Rauch, Hamburger Briefwechsel, p. 143). 36

37

Historical Manuscripts Commission, Salisbury MSS, part 6 (1892), p. 152.

Hans Philipp Stamler in Stade, to Philipp Orth in Hamburg, 4 Jan. 1592: "van die verwarte gewandt schiff diesen monat kommen ..." ("when the expected cloth ships come this month ...") (Rauch, Hamburger Briefwechsel, p. 149). Peter van der Linde in Hamburg, to Philipp Orth in Heilbronn, 9 Aug. 1592: "Man ist in 14 thagen einer andern flota wiederumb gewertig, ..." ("Another fleet is expected again in a fortnight, ...") (.Ibid., p. 156). 38

39

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 240.

40

Historical Manuscripts Commission, Salisbury MSS, part 5 (1894), p. 358 f.

Hans Philipp Stamler to Philipp Orth in Frankfurt; Stade, 26 March 1596: "...ein schiff von Mittelburg ...das bringt ungefehrlich 3 1?1 ballen, darinn bey 100 stfück] pack, rest fein tuoch sein sollen ..." ("...a ship from Middelburg...bringing approximately 3 [?] bales, of which about 100 pieces are said to be packcloth, and the rest 'fine cloth' ...") — Rauch, Hamburger Briefwechsel, p. 167. 41

120

cloth does not seem to have improved by early October, for Heinrich Orth in Hamburg informed his brother Philipp in Heilbronn that, "in Stade there is nothing to do in the agency until the winter fleet is due." 42 For 1597 we also have information on the arrival of two cloth fleets. The first one arrived on Trinity Sunday (late May), and consisted of ten large Adventurer ships and four ships with cargoes from Interlopers. They are supposed to have carried at least sixteen thousand packcloths, three to four thousand Feintuche, and six to eight thousand kerseys. 43 On 25 October 1597, the Älterman (Elder) of the Steelyard reported to Lübeck that a fleet of "twelve well fitted-out ships, of which eight belong to the Adventurers and four to the Interlopers, full of woollens...set sail for Stade." 44 Since in the meantime, the Imperial mandate had been issued (1 August 1597) and published in Stade on 28 October, the Englishmen at first hesitated to unload their ships. They decided to do so, because they were not required to leave the territory of the Empire until three months after the publication of the decree (28 January 1598), and because the archbishop of Bremen had granted them leave to remain in Stade longer, under his protection, if this period did not suffice to complete their business transactions.45 From a letter from Ferrers, the Courtmaster in Stade, to Cecil, we learn that more than 28,000 woollen and kersey cloths were sold in Stade after the publication of the decree. 46 Thus the fleet that arrived

42

Ibid., p. 169.

43

Ibid., p. 174.

Hanserezeß 1598; quotation from K. P. Zoellner, Vom Strelasund zum Oslofjord: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Hanse und der Stadt Stralsund in der zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts, Abhandlungen zur Handels- und Sozialgeschichte, vol. 14 (Weimar, 1974), p. 55.

44

45

Glameyer, Der Wirtschaftskampf, p. 13.

Thomas Ferrers, Courtmaster in Stade, to Sir Robert Cecil, 29 March 1598, Historical Manuscripts Commission, Salisbury MSS, part 8 (1899), p. 113 f.

46

121

at the end of 1597 must have carried more than 28,000 pieces of cloth (in notional shortcloths). In 1596-97, the Adventurers exported 60,318 cloths from London to Stade. 4 7 Some members of the Court left Stade in late January 1598, the rest are supposed to have moved away in late May. Circumventing the Imperial mandate, another cloth fleet arrived in May; it is not known whether the cargo was provided by Adventurers or interlopers. 4 8 Four more English ships with woollens arrived in the Elbe around 27 J u l y . 4 9 The Lübeck city council reported that the goods had not only b e e n brought to Stade, but promptly reloaded o n carts and sent off. And all this under the pretext, "as if these goods did not belong to the Adventurirer Mercans, despite three o f them have been on the ship, but to various Venetians and Ragusans, as indeed to promote such a fraud the current mayor at London in England, who is the most prominent of the Adventurirer Mercans, issues the certifications." 5 0 According to this, the Adventurers continued to engage unhindered in shipping and trade, even if they had to pretend that merchants from Venice and Ragusa (Dubrovnik) were the owners of the cloths. Hamburg considered whether to use force against the ships, but when the danger arose that the cloths might b e exported through the archbishopric of Bremen, avoiding Hamburg, the city council dropped the idea. 5 1 In August, English cloths were discov-

Cf. E. Lipson, The Economic History of England, 6th ed. (London, 1931), 2: 209.

47

® Glameyer, Der Wirtschaftskampf, p. 15.

4

Niedersächsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Hannover, Celle Br. 71, no. 363; cf. E. Weise, "Neue Aktenfunde zur Geschichte der Merchant Adventurers im Staatsarchiv Hannover," Stader fahrbuch, n.s., 44 (1954), p. 81-88.

49

50

Ibid.

51

Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel (1580-1648), p. 350.

122

ered under a cargo of grain, and in the fall of 1598, 52 and also in the spring and summer of 1599, English cloth ships are still said to have arrived in the Elbe. Table 14: Imports of English Cloths to Stad· in 1587-98 Year

Number of ships from:

Cloth fleets

London M.A. 1587 1588 1589 1590 1591 1592 1593 1594 1595 1596 1597 1598

1 1

Int.

•

Hull

Total

Unidentifiable 12 37

12 37

+ 11

+ 11

Number of cloths (in notional shortcloths)

•

1 2 2

.

•

•

•

•

•

1 2 2 2

•

+ 1 + 4

•

4 •

•

18

8

•

•

4

26 + 4

60,318 •

Symbols : · = no information; + = more than figure given; M.A. = Merchants Adventurers; Int. = Interlopers; always minimum figures. Sources : Staatsarchiv Bremen, 2-Z.4.d.10, Stade betreffend; StaH, Sen. Int. CI. VI I, E a Pars No. 4, vol. 2a I, fol. 6-8; Ns.HstAHn, Celle Br. 71, No. 363; H. M.C. Salisbury MSS.,Parts VI (1892), p. 152, Part V (1894), p. 358 f., Part VIII (1899), p. 113 f.; Beutin, p. 18; Ehrenberg, p. 182, 196, 202, 205 f., 240; Glameyer, p. 13,15; Lipson, p. 209; Rauch, p. 143, 156, 167, 169, 174; Willerding, p. 33 f.; Zoellner, op. cit p. 55; E. Pitz, "Die Herzöge von Braunschweig ...", op. cit., p. 87.

Since the Company's only mart was n o w in Middelburg, making continued trading with Stade violation of the staple right if carried out by Adventurers, and undesirable competition if carried out by interlopers, the English government banned traffic to the Elbe or

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 202. 53

Ibid., p. 205 ff.

123

Weser in July 1599.54 In the short run, the ban appears to have been successful; at any rate, until l601 no further arrivals of English ships in Hamburg or Stade are recorded.

1598-1601: Emden By 1598, English cloth ships were calling at Emden again. 55 In July 1599, six ships, originally bound for Hamburg, had to sail to Emden instead, by royal order. 5 6 In September 1599, the Imperial fiscal wrote to the Emden city council, saying that he had heard that the Englishmen from the monopolistic Company, w h o w e r e n o w "dubbing themselves and pretending to be Interlopers and English merchants in general," were intending to re-establish a residence in Emden, and had already arrived with six ships and thirty to forty thousand woollen cloths. 57

Ibid., p. 207; A. Friis, Alderman Cockayne's Project and the cloth trade: The commercial policy of England in its main aspects 1603-1625 (Copenhagen and London, 1927), p. 71. 5 5 Hans Heinrich Orth in Hamburg to his brother Philipp in Heilbronn, 30 May 1598: "Weil die Englische laaken nach Embdten bringen, ..." ("Because the English are bringing cloths to Emden, ...")• (M. von Rauch, "Hamburger Briefwechsel eines Heilbronner Handelshauses, 1591-1600," Zeitschrift des Vereins für Hamburgische Geschichte 24 (1921-25), p. 181). 56 Lionel Cranfield to Gottfried Gortzen, 15 July 1599, London: "...order was taken by her Majesty and the Council that as well the English ships as the Hamburgers should go for Emden. Our ships could not be cleared until the master, owners and two of the greatest laders of every ship were bound in 500 pounds a piece that their ships should go directly to Emden and there discharge." (F. J. Fisher, "The business correspondence of Lionel Cranfield, 1597-I612," Sackville MSS, Historical Manuscripts Commission 80 (London, 1966), vol. 2, p. 6.

Johann Vest in Speyer, to Emden, 24 Sept. 1599. (Quotation from Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel (1580-1648), p. 351). 57

124

On 4 January l600, a ship arrived with 800 cloths, 5 8 as did another one on 26 May, coming from Hull with some woollens and dozens, and 1,200 kerseys, on board. 5 9 A cloth fleet of nine ships arrived on 21 June I6OO. 60 In August of that year, the notary Johannes Möring, a representative of the Lübeck city council, reported that eight English ships with many thousands of cloths were expected in Emden. 6 1 This fleet arrived on 23 September. 6 2 In mid-November, a further ship arrived from Hull, that is said to have brought no more than 300 kerseys. 63 Thus at least eighteen ships from London, and two from Hull, called at the port of Emden during I6OO. However, further ships must have arrived by the end of the year I6OO, since a County customs register for the last quarter that has been preserved records the importation of 14.263V2 English c l o t h s . 6 4 A last cloth fleet reached Emden on 12 March I 6 O I . 6 5 The English called themselves interlopers in Emden, although at least some of them belonged to the Merchants Adventurers' Com-

Richard Rawstorm in Emden, to Lionel Cranfield in London, 16 Jan. 1599/I6OO: "Mr. John Borne with his ship arrived here about 12 days past." (Fisher, Business correspondence of Cranfield, p. 11); Hans Heinrich Orth to Philipp Orth, 1 Feb. I6OO: A ship with 800 cloths had arrived lately, (von Rauch, Hamburger Briefwechsel, p. 184). 58

59

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 1 June I6OO, Emden. Fisher, ibid., p. 25.

60

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 22 June I6OO, Emden. Ibid., p. 26.

61

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 207.

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 24 Sept. I6OO, Emden. Fisher, Business spondence of Cranfield, p. 38.

62

63

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 16 Nov. I6OO, Emden. Ibid., p. 45.

64

Cf. Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel (1580-1648),

p. 404.

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 1 March I6OO/OI, Emden. Fisher, Business spondence of Cranfield, p. 57.

65

corre-

corre-

125

pany. Therefore, their actual share of cloth imports cannot b e determined. Table 15: Imports of English Cloths to Emden in 1598-1601 Year

Cloth fleets

No. of ships from: London

1599 1600

1 2

1601

1

6 18 •

Hull • 2 •

Number of cloths absolute 30,000-40,000 • •

in notional shortcloths • 14,263 in 4th quarter

Symbols : · = no information; always minimum figures Sources : Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 207; Fisher, p. 6,11,25 f., 38, 45, 57; Hagedorn 6, p. 351, 444; Rauch, p. 181, 184.

16OI-I6II:

Stade

In March I6OI, contrary to the demands of the General Court of the Adventurers, Queen Elizabeth permitted trading to the Weser and Elbe again. Eight heavily laden ships, whose cargoes included about 20,000 cloths to a value of over one million in gold, arrived in Stade on the eve of E a s t e r . 6 6 Five ships carried Adventurer cargoes, and three interloper cargoes. 67 A second cloth fleet, consisting of five

Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Finanz- und Hofkammerarchiv Wien, (Reichsakten) RA, Fz. 27, fol. 162. The currency is not given. 66

Beutin, Hanse und Reich im handelspolitischen Endkampf gegen England, Studien zur Geschichte der Wirtschaft und Geisteskultur, ed. by Rudolf Häpke, vol. 6 (Berlin, 1929), p. 30; Glameyer, Der Wirtschaftskampf, p. 17 — on p. 20 he mentions only 10,000 cloths imported in I6OI. 67

126

Adventurer ships and four interlopers, arrived in Stade on 8 August of that year. 68 Thus the number of cloths imported by the two fleets must have been about forty thousand. In late October or early November, a ship from Hull brought 300 northern kerseys.^ The Adventurers intended to have a third fleet put to sea for Stade towards the end of the year. This was not done because the Elbe had frozen over in mid-November, and was no longer passable, and also because the Imperial Councillor, Baron Ehrenfried von Minckwitz, was expected in Stade any day. 70 Further decisions on the monopoly charges and the Imperial mandate were expected from him. The Elbe being free of ice again since mid-January, l602, 71 four ships arrived at the mouth of the Elbe on 4 February; those skippered by Chester, Jonas Bonner, and Harris ran aground by Neuwerk. 72 On 7 February, all four reached Freiburg, where they cast anchor and waited, since von Minckwitz was in Stade at the time. 73 Only after his departure did the ships sail up to the mouth of the

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 209. Rawstorm to Cranfield, 3 Nov. 1601, Stade. Fisher, Business spondence of Cranfield, p. 94; Ledger of John Morley.

corre-

70

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 22 Nov. l601: "But now the river is frozen so much as I think it is impossible there can be any come before the latter end of February." (Fisher, ibid., p. 97); Rawstorm to Cranfield, 22 Dec. l601: informs him of the expected arrival of Baron von Minckwitz; "I would counsel you that if the Company in general, fearing danger, stay away the appointed ships, to send your cloths hither in such interlopers as will venture." (.Ibid., p. 103). 71

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 18 Jan. 1601/02, Ibid., p. 109.

72

Cooper to Cranfield, 10 Feb. 1601/02, Ibid., p. 114.

73

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 10 Feb. 1601/02: "The four ships ride at Freiburg in safety but have no order to come higher not to discharge anything, for the Emperor's messenger is at present in town and has been this five days." (Ibid., p. 115).

127

Schwinge (the tributary of the Elbe on which Stade lies), where their cargoes w e r e discharged on 20 February. 74 O n 6 March, Rawstorm reported to his principal, Lionel Cranfield, in London that about nine thousand cloths had been sold already, and that the ships would sail for home with 15,000 pounds sterling in reichstalers. 75 A f e w days later, Rawstorm reported that two-thirds of the cloths had n o w been sold. 7 ^ This would indicate that the ships were carrying 13,000 to 14,000 cloths. At another point it is stated that the fleet comprised five ships, carrying 12,000 cloths. 77 In early April, a ship arrived from Hull carrying cloths and dozens, and also 400 kerseys. 78 On 18 May, seven ships arrived with 18,000 cloths, and on 21 October, nine ships with 22,000 cloths. 79 In addition, another ship from Hull brought 2,000 pieces, probably in early October. 8 0 Thus in the year l602, three fleets arrived from London, comprising 20-21 ships, and carrying 52,000 to 55,000 cloths, to a value of 4.5

Beutin, Hanse und Reich, p. 34; Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 211; John Morley did not record these ships in his journal as arriving until 27 February. 74

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 6 March 1601/02, Fisher, Business correspondence of Cranfield, p. 117. 76

Ibid., 11 March, p. 118.

77

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 211.

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 27 April 1602, Fisher, Business correspondence of Cranfield, p. 121.

78

Glameyer, Der Wirtschaftskampf, p. 25; Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 211. The latter is skeptical about the high cloth imports of that year, which are in part due to the fact that the first fleet was originally intended to sail for Stade late in l601. — Rawstorm to Cranfield, 18 May 1602, Fisher, Business correspondence of Lionel Cranfield, p. 122.

79

80

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 7 Oct. 1602, ibid., p. 125.

128

million Lübeck marks, according to the Hanseatic estimate. 81 In addition, there were the two ships from Hull with about three thousand cloths. On 20 April 1603, a ship from Hull brought 560 kerseys and a f e w cloths. 8 2 On 26 May, thirteen cloth ships arrived, of which nine were of the largest size that had ever been seen there. 83 For this fleet, and for the years 1604-08, Glameyer gives the following numbers of cloths imported: l603 — 18,280; l604 — 13,000; 1605 — 11,230; l606 — 900; 1607— 5,000; 1608—10,000. But these figures should be regarded sceptically. According to my calculations, the fleet on 26 May l603 brought about 30,000 cloths. 8 4

81

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 211.

82

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 21 April and 7 May 1603, ibid., p. 130 f.

83

According to reports by the Hamburg notary Johannes Jansen, one of the ships was armed with 18 large cannon and carrying 300 packs of cloth. Most of the other ships are said to have carried 250-270 packs, and the smallest ones 150 packs each. (Cited from Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 211). 84

Glameyer, Der Wirtschaftskampf, p. 20, does not give any sources. There are no entries on the number of ships and their arrival. That the figures given by him, and often adopted in the literature, are dubious is shown by the following: of the thirteen ships that arrived on 26 May 1603, one ship brought 300 packs; since eight further ships were of the largest size, they presumably carried 250-270 packs each, making about 2,080 packs. The remaining four ships carried 150 packs each, making 600 packs. Thus, altogether the thirteen ships brought about 3,000 packs (equals about 30,000 cloths) — assuming that the figures of the Hamburg notary are correct. More than six other ships arriving in 1603 also brought cloths. But according to Glameyer, only 18,280 pieces were imported in 1603, and a mere 900 pieces in 1606. Friis, on the other hand, calculated (p. 129) from a surviving London "Port Book" that 55,858 cloths were exported to Germany in 1606, and Supple (p. 259) even obtained the figure of 65,166 cloths. (A. Friis, Alderman Cockayne's Project and the cloth trade: The commercial policy of England in its main aspects, 1603-1625 (.Copenhagen and London, 1927)).

129

In June of l603, at least two ships arrived from London. 8 5 On 29 July, an unknown number of ships set sail from London for Stade, where, on 22 September, two ships arrived from London. 8 7 Two ships from Hull brought a total of about a thousand kerseys in July and N o v e m b e r . 8 8 Thus the number of ships arriving in l 6 0 3 was at least twenty, and the number of cloths imported was certainly more than 30,000. The first ship o f l 6 0 4 arrived in Stade as early as 7 January, 8 9 and three more followed in March. 9 0 On 5 May, a fleet of six ships arrived. 9 1 Two ships each arrived on 3 and 27 July, respectively. 9 2 Four ships followed on 11 and 24 October, and the last one of that year on 7 D e c e m b e r . 9 3 Thus there were at least 19 arrivals from England in 1604. J o h n Morley, Randell Mannynge's factor in Stade, noted the following ship arrivals in l605 in his journal: 24 January (one ship), 5 April (two), 16 April (one), 8 June (two), 26 August (three), 29 Octo-

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 18 July 1603. Fisher, Business correspondence Cranfield, p. 135; Ledger of John Morley, 7 June 1607.

85

of

Richard Venn to Cranfield, London, 28 July 1603: "Tomorrow we ship our kersies to Stade." Ibid., p. 136. 87

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 29 Sept. l603. Ibid., p. 140.

88

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 30 June and 20 Nov. l603- Ibid., pp. 135 and 140.

Ledger of John Morley for Randall Mannynge ... (I601-l6l4), Somerset Record Office, Hylton MSS, National Register of Archives 3945; 1604, 7 Jan.

89

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 29 March 1604. Fisher, Business of Cranfield, pp. 145.

90

91

correspondence

Ledger of John Morley, 5 May.

Ibid., 3 and 27 July; Rawstorm to Cranfield, 1604, 21 July and 12 Aug. Fisher, Business correspondence of Cranfield, pp. 247 f. 92

93

Ledger of John Morley, 11 and 24 Oct. and 9 Dec.

130

ber (one), and November (one), for a total of eleven ships. 94 The actual number was presumably larger, since Morley entered only those ships bringing cloths for him. In late January of l606, a ship sailed to Stade carrying a cargo of 150 cloths and 40 Devonshire dozens for the Adventurers. 95 A ship arrived on 22 February.9f> In early April a fleet of five ships, carrying 17,172 cloths, set sail for Stade. 97 During the rest of the year, fourteen more ships bound for Stade sailed, alone or in pairs, at intervals of a fortnight to a month. Since the Adventurers only shipped small quantities in them, only the last two can be considered as belonging to the Company. 98 According to Friis, 55,857^ cloths were imported to Stade that year, 99 ; according to Supple, it was even 65,166. 100 In late April, a ship from Hull brought about 900 kerseys, 80 cloths, a few dozens, and a small amount of lead. 101 Thus 22 cloth ships arrived in the course of the year l606.

94

Ibid., l605, 24 Jan., 5 and 16 April, 8 June, 26 Aug., 29 Oct., and Nov.

95

Friis, Cockayne's

Project, p. 74.

Ledger of John Morley, l605/06, 22 Feb.; Matth. Meyer to Ehrenfried von Minckwitz in Hamburg, 2 March 1606: "Es sind vor zehn Tagen widerumb zwey Schiffe aus Engellandt zu Stade angekommen, und werden in 4 Wochen noch 5 Schiffe uberkommen." ("Two more ships arrived from England in Stade ten days ago, and another five ships will come over in four weeks' time.") (Finanz- und Hofkammerarchiv Wien, RA Fz. 27, fol. 187'). Friis, Cockayne's 98

Project, p. 74.

Ibid., p. 75.

99

Ibid., p. 129.

100

Supple, Commercial

101

crisis, p. 259.

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 27 April l606. Fisher, Business of Cranfield, p. 164.

correspondence

131

In early May of 1607, a cloth fleet arrived, as did another one in late September, comprising five ships. 1 0 2 On 26 April l608, seven ships called at Stade. 1 0 3 There are no data available on cloth imports in I609 and the first half of I6IO. From 29 May, the date of the Imperial mandate expelling the Adventurers from the territory of the Empire again, until its repeal on 18 November I6IO, no English cloths were imported. Table 16: Imports o< English cloths to Stade in 1601-1611 Year

Cloth fleets

Number of ships from: London M.A.

Int

1601

2

10

7

1602

3

•

•

1603 1604 1605 1606

1 1

•

•

•

•

•

1

5

•

2 1

•

•

•

•

1607 1608 1609 end 1610/ I begin. 1611 J

•

• •

1

Hull

Imports of cloths Total

Number (absolute)

Unidentifiable

_

1

18

20,000 (1st fleet)

20

2

22

55,00058,000

+ 17 19 + 11 16

3

20 19 + 11 22

+ 5 + 7 •

• •

1

+ 30,000

Value

1 million + in gold (1 st fleet) 4.5 million +(Lübeck marks) •

•

•

•

•

56,00065,000 (shortcl.)

•

•

+ 5 + 7

•

•

•

•

•

•

6

6

Symbols : - = not applicable; • = no information; + = more than figure given; M.A. = Merchants Adventurers; Int. Interlopers; always minimum figures Sources: Finanz- & Holkammerarchiv, Vienna, RA, Fz. 27, fol. 162, 187"; Tedger of John Morley for Randall Mannynge", Somerset Record Office, Hylton MSS.; Beutin, p. 30, 34; Ehrenberg, p. 209, 211; Friis, p. 74 f., 129; Fisher, p. 94, 114, 117 f„ 121 f., 125, 130 ff., 135 f., 140, 145, 147 f.. 164, 182, 186; Glameyer, p. 17, 20, 25; Hagedorn 6, p. 361.

102

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 17 May 1607, (p. 175) and Perrot to Cranfield, 27

Sept. 1607, (p. 182), 103

132

ibid.

Perrot to Cranfield, 29 April I6O8, ibid., p. 186.

The Emden council tried to exploit the circumstances. In October l 6 l 0 , they attempted to have a fleet of six ships, that was ready to w e i g h anchor in London, redirected to Emden — but without success. 1 0 4 Presumably, these ships sailed to Stade after all, in late I6IO or early I61I, once the decree had been repealed. T h e ledger that John M o r l e y kept for his principal, Randall Mannynge, provides further information on shipping b e t w e e n England and Stade for the period from I6OI to l 6 0 5 . 1 0 5 23 ships are listed by name, and for some their sizes, masters, and dates of arrival are given (cf. Table 17). A f e w of the ships made the v o y a g e twice a year. But they w e r e not e m p l o y e d exclusively on the England-Stade route. O n 20 April l603, t w o English ships laden with kerseys arrived from Middelburg; in Stade they took aboard n e w cargo for a v o y a g e to Russia. 10 *' In early October of 1605, Richard Rawstorm in Stade informed his principal Lionel Cranfield that, on orders of William Massam, they had s h i p p e d t w e n t y p i e c e s (probably kerseys) in Roger Goonston's Arkania to Seville in Spain. H e suggested further shipments there. 1 0 7 T o complete the statistics on English cloth exports derived so far, more or less complete figures for the years 1598, 1601-04, and I6O6 can b e added from English sources (cf. Table 18). Since from 1598 to 1604 the share of the outports in total exports was 12-15%, the increase in this share to 27% in I606 calculated b y Stephens appears excessive to me. About one third o f the exports

104

Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel (1580-1648),

105

Ledger of John Morley.

10^

Rawstorm to Cranfield, Stade, 21 April

respondence

p. 361.

1603; Fisher, Business

cor-

of Cranfield, p. 130; The captain of the first ship arriving from

Russia in Hamburg, on 17 Sept. 1604, was a "Johann Bretkeck" (E. Baasch, "Hamburgs Seeschiffahrt und Warenhandel vom Ende des 16. bis zur Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts," Zeitschrift des Vereins für Hamburgische

Geschichte

9 (1894), p. 308, footnote 2. 107

Rawstorm to Cranfield, 7 Oct. 1605, ibid., p. I 6 I .

133

Table 17: Dates of Arrival of English Cloth Ships in Stade (1801-05) Ship's name

Dates of arrival

Captain 1601

Arkania (Anchatten, Ancalne) Bemmaine Dainty (Dayntie) Defence Desire Elizabeth Elizabeth Ann Clare Elizabeth Constance Fortune Gamaliel (Gamallell) Globe(s) Handmaid (Handmayde) Maingold Mayflower

• Goonston (Gunston), Roger • Reepe, Wm. Rawlinge (Rowllns), April 20 Henry (Harry) • Harris, Richard sen. April 20/ - Harris, Rich. Jun. Aug. 8 - Bredcake, Tho. " • Bowar, William • Marnali, Michael Bonnar, Jonas 3 April 20 • Goodwin, John Bonnar, Abraham * August β Skinner, John August 8 • Bonnar, Abraham"

• Bond (Borne), Jn. - Goodland, Jn. August 8 4 - Biam, William ' Goodland (Goodear), • Mystris (Mistres) Wm. • Paragon Sands (Saree, Soier, Synes, Gaves) Will. April 20 Prudence (Pewdence, - Chester, Richard Pindens, Plindence) - Biam, Wm.41 • Pintie Brodicke, Joch [Bredcake, John?] • Pleasure Sam(m)on (Salmon, Sermon) Robert Rochel(l) (Rachell) Bonnar (Bonned), • Jonas!> • Ruby Morecoke (Moecock), Richard51 • Seaverture (Sementar, Motham, Peter» Seventor, Staventar) 11 Treasure Bredcake. Tho. •

1602

.

1603

1604

1605

July 27/ Dec. 9

•

Oct. 27

•

•

•

•

May 26

May »Oct. 11

April 5

Oct. 27 Feb. 27

May 26

May 5

•

•

Aug. 26 November

•

•

•

May 5 May 5

•

•

Feb. 27

•

•

•

•

•

•

April 16

•

•

•

•

May 27/Oct.27 May 26 • Oct. 27

•

•

June 8/Oct. 29

May 5/Oct. 24

•

•

*

Jan. 7/Oct. 24

•

•

•

•

•

•

Sept. 22

July3

•

•

May 26

May 5/Oct. 24

June 3

May 26 May 26

July 27

•

May 27

Feb.27 Oct. 27 •

May 27/Oct.27 May 26 Oct. 27

•

•

•

August 26

Oct. 27

•

•

•

Sept. 22

April 5/Aug. 26

•

June 7

Jan. 24

The entries In the "Ledger of John Morley" do not form complete shipping lists. They only name those ships bringing cargoes for him. The nurrtoer of ships actually arriving was often larger than given here. 11 The Desire was captained by Richard Harris Jr. In 1601 and 1602, and by Thomas Bredcake in Nov. 1605. In 1603 and in Jan. 1605, Bredcake was master of the Treasure. fl Joras Bonnarwas captain of the Elizabeth Constance in 1601 and in Feb. 1602, and then of the Rachell in Oct. 1602 and Aug. 1605. 51 Abraham Bonnar was captain of the Gamaliel1 in 1601, and of the Handmaid In 1602 and 1604. 4 > The Mayflower was captained in 1601 by Jn. Goodland, and in 1602 by William Biam. Since 1602, Biam was captain of the Prudence, which had been captained in 1601 and still in Feb. 1602 by Richard Chester. In Feb. 1606, Biam carried cloths to Stade for Randall Mannynge. *> The correspondence between Lionel Crarifield and his factor in Stade, Richard Rawstorm, shows that Morecock also arrived in Stade on 27 May 1602 and In June 1603 (F.J.Fisher, p. 122,135). * On Peter Motham, captain of the Seaventure Employmem, see also letter of Richard Perrot In Stade to Lionel Cranfield (Fisher, p. 186). Sources: "Ledger of John Morley for Randall Mannynge, Incl. re trade with merchants... (1601-1614)", Somerset Record Office, Hylton MSS, NRA 3945.

134

Table 18: Total Cloth Export· tram England In 1598,1601-04,1606 (In thousands of shortcloths) i> Exports from London "Outports" 2 ' Total exports:

1598 abs. %

1601

1602

1603

1604

1606

abs. %

abs. %

abs. %

abs. %

abs. %

101

85

104

86

119

18

15

17

119 100

87

92 86

113

88

14

17 13

15 14

16 12

121 100

136 100

107 100

129 100

126 3> 73 47

27

173 100

t ) Minus the 11 % addition lor wrappers. Absolute figures and percentages are rounded. 2) The figures for the "outports" (provincial ports) were determined by Stephens from the 10 "headports". The figures for 1598 and 1601-04 are incomplete, and the gaps have been filled by the author by extrapolation from the averages of the preceding and following years. For 1606, Stephens derived the result from the data for 1605, 1607,1609,1610,1612,1614,1615 and 1616 of various outports. 3) While the total exports (by both English and foreigners) are known for the years 1598 and 1601-04, the figure for 1606 refers to exports by Englishmen. Sources·. F.J. Fisher, "London's Export Trade in the Early Seventeenth Century", Econ. H.R., 2nd ser., 3 (1950), p.153; W.B. Stephens, "The Cloth Exports of the Provincial Ports, 1600-1640", Econ. U.R., 2nd ser., 22(1969), p. 242, 246; B. Supple, Commercial Crisis and Change in England , 1600-1642, (Cambridge, 1970), p. 258.

from provincial ports w a s accounted for by merchants from H u l l . 1 0 8 For these s a m e years, and for 1614, w e have s o m e exact figures o n London's cloth exports, and the proportion of them which went to Germany and the Low Countries (cf. Table 19). T h e s h a r e of the shortcloths e x p o r t e d f r o m L o n d o n g o i n g to Russia and the North and Baltic Sea countries w a s 76% in l 6 l 4 a n d l 6 l 6 , 78% in I62O, and 80% in 1 6 2 2 . 1 0 9 The share of e x p o r t s f r o m London g o i n g to Germany and the Low Countries w a s 71% in 1598 and 76% in 1606. Under the assumption that this share w a s 70% in 16OI-O4, circa 72,800 shortcloths w o u l d have b e e n e x p o r t e d to the Low Countries a n d Germany in I6OI, circa 83,000 in l 6 0 2 , circa 64,000 in I603, and circa 79,000 in I 6 O I In I6O6 and l 6 l 4 , the proportion of cloths e x p o r t e d to Germany of the total to Germany a n d the Low Countries was 64.3% and 56.7%, respectively. Taking a n aver-

1 0 8 W. B. Stephens, "The Cloth Exports of the Provincial Ports, l600-l640," Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 22 (1969), p. 246.

Fisher, London's export trade, p. 153-

135

Table 19: London's cloth «port*, and t h · portion* going to Germany and the Low Countries, in 1598,1601-04,1606 and 1614 (shortcloths) 1> Year

To Germany and the Low Countries (excepting Calais and Dunkirk)

London's cloth exports English

Foreigners

1598 1601 1602 1603 1604 1606

100,380 113,512 89,619 112,785 126,022

1614

127,215

3,643 5,072 2,366 5

Total exports

Germany No. of pieces

Low Countries %

No. of pieces

Total

% 71,327

100,551 104,023 118,584 91,985 112,790 65,166 (55,858) 56,046 (46,278)

64.3 56.7

36,170 (30,377) 42,862 (34,462)

35.7 43.3

101,336 (86,235) 98,908 (80,740)

Minus the 11% addition for wrappers. The figures in parentheses for 1606 and 1614 are given in Friis. Sources : F.J. Fisher, "London's Export Trade in the Early Seventeenth Century", Econ. U.R., 2nd ser., 3 (1950), pp. 151-61; A. Friis, Alderman Cockayne's Project and the Cloth Trade (Copenhagen & London, 1927), p. 129; Θ. Supple,Commercial Crisis and Change in England, 1600-1642, (Cambridge, 1970), p. 258.

age of 60% as the German share, we get the following figures: 1598 — circa 43,000; I6OI — circa 44,000; l602 — circa 50,000; l603 — circa 38,000; l604 — circa 47,000. Combining these figures, which are conservative, if anything, with the figures already known for cloth imports into Germany (cf. Tables 14 and l6), we obtain the following series: Year

1598

1599

I6OI

1602

l603

l604

I606

Imports of 43,000 30,000- 44,000 50,000 38,000 47,000 65,166 cloths 40,000 (55,000(55,858) to Germany 58,000) That is, forty to sixty thousand shortcloths were imported into Stade annually between I6OI and I606. The Adventurers resumed trading with Hamburg as soon as their privileges were granted by the city council on 28 June I6II. A fleet of nine ships, which had been lying at anchor outside Neumühlen since

136

23 June, was unloaded, and forty Englishmen paid duties on 18,199 cloths on 1 July. 110 According to the Schifferbücher, 52 ships bound from England arrived during 1611; according to a surviving Hamburg customs roll, it was 58 ships. 1 1 1 At least 28 of them were Englishmen, of which at least 17 had most of their cargo from the Court of the Adventurers. 112 Hitzigrath gives information on shipping and cloth imports in the following years. 113

Summary Useful statistics are lacking for the second half of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth centuries. For this reason, I had intended to replace them by newly created trade statistics, based on various German and English secondary sources. But given the existing sources, it proved impossible to carry out this plan. The data are fragmentary, even where they appear to be complete. I have prepared Tables 11 through 16 despite this, because the existing data do permit some conclusions to be drawn concerning general trends. In general, the Adventurers seem to have sent off a cloth fleet twice a year. The first one usually arrived at the mart in May, and the second in October. Normally, there was no maritime trade between England and the Elbe or Ems in winter, but there were exceptions. Not only Englishmen, but also Italians and the Merchants of the Steelyard shipped freight in English ships, as happened in 1569 and 1570. And the contrary also occurred, as for example when the

110 Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, pp. 229, 245; according to H. Hitzigrath, Die Handelsbeziehungen zwischen Hamburg und England 16111660 (Hamburg, 1912), p. 25, there were eleven ships. 111

Hitzigrath, Handelsbeziehungen Hamburg und England, p. 30.

112

Ehrenberg, ibid., pp. 246.

113

Cf. Hitzigrath, Handelsbeziehungen Hamburg und England, pp. 30-51.

137

English sent goods in two Hamburg ships, as well as their own, in 1568 and 1577-78.114 As regards ship arrivals during the period under study (15641611), we note an absolute decrease since the 1590s, at the latest. One reason for the decline in shipping might be a reduction in cloth exports from England, with the carrying capacity of the ships remaining constant. A comparison of the number of ships arriving to the number of cloths imported in different decades refutes this possibility. In Emden in 1564, about 45 ships brought 58,000 shortcloths, and in Hamburg in 1569, about 50 ships brought sixty to seventy thousand cloths. In Emden 53 ships arrived in 1585, 33 in Emden and Stade in 1587, and 57 in Stade in 1588. 26 ships in 1597, and 22 ships each in 1602 and l606 brought 60,318, 55-58,000, and 55-65,000 shortcloths, respectively (cf. Tables 11 through 16). Although, because of the sources, these figures cannot be considered exact, they do show a reduction in shipping, with cloth exports remaining about constant. This can only have been made possible by a considerable increase in the freightage of the ships. Unfortunately, both the Hamburg Schifferbücher and the London customs registers lack data on the size of the ships. 115 Ehrenberg, who calculated the average freightage of most English ships at only 68 tons in the 1570s,116 doubted a general increase in ship size at the turn of the century for this reason. 117 He was correspondingly sceptical of the volume of cloth imports to Stade in

114

Cf. Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 237.

115 Hitzigrath, Handelsbeziehungen Hamburg und England, p. 38; there is no evidence in the "Schifferbücher" until 1625, when the largest ship trading between Hamburg and London had a cargo capacity of 90 lasts (180 English tons weight). (Friis, Cockayne's Project, p. 104, footnote 4). 116

117

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 326 f.

Ibid., p. 246 f.; these were actual tons weight (long tons of 2,240 pounds, about equal to one metric ton) of carrying capacity, not displacement or register tons.

138

l602. 1 1 8 But a clear answer to his doubts is given by the ledger kept by John Morley in Stade for his principal, Randell Mannynge. With one exception, the freightage is given for all the ships arriving in l601 : Dainty i 140 tons), Elizabeth Constance (I60 tons), Desire (180 tons), Globe (180 tons), Gamaliell (190 tons), and Pindence (200 tons). Assuming a figure of 170 tons for the Mayflower (weight 180 tons, length 90 feet, according to the estimate of a marine archaeologist), this gives a total freightage for the seven ships of 1,220 tons weight, or 610 old Hamburg lasts. 119 Ehrenberg calculated that the fifty English ships which sailed to Hamburg in 1569 and 1570 carried hardly more than 3,500 English tons, all told. 1 2 0 Given the size of ship existing in I6OI, about twenty ships could carry 3,500 tons. This agrees with the figures on ship arrivals and cloth imports that I have obtained. It therefore follows that only half the number of ships required in the 1570s, or even fewer, were n e e d e d to carry the same amounts of cloth after the 1590s. John Morley's entries in I6OI confirm the information included in a petition in favour of the Adventurers submitted to Parliament in l604 by Trinity House. This contained a list of 34 ships that had been built during the past 16 or 17 years for service with the Adventurers, most of which were still being used for this purpose. The cargo carrying capacities, in ascending order, of these ships were: 180 tons (one ship), 190 tons (two), 200 tons (fifteen), 250 tons (seven), 280 tons (one), 300 tons (seven), and 350 tons (one). 1 2 1 Of

118

Ibid., p. 211.

119

One old Hamburg last equalled 1.9 English tons; conversions were usually made on the basis of 1 last = 2 tons. (Details in Ehrenberg, p. 235, footnote 4). 120

Ibid., p. 236 f.; cf. A. F. Usher, "The growth of English shipping, 15721922," Quarterly Journal of Economics 42 (Boston, 1928), pp. 465-78.

121

State Papers Domestic, Project, p. 103.

James

I, VIII, 58, cited from Friis,

Cockayne's

139

the ships named in this petition, fifteen were still in the service of the Adventurers in l606, along with six not named there.122 Some data are available on the number of cloths in a shipload and their value. In May, 1603, a ship brought 3,000 cloths to Stade.123 Some of the ships which sailed to Stade in I6O6 carried larger cargoes: three ships transported 4,000 cloths or more, two about 3,500, most of the rest between 2,500 and 3,000, and only two about 1,500. The ships going to Middelburg carried smaller cargoes.124 According to Friis, who discovered these data, the shiploads in the following years were similar. The largest cargo, about 5,000 cloths, was carried on board the Elizabeth Ann Clear in I6I8. 125 According to an estimate by Lionel Cranficld, the value of a cargo of 5,000 cloths was about 35,000 pounds sterling, and of cargoes of two to three thousand cloths 14,000-21,000 pounds.126 Who undertook the export of English woollens? In the fifteenth century, of the total export of cloths, amounting in mid-century to thirty to forty thousand cloths annually, the share of the Hanse merchants was 21%, of other foreigners 24%, and of English merchants 55%. In the middle of the sixteenth century, total exports amounted to 110,000-135,000 pieces (shortcloths). The Hanseatic share had remained constant, while the share of the non-Hanse foreigners had declined to the benefit of the English (1554: 72%).127 At the begin122 Ibid., p. 104: the ships' names were the Dainty, the Elizabeth Ann Clear, the Gamaliel, the Globe, the Handmaid, the Husband, the Mayflower, the Mistress, the Paragon, the Pleasure, the Rochell, the Sea Venture, the Swallow, the Treasure, and the Unity. All these ships, except the Husband, Swallow, and Unity, are named in the "Ledger of John Morley."

123

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 211.

124

Friis, Cockayne's Project, p. 105.

125

Ibid.

126

Ibid.

Friedland, "Hansische Handelspolitik und Hansisches Wirtschaftssystem im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert," in Frühformen englisch-deutscher Handelspartnerschaft, ed. by Κ. Friedland, Quellen und Darstellungen zur Hansischen

140

ning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, the Adventurers are said to have dispatched two fleets a year, each comprising fifty to sixty ships and carrying about 50,000 cloths, to a value of £350,000-400,000. 1 2 8 T h e Adventurers had a monopoly on cloth exports to the Low Countries. Their greatest competitors were the merchants of the Hanse and the Italians, who repeatedly obtained export licences for large quantities of cloth. There were frequent disputes, because the latter appeared again and again on the Antwerp market with cloths exported from England. 1 2 9 In a petition to Queen Elizabeth of October 1561, the Adventurers complained that Italian merchants had exported 21,000 kerseys and many cloths and "cottons" to Antwerp during the previous twelve m o n t h s . 1 3 0 Towards the end of that same year, the Adventurers complained to the Privy Council that the merchants of the Hanse had exported 13,022 unfinished cloths to Antwerp and elsewhere during the previous sixteen months. 1 3 1 In the course of the second half of the sixteenth century, their foreign competitors were systematically forced out of the cloth e x porting trade. By the turn of the seventeenth century, the foreigners' share of the cloth exports had dropped to 5.14% (1598-1600), 3.50% (1601), 4.28% (1602), and 2.57% ( l 6 0 3 ) . 1 3 2 Cloth exports by the English to Germany and the Low Countries were not only in the hands of the Adventurers, but also in those of the interlopers. 1 3 3 If we assume that all the ships arriving were noted, Geschichte, η. s., vol. 23, (Cologne and Vienna, 1976), pp. 88 and 98, footnote 7. 128

J. W. Burgon, The Life and Times of Sir Thomas Gresham, 1: 188 f.

129

Cf. Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel im 16. Jahrhundert, p. 152 ff.

130 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series (1601-1603, with Addenda), Elizabeth, vol. 11, ed. by M. A. Everett Green (1870), p. 518. 131

Ibid., p. 519.

132

Fisher, London's export trade, p. 153.

133

Cf. pp. 191-194.

141

the proportion sailing for the interlopers was 17.5% in 1584-87, circa 31% in 1597, and 41% in l601. 1 3 4 It is worthy of note that the Adventurers and interlopers sailed together in 1597 and I6OI. In a Hamburg hearing of I6OI, it was stated that the Adventurers were still ensuring that interloper ships did not put to sea from England before their own, which was hindering interloper trade. 135 Exact attribution of the ships is scarcely possible; for example, some of the captains named in John Morley's ledger sailed not only for Adventurers, but also for interlopers. The Hamburg Schifferbücher name, among others, John Bredkirk, Abraham Bonner, Richard Morcock, William Godlandt, Wilhelm Soier and John Schiner for the period 1592-1607. Thomas Bredkirk engaged especially actively in this trade, often sailing to Hamburg two to four times a year. 136 An additional complication is that the Adventurers often called themselves Interlopers after the publication of the Imperial mandate (1597), which was interpreted by interested parties as being aimed only at them. The number of interloper ships named above does not permit any conclusions regarding their actual share of cloth exports. While at the turn of the seventeenth century, many of the Adventurer ships had a carrying capacity of 160-200 tons, that of the interlopers' ships was only about 80-100 tons. 1 3 7 An indication of the interlopers' share of cloth exports is given by a surviving source for the year ending Michaelmas, 1598: of the total exports of 107,715 shortcloths from London, 8,3465/6 (7.9%) were exported by interlopers. This was equal to 13.2% of the Adventurers' exports of 62,980V2 shortcloths. 138

134

Cf. Tables 14 to l6.

135

Ehrenberg, Hamburg

136

Ibid., pp. 239-46.

137

Hitzigrath, Handelsbeziehungen

138

T. S. Willan, Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade (1959), p. 46.

142

und England, p. 210.

Hamburg und England, p. 38.

Until late in the sixteenth century, the cloth fleets were escorted by English warships, because they were so valuable. It is notable that the fleets grew smaller, and most ships risked sailing alone. In l606, only one fleet of five ships sailed, while the other fifteen ships sailed on their own or in twos. However, individual ships were armed with cannon.

143

Chapter Four The Merchants Adventurers in Germany The English in Stade were now "travelling up and down in Germany, not in order to spend money, but to earn money," Hamburg merchants declared in l 6 0 1 at a hearing on the business practices of the Adventurers. 1 There was nothing new in this. Since they had first established their mart in Germany in 1564, they had engaged more and more actively in domestic trade. Bypassing previous trade flows, they made direct contact with the producers of the goods, and made individual craftsmen, and later whole guilds, dependent on them. Although it is known from surviving sources that the English took part in German business life, there has been no general description of this; despite which, various e c o n o m i c historians have risked definitive verdicts. 2

1

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 201.

2 On the English in Leipzig, see Fischer, Leipziger Handelsgeschichte, especially pp. 286-90. In Nuremberg, see H. Neidiger, "Die Entstehung der evangelisch-reformierten Gemeinde in Nürnberg als rechtsgeschichtliches Problem," Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg 43 (1952), pp. 225-423; W. Schultheiss, "Wirtschaftliche Beziehungen zwischen der Reichsstadt Nürnberg und England," in Nortea: Beiträge zur Nürnberger Geschichte (1961), p. 77-89; E. E. Unger, "Nürnbergs Handel mit Hamburg im 16. und beginnenden 17. Jahrhundert," Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg 54 (1966), p. 1 ff. On the linen trade in central eastern Germany, see G. Aubin and A. Kunze, Leinenerzeugung und Leinenabsatz im östlichen Mitteldeutschland zur Zeit der Zunftkäufe (Stuttgart, 1940).

145

Ehrenberg considered the readmission of the Adventurers in Hamburg ( l 6 l 1) to be, above all, "another great step forward in the development o f Hamburg into the emporium of Northern Europe," but also credited the mart with a favorable influence on the "recovery" of e c o n o m i c conditions in Germany. 3 The opposite opinion was held by Hagedorn, according to whom "the minor advantages which the English trade brought to the mart site were outweighed a thousandfold by the severe damage which it did to German trade as a whole." 4 Häpke took an ambiguous position with his claim that "the establishment o f the Merchants Adventurers on German soil was of little importance economically." 5 By this, one presumes, he meant either that the English were only able to have a minor positive effect, or no effect at all, on economic development in Germany, or that the harm to the economy resulting from their presence was limited. The latter interpretation is supported by the continuation of the quotation: " . . . a n d although the trade of the Steelyard was threatened, Hanseatic business, not to mention German business as a whole, had a number of other irons in the fire." 6 The historians' varying opinions are based on the equally contradictory verdicts of contemporaries, whether at the Imperial court in Prague, within the Hanse, or among the merchants of various cities. While in 1597 the Leipzigers complained of the English competition, which "in general is very harmful to these lands," 7 in the following year, the Augsburgers judged that "there would b e untold

3

4

Ehrenberg, ibid., p. 229 f. Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel (1580-1648),

p. 363.

5 R. Häpke, "Reichswirtschaftspolitik und Hanse nach den Wiener Reichsakten des 16. Jahrhunderts," Hansische Geschichtsblätter 50 (1925), p. 207. 6

Ibid.

7 E. Hasse, Geschichte der Leipziger Messen, Preisschriften gekrönt und herausgegeben von der Fürstlich-Jablonowskischen Gesellschaft zu Leipzig, vol. 25, (Leipzig, 1885), p. 180.

146

damage if all trade with the English were banned." 8 The following treatise is intended to bring out the significance of the English for the economic development of Germany in the second half of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries. First, their situation at the marts is studied, 9 and then their positive balance of trade with the interior.

The Merchants Adventurers at Their Marts C o m m u n a l Activities According to a report of 20 June 1564, from the Lieutenant of Groningen to Stadholder Ahrenberg, the Adventurers in Emden rented the best and most elegant houses they could find.10 Their Court met in the Klunderburg, a house belonging to T y d o v o n Kniphuisen. About twenty Englishmen lived there, but more than one hundred came there for their communal meals. Divine services were held every morning at six o'clock in the upstairs meeting room. Another three houses w e r e rented to provide room and board. Many lived with local citizens or in inns. Their total numbers are es-

Augsburger Stadtarchiv, Kaufmannschaft und Handel, fase. I-X, Akten diverse: fase. III, "Augsburger Stellungnahme zum Englandhandel auf eine Beschwerde der Hansestädte," 10 Dec. 1598; Ehrenberg (Hamburg und England, p. 203 f.) was the first to point out this document, important for trade policy, and quotes from it extensively. 8

The mart towns have already been treated in detail in the literature, making full use of the surviving sources; i.a. under the aspects of the Company's internal organization, its community life, its privileges, and its business activities. Therefore, these matters are only considered here in as far as a summary offers the possibility of comparisons, or new, unpublished research findings are available. 9

10

Häpke, ed., Niederländische Akten und Urkunden, vol. 2, no. 280, p. 103 f.

147

timated at about four hundred. They met twice daily in the Hoechs t r a ß e to hold their " e x c h a n g e . " T h e Franciscan monastery (Barfußbrüderkloster or Minderbrüderkloster) served them as a warehouse to store the cloths. On holidays, sermons were preached in English there. 1 1 When the Adventurers relocated their mart to Emden again in 1579, they moved into the Klunderburg again, paying an annual rent o f 6,000 guldens. They also lived in Wendele von Oldersum's inn. 1 2 During their short stay of 1598-1601, about sixty to seventy Englishmen were living in Emden, according to a report by the Lübeck secretary B r o m b a c h . 1 3 In 1570, the Hamburg city council purchased for 10,500 Lübeck marks a group of buildings covering the entire breadth of the Gröningerstraße, and extending as far as St. Katharine churchyard, which was made available to the Adventurers free of rents and taxes. Their Governor, Secretary, several officials, housekeeper, and pastor, with their families and servants, lived in the "English House." Here they ate their communal meals. A large room in the middle building served to hold the Court, there was a chapel on the first floor of the front house, and outbuildings served as warehouses. 1 4 For the period of their first stay (1569-78), only a few Englishmen are known by name.15

Häpke, ed., Niederländische Akten und Urkunden, vol. 2, no. 281, p. 104 f., "Zeitung über den Abzug der Engländer aus Emden und ihren dortigen Handel," 28 or 29 June 1564. 11

12

Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel (1580-1648), p. 62.

13

Beutin, Hanse und Reich, p. 28.

H. Hitzigrath, "Das englische Haus in der Gröningerstraße und der Boselhof an der englischen Planke," Hamburgischer Correspondent, no. 460, 1 Oct. 1901. The house had probably been built in 1478 for the patrician family von Zeven. 14

15

Cf. Ehren berg, Hamburg und England, p. 253 f-

148

In the year of the re-establishment of the Hamburg mart ( l 6 l l ) , over one hundred English merchants are ascertainable. 1 ^ In late 1620, 111 people were living in the "English House." The 33 married couples of the community lived with their families in twelve rented houses. The number of bachelors was 83. Counting children and servants, the English congregation had 228 parishioners that year. 17 According to their charter from Queen Elizabeth (1564), the Adventurers were not allowed to buy real estate abroad, which was why they lived in rented properties in Hamburg, too. The apprentices lived under strict supervision, and were required to take the meals provided by the housekeeper in the "English House." Only as an exception, in order to learn German, were they allowed, for a fee payable to the Court, to live with a Hamburg family for up to one year. If one married a local girl, he was expelled from the factory. 18 In 1587, the Stade city council provided the Adventurers with a house on the fish market, and one at the corner of the Breite Straße and the Sand, "des rates englisches hus" ("the Council's English house"). The latter was the Governor's seat, and was used for meetings and communal meals. The "ruined" St. Georg church was restored for their services. 19 The English allowed the Walloon and Flemish refugee communities to use the "English House" for church and business purposes, until the latter rented the "Belgian House." 20 16

Cf. ibid., p. 258 ff.

H. Hitzigrath, Die Kompagnie der Merchant Adventurers und die englische Kirchengemeinde in Hamburg (1611-1835) (Hamburg, 1904), p. 12 f, and Die Handelsbeziehungen zwischen Hamburg und England 1611-1660 (Hamburg, 1912), p. 21 f. 17

18

Hitzigrath, Handelsbeziehungen Hamburg und England, p. 22.

1 9 H. Wohltmann, Die Geschichte der Stadt Stade an der Niederelbe (Stade, Germany, 1942), p. 85- The "English house" became the seat of the first Swedish governor-general, Count Hans Christoph von Königsmarck, in 1648. It was destroyed in the fire of 1659.

R. Drögereit, "Der Stader Raum und die Niederlande," Stader Archiv, η. s., no. 61 (1971), p. 27.

20

149

After the Imperial mandate against the Adventurers (1597), only a few Englishmen remained in Stade. An observer for the Lübeck council, the notary Schartorius, reported in 1599 that the former Courthouse "is quite empty and abandoned." 2 1 From the Hoep account books (1590-93) and investigations by the Hanseatic League in 1601 and l608, Ehrenberg succeeded in placing 148 English merchants in Stade by name. 2 2 The rules in force at the marts of the Merchants Adventurers Company led to close ties to their countrymen and a lack of contact with the local population. This behaviour was promoted by stays that were often only short, and thus a continual rotation of the members of the Courts. Table 20: Governors (Courtmasters), Secretarles, and Treasurers of the Merchants Adventurers's Company at the German marts (1564-1622) Mart

Years

Governor

Emden Hamburg Hamburg Hamburg Emden Stade Stade Stade Stade

1564 1569-70 1573 1575 1586 1587-88 1588-91 1591-93 1595-98

Thomas Aldersey Richard Clough Nicholas Loddington Johann Leigg William Milwaid * Richard Saltonshall Robert Pecock William Milward * Thomas Ferrers

Stade Hamburg Hamburg Hamburg

1607-11 1611-15 1616-18 1618-22

Richard Gore Richard Gore William Craddock0 Richard Gore

Secretary

John More Thomas Poticarius

Treasurer

+

Humphrey Baskeville (Buschefield)

•

• •

Joseph Avery

William Brerren (Brüen)

Symbols: · = information missing; * = "Guillelmo Millworth" is named in Sillem as being Governor still in 1589; +=in1598; ® = Courtmaster of the New Merchants Adventurer's Company Sources: Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England p. 251 f.; Hitzigrath, Englische Kirchengemeinde, p. 95, appendix b (with the later Governors until 1806); W. Sillem, "Beamte der Court der Adventurers in Stade",HGbl, 23 (1895), p. 115; L. Beutin, op. cit, p.18, note 10; Staatsarchiv Hamburg, Cl VI No. 2 Vol. 5 Fase. 1 Invol. 1b.

21

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 206, note 20.

22

Cf. ibid., p. 258 ff.

150

Economic Concessions in the Charters of Privileges On 27 May 1564, the Counts of East Friesland granted the Adventurers the right to trade in English cloths and other goods in Emden and East Friesland without paying any duties. They were allowed to hold their own courts, and otherwise were given the same freedoms as in Antwerp. The services of pilots were granted to them, and they were promised protection against piracy. 2 3 According to a report by a spy for Groningen, the counts permitted free importation of all goods, and collected three Brabantine stuivers ("Stüb. br.") on each woollen cloth exported. The Adventurers were not to b e required to accept any other silver coins than those of the Spanish Netherlands, nor gold at higher prices than customary there. 2 4 From 1565 interlopers came to Emden, and from 1572 Adventurers came again, without it being an official mart. While the interlopers had to pay customs duties, in 1575 Count Johann granted the Adventurers freedom of trade and confirmed their privileges of 1564, after a complaint by Queen Elizabeth. Count Edzard also waived customs duties, but only confirmed the privileges for a trial period of one year. 2 5 When the Adventurers relocated their mart to Emden again from 1579 on, they demanded an official renewal of the privileges of 1564, which was granted in the spring of 1580 for a period of six years. Besides complete freedom of trade in Emden, traffic between England and Emden was made duty-free. For inland and maritime commerce except to England, duties were imposed. The foreign merchants had to pay the count a re-export duty on woollens of

23

Transcript in the "Papers re the negotiations of William Herle in East Friesland in 1584 as agent for Queen Elizabeth (1571-85)," Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Rawl. C. 424, fol. 152-53; transcript in the Emden Ratsregistratur, alte R. 436, 264-66; German translation also there, bl. 270-82. 24

Häpke, ed., Niederländische Akten und Urkunden, vol. 2, no. 280, p. 103 f., Johann Mepsche, lieutenant of Groningen, to stadtholder Ahrenberg, 20 June 1564. 25

Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel im 16. Jahrhundert,

p. 201 f.

151

one-and-a-half Schapen or three stuivers, and half as much on kerseys, baizes, dozens, etc. The city council charged the Adventurers tonnage dues, which, after several complaints, were reduced to seven guilders per ship.2^ When the privileges expired (1586), Count Edzard renewed them, at first for one year, and later for a longer period.27 The Adventurers had attempted to negotiate an extension of their rights. Their unsuccessful demands concerned, among other things, jurisdiction, a waiver of cranage when not used, the granting of two houses for the Court, and the establishment of an exchange.28 Englishmen came to Emden again from 1598 on. In November 1599, they signed a contract with Count Enno, granting them the same rights as the former charter of privileges.29 The charter of privileges granted to the Adventurers by the Hamburg council on 19 July 1567,30 was for a period of ten years, and gave numerous rights that were not granted to other foreigners. The council waived the right of revision or nullification. The Adventurers not only could import and export all manner of goods (with a few exceptions), but also could buy from and sell to foreigners, i.e. engage in trade between resident aliens (Articles 7 and 11). There were no restrictions on wholesale trade in cloths imposed on them (Article 8), but retail sale by the ell was not permitted (Article 10). Cloths finished in England could be re-exported freely. They were allowed to have kerseys dyed and finished in Hamburg for their own 26

Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel (1580-1648), p. 30 ff.

27

Ibid., p. 56 ff.

28

Ibid., p. 58 ff.

29

Ibid., p. 346 ff.

The Hamburg copy of the charter of privileges was destroyed in the great fire of 1842. Staatsarchiv Hamburg, "Der Stadt Hamburg Contraete mit der Engl. Court," 1567, 1611, June 28 (July 8), I6l8, June 2 (12), CI. VI. no. 2 vol. 5, fase. 1 inv. 1 b; the charter of privileges is reprinted as an appendix in Ehrenberg, after an old transcript in the Lübeck archives; he also has a summary (pp. 90-98), on which my above remarks are based.

152

use; but woollens only according to the custom of Frankfurt and southern Germany. However, these could not be sold to foreigners in Hamburg, but only be exported to Leipzig, Frankfurt, and southern Germany (Article 9). According to the regulations on compensation for defects occurring, foreigners had to inspect the cloths before re-exporting them, and give immediate notice of defects. If apparent defects were not found until later, the buyer was not liable to take back the goods or render compensation (Article 26). Hamburgers were required to inspect cloths on the market within three months and prove that these were defective, otherwise they had no claim. In the case of defects that only showed up when the cloth was dyed or finished, an expert opinion was commissioned (Article 27). The Adventurers only had to pay the same import duty as Hamburg citizens, of one shilling per piece of cloth (Article 37). The foreign merchants had to pay a higher duty of four Lübeck shillings per woollen and one shilling four pence per kersey on cloth exports into the interior, in return for the freedom to trade "from guest to guest" (between resident aliens). The Adventurers were forbidden to transport goods up or down the Elbe, bypassing Hamburg (Article 11). Apart from all that, they were allowed to employ six foreign packers and balers (Article 21), to use the public scales under the same terms, and to use the crane without paying cranage (Article 35). The city council of Stade granted a charter of privileges for a period of ten years to the Adventurers on 28 September 1587, waiving any revisions.31 This copied the terms of the Hamburg contract of 1567 almost word-for-word. The number of articles decreased from 56 (1567) to 55, and their order was altered slightly. The following conditions differed from the Hamburg privileges: Stade customs men might only open tied and sealed packs with the

3 1 H. Leptien has shown convincingly in "Stade als Hansestadt," Stader Archiv, η.s., no. 23 (1933), p. 98 ff., that the document in the Cambridge University library reported by Pratje in Die Herzogtümer Bremen und Verden (Bremen, 1762) is not the charter of privileges, but a proposal by the Stade town council for the negotiations. A transcript of the original contract is in the Historical Archives of the city of Cologne. It is reprinted as an appendix in Leptien. Details of the contents there, pp. 98-106.

153

approval of the Governor (addendum to Article 11). The Adventurers had to pay the council an import duty of one Lübeck shilling per cloth, and an export duty (like all foreigners) of three Lübeck shillings. In addition, they had to pay a duty of unknown size to the territorial prince, the Archbishop of Bremen (Article 16).32 Within its own territory, Stade guaranteed protection against molestation by Hamburg, and offered to bring suit before the Reichskammergericht at the city's expense, if necessary (Article 16). Despite the Imperial mandate of 1597, and although most Adventurers had already left the city, the council renewed the contract after it expired at Michaelmas, 1597.33 Once trade to the Elbe and Weser had been authorized again by Queen Elizabeth in March 1601, the English and the city council agreed to a new agency. The council only insisted that they should give up the name and practice of a monopoly. 34 On 29 September 1607, Emperor Rudolf confirmed the residence in Stade, permitting their own statutes, under the condition that they refrained from monopolistic practices.35 Thereupon, it was decided to re-establish officially the mart. The privileges granted to the Adventurers in l 6 l l in Hamburg generally speaking repeated the terms of 1567, altering the order of individual articles, and reducing their number from 56 to 49.36 Their Based on Pratje's information (see above), Ehrenberg gives a lower customs duty for Stade than in Hamburg (p. 184). 32

F. Willerding, "Die englische Handelsgesellschaft in Stade," Stader Archiv, n.s. (1919), p. 39. 33

34

Glameyer, Der Wirtschaftskampf, p. 17.

35

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 220.

Staatsarchiv Hamburg, Cl. VI. no. 2 vol. 5, fase. 1 inv. 1 b, "Der Stadt Hamburg Contraete mit der Engl. Court," 1567, 1611, June 28 ( J u l y 8), 1618, June 2 (12); Commerzbibliothek der Handelskammer Hamburg, p. 442 and pp. 493-96 (Kontrakte 1611, 1618); extensive details of contents in Hitzigrath, Handelsbeziehungen Hamburg und England, pp. 16-22; E. Lingelbach, "The Merchant Adventurers at Hamburg," American Historical Review 4 (1904), (reprinted 1963), pp. 269-72.

154

scope was extended to all of Germany (Article 1), and in particular to southern Germany and the trade fairs there, Leipzig and Frankfurt (Article 24). The right of trading with other foreigners ("guest to guest") was granted again, safety of trade against molestation was guaranteed, and, in case of disputes between the Court and the city, the Reichskammergericht was no longer to decide, as provided for in the old privileges, but an elected arbitration tribunal.

Conduct o f Business After the Adventurers' arrival in Emden, on 23 May 1564, and some preparations, they held their first three "show days" from 14 to 16 June. They sold 14,000 w o o l l e n cloths, to Poles (perhaps from Danzig or Elbing) and merchants from Münster, Strasbourg, Bremen, and Hamburg, among others. After this, sales stagnated, so they sold the pack of cloths for three pounds less, it is claimed. 3 7 T h e buyers included the Duke of Jülich and the person who had the most to d o with the English in Deventer (and may have b e e n a burgomaster of Deventer, Sweer Coster by name). Despite a lack of buyers, the English intended to hold their "show days" three times a week for a period of six weeks. 3 8 The sale of cloths took the form of an auction on the market days. The English did not have to be present in person, but w e r e represented by one or two brokers. 39 Corresponding to the l o w demand for cloths was the lack o f a supply of the other goods, which the English needed. All the English ships left for home in late June, most without a cargo, though a f e w had taken hops aboard. In order to do the Adventurers a favour, the

3 7 Häpke, ed., Niederländische Akten und Urkunden, vol. 2, no. 277, p. 101, and no. 280, p. 103 f·, Johann Mepsche, lieutenant of Groningen, to stadtholder Ahrenberg, 20 June 1564.

Ibid., no. 281, p. 104 f., "Zeitung über den Abzug der Engländer aus Emden und ihren dortigen Handel," 28/29 June 1564. 3®

39

Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel (1580-1648), p. 62.

155

Counts of Emden are said to have sent six ships eastwards with 2,000 talers, to take pitch, tar, and other goods from the East to England. 40 The Merchant Adventurer John Isham had participated in the fleet for his own account with 651 kerseys, that had cost him 1,365 pounds 7 shillings 2 pence sterling. The failure of the first cloth mart in Emden is illustrated well by the business which Isham did via his factor, Humphrey Ramsden. He was able to conclude a few barter deals, and purchase four barrels of Genoese fustian at a favourable moment for £365 10s. Od. Since it was hard to market the English cloths, the Governor, Thomas Aldersey, a friend of Isham, took ninety cloths off his hands for £407 15s. Od. The initial costs alone, £82 8s. Od. for rental of a warehouse and a room and other expenses, show how risky this enterprise was. Even though Ramsden's figures do not meet modern standards of accounting, the deficit of 350 pounds speaks for itself. The whole adventure was clearly unsuccessful. 41 During their second stay in Emden, from 1572 (official mart in 1579-87), the Adventurers encountered better conditions. Due not least to the conflicts in the Low Countries, a market in textiles had arisen in Emden, such as was only to be found otherwise at the fairs in Frankfurt and Leipzig. Fine Italian and Oriental silks and velvets, South German and French fustians, and large amounts of linen were shipped to England (on the linen trade, see pp. 182-191).42 In Hamburg, the Adventurers sold an average of 18,000 cloths to the citizens, and 34,000 cloths and 21,000 kerseys to foreigners, during the years 1569-72. This comes to 59,000 "notional short cloths." 43 In the year 1571, the Adventurer John Isham joined in imports to Hamburg with 80 cloths worth 410 pounds sterling. Therefore, the

40

Häpke, ed., Niederländische

Akten und Urkunden, vol. 2, no. 281, p. 104 f.

41

G. D. Ramsay, John Isham, Mercer and Merchant Adventurer England, 1962), intro., p. 84 ff.

42

Hagedorn, Ostfrieslands Handel (1580-1648),

43

Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 118 and Appendix.

156

p. 64 f.

(Durham,

price per piece was about £ 5 2s. 6 d . 4 4 The prices for cloths in England given in the Hoep account books are listed in detail by Ehrenb e r g . 4 5 During the period 1566-72, the average price for a pack of cloths in London at wholesale was fifty pounds. The additional costs until it was on board (such as customs duties, packers, cranage) averaged five pounds per pack. Then came an average freight to Hamburg of five Lübeck marks (eleven shillings sterling), and the Hamburg customs and landing charges (e.g. cranage, and lighterage to the ever skipper) on the cloths of about 2.1 Lübeck marks (four shillings).

-

Average wholesale price in London for 1 pack of English woollen cloths Costs until on board in London Freight to Hamburg Inward charges in Hamburg

Price for 1 pack of English cloths, free at Hamburg (1566-72)

Pounds sterling Lübeck marks 450 £ 50 £

5

£ 55

11 s. 5 s. 16 s. Od.

45 5 2.1 502.1

According to Hoep's account books, the most important items of commerce traded from Hamburg to England in 1563-68 were linen cloth, wool, and flax. From 1569 on, there were also goods from central and southern Germany, fustian, sheet metal, brass, wire, various ironware and "Nuremberg smallwares" ( N ü r n b e r g e r Kramguí); from the East, Breslau madder and Hungarian copper; and silk and finest silken stuffs, mostly from Italy. Even products of the Levant and the East Indies, such as pepper and other spices, and cotton, were shipped to England.^ Ehrenberg excerpted the goods imported and exported by the Adventurers from a Hamburg customs register of 1 July l 6 l l to 5 Ramsay, John Isham, p. 85· Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, pp. 277-79. 46

Ibid., p. 297 fT.

157

February l6l2. Their exports from Hamburg to England consisted of textiles (linens, fustian, bombazine, silks and velvets), hemp and wool, furs and leather, metals and hardware (copper, rolls of sheet brass, mercury, sheet metals, steel, and brass, copper, gold and silver wire), dyes and mordants (alum, madder, indigo, and brazilwood), w o o d and woodenware (especially barrel head pieces), "Nuremberg smallwares," and glass and glassware. They also occasionally exported knives from Nuremberg, wheat from Holstein, cheese and pepper. The Adventurers' imports, apart from cloths, consisted of furs and leather, lead, coal, English beer, vinegar, and various goods from overseas (e.g. rubber, pepper, nutmegs, and ginger). 47 The individual members of the Company of Merchants Adventurers were involved in the cloth trade to different extents. In l606, there were 219 active cloth merchants in the Company, half of whom did not even do 10% of the total trade. 48 The English usually returned home after a little while, leaving as their business representatives factors, who often did business for their own account, as well. The known factors in Stade at the beginning of the seventeenth century included Samuel Aldersey (for Alderman Lowe), Daniel Anderson (Richard Venn), William Baldwin (William Pennyfather), Mr. Beresford (Thomas Coolimer, Alderman Lowe, Thomas Moulson), William Craddock (Thomas Jackson, Alderman Cockayne), Thomas Keightly (Edward Weston), John Morley (Randall Mannynge & Co.), John Offield (Thomas Jackson), Richard Rawstorm (Lionel Cranfield), Samuel Watts (Alderman Lowe, Thomas Moulson), and Edward Weston (Cuthbert Martin). It is not known which of the factors were employees of their principals, like Richard Rawstorm and John Morley, and which were independent agents. Many Englishmen employed German factors for their businesses, as Hoep's account books show. Hoep factored for Martin and Nicholas

Ibid., p. 355 ff.; individual details there. In a group of 131 Adventurers w h o attended the big summer fair in Antwerp in 1535, almost half of all the cloths belonged to 17 merchants. (See Friis, Cockayne's Project, p. 77 ff.)

158

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Pennifather. In Hamburg, h e and Samuel -> Watts arranged the funeral o f their friend William -> Jonas in early 1615. Whether Baldwin was a m e m b e r o f the Merchants Adventurers' Company at the turn o f the seventeenth century is not certain. In a protest b y the Stade town council submitted by him to the Leipzig council — against confiscation of cloths o n the basis o f the Imperial mandate — the Englishmen William -> Craddock and J o h a n n -> Busfield state that "Wilhelm Balledin," an "English merchant residing in Leipzig," does not b e l o n g to the Merchants Adventurers' Company. It is true that most o f the Englishmen at that time claimed not to belong to the Adventurers, but the statement has s o m e credibility, since Craddock himself is to b e counted among the interlopers. O n the other hand, Baldwin not only b e c a m e a member of the New Merchants Adventurers ( l 6 l 5 ) , but was also o n e of the signatories o f the new contract signed between Hamburg and the Adventurers' C o m p a n y on 2 J u n e I6I8, after the failure o f the C o c k a y n e Project.

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Sources:

G. Aubin and A. Kunze, Leinenerzeugung und Leinenabsatz im östlichen Mitteldeutschland zur Zeit der Zunftkäufe, Stuttgart, 1940, p. 130 ff.; Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 258-62; G. Fischer, Aus zwei Jahrhunderten Leipziger Handelsgeschichte 1470-1650, Leipzig, 1929, p. 289 ff.; F. J. Fisher, Lionel Cranfield, p. 170; Hitzigrath, Englische Kirchengemeinde, p. 74 ff.; A. Kunze, "Der Frühkapitalismus in Chemnitz," in: Beiträge zur Heimatgeschichte von Karl-Marx-Stadt, No. 7 (1958), p. 91 ff.; E. Planeth, Der außerwestfälische Handel münsterscher Kaufleute von 1536-1661, Gütersloh in Westfalen, 1937, p. 7 ff.

BARLOW, John (also Barlo, Barlowe) Linen merchant. Traded in Münster, where he was naturalized in 1609, amd married Elsa Kattenbusch. Went to London almost every year, where the goldsmith Arthur Basset is named as his factor about I6IO-II. In 1609, he sold stockings bought in England in Münster. In the following year, when Barlow was in London with goods worth 765 talers, he stood surety for Joseph -> Soone. Barlow seems to have acted as representative or middleman, as well. Hermann Hülsebusch from Osnabrück had a draft on Otto Tappe zu Tappenburg cashed in England in l 6 l 4 by "Johann Barlohe, Englishman, citizen and representative in Münster." Apart from London and Münster, the geographical centre of his business was Amsterdam. He bought tobacco there in I63O; in 163435 he was one of a group of Münster merchants who conducted a train of thirteen carts, loaded with "velvet, silks, Gulden and other Drugenwaren [?], wools, Henschen [probably 'gloves'], stockings, and ornaments" from Amsterdam to Münster; and in I636 he had the merchant Mr. ter Borgh send him two barrels of oysters from Amsterdam. In return, he sold linens there. Barlow was not one of the Münster wholesalers. His descendants were absorbed in the citizenry of the town, and became members of the grocers' guild. {French Company ( I 6 I I ) } Sources: H. Lahrkamp, "Münsters wirtschaftliche Führungsschichten," in: Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte der Stadt Münster, n.s. (Münster: Aschendorf, 1970) vol. 5, p. 20; Planeth, p. 9, 15, 18, 35, 55; Rabb, p. 241; C. Stüve,

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Geschichte des Hochstißs Part 2, Jena, 1872, p. 724.

Osnabrück

von 1508 bis

1623,

BERESFORD, - - -

Cloth merchant, in Emden around l600, located in Stade since l601. Traded for his own account and as a factor, e.g. for Thomas -> Coolimer, Alderman Lowe, and Thomas Moulson, especially with Northern kerseys. In l600 he sold the most to Mathias van Kessel; two years later he sold far more than 2,400 to Gortson and Boudwins; in 1607 he sold more than 2,700. Of the latter, he bartered 1,100 pieces from Alderman Lowe in Stade for silk, silk satin, and multicoloured taffeta from Lucca. In July of that year, he brought 1,000 kerseys for his own account and 600 for Thomas Coolimer to Nuremberg. That same month, Thomas Moulson sent a number of medium and top quality kerseys to Beresford in Nuremberg. In late August he had the rest of his cloths sent on, since the merchants in Nuremberg were beginning to ask for them. Most of them he sold for 14 guldens, some of the others he bartered. In September he attended the Frankfurt Fair. That summer, Beresford controlled the Nuremberg market for kerseys; he was helped by the fact that Samuel Aldersey sent his kerseys to Danzig, in order to avoid competing with him. The Low Country merchants who otherwise traded to Nuremberg therefore found a "dead market," and sent their goods on to Italy. By the end of October, Beresford had sold all the kerseys, and he was expected back in Stade in November. In l605 he was in France, and attended the Frankfurt Autumn Fair on his way back to Stade. In Lionel Cranfield's correspondence with his factors, he is always referred to as "Mr. Beresford." A "Chr. Berchfort" was one of the cloth merchants in Stade in 1601, and a Roland (?) Beresford was a member of the New Merchants Adventurers in l6l5. {New Merchants Adventurers' Company (l6l5)} Sources:

Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; Fisher, p. 41, 119, 123, 128, 135 ff., 138, 140, 143, l6l; Rabb, p. 246.

BESCHAR, Henry

(also Beitschier, Bidtser, Bytser; Heinrich) (Butcher? Badger ?) Cloth merchant from London. Commenced trading in English cloths to Nuremberg in 1569, together with Jan -» Born, at the instigation of the city council. Together with other English and Nuremberger merchants, he advocated in 1572 that Mathes Fuß be allowed

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to operate a third cloth dyehouse. "Heinrich Bidtser (Bytser)" is documented as already trading to Antwerp in 1549 and 1550, when his factor Thomas Colen(i)er repeatedly sold the Antwerp citizen and woollen merchant Franz Schot defective cloths Crumpelen"'). It seems likely that this was the same man, especially since Thomas Colener can also be documented in Nuremberg later. Sources:

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, A-Laden Akten (Rep. 15.a) S.I.L. 35, Nr. 18, fol. 11 ff., and B-LadenAkten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, fol. 26; J. Strieder, Antwerpener Notariatsarchive, Nos. 447 and 464.

BEST, Richard

Cloth merchant from London. On 31 Jan. 1588 he was granted permission to reside in Nuremberg without citizenship, "because he pays such substantial customs duties yearly." In 1593 he lived on the "Vordere Füll" (probably the Füllgasse) and boarded with Hans Baltner, and from the mid-Nineties with Jacob Pütner. In 1599 Best, a bachelor, had no servant and roomed and boarded with Michael Walman, registrar in the main registry. In 1602 he was rooming with Wolf Fleischberger in the Alte Ledergasse. Sources·. Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, D-LadenAkten, No. 4171 (1593), No. 4178 (1593-95, 1597, 1599, l602). BEWITSCH, Henry (Heinrich)

Cloth merchant from London, employee of Ν. Wischa from London. In 1575 he was a Inwohner (denizen) of Nuremberg; appeared before the Junior Mayor and reported that citizen Heinrich Walter owed his employer Wischa 700 guldens. The debt presumably arose from cloth trading, for 'Heinrich Walter and Associates were among the traders in English cloth in Nuremberg around 1570. Although Walter promised to pay after the Frankfurt Fair, Bewitsch did not want to wait, and requested attachment of Walter's residence. Since the house was signed over to Henry -* Parvish, perhaps Bewitsch or his master, Wischa, are to be identified with him. Sources·. Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, Ratsverlaß 1387, fol. 5, 1575, Aug, 26, and RV, 1576, Febr. 2; A. Kunze, "Zur Geschichte des Nürnberger Textil- und Färbergewerbes vom Spätmittelalter bis zum Beginn der Neuzeit," in: Beiträge zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte Nürnbergs, vol. 2 (1967), p. 683.

333

BLADWELL, John (Blotwell, Johann) Cloth merchant who was in Stade in l608 and Hamburg in I 6 I I . From there he maintained contacts to Leipzig, for his name appears among other Englishmen in the fair accounts of the Leipzig business of Martin Schumarts. In I6I8 he, with Joseph Avery, Thomas Baylie and the Deputy Governor, Richard Gore, was one of the signers of the new contract of the King's Merchants Adventurers. According to Astrid Friis, he first appears in the "cloth book" as an Adventurer in I6I8, when he exported 769 cloths from London (740 cloths in l620, and 100 in 1622). {Merchants Adventurers' Company, New Merchants Adventurers' Company (I616), East India Company (1629)} Sources·. Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, pp. 258-62; Fischer, p. 297; Friis, p. 97 and 304; Hitzigrath, Die Kompagnie der Merchant Adventurers und die englische Kirchengemeinde, p. 13; Rabb, p. 247. BLADWELL, Richard

Cloth merchant; his presence is documented in Stade from 1590 on. In May 1607 he sent kerseys and packcloths from there to Nuremberg. Later relocated to Hamburg, and was a member of the New Merchants Adventurers' Company. According to Friis, he does not appear in the "cloth book" as a member of the Adventurers until 16I8. He shipped 417 cloths to Hamburg in I6I8, and 190 cloths in 1622. {Merchants Adventurers' Company, New Merchants Adventurers' Company, Irish Companies ( I 6 I I ) , director of the East India Company (16II), director of the Muscovy Company (1620)} Sources:

Ehrenberg, pp. 258-62; Fisher, p. 175; Friis, p. 97, 304; Rabb, p. 247.

BLAND, J o h n

Cloth merchant. Sold 300 kerseys in Emden to Godfrey Gortson in I6OO. In Stade again from I6OI, from where he sent kerseys and packcloths to Nuremberg in May 1607. From I 6 I I , he was in Hamburg. He shipped 800 cloths from London to Stade in 16O6; 270 pieces to Hamburg in l6l4; 1.565V4 in I6I8; and 2 0 i n 1622. Thereafter, he is said to have invested his capital in the tin business.

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{Merchants Adventurers' Company, East India Company (l6l5), Levant Company, director of Virginia Company (l6l5), director of Muscovy Company (1620)} Sources: Ehrenberg, p. 258-62; Fisher, p. 25, 175; Friis, p. 97 ff., 101; Rabb, p. 248. BOND(E), Martin and Nicholas Cloth merchants from London; were both in Stade around 1590. For trade inland they made use of a German factor, Matthias Hoep in Hamburg. He received large lots of English cloths directly from London from them, which he sent overland to Lübeck and other places. Hoep received from Lübeck for the Bondes' account leather and considerable amounts of hemp and flax, which he shipped to England, in part directly and in part via Stade. A Martin Bonde was a Member of Parliament from 1624-25. {Martin Bonde: Virginia Company (1609), director of Irish Companies (1609), director of Spanish Company (l604), Bermuda Company (1620)} {Nicholas Bonde: Spanish Company (l604)} Sources: Ehrenberg, p. 256, pp. 258-62; Rabb, p. 249. BORLEY, "Johann" and Rupert Cloth merchants from London. The Borley family of merchants had close ties with the Heilbronn merchant house of Orth. In order to learn the language and the custom of merchants, young Jeremias Orth lived with Rupert in London from 1593 to 1595, while the latter's younger brother "Johann" stayed at Heilbronn at the same time in exchange. In the winter of 1596-97, Rupert was not in Stade himself, and only had a few cloths offered for sale there. Since there was a great famine in England at that time, three or four Englishmen voyaged hurriedly to Danzig to buy grain. Englishmen are said to have bought up all the grain available in northern Germany, as well. One of them was Johann Borley, who had been living in Dithmarschen for some time. So as not to be recognized as an Englishman, he went by the name of "Hanns Friedrichs." A Hamburg representative of the Orths commented on this behaviour, "... so such guests have strange practices." In February 1597 Johann had already arranged for numerous cargoes of grain.

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Sources:

M. von Rauch, "Hamburger Briefwechsel eines Heilbronner Handelshauses 1591-1600," Zeitschrift des Vereins für Hansische Geschichte 24 (1921-25): 155, 172 ff.

BORN, John (Johann, Jan) Cloth merchant from London. There was already a John Borne (Bourne) among the cloth merchants in Antwerp. He commenced trading in English cloths to Nuremberg in 1569, together with Henry Beschar, at the instigation of the city council. His presence there is documented until 1583. In August 1582 he submitted a petition to the council for the "release of his attached goods at the sign of the Golden Goose"; this should be published to the Nuremberg citizen Lienhardt Seifrid, at whose request Born's goods had been seized. From this it may be concluded that Born had his cloth storeroom in the inn at the sign of the Golden Goose. On 9 March 1583, the city council permitted "Johan Born from Londra in Engellandt, because he is still a bachelor and is not establishing his own household, to spend his money here," i.e. he became an Inwohner (denizen) or Schutzverwandter in Nuremberg. From there he attended the Frankfurt Fairs. Johann Borne Sr. bought 636 "cartons" of fine floret silk for 2,372 guldens in Frankfurt in 1580, deliverable in Nuremberg and payable in two installments at the Frankfurt Fairs. In 1588, Johann Borne is mentioned as a partner in the commercial partnership of Martin de la Faille, Johann Borne, Johann de Wale, and Thomas Cottels. Faille was located in London, Wale in Venice, Borne in Verona, and Cottels in London. The last-named is described as an interloper elsewhere, trading to Amsterdam regularly, but also to other places. Sources:

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, (Rep. 15.a) S.I.L. 35, No. 18, fol. 11 ff., B-Laden-Akten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, No. 4, fol. 25 ff., "Ratsverlässe vom 28. August 1582 und 9. März 1583;" Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg, Nachlaß Jäger, 178 a; Dietz, Frankfurter Handelsgeschichte, vol. 4, Glas-hütten im Taunus, 1970 (reprint), p. 108; O. de Smedt, De Engelse Natie te Antwerpen in de I6e Eeuw (1496- 1582), vol. 2, p. 114; Strieder, No. 772; Friis, p. 111.

BRAG, Thomas Cloth merchant. In 1597 Brag, a bachelor, was living in Nuremberg, and boarding, together with Johann -* Brugk, who may be of the same family, with Martin Ganßer in the Pintergasse.

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Sources: Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, D-LadenAkten, No. 4178 (1597). BREDKAKE, John

(also Bredkirk; possibly Preygott) Cloth merchant and ship master. John Bredkirk is recorded in the Hoep account books in 1588 and 1590, and in the Hamburg Schifferbücher in 1597 as the captain or owner of a ship trading to Hamburg. A Joch. Brodicke was captain of the Pintie, which arrived in Stade on 26 May l603. Johan Bretkeck was the master of a ship that arrived in Hamburg from Russia on 17 Sept. 1604. If those named are identical, then acting both for the Adventurers and for the interlopers is implied. In the lists drawn up by Ehrenberg, a John Bredkake is given as a trader in English cloths at Stade around 1590. Whether the Englishman John Preygott, who attempted to lure away some master craftsmen, who were under contract to his countryman William ->• Baldwin, in Freiberg in Silesia in l601, was the same person is uncertain. Sources•. Aubin and Kunze, p. 138; Ehrenberg, p. 239, 240 ff., 258 ff.; E. Baasch, "Hamburgs Seeschiffahrt und Warenhandel vom Ende des 16. bis zur Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts," Zeitschrift des Vereins für Hansische Geschichte 9 (1894): 308, footnote 2. BRIAN, Leonhard

From London; documented as a seller of English cloths and chamois leather and buyer of linen in Leipzig by 1570. He sold chamois to the tanners Gregor Naumann and Stephan Döse, and made over his claim to Jakob Hase, Wilhelm Merbich and Partners in London. Sources: G. Fischer, p. 287, 341. "BRUGK, Johann" (Brooke?) (also Bruck)

Cloth merchant from London. In 1597 he was boarding, together with Thomas -> Brag, who may be of the same family, with Martin Ganßer in the Pintergasse. In June 1599 he applied to the city council for permission to keep a draper's shop for his business, and to room and board with a citizen. Thereupon the council ordered inquiries made about Brugk and his business, in particular whether he

337

belonged to the company of "Mercante Adventurirer," that was banned in the Empire by Imperial mandate. The results of the investigation are not available, but they must have been favourable, for on July 20th, he was granted permission to live in Nuremberg for a year. That same year, the bachelor Brugk was living in the home of Wolf Flaischberg in the Alte Ledergasse. An Englishman named Brock was trading in cloths in Stade around 1593. Sources:

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, D-LadenAkten, No. 4178 (1597, 1599), Ratsverlässe vom 5. Juni und 20. Juni 1599; Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg, Nachlaß Jäger, 178 a.

BRUNKHORST, H u g o

(also Brunkoste, Pringkurst) The Englishman "Hugo Pringkurst" from London immigrated to Leipzig around 1540, and acquired citizenship there in 1541. He attended the Frankfurt Fairs as a cloth merchant. In 1560 Hugo Brunkoste sued Katharina, the widow of Peter Semler, a citizen of Frankfurt, over a debt for London cloth. He may have returned to England later. In any case, a person of the same name (presumably of the same family) was importing English cloths from Stade at the turn of the seventeenth century to Hamburg, where they were probably finished and dyed. The Englishman Hugo Brunkorst attended the fairs in Leipzig regularly at that time, and had his own cloth storeroom there. Sources:

Stadtarchiv Frankfurt am Main, Rep. B. 253, Jud. Β 248; Ehrenberg, Hamburg und England, p. 264 ff.; G. Fischer, p. 15, 25, 290.

BRYHAHN, J o h n (Brian/Bryan ?)

This Englishman did business with linen in Landeshut in 1622. Sources·. Aubin and Kunze, p. 139. BUSFI(E)LD, William

Cloth merchant in Stade. In June 1603 he sold 280 Northern kerseys to a Danzig trader. In August l604, he received 300 kerseys in two ships. In l606 and 1607 he travelled to Nuremberg to sell packcloths and kerseys. He sold the kerseys for prices between ll 3 /4 and 12 guldens. Noone else was able to sell kerseys in 1607 in Nuremberg.

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Besides cloths, he traded in pepper, he and Richard Rawstorm offering 70 sacks for sale in Hamburg in l604. He was a cloth merchant in Hamburg from l6l 1 on. Sources: Ehrenberg, pp. 258-62; F.J. Fisher, p. 133, 147 ff., 164, 167 ff., 175, 179. C A N N I N G , Paul

(also Cammin, Conning, Kahn) Cloth merchant — was in Emden about 1600, in Stade since 1601. He had certainly been in Germany for some time and was well known, since at a hearing by the Hamburg city council concerning the charge of monopolism against the Adventurers, it was said of him, "... travels up and down in Germany." In the trade fair statements of Martin Schumarts' Leipzig business, Canning appears as a creditor. {Virginia Company (l609)} Sources: Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; G. Fischer, p. 295 ff.; F. J. Fisher, p. 38, 167, 186; Rabb, p. 259. CARPENTER, John

Cloth trader in Stade (l608). He was a member of the Merchants Adventurers' Company (l6l4), the Eastland Company, and since I6l5-l6 of the New Merchants Adventurers' Company. In l606 he sent cloths not only to Elbing, but also to Copenhagen. He appears to have traded to Germany as an interloper, since he did not ship any of his cloths in Company ships in the same year. Sources: Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; Friis, p. 76, 100, 232, 282. CARPENTER, William (Wilhelm) According to Friis, he was a member of the Eastland Company, but traded to Riga as well as to the mart town, Elbing. An Englishman of the same name is mentioned as a linen buyer in Sebnitz in 1607. His contacts with the guild in Sebnitz must have been of some duration, for Carpenter had his own factor there, Hans Grohmann. {Virginia Company (l609)} Sources·. Aubin and Kunze, p. 138; Friis, p. 232, footnote 3; Rabb, p. 261.

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CHESWRIGHT, Thomas Merchant from London. He died in 1606 in Greiffenberg, where he was probably staying as a linen buyer. He must have been in contact with the guilds there for some time. The Englishmen Humphrey -*• Tomkins, Thomas Johnson, Jacob Hawley, Samuel Seymer, and Nathanael Jackson, as well as representatives of the town council and the guilds, attended his funeral. Sources: Aubin and Kunze, p. 138 ff. COLIMAS, Niclaß On 22 June 1573, there died in Nuremberg "Niclaß Colimas, esquire, bachelor from England, at the sign of the Golden Goose." Sources: St. Sebald, register of deaths, No. (1557-83); Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg, Nachlaß Jäger, 178 a. COOUMER, Thomas (also Calimor, Colenier, Collinoir) Cloth merchant, whose presence is documented in Antwerp in 154952. He factored there for the London merchant Heinrich Bytser (-• Beschar), and sold cloths to Franz Schot, a citizen of Antwerp, in 1549 and 1550. In November 1569 he supplied four packs of English cloth to Jan de Boys in Nuremberg. Only towards the end of the sixteenth century can a merchant of the same name be found in the German trade again (they were probably members of the same family, perhaps father and son). Coolimer traded in cloth in Stade from 16OI, and from I61I on in Hamburg. He sold mainly kerseys, and bought cotton, Ulm fustian, and silk fabrics. In 1603 and 1605 he had sizable lots of Northern kerseys brought to Nuremberg by trading agents (in l603 by Mr. -» Beresford). Sources: Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, Akten des siebenfarbigen Alphabets (Rep. 2.c. Nr. 53); Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; F. J. Fisher, p. 94, 119, 135, 140, 143, 145, 167, 175, 178, 180, 197; O. de Smedt, vol. 2, p. 444,470; Strieder, No. 447,464. CRADDOCK, William

Cloth and linen merchant. In the account books of the Hamburg merchant Hoep, he is named as selling English cloths in Stade around 1590. From Stade he visited Hamburg, Leipzig, Lüneburg, Prague and other places to sell cloths. He was one of the few

340

Englishmen who declared English goods in Hamburg in 1597-1602 as imported from Stade, despite the Imperial mandate and the prohibitions of the Adventurers. Since his imports started on 8 April l600 with the import of furniture and household goods, he no doubt settled in Hamburg. According to the Hamburg customs registers, in 1601-03 the interlopers, including Wm. Craddock, were prominent in exporting goods from Hamburg to Stade. Craddock and Thomas Fletcher were by far the biggest exporters of linen to Stade in l602. They exported 43 packs, 155 barrels, and 121 boxes of linen, the value of which Ehrenberg estimated at a quarter of a million Lübeck marks. They were mostly trading for the account of other parties. It is not known whether he had direct contact with the linen makers. In Leipzig, where he sold English cloths and bought Silesian linen, he also acted as factor for the London merchant Thomas Jackson. In I 6 I I (17 Aug. - 2 Dec.) he transported for his principal, Alderman Cockayne, 5 packs, 4V2 barrels, and 27 boxes of linen from Magdeburg and Lüneburg to Hamburg, from where they were shipped to England (here, Cockayne was described in the Rolla über englische verzollete Güter ["rolls of duty-paid English goods"] as an "Alderman and English merchant at Emden in the Merchants Adventurers' Company"). Craddock, a member of the Eastland Company, and clearly an interloper in his German trade, became Deputy (Courtmaster) of the New Company of Merchants Adventurers from 1616 until its dissolution in I6I8, after the failure of the "Cockayne Project." Sources:

Staatsarchiv Hamburg, Cl. VII. Lit. E b Nr. 4 vol. 1 c; Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff., 340-41, footnotes 40-42, 356; G. Fischer, p. 289 ff.; F. J. Fisher, p. 195, 229; A. Friis, p. 235, 282, 284 ff.: Hitzigrath, Die politischen Beziehungen zwischen Hamburg und England, p. 5.

CROSS,

—

Cloth merchant; sold 200 Northern kerseys in Nuremberg in August l604, and thought that good-quality kerseys could be sold there for 13 V2 guldens. Sources: F. J. Fisher, p. 184. DICKENSON, Robert and Ruprecht Cloth merchants; they were among the Englishmen who attended the Leipzig Fairs to sell cloths, and had depots there, during the first

341

decades of the Sixteenth Century. In 1617 Robert Dickenson was imprisoned for a fortnight for his persistent refusal to pay the new imposts introduced in 1615 in Leipzig. The Merchants Adventurers reported him to the Privy Council in 1619 as an interloper, and reported him to the Exchequer. Sources·. G. Fischer, p. 290; Friis, p. 370 ff., footnote 4. DINSDAL, George He was one of the Englishmen importing English cloths from London or Stade to Hamburg in 1598-1603. In addition, he traded in smallwares and English stockings in Hamburg. After the mart had been relocated from Stade to Hamburg ( l 6 l l ) , the city council, at the urging of the Adventurers, informed him that, "from now on no English traders could be allowed in the city besides the Court Company." In reaction to this, Dinsdal petitioned Count Ernst von Schaumburg in l 6 l 3 for permission to settle in Altona, which other Englishmen wished to do, as well. Despite Hamburg's protests, his establishment in Altona was permitted; nothing is known about further developments. Dinsdal was an interloper. Sources: Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff., 265, footnote 53DUNCOMBE, Giles

(also Dunkron, Jellis) In the trade fair accounts of Martin Schumarts' Leipzig business, a "Jellis Dunkron" appears along with other Englishmen as a cloth supplier and creditor. Friis names a Mr. Duncombe as a member of the French Company (see below for Rabb). It is uncertain whether these persons were identical. {East India Company (1599), Merchants Adventurers' Company, New Merchants Adventurers' Company (l6l6)} Sources·. G. Fischer, p. 297; A. Friis, p. 167; Rabb, p. 284. ENDRESS, Hanß This Englishman (Andrews?) lived with his family in Nuremberg, where he died, as an entry in the parish register records: "Adriana, widow of the deceased Hanß Endreß, Englishman." Sources·. St. Sebald, register of deaths No. 2 (1558-1606), l602, Jan. 20; Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg, Nachlaß Jäger, 178 a.

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EYRE, Thomas He must have attended the Strasbourg Fair in 1597 or earlier. In any event, he is listed as a witness for the plaintiff in a suit brought by the Englishman "Wilhelm Knecht" (-* Knight) against the Frankfurt citizen Peter Lebour, concerning a cloths transaction at the Strasbourg Fair. That same year, the Englishman "Thomas Eier" was in Bremen. Whether this was a temporary or permanent residence remains uncertain. In any event, the Merchant Adventurer Johan Warin in Stade contacted Thomas Eier in Bremen, asking for assistance in collecting an outstanding bill debt from the Bremen citizen Eberhard Esich, that the latter disputed. According to Rabb, a Thomas Eyre became Member of Parliament in 1597. Sources:

Staatsarchiv Bremen, 2-Z. 4.d.l0. Stade betreffend: 1597 März 12: Korrespondenz zwischen den Räten Bremens und Stades in dieser Sache; Stadtarchiv Frankfurt am Main, Rep. Β 253, Jud. Κ 304; Rabb, p. 288.

FLAMMAICK, Johann

This English bachelor lived in Nuremberg, near the Rosenbad, and was not a citizen of the city. He died there in October of 1587. Sources:

St. Sebald, register of deaths (1557-58), p. 34, October 1587 (49 a & b); Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg, Nachlaß Jäger, 178 a.

FORT, Carollus

There died in Nuremberg on 8 May 1593, "the noble and best Carollus Fort, Englishman, at the sign of the Golden Goose." Sources·. St. Sebald, register of deaths, No. 2 (1588-1606); Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg, Nachlaß Jäger, 178 a. GRANGER, Robert (Ruprecht)

Cloth merchant from London. He was an Inwohner or Schutzverwandter, i.e. a "denizen" of Nuremberg since at least 1593. In 1593 and 1597 he lived in the home of Georg Meindel, next to Lienhart Dilherr. On 31 Oct. 1597, he married Elena, the daughter of the deceased Niclaus Ayrer, formerly a shopkeeper on the street Zwischen den Fleischbänken. The city council ordered on 24 Nov. 1597 that Ruprecht Granger and his young wife be cited before the "Court of

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the Five," "...und sie daselbst auf das hochzeytbüchlein Justifizieren." ("...and have them there sign the register of marriages.") In 1598 Elena Ayrer was found guilty of a violation of the sumptuary ordinance (wearing of a velvet toque), and a penalty was imposed. Granger protested against this, on the grounds that his wife belonged to the respected family of the Ayrers, and he himself ran a business. Thereupon, the council had inquiries made by the city bailiff. In 1599 and l602, Granger was still a Inwohner (denizen) of Nuremberg, but it was stated that he "did not live with his wife, but in his homeland," while his wife stayed with her "mother, Mrs. Hans Wernerin, shopkeeper on Zwischen den Fleischbänken." However, Granger died in Nuremberg, on 13 Feb. l604, and was buried in the Johannesfriedhof cemetery. Sources·. Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, D-LadenAkten, No. 4178 (1593-95, 1597, 1599, 1602); Ratsverlässe vom 24 Nov. 1597, 8. Juli 1598 und 9. Jan. 1599; St. Sebald, register of marriages No. 4 (1587-l6l6), p. 23; Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg, Nachlaß Jäger, 178 a. HALES, Johannes

A cloth merchant, who was sued in 1557 by Christoph Lichsaltz (Ligsalz) from Munich. Since the case was tried in Frankfurt, it appears to have concerned business at the Fair. An Englishman of the same name, perhaps of the same family, can be documented in Stade from 1601 and in Hamburg in l6l4 as a cloth merchant. Sources: Stadtarchiv Frankfurt am Main, Rep Β 253, Jud. L 57; Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; Friis, p. 79, 96. HANDFARD, Hugh

(also Handtfort, Hanfart; Hugo) Cloth merchant from London. Sold English cloths in Leipzig in the first half of the seventeenth century. According to Rabb, Hugh Handfard was a member of the East India Company in l6l5. Possibly members of the same family were Humphrey Handford, trader to the Levant, France, and Spain, and Thomas Handtfort (Santfort), a merchant of English cloths in Stade who drowned in the Elbe in 1605. {East India Company (1615)}

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Sources:

Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; Friis, p. 212; Fischer, p. 290; Rabb,

p. 306.

HARE, John and Samuel Cloth merchants; in the correspondence between the Merchant Adventurer Lionel Cranfield, in London, and his Stade factor, Richard Rawstorm, they only refer to "Mr. Hare." Hare offered kerseys for sale in Nuremberg without success in the summer of 1607 (Samuel -» Aldersey sold 500), but the next year he, together with the factor of Richard Venn, was able to sell all his kerseys there. This Mr. Hare may have been either John or Samuel Hare. John Hare was named in l606 as the master of the ship Lanarett, and in 1611 as a cloth merchant in Hamburg. It is uncertain whether he was the Member of Parliament (1584-1604, 1625-28) of the same name, who was knighted in 1618. Samuel Hare and Co. exported from London 1.042V3 cloths to Stade in l606, and 1,180 to Hamburg in l6l4. {John Hare: Virginia Company ( l 6 l 0 ) } {Samuel Hare: Merchants Adventurers' Company, East India Company (1600), director of Levant Company (l605), French Company ( l 6 l l ) , North-West Passage Company} Sources·. Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; F. J. Fisher, p. 181, 192 ff.; Friis, p. 76, 92, 96, 212; Rabb, p. 307. HILLES, Richard

Cloth merchant; he served his apprenticeship with the merchant Nicholas Cosyn, whose business was near London Bridge. About 20 Dec. 1532, Hilles was sent by his principal to Flanders (probably Antwerp in Brabant, that was also called Flanders in England), where he was to become a member of the Merchants Adventurers' Company. Since the 1540s, he traded to Germany as well as to Antwerp. For example, he dispatched English cloths and small amounts of sugar and raisins to Strasbourg and Frankfurt-on-the-Main in 1543-44. About 1546-47, Nicholas Wyler was named as being his factor in Antwerp. In a dispute with two Merchants Adventurers who were bypassing the mart to trade in Germany in 1579, i.e. about thirty years later, the Company stated that in the 1540s it had permitted its members Richard Hilles and John Abell to live in Germany and carry out on modest trade there.

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Hilles was still attending the Frankfurt Fairs in the 1560s. In 1563 he, Jorg Stockenmuth from London, and Peter Palm from Aachen, brought suit in the court there against Nicolaus Colisch from Antwerp for a debt of 3,800 guldens. Since there were already Richard Hilles Senior and Junior in Antwerp, those mentioned above may have been father and son. Sources:

Stadtarchiv Frankfurt am Main, Rep. Β 253, Jud. Ρ 33; S.P.D. Elizabeth I, vol. 132: 1579, Sept. 30."The answer of the Adventurers to the articles presented to Lord Burghley, High Treasurer of England, by Thomas Lowe and Henry Parvish," Art. 4; Ch. M. Clode, Early History of the Merchant Taylors' Company, London 1888, Part 2, Appendix 2, p. 351; O. de Smedt, vol. 1, p. 194, vol. 2, p. 151, 170, 183, 204, 367, 376, 436, 445,654 ff.

HUND, Jakob Cloth and linen merchant who was in contact with the Eastland Company in the 1580s, and perhaps belonged to it. This is shown by a letter from the town of Elbing to Danzig, concerning the fact that Wilhelm (William) Salkyns, ordained deputy of the English company established in Elbing, had been arrested in Danzig on the complaint of his former "servant" (presumably factor), Jakob Hundt. Danzig was requested to revoke the arrest. He also appeared at the beginning of the seventeenth century as a seller of English cloths at the Leipzig Fairs. In 1609, he donated to the guild in Schluckenau 1 taler 4 "sgr." ("schlesische Groschen" ?), probably for signing a supply contract for linen. Sources:

Aubin and Kunze, p. 138; Fischer, p. 290; Simson, no. 8927, p. 707, no. 8930, p. 708, and no. 8972, p. 712.

JACKSON, Thomas

Cloth and linen merchant from London. Attended the Leipzig Fairs in the 1590s in order to sell English cloths. When in September 1598, on the orders of the Exchequer of Saxony, the goods of various Englishmen, including those of his factor Richard Jackson, were seized by the city council because of the Imperial mandate, his factor protested to the council and submitted a testimonial issued by "Henrich Damstorff, alderman and commercial councillor of the general German Hansa, ruling in England," to the effect that his principal (Thomas Jackson) did not belong to the Merchants

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Adventurers' Company. In Leipzig, Thomas Jackson also traded in furs. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, William -* Craddock and Thomas Oldfeldt (-• Offxeld) factored there for him in the cloth trade. Jackson was also very actively engaged in the linen trade. He had tablecloths and hand towels at the Chemnitz bleachery in 1594 and 1595. For several years, he did business in partnership with William Balledine (-* Baldwin), who bought linen and tablecloths for Jackson in Dresden and Zschopau in 1598. Baldwin informed the town council of Freiberg, in his partner's name, that he had concluded a three-year contract with the linen weavers, from Michaelmas 1601 on. The following year, the partnership appears to have broken up. Because of a claim of 10,863 guldens, John Oldfeldt, Jackson's factor in 1604-05, distrained goods of Baldwin's in Breslau and Jauer. In l607, Jackson was in arrears himself, and now Baldwin as his creditor distrained 1150 tablecloths and towels in the bleachery at Chemnitz. {Irish Companies (1609), Virginia Company (1620)} Sources:

Aubin and Kunze, p. 130 ff.; G. Fischer, p. 290, 354, footnote 6; F. J. Fisher, p. 12; Rabb, p. 322.

JOHNSON, Thomas (also Jansen)

Cloth and linen merchant. Thomas Jansen was trading in English cloths in Hamburg in l 6 l l . Thomas Johnson attended the funeral of the London merchant Thomas -*• Cheswright in l 6 l 6 in Greiffenberg, where he probably traded in linen himself. A man of the same name was Member of Parliament in 1584-86. {Merchants Adventurers' Company, Virginia Company (l609), East India Company (1611), Irish Companies (1609), North-West Passage Company, Bermuda Company (l6l5)} Sources:

Aubin and Kunze, p. 138 ff.; Friis, p. 93, footnote 1; Rabb, p. 324; Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.

JONES, William

(also Jonas, Wilhelm) Cloth and linen merchant. He was the only Englishman to trade throughout the entire period, in Hamburg, Emden and Stade. He was one of the Adventurers who, on 26 Jan. 1598 in Stade, officially dis-

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solved the Court and handed over the church and Court House to the town council. In l601 he returned there from Emden, and in 1611 he moved to Hamburg when the mart was relocated. Besides "Wilhelm Boldwin" Baldwin) and "Wilhelm Pfenningfaßer" (-> Pennyfather), he was one of the Leinensvorhändler ("linen brokers") and "principal merchants for our linen" who controlled the main marketing of Münster linen in I6OI. They sold to Englishmen and dispatched rolls of linen to Amsterdam, Holland, Cologne, Hamburg, and Lübeck. William Jonas "the richest merchant of the Hamburg factory" died, presumably around New Year's 1615. Two friends, William Balladine (-> Baldwin) and Samuel -» Watts, signed a contract on 5 Jan. 1615 with the canon of the cathedral chapter, Hieronymus Moller, for the burial of Jones, who was interred in a crypt on the south side of the cathedral for a fee of 25 reichstalers. His death and funeral were reported by Hamburg burgomaster Sebastian von Bergen to a friend: "Englishman Wilm Jons ditissimus ex natione hie sepultus est, he bequeathed 130,000 M.C. Londini Anglis." Besides belonging to the Adventurers, he was a member of the Levant and French Companies (according to Friis), and others (see Rabb below). The membership in the New Merchants Adventurers' Company, which both authors give, means that either the date of death is wrong or that it was another person of the same name. According to Rabb, a "Gent. William Jones" was a Member of Parliament from 1597 to l6l4. {Merchants Adventurers' Company and New Merchants Adventurers' Company (I616), Irish Companies (1609), chairman? of the Newfoundland Company (I6IO)} Sources:

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L. Beutin, Hanse und Reich im handelspolitischen Endkampf gegen England, Berlin 1929, p. 18, footnote 10; Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; Friis, p. 100, 304; Hitzigrath, Die englische Kirchengemeinde in Hamburg, p. 74 ff.; Planeth, p. 7 ff.; Rabb, p. 325; F. Voigt, "Kleine Beiträge zur Erläuterung der Handelsbeziehungen der Hanse und insbesondere Hamburgs mit England während der Jahre I6OI bis 1618," Mitteilungen des Vereins für Hamburgische Geschichte 6, No. 3, p. 88 ff.

KEIGHTLY, Thomas

(also Kettley, Keithle, Keytleyn, Ketley) From London; he was one of the English trading in Hamburg after the relocation of the Merchants Adventurers' mart in l 6 l l . We learn from a letter by a shipmaster, Peter Motham, in Stade to Lionel Cranfïeld in London that Thomas Ketley was one of the freighters of his ship in July l603. This presumably concerned the shipping of linen, for Keightly was one of the merchants putting out work to the linen weavers in central eastern Germany by the beginning of the seventeenth century at the latest. He signed a contract with the craft of Stolpen in 1609. In Greiffenberg he is named as godfather of a child of Jeremias Schulz in 161I. His presence suggests business ties. In Görlitz, his presence is documented for the first time in 1607 as the agent of Edward -» Weston. In l 6 l 2 a contract with the weavers there was in force. He complained that they had supplied the same goods to other merchants too, in violation of the contract. He was engaged in Görlitz as late as 1641- 42, now being called a "distinguished merchant in London," and had a factor there, Thomas Roger, who was married to a Görlitz woman, the daughter of Tobias Gränze, Edward Weston's former factor. Rabb names Keightly as a Member of Parliament (1621). {Virginia Company (l609), New Merchants Adventurers' Company (I615), director of the East India Company (1622)} Sources:

Aubin and Kunze, p. 153 ff.; Ehrenberg, p. 26l; Friis, p. 281; Rabb, p. 326; E. Zimmerman, "Der schlesische Garn- und Leinenhandel mit Holland im l6. und 17. Jahrhundert," Economisch-Historisch Jaarboek, 26 (1956), p. 205.

KENDRICK, J o h n (Johann, Hans)

Cloth merchant from London. In I6OO and I6O8 he was in Middelburg, where he may have factored for Mr. -* Duncombe. Richard Cooper reported from Middelburg to Lionel Cranfield in London on 1 Oct. I6O8 that, "Duncombes death makes Kendrick stop sale." Whether Kendrick was also trading to Stade simultaneously is not known, but he appears to have moved to Stade in I6O8 and Hamburg in I 6 I I , as a document entitled "Reasons of our merchants removal from Stade to Hamburgh by Mr. John Kindrick" (11 Nov. I 6 I I ) implies. The Merchant Adventurer Kendrick justifies the move on the grounds, among others, that: "And lastly to finish the great and extraordinary charge and expenses, whereunto the State, the Company were liable by sending ambassadors, maintaining their questions

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and disputes within the Hanses, which have amounted in few years a very great summe." From Hamburg or London, he maintained business links with Frankfurt-on-the-Main. He supplied Johannes Ochs, the brother-inlaw of Franz Barckhaus, who had a big Frankfurt cloth business. While John Kendrick and Co. only exported I71V2 cloths from London in 1606, the business developed from I6I8 into one of the biggest ones

in coloured cloths (2,360 cloths in I6I8; 3,100 in 1620; 3,083 in 1622).

He was an "Assistant" in the New Merchants Adventurers' Company. In 1626, he is mentioned in Nuremberg as the "Vorsteher des opfernden Kollektenwerks" ("chairman of the offering collection") acting as which he wrote for the "opfernden Exulanten" ("offering expatriates") to English bishops about collections. From I629 to 1641, Hans Kendrick was doing business with the Viatis & Peller company of Nuremberg. Probably this involved bartering of cloths and linen. The Viatis & Peller account with the 'Banco Publico' of Nuremberg shows for that period the following transactions debited or credited to Kendricks: nine debits to him, totalling 9,689 guldens 19 shillings 9 pence, and six credits from him, totalling 8,635 guldens 9 shillings 4 pence. He is believed to have returned to London around 1634, and later became Lord Mayor. In 1647 he was still described as an Alderman of London and the Governor of the Merchants Adventurers. Sources:

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, RV. 2064, fol. 24'-25, 1626, Dez. 27, and B-Laden-Akten, S.I.L. 197, Nr. 11, fol. 3 ff.; A. Dietz, Frankfurter Handelsgeschichte, vol. 4, Part 1 (Glashütten im Taunus: 1970) (reprint), p. 110; Friis, p. 97, 282, 284; F. J. Fisher, p. 12, 200; Hitzigrath, Die politischen Beziehungen, p. 3; Hotchkiss, p. 105; Rabb, p. 326; Seibold, Die Viatis und Peller, Appendix, p. VIII.

KENIS, Edward

Cloth merchant from London. Jobst Diterich, searcher of the English cloths in Nuremberg, informed the city council in 1575 that Kenis had used a document issued by him, for a number of measured cloths, to commit a fraud. On 26 Jan. 1598 he was one of the Adventurers who dissolved their Court in Stade and handed over the church and Court House. In I6OI he returned there with the Company from Emden.

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Sources:

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, RV. 1378, fol. 41, 1575, Jan. 18; Beutin, p. 18, footnote 10; Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.

KNIGHT, William (also Knecht, Wilhelm) Cloth merchant. In 1597 he brought suit before the Frankfurt court against a local citizen, Peter Le Borr (Leboure). It concerned a debt of "Knecht's" to Sebastian Janson from Hamburg, which he wanted to pay at the Strasbourg Christmas Fair of 1597. The latter referred him to his cousin Leboure regarding the payment. There appeared in the suit, as witnesses for the plaintiff, Georg Zollichoffen of Strasbourg, Melchior de Pry of Hanau, Adrian von der Straßen of Frankfurt, and Thomas -> Eyre, an Englishman. In l606 Knight is named as a broker in Stade, and in 1611 he was in Hamburg. According to Rabb, "Wm. Knight, merchant," was a Member of Parliament in 1601. Sources:

Stadtarchiv Frankfurt am Main, Rep. Β 253, Jud. Κ 304; Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; Fisher, p. 167; Rabb, p. 328.

LOWE, Thomas (also Lose) Cloth merchant who had a commercial partnership with Henry -> Parvish, bringing English cloths to Nuremberg and exporting silk, silk goods, knives, and smallwares to England. The two of them were in dispute in 1579 with the Court of the Merchants Adventurers, which accused them of not observing the staple right. In 1579-80, they also had differences with the Nuremberg city council regarding the introduction of a duty on cloths. Thomas Leiden was their joint factor in Emden; he was arrested in 1582 and tried for customs fraud in cloth transactions for his principals. Lowe attended the Frankfurt Fairs, or had goods sent there from Nuremberg. In 1590, he paid " F r e ß g e l d e f (victualling fees) for the Nuremberg-Frankfurt convoy to the Lent Fair. He is last documented in Nuremberg in 1592, when the council heard a dispute over 430 guldens between Lowe and the local citizen Barthel Albrecht on 18 August. While Lowe was still to be found in Stade, the Adventurers' mart town, at the beginning of the 1590s, he seems to have settled in London permanently around the turn of the century. He became an alderman there, was knighted in l603, and became a Member of

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Parliament (1604-21). He became a member of the Levant Company in 1599, and was their Governor since the granting of the new charter in l605. From l 6 l 3 , he was also Governor of the Merchants Adventurers' Company, probably as successor to the deceased Christopher Hoddesdon. He continued from London his trade in cloths, especially Northern kerseys, which were now sold by factors in Stade. In l603, Samuel Aldersey sold 500 kerseys for him, and Mr. -> Beresford 1,100. They bought satin, silk, and taffeta from Lucca for Lowe. Lowe shipped 30 short Gloucester cloths and 1,118 Northern kerseys (402 2 /j notional shortcloths) to Stade in 1603. In 1607 and I6O8, Mr. -» Watts is named as a vendor of kerseys for Lowe. From l 6 l 4 on, according to Friis, Thomas Lowe was no longer actively engaged in the trade of the Merchants Adventurers' and Levant Companies. But he remained Governor of the two Companies until his death in 1623. Sources·.

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, A-LadenAkten, (Rep. 15.a) S.I.L. 35, Nr. 18, fol. 76; "Nürnberger Stadtrechnungsbelege" (Rep. 54.a), No. 428 (Freßgeldlisten); Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg, Nachlaß Jäger, 178 a; F. J. Fisher, p. 135 ff., 140, 143, 175, 197, 201; Friis, p. 82 ff., 100, 130, 211, 412; Rabb, p. 336.

MACHINIS, Reichard (? Richard MacGuiness?)

(also Machinum) On 16 March 1598, the Nuremberg city council ordered the Englishman "Reichard Machinis" to appear before the Court of the Five on the following day. He was fined 25 guldens for an unknown misdemeanor, against which he appealed. The council rejected his appeal, commenting that such penalties were not waived for citizens. Sources·.

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, Ratsverlässe 26 March and 23 May 1598.

MOULSON, Thomas

Cloth merchant who was among the English in Stade in 1590. In July 1603 he sent kerseys to Nuremberg, that Mr. -> Beresford was to sell for him. It appears that he then settled in London and had his business in Germany conducted by factors. In I606 he was the biggest exporter of Northern kerseys in London, with 5,229 pieces. That same year, Moulson and Co. had the kerseys sent to Nuremberg by Samuel -» Watts. In I6O7 and I6O8 Moulson also sent kerseys to Nuremberg. In l 6 l 4 , he exported 1,358 notional shortcloths from London. He

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was Treasurer of the Merchants Adventurers in London (l6l6-17), and later became Member of Parliament (1628). {Merchants Adventurers' Company, French Company ( l 6 l l ) } Sources:

H.M.C. Various Collections, vol. VIII, The Hon. F. L. Wood Mss., pp. 14-15; Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; F.J. Fisher, p. 136, 164, 168,175, 196 ff.; Friis, p. 69, 130; Rabb, p. 346.

Ν , Ruprecht He was a cloth trader and manager for Reinhart -> Osborn. In 1593 he was living with (or near) Lienhardt Dilherr. While Osborn's permission to stay in Nuremberg without being naturalized was confirmed in 1593, it is stated, "... but whether this privilege also extends to his manager, is not given." A few years later, however, it is noted that Ruprecht Ν. had already been allowed to reside in the city on 31 Jan. 1588 ("mit ofner hand alhie zusitzerf). Sources:

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, D-LadenAkten, No. 4171 (1593?), No. 4178 (1593-95).

NEWTON, John (also Johann) He attended the Leipzig Fairs, probably from Stade. He appears with others as a cloth supplier and creditor in the fair accounts of Martin Schumarts' Leipzig business. Rabb names two persons of this name in his lists. {a: Barbary Company (1585), director of Spanish Company (1577); b: Merchants Adventurers' Company, Spanish Company (l605)} Sources: Fischer, p. 297; Rabb, p. 349. OFFIELD, John (also Ohlfeldt, Oldfeldt; Johann) Cloth and linen merchant, probably located in Leipzig. He sold English cloths at the fair there in I 6 I I . He is not to be found in the lists of Englishmen at the mart towns drawn up by Ehrenberg. As factor for Thomas -> Jackson, he distrained goods belonging to William Balledin (-• Baldwin) in Breslau and Jauer in l604 and l605. In October 1603, two linen weavers admit to a residual debt of 246 guldens from a sum of 1,469 guldens received to purchase linen. Between I6O3 and 1607, Offield brought substantial numbers of tablecloths and towels to the Chemnitz bleachery. {Levant Company ( l 6 l 2 ) } Sources: Aubin and Kunze, p. 177; Rabb, p. 350.

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OSBORN, Reinhart

Cloth merchant. On 31 Jan. 1588, the Nuremberg city council permitted him, "because he pays such a large customs duty yearly ... to reside here without citizenship." He had his own manager or factor, Ruprecht -> Ν . Osborn was still in Nuremberg in 1595. Sources:

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, D-LadenAkten, No. 4171 (1593?), No. 4178 (1593-95).

OVERTON, Lawrence

(also Overtham, Aberthan, Aberdan, Lorenz) Cloth and linen merchant. Both in the second half of the sixteenth and the first half of the seventeenth century, he sold English cloths in Leipzig, at the fairs and probably between them, in Hans Dietrich's house in the Hainstraße. He is said to have been located in Hamburg, where — according to Ehrenberg — he was in l603 one of the interlopers who had a major share in the exports of textiles to Stade. These will have been linen goods. He can be documented, with short interruptions, in Chemnitz from 1588 to 1607, where he had tablecloths and hand towels bleached. In 1593 he bought veiling for 240 guldens in West Saxony for his principal "Martin Kuhwe" (maybe Cuthbert Martin?) in London. Sources:

Aubin and Kunze, p. 137 ff.; Ehrenberg, pp. 340-1, footnote 41; Fischer, p. 290, 324.

PALMER, Valentin

A cloth merchant; it is not known whether he travelled in Germany himself. Around 1585-87, he made use of a factor, Matthias Hoep of Hamburg, for his extensive trade inland. Hoep sent English cloths to Lüneburg and obtained flax in return, on commission. Besides cloths, he also sold tallow and salt for Palmer, and sold grain, seed, beans, falcons and a horse to him. On his behalf, Hoep travelled to Middelburg, Vlissingen, and Amsterdam for eleven weeks, and to Danzig, Elbing, and Königsberg for five weeks. He also informed Palmer of the departure of Duke Otto of Lüneburg-Harburg for England via Emden, recommending that he join him, and instructing him on rules of conduct. Sources: Ehrenberg, p. 254.

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PARKER, Arthur

(also "Artor Parcktor") Cloth merchant; must have attended the Frankfurt Fairs. In 1591, Sebastian Schimpf from Strasbourg sued Artor Parcktor from England, and Matthes Hainhofer from Augsburg, in Frankfurt, over a claim to pawned London cloth of Christian Goyart from Stade. In l601 Parker was one of the cloth merchants in Emden. Sources·. Stadtarchiv Frankfurt am Main, Rep. Β 253, Jud. S 717; Fisher, p. 81. PARKER, Richard

(also "Reichart Parckes") Cloth merchant from London. In 1570 in Frankfurt-on-the-Main, Parker sued a local citizen, Heinrich Mußler, for a residual debt of 100 guldens for cloths, payable at the Lent Fair of 1568. Sources: Stadtarchiv Frankfurt am Main, Rep. Β 253, Jud. Ρ 56. PARVISH, Edward

(also Pervis, Parréis, Perry, Perrish, Parfuß) Presumably a member of the same family as -*• Hans and -> Henry Parvish (perhaps a son of the latter). On 9 March 1583, the Nuremberg city council allowed "Eduard Parfiss" from London to reside, although he did not have his own household. Therefore he was a Schutzverwandter, and appears to have been in Nuremberg for some time already. He went to the Frankfurt Fairs from there. He paid "victualling fees" for the Nuremberg-Frankfurt convoy to the Lent Fair of 1590 and the Autumn Fair of 1592. The merchant Matthias Hoep did commission business for Edward and Harry Parréis in Hamburg around 1585-87. In October 1598, Queen Elizabeth I granted "Edward Parvis, merchant of London," "... protection, ...till the Queen is satisfied for debts due to her by him." {Levant Company (I6OO)} Sources: Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, "Stadtrechnungsbelege" (Rep. 54. a II), No. 428; Ratsverlaß vom 9. März 1583; C.S.P.D. Elizabeth, 1598-1601, ed. M. A. Everett Green, London 1896, vol. CCLXVIII, 114, 1598, Oct. 31; Ehrenberg, p. 255; Rabb, p. 356.

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PARVISH, Hanns (also Parfus) In 1604, the "honorable Hanns Parfus" from London was married in Nuremberg. He presumably belonged to the same family as Edward and -> Henry Parvish (perhaps a son of the latter). Sources: St. Lorenz, Urkundenbuch No. 6 (1587-92), Laurentius, l604, Okt. 7; Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg, Nachlaß Jäger, 178 a. PARVISH, Henry (also Pervis, Parréis, Perry, Perrish, Parfuß) Cloth merchant who is first mentioned in 1572 on a "victualling list" for the Nuremberg-Frankfurt convoy in Nuremberg. He made use of this convoy to the Frankfurt Fair quite regularly until 1579. Since no victualling lists for the period 1580-89 have survived, it is not known whether he also attended the fairs during these years. However, he probably did, for he is named again as a participant in the convoy from the Lent Fair of 1590 until the Autumn Fair of 1593. After that, he no longer appears in the lists. Thus he had goods transported from Nuremberg to the Frankfurt Fairs over a period of twenty-one years, and either joined the convoy himself or was represented by a Nuremberger factor. Parvish formed a commercial partnership with Thomas -> Lowe, with factors in Nuremberg and Emden. The factor in Emden was Thomas Leiden, who was arrested in Emden in 1582 and tried for customs fraud in cloth transactions for his principals. Lowe and Parvish brought English cloths from Hamburg (and later from Emden and Stade, as well) to Nuremberg, and exported from there mainly silk and silk goods to England. In Nuremberg alone, they spent up to 60,000 guldens on goods, and placed orders to the value of 5,000 guldens with the cutlers. In a dispute with the Court of the Merchants Adventurers in 1579, he and Lowe were charged with violating the staple right, and submitted a joint response. And when the city council of Nuremberg, at the urging of some merchants who also imported English cloths from the mart towns to Nuremberg, imposed in 1579 a duty on English cloths of four kreuzers on a kersey, twelve kreuzers on a packcloth, and sixteen kreuzers on a "fine cloth" — contrary to the freedom from duty granted in 1569 — Parvish and Lowe opposed this. While they did not succeed in preventing the introduction of the duty, they did manage to have it extended to all other merchants from out of town, and they were informed by a council order that

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the impost would not be "under the name of a customs duty, but a financial contribution to the maintenance of the dyehouses." In Hamburg, the merchant Matthias Hoep did business on commission for -> Edward and Harry (Henry) Parvish around 1585- 87. The information on this Englishman is so varied that I intend to publish a separate biography of him. {Levant Company: a) (1592), b) (1618)} Sources:

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, A-LadenAkten (Rep. 15.a) S.I.L. 35, Nr. 18, fol. 76; "Stadtrechnungsbelege" (Rep. 54.a), No. 428 (Freßgeldlisten); Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg, Nachlaß Jäger, 178 a; Ehrenberg, p. 255; Rabb, p. 356.

PATTERSON, David Merchant who renounced Nuremberg citizenship in 1569 and moved to Augsburg. Sources: Nürnberger

Bürgerbuch,

AStB Nr. 308, Bl. 205.

PECOCK, Robert Cloth merchant. In 1572 he, along with other English and Nuremberger merchants, advocated in Nuremberg that the journeyman Matthes Fuß be allowed to operate his own dyehouse, besides the two other dyers of English cloths. This suggests business interests in Nuremberg. From 1588 to 1591, Robert Pecock was Courtmaster (Deputy Governor) in Stade. {Spanish Company (1577, 1605)} Sources·.

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, B-LadenAkten (Rep. l6.a) S.I.L. 208, Nr. 4, fol. 26; Ehrenberg; Rabb, p. 354.

PENNYFATHER, William (also Penifather, Pfenningfaßer, Peinhader, Pennehader, Pennefader) Cloth and linen merchant. The Merchant Adventurer Pennyfather was, along with William -* Baldwin and William Jones, one of the linen brokers and "principal merchants of our linen" in Emden, who controlled the main marketing of Münster linen from Emden. They sold to Englishmen and sent rolls of linen to Amsterdam, Holland, Cologne, Hamburg, and Lübeck. At the end of 1600 he was

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in Stade, despite the Imperial mandate and an English ban on trading to the Elbe. After some English ships had run aground near Freiberg on the Elbe in February l602, William Baldwin was waiting there, on instructions from Mr. Penifather, for other Englishmen from Stade. Shortly after, Pennyfather appears to have returned to London. Richard Rawstorm reported in May l606 from Stade to his principal, Lionel Cranfield, in London that the shipment from Mr. Penifather, the best that had reached Stade for a long time, had been sold to Frank Wertemann for 50 shillings per kersey, with one year to pay. The following year, Mr. -> Baldwin sold kerseys on his behalf. Pennyfather was one of the biggest cloth exporters in London. His exports amounted to l,4602/3 notional shortcloths in 1606, 1,700 in 1614, 1,380 in I6I8, 1,180 in 1620, and 1,180 in 1622. {Merchants Adventurers' Company, Irish Company (1609)} Sources:

Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; Fisher, p. 46 ff., 113 ff., l65, 170; Friis, p. 96, 385; Planeth, p. 7 ff.; Rabb, p. 356.

PETTY, Elisha (also Pettyt, Petit; Elias) Cloth merchant in Stade. The Merchant Adventurer Petit was described in 1585 as "practicing upon" Lie. Johann Schulte, whom he was said to visit daily, in an attempt to detach the council of Hamburg from the Hansa towns. He also represented his Company's interests in Denmark. In Hamburg he had ties to the merchant Matthias Hoep. On 8 July 1587 he rented a room for three months from Hoep. On 27 Jan. 1588 he came from Stade and stayed until 13 March; his "boy" arrived on 14 Feb. and stayed until 3 May. On 19 April he came from Frankfurt, went on to Stade, returned from there on 30 April, and stayed until 4 May. These ties were kept up subsequently. Elias Petty also attended the Leipzig Fairs. The Leipzig business of Martin Schumarts and Gotthard Platzer was among his debtors. He bought silk in Middelburg in I6OI, but was in Stade again in subsequent years. In July I606, he offered kerseys for sale in Nuremberg. Together with Rawstorm, he bought large lots of logwood, which he offered for sale in Hamburg. That same year, he sent a ship to Russia — which turned back, since the captain could not find the harbour.

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Sources: A. Dietz, vol. 2, p. 94; Ehrenberg, p. 174, 255, 258 ff., footnote 41; G. Fischer, p. 297; F. J. Fisher, p. 77 ff., l62, 169, 189, 190. PETTY, Thomas (also Pettyt, Petit) Cloth merchant, in Antwerp around 1551-52. An English merchant of the same name was in Stade around 1590, and then in l608. He traded from there to Leipzig, where he was one of the creditors of the Leipzig business of Martin Schumarts and Gotthard Platzer — along with Elias -> Petty, presumably another member of the same family. Sources: Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; Fischer, p. 257; de Smedt, vol. 2, p. 446. PULT, Egidius Cloth merchant who sold many English cloths at the beginning of the Seventeenth Century to Hans Müller, who came originally from Annaberg and lived in Leipzig. Sources·. G. Fischer, p. 292. RADFORD, Foulk Cloth merchant in Stade. He was one of the most frequent visitors of the Hamburg merchant Matthias Hoep. He went to Lübeck and Lüneburg from Hamburg, and on his return commissioned Hoep to send cloths and handle the financial aspects. He is documented from 1590 to l601 in Stade. Sources: Ehrenberg, p. 257 ff. SMITH, William Cloth merchant; his parents were Randle Smith and Jane, daughter of Ralph Bostock from Norcroft, a place in Cheshire. William Smith was born around 1550, in Oldhaugh, in the parish of Warmingham in Cheshire. He was apparently educated at Oxford, and lived in Brasenose College. It is not certain whether he was one of the two William Smiths who received their Bachelor of Arts degrees at Oxford on 8 Feb. 1568 and 10 June 1572, respectively. After graduating, he went into trade, becoming a citizen of London and a member of the Haberdashers' Company.

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Smith presumably came to Nuremberg towards the end of the 1570s, and lived in the inn "at the sign of the Golden Goose" in 1579-80. The English researchers Wheatley and Ashbee asserted that William Smith had been the keeper of this hostel. This is not true; however, he did live, at least until his marriage, in this oldest and most important hostel in Nuremberg, at 19, Winklerstraße. On 10 Oct. 1580, "Wilhelm Schmid, esquire" married the Nuremberg citizen "Veronica, widow of the late Hans Kentz, esquire." Veronika, née Altensteig, was the widow of the deceased "Hans Kentz on the Alter Roßmarkt." Five children were born of the marriage of William Smith with Veronika Altensteig, who were all baptized in Nuremberg: Johann Wilhelm on 23 July 1581, Johanna on 29 May 1583, Frantz on 25 May 1586, Paul on 30 May 1588, and Esther on 1 March 1590. In the council ordinances and the register of new citizens, William Smith is described as a trader in English cloths, trader and factor. On 21 Oct. and 11 Nov. 1581, he submitted an application to be granted citizenship to the city council of Nuremberg. The council decided that it was only to be granted him if he first renounced citizenship in England. Until then, his wife's property was still to be subject to the property tax (Verlosung). On 19 May 1582, "Wilhelm Schmid, Factor" was entered in the parchment register of new citizens (Neubürgerbuch), that was reserved for wealthy new citizens. According to the Dictionary of National Biography, he returned to England after the death of his father, on 6 Oct. 1584, and took up residence in Cheshire in 1585. If this is true, he did not stay there long, but returned to Nuremberg. On 27 Oct. 1589 he submitted a petition to the council, in which he applied for the office of the Fürkeuffelampt. The task of this broker consisted in "Fürkauf" i.e. buying up goods before they come on the market. His application was passed on with the others to Mr. Endres Imhoff, whose decision is not known. In 1591 Smith renounced his Nuremberg citizenship, and had to pay as the customary forfeit 10% of his personalty (goods and chattels). The sixteen guldens that he had to pay according to the entry in the register imply that his personalty was worth l60 guldens — assuming a truthful statement. He then returned to England, where he became known as a heraldist, genealogist, and historian. He wrote a large number of works, including A description of the Cittie of Noremberg in English. William Smith died on 10 Oct. l 6 l 8 . Sources·.

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Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, A-LadenAkten (Rep. 15.a) S.I.L. 35, Nr. 18, fol. 77; Ratsverlässe vom 2. Okt. und 11. Nov. 1581, 27. Okt. 1589; Rep. 52b Nr. 300,

Fase. III, "Neubürgerverzeichnis aus den Nürnberger Stadtrechnungsbelegen 1581-1614;" Amts- und Standbuch. Rep. 52b Nr. 308, Bl. 173b; St. Lorenz, Urkundenbuch No. 4 (1580-83), Sebaldini, Sept. 4; Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg, Nachlaß Jäger, 178 a; H. B. Wheatley and E. W. Ashbee, eds., William Smith: The particular description of England (1588: ed. from the original Ms. in the British Museum, with an introduction); W. Roach and Κ. Goldmann, "William Smith: A Description of the Cittie of Noremberg 1594," Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg 48 (1958): 194 ff.; L. Stephen and S. Lee, eds., Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press). SOONE, Joseph (also Soon, Sohn) Merchant in Münster; it is not known when he settled there. He married the local citizen Anna tor Möllen, and became a citizen of Münster in 1589. The fact that the witnesses to his marriage were cloth shearers ( V e r w e s e r ["administrators"?] of the cloth finishers' guild) suggests the import of unfinished English cloths. In l604, he and the Münster merchant Erasmus Forckenbeck bought cloths in Amsterdam. He had business ties to Stade and London, and travelled there regularly. He owed his cousin Thomas Soone in London 250 pounds sterling or 1,000 talers, for which the Englishman John -> Barlow, who since l609 had been a citizen of Münster, too, stood surety on a visit to London in 1610. In Lahrkamp's opinion, Soon (Sohn), whose descendants were integrated into the citizenry, was not one of the major merchants of the city. {Virginia Company (1609)) Sources·. Lahrkamp, p. 20; Planeth, p. 33 ff-, 55; Rabb, p. 379. SPENCER, Humphrey Cloth merchant whose presence in Stade is documented from the late 1580s on. He often visited his factor in Hamburg, Matthias Hoep, from there, and bought horses from him several times. Hoep received payments from Englishmen in Stade on his behalf, and made payments for him to Abraham Lemans, Rotker Bellart, Adrian von der Straten, and Martin Entzisberger, among others. Spencer attended the Frankfurt Autumn Fair from Emden in 1599. As the cor-

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respondence of Merchant Adventurer Lionel Cranfield shows, Spencer was living, at least temporarily, in London in the first decade of the seventeenth century. In 1608 William Hampton spent on his behalf in Stade 200 kerseys, half for a bill of exchange, and half for wheat from Danzig. After the Court was relocated to Hamburg (1611), Spencer was there, as well. {Spanish Company (l604), director of Newfoundland Company (1610)} Sources: Ehrenberg, p. 255, 258 ff.; Fisher, p. 9, 128, 190; Rabb, p. 380. TOMKINS, Humphrey (also Humfrid)

Was present in 1616 at the funeral of the London merchant Thomas -> Cheswright in Greiffenberg, where he probably worked as a linen merchant himself.

{Virginia Company (1620)} Sources: Aubin and Kunze, p. 138 ff.; Rabb, p. 390. WALKER, William

Cloth merchant who in 1579 sold "outside the gates" of Nuremberg (in Erlangen?) three packs of English cloths to the Nuremberg citizen Ruprecht Seyfried, employee of Anthoni Diodati from Lucca (who also resided in Nuremberg), who smuggled them into Nuremberg. The deal was concluded outside Nuremberg, since the English were supposedly engaged in a seller's boycott of the newly introduced duty. Sources:

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg, Reichsstadt Nürnberg, A-LadenAkten (Rep. 15.a) S.I.L. 35, Nr. 18, fol. 22 and fol. 77.

WATTS, Samuel

Cloth merchant; named since I6OI in Stade, where he did business for his own account, but mostly factored for other Englishmen. He sold kerseys in Nuremberg in l604 and l605 for Lionel Cranfield's factor in Stade, Richard Rawstorm. The next year he also sent kerseys there, which he had received from Thomas Moulson in Stade. In 1607 and 16O8, he sold kerseys in Stade for Alderman Thomas -> Lowe. Because of the poor market in Nuremberg, he also sent kerseys to Danzig in I6O8.

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When the mart was relocated to Hamburg in l 6 l l , he also moved there. He was one of the most important merchants and factors of London businesses; from 1 July to 29 Nov. I 6 I I , he imported 1,376 cloths, kerseys, and bays from Stade to Hamburg. That same year, he and Nielas Gilpin shipped a cargo on Claus Friedrich's ship to London. At the turn of the year l 6 l 5 , he and William -* Baldwin arranged for the burial of their deceased friend William -> Jones. He had left Hamburg by 1620, since he is no longer entered in the parish register. Sources:

Ehrenberg, p. 258 ff.; Fisher, p. 152, I60, 164, 167, 175, 197, 201; Hitzigrath, Die englische Kirchengemeinde in Hamburg, p. 74 ff.; Hitzigrath, Handelsbeziehungen zwischen Hamburg und England, p. 23, 25, 26, footnotes 1, 34.

WESTON, Edward Cloth and linen merchant, factor for Cuthbert Martin in London (who may be identical with "Martin Kuhwe" from London, for whom Lawrence -» Overton factored in the 1590s), who is documented in the German trade in 1582. Weston attended the Leipzig Fairs for him at the turn of the sixteenth century, where he sold English cloths. An Em. Weston was staying in Stade around 1590. After I6OO his presence is documented in Görlitz, where he had his own factor in Ambrosius Frenzel. The latter concluded a group contract with the linen weavers in I6O6 for Weston's principal in London. That same year, Frenzel went bankrupt and fled. Thomas Keightly appears for the first time in l607 as Weston's agent, but his permanent representative in Görlitz was probably Tobias Gränze. In I62O and I622, "Edward Weston, Englishman at Görlitz" is documented in transactions with the Breslau citizen Tobias Koyt. Ed. Weston was a member of the New Merchants Adventurers' Company, and traded to Spain in 1620. Whether he was identical with the person of the same name given in Rabb, who was knighted in I624, and became a Member of Parliament, is uncertain. Sources:

Aubin and Kunze, p. 206; Ehrenberg, p. 254, 258 ff.; Fischer, p. 289, 292; Friis, p. 281 ff.; Rabb, p. 400.

WOTTON, Lancelot (also Witton, Johann) A Lancelot Wotton from Groningen bought English cloths from John Morley in Stade in l604. According to the registry of citizens of

363

Münster, a Johann Lancelott Witton, of English birth, immigrated there with his wife Gese Berndts and six children from Groningen in 1601, and acquired citizenship. In 1637 he received a shipment of Spanish wine in Münster from the widow of Conrad von Willen from Emden, that she had ordered from Hamburg. Sources·. Ledger of John Morley for Randall Mannynge...(1601-14), Somerset Record Office, Hylton Mss. NRA 3945; Planeth, p. 50; personal communication of 27 Dec. 1982 from the Director of the Münster archives, Dr. Helmut Lahrkamp.

364

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ENGLAND

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365

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Bodleian Library: MS. Rawl. C. 424, "Papers re the negotiations of William Herle in East Friesland in 1584 as agent for Queen Elizabeth (1571-85)".

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Somerset Record Office: Hylton MSS, National Register of Archives 3945, "Ledger of John Morley for Randall Mannynge, incl. re trade with merchants of Hamburg, Leipzig, Lübeck, etc. (I601-l6l4)".

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Stadtarchiv Nürnberg: (Rep. Β 7/II) Lib. Litt. Stadtgericht der Reichsstadt Nürnberg, Grundverbriefungsbücher, vol. 1, 89.18, 96.73, 99.75', 99.139, 99.168, 104.84, 105.108, 106a.l90, 107.10', 107.38, 107.65, 109.152', 110.174, 111.3', 111.35, and 111.139'; - Rst. Bauamt Akten XXXI, No. 121, fol. 1-5. Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg: fase. 178 a, Nachlaß Jäger.; - Hausbuch der Mendelschen Zwölfbrüderstiftung, M II 20r. Hausbuch der Landauerschen Zwölfbrüderstiftung, LI 90v· St. Lorenz parish: Urkundenbuch No. 4 (1580-83) and 6 (1587-92),. St. Sebald parish: register of marriages No. 4 (1587-l6l6); register of deaths No. 1 (1557-58), and No. 2 (1558-1606). Stade Niedersächsisches Staatsarchiv Stade: Rep. 27, Akten des Reichskammergerichts (RKG), A 2l6, Κ 3018, O 880, S 1945; Stadtbuch IV A Erbebuch 1576-1642.

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Bolland, J., ed. Hamburgische Burspraken 1346 bis 1594 (with addenda through 1699), (Part 1: introduction and index; Part 2: texts of "Burspraken"). Veröffentlichungen aus dem. Staatsarchiv der Freien und Hansestadt Hamburg, vol. 6. Hamburg, I960. Höhlbaum, J. and K. Keussen, eds., Kölner Inventar, 2 vols., vol. 1: 1531-1571, vol. 2: 1572-1591, Inventare Hansischer Archive des 16. Jahrhunderts. Leipzig: Verein für Hansische Geschichte, 1896 and 1903. Jegel, A. Alt-Nürnberger Handwerksrecht und seine Beziehungen anderen. Nuremberg, 1965.

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Strieder, J. Aus Antwerpener Notariatsarchiven: Quellen zur deutschen Wirtschaftsgeschichte des 16. Jahrhunderts, Deutsche Handelsakten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, ed. Historical Commission of the Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften; vol. 4. Stuttgart, 1930.

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Index of Places by Country

Holy Roman Empire: A u s t r i a 89, 166, 181, 305, 306 Bozen (Bolzano) 277 Innsbruck 277 Judenburg (in Styria) 306 Krems 277 Linz 277, 289, 306, 308 Salzburg 277 Vienna (Wien) 89, 271, 299, 300, 306, 307 Silesia (Schlesien) 30, 87, 166, 167, 168, 180, 186, 187, 190, 248, 308, 310, 349, 350 Breslau (Wroclaw) 52, 168, 255, 301, 349, 367, 373, 383 Freiberg 168, 188, 190, 350, 357, 367 Greiffenberg 168, 187, 190 , 349, 350, 360, 369, 382 Jauer (Jawor) 168, 350, 367, 373 Landeshut 187, 190, 358

302,

B o h e m i a 40, 167, 185, 297, 302, 305, 306 Görlitz 187, 189, 190, 369, Lusatia (Lausitz) 103, 187 Upper Lusatia (Oberlausitz) 189 Schluckenau (Sluknov) 187, 190, 346 Prague 168, 258, 298, 301, 307, 340

187, 383 186, 189, 300,

273,

103, 181, 297, 157, 350, 349, 189, 367, 350,

Germany Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle) 99, 170, 229, 244, 259, 262, 270, 299, 346 Alsace (Elsaß) 293, 323 Altkirch, Alsace 322 Altona (by Hamburg) 18, 342 Annaberg 359 Apen 230 Arnstadt 69 Augsburg 21, 80, 88, 89, 106, 119, 146, 166, 167, 171, 176, 209, 218, 223, 224, 227, 236, 238, 242, 243, 252, 256, 257, 260, 262, 270, 273, 276-80, 291, 298, 299, 305, 306, 309, 314, 324, 355, 357

385

Bacharach 318 Baden (region) 323 Bamberg 298, 329 Bavaria 105 Beltz, Lorraine 319 Bremen: steps in finishing 23; types of cloth in Farwer's accounts 29; merchants employed foreign finishers early 1500s 42; dyeing and finishing techniques 60-67; enquiry from Münster city council 75; Dortmund draper orders cloth from 76; finishing trade large end 16th century 10 7; finishers guild incorporated in 1587 1 07; dyers' large profits 108; city council accepts new finishing techniques 110; archbishopric protects MAs against Imperial mandate 121-22; merchants buy large amounts at Emden mart 229; imports from Emden after 1598 not hindered 231, 242; merchants' purchases from John Morley in Stade 262-65; individual Bremen merchants 280-84; postal service from Frankfurt 289; locals' direct buying in London and Antwerp declines 309; market share increases 314; Breslau (Wroclaw) 52, 157, 168, 255, 301, 329, 330, 347, 353, 363 Brunswick (Braunschweig) 10, 21, 43, 51, 54, 56, 59, 61, 227, 230, 271, 273

386

Buxtehude 243, 263 Chemnitz 104, 168, 186, 187, 188, 190, 329, 330, 347, 353, 354 Cologne (Köln): no buyers to first Emden mart 1564 1 0 , 227; Italians move from Antwerp 14; steps in finishing 23; merchant imports red and green cloth in 1430s 29; pollution by dyeworks 36; immigrants from Antwerp dyeing more expensive in Antwerp 40; cloth bought in Antwerp in late 1580s 41, 105-106; English merchants have cloth finished in Cologne 45; dyers emigrate due to "hundredth penny" tax 68; dyeing and finishing techniques 70-73; enquiry from Münster city council 75; local finishing for export market 106; emigrants here retain business ties with English 106; finishing trade declines due to poorer quality, "hundredth penny' tax 10 7; number of finisher employees permitted 107; dyers' large profits 108; city council prohibits indigo 1 1 0 ; MAs at Emden have cloths finished here for sale at Frankfurt fair from 1564 on 165-66, 171; merchants immigrate from Antwerp 213, 225; Cologne merchants sell cloths bought in Antwerp in Germany 223-24; some mer-

chants return to Antwerp 226; companies represented at second Emden mart 228-29-, major traders inland from Hamburg 236-, Hamburg factors and representatives of Cologne merchants 251, 253; Stade factors 268-70, 272-, wholesalers dominate cloth sales at Frankfurt fairs, first directly from Steelyard, then from North Sea marts 285; postal service from Frankfurt 289; individual merchants 290-96; native merchants displaced in long-distance trade by Italian, then Dutch immigrants from Antwerp 309-10; trade declines after immigrants leave again 315; merchants supply Andreas Ryff 318; merchants at Strasbourg and Swiss fairs 321; Dannemarie, Alsace 322 Danzig see under Poland Dithmarschen 169, 335 Dollart Bay 9 Dornburg 298 Dortmund 42, 65, 76, 107, 229, 282 Dresden 168, 187, 188, 190, 329, 330, 347 East Friesland 151, 167, 185, 192, 207, 209, 230 Eiderstedt see under Denmark Eisenbach (in Unterfranken) 300 Elbe river 113, 122, 123, 126, 127, 137, 153, 154, 202, 203, 210, 234, 243, 344

Elbing see under Poland Emden: periods as mart 5; report on economy, and mart in 1564 8-11; MAs return, reestablish mart in 1579-87 and 1599-1601 12, 14-17; mart in 1564 causes unemployment, emigration in Antwerp 39-40; finishers' shops in 1555 43; dyeing and finishing techniques 44-47; Münster finishers import cloth from 73; finishing unimportant while mart 107; mart in 1564 11213; cloth ships arriving in 1570s 115; mart in 1579-87 117-18; mart in 1598-1601 124-26; city council tries to have cloth fleet sent in l 6 l 0 133; ship arrivals in some years 138; MAs1 living arrangements 147-48; Courtmasters 150; charters of privileges 151-52; business done by MAs at marts 155-56; MAs sell individually after mandate 164-65; MAs trade inland from here 166; MAs buy German linen here 168; amounts of German linen imported for MAs in 1570s and 1580s 183-84; Emden and Frisian linen 185; Englishman as cloth searcher 185; interlopers 192; sales to stragglers in Nuremberg 195-97; MAs send cloths to Nuremberg 198; MAs posing as interlopers in 1599-1601 202-03;

387

fustian exports in l600 209; merchants and factors trading at the marts 226-33; merchants in Hamburg buy here in I6OO 243·, merchants' purchases from John Morley in Stade 263-65; native Emden merchants not involved in inland trade 309; handling of Münster linen exports 330, 357; factor tried for customs fraud 351, 356 Ems river 9, 137, 210 Epinal, Lorraine 338, 339 Erfurt 51, 75 Eschwege 69 Essen 282 Esslingen 289 Flensburg see under Denmark Frankenberg 186 Frankenthal 40, 255, 309 Frankfurt-on-the-Main: MAs begin to attend fairs 11; comparative prices from Rechenmeisterbücher 20; immigrants from Antwerp 4 0; cloth finished in other German cities for fairs 41, 45-46; cloth finished by shearers here 1559 43; finishing in "F. manner" not allowed in Hamburg, except for MAs to export to South 52-53, 153; dyeing and finishing techniques 67-69; dyers' large profits 108; city council bans indigo 110; MAs in Emden attend Fairs in person 16566; English merchants here

388

1 70- 74; English in Nuremberg attend Fairs 182; stragglers claim to buy cloths here 200; emigrants from Low Countries displace local cloth merchants 213; Bodeck financial group speculates 228; Emden cloth merchants attend Fairs 230; individual merchants named as living here or attending Fairs 248, 256, 257, 268, 271, 272, 276, 281, 282, 284, 291, 292, 293, 332, 336, 338, 344, 345, 346, 350, 351, 355, 356, 358, 361; Bremen merchants have cloths shipped here from Middelburg 280; cloth dealing here 284-90; Netherlands émigrés move here from Cologne 296; Nuremberg merchants buy cloths at Fair in 15th century 301; Andreas Ryff attends Fairs in 1569-98 318, 319, 320, 321, 324; Frankfurt-an-der-Oder 300 Freiberg, Silesia see under Austria Freiburg (on the Elbe) 127, 358 Friesland see also "East F." 10, 118, 161, 164, 209 Füssen 252 Geithain 186 Goch 40, 106 Görlitz 187, 189, 190, 349, 363 Gotha 289 Greiffenberg, Silesia see under Austria

Großenhain 104 Habsheim, Alsace 321, 322 Hainichen 186 Hamburg: mart periods 5; mart in 1569-79 11-13; interaction with Stade during mart there in 1587-97 16; city council allowed cloth imports in l601 17; kersey in sumptuary ordinance 21; steps in finishing 23; woad strength 30; ordinance banning wood as fuel for dyeworks 35; city complaints on river pollution 36; immigrants from Antwerp, high prices in Antwerp force finishing here 40; Antwerp dyer and finisher hired to set up shops 42-, dyeing and finishing techniques 4 7-57; percentage imported to Stade mart finished here around 1600 59; city council permits gall black dyeing 59; Münster imports cloth from 73; Nuremberg city council responds to news that cloths now finished here 1569 77; length of journeymen's workday 90; dyers' fees and finishers wages 95-9 7; proportion finished here in 1580 1 06; numbers of master finishers, and of employees per shop 108; dyers' large profits 108; city council permits new techniques 110; registers of shipmasters and lists of incoming shipping 112; cloth fleets in

1569-78, and numbers of cloths 1 1 3 - 1 7 ; city council considers how to enforce Imperial mandate 122; English government in 1599 orders ships bound here redirected to Emden 124; MAs trade here again from l 6 l l 136-37; cargo capacities of cloth ships 138-39; names of ships' captains 142; historians' evaluations of mart's effect on German economy 146; housing of MA community 14849; MA officials 150; 1567 charter of privileges 152-53; 1611 charter of privileges 154-55; amount of business by MAs, goods traded 15658; shipping costs of cloth as estimated % of purchase price 163; city council hearings on MAs monopolistic practices 164-65, 166, 212; Register of English goods clearing customs 169, 341; goods bought by Nuremberg merchants listed by customs 182; exports in l602 of linen 190; interlopers trade here while marts in Emden and Stade 1 9 1 , 201; Englishmen exporting in 1601-03 to Stade 193; MAs here object to merchants in Nuremberg 195; MAs claim privileges not renewed because of English trading in Germany 200; MAs themselves trade in Germany 204;

389

annual total revenues of finishing trades and from duties 206-08; specie shipments monitored 214-, numbers of cloths sealed in 156266 226; Hamburg ships carrycloths in May 1585 from Emden 229-, Emden' suit against Hamburg over duties on cloth 231; trading at mart 1569-78 and while MAs in Stade 234-61-, merchants' purchases from John Morley in Stade 262-65; cloth exports here from Stade 26869, 271-, Hungarian copper sold here 278-, postal service from Frankfurt 289; some Netherlands merchants in Cologne move here 296; trade with Leipzig 297-98, 300; Hamburg merchants withdraw from overseas cloth trade 309; south German merchants trade through Hamburg 314-15; individual English merchants trading here 328, 329-30, 334, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 344, 345, 34 7, 348, 349; 354, 356, 358, 359; 363; burial of William Jones 348 Hanau 289, 291, 309, 351 Hanseatic League 140, 141, 146, 150, 160, 166, 183, 186, 206, 210, 212-15, 218, 223, 227, 230, 241, 297, 299, 314, 315, 320, 358 Harburg 243, 282

390

Heilbronn 51, 121, 124, 230, 231, 240, 241, 244, 257, 257, 260, 270, 273, 287, 289, 335 Herford 267, 268 Hessen 20, 21, 67 Hessen-Kassel 104 Hildesheim 21 Hohnstein 187, 190 Holstein 158 Immerath (near Jülich) 299 Jauer (Jawor) 168, 330, 330, 347, 353 Jülich 30, 75, 298 Rändern 321, 322 Kassel 68, 69, 104, 106 Kiel 266, 268 Kingersheim, Alsace 321 K ö n i g s b e r g see under Baltic countries Krempe 13, 17 Kronach 299 Landeshut (Silesia) see under Austria Leipzig: dyeing and finishing of cloth from surrounding regions in early l600s 103-04; English merchants here 145, 167, 209,-table 168; merchants complain of English trading in Germany 146, 167; trade route to Saxony and Silesia 187; Leipzig merchants importing cloths to Hamburg 1597-1603 244; sale of Mansfeld copper for cloth and indigo 250, 252; merchants' purchases from John Morley in Stade 263-64;

merchants buy in Stade for Fairs 175; Bremen merchants attend Fairs 284-, Cologne merchants send cloths to Fairs 296-, individual Leipzig cloth merchants 297-300-, origins of cloth merchants 310; individual English cloth merchants trading here 32930, 334, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 344, 346-47, 353, 354, 358, 359, 363 Lindau 291 Lippe 229 Lübeck: no buyers to 1564 Emden mart 10; would not buy from l600 Emden mart 17; cloth and kersey in sumptuary ordinance 21; regulation of 1500 on dyeing black 42; enquiry from Münster city council 75; city council bans indigo 110; city council complains of MAs sending cloths to Stade under false pretenses 122, 202, 203; city council informed in 1600 of English ships due in Emden 125; report on MAs living in Emden during mart 148; English merchant here 169, 359; Minckwitz suggests to city council that Emperor ban exports of specie 214; cloth trading while mart still at Antwerp 223; Hamburg cloth ship coming from Emden May 1585 229; Diet of the Hansa June 1598 241; Ham-

burg drapers sell cloth to local merchants 248; list of Hamburg factors of Lübeck merchants 251; merchants' purchases from John Morley in Stade 263-64; names of buyers from Morley 266; Lübeck merchants ousted from cloth trade by North Sea marts 309, 314; Münster linen shipped here from Emden 330, 348, 357; items traded by Mathias Hoep 335 Lüneburg 51, 106, 168, 169, 190, 229, 236, 248, 256, 260, 297, 298, 300, 340, 341, 354, 359 Lusatia (Lausitz) see under Bohemia Upper Lusatia (Oberlausitz) see under Bohemia Magdeburg 168, 169, 190, 341 Mainz 296 Mansfeld 250, 252, 300 Marburg 289, 293 Mark 229 Meißen 104 Minden 229 Mittweida 187 Mulhouse, Alsace 321, 322 Munich 89, 105, 170, 306, 344 Münster 10, 23, 32, 35, 43, 61, 72, 73-76, 106, 107, 109, 110, 155, 167, 168, 183, 184, 227, 229, 232, 249, 250, 260, 284, 330, 331, 348, 357, 361, 364 Naumburg 66, 284 Neumühlen (on the Elbe) 136

391

Neuenburg on the Rhine (north of Basel) 321, 322 Neustadt (Saxony) 187, 189 Neu werk (on the Elbe) 127 Niederwesel (Lower Wesel) 69, 78, 97, 99, 287 Nuremberg (Nürnberg): period as MA t r a d i n g centre 5 ; English cloth merchants since 1569 12; dyehouse equipment details 26-2 7-, city council limits dyers' w o o d fuel cons u m p t i o n 35; city council hearing on pollution of river 36-37·, immigrants from Antwerp, finishing cheaper than in Antwerp 40; qualifying a s master shearer, and shearers' f e e s 43; c o m p e t i t i o n from Frankfurt dyeworks 6 7; clothiers c o m p l a i n of p o o r quality of finishing in Cologne 71; details of dyeing and finishing techniques and e q u i p m e n t 76-99; émigrés from Low Countries 98-99; B a v a r i a hires finishers for Munich 105; Zeichengelder notes in city archives 106; n u m b e r s of master finishers a n d e m p l o y e e s 108; organization of finishing trades a n d p r o t o - c a p i t a l i s t entrep r e n e u r s 109-10; "nominal cloth" for customs duty 113; s e c o n d a r y s o u r c e s on the English here 145; Nuremberg smallwares e x p o r t e d to England 157-58; English mer-

392

chants a t t e n d i n g F r a n k f u r t Fairs with the c o n v o y from Nuremberg 172; English merchants living here 1 74-82; N u r e m b e r g m e r c h a n t s inv o l v e d in S a x o n linen trade 185; MAs o p p o s e English "stragglers" trading here 19598, 200, 204; 1567 start of regular traffic to H a m b u r g 208; merchants g o to Antwerp to buy cloth before a n d after North Sea marts established 223, 314; merchants m o v e here from Antwerp 225, 254; factor at s e c o n d Emden mart 227; merchants in H a m b u r g trading to N u r e m b e r g 23 6, 251, 253, 255, 259, 284; factors in Hamburg 238, 240, 253, 256, 258; Nuremberg merchants b u y i n g cloths in I603 in Stade 267; merchants in Stade trading to Nuremberg 271; factors here for Augsburg merchants 278-79; mayor of B r e m e n partner of Nuremb e r g merchant 280; postal service from Frankfurt 289; cloth trade a n d m e r c h a n t s here 301-08; m a r k e t here grows 309; primary source on English merchants here 327; N u r e m b e r g merchants' putting-out contract for S a x o n linen 329; individual Englishmen trading here 328, 33233, 334, 336, 337, 338, 340, 341, 342, 343-44, 345, 350,

351, 352, 353, 354, 355-57, 358, 359-61, 362 Osnabrück 161, 166, 167, 169, 186, 331 Otmarsheim (on the Rhine near Mulhouse) 319 Paderborn 166, 167, 183, 229, 284 Palatinate (Pfalz) 21 Pederán 186 Pegnitz river (Nuremberg's river) 27, 37, 77, 79 Pomerania (Pommern) 249 Ravensberg 229 Ravensburg 291 Rhede 230 Rhinelands 304 Rochlitz 186 Rostock 257 Rothweil 289 Rouffach, Alsace 291, 320 "Rufach" see Rouffach Saxony (Sachsen) 21, 30, 103, 104, 168, 185, 186, 187, 329, 330, 354 Lower Saxony, 213 Schandau 187, 190 Schluckenau see under Bohemia Schopfheim 322 Schütt Island (in Nuremberg) 26, 37, 77, 79, 87 Schwinge river (Elbe tributary at Stade) 128, 243 Sebnitz 187, 189, 190, 339 Soest 282, 284 Stade: periods as mart 5; marts in 1587-97 and 1601-11 16-17, immigrants from Antwerp 40; percentage of cloths imported

around 1600 sent to Hamburg for finishing 51; dyeing and finishing techniques 57-60-, finishing unimportant while Court present 107·, "nominal cloths" for customs duty 113\ mart 1587-98 119-24; mart 1601-11 126-34; number of cloth ships in various years 138; freightage of ships 139, number of cloths in shiploads 140] accomodations provided by city council 149·, officials of mart 50; conditions of charter of privileges 153-54; names of MA factors 158; types, prices and quantities of cloth shipped to, and textiles bought by John Morley 15964; Hamburg city council hearing practices here 16566; English merchants in Nuremberg after 1600 mostly based here 179·, legal suit involving Philip Abney 185; names of interlopers exporting here from Hamburg 193) mayor complains to Emperor about interlopers 194; MAs send cloths to Nuremberg in 1600 and 1607 198; MAs ship cloth here under false pretences 202; residence approved in l607 2 03 trade slumps after mart removed 208; MAs export specie from here 213-14; merchants from Antwerp move here 225, 228; MAs return in l601 233; trade

393

with Hamburg during first mart 234, 239-40, report on first cloth fleet, Oct. 1587, 23», trade situation in Jan. 1598 241-, cloth exports to Hamburg in late 1598 2 42-, no cloth imported in l600 243; names of Hamburg merchants buying in 1601-07 from Rawstorm and Morley 24546; items Hamburg merchants sold to MAs here 250, 252, 253, 255, 256-, Netherlanders belonging to Reformed parish 255; number of kerseys exported to Hamburg 1598-99 258; trade at mart (sales statistics, names and details of merchants here and names of buyers from out of town) 26276; postal service from Frankfurt 289; Leipzig merchants buying here 299-300; Nuremberg merchants importing from here 303, 304; native Stade merchants insignificant in trade 309, 315; individual Englishmen trading here 328, 329-30, 332, 334-35, 337, 338-39, 340-41, 344, 34748, 349, 350, 351, 352, 35859, 361, 362-63 Staufen 321, 322 Stolpen 187, 189, 190, 349 Stralsund, 214, 248, 249, 260 Strasbourg (Straßburg) 21, 40, 155, 166, 169, 172, 209, 213, 224, 227, 273, 289, 291, 292, 307, 315, 317,

394

318, 319, 320, 321, 324, 343, 345, 351, 355 Swabia (Schwaben) 182, 304 Telgte 73 Thann, Alsace 320, 322 Torgau 104 Thuringia (Thüringen) 30, 75, 103 Tübingen 289, 291, 292 Ulm 88, 89, 161, 213, 236, 240, 251, 257, 260, 262, 270, 287, 289, 304, 306 Unna 282 Wesel 14, 40, 41, 71, 106, 161, 200, 229, 259, 266, 268, 284, 309 Weser river 124, 126, 154, 202, 203, 210 Westphalia 76, 183, 185, 209, 227, 229 Witzenhausen 104 Zschopau 168, 186, 187, 188, 329, 330, 347 Zwickau 104 Balkans 223 Croatia 208, 305 Ragusa (Dubrovnik) 122, 202 Baltic countries 9, 11 (see also Poland and Russia) Königsberg 354 Riga 339 Denmark 169, 257, 358 Copenhagen 257, 266, 339 Eiderstedt 13 Flensburg 257

268,

Krempe sekunder Germany Eastern Europe 167, 223, 273, 300, 302, 310 (see also Baltic, Balkans, Russia, Transylvania) England Hull 120, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 135 London: details of 1569 cloth fleets 1 1 3 - 1 4 ; cloth fleet leaves late October 1591 120-, number of cloths exported to Stade in 1596-97 122; number of cloth ships to Stade in 1587-98 123\ number of ships to Emden in 1599, 1600 126-, number of ships and cloths to Stade in I6OI-II 128, 130, 132; total cloth exports early 1600s 135-36; total exports by interlopers in 1598 1 4 2 ; wholesale prices and freightage to Hamburg 157; London merchants at Frankfurt fairs in 1500s 171, 173-, interloper exports to Hamburg 1578, by type 192-93; MA imports from Hamburg 204; number of imports in 1587-88 205; duty-free exports under royal licence 211; number of cloths to Antwerp 1554 217; decline of trade by Hamburg Englandfahrer 234; Bremen merchants buy from Steelyard before 1569 280; Cologne

merchants dominate Steelyard cloth exports until 1550s 290, 293; Hansa role in exports 314; English merchant in Münster makes yearly business trip 331; amounts shipped by two individual MAs 334; merchant family has aupair exchange with business associates in Heilbronn 335; export statistics for one company to Stade I606 and Hamburg l 6 l 4 345; export statistics for one company in early 1600s 350; export statistics for Lowe and Moulson 352-53; export statistics for Pennyfather 358 Newcastle(-on-Tyne) 257 Norcroft, Cheshire 359 Oxford 359 Warmingham, Cheshire 359 F r a n c e 11, 51, 173, 254, 260, 284, 332, 344 Alsace see under Germany Beltz, Lorraine see under Germany Calais 41, 136, 194, 257, 260 Cambrai see under Netherlands Dunkirk 136, 194 Epinal, Lorraine see under Germany La Rochelle 2 5 7 Marseille 277 Paris 253 H u n g a r y 40,

103,

157,

208,

395

264, 280, 302, 305, 306, 307, 308 Iberian peninsula, 245, 260 (see also Portugal and Spain) Italy 11, 62, 119, 141, 157, 181, 195, 201, 223, 227, 239, 242, 252, 260, 277, 279, 285, 290, 293, 294, 295, 296, 305, 307, 310, 314, 332 Ancona 223, 294 Bologna 271 B o l z a n o ( B o z e n ) see under Austria Ferrara 294 Florence (Firenze) 161, 253, 279, 294 Genoa 161, 171, 279, 294 Leghorn (Livorno), 258 Lucca 161, 252, 262, 271, 294, 332, 352, 362 Milan 223, 253 Naples 161 Pesaro 295 Pisa 294 Rome 294, 295 Venice 119, 122, 166, 169, 202, 223, 228, 238, 242, 252, 255, 260, 273, 290, 292, 294, 295, 296, 301, 305, 307, 309, 336 Verona 168, 279, 294, 295, 336 The Levant — Near East 157, 223, 229, 270, 277, 310, 344

396

Aleppo 277 Cyprus 161 Netherlands = Low Countries Spanish Netherlands 1, 249 the States General of the Netherlands, 227, 315 Amsterdam: city council sends spies to Emden 1555 45; Münster imports mostly from here from late l6th century on 73, 361; two finishers go to Nuremberg 98-99-, English in Münster sell linen here 184, 330, 331, 348, 357, MAs complain of interlopers trading to here 201-, Antwerp merchants move here 225, 278; Amsterdam takes over from Antwerp as trade centre 226-, Bodeck financial group controls bill business 228; cloth shipped here from Emden in Sept. l600 231; cloth imported from MAs "laundered" via here 243; merchants named as buying cloth in Stade 266, 267; commercial growth favors maritime route to Italy 296, 310; Leipzig merchant house buys here 299; kerseys shipped to Nuremberg in l602 30 7; interlopers here supply Low Countries 311 Antwerp: periods as mart 5; foreign merchants activities there in 1560s 7-8; MAs there 1564-69 11, 195; MAs there

1573-82, reasons for leaving 12-14, 200-01; strength of woad 30, dyeing and finishing 38-41; exporters complain to city council about expensive dyeing 46; Hamburg bases finishing fees on those here 53; Cologne has master samples dyed here in 1554 71; Nuremberg sends recruiter to hire finishers 76-77; length of workday 90-, finishing costs in 1574 95-97; emigrants to Nuremberg 98-99, 304; centre for finishing until late l6th century 105-06; special agent reports 1564 on MAs in Emden 1 1 2 ; Italian and H a n s e merchants e x p o r t English cloth here 141; MAs in Emden granted same privileges as here 151; MA Richard Hilles trades from here to Germany 1543-44 1 70; decline as trade centre 213; mart in mid-l6th century (sales statistics, prices of different types, terms of business, searching cloths) 2 1 7 26; ban on trade with Emden 227; Bodeck financial group controls bill business 228; Emden merchants trade with Antwerp 230; leading merchants originally from Antwerp trading inland around 1570 from Hamburg 236; leading merchants originally f r o m Antwerp importing

English cloth around 1600 to Hamburg 244; some Italian and Portugese merchants who left 253-54; Netherlanders who moved to Hamburg 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, merchants who moved to Stade 262, 272; Augsburg merchants originally import cloths from here 276, 277, 278; merchants who moved to Bremen 28 1; large amounts shipped to Frankfurt fairs 285; Hansa merchants at Steelyard in 1550s move here 290; cloths smuggled in from Germany during e m b a r g o 291; Italian merchant Balthasar Robiano returns from Cologne and becomes mayor 295; Nuremberg traders buying cloths in 15th century 301; Italian émigrés in Cologne return after Spanish take Antwerp 310; cloth marketing on Continent during Antwerp mart 314; Antwerp traders supply merchants in Alsace, Switzerland 3 1 8 , details of shipments 319-20, sell directly in Switzerland 321; commission paid factors 324; individual English merchants here 340, 345-46, 359 Armentières 98, 99 Bergen-op-Zoom 38, 217, 219 Bois-le-Duc ('s Hertogenbosch) 99, 262, 304 Brabant 8, 105, 192, 257,

259,

397

313, 345 Brugge 227 Brussels 301 Cambrai 268 Delft 5, 198, 328 Deventer 69, 155, 227, 244, 254 Dordrecht 5, 14, 200 Erkelenz (in Guelders) 298 Flanders 192, 290, 345 Flushing (Vlissingen, "Vlishing"), 201, 354 Ghent 77, 98, 256, 304 Groningen 10, 113, 147, 151, 185, 226, 241, 266, 268, 363-4 's Hertogenbosch see Bois-leDuc Holland (province) 72, 75, 169, 184, 192, 330, 348, 357 Ijssel, Upper 161 Leiden, 266, 268 Lessines ("Lesenne") 78, 99 Lier (Brabant) 244, 255 Lille 68, 266, 268 Limburg 98, 99, 270 Limbourg (near Verviers) 318 Mechelen (Malines) 8, 38 Middelburg 5, 14, 15, 16, 38, 57, 59, 106, 120, 123, 133, 140, 165, 169, 200, 213, 225, 243, 249, 260, 278, 280, 282, 294, 309, 349, 354, 358 Möns 281 Oudenaarde 14, 44, 226 Ronse 44, 226 Rotterdam 5, 15, 260, 309 Scheldt river 13, 40

398

Thiemen (Greater Brabant) 244, 257 Tournai 262 Valencienne 98 Vlishing see Flushing Vlissingen see Flushing West Friesland 192 Zealand 32, 192 P o l a n d 103, 155, 167, 227, 297, 302, 305, 311 Cracow (Kraków) 277, 301, Danzig 68, 155, 169, 232, 248, 249, 260, 267, 273, 307, 3U, 328, 335, 338, 346, 354, 362 Elbing (Elblag) 155, 339, 354 Lublin 277, 306 Poznán (Posen) 306 P o r t u g a l 11, 30, 260, 293, 311 L i s b o n , 228, 257, 293 Setubal 293

208, 306 244, 270, 332, 346,

224,

244,

259,

260,

R u s s i a 11, 133, 135, 169, 277, 337, 358 Moscow 277, 306 S p a i n 11, 51, 161, 224, 227, 254, 260, 261, 311, 344, 363 Bilbao 248, 249, 252, 256, 257, 259, 260 Sanlucár de Barrameda 298 San Sebastian 256 Seville 133

S w i t z e r l a n d 223, 224, 284, 290, 291, 293, 317-26 Baden 322, 323 Basel 289, 291, 317-26 Bern 322, 324 Brugg 322, 323 Bühl 320 Geneva 253, 272, 301, 317 Hutwil 322, 323 Liestal 322 Luzern 322, 323, 324 Mimpelgart 318 Porrentruy 317, 320, 321, 322 Rheinfelden 321, 322 Schleime 323 Sankt Gallen 88, 89, 289, 306 Sankt Gallen-Berg 321 Solothurn 320, 322, 323, 324 Willisau 322, 323 Zug 322, 323 Zürich 322, 323 Zurzach (on the Rhine) 291, 318, 319, 320, 323, 324 T r a n s y l v a n i a 208, 302, 307

305,

399

Index of Names

Abell, John, 194 Abney, Philip, 185, 267 Ahrenberg, Stadtholder of Groningen, 45, 151 Aich, Caspar von der, 98 Albrecht, Barthel, 351 Alden, Godin von, 292 Aldersey: Samuel, 158, 180, 198,328, 332, 345, 352 Thomas, Courtmaster at Emden, 150, 156, 219 Allsop, John, 202 Alson, Adrian, 98 Altensteig, Veronika see Smith, Veronika Alwin, Derrick, 267 Ambsel — Frankfurt Jew, of Storch & Co., 289 Ambsing see Amsinck Ammon, Hans, 98 Amsinck: Arnold, 254, 261 Rudolf, 254, 261 Willem, 244, 247, 254 Amsing, Wilm see Amsinck, Willem Anderson, Daniel, 158, 180, 328

400

Andreas, Daniel see Andrewes Andrewes, Daniel, 328 Angerer, Paulus, 89, 303 Aremberg, stadholder of Groningen see Ahrenberg Arends: Hans, 244 Luleff, 244, 248 Arpsen, Aryp, 63, 64 Art, Stefan, 40 Artwood, Edward, 193 Aston, Edmund, 193 August, Elector of Saxony, 104 Auspurg, Andreas van, 63, 64 Avery, Joseph, 150, 328, 334 Ayrer: Elena, 177, 343-44 Niclaus, 177, 343 Sebald, 303 Babeson see Babinson Babinson, Clement, 176, 177, 328-29 Babinson, Magdalena see Brenner Bachelier, Daniel, 261 Bachragg, Emericht, 274 Bader, Ulrich, 228, 270 Badland, Jn., 162

Bair, Conrad, 303 Bake, Johan, 63 Balbani family, 253 Cesar, 253 Franciscus, 236, 253 Manfredo, 253 Balbi, Bartolomeo, 225 Baldewin, William see Baldwin Baldinger: Konrad (Conrad), 89, 251, 303, 304, 306 Sigmundt (Siegmundt), 236, 251, 304 Baldwin, William, 158, 168, 184, 187, 188, 189, 198, 298, 329-31, 347, 348, 353, 357, 358, 363 Baler/Bailer family see Palier Balladine, William see Baldwin Balledin(e), Wilhelm see Baldwin Bally (= Baylie ?), Anthony, 261 Bally, Nicolas, 261 Baltner, Hans, 178, 333 Barck, Nicolaus van der, 291 Barckhaus, Franz, 173, 350 Barfuß see Parvish van Bargen: Hinrik, 236 Peter, 236 Bari, Guillaume de, 262 Barlow, John, 167, 184,33132, 361 Barnky, Robert, 171, 174 Barnes, Daniel 210 Barre, Robert de la, 259 Bartel, Hans, 246 widow of, 245

Bartolotti family, 305 Giovanni Battista, 271 William, 262 Baschiwelat (= Baskeville ?), 165 Baskeville, Humphrey, 150 Basset, Arthur, 331 Baum family, 267 Baum,..., 303 Baylie, Anthony, 274 Baylie, Thomas, 334 Beane, Hans, 246 Beckar, John, 274 Becker, Egidius, 298 Becker, Rein., 171, 174 Becker, Thomas, 193 Becket, Lambert, 193 Beckmann: Hermann, 261 Lukas, 261 Lukas, Sr., 248 Becque, Louis de, 225 Beeck, Jan van, 261 Behagen, Michael, 93, 98 Behaim, Erhard, 303 Behaut, Ludwig (Lodewich) de, 261, 296 Behem, Simon, 277 de Behout see de Behaut Beischier see Beitschier Beitschier, Heinrich see Beschar, Henry Beiwech see Beyweg Belgens, Octavio, 270, 274 Belgram, Heinrich see Pilgrim Bell, Nicolaus, 219, 220 Bellart, Rotker, 361 Bellendorf, Hellbert, 291 Bene, Hans, 54

401

Benge, Peter, 98 Bennet, Richard, 194 Bentz, Heinne, 319 Bentzenschneider, Hanß, 98 Berchfort, Chr., 332 Berckman, Symon, 261 Berdot, Hans, 318 Berenberg family, 231 Hans, 244, 255, 261 Johann, 273 Paul, 255, 261 Berents, Lubbert, 232 Beresford — factor at Stade, 158, 173, 174, 180, 198, 328, 332, 340, 352 Beresford, Roland, 332 Berg, Alexander vom, 77, 91, 92, 94, 98 Bergen, Sebastian von, 348 Berles, Peter de, 255 Bernard, Henrick, 266 Bernbeck (= Berenberg), Hans, 274 Berndts, Gese — wife of Lancelot Wotton, 184, 364 Beschar (Bei(t)schier), Henry (Heinrich), 175, 176, 177, 178, 197, 332-33, 336, 340 Best, Richard (Reinhard), 176, 178, 180, 333 Bethbur, Jacob von, 291 Bever, Johann, Jr., 171, 174 Bewitsch, Henry (Heinrich), 176,333 Beyer, Lukas, 298, 329 Beyweg (Beiwech, Brying): Marcus, 286 Peter, 286 Bheer, Arnold, 274 402

Biam, William, captain, 134 Bischopinck, Heinrich, 249 Bisping, Hans, 291 Bladwell: John, 334 Richard, 180, 198,334 Bland, John, 180, 198, 334-35 Blan(c)k, Johan, 63 Blotwell, Johann see Bladwell, John Bock, Simon de see Simon de Buck Bockholdt, Anton, 76 Boddeker, Bonaventura, 214 Bodeck, Johann von, 228, 257, 272 Bodicar, Peter, 266 Bo(e)ker, Jacub, 63 Boen, Johann thor, 63, 64 Boldewein, 165 see Baldwin Boldwin, Wilhelm see Baldwin, William Bond (Borne), Jn., captain, 134 Bond(e): Martin, 160, 169, 335 Nicholas, 160, 169,335 Bonner (Bonnar): Abraham, captain, 134, 142 Jonas, captain, 127, 134 Boots: Abraham, 261 Adam 63, 64, 65, 281, 282, 283 Antoine, 262 Hans, 274, 283 Borch, Gerdt von der, 236 Borchardt, Wilhelm, 256 ter Borgh, Mr. (in Amsterdam), 331

Borley: Johann, 169,335-36 Rupert, 335-36 Borman, Hendrick, 273 Bormann, John, (Jr. and Sr.), 171, 174 Born(e), John (Johann, Jan) 168, 175, 176, 177, 178, 197, 332, 336 Borne, Johann, Sr., 171, 174,

336

Bornemann, Heinrich, 58, 273, 274 Bornemann, Hendrick see Heinrich B. Le Borr see Leboure Boschart (Buschart) family, 256 Boschart (Boschaert), Dietrich, 256, 261 Boske "uth dem Mornym", 63, 64 Bostock, Ralph, 359 Botz(e), Adam see Boots Boudewijns, Arnold, 225 Boudewin, Francois, 231, 255, 262, 272, 273 Boudwins, 332 Bowar, William, captain, 134 Boyle (Broyle), Henrick, 283 Boys (Bouß, Buus), Jan (Johann) de, 77, 80, 82, 94, 98, 301, 303, 304, 340 Bracka (Brackel), Michael van, 92, 98 Bräutigam (Brudgam), Michael, 244, 298 Brag, Thomas, 176, 178, 336-

37

Brandon, Juan Francis, 261 Braun, Conrad, 89, 306 Braun, Tilman, 98, 289 Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel, Julius, Duke of, 210, 229, 249 Breda, von, brothers, 58 Bredcake see Bredkirk Bredkake (= Bredkirk ?), Thomas, captain, 134, 142 Bredkirk, John, captain, 133, 142, 337 Bremen, archbishop of, 121, 154 Bremen, Jorg, 171, 174 Brenner: Magdalena, 177, 328 Vincent, 177, 328 Brerren (Brüen), William, 150 Bretkeck see Bredkirk Breunlin, Job, 289 Brian, Leonhard 168,337 Brincklar, Antonij, 219 Brock (Englishman in Stade), 338 Brocken, John, 283 Brockman: Borchert, 63, 64 Härmen, 63 Brodicke, Joch. (= Bredcake, John ?), captain, 134, 337 Brombach, secretary in Lübeck, 148 Browninge, John, 283 Brudgam see Bräutigam Bruell, Hinrich von, 244 Bruell, Jacub, 63, 64 Brüen see Brerren Brugen, Wienandt van, 286

Brand, Bath, 318

403

Brüggen (Brüggen), Godert, 244, 261 Brugk (Brook ?), Johann, 176, 178, 179, 197, 336,337-38 Brun, Cornelius le, 296 Brunckhorst see Brunkoste Brunei, Daniel, 277 Brüning, Hermann, 266 Brunkhorst see Brunkoste Brunkoste (Pringkurst) (= Brinkhurst ?), Hugo, 168, 170, 174, 244, 338 Brunswick see Braunschweig Bryhahn (Brian ?), John, 190, 338 Brying see Beyweg Buchholt, Prian, 246 Buchten, Hans von, 244 de Buck (Bock): Simon, 244, 256, 262 Jost de, 236, 256 Bucq, Justo de see Bücke, Jost de Buninge, Hermann see Brüning Burghley, Lord (Sir Robert Cecil), 121, 201 Burkart, Georg, 98 Burlamachi, Philipp, 253 Busch, Jasper torn, 74 Buschardt (Buskard), Derrick (= Boschart, Dietrich ?), 245, 246 Buschart see Boschart Buschefield, Humphrey (Baskeville ?) Busfield, Johann, 168, 330 Busfield, William, 180, 338-39 Busse, Hendrick von, 283 Bußfeldt, Johann, in Stade see Busfield 404

Butte see Boots Byhoffe, Gerret, 233 Byssin, Arnt, 168 Bytser, Heinrich see Beschar Caladrin see Calandrino Calandrino (Calandrini) family, 271 Caesar, 271, 305 Gian Luigi, 272 Giovanni (Johann), 262, 271 Calmes, Joachim, 246 Calwer, Jacob, 292 Campe, Paridom van see Kampe Campoing, Johann, 287 Canning, Paul, 339 Carlos, Diego, 261 Carpenter, John, 198, 339 Carpenter, William (Wilhelm), 189, 339 Castens, Henrick, 283 Castner, Wolf, 92, 98 Catelin, Noë, 68 Cecil, Sir Robert see Burghley Celosse: Jasper, 226, 236 Johann, 226 Peter, 231 Cenobio, Jeronimo, 253 Chapman, Richard, 45, 165, 171, 174 Chester, Richard, captain, 127, 134 Cheswright, Thomas, 190, 340, 347, 362 Clais: Franz, 78, 98 Matheus, 78, 98

Cleven, Hans 300 Clewein family, 267, 303 Cloane, Hendrick, 246 Clouch, Kraft see Klouch Clough, Richard, Courtmaster at Hamburg, 150 Cockayne, alderman, 158, 190, 341 Colener, Thomas see Coolimer Colimas, Niclaß, 176, 178,340 Colisch, Nicolaus, 170, 346 Collet, Franz, 68 Collinoir, Thomas see Coolimer Colman, George, 172, 174 Columbin, Hans, 289 Colwin, Ditmar, 232 Conradt, Friedrich, 92, 98 Coolimer, Thomas, 158, 175, 176, 332, 333, 340 Cooper, Richard, 3 4 9 Copaert, Willem, 218 Cornells, Hans see Cornelius Cornelius, Hans, 232-33, 266, 270, 274 Costens, Hendrick see Castens Coster, Sweer (burgomaster of Deventer), 155, 227 Cosward, Jan, 218 Cosyn, Nicholas, 345 Cottels, Thomas, 336 Craddock, William (Wilhelm), Courtmaster at Hamburg, 150, 158, 168, 169, 190, 193, 244, 267, 330, 340-41, 34 7 Cramer von Clausbruch, Heinrich, 297 Cranfìeld, Lionel, 103, 125, 128, 133, 140, 158, 169,

173, 180, 204, 232, 306, 308, 327, 345, 349, 362 Creton, Jean (Johann) ("Herr von Courbe"), 98, 281, 282 Crevet, John, 246 Croix, Jeronimus de la, 2 74 Crone, Hermann, 246 Cross, ..., 180,341 Crupp: Gotthard, 250 Hans, 246, 250 Cumberland, Earl of, 203 Cuning, Lambert van, 266 Cure, Hans, 246 Curtze (Crouche ?), William, 193 Damstorff, Henrich, 346 Dedicóte, Herrn., 162 Dedrick, Hans, 300 Dedwick, Hans see Dedrick "Delassalye, Johann" (Italian), 219 Denmark, King of (in 1580, 1586, 1589, 1598), 211 Dertzbach, Paulus, 98 Dickenson: Robert, 168,341-42 Ruprecht, l68, 341-42 (= Robert ??) Dickhoff (Dickhauesch), Dirick, 63, 64, 65 Dietrich, Hans, 354 Dilferz see Dilher Dilher family, 252 Dilher (Dilferz), Lienhart, 89, 178, 278, 303, 343, 353 Dinsdal, George, 342 Dinter, Gerhard, 98

405

Dinteren, Peter van, 78, 98 Diodati: Antonio (Anthoni), 271, 305, 362 Guilelmo (Wilhelm, William), 271 Diterich (Dietrich), Jobst, 78, 82, 92, 98, 109, 350 Dodeur, Johann, 222 Döse, Stephan, 337 Dole, Gerdt, 63 Doneken, William (Donegan ?), 203 Doppelgießer see Doppengießer Doppengießer, Johann, 77, 8087, 94, 96, 97, 98, 100 Doren, Alif van, 63 Dor(n)iger, Jacub, 63 Dortmund, Heinrich von, 256 Dranner, Georg, 89, 303 Dreier, Herman, 63 Driens, Harthog, 246 Dukers, John, 246 Duncombe, Giles, 342, 349 Dunkron, Jellis see Duncombe, Giles

Eier, Thomas see Eyre van der Eigen (Eggen): Abraham, 69 Amandus, 69 Livan, 245, 246 Paul, 287 Elers, Cordt, 235 Elizabeth I, queen of England, 13, 19, 49, 126, 141, 149, 151, 154, 192, 203, 210, 211, 302 Ellinge, Herman van, 246 Ellnig (Ellinge), Hans von, 246 Elnich, Caspar, 291 Elwick, William, 193 Ende, Peter van, 98 Endreß, Adriana, 342 Endreß (Andrews ?), Hanß, 342 Engelbrecht (Engelbert), Anton(y), 228, 229, 261, 262, 270, 273, 274 Entzisberger see Enzisberger Enzisberger, Martin, 119, 238, 242, 243, 244, 252, 256, 278, 361 Eremite see Hermite Ermß, Michael, 221 Ernst, count of Schaumburg see

East Friesland, counts of, 8, 10, 151, 206, 207, 209 Anna, countess, 44 Edzard, 15, 151, 152, 166, 211 Enno, 152 Johann, 151 Eckholt, Berrent van, 246 Eden, Steffen von, 261 Edwards, Edward, 193 Egmont, Mateus, 92, 98

Schaumburg Eser, Jakob, 277 Esich, Eberhard, 343 Es teil, Gerdt van, 63 Everet, John, 246 Evers, Peter, 246 Eyre, Thomas, 343

406

Failla, Martin della see Faille, Martin de la

Faille, Martín de la, 168, 242, 252, 336 Famar, Johann de, 287 Farnese, Alessandro, Duke of Parma, 259 Farwer: Jacub, 63 Tomes, 29, 61, 63, 64, 65, 107, 281, 284 Fay, Noë du, 287 Fernandez, Luis, 224, 225 Ferrers, Thomas, Courtmaster at Stade, 121, 150, 185 Fett: Adam de, 92, 93, 98 Philip de, 77, 87, 90, 91, 92, 93, 98, 109 Finsinger: Hans, 103 Zacharias, 103 Flaischberg, Wolf see Fleischberger Flammaick, Johann, 178, 343 Fleischberger, Wolf, 178, 333, 338 Fletcher, Thomas, 168, 190, 193, 244, 341 Flour, Thomas, 165 Foegelsanck (Vogelsang), Bartelt, 63 Förcht(l)ing, Hanns, 98 Folkmers, Stefen, 48 Forckenbeck, Erasmus, 361 Fort, Carolus (Charles), 178, 343 van Fought: Claus, 246 Abraham, 246 Francks, Niclaus, 98

Frans (Frues), Garret, 233 Fray, Jacques du, 228 Fraye, Jakob de see Fray, Jacques du Frees (Prees), Meinrad, 246 Fremen, Nicholas, 253 Frenzel, Ambrosius, 189, 363 Frern, John, 233 Frese, Franz, 48 Frese, Johann, 251 Frey, Conrad, 98 Friederich, Jobst, 89, 303 Friedrich, Count Palatine of the Rhine, 211 Friedrich, Claus, 363 Friedrich, Konradt, 251 "Friedrichs, Hanns" see Borley, Johann Fritz, Hans, 224 Froue, Johann, 232 Fugger, Georg, 224 Funckh, Niclaus, 98 Furstermann, Johann — widow of, 289 Fuß (Fuchß), Matthes, 84-87, 96, 98, 332, 357 Gabler, Hans, 252, 254, 255, 257, 259, 284 Galliardt, Johann, 227 Ganser (Ganßer, Gausser), Martin, 88, 89, 178, 303, 336, 337 Garboe, Albert, 283 Garbrand (Gherbrand), Henricke see Gerbrandt, Hinrich Gardener, William, 219 Garzoni, Thomas, 31 407

Gausser, Martin see Ganser Gehrbrandt, Hinrich see Gerbrandt Geilenkirchen, Conrad, 290 Geir, Anton, 262, 268 Geinauer, Franz, 89, 278, 303 Genisch, Johann see Jenisch Gennis, Jeremias see Jenisch Gerbich, Erhard, 98 Gerbrandt, Hinrich, 162, 244, 246, 248 Gerfft, Johann, 98 Gernimer, Jacob, 89, 278 Gerritz, Gerrit, 231 Gewandschneider, 267, 303 Heinrich, 89, 92, 303 Geyr, Anton see Geir Gherbrand see Gerbrandt Ghermard, Nicolas, 274 Gilger, Hans, 78 Gilpin, Nielas, 363 Gistel (Herseele) ??, Jost von, 261

Gleseker, Johan, 63, 64 Gnaspe, Matthias, 298, 299 Godin: Jakob, 228 Ludwig, 228 Philipp, 228 Samuel, 228 Godlandt, William, captain, 142 Görtz, Cornelius, 92, 303 Gößwein, Georg, 89, 303 Goldtswarden, Berent, 63 Gommersbach, Paul, 286, 292 Goodland, John, 134 Goodland (Goodear), William, captain, 134 Goodwin, John, captain, 134

406

Goonston (Gunston), Roger, captain, 134, 133 Gore, Richard, Courtmaster at Hamburg and Stade, 150, 334 Gortson, Godfrey 124, 231, 270, 273, 332, 334 Gortzen, Gottfried see Gortson, Godfrey Goublet (Gobelet), Jasper (Caspar), 78, 98 Goyart, Christian, 172, 355 Graffe (Greve), Walentin, 298 Gränze, Tobias, 189, 349, 363 Graf, Jörge, 3 7 Granger, Elena see Ayrer Granger, Robert (Ruprecht), 176, 177, 178, 180,343-44 Greniner (Greiner ?), Ulrich, 89, 278 de Greve (see also Graffe): Daniel, 261 Giles (Gillis), 119, 228, 236, 238, 256, 272 Hans, 261 Jacob, 261 Jacques, 228, 256, 262, 272, 274 Grießhaber, Jeremias, 3 7 Grifetto, Antonio, 255 Groenendael, Carel, 261 Grohmann, Hans, 189, 339 Gronnick, Cort, 248 Groote, Nikolaus de, 228, 251 Gruber, Hans, 98 Gruenewaldt, Paulus, 98 Gudermann, Benedictes, 236 Guicciardini, Ludovico, 225 Guilume, Lienhart, 303

Gunnar, William, 193 Gurken (Gurkorn), Michael van, 92, 98 Gyliff, Johann, 63 Hachin, ..., 63 Haesdunk, Arnold van, 251, heirs of, 261 Hain (Hane) (Hoon ?), Peter, 228, 244 Hainfelder, Hans, 37, 98 Hainhofer, Matthes, 355 Hainsei, Christoffel, 218 Hales, Johannes, 170, 174, 344 Hampton, William, 362 Handford (Handfard, Handtfort): Hugh, 168,344-45 Humphrey, 344 Thomas, 344 Hane, Peter see Hain, Peter Hanfart, Hugo see Handford, Hugh Hanghton, Hinde van, 246 Hann, Thomas, 98 Hardthouwer, Alerdt, 63, 64 Hare: 180, 328 John, 345 Samuel, 345 Harlein, John see Herlin, Johan Harris, captain, 127 Harris, Richard, (Jr- and Sr.), captain, 134 Hart, Thomas Hartmann, Joachim, 47 Hartprònner, Hans, 257 Hase, Jakob, 337 Hasebarth see Hesterbarch Hasenbach see Hesterbarch

Hasse, John, 211 von Hassel: Hans, 236, 290, 292 Johann, 292 Haßelt, Hans, von, 286 Hauer, Hans, 89, 303 Haug company of Augsburg, 219, 220, 276, 279, 306 Anton, 218 Hawley, Jacob, 189, 340 Hebb(w)elmans, Hans, 98 Heger, Thomas, 193 Heggeler, Peter, 74 Heilman, Wolfgang, 318 von Heimbach: Bartholomeus 292 Margarethe 292 Peter 292 Heinbeck, Johann, 289 Heine: Klawes (Claus), 63 Pawel (Paul), 63 Heidevier: Johann, 287, 295 Michael, 287 Nikolaus, 295 Heidt, Hermann, 248 Helle, Garet tew, 266 Helle, Johan thor, 63 Hei man, Rigo, 290, 292 Helmken, Albert, 246 Helt, Henning, 246 Hembstelrei, Peter, 40 Henning, Johann, 185 Henrichs zu GestendorfF, Friderich Johann, 58 Herff, Gerhard van see Herve Herlin, Johann (de), 281, 283, 284

409

l'Hermite (Eremita), Hieronymus, 272, 286 van Herseele see Gistel de Herthoge: Cornelius, 240, 244, 257 Hans Jr., 261 Wolter, 261 S. Sr., 218 Hertz family, innkeepers in Nuremberg, 178 Herve, Gerhard, 77, 80, 82, 83, 86, 95, 98, 99 Hesse, landgraves of: (in 1580), 211 Moritz, 69, 104 Philipp, 21 Wilhelm IV, 69 Hest, Johann van, 219, 220 Hester, Jerome, 262 Hesterba(r)ch: Berndt, 220 Hans, 248, 286 Hetzel: Hans, 303 Heinrich, 303 Heusch: Gerhard, 257 Michael, 257 Peter, 261 Hilden, Jost von, 286 Hille, Silvester, 58 Hillebrandt, Johann, 249 Hilles Richard (Jr. and Sr.), 169, 170, 174, 194,345-46 Hilten, Jost van, 63, 281 Hittorp, Godart, 290 Hoch, Cornelius de, 98 Hock: Eberhard, 289

410

Peter, 289 Hoddesdon, Christopher, 352 Hoen, Peter see Hoon, Peter Hoep, Matthias, 48, 56, 58, 119, 157, 158, 213, 229, 234, 239, 248, 252, 327, 335, 340, 354, 355, 357, 358, 359, 361 Hoferman, John, 283 Hoffmann, Georg, 69 Hofman, Andreas, 211 von der Hoicken family, 228 Balthasar 272, 296 Hollandt, Wilhelm, 171, 174 Holmes, Richard, 193 Holst, John von, 266 Holstein, Duke of, 211 Holt (Huit), Henrick van, 246 Holzschuher, 28 Honn, Georg, 89, 303 Hoon (Hoen), Peter, 257 Hoons, Cornelius, 228 Hörne, John van, 246 Hornemann (Harmann), Carsten, 246 Horre (Harre), Hans, 236 Houtapels, Godefroy, 295 Hoy, Franz von, 98 Hübner, Friedrich, 84 Huebner: Hans, 303 Lienhart, 89, 278, 303 Hülsebusch, Hermann, 331 Hülst, Claus, 266 Humbrecht, Modestus, 289 Hund, Jakob — from London, 168, 189, 346 Hundertpfundt, Tobias, 303 Hunte, Borchert, 63

Huriau (Hurione?), Hans (Johann), 98, 303, 304 Hurieau see Huriau Hurione see Huriau Ihle, Israel, 300 Imhoff: Carl, 282 Endres, 330 Hans, 171 Isack (Isape, t'Sacke): Ditmar, 283 Evert, 283 Isham, John, 156 Ivans (Jovans), Jacob, 246 Jackson, Nathanael, 189, 340 Jackson, Richard, 168, 329, 346 Jackson, Thomas, 158, 168, 188, 190, 329-30, 341, 34647, 353 Jacob, Paulus, 89, 303, 306 Jacobsen, William, 267 Jacott, Baltasar, 267 Jacotyn, Wilhelm, 236 Jakobs, John (alias Tolner), 232 see Towlin, John Jacob James I, of England, 194, 203 Jansen, shearer from Nuremberg, 105 Jansen, Gerhart, 92, 98 Jansen, Johannes, notary in Hamburg, 129 Jansen, Jorg see Jansen, Gerhart Jansen, Sebastian, 351 Jansen, Thomas see Johnson, Thomas Janson, Olivier, 168 Jenisch family, 278

Eleasar, 252, 261 Emanuel, 252, 261 Friedrich, 252 Jeremias, 224, 225 Joachim, 224, 225, 243, 276 Johann, 89, 278 Johann Georg, markgrave of Brandenburg, 172 Johann Kasimir, Duke, 211 Johnson, Thomas, 189, 340, 347 Jonas, Wilhelm see Jones, William Jones, William, 165, 184, 198, 330, 347-48, 357, 363 Jopin, Johann, 272, 296 Joris, William, 203 Jülich, Kleve and Berg, Duke of, 155, 227 Jugart (Jugerth), Claus, 244, 249 Jun(c)ker, Peter, 257, 287 Kalb, Adrian, 92, 93, 98 Kalb, Walbeck (Valveig), 98 Kalf, Gerhart, 98 Kall, Martin, 219, 221 Raming, Hans, 303 von Kampe: Joachim, 244, 249 Paridom, 244, 246, 249 Kampen, Reut van, 92, 98 Kandter, Hans see Pauther Kattenbusch, Elsa, 331 Kauler, Endres, 303 Keck, Barthold, 236 Keightly, Thomas, 158, 189, 349, 363 Keimist, Edward (Chemyst ?), 202

411

Kenarts, Friedrich see Koenarts Kenckel: Barthol., 280 Daniel, 63, 64 Dethmar, mayor of Bremen, 61, 63 Hans, 280 Kendrick, John, 169, 173, 174,

198, 199, 349-50

Kenis, Edward, 176, 197, 198,

199, 203, 350-51

Kenkel see Kenckel Kentz: Hans, 177, 360 Veronika see Smith Kessel, Mathias van see van Kestelt Keßeler, Jowis 286 (possibly = Kessler, Georg) Kessler, Georg, Sr., 228, 251, 270, 291 Kestelt, Matthias van (Matthew de), 244, 258, 262, 332 Ketley, Thomas see Keightly Keytleyn, Thomas see Keightly Kihlfort, Georg, 190 Killegrew, John, 211 Kirchhofen Adolf, 317-18 Anna, 3 1 8 Kitson, Thomas, 163 Klemm, Hans, 300 Klermunth, Adam, 219 Klingermans see Seintrewen Klouch (Klug, Clouch), Kraft, 92, 98 Klug, Kraft see Klouch Klug, Lorentz, 98

412

Knakerugge, Hieronymus (Jeronimus), 235, 244, 246, 249 Knecht, Wilhelm see Knight Kneutzel,..., 303 Knight, William, 173, 174, 343,

351

Kniphuisen, Tydo von, 147 Knob(be) (from Wesel): Herman, 266 Dirrick (Dietrich), 266, 268, 287 Knockerung see Knakerugge Koenarts (Kenarts), Fridrich, 92, 98 Koep: Hans, 249 Heinrich, 249 Kokemeister, Hans, 244, 250 Köper, ..ettert, 63 Kopp, Peter, 37 Kops, Heinrich see Koep Koßfeldt, Hans van, 63, 64 Koster, Dirick, 63 Kote, Eggert, 63 Koyt, Tobias, 363 Krell, Daniel, 243, 252, 278, 279 Kroell, Derrick, 267 Krön, Hein see Krone Krone: Carsten, 58 Hein, 48, 58 Kruse, Tewes, 244, 267 Kuckman, Andries, 266 Kühlhorn, Adam, 98 Kuesch see Kuess Kuess: Esaias, 251, 252-53 Gallus, 252

Kuhwe, Martin, 354, 363 Kumprecht (Chumprecht), Guerin, 63 Kus see Kuess Laet, Arnold (Aert) de, 222 Lagorio, Giovanni Battista, 294 Lamberti, Lamberto, 225 Lampe, Hinrik, 248 Land, Jacob, 323 Lanfranchi, Carolo, 225 Lang, Christoph, 267, 303 Lange, Godard van, 246 Lange, Hermann, 266 Lange, Jakob, 225 Lange, Rainer — mayor of Stade, 193 Langenberg, Carlyf, 246 Langermann, Bernt, 246 Langhans, Dirrick, 246 Langnauer, 276 Hans, 218 Le Borr see Lebour(e) Lebion, Johann, Jr., 287 Leboure, Peter, 173, 289, 343, 351 Lebzelter, Thomas, 103, 104, 300 Lederer, Hans, 89, 303 Leiden, Thomas, 351, 356 Leigg, Johann, Courtmaster at Hamburg, 150 Lemans, Abraham, 361 Lemberg, Christoff ... von, 292 Lent, Hans, 236 Lers, Bastian (Sebastian), 236, 286, 291, 318 Lersch, Bastian see Lers Lesieur, Stephan, 282

Lewart, de see Wart, del Lichsaltz, Christoph, 170, 344 Lienhart, Hans, 319 Ligsalz, Christop see Lichsaltz Linde (Lynn), Peter van der, 240, 246, 258, 315 Lindeloff (Lindelaif), Hans, 92, 98 Lindner, Christoff, 292 Link, 276 Link, Ulrich, 218 Lindsdale, George, 244 Lippings, Niclaß, 286 Lippinß see Lippings Loddington, Nicholas, 150 Löwe family 299 Tilemann, Jr., 299 Lohr(meister) (Loyr, Loar), Peter, 92, 99 Lolerink (Löring), Ambrosius, 244 Lommel, Daniel de, 225 Longin, Hugo, 222 Lose, Thomas see Lowe, Thomas Losse, Arnold de, 283 Lottar, Henning, 266 Lotter, Magnus, 296, 299 Lowe, alderman see Lowe, Thomas Lowe, Thomas, 89, 158, 169, 172, 174, 176, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 273, 328, 332, 351-52, 356, 362 Lucas, 63 Luchini: Bartolomeo, 224, 225, 225 Johann Baptist, 229 Luckman, Andries see Kuckman

413

Lüneburg-Harburg, Duke Otto of, 282, 354 Lulle, Gerret van, 266 Lumago, Lorenz — from "Plurs", 170 Lu polt, Adolf, 244 Lyman, Peter, 286 Lymner see Lyman Lynner see Lyman Lynner, Dr. Heinrich (mayor of Wesel), 286 Macel, Thomas, 120 Machinis, Reichard (Richard MacGuiness ?), 352 Maes, Bastian, 92, 99 Mahieu: Jean, 287 Rene, 287 Malepart family, 281-82 David, 282 Guido, 282 Ludwig, 282 Nikolaus, 281, 282 Mamoschett, Johann see Manmuschett, Jan Manart: Johannis, 228 Melchior, 228, 295 Manlich, Melchior, 277 Manmuschett, Jan, 63, 64, 281, 286

Manning, Nicholas, 214 Mannynge, Randall, 130, 133, 139, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 185, 233 Manuß ("at the Golden Lion"), 289 Marek, Jonas, 267

414

Marriall, Michael, captain, 134 Martens, Gert, 42 Martin, Cuthbert, 158, 189, 354, 363 Martin, Jacques le, 58 Mary, queen of England, 8 Massam, William, 133 Mathys, Thybaut, 57 Matruit, Johann (and heirs), 287, 289 Matthias, King of Hungary (later Emperor), 308 Maurer, Anthony, 99 Mauris, 231 Mauris, Urian (= Brian Morris ?), 2 73 Mauritius, Georg, 262 Maximilian I, elector of Bavaria, 105 Meder, 39, 95 Meding, Wilhelm, 251 Mees, Gillis, 284 Meier: Alert, 63 Klawes (Claus), 63 Meier, Matz, 236 Meindel, Georg, 178, 343 Mellhope (Mothope), Carsten, 246 Meiling, Hans, 246 Mepsche, Johann, lieutenant of Groningen, 45, 151 Merbich, Wilhelm, 337 Mere, Joachim van, 244, 258 Merckhl, Anthony, 99 Meren, van see Mere, van Mersh, John, 171 Meßmann, Friedrich, 76

Meulen (Mörlen), Andreas van der, 281, 282 Meyer, Berend, 244 Meyer, Matthias, 131 Meysenburg, Georg von, 104 Miew (Miede, Mies), Derrick, 283 Miller, Derrick, 245 Millich, Antonio, 4 1 Milward, William, Courtmaster at Emden and Stade, 150, 260 Milworth, Guillelmo see Milward Minckwitz, baron Ehrenfried von, 17, 127, 131, 214 Mirlach (Mirlau), Gißbrecht van, 92, 98 Mirlau, Gißbrecht, van see Mirlach Möllen, Anna tor, 38, 361 Möller, Heinrich, 248 Moer (Moir, Mor) brothers, 290, 292 Johann, 286, 292 Robert, 236, 290, 292 Möring, Johannes, 125, 203 Mörlen see Meulen Moerse, Dietrich von, 232 Moir see Moer Mollar, Marcke (Marx), 246 Moller, Hieronymus, 3 4 8 Mommsen, Hendrik van, 225 Monse, Hans, 266 Monß, Gerrit, 226 Mool, Richard (= Mowl, Richard ?), 244 Moons, Hendrik, 225 Mor see Moer More, John, 150

Morcock (Morecoke, Moecock), Richard, captain, 134, 142 Morichoni: Giovanni, 294 Tomaso, 294 Moritz, landgrave of Hesse see Hesse Morley, John, 128, 130, 133, 139, 142, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 184, 233, 245, 246, 256, 262-68, 280, 284, 300, 363 Mortier, John, 231, 273 Morti(m)er, Symon, 286 Motham, Peter, captain, 134, 349 Motte, David, (Jr. and Sr.), 261 Moulson, Thomas, 158, 198, 199, 332, 352-53, 362 Mower, Samuel, 194 Mowl, Richard, 193 Moy, Theodorik de, 225 Mülegg: Hans, 304 Heinrich, 304 Mülenberch, Garret, 274 Muelich, Heinrich, 303 Müllarts — perhaps Wilners Müller (Myllar), Derryck, 246 Müller, Hans, 359 Müller, Heinrich, 298 Müller, Jochim ("Yogham"), 246 Müller ("der Meli Hoker"), Johann, 63 Müller, Matthias, 296, 299 Mülner, Hans, 99 Müntens, Cornelis, 261 Muffet, Peter, 193, 194

415

Mußler, Heinrich, 171, 289, 355 Ν—, Ruprecht, 176, 178,353 Naumann, Gregor, 337 Navaroli, Carlo, 229, 251, 267, 294 Nedham, George, 207 Neithart, Carl, 277 Nelsinge, Harry, 219, 220 Neselle ("Wesel" ?), Johann van, 99 Neubronner, Hans Eitel, 257 de NeufVille: Bastian Jr., 268, 287 Bastian Sr., 287 Neumann, Georg, 87 Newkomer, Thomas, 171, 174 Newton, John, 353 Niclaus, Paulus, 99 Nierstaller, Hieronymus, 267, 303 Noë, Arnold della, 289 Nosi (Norese, Norsi), Engelbrecht, 236 Ochs, Johann(nes), 173, 350 Oesterreicher family, 252 Hans, 279 Offield, John, 158, 168, 188, 329, 347, 353 Thomas, 347 Ohlfeldt, Johann see Offield Oldehuß, Albert, 58 Olderhorst, ..., 63 Oldersum, Wendele von, 148 Oldfeldt, see Offield Oldhurst, Conrat (Cordt), 246

416

Orth family, 48, 51, 57, 59, 120, 231, 240, 257, 270, 335 Hans Heinrich, 124, 230, 240-41, 243, 257 Heinrich, 51, 121, 244 Jeremias, 240, 335 Johann Georg, 240 Philipp, 120, 121, 124, 230, 240, 315 Philipp, Jr., 240-41, 243, 258 Orttlin, Apolonia Sigmundt, 37 d'Orville, Samuel, 287 Osborn(e), Reinhart, 176, 353,

354 Ostenryck, Jacub van, 63, 64 Österreicher see Oesterreicher Otken, Gerdt, 63 Otto, Duke of Lüneburg-Harburg see Lüneburg von Overbeck: Jost, 261 Peter, 261 Overtham, Lorenz see Overton Overton, Lawrence, 168, 188, 193, 354, 363 Paien: Johann, 226 Joris, 226 Pain, Georg see Paien, Joris Paing (Paien ?), Bartolme, 99 Palier family, 89, 252, 278 Wolfgang, 279 Palm, Peter, 170, 346 Palmer, Valentin, 160, 354 Palte, William, 193 Pape, Guilliam le, 228

Parcktor, Arthur see Parker, Arthur Pardo, Jacobo de, 225 Parfuß see Parvish Parker: Arthur, 172, 174,355 Richard, 171, 174,355 Parma, Duchess of, 8 Parréis, see Parvish Parvish: Edward, 169, 172, 174, 176,

355 Hanns, 356 Henry (Harry), 89, 169,

172,

174, 176, 177, 178, 195, 196, 197, 198, 200, 333, 351, 356-57 Patt, Wilhelm, 298 Patterson, David, 176,357 Paulkown, Egidius, 330 Paumann, Stoffel, 99 Paur, dyer from Nuremberg,

105 Pauther (Pautter), Hans, 86, 99 Pechler, Georg, 89 Peck: Alexander, 252 Markus, 252 Pecock, Robert, Courtmaster at Stade, 150, 176, 197, 198,

199, 357 Peller, 186, 329, Pels:

Pen(n)ifather see Pennyfather Pennyfather, William, 158, 184,

198, 199, 330, 348,

180,

Thomas, 160,359 Pfenni(n)gfaßer see Pennyfather Pfotenhauer, Hans, 299 Pfretzner, Friedrich, 243, 300 Phever, Philipp de, 267 Philip II, King of Spain, 8 Philipp, landgrave of Hesse see Hesse Pilgram (Pilgrim, Belgram), Heinrich, 89, 99, 280, 303,

304,

Arnold, 296, 299 Bartholomeo, 262 Eduard, 296 Hans, 296, 299 Peiß, Johann, 226 Pena, Pedro de la, 224,

306

298, 299, 358,

225

172,

198,358-59

Platzer, Gotthard, 256,

350

357-58

Perez family, 254 Lodovico, 305 Louis, Jr., 254 Luiz, 244 Perrot (factor in Stade for Cranfield), 306, 308 Peter, Adrian, 323 Peters: Gercke, 266 Girrit, 266 Petersen, Hermann, 48 Petersen, Reyer, 221 Petrunn, Hendrick, 233 Petit see Petty Petty: Elisha (Elias), 160, 169,

296,

359

Plinchs (Ulrichs), John, 246 Plönnis see Plunnies Plunnies, Frederic, 266 Poland, King of, 211 Pommerania, Duke of, 211 Poppe:

417

Dirick, 63 Hinrick, 63, 248 della Porta brothers, 271 Porten: Adrian van (and widow), 245, 246 John van - widow of, 246 Possart, Egidius, 99 Poticarius, Thomas, 150 Potter, Jacques de, 261, 273, 274 Prato, Walter del, 294 Preygott, John, 188, 337 Preyß, Paulus, 99 Pringkurst, Hugo see Brunkhorst Provens (Wovans), Jacob, 246 Prussia, Duke of, 211 Pry, Melchior de, 351 Pütner, Jacob, 178, 333 Pult, Egidius, 168, 359 Pult, Wilhelm, 168, 329 von dem Put: Hans, 273 Petrus, 273 Putte see Potter Putz, Johann, 225 Putz, Paulus, 261 Pynne, Georg ( ?see Paien, Joris ?), 2 3 2

Rampart, Nikolaus, 2 2 5 Ramsden, Humphrey, 156 Raphael — "zum goldenen Adler", 172 Ratke, Hans, 251 Rawlinge (Rowlins), Henry (Harry), captain, 134 Rawstorm, Richard, 103, 125, 127, 128, 133, 158, 169, 180, 232, 245, 256, 263-66, 267, 270, 271, 275, 306-08, 339, 345, 358, 362 Rebbers, Gerrit, 228 Reder, Matthias, 248 Redford, Foulk, 160, 169, 359 Reepe, William, captain, 134 Reiners, Theodor ("Dirich Reynartz"), 251 Reisenwirt, Pongratz, 99 Reitsch see Rutsch Rem, Daniel, 89, 278 Rendeur (Redder, Ritter), Johann, 78, 92, 93, 99 Rengelstorp, Carsten, 63 Renz: Friedrich, 218 Johann, 218 Respaigne, Thomas de, 222 Rest (Rot), Christoff, 89, 303,

Quackart (Quackaert), Hermann, 41, 224, 286, 293 Quarhart see Quackart

Resteau: Daniel, 270 Jean, 268 Reuel, Wilhelm, 171 Reuss, Hans, 99 Reuter, Johann see Rendeur Reynartz, Dirich see Reiners, Theodor Rheder, Matthias see Reder

306

Rabolast, Baltasar, 319, 324 Radford, Foulk see Redford, Foulk Raman, Lamprecht, 286 Raming, Hans, 89, 278 418

Richard, William, 193 Richter, Conrad, 92, 94, 99 Richter, Sigmundt, 89, 303, 306 Rinder: Balthasar, 37, 79, 82, 84-86, 109 Endres, 84, 85 Hieronymus, 80 Julia, 85 Ritter, Johan de see Rendeur Roall, John, 246 de Robiano: Balthasar, 295 Caspar, 295 Francesco, 295 Rocca family, 253 Allessandro (Alexander), 253, 294 Balthasar, 253, 294 Rode, Jürgen, 63 Rodeman, Hendrick, 246 Rodenborch: Hermann, 236 Johann, 236 Rodriguez, 226 Simon, 224, 225 Roe (Ruer), Klawes, 63 Roelant, Steffen, 261 Rover, Peter, 252, 261 Roger, Thomas, 189, 349 Rogge, Johann, 63, 64 Ronnenkamp, Hans, 48 Rose, Rowland, 193 Rose(n), Ditrich, 78, 99 Rosiart, Nie, 236 Roß, Lorenz, 99 Rot, Christoff see Rest Rotenburg, Christof, 82 Rotgab, Matthes, 3 7

Rottengatter (Rottengueter): Paulus, 303 Ulrich, 303 "Rougekou" see Schmidt, Hans Rovalesco, Gasparo, 224, 225 Rudolf II, Emperor, 16, 154, 166, 193 204, 258 Rueger, Wolff, 99 Ruffelardt, Johann, 227 Rump: Cort, 261 Johann, 261 Ruter, Daniel, 248 Rutsch (Reitsch), David, 286 Rutz see Rutsch Ryff: Andreas 317-26 Theobald, 317, 321, 323 Ryswick, Sander van, 236 Sabell, Hinrich see Zobel, Heinrich Sack, Hans, 303 Salkoth, Erhard, 189 Salkyns, William, 346 Saltock, Erich, 246 Saltonshall, Richard, Courtmaster at Stade, 150 Sammon (Salmon, Sermon), Robert, captain, 134 Samson, Jacob, 42 Sander, Heinrich Sands (Sares, Soier, Synes, Gaves), William, captain, 134 Sanne, Hans, 261 Sante, Jacob van, 99 Santfort see Handford Sauermilch, Hans, 293

4i9

Saxony, Duchess of (in 1580), 211 Scarperia, Mateo, 294 Schabinger family, 89, 306 Schartorius, notary in Lübeck, 150 Schaumburg, count Ernst von, 18, 342 Scheffer, Matheus, 99 Schell 303 Scherl, Michael, 303 Schether, Hans, 303 Scheuffele, Hans, 303 Schier, Hans von Alten, 99 Schiller, Michael, 89, 303, 306 Schilß, Abraham, 101 Schilß, Hans, 101 Schimpf, Sebastian, 172, 31718, 355 Schiner, John, captain, 142 Schmeier (Schmairs), Michael, 93, 99 Schmelz, Hans, 99 Schmid, Wilhelm see Smith, William Schmidel (Schmidle, Schindel): Jacob, 92, 99 Isaac, 99 Schmidloper, Marx, 292 Schmidt, Hans — called "Rougekou", 317 Schmidt, Hieronymus de, 258 Schmidt, Justin, 74 Schmidt, Martin, 267, 303 Schmidts, Heinrich, Jr., 261 Schmitten, Johan ter, 67 Schneidewindt, Hans, 92, 99 Schnell, Jacob, 99 Schnelling, Karl, 255

420

Schnoek, Heinrich, 47, 48 Schone(n) (Schome), Albert, 63, 283 Schorer family, 279 Lienhard, 276, 277 Ludwig, 224, 276 Schot: Franz, 333, 340 G waiter, 225 Jakob, 225 Schoth family, 89, 306 Schott, Hans, 303 de Schott: Anthony, 261 Leonhard, 261 Schrauff, Georg, 89, 278, 303 Schreiber (Schriver, Schreiner), Hans, 224, 286, 291, 31820, 324 Schröder, 67 Schröder, Andries, 246 Schröder, Jacob, 47, 218, 219, 220 Schröter, Steffan, 84 Schulte, Hinrich, 63 Schulte, Johann, 358 Schulte, Micheli, 63, 64 Schulz, Jeremias, 349 Schumarts (Schumartz), Martin, 59, 243, 244, 256, 296, 298, 299, 334, 339, 342, 353, 358, 359 SchuttCe), Wilken, 244, 245, 246 Schwab family, 267 Schwab 303 Schwab, Michael, 299, 300 Schwartzenberger, Georg, 289 Schweicker, Balthasar, 303

Schwendendörfer family, 250, 252,

300

Seelhorst, Rotker, 251 Seidengall, Nielas, 99 Seifried (Seifrid), LienhardCt), 89, 179, 278, 303, 336 Seintrewen, Jan von (called Klingermans), 99 Sellin, Otto, 246 Seloss see Celosse Semler: Katharina (wife of Peter), 170, 289, 338 Peter, 289 Seng, Veit, 301 Sermon, Hieronymus, 298 Seuveryn, Balthasar, 222 Seyfried, Ruprecht Seymer, Samuel, 190, 340 Shellans, Jn., 162 Shellens see Shellans Sichtelin, Hans, 291 Silvester, Lienhart, 224, 291, 318-20, 323, 324, 325 Skinner, John, captain, 134 Siegel, Martin, 231 Sloss see Celosse Smaleon, Hans, 246 Smit, Garbert, 62, 63 Smith: Esther, 360 Frantz, 360 Jane, 359 Johann Wilhelm, 360 Johanna, 360 Paul, 360 Rändle, 359 Veronika, 177, 360

William, 176, 177, 178,35961 Smytt, Harry, 219 Snelle, Kordt, 63 Snock see Schnoek Snoik see Schnoek Soier, Wilhelm, captain, 142 Soone, Joseph, 167, 184, 331, 361 Soone, Thomas, 361 Sowerman, Dirrick, 246 Speckman 64 Spencer, 173 Spencer, Humphrey, 160, 36162 Spenchorn (Spenshorne, Penchorne), David, 245, 246 Spitzenbart, John, 162, 245 Spitzenberg: John, 246 Parin (Prien) (= Brian ?), 246 Staes, Johann, 222 Stamler, Hans (Johann) Philipp, 120, 231, 240, 241, 243, 262, 270-71, 273, 274 Stampel: Berent, 246 Heinrich (Henrick), 244, 246, 250 Joachim ("Jogham"), 244, 246 Johann, 246 Jürgen, 250 Starcky, Thomas, 219 Stauffmüller, Hieronymus, 69 Steene, Jan van den, 225 Steenken see Stenkey Steffen(s), Lucas, 244, 251

421

Stemmeis, Andries, 267 Steneken, Kordt, 63, 64 Stenkey (Steenken), Berent, 266 Stielleson, Thomas, 188 Stimmel see Stemmeis Stockenmuth, Jorg — from London, 170, 346 Stokes, John, 211 Stollick, Hinrich, 63 Stoltenkamp, Severin, 74, 76 Stoltz, Hans, 89, 303 Stopper, ..., 63 Storch & Co., 289 Storckes, Adam, 104 Stover, Jacob, 58 van der Straeten family, 259 Adrian, 257, 287, 351, 361 Franz (Francois), 259, 286 Jan, 259 Strassen, von der see Straeten, van der Straten, van der see Straeten, van der Strobl, Heinrich, 99 Strolitz (Stroluntz), Hans, 89, 95, 278, 303 Strolitz, Lienhard, 80 Strong, Matteo, 211 Stübing, Johann, 190 Suderman: Herman, 293 Hildebrand, 293 Sudermann, Christian, 219 Suederman, Carsten, 283 Sulzer, Lienhart, 89, 278 Swartynck, Dirick Sweden, King John III of, 211 Sweland (Meland), Henrick, 245, 246

422

Symons, Abraham, 261 Symons, Hans, 261 Tamkens CTawkins), Sibrant (Sebrent), 231, 233 Tanner, Georg, 99 Tappe zu Tappenburg, Otto, 331 Tassa, Simon, 225 Tasse, Thomas, 218 Tawkins see Tamkens Thon Boen see Boen, thor Thor Helle see Helle, thor Thowesten, Johann, 41, 293 Timmermann, Wilm, 61 Tobing, Jürgen, 220 Tolner (see Jakobs, John) ?? see Towlin, John Jacob Tomkins, Humphrey (Humfrid), 189, 340, 362 Torrignani, Lucas, 255 Torrisani, Lucas, 305 Tott, Gerhard, 232 Tourqueviel, Jacques, 48 Towlin, John Jacob, 233 Trainer: Georg, 303 Hans, 303 Trautmann, Hans, 296 Tryling, Reinholt, 286 Tryp, Thomas, 219 Tunnis (Turins): Dominicus, 266 John, 233 Tylman, Hendryck, 246 Tylor, William, 193 Uffeln, Dominicus van, 244, 257, 259, 261 Useler, Jürgen, 298

Uthoff, Jürgen Vatter, Kilian de, 99 Vechelde, Albert von , VIII, 271 Vecht, Daniel van der, 221 Vega, Rodrigo de, 225 Veitmann, Hans, 220 Venn, Richard, 158, 328, 345 Vergano, Giovanni Angolo, 225 Vermers, Dirrick see Vermeurs, Derrick Vermeurs: Derrick, 232, 233 Peeter, 231, 232 Vermewrs see Vermeurs Verpoorten: Adrian, 259 Hans, 247, 259 Jacob, 261 Jan, 244 Johann, 259, 261 Peter, 261 Verporten see Verpoorten Vertema, Carlo see Wertemann, Carl Vest, Johann — Imperial fiscal, 124 Veste, Jorge de, 69 Viatis, 186, 188, 329, 350 Bartolme, 88, 89, 251, 305 Viehof, Gerhard von dem, 29 Villamonte, Daniel (de), 244, 254 Vischer, Gabriel, 246, 274 de Vischer (Visscher, Visker): Jacob 236, 286, 291 Julius 226 Willem 226 de Visker see Vischer

Vivier, Caspar, 272 Vöhlin, Paul, 276 Vogel, Hans, 303 Volpi family, 244, 253 Julio, 244, 253 Vorbrügge: Heinrich, 48 Otto, 48 Vreypfenning, Adam, (Jr. and Sr.), 287, 289 Vrients, Franz, 255 Vrythoff, Balthasar, 41 Wachtendorpesch, ..., 64 Wale, Johann de, 336 Walgrave, Julian, 246, 250 Walker, William, 176, 177, 178, 362 Walman, Michael, 178, 333 Walsingham, Francis, 192, 210 Walter: Heinrich, 303, 333 Hinrich, 304 Walters, Johann and Stefan see Wolters Walton, William, 170, 174 Warin see Waryn Warinus see Waryn Wart, Johann del, 68 Waryn: Anton, 222 Augustin, 222 Johan, 3 4 3 Mr. Watts, 273, 352 Watts, Samuel, 158, 169, 180, 198, 330, 348, 352, 362-63 Wayehoyse, Garret (= Gerdt Wehusen ?), 283 Wehusen, Gerdt, 63, 64

423

Weinmann, Johann (Hans), Jr., 299, 300 Weiss: Lienhard, 89, 278 David, 276, 278 Elias, 236, 276, 278 Weiß family, 80, 252 Weisser, Lienhard — heirs of, 280 Weiser family, 39, 88, 89, 223, 252, 276, 278, 279, 305 Christoph, 88, 89, 279 Hans, 40, 95, 223 Jacob, 40, 95, 223 Werldt, John van, 266 Werle, Johann von, 251 Wernerin, Hans — wife of, 344 Wernhes, Herbert 58 Wertemann: Carl (Carlo Vertema), 305 Frank, 358 Hans Maria, 171 Virgil, 305 Werthen, Steffan von, 303 Wesel, Johan, 90, 92, 97, 99 van Wesick: Johan, 69 Lambert, 69 Wesselinck, Jürgen, 63, 64 Wessels, Johann (John), 78, 233 Westfrees, Jacob, 233 Weston, Edward, 158, 168, 189, 349, 363 Wevering, Hendrich, 274 Weyler, Ulrich von, 261 Wheeler, John, 196, 204 Wichmann: Heinrich, 235, 250 Joachim, 236, 250

424

Johann, 246 Wicht, Erhard, 99 Widdich, Hermann, 286 Widholz family, 278, 279 Jakob, 278 Johann, 278 Widow, 67 Wilhelm IV, landgrave of Hesse see Hesse Willemsen, David, 78, 99 Willen, Conrad von — widow of, 364 Willford, William, 214 van der Willigen: Nicolas, 261 Francois, 248 Wilners (Wulner, Wullartz, Müllarts), Caspar, 92, 99 Winholt, ..., 63 Wipperfurth, Johann von ("called Rosenkrantz"), 29 Wischa, N„ 176, 333 Wischar, Gabriel see Vischer Wissenburg, Count (of Sweden), 211 Witton, Johann Lancelott see Wotton, Lancelot Wörst, Johann, 68 Wohler, Hans, 177, 178 Wolters: Johann, 65, 162, 281, 283, 284 Stephen (Steffen), 63, 64, 65, 236, 274, 281, 283, 284 Wotton, Lancelot, 167, 184, 185, 266, 363-64 Woulters see Wolters Wouters see Wolters Wullartz see Wilners

Wulner see Wilners Wyler, Nicholas, 345 Ximenes: company, 226 Fernando, 224, 225 Yewerven, Jakob van, 225 Zelter, Hanns, 99 Ziegler, Georg, 99 Ziegler, Hans, 89, 278 Zìi, Daniel, 99 Zobel: Heinrich, 63, 65, 236, 280, 282

Martin, 171, 257, 270 Zolcher, George, 211 Zollichoffen, Georg, 351 Zürich, Melcher von, 236