The Master from Mountains and Fields: Prose Writings of Hwadam, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk 9780824894771

Citation preview

The Master from Mountains and Fields

KOREAN CLASSICS LIBRARY: PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION

The Master from Mountains and Fields Prose Writings of Hwadam, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk

translated, annotated, and with an introduction by

Isabelle Sancho

University of Hawai‘i Press/Honolulu Korean Classics Library

© 2023 The Regents of the University of California All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America First printing, 2023 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Sŏ, Kyŏng-dŏk, 1489–1546. | Sancho, Isabelle, translator,   annotator, writer of introduction. Title: The master from mountains and fields : prose writings of Hwadam,   Sŏ Kyŏngdŏ / translated, annotated, and with an introduction by   Isabelle Sancho. Other titles: Prose writings of Hwadam, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏ | Korean classics   library. Philosophy and religion. Description: Honolulu : University of Hawai‘i Press, 2022. | Series: Korean   classics library: philosophy and religion | Includes bibliographical   references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2022020467 (print) | LCCN 2022020468 (ebook) | ISBN   9780824893637 (hardback) | ISBN 9780824894771 (pdf) | ISBN 9780824894788   (epub) | ISBN 9780824894795 (kindle edition) Subjects: LCSH: Neo-Confucianism—Korea—Early works to 1800. Classification: LCC B5254.S6342 E54 2022 (print) | LCC B5254.S6342   (ebook) | DDC 181/.119—dc23/eng/20220725 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022020467 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022020468 Korean Classics Library: Philosophy & Religion Series Editor: Robert E. Buswell, Jr., University of California, Los Angeles Series Editorial Board: Donald Baker, University of British Columbia John B. Duncan, University of California, Los Angeles Sun Joo Kim, Harvard University Namhee Lee, University of California, Los Angeles James B. Lewis, Oxford University A. Charles Muller, Tokyo University Young-chan Ro, George Mason University Kenneth R. Robinson, The Aichi University Institute of International Affairs Edward Shultz, University of Hawai‘i, Mānoa Senior Editor: Jennifer Jung-Kim, University of California, Los Angeles This work was supported by the English Translation of 100 Korean Classics program through the Min­ istry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the Korean Studies Promotion Service of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS-2010-AAA-2101). University of Hawai‘i Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources.

Contents



Acknowledgments



Preface

vii xi

Part I Translator’s Introduction

3

Part II Translation

  1. Preface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam— Wŏn Inson [1770]   2. New Preface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam— Yun Suk [1786]   3. Memorial Addressed to the Great King Chungjong Declining Appointment   4. Memorial Addressed to the Great King Injong Discussing the Error of Not Following the Ancients in the Regulations for Official Royal Mourning   5. Letter Answering Pak Kunsil   6. Additional Note in Reply to Pak Ijŏng   7. Additional Note in Reply to Pak Ijŏng and Pak Kunsil   8. Additional Note in Reply to Pak Ijŏng   9. The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy 10. Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy 11. Explanation of the Supreme Void 12. Discussions about Spirits and Spiritual Forces, Death and Life 13. Explanation on Seeing the Mind of Heaven and Earth in “The Return” 14. On the Distinctive Characteristics of Hot Springs 15. Analysis of Finals and Initials 16. Postscript about the Details Left Unexplained in the Preceding Analysis of Finals and Initials 17. Analysis of the Numbers of the August Ultimate Going through the Ages 18. Analysis of the Chart of the Directional Positions of the Sixty-Four Hexagrams

35 41 49 52 73 76 78 80 81 99 104 106 114 122 126 135 137 144

vi Contents 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32.



Analysis of Hexagram Changes Statement about Pak Ijŏng’s Courtesy Name with a Foreword Statement about Kim Sasin’s Courtesy Name Farewell Words to Teacher Sim Inscriptions on a Stringless Zither Inscription on a Zither Chronological Biography Tombstone Inscription—with Additional Note—Pak Minhŏn List of Disciples Postface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam— Yun Hyosŏn [1601] Postface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam— Hong Pang [1605] Postface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam— Kim Yonggyŏm [1752] Postface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam— Yun Tŭkkwan [1770] Postface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam— Ch’ae Wiha [1770]

Bibliography

Index

150 158 162 164 171 173 174 182 192 204 208 210 212 216 219 233

Acknowledgments

This book is the outcome of a love-hate relationship, lasting nearly a decade, with the Hwadam chip, as well as a twenty-year obsession with scholarly translations, for better and for worse. When I was asked to translate parts of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s writings into English for the Academy of Korean Studies’ grand 100 Classics project, I was still in the early years of my academic career in France. My two undergraduate dissertations in Chinese studies and my Ph.D. dissertation in Korean studies, hastily completed within four years, had all focused on my own translations and textual analyses of Confucian texts. These works were all influenced by my years studying under Anne Cheng’s tutelage at the National Institute for Oriental Languages and Cultures (Langues’O or INALCO) and shaped both my intellectual development and work preferences. It comes as no surprise, then, that my first serious publication as a researcher at the French National Center for Scientific Research (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, CNRS) and the Center for Korean Studies at the School of Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences (École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, EHESS) was a French bilingual translation of the Kyŏngmong yogyŏl by Yulgok, Yi I (1536–1584). This translation, which I completed rather quickly and painlessly, inaugurated the Korean section of the newly created Bibliothèque chinoise of the historic Les Belles Lettres publishing house in 2011. This new collection aimed to have major works from East Asia written in Literary Chinese translated into French, much like the translations for Latin and Greek classics. Buoyed by this first publishing experience and warmly encouraged by friends, colleagues, and family, I accepted the challenge for the AKS project—with some reservations, I must confess. I was well aware of the difficulties that were ahead of me, since I was not at all familiar with Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s work at the time and knew that translating into a non-native language always comes with inevitable pitfalls. But I believed that the opportunity could not be ignored, as I was (and still am) an ardent advocate for translations and wanted to use my own abilities and motivation to further the study of Korean Confucianism outside of Korea. As I said, I was still a young junior scholar back then; I was also pregnant, but not a parent yet. I thought that I could finish this vii

viii Acknowledgments work within three or four years, as stated in the first agreement in 2013, but I soon realized that I had been terribly mistaken. This was the start of a long adventure, one in which this work filtered into every aspect of my personal and professional life. The Hwadam chip accompanied me through my two pregnancies, traveled with me for most of my family holidays, and fueled my rants to both friends and colleagues. This translation turned out to be a mammoth undertaking, and I often felt overwhelmed by the task. Despite my tenacity—some would say obstinacy—I had to give up the idea of translating the whole munjip and so chose not to tackle the poems. Working on the translation and its extensive annotations also ruthlessly pushed aside and postponed my other writing projects, the first of which is the one I had expected to write after my dissertation. The Hwadam chip gradually displaced the Yulgok chŏnsŏ from my desk and from my research time, eventually diverting most of my energy and attention. There have been moments of extreme discouragement, doubt, and exhaustion along the way. I felt the need, from time to time, to simply leave the manuscript behind for a while to find the energy to work on it again. Despite all the difficulties and the tremendous amount of time spent on it, I must admit that the whole process also brought me a lot of joy and excitement during the countless hours spent in solitary thinking, reading, and writing. I have learned so much, in areas that I would not even have imagined, and, in fact, I have genuinely enjoyed the experience. The Hwadam chip came into my life unexpectedly and certainly helped me grow into a more mature scholar. If this work did not become my Danaids’ sieve, it is mainly thanks to the impressive and heartwarming efforts undertaken by many friends in the field, senior colleagues, and several committed reviewers who helped me at various stages of the final manuscript’s preparation. In this sense, this book is the result of a collaborative work that testifies to the fierce, unselfish, and passionate dedication of Korean studies specialists to the development of their field worldwide. First, I would like to sincerely thank every single member of the Editorial Board of the Korean Classics Library Series at the University of Hawai‘i Press. They sent me detailed comments on the different versions of the manuscript, from the first version, which I sent in 2016, to the second one, sent in 2018 after several revisions. I also thank the two anonymous external reviewers for their valuable and thought-provoking comments I received at the end of 2019, which helped me improve the final revision. I owe a special thanks to two colleagues from UCLA who played the difficult role of facilitators between me, the advisory board, the AKS, and the publisher with unfailing understanding and patience. Robert Buswell took the time to explain the whole project to me, as well as explaining the realities of the

Acknowledgments

ix

world of academic publishing in the United States, when we met at the 2016 AAS Conference and in our ensuing exchanges by email. As for Jennifer Jung-Kim, whom I have not yet had the pleasure to meet, I must say that, without her precious help, I would have been completely lost, not in translation, but rather in transition, between the various stages of this book, from my first steps towards understanding of the Hwadam chip, the many revisions, and, finally, the preparation of the actual publication. She truly was a guiding light, in both bright and dark moments. I also would like to thank the following of my colleagues and friends who played a special role in this book’s journey: Jörg Plassen, who is responsible for my participation in the AKS project; Dane Alston and Seán Moores, who were the first to revise my English translations; Adam Bohnet, who graciously volunteered to help me with translating poetry (I am sorry that I could not pursue this in the end); Se-woong Koo, who was the final—and very reassuring—reader of my introduction; Vladimír Glomb, whose unfailing support for his fellow European premodernists might move mountains one day; Grace Koh and Diana Yüksel, whose warm friendship and wisdom were always able to lift my spirits whenever I needed it; Javier Cha and Sixiang Wang, who gave me advice and support on many a friendly occasion over three continents; Sunjoo Kim, Martina Deuchler, Anders Karlsson, James Lewis, Boudewijn Walraven, Remco Breuker, and Marion Eggert, all of whom encouraged me to pursue my efforts. I am grateful to all my colleagues from the European Premodernists conferences with whom I shared my concerns and the many familiar faces from the AKSE Conferences, be they modernists or premodernists, who were kind enough to ask me regularly about the work in progress and sympathize with my struggles. In Paris, I must acknowledge the strong support and intellectual input from my dear friends in Korean and Chinese studies: Claude Cheval­eyre, Florence Galmiche, Béatrice L’Haridon, Hui-yeon Kim, Alain Delissen, Valérie Gelézeau, Stéphane Feuillas, Anne Cheng, Yannick Bruneton, Daeyeol Kim, Pierre-Emmanuel Roux, and Jeehyun Noe. I am grateful to Catherine Jami, who commented on a few of my translations, and Christopher Cullen, who provided some explanations for pas­ sages on astronomy that were unclear to me. I am very much indebted to Alain Arrault, who read my whole manuscript a few years ago and gave his insightful comments as a specialist of Shao Yong. His book has been absolutely crucial to my understanding of both Shao Yong and Hwadam; much of my translation would not have been possible without it. I am equally indebted to Ross King, who generously agreed to correct my translation of the texts dealing with phonology and gave me invaluable information on the topic.

x Acknowledgments Of course, I must warmly thank Aurélia Martin, who was brave enough to accept the challenge of reading quite abstruse texts from a tradition with which she is unfamiliar, and who corrected my English, then patiently discussed each passage in which I disagreed with her corrections, proofread the entire manuscript, and, finally, helped me prepare the final version to be sent to the publisher on a rather tight schedule in the midst of a global pandemic that has dramatically affected all of our lives, at every possible level. Lastly, I would like to thank my husband, Virgile, who has always been my first reader, and my children, Hector and Diane, for their understanding, as this work has made me incredibly stressed on a regular basis. Certainly, I could have worked and finished this book faster if I had not been caught up in a busy and noisy daily routine of family life (indeed, if I had been, like Hwadam, a hermit), but I believe that intellectual growth is also built on a fulfilling and down-to-earth, day-to-day routine, and for that support, I am deeply grateful.

Preface

This volume is the first fully annotated English translation of all of the prose writings attributed to Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk and most of the peritexts from the 1787 edition of the Hwadam chip. Since I am not a native speaker and do not presume to have the literary skills required for translating poetry, the selection presented here unfortunately excludes all the poems of the Hwadam chip. I sincerely hope that these poems will one day be translated into English by a talented translator who can do justice to Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s fluid poetic writing. Every work of translation involves a genuine creative process and thus requires someone with the proper skills to do it. I usually translate prose from Literary Chinese (hanmun) and—to a lesser extent—Korean into French, which is my dominant native tongue. As a translator, I am in favor of source language–oriented rather than target language–oriented translations, to borrow terminology commonly used in translation studies. This dichotomy between domestication and foreignization in translation strategies is never strict in practice and is debated in theory, especially in hermeneutical approaches to translation. Despite a tendency for oversimplification, these concepts may nevertheless help readers understand some of the choices made by different translators (or a single translator). These choices are influenced by the context in which the translation is carried out and published, the translator’s own linguistic and cultural background, the source text being translated, as well as the target audience, which can be identified by a single culture/language or multiple cultures/languages. Over the course of my education in France, I was lucky enough to learn several languages (both living and dead) and translated extensively for many years, from one language to another and vice versa. The approach taken by most of my teachers was the domestication of source languages into literary French, and I used to follow this method faithfully. However, my views on translation changed once I further pursued my education in East Asian studies, especially Korean studies, and discussed translation theory and practice with many fellow students and future colleagues who were brilliant polyglots and translators of philosophical, historical, and literary works written in either Literary Chinese or modern Korean. I became more sensitive to the idiosyncrasies of source languages and, most i­ mportantly, to xi

xii Preface the stakes involved in translation practices, use, and circulation worldwide. I took every opportunity to experiment with my mother tongue, which historically occupies a hegemonic place in the world of translation, and challenge it, within reasonable limits, in order to give the best possible access to the very texture—and even the roughness—of the original text without embellishment merely for the sake of refining the translated text. My methodology progressively evolved over the years, and I thought that I had found a balance and a standard for my translations, leaning more towards the source language–oriented approach and always presenting the translation alongside the original text with annotations. Ironically, this standard was easily shaken, and even shattered at times, by the longest and most important work of translation I have undertaken so far: this English translation of the Hwadam chip. The first, and most obvious, reason for this is that I translated into English, which is not one of my native languages and is still very foreign to me. I used to believe that one should never translate into a non-native language, and yet I broke my own rule. I am still unsure whether I made the right decision or whether I will do this again, but one thing I am certain of is that working on this translation took me into uncharted territory and presented challenges I had never experienced before. One of them was finding English expressions or idioms that would best suit the images and concepts of the original texts in hanmun, which I processed first in my mind in either French or Korean. Another was sourcing and sometimes arbitrating between various translations commonly used for Confucian philosophical notions in the English-speaking scholarly community. I was trained in French sinology, which has its own long tradition of translations and erudite studies, and although I was already familiar with some reference translations of philosophical notions in English, I often puzzled over the right choice to make between different options available in secondary sources written in English. The help provided by the successive reviewers of my translation was decisive in this specific matter, though the subsequent, and seemingly unending, revisions brought new questions and, with them, not a little confusion. The other reason explaining why my final translation is not quite so source language–oriented as I originally intended is related to the first one. It is the editing process that was needed to improve my first renderings in English, which were awkward at best and ungrammatical at worst, and inevitably brought the text closer to the target language. I finished my translation in 2016, a first draft in which I tried to transmit as best I could the style, thought, and language used in the Hwadam chip, according to my principle of source language–oriented translation, with the original text and annotations. Professor Kim Hakchu, whose Korean translation I consulted extensively for

Preface

xiii

my own work, even though I sometimes disagreed with his interpretation, acknowledged in his preface that he had a hard time translating several of the texts because of their simultaneous complexity and concision. I confess that I encountered similar problems when working on many of the texts from the miscellanies section, for Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk has an extremely concise, dense, and allusive writing style. Generally speaking, French is wordier than English, although I personally always try to seek simplicity in style, and I often struggled to find the appropriate concision in English, while respecting both the allusiveness of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s prose as well as the full range of connotations contained in the words and expressions in hanmun. So I did the best I could with my international English skills, but my first reviewers pointed out, quite rightly, that I needed an editor to polish the text. However, I was then faced with a major stumbling block. In my mind, the ideal editor was someone who was an English native speaker and could read both Literary Chinese and French. Some knowledge of Korean would have been much appreciated and familiarity with Confucianism would have been icing on the cake. Needless to say, I could not find anyone who fit this profile within a reasonable period of time and for such an extensive work, requiring a lot of time and side research from any proofreader or editor. After much stress, and after consulting several of my colleagues from my research center, “China, Korea, Japan,” at the EHESS, I finally found someone in Paris who was willing to embark on this project with me. However, as I mentioned in the acknowledgments, Aurélia was familiar with neither East Asia’s philosophical traditions nor any of its languages. Her asset, from my point of view, was that, being bilingual in French and English, she could understand many of my translation choices and my own style, should any French turns of phrase bleed into the English. Our work together was fastidious, but truly fascinating. The major topic of our detailed discussions concerned stylistic renderings of complex philosophical passages. Many times she asked that sentences be made clearer, which, in turn, forced me to think again about how I understood these passages. A very careful reader, she pinpointed some major inconsistencies in the translations and helped me avoid vagueness and ambiguity. After this editing process, my translation became something both familiar and new to me. I felt as if I saw my own child significantly embellished, gaining a more polished look through this outside intervention. To extend the metaphor, the bones, blood, and skin were all mine, but the silhouette and features had been better defined. The stylistic expression was not only more correct according to the rules of proper English, but it also became sharper and clearer. My translation was definitely less source language–oriented, but it was, to my relief, still recognizably my own.

xiv Preface Our careful collaborative editing work, based on an almost sentenceby-sentence analysis, was made much easier thanks to my numerous and lengthy annotations. I am a translator who advocates for extensive annotations. I always have, and I have even become famous for it in my close circle of friends and colleagues. The reason for this is not an excessive taste for erudition—far from it. On the contrary, I always try to translate for both the scholar and the neophyte. My approach is fundamentally sympathetic to my ideal readers, according to the etymological meaning of the word “sympathy,” which is “fellow-feeling.” I seek to give as much information as possible in order to explain the difficulties and the strangeness of the original text. It is my conviction that any reader can perfectly understand premodern texts written in Literary Chinese without any background training, so long as they are provided with the right information and explanations. I see my translations as an invitation to read the hanmun texts as I would read them, and my annotations are the breadcrumbs showing the path I hope to tread with fellow readers. The annotations are lengthy, I admit. As a demanding writer, Sŏ Kyŏng­ dŏk does not often bother to explain his references, allusions, quotations, and philosophical vocabulary. His writing and teaching were clearly not aimed at neophytes. Many of his texts are difficult to understand without guidance, even for experts, especially those with specialized subjects, such as rituals, cosmochrony, phonology, and hexagram changes. This translation of the Hwadam chip features more annotations than any of my previous translations, which comes as a surprise, even to me. When my French bilingual translation of the Kyŏngmong yogyŏl by Yulgok, Yi I, was published in 2011, I was pleased to receive a lot of feedback from friends, colleagues, and even strangers telling me that the annotations were the key added value of the whole translation. Encouraged by this previous experience, I decided to continue with my practice of extensive annotation for the translation of the Hwadam chip, despite some reservations expressed here and there by a few colleagues along the way. For editorial reasons, however, I had to resign myself to simplifying many scholarly references, editing about two-thirds of the quotations out of my annotations, as well as several illustrations, and cutting out all the original texts from the manuscript. I hope that this final version will nonetheless facilitate a first appraisal, in English, of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s prose, and subsequently encourage some readers to directly tackle the texts in hanmun. My annotations are very diverse in nature. Some provide an explanation for a word or a notion. Some give the exact quotations only mentioned by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk in passing or else present the text’s hidden references. Some justify translation choices, presenting other possible options. Finally,

Preface

xv

some explain the context, such as historical background or biographical information. The whole book lends itself to multiple readings. The reader can either read the translation separately or read both the translation and annotations interactively. My translation and its annotations, as well as its Introduction, are not meant to offer a definitive interpretation of the Hwadam chip. I did of course make choices as a translator, and some specialists will agree with my reading, while others will not. However, I do not want my critical commentary to overshadow the original texts. This book is primarily intended as a sourcebook to enable students and scholars to read and comment on the thought of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk themselves. As a translation enthusiast, I have cited existing translations done by my numerous predecessors. There is a rich tradition in the field of translations of sources written in Literary Chinese, and styles vary according to the generation, personal sensitivity, and goal of the translator. This explains why the reader may find some discrepancies in the English rendition of certain notions and expressions, either in my translation or in the reference material mentioned in the annotations. In most cases, I have indicated any changes that I have made, and the index is also helpful for discovering the different choices. Translations used to be regarded as minor undertakings in academia. Fortunately, things are starting to change, and interest in translation, as a complex intellectual and creative process, has been growing recently. In my translation, I hope that I have been able to pay tribute to the generations of translators who have spent considerable time and energy translating texts from Literary Chinese into Western languages. They have given us access to some beautiful and thought-provoking texts, which have come down to us from an immense intellectual tradition, written in an astonishing language of culture that transcended national boundaries: Literary Chinese (sometimes called Literary Sinitic). I owe them a great deal. For romanization, I have used McCune-Reischauer for Korean and pinyin for Chinese. In order to help the reader with the different pronunciations, in either Chinese or Korean, I have systematically indicated both the Chinese and Korean romanization with the sinographs when talking about Chinese names, titles, and basic philosophical notions. My goal is to allow readers, whatever their background, to search for more information with the help of the Chinese pronunciation and the pinyin. For Korean names and words, I have given only the McCune-Reischauer transliteration. It is often said that no translation can replace the original. This is both true and untrue. In my opinion, reading and carrying out works of translation helps with in-depth reading of texts. Translation, which lends itself to slow and critical reading, is an entry into hermeneutics and a way to

xvi Preface ­ ersonally acquire culture for long-lasting intellectual development and p pleasure. It is, undoubtedly, one way to “achieve knowledge by oneself,” to paraphrase the Confucian authors I am so happy to read and translate. I hope that this work will be useful to anybody interested in Chosŏn Korea and Confucianism, from students in East Asian and Korean studies to colleagues teaching Literary Chinese or intellectual history, as well as to any curious mind.

I. Translator’s Introduction

Translator’s Introduction

From Historical Figure to Topic of Study Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk 徐敬德 (1489–1546), whose cognomen is Hwadam 花潭 after his lifelong place of residence (Hwadam, i.e., the “Hwa pool” or “Florid pool”), was a native of Songdo 松都, today’s Kaesŏng 開城, in the northern part of the Korean peninsula. Today, he is a well-known figure in the Korean Neo-Confucian pantheon, though he was not enshrined during the Chosŏn period (1392–1905) in the Munmyo 文廟, the official Confucian Shrine where the most important Confucian scholars are ritually honored. His thought and intellectual legacy are generally highly praised in modern scholarship in both South and North Korea, which makes him a rare and notable exception in the landscape of contemporary studies on Chosŏn Neo-Confucianism. On either side of the 38th parallel, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk has mostly been defined by his supposedly single focus on the notion of Ki 氣 (Vital Energy), also sometimes called Ki monism (chugiron 主氣論 or kiilwŏllon 氣一元‌論).1 Hence, he is thought to have paved the way for other iconic figures of Korean NeoConfucianism, such as Yi I 李珥 (1536–1584), who also enjoys a positive appraisal of his life and thought in both South and North Korea. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk has frequently been associated with Yi I, in an attempt to trace the intellectual genealogy of the Ki school in the early Chosŏn period within the dominant historiography of Korean Neo-Confucianism. This historiography is centered on individual scholars, a few schools, and, later, factions, which were defined by both political and philosophical positions. It also tends to highlight only a few scholarly debates or controversies in which these individual scholars or supporters of specific schools were involved at various stages of the reappropriation of Neo-Confucianism in Korea, or, in other words, the Koreanization of Neo-Confucianism. The major controversy of Chosŏn Neo-Confucianism revolved around the topic of the supremacy of either the Vital Energy or the Patterning Principle (transliterated in Korean as Li/Ri or I 理), or both. The most famous debate is certainly the “­Theories on the Four Sprouts and the 3

4

The Master from Mountains and Fields

Seven Emotions” (sadan ch’ilchŏngnon 四端七情‌論), in which major scholars, such as Yi Hwang 李滉 (1501–1570), Ki Taesŭng 奇‌大‌升 (1527–1572), Yi I, and Sŏng Hon 成渾 (1535–1598), discussed the psychophysiological origins of morality in the sixteenth century. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s reflections on Vital Energy and Patterning Principle are believed to have influenced later scholars who subsequently participated in the debate in the late sixteenth century.2 Moreover, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s independent stance regarding the so-called orthodox Cheng/Zhu school (commonly called “The Learning of Master Zhu [Xi],” Chujahak 朱子學, in Korea), which is considered to be the state ideology of the Chosŏn dynasty, has been interpreted in recent years as a remarkable precedent for the later flourishing of the polymorphous intellectual tendencies of the late Chosŏn period, collectively labeled the “School of Practical Learning” (sirhak 實學). More precisely, and in terms specific to Korean historiography, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is seen as the initiator of an intellectual trend within Korean Neo-Confucianism that may have successively influenced some of the proponents of several schools and factions. This trend is apparent in Yi I’s Kiho school (Kiho hakp’a 畿湖學派), the Patriarch’s Faction (Noron 老論), formed from the division among the Westerners (Sŏin 西人) who followed the teachings of Yi I, as well as the Nak’ak school (Nak’akp’a 洛學派), formed, in turn, from the division of the Patriarch’s Faction. Later on, it also clearly influenced the “School of Northern Learning” (Puk’akp’a 北‌學派), which was, as its name suggests, interested in the various intellectual trends coming from Qing China, and finally ended up assimilating into the so-called School of Practical Learning. The latter school was particularly highlighted—as well as fiercely contested—in modern and contemporary readings of late Chosŏn intellectual life, with the elaboration of nationalist, Marxist, and postcolonial historiographies in Korea in the twentieth century. It was used extensively to designate and essentialize what was identified as a praiseworthy intellectual resistance of a handful of Korean scholars against what was perceived as the dominant state orthodoxy. Specifically, the sirhak school—or movement—was seen as resisting the inhibiting effects this “Neo-Confucian” orthodoxy (in the sense of “School of Nature and Principle” or “Zhu Xi-st”) would have had on progressive thinking in the late Chosŏn period. The underlying issue was whether premodern Korea potentially bore within its own tradition signs or “seeds” (menga 萌‌芽) of capitalism and modernity, proving that development and historical progress ( paljŏn 發展) was not brought in from outside by Japanese colonization. With such a teleological historical narrative, which was driven by an obvious ideological agenda, as well as by conflicting emotions about the rehabilitation of national pride, it comes as no surprise that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was propelled to a prominent place in the twentieth century.



Translator’s Introduction

5

From a historical figure among many, he became one—if not the—pioneer of an intellectual tradition that was considered to be either free-spirited, independent, or materialist over the course of the history of Neo-Confucianism in Korea. This nonmainstream tradition, which was less visible and less valued in Chosŏn, was perceived by modern viewers as being concerned with concrete matters, sciences, and ordinary people in a manner that was different from what was perceived from and attributed to the ideology of the “scholar-officials.” This portmanteau word designates the Confucian scholars who were actively engaged in social, administrative, and political life, and who, consequently, represented not only the elites but also the state apparatus of Chosŏn that sealed the fate of premodern Korea and would eventually lead the country to fall under colonial rule. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk had to be adequately appreciated and studied for this specific contribution to national history. In South Korea, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk has been cited in nearly all the general studies on Chosŏn Neo-Confucianism in the twentieth century, starting with the influential studies by Takahashi Tōru 高橋亨 (1878–1967) during the colonial period and Yi Pyŏngdo 李丙燾 (1896–1989) in his wake,3 but also in more recent histories of Chosŏn Confucianism written by experts in the field of Confucian studies, such as Kŭm Changt’ae, Hwang Ŭidong, Yun Sasun, and Ch’oe Yŏngjin, for example.4 His thought, life, and writ­ ings were examined in numerous media articles, academic papers, and university theses and dissertations, from a wide range of disciplines ranging from literature to history to philosophy to Confucian studies. His prose and poetry writings have been translated partially or almost entirely in several books and studies.5 The most complete translation in modern Korean, published by Myŏngmun tang, dates from 2002 and was carried out by Kim Hakchu, professor emeritus at Seoul National University and a specialist in Chinese philosophy. A previous, much shorter version of this translation had already been published in 1972.6 A valuable synthesis of his life was published in 1998 by Yi Chongho and is still a useful resource.7 Among the most influential studies of his thought and school available so far, it is worth citing Sin Pyŏngju’s study from 2000, in which Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is compared with a very similar scholar from the same period, Cho Sik 曺‌植 (1501–1572).8 In North Korea, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk has been described as a progressive materialist thinker, notably in the seminal History of Chosŏn Philosophy (Chosŏn ch’ŏrhaksa 조선철학사) written in 1962 by Chŏng Chinsŏk, Chŏng Sŏngch’ŏl, and Kim Ch’angwŏn. This work was later translated into Japanese and was also published in South Korea. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was even compared to Spinoza by Supreme Leader Kim Chŏngil (1942–2011) according to the

6

The Master from Mountains and Fields

Complete History of Chosŏn Philosophy (Chosŏn ch’ŏrhak chŏnsa 조선철학전사) published in 2010 in Pyongyang as part of the broad publication project entitled “Collection of Works of Korean Social Sciences and Philosophy” (Chosŏn sahoe kwahak haksuljip 조선사회과학학술집).9 Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s writings are the only ones among those of the many sixteenth-century scholars to have been published in a complete modern edition in North Korea. They were translated as early as 1965 by the Social Science Edition (Sahoe kwahak ch’ulp’ansa 사회과학 출판사), well before any modern translation was published in South Korea.10 Neither Yi Hwang nor Yi I, for example, were given this honor, despite their caliber as major Confucian thinkers. Their writings were only partially translated and published into modern Korean in North Korea. If we look at Korean studies worldwide, most Koreanists are certainly familiar with Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk. Yet, he usually does not appear among the few names that are explicitly mentioned in introductory books about Korean history and culture in English.11 Moreover, even in more specialized studies on either history or philosophy, he never really made the cut for the shortlist of Confucian literati, unlike Chŏng Tojŏn 鄭道傳 (1342–1398), Kwŏn Kŭn 權‌近 (1352–1409), Yi Hwang, Yi I, or Chŏng Yagyong 丁若鏞 (1762–1836), all of whom have been studied almost exclusively for decades by foreign—or foreign-based—scholars in their academic publications.12 This seems to be changing slowly, however. It is worth noting that in the Sources of Korean Tradition, two of his texts have been translated by Michael Kalton, who even refers to the fact that he is considered one of the three outstanding thinkers of the Chosŏn dynasty in Korea.13 Furthermore, in the Dao Companion to Korean Philosophy, edited by Young-chan Ro and published in 2019 as reference material for the study of East Asian philosophies in English, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk has not only been selected as one of the four scholars singled out for the part titled “Major Figurers of Korean Confucianism,” but he is even listed first.14 In this collective work, which notably tackles the issue of women and Korean Confucianism in its last part, reflecting in so doing recent trends in the study of Confucianism in Korean history,15 Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk seems to have gained a new—special—status, becoming worthy of study in his own right and likely to attract interest from researchers and students outside of the Korean peninsula in the future. Although Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is indisputably a well-known historical figure, he presents something of a conundrum for the historian who would like to study him in greater depth, for there are, in fact, few reliable testimonies of his life and thought. Most of these testimonies can be found in his munjip 文‌集, which contains the transmitted compilation of his writings, commonly called the Hwadam chip 花潭集.



Translator’s Introduction

7

The Editorial History of the Hwadam chip The Hwadam chip certainly offers the best overview of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s life and thought even if it is disjointed and poor in information. Just like those of many other “great men” of the Chosŏn period, the legacy of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was determined by the compilation, transmission, and circulation of his munjip. Most of the writings left behind by premodern scholar-officials— or any worthy or wealthy person, for that matter—were collected throughout the centuries and compiled into what are generically called a “Literary Collection,” munjip. The material production of such compilations in Korea increased exponentially throughout the Chosŏn period, especially from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries onwards. Munjip making was a defining characteristic of the Chosŏn dynasty, a phenomenon that had no real equivalent anywhere else in Northeast Asia in terms of the symbolic significance and the sociocultural influence bestowed on the descendants and disciples of the scholars who were lucky enough to have their work compiled and turned into a munjip.16 Munjip were considered the material testimony and legacy of important figures, and erected as monuments, in every sense of the word. Their very existence testified to the glory of the people to whom they were dedicated. Metaphorically speaking, it is a synecdoche for the Confucian master, where the munjip is the man himself. There have been a total of five editions of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s munjip produced during the Chosŏn period, all of which appeared after his death in 1546, and over a relatively short period of time, between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The first in-depth study of these editions was recently carried out by Chŏng Hohun and published in 2018 in an invaluable article, from which the details below have been taken. Beyond the erudite information the article unearthed by comparing the different extant editions, it also helped fix errors that could be found in several summaries of the editorial history of the Hwadam chip.17 The first edition of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s writings was prepared and printed by his own disciples, among whom were Pak Minhŏn 朴民獻 (1516–1586) and Hŏ Yŏp 許曄 (1517–1580), during the reigns of Myŏngjong 明宗 (1545– 1567) and Sŏnjo 宣祖 (1567–1608), most probably before 1552 or 1553. This original edition, in two volumes, had no peritexts and, apparently, did not follow any specific rules of classification beyond the distinction between prose and poetry. It was lost during the Imjin War (1592–1598). However, it would seem a handwritten compilation had also been made and circulated among scholarly circles, because the preface by Yun Hyosŏn 尹孝先 (1563– 1619), dated from 1601, but added only in the third edition of the Hwadam

8

The Master from Mountains and Fields

chip in 1652, says that a written copy of the first edition was found, edited, and printed again, with a rearrangement, by Hong Pang 洪霶 (1573–1638). This second edition of the Hwadam chip by Hong Pang was printed in a single volume and featured the “Tombstone Inscription” written in 1585 by Pak Minhŏn, which provided biographical information for the first time. It was called the “1605 Ŭnsan edition” (ŭlsa [1605] Ŭnsan pon 乙巳殷山本) and was kept at the Hwagok Academy (Hwagok sŏwŏn 花谷書院), founded in 1609 in Kaesŏng to enshrine Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk and many of his disciples. Hong Pang, who was in office at the time in Ŭnsan, P’yŏngan Province, took personal responsibility for saving Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s writings from the oblivion they would have inevitably fallen into due to the loss of the first edition, and he wrote the first postface to the compilation. But most of the work had been done before him by his father, Hong Isang 洪履祥 (1549–1615), who was a disciple of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s direct disciple Min Sun 閔純 (1519–1591), and a former Prefect of Kaesŏng. Because of the severe damage caused by time and further foreign invasions on this 1605 edition in the seventeenth century, a third compilation was prepared and printed in Kaesŏng by Yun Hyu 尹鑴 (1617–1680), the leader of the Southerners (Namin 南人), at another Confucian academy, the Sungyang Academy (Sungyang sŏwŏn 崧陽書院). This academy, founded by Kaesŏng scholars in 1573 to venerate Chŏng Mongju 鄭夢周 (1337–1392) and Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, received a royal charter in 1575.18 Yun Hyu worked closely with local scholars and a descendant of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, Literary Licentiate Yi Suk 李埱 (n.d.). Yun Hyu’s edition added to the munjip the only rhymed prose text ( pu 賦) attributed to Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, as well as a couple of firsthand testimonies about him, collected from various sources, and a second postface. Interestingly, this postface was not written by Yun Hyu himself, but by his father, Yun Hyosŏn 尹孝先 (1563–1619), a renowned scholar from the powerful Yun clan of Namwŏn 南原 in Chŏlla Province. Just like Hong Pang, Yun Hyu’s intent in printing the Hwadam chip seems to have been to complete the work started by his father, who, like Hong Isang, studied under the guidance of Min Sun. Before embarking on a tumultuous political career, Yun Hyosŏn was very dedicated to his studies, especially the exegesis of the Book of Changes and the tradition coming from Zhang Zai 張載 (1020–1077) and Shao Yong 邵雍 (1012–1077). In his youth, he received an appointment in Yŏngyu 永柔 in P’yŏngan Province and took part in the reedition of the munjip of Kim Chŏngguk 金正國 (1485–1541). Since the preface his son included in the 1652 edition of the Hwadam chip is dated from as early as 1601, it can be assumed that he had planned to compile Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s munjip himself in the early years of his career, not knowing that Hong Pang was already preparing a new edition in Kaesŏng. The 1652 edition made by his



Translator’s Introduction

9

son seems to have been widely circulated and printed, despite Yun Hyu’s political fall from grace. Starting from 1659, he was strongly criticized by the Westerners and Song Siyŏl 宋時烈 (1607–1689), the leader of the Patriarch’s Faction, for “despoiling the Way” (samun nanjŏk 斯文亂賊) and, towards the beginning of Sukchong’s reign, in 1680, he was even convicted of treason.19 More than a century after the third edition of the Hwadam chip, Kaesŏng scholars, such as Han Myŏngsang 韓命相 (b. 1651) and Ma Chigwang 馬‌之‌光 (b. 1726), took the initiative to compile a new edition at the Hwagok Academy in 1770. This edition was called the “Kaesŏng edition of the forty-sixth year of King Yŏngjo” (Yŏngjo Kyŏng’in Kaesŏng pon 英祖庚寅開城本), but was much indebted to the work of a scholar who was neither a native of Kaesŏng nor a scholar connected directly to its intellectual tradition: Kim Yonggyŏm 金用‌謙 (1702–1789).20 Kim Yonggyŏm was a member of the Kim clan of Andong that was representative of the Patriarch’s Faction, but he was an open-minded scholar, sensitive to new ideas from both the Northern Learning and Nak’ak schools. This fourth edition was based on his 1752 handwritten copy of the second edition of the Hwadam chip, which he rearranged into one volume and four kwŏn, and which was brought to Kaesŏng, probably from the capital, by local scholar Kim Sŏngsi 金聲始 (n.d.). The scholars from the Hwagok Academy then added to this version two texts expected to be included in a munjip of any Confucian master worthy of the name: a “Chronological Biography” and a “List of Disciples.” The latter text was notably meant to highlight the history of their academy. They also altered some of the testimonies about Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk that had been added to the third edition. Lastly, they asked the Prefect of Kaesŏng, Ch’ae Wiha 蔡緯夏 (b. 1720), a renowned scholar himself, to write a postface, proving that the initiative taken by Kaesŏng scholars and the Hwagok Academy had official support. This fourth version of the compilation, in two volumes and three kwŏn, was called “The Literary Collection of Master Hwadam” (Hwadam sŏnsaeng munjip 花潭先生文集). It included a preface, written by Wŏn Inson, and brought the number of postfaces to five. For the first time, the content of the Hwadam chip was organized by literary genre, according to proper editorial rules.21 The last premodern edition of the Hwadam chip was printed seventeen years later, in Kaesŏng again, but back at the Sungyang Academy, showing that a rapid shift of power occurred between the two main academies dedicated to Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk in the area. The mastermind behind the compilation of the definitive edition of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s munjip is Cho Yusŏn 趙有‌善 (1731–1809), one of the most influential scholars from Kaesŏng in the late Chosŏn period.22 Cho Yusŏn became a member of the Nak’ak school, following the teachings of his master, Kim Wŏnhaeng 金元行 (1702–1772), who was a member of the Kim clan of Andong, as was Kim Yonggyŏm.

10

The Master from Mountains and Fields

Kim Wŏnhaeng remained strictly separate from official life after the hardships his close family members underwent during the eighteenth-century factional struggles and gained fame for his scholarship in the intellectual circles of the capital.23 Thanks to this prestigious scholarly filiation with Kim Wŏnhaeng, who even accepted the directorship of the Sungyang Academy for a while, Cho Yusŏn enjoyed an exceptional status in Kaesŏng. He contributed neither a preface nor a postface to the Hwadam chip, but his influence on the new edition is undeniable. He was helped in his work by Ma Chigwang, who participated in the 1770 edition, and other Kaesŏng scholars. He also had the support of the Prefect Yun Suk, who, despite falling from grace for criticizing King Yŏngjo’s decision to sentence his son, Prince Sado 思悼 (1735–1762), regained influence as soon as Chŏngjo ascended the throne. The 1787 edition, printed with movable wooden type that considerably accelerated the printing process, was organized into two volumes and four kwŏn, where the 1770 edition only had three. This fourth kwŏn in the new edition consisted of documents about the Sungyang and Hwagok Academies, as well as letters and poems left by scholars who visited these places. The only text not original to this new kwŏn is the “List of Disciples,” which was moved from the 1770 edition’s third kwŏn, with some alterations.

Structure and Content of the 1787 Edition The edition used for this translation is the 1787 edition, as it is the latest and most complete. It is also the version that was added to the digital library of the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics (Han’guk kojŏn pŏn­­ yŏgwŏn 한국고전번역원) and is the most extensively used today. This edition contains many addenda, in kwŏn 3 and 4, which bring together various testimonies and texts that are related either to Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk or the Hwagok and Sungyang Academies in Kaesŏng, but that were not written by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk himself. So, the core of the Hwadam chip is in fact located and divided into two main sections: the poetry section in kwŏn 1 and the prose section in kwŏn 2. This is not surprising as the division of poetry and prose, distinguished according to basic elements of style featured in the texts, was common practice from the very first compilations of literati writings in China and the practice was adopted in Korea. This division appeared in the first edition, though the prose texts were most probably placed first, unlike in the 1787 edition. It was maintained in the successive editions of the Hwadam chip, but it was not necessarily made a physical division through separate kwŏn. The second edition of 1605 by Hong Pang was indeed made of a single kwŏn. In the 1787 edition, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s works of poetry account for



Translator’s Introduction

11

no less than seventy-seven texts. Except for one rhymed prose text, which is listed apart, all these poems (si 詩) are short. Several of them can be qualified as philosophical and strongly resemble Shao Yong’s poems. It is interesting to note that some of the poems can be considered letters or gift-letters in their actual use, but the literary genre with which each is labeled is usually what guides the compilation of munjip. As for Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s prose writings, they are divided into five categories: memorials (sŏ 疏), letters (sŏ 書), miscellanies (chapchŏ 雜著), one gift-letter (sŏ 序), and inscriptions (myŏng 銘). The Hwadam chip contains two memorials to the throne. The most important one is rather long and deals with official mourning rites after the death of King Chungjong 中宗 (1488–1544), who reigned from 1506 to 1544. But it was never sent to King Injong 仁宗 (1515–1545), who died after reigning for only eight months. A close reading of the whole memorial reveals three interesting aspects of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk. First, he was extremely knowledgeable about rites. Second, he was preoccupied with the status of the Confucian scholars. Third, he used stirring words to express concern for the living and working conditions of the ordinary people. The symbolic importance attached by later disciples to this unsent memorial can be better understood when we consider that lengthy quotations from it were later added to the final version of the “Chronological Biography” in the 1787 edition. As for the four brief personal letters sent to his disciples Pak Chihwa 朴枝華 (1513–1592) and Pak Minhŏn, they all deal with ritual matters. Since they do not provide any clues about the context in which they were written, they unfortunately present rather incomplete testimonies of Hwadam’s correspondence. They simply illustrate, once more, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s knowledge about ritual matters. The miscellanies, which consist of various commentaries, include thirteen texts. The first four are said to have been hastily dictated by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk to Hŏ Yŏp on his deathbed, and were meant to fill specific gaps of knowledge he observed in his contemporaries. These four texts were further supplemented by the compilers of the Hwadam chip, as can be seen by the indication “additional notes” in the translation contained in this volume. These four texts are frequently quoted to discuss Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s thought, especially his interpretation of the Vital Energy. However, the rest of the miscellanies, which clearly outnumber these four texts, shed light on Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s philosophical concerns. These concerns are heavily indebted to Shao Yong and, to a lesser degree, to Zhou Dunyi 周敦頤 (1017–1073), Zhang Zai, Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), and the Cheng brothers, Cheng Hao 程顥 (1032–1085) and Cheng Yi 程頤 (1033–1107). The last two texts of the miscellanies consist of two short pieces for Pak Minhŏn and Kim Han’gŏl 金漢傑 (n.d.) about the modification of their

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The Master from Mountains and Fields

r­ espective courtesy names. These texts are interesting, as they illustrate Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s personal judgment of his disciples and provide a testimony of the actual interaction between a master and his disciples. Moreover, they reveal Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s interest in the study and correction of names that can be analyzed in conjunction with his reflections on correct sounds, that is to say, to “correct finals and correct initials” (chŏngsŏng chŏngŭm 正聲正‌音) as illustrated by the two texts dealing with Shao Yong’s phonology. The single letter addressed to Sim Ŭi 沈義 (b. 1475) as a parting gift is surprisingly long and shows Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s appreciation for the Book of Changes, which permeates almost all of his writings in the Hwadam chip. Lastly, the two inscriptions written on the zither deal with music, and echo, once more, his interest in sounds, melodies, and phonology, as well as Daoist-flavored meditative thinking. In addition to the texts attributed to Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, this translation has chosen to present three additional texts contained in kwŏn 3 and 4 of the 1787 edition that may be useful for understanding his life, thought, and legacy. The “Tombstone Inscription” written by Pak Minhŏn, which was included as early as 1605 in the second edition of the Hwadam chip, provides more information about his life and personality than any other text. It was used for the writing of the “Chronological Biography” ( yŏnbo 年譜), the second text included in this translation. As for the third text, although the “List of Disciples” was slightly altered in the 1787 edition, it has the merit of giving an overview of the actual intellectual circles, as well as the heirs, of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk. The section “Remaining Materials” ( yusa 遺事) has not been translated, despite its undeniable value for understanding how Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk had been appraised in contrasting ways by scholars from the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. The reason for this is that its content varied significantly between the third edition, where some appraisals of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk first appeared in an “Addendum Section” ( purok 附錄), the fourth edition, where these various testimonies and quotations were supplemented and compiled under the title “Miscellany of Words and Deeds” (ŏnhaeng chamnok 言行雜錄), and finally, the fifth edition, where all these materials were altered again and renamed simply “Remaining Materials.” The information they provide speaks more for the scholars who talked about Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk than it does for his scholarship per se.

Beyond the Compilation: How the Hwadam chip Shaped Hwadam’s Legacy Compiling and printing a munjip required great financial and human effort and was, hence, repeated only when the project of republication or rear-



Translator’s Introduction

13

rangement of an extant compilation was considered a priority or worthy of undertaking. The writings of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk were printed many times during the Chosŏn dynasty, which was unusual for a scholar from the early Chosŏn period, especially considering that the sources attributed to Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk were scarce and the whole corpus was relatively modest. Furthermore, the appraisal of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was not always positive throughout the dynasty, and his status as a great master worthy of emulation could not be taken for granted. In fact, the successive editions of the Hwadam chip are precisely what gave him the credentials to be acknowledged by posterity as a true Confucian master, rather than one Confucian scholar among others. In other words, the Hwadam chip not only represented Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, it is what made him Master Hwadam.24 The most striking feature of the editorial history of the Hwadam chip over the course of more than two centuries is the progressive inflation of the peritexts that were added to Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s written legacy. In particular, the peritexts included in the 1770 and 1787 editions, which were printed in the two most prominent Confucian academies in Kaesŏng, enclosed—or, both literally and figuratively, embraced—Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s own writings. The contributors to these final versions of the Hwadam chip were no longer direct disciples of either Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk or Min Sun who felt bound by the duty of keeping the memory of their master, almost in a filial way, as was the case for both Hong Pang and Yun Hyu. Since all the extant materials had already been collected in previous editions, they no longer felt the need to simply preserve Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s legacy in an archival munjip. What motivated them was, first and foremost, a thirst for recognition. As one of the three capitals of the fallen Koryŏ dynasty and a merchant city located in the northern part of the kingdom considered a region destined for military defense, Kaesŏng was viewed with suspicion and disdain by the capital-based elites in early Chosŏn. But, close to the capital and situated along the official route of the embassies going back and forth from China, where books and knowledge circulated easily, it progressively developed into a rich locality that nurtured high-profile scholars.25 One such scholar was Cho Yusŏn, the ultimate manufacturer of the Hwadam chip as it has been transmitted to us. Although an updated version of the munjip had been printed in Kaesŏng in 1770, he felt the need to replace it with a new edition in 1787. This towering personality of Kaesŏng, as well as his cohorts, altered the content of many parts of the 1770 edition. For example, they changed the titles of a few poems and rearranged some of them into paragraphs. They modified the “List of Disciples,” notably removing the entries about Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s disciples who were not scholars from noble families but simple merchants from Kaesŏng. They reformated the style and content of

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The Master from Mountains and Fields

the “Chronological Biography” by supplementing it with a lengthy quotation from the unsent memorial to Injong, stressing Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s political views, and adding mentions about two isolated initiatives: the first initiative, taken in 1609 by Hong Isang, who was Kaesŏng’s Prefect at the time, was to build a shrine to perform sacrifices to Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, and the second, taken in 1614 by Confucian scholars from the capital, was to ask for the enshrinement of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk in the Munmyo. The most obvious alterations concern the testimonies about Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk. New testimonies were added and some criticisms were simply removed. But the most significant aspect of the editorial work in the 1787 edition was that it significantly downplayed Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s focus on “figures and numbers” (sangsu 象數) in the study of the Changes. Cho Yusŏn aimed to turn the Sungyang Academy, of which he was himself the leader, into a major hub for Confucian scholarship. He and his followers were striving to highlight Kaesŏng’s tradition of Neo-Confucian studies by tracing a clear scholarly genealogy. With this in mind, they shaped Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s legacy in the Hwadam chip in a manner that would convince their peers that Hwadam’s teachings constituted a legitimate scholarly contribution, in accordance with contemporary philosophical standards. But the task was not an easy one, since the project was basically a rehabilitation. All the peritexts of the Hwadam chip reveal a concern that underlay almost every editorial project from the sixteenth century on. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s remaining texts in the Hwadam chip did not, in themselves, suffice to prove his scholarly expertise and thus ensure the status that his admirers believed he deserved. The scholars who were asked to write these peritexts all lamented the fact that most of the firsthand and secondhand materials (i.e., the handwritten manuscripts and the printing blocks used for the first compilations) had been either lost or irreparably damaged. They also pointed out that these sources were simply illegible in some places, because of the poor quality of the original paper. It is therefore very likely that the vast majority of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s manuscripts were already lost a couple of decades after his death, without people even noticing. Moreover, the few fragments and handwritten copies of texts circulating amongst limited intellectual circles were hardly doing justice to Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s thought. In order to repair the damage wrought by the poor preservation of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s work and teaching, the compilers of the 1770 edition provided the readers of the Hwadam chip with a general understanding of both what the munjip contained and what it did not, and how Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk should be assessed in Korean history. In his postface, Yun Tŭkkwan 尹得觀 says that his forefather Yun Kŭnsu 尹根壽 (1537–1616) mentioned Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk along with Cho Kwangjo 趙光祖 (1482–1519), the leader of the reformist



Translator’s Introduction

15

faction of the so-called sarim 士林, when he was requested to introduce prominent Korean Neo-Confucians to the Chinese court while he was on a mission to the Ming. He suggests that this esteem for Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was not new in the eighteenth century and that even the Chinese court had heard of him in the late sixteenth century. Similarly, in his preface to the same fourth edition, Wŏn Inson says that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk should be ranked alongside the four masters, who, according to him, were true followers of the Learning of the Cheng brothers and Zhu Xi. The four masters listed by Wŏn Inson are Cho Kwangjo, Yi Ŏnjŏk 李彦迪 (1491–1553), Yi Hwang, and Yi I. The goal of both Yun Tŭkkwan and Wŏn Inson was to prove that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk belonged to the sarim lineage. From the perspective of eighteenth-century scholars, this specific lineage included key figures of the sixteenth century who gave the greatest impetus to the Korean developments of Neo-Confucianism and, hence, built Chosŏn’s own “Transmission of the Way” (Daotong/Tot’ong 道統). Despite all the efforts of the 1770 and 1787 editions to trace a prestigious and legitimate genealogy, the “Hwadam Learning” or “Hwadam school” (Hwadam hakp’a 花潭學派) was yet to be defined. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was not held in high regard by leading Neo-Confucian scholars, with the exception of the rare, open-minded scholar, such as Kim Yonggyŏm and Yun Hyosŏn, as seen above. It seems that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s writings and ideas were no longer well known or widely studied in the eighteenth century. The reason for this is that, in contrast to the consensus of positive and laudatory recognition that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk enjoys today, the historical and philosophical opinion of him held by important scholars of the late sixteenth century was lukewarm to say the least. This, in turn, affected appraisals of his scholarship by late Chosŏn scholars, who held mixed opinions about him. In the sixteenth century, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was mainly criticized for two intellectual—or doctrinal—errors: his views on the Vital Energy, which were criticized by both Yi Hwang and Yi I with varying degrees of severity, and his interest in “figures and numbers,” embodied by his focus on Shao Yong’s philosophy. The judgments made by Yi Hwang and Yi I were the most authoritative and their respective followers tended not to contest their masters’ views. The preface by Yun Suk explicitly states that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s thought was—wrongly— compared and reduced to mere divination techniques that were regarded as worthless in the eighteenth century. Moreover, because the texts he left behind were so meager and piecemeal, giving the impression for the most part that he was a strict follower of Northern Song Neo-Confucians such as Zhou Dunyi, Zhang Zai, and Shao Yong, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was probably not considered a true follower of the Cheng/Zhu school, which was the orthodox school in Korea at the time. It is noteworthy that in Qing China the

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­ omplete Library of the Four Treasuries (Siku quanshu 四庫全書), compiled from C 1773 to 1782, contains a reference to the Hwadam chip, where Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is described as the Korean follower and transmitter of the thoughts of Zhou Dunyi and Shao Yong. This reputation as unorthodox constituted a serious criticism and explains why the admirers of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk made such significant efforts to restore his shattered image, emphasizing that he was, in fact, perfectly in tune with the Cheng/Zhu school. They also highlighted Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s exemplarity as a person and as a Confucian scholar entirely dedicated to Learning.26 The “Chronological Biography,” first added in the 1770 edition, recounts that when, in 1567, a Chinese emissary asked whether there were any Korean scholars who were comparable to the Cheng brothers and Zhu Xi, the name of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was cited by two famous scholars, Yu Hwich’un 柳希春 (1513–1577) and Ki Taesŭng. The biography also underlines the credit given by Yi Hwang and Yi I to Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk for his morality and scholarly attitude during the discussions held at court in 1573 and 1575, when a proposal was made to bestow upon him a new posthumous and honorific title. Notably, Yi I’s positive opinion of Hwadam appears in a lengthy quotation. However, Yi I’s comparison of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s thoughts with those of Zhang Zai has instead had a perverse and long-lasting effect: many modern commentators are content to simply accept this statement without examining the importance of Shao Yong’s work in the understanding of the Hwadam chip. Even so, starting in the late sixteenth century, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was progressively acknowledged, first by being bestowed the honorific title of Master Hwadam (Hwadam sŏnsaeng 花潭先生) and then by having a tombstone erected by royal order (sindobi 神道碑) in 1585. The Hwagok Academy, where sacrifices were performed for him, was granted a royal charter in 1614, and several Confucian scholars from the Kyŏnggi region took this opportunity to address a memorial to the throne asking for his enshrinement in the Munmyo. However, this request was never seriously considered at court, due to the disinterest of Yi Hangbok 李恒福 (1556–1618), who was at that time caught up in debates about the enshrinement of the Five Wor汝‌ 昌 thies, that is, Kim Koengp’il 金宏弼 (1454–1504), Chŏng Yŏch’ang 鄭‌ (1450–1504), Cho Kwangjo, Yi Ŏnjŏk, and Yi Hwang. This episode was clearly mentioned in the “Chronological Biography” in a whole new entry that was later added to the 1787 edition. In the end, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was never enshrined in the Munmyo, even though his mother, Lady Han of Poan, is said to have dreamt of entering its gates the very night he was conceived, and even though his admirers had, generation after generation, toiled tirelessly to design the best possible version of his munjip.



Translator’s Introduction

17

Readings of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s Thought Based on His Munjip All things considered, in the longue durée, the efforts made by the compilers of the Hwadam chip in the eighteenth century to shape his legacy in a way that would demonstrate Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s intellectual value and his special place within the Korean Neo-Confucian tradition were rather successful. The structure of their final version of the munjip encouraged a specific way of reading Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s writings and understanding his thought, and this structure has had a long-lasting effect that is still clear today. Despite the relative diversity of the texts gathered in the Hwadam chip, most studies of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s thought in the twentieth century have focused almost exclusively on the miscellanies section from kwŏn 2: this is strikingly disproportionate, with almost no attention given to the rest of the prose writings. Moreover, as mentioned above, of the thirteen texts contained in the miscellanies part, only the four written just before Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s death are used to present and discuss his thought: “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy” (Wŏnigi 原理氣), “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy” (Igisŏl 理氣說), “Explanation of the Supreme Void” (T’aehŏsŏl 太虛說), and “Discussions about Spirits and Spiritual Forces, Death and Life” (Kwisinsasaengnon 鬼神死生論). These texts deal mainly with cosmology and are therefore treated as authoritative evidence of the supposed primacy given by Hwadam to the notion of Vital Energy. However, when one considers the other miscellanies texts and the munjip as a whole, this viewpoint is not convincing. The rest of the thirteen texts are more focused on the exegesis of the Book of Changes and Shao Yong’s cosmology, numerology, cosmochrony, and phonology. Personal letters and one of the two memorials to the throne also illustrate Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s concern for rites, their practice and their meaning. This suggests that he must have been acknowledged by his contemporaries as an expert on Confucian rites. As for the numerous poetic works, which are not translated in this volume, in many ways they echo the topics in his prose writing, especially the philosophy of Shao Yong. So, upon closer examination—and despite the scarcity of the extant writings—it is possible to delineate and analyze in the Hwadam chip some general features, overall tendencies, and special focuses of interest in Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s thought, which clearly extends beyond the notion of Vital Energy. It is worth asking ourselves why, on the one hand, only four texts from the whole munjip have been quoted and studied frequently, and why, on the other hand, the rest of the Hwadam chip has been given so little attention. There may be several reasons for this. One possible reason is that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s thought is studied within

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the editorial structure of the Hwadam chip. The goal of the compilers was to underline Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s importance as an orthodox Neo-Confucian thinker. Since they could not deny that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s writings primarily dealt with cosmology based on the exegesis of the Book of Changes, they had to insist that his approach was, at least, in line with the orthodox school of “meanings and principles” ( yili/ŭiri 義理) represented by Zhang Zai, Cheng Yi, and Zhu Xi, and that it was not faithful solely to the less orthodox—and less understood—school of “figures and numbers” represented by Shao Yong. By insisting on the orthodox nature of the legacy of Northern Song thinkers like Zhang Zai, Shao Yong, and Zhou Dunyi, as expressed in their peritexts, which were added as reading guidelines for the Hwadam chip, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s followers probably intended to stress that these true thinkers who served as models for Master Hwadam were no less orthodox than the iconic Southern Song thinker Zhu Xi. The four texts dealing with cosmology in the style of Zhang Zai were much more suited to this purpose than the very specialized texts commenting on Shao Yong’s works. They were therefore placed at the very beginning of the miscellanies section, despite the fact that they must have come last chronologically speaking. The final editions of the Hwadam chip clearly followed some strict editorial rules for organizing the texts within the compilation, but they made an exception to those rules in the specific case of these four texts. This privileged placement within the munjip explains why later generations interpreted these texts, which were read first, as conveying the most quintessential and representative aspects of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s thought. Another reason why readings of the Hwadam chip have been so narrow and somewhat biased may be related to the marked difference in the writing styles of the four texts compared with the rest of the miscellanies. These four texts stand out, not only because of their content, but also because of their stylistic form. They were dictated to Hŏ Yŏp, who might have been tempted to give the best possible written expression to his master’s last words. Moreover, it is plausible that these crucial texts were later touched up by Kim Yonggyŏm, as can be read between the lines in his 1752 postface. Lastly, it is worth mentioning that a passage from “Discussions about Spirits and Spiritual Forces, Death and Life” was altered in the 1787 edition: the expression originally appearing in the text, tamil ch’ŏnghŏ 淡一清虛, was changed to 湛‌一清虛, which is pronounced the same way.27 The latter expression is the one that is used in Zhang Zai’s writings. Cho Yusŏn and Kaesŏng scholars seem to have corrected Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s text, written down by Hŏ Yŏp, to make it closer to the exact expression used by the Chinese master. Considering that the 1770 edition was based on Kim Yonggyŏm’s rearrangement of the Hwadam chip, and that the 1787 edition altered a passage from one of



Translator’s Introduction

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the four core texts, one might argue that the version of the four texts that can be read today in the 1787 edition is the result of some sort of editing process or, at the very least, some polishing. Probably crafted as the masterpieces of the Hwadam chip, these texts sound classical and authoritative, contrary to the other prose texts from Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s hand. The efforts of the compilers were rewarded, since these four texts are still the most read and quoted from the whole munjip today. However, since the 1990s, a handful of South Korean scholars have started to study Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s writings beyond the frame of these four texts. Several studies have notably discussed his other texts; for example, they looked closely at the texts commenting on Shao Yong’s thought, and especially on his phonology.28 Some new insights might be expected in the future. Generally speaking, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s writing style, as it is transmitted in the Hwadam chip, is very difficult to read and understand as a result of its three main features: it is fragmentary, intertextual, and allusive. Certainly, these were common features of the writings of many premodern scholars. It can also be argued that the fragmentary aspect of the text is simply a result of the loss of most of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s writings at the time the first compilations and printed editions were actually made. However, it is worth asking ourselves whether these stylistic features were not, in fact, an integral part of Hwadam’s own specific style of writing, thinking, and teaching. A reading of any of the six texts following the four previously discussed, written as a series of succinct commentaries on Shao Yong’s August Ultimate Going through the Ages (Huangji jinghi shu 皇極經世書), and, to a lesser extent, Zhu Xi’s comments on hexagram change, reveals that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk generally favored a writing style that more closely resembled hasty note taking. His priority in the first place may have been to write short explanations, for the benefit of the disciples who studied with him on a regular basis. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk did not write any works of synthesis, no extensive commentaries on the Classics or the Four Books, nor any well-crafted treatises like some of his fellow Neo-Confucian literati. The vast majority of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s surviving writings as they appear in the Hwadam chip may be viewed as short scholarly explanations or even as remains and vestiges of a teaching that was, for the most part, transmitted orally and most probably randomly to disciples in specific circumstances. In this regard, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk adopts a different stance than other famous Korean Neo-Confucian scholars, who were much keener to transform and truly “civilize” the society they lived in by carving exemplary primers to Neo-Confucianism and leaving written records of their thinking for posterity. He seems to have been mostly intent on leading an independent life of study, mainly for his own enjoyment and pleasure.

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The “Self-Taught” Hermit When studying the work of a Confucian master, a look at his biography is, traditionally, a compulsory step. Confucian scholars were judged on their moral behavior as much as on their intellectual contributions to the tradition they inherited. Their personal way of living and practicing Confucian Learning was subjected to scrutiny, since this Learning was fundamentally understood as both an ethical ideal and an active process that could only be experienced through individual lives. The unique experience of those who were considered proper Confucian masters were commented on by posterity through records of speeches and deeds, or any biographical sources, poems included. Some of the words these scholars uttered, and the behavior they displayed, either in daily life or in special circumstances, were carefully recorded by disciples, descendants, and witnesses. They were then transmitted in munjip as biographical materials, along with other texts that would be labeled today as philosophical. These materials were ultimately intended as a tool for accessing the Learning method of outstanding scholars, for it was believed that this method could be emulated for the benefit of the whole society. In Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s case, two aspects of his biography have been highlighted, both in his lifetime and afterwards, and have defined his philosophical persona: the fact that he was self-taught and that he was stubbornly eremitic. In his “Tombstone Inscription,” which was the first biographical information compiled in the Hwadam chip, Pak Minhŏn is clearly pointing out the first aspect mentioned above by stating that there was no significant masterdisciple relationship from which Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk could have learned and benefited in his youth. The “Chronological Biography” elaborates further on the matter, explaining that the only time Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk deliberately sought the expertise of a teacher in Kaesŏng, at age fourteen, he ended up deciding to learn on his own, believing that “one can understand books through thinking by oneself.” Thus, the two major biographical sources in the Hwadam chip both state that he was truly a “self-made” or “self-taught” scholar. Wŏn Inson stresses this again in the 1770 preface, where he quotes Yi I, who described Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk as having “acquired his own knowledge” while comparing the merits and abilities of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk to those of Yi Hwang. Wŏn Inson turned this comment, which originally appeared in a rather critical general statement by Yi I, into a positive appraisal, proof that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was, in fact, a true disciple of Confucius, “a phoenix” who was able to “stir up the heavenly springs” on his own. This depiction of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk in terms of his ability to “acquire his own knowledge” or “achieve knowledge



Translator’s Introduction

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by himself” (chadŭk 自得) became part of a strategy undertaken by his followers to make him fit into the orthodox Korean “Transmission of the Way.” The emphasis repeatedly put on this particular aspect of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s biography in the peritexts of the Hwadam chip mainly reveals that his case presented a problem in need of solving. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s method of learning could be regarded as unorthodox and would, in turn, mean that he himself could not be considered a proper Confucian master worthy of emulation, meaning the problem revolved once more around legitimacy. In his early twenties, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was fully absorbed in the “investigation of things and extension of knowledge” ( gewu zhizhi/kyŏngmul ch’iji 格物致知), a key step of the Great Learning (Daxue/Taehak 大學), one of the Four Books that constitute the core of Neo-Confucianism after the Cheng brothers and Zhu Xi. At this time, he is said to have fallen severely ill because of his intense thinking and excessive behavior (kwa 過). He locked himself away, did not eat or sleep properly, and even showed signs of losing his mind. After six years of intense thinking in isolation, he is said to have finally understood all the realities of the world by his mid-twenties. This description of his way of learning does not fit into the program presented in not only the Great Learn­ ing, but also the Elementary Learning (Xiaoxue/Sohak 小學), the reference primer for Neo-Confucian education designed by Zhu Xi. According to these texts, a junior Confucian student is expected to “learn” in a progressive, balanced, and cumulative way by acquiring personal knowledge through two means. First, he has to learn from daily ritual behavior, experienced through family routine and social interaction. Second, he has to learn through extensive reading, carried out under the guidance of senior scholars and teachers, and with the companionship and emulation of fellow students. Because of his excessive focus on thinking by himself, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk presented the image of an eccentric scholar, who was unable to behave socially and was out of touch with people and reality in daily life. Worse, he seemed more akin to a Buddhist monk, who would have acquired knowledge through a process of “enlightenment” ( jue/kak 覺), both gradual and sudden, or to a Daoist master cultivating the Dao for himself, staying deliberately isolated from society. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk himself acknowledged that his way of learning should not be imitated by students. This aspect of his biography must have been so salient that it could not go unnoticed by his contemporaries as well as later generations, and Yi Hwang and Yi I duly noted and unambiguously criticized it. Before these criticisms were expressed at court, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s disciples must have already been aware of the possible misunderstanding their master’s way of acquiring knowledge could be subjected to. Pak Minhŏn’s “Tombstone Inscription” can therefore be read as entirely focused on justifying Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s unusual way of learning. Pak Minhŏn starts his

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text by using an orthodox Neo-Confucian line of argument to explain that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was gifted with a special “nature” (xing/sŏng 性) allowing him to understand Principle by himself through his own Mind-and-Heart (xin/sim 心). According to Pak, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk did have a teacher, and the best possible one: human nature itself. Despite Pak’s effort to play some sort of shell game with Neo-Confucian argumentation, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s method of learning was undoubtedly unconventional for Neo-Confucians and was also difficult to emulate for everyone. Hence, efforts were not spared in the Hwadam chip to underline other aspects of his life that could demonstrate his supposedly deep-rooted Confucian sensibility: his expertise on Confucian rituals and his lifelong filial piety. But Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s overall attitude towards learning still raised questions, for it was related to the other major aspect of his character: his eremitism. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was certainly not the only recluse scholar of early Chosŏn. Sarim scholars were defined by their moral refusal to engage in political life, as a protest against the literati purges (sahwa 士禍) that targeted Neo-Confucian scholar-officials in 1498, 1504, 1519, and 1545.29 However, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s eremitism could hardly be qualified as based on moral criteria, which was a serious flaw. Despite the fact that all the purges happened during his lifetime, he did not remain isolated for political or ideological reasons. For example, just before kimyo sahwa 己卯士禍 broke out and Cho Kwangjo and the sarim fell from grace at the court, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, who was thirty-one years old, was selected for appointment by recommendation through the “special recruitment of 1519” (chŏngŏgwa 薦擧科), but he declined. He did pass the first civil exam of the Classics Licentiate examinations, but rather late, at the age of forty-three, and only as a filial gesture to please his aging mother. Twice in his fifties, in 1540 and 1544, he was offered minor official positions by Kim Anguk, who was the leader of the sarim scholars under Chungjong’s reign (1506–1544), but, again, he declined both times. Many aspects of his biography show that he had no interest in engaging actively in either the civil service or sociopolitical life. He remained relatively isolated, simply because he wanted to study by himself and for himself. This withdrawal from official life meant that he did not share the emotionally charged trauma of the sarim scholars. Despite their respective intellectual and moral authority, as well as their political influence, sarim scholars like Kim Koengp’il and Cho Kwangjo suffered for their political affiliations. The former was put under house arrest in Hŭich’ŏn 熙川 during the 1489 literati purge, then murdered during the 1504 purge, while the latter was sentenced to drink poison after being kept imprisoned in Nŭngju 綾州 during the 1519 purge. Faced with the problem posed by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s apparent indifference to these sensitive events, his later followers needed



Translator’s Introduction

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to find a convincing way to present his eremitism in a positive and favorable light. They chose to categorize him as part of the orthodox school of “Learning of the Mind-and-Heart” (xinxue/simhak 心學), a dominant trend within the Korean concept of Neo-Confucianism.30 One characteristic of this trend was to assume that a scholar, if he was exceptional, could learn by himself by following a proper method from early Confucianism: the so-called method of the Mind (xinfa 心法). The theory of the “Transmission of the Way” was based precisely on this idea, since the Cheng brothers and Zhu Xi were believed to have reconnected directly, despite temporal distance, to the very source of the tradition of Confucius and Mencius, which predated the introduction of Buddhism in China and was, therefore, orthodox. The first attempt in this direction already appears in the 1605 postface written by Hong Pang. The “Chronological Biography” also mentions that, in 1566, when Chinese emissaries asked him whether there were any Korean scholars who were well versed in “Confucius’s and Mencius’s Learning of the Mind-and-Heart” (kongmeng xinxue/kongmaeng simhak 孔孟心學), Yi Hwang answered that there were actually four: Kim Koengp’il, his disciples Cho Kwangjo and Kim An’guk, but also Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk. Moreover, in Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s statement about the name of Pak Minhŏn, he speaks, in his own words, of the “Learning of the Mind-and-Heart from the Zhu and the Si streams” (susa simhak 洙泗心學), considered to be the core teaching of Confucius, which was taken up by Zhu Xi. Basically, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s disciples felt that he belonged to the very Confucian tradition of the “Learning of the Mind-and-Heart,” which was clearly different from Buddhism or Daoism, according to orthodox standards, and was linked to the early Chosŏn scholar Kim Koengp’il. This connection, tenuous as it was, made through this particular form of Neo-Confucianism, to Kim Koengp’il, but also to Cho Kwangjo and Kim An’guk, was enough to assert Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s status as an orthodox sarim scholar, despite his amoral eremitism and his extreme approach to Confucian Learning.

The Master from Mountains and Fields The different facets of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s character can be perceived by reading the whole munjip, which paints the portrait of a free-spirited and partially self-taught mind that contrasts sharply with other prominent scholars of the Korean Neo-Confucian tradition from early Chosŏn. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk certainly seems to have dedicated his life to Neo-Confucian Learning, with all the ambiguities of the polymorphous Neo-Confucianism adopted in Korea

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between the Northern Song period and the late Yuan period: hybridization with Buddhism and Daoism, a strong emphasis on the Book of Changes, the importance of rites in ethical and political thinking, intense intellectual creativity and originality, and ethical and intellectual practices centered on training the “Mind-and-Heart.” Far from the monolithic and rather simplistic view of orthodox Neo-Confucianism in Chosŏn Korea, that is to say the “Learning of Master Zhu [Xi]” (Chujahak), Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s view is a vivid example of the eclectic nature of ideas and intellectual trends coexisting within what Western languages, out of convenience, generically call NeoConfucianism. The Hwadam chip clearly demonstrates that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was well versed in the works of all major Northern and Southern Song masters, as well as broader philosophical and canonical literature, but it does not solve the problem of how to classify him under any clear-cut label. Alternately called “the Sage” (sŏngin 聖人), “the venerable master of the Great Eastern land” (taedong sajong 大東師宗), but also a “true person” (chinin 真‌人) and a “cheerful immortal” (sosŏn 笑仙), he who called himself “a student” (hakcha 學者) seems to have been considered both a Confucian scholar and a Daoist immortal. In addition to the approval he has continuously received in modern times in the academic spheres of the two Koreas—and as a result, in worldwide Korean studies, it is worth noting that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk has played a significant role in the collective mind of Korean society, past and present. He is often regarded, in retrospect, as the perfect embodiment of the sallim 山林, the rusticated scholar who voluntarily remains hidden in “mountains and forests,” far from the turmoil of a complicated political life at court or within the Chosŏn administration.31 He notably makes his appearance as an almost mythical figure or hero in popular novels from the mid-Chosŏn period. In the Story of Sŏ Hwadam (Sŏ Hwadam chŏn 徐花潭傳) and the Story of Chŏn Uch’i (Chŏn Uch’i chŏn 田禹治傳), he is depicted as a Daoist master with magical powers or even as an immortal. In the yadam 野談, unofficial stories transmitted orally by the people and recorded in Literary Chinese by the literati, he is also frequently featured in magical tales where he is given the gift of prophecy and cast as the savior of the people. Moreover, in the Popular History of the Great East (Taedong yasŭng 大東野乘), dating from the mid-Chosŏn period, and in the texts collected in the modern edition of the Complete Compilation of Korean Oral Tales and Documents (Han’guk munhŏn sŏrhwa chŏnjip 韓國文獻 說話全集), he is repeatedly cast as an exceptional sage, unmasking either a Japanese spy who assumes the appearance of a fox or, conversely, a fox that assumes the appearance of a venerable old Buddhist monk in order to harm people. He is even said to have unmasked a fox that assumed the appearance of his half-brother, the son of his father’s second wife, after his own mother’s



Translator’s Introduction

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death. In all these stories, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is depicted as able to perceive phenomena that are inaccessible to common people, thanks to his knowledge of the Confucian Classics, his expertise in the Book of Changes and numerology, and his mastery of the occult arts. However, he is described as being reluctant to use these exceptional powers, which surpass even those of his contemporary the famous magician Chŏn Uch’i 田禹治 (n.d.), thus proving that he is a Confucian master after all.32 Finally, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s wisdom and his role as a sage are especially highlighted in several stories focusing on his relationship with women, in particular Hwang Chini 黃眞伊 (ca. 1506–ca. 1560).33 Like Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, she was a native of Kaesŏng. She became the most famous kisaeng in Korean history and was involved in the same social and intellectual scenes, thanks to her beauty and talent for poetry. Legend has it that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk remained immune to the enchantment of Hwang Chini, who tried to seduce him in order to put his reputation to the test. Some of these stories make a point of contrasting Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, who remained impassive and controlled his sexual desire while spending several nights in a row in a room with Hwang Chini, with a famous Buddhist monk, Chijŏk sŏnsa 知足禪師 (n.d.), who could not control himself after only three nights spent in similar circumstances, despite having practiced Buddhist meditation in the mountains for thirty years. After this test, Hwang Chini supposedly said that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was a true sage (sŏngin 聖人) and that he, the Pakyŏn waterfall (or alternatively, the Kaesŏng ginseng), and herself were the “three marvels of Songdo” (Songdo samjŏl 松都三絕). Because of this long tradition of portraying him as an exceptional sage and a popular hero, he was regularly featured as a character in successful South Korean movies and historical dramas from the late 2000s, most of them focusing, however, on the life of Hwang Chini. These popular descriptions of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk conjure up an appealing image of a rather intriguing scholar with an insatiable appetite for learning. But this seductive image of a self-taught hermit should not obscure the indisputable fact that he must have had unparalleled access to Neo-Confucian literature, especially the Ming dynasty’s Great Compendium on Nature and Principle (Xingli daquan shu 性理大全書), an extensive compilation of eclectic works by various thinkers from the Song and Yuan dynasties that were used as material for the Higher Civil Service Examinations. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s commentaries on selected writings from Shao Yong and Zhu Xi cannot be read and understood without having the diagrams relating to these writings in front of one’s eyes. This means that he must have had a copy of a compilation of these rare and valuable Chinese texts and diagrams, or at least easy access to one. The Great Compendium on Nature and Principle, an imperial compilation, was first printed in Ming China in 1415 and given as a ­diplomatic

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present to the Korean court in 1419 and again in 1427. Under Sejong’s reign, it is said that this compilation was printed two times in Kyŏngsang Province with the title New Edition of the Great Compendium on Nature and Principle (Singan sŏngni taejŏn 新刊性理大全). It was this monumental Neo-Confucian compendium, in particular, as well as the Daoist Canon (Daozang 道藏), that diffused Shao Yong’s works, which were included in it. It is more likely that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk read them in the Confucian Great Compendium, or in handwritten copies of it, and not in the Daoist canon, for he follows most of the ideas that are expressed not only by Shao Yong, but also by Zhou Dunyi, Zhang Zai, and Zhu Xi. Furthermore, the “recluse of Hwadam”—to borrow from Don Wyatt, who described Shao Yong as the “recluse of Luoyang”—must have bene­ fited from a solid network of wealthy disciples and friends. His biography as well as several circumstantial poems reveal that, in spite of relative poverty, he was able to afford to travel several times within the Korean peninsula during his lifetime, which would not have been possible without human and material assistance. When he was in his early thirties, he is said to have traveled with his disciples to most of the Korean peninsula’s sacred mountains: Kŭmgangsan, Songnisan, and Chirisan. During these travels, he met renowned scholars and poets, such as Sŏng Un 成運 (1497–1579) and Cho Sik 曹植 (1501–1572). Clearly, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was not always a poor and rustic scholar living alone, “amidst mountains and fields,” as he liked to portray himself in his memorials to the throne. On the contrary, he must have interacted with the major intellectual circles of his time. His moral qualities were unanimously praised in unofficial writings and oral literature, which suggests that, during and after his lifetime, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was an influential and beloved local personality from Kaesŏng, close to the capital and the royal court. In conclusion, we can say that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was certainly not an unknown genius. Our perception of him as an original thinker may be partially due to the gaps in our knowledge of his life, thought, and personality. The best testimony of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s thought can, of course, be found in his texts, preserved as quasi-relics in the Hwadam chip, the monument created by his followers. Master Hwadam’s originality is also certainly due to his silence and withdrawal from the political and philosophical scene that make him, paradoxically, stand out. The figure of Hwadam Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is basically an enigma that captures the imagination of both scholars and general audiences, past and present alike. This leads us to meditate on the reasons why his munjip has now been selected as a representative work for the 100 Korean Classics by the Academy of Korean Studies in spite of the striking lack of information about his life and thought. The answer may be



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that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, or Master Hwadam, is ultimately the subject of legend. His fame transcends time and his name is intrinsic to the Korean imagination. His munjip may only be a fragmentary testimony, whispers of just one of many literati from early Chosŏn Korea, but nevertheless, these whispers echo through time, thanks to the efforts of his disciples and followers who compiled the Hwadam chip, and, hopefully, across the boundaries of culture and space, thanks to the translators, commentators, and readers who have since encountered his munjip. Ultimately, it is the reader who will breathe new life into these whispers and revive the legend of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, the Master from mountains and fields.

Notes 1. Hyŏn Sangyun, Chosŏn yuhaksa [The History of Chosŏn Confucianism] (Seoul: Minjung Sŏgwan, 1949; reprint Seoul: Hyŏnŭmsa, 2003). Yu Sŭngguk, Han’guk ŭi yugyo [Korean Confucianism] (Seoul: Sejong taewang kinyŏm saŏphoe, 1999). Yi Namyŏng, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk ŭi Ki ch’ŏrhaksa [The History of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s Philosophy of the Vital Energy] (Seoul: Tongmyŏngsa, 1987); “Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk ŭi ch’ŏrhak sasang” [The Philosophical Thought of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk], in Han’guk ch’ŏrhaksa 2, ed. Han’guk ch’ŏrhakhoe (Seoul: Tongmyŏngsa, 1994). Yugyo sajŏn p’yŏnch’an wiwŏnhoe (ed.), Yugyo taesajŏn [Unabridged Dictionary of Confucianism] (Seoul: Pagyŏngsa, 1990). Huh Nam-Jin, “Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk (1489–1546),” in RoutledgeCurzon Encyclopedia of Con­ fucianism 2, ed. Yao Xinzhong (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), 579–580. 2. Pae Chongho, Han’guk yuhak ŭi ch’ŏrhak chŏk chŏn’gae [The Philosophical Development of Korean Confucianism] (Seoul: Yŏnsedae ch’ulp’anbu, 1958). Kim Kyobin, “Sŏ Hwadam ŭi Ki ch’ŏrhak ŭi taehan koch’al: Ki e naejae han sigansŏng ŭl chungsim” [A Survey of Sŏ Hwadam’s Philosophy of the Vital Energy: Focusing on the Vital Energy’s Inherent Temporality], Tongyang ch’ŏrhak yŏn’gu 5 (1984): 13–37; “Sŏ Hwadam ŭi Ki ch’ŏrhak e taehan koch’al” [A Survey of Sŏ Hwadam’s Philosophy of the Vital Energy], Han’guk ch’ŏrhak nonjip 9 (2000): 99–124. Ha Kirak, Chosŏn ch’ŏrhaksa [The Philosophical History of Chosŏn] (P’aju: Hyŏngsŏng ch’ulp’ansa, 1992). Ch’oe Ilbŏm, “Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk ŭi Igiron e kwanhan siron” [Essay on Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s Theory of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy], Tongyang ch’ŏrhak yŏn’gu 11 (1990): 125–142. Yun Ch’ŏn’gŭn, “Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk (Hwadam)e issŏsŏŭi segyeŭi munje” [The Problem of the World According to Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk (Hwadam)’s Philosophy of the Vital Energy], Ch’ŏrhak yŏn’gu 8 (1984): 159–183. Chŏng Pyŏngsŏk, “Sŏ Hwadam ŭi yŏkhak chŏk segyegwan e taehan Ki ilwŏn chŏk haesŏk” [An Interpretation of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s Worldview According to the School of the Changes, Based on the (Idea of the) Single Origin of the Vital Energy], Ch’ŏrhak nonch’ong 8 (1992). Yi Sangik, “Hwadam Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk ŭi Igiron e taehan chae haesŏk” [New Interpretation of Hwadam Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s Theory of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy], in Kiho sŏngnihak yŏn’gu (Seoul: Hanul ak’ademi, 1998). Sŏng Kyojin, “Hwadam Sŏ

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Kyŏngdŏk ŭi sŏngnihak yŏn’gu” [A Study of Hwadam Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s Learning of the Nature and Principle], Ch’ŏrhak nonch’ong 24 (2001): 119–151. Hwang Eui Dong, “Hwadam, T’oegye, Yulgok ŭi Igigwan pigyo yŏn’gu” [Comparative Study of the Views of Hwadam, T’oegye, and Yulgok on the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy], Tongsŏ ch’ŏrhak yŏn’gu 49 (2008): 191–217. Kang Pongsu, Sŏnghak sipto wa Han’guk ch’ŏrhak kyŏngyŏn: T’oegye ka palje hago, Hwadam Nammyŏong Yulgok i t’oron hada!! [The Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning and the Contests of Korean Philosophy: Presented by T’oegye and Debated by Hwadam, Nammyŏng, and Yulgok!!] (Seoul: Kanghyŏn, 2016). Sin Tongho, “Hwadam Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk ŭi hohak chŏk saengae wa kihak sasang” [A Life Dedicated to Learning and Thought Focused on the Vital Energy: Hwadam Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk], Inmunhak yŏn’gu 21, no. 1 (1994): 185–205. Nam Chŏngsuk, “Hwadam ŭi wigiron e kwanhan yŏn’gu” [Studies about Sŏ Hwadam’s Theories of the Primacy of the Vital Energy] (Master’s diss., Han’guk’ak chungang yŏn’guwŏn, 1982). Victoria Ten, “The Notions of Ki 氣 and the Great Void 太虛 in the Philosophy of Chinese Scholar Zhang Zai (張載 1020–1077) and Korean Scholar Hwadam Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk (花潭徐敬德 1489–1546): Explorations in Neo-Confucian Thought,” Written monuments of the Orient 2 (15) (2011): 151–169. 3. Takahashi Tōru, “Chosen Jugaku Daikan” [A Vista of Chosŏn Confucian Scholastics], in Chosenshi kouza 3 (1927); Richô jugakushi ni okeru shuriha shugiha no hattatsu [The Development of the Factions Focusing on the Patterning Principle and on the Vital Energy under the Yi Dynasty], in Chôsen Shina bunka no kenkyû, ed. Tabohashi Kiyoshi (Tokyo: Toko Shoin, 1929). Cho Namho (trans.), Chosŏn ŭi yuhak [Chosŏn Confucianism] (Seoul: Sonamu, 1999). Yi Byŏngdo, Charyo Han’guk yuhaksa ch’ogo [Document: Draft of the History of Korean Confucianism] (Seoul: Sŏul taehakkyo mulligwa taehak kuksa yŏn’gusil, 1959); Han’guk Yuhaksayak [A Short History of Korean Confucianism] (Seoul: Asea Munhwasa, 1986); Han’guk yuhaksa [History of Korean Confucianism] (Seoul: Minjok munhwa ch’ujinhoe, 1987). 4. Keum Jang-tae, Han’guk yugyo ŭi ihae [An Understanding of Korean Confucianism] (Seoul: Minjok munhwasa, 1989); Chosŏn chŏn’gi ŭi yugyo sasang [The Confucian Thought of Early Chosŏn] (Seoul: Sŏul taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1997); Han’guk yuhak ŭi t’amgu [Research on Korean Confucianism] (Seoul: Sŏul taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1999); Han’guk yugyo sasangsa [Intellectual History of Korean Confucianism] (Seoul: Han’guk haksul chŏngpo, 2002). Hwang Eui Dong, Han’guk ŭi yuhak sasang [The Korean Confucian Thought] (Seoul: Sŏgwangsa, 1995). Yun Sasun, Chosŏn sidae sŏngnihak ŭi yŏn’gu [Study of the Neo-Confucianism of the Chosŏn Period] (Seoul: Koryŏ taehakkyo minjok munhwa yŏn’guwŏn, 1998). Ch’oe Yŏngjin, Chosŏnjo yuhak sasangsa ŭi yangsang [Aspects of the Intellectual History of the Confucianism of the Chosŏn Dynasty] (Seoul: Sŏnggyun’gwan taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 2005). 5. Kim Hyŏnghyo, “Hwadam Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk ŭi chayŏn ch’ŏrhak e taehayŏ” [On Hwadam Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s Philosophy of Nature], in Tongsŏ ch’ŏrhak e taehan chuch’e chŏk kirok (Seoul: Koryŏwŏn, 1985). Song Hangnyong, Hwadam ch’ŏrhak ŭi sayu saegye [The World of Thought of Hwadam’s Philosophy] (Seoul: Yŏgang ch’ulp’ansa, 1987). Hwang Kwanguk, “Hwadam ch’ŏrhak ŭi sŏnggyŏk kyujŏng e taehan pip’anjŏk koch’al” [A Critical Survey of the Definitions of the Characteristics of Hwadam’s Phi-



Translator’s Introduction

29

losophy], Han’guk ch’ŏrhak nonjip 5 (1996): 25–41; “So Yong ŭi kwanmul rŭl t’onghae pon Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk ch’ŏrhak ŭi ilmyŏn” [One Facet of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s Philosophy Seen through Shao Yong’s Observation of Things], Tongyang kojŏn yŏn’gu 13 (2000); “Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk ŭi totŏngnon mit kongburon yŏn’gu” [A Study of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s Theories about Ethics and Learning], Tongyang kojŏn yŏn’gu 15 (2001); Hwadam Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk ŭi ch’ŏrhak sasang. Hwadam ch’ŏrhak kwa kŭ munin ŭi sasang [The Philosophical Thought of Hwadam, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk: The Philosophy of Hwadam and the Thoughts of His Disciples] (Seoul: Simsan, 2003). 6. Kim Hakchu, trans., Sŏ Hwadam munjip [Literary Collection of Sŏ Hwadam] (Seoul: Myŏngmun tang, 2002); Sŏ Hwadam munsŏn [Selected Works of Sŏ Hwadam] (Seoul: Myŏngmun tang, 1988); Hwadam chip. Sabyŏllok [The Works of Hwadam. The Sabyŏllok] (Seoul: T’aeyang Sŏjŏk, 1975). There are other translations of the Hwadam chip, such as (Kukyŏk) Hwadam chip [Works of Hwadam—Korean Translation] (Seoul: Koryŏ taehakkyo pusŏl minjok munhwa yŏn’guso ch’ulp’anbu, 1971); Yu Namsang, trans., Hwadam munjip [Literary Collection of Hwadam] (Seoul: Hwimun ch’ulp’ansa, 1972); Hwadam sŏnsaeng munjip [Literary Collection of Master Hwadam] (P’aju: Kyŏngin munhwasa, 1987); Hwadam chip [Works of Hwadam], eds. Sŏ Wansu and Sŏ Chŏngsu, trans. Kim Hakchu and Im Chonguk (Seoul: Segyesa, 1992); Michael Kalton, “Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk (1489–1546): The Theory of the Great Void; Discussion on Life and Death, Ghosts and Spirits,” in Sources of Korean Tradition 1, eds. Peter H. Lee and Wm. Theodore de Bary, with Ch’oe Yongho and Hugh H. W. Kang (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 345–347. 7. Yi Chongho, Hwadam Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk [Hwadam Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk] (Seoul: Iljisa, 1998). 8. Sin Pyŏngju, Nammyŏng hakp’a wa Hwadam hakp’a yŏn’gu [Study of the Nammyŏng School and the Hwadam School] (Seoul: Iljisa, 2000). 9. Chŏng Sŏngch’ŏl, Chosŏn ponggŏn sigi ch’ŏrhak [The Philosophy of Chosŏn during the Feudal Period] (Pyongyang: Kwahakwŏn ch’ulp’ansa, 1962). Chŏng Chinsŏk, Chŏng Sŏngch’ŏl, and Kim Ch’angwŏn, Chosŏn ch’ŏrhaksa 1 [History of Korean Philosophy 1] (Pyongyang: Kwahakwŏn ch’ulp’ansa, 1962). Hwadam chip [Works of Hwadam] (Pyongyang: Sahoe kwahak ch’ulp’ansa, 1962). O Hyŏkch’ŏl, Chosŏn ch’ŏrhak chŏnsa 1–15 [Complete History of Chosŏn Philosophy 1–15] (Pyongyang: Sahoe kwahak ch’ulp’ansa, 2010). 10. Chang Wŏnmok, “Pukhan ŭi Hwadam ch’ŏrhak haesŏk e taehan pansŏng— ‘t’aehŏ’ ŭi kaenyŏm ŭl chungsim ŭro” [Reflection on Interpretations of Hwadam’s Philosophy in North Korea—Focusing on the Notion of ‘Supreme Void’], Tongsŏ chŏrhak yŏn’gu 23 (2002): 255–296. Chŏn Miyŏng, “Pukhan ‘Chosŏn chŏrak’ ŭi yŏn’gu kyŏnghyang kwa hangmunjŏk t’ŭksŏng” [Research Trends on ‘Chosŏn Philosophy’ in North Korea and Their Academic Characteristics], Han’guk minjok munhwa 31 (2008): 439–469. Vladimír Glomb, “Progressive Idealist: North Korean Views on Yulgok Yi I,” Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 2 (2015): 173–197. 11. For example, the following works do not mention him at all: J. Eckert Carter, Ki-baik Lee, Young Ick Lew, Michael Robinson, and Edward Wagner, Korea Old and New: A History (Seoul: Ilchokak, 1990); Andrew C. Nahm, Introduction to Korean History and Culture (Seoul: Hollym, 1993); Keith Pratt and Richard Rutt, eds., Korea: A

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Historical and Cultural Dictionary (Richmond, UK: Curzon Press, 1999); Kyung Moon Hwang, A History of Korea (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016); Michael J. Seth, A Concise History of Premodern Korea 1: From Antiquity through the Nineteenth Century (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2020). 12. See, for example, the following works, centered on Confucianism or Korean philosophy, in which he is mentioned only in passing: Wm. Theodore de Bary and JaHyun Kim Haboush, eds., The Rise of Neo-Confucianism in Korea (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985); Martina Deuchler, The Confucian Transformation of Korea: A Study of Society and Ideology (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992); Michael C. Kalton, ed., The Four-Seven Debate: An Annotated Translation of the Most Famous Controversy in Korean Neo-Confucian Thought (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994); Kang Jae-eun, The Land of Scholars: Two Thousand Years of Korean Confucianism, trans. Suzanne Lee (Paramus, NJ: Homa and Sekey Books, 2006). 13. Peter H. Lee and Wm. Theodore de Bary, eds., with Ch’oe Yongho and Hugh H. W. Kang, eds. Sources of Korean Tradition 1: From Early Times to the Sixteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 345–347. 14. Young-chan Ro, ed., Dao Companion to Korean Confucian Philosophy (Dordrecht: Springer, 2019). 15. See, for example, in English: Dorothy Ko, JaHyun Kim Haboush, and Joan R. Piggott, eds., Women and Confucian Cultures in Pre-modern China, Korea, and Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), and Youngmin Kim and Michael J. Pettid, Women and Confucianism in Chosŏn Korea: New Perspectives (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2011). 16. See, for example: Martina Deuchler, Under the Ancestors’ Eyes: Kinship, Status, and Locality in Premodern Korea (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015); Kim Sŏngch’il, “Yet saramdŭl ŭi munjip kyojŏng. Yŏrha ilgi ŭi kyŏngu” [The Proofreading of the Literary Collections by the Elders: The Case of the Jehol Diary], Minjok munhaksa yŏn’gu 3 (1993): 192–206; Kim Yunje, “Chosŏn sidae munjip kanhaeng kwa sŏngnihak” [The Publication of Literary Collections during the Chosŏn Period and the Learning of the Nature and Principle], Han’guksa simin kangjwa 37 (2005): 75–95; and Kim Sujin, “Chosŏn hugi p’anbon munjip ŭi p’yŏnjip kyŏnghyang. Kyujanggak sojang charyo rŭl chungsim ŭro” [Trends in the Editing of Printed Anthologies of the Late Chosŏn Period: Focusing on Materials Found in the Kyujanggak Collection], Kyujanggak 42 (June 2013): 97–127. 17. Chŏng Hohun, “Chosŏn hugi Hwadam chip kanhaeng ŭi chui wa Sŏ Kyŏng­ dŏk hangmun” [Trends and Character of Publication of the Hwadam chip in the Late Joseon Dynasty], Hanguk munhwa 84 (2018): 43–75. 18. On this academy, see Chung Soon-woo, “The Nature and Educational Activities of Sungyang Academy in Kaesŏng,” in Confucian Academies in East Asia, ed. Vladimír Glomb, Eun-Jeung Lee, and Martin Gehlmann (Leiden: Brill, 2020), 68–88. 19. On this topic, see, for example, Miura Kunio, “Orthodoxy and Heterodoxy in Seventeenth Century Korea: Song Siyŏl and Yun Hyu,” in The Rise of Neo-­ Confucianism in Korea, ed. Wm. Theodore de Bary and Jahyun Kim Haboush (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), 411–444.



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20. On Kim Yonggyŏm, see, for example, Pak Hyŭnsun, “18 segi kyŏnghwa sajok Kim Yonggyŏm ŭi salm kwa kyoyu” [The Life and Sociability of Kim Yonggyŏm from the 18th Century Capital-Based Literati Lineage], Minjok munhwa yŏn’gu 84 (2019): 291–334. 21. This 1770 edition was used for the 1959 photo reprint made not long after the Korean War by the Academy of East Asian Studies (Taedong munhwa yŏn’guwŏn 대동문화연구원) at SungKyunKwan University within the framework of the series “Selected Works by Famous Scholars from the Early Period of the Chosŏn Dynasty” (Yijo ch’oyŏp myŏnghyŏn chipsŏn 李朝初葉名賢集選). 22. See Noh Kwanbŏm, “Chosŏn hugi Kaesŏng ŭi yuhak chŏnt’ong” [The Confucian Tradition of Kaesŏng in the Late Chosŏn Period], Han’guk munhwa 66 (2014): 307–359. 23. Kim Wŏnhaeng was a descendant of Kim Ch’anghyŏp 金昌協 (1651–1708), whose discussions about human nature with Kwŏn Sangha 權尙夏 (1641–1721) sparked the second major controversy in Korean Neo-Confucianism, the Horak debate (horak nonjaeng 湖洛論爭) that led, in turn, to the internal split within the Patriarch’s Faction into two opposing factional groups. 24. Cf. Isabelle Sancho, “What Master Hwadam Loved to Learn: The Hwadam jip and Seo Gyeongdeok’s Place in the Intellectual History of Joseon,” Review of Korean Studies 23, no. 1 (2020): 55–88. 25. See, for example, Sin Pyŏngju, Nammyŏng hakp’a wa Hwadam hakp’a yŏn’gu, but also Chŏng Ch’ulhŏn, “Chosŏn chŏn’gi sadaebu munin Songdo e taehan kiŏk kwa kŭ pyŏnju” [The Memory Attached to Songdo by Early Chŏson Scholar-Officials and Its Change], Tongyang hanmunhak yŏn’gu 41 (2015): 299–329, and No Kyŏnghŭi, “17 segi Songdo kiroke nat’anan Kaesŏng imiji ŭi hyŏngsŏng” [The Formation of the Image of Kaesŏng in the Accounts of Songdo in the 17th Century], Han’guk hanmun hakyŏn’gu 77 (2020): 147–181. 26. On this topic, see Isabelle Sancho, “What Master Hwadam Loved to Learn.” 27. Cf. Chŏng Hohun, Chosŏn hugi Hwadam chip kanhaeng ŭi chui wa Sŏ Kyŏng­­dŏk hangmun,” 65–66. 28. See, for example: Sim Sohu i, “Sŏngŭmhae rŭl t’onghae pon Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk ŭi chŏngŭmgwan yŏn’gu” [A Study of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s View on Correct Sounds through the “Analysis of Finals and Initials”], Chunggugŏ munhak nonjip 58 (2009): 67–96; Cho Hŭiyŏng, “So Kangjŏl suhak i 15–16 segi Chosŏn ŭmunhak e kkich’in yŏnghyang. ‘Hunmin chŏngŭm’ kwa Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk ŭi ‘Sŏngŭmhae’ rŭl chungsim ŭro” [The Influence of Shaoyong’s Study of Numbers on the Phonology of the Chosŏn Dynasty in the 15th and 16th Centuries—Study Centered on the “Correct Sounds for the Instruction of the People” and Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s “Analysis of Finals and Initials”], Minjok munhwa yŏn’gu 78 (2018): 243–274. 29. On this topic, see, for example, Edward W. Wagner, The Literati Purges: Po­ litical Conflict in Early Yi Korea (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974). 30. See the works of Wm. Theodore de Bary: Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and the Learning of the Mind-and-Heart (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), The Message of the Mind in Neo-Confucianism (New York: Columbia University Press,

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1989), and Learning for One’s Self: Essays on the Individual in Neo-Confucian Thought (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991). 31. Sin Pyŏngju, “Hwadam hakkwa kŭn’gi sarim ŭi sasang” [The School of Hwadam and the Thoughts of the First Sarim], Kukhak yŏn’gu 7 (2005): 33–78. 32. On this topic, see, for example, Hwang Hyŏngsik, “Sŏ Hwadam chŏnsŭng ŭi yu-toga chŏk yangsanggwa insik” [Confucian-Taoist Aspects and Consciousness of Sŏ Hwadam Tradition], Urimalgŭl 55 (2012): 175–211. 33. On this topic, see, for example, in English: Kevin O’Rourke, “Demythologizing Hwang Chini,” in Creative Woman of Korea. the Fifteenth through the Twentieth Centuries, ed. Young-Key Kim-Renaud (New York: Routledge, 2004), 96–121.

II. Translation Works of Hwadam Hwadam chip

1

Preface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam [1770] Wŏn Inson

1. In the year muja [1768], when I—though a man of little talent—was the Prefect of Songgyŏng,1 I visited the academy dedicated to Master Sŏ Hwadam.2 On my way up to the Sŏsa pavilion, I pictured the master resting in thoughtful contemplation, basking in the Way.3 2. Captivated by this elevated spot far from the world, I exhaled a deep purifying breath and was filled with mountain-high and river-long thoughts. It is up here that the master is said to be buried.4 3. Since the time of the previous dynasty, eminent men and venerable lords have certainly not been scarce in Songgyŏng. Yet, among those whose learning consisted in a pure comprehension of the effervescent spirits, a ­silver-tinkling of good-natured manners and a simple consciousness of both cosmic and human order, the master, after P’oŭn,5 was the only man who exerted his radiant influence on that land. 4. Alas! At the time of our two deceased kings, Sŏngjong and Chungjong,6 true Confucians followed one after the other, just as they did in the chenghua and hongzhi eras7 in China, which means that high culture was shining concomitantly all under heaven. 5. Sŏnghwa era, year imin [1482]: birth of Chŏngam.8 Hongch’i era, year kiyu [1489]: birth of the master. Hongch’i era, year sinhae [1491]: birth of Hoejae.9 Hongch’i era, year sinyu [1501]: birth of T’oegye.10 About forty years after that, kajŏng era, year pyŏngsin [1536]: birth of Yulgok.11 6. From P’oŭn’s death onwards, in less than a few decades, the five masters succeeded one another, carrying in their hearts the knowledge they gathered. Of course, this was not fortuitous. 7. Yet, whereas the four masters—Chŏng, Hoe, T’oe, Yul12—are 35

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c­ ommonly agreed to be linked back to the correct source of the Learning of Luoyang and Fujian,13 when Hwadam is discussed it is said that he must be considered in terms of numerology. Does this make sense when Master Shao14 is duly named among the six masters praised by Zhu Xi?15 8. The master’s posthumous name reads as follows: mun, for extensive knowledge of virtue, and kang, for diving into the entire original source. The second character rendered like this could correspond to Master Shao’s kang.16 9. In the year kimyo [1519], the master was recommended for taking the Selection of the Learned and Virtuous,17 but he did not sit for the examination. Likewise, he later did not come for his appointment as Caretaker of the Hurŭng royal shrine.18 A few years after his death, he was bestowed the honorary title of Third State Councelor.19 From the sarim literati’s discussions at court, one can see that every single word was that of praise and respect. 10. The master’s learning focused solely on investigating fundamental principles and expanding knowledge.20 When he had barely started to lose his milk teeth and baby hair, his household was so poor that his parents sent him away to pick wild plants to eat. When he came back home with his basket not full, he was asked why and answered, “There was a bird that, from the earth, went straight up to the sky. I have been pondering the reason for this phenomenon and I forgot about picking for the rest of the day.” Indeed, since his childhood years, even before knowing anything about the Patterning Principle, Vital Energy, or Supreme Void he understood things thoroughly through their very essence and was relentless in the fathoming of principles and the investigation of things. 11. Yulgok used to consider that T’oegye, who observed the models of his predecessors, was superior to Hwadam, who acquired his knowledge alone, asserting that there was a difference between the two, like between a carriage and a chariot. But acquiring knowledge by himself is what any worthy man of conscience must learn to do. If someone had acquired his knowledge alone, this meant that the celestial mechanism had been stirred up so that mankind may be enlightened,21 which is something that the disciples of Confucius value.22 That image of a phoenix soaring up to a thousand in;23 who can this be, but the master?24 12. When the scholars of Songgyŏng were about to reissue the compilation of writings left behind by the master, they came to ask the unworthy self to write a preface. I humbly told them, “In Hwadam, landscape is characterized by its exceptional purity and beauty. The master’s presence and inspiring mind can still be felt, with no difference in death and in life. Through those frolicking kites and splashing fishes, those streaming flows and dripping stones, this wonder can be searched for and found out. Today’s reissue is admittedly patchy and piecemeal, but even though you might

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not be the keepers of the flame, you must on no account sully his memory.” I then gave them a rough outline of my reflections in this short text to be added to the end of the volume.25 The Book of Odes says, “The hill is looked up to; the great road is easily traveled on.”26 Oh, how remote! Third year samgyŏng in the Ming sungjŏng era calendar,27 third month of the summer, humbly prefaced by the later generation’s Wŏn Inson28 in the former capital.

Notes 1. Songgyŏng 松京, which means “the capital of Mount Songak 松嶽,” refers to Kaesŏng, the former capital of Koryŏ located in today’s North Korea. 2. This is Hwagok sŏwŏn 花谷書院. Built in Kaesŏng in the first year of Kwanghaegun’s reign (1609) thanks to the funding provided by local scholars, this Confucian academy obtained official recognition (saaek sŏwŏn 賜額書院) and was a teaching place for many centuries. It had been founded to honor Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, but also Pak Sun 朴淳 (1523–1589), Min Sun 閔純 (1519–1591), and Hŏ Yŏp 許曄 (1517–1580), as well as other disciples of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, until the reform of the Confucian academies ordered by the Taewŏngun in 1871, when the tablets of these Confucian scholars were buried. Sukchong 肅宗 (r. 1675–1720) and Yŏngjo 英祖 (r. 1725–1776) used to visit the place and have had sacrifices performed there. See “Chronological Biography,” nineteenth year of Sukchong’s reign (1633) and sixth year of Yŏngjo’s reign (1680). 3. The expression kaopan/koban 考槃 comes from the Shijing/Sigyŏng 詩經 (The Book of Odes), Weifeng 衛風 (Odes of Wei). See translation by James Legge, Book of Poetry (London: Trübner, 1876; reprint Shanghai: Chinese Book Company, 1931), accessible at http://ctext.org. From now on, all the translations used for the Book of Odes will be taken from this translation. According to “Mao’s commentary on the Book of Odes,” one of the most authoritative commentaries on the Classic, kao/ko 考 means cheng/sŏng 成, and pan/pan 槃 means le/nak 樂. So kaopan/koban 考槃 can mean “being at ease,” rather than “rearing his hut.” In this case, it is a little redundant with the following expression that means “basking in the Way” (ledao/nakto 樂道). 4. See “Chronological Biography,” first year of King Myŏngjong, pyŏngo (1546). 5. Chŏng Mongju 鄭夢周 (1337–1392). 6. The expression sŏnjŏng 宣靖 refers literally to sŏnjŏngnŭng 宣靖陵, which is the contraction of Sŏnnŭng 宣陵 and Chŏngnŭng 靖陵, the respective names of the sepultures of the ninth and eleventh kings of Chosŏn, Sŏngjong 成宗 (r. 1470–1494) and Chungjong 中宗 (r. 1506–1544). Between the reigns of these two kings was the reign of Yŏnsangun 燕山君 (r. 1495–1506), condemned by official historiography. These sepultures are located in Samsŏngdong, Kangnamgu, in today’s Seoul. They were added to the UNESCO world heritage in 2009. 7. Chenghong/sŏnghong 成弘 is a contraction of chenghua/sŏnghwa 成化 and hongzhi/hongch’i 弘治, the names of two Ming dynasty eras: Chenghua era: 1465–

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1488 (reign of Emperor Xianzong 憲宗); Hongzhi era: 1488–1506 (reign of Emperor Xiaozong 孝宗). 8. Cho Kwangjo 趙光祖 (1482–1519). 9. Yi Ŏnjŏk 李彦迪 (1491–1553). 10. Yi Hwang 李滉 (1501–1570). 11. Yi I 李珥 (1536–1584). 12. This is a contraction of the names of Chŏngam (Cho Kwangjo), Hoejae (Yi Ŏnjŏk), T’oegye (Yi Hwang), and Yulgok (Yi I). 13.  Luomin/Nangmin 洛閩 is the contraction of luoxue/nak’ak 洛学 (“the school of Luo[yang]”) and minxue/minhak 闽学 (“the school of Min,” where Min is the diminutive of Fujian Province). This expression designates the school of the Cheng brothers and Zhu Xi, or what is usually called in Western scholarship “Neo-­ Confucianism.” Cheng Hao 程顥 (1032–1085) and Cheng Yi 程頤 (1033–1107) of the Northern Song period were natives of Luoyang 洛陽, and Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) used to teach in Fujian 福建. This expression has notably been used to describe the orthodox Neo-Confucian school by the eminent scholar of the Qing dynasty Huang Zongxi 黄宗羲 (1610–1695), author of the Mingru xue’an 明儒學案 (“Records of Ming period Confucian Scholars”) and a follower of Wang Yangming 王陽明 (1472–1529). 14. Shao Yong 邵雍 (1012–1077). 15. In the genealogy of the orthodox tradition, Zhu Xi listed the following six masters of the Song period: Zhou Dunyi 周敦頤 (1017–1073), Zhang Zai 張載 (1020–1077), Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi, Shao Yong, and Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086). 16. Master Shao designates Shao Yong, whose posthumous name was Kangjie 康節, written with the same character kang 康. 17. Kimyo ch’ŏngwa 己卯薦科, also known as hyŏllyanggwa 賢良科 (“Higher Civil Service Examination for the learned and virtuous”), is a special procedure for recruiting talented men established in 1519 by Cho Kwangjo. 18. Hurŭng 厚陵 is the name of the shrines of the second king of Chosŏn, Chŏngjong 定宗 (1357–1419; r. 1399–1400), and his queen, Chŏngan Wanghu 定安 王后 (1355–1412). Located next to the Paengma Mountains in Hwanghae Province, these shrines are part of the national heritage of North Korea (보존급문화재제 551호). 19.  Concerning the discussions about bestowing a posthumous title on Hwadam, see “Chronological Biography,” from the fifth year (1572) to the seventh year (1575) of Sŏnjo’s reign. The title of Third State Counselor was granted to him late in 1575. 20. Kyŏkch’i 格致 is a contraction of kyŏngmul 格物 (the investigation of things) and ch’iji 致知 (the expansion of knowledge), which are two steps of the self-­ cultivation method or process explained in the Daxue/Taehak 大學 (Great Learning), one of the Four Books of Neo-Confucianism (sishu/sasŏ 四書). 21. This is an allusion to the so-called theory of the tianren heyi/ch’ŏnin hapil 天‌人 合一, the universal resonance and interaction between cosmic and human worlds. Already existing in ancient Confucianism (especially in the works of Xunzi 荀子), this cosmological idea has mainly been reinforced by Neo-Confucianism and its focus on the study of the Book of Changes (Yijing/Yŏkkyŏng 易經).

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22. Yu Dian/yŏ Chŏm 與點 (literally, “I’m with Dian”) is an expression coming from the Lunyu/Nonŏ 論語 (Analects) and generally expresses approval. Cf. Lunyu, XI.26. See English translation by Burton Watson, The Analects of Confucius (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 76–77. From now on, all the translations used for the Analects will be taken from this translation. Here, the allusion to the Analects might be taken in a strong sense: contrary to other disciples only preoccupied with governing and “serious” matters, Zeng Xi appears indeed to stand alone with an apparently frivolous evocation of free wandering. When Confucius says that he thinks the same as Zeng Xi (Dian), it means that he also approves this way of “retirement” in terms of self-cultivation. 23. An in 仞 is about 2.4 meters. 24. The metaphor of the phoenix soaring up ( fengxiang/pongsang 鳳翔) means an auspicious sign. Generally speaking, the birds are metaphors for literati. Their nature, habits, and behaviors represent something about the attitudes of scholars, taken as a whole or as individuals. The phoenix is, of course, the prince of birds and he is unique, and, therefore, alone. 25. This preface is in fact the first one and appears in the very front of the edition. 26. Cf. Shijing, Xiaoya 小雅 (Minor Odes), che xia 車舝. 27. 1770. It is worth noticing that Wŏn Inson is deliberately using the Ming calendar even though China was ruled by the Qing dynasty from 1644 on. 1770 is in fact the thirty-fifth year of the Qianlong 乾隆 era, under the reign of Emperor Gaozong 高宗 of the Qing. Sungjŏng kiwŏn hu 崇禎紀元後 means “after the chongzhen/sungjŏng era,” meaning the reign of the last Ming emperor, Yizong 毅宗 (r. 1628–1644). 28. Wŏn Inson 元仁孫 (1721–1774) is from the Wŏn clan of Wŏnju (Wŏnju Wŏn ssi 原州 元氏) in Kangwŏn Province. His father, Wŏn Kyŏngha 元景夏 (1698–1761), was close to the Southerners (Namin 南人) and the Disciple’s Faction (Soron 少論), and his maternal grandfather, Sin Sach’ŏl 申思喆 (1671–1759), to the Patriarch’s Faction (Noron 老論). They were both appointed Ministers of Rites (Yejo p’ansŏ 禮曹 判書) under the reign of Yŏngjo 英祖 (r. 1724–1776). His father in particular had won the confidence of the king and played a key role in implementing Yŏngjo’s “policy of equal opportunity for all” (t’angp’yŏngch’aek 蕩平策), which consisted in fighting against factional struggles. One of his great-grandfathers was the Confucian scholarofficial Yi Sep’il 李世弼 (1642–1718). Wŏn Inson became Literary Licentiate in 1750 and was appointed in 1752 among the Crown Prince Guards (seja igwisa 世子翊衛司). In 1753, he passed the Higher Civil Service Examination (munkwa 文科) and worked at the Tutorial Office for the Crown Prince (seja sigangwŏn 世子侍講院) as well as the Office of Special Counselors (saganwŏn 司諫院). When he was Junior Fourth Adviser in the Office of Special Advisers (Hongmun’gwan puŭnggyo 弘文館副應敎), he took part in the writing of the Ch’ŏnŭisogam 闡義昭鑑, which was achieved and printed on royal command in 1755. This work recounts in detail the events related to Yŏngjo’s coming to power from 1721 to 1755, especially the purge of 1721–1722 (sinim sahwa 辛壬士禍), when the Disciple’s Faction and the Patriarch’s Faction fiercely fought each other about the designation of Yŏninggun 延礽君 (the future King Yŏngjo)

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as Royal Prince Successor Brother (wangseje 王世弟). Wŏn Inson later became Vice Minister of Personnel (ijo ch’amp’an 吏曹參判) and Minister of Personnel (ijo p’ansŏ 吏曹判書). In 1772, he was appointed Third State Counselor (uŭijŏng 右議政). Like his father, he enjoyed the trust of King Yŏngjo. This preface to the Hwadam chip was written when Wŏn Inson was at the apex of his career.

2

New Preface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam [1786] Yun Suk

1. Spiritual force1 and wisdom,2 which appear at birth, have to be brought together to achieve their full capabilities;3 I do not have the words to describe this process.4 Even in the wake of the Second Sage,5 if one were to make longterm efforts to study extensively and discern by careful reflection6 how to truly accumulate knowledge, one would be able to reach one’s potential. But everybody must strive first to set up a solid foundation to build on. 2. This is why the Great Learning gave precedence to inner mental attentiveness,7 the Doctrine of the Mean8 to genuineness,9 Master Yan10 to the Four Do Nots,11 and Mencius to the goodness of human nature. After that, the Learning of Nature and Principle12 was interrupted for a while.13 When the light of culture returned under the Song, Masters Zhou and Shao14 both stood heads above the rest and showed the way:15 the Explanation on the Diagram16 focuses on the notion of the Supreme Ultimate, and the August Ul­ timate17 on number fifty.18 Subsequently, Cheng’s commentary19 centered on the notion of the Patterning Principle, and the Original Meaning20 on mantic and divinatory procedures. Hengqu’s Western Inscription21 and Xishan’s22 analysis of “reflecting on things at hand”23 both demonstrate that they acquired their knowledge on their own and grasped the Patterning Principle so as to edify later generations. 3. It is only in our Eastern country, as soon as our father and master24 was conferred the fief of Chosŏn, that the Eight-point regulation was actively taught and the Nine well-fields system started being implemented. Culture and society in our Land of Flounders25 was then comparable to what is transmitted in the Land of Jade-Decorated Carriage.26 But the Chart carried by the dragon horse and the Nine divisions carried by the divine tortoise27 were not 41

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handed down to posterity and, in the desolate Three Han Confederacies,28 Confucian teaching did not flourish. 4. Towards the end of the kingdom of Rooster Forest,29 the Marquis Munch’ang30 and Marquis Hongyu31 were enshrined in the Confucian Temple. But none of their writings were transmitted, and there are no detailed accounts of their teachings. When the previous dynasty reached its middle period, Ch’oe Ch’ung vigorously emerged after thousands of years of unrefined times and brought about a renaissance in learning, teaching everybody according to their abilities. The appearance of learned scholars that bloomed from the eighteen schools was no different from what occurred in the jiading and chunyou periods in China. Later, An Hyang appeared in his wake, respectfully restoring with both hands the Nine Classics and the NeoConfucian books about Nature and Principle and leading younger pupils to enlightenment. Those who were scholars in this Eastern land then became aware that the gateway was in the Learning of the Way. 5. Master Yŏktong32 drew from the very veins of the Book of Changes and, while living in seclusion on the southern slope of a mountain, he explored the depths and fervently unwound the threads of the text and established the rules of one school of thought. His son Kilsaeng studied and transmitted these teachings to Master Chŏng Mongju. This is the source of the teaching received by Chŏng Mongju. 6. Among his friends in the Way was U Hyŏnbo, who expanded the exegesis and significantly opened up the study of Sage Learning. Heaven had then revived our Eastern land. The treasures of the Han period started being settled and the star-studded cultural elements of the Song were brought back again all together. Sage rules followed one another and distinguished Confucians appeared continuously. Afterwards, Chŏngam Cho Kwangjo initiated true Learning, to the benefit of us, the Eastern people. A hundred years after the venerable P’oŭn’s death, Cho followed in his steps and transmitted his learning of the Way. As for Tosan Yi Hwang, by unraveling the silky threads of the writings of the sages and worthies, he extracted and delineated that which concerns Heart and Nature in them. He merged with the unbroken legacy of Zhu Xi and criticized the muddled learning from the Bamboo Grove Mound. These two masters appealed to pure learning and took upon themselves the responsibility of our Confucian Way. They both understood things in their own hearts through a mysterious communion and they were thus able to reach extremely sound and extremely large fields. 7. Hwadam, Master Sŏ, came after Chŏng Mongju, but before Yi Hwang. He appeared suddenly in the midst of desolate mountains and bushy wastelands. He resonated with the unreachable apex of Mount Ch’ŏnma and he embodied the essence of the hundred twists and turns of the Hwach’ŏn

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stream. Already from an early age he greatly nursed the determination to contribute to the running of state and society. Immersed in scriptures from the one hundred schools of thought, he made every effort to learn by himself and he thoroughly investigated and probed the depths of the texts. After that, he worked hard to start on the right foot in his study of the Changes. There was nothing in the distinction between the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy, the difference between the Mind-and-Heart and Human Nature, or the arithmology of cosmic cycles and epochs that he did not understand holistically. It is clear as day that he spent his every hour with individuals like Fuxi, Zengzi, Mencius, Zhou Dunyi, Chengzi, Zhang Zai, and Zhu Xi. He is truly the only Shao Yong master of our Eastern country. 8. Living as a recluse in a remote mountain area, he did not complain about his rustic diet and, instead, clasping the Classics to his bosom, he spoke on the Way and stayed hidden without appearing. When the court of Chungjong was bringing in talented men, he could not take a position in office as well as practice the Way. The day that Injong passed away, he suddenly bent his bow and wept over heaven. He lived the rest of his life humbly, as a true person.33 Was this due to the master’s poor fate, or to his contemporaries’ lack of merits? 9. Should there ever be criticism of the master’s explanation of the relationship between the primal Patterning Principle and Vital Energy such that the Principle is the unifying thread in the Vacuity and that the Vacuity is able to generate the Vital Energy, blaming it on his use of the term “nothingness,” or that the ways he uses numbers and sounds to explain what the August Ultimate Going through the Ages34 depend on his numerology, then that just shows that the person making that criticism not only has a very shallow understanding; even worse, he is ignorant. How is this different from blaming Zhou Dunyi for the problem of “Non-polar and yet Supreme Polarity”?35 How is this different from criticizing Shao Yong on the pretense that the art of numbers resembles divination techniques? 10. A hundred li north of the prefectural government of Kaesŏng, the Hwagok Academy stands on the very spot where the master resided while he was alive. After his death, it became a place dedicated to learning. Right next to it there is a straw pavilion, which is called Sŏsajŏng, where the master used to linger over his fishing rod. Below it, a spring flows out of the rock and the water forms a limpid pool where the light of heaven and the shadows of mountains come to dip and blend together all day long. Hawks glide and fishes leap, flitting freely according to the laws of nature. Lastly, the building sheltering the master’s clothes and shoes is just a short walk away. 11. Oh, what a joy this little hill! The high mountains, so majestic! Oh, what a beauty this pavilion! The limpid waters, so lush! Anyone who would

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like to visit this academy today and go up to the pavilion would certainly feel like they have been cleansed by the waters of Yishui and borne by the wind to the Wu altar.36 12. The master’s surviving descendants are very few, so those who are able to transmit his Way are rare. Among the manuscripts from his lifetime recovered after his death, eight or nine out of ten remain and only one volume has been printed. Moreover, as years and months passed, many parts of it were torn to shreds and as a consequence any authentic traces of the master will not last long and will no longer be transmitted. Officer Cho Yusŏn and Classics Licentiate Ma Chigwang, who were from the area, decided to print a new edition in order to diffuse it widely to posterity. For this purpose, they have raised a certain amount of funds and they were both given the responsibility of supervising the operation, which was recorded at the front of the book. Year pyŏngo [1786], middle of spring, humbly written by junior scholar Pasan Yun Suk.37

Notes 1. The spiritual force, shen/sin 神, is the most refined form of the Vital Energy (qi/ki 氣) and the very essence of the noble man’s ( junzi/kunja 君子) real virtue (de/ tŏk 德). According to the Zhuangzi/Changja 莊子, the movement of this spiritual force can only be described by a gesture, acquired by practice and not by words. In Shao Yong’s works, this force, born from the creation of the two out of the one, is the dynamic aspect of reality and that which enables changes ( yi/yŏk 易) in the world. Cf. Anne Cheng, Histoire de la pensée chinoise (Paris: Seuil, 1997), 127 and 409. 2. What has been translated here by “wisdom” (sheng/sŏng 聖) is what characterizes the Sage or even the Saint, shengren/sŏngin 聖人. This wisdom is at once exemplary, for it is what the Sage has in common with other people, and outstanding, for it explains how the Sage surpasses ordinary men. 3. Reference to the innate capacities of all human beings to improve themselves and become sages, that is to say accomplished men. Yet, this innate “goodness” of human nature, as Mencius said, has to be cultivated properly to reach its full potential. This cultivation is precisely the purpose of self-cultivation (xiuji/sugi 修己) and the Confucian “Learning” (xue/hak 學), which are understood as proper training ( gongfu/kongbu 工夫). In the Mengzi/Maengja 孟子 (Mencius), this cultivation is defined as a process of accumulation ( ji/chip 集). Cf. Mengzi II.A.2. See the English translation by Irene Bloom, Mencius (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 30–31. From now on, all the translations used for the Mencius will be taken from this translation. 4. The process of naming, ming/myŏng 名, usually refers to conferring a

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name—a correct name—to one reality, shi/sa 事. Indeed, the theory of the “rectification of names,” zhengming/chŏngmyŏng 正名, is well known in Confucianism. Here, the impossibility of naming properly (wuneng ming/munŭng myŏng 無能名) the cosmic process of the Dao, which is unspeakable and beyond words, is underlined because of its complexity. The most famous quotation expressing this idea is from the Daodejing/Todŏkkyŏng 道德經 (The Way and Its Power), 1. Confucius is also depicted as speechless (wuyan/muŏn 無言) in the Lunyu when considering the working of heaven, meaning nature or the cosmic process. Cf. Lunyu, XVII.19. 5. Yasheng/Asŏng 亞聖 is the posthumous name of Meng Ke 孟軻, alias Master Meng/Mencius. In his authoritative commentaries on the Mengzi, Han scholar Zhao Qi 趙岐 (108–201) used to refer to Mencius by this name. 6. Boxue sibian/pakhak sabyŏn 博學思辨 is a reference to the Zhongyong/Chung­ yong 中庸 (The Doctrine of the Mean). See the English translation by Andrew Plaks, Ta Hsüeh and Chung Yung (The Highest Order of Cultivation and On the Practice of the Mean) (London: Penguin Books, 2003), 42. The Zhongyong is also one of the Four Books, along with the Lunyu, the Mengzi and the Daxue. 7. Jing/kyŏng 敬 (“reverence,” “seriousness,” “gravity”) is an important notion in Neo-Confucianism. Related to self-cultivation, it designates an “inner attentiveness” to the functioning of the Mind/Heart (xin/sim 心). Slightly different from the Buddhist concept of meditation, this “inner attentiveness” means a Confucian mental discipline. According to Zhu Xi, Cheng Yi was the first to fully develop and put focus on the Mind/Heart in the Confucian tradition. The works of Wm. Theodore de Bary have amply demonstrated that orthodox Neo-Confucianism (the Cheng-Zhu school) 學)—a can be regarded as a “Learning of the Mind-and-Heart” (xinxue/simhak 心‌ name usually applied only to the so-called Lu-Wang school. Cf. Wm. Theodore de Bary, Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and the Learning of the Mind-and-Heart (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), and The Message of the Mind in Neo-­Confucianism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989). In Korea, T’oegye Yi Hwang’s thought is an illustration of this deep-rooted trend. 8. The Zhongyong (which has been translated into English as “The Doctrine of the Mean,” “The mean,” “The unwobbling pivot,” “On the practice of the Mean,” “Focusing the Familiar,” etc.). See, for example, the English translation by Roger T. Ames and David L. Hall, Focusing the Familiar: A Translation and Philosophical Inter­ pretation of the Zhongyong (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2001). 9. Cheng/sŏng 誠 is indeed the key word of the Zhongyong. This difficult notion is often translated by “sincerity” or “authenticity,” but it actually describes the perfect match in the cosmic process or, in other words, between Heaven and Man. Used either as a verb or as a noun, this term means “making oneself whole” or the result of such a process. The most famous quotation explaining it comes from the Zhongyong, 21. The same idea is also expressed in the Mengzi, IV.A.12. Finally, Zhou Dunyi has also defined the cheng/sŏng as the distinctive quality of a Sage (shengren/ sŏngin 聖人) in his Tongshu/T’ongsŏ 通書 (All-Embracing Book). In Chosŏn Korea, Yulgok Yi I was one of the scholars who put particular emphasis on this notion. Cf. Sŏnghak chipyo 聖學輯要 (Outline of the Sagely Learning).

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10. Yan Hui 顏回, Confucius’s favorite disciple. 11. Cf. Lunyu, XII.1. 12. This is only one of the many names given to the branch of Neo-­Confucianism stemming from the teaching of the Cheng brothers and Zhu Xi. 13. This is the genealogy of the orthodox “Transmission of the Dao” (Daotong/ tot’ong 道統) notably defined by Zhu Xi in his preface to the Great Learning in Chapters and Phrases (Daxue zhangju/Taehak changgu 大學章句). 14. Zhou Dunyi and Shao Yong. 15. This is an allusion to the idea of providential men who appear periodically to restore the “Transmission of the Dao” in Neo-Confucianism. 16. This is an abbreviation of the Taijitu shuo/T’aegŭkto sŏl 太極圖說 (Explana­ tion of the Diagram of Supreme Ultimate), Zhou Dunyi’s famous text on the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate, the authorship of which is uncertain, but which is usually attributed to a Daoist master. 17. The text gives here an abbreviation of the title. The full title is Huangji jingshi shu/Hwanggŭk kyŏngse sŏ 皇極經世書 (also called Huangji jingshi 皇極經世), the emblematic text of Shao Yong. Some English translations suggest translating the title as Supreme Principles Governing the World. However, Alain Arrault, in his insightful work on Shao Yong, proposed the following translation of the title in French, which is more accurate: “La traversée des âges de l’Auguste Faîte” (The August Ultimate through the Ages). Cf. Alain Arrault, Shao Yong (1012–1077), poète et cosmologue (Paris: Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises, Collège de France, 2002). 18. Dayan/Taeŏn 大衍 (literally, “the great development” or “great expansion”) usually designates number fifty, the very number of the Yijing. Indeed, the number fifty is important in the Classic and its exegesis. For example, a hexagram is cast thanks to fifty Chinese yarrow stalks, one of which is taken out beforehand in order to proceed with the divinatory operation. Cf. Yijing, “Xici”/“Kyesa” 繫辞 (“Great Treatise”), A.9. See the English translation by James Legge, The I Ching (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1899; reprint New York: Dover Publications, 1963), accessible at http://ctext.org. I have used Richard Wilhelm’s translation for some quotations from the Yijing, but in this instance, Legge’s translation is more understandable. 19. It should be specified that this refers to Cheng Yi’s commentary on the Yijing, and not to Cheng Hao’s. Cheng Yi’s commentary is called the Zhouyi Chengshi zhuan/Chuyŏk Chŏngssi chŏn 周易程氏傳, sometimes called Yichuan yizhuan/Yich’ŏn yŏkchŏn 伊川易傳 (The Commentary on the Changes by Yichuan; Yichuan is Cheng Yi’s pen name). The first title refers to one of the many names for the Yijing. Among the many versions of the Changes, the one from the Zhou dynasty became canon and was called the Zhouyi/Chuyŏk 周易 (The Changes of the Zhou). 20. This refers to the Zhouyi benyi/Chuyŏk ponŭi 周易本易 (Original Meaning of the Changes of the Zhou), Zhu Xi’s commentary on the Changes. 21. This refers to Zhang Zai’s Ximing/Sŏmyŏng 西銘 (Western Inscription), one of the most famous and majestic declaration of intent in Neo-Confucianism. 22. Sŏsan/Xishan 西山 is the surname of Cai Yuanding 蔡元定 (1135–1198). Cai Yuanding was a specialist of mathematics, music, numerology, geomancy, and

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geography. He never passed the Higher Civil Service Examinations and never held a position in office. He was a close friend of Zhu Xi, with whom he collaborated regularly. He is said to have influenced the latter in his studies of cosmology. When Zhu Xi was banished for propagating “false learning” in 1196, he was also accused of sorcery. He died in forced exile in Hunan when he was over sixty years old. His legacy was transmitted by his sons. 23. Jinsi/kŭnsa 近思 is an expression originally found in the Lunyu, XIX.6. Here, the allusion to Cai Yuanding probably refers to his commentary of the Jinsilu/ Kŭnsarok 近思錄 (Reflections on Things at Hand or Close Tthoughts) written by Zhu Xi and Lü Zuqian 呂祖謙 (1137–1181), which is a famous primer of Neo-Confucianism. 24. Jizi/Kija 箕子 refers to the Viscount of Ji, personal name Xu Yu 胥余, who was an uncle of King Zhou 紂, the corrupt last ruler of the dynasty of Shang 商 (seventh to eleventh centuries B.C.E.), and occupied the position of Grand Preceptor. After the fall of the Shang, he is said to have transmitted the forgotten secret of Yu the Great, the “Hongfan”/“Hongbŏm” 洪範 (“Great Plan”), to King Wu 武 of the Zhou 周 (eleventh century–221 B.C.E.), who conquered the Shang kingdom, but refused to serve the new ruler. Some sources add that he then arrived in the Korean peninsula, where he was enfeoffed to King Wu. He then went on to “civilize” the people of the peninsula and establish the Korean state known as Kija Chosŏn. Kija received ritual homage as a cultural hero in Koryŏ and, more significantly, in Chosŏn Korea by both the Confucian scholars and the State. 25. Korea. 26. China. 27. These expressions refer to the Hetu/Hado 河圖 (Yellow River Chart) and the Luoshu/Naksŏ 洛書 (Inscription of the Luo River). The Hetu is attributed to Fu Xi in the “Xici” of the Yijing. According to legend, Fu Xi drew it after the pattern on the back of a dragon horse (longma/yongmal 龍馬; sometimes called a unicorn) emerging from the Yellow River. This pattern presents the eight trigrams in groups of yin (black) and yang (white) spots, ranging from numbers 1 to 9 spots in a group ( yin is odd, yang is even). These numbers, 1 to 9, are associated with the five directions and, thus, with the five stages of transformation (also called the five phases, wuxing/ohaeng 五‌行) that are driven by a sequence of mutual production. As for the Luoshu, it is said Great Yu drew it after the pattern on the back of a dragon turtle (longgui/yonggwi 龍龜) coming out of the waters of the River Luo, which was an auspicious sign. See also note 8 of “On the Distinctive Characteristics of Hot Springs.” 28. The Three Han Confederacies (Samhan 三韓) refers to the confederacies of Mahan 馬韓, Pyŏnhan 弁韓, and Chinhan 辰韓 in the central and southern Korean peninsula which lasted from the final century B.C.E. to the early centuries C.E. 29. This designates the city of Kyŏngju 慶州, and by extension, the kingdom of Silla 新羅 (Later Silla or Unified Silla: 668–935). 30. Ch’oe Ch’iwŏn 崔致遠 (b. 857). 31. Sŏl Ch’ong 薛聰 (b. 655). 32. U T’ak 禹倬 (1263–1342).

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33. The expression zhenren/chinin 真人 is frequently used in Daoist texts to designate immortals. 34. See note 17 above. 35. See note 27 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 36. Altar for worshiping rain. 37. Yun Suk 尹塾 (1734–1797). He was a member of the powerful P’ap’yŏng Yun clan (P’ap’yŏng Yun ssi 坡平尹氏), from P’aju in the capital province Kyŏnggi. This clan was related by marriage to the royal Yi clan (Chŏnju Yi ssi 全州 李氏) of the Chosŏn dynasty since the reign of Sejo 世祖 (r. 1455–1468). In 1761, Yun Suk passed the Higher Civil Service Examination and was appointed Royal scribe at the Hall of Writing Skills (Yemun’gwan 藝文館). The following year, when the Crown Prince Changhŏn 莊獻 (1735–1762), better known nowadays under the posthumous name of Crown Prince Sado 思悼, was accused of plotting a coup against his father, King Yŏngjo, Yun Suk sought clemency for the prince. He hence drew on himself the wrath of the king, who sent him into exile in Kangjin, in Chŏlla Province. When Chŏngjo (r. 1776–1800), the son of Sado who died confined in a rice chest by order of his father, inherited the throne, Yun Suk was called back to the court and appointed at the Ministry of War. In 1783, he was promoted Censor-General (taesagan 大司諫) and Minister of War. But because of the animosity towards him of Kim Chongsu 金鍾秀 (1728–1799), an influential figure at court, he was sent to Hwanghae Province. It is at that time that he wrote this preface to the Hwadam chip. During his stay in the northern province, he fell ill and his whereabouts were unknown for eight years. Later, when he came back to the court, he was appointed First Minister-without-Portfolio ( p’anjungch’ubusa 判中樞府事). After his death, he was bestowed the title of Chief State Counselor (Yŏngŭijŏng 領議政) and the posthumous name of Ch’ungsuk 忠肅.

3

Memorial Addressed to the Great King Chungjong Declining Appointment1

1. The rustic bachelor, Your servant Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, oblivious to death, bows down twice and addresses Your High Majesty. Yesterday, the humble ignorant that I am was entrusted by Your Majesty with the distinguished honor of being appointed Caretaker of Hurŭng.2 As soon as I heard the order, I was filled with fear and anxiety. 2. If I may express my opinion, in recent years Your Majesty had been upholding the core values of good governance, desiring the closeness of wise men. In kyŏngja year [1540],3 a royal notice was widely circulated, ordering every single official to track and recruit hidden men of talent.4 Thus, Your minister, Academician5 Kim Anguk,6 who heard exaggerated rumors about my being an accomplished man, seeking his quota, performed his duty and recommended me. Since then, Your unworthy servant has even been recommended several times for an appointment as a Caretaker. At present, the Board of Personnel, carrying out Your noble wishes, hastens to find people and an order has been given to the students of the Royal Academy7 to present their collective opinion on talented scholars with good potential for official reports. Your humble servant, again to his great shame, appears in this list and an undeserved honor has been given to his shortcomings. 3. Your servant danced and jumped for joy, believing that the court was clearly demonstrating concern for public interests and, desirous to launch a broader search in order to find people to hire, had even gone so far as to thoroughly search these woods and ravines. Recruiting men in this way has not been common practice since the dawn of time. Which scholar who has some knowledge would not flick dust off his cap to express joy at getting an appointment and be eager to enter the court with honor? Even though I am truly not a talented man, if I were to take my own advice, I would certainly rush up to accept the great honor I have been bestowed and I would thrash myself with a riding crop to fulfill my duties right away. 49

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4. Your humble servant lies prostrate on the ground and dares to say: I am fundamentally a stubborn scholar who knows nothing about how the world works. Having grown up amidst mountains and fields, I take delight in rusticity and solitude. In addition, I am so poor and impecunious that even feeding on plain unseasoned food and vegetable soups is sometimes not within my means. My muscles and bones are prematurely aged and I am sapped by illness. I am fifty-six years old but I am like a seventy-yearold man. I know that I would be of no use, and concerning what it is now proper for me, there is nothing other than preserving my health among the forests and springs in order to live out the few years I have left. 5. Bold as I am, I venture to take the liberty of declining the privilege that has been bestowed on me and I humbly beg Your Highness to consent to withdraw the honor of my recent appointment. I am helpless before the extent of my fear.

Notes 1. This memorial was written in 1544, right before King Chungjong 中宗 (1488– 1544) passed away, when Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was appointed to hold an official position by recommendation. The appellation “great king” (dawang/taewang 大王) is given to deceased kings. The title of the memorial was probably added by those who compiled the Hwadam chip. King Chungjong reigned from 1506 to 1544. He was the second son of King Sŏngjong 成宗 (r. 1469–1495), born to Queen Consort Chŏnghyŏn, Lady Yun (Chŏnghyŏn Yun ssi 貞顯王后 尹氏; 1462–1530). Originally, he was not meant to reign. He was only the half-brother of Yŏnsangun 燕山君, who reigned from 1494 to 1506 and upon whom the title of “king” (wang 王) was not conferred in official annals because of his repeated misdeeds. Yŏnsangun was notably responsible for two successive bloody “literati purges” (sahwa 士禍), in 1498 and 1504: muo sahwa 戊 午士禍 and kapcha sahwa 甲子士禍. Chungjong ascended to the throne after a coup that overthrew his brother, called Chungjong panchŏng 中宗反正. After ascending to the throne, he struggled to hold power, having to deal with the strong influence of the opposing factions who took part in the coup. Though Chungjong supported the reform policy of the leader of the sarim faction, Cho Kwangjo 趙光祖 (1482–1520), for a while, he eventually executed him because of increasing factionalism at court. This event is known as the third literati purge, of the year kimyo [1519] (kimyo sahwa 己卯士禍). After Cho Kwangjo’s death, however, Chungjong still could not really rule on his own terms, because of the constant struggles and court intrigues among the conservative factions, as well as because of the royal in-laws. See note 1 on King Injong in “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Injong Discussing the Error of Not Following the Ancients in the Regulations for Official Royal Mourning.” 2. On the Hurŭng royal shrine, see note 18 of Wŏn Inson’s preface. The position of Caretaker, ch’ambong 參奉, was mostly an honorary title with no major responsibilities. The official positions in Chosŏn bureaucracy were divided into nine

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ranks ( p’um 品), which were themselves divided into two categories (chŏng 正 and chong 從). The position of Caretaker is ninth rank, second category (chonggup ’um 從 九品, 9b). The appointment as Caretaker, declined by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, is mentioned in paragraph 9 of the 1770 preface by Wŏn Inson, in paragraph 14 of the “Tombstone Inscription” by Pak Minhŏn, as well as in paragraphs 56 and 60 of the “Chronological Biography.” 3. See the thirty-fifth year, 1540, in the “Chronological Biography.” 4. Sometimes officials were appointed by recommendation without their taking examinations. This recruitment process was known as the ŭmsŏjae 蔭敍制. These officials were called “officials of the shadows,” ŭmgwan 蔭官, and formed the Southern Order, namhaeng 南行. These protected appointments by recommendation led only to lower-ranking positions. 5. Taejehak 大提學 is the title of a second-rank, first-category position (2a) attached to the Hongmun’gwan 弘文館, the Office of Special Counselors (literary name: Oktang 玉堂), as well as the Yemun’gwan 藝文館, “Hall of Writing Skills” or “Office of Royal Decrees” (literary name: Hallimwŏn 翰林院). In certain cases (such as this one), a taejehak can also be attached to the Royal Academy, Sŏnggyun’gwan 成均館 (see below, note 7). 6. Kim Anguk 金安國 (1478–1543). 均‌ 館, 7. The Royal Academy (Taehak 大學), also known as Sŏnggyun’gwan 成‌ was in charge of guarding the Confucian Shrine (Munmyo 文廟 , also called Munsŏnwangmyo 文宣王廟) and educating a carefully selected elite. The students, the number of which was fixed at two hundred in 1469, were selected among the successful candidates of the Classics and Literary Licentiate Examination ( jinsa 進‌士 or saengwŏn 生員). They studied at the Academy for three hundred days and sat for the first part of the Higher Civil Service Examination (mun’gwa 文科) within the walls of the Academy. The institution has several other names: Kukchagam 國子­監, T’aehak 太學, Hyŏn’gwan 賢館, and Pan’gung 泮宮.

4

Memorial Addressed to the Great King Injong Discussing the Error of Not Following the Ancients in the Regulations for Official Royal Mourning1

1. The rustic and lowly bachelor, Your servant Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, after having purified and bathed himself properly,2 bows down and addresses Your High Majesty to let Him know about the order in which things should be done with regard to the mourning shed.3 2. According to what I have heard, when Your Majesty was crown prince4 in the Eastern Hall,5 Your knowledge grew with each passing day through contact with eminent companions: You conducted Yourself according to the Way, abiding to rites and regulations in Your actions, being dignified and composed in both simple and complicated situations, always keeping the rule of sage kings as reference. The virtues of filial piety, humanity, reverence, and appropriateness, these you fostered deep inside and you respected outwardly. Who among the petty scholar-officials6 with a modicum of intelligence would not want to unleash their loyalty and let their sincerity take its course7 by answering the king’s call? Your servant, though living amid the channeled fields,8 hereby presents a memorial on state affairs, and thus commits a clear act of impudence.9 3. According to what I have heard, people like me are now listed in the category of those who must wear light-colored garments10 for three years. I cannot help but speak out at this and this leads me to discuss the error in which we find ourselves today by not following the ancients in the regulations on mourning. If even one proposal is accepted from this memorial and receives the distinguished honor of being put into practice, it would not only be a blessing for me, Your humble servant, but it would also be a blessing11 for all the literati12 of the Great East.13 4. Your servant would like to say that the passing of a sovereign and 52

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father is a matter of “the constancy of the heavenly cycles and the appropriate responsiveness of the earth,”14 which have never changed through the ages.15 If I may be allowed to say so, there is a statement in the chapter about untrimmed sackcloth,16 “complete the mourning for three years,”17 which refers to the clothing of the son mourning his father, and there is another, “wear mourning according to rule for three years,” which refers to the clothing of a minister mourning his ruler. 5. The Sage “takes patterns from heaven”18 and sees “the effect of his laws on earth.”19 The rules set up from head to toe, for upper and lower parts of clothing,20 the exact measurements for cutting out the hempen badge, the piled collars, and the back panel of hemp cloth,21 as well as the expression of deep sorrow and irreparable loss they reveal,22 all these things have their deeper meaning.23 The differences in ritual civility are set forth in accordance with emotions; by means of those differences in civility, restraint on emotions is exercised.24 To prompt “those of superior character to not go beyond it” and “those who are unworthy to stand on tiptoe and, thus, not fall short of it”25 is precisely what the sages and worthies have been focusing on26 through their use of rites. 6. Today it has all been cast aside, only the long linen garment27 is used, people are left without any regulations to follow about the hempen badge, the piled collars, the back panel, and the flaps of the mourning garment,28 and the existing standards are now the same as those of the commoners’ mourning clothes. The only differences are that collars are made round,29 and caps are wrapped with hemp.30 7. Inside the hempen headband, though, people wear the raven cap,31 as they did before mourning. How is it that, while wearing the mourning garment for a deceased prince, they do not remove the raven cap? In addition, when they go back home and enjoy leisure time, people usually remove their long linen robes and put on light-colored clothes, which means that they go back to the appearance they had before mourning; this is not proper behavior for mourners. Furthermore, it is only after they have put on white hempen hats32 that they start displaying the proper appearance of mourners from head to toe. How is it that they abruptly change their attitudes and display a demeanor devoid of any sign of sorrow or grief, even though the plastering mud on the coffin33 has not yet dried? 8. In ancient regulations about mourning garments, there was a difference between hemp and silk of equal weight,34 as a distinction was made depending on whether hemp and paper were raw or processed.35 Just as the clothing has varying differences, caps also have differences. “After the sacrifice of repose when the wailing was over, the untrimmed sackcloth was exchanged for a different fabric made with six sheng, while the material for

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the cap was made with seven sheng,”36 so the untrimmed sackcloth of the previous day, made with three sheng, and the cap, made with six sheng, were changed as a result of the sacrifice. 9. After the grass-cloth garment and hempen waist band37 are worn,38 the bands39 also change. After the first year, the cap of boiled silk and the red collar are put on40 and the hempen headband is removed.41 After another year, the greater felicitous sacrifice takes place.42 After the sacrifice comes the concluding peace sacrifice.43 After the concluding sacrifice of mourning, the silk cap of black and white patterns is put on.44 10. Since the question of the compliance of the various gradations of funeral services45 goes with the issue of the “harm caused by death to the living,”46 the differences in ritual civility,47 stating that “at fifty, one did not go through all the observances of mourning; at seventy, he simply wore the sackcloth on his person,”48 and “if he be ill, he should drink liquor and eat flesh”49 are all unavoidable exceptions when rituals are practiced in accordance with emotions; furthermore, the changes of regulations and rituals all follow the order of things proper to Heaven that “gives all things their own rules,”50 starting with ourselves. By regulating mourning rites, the sages wanted to transmit this to later generations. 11. According to what Your servant has heard, after the cessation of the wailing sacrifice,51 Your Majesty put on the dark-colored cap52 and the raven girdle,53 the various ministers the raven black cap and girdle, and understood that this rule will be applied for three years. Your servant does not know on which regulation this rule about the dark-colored cap is based. 12. The dark-colored cap was the head covering worn by princes when performing ancestral rites. Letting both the king and the ministers wear the dark-colored cap while going about their daily affairs in court right after the cessation of the wailing sacrifice is behavior which goes against the rites of mourning. The Rites says, “if the year were not good and fruitful, the son of Heaven wore white and plain robes, rode in the plain and unadorned carriage, and had no music at his meals,”54 which means “to sorrow over people’s sorrows”55 and to keep one’s self in the background by behaving according to the rites of mourning. Wearing the dark-colored cap and the raven girdle on a day like today, would it not be placing the sorrow over one’s deceased prince and father in second place after the sorrow over the people? 13. Your servant does not understand what comfort the rule about the dark-colored cap brings to Your Majesty. As the place in which heavenly principle56 abides, people’s hearts57 cannot be deceived.58 So why then wear a head covering that is contrary to ritual,59 going against one’s heart and opposing Heaven?60 I have serious worries about a text commenting on etiquette and rites that might have been written without adequate knowledge.

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By adding to or subtracting from ritual texts,61 finding far-fetched ideas without being oneself a sage or a worthy man, one seldom avoids being the laughingstock of later generations. How crazy! What nonsense! Following the instructions of the Sages62 and complying with the laws of sage kings, these are the only things to do. 14. As you commence your mourning,63 wear the conical white cap with sackcloth band round it.64 When the mourning garment is made, put on the untrimmed sackcloth made with three sheng of hempen threads and the cap made with six sheng. After the cessation of the wailing sacrifice, exchange them with a sackcloth of finer fabric made with six sheng and a cap made with seven sheng.65 After the grass-cloth garment and hempen waist band are worn,66 both the prince and ministers wear the white cap with the simple headband of sackcloth. When things are done like this, how could it be that one does not follow prescriptions? Why is there a need to implement a rule replacing the white cap with the dark-colored one? 15. I have never heard of situations when the raven black cap and girdle were worn while handling affairs in court! The Rites67 says, “The emperor, at the death of great or other officers wears the yi sackcloth”;68 after the burial, he takes it off. Although our kingdom is far away beyond the seas, it is still subjected to the jurisdiction of the great officers. Thus if the Chinese Emperor ever happened to come to pay a visit himself, he would certainly wear the yi sackcloth. If not, he would condole by wearing the light-colored raw silk cap. The Rites says, “the emperor, on a visit of condolence, wears the cap with a dark sackcloth band round it.”69 How are we to know if the Chinese envoys would wear a white cap with the dark sackcloth band to enter our kingdom or not? If they wear the white cap whereas we wear the dark cap, would not that be a terrible mistake in terms of etiquette? 16. As a general rule, when the envoys bring the mourning gifts, these goods should be handed over to the appropriate department of ministry and stored in the outer storehouse70 in order to be used when needed during funerals. 17. The Rites says, “a superior man will not enrich his family by means of his mourning,”71 and “after the mourning rites for Xianzi, the money-­ offerings were returned to all the donors; when Confucius heard about it, he praised it as a sign of wisdom.”72 Needless to say that as for Your Majesty, things cannot be compared with what is done in the houses of great officers. 18. It would be in no way appropriate to hand the offerings over to the Inner Storehouse to add to the palace’s inner provisions. Moreover, the Palace Storehouse73 is not meant for the storage of private goods. In the Rites of Zhou, the Celestial Offices and the Ministry of State74 were both in charge of checking the accounts of expenditure and income handled by the Treasurer

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for Market Taxes75 and ordered the officers under the Master of the Palace Militia’s supervision to accompany and monitor the coming and going of items, so that the sovereign could not use anything for his own purposes. Your Majesty is just at the beginning of Your reign, You must not indulge in showing people personal matters. There is only one thing you should be focused on: regulating the use of valuables and showing integrity and honor. 19. According to what Your servant has heard, on the day of the preparation of Your mourning garment, You dressed yourself in the dragon robe76 and wore the royal cap.77 These are great garments of good and bad fortune that mutually exclude each other; how would it be possible to wear both of them the very same day? Changing from one reign to another is a serious matter. Occupying the throne is a great treasure.78 Today, You have received the great treasure while handling the greatest event of a lifetime.79 Is it appropriate to rush and hasten the process? What Your Majesty resisted strongly and refused to accept is that filial piety, humaneness, reverence, and righteousness are an integral part of human nature and cannot be denied.80 20. Ministers in the court have continued to hold the view that this was an imperative necessity, and Your Majesty, showing a great concern yourself with people’s feelings, could not help but go along with them. This is a great breach of trust between prince and ministers and of decorum between the noble and the mean, and this will turn one into an object of ridicule in later generations. Would You say that there is anybody nowadays who understands the meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals? If I do not get an answer today, I will ask again tomorrow. I look forward to Your Majesty’s making the decision of seeing Yourself a sage81 deep down in Your heart and issuing a royal edict. Afterwards, the rule will be applied and it will not be too late, then, not only to see people “being compliant in carrying out what is commendable in the royal instructions,”82 but also to find solace for Your filial thoughts83 as well. 21. The control over all government affairs84 lies in the trustworthiness of the guiding principles of the state, and these are also what commands whether Your Majesty must advance or retire.85 This is the day to adjust the shot of the crossbow and hit the nail on the head; this is not the time for fine words and procrastination. If You allow Yourself to be pressured by the people’s feelings and act according to them, Your wish to tower over the multitude86 will never come true. Even if some people like to consider what King Kang of Zhou did87 a precedent to emulate, such a view has already been highly refuted by Zhu Xi of the Song dynasty. Things could not have been otherwise in King Kang’s court, for the Zhou dynasty had only replaced the Yin for a short time. Since envoys from great kingdoms and powerful

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vassal states all assembled and stood together to offer their condolences, there was no choice but to hold a grand ceremony to impress them. 22. Today our kingdom is far away beyond the seas, without any great power to influence outside its boundaries, and within the four borders we are one family. The hope of both the ministers and the people, the collective aspiration converging from the four directions derive from those days when Your Highness was at the Eastern Hall. Being majestic inside and out, You must in no way compare Your situation with the court of King Kang, so after the cessation of the wailing sacrifice, You should wear the white cap with a dark sackcloth band round it to attend daily audience at court. If You feel pressured to act as in the King Kang’s case, why on earth does Your Majesty not mark the end of the discussion with a single sentence: “Garments of good and bad fortune must not be worn the same day, you High officials and the likes, step away now, audience will be held tomorrow.” How then would the crowd not feel totally stirred by Your command and compelled to obey? 23. Your servant is afraid that, during the days at the Eastern Hall, Your Majesty has not in fact given sufficient thought to the task of Sages and Worthies88 as well as to the Learning of Emperors and Kings. What makes knowledge precious is when one can see within oneself the Principle in its full light helping to handle things with acuteness,89 and, after that, to avoid making an error of judgment90 while dealing with affairs. Your Majesty, being in the prime of his life91 and showing the potential skills of a Sage, must dedicate himself to the task of Sages and Worthies and the Learning of the Emperors and Kings. Only this may enable great undertakings to flourish and a perfect government to endure. 24. I would like to address the issue of the white hats.92 The regulation stipulating that Classics Licentiates, Doctors, and Confucian scholars must wear white hempen hats for three years undermines the rule distinguishing what is essential from what is auxiliary and is contrary to the regulation of the Sages. The Sages established the regulation of the five mourning grades:93 the literati and those above them, all the various officials, must wear untrimmed sackcloth for three years, below the literati, commoners and those among them who hold a low-level position must wear even sackcloth for three months and, then, take it off. With regard to the mourning rules applied to commoners, the number of mourning months is in accordance with the wearing of fine linen sackcloth,94 but the grade of mourning garment is in accordance with that of even sackcloth, for when sorrow is considered, the rule has to distinguish between depth and lightness and when rightness is considered, it cannot afford to subdue respect. 25. Since there is a difference between deep and light sorrow, how possibly could emotions lack varying degrees of intensity, from smallness to

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greatness? Today the mourning for three months95 has been altered to adjust to the number of days until the cessation of wailing sacrifice that was held at the fifth month after the death, which is a breaking of the rule.96 If it were also applied to replace the mourning for three years and hence put on the same level, no need to say that it would not make any sense. To belittle the great emotion expressed by the wearing of even sackcloth and replace it by the light-colored clothes worn for a visit of condolence, or to give more weight to the lightness expressed by the mourning for three months and extend it to the length of the mourning for three years, are all errors of assessments in the rule distinguishing what is essential from what is auxiliary in the balance between emotions and ritual civility. All these fools who have it their own ways, do they believe that they are able to teach the sages? Civility must not exceed what is needed; emotions must not be stirred up artificially. 26. It is common practice even among the commoners that, outside the period of three months, people drink liquor and eat flesh. This is in accordance with emotions, as it is with rites. These days, as the restriction has been extended to three years, it becomes impossible even for a man of virtue or a gentleman to keep themselves under control in their consumption of liquor and flesh, the ritual regulations and the emotions agree on that. To extend the mourning just long enough to allow them to eat meat after the formal burial has taken place, that would be exercising just authority, that would be feeding the people.97 Moreover, the Confucian scholars living in the capital are very few, whereas those who are in remote corners of the country are so many thousands or a hundreds of thousands that it is staggering. Since the latter are far away, miles and miles away from the heavenly gates of the palace, they have never seen the royal face in their lifetimes. Despite this, they do wear the mourning garment, for their sense of rightness is still strong. 27. If the restriction of the three months mourning were to be extended to the full length of that of three years, it is unlikely that anybody, among those living near rivers and lakes, will not hold a fishing pole in their hands or carry a fish trap on their backs, and it is also highly unlikely that anybody, among those living in mountains and forests, will not bend their bows or set rabbit snares. If those people cannot fish or hunt for food, they will have nothing to feed themselves. If they have to engage in those activities dressed in silk and wearing white color, what they do will diverge from what they must rightly do and emotions will be separated from ritual civility. Such things must definitely not happen. Putting the Licentiates, Doctors, and Confucian students in the category of the literati without putting in their proper place the practices of commoners amounts to saying that rituals and civility have not been given careful consideration.

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28. The Rituals says that a refugee ruler98 must wear the mourning garment for three months, in the same way as the common people. It is also said that the mourning garment must be worn for three months for the late sovereign who had been served.99 This point refers to those who have retired after holding a position. It is clearly not a usual experience for commoners. Considering that for a late sovereign, the rule is limited to wearing mourning garment for three months, how could forcing Confucian scholars to wear the mourning garment for three years possibly be consistent with their actual emotional situation? Emotions that are not faithful are evil. Ritual civility that is not in tune100 is intemperance. That is what is called intemperance in ritual practice.101 Showing intemperance in rituals and perverting music,102 these are ways that a gentleman does not consider.103 So how can you establish a regulation about mourning garment that is not in tune with emotions and perform mourning rituals that are contrary to rituals,104 hence forcing scholars to study the ancients105 and debate about the meaning of rites to go this way? 29. Those around Your Majesty must be saying, “It is unacceptable that the gratitude for the blessings received for forty years from the late king should not be shown in all its depth.” Your servant claims that this cannot be. When it comes to the relationships between a minister and his ruler and a son and his father, there is no need to wonder whether the gratitude is light or deep and to procrastinate on the mourning period. 30. Master Zeng said, “When they are alive, serve them according to ritual; when they die, bury them according to ritual and sacrifice to them according to ritual. This is called ‘filial devotion.’ ”106 If Your Majesty’s sincere desire is to rule by filial devotion, how can You establish a regulation on mourning that is contrary to ritual and compel Confucian scholars to wear the mourning garment as it dictates? 31. Your Majesty must make a final decision on this matter by Yourself and allocate responsibilities as early as possible. Deciding on the total repeal of the regulation stipulating that Licentiates, Doctors, Confucian scholars, and all the commoners holding a position must wear white hempen hats for three years would be made easier by the use of rites. If Your Majesty asked Your entourage for advice, they will set out their narrow view on devotion to the late king and the focus upon the past, and they will hardly comply with Your decision. But this is demonstrating negligence. How dare they serve our late king in a manner that is contrary to ritual! 32. I would also like to address the issue of royal mounds.107 In ancient times, there were tombs, but no burial mounds were built. It was not until the Duke of Zhou that the regulation was implemented stipulating that tumuli108 must be constructed and lands and trees reserved for the burial sites.109 The

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duties of the Grave Maker110 consisted in “managing the land of the royal tomb, determining the site, and drawing up the construction plan. The funereal of the first ruler111 was located at the center and flanked on the left and right sides112 by the tombs of the kindred.” Moreover, family members bearing the same clan name, as well as vassal princes, were buried in front and behind, “all those of acknowledged merit being placed in front.” “Only those who died by weapons were not allowed to enter within the perimeter of the burial site.” That is how the Grave Maker used to locate in a specific place the land reserved for the royal tomb. After determining the auspiciousness of the location, he would draw up a plan and proceed with the burial, providing space for other burials in the future. Starting from the first ruler, all would be buried at their foreseen places in the same site. 33. Nowadays, there is no longer an appointment for Grave Maker. Each and every one complies with the instructions given by geomancy, each generation chooses its own burial site, and a new mound is built from the ground up for every burial. Moreover, sites are chosen in the very moment of the death, meaning that even for the burials of the members of the royal clan bearing the same family name, each time it is ordered to dredge ditches113 and flatten mountains outside of the grounds of the royal burial site. One consequence is that the farmland of the people around becomes wasteland. Besides, the area of land reserved for each burial mound is so large that the people no longer have anywhere to make silage or graze their animals. If, as is hoped, the magnificence of the dynasty shines for as long as a thousand years, enclosed burial grounds will sit alongside each other far beyond the royal lands around the capital,114 cultivated land will become fallow land and end up being desolate wasteland. Deprived of any available land, the people will face the loss of their livelihoods. Within a hundred miles,115 no human will set a foot any longer and once things have deteriorated to such an extent, Your servant does not know how the problem could be solved. 34. The work of stone-quarrying is bringing forth poisonous injuries to the people116 of the capital area. The weight of one single stone cannot be lifted by a thousand men, for slabs of stone must be cut into single blocks of the same length as the length of the royal grave. It is certainly unavoidable that there must be four stone walls to build a mound, but why is it necessary that the slabs be calibrated by length? In ancient times there was a regulation fixing the amount of land and number of trees needed for grave sites, but I have never heard of things like stone horses or stone sheep.117 As for stone statues, they are used only because their shapes take after human beings. The closer they resemble human features, the more valuable they are, which they cannot be when they are made as exaggeratedly big as they are currently. How many chang118 high are they! How scary those frowning colossi

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are! They do look like ghosts. Today aristocratic mansions are competing in ostentation to emulate this trend so that, before hundreds of thousands of years elapse, stone-made tumuli will deplete the rock and mountains, in turn, will crumble.119 35. The work of stone-quarrying is subjected to strict deadlines and rigid supervision and the people are turned into pulp120 under the whip. Working hard in the snow, braving the cold only equipped with coarse jackets, they all suffer from frostbite and collapse from exhaustion. As night falls, they still cannot go home and it is not known exactly how many men die frozen in open fields. Even if an order is given to not rush them, there will always be people among the site personnel who want to expedite the work and cannot afford to be compassionate and caring, not because they are to blame personally, but because this is what the situation calls for. The decline of current customs is such that, although the sincerity and piety due for the mourning of the ruler and father are far from being complete, senseless energy is wasted for superfluous aspects of ritual decorum that must come next, in the hope of standing above the ancient law. Is this in line with “Am I alone the worthy”?121 This is not even at the same level as the discussions about “decaying away quickly.”122 Even though the Sage Master123 was a man of his time, why would he have voluntarily left a lesson valid for only one generation? It is truly appropriate to say that what is happening is without precedent. 36. According to Your servant, an appointment for Grave Maker must be created following ancient regulations to initiate large-scale reforms and a regulation about stone quarrying must impose additional restrictions to reduce working hours and ease the workload, and then, maybe, there will no longer be harm inflicted upon the people. 37. I am a man of mountains and fields, a mole-cricket, an ant, with a petty willingness to do well, but without any way to take a course of action. What could a hoary head in his final days still hope for? My wish is to prove my loyalty to Your Majesty by offering these simple words, but how could these purge all that is in Your Servant’s innermost parts? Since Your Highness is occupying the mourning shed these days, there is no room for discussing that matter. 38. Your Servant has recently seen scholars wearing tanned leather and coarse cloth124 filing petitions, but their texts have been classified as useless words of lowly people and discarded. As far as I know, Sages have considered the speeches of grass and fuel-gatherers.125 I respectfully prostrate myself to ask Your Majesty not to see these texts as lowly and discard them. This would be a blessing for all scholars and not for my insignificant self only. Your servant, suffering from illness, is living amidst mountains and

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fields and has not had the chance to pay respect in person to Your Highness under the ceilings of the palace. It is with a greatly sincere and true heart that I find the courage to submit with the utmost respect this memorial to Your attention.

Notes 1. On the expression “great king” (dawang/taewang 大王), see note 1 of the previous memorial. King Injong 仁宗 (1515–1545) reigned for only eight months. He was the first son of King Chungjong and Queen Changgyŏng, Lady Yun (Changgyŏng wanghu Yun ssi 章敬王后 尹氏; 1491–1515) from the P’ap’yŏng Yun clan (P’ap’yŏng Yun ssi 坡平尹氏), who died right after he was born. As the crown prince, he ascended the throne at his father’s death, which happened the fifteenth day of the eleventh month of the year 1544. This memorial, written during the short reign of the new king, was never sent by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, according to the “Chronological Biography.” One possible reason is the premature death of King Injong, who was probably assassinated by his own cousins, the Lesser Yun faction (So Yun 小尹) led by Yun Wŏnhyŏng 尹元衡 (1509–1565). This faction, a long-standing maternal relation of the royal family, wanted to enthrone Injong’s half-brother, Chungjong’s second son, then twelve years old, who would later become King Myŏngjong. He was born to Chungjong’s second concubine, who became Queen Munjŏng, Lady Yun (Munjŏng wanghu Yun ssi 文定王后 尹氏; 1502–1565), also from the P’ap’yŏng Yun clan. Queen Munjŏng thus exercised the regency from 1545, ruling even after Myŏngjong reached the age of majority, until her death in 1565. During her rule, she gave important positions to her family members, especially to her younger brother Yun Wŏnhyŏng, who controlled political power from 1546 until his suicide in 1565. The Lesser Yun faction is responsible for the literati purge of the year ŭlsa [1545], ŭlsa sahwa 乙巳士禍, the main purpose of which was to take power from the Greater Yun (Tae Yun 大尹) and especially Yun Im 尹任 (1487–1545). This event was the last important literati purge of the beginning of Chosŏn, which drastically weakened the sarim Neo-Confucian faction’s power at court for decades. The complicated conflict of the Yun clan has often been regarded as the starting point of the enduring intrigues between royal in-laws in Chosŏn court politics. 2. The expression zhaimu/chaemok 齋沐 is a contraction of zhaijie/chaegye 齋‌戒 (“to purify for sacrifices” or “to fast”) and muyu/mokyok 沐浴 (“to bathe” or “to make ablution”). Here, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk implies that although he is only a rustic scholar far from the court, he is diligent in his mourning of the deceased King Chungjong. 3. The yilu/ŭiryŏ 倚廬 (“mourning shed” or the “shed reared against the wall”) is a synecdoche used to allude to mourning rites, especially the “mourning of three years” that should be performed after the death of one’s parents. More specifically, the mourning shed is where the son of the deceased father has to live for the entire duration of mourning. By living there alone in Spartan conditions (sleeping

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on a rough straw mat with a clod of earth for a pillow), the son expresses his great sense of loss and focuses on his sorrow. Here, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk deliberately calls on the king’s filial emotion, while reminding him of his ritual duties as a son mourning a deceased father. The term appears in many passages from the Liji/Yegi 禮記 (Book of Rites). Cf. Liji, 38. See the English translation by James Legge, “The Lî Kî,” in Sacred Books of the East, volumes 27 and 28 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1885), accessible at http://ctext.org. 4. Chŏi 儲貳 is one of the various names given to crown princes, commonly called Wangseja 王世子. King Injong became crown prince in 1520. He started studying at the Royal Academy (Sŏnggyun’gwan 成均館) in 1522 and then taking part in state affairs when his father, King Chungjong, became ill in 1543. When he was crown prince, he made significant efforts to rehabilitate the victims of the literati purge of the year kimyo [1519], among whom was the reform leader of the sarim Neo-­ Confucian scholars, Cho Kwangjo. 5. The expression tongjŏn 東殿 probably refers to all or part of the Ch’angdŏk palace (Ch’angdŏkkung 昌德宮), which was so named because it was located in the eastern part of the capital city. Cf. Chosŏn wangjo sillok, Sejong sillok 1427:2/1/26. Otherwise, a similar expression, tonggung 東宮, was used to designate the place where the heirs to the throne lived and, for that reason, it sometimes also meant “crown prince.” 6. The expression yiming/ilmyŏng 一命 refers here to the lowest-ranking position at the time of the Zhou dynasty and means a petty official. 7. The expressions pi/p’i 披 and li/ryŏk 瀝, here translated as “to unleash” and “to let […] go free,” literally mean “to unroll,” or “to split open” for the former, and “to drip” or “to trickle” for the latter. 8. The expression quanmu/kyŏnmu 畎畝 (“channeled fields”) is a clear reference to the figure of Shun, whose humble origins did not prevent Emperor Yao from naming him as his successor to the throne. The reference illustrates the Confucian ideal according to which superior men are recognized and selected by wise rulers even though they are living in (relative) isolation and poverty, far from the circles of power. Cf. Mengzi, V.A.1. 9. The expression yuefen/wŏlbun 越分 means “to break out” or “to step outside of one’s role.” It implies boldness, shamelessness, and inappropriateness. 10. Cf. Liji, 39. 11. The term xing/haeng 幸 should be understood in a strong sense here, as suggested by the very repetition and insistence on it by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, who is talking about the benefit for all the scholars of the country. He is indeed suggesting that Korean Confucian scholars taken as a whole would be collectively “blessed,” and “happy” if they were “fortunate” enough to see that their king is behaving as a wise ruler. A sign of his wisdom is filial piety, for filial piety—as well as the correct understanding and practice of rituals—is the cornerstone of Confucianism. Cf. Liji, 24. 12. The expression used here is sarim 士林 (literally meaning “the forest of scholars”), which generally refers to a specific group of Neo-Confucian scholars in Chosŏn Korea consisting of rustic idealist scholars from the late fifteenth century and

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their successors who played an important role before and after the successive “literati purges,” sahwa 士禍 (see the first notes to this memorial). I have chosen a neutral translation here (“all the literati”), for the expression seems to be used in a generic sense, without any emphasis on the political—and thus “factional”—­dimension of the sarim group to which Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk belonged. 13. The expression Dadong/Taedong 大東 means here the greatest Eastern kingdom, located just east of China, that is to say Korea. 14. This is a quotation from the beginning of chapter 7 (“The Three Powers and Resources”) of the Xiaojing/Hyogyŏng 孝經 (Classic of Family Reverence). Here, Sŏ Kyŏng­dŏk equates the mourning of deceased parents (and the mourning of three years) to the virtue of “filial piety,” or “family reverence” (xiao/hyo 孝). 15. On this idea of unchanging rules and the three years mourning, see Liji, 38. 16. There are many passages in the Book of Rites dealing with the “untrimmed sackcloth” or “frayed sackcloth” (zhancui/ch’amch’oe 斬衰) that has to be worn by a son after his father’s death, but also after a ruler’s death. The different fabrics used to make this attire, as well as its exact measurements depending on the period of mourning, are regarded as manifesting the natural evolution in the expressions of sorrow and grief after a parent’s passing. Cf. Liji, 37. Here, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk might be referring to a specific paragraph (possible meaning of zhang/chang 章) in the Zhuzi jiali/Chuja karye 朱子家禮 (Zhu Xi’s Family Rituals), a compilation of the essentials of Neo-Confucian liturgy made by Zhu Xi. See English translation by Patricia Buckley Ebrey, Chu Hsi’s “Family Rituals”: A Twelfth-Century Chinese Manual for the Perfor­ mance of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals, and Ancestral Rites (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991). 17. Cf. Liji, 3. In this quotation, differences are made concerning the three years mourning, depending on who is in mourning. A son should be in mourning for three years in order to work through the whole bereavement process (zhisang/ chiksang 致‌喪). A minister of his deceased prince should be in mourning for three years as well, by analogy, but this mourning must respect some rules ( fangsang/ pangsang 方‌喪). As for a learner or student, a three-year mourning is also applied, but that mourning is to be performed in the Mind-and-Heart (xinsang/simsang 心‌喪). However, it is worth noting that, by “three years,” it should be understood to be approximately twenty-six months. Indeed, the first month of the third year (twentyfive months after the death), the mourning garment changes—as it did at the beginning of the second year, that is to say in the fifteenth month of mourning, when the “spirit or ancestral tablet” of the deceased is placed in its definitive place in the ancestral shrine during a special sacrifice. During the twenty-sixth month, the end of the mourning process is starting after a sacrifice. The mourning garment can be removed. As for the emotions of the mourner, they need three whole years to settle down, and that is why the whole process is called “the mourning of three years.” 18. On this notion of xiang/sang 象 (“patterns,” “images,” “prefigurations”), see note 34 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 19. These are quotations from the Book of Rites. I have partly used the translation by James Legge. Cf. Liji, 38.

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20. The expression yishang/ŭisang 衣裳, composed of two sinographs designates, respectively, the upper, outer part of clothing (the long robe) and the lower, inner part of clothing (the skirt). Together, they often simply mean “clothing.” 21. The mourning attire is described in detail in chapter 4 of the Family Rituals by Zhu Xi, which deals with funerals. 22. The outward, visible bodily expression of feelings and emotions while mourning (translated here by the term rong/yong 容) is very important in rituals. Just like every detail of the mourning attire, they are parts of the diverse and codified expressions of emotions and feelings—emotions being the very focus of Confucian rituals. Cf. Liji, 37. 23. All the phrases in this first sentence were quoted in the “Chronological Biography,” paragraph 57. The sentences that follow were not quoted. 24. This sentence is an elaborate paraphrase of a famous passage from the Book of Rites that exercised a tremendous influence on the very spirit of Confucian ritualism, chengqing er liwen, yinyi shiqun/ch’ingjŏng yi wuimun, yin’i ch’ilgun 称情而立 文, 因以飾群. Cf. Liji, 38. Here, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk stresses in a formulation echoing the Classics, the link between human emotions (qing/chŏng 情) and the rites. However, he does not explicitly say “rites” (li/ye 禮) and uses instead the term from the original passage of the Liji: wen/mun 文. This term has many meanings, among which “elegant pattern or form” that is outwardly expressed and clearly visible. It also means “culture,” “civilization,” “accomplishment,” “belles lettres,” and “literary accomplishment.” Rites are essential to the Confucian ideal of civilization, education, and humankind. Cf. Liji, 10. 25. These are ideas and words quoted with minor alterations from two chapters of the Book of Rites, one of which is in the Zhongyong 中庸 and was originally chapter 31 of the Liji before becoming one of the Four Books. A constant balance between “going beyond it” ( guo/kwa 過) and “not reaching it” (buji/pulgŭp 不及)—“it” meaning either the Way, or the correct sense of rites—is precisely what concerned the ancient kings when they set up rules for rituals. Between emotions and etiquette, rites have to be performed with a clear sense of measure and appropriateness that is difficult to find and maintain. Cf. Liji, 49. See also Zhongyong, 4. As for the expression “to stand on tiptoe” (qi/ki 跂, also meaning “to crawl,” “to creep”), it comes from another chapter of the Book of Rites. Cf. Liji, 3. 26. The word qin/kŭn 勤 literally means “to be diligent, attentive, or industrious.” I have chosen to translate it as “to focus on,” partly to maintain in the English rendering the allusion to the philosophy of the Zhongyong and the Confucian rites that are the core topic in this sentence by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk. I have indeed borrowed the translation of zhongyong/chungyong 中庸 as “focusing the familiar” from Roger Ames and David Hall. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is discussing the importance of keeping proper observance of the ancient rules concerning the three years mourning, because that observance is directly linked to the very “zhongyong of mourning rites” (sang zhi zhongyong/sang chi chungyung 喪之中庸). 27. The expression zhangbu zhi yi/changpo chi ŭi 長布之衣 (literally meaning “the long linen upper garment”) may refer here to the “long garment” or “long robe”

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called shenyi/simŭi 深衣. This robe is in one piece, made of linen that has been slightly boiled after weaving, and left undyed. It is embroidered with an ornamental border made of black-colored silk. In Chosŏn Korea, Confucian scholars commonly wore this upper garment for everyday use, following the instructions given by Zhu Xi in the Zhuzi jiali 朱子家禮. In relation to mourning rites, see Liji, 3. 28. The word ren/im 衽 means the “lower edges” or the “flaps” of the mourning garment (also translated sometimes by “the skirt of the dress”). Cf. Liji, 35. On the relation between the robe (or “dress”) and its flaps (“outside pieces of the skirt”), see Liji, 39. 29. The expression tuanyuan qi ling/tanwŏn ki ryŏng 團圓其領 (literally “to wind round and encircle the neck or collar”) is a reference to the regulation according to which scholar-officials had to put on a robe with a round neck while mourning a deceased king. This garment is called yuanling/wŏllyŏng 圓領. 30. The hempen headband, specifically worn on the head or the cap after one year of mourning, is called die/chil 絰. Cf. Liji, 36. There is a description of it in the Zhuzi jiali, IV. 31. This expression designates the dark-colored cone-shaped hat, made of black gauze, worn on daily basis by Confucian scholars as well as officials when they were at home. Its common name is shamao/samo 紗帽. 32. In Chosŏn Korea, these cone-shaped hats, made of light-colored linen and sometimes rough paper, were also called paengnip 白笠, “white hats.” 33. The expression zantu/ch’ando 攢塗 (literally meaning “to collect” and “to plaster with mud”) is certainly a reference to the Liji, 22. 34. This is a reference to a famous passage in the Mengzi where Mencius criti­ cizes Xu Xing 許行, the leader of the so-called school of agriculturalism (nongjia/ nongga 農家), one of the “hundred schools of thought” (zhuzi baijia/chuja paekka 諸‌子 百家). This school advocated a peasant utopian communitarianism and egalitarianism, giving the same value and price to things of different quality. Here Sŏ Kyŏng­ dŏk, by echoing Mencius, criticizes King Injong for not knowing the differences between things—and between men— an attitude that could lead people to duplicity and the state to chaos. Cf. Mengzi, III.A.4. 35. The raw hemp, silk, and other fabrics were boiled, stained, and starched before being tailored into clothing. 36. This is a quotation from the Liji, 37. 37. The term ge/kal 葛 is often translated by “hemp,” but it is more accurate to render it with “dolichos,” “grass-cloth,” “arrow root” or “kudzu,” for mourning garments were made with fibers coming from different types of plants, depending on the periods of mourning. As time goes by, the fabric is more and more refined, so it is made with more refined fibers. Hemp is made of the coarsest fibers and serves for the first phase of deep mourning. After the sacrifice made at the burial, men removed the coarse hemp garment to wear a grass-cloth (more refined) sackcloth and waist band, but they kept their coarse hemp headband. A description of the waist band ( yaodie/yojil 腰絰) for the “untrimmed sackcloth” can be found in Zhuzi jiali, IV. 38. This means after the burial.

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39. The term die/chil 絰 means “band” and can refer here to either the “headband” (shoudie/sujil 首絰) or the “waist band” ( yaodie/yojil 腰絰). 40. Cf. Liji, 37. 41. The first-year sacrifice of good fortune, called xiaoxiang/sosang 小祥, followed by the changing of mourning attire and the wearing of more refined garment, is described in the Zhuzi jiali. 42. The sacrifice, daxiang/taesang 大祥, performed after the second year of mourning, is described in the Zhuzi jiali, IV. 43. The sacrifice which concludes the mourning is called dan/tam 禫. According to the Zhuzi jiali, it was made at the twenty-seventh month after the death, not counting intercalary months, and the date was chosen by divination. Quoting Zheng Xuan, the Jiali explains that dan/tam means “placid and peaceful” (dandanran pingan/ tamdamyŏn p’yŏngan 澹澹然平安). 44. The xian/sŏm 纖 designates a cap of silk cloth made with black woof and white warp. The word wen/mun 文 here should be read in its original meaning, given in the Shuowen jiezi 說文解字, of crossing lines representing interlacing patterns. There is no description of the xian/sŏm in the paragraph of the Zhuzi jiali explaining the liturgy of the concluding sacrifice of mourning, but there is one in the Liji, 37. 45. The expression longsha/yungsal 隆殺 (“the multitude or paucity of observances”) appears twice in a secondary chapter of the Liji (chapter 42). It also appears in an interesting passage from the Zhuangzi, strongly echoing the particular phrasing of the Daxue (originally a chapter of the Liji), as well as many “Confucian” ritualist texts. The passage deals with the theme of “Great Peace” (taiping/t’aep’yŏng 太平) and, thus, the “ultimate government” (zhi zhi zhi/ch’i chi chi 治之至) of ancient sage kings. The various gradations of funeral services are defined as the “branches” (or “particulars”) coming from sorrow (ai zhi mo/ae chi mal 哀之末). Cf. Zhuangzi, 13. 46. The classic expression yisishangsheng/isasangsaeng 以死傷生 appears in the beginning sentences of the final chapters of, respectively, the Liji and the Xiaojing. 47. On the specific meaning of wen/mun 文 here, see the explanation given above, in note 24. 48. Cf. Liji, 22. 49. Cf. Liji, 21. 50. The expression bingyi/pyŏng 秉彝 originally appears in the Book of Odes. Cf. Shijing, Greater Odes of the kingdom, zhengmin 烝民. The expression’s common understanding as the rules created for each thing in Heaven or as the constant rules or laws of nature, however, comes from the interpretation of the poem given by 夷. Mencius misquoting bingyi/pyŏng 秉彝, which he replaced by bingyi/pyŏng 秉‌ Cf. Mengzi, VI.A.6. 51. The “cessation of wailing sacrifice,” zuku/cholgok 卒哭, follows the “sacrifice of repose,” yuji/ujae 虞祭, carried in different steps and performed just after the burial. These sacrifices of repose mark the shift from inauspicious to auspicious mourning rituals, and the name of the ceremonies change from “oblations” (dian/ chŏn 奠) to “sacrifices” ( ji/chae 祭), as explained by Patricia Ebrey in her translation of the Zhuzi jiali. There is a description of the cessation of wailing sacrifice in Liji, 4.

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The cessation of wailing sacrifice is immediately followed, the next day, by the sacrifice for placing the tablet, bu/pu 祔. 52. The xuanmian/hyŏnmyŏn 玄冕 designates a blue-black cap. 53. The wudai/odae 烏角帶, also called wujiadai/ogaktae 烏角帶, is the girdle worn by the king and officials at court. It was a black leather waistband with waxed edges. 54. Cf. Liji, 13. 55. Cf. Mengzi, I.B.4. 56. On the notion of Patterning Principle (li/yi 理), see note 29 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” For a clearer understanding of this notion in Hwadam’s thought, see “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy” and “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 57. The word renxin/insim 人心 (Mind-and-Heart of man” or “human Mindand-Heart”) is a key notion in Neo-Confucianism, especially in the Cheng/Zhu school. Zhu Xi’s explanation of the interaction between “the Mind-and-Heart of man” and “the Mind-and-Heart of Dao” (daoxin/tosim 道心) is at the heart of orthodox NeoConfucian ethics (on this topic see the beginning of Zhu Xi’s preface to the Doctrine of the Mean). However, in this text focused on rites and emotions, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is most probably referring to passages taken from the Liji and the Mengzi—the latter presenting the attitude of Mencius after his mother’s death. The expression renxin/insim should thus be rendered as “people’s Mind-Heart,” or simply “people’s hearts.” Cf. Liji, 10, and Mengzi, II.B.7. 58. The expression bukewu/pulgamu 不可誣 appears in the Liji, 26. 59. The expression feili/pirye 非禮 is certainly a reference here to the Confucian motto concerning rites, as formulated in the Lunyu, XII.1, “master the self and return to ritual” (keji fuli/kŭkki pongnye 克己復禮). 60. “Heaven” (tian/ch’ŏn 天) means the natural order. 61. The expression sunyi/sonik 損益 appears both in the Liji, 38, and the Lunyu, II.23. 62. This may be a reference to the Saint, Confucius. In the Lunyu, there is a passage saying that, Confucius did not wear a black silk cap, xuanguan/hyŏngwan 玄冠, on visits of condolence. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is using a slightly different term in this paragraph, xuanmian/hyŏnmyŏn 玄冕. Cf. Lunyu, X.6. 63. The expression chuzhong/ch’ojong 初終 is literally the beginning of end, that is to say the agony. This is the first step of the funerals listed in rituals texts, especially the Zhuzi jiali. 64. Cf. Liji, 22. 65. Cf. Liji, 37. 66. This means after the sacrifice following the burial. 67. Here, the term “Rites” (li/ye 禮) refers to the Rites of the Zhou. Originally, the “Classic of rites” was considered as the gathering together of three canonical ritual texts: the Liji, the Yili/ Ŭirye 儀禮 (Book of Etiquette and Ceremonials), and the Zhouli/Churye 周禮 (Rites of the Zhou). The Zhouli consists of six chapters, describing the entire bureaucratic structure of the administration led by the Duke of Zhou, the regent who established prosperity during the early Western Zhou dynasty.

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68. Cf. Zhouli, III. 69. This is a slightly incorrect quotation from the Zhouli, IV, that originally reads, “The emperor, on a visit of condolence, wears the mourning garment fitting the cap with a dark sackcloth band round it.” The cap is made with raw white silk, but the band is made with dark-colored sackcloth. 70. The oet’ang 外帑, also called the oet’anggo 外帑庫, designates the storehouse storing goods used to provide for the needs outside of the royal palace. 71. Cf. Liji, 3. 72. This is a slightly modified quotation from Liji, 3. 73. The term naet’ang 內帑, also called the naet’anggo 內帑庫, has been translated here by alternately “palace storehouse” and “inner storehouse,” as opposed to the “outer storehouse.” 74. Cf. Zhouli, I. The term tianguan/ch’ŏn’gwan 天官 means both the Celestial Offices (or the Ministry of State) and the Prime Minister in the Celestial Offices (or the Minister of State). 75. The term quanfu/ch’ŏnbu 泉府 designates the person in the treasury handling the inflows and outflows of currency, goods, and foodstuffs under the Zhou dynasty. This treasury, sometimes rendered as “Treasurer for Market Taxes” in English (cf. Charles O. Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China [Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1985]), was also responsible for allocating special credits to the people for holding ceremonies and performing rituals. Cf. Zhouli, II. 76. The term gun/kon 衮 is an abbreviation of gunlongpao/konnyongp’o 衮龍袍 that designates the circular-collar robe (tuanling/tallyŏng 團領) with embroidered dragons worn by the king and the crown prince. It is also called in Chosŏn Korea konbok 衮服, konŭi 衮衣, yongp’o 龍袍, hwangp’o 黃袍, and kilpok 吉服. When it is worn with the corresponding cap, the robe and cap are both called konmyŏn 衮冕. 77. The black cap worn with the royal robe is called yishanguan/yiksŏngwan 翼‌善冠. It is made with leather, horsehair, and black silk. 78. This is a reference to a famous passage from the “Xici” of the Yijing. The term wei/wi 位 means here “to occupy the right position” and “to reign.” Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” B. 79. The expression dashi/taesa 大事 means here “mourning one’s parents.” Cf. Mengzi, IV.B.13. 80. The expression suoxing/sosŏng 所性 (“that one has as one’s nature”), used associated with the term cun/chon 存 (“to exist,” or “to be here”) and Confucian virtues, is certainly a reference to two important and well-known passages from the Mengzi, VII.A.21 and VI.A.6. 81. The expression zisheng/chasŏng 自聖 (“to see oneself a sage”) comes from the Shujing/Sŏgyŏng 書經 or Shangshu/Sangsŏ 尚書 (Book of Documents). Cf. Shujing, Zhoushu, “Charge to Jiong.” 82. The expression qiangshun qi mei/changsun ki mi 將順其美 comes from the Xiaojing, XVII. 83. The expression xiaosi/hyosa 孝思 comes from the Shijing, “Greater Odes of the Kingdom,” Decade of Wen Wang, Xia Wu. 84. The expression wanshi/mansa 萬事 usually means the myriad affairs of

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­government handled by officers under the sovereign’s control. Here, there is a reference to a passage from Liji, 26. 85. On this idea of jintui/chint’oe 進退 applied to a ruler, see Liji, 26. 86. The expression shouchu/such’ul 首出 comes from the commentary on the first hexagram of the Book of Changes, “The Creative,” meaning the Heaven, the ruler. Cf. Yijing, hexagram 1 (Qian/Kŏn 乾), “Commentary on the Decision” (tuanzhuan/ tanjŏn 彖傳). 87. This is a reference to the ceremony during which King Kang of Zhou succeeded to the throne after his father’s death. The description of the ceremony runs from the end of one chapter to the next in the Book of Documents. King Kang wore different clothes and caps before and after the ceremony. Cf. Shujing, Zhoushu, “Testamentary Charge” and “Announcement of King Kang.” 88. The word ye/ŏp 業 means “task,” “duty,” or “occupation.” In the Shujing, it can refer to the legacy and inheritance of former kings. In the Yijing, the term specifically refers both to the task of the sage man ( junzi/kunja 君子) exercising Virtue (德), but also to the endless creative power of the Dao itself. 89. This is a clear reference to the opening part of the Daxue and Zhu Xi’s commentary on this canonical part. For reference, see the translation by Daniel K. Gardner, Chu Hsi and the Ta-hsueh: Neo-Confucian Reflection on the Confucian Canon (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986). 90. The expression buxuan/pulhyŏn 不眩 (“to be dazzled,” “to be deceived,” “to make error of judgment”) appears in the Zhongyong, 21, in the enumeration by Confucius of the nine rules for running the empire, state, and family. These nine rules, or guidelines ( jiujing/kugyŏng 九經), are enumerated in a phraseology much resembling the canonical part of the Daxue. 91. The set phrase chunqiudingsheng/ch’unch’ujŏngsŏng 春秋鼎盛, meaning “to be in the prime of one’s life,” is an idiomatic expression in four characters (chengyu/ sŏngŏ 成語) from a passage from the Xinshu/Sinsŏ 新書 (New Writings) by Jia Yi 賈‌誼 (200–168 B.C.E.). 92. See above, note 32 and paragraph 7. 93. On the mourning garment and the five mourning grades (wufu/obok 五服), cf. Zhuzi jiali, IV. In the Liji, 18, the term appears one time. 94. On the fine linen sackcloth (sishuai/sich’oe 緦衰), see Zhouli, III. 95. Cf. Liji, 15. 96. It is explained in the Liji, 5, that a sovereign should be interred in the seventh month. A burial at the fifth month is for a prince, zhuhou/chehu 諸侯. 97. This is a reference to the Shujing dealing with the virtue of the ruler to “nourish the people” ( yangmin/yangmin 養民). The term quan/kwŏn 權, etymologically designating the balance beam, generally means “law,” “authority,” “justice.” As for the term hou/hu 厚, it is short for housheng/husaeng 厚生 (“to strengthen life” or “to secure abundant means of sustentation”). Cf. Shujing, Yushu, “Counsels of the Great Yu.” 98. The expression yugong/ugong 寓公 appears in Liji, 11. 99. This is not a quotation from the Liji, but a reference to the Yili, detailing those who must wear the mourning garment for the mourning for three months. Cf. Yili, XI.

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100. The term zhong/chung 中 means the state of equilibrium—a tension—that is the most correct “tuning” of emotions, in a musical sense. 101. The expression qianli/kŏnye 愆禮 comes from the title of one chapter of the remaining text of the Fengsu tongyi/P’ungsok t’ongŭi 風俗通義 (“Comprehensive Meaning of Customs and Habits”), an encyclopedic work by Ying Shao 應劭 (140–206 C.E.). It means the excess, indulgence, and intemperance in the practice of rituals that distort the spirit of Confucian rites. 102. Rites are always paired with music in Confucian texts, like the Lunyu, for example. Here, Hwadam is criticizing the excess in ritualism that is contrary to the very spirit of rites as well as the perversion of true music, for the two show similarities. Both rites and music are matters of the “right tune,” or equilibrium, zhong/ chung 中 (see above note 101). It is worth noticing that true music, ye/ak 樂, is clearly distinguished from the simple “tunes” or even the “noise,” sheng/sŏng 聲, of “licentious music” in Confucian texts. Cf. Lunyu, XI.1. 103. The expression junzi bu you ye/kunja pulyu ya 君子不由也 comes from the Mengzi where the two diametrically opposed reactions of Boyi and Liuxia Hui are both criticized as counter examples of the Way followed by the noble man or Confucian gentleman ( junzi/kunja 君子). Cf. Mengzi, II.A.9. 104. On the expression feili/pirye 非禮, see above, note 59. 105. The expression xuegu/hakko 學古 is certainly a reference to the expression xuegu zhe dao/hak ko chi to 學古之道 from the Mengzi, IV.A.25. 106. Cf. Mengzi, III.A.2. 107. The expression shanling/sallŭng 山陵 literally means “hills and mounds” or “hills and heights.” 108. The expression qiufeng/kubong 丘封, here simply translated by “tumuli,” in fact designates two different categories of burial mounds. The tumuli built for rulers are called qiu/ku 丘 and those for vassals are called feng/pong 封. 109. The expression zhao/cho 兆, translated here by “burial site,” literally means “auspicious site.” 110. The English rendering of zhongren/ch’ongin 冢人 as “the Grave Maker” comes from Hucker, Dictionary of Offical Titles, 191. The position is described in the Zhouli, III. 111. The shrine. 112. The expression zhaomu/somok 昭穆 describes the tablets of the male kindred of the first ancestor of a descent line (shizu/sijo 始祖). The ancestor’s tablet was located at the center of the shrine, then the first generation, called zhao/so 昭, were placed on the left and the second generation, called mu/mok 穆, were placed on the right. 113. The enclosure of burial mounds was formed by four ditches to prevent people from crossing it and walking on the auspicious site. 114. Kyŏnggi Province. 115. A li/ri 里 is a “Chinese mile,” consisting of either 300 or 360 bu/po 步, the approximate metric value of which ranged between 450 and 600 meters during the Ming period in China. 116. The expression liudu/yudok 流毒 is a reference to a passage from the

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Shujing, where the tyranny endured by the people at the hands of Jie, the sovereign of Xia, inevitably announced the change of heavenly mandate and the replacement of the Xia dynasty by the Zhou. Cf. Shujing, Zhoushu, “Great Declaration II.” 117. There were many stone animals around the royal tombs in Chosŏn Korea. Stone sheep and stone tigers were placed there not only as blessings for the deceased but also to ward off evil spirits. As for stone horses, they were paired with the stone statues of civil and military officials that were also placed in royal burial sites, according to law starting from the fifth year of King Sŏngjong, in 1474. About the translation of the term yang/yang 羊, the English rendering could either be “sheep” or “goat,” for the Chinese term encompasses both ovines and caprines. 118. A zhang/chang 丈 is a length unit the approximate metric value of which is 3.2 meters. 119. The image of mountains that are meant to “crumble” (tui/t’oe 頹) appears in the passage of the Liji, 3, describing the last stages of Confucius’s life. It is worth noticing that, in that passage, Confucius shows concerns precisely about ritual practices. The prediction about the crumbling of mountains reflects a pessimistic appraisal of the situation and finally announces the death of the master. 120. The expression “to pulp,” “to tear,” or even “to pulverize” the people (mimin/mimin 糜民) is a reference to the Mengzi. The term mi/mi 糜 literally means “rice gruel.” Cf. Mengzi, VII.B.1. 121. The expression duxian/toksŏn 獨賢 originally comes from the Shijing, Minor Odes of the Kingdom, Decade of Bei Shan, Bei Shan. This poem is commented on in the Mengzi in a dialogue between Mencius and his disciple Xianqiu Meng that deals with the way in which a ruler must treat a scholar, and also his own father. It refers to the attitude of Yao and Shun and the mourning for three years for rulers. The passage is also an interesting illustration of how to read and interpret the Classics when searching for an answer to a specific question. Cf. Mengzi, V.A.4. 122. This is a reference to a passage from the Liji, 3, where Confucius’s disciples are at odds with each other and are wondering what their late master really meant about a particular question about mourning. 123. The term shengren/sŏngin 聖人, the “Sage,” here designates Confucius. 124. The expression weibu/wip’o 韋布, literally meaning “tanned leather and cloth,” designates the attire of poor or retired scholars: clothing made with coarse cloth and a belt made with tanned, distressed leather. 125. Cf. Shijing, “Greater Odes of the Kingdom,” Decade of Sheng Min, Ban 板. The last verse of this poem is cited in several Confucian texts, see, for example, Liji, 30.

5

Letter Answering Pak Kunsil1

1. In spite of my unfailing pettiness, you do not scorn to ask after me. I am overwhelmed by comfort and solace. Yet when I look at myself, not familiar with canonical texts on rituals and without any clear idea of in-depth and detailed topics, I wonder how I could answer about the few things that you need to know in your current deep mourning.2 Moreover, the untalented man that I am, oblivious to his abysmal ignorance, always keeps with old traditions and has thus been mocked from time to time for his attitudes by his contemporaries. It is especially for this reason that I am not learned enough to answer your questions. You have already studied ritual texts carefully and you have put them into practice all by yourself. Why would you need to ask for advice? However, since you urge your humble servant, I will not stay without a word. 2. Your letter says that, as far as your precious ancestors from before your grandfather are concerned, you used to use their names when writing, but that today, you have tabooed your deceased father’s name.3 This not only shows a deviation from the ritual rule which says that “before his father a son should be called by his name,”4 but it is also not consistent from beginning to end; this is really nonsense. However, in a situation in which two generations both held office because of their meritorious deeds, then there is no doubt that the rule of tabooing names should absolutely be applied. It is acceptable to subsequently correct a mistake made beforehand. So this should not be left uncorrected. 3. Besides considering that you hold a position, I do not really think that it would go against common ritual behavior if you were to wear a jadecolored garment at the greater felicitous sacrifice.5 Even a scholar who dedicates himself to cherishing antiquity without holding any position would be allowed to wear it.6 After the greater felicitous sacrifice, when performing the service of moving spirit tablets,7 I think that one should follow the instructions given by Hengqu.8 At the end of the ceremony, removing the stool and mat9 is the proper ritual. In your letter you said that you would like to not remove 73

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it, for there is something that you could not bear in doing so. You cannot just do as you please. The rites of ancient kings must not be disregarded. 4. In your letter you said that “if the interval between the end of the greater felicitous sacrifice and the concluding peace sacrifice10 coincides with the new moon11 or the full moon12 of the second month of the season, reducing the sacrificial offerings to ancestors might be expedient.” In ritual texts, there is a sentence saying that within the three years of mourning, one can perform rituals wearing black.13 So, there is something vaguely matching what you said in your letter. 5. In your letter you said, “the day of the second sacrifice for good fortune, when one leaves the grave and brings back the spirit tablet, how is it possible to not perform even a single ceremony to announce that one is back home!”14 I might not have understood you correctly, but if a sacrifice will be performed when the tablet is brought back home, you cannot avoid organizing a sacrifice beforehand at the grave to announce the departure. If you perform a sacrifice in the offering hall, there is no need to perform another ritual at the grave. However, when back home, I am afraid that you would have to prepare a sacrifice announcing the return in the ancestral hall before all the ancestors; that could be a solution. 6. The sacrifice15 for the spirit of the earth16 must take place second and certainly not first. This is clearly stated in the ritual texts.17 One must not indulge in the erroneous fads of the times. In your letter you said that according to the habits of our Eastern country, it has been a long time that the sacrifice to the spirit of the earth has been done first and foremost, and that you are afraid that the spirits would not appreciate being honored in second place. This is, if I may, wrong. It has been said, “the spirits do not enjoy what is contrary to rituals.”18 If the spirit of the earth had the knowledge that performing the sacrifice for him first was contrary to ritual, I think that he would not enjoy it. 7. I have answered you according to how I see things. I wonder whether this will be in line with your own opinion. But one must give substance to ancient rituals, engage in them in this moment, and mull over19 how to put them into practice. I wish you good health while walking on the path of mourning.

Notes 1. Pak Chihwa 朴枝華 (1513–1592), one of Hwadam’s disciples. Kunsil 君實 is his courtesy name and Suam 守庵 his common name. See paragraph 7 in the “List of Disciples.” 2. The expression taehyo 大孝, literally meaning “of great filial piety” and which

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might be better translated as “in deep mourning,” is used when addressing someone who has lost his parents. 3. There are many mentions of “not using” or “tabooing” (hui/hwi 諱) the personal name of the deceased (ming/myŏng 名) in the Liji. 4. Cf. Liji, 1. 5. This sacrifice had to be performed two years after one’s father or mother had passed away. The sacrifice is called taxiang/taesang 大祥, for it comes after the first sacrifice for good fortune, called xiaoxiang/sosang 小祥, performed at the end of the first year following the death. Cf. Liji, 15. Regarding the clothing worn by mourners after two years, the regulation is explained in the Liji, 37. 6. The second sacrifice of good fortune is described in details in Zhuzi jiali and the clothing for mourners is described as well. Cf. Zhuzi jiali, IV. 7. The day after the sacrifice for good fortune, a service was held and the spirit tablets removed from the altar and taken into the offering hall. Cf. Zhuzi jiali, IV. 8. Zhang Zai. 9. The ji/kwe 几 (“stool” or “small table”) and yan/yŏn 筵 (“mat”) are used for sacrifices and services. Cf. Liji, 4. 10. On the concluding peace sacrifice of mourning dan/tam 禫, see note 43 of the “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Injong Discussing the Error of Not Following the Ancients in the Regulations for Official Royal Mourning.” 11. The first day of the lunar month. 12. The fifteenth day of the lunar month. 13. This might be a reference to a passage in the Liji, 37. However, in ritual texts, the black garment is usually called ziyi/ch’iŭi 緇衣 and specifically designates the clothing made with black silk that was commonly worn by officials when they were at court. The expression used by Hwadam here, “to perform mourning wearing black” ( yihei cuixing/imuk ch’oehaeng 以墨衰行), might also be referring to the xian/ sŏm 纖, the cap of silk cloth made with black woof and white warp. See note 44 of the “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Injong Discussing the Error of Not Following the Ancients in the Regulations for Official Royal Mourning.” 14. For the description of the sacrifice, see Zhuzi jiali, IV. After the sacrifice, there is no ceremony at home when the spirits are brought back. However, in the second month after the second sacrifice for good fortune, the final sacrifice of the mourning for three years is performed. It is the “peace sacrifice,” dan/tam 禫, during which the spirit tablet that was put in the offering hall is used. 15. This is a sacrifice performed to announce the departure from home to go to court. 16. The expression houtu/hut’o 后土 is the name of the spirit (shen/sin 神) of the “earth” or the “land” (tu/t’o 土). Cf. Liji, 6. 17. Cf. Liji, 7. 18. This is a quotation from Zhu Xi’s commentary on the Lunyu, III.6 in the compilation of the Four Books. 19. The term zhuo/chak 酌 means “to pour wine,” “to drink wine,” but also “to deliberate” and “to consider.” Using the translation “to mull over” here is an attempt to keep the polysemy of the term.

6

Additional Note in Reply to Pak Ijŏng1

1. Thanks to news I have received from you, I know that you are doing well. What a consolation! What a comfort! I have not been able to pay you my respects recently, but we should meet and chat. P’ungak2 is so far away, while the weather is becoming baking hot here these days. Under present conditions, it turns out that wishing to build an auspicious home on the Chŏgang’s riverbank3 is no longer possible. I hope that you will bring Kunsil4 along and that you will both come to take care of the matter. This seems to be the easiest way. 2. Concerning my serving or retiring,5 I have given it deep thought and I do have my reasons. I have never made a decision thinking about what people would say and, old and weak as I am, have myself come to the conclusion that this would not be manageable. I have already written a letter of refusal6 and am waiting for someone from Hurŭng to come and take it back. Year kapchin [1544], fifth month, fifth day, Kyŏngdŏk’s reply.

Notes 1. Pak Minhŏn 朴民獻 (1516–1586). See note 1 of the “Statement about Pak Ijŏng’s Courtesy Name with a Foreword” and paragraph 4 in the “List of Disciples.” 2. The expression p’ungak 楓嶽 refers to one of the four names, according to the seasons, given to the famous “mountain of diamond” (Kŭmgangsan 金剛山) located on the east coast of the peninsula. This mountain is called kŭmgangsan (“mountain of diamond”—or vajra in Sanskrit, meaning “indestructibility” and “irresistible force”) in spring, pongnyesan 蓬萊山 (“the mountain where the spirits dwell,” from Penglai, one of the three fabled islands inhabited by immortals in China) in summer, p’ungaksan 楓嶽山 (“the mountain of colored leaves of maples”) in autumn, and kae­ golsan 皆骨山 (“the mountain of stone bones”) in winter. 3. A river in the Kaesŏng area. 4. Kunsil is Pak Chihwa. See note 1 of the “Letter Answering Pak Kunsil.”

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5. In 1543, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, who was then fifty-six years old, had been appointed Caretaker of the Hurŭng royal shrine. See the “Chronological Biography.” On the Hurŭng shrine, see note 18 of the 1770 preface by Wŏn Inson. 6. See the “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Chungjong Declining Appointment” written in 1544.

7

Additional Note in Reply to Pak Ijŏng and Pak Kunsil

1. When I, your humble servant, in the midst of illness and pain received your letter asking after me with samples of medication, I felt somewhat cheered up soon afterwards. My vital energy has been declining for years and a life led freezing in a study room wearing coarse cloth is certainly the reason why I have contracted this flu. Now shivering with cold, now burning with fever, now dripping with sweat; I am experiencing this four to five times in a single day. I have not been able to eat for over a month and it seems now that my decrepit and enfeebled body will not last long. What is it if not heaven’s will? 2. You said that a mourning garment should be taken off after three months. One should not extend the period for a single day. Concerning the rules about the Five Mourning Clothes,1 one must not wear them any longer than the prescribed months. Today, the country’s regulation, stipulating the wearing of light-colored clothes and cap for three years, has already been set up as a law.2 Yet what is correct is to wear the light-colored clothes and cap once the right mourning clothes have been taken off.3 (At that time, the master was steadfastly wearing a mourning garment for the deceased King Chungjong.)4 3. If I, your humble servant, hopefully recover and get a chance to go back to Hwadam, please drop by one day. Kyŏngdŏk’s reply.

Notes 1. On the “five degrees of mourning” or the “five mourning grades” and their appropriate mourning garments (wufu/obok 五服), see the “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Injong Discussing the Error of Not Following the Ancients in the

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Regulations for Official Royal Mourning.” Cf. Zhuzi jiali, IV, and Liji, 18. These rules are also mentioned in a record dated from the first year of King Injong, ŭlsa [1545] in the “Chronological Biography.” 2. Read the “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Injong Discussing the Error of Not Following the Ancients in the Regulations for Official Royal Mourning.” 3. See paragraphs 3, 7, 15, and 25 of the “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Injong Discussing the Error of Not Following the Ancients in the Regulations for Official Royal Mourning.” 4. Chŏngnŭng 靖陵, the term used here in the text, is the name of King Chung­ jong’s tomb. On King Chungjong, see note 1 of the “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Injong Discussing the Error of Not Following the Ancients in the Regulations for Official Royal Mourning.”

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Additional Note in Reply to Pak Ijŏng

1. What a comfort, what a consolation it is to receive your dear letter asking after me! Your humble servant is suffering from the heat and humidity, and his vital energy is hardly vigorous at all. 2. When you say in your letter, “what is the difference,” it might sound exaggerated, but it is not. If benevolent men and loyal sons who feel deep love for their parents happened to see white-haired elderly people on their path, they would feel fear and compassion for them deep inside. I know that you, my Lord, have spread this affection towards elders so far that it has even reached your friends’ parents. 3. As for me, this past year my ears have been ringing, and my vital energy and strength have become depleted and feeble. How many years or months do I have left to live in the human world? As an aftereffect of the serious illness that I suffered last spring, my feelings of pain and exhaustion have become worse. Is it possible not to worry about such a man when you are his friend? 4. When the cool of autumn comes, I will move to the house at Hwadam, but there is no room for guests. My younger brother at home still has not been able to build a separate residence. The materials that we have been given are not usable and, as things stand at present, we cannot build anything new. Please do take care of yourself. Year ŭlsa [1545], sixth month, sixteenth day, Kyŏngdŏk’s reply.

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9

The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy

1. The Supreme Void1 is tranquil,2 without forms;3 when labeled, it is called4 the Before Heaven.5 Its greatness has no externality,6 its antecedence has no beginning,7 its occurrence cannot be fathomed;8 its state of pure tranquility and empty stillness9 is the source of the Vital Energy.10 [The Supreme Void] is diffused everywhere boundlessly, permeates everything, and fills oneself;11 no possibility for interstitial space, not a single gap can be created. Yet ladling it out, it is featureless, and laying hold of it,12 there is nothing. It is just like that, but it is still fullness,13 one must not call it nothingness. 2. When it reaches this cultivated land,14 there is neither sound that can be heard nor scent that can be smelled.15 The thousand sages have not found a wording for it. Zhou and Zhang drew the bow without releasing the arrow,16 and even the venerable Shao17 found himself unable to write down a single word about it. If one traces upstream the source of [the Vital Energy] in the speeches of sages and worthies, it is what the Changes call “quiescent and not moving”18 and what the Mean19 refers to when saying “sincerity is self-completion.”20 When talking about its basic substance,21 which is pure tranquility, one says “the Unitary Vital Energy,”22 and when talking about its going round23 in its muddled state,24 one says “the Grand One.”25 Lianxi26 was utterly baffled by this issue and only found the wording, “Non-polar and yet Supreme Polarity.”27 3. Then, isn’t the Before Heaven a wonder, the wonder of all wonders? Isn’t it a mystery, the mystery of all mysteries?28 These sudden leaps, those abrupt openings! What commands them? This is the result of their own ability. When they cannot help but occur on their own, it is the moment of the Patterning Principle.29 This is what is meant in the Changes by “if stimulated, they penetrate all,”30 in the Mean by “its Way is self-directing”31 and by Zhou32 by “The Supreme Polarity in activity generates yang.”33 81

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4. It cannot be without activity and stillness, without closing and opening up. What is the reason? That stems from the spontaneity of the pivot [of the universe].34 I have previously mentioned it as the Unitary Vital Energy, but this One spontaneously encompasses the Two. I have also called it Grand One, but this One naturally includes the Two. The One cannot help but generate the Two.35 The Two is spontaneously able to both generate and overcome. Generating, then overcoming; overcoming, then generating.36 From its subtle state37 to one in which it arouses and surges, the Vital Energy is entirely commanded by this generating-overcoming process. 5. The One begets the Two. The Two, what does it designate? It is yin and yang,38 the activity and stillness. It is also called kam-ri.39 The One, what does it designate? It is the beginning of yin and yang, the substance of kam [water] and ri [fire] that, while in their tranquil state, are one single thing. 6. From the division40 of the Unitary Vital Energy come the yin and the yang. When the yang reaches the limit41 of its amplification, it forms heaven. When the yin reaches the limit of its integration, it forms earth. When the yang is fully amplified, its knotted essence forms the sun. When the yin is at the peak of its integration, its knotted essence forms the moon. When the remaining essence is disintegrated, it forms the stars and planets. 7. In earth, Vital Energy forms water and fire. This is when it is called After Heaven, and it is when it becomes all powerful.42 When heaven rotates its Vital Energy, primacy is entirely given to activity and things circle and spin43 ceaselessly.44 When earth solidifies45 into forms, primacy is entirely given to stillness and [Energy] just drifts within it.46 The nature of Vital Energy47 is to be active; it means a rise upwards.48 The material nature of forms is to be heavy; it means a decline downwards. Vital Energy em­braces that which takes material form and beyond; material forms carry Vital Energy within them. Upward rise and downward decline mutually stop each other. 8. Thus hanging at the center of the Supreme Void, reaching neither the top nor the bottom, [Energy] is circling and spinning to the left and right. Extending from antiquity to the present day, it is what has never waned. When Shao Yong explains that “heaven is in accordance with forms and earth is attached to the Vital Energy, their accordance and attachment is a mutually coordinated process,”49 is it not a mystery, the trigger of the universe animating this accordance and attachment? (The wings of species that are related to wind50 and those of flying species have similar forms, which is all due to this Patterning Principle.) [additional paragraphs] 9. The master also said: Emptiness is the wellspring of Vital Energy.

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10. He added: The one is not a number; it is the substance of number. 11. He added: The Patterning Principle is one with its emptiness. Vital Energy is one with its thickness.51 Their union is thus the mystery of all mysteries. 12. He added: The Changes says, “One can hurry without haste and reach the goal without walking.”52 Since there is no place where the Vital Energy does not lie, what need is there to be in haste? Since there is no place that the Vital Energy does not reach, what need is there to walk? When the mystery of the pure tranquility and formlessness of the Vital Energy is considered, one says “spirit.”53 When one has already spoken of “Vital Energy,” it is implied that thickness has left traces54 while seeds have waded [through the change process].55 Spirit is not delineated by thick traces, so how do we get its contours, how do we measure it? To talk about how it happens to be, one says “Patterning Principle”; to talk about what makes it mysterious, one says “spirit”; to talk about the fact that it is in itself simply fullness, one says “sincerity”;56 to talk about its capacity to jump in order to flow and spread, one says “the Way”; to talk, in a generic way, about the fact that there is nothing that cannot be equipped with it, one says “Supreme Ultimate.” The impossibility of escaping the mutual abdication of activity and stillness, as well as the sui generis process of the all-powerful trigger is exactly what has been described as, “one yin, one yang, that is the Dao.” 13. He added: Cheng and Zhang said, “Heaven is great, nothing is outside of it,”57 which means that in the Supreme Void, there is nothing outside. To know that the Supreme Void is One leads to the knowledge that all the rest is not One. Master Shao said: “Some say that outside of heaven and earth, there is another heaven and earth of myriad things that are different from this heaven and earth of myriad things. I am not able to understand that. This is not only something that I, personally, am not able to understand; sage men also were not able to understand it.”58 One must reflect anew on this saying of Master Shao. 14. He also said: In the Sŏn school there is a saying, “The emptiness generated within great enlightenment59 is like a bubble frothing on the sea,”60 and there are also the expressions “true emptiness” and “insentient emptiness.”61 But such statements ignore that “Heaven is great, nothing is outside” and also ignore that “the Void is identical to the Vital Energy.”62 To state that Emptiness generates something either true or insentient demonstrates that this school is ignorant regarding what it is that makes Patterning Principle and Vital Energy precisely Patterning Principle and Vital Energy. How can this be called “knowing the Nature”?63 How can this be called “knowing the Way”?

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Notes 1. The expression “Supreme Void,” “Supreme Vacuity,” “Supreme Emptiness,” or “Great Emptiness” (taixu/t’aehŏ 太虛) probably appeared for the first time in the Zhuangzi, in relation to the topic of the ineffability of the Dao. Cf. Zhuangzi, 22.7, and English translation by Victor H. Mair, Wandering on the Way: Early Taoist Tales and Parables of Chuang Tzu (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1994). But the notion of taixu/t’aehŏ 太虛, sometimes also called “Heavenly Emptiness” (tiankong/ ch’ŏngong 天空) or “Great Void” (dakong/taegong 大空), is inseparable from Zhang Zai 張載 (1020–1077), who gave it its importance in Neo-Confucianism. It is related fundamentally to the Vital Energy, Qi/Ki 氣 (on this notion, see note 10 below). In his Zhengmeng/Chŏngmong 正蒙 (Correcting Youthful Ignorance), I.2 and I.3, Zhang Zai explains this relationship as follows: “The Supreme Vacuity (taixu) has no physical form. It is the original substance of material-force. Its integration and disintegration are but objectifications caused by change”; “[ . . . ] The Supreme Vacuity of necessity consists of material-force. Material-force of necessity integrates to become the myriad things. Things of necessity disperse and return to Supreme Vacuity.” Concerning human beings, knowledge, and language, he also adds, “One is qualified to discuss the nature of man when one realizes that death is not extinction. When it is understood that Vacuity, Emptiness, is nothing but material-force, then something and nothing, the hidden and the manifest, spirit and external transformation, and human nature and destiny, are all one and not a duality. He who apprehends integration and disintegration, appearance and disappearance, form and absence of form and can trace them to their source, penetrates the secret of change.” (English translations by Wing-tsit Chan, “Zhang Zai and the Unity of All Creation,” in Sources of Chinese Tradition 1, ed. Wm. Theodore de Bary and Irene Bloom (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999).) 2. The term zhan/tam 湛 is used in the Daodejing/Todŏkkyŏng 道德經 (The Way and Its Power) to describe one fundamental aspect of the Dao that could be rendered in English by the combined meaning of two words: “pureness” and “tranquility.” Cf. Daodejing, 4, and English translation by D. C. Lau, Tao Te Ching (London: Penguin Books, 1963). What is “darkly visible,” or “pure and tranquil,” has to be understood as something still “unseen,” “deep,” “empty,” and, in fact, “still” and “crystal clear.” 3. In ancient Chinese texts, the notion of xing/hyŏng 形 generally designates the concrete, tangible, and visible “form” that is specific to any being or thing (wu/mul 物). It is intimately linked to another notion, that of ying/yŏng 影 (“shadow”). Forms and shadows are indeed related to each other in a relationship of reciprocal likeness. The forms—and the visual impressions they leave on sense organs—allow the human mind to recognize and distinguish different beings or things. It is also thanks to their forms that things and beings can be given proper names (ming/myŏng 名). Only sages are said to be able to see the form of the invisible, absent, and formless. So the Dao— or here the great emptiness (taixu/t’aehŏ 太虛)—cannot be named properly; ordinary humans cannot identify and grasp it. It is “form-less” (wuxing/muhyŏng 無形).

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4. It should be noted that the Supreme Void cannot be “named” (ming/myŏng 名); it can only be “labeled” (hao/ho 號) or “called”/“said” ( yue/wal 曰). One important aspect of the Supreme Void (or Dao or the working of the universe in general) is its ineffability or, conversely, its inevitably having various names depending on the specific aspect that is being considered when talking about it. This idea has been emblematically summarized in the famous opening of the Daodejing. Human minds need words to think and understand things, but concepts like the Dao are beyond the reach of any words, names, or common rhetoric. Basically, they have to be experienced. That experience, usually restricted solely to Sages or men of superior wisdom, is—paradoxically—described, explained, and alluded to extensively in almost every outstanding philosophical text. 5. The expression “Before Heaven,” “Earlier Heaven,” “Former Heaven,” or “in advance of Heaven” (xiantian/sŏnch’ŏn 先天) first appears in the Book of Changes. Cf. Yijing, wenyan/mun’ŏn 文言 (Commentary on the words of the text), Qian/Kŏn 乾. See the translation by Richard Wilhelm rendered into English by Cary F. Baynes, I Ching or Book of Changes (London: Penguin Books, 1967). In the Huangji jingshi shu by Shao Yong, who was clearly an important influence for Hwadam, “Before Heaven” is explained as follows: “Before Yao [legendary emperor of Chinese antiquity], it was Before Heaven. After Yao, it was After Heaven. The object of study of Before Heaven is the mind-and-heart. The learning of Before Heaven is the method of the mind-and-heart. The learning of Before Heaven gives precedence to integral wholeness [誠]. By achieving integral wholeness, one can fully comprehend the spiritlike light of one’s inner moral force. If integral wholeness is not achieved, one cannot obtain the Way.” (Parts of this translation borrow some renderings chosen by Wm. Theodore de Bary and Andrew Plaks.) 6. The expression “its greatness has no externality,” which could also be rendered as “it is great, nothing is outside (of it)” (qida wuwai/kit’a muoe 其大無外), originally comes from the Lüshi Chunqiu/Yŏssi Ch’unch’u 吕氏春秋 (The Annals of Lü [Buwei]), where it describes the behavior of “the man who has attained the Dao.” Cf. Lüshi Chunqiu, XV.3, and English translation by John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals of Lü Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000). 7. The idea of “no beginning” (wushi/musi 無始) is decisive in the Zhuangzi, to the point where the expression is used to name a fictional character that is featured throughout the book. It is linked to that of “no ending” and generally refers to the way of the Dao, or Heaven and Earth, or nature since antiquity. It appears notably in Zhuangzi, 22.10, in which Confucius is teaching his disciple Ran Qiu. 8. The expression “it cannot be fathomed” (bu ke jiu/pul ka ku 不可究) comes from the Huainanzi/Hwanamja 淮南子 ([Writings of the] Masters [south of] the Huai). It appears twice in the first chapter, entitled “Originating in the Way” ( yuandaoxun/ wŏndosun 原道訓), which explains core elements of the whole work’s philosophical framework, such as the cosmology of the Dao and the birth of the myriad things. Cf. Huainanzi, I.3 and I.5, and English translation by John S. Mayor, Sarah A. Queen, Andrew Seth Meyer, and Harold D. Roth (trans. and eds.), The Huainanzi: A Guide

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to the Theory and Practice of Government in Early Han China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010). 9. The notion of “empty stillness” or “emptiness and stillness” (xujing/hŏjŏng 虛靜) appears in the Zhuangzi and other Daoist texts, in connection with the topic of the relationship between cosmology and human beings, as well as that of sage ruling, according to the Dao. To better understand what is generally meant by “being still” and “stillness,” see Zhuangzi, 13.1. 10. The notion of Qi/Ki 氣, which has been variously translated by “Vital Energy/force,” “material force,” “pneuma” (taken after the Πνεῦμα in Greek philosophy), “humors,” “breath,” “vapor,” and so on, sounds familiar but remains difficult to explain and understand. It has been a focus of theory since Chinese antiquity in almost every school of thought, among which both the Daoist and Confucian ones. For Confucians, both Mencius and Xunzi, the two intellectual heirs of Confucius, discussed the concept of Qi/Ki extensively and in detail. Generally speaking, the consensus on this concept is that it is an energy or force that has no materiality but, paradoxically, gives substance, form, and materiality to all phenomena and beings. It is subtle and invisible (formless), yet present everywhere, in every form. It permeates and animates everything. It is characterized by a binary rhythm: inspiration and exhalation, condensation and dissipation, and thus birth and death. It can be cultivated in the human body and it is connected to cosmological, political, and ethical concerns. In Neo-Confucianism, the importance of Qi/Ki was stressed by Zhang Zai in particular, who started a long-lasting and famous debate about the respective roles of Qi/Ki and Li/Yi 理 (on this notion, see note 29 below). Here, Hwadam, very influenced by Zhang Zai, echoes many ideas the latter expressed in his writings. As Deborah Sommer states, “Song thinkers, such as Zhang Zai, developed cosmologies in which qi was an integral element of a universe where human beings and all other phenomena inhabited a world that was a continually self-renewing process of alternating forces. As Zhang articulated the components of this modulation in his Zheng meng [正蒙], he asserted that qi stemmed from, and was even identical with, a formless Supreme Vacuity (taixu [太虛]) and alternately coalesced into perceptible material phenomena and disintegrated into invisible formlessness. The ethical applications of this ontological vision of interconnectedness were expressed in Zhang’s Xi ming [西銘], where he advocated such values as filial piety (a very expansive filial piety that extended to one’s ‘father’ and ‘mother,’ heaven and earth themselves) and compassion for all human beings. Within the modulations of qi was yet a regularity and patterning called principle (li [理]), and although Zhang did not develop at great length the relationship of qi and principle, it was an important subject to other Song scholars such as Cheng Yi, Cheng Hao, and Zhu Xi.” Cf. Deborah Sommer, “Qi (Vital Energy or Material Force),” in Encyclopedia of Confucianism 2, ed. Yao Xinzhong (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003). 11. These two expressions, bisai/p’ipsaek 逼塞 and chongshi/ch’ungsil 充實, echo two important passages from the Mengzi. The verb “to fill” (sai/saek 塞) describes the action of Mencius’s famous “vast, flowing qi [Vital Energy]” (haoran chi qi/hoyŏn chi ki 浩然之氣). Cf. Mengzi, II.A.2, and English translation by Irene Bloom, Mencius (New

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York: Columbia University Press, 2009). As for the expression chongshi/ch’ungsil 充‌實 (“to stuff” or “to fill up within oneself”), it appears in Mengzi, VII.B.25. 12. The notion of “laying hold of” (zhi/chip 執) probably refers here to the most famous passage from the Daodejing, explaining the sage’s “non-action” (wuwei/ muwi 無為) and his “learning to be without learning” (xue bu xue/hak pul hak 學‌不‌學). Cf. Daodejing, 64: “Whoever does anything to it will ruin it; whoever lays hold of it will lose it. Therefore the sage, because he does nothing, never ruins anything; and, because he does not lay hold of anything, loses nothing. In their enterprises the people always ruin them when on the verge of success. Be as careful at the end as at the beginning and there will be no ruined enterprises. Therefore, the sage desires not to desire and does not value goods which are hard to come by; learns to be without learning and makes good the mistakes of the multitude in order to help the myriad creatures to be natural and to refrain from daring to act.” 13. The term shi/sil 實, usually understood as “actual,” “real,” “true,” “consistent,” or “practical,” originally means the pit of a fruit. It is the nucleus from which a fruit will or can develop. It conceals and bears the full potentiality of the future fruit. It is then true “fullness,” understood as virtuality in the making. This “fullness” is frequently identified in a dual pair with the seemingly opposite notion of xu/hŏ 虛, “emptiness,” “void,” or “vacuity.” According to Neo-Confucians, in the wake of Zhu Xi, it was imperative this Confucian “emptiness” (or “void”) be differentiated from the Buddhist idea of “emptiness,” kong/kong 空, which is, as Hwadam says here, “nothingness,” wu/mu 無. The Confucian emptiness is “subtle” (without tangible “form,” “scent,” etc.), but it is at the same time entirely full of Vital Energy. It is thus both empty and full, depending on how one understands, perceives, and, arbitrarily, defines through language each of these two modes of being of the primordial energy that commands life, macrocosm and microcosm. It is useful to remember that orthodox Neo-Confucianism was even defined as a sirhak 實學 from its earliest stages, in opposition to Buddhism, long before the beginning of what has been labeled the “practical learning,” or sirhak school of late Chosŏn in modern times. 14. The expression, almost literally translated here by “when it reaches this cultivated land” (dao ci tiandi/to ch’a chŏnji 到此田地) in order to keep the rather strange wording in Literary Chinese, means reaching the human realm, the world of human beings who have to use language in order to think on the world and nature to which they consubstantially belong. It is worth noting that the expression was used by Li Tong 李侗 (1093–1163), Zhu Xi’s master, in one of his remaining texts. In it, he described the different names used to designate the Vital Energy (qi/ki 氣) and its complex interaction with the human mind (xin/sim 心). The context of his discussion was a famous controversy about the relevance of practicing “quiet sitting” ( jingzuo/chŏngjwa 靜坐)—a clear Buddhist influence—in Confucianism. Cf. Li Yanping xiansheng wenji/Yi Yŏnp’yŏng sŏnsaeng munjip 李延平先生文集 (Literary Collection of Master Li Yanping), quoted in Yang Rubin, “Bianhua qizhi, yangqi yu guan shengxian qixiang,” Hanxue yanjiu 19, no. 1 (June 2001): 103–136: “When trying to understand and explain things, one no longer sees that what is called Vital Energy and what is called Mind are blended into one another to form one single ­substance

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when they circulate everywhere and drench everything. When they reach this cultivated land of ours, it seems like they are divided into the Mind here, the Vital Energy there; this is precisely what creates the confusion we are in” (my translation). 15. The expression “having neither sound nor scent” (wusheng wuchou/musŏng much’wi 無聲無臭) is part of a verse from a poem in the Shijing, Greater Odes of the Kingdom, Decade of Wen wang. The verse also appears at the very ending of the Zhongyong, where it is linked to the notion of “perfect attainment” (zhi/chi 至), as well as the working of Heaven/nature. Cf. Zhongyong, 33. 16. Zhou Dunyi and Zhang Zai. The expression “to draw the bow but not release the arrow” ( yin er bufa/in i pulpal 引而不發) is an allusion to Mengzi, VII.A.41. 17. Shao Yong. 18. Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” A.10: “The Changes have no consciousness, no action; they are quiescent and do not move. But if they are stimulated, they penetrate all situations under heaven. If they were not the most divine thing on earth, how could they do this?” 19. Referring to the Zhongyong. In the original text, the title is actually abbreviated by “yong” 庸, but in English the proper abbreviation is “the Mean,” zhong 中. 20. Cf. Zhongyong, 25. There exist many different translations of this famous passage in English, mainly because it is so difficult to understand the term cheng/ sŏng 誠, which is a key concept in the Confucian tradition, and particularly in Neo-­ Confucianism. This rich and polysemic notion has been rendered as “sincerity,” “authenticity,” “integral wholeness” (Andrew Plaks), “creativity” (Ames and Hall), “real­ness” (Wing-tsit Chan), or “integrity.” However, the most consensual translations remain “sincerity” and “authenticity.” In my own translation of this curt sentence, I have chosen to partly follow the translation by James Legge that is fairly neutral and, thus, does not stretch the meaning of the words, since the quotation by Hwadam is short and taken out of its original context. On the notion itself, see below, note 56. 21. The notion of ti/ch’e 體 is generally rendered by “constitution,” “substance,” “body,” “corpus,” or “essence” in opposition to another core notion, yong/yong 用, meaning “function,” “use,” “activity,” or “implementation.” This interdependent, interactive, and dynamic pair is central to both Buddhist and Neo-Confucian philosophy and vocabulary. Their meanings differ a little depending on the school of thought in question. It was first created by Wang Bi 王弼 (226–249), commenting on the nature of “non-being” in Daodejing, 38. Generally speaking, the pair designates the passage from the “un-manifested” to the “manifested,” or from the “not-yethere” to the “already-out-there,” between non-being and being (considering that “non-being” is already “being” in itself). It is used to point at two different archetypal stages, aspects, or modes of being or functioning. The “substance” commonly refers to the essential and inner qualities of a thing, being, or phenomenon, and “function” refers to its external, active, and processual dimensions. As it has been stressed by Neo-Confucians, the two terms are basically words—conventions—used by human language in order to understand phenomena and explain cosmology and ethics, always understood as grounded in natural, cosmic order.

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22. The expression “Unitary Vital Energy” or “unitary vital breath” ( yiqi/ilgi 一氣) is common to many ancient texts from Chinese antiquity. It is best explained, however, in the following quotation from the Zhuangzi, 22.1: “[ . . . ] Therefore, it is said, ‘The practice of the Way results in daily decrease. Decrease and again decrease, until you reach nonaction. Through nonaction, no action is left undone.’ Now, is it not difficult for what has already become a thing to return to its roots? Could anyone but the great man find it easy? ‘For life is the disciple of death and death is the beginning of life. Who knows their regulator? Human life is the coalescence of vital breath. When it coalesces there is life; when it dissipates there is death. Since life and death are disciples of each other, how should I be troubled by them? Thus the myriad things are a unity. What makes the one beautiful is its spirit and wonder; what makes the other loathsome is its stench and putrefaction. But stench and putrefaction evolve into spirit and wonder, and spirit and wonder evolve once again into stench and putrefaction. Therefore it is said, ‘A unitary vital breath pervades all under heaven.’ Hence the sage values unity.” 23. The term zhou/chu 周, which has polysemic meanings, most probably refers here to the “going round” (zhouxing/chuhaeng 周行) of the Dao, notably described in the Daodejing, 25: “There is a thing confusedly formed, born before heaven and earth. Silent and void it stands alone and does not change, goes round and does not weary. It is capable of being the mother of the world. I know not its name so I style it ‘the way.’ I give it the makeshift name of ‘the great.’ Being great, it is further described as receding, receding, it is described as far away, being far away, it is described as turning back. Hence the way is great; heaven is great; earth is great; and the king is also great. Within the realm there are four things that are great, and the king counts as one. Man models himself on earth, earth on heaven, heaven on the way, and the way on that which is naturally so.” 24. The term hun/hon 混 refers to a state of confusion and muddle and is related to primordial chaos, which is fundamentally understood as unity in early Daoist texts. Cf. Daodejing, 14: “What cannot be seen is called evanescent; what cannot be heard is called rarefied; what cannot be touched is called minute. These three cannot be fathomed and so they are confused and looked upon as once.” See also Zhuangzi, 16.2: “The ancients, in the midst of chaos, were tranquil together with the whole world. At that time, yin and yang were harmoniously still, ghosts and spirits caused no disturbances; the four seasons came in good time; the myriad things went unharmed; the host of living creatures escaped premature death. Although men had knowledge, there was no use for it. This was called ultimate unity. At that time, there was no action but only constant spontaneity.” 25. The notion of “grand one,” “supreme one,” or “grand unity” (taiyi/t’aeil 太‌一) appears and is explained for the first time in the final chapters of the Zhuangzi, which feature Daoist figures, such as Liezi 列子 (Lie Yukou), Yin, the Director of the Pass (Guan Yin 關尹), and Laozi 老子 (also called “Old Longears,” Lao Dan 老聃). Cf. Zhuangzi, 32.7: “The wisdom of the small man never gets beyond gift wrap and calling cards. He wears out his spirit with trivialities, yet wishes without distinction to assist and guide things to the emptiness of form of the grand unity. A man like this

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becomes confused by space and time, burdening his form but not knowing the grand beginning. The spirit of the ultimate man, however, reverts to beginninglessness and sleeps sweetly in Never-never Land. He is like water flowing through formlessness and gushing forth from grand purity. How sad! You direct your knowledge toward hairlike trifles but know nothing of great peacefulness!” See also Zhuangzi, 33.5. 26. Zhou Dunyi (1017–1073), also commonly called Zhou Lianxi 周濂溪 after his death. This name, which he adopted in retirement, is based on the stream (Lianxi, or Lian Stream) running by his retirement home near Mount Lu in the northern part of Jiangxi Province. 27. The Taijitu shuo/T’aegŭkto sŏl 太極圖說 (Explanation of the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate), written by Zhou Dunyi, is a core text of Neo-Confucian cosmology. This short text synthesized the Neo-Confucian understanding of the Book of Changes with aspects taken from Daoism and Buddhism. The Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate pictures the wuji/mugŭk 無極 (“Non-polar”) represented as a blank circle and the taiji/t’aegŭk 太極 (“Supreme Polarity” or “Supreme Ultimate”) as a circle with a center point (which stands for the world embryo) with broken and unbroken lines representing respectively yin and yang. Zhou’s key terms, Wuji and Taiji, appear in the famous opening sentence “The Supreme Polarity in activity generates yang,” wujier­ taiji 無極而太極, which may also be translated by “The Supreme Polarity that is NonPolar.” The full quotation is as follows: “Non-polar (wuji) and yet Supreme Polarity (taiji)! The Supreme Polarity in activity generates yang; yet at the limit of activity it is still. In stillness it generates yin; yet at the limit of stillness it is also active. Activity and stillness alternate; each is the basis of the other. In distinguishing yin and yang, the Two Modes are thereby established. The alternation and combination of yang and yin generate water, fire, wood, metal, and earth. With these five [phases of] qi harmoniously arranged, the Four Seasons proceed through them. The Five Phases are simply yin and yang; yin and yang are simply the Supreme Polarity; the Supreme Polarity is fundamentally Non-polar. [Yet] in the generation of the Five Phases, each one has its nature.” (English translation by Joseph A. Adler, “Zhou Dunyi: The Metaphysics and Practice of Sagehood,” in Sources of Chinese Tradition 1, ed. Wm. Theodore de Bary and Irene Bloom [New York: Columbia University Press, 1999].) Isabelle Robinet explains the relationship between taiji and wuji as follows: “The taiji is the One that contains Yin and Yang, or the Three (as stated in Hanshu/Hansŏ 漢書 (History of the [Former] Han Dynasty), XXI.A). This Three is, in Taoist terms, the One (Yang) plus the Two (Yin), or the Three that gives life to all beings (cf. Daodejing, 42), the One that virtually contains the multiplicity. Thus, the wuji is a limitless void, whereas the taiji is a limit in the sense that it is the beginning and the end of the world, a turning point. The wuji is the mechanism of both movement and quiescence; it is situated before the differentiation between movement and quiescence, metaphorically located in the space-time between the kun 坤, or pure Yin, and fu 復, the return of the Yang. In other terms, while the Taoists state that taiji is metaphysically preceded by wuji, which is the Dao, the Neo-Confucians say that the taiji is the Dao.” Cf. Isabelle Robinet, “Wuji and Taiji 無極太極: Ultimateless and Great Ultimate,” in The Encyclopedia of Taoism, ed. Fabrizio Pregadio (London: Routledge, 2008).

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28. The term “mystery” or “wonder” (miao/myo 妙) is mentioned in the Zhuang­ zi. Its comprehension is presented as the ultimate understanding of the universe and, thus, the ultimate goal of human life. Cf. Zhuangzi, 27: “Sir Wanderer of Countenance Complete declared to Sir Motley of Easturb, ‘From the time I began to hear your words, the first year I was still in the wilderness, the second year I just followed along, the third year I understood, the fourth year I identified with things, the fifth year things came to me, the sixth year I was inspirited, the seventh year my heavenly nature was complete, the eighth year I was no longer aware of death or life, the ninth year I comprehended the great wonder [mystery].’ ” 29. The term Li/Yi 理, often rendered by “Patterning Principle,” “Principle,” “pattern,” “order,” “coherence,” or even “reason,” is a core notion of Neo-­ Confucianism. It appeared as early as Chinese antiquity, used as a plural, in the Zhuangzi, 25 (wanwu shuli/manmul suri 萬物殊理, “the many patterns of the myriad things”), but it became a central notion when the Cheng brothers presented it as an all-­encompassing pattern. Its etymological meaning is the veins in jade, and in a verbal sense, it means “to put in proper order.” To carve a piece of jade without breaking it into little bits implies following its veins and thus its intrinsic characteristics. As Thomas Selover explains, “Characterized as ‘the reason something is what it is’ (suoyi ran zhi gu 所‌以然之故) and ‘that to which it ought to conform’ (suo danran zhi ze 所當然之‌則), li became a powerful organizing principle for the Confucian legacy. The formula liyi fenshu 理一分殊 (the pattern is one, its manifestations are diverse) became the linchpin of a unified vision of the world. [ . . . ] From classical times, specific relations had particular value patterns associated with them, such as intimacy between parent and child ( fuzi youqin 父子有親) and order between elder and younger (zhangyou youxu 長幼有序). What was new was the grounding of these value patterns in the li of Heaven-and-Earth. Understanding this li provided the possibility for innovation in rituals that pattern action and feeling. [ . . . ] As for just what is patterned by li, discussion centred on Vital Energy (qi); the relation of li and qi is a perennial theme in later Confucian writings. Though li and qi are held to be mutually dependent, li is logically prior according to Zhu Xi and his followers. [ . . . ] From a comparative point of view, it is the pattern of mutuality and reciprocity itself, give and take or stimulation and response ( ganying 感應), that distinguishes Confucian cosmology. Li was identified with xing (性卽理), so that the Mengzi’s dictum of the goodness of human nature was ascribed to the presence of li. [ . . . ] In psychological acuity, the most significant discussions on li in relation to human feelings took place in the Four-Seven Debate (Kr. sadan ch’ichjŏng ron 四端七情論) in Korea.” Cf. Thomas Selover, “Li 理 (Pattern, principle),” in RoutledgeCurzon Encyclopedia of Confucianism 1, ed. Yao Xinzhong (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003). 30. Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” A.10. The quotation is cited in note 18 above. “They” refer to the changes ( yi/yŏk 易). 31. Cf. Zhongyong, 25. For the first part of the sentence, I used, partly, Legge’s translation (“sincerity is that whereby self-completion is effected”; see paragraph 2 and note 20 above), but for this second part, I have chosen Plaks’s translation, which sounds better to me in this context (Legge’s proposal is: “its way is that by which

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man must direct himself”). Cf. Andrew Plaks, Ta Hsüeh and Chung Yung (The Highest Order of Cultivation and On the Practice of the Mean) (London: Penguin Books, 2003). In the quotation, the term Dao/To 道, which is repeated, is used as a noun (“the Way” and “the way” in the trivial sense of “the path”), then as a verb (“to walk,” “to make its way” “to direct its way to”). 32. Zhou Dunyi. 33. The full quotation is cited in note 27 above. 34. The term ji/ki 機, meaning here the “spring” or the “pivot,” is linked in general to the understanding of the Changes. The terms ji/ki 機 and ji/ki 幾, often interchangeable, both designate the transitory and transitional moment from the state of latency of what has not yet happened to the state of its happening and actualization. They refer to the moment of the minute transition and tiny change instigated by an outburst movement, commonly called fa/pal 發, which also constitutes the transition between “stillness” ( jing/kyŏng 靜) and “move” or “activity” (dong/tong 動). Before this transition, there is no “form” (xing/hyŏng 形), and at the very pivotal, dynamic moment characterizing the transition, it is the realm of “images” or “prefigurations (of later configurations)” (xiang/sang 象) of something that is not here yet, but already here at the same time. The observation of these “images” is precisely at the heart of the study of the changes and the exegesis of the Book of Changes. The goal is to perceive and see these prefigurations and configurations of what is going to happen, visible through their “forms” (xing/hyŏng 形), when these are formed, and thus trying to act and react according to them. Ethics is an extension of cosmological enquiry. What has to be done must be in line and harmony with what is or will be by natural command. 35. This is a reference to the common idea best explained in the famous passage from the Daodejing, 42: “The way begets one; one begets two; two begets three; three begets the myriad creatures. The myriad creatures carry on their backs the yin and embrace in their arms the yang and are the blending of the generative forces of the two.” 36. The doctrine of the so-called five phases, or five agents, or five stages of change (wuxing/ohaeng 五行), commonly used as a mnemonic device in many fields since Chinese antiquity, describes two cycles: a generating cycle (sheng/saeng 生) and an overcoming cycle (ke/kŭk 克). The alternating process between the two cycles is timeless (it has no beginning and no end) and explains all phenomena. 37. The term wei/mi 微, translated here as “subtle,” means something “tenuous,” “faint,” and almost “imperceptible.” Like other common philosophical terms, such as ji/ki 幾 (the “tiny,” “minute”), jing/chŏng 精 (“essence,” “spirit,” “semen”), duan/ tan 端 (“sprout” or “germ”), it identifies what the primary focus of the philosophy of the Book of Changes is: the moment before things really happen, the germination process, and latency in general. This latency is regarded as supreme potency and full potentiality. It also coincides with the time when ethical questioning can be raised. On the same topic, see note 34 above, about the term ji/ki 機. 38. Yin and yang are well-known notions, often left untranslated in most Western languages nowadays, for they are familiar. Yang 陽 (the south-facing slope

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of a mountain), with the pictogram “sun” 日, stands for the light and radiance of the sun. Yin 陰 (the north-facing side), with the element “cloud” 云, stands for the shadow, humidity, and cold of the sun obscured by cloud. Yang is dynamic and yin quiet. But they are neither opposite nor mutually exclusive. Rather, they form a complementary duality, marked by a binary rhythm, and basically represent the two phases of an energy that is always in circulation, the Qi/Ki 氣. As the “Xici” states, “One yin, one yang, that is the Dao.” (Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” A.5.) Yin and yang are fundamentally a dynamic alternation that is at the very source of life and universe. 39. Kan/kam 坎 and Li/ri 離 are the names of two trigrams out of the eight trigrams of the Book of Changes. These eight trigrams are the basic components of the sixty-four hexagrams presented in the Classic. The solid line represents yang; the open (or broken) one yin. Kan/kam ☵ (one yang line in between two yin lines) is called “The Abysmal” and is related to water and North. In the Xiantian tu/sŏnch’ŏn to 先天圖 (Diagram of the Before Heaven), also called the “Diagram of Fu Xi,” or the “sequence of Fu Xi,” Kan/kam ☵ (on the right) is the direct symmetrical opposite trigram of Li/ri ☲, one yin line in between two yang lines (on the left), called “The Clinging” and related to fire and South. In the Diagram, which is only one of many possible arrangement of the trigrams, the eight trigrams are divided into four different contrary pairs, symbolizing each possible interaction between the opposite forces of yin and yang. 40. The term fen/pun 分 means “division,” generally into two, as well as the result of this operation. The division is both quantitative and qualitative, and the term usually appears in the description of binary oppositions or complementary entities that are hierarchically ordered. The division enables the distinction and differentiation of one thing from another. 41. The term ji/kŭk 極 (“rooftop,” “ridgepole,” “summit,” “peak”) must be read in its verbal sense here. It means “to reach its peak,” but also “to reach its limit.” In the framework of the Book of Changes and the exegesis of trigrams and hexagrams, the expansion and growth, always upwards, of a yin or yang line into another line, also yin or yang, is “limited” respectively at the third and sixth lines. There is indeed a “limit” and when this point is reached, the whole process of growth starts again from bottom to top. 42. The expression translated here as “used to all affairs,” yongshi/yongsa 用事, appears in the Huainanzi, related to the “five phases,” “five agents,” “five active qualities,” or “five stages of change” (wuxing/ohaeng 五行), as well as in the Taixuanjing/T’aehŏgyŏng 太玄經 (Book of Supreme Mystery) by Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 B.C.E.–18 C.E.), where it means “the one in power.” Cf. Huainanzi, III.22, and English translation by Mayor, Queen, Meyer, and Roth, The Huainanzi See also Taixuanjing, “Autocommentaries to the Mystery,” “Numbers of the Mystery” (taixuan shu 太玄數), and English translation by Michael Nylan, The Elemental Changes: The Ancient Chinese Companion to the I Ching: The T’ai Hsüan Ching of Master Yang Hsiung (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994). 43. The expression “to circle and spin,” or “to revolve and rotate” (huanzhuan/ hwanjŏn 圜轉) appears in Zhang Zai’s Zhengmeng in relation to the “spring of the

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universe,” ji/ki 機 (on this notion, see note 34 above). Cf. Zhengmeng, II.4: “In all the processes that circle and spin, there must be a spring commanding activity. What used to be called the spring of universe does set things in motion, but it is not urged by something outside of itself. Today, as in the past, when one talks of heaven’s rotations, it is a simple explanation given when speaking generally, without taking into full consideration the changes affecting the rising and setting of the sun and moon, as well as the twinkling and fading of the stars and celestial bodies” (my translation). 44. The idea of “without cease” or “untiring” (buxi/pulsik 不息) is fundamentally related to the first hexagram, called “The Creative” (“Heaven”), Qian/Kŏn 乾, in the Yijing. The hexagram is made of a combination of six yang lines or, in other words, by the doubling of the eponymous trigram Qian (three yang lines). It thus stands for full and ceaseless potency, power, and creative energy. 45. The term ning/ŭng 凝, translated here as “solidify,” literally means “to freeze.” In the Zhengmeng, Zhang Zai explains the relationship between the Vital Energy and the Supreme Void (or Supreme Vacuity), using the metaphor of water and ice. Cf. Zhengmeng, I.8: “The integration and disintegration of material-force [the Vital Energy] is to the Supreme Vacuity [The Great Void] as the freezing and melting of ice is to water. If we realize that the Supreme Vacuity [The Great Void] is identical to material-force [the Vital Energy], we know that there is no such thing as nothing.” (Translation by Chan, “Zhang Zai and the Unity of All Creation” (1999); the terms in brackets are my equivalent translations.) 46. The expression “to drift within it” or “to knock within it” (que zai zhongjian/ kak chae chunggan 搉在中間) appears in the Zhuzi yülei/Chuja ŏryu 朱子語類 (Classi­ fied Conversations of Master Zhu), recording the sayings of Zhu Xi. Cf. Zhuzi yülei, 1.1: “Heaven uses Vital Energy to be in accordance with the forms of earth; earth uses forms to be attached to the Vital Energy of heaven. Heaven is embraced by earth; earth holds a unique and special place among the processes of heaven. Heaven uses Vital Energy to move outwards and that is why while earth is suspended within it, it is in fact decaying and motionless, so that at the moment when the movements of heaven stops, earth is just waiting, falling downwards” (my translation). 47. The expression “the nature of Vital Energy” (Qi zhi xing/Ki chi sŏng 氣之性) appears in Zhengmeng, XVII.2: “The nature of Vital Energy is fundamentally emptiness and spirit, so when spirit is brought together with nature, what is intrinsic to Vital Energy is precisely the means through which positive and negative spiritual forces are embodied in things without any loss” (my translation). Furthermore, Zhang Zai also provides an explanation of a few key terms, among which are “Vital Energy,” “Nature,” and “Supreme Void” in Zhengmeng, I.10: “For what comes from Supreme Void, there is the name ‘Heaven;’ for what comes from the transformation of Vital Energy, there is the name ‘Way;’ for the merging of being featureless with Vital Energy, there is the name ‘Nature;’ for the merging of Nature with cognition, there is the name ‘Mind-Heart’ ” (my translation). 48. The “motion,” “movement,” or “activity” (dong/tong 動) that is proper to yang is an expansion of Vital Energy and, as such, an upward movement. The yang energy is described as light and airy, and it naturally soars and rises up like a bird

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or a dragon (common metaphors), which are both meant to fly up to the sky. The movement within a hexagram, the expansion and growth of Vital Energy marked by each line ( yin or yang), is also an upward movement, from bottom to top. 49. This partly incorrect citation of a sentence attributed to Shao Yong comes from the Yüqiao wendui/Ŏch’o mundae 漁樵問對 (Fisherman and Woodcutter Conversa­ tion), whose authorship is still a bone of contention. Cf. Don J. Wyatt, The Recluse of Loyang. Shao Yung and the Moral Evolution of Early Sung Thought (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1996), 98–99. In the orthodox Neo-Confucian tradition, however, the text is commonly attributed to Shao Yong, due to Zhu Xi. The sentence quoted by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is the fisherman’s answer to one of the woodcutter’s questions. But here, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk has reversed the order of the original sentence. It should be written “accordance and attachment are a mutually coordinated process. Heaven is in accordance with forms, earth is attached to the Vital Energy.” Hwadam’s mistake may be explained by the fact that he thought of Zhu Xi’s comments on the sentence. Indeed, in the Zhuzi yülei, 100 and 115, the sentence is also reversed, Zhu Xi’s primary focus being the part about “heaven is in accordance with forms, earth is attached to the Vital Energy.” 50. The expression, translated here as “species that are related to wind,” fengzu/​ p’ungjok 風族, refers to worms and insects, chong/ch’ung 蟲. In his Caomuzi/Ch’o­mok­ cha 草木子 (Master of Herbs and Trees), I, “Observation of things” ( guanwupian 觀物篇), Ye Ziqi 葉子奇 (fl. 1379) explains: “Shao Kangjie [Shao Yong] said: ‘Fish belong to the species that relate to ‘water,’ worms and insects to the species that relate to ‘wind.’ That is why worms and insects all originate from the transformation made by the element ‘wind.’ As a general rule, for things of the family of hazelnuts or chestnuts, at the time when their outside shells become completely hard, worms have already grown within their ovary walls. How can it be that they come from the remaining seeds of outside things? This matter of fact must be due rather to their coming from the transformation made by the element ‘wind’ ” (my translation). 51. The term cu/cho 粗, “thick,” “coarse,” “rough,” is opposed to jing/chŏng 精, “subtle,” “imperceptible,” “fine.” The two terms describe the degree of refinement of Vital Energy. In the Zhuangzi, it is explained that the difference between the two only appears when there are forms. Cf. Zhuangzi, 17.4. 52. Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” A.10: “The Changes have no consciousness, no action; they are quiescent and do not move. But if they are stimulated, they penetrate all situations under heaven. If they were not the most divine thing on earth, how could they do this? The Changes are what has enabled the holy sages to reach all depths and to grasp the seeds of all things. Only through what is deep can one penetrate all wills on earth. Only through the seeds can one complete all affairs on earth. Only through the divine can one hurry without haste and reach the goal without walking. When the Master said, ‘The book of Changes contains a fourfold tao of the holy sages,’ this is what is meant.” 53. Hwadam’s idea throughout the whole text about the relationship between the Vital Energy, the Way, and “spirit” (shen/sin 神) is best illustrated and understood when reading the opening paragraph of the Zhengmeng, which deals with the

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notion of “Supreme Harmony” (taihe/t’aehwa 太和), not explicitly mentioned by Hwadam. Cf. Zhengmeng I.1: “The Supreme Harmony (taihe) is called the Way (dao). It embraces the nature that underlies all counterprocesses of floating and sinking, rising and falling, and motion and rest. It is the origin of the process of fusion and intermingling, of overcoming and being overcome, and of expansion and contraction. At the commencement, these processes are incipient, subtle, obscure, easy, and simple, but at the end they are extensive, great, strong, and firm. It is qian (Heaven) that begins with the knowledge of change and kun (Earth) that models itself after simplicity. That which is dispersed, differentiated, and capable of assuming form becomes material-force (qi), and that which is pure, penetrating, and not capable of assuming form becomes spirit. Unless the whole universe is in the process of fusion and intermingling like fleeting forces moving in all directions, it may not be called the Supreme Harmony.” 54. “Traces” ( ji/chŏk 迹) are what is left after “forms” (xing/hyŏng 形) appear and take material shapes. The Huangji jingshi shu explains, concisely but clearly, that the understanding of the traces is the purpose of the Learning of “After Heaven” (houtian/huch’ŏn 後天)—meaning when forms have been formed. Cf. Huangji jingshi shu, VII.B.13: “Before Heaven learning is the mind; After Heaven learning is the traces.” (Translation by Wyatt, The Recluse of Loyang, 198.) 55. The expression she hu/sŏp ho 涉乎, literally meaning “to wade across,” has been slightly embellished here in order to make it more understandable. It appears in the Zhengmeng, IV.21, where it is explained as follows: “The sentence ‘to know the seeds, that is spirit [Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” B.5]’ requires going through the correct interpretation of the whole Classic in order for it to be understood in its full pervasiveness. Thus, how could it be used all the time? It can only be grasped in segments. Seeds are seen through images when there are no forms yet, and when forms have appeared, they wade through the process to come into light; no need of spirit to know them” (my translation). 56. Generally speaking, the notion of cheng/sŏng 誠 designates a quality that allows men to be connected to the heavenly order, pattern, or will. It is the virtue that links human and cosmic realms together. Being “sincere,” “authentic,” or “integral” means being just as human nature (xing/sŏng 性) should be, according to the “heaven’s command” or “destiny” (ming/myŏng 命). In a famous passage from the Mengzi, sincerity is described as the subject of human reflection, and to make things sincere or to be sincere is the way of heaven. Cf. Mengzi, IV.A.12. 57. This is a quotation from the Zhengmeng, VII.10: “By expanding one’s heart, one can embody all things under heaven. When some things have not yet been embodied, the Mind-Heart acts upon what is outside of itself. The heart of the crowd keeps within the bounds of hearing and sight. The Sage exhausts his nature to the deepest core and does not fetter his heart by resorting to hearing and sight. In his vision of what is under heaven, there is not a single thing that is not part of himself. Master Meng called that ‘devoting one’s entire mind,’ because to know one’s Nature is to know Heaven. Heaven is great, nothing is outside of it. That’s why the mind which has something outside of itself is not able to be in tune with Heaven’s heart.

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Knowledge based on sight and hearing is a knowledge acquired only after interacting with things, but it is not the knowledge that comes from our mighty Nature. This knowledge from the mighty Nature does not arise from sight and hearing” (my translation). 58. This passage appears in both the Yüqiao wendui (see note 49 above) and the “Guanwu pian/Kwanmul p’yŏn” 觀物篇 (Observation of Things), which was originally part of the Huangji jingshi before being published separately in the “Works of Shao Yong,” the Shao Yong ji/So Yong chip 邵雍集. In fictitious dialogue, the woodcutter asks the fisherman how it is possible to know for sure that “human beings are capable of reaching the spiritual world of the myriad things.” The quotation in this passage comes from the last part of the fisherman’s answer. In the Huangji jingshi, the passage appears in the second chapter of the “Guanwu pian.” In the version of the text printed in the Siku quanshu/Sago chŏnsŏ 四庫全書 edition (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries), the first chapter is referred to as number 51, whereas in the version printed in the Daozang/Tojang 道藏 (Daoist Canon), the opening chapter of the “Guanwu pian” starts with number 41. I am following the Siku quanshu version, as it has been reproduced in the Shao Yong ji. Cf. Shao Yong ji (Works of Shao Yong) (reprint Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010). Hwadam’s quotation, as it appears in this edition, is slightly incorrect. At some point, the preposition “i” 以 (generally meaning “thanks to,” “because of”) has been used instead of “i” 而 (coordinating conjunction meaning “and”), probably because these two characters are homophones in Korean pronunciation. In Hwadam’s text, it is written pultŭk i chiji 不得以知之) but the original text reads bude er zhi zhi/pultŭk i chiji 不得而知之. Cf. Guanwu pian, 52.7: “Some may lecture me saying: ‘Outside of heaven and earth, there are, independently, the myriad things of heaven and earth that are different from the myriad things of this heaven and earth.’ I am not able to understand that. This is not only something that I, personally, am not able to understand; sage men also are not able to understand it. Generally speaking, by ‘speakers of fine ideas,’ one means those who know by understanding with their own minds and by ‘speakers of fine words,’ one means those who talk by imparting things with their mouths. Since the heart-and-mind cannot always know things by finding them through knowledge, how possible would it be for mouths to talk by getting things? When one knows without succeeding in understanding things by using one’s heart-and-mind, it is called absurd knowledge. When one talks without succeeding in finding words by using one’s mouth, it is called absurd speech. How could I then possibly follow absurd people or practice absurd knowledge and absurd speech?” (my translation). 59. The expression dajue/taegak 大覺 also refers to the Buddha (Fo/Pul 佛). 60. This is a quotation from the Dafoding shoulengyan jing/Taepul chŏng surŭngŏm kyŏng 大佛頂首楞嚴經 (Śūraṅgama Sūtra—Heroic March Sūtra), an important Chinese apocryphal sūtra from the Mahāyāna tradition and especially the meditative (chan/ sŏn 禪) schools. Cf. Dafoding shoulengyan jing 大佛頂首楞嚴經 (*Śūraṃgama Sūtra) 6, Taishō no. 945, vol. 19, p. 130a21; Robert E. Buswell and Donald S. Lopez, eds., The Princeton Dictionary of Buddhism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2014), 873–874.

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61. The term zhenkong/chingong 眞空, in contrast with xuwang/hŏmang 虛妄, means “the true/authentic emptiness.” It refers to the highest Mahāyāna concept of true voidness, or ultimate reality. It is Reality, the absolute and fundamental reality (shixiang/silsang 實相), the fashen/pŏpsin 法身 (dharmakāya), or zhenru/chinyu 眞 如 (bhūtatathatā). There are many other terms for this notion, such as yishi/ilsil 一 實, yiru/illyu 一如, yixiang/ilsang 一相, wuxiang/musang 無相, fazheng/pŏpchŏng 法證, fawei/pŏbwi 法位, nieban/yŏlban 涅槃 (nirvana), wuwei/muwui 無爲, zhen­ xing/chinsŏng 眞性, shixing/silsŏng 實性, etc. As for the term wankong/wŏngong 頑空 (“insentient emptiness”), it refers to the Buddhist notion of “Space,” where nothing exists, also called the taixukong/t’aehŏgong 太虛空. Another term is piankong/ p’yŏngong 偏空. Cf. A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms by William Edward Soothill and Lewis Hodous, http://mahajana.net/texts/kopia_lokalna/soothill-hodous.html (accessed in April 2014). 62. See above note 45, quotation from the Zhengmeng, I.8. 63. By “knowing the Nature” (zhi xing/chi sŏng 知性), Hwadam may also be alluding here to the Sŏn term “seeing the Nature” ( jian xing/kyŏng sŏng 見性) meaning “seeing the Buddha-Nature.”

10

Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy

1. [When referring to its being] “without externality,” one says Supreme Void;1 [when referring to its being] “without beginning,” one says Vital Energy. 2 “Featureless, it is Vital Energy.”3 The Void basically has no boundaries,4 the Vital Energy also has no boundaries; as for the source of the Vital Energy, its start is the One. When the Vital Energy has already been spoken of, [it then means that] the One contains the Two;5 the Supreme Void engenders the One and within it the Two is contained. When the Two is [released], it is impossible for there not to be closing and opening up,6 activity and stillness,7 generating and overcoming.8 2. When one goes back to the origin of this capacity for closing and opening up, this capacity for being in activity and stillness, this capacity for generating and overcoming, and one wants to give it a name, one says Supreme Void. There is no Patterning Principle outside of the Vital Energy, Patterning Principle is the master of the Vital Energy. “Master” does not mean something from outside that masters, one uses “master” in order to designate what is in power9 in the Vital Energy and is capable of retaining the rectitude that stems from the “reason something is what it is.”10 3. The Patterning Principle does not precede the Vital Energy, the Vital Energy has no beginning, and the Patterning Principle certainly has no beginning. If one says that the Patterning Principle precedes the Vital Energy, it would imply that the Vital Energy has a beginning. Mr. Lao11 says that the Void can beget the Vital Energy, which would mean that the Vital Energy does have a beginning and it does have boundaries as well.12 [additional paragraph] 4. [Hwadam] added: The Changes are the modification of yin and yang; yin and yang being the two Vital Energies. “One yin, one yang”13 is the Grand One.14 “Because of the Two, progressive transformations15 [take place]; it is One, therefore it is mysterious.”16 This does not mean that outside of the 99

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transformations there is, independently, what is called the “mystery”; it means that what enables the two energies to create and transform, recreate and retransform in a ceaseless process is the ongoing mysterious functioning of the Supreme Void. He who would discuss the mystery by considering external transformations does not know the Changes.

Notes 1. On the notion of “Supreme Void” (taixu/t’aehŏ 太虛), see note 1 of the previous text, “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy,” and on the notion of “having no externality” (wuwai/muoe 無外), see notes 6 and 57 of the same text. 2. On this idea of “no beginning” (wushi/musi 無始), see note 7 of the previous text “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy,” and on the notion of “Vital Energy,” see note 10. 3. This is certainly a quotation from Zhengmeng, I.8. For the full passage, see note 45 of the previous text. The term translated here by “featureless” is xu/hŏ 虛, which can also be translated by “empty.” The same character is used for the notion of “Supreme Void,” taixu/t’aehŏ 太虛. 4. The notion of “boundlessness” or “having no boundaries” (wuqiong/mugong 無窮) appears in a famous sentence of the Zhongyong, about heaven and its workings in the phenomenal world. See Zhongyong, 26: “The way of heaven and earth can be captured in one phrase: Since events are never duplicated, their production is unfathomable. The way of heaven and earth is broad, is thick, is high, is brilliant, is far-reaching, is enduring. Now the firmament is just an accumulation of light but given its boundlessness, the sun, moon, stars, and zodiacal spaces are all woven through it, and all things are covered by it. As for earth, it is just an accumulation of pinches of dirt, and yet given its expanse and thickness, it bears up the mountains of Hua and Yue without feeling their weight, circulates the waters of the rivers and seas without any leakage, and bears up all things.” (Translation by Roger T. Ames and David L. Hall; Focusing the Familiar: A Translation and Philosophical Interpretation of the Zhongyong. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2001.) 5. The two means yin and yang, these two energies coming, respectively, from the stillness and activity of the one single original Vital Energy. In the “Xici” of the Yijing, these two energies are called the “two primary forces” or the “two modes,” liangyi/yangŭi 兩儀. These “modes” are at the very foundation of the Yijing, which, indeed, begins with the distinction between yang lines and yin lines in trigrams and hexagrams. Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” A.11: “Therefore there is in the Changes the Great Primal Beginning. This generates the two primary forces. The two primary forces generate the four images. The four images generate the eight trigrams.” The expression is also used in Zhou Dunyi’s Taijitu shuo: “Non-polar and yet Supreme Polarity! The Supreme Polarity in activity generates yang; yet at the limit of activity it is still. In stillness it generates yin; yet at the limit of stillness it is also active. Activity and

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stillness alternate; each is the basis of the other. In distinguishing yin and yang, the Two Modes are thereby established.” On this notion of the “two modes,” see also the full quotation from Taijitu shuo cited in note 27 of the previous text. 6. The notions of “closing” and “opening up” appear in the Yijing and their alternation is called “change-modification,” bian/pyŏn 變 (not to be confused with the notion of “change-transformation,” yi/yŏk 易), giving its name to the Yijing. Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” A.11: “The Master said: The Changes, what do they do? The Changes disclose things, complete affairs, and encompass all ways on earth–this and nothing else. For this reason the holy sages used them to penetrate all wills on earth and to determine all fields of action on earth, and to settle all doubts on earth. [ . . . ] Therefore they called the closing of the gates the Receptive, and the opening of the gates the Creative. The alternation between closing and opening they called change. The going forward and backward without ceasing they called penetration. What manifests itself visibly they called an image; what has bodily form they called a tool. What is established in usage they called a pattern. That which furthers on going out and coming in, that which all men live by, they called the divine.” 7. On the notion of “stillness” or “being still” ( jing/chŏng 靜), see note 9 of the previous text. On the relationship between “stillness” and “activity”/“move” (dong/ tong 動), see note 34 of the previous text. 8. On the cycles of generating and overcoming, see note 36 of the previous text. 9. On the idea of “being in power,” or “being used in all affairs,” ( yongshi/ yongsa 用事), see note 42 of the previous text. 10. See note 29 in the previous text for an explanation of the notion of “Patterning Principle.” 11. Laozi and, by extension, the Daoists. 12. This is a reference to an important passage from the Zhengmeng discussing the differences between Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. Hwadam is quoting the sentence that I have translated literally here by “the Void can beget the Vital Energy,” and that has been translated differently in the following English rendering by Wing-tsit Chan (“material-force is produced from Vacuity”). Cf. Zhengmeng, I.5: “When it is understood that Vacuity, Emptiness, is nothing but material-force, then something and nothing, the hidden and the manifest, spirit and external transformation, and human nature and destiny, are all one and not a duality. He who apprehends integration and disintegration, appearance and disappearance, form and absence of form, and can trace them to their source, penetrates the secret of change. If it is argued that material-force is produced from Vacuity, then because the two are completely different, Vacuity being infinite while material-force is finite, the one being substance and the other function, such an argument would fall into the naturalism of Laozi, who claimed that something comes from nothing and failed to understand the eternal principle of the undifferentiated unity of something and nothing. If it is argued that the countless phenomena are but things perceived in the Supreme Vacuity, then since things and the Vacuity would not be mutually conditioned, since the form and nature of things would be self-contained, and since these, as well as Heaven and human beings, would not be interdependent, such an

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a­ rgument would fall into the doctrine of the Buddha who taught that mountains, rivers, and the whole earth are all subjective illusions. This principle of unity is not understood because ignorant people know superficially that the substance of the nature of things is Vacuity, Emptiness, but do not know that function is based on the Way of Heaven [law of Nature]. Instead, they try to explain the universe with limited human knowledge. Since their undertaking is not thorough, they falsely assert that the universal operation of the principles of Heaven and Earth is but illusory. They do not know the essentials of the hidden and the manifest, and jump to erroneous conclusions. They do not understand that the successive movements of yin and yang over the entire universe penetrate day and night and form the standards of Heaven, Earth, and the human. Consequently, they confuse Confucianism with Buddhism and Daoism” (translation by Chan, “Zhang Zai and the Unity of All Creation” [1999]). 13. The expression “one yin, one yang” refers to the Yijing, “Xici,” A.5: “One yin, one yang, that is the Dao.” On yin and yang and their relationship, see note 38 of the previous text. In the Taijitu shuo, Zhou Dunyi defines yin and yang as follows: “The Five Phases are one alternation of yin and yang; yin and yang are the one Supreme Ultimate” (my translation). 14. On the notion of “grand one,” “grand unity,” or “supreme one” (taiyi/t’aeil 太一), see note 25 of the previous text. Furthermore, it is worth noting here that this notion of “grand one,” mentioned repeatedly by Hwadam, is not used by Zhang Zai, Shao Yong, or Zhou Dunyi. To find the origin of the special focus on this notion, we must look to more ancient texts, and the Huainanzi especially. Chapter 14 of the Huainanzi deals specifically with this, and, in fact, serves as an explanation of the book’s goal. As Sarah A. Queen explains in the introduction of the translation of chapter 14, “Sayings explained” (Quanyanxun 詮言訓): “[chapter 14] presents [ . . . ] themes within an overarching conceptual framework that foregrounds the notion of the Grand One, a concept to which the book returns repeatedly, exploiting this symbol with its associations ranging from cosmogony, cosmology, and human ontology to self-cultivation and human governance in order to underscore the concept of self-identification with primordial unity as characteristic of a sage and foundational to one who would rule the world as a sage.” Cf. Sarah A. Queen, in Mayor, Queen, Meyer, and Roth, op. cit., 535. Here is the opening of the Huainanzi, XIV.1: “Cavernous and undifferentiated Heaven and Earth, chaotic and inchoate Uncarved Block, not yet created and fashioned into things: this we call the ‘Grand One.’ Together emerging from this unity, so that each acquired its distinctive qualities, there were birds, there were fish, there were animals: this we call the ‘differentiation of things.’ Regions became distinguished according to their categories; things became differentiated according to their groupings. Their natures and destinies were dissimilar; all acquired their physical forms in the realm of ‘Being.’ Separate and not interconnected, differentiated as the myriad things, none could return to their Ancestor. Thus, when animated, things are said to be alive; when dead, things are said to be expired. In both cases, they are things. It is not that there was nothing that made things into things; rather, what made things into things is not among the myriad things. In an-

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tiquity, at the Grand Beginning [太初], human beings came to life in ‘Non-being’ and acquired a physical form in ‘Being.’ Having a physical form, human beings came under the control of things. But those who can return to that from which they were born, as if they had not yet acquired a physical form, are called the ‘Genuine.’ The Genuine are those who have not yet begun to differentiate from the Grand One.” 15. “Change(s)” yi/yŏk 易 is the generic term for the transformations or changes. But the most important notions in the philosophy of the Book of Changes are certainly those of hua/hwa 化 and bian/pyŏn 變. The first one (hua/hwa 化) designates a continuous and progressive transformation without any change of nature. Indeed, the term is related to the notion of “continuity,” t’ong 通. Conversely, the second one (bian/pyŏn 變) implies a change in the nature of one line of a hexagram. It designates the transformation from a yin line to a yang line, or vice versa, from yang to yin. 16. This is a shortened and slightly incorrect quotation from the Zhengmeng. Instead of using the sinograph liang/yang 兩 (“two,” “both,” “dual”) as Zhang Zai did in his text, probably in reference to the terms used in the Yijing, Hwadam uses the more neutral numeral er/i 二 here. Cf. Zhengmeng, II.2: “For one thing, there are two substances, this is due to Vital Energy. It is one, therefore it is mysterious; because there are the two [i.e. yin and yang], [the way of Heaven and Earth (cf. Zhongyong, 26)] is unfathomable. Because of the two, transformations take place. They keep going on until they reach the one. This is what explains why heaven is number three” (my translation; I have added the explanation between brackets). The allusion to the heaven as being the number three (san/sam 參) is a reference to the Yijing, “shuogua/ sŏlgwae” 說卦 (“Discussion of the Trigrams”), I.1: “In ancient times, the holy sages made the Book of Changes thus: They invented the yarrow-stalk oracle in order to lend aid in a mysterious way to the light of the gods. To heaven they assigned the number three and to earth the number two; from these they computed the other numbers. They contemplated the changes in the dark and the light and established the hexagrams in accordance with them. They brought about movements in the firm and the yielding, and thus produced the individual lines. They put themselves in accord with tao and its power, and, in conformity with this, laid down the order of what is right. By thinking through the order of the outer world to the end, and by exploring the law of their nature to the deepest core, they arrived at an understanding of fate.”

11

Explanation of the Supreme Void

1. The Supreme Void1 is both empty and not empty. Featureless,2 it is Vital Energy.3 Being featureless, it has no boundaries and no externality.4 Vital Energy likewise has no boundaries and no externality. How could it be possible to say “empty” and still call it Vital Energy? I argue that it is because being “featureless and still”5 points to the substance of Vital Energy, whereas “integration and disintegration”6 points to its function.7 2. When it is known that Void does not mean Emptiness,8 one should not call it Nothingness.9 Sir Lao10 says that something comes from nothing;11 [to say this is] to be unaware of the fact that the Void is nothing but the Vital Energy. He also says that the Emptiness can beget Vital Energy.12 This is wrong. If one says that Emptiness begets Vital Energy, [it would be saying that] when the latter has not yet been begotten, there is no Vital Energy at all, and then this would mean that Emptiness is dead. And if there is no Vital Energy at all, from where could Vital Energy be begotten? 3. It has no beginning, no begetting. Since it has no beginning, how could there be an ending? Since it has no begetting, how could there be extinction?13 Sir Lao talks about non-being,14 Sir Buddha about nirvana.15 These are misunderstandings of the source of Principle and Vital Energy. Then, how could they possibly come to know the Way!

Notes 1. See note 1 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 2. I have translated the term xu/hŏ 虛 by either “empty” or “featureless,” but also by “Void,” as in the set expression taixu/t’aehŏ 太虛, depending on sentences and context. On this notion, see “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 3. See quotation from Zhengmeng, I.5, in note 12 of the “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.”

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4. See notes 6 and 57 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 5. On this notion, which could also be translated by “empty and still,” see note 9 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 6. On these notions of “integration and disintegration,” characterizing the Vital Energy in “activity” (dong/tong 動), see the quotation from Zhengmeng, I.5, in note 12 of the “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 7. On the notions of “substance” (ti/ch’e 體) and “function” ( yong/yong 用), see note 21 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” For the discussion on substance and function applied to the Supreme Void and Vital Energy, see the quotation from Zhengmeng, I.5, in note 12 of the “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 8. The term used here by Hwadam is the same sinograph (xu/hŏ 虛) used for what I have translated so far by “Void,” or “featureless” or “empty” (see note 2 above). I have chosen to translate it differently here to make the sentence more understandable, but also to suggest that there is an allusion to and criticism of Buddhist and Daoist ideas of “Emptiness” or “Nothingness,” which might sound similar to the Neo-Confucian notion of “Void”/“Emptiness,” but are based on radically different philosophical foundations. 9. The same idea is expressed and developed further in the first paragraph of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 10. On this expression, see note 11 of the “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 11. This is a quotation from Zhengmeng, I.5. See note 12 of the “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 12. This quotation is also from the same passage of Zhengmeng, I.5. 13. In Buddhism, the notion of mie/myŏl 滅 means the extinction of desires and distress, but also of life. It commonly means nirvana as well. 14. The expression xuwu/hŏmu 虛無 does not appear in the Daodejing, but in the Zhuangzi, 15.2. 15. The term jimie/chŏngmyŏl 寂滅 literally means “tranquil extinction” and signifies nirvana in Buddhism.

12

Discussions about Spirits and Spiritual Forces, Death and Life

1. The teachings of Cheng, Zhang, and Zhu1 thoroughly explained the characteristics and conditions2 of death and life and of spirits and spiritual forces.3 However, they neglected to reveal the ultimate meaning of the “reason something is what it is.”4 They have quoted everything but without elaborating much, obliging the one who wants to learn to achieve understanding by himself.5 That is the reason why scholars who came after understood one thing without understanding the other6 and transmitted a rough idea without perceiving the most important subtleties. I would like to sum up the subtle meanings of the three masters in order to tackle confused and muddled theories7 and then to dispel the misconceptions that have circulated for thousands of years. 2. Cheng said, “Death and life, human beings and spirits are both one and two, two and one”8: this is the heart of the matter. I would add that death and life, human beings and spirits are nothing but the integration and dispersion of Vital Energy.9 Because there is integration and dispersion, there is neither “something” nor “nothing”; this is due to the original substance of Vital Energy.10 3. Vital Energy is tranquil and unitary,11 limpid and empty.12 When its emptiness, diffused everywhere with nothing outside of it, coagulates into greater things, it engenders heaven and earth, and when it coagulates into smaller things, it engenders the myriad things. [The processes of] coagulation and dispersion exert their powers in ways that are subtle and manifest, longlasting and fast-fading. Greater and smaller things coagulate and disperse in the Supreme Void,13 creating elements of differentiation14 between greater and smaller things. Yet, even though there are subtle particularities proper to every single grass stalk or every single tree, Vital Energy never disperses in the end. So, what about for human beings, whose most refined spirit15 and cognitive skills16 have been coagulated in a great and long-lasting way?17 106

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4. The physical form and material soul,18 when one considers that they have to undergo disintegration, might seem to be doomed to total disappearance and, thus, to nothingness. This is certainly something to which full thought should be given. Even among those who are trained in the teaching of the three masters, none can completely grasp the ultimate meaning of this topic and all must be satisfied with collating and gathering up rough ideas and coarse elements in order to provide themselves with some explanation. 5. The Vital Energy that is peaceful and unitary, limpid and empty has its source in the moment when the Supreme Void starts to generate yang in activity and to generate yin in stillness. When the process of coagulation gradually comes to the point where it becomes extensive and substantial, it leads to heaven and earth and it engenders human beings. When human beings disperse, it is the physical forms and material souls that disperse. As for the part formed by the coagulation of the “peaceful and unitary, the limpid and empty,” it does not disperse in the end. Dispersed within the Supreme Void and the “peaceful and unitary,” it becomes identical to the “Unitary Vital Energy.”19 The processes of coagulation and dispersion of human cognition are either long or short only. Even in the cases of the fastest dispersions, [the process] can take either a day or a month, and although this concerns the most subtle things, their Vital Energy still does not disperse in the end. 6. Why? Since the peaceful and unitary, limpid and empty aspects of the Vital Energy have no beginning, they also have no end, and the Patterning Principle governing this phenomenon explains why the Vital Energy is the ultimate mystery.20 If those who really want to learn prove capable of working hard to achieve this level of understanding, then they will be able to glimpse and reveal the truth about the subtle meanings that have been incompletely transmitted by the thousand sages.21 Although the energy of one burning incense or candle flame22 can be seen disintegrating right before our eyes, its remaining Vital Energy never completely disappears in the end. How can it be claimed that this energy reduces to the point of fading into nothingness? [additional paragraphs] 7. In the past, I had a discussion about this with Pak Kwangu.23 He was listening carefully and was sharp-minded, but I do not know whether or not he had been able afterwards to continue his efforts to completely exhaust the chief arguments. 8. I drafted the broad outline of my own viewpoint and showed it to Sir Pak Ijŏng,24 Hŏ T’aehwi, as well as a number of people who came to spend some time at my place. Although the phrasing of this text is clumsy, it highlights [things of] a high level of understanding that were incompletely

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t­ ransmitted by the thousand sages. Nothing in it should be lost so that it may be transmitted to later generations of scholars and known, inside and outside civilized [territories],25 and both far and near, that a [zealous] student did appear in our Eastern land.26 9. [Hwadam] added: Constant creative processes27 and progressive transformations,28 spirits and spiritual forces are the ultimate culminations of the activities of spirit-like forces and changes, yin and yang. Later scholars did in fact learn a lot from the Great Treatise29 and the explanations given by Zhou, the Cheng, Zhang, and Zhu,30 but only by working very hard and tirelessly, giving it every ounce of their strength, can they expect to have a clear vision [of things]. 10. He also said: In the past, wishing to bring out the subtlest meanings in the “Great Treatise,” the Cheng and Zhu all did their utmost, but they omitted any reference to hidden aspects so that scholars after them were left with no path to follow. All of them then only saw the rough outline, not seeing underlying details. I hope to make a contribution with a few perfunctory notes giving my half-baked opinions, in order to allow later generations of scholars to go back upstream and trace their source. I have been waiting until I was in full command of my subject to write a book, but my wish has not been granted so far, which is one of my serious regrets. Yet, I will not live to regret. It is not by adding comments to comments that later generations of scholars might be spared the painstaking trouble of complication and knottiness [of the subject] and no one would understand a word in the end. What to do then? Year ŭlsa [1545], intercalary first month, the night of the fifth day, written by the light of a candle. The [four] previous texts were all written by the master while he was critically ill.

Notes 1. Cheng Yi, Zhang Zai, and Zhu Xi. 2. The use of the expression “the characteristics and conditions of spirits and spiritual forces,” or “the conditions of outgoing and returning spirits” depending on the translation chosen ( guishen zhi qingzhuang/kwisin chi chŏngsang 鬼神之情狀), is a direct reference to an important passage from the “Xici” of the Yijing, explaining the deeper implications of the Classic. Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” A.4: “The Book of Changes contains the measure of heaven and earth; therefore it enables us to comprehend the tao of heaven and earth and its order. Looking upward, we contemplate with

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its help the signs in the heavens; looking down, we examine the lines of the earth. Thus we come to know the circumstances of the dark and the light. Going back to the beginnings of things and pursuing them to the end, we come to know the lessons of birth and of death. The union of seed and power produces all things; the escape of the soul brings about change. Through this we come to know the conditions of outgoing and returning spirits. Since in this way man comes to resemble heaven and earth, he is not in conflict with them. His wisdom embraces all things, and his tao brings order into the whole world; therefore he does not err. He is carried away. He rejoices in heaven and has knowledge of fate, therefore he is free of care. He is content with his circumstances and genuine in his kindness, therefore he can practice love. In it are included the forms and the scope of everything in the heavens and on earth, so that nothing escapes it. In it all things everywhere are completed, so that none is missing. Therefore by means of it we can penetrate the tao of day and night, and so understand it. Therefore the spirit is bound to no one place, nor the Book of Changes to any one form.” 3. The term guishen/kwisin 鬼神, often understood as “ghosts and spirits” or “ghosts and demons” in modern Korean, has several meanings, among which are “spiritual beings” and “spiritual forces.” It originally designates two different entities ( gui/kwi 鬼 and shen/sin 神) that can be taken either separately or together. In rituals and sacrifices, the compound noun guishen/kwisin generally means the ancestors. But in Chinese antiquity, shen/sin 神 usually referred to “heavenly beings” or “spirit-like force,” and gui/kwi 鬼 to the spirits or manes of the deceased. There is a whole chapter dedicated to the topic of guishen/kwisin in the Beixi ziyi/Pukkye chaŭi 北溪字義 (Beixi’s Meaning of Words) of Chen Chun 陳淳 (1159–1223), where basic NeoConfucian ideas are summarized in a clear fashion in the first paragraphs. According to Wing-tsit Chan’s translation, gui/kwi 鬼 could be described as “negative spiritual forces” (“returning spirits” or “receding Vital Energy”), and shen/sin 神 as “positive spiritual forces” (“outgoing spirits” or “growing Vital Energy”). I have chosen to translate shen/sin as “spirits” and gui/kwi as “spiritual forces” to show the ambiguity as well as the strong relationship between these two terms when they are taken separately, without stressing the meaning of “ghosts” in gui/kwi too heavily, which is precisely what Hwadam is criticizing in the text. Cf. Wing-tsit Chan, Neo-Confucian Terms Explained (the Pei-his tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159–1223 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986). Furthermore, the commonly accepted definition of guishen/ kwisin in Neo-Confucianism was articulated in one famous sentence—one dictum— by Zhang Zai in Zhengmeng, I.2: “The negative spirit (kuei) and positive spirit (shen) are the spontaneous activity of the two material forces ( yin and yang).” See also Wingtsit Chan, Reflections on Things at Hand: The Neo-Confucian Anthology Compiled by Chu His and Lü Tsu-ch’ien (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 367. 4. On this notion of “the reason something is what it is,” suoyiran/soiyŏn 所以‌然, see note 29 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 5. The expression zide/chadŭk 自得 originally means “to reach an end,” “selfpossession,” or even “self-reliance” (Zhuangzi). But in the context of Confucian thought, it can also be translated by “to get it by oneself,” “to achieve understanding

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by oneself,” or “to acquire one’s own knowledge.” It appears in a few passages from two of the Four Books (Mengzi and Zhongyong) and it became particularly important in Neo-Confucianism where it was associated to the issue of the proper cultivation of the Mind-and-Heart (xin/sim 心), or what is called the “Method of the Mind-Heart” (xinfa/simbŏp 心法). To acquire knowledge by oneself means to acquire knowledge of the Way through and by the correct application of the Mind-Heart (de yu xin/tŏk ŏ sim 得於心). See Mengzi, IV.B.14, and Zhongyong, 14. 6. The expression means “to hear one side of the story.” It appears in a historical anecdote about Lou Huan 樓緩 (third century B.C.E.), a prime minister of the state of the Qin during the Warring States period, narrated in both the Shiji/Sagi 史‌記 (Records of the Grand Historian) of Sima Qian 司馬遷 and the Xinxu/Sinsŏ 新‌序 (New Introductions) of Liu Xiang 劉向. Cf. Shiji, “Pingyuanjun yuqing liezhuan,” 15, and Xinxu, V.A.19. 7. The expression “confused and muddled,” hutu/koltol 鶻突 (also sometimes written hutu/koltol 鶻鶟), appears frequently in the Zhuzi yülei, where it means nonsensical and irrational ideas. 8. This is a saying by Cheng Yi, notably quoted in Zhu Xi’s Lunyu jizhu/Nonŏ chipchu 論語集註 (Collected Commentaries on the Analects), which is the first of the Four Books. The passage from the Lunyu, XI.12, to which Zhu Xi added Cheng Yi’s commentary, is certainly quoted the most often to illustrate the Confucian attitude towards death and spirits: “Jilu asked how one should serve the gods and spirits. The Master said, When you don’t yet know how to serve human beings, how can you serve the spirits? Jilu said, May I venture to ask about death? The Master said, When you don’t yet understand life, how can you understand death?” Cheng Yi’s commentary has been otherwise compiled in the Henan Chengshi yishu/Hanam Chŏngssi yusŏ 河南程氏遺書 (Remnant Books of the Cheng [Brothers] from Henan). Cf. Henan Chengshi yishu, 25, “Yichuan xiansheng yu,” 11.41–42: “To fully comprehend the way of day and night leads to know the way of day and night as well as death and life. To know the way of life leads to know the way of death. Understanding the way of serving human beings leads to understanding the way of serving the spirits of the deceased. Death and life, human beings and spirits are both one and two, two and one.” 9. See quotation from Zhengmeng, I.2, in note 3 above. 10. The expression “the original substance of Vital Energy,” or “the original substance of material-force” qi zhi benti/ki chi ponch’e 氣之本體, is a reference to Zhengmeng, I.2: “The Supreme Vacuity has no physical form. It is the original substance of material-force. Its disintegration are but objectifications caused by change” (translation by Chan, “Zhang Zai and the Unity of All Creation” [1999]). See also note 1 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” On the notion of “substance” (ti/ch’e 體), see note 21 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” For the discussion on “substance” and “function” ( yong/yong 用) applied to the Supreme Void (taixu/t’aehŏ 太虛) and Vital Energy, see the quotation from Zhengmeng, I.5, cited in note 12 of “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 11. The expression zhanyi/tamil 湛 comes from Zhang Zai. Cf. Zhengmeng, VI.17:

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“Tranquil and unitary, this is the substance of Vital Energy. To attack and to seize, these are the tendencies of Vital Energy” (my translation). 12. The expression qingxu/ch’ŏnghŏ 清虚 appears in a sentence attributed to Laozi in the Wenzi/Munja 文子, a controversial Daoist text attributed to Master Wen, a disciple of Laozi, also called Tongxuan zhenjing/T’onghyŏn chin’gyŏng 通玄 真經 (Authentic Scripture of Pervading Mystery). Cf. Wenzi, VIII.1: “Laozi said: limpid and empty, that is the light of heaven. Non-action, that is the constancy of governing” (my translation). The term xu/hŏ 虚 could also be translated as “featureless.” See previous texts. 13. The expression “coagulate and disperse in the Supreme Void,” jusan yu taixu/ch’wisan ŏ t’aehŏ 聚散於太虛, comes from Zhengmeng, I.8. See note 45 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” It could also be translated as “integrate and disintegrate in the Supreme Void,” if one follows translations by Wing-tsit Chan or Deborah Sommer. 14. The term shu/su 殊 means “difference,” “differentiation,” or “diversification.” In a Neo-Confucian context, it commonly refers to the famous sentence by Cheng Yi, which is central to Neo-Confucian cosmology and ethics: liyi fenshu/iil punsu 理一分殊 (“the Patterning Principle is one, its manifestations are diverse”). On this sentence, see note 29 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 15. The term jing/chŏng 精 means “the most refined,” “the quintessential.” The expression jingshen/chŏngsin 精神, commonly understood as “consciousness” in modern Korean, originally refers to the most refined spiritual force or energy (shen/ sin 神) that has reached, through a long and repeated process of refinement ( jing/ chŏng 精), in both its most intangible and most concrete form. The notion of jingshen/ chŏngsin 精神 is linked to the “Mind-Heart” (xin/sim 心) of the Sage, which reflects like a mirror (that is to say, without interference) heaven and earth, as well as the myriad of things. In the Zhuangzi, an anecdote also appears featuring Confucius and his favorite disciple, Yan Hui, where the Master explains the “fasting of the mind” (xinzhai/simjae 心齋), a term which describes precisely the process of “refinement” of the spirit/energy that gives the jingshen/chŏngsin 精神. Cf. Zhuangzi, 13.1 and 4.2. 16. On the notion of “cognitive skills” or “cognition,” zhijue/chigak 知覺, in relation to that of Vital Energy, see the quotation from Zhengmeng, I.10, in note 47 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” See also in the same note the quotation from Zhengmeng XVII.2, where the “nature of Vital Energy” (Qi zhi xing/Ki chi sŏng 氣之性) is characterized by its “emptiness (or featurelessness)” (xu/hŏ 虛) and its “positive spiritual force” (shen/sin 神). 17. This is a view broadly shared by Neo-Confucian thinkers and summarized in a well-known passage from the Taijitu shuo: “The reality of the Non-Polar and the essence of the Two Modes and Five Phases mysteriously combine and coalesce. ‘The Way of qian becomes the male; the Way of kun becomes the female’; the two qi stimulate each other, and regenerate, alternating and transforming the myriad things. The myriad things generate and regenerate, alternating and transforming without end. Only humans receive the finest and most spiritually efficacious qi. Once formed, they are born; when spirit (shen) is manifested, they have intelligence; when their

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fivefold natures are stimulated into activity, good and evil are distinguished and the myriad affairs ensue. The sage settles these [affairs] with centrality, correctness, humaneness, and rightness and emphasizes stillness. Without desire, he is therefore still. In so doing he establishes the ultimate of humanity.” 18. The expression xingpo/hyŏngbaek 形魄, meaning “physical form (or body) and material soul (or animal soul),” comes from a passage of the Book of Rites dealing with ancestor worship. Cf. Liji, 11.36: “The intelligent spirit returns to heaven, the body and the animal soul return to the earth; and hence arose the idea of seeking (for the deceased) in sacrifice in the unseen darkness and in the bright region above. Under the Yin, they first sought for them in the bright region; under Zhou, they first sought for them in the dark.” On the notion of xing/hyŏng 形, see note 3 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” The notion of po/paek 魄 (“the earthly component of the soul” or “material soul”) refers to one of the two components of the human soul and usually appears together with its complementary notion of hun/hon 魂 (“the heavenly component of the soul”). An explanation about these two components of the soul is given in a short paragraph of the Beixi ziyi, 25.6: “The Tso chuan (Tso’s commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals) says, ‘The mind in its refinement and liveliness is called hun p’o.’ In the Huai-nan Tzu [Huainanzi], it is said, ‘The spirit of yang is the heavenly component of the soul and the spirit of yin is the earthly component of the soul.’ The two words of hunpo/honbaek [魂魄] are equivalent to jingshen/chŏngsin (spirit) [精神]. Spirit is hun/hon while spiritual refinement is po/paek. Hun/hon belongs to yang and is positive spiritual force while po/paek belongs to yin and is negative spiritual force.” 19. On the notion of “unitary Vital Energy” ( yiqi/ilgi 一氣), see note 22 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 20. On the notion of “mystery,” “wonder” (miao/myo 妙), see note 28 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” Also, read paragraph 2 of “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy” to better understand this sentence. 21. The high “level of understanding” to which Hwadam is alluding here may fundamentally refer to a deep knowledge of the Changes ( yi/yŏk 易). As mentioned already in note 12 of “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy,” Zhang Zai explains clearly what is at stake in understanding life and death. Cf. Zhengmeng, I.5: “One is qualified to discuss the nature of man when one realizes that death is not extinction. When it is understood that Vacuity, Emptiness, is nothing but material-force, then something and nothing, the hidden and the manifest, spirit and external transformation, and human nature and destiny, are all one and not a duality. He who apprehends integration and disintegration, appearance and disappearance, form and absence of form and can trace them to their source, penetrates the secret of change” (translation by Chan, “Zhang Zai and the Unity of All Creation” [1999]). 22. The “joss stick and candle light” (xiangchu/hyangch’o 香燭) invoke ancestral worship. 23. Pak Kwangu 朴光佑 (1495–1545), whose ancestral seat is Sangju 尚州 in Kyŏngsang Province. His courtesy name is Kugi 國耳 and his common names are

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P’ilchae 筆齋 and Chamsodang 潛昭堂. He passed the Literary Licentiate Examination in 1519 and the Higher Civil Service Examination in 1525. The highest position he attained was at the Office of Special Counselors (saganwŏn 司諫院) and because of his literary skills he also served as a wŏnjŏpsa 遠接使 in charge of welcoming the Chinese envoys. He was acquainted with Cho Kwangjo and Yi Ŏnjŏk 李彦迪 (1491–1553). He was dismissed from his duties, sent into exile, and, finally, died in the aftermath of the 1545 literati purge (ŭlsa sahwa 乙巳士禍). He was given the posthumous name of Chŏngjŏl 貞節. 24. On Pak Ijŏng, see paragraph 4 of the “List of Disciples,” as well as “Statement about Pak Ijŏng’s Courtesy Name with a Foreword.” 25. This expression literally reads “in China and outside of the Chinese empire” or “in China and in barbarian territories as well” (huayi/hwayi 華夷), but China means the center of the civilized world here. 26. It is noteworthy that Hwadam betrays some immodesty. The verb “to appear” (chu/ch’ul 出) is often used in relation to the Transmission of the Way, the Daotong/Tot’ong 道統, and it demonstrates deep respect to outstanding men who “appear” by themselves in times of darkness or mediocrity. It is used in particular in the canonical preface of Zhu Xi to the Great Learning, where the emergence of exceptional and providential men in the world, who would transform the people and carry out the Way, is identified by this idea of “advent,” “apparition,” or “appearance.” 27. The idea of zao/cho 造 does not mean a creation ex nihilo in Neo-­Confucianism; that is the reason why this single Chinese character has been expanded in the English translation. 28. On the notion of “progressive transformation” (hua/hwa 化), see note 15 of “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 29. The “Great Treatise” is part of the so-called Ten Wings, shiyi/sibik 十翼, a collection of ten different kinds of commentaries of the Changes that are traditionally attributed to Confucius himself. The “Great Treatise,” also called the “Commentary on the Appended Phrases” (“Xici zhuan”/“Kyesa chŏn” 繫辞傳) and formally divided into two different parts, decodes the general meaning of the Changes. 30. Zhou Dunyi, Cheng Yi and Cheng Hao (the two brothers are commonly referred to together and called by a single name, “the Cheng”), Zhang Zai, and Zhu Xi.

13

Explanation on Seeing the Mind of Heaven and Earth in “The Return”1

1. The sages and worthies of ancient times used to devote their full attention to solstices.2 Yao explained the numbers of the seasons and intercalary months.3 Confucius discussed the mind of heaven and earth.4 Cheng and Shao5 both added a few words of explanation. Scholars who have succeeded them must devote just as much effort to scrutinizing everything surrounding the days of solstice. The benefits that they will gain are so great that they should not be compared with the investigation of one thing to obtain a little bit of knowledge. 2. Though it is certainly possible to reach the Patterning Principle by achieving a full and complete understanding of one single thing, much larger and greater issues are inevitably raised when considering solstice days. Solstice days mark the moments when heaven and earth enter [new periods of] their annual cycle and yin and yang begin to change [their standing vis-à-vis each other]. That is why it is said that “in ‘The Return,’ one sees the mind of heaven and earth.” 3. Previous scholars all considered stillness to be that which makes apparent the mind of heaven and earth.6 Only Master Cheng said that “the sprouts of activity are in fact the mind of heaven and earth.”7 Master Shao on the other hand described it as that which lies “between activity and stillness.”8 Cheng and Shao have formulated their opinions according to different [premises]. Initially, there was no [reason to come to] two [different] conclusions, for their theories were both based on [the same specific focus]: a single [alternation of] activity and stillness related to yin and yang.9 It is simply that Shao pointed out the substance of the Supreme Ultimate, while Cheng highlighted the function of this [same] Supreme Ultimate.10 4. “ ‘Reverting to the root, “The Return” is still’ corresponds to the time of ‘The Receptive.’ ” 11,12 The outward movement13 of yang energy is the pivot14 of “The Return.” The ultimate limit between something and nothing15 114

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can be deduced from this. Furthermore, the explanations of Before and After Heaven16 can thus be understood. When the Book of Changes describes [the Changes] as “quiescent and not moving, if stimulated, they penetrate all,”17 this is what it means. When the Mean refers to them by saying “sincerity is self-completion”18 and “its Way is self-directing,”19 this is what it means. When Mencius said, “Always be doing something, but without fixation, with a mind inclined neither to forget nor to help things grow,”20 this is where it came from.21 5. When heaven and earth purify themselves in steady flows, the taste of dark spirits22 is insipid and the sound of great tones tenuous,23 and [everything,] being in a state of apathy, [seems] empty and still just as if there were no work to be done, one single line of yang returns, emerging suddenly as if it had sprung [from nowhere], without being aware of its own wonder.24 This is where one can see the mind of heaven and earth.25 6. What is meant by “being without a movement”?26 A circuit of the heavens is 365¼ degrees,27 and the period of the solar year is 365¼ days.28 On the day of the solstice, one may observe with the indicator-rod [of the clepsydra],29 and one may measure with the gnomon.30 The fractions of degrees and days return to their original values at the end of the cycle, just as the [two halves of a] tally fit together.31 There is never the smallest hint of excess or deficit. It has been thus from time immemorial. [That is why] one can see that this mind [of heaven] is without a stir. 7. It is possible to know the virtues of heaven and earth from this, which are a constant tension in the mean, extreme excellence, and extreme trustworthiness. It is possible to see from this that “spirits and changes have no single place and no single form.”32 When the sun returns to the south in its course, [the warmth of] its spring rays reaches the northern lands. When the yang [energy] blows on the Nine parts [of the Earth],33 the Vital Energy echoes the gong [note] of the Yellow [Bell].34 Can’t you not say that there is no single place here? Day and night alter degrees,35 cold and heat replace each other, without a single pause in the process.36 Can’t you not say that there is no single form here? 8. “One yin, one yang, that is the Dao. As a continuer, it is good.”37 These words exhaust the meaning of the Patterning Principle38 of solstice days. “One alternation of yin and yang,” “one alternation of activity and stillness,”39 fundamentally, these are not two different works.40 They are just one single work of heaven. [The alternation of] yin and yang is one further working,41 [an alternation between] activity and stillness corresponds to one transitional moment,42 and hence the flowing and spreading [of yin and yang]43 and the cycles [of heavenly movement] cannot be treated as happening in isolation.

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9. Some say that the virtues of the ultimate equilibrium, ultimate excellence, and extreme trustworthiness can only be mentioned in the context of days of solstice and cannot be discussed under other circumstances. I answer, “there is no time when it is not that way,” “there is no thing that does not possess it.”44 The rotation of 360 days and the division into twentyfour solar periods45 are not contrary to the pattern of solstices. This is what is meant by “abiding in equilibrium.”46 However, these cannot be compared to days of solstices when heaven and earth make a new start. The juncture of yin and yang, the interaction between activity and stillness, the course through divisions and lodges,47 and the distinction between dry lands48 and green meadows, [all these phenomena] are all well established by returning to their initial configurations. 10. The initial impetus of the myriad transformations, which is the root of the myriad manifestations, is the point where the most salient workings49 of yin and yang can tie all together with the one thread.50 When one contemplates one’s inner self,51 nothing in human nature, made of benevolence and wisdom, and nothing in the Way, consisting of loyalty and reciprocity,52 is contrary to the Patterning Principle governing the days of solstice: [it appears in] the transience of activity and stillness and the elusiveness of a twinkling and a breath.

Notes 1. This is a quotation from the Yijing, hexagram 24, Fu/Pok 復, tuanzhuan 彖傳 (“Commentary on the Decision”). “The Return,” hexagram 24, Fu/Pok 復 [䷗], consists of five yin lines and one yang line in the first position (at the bottom) that pushes up the yin lines. It is a turning point, when the light associated with yang comes back. It is the winter solstice, related to the eleventh month in the lunisolar calendar. In the arrangement of the sixty-four hexagrams made by Shao Yong, which is different from the arrangement or sequence in the received text of the Yijing, one can clearly see that the hexagram “The Return” is the 32nd and is located at the bottom of the circle. The next hexagram, the 33rd, Gou/Ku 姤 [䷫] (“Coming to Meet”), is located at the top. This shows that “The Return” is the end of “heavenly” movement from position 1 to 32 and becomes “earthly” movement starting from position 33 to 64. The first hexagram (position 1 at the top) is heaven, called “The Creative,” Qian/ Kŏn 乾 [䷀], and the last hexagram (position 64 at the bottom) is earth, called “The Receptive,” Kun/Kon 坤 [䷁]. 2.  Here, the term zhi/chi 至 , literally meaning “to reach,” “to come,” or “extreme,” refers to the winter solstice, dongzhi/tongji 冬至, and the summer solstice, xiazhi/haji 夏至. These solstices are associated respectively with hexagrams Fu/Pok 復 (one yang line at the bottom pushing up five yin lines) and Gou/Ku 姤 (one yin line at the bottom pushing up five yang lines). In both of these hexagrams, one

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line is “coming” from the bottom to meet and push up the other five lines, bringing about a significant change. 3. Cf. Shujing, “Canon of Yao,” 2. 4. Cf. Liji, 9. 5. Cheng Yi and Shao Yong. 6. On this notion of “tranquility” or “stillness” ( jing/kyŏng 靜), see note 34 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 7. This is a quotation from Cheng Yi’s commentary on the Yijing. Cf. Yichuan yizhuan, hexagram “The Return”: “One yang returns below, this is the mind of ­heaven-and-earth, which gives birth to things. Previous scholars all took tranquillity as that which makes apparent the mind of heaven-and-earth.” The English translation was taken from of the Appendix on “The Fu Hexagram” in Kidder Smith Jr., Peter K. Bol, Joseph A. Adler, and Don J. Wyatt, Sung Dynasty Uses of the I Ching (Prince­ton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), 247. By “all previous scholars,” Cheng Yi is referring to Wang Bi and his commentary on the Changes that became canonical when it was included in the received text of the Yijing. 8. Cf. Zhuzi yülei, 65, Changes 1, Guiding principles A.1, Chart of the Before Heaven of the trigrams drawn by Fu Xi: “Kang Jie talked about ‘the intermediate point between activity and stillness.’ This precisely designates the winter solstice and the summer solstice. [Recorded by Li] Hongzu.” 9. On this idea of alternation of yin and yang, see note 38 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy” and note 13 of “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 10. On the notions of “substance” (ti/ch’e 體) and “function” ( yong/yong 用), see note 21 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” On the notion of Supreme Ultimate or Supreme Polarity (taiji/t’aegŭk 太極), see note 27 of the same text. 11. “The Receptive,” Kun/Kon 坤, means earth. 12. This is a quotation from the Huangji jingshi shu, guanwu waipian, 8. As for the expression “reverting to the root” ( fanben/panbon 反本), it comes from Wang Bi’s commentary on hexagram 24, “The Return.” See the appendix on “The Fu Hexagram” in Smith, Bol, Adler, and Wyatt, Sung Dynasty Uses of the I Ching, 240–241. 13. On this notion, see note 34 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 14. On this notion of “spring” or “pivot” ( ji/ki 機), see note 34 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 15. On “something and nothing” ( youwu/yumu 有無), see quotation from Zhengmeng, I.5, in note 12 of “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 16. On the notions of “Before Heaven” or “Earlier Heaven” (xiantian/sŏnch’ŏn 先天) and “After Heaven” or “Later Heaven” (houtian/huch’ŏn 後天), see notes 5 and 54 of “The Source of Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 17. See note 18 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 18. See notes 20 and 56 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.”

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19. Cf. Zhongyong, 25. See note 31 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 20. Cf. Mengzi, II.A.2. 21. Here, Hwadam is certainly referring to the idea of Mencius as the ideal reader of the Book of Changes expressed by both Shao Yong and Cheng Yi, as explained by Kidder Smith Jr. in Smith, Bol, Adler, and Wyatt, Sung Dynasty Uses of the I Ching, 218: “[. . .] we might note that both Shao Yong and Ch’eng also agree that the I (Changes) is more than a text. It represents the tao (Dao) of universal process, which exists independently of any writing. On this basis Shao considers Mencius the ideal reader of the I, even though nowhere does Mencius mention the book. Shao remarks: ‘In regard to knowing the I, it is not necessary to cite discussions and commentary, as if only this constituted ‘knowing the I.’ Mencius wrote a book without ever mentioning the I, yet the tao of the I is present in it. But there are very few men who see this. Being able to use the I is what is meant by ‘knowing the I.’ Mencius, for example, could be said to be very good at using the I (Huangji jingshi shu, VIII.B.31a). And as one of the Ch’engs remarks: ‘From the Mencius one can observe the Changes’ (Er Cheng ji, waishu, 3).” 22. The term “dark spirits” or “dark wine,” xuanjiu/hyŏnju 玄酒, designates the pure water that was used in ancient sacrificial ceremonies as a replacement for spirits. In Chinese antiquity, colorless water was described as “dark” (xuan/hyŏn 玄). Cf. Liji, 11. 23. Cf. Daodejing, 41. 24. On this notion of “wonder” or “mystery” (miao/myo 妙), see note 28 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 25. This paragraph strongly echoes Zhu Xi’s commentary on the Commentary on Decision (tuanzhuan) of hexagram “The Return,” quoted in Smith, Bol, Adler, and Wyatt, Sung Dynasty Uses of the I Ching, 218. Shao Yong’s poem is entitled “Song of the Winter Solstice” (Dongzhi yin 冬至吟) and, as Alain Arrault observed (Shao Yong (1012-1077), poète et cosmologue, note 91, 272), it has sometimes also been called the “Song of hexagram ‘The Return’ ” (Fugua yin 復卦吟). Cf. Shao Yong ji, Jirangji 擊壤‌集, 18.489. 26. This is a reference to a verse from Shao Yong’s poem “Song of the Winter Solstice”: “At midnight on the winter solstice, The mind of heaven is without a movement.” See previous note. 27. This indicates the time period between two winter solstices, that is to say the length of time that it takes the sun to return to its starting point. 28. This refers to the practices of Chinese specialists in calendrical astronomy in the late first millennium B.C.E. and the first two centuries C.E., but later cited as conventional values in non-technical discourse. The fact that the number of degrees in the circumference of the heavens is identical to the number of days in the solar year (measured from one winter solstice to the next) reflects the early belief that the sun moved steadily round the heavens by one degree per day. These degrees, du/ to 度, are slightly different from the Babylonian degrees used in modern science, of which there are 360 in one complete cycle. For further details, see Christopher Cul-

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len’s study of the Zhou bi suan jing/Chu pi san kyŏng 周髀算經 (Arithmetical Classic of the Gnomon and the Circular Paths of Heaven). Cf. Christopher Cullen, Astronomy and Mathematics in Ancient China: the Zhou bi suan jing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 15–16. 29. The term loujian/nujŏn 漏箭 designates the indicator rod borne on the float in a water clock (clepsydra) used to measure time. For the purposes of astronomical timekeeping, the cycle from one midnight to the next was divided into 100 equal intervals, ke/kak 刻 (“cuts” or “marks”), in the jar containing water. These intervals were marked on the indicator rod of the clepsydra, which was fixed onto a float that fell as the water-level in the clepsydra decreased (assuming a simple outflow clepsydra was used). A fixed index indicated the mark on the indicator rod corresponding to daylight (which was counted as beginning and ending 2½ ke before sunrise and after sunset). Because of the changing seasons, it was necessary to use different indicator rods as the length of daylight changed. In the early second century C.E., one tabulation showed the winter solstice “daylight clepsydra” with 45 ke, and 55 ke for the hours of darkness. For the summer solstice, the values were 65 and 35 ke respectively. See Christopher Cullen, “Huo Rong’s Observation Programme of AD 102 and the Han li Solar Table,” Journal for the History of Astronomy 38, no. 1 (2007). In actual astronomical practice, the clepsydra was not used to determine when the solstice fell. Rather, the graduations of the indicator rods were adjusted according to the seasons marked in the calendar, which could be checked by gnomon measurements. 30. The gnomon referred to here is a simple vertical pole, in ancient times 8 feet (chi/ch’ŏk 尺) high. The shadow cast by the sun was measured at noon, so that on the day of the winter solstice, when the sun is lowest in the sky, the noon shadow would be at its longest, and the shortest would be on the day of the summer solstice, when the sun is highest in the sky. 31. The fujie/pugye 符契, also called fujie/pujŏl 符節, commonly designates a piece of bamboo (or a stone or a piece of jade) divided lengthwise into two equal halves and used to make an agreement. When the contracting parties met again, the matching of these two halves proved the validity of the agreement. 32. This idea of “having no single place and no single form” originally comes from the Yijing, “Xici,” A.4. Hwadam is certainly referring to this passage, but uses the expression abbreviated by Zhang Zai in the Zhengmeng I.16: “ ‘Sun and moon alternate; thus light comes into existence,’ ‘cold and heat alternate, and thus the year completes itself,’ [“Xici,” B.5] Spirits and changes have no single place and no single form. ‘One yin, one yang,’ ‘That aspect of it which cannot be fathomed in terms of the light and the dark is called spirit’ [“Xici,” A.5], all this is expressed by ‘therefore by means of it we can penetrate the tao of day and night, and so understand it’ [“Xici,” A.4].” 33. The expression jiudi/kuji 九地 (“Nine Earths” or “Nine parts of the Earth”) comes from an essay or autocommentary of Yang Xiong’s Elemental Changes. Cf. Taixuan jing, “Xuanshu” (“Numbers system of the Mystery”). 34. The expression huanggong/hwanggong 黃宮 is an abbreviation for the gong note of the Yellow Bell, huangzhonggong/hwangjonggong 黃鐘宮. Cf. Liji, 6. This gong/

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kong 宮 note is associated with Earth. In correlative thinking, the Yellow Bell is the name of the pitch-pipe associated to the first month (zi/cha 子) and the constellations Dongbi/Tongbyŏk 東壁 and Yingshi/Yŏngsil 營室. In the Elemental Changes, Yang Xiong gives primary importance to this Yellow Bell. 35. Literally, the term du/to 度 means the “graduations.” Cf. Cullen, Astronomy and Mathematics in Ancient China (1996), note 18, 17. 36. This echoes the idea, widespread among Northern Song literati, that there is no discontinuity in the alternation and succession of yin and yang. Each movement of one energy contains within itself the seeds of its polar complement. Cf. Ira E. Kasoff, The Thought of Chang Tsai (1020–1077) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 49. 37. Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” A.5: “One yin, one yang, that is the Dao. As continuer, it is good. As a completer, it is the essence. The kind man discovers it and calls it kind. The wise man discovers it and calls it wise. The people use it day by day and are not aware of it, for the way of the superior man is rare. It manifests itself as kindness but conceals its workings. It gives life to all things, but it does not share the anxieties of the holy sage. Its glorious power, its great field of action, are of all things the most sublime. It possesses everything in complete abundance: this is its great field of action. It renews everything daily: this is its glorious power. As begetter of all begetting, it is called change. As that which completes the primal images, it is called the Creative; as that which imitates them, it is called the Receptive. In that it serves for exploring the laws of number and thus for knowing the future, it is called revelation. In that it serves to infuse an organic coherence into the changes, it is called the work. That aspect of it which cannot be fathomed in terms of the light and the dark is called spirit.” 38. On this notion of “Patterning Principle,” see note 29 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 39. Yijing, “Xici,” A.5, and Zhou Dunyi’s Taijitu shuo. 40. On this idea of “work” or “working” (shi/si 事), understood as a dynamic process “infusing an organic coherence into the changes,” see the translation of “Xici,” A.5, in note 37 above. 41. The specific meaning of yong/yong 用 as “working (further)” (or “application”) here has been taken from the Wilhelm/Baynes translation of the passage from the Yijing, “Xici,” B.5, to which Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is referring in this text. 42. For clarity, the term ji/ki 機 has been rendered here as “the transitional moment” instead of “pivotal moment.” For more on this notion, see note 34 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 43. On this expression liuxing/yuhaeng 流行, see paragraph 12 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy” and Beixi ziyi, 25.1–2. 44. This is a quotation from Zhu Xi’s commentary of the Zhongyong, 1, in his edition of the Four Books. Here, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk has reversed the order of the sentence. Cf. Sishu zhangju jizhu 四書章句集注, Zhongyong, 1. 45. The Chinese calendar was lunisolar: the first day of each month corresponded to a new moon. In order for the calendar to keep pace with the seasons, an intercalary month was added approximately every three years. For this purpose, the

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tropical year (the time that the sun takes to return to the same position in the cycle of seasons, as seen from Earth: for example, the time between two winter solstices), which was accepted as 365¼ days long, was divided into 24 periods of equal length (the 24 qi 氣). The length of these periods was a little more than 15 days. 360 days (360 = 24 x 15) is an approximation of the total length of these periods. 46. The expression shizhong/sijung 時中 can have slightly different meanings, whether the focus is on man’s behavior or the Way. For instance, it has been translated in English as “abiding in the equilibrium” (Ames and Hall, translation of Zhongyong, 2) and “the Mean according to the circumstances” / “the timely Mean” (Chan (1967), translation of Jinsilu, I.30). 47. The expression chenxiu/chinsu 辰宿 designates the “twelve divisions of the day” (shier chen/sipi chin 十二辰) and the “twenty-eight lodges (or mansions)” (ershiba xiu/isipp’al su 二十八宿), also commonly translated in English as the “twenty-eight lunar lodges,” “lunar mansions,” or “constellations.” 48. The term lu/yuk 陸 means “dry land,” as opposed to the sea. Here, it may refer to “drained soil” or “shore.” 49. The expression datou/taedu 大頭 literally means “the big head,” which can figuratively designate “the kingpin,” “the backbone,” or “the boss.” 50. The expression yiguan/ilgwan 一貫 refers to the “one thread” that ties everything together or the one thread “running through all.” The expression is usually seen as a reference to some passages of the Lunyu where Confucius qualifies his own teaching as “one thread” (Cf. Lunyu, IV.15 and XV.3), but here the expression is related to the workings of the universe or the Way. Cf. Jinsilu, I.32. Zhang Zai also defines the Principle of Heaven in his Zhengmeng as “one thread” and insists on the difference between the human mind and the heavenly principle or pattern. Cf. Zheng­ meng, VIII.20: “The Principle of Heaven is one thread tying everything together. As such, it is never distorted by intention, certainty, inflexibility, and egotism. If one of these is preserved then you are not ‘authentic.’ If all four are removed you will develop directly and without problem.” (Translation partly taken from Kasoff, op. cit., 86). It is worth noting that the notion of yiguan/ilgwan 一貫 was the name of a chapter added to the 1247 edition of Chen Chun’s Beixi ziyi/Pukkye chaŭi 北溪字義 (Neo-Confucian Terms Explained). This work explains twenty-six key Neo-Confucian terms; yiguan/ilgwan 一貫 is the eleventh. The idea expressed here by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk can be found in this chapter. Cf. Beixi ziyi, XI.5. 51. On this idea of fanshen/pansin 反身 (rendered here by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk as fan yu wushen/pan ŏ osin 反於吾身), see Mengzi IV.A.12. The use of the word fan/pan by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is most certainly a reference to Shao Yong’s central idea of “contemplating in reverse,” fanguan/pangwan 反觀. According to Shao Yong, the sage can understand everything because he identifies with all things. By considering the mind of heaven and earth, the mind of the sage can see things from the perspective of things themselves and hence accommodate everything. For a translation of Shao Yong’s text, see Kidder Smith Jr. and Don Wyatt, in Smith, Bol, Adler, and Wyatt, Sung Dynasty Uses of the I Ching, 104. 52. This Way refers to Confucius’s Way. Cf. Lunyu, IV.15.

14

On the Distinctive Characteristics1 of Hot Springs

1. Heaven gives primacy to yang; earth gives primacy to yin. Fire is hot, water is cool. That is due to their natures. No one has ever heard of a cold fire, but how is it that springs sometimes happen to be warm? Master Shao2 said: “The Unitary Vital Energy divides into yin and yang.3 When yin and yang split, forms and substances are shaped. When yin and yang are one-sided, nature and emotions are divided.”4 Once this is understood, the warmth of a spring will no longer seem a strange phenomenon. 2. From the beginning, heaven has never been without yin; from the beginning, earth has never been without yang. Water and fire mutually conceal their respective abodes. Moreover, the yang of heaven always passes through the emptiness of earth, so that earth cannot do anything but receive it. That is why it is said, “Heaven is one,” which means fullness, and “earth is two,”5 which means emptiness.6 When some yang is stored within earth and Vital Energy happens to converge on this point, this energy builds up and causes water to evaporate. Under the effect of this action, the streams of spring water then heat up and release a thick vapor. When the cavity in the earth is full, one can also see that yang is latent at the very center of the “water.”7 3. Water was born from the one of heaven and completed itself at the six of earth. Earth was born from the five of heaven and completed itself at the ten of earth.8 Thus water and earth are never devoid of yang. What is more, since the sun rises above and sets below the earth,9 the presence of the yang within the earth has, from the beginning, neither an inside nor an outside, and the yang, being blended in, belongs to a single unitary thing. Thus, how could the earth not receive the evaporation of the steam and even concentrate the heat? 4. Because of this, springs flow under the pressure and their streams cannot help but boil and steam. This is not typical of springs only. The Vital Energy of all beings becomes cold when disintegrating and hot when in122

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tegrating. That is why when grass is piled up, it generates heat, and when manure is piled up, it spontaneously combusts. This is due to the ceaseless growth of Vital Energy. 5. There is no such thing as a being that has no yang. There is fire within water and stone conceals a flame. Sulfurous earth, when in contact with fire, explodes; the dust from lime, when in contact with water, makes it boil. This is yin following yang.10 6. A spring, under the pressure of yang, heats up. So, fire can come into contact with things and further exercise its influence. That is why it is able to spread heat to reduce and evaporate the water. Water cannot come into contact with things; that is why even though it comes close to fire, so long as there is enough space between them, it cannot succeed in extinguishing fire. The Vital Energy in fire is not confined, so fires do not stop on their own. It either burns itself out or dies down without being regulated by yin. That is why there is no cold fire. Water has a somewhat more substantial form, and because it moistens and, at the same time, it is integrated, after a while it no longer disperses. Once it has a concrete form, it is altered by yang and heats up. 7. Yang can assimilate yin, but yin cannot assimilate yang. So, yang is complete and yin is partial, yang is luxuriant and yin is lacking, yang is superior and yin is inferior. Thus the prince commands the minister, the husband controls the wife. Moreover, the gentleman is served by the petty man and the Middle Kingdom has made the barbarian tribes its vassals.11 How can we ignore that the yang begins with the one and the yin ends with the ten? This is the division between yin and yang and this is the way the Patterning Principle invariably operates.

Notes 1. The term bian/pyŏn 辨 literally means “to discern,” “to distinguish,” “to discriminate,” and thus “to identify the characteristics (of something).” The title has been slightly embellished in order to emphasize this idea of a discussion that, fundamentally, aims to identify the specificities of a particular thing (here, the hot springs). 2. Shao Yong. 3. See also paragraph 6 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 4. Cf. Shao Yong’s “Guanwu waipian” 觀物外篇 (“External Chapters of the Observation of Things”), 4.7. Here, Hwadam has altered and shortened the original quotation, which should read: “When the unitary Vital Energy divides, yin and yang are distinguished from one another. What receives the most of yang becomes heaven, and what receives the most of yin becomes earth. That is why when yin and yang become

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two halves, forms and substances are shaped. When yin and yang are one-sided, nature and emotions are divided. When forms and substances divide again, what has the most of yang becomes hard and what has the most of yin becomes soft. When nature and emotions divide again, what has the most of yang is the yang reaching its ultimate stage and what has the most of yin is the yin reaching its ultimate stage.” 5. This is a reference to a famous sentence from the Yijing, “Xici,” A.9: “Heaven is one, earth is two; heaven is three, earth four; heaven is five, earth six; heaven is seven, earth eight; heaven is nine, earth ten. There are five heavenly numbers. There are also five earthly numbers. When they are distributed among the five places, each finds its complement. The sum of the heavenly numbers is twenty-five, that of the earthly numbers is thirty. The sum total of heavenly numbers and earthly numbers is fifty-five. It is this which completes the changes and transformations and sets demons and gods in movement.” 6. On the notions of “fullness” (shi/sil 實) and “emptiness” (xu/hŏ 虛), see note 13 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 7. Kan/kam 坎 ☵ (one yang line between two yin lines) is one of the Eight fundamental trigrams (bagua/p’algwae 八卦) of the Yijing. It is called “The Abysmal” and is related to water and North. Its opposite trigram is that of fire and South. On these trigrams and their special relationship, see note 39 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 8. To understand these sentences, one should look at the Hetu or the Yellow River Chart, also called the Chart (or Diagram) of the Mythical Emperor Fu Xi. This diagram is regarded as the picture of the generating process constantly at work in the world, without beginning or ending. It shows the interaction of yin and yang, where numbers play an important role in the dynamic process of the changes and transformations at work. It is important to remember that even numbers are yin and odd numbers are yang. On the diagram, the white spots symbolize yang and the black spots yin. As it is said in the “Xici” of the Yijing (see note 5 above), heaven is one, earth two; then heaven is three, earth four, etc. Hwadam explains here that “water was born from the one (a heavenly, yang number)” and “accomplishes itself at the six of earth.” When we look at the bottom part of the diagram, it is easy to see the element “Water” under one white ( yang) spot and six black ( yin) spots, which means that the dynamic element “Water” (one of the so-called Five agents, wuxing/ ohaeng 五行) starts from number one (heaven, yang) and reaches its peak at number six (earth, yin). It is exactly the same for the element “Earth,” which is located at the top of the diagram, in the symmetrically opposite position. It is born from number two (earth, yin) and reaches its peak at number seven (heaven, yang). In the layout of the Hetu, every process passes through the center (where the number five, related to yang and heaven, and number ten, related to yin and earth are located). Another chart, combining the numbers with the eight trigrams, is the Luoshu (see note 27 of “New Preface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam”). This inscription (or chart) presents a different arrangement of the eight trigrams, which are combined with the “heavenly numbers” and “earthly numbers” (see note 5, above, and note 2 of “Analysis of Hexagram Changes”). The chart can also be presented in a magic

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square (three columns and three rows filled with three numbers) in which all three numbers in any of the row, column, or diagonal add up to fifteen. 9. Hwadam is certainly referring here to the material cosmic order reflecting the different aspects of the universe in motion. This cosmic order shows the rise and fall of Vital Energy that is concentrated on the sun and is, in fact, symbolized by it. It is the following sequence: shaoyang/soyang 少陽 (“young yang,” fire, rising sun, East, spring) → taiyang/t’aeyang 太陽 (“old yang,” heaven, midday sun, South, summer) → shaoyin/soin 少陰 (“young yin,” water, sinking sun, West, autumn) → taiyin/t’aein 太‌ 陰 (“old yin,” earth, after sunset, North, winter). As for the logical and abstract order of the growth of yang, which is the focus of the Book of Changes in its canonical version (received text), it is as follows: “old yin” 太陰 → “young yin” 少陰 → “young yang” 少陽 → “old yang” 太陽. This order is said to have been explained by Fu Xi. Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” A.11: “There is in the Changes the Great Primal Beginning. This generates the two primary forces. The two primary forces generate the four images. The four images generate the eight trigrams.” So the two basic elements of the Changes are yin and yang, which are also called the liangyi/yangŭi 兩‌儀 (“two primary forces” or the “two modes”). These two give birth to the sixiang/sasang 四‌象 (“four images”). In order to obtain the order of appearance or generation of these four images formed by the combination of yin and yang, there are two possibilities. The one proposed by Fu Xi is to proceed by adding first a yin line under each of the two primary forces ( yin first, and then yang), and then to add a yang line under each of the two primary forces ( yin first, and then yang). The four diagrams obtained constitute the “four images,” which in turn will give, when combined with one another, the eight trigrams, and then the sixty-four hexagrams. The concrete cosmic order (that of the sun) can also be obtained while keeping the logical abstract order given by Fu Xi: one first has to place the “young yang” and just follow the sequence. 10. The primacy given to yang (the creative principle, light, male element, etc.) over yin is the main specificity of the received text of the Yijing. The sixty-four hexagrams used to be arranged in different ways in antiquity, depending on traditions and divinatory practices. The version of the Yijing that was the standard canon until recently starts with the hexagram Qian, that of the Heaven, which is pure yang, clearly showing the exegetical orientation that had been chosen by commentators, as well as the ultimate primacy given to yang. This orientation paved the way to moral explanations, and sometimes discriminatory readings, of the multiple interactions between yin and yang, the top and the bottom, the male and the female elements, the ruler and the minister, etc. 11. See previous note.

15

Analysis of Finals and Initials

1. In Heaven, there are yin and yang, the great and small, and different vital energies. On Earth, there are the hard and soft, the big and small, and different substances. When the vital energies change at the top, images are born.1 When the substances change at the bottom, forms are given complete shapes. The sun, moon, stars, and planets achieve images in Heaven. Water, wood, earth, and stone achieve forms on Earth. When images are moved by Heaven, the myriad periods of time are born. When forms stimulate each other under the action of Earth, the myriad things are attained. 2. When periods of time unite with things, there are already numbers within them. Things have sounds, colors, odors, and tastes; the numbers of sounds represent their apex. That is why when Master Shao2 explored the numbers of yin and yang, the hard and soft, the great and small, he went back to the root to investigate the substance, investigating it to discover the function,3 but when the function was discovered, the substantial numbers4 were reduced and the root number was concealed. 3. The functional number of Heaven is 112; the functional number of Earth is 152.5 From this, one can deduce the character mothers6 that were used for the rectification of initials and finals7 and list them in tables. Finals are high or low. That is why they are divided into the level, rising, departing, and entering tones,8 following the close and open sounds.9 Initials are bending or unbending. That is why they are distinguished between the slightly open, wide open, half-open, and closed,10 following the voiceless and voiced sounds.11 4. The sun-sun finals12 correspond to the most yang of all yang. Their tones are necessarily even, because of their open consonants. The seven finals below ta [‑ɑ] and yang [‑iɑŋ] are all sinographs with even tones and open consonants, so it is clear that in the sun-sun finals, yang commands opening.13 5. The sun-moon finals are the union of yang and yin. Their tones are necessarily even, because of their closed consonants. The six finals14 below 126

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hwa [‑uɑ]15 and kwang [‑uɑŋ] are all sinographs with even tones and closed consonants, so it is clear that in the sun-moon finals, yin commands closing. 6. The sun brings heat, the moon brings cold. Cold is the aftermath of heat; it is thus yin following yang. That is why the final of moon follows the star of sun, but the sound of hwa [‑uɑ] is a transition from ta [‑ɑ]. The sound of kwang [‑uɑŋ] is a transition from yang [‑iɑŋ]. Sun and moon have the same sounds, but are characterized by differences in terms of opening and closing. Furthermore, when one reads aloud kong [‑uŋ] and yong [‑yuŋ], it is clear that the sound of yong is also a transition from the sound kong, but that the opening has become a closing through the transition. 7. Only the final sim [‑im]16 cannot be deduced when it is changed to become a closed consonant. This is because the white circles below the word yong designate things that have sounds but no written words. If an attempt is made to change the final sim into a closed consonant, it might be possible to create something close to the sinograph kŭm [‑im], but then this would not be the proper sound of a closed final. In the case of that white circle, which cannot be turned into a sinograph, if it were tuned into, it would give a sound that would be close to that of kŭm.17 8. Three black circles18 are arranged under each of the finals: they are the forty-eight of the substantial numbers after subtracting yin. Thus, they not only have no words but no sounds either. 9. The sun-stars finals correspond to the young yang among the old yang. Their tones are also necessarily even and their sounds open. Compared to the sun-sun finals, they are not completely open. The six finals below kae [‑ɑi] and chŏng [‑iəŋ] are all subject to an alternation of level tones and open consonants, so it is clear that they lead to sun-stars finals, but that their young yang opening should not be compared to the maximum opening of the old yang. 10. The sun-planet finals correspond to the young yin among the old yang. Their tones are necessarily level and their sounds closed. The six finals below hoe [‑uɑi] and hyŏng [‑uəŋ or ‑yəŋ] are all words with level tones and closed sounds that are even more closed than the closing of old yin, so it is clear that they lead to sun-planet finals. 11. Stars lead to day, planets lead to night. And night is the aftermath of day; it is thus the yin following the yang. That is why the sounds of planets follow the sounds of stars and the sound hoe [‑uɑi] is a transition from the sound kae [‑ɑi] as well as why the sound hyŏng [‑uəŋ] comes from the sound chŏng [‑iəŋ]. Stars and planets have the same sound with a difference in terms of opening and closing of final consonants. The white circles below the two words kun and o are things that cannot be deduced from the finals u and nam. 12. If other examples are used to attempt a deduction, the opening

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becomes closing through change, which means that based on the sinograph u, one could possibly create something close to the sound ku, and based on the sinograph nam, one could create something close to the sound kam. But then this would not be the proper rectification of open and closed finals. That is why they do not have sinographs but they still have sounds. Ku is the sinograph obtained from the change of the white circle that is below the sinograph u. 13. If the changes of finals are used to deduce the sinographs, it is certainly evident that sometimes there are sinographs that do not come from open consonants but from closed consonants, and that sometimes there are words that come from open consonants but not from closed consonants. The circle below u follows the sun-sun finals and hence is not a sinograph coming from the change of the word ch’ŏ [‑i]. The three rising, departing, and entering tones are all deduced from the level tone. 14. The moon-sun, stars-sun, and planets-sun finals are all transitions from the finals of the sinograph ta [‑ɑ] and the like. The sun-moon, starsmoon, and planets-moon finals are all transitions from the finals of the word hwa [‑uɑ] and the like. The moon-planets, stars-planets, planets-planets finals come from the changes of the finals of the sinograph hoe [‑uɑi] and the like. The white circles among them are all deduced by following the sinographs arranged according to the order of their changed positions. 15. If you take all these possible changes and push them further, you will find that the finals are not limited to the tunes of the eighty-three finals.19 This is according to the basic principle of how they spontaneously come to be. But if you do not push them further and instead restrict yourself to looking for the root of those tunes, you will find that it does not lie outside of the four finals and the seven tunes of ta [‑ɑ], hwa [‑uɑ], kae [‑ɑi], hoe [‑uɑi].20 16. As for the initials of water, fire, earth, and stone,21 they follow the same rule of changes as the finals of sun, moon, stars, and zodiacal spaces. Their four groups of tune, slightly open, wide open, half-open, and closed, are divided into clear and muddy consonants, just as the four changes of level, rising, departing, and entering tones are divided into open and closed consonants. 17. It is only for finals that yang corresponds to opening and yin to closing. For initials, the soft corresponds to clearness and the hard to muddiness. What is the reason for this? Because water means light, fire means darkness, earth means friability, stone means solidity. 18. Water is the substance of fire. Fire is born from water. That is why the initials of fire follow the initials of water. Earth is the substance of stone and stone is born from earth. That is why the initials of stone follow the initials of earth. Thus, there is the difference between clearness and muddiness and, as for initials, they are close to one another by following each other.

Translation

129

19. The tunes of the three initials, wide open, half-open, and closed, all come from the changes of the slightly open sounds and the four groups of tune. The dark squares are the forty of the substantial numbers after subtracting yang: they are hence things that have no sounds. The white squares are all things that cannot be deduced from preceding initials and have sounds but no sinographs. 20. Why are the fire-earth initials more numerous than other initials? Among the four stages, earth is the most present in elements; its generation and completion numbers are hence more numerous. Fire is concealed and is not always visible but in its function, it grows large. 21. Why are the entering tones of planets and the closed sounds of stone fewer than the others? Because heaven has four zodiacal spaces and although the sun, moon, and stars are visible to the naked eye, the planets are not visible. Furthermore, planets belong to the realm of night, and from sul to in it is night.22 At the summer solstice, the night time, during which the myriad things are all powerful,23 is the shortest and the time of sul and in is that of the functional numbers, whereas hae, cha, and ch’uk are not fully used. Earth has four stages; water, fire, earth are the most present and stone is the least. Stone, when it is part of the composition of things, is fully present in their substance even though its Vital Energy is not visible. That is why it can neither beget things nor change things. If this is so, is it not natural that the sinographs “planets” and “stone” are fewer? 22. How is it that the number of finals is limited to seven and the number of initials to nine? The functional numbers of heaven are commonly full at six and reach their peak at seven. That is why the light of stars in heaven can be seen through the Big Dipper,24 the numbers of which are limited to seven. When the numbers of daytime and nighttime exceed seven, they change. 23. The functional numbers of earth commonly limit to seven. That is why the opening of things happens at the month of in and the closing of things at the month of sul. The three months hae, cha, and ch’uk do not correspond to functional numbers; when they reach seven, they are at the peak of transformations and changes. Thus, finals cannot help but being listed into seven groups and initials into nine categories. 24. Initials have to be divided into nine categories. Finals have been extended so as to complete 83 sinographs. Initials have been extended so as to complete 132 sinographs. The numbers of character mothers of both finals and initials amount to 250. Since they represent the sum of all the possible transformations and changes, even the changes of 289,816,576 sinographs25 cannot cross this limit, for the character mothers include their root and govern their combinations. 25. For instance, the sixteen character mothers in our vernacular script26

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are simple but complete. The numbers of heaven and earth are explored through these sixteen. When multiplying together the finals of sun, moon, stars, and planets, with the finals of water, fire, earth, and stone, all the results are limited to sixteen. 26. What matters in finals is the clearness or muddiness of sounds, whereas in initials it is their opening or closing. How is it that, conversely, opening and closing follow finals and clearness and muddiness follow initials? The level, rising, departing, and entering tones refer to the clearness or muddiness of finals and, as for the groups of tune, slightly open, wide open, half-open, and closed, these refer to the opening or closing of initials. 27. That is why while on the one hand the clearness and muddiness follow initials, and on the other hand the opening and closing follow the finals, they all mutually complete each other. It is therefore clear that the written words of finals cannot be without initials and the sinographs of initials without finals. Hence among each of the level, rising, departing, and entering tones, the sinographs of the slightly open, wide open, half-open, and closed are contained, and among the slightly open, wide open, half-open, and closed tunes, the words of the level, rising, departing, and entering are contained. 28. How it is that the sun-moon finals necessarily conform to the seven sinographs listed below ta [‑ɑ] and yang [‑iɑŋ]? The fact is that, if one selects in a dictionary of sinographs27 the finals with a level tone and an open consonant, as for instance the sinographs ta, yang, and so on, the finals are different but the level tones and the open consonants are the same, so one could choose them to fit into this frame. It does not mean that only ta and yang are finals with level tones and open sounds. By extending the category of finals of ta and yang, all the sounds that can be with level tones and open sounds will correspond to the sun-sun finals, which include, in particular, their character mothers. 29. In the same way, sinographs like ko [k‑], hŭk [x‑], and so on, are classified according to their initials. That is why they are not selected according to their level, rising, departing, and entering tones. Furthermore, they are listed under the same category as soon as they have slightly open and clear sounds and they hence necessarily fit into the group of water-water initials. This does not mean that ko and hŭk are the only ones that have open and clear sounds. 30. The groups of initials do not come from gutturals, palatals, linguals, dentals, and labials; rather, gutturals, palatals, alveolars, dentals, and labials interact with one another and the subsequent transformations and changes are boundless. The slightly open, wide open, half-open, and closed sounds include and complete the changes of the gutturals, palatals, linguals, dentals, and labials.

Translation

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31. How is it that finals do not go beyond the level, rising, departing, and entering tones and initials beyond the slightly open, wide open, halfopen, and closed sounds? How could they be comparable with the warmth and coolness, the cold and heat controlling the Vital Energy of the four seasons and the snow and moon, the wind and flowers giving shapes to the landscapes of the four directions! 32. The mysterious manifestations of finals and initials lie in numbers. Go back to the root of the latter to exhaust their substance, and reduce their substance to reach their function. As for the exploration of the numbers of the myriad things, who could do this if not for the fact that all under heaven is constantly changing?

Notes 1. On the notion of “image,” xiang/sang 象, see note 34 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” “Images” precede “forms” (xing/hyŏng 形) and their main characteristic is that they are “visible” ( jian/kyŏn 見) in heaven. On this notion, see Yijing, “Xici,” A.5 and B.5. 2. Shao Yong. 3. On the notions of ti/ch’e 體, “substance,” and yong/yong 用, “function,” see note 21 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 4. On the notion of tishu/ch’esu 體數 (“substantial numbers”), see note 16 of “Analysis of the Chart of the Directional Positions of the Sixty-Four Hexagrams.” 5. On the notion of yongshu/yongsu 用數 (“functional numbers”), see note 16 of “Analysis of the Chart of the Directional Positions of the Sixty-Four Hexagrams.” 6. The term zimu/chamo 字母, literally meaning “the mothers of syllables,” designates the typical initials of Chinese syllables and phonetics. These initials of syllables were systematized in a set of thirty-six initial consonants following the phono-physiological research carried out on the origin of speech sounds. Speech sounds, considered in relation to the places of their articulation, were classified into five categories: gutturals (hou/hu 喉), labials (chun/chin 唇), linguals (she/sŏ 舌), velars ( ya/a 牙), dentals (chi/ch’i 齒), according to the places of their articulation. The initials of syllables were sometimes also called shengmu/sŏngmo 聲母, shengniu/ sŏng­nyu 聲‌紐, or simply sheng/sŏng 聲. The initials are part of the so-called fanqie/ panjŏl 反切 system used for “rhyme books” ( yunshu/unsŏ 韻書), which are rhyme dictionaries and rhyme tables used extensively by scholars to compose poetry. The most famous rhyme dictionary is the Qieyun/Chŏrun 切韻 (Segmenting Rhymes, 601 C.E.), which has been only partially transmitted today, and the most influential rhyme table is the Yunjing/Ungyŏng 韻鏡 (Mirror of Rhymes), whose author and date of publication are unknown (the oldest editions date from the Song dynasty). 7. The term zhengsheng/chŏngsŏng 正聲, “correct sounds,” usually designates the five musical notes of the Chinese pentatonic scale (corresponding ­approximatively

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to do, re, mi, sol, la), also called the five sounds (wusheng/osŏng 五聲): gong/kung 宮, shang/sang 商, jue/kak 角, zhi/ch’i 徵, yu/u 羽. As for the term zhengyin/chŏngŭm 正‌音, it commonly designates the five initial consonants of Chinese syllables: houyin/ huŭm 喉音 (“throat sound,” gutturals), e/ŭm 齶音 (“molar sound,” palatals), yin/ ŭm 齦音 (“tongue sound,” velars), chiyin/ch’iŭm 齒音 (“tooth sound,” dentals/fricatives and sibilants), chunyin/chinŭm 唇音 (“lip sound,” labials), which were later replaced by the series houyin/huŭm 喉音 (gutturals), yayin/aŭm 牙音 (velars), sheyin/ sŏrûm 舌音 (linguals), chiyin/ch’iŭm 齒音 (dentals), chunyin/chinŭm 唇音 (labials). However, there is another possible interpretation of the expression zhengsheng zheng­ yin/chŏngsŏng chŏngŭm 正聲正音 here, when taking into account Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s discussion of Shao Yong’s phonology in this text. Indeed, the expression can mean something like “the correct finals and correct initials” in this context. On this subject, see note 9 below for the explanation on the phonology of the Shao, father and son. 8. This is a discussion about the four-tone theory describing Chinese syllables that was created during the Southern and Northern Dynasties (420–589) under Buddhist influence. The four basic tones are ping/p’yŏng 平 (“level,” “even,” or “flat”), shang/sang 上 (“rising”), qu/kŏ 去 (“departing,” “falling,” or “going”), and ru/ip 入 (“entering,” or “checked with a final stop”). 9. This refers to the closing or opening of the mouth, that is to say the labialization or non-labialization of finals in syllables. Syllables are traditionally divided into closed ones (bi/p’ye 閉 or he/hap 合) and open ones (kai/kae 開). Here, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk uses different terminology, xi/hŭp 翕 (“closing”) and pi/pyŏk 闢 (“opening”), referring to the Huangji jingshi shu. Shao Yong learned phonology and its relationship to cosmology from his father, Shao Gu 邵古 (986–1064), who wanted to “rectify finals and initials” (zhengsheng zhengyin/chŏngsŏng chŏngŭm 正聲正音). According to Shao Gu, who is the author of the Zhengyin xulu/Chŏngun sŏrok 正音敘錄 (Introductory Notes on the Rectification of Sounds), heaven is divided into yin and yang, earth into hard and soft, yang pitch-tubes (lü/yul 律) in opened and closed sounds ( pi/pyŏk 闢 and xi/hŭp 翕), yin pitch-tubes (lü/yŏ 呂) in chang/ch’ang 唱 and he/hap 合 sounds. The interaction of yin and yang gives birth to the four seasons, opened and closed sounds to the four tones, and the chang and he sounds to the four divisions (sideng/sadŭng 四等). The four seasons give shape to the myriad characteristics (qing/chŏng 情), the four images (sixiang/sasang 四象) to substances (zhi/chil 質), the four tones to finals (sheng/sŏng 聲), and the four divisions to initials ( yin/ŭm 音). It is worth noting that for Shao Gu, and Shao Yong after him, sheng/sŏng 聲 means “finals” and not “initials,” and yin/ ŭm 音 means “initials” and not “finals.” They reversed the prevailing terminology used in Chinese phonology. Cf. Arrault, Shao Yong, 361 and 364–365. 10. In the Huangji jingshi, Shao Yong outlines the different categories of rhymes by examining the pronunciation of the four words for the four seasons. Following an idea first expressed in the Liji, he believes that these pronunciations accurately reflect the actual changes of yang energy over the course of the four seasons. Cf. Liji, 45.18. According to some interpretations of Shao Yong’s work, kai/kae 開 (“slightly opened”; corresponding to the spring, chun/ch’un 春) as well as shou/su 收 (“halfopened”; winter, qiu/ch’u 秋) may indicate half-labialization of initials, fa/pal 發

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(“wide opened”; summer, xia/ha 夏), full labialization, or bi/pi 閉 (“closed”; winter, dong/tong 冬) non-labialization. But this interpretation is still highly debated in scholarly literature. Cf. Huangji jingshi, “Guanwu waipian,” 2: “In the rhymes theory, the opened and closed sounds correspond to yang pitch-tubes and heaven, the voiceless and voiced sounds to yin pitch-tubes and earth. The closing followed by opening of finals correspond to spring, the full opening to summer, the opening followed by closing to autumn, and winter means closing without any finals. Dong is the final of the spring, yang the final of summer, which shows that those who have set groups of rhymes came to the same conclusion.” 11. Qing/ch’ŏng 清, “voiceless” (“clear”), and zhuo/t’ak 濁, “voiced” (“muddy” or “sonant”), describe the sounds of consonants. This basic division is further divided into sounds that are described as “clear” and “secondary clear” (ciqing/ch’ach’ŏng 次清), on the one hand, and “voiced” and “nasal” or “liquid” (qingzhuo/ch’ŏngt’ak 清濁), on the other hand. 12. In the tables of finals and initials drawn by Shao Yong in his Huangji jingshi, the finals are at the top of the page and the initials below. Finals are classified by two-term references; each of these two terms coming from the quartet series of sun, moon, stars, planets. The first series of finals is referred to as “sun-sun,” the second series as “sun-moon,” and so on. The first series of tables, identified by the marker “sun” drawn in the first place, presents the finals with an even tone. The second series, identified by the marker “moon,” presents the finals with a rising tone. The same goes for the rest of the series. Furthermore, each of these series of finals tables is divided into non-labialized (or “open”) finals and labialized (“closed”) finals. In theory, there are 10 categories of finals, and for each of these categories, there are 16 finals, which makes 160 finals. However, there are in fact only 7 categories, which means that the tables contain 112 finals (7 x 16). The number 112 is also the functional number of yang pitch-tubes, according to Shao Gu (this explanation is taken from Arrault, Shao Yong, 367 and 370). The number 112 is also the functional number of heaven in Shao Yong’s numerology, reiterated by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk in paragraph 3. The finals that do not exist are said to be without sound and without written character (or word); they are represented by dark circles. Shao Yong also uses dark squares for initials without sound and without word, white circles for finals with sound but without word, and white squares for initials with sound but without word. 13. Non-labialization. 14. The seventh and last final in Shao Yong’s tables of finals has no written character or word. It is indicated by a white empty circle. By analogy, it is the equivalent of the winter solstice in Shao Yong’s cosmological theory. 15. I have used the international phonetic alphabet to indicate the transcription of the finals in Chinese pronunciation of the sinographs quoted by Hwadam in Shao Yong’s table. There are sometimes discrepancies between the Korean and Chinese pronunciations. 16. The seventh and last final consonant with an even tone and an opened sound in Shao Yong’s table. 17. It is tempting here to translate the term qin/kŭm 琴 in its literal sense of

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“zither” (“a sound close to that of a zither”) because of the philosophical meaning of the word xin/sim 心 that is mentioned at the beginning of the paragraph. On the role of zither in Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk’s thought and work, see for instance the two short texts “Inscriptions on a Stringless Zither” and, immediately following, “Inscription on a Zither.” 18. These circles represent that which has neither sound nor sinograph. 19. In the tables of the finals made by Shao Yong in the Huangji jingshi, there are eighty-three finals in total, when subtracting all twenty-nine white circles: (16 x 7)–29 = 83. 20. Duo/ta 多, he/hwa 禾, kai/kae 開, and hui/hoe 回 are the four finals of the first row of the first table of Shao Yong’s tables of finals. Here, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk probably means that these four finals are metonymical of all the finals of Shao Yong’s tables. 21. Just like finals, initials ( yin/ŭm 音) are classified in Shao Yong’s tables by two-term references taken from a series of four, but this series is different: water, fire, earth, stone. The principle of matching the two terms is the same as the one used for finals. The first series of initials presents the initials of the first group (kai/ kae 開, “slightly opened”), the second those of the second group (shou/su 收, “halfopened”), the third those of the third group ( fa/pal 發, “wide opened”), and the fourth those of the fourth group (bi/pi 閉, “closed”). Each of these series is further divided into voiceless initials (qing/ch’ŏng 清) and voiced initials (zhuo/t’ak 濁). In theory, there are 12 categories of initials, and for each category, 16 sounds, which makes 192 initials. However, there are in fact only 10 categories of initials, among which one category contains only 2 types of initials instead of 4. The total of initials in Shao Yong’s tables comes to 152, which is the functional number of yin pitch-tubes and the functional number of earth. 22. The double hours are named after the duodecimal system of earthly ­branches (dizhi/chiji 地支). The characters of the earthly branches are: zi/cha 子, chou/ch’uk 丑, yin/in 寅, mao/myo 卯, chen/chin 辰, si/sa 巳, wu/o 午, wei/mi 未, shen/sin 申, you/ yu 酉, xu/sul 戌, hai/hae 亥. The xu/sul 戌 double hour roughly goes from 7 p.m. to 9 p.m. and yin/in 寅 from 3 a.m. to 5 a.m. 23. On the expression yongshi/yongsa 用事, see note 42 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy.” 24. The term beidou/puktu 北斗 designates the Northern Dipper or Big Dipper, which is an asterism of seven stars that are the brightest of the formal constellation Ursa Major. 25. 289,816,576 is the general number of both the moving and motionless things (dongzhi tongshu/tongch’i t’ongsu 動植通數), according to Shao Yong. See note 16 of “Analysis of the Chart of the Directional Positions of the Sixty-Four Hexagrams.” 26. The expression yanshu/ŏnsŏ 諺書 designates the vernacular Korean script, known since approximately 1913 as han’gŭl. 27. The expression zilin/charim 字林, literally meaning “the forest of written characters,” refers to dictionaries for sinographs.

16

Postscript about the Details Left Unexplained in the Preceding Analysis of Finals and Initials

1. The white circles reflect the emptiness and light of yang. The white squares reflect the emptiness and light of yin. Finals and initials necessarily go through the places of emptiness and light. What has been mentioned earlier as things that have both finals and initials but cannot be turned into sinographs correspond to the turning of open sounds into closed ones or the change of clear sounds into muddy ones.1 Therefore the fact that half of the finals and half of the initials cannot be turned into words is due to the way things necessarily are according to patterning principles and reasonably this should not be questioned. 2. The dark circles reflect the obstruction and blockage of yang. The dark squares reflect the obstruction and blockage of yin. Finals and initials inevitably do not go through the places of obstruction and blockage. So, not only do those sinographs not exist, but those finals and initials do not exist either. 3. It is proper to write down the transformations of these halves of finals and initials, even though sinographs could not possibly be created for them. But it would also be proper to remove those which are neither sounds nor sinographs. The reason that they have been written in the tables is to show that the substance and function of numbers alternately move forwards and backwards. 4. However, many things have been altered in our country’s pronunciation. That is why it is difficult to distinguish between rising and departing tones as well as between slightly open and wide open sounds. But when compared with the Chinese language, the groups of tunes of the original words have not been lost, rather they have been slightly altered. For example, the note kung2 implies that the tongue should be placed in the middle of the mouth. When we pronounce it, it is the same. That is why one 135

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can know that pronunciation has been altered but the tunes of the original words have not been lost. 5. What is more, if you make a mistake and it results in a new way of pronouncing something, it will still be understandable based on how that mistake originated and the underlying principle will still be the same. If you take a look at the tables of finals and initials,3 you will notice patterning principles underlying everything. Then it will be obvious to you that it is not our country’s different way of pronouncing words that shapes that mistake from the start. If it sounds like yin on these tables, we are likely to pronounce it ŭm.

Notes 1. See note 11 of “Analysis of Finals and Initials.” 2. See note 7 of “Analysis of Finals and Initials.” 3. Shao Yong’s tables in the Huangji jingshi. See the “Analysis of Finals and Initials.”

17

Analysis of the Numbers of the August Ultimate Going through the Ages

1. 360 multiplied by 360 equals 129,600 years.1 2. 129,600 years multiplied by 129,600 equals 16,796,160,000 years.2 3. 16,796,160,000 years squared is 282,110,990,745,600,000,000.3 4. 282,110,990,745,600,000,0004 is divided into 12 equal segments.5 Each of these segments is 1,399,680,000 x 16,796,160,000 years.6 If one assumes that 16,796,160,000 is equivalent to 1, each segment equals 1,399,680,000.7 5. 16,796,160,000 is divided into 10. Each segment is 1,679,616,000 years. 6. For each year, there is an excess of 6 days.8 So for 129,600 years,9 this means 6 x 129,600. That is why it is said that for 129,600 years, there is a progression of 6 days. If one assumes 129,600 is equivalent to 1 in order to calculate, it means that there are 6 days. 7. If, for 16,796,160,000 years, there is a progression of 6 days every year, it gives 6 x 16,796,160,000. Divided into 10, this further gives for each segment 1,679,616,000 days. If one gathers every group of 6 to make 10, it gives 60 days. 8. As for the 12 segments, each one is 1,399,680,000 x 16,796,160,000 years. If one adds a progression of 6 days, it brings the total to 6 dates the numbers of which are the same as that of the segment. 9. If the number of segments is divided into 10, it gives 139,968,000 years each and the 6 dates are of the same numbers. If one takes these 6 days to be equal to 10 days, it equals 60 days. 10. One full year is 366 days. One calendar year is about 360 days. One lunar year is some 354 days. 11. From the first month to the sixth month, yin and yang each sets 6 aside. From the seventh month to the twelfth month, yin and yang each sets 6 aside. 12. If one adds the 24 that are set aside to the 360 days, the result corresponds to the number of lines: 384.10 The substantial number11 is 384. If one 137

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analyzes the 24 lines of the hexagrams “The Creative” [䷀], “The Receptive” [䷁], “The Clinging” [䷝], and “The Abysmal” [䷜], it gives 360. 360 is the functional number.12 If, after dividing 360 by 10, one divides again by 3, it gives the intersection number.13 If one multiplies this by 7, it gives the functional number. 352 days, this is the functional number. Divided by 2, one gets 126 days to which 6 must be added for progression. In a day, there is day and night, which are constituted of 12 divisions.14 Every ten days, there is a progression of 1 division.15 After four months, there is an overall progression of 12 divisions. For the 6 days that remain,16 one must add 6 thousandths for progression, which, added to the 6 days of the intersection number, gives a total progression of 12 thousandths. When considering divided units, three units corresponds to 1 day. If one multiplies these 3 by the 4 months, it equals the 360 days of a calendar year. If one multiplies the 12 divided units by 3, it equals 36 units. If one assumes that 3 units is equivalent to 1 day, one gets 12. If one multiplies the 12 thousandths by three, it gives 36 thousandths. If one assumes 10 thousandths is the equivalent of 1 unit, one gets 3 units and 6 thousandths remain. 13. Overall one calendar year is 360 days to which must be added a progression and regression of 6 days, which is a total of 12 days. If one adds the remaining numbers to the intersectional numbers, it equals 36 days. If one takes for a progression and for a regression 18 thousandths, it equals 36 thousandths, which, in turn, means 6 thousandths for 1 day. The remaining intercalary days amount to 12 days. If there is a progression of as many intercalary days as the remaining numbers and intersection numbers, it gives 6 thousandths for 1 day. 14. The functional number which is used is 252 days. If one adds the 12 days of intersection number to this, it equals 264 days, which is the real functional number that is used. It is when 15 years accumulate that the number of days of functional numbers can come up to the number of days of 10 years. 15. In ten years, there are 60 days of progression and of regression, which gives the number of intercalary days that are left. If the 36 remaining numbers and intersection numbers add up over 10 years, it equals 360 days. If 1 day and 6 thousandths add up over 10 years, it equals a total of 10 days and 60 thousandths. If one assumes 1 thousandth to be one divided unit, one gets 6 units. If one assumes 3 units to be the equivalent of a day, one gets 2 days. Overall there are 12 days, which corresponds to the number of intercalary days in 1 year. 16. If one calculates the number of days according to remaining numbers and intersection numbers for 12,960 years, one gets a calendar year of 360

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days and one further understands that for 12,960 years, one must take into account the 6 days of progression for these 12,960 years, which gives 77,760 days. It is the same for the 6 days of regression. If one assumes 129,600 days to be the equivalent of a day, one gets 25,920 as remaining number for 1 day, which corresponds to the days divided by 10 and multiplied by 2. Overall for 129,600 years, the intercalary days of remaining numbers and intersection numbers progress and regress by 12 units. One day is 2 units. 17. 129,600 divided by 3 equals the intersection number; when multiplied by 7, it equals functional numbers. 129,600 divided by 10 equals 12,960 for each unit. When this is multiplied by 7, one gets 90,720 years. Divided again by 2, one gets 45,360 years. If one adds 6 days of progression and if one assumes 45,360 to be the equivalent of a day, one gets 6. In a day, there is day and night, that is why the total number of days of progression and regression is 12. If there is a progression of 1 day for every 3,600 years, if one assumes 43,200 to be the equivalent of a day, one gets a total of 1. Therefore, for 43,200 years, there is a progression of 12 days. To the remaining 2,160 years, one must add the 6 remaining units of progression, which means that the intersection number of 2,160 years is added. The total progression is of 12 units. 97,200 years, this number is obtained through the accumulation of the functional number, which is 252 days. It means that the number 360 is developed every day by the functional number of 252 days. If one multiplies 252 by 360, one gets the number 90,720. To the remaining 2,160 years, one must add a progression of the remaining 6 units, which means that the remaining 6 days are obtained through the accumulation of the progression consisting of 6 thousandths. The remaining 6 days are developed every day by the number 360, which gives 2,160 years. The intersection number of 2,160 years also progresses by 6 units, which means that the 6 days corresponding to the 6 intersection numbers are obtained through the accumulation of a progression by 6 thousandths. The six days of the intersection number also develop everyday by 360, and thus equal 2,160 years. The accumulation of 6 thousandths also gives 2,160 thousandths. If one assumes 360 thousandths to be equivalent of 1 unit, it gives 6 units. If one assumes 30 thousandths to be equivalent of a day, 2,160 thousandths become 72 days. If there is a development by 360 days every day, it gives 25,920 days. 18. For 2,160 years, one must add the progression of the remaining 6 units. 6 units, that is to say 25,920 days. 19. 43,200 multiplied by 3 equals 129,600 years. If one multiplies the remaining number and the 12 units of intersection number by 3, it equals 36 units.

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20. For 43,200 years, there is a progression of 12 days. If one multiplies 12 days by 3, it equals 36 days. If one assumes 3 days to be the equivalent of a day, the total is 12 days. If for the 36 divided units, one assumes 3 units to be the equivalent to a unit, the total is 12 units. For 129,600 years, there is a progression and regression of 6 intercalary days each. For the remaining units, there is a progression of 6 units and a regression of 6 units. That is why the change of a small revolution17 is made of 12 multiplied by 30. When 60 is reached, the progression is of 366 days. The same goes for the regression. 21. The functional number is 90,720 years. When it adds up, it goes up to 28,211,109,907,456 x 108.18 This is the result of the change of the 60 of a small revolution. 22. 360 multiplied by 360 equals 129,600 years. 29,600 multiplied by 29,600 years equals 16,796,160,000 years. 23. 16,796,160,000 multiplied by 16,796,160,000 equals 282,110,990,745,600,000,000. 24. If 282,110,990,745,600,000,000 is divided into 12 units, each unit is 1,399,680,000 x 16,796,160,000 years. If one calculates by assuming 16,796,160,000 as equivalent to 1, each unit is 1,399,680,000. 25. If 16,796,160,000 is divided by 10, each unit is 16,796,160,000 years. 26. For 129,600 years, there is a progression of 6 days. If one calculates by assuming 129,600 as equivalent to a day, one gets 6. 27. For 16,796,160,000 years, there is a progression of 6 days every year. If one calculates by assuming 16,796,160,000 as equivalent to a day, one gets 6. Divided by 10, it means that each unit is 16,796,160,000 years. There is a progression of 6 days. If one counts by assuming 16,796,160,000 as equivalent to a day, one gets 6 days. If one adds up the number of days of the 10 units, it equals 60 days. 28. 282,110,990,745,600,000,000 is divided into 12 units. 29. Each unit is 1,399,680,000 x 16,796,160,000 years. There is a progression of 6 days. One gets 6 that have the same numbers. If one divided it by 10 again, each unit is 1,399,680,000 x 16,796,160,000. There is a progression of 6 days. If one adds up the number of days of the 10 units, it equals 60 days. Overall, for the 6 units, there is a progression of 360 days. If one calculates further by taking into consideration the accumulation of the 6 units of remaining numbers and intersection numbers, the progression is of 366 days. 30. If one assumes 1,399,680,000 x 16,796,160,000 to be the equivalent to a day, one gets 6 units. If these units are multiplied by 10, it equals 60 units and one then gets 6 days. For 6 units, it is 36 days. From the 22nd paragraph, where 360 is multiplied by 360, to this paragraph, the same calculation method is repeated twice with some variation.19 31. For 129,600 years, there is a progression of 6 days. If one assumes

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129,600 days to be equivalent to a day, the progression is of 10 for the same reason as what is calculated hereafter on the left. 32. For 16,796,160,000, there is a progression of 60 days. If one assumes 129,600 days to be equivalent to a day, since the number of days for 1 cycle is the same, this gives 46,656,000 units20 for a day. 33. If one takes 360 x 129,600 and multiplies the result by 360 days, one gets 16,796,160,000. If one assumes 360 to be equivalent to 1 day, one gets 4,000 days.

Notes 1. In the cosmochrony described in the Huangji jingshi shu by Shao Yong ( juan/ kwŏn 1 to 6), time is divided into a series of four major units, in ascending order: (1) a generation (shi/se 世), related to celestial bodies (chen/sin 辰), consisting of 30 years; (2) a revolution ( yun/un 運), related to stars (xing/sŏng 星) consisting of 360 years (30 x 12); (3) an epoch (hui/hoe 會), related to the moon ( yue/wŏl 月), consisting of 10,800 years (360 x 30); and (4) a cycle ( yuan/wŏn 元), related to the sun (ri/ il 日), consisting of 129,600 years (10,800 x 12). The relation between these units is the same as the relation between the hours, days, months, and year (12 hours = 1 day; 30 days = 1 month; 12 months = 1 year); that is why the multiplication alternates between 12 or 30. So here, for instance, 360 means the number of a revolution ( yun/un 運), which, as mentioned above, is the result of multiplying 30 (30 being the number of a generation) by 12. Also, 360 is the theoretical number of a year in the Huangji jingshi shu. One revolution multiplied by one revolution, or one revolution squared (3602) equals 129,600, which is the number of a cycle ( yuan/wŏn 元). It is also the number of the hexagram xiaochu/soch’uk 小畜, located in the 5th position within the Square of the 64 hexagrams from the Book of Changes attributed to Shao Yong. Indeed, Shao Yong gives a specific number to every hexagram. In order to calculate the number for each hexagram, Shao Yong first assigns numbers for about ten basic hexagrams. To do so, he starts with the hexagram qian/kŏn 乾 [䷀], “The Creative”/Heaven, which is assigned number 1. He calculates a first series of hexagram numbers by considering the successive divisions of a yang line into a yin line in specific hexagrams: Dayou/taeyu 大有 [䷍] 360 (a yin line in the 5th position; a hexagram has to be read bottom-up); Xiaochu/soch’uk 小畜 [䷈] 129,600 ( yin line in the 4th position); Lü/yi 履 [䷉] 1,679,616 x 104 (126,6002 or 3604; a yin line in the 3rd position); Tongren/Tongin 同人 [䷌] 2,821,109,907,456 x 108 (129,6004 or 3608; a yin line in the 2nd position); Gou/Ku 姤 [䷫] 7,958,661,109,946,400,884,391,936 x 1016 (129,6008; a yin line in the 1st position). He then calculates a second series of hexagram numbers according to the geometrical suite 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, and the respective positions of specific hexagrams in his Square Diagram (a hexagram gives birth to the next one): qian/kŏn 乾 (number: 1; position in the diagram: 20); Guai/k’wae 夬 12 (1 x 12; position: 21; these positions are obtained when reading from right to

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the left, starting from the bottom line); Dazhuang/taejang 大壯 4,320 (1 x 12 x 30 x 12; position: 22); Tai/t’ae 泰 559,872,000 (1 x 12 x 30 x 12 x 30 x 12 x 30 x 12; position: 23); Lin/im 臨 940,369,969,152 x 107 (129,6002; position: 24); Fu/Pok 復129,6008 (129,6008; position: 25); Kun 坤 (position: 26). This last one is without number, but called the “number of the non-Ultimate” (wuji zhi shu/mugŭk chi su 無極之數) or the “great number” (changshu/changsu 長數). After having done these preliminary calculations and having assigned numbers to a few hexagrams, he then calculates the numbers of the remaining hexagrams, following the order of the hexagrams in his Diagram, by multiplying alternately by 12 or 30, just like in his cosmochrony. 2. 129,600 (1 cycle 元) x 129,600, or 129,6002 = 16,796,160,000 (1,679,616 x 104), which is the number of the hexagram lü/yi 履 (the 9th hexagram). 3. 16,796,160,000 x 16,796,160,000, or 16,796,160,0002 = 282,110,990,745,600,000,000 (2,821,109,907,456 x 108), which is the number of the hexagram “Fellowship with Man” [䷌], called Tongren/Tongin 同人 (hexagram 17). 4. One year. 5. Divided into twelve months. 6. The text does not specify “multiplies by” (cheng/sŭng 乘) as it does in the previous sentence. It only reads something like “and” (zhi/chi 之), so I have chosen to use a mathematical symbol (x) here. What I have translated in the first occurrence as “equal segment” (xian/han 限) for the sake of clarity, but that I have also further translated by “fraction,” designates in fact the following operation: 2,821,109,907,456 x 108/12 (the quotient of 2,821,109,907,456 x 108 divided by 12), which equals 235,092,492,288 x 108. This number (235,092,492,288 x 108), resulting from a “fraction” (xian/han 限), is not numerically given by Hwadam, but it is the result from the multiplication of 139,968 x 104 by 1,679,616 x 104 that Hwadam is explaining. 7. Here 1,399,680,000 (139,968 x 104) is the ratio or quotient resulting from the following fraction (xian/han 限): 235,092,492,288 x 108 / 1,679,616 x 104 (235,092,492,288 x 108 divided by 1,679,616 x 104). So in these sentences, Hwadam is describing two successive fractions: (1) a fraction where the numerator is 2,821,109,907,456 x 108, the denominator 12 and the quotient 235,092,492,288 x 108; (2) a second fraction where the numerator is 235,092,492,288 x 108 (and which was the quotient of the previous fraction), the denominator 1,679,616 x 104 (as previously mentioned, the number is that of the hexagram Lü/yi 履, the 9th hexagram), and the quotient 139,968 x 104. 8. According to Shao Yong, 360 is the theoretical number of days for one year. However, it is necessary to add six intercalary days to have the number of days corresponding to the course of the sun over one astronomical year. 9. One cycle ( yuan/wŏn 元). 10. Each hexagram has six lines, so the sixty-four hexagrams have a total of 384 single lines ( yao/yo 爻). 11. On the notion of tishu/ch’esu 體數 (“substantial numbers”), see note 16 of “Analysis of the Chart of the Directional Positions of the Sixty-Four Hexagrams.” 12. See note 16 of “Analysis of the Chart of the Directional Positions of the SixtyFour Hexagrams.” 13. The expression “intersection numbers,” jiaoshu/kyosu 交數, probably refers

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to the intersection numbers of yin and yang in the formation of hexagrams. There are 12 of these numbers. 1 ( yang) gives birth to 2 ( yin). In a hexagram made of 6 lines, the interaction of yin and yang can give birth to numbers the numerical values of which range from 1 to 12. Even numbers are yin and odd numbers are yang. Cf. Kim Hakchu, Sŏ Hwadam munjip 徐花潭文集 [Literary Collection of Sŏ Hwadam]. Seoul: Myŏng­mundang, 2002, note 13, 247. 14. A day is divided into twelve shi/si 時 (“hours”), which may be considered “double-hours” from a Western perspective. 15. One shi/si 時, i.e., one “double-hour.” 16. 126 days – 4 months [120 days] = 6 days. 17. On the notion of “revolution” ( yun/yun 運), see note 1 above. 18. This is 129,6004, 129,600 being the length of a “cycle,” yuan/wŏn 元. This is also the number of hexagram Tongren/Tongin 同人 (Hexagram 13 in the Changes, hexagram 17 in Shao Yong square). See notes 1 and 3 above. 19. This is a comment from the editors of the Hwadam chip. 20. 129,600 x 360 = 46,656,000.

18

Analysis of the Chart of the Directional Positions of the Sixty-Four Hexagrams1

1. The first lines of the 32 internal trigrams2 represent the primary force of the yin.3 2. The two other lines of the internal trigrams are young yang from “Coming to Meet” [䷫]4 to “The Army” [䷆]5 and old yin from “Retreat” [䷠]6 to “The Receptive” [䷁].7 3. The first lines of the 32 internal hexagrams represent the primary force of the yang. 4. The two other lines of the internal trigrams are young yin from “Returning” [䷗]8 to “Fellowship with Man” [䷌]9 and old yang from “Approach” [䷒]10 to “The Creative” [䷀].11 5. It is Heaven going upwards from “After Completion” [䷾]12 to “The Creative” [䷀];13 it is Earth going upwards from “Obstruction” [䷦]14 to “Coming to Meet” [䷫]. These are composed of 152 yang lines and 112 yin lines,15 which are the numbers used to determine functional numbers.16 Overall, there are 46 hexagrams that can beget things, whereas the remaining hexagrams17 cannot. If we consider things by subtracting18 “The Creative” [䷀], “The Receptive” [䷁], “The Clinging” [䷝],19 and “The Abysmal” [䷜],20 Heaven moves upwards from “Grace” [䷕],21 Earth upwards from “Keeping Still” [䷳],22 and then the number used to determine the functional numbers amounts to 252.23 It is Heaven going downwards from “Darkening of the Light” [䷣]24 and it is Earth going downwards from “Modesty” [䷎].25 Because their numbers cancel each other26 out, and are thus not usable, they cannot beget things. 6. Heaven goes upwards from “After Completion” [䷾] to “The Creative” [䷀]. Earth goes upwards from “Obstruction” [䷦] to “Coming to Meet” [䷫]. 152 yang lines and 112 yin lines added together equals 264. If one adds half of the lines of “Grace” [䷕] and “Keeping Still” [䷳], meaning 4 yang lines and 2 yin lines, the result is 270. Seven tenth of 384 comes to 270. 144

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When considering things in terms of the 12 months,27 one must subtract the numbers of the 3 months hae, cha, and ch’uk,28 that cancel each other out and one must use the functional number, which is the number of the 9 remaining months,29 and then one obtains 270. Among the yin lines, 20 are yang and, among the yang lines, 20 are yin. When adding them up, one obtains 40. 7. One among the six. 8. It is 24. 9. Half of this is 12. When one adds them up, it gives 36. 10. This is “The Creative” [䷀], “The Joyous” [䷹],30 “The Clinging” [䷝], and “The Arousing” [䷲].31 11. Yang goes from “Biting Through” [䷔]32 to “After Completion” [䷾], yin goes from “The Well” [䷯]33 to “Before Completion” [䷿].34 6 yang added to 6 yin, this is 12. From “Opposition” [䷥]35 to “Waiting” [䷄]36 and from “Obstruction” [䷦]37 to “Progress” [䷢],38 there are 8 yang and 4 yin. 8 yang added to 4 yin, it is 6 for each. 12. The 2 hexagrams “Possession in Great Measure” [䷍]39 and “Breakthrough” [䷪]40 together have 10 yang and 2 yin. As for the 2 hexagrams “Holding Together” [䷇]41 and “Splitting Apart” [䷖]42 they have 10 yin and 2 yang. These 4 hexagrams are two opposing pairs.43 [The Great Compendium on Nature and Principle reads 3, but it should read 2.] 13. “The Creative” [䷀], “The Joyous” [䷹], “The Clinging” [䷝], and “The Arousing” [䷲] are the numbers of the increase of yang; “The Receptive” [䷁], “Keeping Still” [䷳], and “The Abysmal” [䷜] are the numbers of the decrease of yin. The 36 hexagrams going downwards from “The Creative” [䷀] are the numbers of what is in between.

Notes 1. This chart, created by Shao Yong, is in the Huangji jingshi shu and probably represents Shao Yong’s most important contribution to the study of the Yijing. The chart was also notably used by Zhu Xi in both of his most important and influential works on the Yijing, the Zhouyi benyi/Chuyŏk ponŭi 周易本義 (Original Meaning of the Changes of Zhou) and the Yixue qimeng/Yŏkhak kyemong 易學啓蒙 (Instructing the Young in the Studies of the Changes). Shao Yong’s chart follows a binary logic according to which a yin line is 0 and a yang line 1. This binary logic is different from the one proposed by Leibniz and the Jesuits. The sequence, or arrangement, of the sixtyfour hexagrams proposed by Shao Yong goes from Qian/Kŏn 乾 (pure yang, 111111) to Kun/Kon 坤 (pure yin, 000000). It is sometimes called the Shao Yong square. This chart is multidimensional and is based on the circulation of yin and yang energies. It has a double structure. The first structure is circular and represents heaven. It pre­ sents a sequence of the sixty-four hexagrams that must be read ­counterclockwise.

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This celestial structure surrounds a second structure that is square and represents the earth. It presents the same sequence, but the sixty-four hexagrams are arranged within a square of eight rows by eight columns and must be read from the left to right and from bottom to top. See, for example, the modern edition of the Huangji jingshi shu, in the version edited by Ming scholar Huang Ji 黄畿 (1464–1513): Huangji jingshi shu 皇极经世书 (Reprint Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1992), I, tables 8 and 9. 2. The neigua/naegwae 內卦 is the internal trigram, also called xiagua/hagwae 下卦, “lower trigram.” It is composed of the first three lines of a hexagram, starting from the bottom. On his use of internal trigrams in divination, see note 8 of “Analysis of Hexagram Changes.” 3. In the philosophy of the Yijing, yin and yang are defined as the “two primary forces” or the “two modes.” See quotation from “Xici,” A.11, and explanations in note 5 of “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy” and note 9 of “On the Distinctive Characteristics of Hot Springs.” 4. Gou/Ku 姤. See note 25 of “Analysis of Hexagram Changes.” Hexagram 44 in the Yijing, hexagram 33 in Shao Yong’s square. 5. Hexagram 7 in the Yijing, hexagram 48 in Shao Yong’s square: Shi/Sa 師. The movement from hexagram 33 to hexagram 48 in Shao Yong’s square takes 16 hexagrams or a quarter turn clockwise from top to bottom. 6. Hexagram 33 in the Yijing, hexagram 49 in Shao Yong’s square: Dun/Tun 遯. 7. Hexagram 2 in the Yijing, hexagram 64 in Shao Yong’s square: Kun/Kon 坤. The movement from hexagram 49 to hexagram 64 in Shao Yong’s square takes 16 hexagrams or a quarter turn clockwise to the bottom. 8. Hexagram 24 in the Yijing, hexagram 32 in Shao Yong’s square: Fu/Pok 復. 9. Hexagram 13 in the Yijing, hexagram 17 in Shao Yong’s square: Tongren/ Tongin 同人. 10. Hexagram 19 in the Yijing, hexagram 16 in Shao Yong’s square: Lin/Im 臨. 11. Hexagram 1 in the Yijing, hexagram 1 in Shao Yong’s square: Qian/Kŏn 乾. 12. Hexagram 63 in the Yijing, hexagram 22 in Shao Yong’s square: Jiji/Kije 既濟. 13. One must read the circular sequence of the sixty-four hexagrams counterclockwise from “After Completion” (hexagram 22) to “The Creative” (hexagram 1). 14. Hexagram 39 in the Yijing, hexagram 54 in Shao Yong’s square: Jian/Kŏn 蹇. 15. Since each of the forty-four hexagrams mentioned above has six lines, there are 264 lines in total. When looking closely at these lines, it is apparent that there are 152 yang lines and 112 yin lines. 16. The “functional numbers” ( yongshu/yongsu 用數) are part of Shao Yong’s elaboration on the numbers given in “Xici,” A.9. Shao Yong explains the notions of “functional numbers” and “substantial numbers” (tishu/ch’esu 體數) in the Outer chapters of the “Guanwu waipian.” Substantial numbers are related to the birth of things—man included—and the functional numbers to the motion or movement. Shao Yong did not explain what are the numeric values of the numbers used to determine functional numbers ( yongshu zhi yong/yongsu chi yong 用數之用) and the

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numbers used to determine substantial numbers (tishu zhi yong/ch’esu chi yong 體數 之用). He did, however, give the values of the functional and substantial numbers of the “Four images” of Heaven and Earth, sixiang/sasang 四象, born from the Two modes. Cf. Huangji jingshi shu, VII.A.2b, cited in Kidder, Bol, Adler, and Wyatt, Sung Dynasty Uses of the I Ching, 111. Old yang is 10, old yin 12; young yang is 10, young yin 12. It is the same for shaogang/sogang 少剛 (lesser firmness or lesser strength), shaorou/soyu 少柔 (lesser softness or lesser weakness), taigang/t’aegang 太剛 (greater firmness or greater strength) and tairou/t’aeyu 太柔 (greater softness or greater weakness). Greater strength is 10, greater weakness 12; lesser strength is 10, lesser weakness 12. The substantial number of the yang series (old yang, young yang, greater strength, lesser strength) is 160: 10 + 10 + 10 + 10 = 40 x 4. The substantial number of the yin series is 192: 12 + 12 + 12 + 12 = 48 x 4. The functional number of the yang series is 112, which is the result of the subtraction of 48 of the yin series from the 160 of the yang series. The functional number of the yin series is 152. Then, by multiplying these two functional numbers (112 x 152), the number of the change of the four heavenly figures (sun, moon, stars, planets) is obtained: 17,024. This number is also the number of the animate things (dongwu zhi shi/tongmul chi su 動物之事) as well as the number of the change of the four phases of Earth (zhiwu zhi shu/ch’imul chi su 植物之數). To obtain the general number (tongshu/t’ongsu 通數) of the change (bianhua/pyŏnhwa 變化) of the four celestial figures and the four earthly phases, one must multiply 17,024 by 17,024. The result number (289,816,576) is the general number of both the moving and inanimate things (dongzhi tongshu/tongch’i t’ongsu 動植通數). Cf. Arrault, Shao Yong, 324–327. 17. These amount to eighteen hexagrams. 18. Here Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is subtracting the four hexagrams that Shao Yong considered to be “not usable” ( puyong/puryong 不用). 19. Hexagram 30 in the Yijing, hexagram 19 in Shao Yong’s square: Li/I 離. This hexagram is related to Fire, which is “not usable” according to Shao Yong. The four elements of Earth are Water, Fire, Earth, and Stone; the four elements of Heaven are the sun, moon, stars, and zodiacal spaces. 20. Hexagram 29 in the Yijing, hexagram 46 in Shao Yong’s square: Kan/Kam 坎. 21. Hexagram 22 in the Yijing, hexagram 23 in Shao Yong’s square: Bi/Pi 賁. 22. Hexagram 52 in the Yijing, hexagram 55 in Shao Yong’s square: Gen/Kan 艮. 23. 152 yang lines + 112 yin lines = 264 lines. 264 lines – 12 (three lines of the four trigrams that are subtracted: 3 x 4 = 12) = 252 lines. On the numbers 152 and 112, see above note 16 about functional and substantial numbers. 24. Hexagram 36 in the Yijing, hexagram 24 in Shao Yong’s square: Mingyi/ Myŏngi 明夷. 25. Hexagram 15 in the Yijing, hexagram 56 in Shao Yong’s square: Qian/ Kyŏm 謙. 26. The respective numbers of Heaven and Earth. In the two series described here by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk (decrease of yang from hexagram 24 to hexagram 32 and increase of yin from hexagram 56 to hexagram 64), there are nine hexagrams in each series. In the series from hexagram 25 to 32, there are thirty-one yin lines and

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t­ wenty-three yang lines. In the series from hexagram 56 to 64, there are forty-one yin lines and thirteen yang lines. There is a subtraction or addition of ten yin lines and yang lines between the two series ( yin: 31 and 41; yang: 23 and 13). Moreover, 10 is one of the four numbers that are considered as “nonsubstantial” (wuyong/muyong 無用) in Shao Yong’s theory of numbers. As Alain Arrault explains, there are five numbers attributed respectively to Heaven and Earth in the Yijing. Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” A.9 (see note 5 of “On the Distinctive Characteristics of Hot Springs”). These ten heavenly and earthly numbers are determined either by separating even and odd numbers (Heaven: 1, 3, 5, 7, 9 and Earth: 2, 4, 6, 8, 10) or by splitting number sequence (Heaven: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and Earth: 6, 7, 8, 9, 10). Then, within these two groups of even and odd numbers, the numbers changing into the four other numbers are 1 for Heaven and 2 for Earth. But 1 of the series of heavenly odd numbers is hidden in the 5 of the series of heavenly generative numbers. As for the 2 of the series of earthly even numbers, it is hidden in the 10 of the series of earthly generative numbers. So 1 and 5, and 2 and 10 are defined as “nonsubstantial numbers” by Shao Yong. 1 and 5 are the peak of what is not yet existent, and 2 and 10 are at the peak of what already exists. Cf. Arrault, Shao Yong, 324. 27. The twelve lunar months can be arranged in the circular diagram of Shao Yong. The names of the months come from the twelve earthly branches: zi/cha 子, chou/ch’uk 丑, yin/in 寅, mao/myo 卯, chen/chin 辰, si/sa 巳, wu/o 午, wei/mi 未, shen/ sin 申, you/yu 酉, xu/sul 戌, hai/hae 亥. According to Ming scholar Huang Ji 黄畿 (1464–1513), who commented Shao Yong’s work, the twelve months start with hexagram 24 in the Yijing (hexagram 32 in Shao Yong’s square): “The Return,” Fu/Pok 復. See the modern Chinese edition of the Huangji jingshi shu edited and commented by Huang Ji 黄畿 (1464–1513) in 1554 in his Huangji jingshi shu zhuan 皇極經世書傳. Cf. Huangji jingshi shu, op. cit. (1992), E, table 4. The Diagram originally appears in the account of Huang Ji’s commentary of the Huangji jingshi (Huangji jingshi suoyin 皇極經世索引) in the Siku quanshu, 804, 3. 28. The first two months and the last month of the lunisolar year. These three months are not usable. Shao Yong’s table shows that the period going from the “opening of things” (kaiwu/kaemul 開物) to the “closing of things” (biwu/pimul 閉‌物) starts in the third month (hexagram 11 in the Yijing, hexagram 8 in Shao Yong’s square: Tai/T’ae 泰) and ends in the eleventh month (hexagram 23 in the Yijing, hexagram 63 in Shao Yong’s square: Bo/Pak 剝 ䷖), thus excluding these three months. 29. This number amounts to 270 (9 x 30; each month has 30 days). 30. Hexagram 58 in the Yijing, hexagram 10 in Shao Yong’s square: Dui/T’ae 兌. 31. Hexagram 51 in the Yijing, hexagram 28 in Shao Yong’s square: Zhen/Chin 震. 32. Hexagram 21 in the Yijing, hexagram 27 in Shao Yong’s square: Shihe/ Sŏhap 噬嗑. 33. Hexagram 48 in the Yijing, hexagram 38 in Shao Yong’s square: Jing/Chŏng 井. 34. Hexagram 64 in the Yijing, hexagram 43 in Shao Yong’s square: Weiji/Mije 未濟. 35. Hexagram 38 in the Yijing, hexagram 11 in Shao Yong’s square: Kui/Kyu 睽. 36. Hexagram 5 in the Yijing, hexagram 6 in Shao Yong’s square: Xu/Su 需.

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37. Hexagram 39 in the Yijing, hexagram 54 in Shao Yong’s square: Jian/Kŏn 蹇. 38. Hexagram 35 in the Yijing, hexagram 59 in Shao Yong’s square: Jin/Chin 晉. 39. Hexagram 14 in the Yijing, hexagram 3 in Shao Yong’s square: Dayou/ Taeyu 大有. 40. Hexagram 43 in the Yijing, hexagram 2 in Shao Yong’s square: Guai/K’wae 夬. 41. Hexagram 8 in the Yijing, hexagram 62 in Shao Yong’s square: Bi/Pi 比. 42. Hexagram 23 in the Yijing, hexagram 63 in Shao Yong’s square: Bo/Pak 剝. 43. Hexagram 2 Guai/K’wae 夬 (one yin line at the sixth position on top of five yang lines) is the opposite (duigua/taegwae 對卦) of hexagram 63 Bo/Pak 剝 (one yang line at the sixth position on top of five yin lines). Hexagram 3 Dayou/Taeyu 大有 (one yin line in the fifth position) is the opposite of hexagram 62 Bi/Pi 比 (one yang line in the fifth position). Opposite hexagrams should not be confused with overturned hexagrams ( fangua/pangwae 反卦) in which each yin line of a given hexagram is replaced by a yang line and each yang line by a yin line.

19

Analysis of Hexagram Changes

1. The method for manipulating yarrow stalks1 consists of setting forth the number of the great expansion,2 then proceeding to lay down the two,3 placing one apart, counting off,4 and placing between fingers5 in order to study the change in the making, with the odd and even, the old and the young.6 From there on, all of the sixty-four hexagrams can be obtained. When a hexagram is cast as the result of the divination procedure, it is absolutely mandatory to examine the changes of nine and six,7 then one must distinguish between the inner and outer trigrams8 and look at the root and changed hexagrams.9 After this, one must read the commentaries for each line as well as the judgments about each of these hexagrams.10 Through each of the transformations of the sixty-four hexagrams, all of the hexagrams are obtained, and the total sum produced by the divination procedure amounts to 4,096 hexagrams.11 That is what is meant by “continue, go further, and add.”12 2. Master Zhu further developed the hermeneutics of hexagram changes13 and arranged them into thirty-two charts.14 When one considers these charts by reversing them, they actually encompass the complete sixty-four hexagrams. In each of these charts, there are six cases when one line changes, fifteen cases when two lines change, twenty cases when three lines change, fifteen cases when four lines change, six cases when five lines change, one case when six lines change, and there is one case when none of the six lines change.15 3. When the hexagram cast by the divination procedure has a change of one or two lines, it can be found in the abovementioned thirty-two charts and prognostication must be based on the root hexagram and the commentaries on the lines of this hexagram. When it has a change of four or five lines, it can be found among the hexagrams that come after these thirty-two and prognostication must thus be based on the changed hexagram and the commentaries on the lines of this second hexagram.16 It is only when three lines change that the hexagram totals up to twenty hexa150

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grams: the first ten are among the thirty-two and the latter ten come after these thirty-two.17 4. When there is a change of three lines of the cast hexagram, although the prognostication must still be based on the judgments of both the root and changed hexagrams, in the first ten hexagrams, the inner trigram18 is the ruler, and, in the latter ten hexagrams, it is the outer trigram.19 This point has been explained in detail in the example provided for the changing lines,20 so there is no need to repeat it. 5. There are rational reasons explaining why only the possible combinations of hexagram changes were listed in the tables21 and how they were arranged by three times either above or below. As an example, let us take the first chart.22 When “The Creative” [䷀]23 is the root hexagram, it is highlighted alone on the top row of the arrangement.24 Then when “Coming to Meet” [䷫]25 is the first hexagram resulting from a one-line change, it is also placed on the top row. When “Retreat” [䷠]26 is the first possible hexagram resulting from a two-line change, it is again placed on the top and when “Preponderance of the Great” [䷛]27 is reached, it means that the motion of “Retreat”28 has reached the end of the column. 6. “Innocence” [䷘],29 “Inner Truth” [䷼],30 and “The Taming Power of the Great” [䷙]31 are among the possible hexagram changes involving two lines, but because they are the first of the intermediary hexagram changes in this column, they have been moved to the middle rows. “Standstill” [䷋]32 is the first possible hexagram change involving three lines and is hence placed on the top row, and when “Influence” [䷞]33 is reached, it means that the column is completed. 7. The reason that “Dispersion” [䷺]34 is placed alone in the second row, even though it is at the beginning of the sequence of the possible hexagram changes, can be understood at a glance when looking at it horizontally by dividing the even and odd lines according to their respective nature.35 The same applies to “Increase” [䷩],36 “Grace” [䷕],37 and “Decrease” [䷨]38 all three of which are placed in secondary rows.39 8. “Contemplation” [䷓]40 and “Splitting Apart” [䷕]41 are the first possible hexagram changes involving four and five lines and are hence placed on the top row. “The Receptive” [䷁]42 is alone in the lowest row, because it comes after the hexagram change of “Return” [䷗]43 and this is the beginning of the overturned hexagrams.44 “Coming to Meet” [䷫]45 is the topic of the second chart. 9. From “Coming to Meet” [䷫] onwards, the remaining thirty-one charts are all based on the same logic as that of the first chart which has just been discussed. When the Changes are observed in the light of these supporting charts, the difficult passages of Instructing the Young will simply vanish.

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Notes 1. The term shi/si 蓍 designates the yarrow stalks (milfoil, or Chinese yarrow) that were used for divination purposes. These yarrow stalks were believed to be the most long-lasting variety of withered stalks, just as turtle shells, also used in divination in Chinese antiquity, were thought to be the most long-lasting dried bones. Zhu Xi recreated the procedure by which the divination using yarrow stalks must be performed in the third chapter of the Yixue qimeng, written with Cai Yuanding 蔡‌元定 (1135–1198), from the incomplete explanation given in the Yijing, “Xici,” A.9. Zhu Xi’s procedure has remained standard over the centuries. 2. The number of the “great expansion,” the “full number,” or the “number of the total” (dayan zhi shu/taeyŏn chi su 大衍之數) is fifty. The expression dayan/taeyŏn 大衍 first appears in “Xici,” A.9, but no explanation is given in the text for the number fifty. There have been many explanations given by Chinese commentators: 50 is the sum of the numbers for the 10 heavenly stems, the 12 earthly branches, and the 28 lunar mansions; it is the sum of the Supreme Ultimate (taiji/t’aegŭk 太極), which produces yin and yang, which produce sun and moon, which produce the four seasons, which produce the five stages of transformation (also called “five phases”), which produce the twelve months, which produce the twenty-four solar periods (1 + 2 + 2 + 4 + 5 + 12 + 24 = 50); it is the sum of the heavenly numbers and earthly numbers (numbers from 1 to 10), which is 55 in the Yijing and from which must be subtracted 5 of the five phases, for these five are already contained in heaven and earth; it is the product of the ten earthly spots and the five heavenly spots at the center of the Hetu or the Yellow River Chart (see note 8 of “On the Distinctive Characteristics of Hot Springs”); etc. Also, see the explanations given in the first and third chapter of the Yixue qimeng (“The original chart and text,” and “Explaining the milfoil stalks”) of the number of the “great expansion” in Joseph A. Adler, Introduction to the Study of the Classic of Change (I-hsüeh ch’i-meng) (New York: Global Scholarly Publications, 2002). 3. This means the two divided handfuls of yarrow stalks. 4. This means counting off by fours. 5. This means returning the remainders and placing them between the two middle fingers of the left hand. 6. The “odd” ( ji/ki 奇) and “even” (ou/u 偶) refer to the yin or yang lines; a line is either a broken or yielding line ( yin), or an even or solid line ( yang). In the wake of Shao Yong, Zhu Xi stressed the importance of yin and yang lines in the very formation and meaning of hexagrams. He saw the Changes primarily as a book of divination, the value of which lies in its oracular nature and function. In the second chapter of his Yixue qimeng, he specifically explained in depth the patterns of the yin and yang by which the trigrams and hexagrams are generated by the successive recombinations of odd and even lines. These patterns are the simplest and most fundamental form of Principle (Li/Yi 理). As for the “old” (lao/no 老) and “young” (shao/so 少), these also refer to the lines of the hexagrams: 9 is old yang, 6 old yin, 7 young yang, and 8 young yin.

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7. The numbers 9 (old yang) and 6 (old yin) are bound to change and mutate. The yang line that is obtained after the divination procedure will change into an 8 (young yin), and conversely the yin line that is 6 will change into a 7 (young yang). The Yijing distinguishes between the change that does not imply any change in nature, hua/hwa 化, and the change or transformation, bian/pyŏn 變, that changes the very nature or gender of a line that mutates from yin to yang or vice versa. The Classic basically deals with change, mutation, and transformation, and the generic term, yi/yŏk 易, encompasses the notions of hua/hwa 化, bian/pyŏn 變, and tong/t’ong 通 (“continuity”). Numbers 9 and 6 are actually the changing lines in a hexagram. The standard text of the Yijing, also called the Zhouyi/Chuyŏk 周易 (Changes of the Zhou), presents the sixty-four hexagrams starting from Qian/Kŏn 乾, “The Creative” (pure yang), and therefore focuses on dynamic change. This means that the changing lines (9 and 6) are the most important lines in any hexagram obtained by divination. The prognosis and answer to the question posed by the diviner relies on the correct understanding of these changing lines and the power expressed by these lines in any given situation. 8. Here, the term zhen/chŏng 貞 designates the “internal trigram,” neigua/ naegwae 內卦 (lines 1, 2, 3 starting from the bottom). The term hui/hoe 悔 designates the shanggua/sanggwae 上卦, “upper trigram” also called the “external trigram,” waigua/oegwae 外卦 (lines 4, 5, and 6). The lower trigram exhibits the cause, present situation, and start, whereas the upper trigrams the effect, environment, and ending. In other words, the zhen/chŏng refers to the question whereas the hui/hoe refers to the prognostication. The inner and outer trigrams are two “minor completions” (each minor completion reflecting the Eight trigrams) obtained successively after seventy-two operations and eighteen changes completed through one single divinatory manipulation of the yarrow stalks. Cf. Yixue qimeng, III. 9. The hermeneutic procedure called “hexagram change,” guabian/kwaebyŏn 卦變, is primarily interested in the changing lines (9 and 6; see note 6 above) and the transformation into a second hexagram. Generally speaking, the divination with the Yijing is used as a tool for decision making and as a means to get out of a dilemma. The hexagram obtained from the divination procedure of reading the yarrow stalks is called “root hexagram,” bengua/pongwae 本卦, and the second hexagram, created when certain lines are about to change their nature (9 and 6), is called “changed hexagram,” zhigua/chigwae 之卦. This “changed hexagram” usually represents the way out of dilemma and the procedure of “hexagram change” is precisely interested in the passage from the first to the second hexagram. It is focused on each line, that is to say to each of the yin or yang forces represented figuratively in the configuration of the first hexagram that is about to transform into another hexagram, the changed hexagram. It is worth noting that the term zhi/chi 之 simply means “to go to” and thus refers to a line moving to another position along the timeline in either a forward or a backward direction. The “changed hexagram” can move forward to the future and disclose the outcome that might be expected if the action advised by the first hexagram is accomplished or not. But it can also move backward to the past and explain the cause of the change appearing in the original hexagram. The arrangement

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or the sequence of the sixty-four hexagrams is thus crucial to interpret the oracle given by the “root hexagram,” obtained by the divinatory procedure. 10. In the specific vocabulary of the study of Yijing, the term tuan/tan 彖 can mean a static hexagram line, that is to say the 8 yin line or the 7 yang line that does not change. Cf. Bent Nielsen, A Companion to Yi jing Numerology and Cosmology. Chinese Studies of Images and Numbers from Han 漢 (202 BCE–220 CE) to Song 宋 (960–1279 CE) [London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003], 238.) However, here tuan/tan must most probably mean tuanzhuan/tanjŏn 彖傳, the “decision” or “judgment” on the whole hexagram. In the Yijing, there are indeed different levels of commentaries for the sixty-four hexagrams. There are the “Commentary on the Appended Judgments,” also called the “Great Treatise” (dazhuan/taejŏn 大傳, xicizhuan/kyesajŏn 繫辭傳), the “Commentary on the Decision” which is the Judgment (tuanzhuan/tanjŏn 彖傳), the “Commentary on the Images” (xiangzhuan/sangjŏn 象傳), and the “Commentary on the Words of the Text” (wenyan/munŏn 文言), which addresses only the first two hexagrams (pure yang and pure yin). Here, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk insists on reading the specific commentaries on each line of the hexagram obtained through divination and, afterwards, the judgment on the whole hexagram. He does not mention the “Commentaries on the Images,” focusing on symbols, and the “Appended Judgments.” Thus, he follows the instruction left by Zhu Xi in the Yixue qimeng. 11. Here, following the tradition of the images and numbers (xiangshu/sangsu 象數), Hwadam has a maximalist view of the Yijing. 4,096 is 642 or 64 x 64. The number 4,096 was first determined in the Jiaoshi Yilin/Ch’ossi Yŏgim 焦氏易林 (Mr. Jiao’s Forest of Changes) attributed to Jiao Gan 焦贛 (or Jiao Yanshou 焦延壽) from the Western Han dynasty as the number of changing hexagrams. In this book of divination based on the Yijing, 4,096 hexagrams are commented in brief verses. This is explained in the Yixue qimeng, II. Furthermore, at the end of the third chapter of the Yixue qimeng, titled “Explaining the milfoil stalks,” Zhu Xi and Cai Yuan­ding explain that the sentence from the “Xici,” A.9, “Four operations are required to produce a change” that describe what is done by the operations of one divination, basically means that, by casting one hexagram by divinatory manipulation using the “four operations” (implying 72 operations and 18 changes in total), the diviner obtain two “minor completions” giving the inner and outer trigram, which are pictures of the eight trigrams. 12. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is quoting, again, the “Xici,” A.9. More generally though, he is also alluding here to the overall reasoning and explanation of the Yijing provided by Zhu Xi in the preface to the Yixue qimeng. 13. The school of “images and numbers” to which Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk belongs, in the wake of Shao Yong, focuses on the figurative and oracular power of the hexagrams, which are considered not as mere symbols, but as images associated with numbers. This school grew from the teachings of the Daoist master Chen Tuan 陳摶 (871–989), was systematized in the works of Shao Yong, and partly adopted by Zhu Xi in his Zhouyi benyi. Zhu Xi had a different stance on the Yijing from that of Cheng Yi. Following the view of Wang Bi 王弼 (226–249), whose commentary on the Yijing was made part of the orthodox canon during the Tang dynasty, Cheng Yi was the pro-

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ponent of a moral and intellectual interpretation of the Classic. He underlined the necessity of reading all the commentaries (the so-called Ten Wings) to understand the hexagrams. On the contrary, Zhu Xi, following the approach of Zhou Dunyi and Shao Yong, advocated for the divinatory use of the Classic and thus favored both the visual images of the hexagrams and the balance of power between yin and yang as manifestations of the Patterning Principle in the world. Thus, following Lü ­Zuqian’s view on the matter of the edition of the Classic, Zhu Xi separated in his Zhouyi benyi the sixty-four hexagrams, which he considered to embody the Classic itself, from the “Ten Wings.” Also, the school of figures and numbers focuses on the sequence (or arrangement) of the eight trigrams and the sixty-four hexagrams. The official version of the Yijing, which was fixed since Kong Yingda’s Zhouyi zhengyi/ Chuyŏk chŏngŭi 周易正義 (Correct Meaning of the Changes of Zhou) and regarded as orthodox throughout the Tang, Song, and early Yuan dynasties, especially after Cheng Yi’s commentary, follows the so-called sequence of King Wen. The sixty-four hexagrams are grouped into thirty-two pairs. Twenty-eight of these pairs are formed with the second hexagram created by turning upside down the first hexagram (top to bottom). The remaining eight hexagrams are symmetrical and are the same when read upside down. The second hexagram for these eight symmetrical hexagrams is created by inverting each line (a yin line becomes yang, and vice versa). The Yijing text is traditionally divided into two parts, in which, although there are thirty-two pairs of hexagrams, the first one examines only the first thirty hexagrams of the sequence of King Wen (from hexagram Qian/Kŏn 乾 to Li/Ri 離) and the second one the remaining thirty-four (from hexagram Xian/Ham 咸 to Weiji/Mije 未濟). No explanation is given for this division. However, another sequence of hexagrams was proposed by Shao Yong and followed by Zhu Xi. It is summed up in the “Chart of the Directional (Square) Positions of the Sixty-four Hexagrams of Fu Xi.” See note 1 of “Analysis about the Chart of the Directional Positions of the Sixty-Four Hexagrams.” 14. See note 17 below and see also, for reference, the first chart of Zhu Xi in the Yixue qimeng, in Adler, Introduction to the Study of the Classic of Change (2002), 54. 15. 6 + 15 + 20 + 15 + 6 + 1 + 1 = 64. 16. The prognostication is based on the unchanging lines of the changed hexagram. 17. In the fourth chapter of the Yixue qimeng, “Examining the Prognostications of the Changes,” Cai Yuanding—not Zhu Xi—explains the correct method for interpreting the oracle of the hexagram cast by any divination procedure. The interpretation depends on which lines change. Contrary to the exegesis of the meanings and principles illustrated by Ouyang Xiu or Cheng Yi, Zhu Xi and Cai Yuanding do not apply the general understanding of the first two hexagrams (pure yang and pure yin) to all the sixty-four hexagrams. Cf. Yixue qimeng, IV. 18. The inner trigram represents the divinatory question or the general situation. 19. The outer trigram represents the prognostication. 20. To read an example given for three lines changing by Cai Yuanding, see Yixue qimeng, IV. 21. The thirty-two charts in the Yixue qimeng.

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22. See Adler, Introduction to the Study of the Classic of Change (2002), 54. 23. Qian/Kŏn 乾. 24. It is highlighted in a black square on Zhu Xi’s chart. 25. Gou/Ku 姤. In the orthodox text of the Yijing, it is hexagram 44. In the “Chart of the Directional Positions of the Sixty-four Hexagrams of Fu Xi” or the sequence of Shao Yong, it is hexagram 33, placed next to the first hexagram, Qian/Kŏn 乾, going clockwise. Going counterclockwise, it is therefore the last hexagram of the sequence when starting from Qian. The clockwise direction (or “from top to bottom to the right”) in the circular sequence of the “Chart of the Directional Positions of the Sixty-four Hexagrams of Fu Xi” is used when considering what already exists, whereas the counterclockwise direction (“from bottom to top to the left”) is used when considering what does not yet exist. This is based on the logic of the developmental change of the eight trigrams in the “Diagram of Before Heaven,” attributed to Fu Xi (see note 39 of “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy”). As for the “Diagram of Later Heaven” (or Diagram of After Heaven), it shows the actual situation of the eight trigrams and the yin and yang lines as they are in reality, as this situation is necessarily submitted to contextual change. This second circular arrangement of trigrams is also sometimes called the “sequence of King Wen.” Whereas Cheng Yi, following Wang Bi’s example, gave precedence to the sequence of King Wen for the arrangement of the hexagrams, Zhu Xi chose the sequence of Fu Xi, which means that he used the “Diagram of Before Heaven” for this arrangement. This diagram of what not yet deduced represents the ideal circular arrangement or sequence of the eight trigrams (bagua/p’algwae 八卦) drawn by Fu Xi. 26. Dun/Tun 遯. This is hexagram 49 in Shao Yong’s square, but hexagram 33 in the Yijing. In the “Chart of the directional positions of the sixty-four hexagrams of Fu Xi,” it is the 16th hexagram when going clockwise starting from Gou/Ku 姤. This rotation of sixteen hexagrams is a quarter turn in the circle of the sixty-four hexagrams and sixteen is the total number of changes in Shao Yong’s Huangji jingshi shu—it is the full number of the cycle of growth and decay of the universe. 27. Daguo/Taegwa 大過. In Shao Yong’s square, it is hexagram 34 (the second hexagram on the right of Gou/Ku 姤). It is the forty-eighth (forty-ninth) hexagram when going clockwise starting from Dun/Tun 遯, which means a three-quarter turn around the circle. Going counterclockwise from Gou/Ku 姤 to Daguo/Taegwa 大過 represents a full sequence of sixty-four hexagrams. 28. Here, motion means all the possible changes of the hexagram “Retreat.” 29. Hexagram 25 in the Yijing, hexagram 25 in Shao Yong’s square: Wuwang/ Mu­mang 無妄. 30. Hexagram 61 in the Yijing, hexagram 13 in Shao Yong’s square: Zhongfu/ Chung­bu 中孚. 31. Hexagram 26 in the Yijing, hexagram 7 in Shao Yong’s square: Dachu/Tae­ ch’uk 大畜. 32. Hexagram 12 in the Yijing, hexagram 57 in Shao Yong’s square: Pi/Pi 否. 33. Hexagram 31 in the Yijing, hexagram 50 in Shao Yong’s square: Xian/Ham 咸.

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34. Hexagram 59 in the Yijing, hexagram 45 in Shao Yong’s square: Huan/ Hwan 渙. 35. Read the second row of the chart from right to left, examining the yin and yang lines. 36. Hexagram 42 in the Yijing, hexagram 29 in Shao Yong’s square: Yi/Ik 益. 37. Hexagram 22 in the Yijing, hexagram 23 in Shao Yong’s square: Bi/Pi 賁. 38. Hexagram 41 in the Yijing, hexagram 15 in Shao Yong’s square: Sun/Son 損. 39. “Increase” and “Decrease” are in the second row of the chart; “Grace” is in the third row. 40. Hexagram 20 in the Yijing, hexagram 61 in Shao Yong’s square: Guan/ Kwan 觀. 41. Hexagram 23 in the Yijing, hexagram 63 in Shao Yong’s square: Bo/Pak 剝. 42. Hexagram 2 in the Yijing, hexagram 64 in Shao Yong’s square: Kun/Kon 坤. 43. Hexagram 24 in the Yijing, hexagram 32 in Shao Yong’s square: Fu/Pok 復. 44. The fangua/pangwae 反卦 is the hexagram created when a hexagram is turned upside down. In the sequence of King Wen, fifty-six successive hexagrams are paired in this way. Shao Yong’s circular celestial sequence of the sixty-four hexagrams must be read first counterclockwise starting from Qian/Kŏn 乾 on the top up to hexagram 32, Fu/Pok 復, at the bottom, at which point it must read from the top again, but clockwise starting from hexagram 33, Gou/Ku 姤. See note 1 of the “Analysis of the Chart of the Directional Positions of the Sixty-Four Hexagrams.” 45. Hexagram 44 in the Yijing, hexagram 33 in Shao Yong’s square: Gou/Ku 姤.

20

Statement about Pak Ijŏng’s Courtesy Name with a Foreword

1. Pak Minhŏn’s1 courtesy name was originally Wŏnbu. When he asked me to change it, I told him: “Wŏn is the apex2 of heavenly virtue and the gathering of the myriad good things. This is not something a beginner in learning can claim to be. It would be better to change the name to Ijŏng, which has the meaning of working hard through self-exertion. Moreover, if you follow this condition and stop only when the number of years required to attain the goal has been completed, then the meaning of wŏnbu will not be lost either.” This is why I have written a statement about his courtesy name to expound this idea, and I have also added a few words on the reason why I changed the name. 2. The being that has been fully endowed with the correct operation of heaven and earth is man. How is the operation correct? I say that it is because of righteousness and benevolence. Benevolence and righteousness are, at their source, extreme excellence and extreme genuineness, like the surface of water not yet disturbed by ripples or a mirror not yet tarnished by dirt. 3. As soon as emotions are involved in the process of doing things, it happens sometimes that one loses that correctness. In the beginning, this deviation might be slight, but, in the end, there emerge foolish and wise men. Those who become foolish3 do not think and their wriggling holds its own against other common beings’ clumsiness.4 Only the wise can control their thoughts and their virtuous deeds merge with the deeds of heaven.5 The divergence between wise and foolish men begins with a single step towards either negligence or reverence. 4. You already know what to do to acquire broad learning and focus 6 it; why would you not look after the shining decree?7 You must nurture it at the right time in obedience to circumstances8 and return to9 your basic human nature. You must protect yourself against all depravity and preserve your integrity,10 and keep this internal fulfillment honest.11 When 158

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you have completely rectified yourself within, and you have done the best you can, the “vast, flowing Vital Energy”12 will be mighty. You must welcome all the good things of all under heaven and collect them in your person. The Way is not far removed from man;13 sageness can be attained through learning.14 5. The Learning of the Mind-and-Heart from the Zhu and the Si streams15 rose up from the waters of the Lian16 and the Luo,17 and no one after was greater than Master Zhu18 for enlarging previous teachings and explaining them to later generations. He continued the work gathered by all the sages, searching to the utmost for both the source and its result.19 His explanations did not come from nowhere, and his quotations of the Classics were his practice steps.20 He brought to light the goal of Learning and revealed it to the generations to come. This is certainly reliable in order to look up to21 the sun and stars.22 6. I know that with your extensive capabilities, you dream of emulating him. For this, you must immerse yourself in his Learning to fulfill your aims.23 In every movement and every rest, only Zhu should be trusted. If you do not renew daily and improve daily the virtue that you have been working on so far, it will be difficult to avoid becoming a petty man scholar.24 Beware of this and do not bring shame on me. Year imin [1542] of the kajŏng era, during the last ten days of the first month of the summer.25

Notes 1.  Pak Minhŏn 朴民獻 (1516–1586) was from the Pak clan of Hamyang (Hamyang Pak ssi 咸陽朴氏) in Kyŏngsang Province. He passed the Higher Civil Service Examination, achieving first place, in 1546. He was first appointed as a lecturer at the Royal Academy, then Fourth Censor at the Office of Special Counselors (Saganwŏn chŏngŏn 司諫院正言), Assistant Section Chief (chwarang 佐郞) at the Ministry of Rites (Yejo 禮曹), the Ministry of Public Works (Kongjo 工曹), and the Ministry of War (Pyŏngjo 兵曹). In 1553, he was selected for the prestigious sabbatical leave for study (saga toksŏ 賜暇讀書). Later, he became County Magistrate (hyŏn’gam 縣監) of Haenam 海南 in Chŏlla Province. In 1554, he was appointed Governor (kwanch’alsa 觀察使) of Kangwŏn Province, but he did not show up and was removed from office. Ten years later, he was called back and appointed magistrate of Sangju 尙‌州 in Kyŏngsang Province, but he requested to be transferred to Ch’ungju 忠州 in Ch’ungch’ŏng Province in order to look after his mother. He was also sent on a diplomatic mission to China and was successively appointed Governor of Kangwŏn, Chŏlla, and Hamgyŏng Provinces. Because of his uprightness and intransigence, he was often targeted by the powerful Yi Ki 李芑 (1476–1552) and Yun Wŏnhyŏng

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尹‌ 元‌ 衡 (1503–1565), when factional struggles started to develop at court. His collected writings are called the Sŭlganjae chip 瑟僩齋集. 2. Literally, the “head” (shou/su 首). 3. The term kuang/kwang 狂 usually designates someone who is “enthusiastic,” “assertive,” “straightforward,” but also “irrational,” “foolish,” or “dim-witted.” In a passage of the Lunyu, it is a flaw commonly associated with one of the six terms or virtues: gang/kang 剛 (“firmness”). Cf. Lunyu, XVII.8. In this passage of the Lunyu, the term translated by “flaw” in English (bi/p’ye 蔽) literally means “to be concealed,” “to be obscured,” suggesting something blocking the light. So being “foolish” or “dim-witted” means having one’s mind obscured. One should not mistake “being foolish/irrational/dim-witted” (kuang/kwang 狂) with “being foolish/stupid,” yu/u. Indeed, as it is said in the Lunyu, being “stupid” cannot be changed. Cf. Lunyu, XVII.2. 4. The term chun/chun 蠢 designates the wiggling of worms or the crawling of groveling insects. It means to be clumsy, or to wriggle about without being able to do anything substantial. Foolish men are like worms or insects wiggling and wriggling and they do not have the ability of wise men to act properly. 5. The reference to the “wise” and the “foolish” here sounds like an inverted quotation of a passage from the Shujing, “Documents of Zhou,” “Numerous regions.” 6. The expression boyue/pakyo 博約 is probably a contraction of two expressions from a sentence in the Lunyu, VI.27: boxue yu wen/pak’ak ŏ mun 博學於文 and yuezhi yi li/yoji i ye 約之以禮. 7. Cf. Daxue. 8. The expression “to nurse in obedience to circumstances” (zunyang/chunyang 遵養) originally comes from the Shijing, “Ode of the temple and the altar, sacrificial odes of Zhou,” decade of Min yu xiao zi, zhuo. 9. The expression dunfu/tonbok 敦復 comes from the Yijing, commentary on hexagram 24 ( fu 復). 10. Cf. Yijing, hexagram 1, wenyan. 11. The “fulfillment,” or “to bring to fulfillment” (chong/ch’ung 充), probably refers to the famous passage in the Mengzi where Mencius explains the “four moral sprouts” or “four beginnings” (siduan/sadan 四端) that are in every man’s heart/ mind. Cf. Mengzi, II.A.6. 12. Cf. Mengzi, II.A.2. 13. Cf. Zhongyong, 13. 14. This is one key idea in Neo-Confucianism, exemplified by the following very simple and straightforward answer from Zhou Dunyi in his Tongshu. Cf. Tongshu, XX.20: “ ‘Is Sageness something that can be learned?’, ‘Yes, that can be learned.’ ” 15. Zhusi/susa 洙泗 is a compound name that joins the names of the two rivers running north of Qufu, Confucius’s hometown in today’s Shandong Province. This expression appears in a passage of the Liji, 3, in relation to Confucius, and is used to refer metaphorically to the Master himself. 16. The Lian River, which flows through Hunan Province in China, refers to Zhou Dunyi.

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17. The Luo River, which flows through Henan Province in China, refers to the Cheng brothers, Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. 18. Zhu Xi. 19. These two characters ( yuan/wŏn 源 and wei/wi 委) allude to a passage from the Liji, 18, dealing with “Paying attention to the root.” 20. Literally, the expression jianlü/chŏlli 踐履 means “to tread on,” “to walk.” In a figurative sense it means “to make progress,” but also “to practice.” In this context, Hwadam probably means that by quoting the Classics, Zhu Xi was in fact practicing Confucian Learning, and that his exegetical practices were actual steps in his walk towards the Way. 21. The expression yangzhi/angji 仰止 (“to look up”) appears in a poem from the Shijing. However, in the poem, it is associated with “high hills,” not “the sun and stars” like in this passage. Cf. Shijing, “Minor Odes of the Kingdom,” Decade of Sang Hu, Che Xia. “Looking up” generally means finding a direction in which to look at in order to start walking—metaphorically walking on the Way. Cf. Liji, 32. 22. The sun and stars are means by which the sage influences the world. More specifically, they are instruments for “recording time” in order to determine what must be done at each time and moment. Astronomy is a crucial element in decisionmaking and in governance in general. Cf. Liji, 9. Here, Hwadam might be alluding to the ultimate goal of philosophical exegesis—like that of Zhu Xi—which is to influence the world and actually put the Confucian Way into practice in sociopolitical life. This idea is conveyed by the use of the expression “to look up,” which has been explained in the previous note. 23. The expression qiu qi zhi/ku ki chi 求其志 might be an allusion to the Lunyu (where it is translated by “fulfilling one’s aims”). Cf. Lunyu, XVI.11. 24. The xiaoren/soin 小人 (“petty man”) is often contrasted with the “gentleman,” junzi/kunja 君子. These opposites appear in many passages of the Lunyu. One such passage mentions the term xiaoren ru/soin yu 小人儒, which is very similar to the expression used here by Hwadam (xiaoren zhi ru/soin chi yu 小人之儒). Cf. Lunyu, VI.13. 25. Mengxia/maengha 孟夏 (the first month of the summer) is the fourth month of the lunisolar Chinese calendar.

21

Statement about Kim Sasin’s Courtesy Name

1. My friend Literary Licentiate Kim Han’gŏl1 asked me to change his courtesy name as it conflicted with one of his father’s.2 I gave him the name Sasin. “Sasin” means “being a scholar” and “to extend.” What needs to be extended? It is the extension of the will to sort the threads of warp and woof.3 2. A scholar goes back to the thousand antiquities and makes friends.4 If he sets himself the task of extending the works of Yi Yin and Fu Shuo5 as well as the deeds of the dukes of Zhou and Shao6 and if he is in tune with them, one day he will surpass the scholars of the two Han dynasties7 in everything he has set himself to extending, and for him merit and fame will not be worthy of consideration. 3. Moreover, today intelligence and goodness are brought together.8 Keeping your profitable abilities to yourself,9 you have stayed bent over for quite a long time. Like K’un springing out and P’eng taking flight,10 this is harvest time for you.11 I know that a day will come for you to stretch your wings, since it is natural that what was bent must stretch out. The will to exhort you to set your mind on what the ancients used to set their minds on12 is the reason that I created a name for you.

Notes 1. See “List of Disciples,” paragraph 17. 2. This means either that the same sinograph had been used or that the characters have the same pronunciation or the same meaning. 3. The expression jinglun/kyŏngnyun 經綸 means the ability to bring order out of confusion, usually at the social and political levels. Cf. Yijing, hexagram 3 (zhun/ chun 屯, “difficulty at the beginning”). 4. Cf. Mengzi, V.B.8. 5. Yi Fu/Yi Pu 伊傅 is a compound name that joins the first characters of the

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names of Yi Yin 伊尹 (ca. fourteenth century B.C.E., minister to Emperor Tang, the founder of the Shang dynasty, who helped the latter defeat King Jie of the Xia dynasty) and Fu Shuo 傅說 (ca. fourteenth century B.C.E., legendary sage and principal minister to Emperor Wu Ding of the Shang dynasty). 6. The Duke of Zhou, whose personal name was Ji Dan 姬旦, was the brother of King Wu, who established the Zhou dynasty (eleventh century–221 B.C.E.). He is known for consolidating the dynasty as well as for his integrity when he was regent, for he did not hesitate to give up his place in order to put the legitimate heir, his nephew, the future King Cheng, on the throne. He is also known for commenting on and supplementing the Yijing and the Shijing as well as for authoring the Zhouli and parts of the Yuejing/Akkyŏng 樂經 (Book of Music). His edict Junshi 君奭 (“Lord Shi”) later become a chapter of the Shujing. Confucius mentions him often as an example in the Lunyu. The Duke of Shao, whose personal name was Ji Shi 姬奭, was also a brother of King Wu and participated in the governance of the early Zhou dynasty. In particular, he was one of the preceptors of King Cheng during the regency of the Duke of Zhou. The song Gantang 甘棠 (“Sweet Pear-Tree”) in the Shijing tells of his benevolent governance of the people. 7. Western Han and Eastern Han dynasties (1066–221 B.C.E.). 8. These two characters, minglian/myŏngnyang 明良 (literally “intelligent” and “good”) signify the harmonious and efficient governance carried out by an “intelligent” sovereign with the help of “good” ministers. Cf. Shujing, “Book of Yu,” Yi and Ji 6. 9. The expression liqi/igi 利器 (“profitable instruments,” translated here by “profitable abilities”) refers to a famous passage from the Daodejing, 36: “Fish cannot be removed from the watery depths; the profitable instruments of the state cannot be shown to the people.” This passage has also been explained in the Zhuangzi, 10. 10. In the original text, the comparison with K’un and P’eng is not explicit; I chose to add this detail for the sake of clarity. K’un is a fish and P’eng is a bird; they are famous characters that appear twice in the opening chapter of the Zhuangzi, which deals with the relativity and the difference of the great and the small. Cf. Zhuangzi, 1. 11. Autumn is harvest time. 12. The expression zhi yu/chi ŏ 志于 (“to set one’s mind on”) comes from the Lunyu, II.4 (the preposition yu/ŏ 于 is often interchangeable with its homophone yu/ŏ 於).

22

Farewell Words to Teacher Sim1

1. To see people off with words is a way of establishing mutual magnanimity. As for me, I am poor and my purse is empty of even a single golden coin. So, please let me honor you with one word, which is “rest.”2 2. Under heaven, there is no living being or thing that does not have its own proper resting point. As for heaven, we know that its resting point is situated above. As for earth, we know that its resting point lies below.3 Soaring mountains and flowing rivers, flying birds and walking beasts: we know that all of them have their own resting point and there is no trouble with that. 3. As for us human beings, we especially cannot be without our own resting point. But the resting point is certainly not the same for everyone, so every man must know where he ought to stop and rest. For example, fathers and sons stop at gratitude, and princes and ministers stop at righteousness. This is a law inherited by all living things at birth. 4. Even with regard to the need for drinking, eating, and wearing clothes, as well as the act of looking, listening, talking, and moving, how could it be possible that each of these actions has no resting point? To develop this argument, movement finds refuge in stillness, and hard work finds consolation in leisure. Seized with tongs, what was burning hot immediately cools down, and, in a state of utter exhaustion, one drops off to sleep. Movement and hard work cannot help but stop in stillness and leisure. Heat and exhaustion cannot help but stop in coolness and sleep. This is just so, there is no need to resort to a knowledgeable man to know that this is where to stop. 5. What the noble man values in Learning is that it allows him to know where to rest. If one does not know where to rest while learning, how would this be different to not learning at all? Literature and art are also part of the same Learning. We must be rigorous in creating the steps of a training program and dedicate all our efforts to following it. Only then will we meet the targets that we have set for ourselves. Once this is done, the blunt parts of the art that we have been studying until that point will have sharpened 164

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and we will obtain results. And when one does not drop everything to indulge in idleness,4 what could this mean but that one has become amply knowledgeable about what is called “to stop”? When doing things, there are boundaries and limits. One cannot get things done from beginning to end without following some kind of order. 6. You, Master Taegwan, study poetry. In your youth, you devoted your energy to it and you did not put your efforts on hold in your old age. Your compositions are sturdy, elegant, and truthful, and they come close to the Lessons from the States and the Sorrow of Parting.5 Now, you have already completed a manuscript; one can say that you have been diligent! As for your position, you do not diminish it by considering it as too low a task and you devote yourself to it according to your ability to listen to heaven. Even though you have now become a secondary state official6 while being a white-headed man, you do not show indignation in the end; one can say that this is praiseworthy! 7. I also know that, appointed as a teacher in Kaesŏng, not a day goes by without your overseeing lessons. You have embraced your responsibility and have been motivated to achieve results, such that the less-advanced boys have become leopards that change coats7 and inchworms that stretch out to their full length.8 One can say that it has been hard work! 8. In my opinion, you are still strong at seventy; one cannot say that you have not lived long. As for your position, you are above highly ranked officials; one cannot say that this is not commendable. Besides, you are renowned as a talented poet; one cannot say that you have achieved nothing. Not only have you lived long, but you have also been considered a worthy person; and, on top of that, in your spare time as a teacher, you have given your contribution to everlasting literary fame.9 So, concerning what I have said before about “meeting the targets that we have set for ourselves,” it seems that it can be said that you may be fully satisfied with yourself. 9. From now on, I know that you are no longer able to use your strength. In this situation, is it not time to settle down and be free to wander and roam along tranquil shores? The Changes say, “Resting when it is the time to rest, and acting when it is the time to act.”10 Indeed, “acting when it is the time to act” means resting by acting, and “resting when it is the time to rest” means resting by resting. 10. When one is sitting in a state of “resting in the proper resting place,”11 composing poetry need not turn into bitter moaning, and holding a position need not become rushing about at a full gallop. The same goes for external appearances: one need not feel exhilarated and fidget in order to think. Why on earth are you going back and forth in such an unsettled way, incapable of resting?

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11. In his twilight years, Master Confucius no longer dreamed of the Duke of Zhou.12 He knew how to rest in the proper resting place. Master Shao13 said in a poem, “I have not read books for twenty years.” He knew that he had to stop reading. He also said, “To not stay quiet while enjoying idleness is the first type of faulty thinking. To not stop working when getting old is the second type of faulty thinking.”14 This means that he knew that when enjoying idleness, one must stop at quietness, and when getting old, one must stop at rest. Enjoying idleness without staying quiet and getting old without resting, is this not faulty thinking? 12. Sir, since you are already in your old age and have spare time, it is the opportune moment to sit and forget everything15 without getting restless, and to let both your body and mind rest in a state of no thought and no action.16 What is called no thought and no action is different from the nirvana17 of the Buddha,18 the nothingness19 of Lao Dan,20 the nine ways to observe men’s hidden sides21 of Yukou,22 the resistance against the six elemental influences23 of Zhuang Zhou,24 and the lead and the mercury25 of Boyang.26 13. Although all these people think that there is no learning under heaven that is more valuable than their techniques, what they do, when impartially assessed, drives them inexorably to stagnate and trap themselves in a corner.27 How could these be comparable to the Way of us Confucians, which is grandly central and entirely correct,28 considers both substance and function, and gives unity between movement and stillness, without separating the conspicuous and the latent! Generally speaking, where we must rest is here and not elsewhere. 14. That is how it is, but how should one go about achieving this rest at the point where there is no thought and no mistake? It has been said: “Holding on to reverence and observing the Patterning Principle.”29 This is the method. “Reverence means staying always concentrated and singleminded.”30 When handling one thing, one should stop at handling it, and when dealing with one matter, one should stop at dealing with it, without being distracted by other things. Then the mind will be able to stay focused, and even when things and matters have been dealt with and are gone, it will keep concentrated easily and, being crystal clear, it will be exactly as empty as a gleaming mirror.31 15. However, what should be taken into consideration if we are not yet used to holding on to reverence, that when it is needed to keep our mind concentrated, there are few people who will not get stuck in stopping. If we are stuck in stopping, we will wear ourselves out even more. One must maintain reverence for a while to become able to stay in quietness to then master movement. Then, outwardly, one will not get stuck in stopping,

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and inwardly, one will rest without sluggishness. After that, one will have almost reached the state of no thought and no action. 16. A tablet engraved with the words “great observation”32 hangs in your study. For what is called great observation, I am afraid that there is no greater thing than “resting in the proper resting place.” Sir, you have been endowed with the manners of the ancients, and when conducting yourself in society, you are forbearing and kind to all.33 You do not behave in an ostentatious34 or unconventional way. If you could become aware of what is called “the proper place to rest” and “the proper time to rest” and just rest in them, even though you gallop neck to neck with petty officials, your situation would not be hopeless. 17. If you stride along in haste, only setting your sights on the altar of Li35 and Du36 and indulging in your passion for the right poetical expression, you run the risk of not being classed equal to Zhao playing on the lute.37 As it is often said, poetry can give people feelings of amusement and a cheerful disposition. This can only make sense provided that one does not hinder the resolution to study, that one finds peace in observing fate while holding a position,38 and that one only gives up when one sinks into death.39 18. These days, I have been reading the Book of Changes and I have found the character “stop” in the divination sentence on Kan. As you are about to leave, I expanded its explanation to give it to you as a farewell present.

Notes 1. Sim Ŭi 沈義 (b. 1475), son of Sim Ŭng 沈膺 (n.d.), a Merit subject during King Sejo’s reign, and brother of Second State Counselor Sim Chŏng 沈貞 (1471–1531), passed the Higher Civil Service Examination in 1507 and became Third Diarist at the Office of Royal Decrees the same year. When he was an Assistant Section Chief at the Board of Taxation in 1509, he criticized the power of the high officials. He was then downgraded to a simple teacher (kyosu 敎授, sixth rank position) under the jurisdiction of the Bureau of Yŏju 驪州 in Kyŏnggi Province. This farewell letter by Hwadam must have been written at that time. Later, after sending an admonition to the throne, Sim Ŭi gained the king’s trust and was successively appointed bailiff at the Office of Inspector-General and Assistant Section Chief at the Board of Works. However, after he was accused of stealing state property, he was dismissed. Known as both a lunatic and a straightforward person, he was not overly appreciated by his contemporaries, apart from Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk and Sŏng Sech’ang 成世昌 (1481–1548), a disciple of Kim Koengp’il. He is also rumored to have stolen his rich elder brother’s estates. 2. On this notion of “stop/stopping,” or “rest/resting” (zhi/chi 止), there are many classical references to which Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is most probably alluding. Cf. Yijing, hexagram 52, but also Lunyu, IX.19, and Zhuangzi, 2.

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3. In the Yellow River Chart (see explanations in notes 8 and 9 of “On the Distinctive Characteristics of Hot Springs”), Heaven, which represents “old yang,” is located in the South, meaning at the top of the chart. Earth, which represents “old yin,” is in the North, at the bottom. 4. The expression tuiting/t’oech’ŏng 退聽 appears in the commentary on the hexagram 52 ( gen 艮). 5. Feng Sao/P’ung So 風騷 is an abbreviation composed of the respective second characters of “Guofeng/Kukp’ung” 國風 (“Lessons from the States”) in the Shijing, and of “Lisao/Iso” 離騷 (“Sorrow of Parting”) by the famous Chinese poet Qu Yuan 屈原 (339–278 B.C.E.). 6. See note 1 above on Sim Ŭi’s biography. 7. This allusion to leopards refers to their richly spotted coats, which shine as time goes by, especially in the fall. The expression appears in the Yijing, in the “General Commentary” as well as the commentary on the last, upper line of the hexagram 49 ( ge 革). 8. The image of inchworms stretching out to their full length is a metaphor for striving towards one’s goal. 9. The expression buxiu/pulhu 不朽, which is commonly used to mean “eternal,” is deeply linked to literary writing. Originally, it comes from the Lunwen/Nonmun 論文 (Essay on Writings) by Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226), which is one of the founding texts of Chinese classical literary criticism, where it means an enduring literary fame. The idea of “rotten wood” (xiumu/humok 朽木) also appears in a famous passage of the Lunyu, where it is related to the notion of “carving” (diao/cho 雕). This notion was a common metaphor for literary craft in other texts, as shown by the very title of another important text of literary criticism, the monumental Wenxin diaolong/ Munsim choyong 文心雕龍 (The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons) by Liu Xie 劉勰 (465–522). Cf. Lunyu, V.10. 10. Cf. Yijing, hexagram 52, gen 艮. 11. The expression zhizhi/chiji 止止 comes from the Zhuangzi, 4. The whole passage, which features Confucius talking with his favorite disciple, Yan Hui, is worth reading in order to fully understand Hwadam’s meaning in this letter. 12. This is a reference to a passage from the Lunyu, VII.5. 13. Shao Yong. 14. This is both an incorrect and incomplete quotation, probably quoted from memory by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk. The exact poem by Shao Yong, which is entitled “The Three Faulty Thinkings” (sanhuo/samhok 三惑), reads: “Not to stop working when getting old is the first type of faulty thinking. Not to be delighted when in peace is the second type of faulty thinking. Not to stay quiet when enjoying idleness is the third type of faulty thinking. These three ways of faulty thinking are self-inflicted violence.” The last part concerns an expression coming from the Mengzi, VI.A.1. 15. The famous expression zuowang/chwamang 坐忘, also used in Buddhism, originally comes from the Zhuangzi, 6. 16. Cf. Yijing, “Xici,” A. The notion of “no action” or “non-action” (wuwei/muwi 無為) is one shared by Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism, but with different connotations and meanings.

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17. Jimie/chŏkmyŏl 寂滅 is the Chinese translation of the Buddhist notion of nirvana, which means “to die out” or “to fade away.” 18. Qutan/Kutam 瞿曇 is the Chinese transliteration of the name of Siddhartha Gautama (563–485 B.C.E.), the historical Buddha. His other name, Sakyamuni Buddha, transliterated in Chinese as Shijiamouni/Sŏkkamuni 释迦牟尼, is more frequently used, often abbreviated, to designate Buddhism in general. 19. The notion of “nothingness” or “absolute vacancy” (xuwu/hŏmu 虛無) is commonly defined as Daoist, and designates the ultimate nature of the Dao—the Way. However, contrary to what Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk says here, it does not appear in the Daodejing, traditionally attributed to Laozi. It does appear in other texts of Daoist obedience, such as the Zhuangzi, the Huainanzi, and the Wenzi. See, for example, a passage in relation to the notion of “no action”/“non-action” (wuwei/muwi 無為) previously mentioned by Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk in Zhuangzi, 15. 20. Lao Dan/No Tam 老聃 is the nickname of Li Er 李耳, better known as Laozi 老子. 21. Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is probably alluding to the anecdote described in the Zhuangzi, 32, where Confucius defines nine successive tests to discover an inferior man. 22. Yukou 禦寇 is the first name of Lie Yukou 列禦寇 (Warring States Period; ca. 400 B.C.E.), better known as Master Lie (Liezi 列子), who supposedly authored the eponymous Daoist text the Liezi/Yŏlcha 列子. Lie Yukou does not appear as a master in the Shiji, but he is mentioned in various texts from the so-called Hundred Schools of Thought, like the Zhuangzi, the Guanzi/Kwanja 管子, the Mozi/Mukcha 墨子, the Hanfeizi/Hanbija 韓非子, etc. As explained in the previous note, the anecdote to which Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is alluding here actually features Confucius and not Lie Yukou. 23. Cf. Zhuangzi, 11. 24. Zhuang Zhou is better known as Zhuangzi (Master Zhuang). The anecdote to which Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk is alluding appears in the Zhuangzi, but the two protagonists are in fact Yun Jiang and Hong Mang. Cf. Zhuangzi, 11. 25. Lead and mercury are the two basic materials used to concoct the pills of immortality in the Daoist tradition. 26. Wei Boyang 魏伯陽 (n.d.), an expert on the Yijing, is supposed to have written, around the second century, the first book of alchemy in China, the Can­ tongqi/Ch’amdonggye 參同契, also called the Zhouyi cantongqi/Chuyŏk ch’amdonggye 周易參同契 (Token for the Agreement of the Three [According to the Book of Changes]). 27. The expression yikao/igo 夷考 (“impartially assessed”) comes from the Mengzi. The whole passage is of interest here, as it features Mencius analyzing some of Confucius’s deeds and sayings, described in a few short passages in the Lunyu, and concluding that the Confucian tradition favors the middle way. Cf. Mengzi, VII.B.37. 28. These two expressions are loci classici from, respectively, the Yijing and the Liji. Cf. Yijing, hexagram 14 (da you 大有), and Liji, 9. 29. The full expression appears in the Zhuzi yülei, 19, xue san 學三. The expression, “holding on to reverence” is very common and widely used by Cheng Yi, Zhu Xi, and many Neo-Confucians. 30. This is a quotation of the commentary made by Zhu Xi in his Lunyu jizhu on the Lunyu, I.5.

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31. The mirror is a common metaphor for the sage’s Mind-and-Heart. It is especially important in the Zhuangzi, 5 and 13. 32. The expression daguan/taekwan 大觀, literally translated here as “great observation,” comes from the Yijing, hexagram 20 ( guan 觀). 33. Cf. Liji, 41. 34. The expression yayi/aeri 崖異, translated here as “ostentatious,” appears in the Zhuangzi, 12. 35. Li Bai 李白 (701–762), also known as Li Bo, a famous poet of the Tang dynasty. 36. Du Fu 杜甫 (712–770), another famous poet of the Tang dynasty. 37. Cf. Zhuangzi, 2. 38. The expression “to find peace in observing fate” comes from Cheng Yi’s commentary on the last line of the last hexagram of the Book of Changes: hexagram 64, wei ji 未濟. Cf. Yichuan yizhuan, IV. 39. Cf. Liji, 39.

23

Inscriptions on a Stringless Zither1

1. A zither, but without string: substance has been preserved and function abandoned, which does not mean that function has really been abandoned. Stillness embraces motion. Listening to it on the basis of sounds is not as good as “listening to it through the absence of sounds.”2 Enjoying it at the level of forms is not as good as enjoying it through the absence of forms. It is only by enjoying it through the absence of forms that one can glean its limits. It is only by listening to it through the absence of sounds that one can glean its subtleties. Outwardly, one gets it from what is there; inwardly, one merges with what is not there. Faced with the prospect of being delighted therein, why would one struggle with exercising on strings? 2. Instead of using its strings, use the unstrummed strings, the melody3 shaped by musical pitches. I am in tune with the natural order4 and I enjoy it thanks to its sounds. Enjoying the resounding sounds is not listening with the ears, but with the heart.5 Guided by such an aspiration, how could I lend an ear to my zither?

Notes 1. The image of the stringless zither is frequently associated with the Chinese poet Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427), who is said to have wandered here and there, carrying and even “playing” the stringless zither. Another famous poet, Ruan Ji 阮‌籍 (210–263), one of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove (zhulin qixian/chungnim ch’ilhyŏn 竹林七賢), is also known for carrying a stringless zither. The stringless zither is therefore related to other poetic and philosophical themes, such as being one with nature and leading a life of eremitism. The zither itself (qin/kŭm 琴 or guqin/kogŭm 古琴) has seven strings and no bridge. It is one of the most common iconographic and symbolic emblems of the literatus, like calligraphy, painting, and chess. The Korean kŏmungo, which is longer, has only six strings and a movable bridge. Sometimes, the Chinese word is translated as “lute” in English, probably for the sake of poetic rendering, but this is incorrect, since the traditional qin does not have a neck.

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2. The expression comes from the Hanshu. Cf. Hanshu, 94, “Biography of the Xiongnu.” 3. Gong/kung 宮 and shang/sang 商 are two of the so-called five tonalities of ancient Chinese music, the wuyin/oŭm 五音. When combined, however, these two characters mean most often “melody” or “tune.” 4. This sentence, translated here as “I am in tune with the natural order” to stay in the semantic field of music, might be an allusion to a very similar phrase in the Yijing, which reads “the sun and the moon, realizing in themselves the course of Heaven.” Cf. Yijing, hexagram 32 (heng 恆). 5. Cf. Zhuangzi, 4.

24

Inscription on a Zither

Bowing your strokes, thrilled is my heart! Playing the five pitches, outwards nothing bursts! Harmonized according to their measures, that’s heaven taking its seasonal course! Harmonized according to proper virtuosity, here is the phoenix ­gamboling in time!1 Bowing in harmony, one returns to Tang and Yu!2 All cleansed, one is in the company of heaven!3 To that lofty and far-reaching melody,4 whoever would lend an ear? Complicated yet simple, its flavor remains to be tasted!

Notes 1. As was specified by Kim Hakchu in his Korean translation, this is probably a reference to the Shujing, “Yu Shu,” Yi and Ji 益稷, 5. 2. Tang 唐 and Yu 虞 are alternative names of emperors Yao 堯 and Shun 舜, the mythical sovereigns of antiquity revered by Confucians. Cf. Lunyu, VIII.20. 3. This expression comes from the Zhuangzi, 4. 4. This expression, translated here as “lofty and far-reaching” (eyang/ayang 峨‌洋), is probably a reference to a passage from the Liezi, V, where Bo Ya 伯牙 from antiquity is playing the zither. This image of Bo Ya also appears in the Confucian text of the Xunzi/Sunja 荀子, in the chapter dealing with Learning. Cf. Xunzi, I.7.

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25

Chronological Biography

1. Twentieth year of King Sŏnjong’s reign, year kiyu [1489], second year of the hongzhi era. Second month, seventeenth day. The master was born in Hwajŏngni in Songgyŏng. His mother, Lady Han, dreamed that she entered the Confucian Temple and she later found out she was pregnant. She then gave birth to the master. 2. Twenty-first year, kyŏngsul. 3. Twenty-second year, sinhae. 4. Twenty-third year, imja. 5. Twenty-fourth year, kyech’uk. 6. Twenty-fifth year, kabin. 7. First year of Yŏnsangun, ŭlmyo [1495]. The master was seven years old. Intelligent and bright, resolute and upright, he respectfully trusted the word of elderly people. 8. Second year, pyŏngjin. 9. Third year, chŏngsa. 10. Fourth year, muo. 11. Fifth year, kimi. 12. Sixth year, kyŏngsin. 13. Seventh year, sinyu. 14. Eighth year, imsul [1502]. The master was fourteen years old. In Songgyŏng, there was someone who lectured on the Classics. The master went to see him and received instruction in the Book of Documents. When reaching [the passage about a round year consisting of] three hundred [and sixty-six days], the man was no longer willing to teach him and said, “Few people in the world are able to understand what this text means.” The master found this strange, went back home, and, after thinking carefully about it for fifteen days, realized that it is also possible to understand books by thinking about them on one’s own. 15. Ninth year, kyehae. 174

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16. Tenth year, kapcha. 17. Eleventh year, ŭlch’uk. 18. First year of King Chungjong [1506], first year of the zhengde era. The master was eighteen years old. While reading the Great Learning, he came across the sentence “the extension of knowledge lies in the investigation of things” and said with a deep sigh, “If, when learning, things are not investigated first what would be the use of reading texts?” Then he ended up writing down the names of all things and beings between heaven and earth, pasted them on the walls and spent entire days busying himself with unraveling principles and investigating things. 19. Second year, chŏngmyo [1507]. The master was nineteen years old. He got married to Lady Yi of the T’aean clan, the daughter of sŏnggyorang Kyejong. (The exact date remains uncertain. It has been tentatively traced back to this year.) 20. Third year, mujin [1508]. The master was twenty years old. He once said, “When I turned twenty, I decided never to make the same mistake twice.” 21. Fourth year, kisa [1509]. The master was twenty-one years old. He remained sitting upright in a room, thinking so deeply and painfully that he could not distinguish one flavor from another when he was eating and he did not sleep for several days in a row. After three years living like this, he finally became ill. Even though he then wanted to stop thinking, he could not help doing so. 22. Fifth year, kyŏngo. 23. Sixth year, sinmi. 24. Seventh year, imsim. 25. Eighth year, kyeyu. 26. Ninth year, kapsul. 27. Tenth year, ŭrhae. 28. Eleventh year, pyŏngja. 29. Twelfth year, chŏngch’uk. 30. Thirteenth year, muin. 31. Fourteenth year, kimyo [1519]. The master was thirty-one years old. At that time, the court drew up a selection of worthy men through recommendations. Of the 120 persons selected by recommendation, the master was in first place. He refused the honor and did not show up. 32. Fifteenth year, kyŏngjin. 33. Sixteenth year, sinsa. 34. Seventeenth year, imo [1522], first year of the jiajing era.

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The master was thirty-four years old. In the summer, he trekked through the Songni and Chiri mountains. (There are a few poems commemorating this journey.) 35. Eighteenth year, kyemi. 36. Nineteenth year, kapsin. 37. Twentieth year, ŭryu. 38. Twenty-first year, pyŏngsul. 39. Twenty-second year, chŏnghae. 40. Twenty-third year, muja. 41. Twenty-fourth year, kich’uk. 42. Twenty-fifth year, kyŏngin. 43. Twenty-sixth year, sinmyo [1530]. The master was forty-three years old. The master had generally disliked studying for Higher Civil Service Examination until then. But at the command of his mother, he sat for the test and passed the Classics Licentiate examinations. The honorable Cho Ŏnsu, who passed the exam the same year, said, “I feel honored that a certain Sŏ is on my roster.” 44. Twenty-seventh year, imjin. 45. Twenty-eighth year, kyesa. 46. Twenty-ninth year, kabo. 47. Thirtieth year, ŭlmi. 48. Thirty-first year, pyŏngsin. 49. Thirty-second year, chŏngyu. 50. Thirty-third year, musul. 51. Thirty-fourth year, kihae. 52. Thirty-fifth year, kyŏngja [1540]. The master was fifty-two years old. Academician Kim Anguk recommended the master to the court. 53. Thirty-sixth year, sinch’uk. 54. Thirty-seventh year, imin. 55. Thirty-eighth year, kyemyo. 56. Thirty-ninth year, kapchin [1544]. The master was fifty-six years old. He was appointed Caretaker of the Hurŭng royal shrine,1 but did not show up. In winter, King Chungjong passed away. State regulations determined that, instead of proper mourning garments, Confucian students of the Royal Academy would wear only light-colored hats and clothes for three years. The master said, “How can there be no funeral attire for the mourning of our king and father?” Then, observing the ancient rites, he wore even sackcloth for three months. The master was bedridden for a long time because of illness. He said,

Translation

177

“The words of Sages and worthies have already been supplemented with commentaries and explanations by previous Confucians; it is not necessary to pile on more layers of exegesis. But I want to write something about what has not yet been revealed in them yet. Today, though I am seriously ill, I still cannot leave this untransmitted.” Then he wrote down four manuscripts containing “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy,” “Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy,” “Explanation of the Supreme Void,” “Discussions about Spirits and Spiritual Forces, Death and Life,” and so forth. 57. First year of King Injong, ŭlsa [1545]. The master was fifty-seven years old. At that time, regulations on mourning garments for deceased kings were not strict regarding untrimmed sackcloth. After the sacrifice of repose and the end of the wailing, everybody wore the black cap and went about their business. The master thought that this did not conform to ancient regulations. So, he quoted the explanations provided in canonical texts on rituals and wrote a memorial to the throne expressing himself freely and thoroughly and asking for corrective action. The rough outline is, “The Sage ‘takes patterns from heaven’ and sees ‘the effect of its laws on earth.’ The rules set up from head to toe, for upper and lower parts of clothing, the exact measurements for cutting the hempen badge, the piled collars, and the back panel of hemp cloth, as well as the expressions of deep sorrow and irreparable loss they reveal, all these things have their deeper meanings.2 Today it has all been cast aside, only the long linen garment is used and the existing standards are now the same as those of the commoners’ mourning clothes.”3 He also said, “Letting both the king and ministers wear the dark-colored cap while going about their daily affairs in court right after the cessation of the wailing sacrifice is behavior which goes against the rites of mourning.4 How crazy! What nonsense! Following the instructions of the Sages and complying with the laws of sage kings, that is the only thing to do.5 As you commence your mourning, wear the conical white cap with sackcloth band round it. When the mourning garment is made, put on the untrimmed sackcloth made with three sheng of hempen threads and the cap made with six sheng. After the cessation of the wailing sacrifice, exchange them with a sackcloth of finer fabric made with six sheng and a cap made with seven sheng. After the grass cloth garment and hempen waist band are worn, both the prince and ministers wear the white cap with the simple headband of sackcloth. When things are done like this, how could it be that one does not follow prescriptions?”6 He also added, “The Sages have established the regulation of the five mourning grades: the literati and those above them, the various officials, must wear untrimmed sackcloth for three years; below the literati, commoners and those among them who hold

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a low-level position must wear even sackcloth for three months.7 But today, to lessen the great emotion expressed by the wearing of even sackcloth and replace it by the light-colored clothes worn for a visit of condolence, or to give more weight to the lightness expressed by the mourning for three months and extend it to the length of the mourning for three years, are all errors of assessments in the rule distinguishing what is essential from what is auxiliary in the balance between emotions and ritual civility.”8 At the end of the memorial, he also discussed the problem of royal mounds.9 In the end, the memorial was never sent to the throne. In the seventh month, King Injong passed away. The master wore even sackcloth for three months. It was rumored that the deceased king had written the names of the master and Chŏng Pukch’ang in the interstice of a folding screen; he had counted on selecting them as two of the Three High State Councilors, but this wish was not fulfilled. 58. First year of King Myŏngjong, pyŏngo [1546]. The master was fifty-eight years old. On the seventh day of the seventh month, he breathed his last in his study in Hwadam [The Florid Pool]. The master had been sick since the winter of year kapchin [1544] and had been confined to his bed. But that day, overcoming his illness, he asked his attendant to lift him and carry him to the pool where he bathed. At meal time, he passed away. When his end was approaching, one of his disciples had asked him, “Master, how are you feeling now?” The master replied, “It has already been a long time since I came to understand the principles behind life and death. I feel at peace.” Eighth month. He was buried on the ridge behind the Florid Pool. 59. Twenty-first year, pyŏngin [1566]. Magistrate Wŏlchŏng, Yun Kŭnsu was summoned to come to the capital. At this occasion, the honorable Yuk Kwangjo, who was First Proctor at the time, asked him, “Do you think that there is anyone in the country who has been able to understand Confucius and Mencius’s training of the Mindand-Heart as well as Kija’s Divisions and science of numbers?” Honorable Yun answered by quoting the master along with others such as Hanwŏn and Chŏngam. Concerning the master, he also added, “That Sŏ was a man from the Kaesŏng Prefecture. He led a reclusive life in Hwadam, studying and explaining the Learning of Nature and Principle, and was also wellversed in numerology. He was summoned many times by the king but he never went to court and finished his life at home.” At the beginning of Sŏnjo’s reign, Chinese emissaries, the honorable Xu Guo and Wei Shiliang, asked if there was, in the Eastern land, someone who knew about Confucius and Mencius’s Learning of the Mind-andHeart. Marquis Munsun, Yi Hwang answered by quoting the master, along

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179

with Hanhwŏn, Ildu, Chŏngam, Mojae. The following year, honorable Ou Xiji came and again asked whether there was someone comparable to the Cheng brothers and Zhu Xi. Miam, Yu Hŭich’un and Kobong, Ki Taesŭng gave the same answer. 60. Fifth year of King Sŏnjo, imsin [1572], sixth year of the longqing era. Ninth month. Royal lecturer Cho Chŏnggi wrote in a memorial, “It is common knowledge that Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk was a recognized Confucian, because he truly practiced the learning and also educated people. But at the time of King Myŏngjong, when it was decided to bestow a posthumous title upon him, some government officials only took the title of ninth rank Assistant Caretaker he was offered in his lifetime into account and gave him the posthumous title of Assistant Section Chief, which did not match people’s expectations.” The king said, “Not considering his virtuous behavior and only taking into account the position he had been offered in his lifetime as a measurement of his qualities is indeed certainly not admissible.” 61. Sixth year, kyeyu [1573], first year of the wanli era. Fifth month. Chijungch’u Hong Sŏm, from the Office of Ministers-­ without-Portfolio, lecturer Chŏng Chongyŏng and special lecturer Yun Hyŏn, from the Office of Royal Lectures, and uyun Yun Kŭnsu from the Ministry of Capital City, wrote a memorial saying, “Even though Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk focused his learning on numbers, the good faith he has demonstrated and the writings he left outshone that of previous Confucians. But only the title of Assistant Section Chief has been bestowed upon him. We plead that he be conferred a new posthumous title.” Yu Hŭich’un said, “The issue of Kyŏngdŏk’s focus on numbers is just the same as that of Shao Kangjie and Cai Yuanding’s relationship with Cheng/Zhu learning. This is why even though Yi Hwang said that his scholarship was unreliable, he nevertheless acknowledged that as far as virtuous conduct was concerned, he was irreproachable.” The Prefect of Kaesŏng Nam Ŭngun and kyŏngnyŏk Sŏng Sugin from the prefectural administration built a shrine in the former place of residence of Munch’ung, Chŏng Mongju to perform sacrifices and they also ritually honored the master there. 62. Seventh year [eighth year], ŭrhae [1575].10 Fifth month. Court councilors plead to bestow another posthumous title upon the master. The king said, “Many texts written by Kyŏngdŏk discuss Vital Energy and numbers without alluding to the issue of self-cultivation. I am not mistaken; this is numerology, is it not? Moreover, there are many dubious aspects of his way of learning and practicing.” First Councilor Yi I responded, “The way Kyŏngdŏk used to learn and practice is most cer­tainly not what beginners in learning should imitate. His learning comes from Hengqu, Zhang Zai, and what he wrote can be described as in accordance

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with the teachings of the Sages and worthies, but I am not sure of this. Yet, what people usually call a scholar is just someone who mimics the words of previous Confucians to express himself without understanding anything in his own Mind-Heart. Many of Kyŏngdŏk’s profound thoughts and farreaching achievements are proof of his subtle and excellent understanding of things in his very core. This is truly quite to the opposite of the philological and belletristic learning.” Whereupon the king gave his consent and ordered that the title of Great Officer of Sungnok Greatly Correcting and Strengthening the State, Third State Councilor of the State Council, Lecturer of the Office of Royal Lectures and Annalist of the Office of Spring and Autumn be bestowed upon him. The king also conferred an honorific name, Mungang, composed of the characters mun, signifying an erudition matching one’s moral conduct, and kang, for the comprehension of the fundamentals. 63. Seventeenth year [eighteenth year], ŭryu [1585]. A tombstone was erected in front of his grave. The inscription was composed by Senior Military Commander Pak Minhŏn, handwritten by sixthgrade rank officer Han Ho, and carved by Assistant Director Nam Ŭngun. 64. Thirty-seventh year [thirty-eighth year], ŭlsa [1605]. After the death of the master, his disciples honorable Pak Minhŏn and Hŏ Yŏp collected and compiled his poetry and prose in an edition intended for circulation. Afterwards, this edition vanished due to the ravages of war. Then the magistrate of Ŭnsan County, Hong Pang, made a new compilation that was engraved. 65. First year of Kwanghaegun, kiyu [1609]. The graves of the master’s parents were located at the foot of Yongam Mountain. During his lifetime, the master built a study there where he often went to rest. All of his students went to study with him at this place called Hwadam. Afterwards, the prefect, honorable Hong Isang, joined with many local scholars to build on this ground a shrine in order to perform sacrifices. It is also in this place that Saam Pak Sun, Chodang Hŏ Yŏp, and Sŭpchŏng Min Sun, who were all disciples of the master, are also ritually honored. 66. Sixth year, kabin [1614]. The Hwagok Academy was granted the honor of a royal inscription. Kim Tam, along with other Confucian scholars from the Kyŏnggi region, addressed a memorial to the throne asking for the master to be enshrined in the Confucian Temple. High officials were put in charge of dealing with this matter. Yi Hangbok was busy discussing the enshrinement of the Five Worthies11 at the time and did not take care of this issue, which was never solved and ended up being set aside. (The exact date of this affair remains uncertain. It has been tentatively traced back to this year.) 67. Nineteenth year of King Sukchong, kyeyu [1633].

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181

The king was in Songdo. He dispatched officials from the Office of Royal Decrees with instructions to perform a sacrifice at the Hwagok Academy. 68. Sixteenth year of King Yŏngjong, kyŏngsin [1680]. The king was in Songdo. He dispatched officials from the Office of Royal Decrees with instructions to perform a sacrifice at the Hwagok Academy.

Notes 1. See note 18 of Won Inson’s preface and note 2 of “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Chungjong Declining Appointment.” 2. See paragraph 5 of “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Injong Discussing the Error of Not Following the Ancients in the Regulations for Official Royal Mourning.” 3. See idem, paragraph 6. 4. See idem, paragraph 12. 5. See idem, paragraph 13. 6. See idem, paragraph 14. The phrasing here is slightly different from the memorial. 7. See idem, paragraph 24. 8. See idem, paragraph 25. 9. See idem, paragraphs 32 to 36. 10. 1575. There is an error in the original text; it should read “the eighth year.” 11. Kim Koengp’il, Chŏng Yŏch’ang, Cho Kwangjo, Yi Ŏnjŏk, Yi Hwang.

26

Tombstone Inscription— with Additional Note Composed by Sŭlgan, Pak Minhŏn

1. “The sage is the master of a hundred generations.”1 For those who were not born during his lifetime, however, it is possible to praise him but it is not possible to have been taught by him directly. And for those who were born at the same time, if his circle had not retained this noble man’s deeds, his teachings would never have been heard. Are these two situations not proof that it is not because one does not have a sage as a master that one cannot pursue his Way? 2. Mencius said to Cao Jiao, “The Way is like a great road. It is not difficult to know it. The failing people have is simply that they do not seek it. If you, Sir, will go back home and seek it, you will have more than enough teachers.”2 The expression “to have more than enough teachers” is used here to describe human nature. Indeed, when one’s nature is well blended, and the myriad patterns of the Principle are thus complete and ready, one can preserve it through dedication even before the emotions are aroused, so that when one acts according to what has been aroused, there is nothing that cannot be considered a teacher. If one adjusted naturally to circumstances when reacting to external things, what better manner would there be to imitate the Way under heaven? 3. However, if one denies through one’s actions the benefit of perspicacity, shrewdness, and seclusion, how can one be aware that our nature, in its genuineness, itself can be a teacher? This land where the master was born is the land of Kija.3 But generations passed and the time of Kija is now distant, and his Way sunk completely into oblivion without being transmitted. Yet, the nature that the master received is the nature of Yao and Shun, and that is why we could just rest on the vision of this starting thread, which serves as a teacher, and we have finally succeeded in hearing our Way.4 4. The master’s clan name is Sŏ, his posthumous name Kyŏngdŏk, his 182

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courtesy name Kagu, and he used to call himself Pokchae and Hwadam. He was a man from Tangsŏng.5 His great-grandfather was a literate man whose posthumous name was Tŭkpu. His grandfather was a chinyong kyowi and a pusayong whose posthumous name was Sun’gyŏng. His father was a suŭibuwi whose posthumous name was Hobŏ. His mother was Lady Han of Poan.6 From his grandfather’s time, the family had lived in P’ungdŏk,7 but when his honorable father married Lady Han in Songgyŏng, that is where they settled down. Because of the poverty of his household, the honorable grandfather made his living by plowing other people’s land, and he was very fair when he divided the shares of grain, he was very just, so the landlord trusted him and did not watch over him when he determined his share of the harvest. 5. In the year pyŏngja [1516] of the zhengde era,8 Songgyŏng was burning and the flames raged everywhere, far and wide, so it was called a “heavenly blaze.” In the father’s house, the fire spread to the barn covered by a thatched roof. The honorable father burned incense and prayed to heaven like this: “All my life I have not dared to do any injustice.” Then all of a sudden, the wind rose and the thatched roof was blown off and carried away. People said that it was because heaven was moved by the accumulation of virtue over successive generations. His mother, Lady Han, dreamed that she entered the Confucian temple, and, on the seventeenth day of the second month of the year kiyu [1489] of the hongzhi era, she gave birth to the master in Hwajŏngni. From childhood, he was intelligent and bright, resolute and righteous, and he respectfully trusted the words of his elders. When asked to stand up, he stood up, and when asked to sit down, he sat down. 6. When he was near the age at which he set his mind on Learning,9 he started learning how to truly read books. In Songgyŏng, there was someone who lectured on the Classics. The master went to see him and received instruction in reading the Book of Documents. When reaching the passage about a round year consisting of three hundred [and sixty-six days],10 the man was no longer willing to teach him and said, “Not only is this a text that I myself have not studied, but few people in the world are able to understand what it means.” The master found this strange, went back home, and, after thinking carefully about it for fifteen days, realized that it is also possible to understand books by thinking about them on one’s own. 7. When the master was eighteen years old, he read the Great Learning and came across the sentence “the expansion of knowledge lies in the investigation of things.”11 He said with a deep sigh, “If, when learning, things are not investigated first, what would be the use of reading texts?” Then he ended up writing down the names of all things and beings between heaven and earth, pasted them on the walls, and spent entire days busying himself

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with fathoming principles and investigating things. When examining something, only once he had fully understood it would he move on to examining something else. When he could not completely grasp something, he ate without distinguishing one flavor from another, walked without knowing where he was going, and, even in the latrine, he stood up forgetting to relieve himself. He could also go without sleep for several nights in a row. But sometimes while his eyes were closed, he would fully understand in a dream, the meaning of what he had not previously grasped. Even though in the past others might have spent three years without looking at their gardens, or using a brazier in the winter or a fan in summer, they had never been as excessive. 8. When he was a little more than twenty years old, irrespective of whether it was daytime or nighttime, without wondering whether the weather was cold or hot, he sat upright in one single room for three years. Even though he had been blessed with strong vital energy, he thought so excessively deep that he finally got sick, and was incapable of going outdoors. Even though he then wanted to stop thinking, he could not manage to do so. He spent three more years in this state, and eventually his health improved a little bit. For six years, there was not a single thing that he had not investigated. It was as if he were separated from the original source of the Patterning Principle by only the thickness of a membrane. Thus, he had understood everything by the age of twenty-four or twenty-five. 9. Indeed, the ancients used to investigate underlying principles and extend knowledge through the teaching of the Great Learning, whereas the master’s investigation of things and extension of knowledge was done through the marvels of our original nature. From the outside, these approaches may look different, but when taking their results into consideration, in the end, deep down they lead towards the same thing. Why? Because it is the same Patterning Principle. It was only after he was confident in his own ideas that the master read the Four Books, the Six Classics, the Compendium on Nature and Principle, and other such books, and then his reading tallied approximately with what he had understood from his investigation of principles and the extension of knowledge. 10. The master said: “I have found out many things that I had not yet realized from reading books. Concerning the obscure wording and meanings in them, of which previous Confucians have said, ‘Who could understand, but the one who knows the Way?’ I happened to comprehend without devoting too much effort”; “If I do not keep my body straight whilst sitting upright, my thoughts are not collected and I am incapable of investigating principles and extending knowledge”; “Someone said in ancient times, ‘Think about it, think about it, the spirits will lead you to understanding,

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yet it is not the spirits that will understand, but rather your Mind-and-Heart that will understand on its own’ ”; “It is by attaining the Mean, according to which things are as they should be, that one can see the Patterning Principle as it is”; “The problem of the intertwined and composite nature of the Principle can be clarified when considered from the viewpoint of numbers”;12 “People know that it is possible to understand external figures and external numbers, but they do not know that it is difficult to understand internal figures and internal numbers.” 11. When things have been investigated and knowledge extended, it means that one has worked towards knowing one’s nature and knowing heaven.13 The master was not even thirty yet and had already investigated things and extended his knowledge. He also said: “It is only when I was fifty14 that my thoughts were sincere;15 such was the order of my learning process”; “When I was young, I did not have a wise teacher and I wasted energy working to no avail. Those who want to learn should not imitate me in this matter”; “Even though a wise man has high moral integrity in his behavior, if the attitude he shows is not sincere and natural, he will only end up becoming a suitable man, and should not ignore that he will inevitably take a step backwards”; “When I was twenty, I wanted only to never repeat my mistakes.”16 By nature, he was a man of extreme filial piety and he read the Book of Rites when he was mourning his parents. When he read the passage “Immediately after the death of his father, he looked grave and restless, as if he were seeking for something, and could not find it. When the coffining had taken place, he looked expectant, as if he were following someone and could not get up with him. After the interment he looked sad, and as if, not getting his father to return with him, he would wait for him,”17 he did not cease to weep.18 He was truly considerate with his brothers, and he educated his spouses with gentleness. If a dispute arose among his sons or younger siblings, he would settle it gently and never blame them with stern words. Throughout his life he disliked ostentatious behavior,19 and, when interacting with villagers, he talked cheerfully all day, without behaving any differently with them. 12. His household lived in extreme poverty. Sometimes, they had no food to cook for several days running but they remained always tranquil. When he guided his pupils in their studies and saw them make steady progress, joy shone on his features. Seeing how he concealed his tracks in the shades of mountains and forests, it would seem that he had no interest in worldly affairs, but whenever he heard about mistakes or failures in governance, he always expressed his concern with a sigh, for he had never forgotten the outside world. 13. In the latter years of his life, the master’s virtue was increasingly

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vigorous and was apparent in the brightness of his countenance and the suppleness of his back.20 Just looking at him, one could tell that he had acquired the Way. Local people were positively transformed by his virtue and, when a disagreement arose, they would not even consult local authorities sometimes and go instead to ask him to tackle the problem. 14. The year kimyo [1519] of the zhengde era, when the Selection of the Learned and Virtuous was set up, the master was selected for Songdo, but he refused the honor and did not take a position in office. The year sinmyo [1531] of the jiajing era, upon his venerable mother’s command, he went to the capital and came back after succeeding at the Licentiate examination. The year kapchin [1544], Academician Kim Anguk and students of the Royal Academy recommended him to fill the position of Caretaker of the Hurŭng royal shrine,21 but he did not show up. 15. That winter, King Chungjong went to heaven22 and state regulations determined that, instead of proper mourning garments, Confucian students of the Royal Academy would only wear light-colored hats and clothes for three years. The master said, “How can there be no funeral attire for the mourning of our king and father?” Then he wore even sackcloth for three months.23 That year, he also fell ill and his illness seemed to be almost incurable. The Master then said: “The words of Sages and worthies have already been supplemented with commentaries and explanations by previous Confucians. It is not necessary to pile on more layers of exegesis. But I want to write something about what has not yet been revealed in them yet. Today, ill as I am, I still cannot leave this untransmitted.”24 Then he wrote down “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy,” “The Explanation of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy,” and “The Explanation of the Supreme Void,”25 whilst leaning on a pillow. All of these are included in his Literary Collection. 16. When his illness had eased off a little, in the spring of the year ŭlsa [1545], he undertook to write a memorial discussing freely the mistake about royal mourning rites. But when the memorial was completed, in the end, it was never submitted—nobody knows why. It has been said that the late King Injong26 was just then occupying the mourning shed27 at that time and was in such deep sorrow that he feared being struck by unpredictable misfortune. In the seventh month, King Injong passed away, and the mourning regulations were just the same as before. 17. Ever since the winter of the year kapchin [1544], the master remained permanently bedridden, and, on the seventh day of the seventh month of year pyŏngo [1546], he passed away at dawn in his study in Hwadam. He was then fifty-eight years old. When he was approaching the moment of changing the mat,28 one of his disciples asked him, “Master, how are you

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feeling now?” The master replied, “It has already been a long time since I came to understand the principles behind life and death. I feel at peace.”29 When his students and the inhabitants of Songdo heard this, the road to his house was filled with people in tears. On the twelfth day of the eighth month of that year, he was buried on the ridge of the Florid Pool next to his parents’ graves in accordance with his wishes. 18. Today, thirty years after the master’s death, is the eighth year of our king’s reign [1575].30 Previously, under the reign of King Myŏngjong,31 a sixth-rank posthumous title had already been bestowed upon the master.32 But the censors33 have recently presented a group request to bestow a higherranking title upon him, and they have also petitioned to confer on him an honorific name. So, after ordering his high officials to discuss the matter,34 the king bestowed the title of Third State Councilor upon him and conferred a name, Mungang, composed of the character mun, for erudition matching one’s moral conduct, and kang, for the comprehension of the fundamentals. 19. Alas! It has been a long time since our Way had not been transmitted! Even though some of those who set their minds on the Way are certainly able persons and good-natured people, they all say that it is difficult to find wise teachers and they end up living as if drunk or dreaming.35 The master was able to mobilize his energy on his own to reach the level of human nature and to stand on his own feet in an outstanding way. He made all scholars aware of the fact that even without the transmission from a teacher it is possible to acquire learning. Moreover, he showed that the truth of Mencius’s words can be rediscovered hundreds of years afterwards. The master had a strong influence on later scholarship. It can be said that upstream he reconnected with the tradition of Kija, and downstream he opened up the transmission of the Learning of the Way. 20. He married the daughter of sŏnggyorang Yi Kyejong of the T’aean clan,36 who died on the seventh day of the first month of the year sinyu [1561].37 She was also buried in Hwadam, in the same spot but not the same grave. She gave birth to one son and one daughter. The son, Ŭnggi, became a saŭi at the Government Office,38 and the daughter married the literate man Yu Kyŏngdam. From the side apartment,39 there were two sons: Ŭngbong and Ŭnggwi. 21. Ŭnggi has one son and four daughters. His son, Usin, is still young. His eldest daughter got married to Im Ryŏn, his second to Yi Ŭng’u, and the other ones are still too young. Kyŏngdam has one son and two daughters. The son, Ik, has become a sŭptok at the Kangiwŏn.40 His eldest daughter got married to ch’ungŭiwi41 Yun Pok, and his second to Kang Hosŏn. Ŭngbong has two sons; the eldest is Ch’unhak and the second Unhak. 22. The inscription says:

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The Three Sages42 followed one after the other, All appeared from the same origin, Yao stated his one utterance, To which Shun added three more sentences.43 Of the three thousand disciples of Confucius, Some masters did transmit it, Yan honored the Four Do Nots,44 Zeng answered in a single word.45 Sages and worthies had continued teaching, As if wanting to be assiduous and tireless,46 But the Way had been forsaken and sage words submerged; With no more transmission, what can one rely upon? Ah! The Master, He was able to become his own teacher, Without resorting to the teaching of others, Unaided, he fully developed his nature. When the Mind-Heart is as clear-sighted as spiritual intelligence, The Patterning Principle will infuse it, If the Mind-Heart is not fully developed,47 The Patterning Principle will not be exhausted. The ability to exhaust the Patterning Principle, This is called knowing one’s nature,48 Thus, there will be the Way, Through thinking will become manifest perspicacity and sageness.49 The master bravely reached his goal, Examining this and meditating on it,50 His Patterning Principle, as if by a great leap,51 Seemed to have assisted him. Nothing was left uninvestigated, Knowledge came afterwards; He had distinguished between truth and falsehood, Capable of being sincere in his thoughts on his own. What follows rectifying one’s mind and cultivating oneself Is identical to the root of the Way.52 From beginning to end, He was neither lenient with himself nor ambivalent. The learning of the master, At first had not been transmitted, But, the words of Meng from Zou,53 It matches perfectly. In his two, three remaining essays,

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Great ideas shine bright, He opened up hidden mysteries, To the benefit of later generations. The cave of divinatory figures and numbers, Is especially refined and extremely subtle, Why was Heaven so sparing with his life span, Making him unable to uncover and develop his skills? Uneven and isolate was his land, On the wane was his time, Yet in the master’s achievements, There are echoes of the ancients. Having an honorific title bestowed upon him after passing away, Was not something he would have dared to expect, This has nothing to do with him, It is related to a specific time. A stele has been erected in Hwadam, Gazing up at it, it is certainly elevated, Why would people not revere him, He who is a venerable master of the Great Eastern land?

Notes 1. Cf. Mengzi, VII.B.15. 2. Cf. Mengzi, VI.B.2. 3. On Kija, see note 24 of the 1786 “New Preface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam” by Yun Suk. 4. This is the Way of Yao and Shun, meaning the Confucian Way. 5. Tangsŏng, in Kyŏnggi Province, is the ancestral seat of the Sŏ clan. 6. This means Lady Han (Han ssi 韓氏) from the Han family, whose ancestral shrine is Poan 保安 in the Northern Chŏlla Province. 7. P’ungdŏk is located in the Kaesŏng area. 8. The zhengde 正德 era means the reign of Emperor Wuzong 武宗 of the Ming dynasty that lasted from 1506 to 1521. 9. This means the age of fifteen. Cf. Lunyu, II.4. 10. Cf. Shujing, “Canon of Yao,” 2. 11. Cf. Daxue. 12. What has been translated here as “intertwined and composite” (cuozong/ ch’akchong 錯綜) is an expression that applies to the numbers and comes from the Yijing, “Xici,” A.10. Kong Yingda 孔颖达 (574–648) explains this further in his commentary: “cuo means intertwined, and zong composite; intertwined and composite, this is how the numbers of yin and yang are.”

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13. The expressions “to know one’s nature” (zhixing/chisŏng 知性) and “to know heaven” (zhitian/chich’ŏn 知天) come from the Mengzi, VII.A.1. 14. This probably refers to Lunyu, II.4. 15. This is another step of the paradigm of the Daxue, of which the “extension of knowledge” (zhizhi/ch’iji 致知) and the “investigation of things” ( gewu/kyŏngmul 格物) are also steps. See the opening section of the Daxue. 16. The expression “to not repeat mistakes” ( puerguo/ purigwa 不貳過) comes from the Lunyu, VI.3. 17. Cf. Liji, 3. 18. This expression comes from the biography of the filial son Wang Pou 王裒 of the Western Jin dynasty. Cf. Jinshu/Chinsŏ 晉書 (History of the Jin Dynasty), Biographies 58, xiaoyou 孝友. Wang Pou is also the twenty-first figure appearing in the Ershisi xiao/Isipsa hyo 二十四孝 (Twenty-Four Filial Exemplars), written during the Yuan dynasty by Guo Jujing 郭居敬 (1260–1368). 19. Cf. Zhuangzi, 12. 20. This is an allusion to the Mengzi. The character sui/su 睟 (clear-eyed, bright eye) from the original passage has been altered to cui/su 粹 (pure, unmixed), which has a different radical but must have had the same pronunciation in Korean. Cf. Mengzi, VII.A.21. 21. See note 2 of “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Chungjong Declining Appointment.” 22. Literally “to be the heaven’s guest,” which is a euphemism meaning “to die.” 23. Exactly the same sentences appear in the “Chronological Biography,” except for three words ( yi guli/ŭi koye 依古禮, “observing ancient rituals”), which have been omitted there. 24. This quotation also appears in extenso in the “Chronological Biography.” 25. The “Chronological Biography” lists another text, the “Discussion about Spirits and Spiritual Forces, Death and Life,” and we should bear in mind that other texts were also written at that time. 26. Hyorŭng 孝陵 is in fact the name of the sepulture of King Injong 仁宗 (r. 1544–1545) and Queen Insŏng wanghu 仁聖王后, Lady Pak 朴氏 (1514–1577). 27. This expression means that a sovereign is in mourning and comes from a passage in the Book of Rites that discusses the proper rules of mourning rites that have to be performed by a new sovereign for a deceased one, just as is the case of King Injong, who was mourning King Chungjong. Cf. Liji, 49. 28. The expression yize/yŏkch’ek 易簀 (“to change the mat”) is an allusion to the death of Zengzi 曾子, one of Confucius’s disciples. Cf. Liji, 3. 29. This anecdote also appears word for word in the “Chronological Biography.” 30. The eighth year of the reign of King Sŏnjo 宣祖 (r. 1568–1608). 31. 1546–1567. 32. The title of Assistant Section Chief (chwarang 佐郞) was indeed bestowed upon Hwadam in 1572, after Cho Chŏnggi 趙廷機 (1535–1575) submitted a memorial to King Sŏnjo. See the “Chronological Biography,” fifth year of King Sŏnjo, imsin (1572), sixth year of the longqing era. 33. The taegan 臺諫 designates the high officials in charge of censoring the king,

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who were affiliated to either the Office of Inspector-General (sahŏnbu 司憲府) or the Office of Censor-General (saganwŏn 司諫院). 34. The “Chronological Biography” mentions and quotes the words of Yulgok, Yi I, who was First Counselor at the time. 35. The expression zuisheng mengsi/ch’wisaeng mongsa 醉生夢死, which originally appears in the biographical account of Cheng Hao by his brother Cheng Yi, is quoted in the Xiaoxue by Zhu Xi as well as in the Jinsilu. Cf. Jinsilu, XIV. 36. See the “Chronological Biography,” second year of King Chungjong, chŏngmyo (1507), for more details. 37. This means that Lady Yi died fifteen years after her husband, who was aged 58 at his death. 38. The saŭi 司議 is a fifth-rank position at the Changyewŏn 掌隷院, the Government Office, which deals with the registers and lawsuits concerning slaves. 39. This expression refers to the concubine’s children. 40. This might mean a position of interpreter at the Office of Diplomatic Correspondence (Sŭngmunwŏn 承文院), and a sŭptok 習讀 could mean a tutor for students. 41. A ch’ungŭiwi 忠義衛 is a role in a special military unit for yangban, like the Division of the South (Ch’ungjwawi 忠佐衛). 42. The Three Sages referred to here are the legendary emperors Yao 堯, Shun 舜, and Yü the Great (Da Yü 大禹) from Chinese antiquity. 43. This is a reference to the beginning of Zhu Xi’s preface to the Doctrine of the Mean, which traces the origin of the Learning of the Way (Daoxue/Tohak 道學) or, in other words, the orthodox tradition claimed by Neo-Confucians. Cf. Translation by de Bary, Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and the Learning of the Mind-and-Heart. New York: Columbia University Press, 1981, 5. Yao’s utterance, “to hold fast the Mean” ( ­yunzhijuezhong/ yunjipkwŏlchung 允執厥中), comes from the Shujing, Counsels of the Great Yü. 44. Cf. Lunyu, XII.1. 45. The “one word answer” ( yiwei/iryu 一唯) refers to a passage of the Lunyu. Cf. Lunyu, IV.15. 46. Cf. Shijing, “Great Odes of the Kingdom,” Decade of Dang, Yi 抑. 47. Cf. Mengzi, VII.A.1. 48. Cf. Mengzi, VII.A.1. 49. This is probably an allusion to the second of the so-called nine divisions ( jiuchou/kuju 九疇) of the Great Plan (hongfan/hongbŏm 洪範) described in the Shujing and about which Kija is talking. Cf. Shujing, “Documents of Zhou,” Hongfan. This verse, as well as the previous ones in this inscription, also echoes a passage from the famous dissertation by Cheng Yi “On What Master Yan Loved to Learn” (Yanzi suohao hexue lun/Anja soho hahak ron 顏子所好何學論), which asserts that perfect humaneness (or “sageness,” sheng/sŏng 聖) can be acquired and achieved through Confucian Learning. 50. This expression echoes a poem in the Shijing. Cf. Shijing, “Minor Odes of the Kingdom,” Decade of Lu Ming, Chang di 常棣. 51. Cf. Mengzi, VII.A.41. 52. See the Daxue. 53. Meng from Zou means Master Meng or Mengzi, who was from the ancient state of Zou 鄒.

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List of Disciples

1. Min Sun.1 Courtesy name: Kyŏngch’o. Usual name: Haengch’on. From Yŏhŭng.2 Noticed and recruited through recommendation. Highest position attained: Minor Inspector. In his youth, he followed the teaching of Sir Nakpong, Sin Kwanghan.3 Later, he served the master. When he learned about the master’s theory of the supremacy of quietness, he appreciated it so much that he named his study room “Practicing quietness.” He is ritually honored at the Hwagok Academy. 2. Pak Sun.4 Courtesy name: Hwasuk. Usual name: Saam. From Ch’ungju.5 Passed the Higher Civil Service Examination. Highest position attained: Chief State Councilor. Posthumous name: Munch’ung. He received training from the master. He studied the master’s theory of Human Nature and Patterning Principle and he had an especially profound knowledge of the Changes. T’oegye used to say about him, “As far as Pak is concerned, he is brilliant like a crystal-clear block of ice, refreshing both spirit and soul all of at once.” There is a compilation of his writings. He is ritually honored at the Hwagok Academy. 3. Hŏ Yŏp.6 Courtesy name: T’aehwi. Usual name: Ch’odang. From Yangch’ŏn.7 Passed the Higher Civil Service Examination. Highest position attained: Governor of Kyŏngsang Province. In the beginning, he was a follower of Sir Chinch’ŏn, Yi Yŏ,8 and received instruction in the Changes. Later, he served the master in Hwagok. When the master’s illness worsened, the master dictated four essays, among which was “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy,” and transmitted them to him. There exists a compilation of his writings and his Records of the Words and Deeds of Former Men. He is ritually honored in the Hwagok Academy. 4. Pak Minhŏn.9 Courtesy name: Wŏnbu, later changed by the master to Ijŏng.10 Usual name: Sŭlgan. From Hamyang.11 Passed the Higher Civil Service Examination. Highest position attained: Governor of Hamgyŏng Province. He served the master as teacher12 and learned so much from him that he composed his tombstone inscription. There is a compilation of his writ192

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ings. Chŏngjae, Yi Hyŏnik,13 said, “The disciples of Hwadam were Sŭpchŏng (Min Sun), T’ojŏng (Yi Chiham),14 Suam (Pak Chihwa),15 Chongsŏng, Sŭlgan (Pak Minhŏn), Ch’ijae (Hong Inu),16 Ch’odang (Hŏ Yŏp),17 Sojae (No Susin),18 Saam (Pak Sun).19 The most eminent20 among them were Ch’odang, Sojae, and Saam. Furthermore, the most accomplished wordsmith among them had to write the tombstone inscription. The deft pen was Sŭlgan, which shows he was held in high esteem by his fellow disciples. When considering all those who were enshrined in the Hwagok Academy as the most important disciples, none are equal to Sŭlgan. The others’ reputations were indeed tarnished by accusations and punishments. However, the Sŏktam’s Diaries21 testifies to the gravity of his pettiness and depravity. Moreover, Suam (Pak Chihwa),22 who wrote his biographical account, clearly exposed his wrongdoings. Since neither Yulgok nor Suam were the sort of people to spread unfounded rumors, it is not known why they were moved to say such things. 5. Yi Chiham.23 Courtesy name: Hyŏngjung. Self-chosen usual name: T’ojŏng. From Hansan.24 Selected for outstanding behavior. Highest position attained: County Magistrate. In his youth, he received instruction in the Changes from the master. While he was living in a neighboring residence, the hostess came to him under cover of the night, yearning to corrupt him. He scolded her loudly in the name of the Patterning Principle. When the master heard this, he could not stop praising him warmly and said: “He is now my master, not just my friend. And what a lesson to be given!” 6. Hong Inu.25 Courtesy name: Ŭnggil. Usual name: Ch’ijae. From Tangsŏng.26 Classics Licentiate. He and his behavior always conformed to proper rules and circumstances, obeying the Elementary Learning completely. As for explaining the meaning of the Classics, his commentaries and clarifications were accurate and insightful. The master said: “Among those who had a lot of experience and dedicated themselves to the pursuit of Learning,27 there is only one person who made progress: Hong.” There is a compilation of his writings. 7. Pak Chihwa.28 Courtesy name: Kunsil. Usual name: Suam. From Chŏngsŏn.29 Appointed to the Office of Diplomatic Correspondence, he quickly resigned. He displayed both knowledge and virtuous behavior, behaved himself according to rites, and did extensive reading of numerous works so that his views were accurate and constant. From him, there is a compilation of writings, as well as the Collected Explanations of the Four Rites and the Master’s Answers and Discussions about Rituals. 8. Chongsŏngnyŏng (Yi) Ku.30 Courtesy name: Sugok. Usual name: Yŏnbang. He was taught by Ŏm Yonggong31 and the Confucian literatus Yun Chŏng,32 and he finally studied with the master. He always strived to push himself further, never ceasing his efforts until his death.33

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9. Nam Ŏngyŏng.34 Courtesy name: Sibo. Usual name: Tonggang. From Ŭiryŏng. Selected for his classical learning and moral conduct.35 Highest position attained: County Magistrate. Yi Sik, T’aektang,36 said: “When he was magistrate of Chŏnju,37 Second minister Pak Minhŏn sent him a poem, which read, ‘Since we worked together in Hwadam, how many years have now passed? Raven-haired as we were then, how would we have been already able to fully understand?’ The conclusive verse said: ‘After his departure, each of us must make the utmost effort, by collecting what we fellow disciples of the same gate can, so that his name and spirit shall be transmitted.’ Considering this, there is absolutely no doubt that he passed through the gate of Hwadam’s school.” 10. Ch’oe Ryŏk.38 Courtesy name: Taesu. From Wansan.39 He has always cherished the Reflections on Things at Hand and the Great Compendium on Nature and Principle. When he started learning with the master, he wrote a poem saying, “Watching the moon until the night ends is not merely contemplating the scenery, handling a fishing rod until day fades is not motivated by lust for fish.” The master exclaimed: “This truly is a song that embodies the Way.” 11. Kim Hyeson.40 Courtesy name: Ŏnsun. From Kyŏngju. Highest position attained: County Magistrate. Early on, he served the master and studied with pointed determination. In his later years, he took special pleasure in reading the Changes. 12. Ma Hŭigyŏng.41 Courtesy name: Chungjŏng. Usual name: Chukkye. From Mokch’ŏn. Classics Licentiate. He served the master as teacher and studied the Classics with great eagerness. He especially enjoyed writings like the Changes of the Zhou, the Great Compendium on Nature and Principle, and so on. When Yulgok (Yi I) was on the Board of Personnel,42 he selected him for his filial piety and integrity,43 and offered him the position of Assistant Caretaker. He declined and went back home without taking the position. 13. Sin Yŏk.44 Courtesy name: Munwŏn. From Koryŏng. Son of Kwanghan, MarquisMungan,45 he passed the Lower Civil Service Examination and desperately worked to obtain a position, but his wish was not granted. He studied the Changes with the master. 14. Pak Yŏhyŏn.46 Courtesy name: Hwimyŏng. Brother of Pak Minhŏn. Highest position attained in management of the Palace kitchen. Ever since childhood he was extremely smart and his brilliant mind was out of the ordinary. When he had yet to reach the age to start dedicating himself to learning, he paid a visit to the master in Hwadam and accompanied him on an outing with the scholars that were studying with him. He was capable of seeing the direction to be followed, and because of his pure and unspoiled nature, he did not strain himself to prepare for the Higher Civil Service Examinations.

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15. Ch’a Sik.47 Courtesy name: Kyŏngsuk. Usual name: Ijae. From Yŏnan. Passed the Higher Civil Service Examination. Highest position attained: County Magistrate. Educated by the master, he went through the Classics and histories from beginning to end. His skill for embellishing written compositions made him stand out in comparison to his fellow disciples. 16. Yi Kyun and Hwang Wŏnson were both commoners. As they spent a lot of time with the master, they displayed behavior befitting scholars. The master wrote a poem to them, entitled “Thanks to the two fellows who gave me clothing as a present.” 17. Kim Han’gŏl.48 Courtesy name: Sasin. From Kaesŏng. Passed the Higher Civil Service Examination. Highest position attained: Magistrate. The master created a courtesy name for him. 18. Ch’oe Chayang.49 From T’ongch’ŏn.50 Literary Licentiate. Master Kani (Ch’oe) Rip,51 when he visited Hwadam, composed a poem in reply to another using the same rhyme pattern that said, “The elder had learned early on, this humble young man had long been without knowledge, in the realm of changes searching for finest theories, which would be like managing solely a world with abundant colors.” Commenting on it, he added, “My honorable father used to move in the master’s circles.” 19. Chŏng Chiyŏn.52 Courtesy name: Yŏnji. Usual name: Nambong. From Tongnae. Passed the Higher Civil Service Examination. Highest position attained: Third State Councilor. His biography states, “Around the time of the capping ceremony,53 he was being educated by Isojae (Yi Chungho).54 Then he happened to visit Sŏ Hwadam and became a disciple of the cheerful immortal.” 20. Yun Tamsu.55 Courtesy name: Ch’ŏllo. From Haep’yŏng.56 From an early stage, he moved in the master’s circles. He was highly esteemed by his fellow scholars. 21. Kang Munu.57 Courtesy name: Yŏik. From Chinju. Passed the Higher Civil Service Examination and became Fifth Councilor despite his low status as a commoner. He paid a visit to the master at Hwadam. 22. Yi Chungho.58 Courtesy name: P’unghu. Usual name: Isojae. Descendant of Great Prince Hyoryŏng.59 He set himself the task of following the Way. Those who wanted to learn, a hundred people every day, rushed up to him,60 their clothes blowing in the wind. The master once discussed rites with him for days on end, and said with a sigh, “I cannot reach that standard.” 23. Kim Kŭngong. Courtesy name: Kyŏngsuk. Usual name: Ch’ŏgam. His doors were always open; he taught disciples in accordance with Hwa­ dam’s teaching. This is testified to by the Literary Collection of T’aektang (Yi

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Sik).61 However, Pak Namgye62 said, “Both Sirs Yi and Kim were not Hwa­ dam’s disciples.” It is unknown who is right. 24. Chang Kasun.63 Courtesy name: Chasun. Usual name: Sajae. From Kyŏngsŏl. From an early stage, he moved in the master’s circles. He studied hard, putting all his energy into following the Way, and in his doings and actions he was honest and true. There was nothing in the Six Classics and other masters’ works that he did not go through extensively, and he especially liked to study the Changes steadily. Among the writings he left, there is the so-called List of Insights into the Clues about Men and Things. According to the Records of Eastern Confucians,64 he was a fellow from the same circles as Marquis Mungyŏng, Min Ki,65 and retired scholar U Namyang.66

Notes 1. Min Sun 閔純 (1519–1591) was from the Min clan of Yŏhŭng (Yŏhŭng Min ssi 驪興閔氏) in Kyŏnggi Province. His collected works are called Haengch’on chip 杏村‌ 集. He first studied with Sin Kwanghan 申光漢 (1484–1555), grandson of Sin Sukchu 申叔舟 (1417–1475). In 1568, as a reward for his filial behavior, he was appointed Caretaker of the Hyorŭng shrine (Hyorŭng ch’ambong 孝陵參奉), Keeper of records (chubu 主簿) at the Chŏnsaengsŏ 典牲署 (an institution in charge of raising animals killed for ritual sacrifices), Assistant Section Chief at the Ministry of Public Works and the Ministry of Punishments, and County Magistrate (hyŏn’gam 縣監) of T’osan 兎山 in Kangwŏn Province. After that, he retired and dedicated himself to studying. But in 1575, he was appointed Minor Inspector (chip’yŏng 持平) at the Office of the Inspector-General (Sahŏnbu 司憲府). After a couple of months, he retired and went back to the countryside. He was again appointed to various positions but resigned quickly from all of them. His disciples are Hong Kasin 洪可臣 (1541–1615), Han Paekkyŏm 韓百謙 (1552–1615), and Hong Ch’isang 洪致祥 (b. 1551). He is ritually honored at the Hwagok Academy in Kaesŏng as well as the Munbong Academy (Munbong sŏwŏn 文峯書院) in Kyŏnggi Province. 2. This is the former name of the city of Yŏju 驪州 in Kyŏnggi Province. 3. Sin Kwanghan 申光漢 (1484–1555) was from the Sin clan of Koryŏng (Koryŏng Sin ssi 高靈申氏) in Kyŏngsang Province. His posthumous name is Mun’gan 文簡. He was an influent scholar-official, close to Cho Kwangjo. He was sent into exile during the purge of 1519 (kimyo sahwa 己卯士禍), but had a successful career afterwards. As a Confucian scholar, he was particularly interested in the thoughts of Mencius and Han Yu 韓愈 (768–824), and as a poet, in Du Fu 杜甫 (712–770). His collected works are called Kijae chip 企齋集. 4. Pak Sun 朴淳 (1523–1589) was from the Pak clan of Ch’ungju (Ch’ungju Pak ssi 忠州朴氏). His uncle was Pak Sang 朴祥 (1474–1530), one of the Sages of the Purge of 1519 (kimyo myŏnghyŏn 己卯名賢) and famous Confucian scholar, whose posthumous name was Mun’gan 文簡 and whose collected works are called Nuljae chip

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訥‌齋集. Pak Sun passed the Higher Civil Service Examination, achieving first place, in 1553. He was appointed at the Royal Academy, the Office of Special Advisers, Council of State Affairs, but was discharged because of Yun Wŏnhyŏng’s criticisms towards him. He was called back in 1562 and, in 1565, he became Inspector-General (taesahŏn 大司憲) and played a key role in eliminating the Lesser Yun faction with Yi T’ak 李鐸 (1509–1576). He was appointed Minister of Personnel and Minister of Rites. He became Third State Councilor in 1572, Second State Councilor in 1573, and Chief State Councilor in 1579. When Yulgok was impeached, Pak Sun tried to defend him and was heavily criticized himself. He then retired and built a hermitage on Paegun Mountain (Paegunsan 白雲山) in Yŏngp’yŏng 永平 in Kyŏnggi Province. He was a prominent poet and prose writer and was famous for his extensive knowledge about the Changes. He criticized the thoughts of Wang Yangming 王陽明 (Wang Shouren 王守仁; 1472–1529) and admired T’oegye’s teachings. He was friends with Yulgok and Sŏng Hon, and maintained close relationships with Ki Taesŭng. He is considered a member of the Westerners (Sŏin 西人) and the Kiho school (Kiho hakp’a 畿湖學‌派) following Yulgok’s teachings. His posthumous name is Munch’ung 文忠 and he is ritually honored in several Confucian academies. The seven kwŏn of his collected works are called Saam chip 思菴集. His disciples are Ch’oe Rip 崔岦 (1539–1612), Ch’oe Kyŏngch’ang 崔慶昌 (1539–1583), and Paek Kwanghun 白光勳 (1537–1582). 5. In the Northern Ch’ungch’ŏng Province. 6. Hŏ Yŏp 許曄 (1517–1580) was from the Hŏ clan of Yangch’ŏn (Yangch’ŏn Hŏ ssi 陽川許氏). He lived in Hanyang. He was a close friend of No Susin 盧守愼 (1515– 1590), a disciple of Cho Kwangjo. His great-grandfather, Hŏ Ch’ang 許菖 (1425–1486), was Chief Royal Secretary (tosŭngji 都承旨), and his father, Hŏ Han 許澣 (d. 1532), Vice Minister of Personnel (Ijo ch’amp’an 吏曹參判). His maternal grandfather, Sŏng Hŭi 成憙 (n.d.), worked at the Royal House Administration (Tonnyŏngbu 敦寧府). Hŏ Yŏp passed the Higher Civil Service Examination in 1546. He was selected for the sabbatical leave for study, saga toksŏ. After several appointments, he was sent as a County Magistrate (kunsu 郡守) in Hwanghae Province, where the famous highwayman Im Kkŏkchŏng 林巨正 or 林巪正 (1521–1562) and his fellows operated. He was promoted as Second Inspector (chibŭi 執義), but, because of disagreements with the Inspector-General, he was dismissed. Later, he became Headmaster of the Royal Academy (Sŏnggyun’gwan taesasŏng 成均館大司成). During his career, he was criticized several times by Censor-General Yun Ch’unnyŏn 尹春年 (1514–1567), from the Lesser Yun faction led by Yun Wŏnhyŏng. In 1562, he asked King Myŏngjong to rehabilitate Cho Kwangjo and was dismissed. In 1568, he was sent with a diplomatic mission to China. In 1575, he became Censor-General, and in 1579, Governor of Kyŏngsang Province, where he fell ill, retired, and died in 1580. He was a member of the Easterners (Tongin 東人) and stood up against his friend Pak Sun, who was a Westerner. Because of the lack of unity among these two major disciples of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk, the Hwadam school was not unified since the late sixteenth century. Hŏ Yŏp’s sons and sons-in-law were all skilled and famous writers. His fourth son in particular, Hŏ Kyun 許筠 (1569–1618), is believed to have authored one masterpiece of premodern prose fiction, the Story of Hong Kildong (Hong Kildong chŏn 洪吉童傳).

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It is noteworthy that one of Hŏ Yŏp’s daughters, Lady Hŏ, Nansŏrhŏn (Nansŏrhŏn Hŏ ssi 蘭雪軒許氏), Hŏ Ch’ohŭi 許楚姬 (1563–1589), was also a very talented poet, painter, and calligrapher whose literary fame crossed borders. After her early death, her poems (hansi 漢詩) were collected, thanks to her brother Hŏ Kyun, who showed them to Chinese envoys. These poems were printed first in Ming China, and then in Chosŏn Korea (first edition in 1608: Nansŏrhŏn chip 雪蘭軒集), as well as in Japan and Qing China. 7. Yangch’ŏn 陽川 is located in the Kimp’o area in Kyŏnggi Province. 8. Yi Yŏ 李畬 (1503–1542) from the Yi clan of Hansan (Hansan Yi ssi 韓山李氏) in Ch’ungch’ŏng Province. His courtesy name is Songae 松厓. He was a descendant of Yi Saek 李穡 (1328–1396) and a disciple of Kim Anguk. He passed the Higher Civil Examination in 1531 and was appointed Fourth Censor (chŏngŏn 正言) and Minor Inspector (chip’yŏng 持平). He was a renowned specialist of the Changes. He is ritually honored at the Paegwŏn Academy (Paegwŏn sŏwŏn 百源書院) in Ch’ungch’ŏng Province. 9. Pak Minhŏn 朴民獻 (1516–1586). See note 1 of “Statement about Pak Ijŏng’s Courtesy Name with a Foreword.” 10. Hwadam changed Pak Minhŏn’s name to Ijŏng in the summer of 1542, when Hwadam was fifty-four and Pak Minhŏn twenty-seven. 11. Hamyang 咸陽 is located in the western part of the Southern Kyŏngsang Province. 12. It is worth noting that the canonical expression sasa 师事 first appears in the Chunqiu zuozhuan 春秋左傳 or Zuozhuan 左傳 (Zuo’s Commentary of the Spring and Autumn Annals), where it describes the disciples of Confucius himself. Cf. Zuozhuan, “Zhaogong 昭公,” seventh year. 13. Yi Hyŏnik 李顯益 (1678–1717) was a renowned Confucian scholar who studied both Korean and Chinese Confucian writings. He was a supporter of Song Siyŏl in the Horak debate, which arose among the scholars belonging to Yulgok’s school of thought. He was a specialist of canonical exegesis and Rites. 14. See next paragraph (paragraph 5). 15. See paragraph 7 below. 16. See paragraph 6, as well as note 25 below. 17. See paragraph 3, as well as note 6 above. 18. No Susin 盧守愼 (1515–1590). 19. See paragraph 2, as well as note 4 above. 20. The expression kojae 高弟 comes from the Shiji and refers to Confucius’s disciple Zixia. 21. This diary, written by Yulgok Yi I, is better known as the Kyŏngyŏn ilgi 經筵 日記 (Diaries from Royal Lectures), and it was included in the Yulgok chŏnsŏ 栗谷全‌書 (Complete Works of Yulgok). 22. Pak Chihwa 朴枝華 (1513–1592). 23. Yi Chiham 李之菡 (1517–1578) was from the Yi clan of Hansan (Hansan Yi ssi 韓山李氏) and a descendant of Yi Saek, like Yi Yŏ (see note 8 above). After his father’s passing away, he studied with his older brother Yi Chibŏn 李之蕃 (d. 1575),

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山‌ 海 a specialist of astronomy and geomancy, who was the father of Yi Sanhae 李‌ (1539–1609). He also studied with Hwadam and became himself a specialist of mathematics, medicine, divination, astronomy, and geomancy. He was a friend of Yulgok. In 1573, he was appointed County Magistrate (hyŏn’gam 縣監) of Ch’ŏngha 淸河 in Kyŏngsang Province. According to legend, he predicted that year that the Imjin River would flood and saved many people in the area. In 1574, he retired but was appointed again, in 1578, as County Magistrate of Asan 牙山 in Ch’ungch’ŏng Province. One of his pen names was To’jŏng 土亭, because he lived in poverty for most of his life in a hut with mud walls on the riverbanks of the Han at Map’o 麻‌浦 in the capital area. The authorship of the T’ojŏng pigyŏl 土亭祕訣 (T’ojŏng’s Secret Arts), a book of mantic prognostication, and its explanation, the Nonga chip 聾啞集 (Works of the Deaf and Mute), are attributed to him. Cho Sik is reported to have paid a visit to Yi Chiham in Map’o and compared him to the famous recluse poet T’ao Yuanming 陶渊明 (365–427). Yi Chiham is ritually honored in Kyŏngsang Province at Insan Academy (Insan sŏwŏn 仁山書院), which is mainly dedicated to Song Siyŏl, as well as at the Hwaam Academy (Hwaam sŏwŏn 華巖書院) in Chŏlla Province. In 1713, he was given the posthumous title of Minister of Personnel and a posthumous name, Mungang 文康. 24. Southern Ch’ungch’ŏng Province. 25.  Hong Inu 洪仁祐 (1515–1554) was from the Hong clan of Namyang (Namyang Hong ssi 南陽洪氏) in Kyŏnggi Province. He was successively the disciple of Hwadam and T’oegye. His father, Hong Tŏkyŏn 洪德演 (1493–1553), was a disciple of Kim Anguk and close to Cho Kwangjo. Hong Inu was himself held in high regard by Kim Anguk. He passed the Higher Civil Service Examination in 1537 and cultivated close scholarly ties with No Susin and Hŏ Yŏp. He is honored ritually at the Kich’ŏn Academy (Kich’ŏn sŏwŏn 沂川書院) in Kyŏnggi Province and his collected works, in two kwŏn, are called Ch’ijae chip 致齋集. 26. Present-day Namyang in Kyŏnggi Province. 27. Cf. Lunyu, II.4. 28. Pak Chihwa 朴枝華 (1513–1592) was a concubine’s son or secondary offspring of yangban (sŏŏl 庶孼). His disciples are Hŏ Kyo 許喬 (1567–1632), the father of Hŏ Mok 許穆 (1596–1682), and Yi Chŏngmin 李貞敏 (1556–1638), who also studied with Yulgok. Pak Chihwa is considered a specialist of both Confucianism and Daoism in the line of transmission of Kim Sisŭp 金時習 (1435–1493). 29. In the southeastern part of Kangwŏn Province. 30. Yi Ku 李球 (d. 1573) was the great-grandchild of Prince Hyoryŏng (Hyo­ ryŏng taegun 孝寧大君), King T’aejong’s second son. His maternal great-­uncle was Sŏng Tamsu 成聃壽 (n.d.), one of the Six Scholars Who Lived in Seclusion (Saengyuk­ sin 生六臣) after Sejo’s usurpation. He studied with Literary Licentiate Ŏm Yonggong 嚴用恭 (see next note), Yun Chŏng 尹鼎 (see note 32 below), and Hwadam. He debated the issue of Mind-and-Heart (xin/sim 心) with T’oegye. 31. Ŏm Yonggong 嚴用恭 (n.d.), Classics Licentiate in 1511. 32. Yun Chŏng 尹鼎 (1490–1536) was from the Yun clan of P’ap’yŏng (P’ap’yŏng Yun ssi 坡平尹氏). He was a specialist of the Changes. He did not take the Higher

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Civil Service Examination, refused a position in office, and hid himself in a Buddhist temple to study. He was the master of Min Ki 閔箕 (1504–1568), Hŏ Yŏp 許瞱, and Yi Hang 李恒 (1499–1576). 33. This well-known expression comes from the Lunyu, VI.7. 34. Nam Ŏn’gyŏng 南彥經 (1528–1594) was from the Nam clan of Ŭiryŏng (Ŭiryŏng Nam ssi 宜寧南氏). He was a descendant of Nam Chae 南在 (1351–1419), a Dynastic Foundation Merit Subject (kaeguk kongsin 開國功臣). He did not pass the Higher Civil Service Examination. In 1566, he was given positions with Cho Sik and Yi Hang 李恒. He became City Magistrate (moksa 牧使) of Yangju 楊州 in Kyŏnggi Province, Minor Inspector, Third Inspector (changnyŏng 掌令), Second Inspector (chibŭi 執義), and Magistrate ( puyun 府尹) of Chŏnju 全州 in Chŏlla Province. In 1589, he was dismissed because of the criticisms of the Office of the Inspector-­General towards him, in the turmoil of the plotting rebellion initiated by Chŏng Yŏrip 鄭‌汝‌立 (1546–1589). In 1592, he was appointed again City Magistrate of Yŏju 驪州 in Kyŏnggi Province and, the following year, Deputy Minister of Public Works. But he had to retire after criticizing T’oegye’s teachings. He is considered the first specialist of Wang Yangming in Korea. He is ritually honored at the Miwŏn academy (Miwŏn sŏwŏn 迷源書院) in Kyŏnggi Province. 35. “Classical learning and moral conduct,” kyŏngmyŏng haengsu 經明行修, was an official criterion for the selection of potential government officials during the Chosŏn period. But both the expression and the practice existed in Han China. 36. Yi Sik 李植 (1584–1647) was from the Yi clan of Tŏksu (Tŏksu Yi ssi 德水 李氏), like Yulgok, Yi I. He was a high official and a renowned poet. He is one of the Nine Best Men of Letters from Koryŏ and Chosŏn (Yŏhan kudaega 麗韓九大家). He left several writings and his collected works are called T’aektang chip 澤堂集. He taught many disciples. 37. Northern Chŏlla Province. 38. Ch’oe Ryŏk 崔櫟 (1522–1550) was from the Ch’oe clan of Wansan (Wansan Ch’oe ssi 完山崔氏) in Chŏlla Province. He was arrested during the Literati Purge of 1545 (ŭlsa sahwa 乙巳士禍) and released. He studied with Hwadam and Nammyŏng, Cho Sik. 39. Former name of Chŏnju. 40. Kim Hyeson 金惠孫 (d. 1585) was from the Kim clan of Kyŏngju (Kyŏngju Kim ssi 慶州金氏) in Kyŏngsang Province. He was not interested in power and wealth, and he did not take the Higher Civil Service Examination. He was appointed County Magistrate (kunsu) for his skills as a scholar. He enjoyed reading the Changes in his old age. 41. Ma Hŭigyŏng 馬羲慶 (1525–1589) was from the Ma clan of Mokch’ŏn (Mokch’ŏn Ma ssi 木川馬氏) in Ch’ungch’ŏng Province. He was born in Kaesŏng. He passed the Lower Civil Service Examination (sogwa 小科) in 1567, but did not take any appointment. In 1581, Yulgok recommended him for the position of Assistant Caretaker (ch’ambong 參奉), but he quickly resigned. He dedicated his life to the study of Neo-Confucianism and the philosophy of Changes. He is ritually honored at the Memorial Shrine of the Four Worthies (Sahyŏnsa 四賢祠) in Kaesŏng.

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42. Tongjŏn 東銓 is another name for Ijo 吏曹 (Board of Personnel). 43. These two qualities were criteria for the selection of government officials in Han China. 44. Sin Yŏk 申㴒 (n.d.) was from the Sin clan of Koryŏng (Koryŏng Sin ssi 高靈 申氏) in Kyŏngsang Province. He became Classics Licentiate (saengwŏn 生員) in 1521. 45. Sin Kwanghan 申光漢 (1484–1555), grandson of Sin Sukchu. An influential high official, at first he shared the ideas and politics of Cho Kwangjo. Stigmatized after the latter’s tragic fall, he later achieved various important positions in office and had titles bestowed upon him for his support of the Lesser Yun faction in the aftermath of the Literati Purge of 1545. 46. Pak Yŏhyŏn 朴黎獻 (1530–1581). He was appointed Chief of post-station (ch’albang 察訪) and at the palace kitchen. His son, Pak Hyosaeng 朴孝生 (b. 1556), was a member of the Great Northerners (Taebuk 大北). 47. Ch’a Sik 車軾 (1517–1575) was from the Ch’a clan of Yŏnan (Yŏnan Ch’a ssi 延安車氏) in Hwanghae Province. He passed the Lower Civil Service Examination in 1537 and the Higher Civil Service Examination in 1543. He was renowned for his literary skills. Two of his five sons, Ch’a Ch’ŏllo 車天輅 (1556–1615) and Ch’a Ullo 雲輅 (b. 1559), were also famous poets. 48. Kim Han’gŏl 金漢傑 (n.d.) from the Kim clan of Kaesŏng (Kaesŏng Kim ssi 開城金氏) in Hwanghae Province. He passed the Higher Civil Service Examination in 1546 and became District Magistrate ( pusa 府使). 49.  Ch’oe Chayang 崔自陽 (n.d.) was from the Ch’oe clan of T’ongch’ŏn (T’ongch’ŏn Ch’oe ssi 通川崔氏) in Kangwŏn Province. He became Literary Licentiate. He was given the posthumous title of Vice-Minister of War. 50. In Kangwŏn Province. 51. Ch’oe Rip 崔岦 (1539–1612), son of Ch’oe Chayang (n.d.), was a talented writer, poet, art critic, and influential emissary to China. He was also a specialist of the Changes and wrote notably the Chuyŏkponŭi kugyŏlbusŏl 周易本義口訣附說 (Oral Explanations on Zhu Xi’s Original Meaning of the Changes of the Zhou). 52. Chŏng Chiyŏn 鄭芝衍 (1525–1583) was from the Chŏng clan of Tongnae (Tongnae Chŏng ssi 東萊鄭氏) in Kyŏngsang Province. His father, Chŏng Yuin 鄭‌惟‌仁 (1504–1553), passed the Higher Civil Service Examination and was interested in medicine. He wrote the Isaengnok 頤生錄 (Records on the Art of Nourishing Life) in 1523. Chŏng Chiyŏn was the best student of Yi Chungho 李仲虎 (see note 54 below). He studied with several masters: T’oegye, Hwadam, but also Sŏng Chewŏn 成悌‌元 (1506–1559), a specialist of geography, medicine, and divination. He passed the Higher Civil Service Examination and became the teacher of the future King Sŏnjo. He was appointed in several positions and was praised for his exemplary attitude and work throughout his career. In 1581, he became Third State Councilor. Despite his severe illness, he was not allowed to resign. Before dying in 1583, he was asked to recommend talented young scholars and gave the names of Yi Sanhae (see note 23 above) and Yulgok. 53. The capping ceremony takes place when a young man is twenty years old. 54. Yi Chungho 李仲虎 (1512–1554) was from the royal Yi clan of Chŏnju. He

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was a disciple of Yu U 柳藕 (1473–1537), who was himself a disciple of Kim Koengp’il and a specialist of the Changes, divination, and medicine. Yi Chungho dedicated his life to ethical training and studying Neo-Confucianism. He was a talented writer and knowledgeable about rites as well. He wrote several works, among which were Neo-Confucian diagrams and poems. His posthumous name is Mun’gyŏng 文敬 and his collected works are called Isojae chip 履素齋集. 55. Yun Tamsu 尹聃壽 (n.d.) was from the Yun clan of Haep’yŏng. There is little information about his life. He was the son of the Confucian scholar Yun Pyŏn 尹忭 (1439–1549) and the secondary daughter of Yi Yŏng 李嶸 (1560–1582), from the royal Yi clan and the Yi clan from Tŏksu on the maternal side. His brother, Yun Ch’unsu 尹春壽 (b. 1521), was a scholar-official on whom was bestowed the title of Merit Subject under the reigns of both Sŏnjo and Kwanghaegun. Yun Tamsu was also the half-brother of the two main leaders of the Westerners, Yun Kŭnsu and the Neo-Confucian scholar and poet Yun Tusu 尹斗壽 (1533–1601). Lastly, he was the father of Yun Hyŏn 尹晛 (1536–1597), who was an active member of the Westerners’ faction at court. 56. In the Northern Kyŏngsang Province. 57. Kang Munu 姜文佑 (n.d.) was from the Kang clan of Chinju (Chinju Kang ssi 晉州姜氏) in Kyŏngsang Province. He passed the Civil Service Examination in 1558 and was appointed in the military first as a Myriarch (manho 萬戶), and then at the Office of Printers (Kyosŏgwan 校書館). He distinguished himself during the Imjin War. 58. See note 54 above. 59. Hyoryŏng taegun 孝寧大君, Yi Po 李補 (1396–1486). Second son of King T’aejo and Lady Min 閔, Queen Wŏn’gyŏng 元敬 (1365–1420). 60. Literally, the expression kouyi/kuŭi 摳衣 means “to lift one’s clothes” to express respect and devotion by hurrying to serve a master. It means being zealous in serving one’s teacher. 61. See note 36 above. 62. Pak Sech’ae 朴世采 (1631–1695) was from the Pak clan of Pannam in Chŏlla Province (Pannam Pak ssi 潘南朴氏) and a member of the “exalted lineages” (myŏngmun sejok 名門世族) as marriage kinsmen of the royal family. He was close to both Song Siyŏl and the members of the Disciple’s Faction. He spent a lot of time in exile, because of factional struggles at court. He was a renowned and influential Confucian scholar, highly knowledgeable about rites, and he played an active role in the implementation of Neo-Confucian rituals in the second half of the Chŏson period. As a prolific writer, he left many scholarly writings. His collected works are called the Namgye chip 南溪集. Pak Sech’ae was a fierce opponent of the theories of Wang Yangming, but one of his disciples, Chŏng Chedu 鄭齊斗 (1649–1736), became the famous founder of the so-called Kanghwa hakp’a 江華學派, which followed Wang Yangming’s teachings. Pak Sech’ae, whose posthumous name is Munsun 文純, was enshrined in the Confucian Shrine. 63. Chang Kasun 張可順 (1493–1549) was from the Chang clan of Kyŏlsŏng (Kyŏlsŏng Chang ssi 結城張氏) in Ch’ungch’ŏng Province. He was a renowned

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scholar who dedicated his life to studying. He was offered a position under Myŏngjong’s reign, but did not take it. He wrote several writings that were all destroyed by fire, except the Insa simsŏmok 人事尋緖目 (List of Insights into the Clues about Men and Things). He was posthumously given the title of Secretary of the Ministry of Taxation (Hojo chŏngnang 戶曹正郎) in 1698. 64. The complete title is Tongyusaurok 東儒師友錄 (Records of the Master-Disciple Relationships among Eastern Confucians). This compilation in thirty-seven kwŏn, also called Saurok 師友錄 (Records of the Master-Disciple Relationships), traces the genealogy of the Korean Confucians from Silla to Chosŏn. It was achieved by Pak Sech’ae (see note 62 above) in 1682 and supplemented by his disciple Yi Sehwan 李世煥 (1664–1752). 65. Min Ki 閔箕 (1504–1568) was from the Min clan of Yŏhŭng (Yŏhŭng Min ssi 驪興閔氏) in Kyŏnggi Province. He was a disciple of Kim Anguk and became Minister of Personnel (Ijo p’ansŏ 吏曹判書) and Third State Councilor (Uŭijŏng 右議政). 66. U Namyang 禹南陽 (n.d.) was from the U clan of Tanyang (Tanyang U ssi 丹陽禹氏) in Ch’ungch’ŏng Province. He was a renowned retired scholar who never accepted any official position. He was from a rich family but led a simple and celibate life.

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Postface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam [1601] Yun Hyosŏn

1. Aha! The master’s patronymic is Sŏ, his posthumous name Kyŏngdŏk, and his courtesy name Kagu. He took up residence in the Ogak Mountains where there was a pool called Hwadam as well as a rock called Hwaam. This pool and this rock have been used to compose his pseudonym. That is why scholars used to call him Master Hwadam. As for Pokchae, it is the name he chose for himself. 2. His ancestors are Tangsŏng people. His father was named Hobŏn and his mother was from the Han family. Lady Han dreamed that she entered the Confucian shrine just before conception, and in the year kiyu of the hongch’i era, the seventeenth day of the second month, she gave birth to the master in her residence in the village of Hwajŏng in Songdo. 3. From early childhood he led a secluded life in the woods, and for this reason he never accepted an offer to take an appointed position. During the recruitment of able and virtuous men in the year kimyo, he was selected along with other outstanding men to take a position, but he refused again. In order to comply with his mother’s wish, he did take the examination one time. 4. Upon the death of both King Chungjong and King Injong, he each time observed the rules of mourning and wore sackcloth for three months. 5. At dawn on the seventh day of the seventh month of the year pyŏngo [1546] of the kajŏng era, he passed away in his residence in Hwadam. He was then fifty-eight years old. After his death, the title of Third State Councilor of the State Council was bestowed on him. As for his honorific name Mungang, it was composed with the character mun, standing for his erudition matching up to his moral conduct, and kang, for his comprehension of the fundamentals. 204

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6. Aha! The late King Injong was the ruler of great sagacity for our Eastern land. The master was endowed with the talent of a great worthy and his life coincided with the reign of Injong. Because the three key positions were vacant, the king recruited talented men by oneiromancy. But after only one year on the throne, he went to heaven in the year ŭlsa. The master, who was not yet sixty years old at the time, passed away just the year after. When heaven begets a great worthy, it is to give him to a great and sage ruler. But in the end, neither the great worthy nor the great sage ruler succeeded in fulfilling their aspirations and just like that vanished into the darkness, away from a whole generation. What is really unfathomable is certainly heaven’s will. 7. Aha! In his learning, the master sought only genuineness, was focused on inner mental attentiveness, and gave precedence to the investigation of things and the expansion of knowledge. When he had not exhausted the meaning of a word, he would then think about other possible meanings and when he still had not grasped it, he would develop his understanding by putting his efforts into practicing what he had already understood. He set a rigorous curriculum for himself and moved progressively forward. 8. When his learning came to fulfillment, his viewpoint had changed significantly and, thus, he quickly reached the goal that he had set for himself. He had an unbending mind within and his good-natured manners shone without. Balance and harmony were rooted deep in his nature and the Odes and Documents drove his behavior. A life of destitution and hunger did not weaken his heart, nor did the lust for fame or gain compromise his determination. He spent his whole life in the woods, pondering past and present. 9. Usually, he immediately understood in one go any abstruse work under heaven and his tremendous intellectual abilities were almost unequaled. Especially obscure are the commentaries on the Changes by Fu Xi and King Wen of Zhou, as well as works like the August Ultimate Going through the Ages, and such a mysterious prescience has seldom been known in a thousand years. 10. Aha! The master boasted about himself as follows: “I have unearthed unknown areas of knowledge that have not been fully transmitted by the thousand sages.” Someone from our Eastern people also had these words to say: “The learning of the master is not less than Zhang Zai’s and his science of numbers does not yield to Shao Yong’s. What a prodigy!” 11. The Swans’ Mountains, where the Koryŏ ruling clans had established their capital for five hundred years, were able to gestate the most refined and pure energy to give birth to such an outstanding and celebrated personality. How magnificent! Even a coarse and barbaric land beyond the Chinese seas gave birth to such a great and unparalleled Confucian!

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But nevertheless, now that we are in the last phase of a cycle and our Way has been torn limb from limb, his teachings are no longer studied and his minced words are no longer masticated. Who can still appreciate the master’s teaching at its true value! 12. Aha! Insignificant I was fortunate enough to study with Sir Min, Sŭpchae, who was a direct disciple of the master. As I have roughly understood the outlines of what Sir Min had learned from the master, I can most certainly claim that the latter is my grandfather and true teacher. So, the respect I have for the master’s moral conduct and writings is all the more incommensurable to other people’s. 13. As a result of the fires of war, documents were scattered and disappeared. I ate my heart out when, after asking his adopted heir, Marquis Yongdam,1 about any remaining manuscripts and obtaining a book, I couldn’t see the master’s writings. Some of his poetry and prose was thus collected and published by the master’s disciples, venerable Pak Ijŏng2 and Hŏ T’aehwi.3 As for Yongdam, since he became an orphan at an early age, he could not preserve many documents because they had already been lost. What an insurmountable sorrow! It is unfortunate indeed that the past cannot be traced, but we should plan how to anticipate the future. So, I have requested Sir Min Yuch’ŏng,4 who shares my concerns, to pass on to me a handwritten copy, which I have been reciting passionately and which I keep with reverence, considering it as a great treasure of this Confucian culture of ours.5 14. Aha! Once, my deceased friend Yu Yŏgŏn6 said: “Master Hwadam’s one and only volume in two fascicles outshines other Confucians’ works in several dozen of fascicles.” How true it is! This book in two kwŏn is assuredly not a work of which the sibylline meaning could be understood by minor Confucians, and even among the scholars who might spend their lives consulting and reading it, some could never exhaust its meaning. Year sinch’uk [1601] of mallyŏk era, day muin in the summer, postscript humbly added by junior scholar Kich’ŏn, Yun Hyosŏn.7

Notes 1. Pak Ijang 朴而章 (1547–1622), Yongdam 龍潭, was from the Pak clan of Sunch’ŏn (Sunch’ŏn Pak ssi 順天朴氏) in Chŏlla Province. He was the disciple of Cho Sik 曺植 (1501–1572) and No Susin 盧守愼 (1515–1590). He passed the Higher Civil Service Examination in 1586. He was a member of the Little Northerners (Sobuk 小‌北). He was sent on diplomatic missions to China in 1591 and 1603. Under the reign of Kwanghaegun 光海君 (r. 1608–1623), he was appointed Censor-General (taesagan

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大司諫) and Headmaster (taesasŏng 大司成) of the Royal Academy (Sŏnggyun’gwan 成‌均館). But he fell in disgrace in 1615 and retired to Sŏngju 星州 in Kyŏngsang Province, where he remained and devoted himself to teaching and studying. He was a talented poet and skilled writer. He was ritually honored at Ch’ŏngch’ŏn Academy (Ch’ŏngch’ŏn sŏwŏn 晴川書院). He left several philosophical works and his collected writings are called the Yongdam chip 龍潭集. 2. Pak Minhŏn 朴民獻 (1516–1586). See note 1 of the “Statement about Pak Ijŏng’s Courtesy Name with a Foreword.” 3. Hŏ Yŏp 許曄 (1517–1580). See note 6 of the “List of Disciples.” 4. Min Yuch’ŏng 閔惟淸 (b. 1575) was from the Min clan of Yŏhŭng (Yŏhŭng Min ssi 驪興閔氏) in Kyŏnggi Province. He passed the Higher Civil Service Examination in 1612 and became Classics Licentiate (saengwŏn 生員). 5. The expression si wen/sa mun 斯文 (“this culture”) has been translated by “this Confucian culture of ours” to echo Peter Bol’s translation in his famous book on Neo-Confucianism in China. Cf. Peter Bol, “This Culture of Ours”: Intellectual Transitions in T’ang and Sung China (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1992). 6. Yu Kŭksin 柳克新 (b. 1556), Yŏgŏn 柳汝健, was from the Yu clan of Munhwa (Munhwa Yu ssi 文化柳氏) in Hwanghae Province. His father, Yu Monghak 柳夢‌鶴 (n.d.), was a disciple of Yi Hang 李恒 (1499–1576) and a friend of Yi I. Yu Kŭksin became Doctor (chinsa 進士) in 1585. 原 7. Yun Hyosŏn 尹孝先 (1563–1619) was from the Yun clan of Namwŏn 南‌ (Namwŏn Yun ssi 南原尹氏) in Chŏlla Province. This powerful clan was, from the mid-Chosŏn period, an independent branch of the Yun clan of P’ap’yŏng. Yun Hyosŏn is better known under the name of Yun Hyojŏn 尹孝全. His courtesy name is Kich’ŏn 沂川 and usual name Yŏngch’o 詠初. His paternal great-grandfather, Yun Kwan 尹寬 (1490–1550), was a disciple of Cho Kwangjo and a renowned Confucian scholar. His grandfather, Yun Ho 尹虎 (d. 1393), was Vice Minister of Personnel, and his father, Yun Hŭison 尹喜孫 (d. 1522), was also an influential scholar-official. His mother was from the Yi clan of Yean (Yean Yi ssi 禮安 李氏) in Andong, Kyŏngsang Province. His son, Yun Hyu 尹鑴 (1617–1680), was a famous Confucian scholar-official and the leader of the Southerners (Namin 南人). Yun Hyosŏn studied with Hwadam’s disciple Min Sun, as well as with T’oegye’s disciple Chŏng Ku 鄭逑 (1543–1620). He was affiliated with the Northerners (Pugin 北人), and he took the side of the Little Northerners when the Northerners split into two factions. Yun Hyosŏn obtained a protected appointment (ŭmsŏ 蔭敍), but successfully passed the Higher Civil Service Examination in 1605. In 1613, he foiled the plot of Imhaegun 臨海君 (1572–1609), who was the king’s older brother, and was made Merit Subject (kongsin 功臣) with fortyeight other officials. He also received the title of Prince Taewŏn (Taewŏngun 帶原君). However, because of several disagreements with other scholars-officials at court, he was sent to less desirable posts outside of the capital and died as Chief Magistrate ( puyun 府尹) of Kyŏngju in Kyŏngsang Province. Thanks to the efforts of his son, he was given the posthumous title of Chief State Counselor ( yŏngŭijŏng 領議政). Yun Hyosŏn wrote this postface to the Hwadam chip before passing the Higher Civil Service Examination and embarking on his tumultuous political life.

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Postface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam [1605] Hong Pang

1. Alas! The master lived a life of ethics and erudition, concealing his path in the shades of woods and springs. The essays he wrote, such as “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy,” “The Patterning Principle and Vital Energy,” “The Supreme Void,” and so on, as well as his arithmetical explanation on the August Ultimate Going through the Ages, developed concepts that were not developed by previous sages. He interpreted and analyzed the wonders of divinatory figures and numbers, elucidated and explained obscure meanings, and opened up and revealed hidden mysteries. This was a great service done to later scholars and we should most certainly not let it be wasted and left untransmitted. 2. In the past, a compilation of his writings was printed and circulated among the people. So, even though I was born later and led an isolated and simple life, and thus did not get the chance to be taught directly by the master while he lived, I was aware that our Eastern Land did give birth to such a great sage. Unfortunately, in the aftermath of the wild fires of the wars, his writings were scattered and disappeared, and I bemoaned not being able to see this compilation again. 3. Therefore, I questioned scholars and friends from all over about it, and I finally got these remaining writings. I then collected some funding and recruited craftsmen with the skills for this work, and these writings have been engraved on wooden printing blocks so that their transmission will endure. As for the correctness of the master’s training of the Mind-andHeart, as well as his ultimate achievements in the fathoming of principles 208

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and the investigation of things, these are certainly not realms that small fry and shallow scholars can hope to delve into. Thirty-third year of the mallyŏk era of the Ming dynasty, year ŭlsa [1605], late fall. Postface by Chosan taebu Hong Pang,1 County Superintendent of Ŭnsan.2

Notes 1. Hong Pang 洪霶 (1573–1638) was from the Hong clan of P’ungsan 豊山 (P’ungsan Hong ssi 豊山洪氏) in Andong, Kyŏngsang Province. His father was Hong Isang 洪履祥 (1549–1615), a talented Confucian scholar-official who studied with Hwadam’s disciple Min Sun, and whose career was affected by the birth of factional struggles. Hong Isang notably fell into disgrace in 1596 when, as Vice Minister of the Ministry of Punishments (Hyŏngjo ch’amp’an 刑曹參判), he raised his voice in defense of Sŏng Hon 成渾 (1535–1598), who was heavily criticized by the scholars from the Yŏngnam region, that is to say the disciples of Yi Hwang and Cho Sik in Kyŏng­sang Province. He was also removed from important positions at court by 瞻 (1560–1623), the leader of the Great Northerners (Taebuk 大北), Yi Ich’ŏm 李爾‌ and Chŏng Inhong 鄭仁弘 (1535–1623) from the Nammyŏng school of the Yŏngnam region (Nammyŏng hakp’a 南冥學派), which focused on the teachings of Cho Sik. Hong Pang married a descendant of Muan taegun 撫安大君 (1381–1398), the seventh son of the founder of the Chosŏn dynasty, King T’aejo 太祖 (r. 1392–1398), and was thus related to the royal family. Hong Pang obtained an appointment through the ŭmsŏ 蔭敍 protection system, just like Yun Hyosŏn did around the same time. In 1604, he became County Superintendent of Ŭnsan in Ch’ungch’ŏng Province and, in 1605, the very same year as Yun Hyosŏn, he passed the Higher Civil Service Examination. It is also that year that he wrote this postface to the Hwadam chip. He was appointed to several positions under the reign of Kwanghaegun: Assistant Section Chief, Lowranking Censor, Minor Inspector, Sixth Counselor, Junior Fifth Adviser, etc. He also participated in the compilation of the Veritable Record of King Sŏnjo (Sŏnjo sillok 宣‌祖實錄). In 1621, he criticized the influence of Yi Ich’ŏm and the Great Northerners with Yi Chŏnggwi 李廷龜 (1564–1635) and Kim Sin’guk 金藎國 (1572–1657). In 1619 and 1628, he was part of the diplomatic missions sent to China. When he was Prefect ( yusu 留守) of Kaesŏng, he suggested implementing the Uniform Land Tax Law (Taedongpŏp 大同法), which was then only levied in Kyŏnggi and Kangwŏn Provinces, but he ended up being removed from office in 1633, because of the strong opposition from the wealthy people of the area. In 1635, he became First Adviser ( pujehak 副提學) and, later, Inspector-General (taesahŏn 大司憲). 2. Ŭnsan was a prefecture (hyŏn 縣) located in the Southern P’yŏngan Province.

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Postface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam [1752] Kim Yonggyŏm

1. Master Sŏ, Hwadam, was endowed with a lot of sagacious skills and studied both heaven and man. He certainly is the Shao Yaofu1 of our Eastern land. But his writings are not numerous and there is only one compilation in a single volume that has circulated so far. It is impossible to completely understand the master with such a fragmentary constellation of words. Moreover, their arrangement in the compilation is in no apparent order, and the edited version is now illegible. It would be all the more dreadful if this could not be properly mended. 2. Regardless of my modest skills, I myself reorganized the compilation and made a handwritten copy in one volume in order to benefit from the pleasure of savoring its full taste. But shortly afterwards, I decided that when I felt up to it, I would have it engraved in wooden blocks and make it known to the world. 3. Ah! The average Confucians believe that the master’s teachings only lean towards the study of divinatory figures and numbers, and they do not consider him to be a pure Confucian. Yet, they are not aware that the master searched out and found the subtleties of the Way without descending from any scholarly lineage. This is certainly not something that could be grasped by ordinary people who just repeat what has been said before. How could average Confucians, inexperienced and ignorant as they are, peer into and penetrate the inner workings of the master’s mind? 4. In the year ŭlmyo [1735], during a journey in the West, I visited the ancient capital and went to Hwadam in the area nearby. I saluted the strong breeze by raising clasped hands and bowed deeply in front of the shrine that remained. Pacing back and forth, I lingered for quite some time, unwilling 210

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to leave. Today, as I am working on this editing task, I once again recollect that moment and the same feeling still moves me. Twenty-eighth year of the reign, year imsin [1752], two days before the tenth month. Written with respectfully washed hands by junior scholar Kim Yonggyŏm2 from Andong.

Notes 1. Shao Yong. 2. Kim Yonggyŏm 金用謙 (1702–1789) was from the Kim clan of Andong (Andong Kim ssi 安東金氏). His grandfather was Kim Suhang 金壽恒 (1629–1689), who was a Confucian scholar, Minister of Rites, and Minister of Personnel, and was opposed to the Southerners and Disciple’s Faction. His father, Kim Ch’angjŭp 金‌昌‌緝 (1662–1713), was also a renowned Confucian scholar. Kim Yonggyŏm’s grandfather and father were both close to Song Siyŏl 宋時烈 (1607–1689), the leader of the Patriarch’s Faction. Kim Yonggyŏm was an influential leader of the Northern Learning school (Puk’ak p’a 北學派) and was a friend of Pak Chiwŏn 朴趾源 (1737–1805). He was a specialist of Confucian rites and his literary and artistic skills were highly praised.

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Postface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam [1770]1 Yun Tŭkkwan

1. The Great Plan of our Kija is a text that tells the Way of heaven and man and unveils the method of becoming a sage. The essentials might be summed up with one character: thinking. At first, Yao taught Shun using the phrase “keep to the mean,”2 and afterwards, Confucius exhorted Yan Hui to observe the expression “to subdue one’s self.”3 These are all related to the practice designated by the word “thinking” and are the outside and inside of the same garment as Kija’s “Plan.” Even in Zhu Xi’s Questions and Answers on the Great Learning, the commentaries on the Classic and its exegesis endeavor to both perpetuate previous commentaries and open new perspectives. When one thinks about the reason for this, it is obvious that it also derives from the idea of “thinking.” 2. Picture him in the mountains, in darkness, pondering at the song of the lamenting cuckoo. . . At the beginning of his search for the Way, how strenuous must his meditation have been! Confucius’s sentence, “A whole night occupied with thinking is of no use compared to learning”4 means the same as “thinking without learning.”5 Confucius also said, “Learning without thought is labor lost,”6 and Mencius said, “The noble person delves into it deeply according to the Way, wishing to get it in himself.”7 “To get it in oneself”8 means “to get it in the mind.” “The mind-heart is the organ of thought”9 and thinking leads to understanding through the Way, which cannot be attained without thinking. What is called “keeping reverence”10 is also a famous allusion to “thinking” understood as “focusing on one thought.”11 If there were no thinking, how could reverence be of any kind of use? This is the fundamental teaching of Kija’s “Plan.” 3. Among our Eastern scholars, both masters Chŏngam and T’oegye 212

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213

could be considered the best. But master Sŏ Hwadam was born between the two. The explanations given by each of the three masters about the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy contain truths and untruths when compared one to another. This was discussed by Yulgok, venerable Munsŏng, who only retained the master and Chŏngam because they achieved understanding on their own. There is most certainly an expression of praise implied in such an opinion. 4. My forefather, the Marquis Wŏlchŏng,12 was sent on a mission to the celestial court. When the scholars of the Chinese court asked him whether Kija’s divisions and his science of numbers, as well as Confucius and Mencius’s method of the mind,13 had been transmitted in our country, naming the master along with Chŏngam and other sages, he answered: “A certain Sŏ has clearly explained the Learning of Nature and Principle, and he’s even more well-versed in numerology.” This took place at a time when the tenure of explanations conformed to T’oegye’s views. But later on, T’oegye himself was very lenient with the master, as can be seen in the views he expressed in his poetry. So, average Confucians have sometimes accused the master’s scholarship, in order to belittle it, of excessive bias towards numbers, but this is ignorance. 5. Numbers are patterning principles. To choose to learn without knowing the Patterning Principle, can this truly be called Learning? Master Confucius’s commentaries provided the Changes with their coherence: so this is the same when dealing with numbers. Supposing that Confucius had never worked on editing the Odes or focusing on the Rites, and that only his commentaries on the Changes had been transmitted, would it be even thinkable to belittle the Master himself by criticizing him for studying numbers? 6. Early in his life Master Sŏ meditated on the fact that a round year consists of three hundred [and sixty-six days]14 and was able to immediately and naturally comprehend all things, and thereupon he became aware that what is written in books could also be fathomed through thinking alone. He then wrote on his walls the names of all things and beings between heaven and earth, and could not eat or sleep for thinking, until he finally understood the unity pervading all things. Zhu Xi used to say that whoever wants to really learn must beforehand understand the meaning of words and after that, depending on this preliminary work, one might be able to seek the underlying patterning principles. When considering the master, this is indeed the case. The texts of the present compilation, “The Source of the Patterning Principle and Vital Energy” and so forth, are all expressions of this comprehension of his through thinking alone.15 7. In the memorial addressed to King Injong,16 where he pointed out the mistake of not conforming to ancient rules for mourning rites and urged

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The Master from Mountains and Fields

reverting to the Three Dynasties’ rituals, his words and thoughts were so earnest and sorrowful that everybody breathed a sigh of admiration. How could the master’s scholarship be distorted by any excessive bias towards numbers? If the master had been given the opportunity to put his skills to the best use at that time, his excellent words and accomplished conceptions would have been presented to the king and their contribution to the teachings of the time would certainly not have been insignificant and our common people would most probably have benefited from such a blessing. What a pity that it did not happen! 8. As for the edition of the master’s remaining works, printing blocks had been stored for a long time in the academy,17 but today they are all badly damaged and worn away by time. Several scholars in the former capital18 have planned to get new blocks carved and Literary Licentiate Han Myŏngsang19 has been put in charge of getting the job done. Relaying many scholars’ wishes, Han has entrusted me with the task of writing a postface because, he said, I have always known, respected, and admired the master. Since my refusal was not accepted, I have finally written this explanation to be added to the end of the volume. If people became aware that the master’s learning is exactly the same as Kija’s, and if scholars looked for what made him a master, and if they really studied it, I believe that everybody would get nearer to the gateway leading to the path to becoming a sage. Seventh month, first day, year ŭlsa [year kyŏngin, 1770],20 humbly written by Haep’yŏng, Yun Tŭkkwan.21

Notes 1. Error in the date in the original manuscript that states year ŭlsa 乙巳. In the eighteenth century, the year ŭlsa refers to either 1725 or 1785. Since Yun Tŭkkwan, born in 1710, could not have written this postface at age fifteen, so 1725 cannot be right. This postface was first published in the 1770 edition, so 1785 can also be eliminated. In conclusion, this postface should be dated from 1770, year kyŏngin 庚寅. In his translation, Kim Hakchu was faithful to the year ŭlsa written in the manuscript but made another error. He dated the preface from 1605, which is a possible ŭlsa year in the seventeenth century, but Yun Tŭkkwan’s authorship of the postface does not make any sense in that case. 2. Cf. Shujing, “Book of Yu,” Counsels of the Great Yu. The original expression has been abbreviated here. 3. Cf. Lunyu, XII.1. 4. Cf. Lunyu, XV.31. The quotation has been abbreviated here. 5. Cf. Lunyu, II.15. 6. Same reference to Lunyu, II.15.

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7. Cf. Mengzi, IV.B.42. 8. Cf. Mengzi, IV.B.42, and Zhongyong, 14. 9. Cf. Mengzi, VI.A.15. 10. Cf. Lunyu jizhu, XII.2. 11. Cf. Lunyu jizhu, I.5. 12. Yun Kŭnsu 尹根壽 (1537–1616), the founder of the Southerners and a disciple of T’oegye. 13. See Zhu Xi’s commentary on Lunyu XII.1 and the introductory remark quoting Cheng Yi in his commentary of the Zhongyong. Cf. Lunyu jizhu XII.1 and Zhong­yong zhangju. 14. See paragraph 14 in “Chronological Biography.” The expression is a reference to a quotation from the Shujing, “Book of Yu,” Canon of Yao. 15. See the same account in paragraphs 6–9 of “Tombstone Inscription.” 16. See “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Injong Discussing the Error of Not Following the Ancients in the Regulations for Official Royal Mourning.” 17. The 1605 edition of the collected works of Hwadam, in one volume, compiled by Hong Pang, was made and kept at the Hwagok Academy. 18. Kaesŏng. 19. Han Myŏngsang 韓命相 (b. 1651) from the Han clan of Ch’ŏngju 淸州 (Ch’ŏngju Han ssi 淸州韓氏) passed the Higher Civil Service Examination in 1690. 20. See note 1 above. 21. Yun Tŭkkwan 尹得觀 (b. 1710) was from the Yun clan of Haep’yŏng 海‌平 (Haep’yŏng Yun ssi 海平尹氏) in Kyŏngsang Province. He was a descendant of Yun Kŭnsu and studied with Pak P’ilchu 朴弼周 (1665–1748), Pak Ch’angwŏn 朴昌元 (1683–1753), who was a specialist of the Changes and close to the Patriarch’s Faction, and Ŏ Yubong 魚有鳳 (1672–1744), who was a disciple of Kim Ch’anghyŏp 金昌協 (1651–1708) and a member of the Patriarch’s Faction but also a follower of T’oegye’s teachings. Yun Tŭkkwan became Doctor in 1738 and devoted himself entirely to the study of Confucianism, far from political life.

32

Postface to the Literary Collection of Master Hwadam [1770] Ch’ae Wiha

1. Literary collections are printed in order to perpetuate the transmission of texts. If an edition is neither precise nor comprehensive, its transmission will not endure. How is this any different from not printing texts at all? In Songgyŏng, there is an edition of Hwadam’s collected writings dating from a long time ago,1 but the arrangement has no order and the sinographs are not aligned properly. In addition, because of time and wear, ink has faded such that characters are blurred, and some parts of the paper have deteriorated so much that they have simply disappeared and the text is no longer decipherable. Isn’t it a pity for our Confucian cultural tradition?2 2. When I came to assist the local administration,3 I was concerned about this and it crossed my mind that I should have a new edition printed. Then, Kim Sŏngsi4 came to show me a compilation in one volume made by Sir Kim Yonggyŏm, Kyogyojae.5 I took it and read it: the arrangement was correct and the notes on the use of the book were also very good. It can be said that he had done first what I heartily intended to do! I later met many scholars in the area and we planned together to finance a new edition. Furthermore, we collected quotations of what later sages have said about the master to supplement the remaining manuscripts,6 and a chronicle of the master’s life7 as well as a list of his disciples8 were printed separately and were added as appendixes to form three parts. It is hoped that all this work is as accurate and detailed as possible in order to perpetuate the transmission. When we were told that the printing work was done, Literary Licentiates Han Myŏngsang9 and Ma Chigwang10 wanted me to write a postface to add the finishing touch. My refusal was not accepted and I have roughly written down the above. As for the splendid virtue and the profound teach216

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ing of the master, they can certainly not be grasped and delved into by an ignoramus, so I do not presume to speak on these matters here.   Forty-sixth year of the dynasty, year kyŏngin [1770], last third of the leap month, humbly written by junior scholar P’yŏnggang, Ch’ae Wiha.11

Notes 1. Ch’ae Wiha is referring to the third edition of the Hwadam chip, which was completed in 1652 by Yun Hyu, the son of Min Sun’s disciple Yun Hyosŏn (see the 1601 postface), and kept at Sungyang Academy in Kaesŏng. 2. The same expression was translated by “this Confucian culture of ours” in paragraph 13 of the 1601 postface by Yun Hyosŏn. See note 5 of that postface. 3. Ch’ae Wiha was the Prefect of Kaesŏng. 4. Kim Sŏngsi 金聲始 (n.d.) was from the Kim clan of Sunch’ŏn 順天 (Sunch’ŏn Kim ssi 順天金氏) in Kyŏnggi Province. He married the daughter of Yun P’yŏng 尹‌ 坪 (b. 1600), from the Pap’yŏng Yun clan. He was a member of the Loyal and Righteous Guards (Ch’ungŭiwi 忠義衛) and the father of the Confucian scholar Kim Suo 金秀‌五 (1669–1742). 5. This handwritten compilation most probably assembled the many materials collected through the years by Kim Yonggyŏm. On Kim, see note 2 of the 1752 postface. 6. This additional part was titled ŏnhaeng chamnok 言行雜錄 (Miscellany of Words and Deeds). However, parts of its content were already compiled and published in the 1652 edition of the Hwadam chip in an addendum simply called purok 附錄 (Appendix). 7. See “Chronological Biography.” The content of this biography was later altered in the 1787 edition, on which this English translation is based. In particular, extensive quotations from the “Memorial Addressed to the Great King Injong Discussing the Error of Not Following the Ancients in the Regulations for Official Royal Mourning” were added to the last version of the biography. 8. See “List of Disciples.” The content of this list was altered in the 1787 edition; indeed, some disciples were removed. 9. Han Myŏngsang 韓命相 (b. 1702) from the Han clan of Ch’ŏngju 淸州 (Ch’ŏngju Han ssi 淸州韓氏) in Ch’ungch’ŏng Province. He married a member of the Kwŏn clan of Andong (Andong Kwŏn ssi 安東權氏). He lived in Kaesŏng. He became Literary Licentiate in 1721. 10. Ma Chigwang 馬之光 (b. 1726) was from the Ma clan of Mokch’ŏn 木川 (Mokch’ŏn Ma ssi 木川馬氏) in Ch’ungchŏng Province. He lived in Kaesŏng. He became Literary Licentiate in 1747. 11. Ch’ae Wiha 蔡緯夏 (1720–1791) was from the Ch’ae clan of P’yŏnggang 平‌康 (P’yŏnggang Ch’ae ssi 平康蔡氏) in Kangwŏn Province. His mother was from

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the royal Yi clan of Chŏnju (Chŏnju Yi ssi 全州 李氏). His father, Ch’ae Ŭngsang 蔡膺祥 (1689–1754), was a disciple of Kwŏn Sangha 權尙夏 (1641–1721), who was himself a disciple of Song Siyŏl. His uncle Ch’ae Ŭngbok 蔡膺福 (1675–1744) was also a renowned scholar. He passed the Higher Civil Service Examination in 1750 and became Vice Minister of War (Pyŏngjo ch’amp’an 兵曹參判).

Bibliography

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219

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Index

academies: Ch’ŏngch’ŏn, 207n1; Hwaam, 199n23; Hwagok, 8–9, 16, 37n2, 43–44, 180–181, 192–193, 196n1, 214, 215n17; Insan, 199n23; Kich’ŏn, 199n25; Miwŏn, 200n34; Munbong, 196n1; Paegwŏn, 198n8; Royal, 49, 51n5, 51n7, 63n4, 159n1, 176, 186, 197n4, 197n6, 207n1; Sungyang, 9–10, 14, 30n18, 217n1 Andong: Hong clan, 209n1; Kim clan, 9, 211; Kwŏn clan, 217n9; Yi clan, 207n7 Bo Ya, 173n4 Buddha, 97n59, 102, 104, 166, 169n18 Buddha-Nature, 98n63 Buddhism: 23, 24, 87n13, 90n27, 98n61, 101n12, 105n8, 105n13, 105n15, 132n8, 168n15, 168n16, 169n17, 169n18; Heroic March Sūtra, 97n60; nirvana [die out/ fade away], 105n15, 169n17. See also emptiness; schools: Sŏn Cai Yuanding (Xishan), 41, 46n22, 155n17. See also Changes: Instructing the Young in the Studies of (Yixue qimeng) cap: 53–55, 69n76, 70n87, 78, 177; capping ceremony, 195, 201n53; headband, 66n30, 69n69; raven (dark-colored, black), 53–55, 86n52, 177; royal, 56, 69n77; silk, 54, 67n44, 68n62, 75n13; white, 55–57, 69n69, 177 capital, 9–10, 13–14, 26, 37, 58, 60, 63n5, 178, 179, 186, 199, 205, 207n7, 210, 214 Ch’a Sik (Ijae), 195, 201n47 Ch’ae Ŭngbok, 218n11 Ch’ae Ŭngsang, 218n11 Ch’ae Wiha (P’yŏnggang), 9, 216–217 Chang Kasun (Chasun, Sajae), 196, 202n63

change (Changes): bian/pyŏn [modification], 101n6, 103n15, 126–130, 135, 140, 150– 151, 153n7; bianhua/pyŏnhwa, 147n16; dayan/taeŏn [great expansion], 46n17, 150, 152n2; eight trigrams, 47n27, 93n39, 100n5, 124n8, 125n9, 153n8, 154n11, 155n13, 156n25; hexagrams [guabian/kwabyŏn], 19, 150–151, 153n9; hua/hwa [progressive transformation] 103n15, 126–130, 153n7; tong/t’ong [continuity], 103n15, 153n7; xiang/ sang [patterns, images], 53, 64n18, 92n34, 152n6, 177, 182; yi/yŏk, 44n1, 84n1, 99, 100, 101n6, 101n12, 103n15, 108, 112n21, 115, 124n5, 124n8, 150. See also Changes; charts; cosmology; hexagrams Changes, The Book of, 8, 12, 14, 17–18, 24–25, 38n21, 42–43, 46n19, 70n86, 81, 83, 85, 90n27, 92n34, 92n37, 93n39, 93n41, 103, 103n15, 109n2, 115, 117n7, 117n8, 118n21, 125n9, 141n1, 151, 153n7, 165, 167, 192–196, 205, 213, 215n21; The Commentary on by Yichuan (Yichuan yizhuan), 46n19; Correct Meaning of, 155n13; Elemental (Taixuan jing/ T’ai Hsüan Ching), 93n42, 119n33; Instructing the Young in the Studies of (Yixue qimeng), 145n1, 150–151, 153n8, 154n11, 155n17; Original Meaning of (Zhouyi benyi), 46n20, 145n1; Token for the Agreement of the Three (Cantongqi), 169n26; Xici (Great Treatise), 88n18, 91n30, 95n52, 100n5, 101n6, 108, 108n2, 113n29, 119n32, 120n37, 120n40, 124n5, 125n9, 154n11; Yichuan’s Commentary on (Yichuan yizhuan), 170n38; of the Zhou (Zhouyi), 46n19, 153n7, 194

233

234 Index charts: Before Heaven [Earlier Heaven/ Former Heaven], 117n8; of the directional positions of the sixty-four hexagrams, 144, 145n1, 155n13, 156n25, 156n26; Yellow river, 41, 47n27, 124n8, 152n2, 168n3; Yique qimeng, 150. See also diagrams; hexagrams; inscriptions; Shao Yong Chen Chun, 109n3, 121n50 Cheng brothers, 11, 16, 21, 23, 38, 46n12, 86n10, 91n29, 110n8, 113n30, 118n21, 161n17, 179; Cheng Yi, 18, 41, 43, 45n7, 46n19, 83, 106–108, 110n8, 111n14, 114, 117n7, 118n21, 154n13, 155n17, 156n25, 169n29, 170n38, 191n35, 191n49. See also Changes: Yichuan’s Commentary on (Yichuan yizhuan); schools Cho Chŏnggi, 179, 190n32 Cho Kwangjo (Chŏngam), 14–16, 22–23, 35, 38n12, 38n17, 42, 50n1, 63n4, 113n23, 180, 181n11, 196n3, 197n6, 199n25, 201n45, 207n7 Cho Sik (Nammyŏng), 5, 26, 199n23, 200n34, 200n38, 206n1, 209n1 Cho Yusŏn, 9–10, 13–14, 18, 44 Ch’oe Chayang, 195, 201n49, 201n51 Ch’oe Ch’iwŏn (Munch’ang), 42, 47n30 Ch’oe Kyŏngch’ang, 197n4 Ch’oe Rip (Kani), 195, 197n4, 201n51 Ch’oe Ryŏk (Taesu), 194, 200n38 Chŏn Uch’i, 24–25 Chŏng Chedu, 202n62 Chŏng Chiyŏn (Nambong, Yŏnji), 195, 201n52 Chŏng Inhong, 209n1 Chŏng Ku, 207n7 Chŏng Mongju (P’oŭn, Munch’ung), 8, 37n5, 42, 179 Chŏng Tojŏn, 6 Chŏng Yagyong, 6 Chŏng Yŏrip, 200n34 Chŏng Yuin, 201n51 Classics: Book of Documents (Shujing/ Shangshu), 69n81, 70n87, 70n88, 70n97, 72n116, 117n3, 160n5, 163n6, 163n8, 173n1, 189n10, 191n42, 191n49, 214n2, 215n14; Book of Etiquette and Ceremonials (Yili), 55, 68n67, 70n99;

Book of Odes (Shijing), 37n3, 39n26, 67n50, 69n83, 72n121, 72n125, 88n15, 160n8, 161n21, 163n6, 168n5, 191n46, 191n50; Book of Rites (Liji), 52–78, 63n3, 63n10, 63n11, 64n15, 64n16, 64n17, 64n19, 65n22, 65n24, 65n25, 66n27, 66n28, 66n30, 66n33, 66n36, 67n40, 67nn44–49, 67n51, 67n54, 67n57, 67n58, 68n61, 68nn64–67, 69n71, 69n72, 70n84, 70n85, 70n93, 70n95, 70n96, 70n98, 72n119, 72n122, 72n125, 75nn3–5, 75n9, 75n13, 75n16, 75n17, 79n1, 112n18, 117n4, 118n22, 119n34, 132n10, 160n15, 161n19, 161n21, 161n22, 161n28, 170n33, 170n39, 185, 190n17, 190n27, 190n28; Rites of Zhou (Zhouli), 55–57, 68n67, 69n68, 69n69, 69n75, 70n94, 71n110, 163n6; Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu), 198n12. See also Four Books Confucius: 36, 55, 68n62, 70n90, 72n119, 72n122, 72n123, 85n7, 86n10, 111n15, 113n29, 114, 121n50, 121n52, 160n15, 163n6, 166, 168n11, 169n21, 169n22, 169n27, 178, 188, 198n12, 212–213; and Changes, 213; disciples: Ran Qiu, 85n7; Yan Hui: 46n10, 111n15, 168n11, 212; Zengzi (Dian), 39n22, 43, 190n28; Zixia, 198n20. See also Four Books; Munmyo cosmochrony (Shao Yong): 17, 141, 142n1; cycle, 43, 137–141, 141n1, 142n2, 142n9, 143n18, 156n26, 206; epoch, 43, 137, 141n1; revolution, 140, 141n1, 143n17 cosmology: Five phases, 47n27, 90n27, 92n36, 93n42, 102n13, 111n17, 152n2; generating and overcoming, 82, 92n36, 99; miao/myo [mystery/wonder], 81–83, 91n28, 100, 107; move/ac­ tivity, 81–83, 90n27, 92n34, 94n43, 94n48, 99, 100n5, 107, 109n3, 112, 114; “the pattern is one, its manifestations are diverse,” 91n29; Patterning Principle [order/coherence], 36, 41, 43, 81–83, 86n10, 91n29, 99–100, 107, 114–116, 123, 135–136, 155n13, 166, 184–185, 188, 192, 193, 213; spring/ pivot, 82, 92n34, 114, 120n42; still­

Index ness, 81–83, 86n9, 90n27, 92n34, 99, 100n5, 107, 112n17, 114–116, 164, 166, 171; taiji/t’aegŭk [Supreme Polar­ ity/Supreme Ultimate], 41, 43, 81, 83, 90n27, 100n5, 152n2; taixu/t’aehŏ [Supreme Void/Supreme Vacuity/ Supreme Emptiness], 36, 81–84, 85n4, 94n45, 94n47, 99–100, 104–107, 110n10, 111n13; ti/ch’e [substance/constitu­ tion/essence], 81–83, 84n1, 86n10, 87n14, 88n21, 101n12, 102n12, 103n16, 104, 106, 110n10, 114, 122, 124, 126, 128–129, 131, 135, 166, 171; xiang/sang [patterns/images/prefigurations], 53, 92n34, 96n55, 100n5, 120n37, 125n9, 126, 155n13; xing/hyŏng [form], 115, 122, 124n4, 126, 131n1, 171; yong/yong [function/use/activity/ implementation], 88n21, 100, 101n12, 102n12, 104, 114, 126, 131, 135, 166, 171. See also change; Changes; Daoism: Huainanzi; Ki; One; spirit; Zhou Dunyi Daoism: 12, 21, 23, 24, 46n16, 48n33, 86n9, 86n10, 89n24, 89n25, 90n27, 101n11, 101n12, 105n8, 168n16, 169n25, 199n28; Canon, 26, 97n58; Chen Tuan, 154n13; Daodejing, 45n4, 84n2, 85n4, 87n12, 88n21, 89n23, 89n24, 90n27, 92n35, 118n23, 163n9, 169n19; Guan Yin: 89n25; Huainanzi, 169n19; Laozi (Lao Dan), 89n25, 101n11, 101n12, 111n12, 166, 169n19, 169n20; Liezi, 89n25; Wenzi, 111n12, 169n19; Zhuangzi, 44n1, 67n45, 84n1, 85n7, 86n9, 89n22, 89n24, 89n25, 90n25, 91n28, 91n29, 95n51, 105n14, 109n5, 111n15, 163n9, 163n10, 167n2, 168n11, 168n15, 169n19, 169nn21–24, 170n31, 170n34, 170n37, 172n5, 173n3, 190n19 debate (controversy): 3, 4, 16, 86n10, 87n14, 133n10, 199n30; Four-Seven, 91n29; Horak, 31n23, 198n13 diagrams, 25; Before Heaven (Fu Xi), 93n40, 124n8, 156n25; four images, 125n9, 147n 16; Later Heaven, 156n25; Shao Yong, 141n1, 148n27; of the Supreme Ultimate, 41, 46n16, 90n27

235

earth: 82–83, 94n46, 95n52, 100n4, 101n6, 109, 115, 120n34, 121n45, 122–123, 125n9, 126, 128–130, 132nn9–10, 134n21, 144, 146n1, 164, 168n3; branches, 134n22, 148n27, 152n2; four elements (water, fire, earth, stone), 147n19; functional number, 134n21; movement, 116n1; Nine, 119n33; number, 103n16, 112n18, 124n5, 124n8, 126, 148n26, 152n2; phases, 147n16; spirit of, 74, 75n16 emptiness: 82–83, 89n25, 101n12, 104, 106, 111n16, 112n21, 135; in Buddhism, 98n61, 105n8; of earth, 122; featureless, 81, 94n47, 99, 100n3, 104, 111n12, 111n16; kong/kong 87n13; and Nothingness, 105n8; and shi/sil [actual/real/true/full], 87n13, 124n6; xu/hŏ [void/vacuity], 17, 36, 43, 81–83, 84n1, 84n3, 86nn9–10, 87n13, 94n45, 101n12, 105n8, 110n10, 112n21 ethics: filial piety, 13, 22, 52, 56, 59, 63n3, 63n11, 64n14, 74n2, 86n10, 185, 190n18, 194, 196n1; Four Do Nots, 41, 188; humaneness, 56, 112n17; noble man, 44n1, 58, 71, 164, 182; one thread running through all, 116, 121n50; reverence [attentiveness, seriousness], 41, 45n7, 56, 166, 169n29, 212; sheng/sŏng [sageness/wisdom], 44n1, 191n49; sincerity [authenticity/ creativity/integrity], 45n9, 52, 61, 81, 83, 88n20, 91n31, 96n56, 115; virtue, 36, 44n1, 52, 64n14, 69n80, 70n87, 96n56, 97, 116, 159, 160n3, 183, 185, 186, 216. See also learning factions: 3–4, 10, 14, 31n23, 39n28, 50n1, 64n12, 160n1, 202n62, 209n1; Disciple’s (Soron), 39n28, 202n62, 211n2; Eastern­ ers (Tongin), 197n6; Great Northern­ ers (Taebuk), 201n46, 209n1; Greater Yun (Tae Yun), 62n1; Lesser Yun (So Yun), 62n1, 197n4, 197n6, 201n45; Little Northerners (Sobuk), 206n1, 207n7; Northerners (Pugin), 207n7; Patriarch’s (Noron), 4, 9, 39n28, 211n2, 215n21; Southerners (Namin), 39n28,

236 Index 207n7, 211n2; Westerners (Sŏin), 4, 202n55 filial piety: 22, 52, 56, 63n11, 64n14, 69n79, 74n2, 86n10, 185, 190n18; Classic of Family Reverence (Xiaojing), 64n14, 67n46, 69n82 Five Worthies, 16, 180 Four Books: 19, 21, 38n20, 45n6, 75n18, 110n5, 110n8, 120n44, 184; Analects (Lunyu), 39n22, 45n4, 46n11, 47n23, 68n59, 68n61, 68n62, 71n102, 75n18, 110n8, 121n50, 121n52, 160n3, 160n6, 161n23, 161n24, 163n6, 163n12, 167n2, 168n9, 168n12, 169n27, 169n30, 173n2, 189n9, 190n14, 190n16, 191n44, 191n45, 199n27, 200n33, 214nn3–6, 214n10, 214n11, 214n13; Doctrine of the Mean (Zhongyong), 45n6, 45n8, 45n9, 65n25, 65n26, 70n90, 88n15, 88n19, 88n20, 91n31, 100n4, 103n16, 110n5, 118n19, 120n44, 121n46, 160n13, 215n8, 215n13; Great Learning (Daxue), 21, 38n20, 41, 46n13, 67n45, 70n89, 70n90, 113n26, 175, 183, 184, 190n15, 212; Mengzi, 44n3, 45n5, 63n8, 66n34, 67n50, 68n55, 68n57, 69n79, 69n80, 71n103, 71n105, 71n106, 72n120, 72n121, 86n11, 88n16, 91n29, 96n56, 110n5, 118n20, 121n51, 160n11, 160n12, 162n4, 168n14, 169n27, 189n1, 189n2, 190n13, 190n20, 191n47, 191n48, 191n51, 215nn7–9 four masters, 15, 35, 38n12 Han Myŏngsang, 9, 214, 215n19, 216, 217n9 Han Paekkyŏm, 196n1 Heaven: 42, 43, 45n4, 45n8, 54, 67n50, 68n60, 78, 82–83, 84n1, 88n15, 89n23, 94n46, 94n47, 95n49, 96n56, 96n57, 100n4, 101n12, 109n3, 111n12, 112n18, 115, 118n26, 118n28, 121–123, 125n9, 126, 129, 131n1, 132n9, 133n10, 144, 152n2, 158, 164–166, 168n3, 172n4, 173, 182, 183, 185, 189, 190n13, 205, 210, 212; After (Later), 82, 85n5, 96n54, 115; Before (Earlier, Former), 81, 85n5, 96n54, 115; celestial bodies, 94n43, 141n1; celestial figures, 147n16; celes­ tial mechanism, 36; celestial sequence

(structure), 145n1, 157n44; cycles, 53, 114n2, 114–116, 118n28; the four figures/elements (sun, moon, stars, zodiacal spaces/planets), 100n4, 126, 128, 130, 133n12, 147n16, 147n19; functional numbers, 129, 133n12; heavenly springs, 20; heavenly stems, 152n2; numbers, 103n16, 124n8, 152n2; principle, 54, 121n50; stars, 82, 94n43, 100n4, 126–130, 134n24, 141n1, 159, 161n22; virtue, 158. See also charts; cosmology; diagrams; heaven and earth; hexagrams heaven and earth: 53, 83, 85n7, 86n10, 89n23, 91n29, 95n49, 97n58, 102n12, 102n14, 103n16, 106–107, 108n2, 111n15, 114–116, 158, 175, 177, 183, 213; Four images, 147n16; the Mind of, 114–115, 117n7, 121n51; the numbers of, 8, 124n5, 130, 147n26, 152n2; virtues of, 115; the Way (Dao) of, 100n4, 103n16, 108n2 hexagrams: 46n17, 93n39, 93n41, 95n48, 100n5, 103n15, 116n1, 125n9, 125n10, 141n1, 143n13, 144–145, 148n27, 150–152, 153nn7–9, 154n11, 154n13, 155n17, 156n25, 157n44; the Creative [Qian/Kŏn], 70n86, 94n44, 96n53, 101n6, 116n1, 120n37, 125n10, 138, 141n1, 144–145, 151, 153n7; four images, 100n5, 125n9, 132n9, 147n16; the Receptive [Kun/Kon], 101n6, 114, 116n1, 117n11, 120, 138, 144–145, 151; Retreat [Dun/Tun], 144, 151, 156nn26– 28; the Return [Fu/Pok], 90n27, 114, 116n1, 116n2, 117n7, 117n12, 118n25, 142n1, 148n27, 157n44, 160n9. See also trigrams Hŏ Ch’ang, 197n6 Hŏ Han, 197n6 Hŏ Kyo, 199n28 Hŏ Kyun, 197n6, 198n6 Hŏ Mok, 199n28 Hŏ Yŏp (Ch’odang, T’aehŭi), 7, 11, 18, 37n2, 180, 192, 193, 197n6, 199n25, 200n32, 207n3 Hong Ch’isang, 196n1 Hong Inu (Ch’ijae, Ŭnggil), 193, 199n25

Index Hong Isang, 8, 14, 180, 209 Hong Kasin, 196n1 Hong Pang, 8, 10, 13, 23, 180, 208–209, 215n17 Hong Tŏkyŏn, 199n25 Hwang Wŏnson, 195 Im Kkŏkchŏng, 197n6 Im Ryŏn, 187 inscriptions: Inscription of the Luo river (Luoshu) 41, 47n27, 124n8; royal (charter), 8, 16, 180; tombstone, 8, 12, 20–21, 51n2, 180, 182, 192, 193; zither, 12, 134n17, 171, 173. See also Zhang Zai: Western Inscription (Ximing) Jinshu (History of the Jin Dynasty), 190n18 Kaesŏng: 3, 8–10, 13, 18, 20, 25–26, 43, 76n3, 165, 178, 189n7, 195, 196n1, 200n41, 201n48, 214, 217n1, 217n9, 217n10; prefect, 8, 9, 10, 14, 35, 179, 180, 209n1, 217n3; scholars, 8–9, 10, 13, 18; Songdo, 3, 25; Songgyŏng, 37n1. See also Cho Yusŏn Kang Hosŏn, 187 Kang Munu (Yŏik), 195, 202n57 Ki (Vital Energy): 3, 4, 11, 15, 17, 36, 43, 44n1, 78, 80, 81–83, 86n10, 86n11, 87n13, 87n14, 88n22, 91n29, 94nn45–48, 95n49, 95n51, 95n53, 99–100, 101n12, 103n16, 104, 106–107, 109n3, 110n8, 111n11, 115, 122–123, 125n9, 129, 131, 159, 179, 184, 213; monism, 3; nature of, 82, 94n47, 111n16; refinement, 95n51, 111n15, 112n18; the two primary forces, 100n5, 103n16, 125n9, 126–130, 132n9, 132n10, 133n10, 133n12, 135–137, 141n1, 143n13, 144–145, 147n16, 152n2, 152n6, 153n9, 155n13, 156n25; yin and yang, 81–83, 89n24, 90n27, 92n35, 92n38, 93n39, 93n41, 94n48, 99, 100n5, 102n12, 102n13, 103n15, 107–108, 109n3, 112n18, 114–116, 120n37, 122–123, 124n8, 125n9, 125n10. See also cosmology; One Ki Taesŭng, 4, 16, 179, 197n4 Kija [Jizi]: 41, 47n24, 178, 182, 187, 191n49,

237

213, 214; Chosŏn, 47n24, 182; Eightpoint regulation, 41; Great Plan (Hongfan), 47n24, 191n49, 212; Nine well-fields system, 41 Kim Anguk, 22, 49, 51, 176, 186, 198n8, 199n25, 203n65 Kim Ch’anghyŏp, 31n23, 215n21 Kim Ch’angjŭp, 211n2 Kim Chŏngguk, 8 Kim Chŏngil, 5 Kim Chongsu, 48n37 Kim Han’gŏl (Sasin), 11, 162, 195, 201n48 Kim Hyeson (Ŏnsun), 194, 200 Kim Koengp’il, 16, 22, 23, 167, 181, 202 Kim Kŭngong (Ch’ŏgam, Kyŏngsuk), 195 Kim Sin’guk, 209n1 Kim Sisŭp, 199n28 Kim Sŏngsi, 9, 216, 217n4 Kim Suhang, 211n2 Kim Suo, 217n4 Kim Yonggyŏm (Kyogyojae), 9, 15, 18, 210– 211, 216, 217n5 Kong Yingda, 155n13 Koryŏ, 13, 37n1, 47n24, 200n36, 205 Kwŏn Kŭn, 6 Kwŏn Sangha, 31n23, 218n11 Kyŏnggi, 16, 48n37, 71n114, 167n1, 180, 189n5, 196n1, 196n2, 197n4, 198n7, 199n25, 199n26, 200n34, 203n65, 207n4, 209n1, 217n4 learning: 4, 9, 15, 16, 20–23, 25, 35–36, 42, 43, 44n3, 87n12, 87n13, 96n54, 158–159, 161n20, 164, 166, 175, 179–180, 183, 185, 187, 188, 191n49, 193, 194, 200n35, 205, 212–214; of Emperors and Kings, 57; of the Mind and Heart, 23, 45n7, 85n5, 159, 178; of Nature and Principle, 41, 178, 213; self-cultivation, 38n20, 39n22, 44n3; of the Way, 42, 187, 191n43; zide/chadŭk [acquiring one’s knowledge/achieving knowledge by oneself], 20, 21, 36, 41, 109n5, 110n5, 158, 187. See also ethics; rites Li Tong, 87n14 Liu Xie, 168n9 Lüshi Chunqiu (The Annals of Lü [Buwei]), 85n6

238 Index Ma Chigwang, 9, 10, 44, 216, 217n10 Ma Hŭigyŏng (Chukkye, Chungjŏng), 194, 200n41 Mencius (Mengzi): 41, 43, 45n5, 66n34, 67n50, 68n57, 72n121, 86n10, 86n11, 115, 118n21, 160n11, 169n27, 178, 182, 187, 196n3, 212, 213 Min Ki (Mungyŏng), 196, 200n32, 203n65 Min Sun (Haengch’on, Kyŏngch’o, Sŭpchae, Sŭpchŏng), 8, 13, 37n2, 180, 192, 193, 196n1, 207n7, 209n1, 217n1 Min Yuch’ŏng, 206, 207n4 Mind and Heart (Mind-and-Heart/HeartMind): 22–24, 32n30, 43, 45n7, 64n17, 85n5, 87n14, 94n47, 96n54, 96n57, 97n58, 110n5, 111n15, 112n18, 121n50, 121n51, 159, 160n3, 160n11, 166, 170n31, 180, 185, 188, 199n30, 208, 212; of Dao, 68n57; of man, 68n57; method of, 23, 110n5, 178, 213. See also heaven and earth; learning; psychophysiology; schools mourning: 11, 52–62, 73–74, 176–178; and emotions, 53, 58–59, 64n17, 65n22, 178; garment/attire/sackcloth, 65n22, 66n28, 66n29, 66n35, 66n37, 67n41, 69n69, 70n93, 70n99, 78, 176–178, 186, 204; rites/rituals, 65n26, 67n51, 74, 190n27, 213; sacrifices, 67nn41–44, 75n14, 75n15; three months, 57, 58–59, 70n99, 78, 176, 178, 186, 204; three years, 52–59, 62n3, 64n14, 64n17, 65n26, 72n121, 74, 178. See also filial piety Munmyo [Confucian Temple/Shrine], 3, 14, 16, 42, 51n7, 174, 180, 183, 202n62, 204 Nam Chae, 200n34 Nam Ŏn’gyŏng (Sibo, Tonggang), 200n34 No Susin (Sojae), 193, 197n6, 198n18, 199n25, 206n1 numbers: 43, 47n27, 103n16, 114, 124n8, 126, 129–131, 135, 137–141, 144–145, 178, 179, 185, 189, 189n12, 205, 208, 210, 213, 214; arithmology, 43; functional, 129, 131n5, 144, 146n16; great expan­ sion [fifty], 41, 46n18, 150, 152n2; intersection, 142n13; of moving and

motionless things, 134n25; nonsub­ stantial, 148n26, 148n26; numerology, 17, 25, 36, 43, 46n22, 133n12, 178, 179, 213; substantial, 126, 127, 129, 131n4, 142n11, 146n16. See also cosmology; heaven and earth; One; schools; Shao Yong; Yang Xiong Ŏ Yubong, 215n21 Ŏm Yonggong, 193, 199n30, 199n31 One: grand one (supreme one/grand unity), 81, 82, 89n25, 99, 102n14, 103n14; unitary Vital Energy (unitary vital breath), 81, 82, 88n22, 107, 112n19, 122, 123 Paek Kwanghun, 197n4 Pak Ch’angwŏn, 215n21 Pak Chihwa (Kunsil, Suam), 11, 73, 74n1, 76, 78, 193, 198n22, 199n28 Pak Chiwŏn, 211 Pak Hyosaeng, 201n46 Pak Ijang (Yongdam), 206n1 Pak Kwangu, 107, 112n23 Pak Minhŏn (Ijŏng, Sŭlgan, Wŏnbu), 7, 8, 11, 12, 20, 21, 23, 76, 78, 80, 107, 158, 159n1, 180, 182, 192, 193, 194, 198n10, 206 Pak P’ilju, 215n21 Pak Sang (Mun’gan), 196n4 Pak Sech’ae (Munsun), 202n62, 203n64 Pak Sun (Hwasuk, Saam, Munch’ung), 37n2, 180, 192, 193, 196n4, 197n6 Pak Yŏhyŏn (Hŭimyŏng), 194, 201n46 P’ap’yŏng Yun ssi (Yun clan of): Changgyŏng, 62n1; Munjŏng, 62n1; Yun Chŏng, 199n32; Yun Ch’unnyŏn, 197n6; Yun Hyosŏn (Kich’ŏn, Taewŏngun), 206, 207n7; Yun Im, 62n1; Yun P’yŏng, 217n4; Yun Suk (Ch’ungsuk), 10, 15, 41–44, 48n37; Yun Wŏnhyŏng, 62n1, 159n1, 197n4, 197n6. See also factions; royals phonology: 12, 17, 19, 132n7, 132n9; char­ acter mothers, 126, 129, 130, 131n6; correct sounds, 12, 131n7, 132n9; and musical notes, 131n7; speech sounds, 131n6; syllables, 131n6, 132nn7–9 psychophysiology: emotions, 53–54, 57–59,

Index 64n17, 65n21, 65n24, 65n25, 68n57, 71n100, 122, 124, 158, 178, 182; Four Sprouts and Seven Emotions, 4. See also debate; ethics; Ki; learning; mourning rites: 11, 17, 24, 52–72, 65n25, 73–74, 78–79, 193, 195, 198n13, 202n54, 202n62, 211n2, 213–214. See also Classics; mourning; Zhu Xi royals: Changgyŏng (queen), 62n1; Changhŏ (Sado) (prince), 10, 48n37; Chŏngan (queen), 38n18; Chŏnghyŏn (queen), 50n1; Hyoryŏng (prince), 199n30, 202n59; Imhae (prince), 207n7; Insŏng (queen), 190n26; Muan (prince), 209n1; Munjŏng (queen), 62n1; Wŏn’gyŏng (queen), 202n59. See also P’ap’yŏng Yun ssi; Yi Ku; Yi Yŏng rulers of China: Cheng, 163n6; Duke of Zhou, 59, 68n67, 162, 163n6, 166; Fu Xi, 47, 93n39, 117n8, 124n8, 125n9, 156n25, 205; Gaozong, 39n27; Jie, 163n5; Qianlong, 39n27; Shun (Yu), 63n8, 173, 191n42; Tang, 163n5; Wen of Zhou, 205; Wu, 47n24, 163n6; Wu Ding, 163n5; Wuzong, 189n8; Xianzong, 38n7; Xiaozong, 38n7; Yao (Tang), 63n8, 85n5, 173, 191n42; Yizong, 39n27; Yü the Great, 191n42 rulers of Korea: Chŏngjo, 10, 48n37; Chŏngjong, 38n18; Chungjong, 35, 62n1; Injong, 190n25; Kwanghaegun, 37n2, 180, 202n55, 206n1, 209n1; Myŏngjong, 7, 62n1, 178, 179, 187, 197n6, 203n63; Sejo, 48n37, 167n1, 199n30; Sejong, 26, 63n5; Sŏngjong, 35, 37n6, 50n1, 72n117; Sŏnjo, 38n19, 178, 179, 190n30, 190n32, 201n52, 202n55, 209n1; Sŏnjong, 174; Sukchong, 9, 37n2, 180; T’aejo [king], 202n59, 209n1; Yŏngjo, 9, 10, 37n2, 37n3, 39n28, 48n37; Yŏngjong, 181; Yŏnsangun, 37n6, 174 sahwa [literati purges]: 22, 64n12; kapcha (1504), 50n1; kimyo (1519), 22, 50n1, 196n3; kimyo myŏnghyŏn, 196n4; muo (1498), 50n1; sinim (1721–1722), 39n28; ŭlsa (1545), 62n1, 113n23, 200n38

239

scholar: chinsa (Literary Licentiate/ Doctors), 8, 39, 57, 58, 59, 113n23, 162, 195, 199n30, 201n49, 214, 216, 217n9, 217n10; hakcha, 24; sa (literati), 39n24, 52, 57, 58; saengwŏn (Classics Licenti­ ate), 22, 44, 57, 58, 59, 179, 193, 194, 199n31, 201n44, 207n4; sallim, 24; sarim, 15, 22, 23, 36, 50n1, 62n1, 63n4, 63n12, 64n12; yusaeng (Confucian scholars/ students), 57, 58, 59. See also sahwa schools: agriculturalism, 66n34; Cheng/ Zhu, 4, 13, 15, 16, 18, 38n13, 45n7, 68n57; Figures and numbers (images and numbers), 14, 15, 18, 154n11, 154n13, 155, 189, 208, 210; hundred, 43, 66n34, 169n22; Hwadam, 15, 194, 197n6; Kanghwa, 202n62; Ki, 3; Kiho, 4, 197n4; Lu-Wang, 45n7; meanings and principles, 18; nak’ak, 4, 9; Nammyŏng, 209n1; of Nature and Principle, 4; Puk’ak, 4, 211n2; sirhak, 4, 87n13; Sŏn (meditative), 83, 97n60; Yulgok, 198n13 Shao Gu: 132n9, 133n12; Zhengyin xulu, 132n9 Shao Yong (Kangjie, Yaofu): 8, 11, 12, 15–19, 25–26, 38n15, 38n16, 43, 46n14, 82, 88n17, 95n50, 102n14, 118n21, 122, 126, 132n7, 132n9, 132n10, 152n6, 154n13, 166, 168n14, 179, 205, 210; The Book of the August Ultimate Going through the Ages (Huangji jingshi shu), 46n17, 85n5, 141n1; contemplating in reverse (fanguan), 121n51; “External Chapters of the Observation of Things” (Guanwu waipian), 123n4; Fisherman and Woodcutter Conversation (Yüqiao wendui), 95n49; “Observation of things” (guanwu pian), 95n50, “Song of the Winter Solstice,” 115, 118n25, 118n26; square (chart), 144–149, 155n13, 156nn25–27, 156nn29–34, 156nn36–45; tables, 133n12, 133nn14– 21, 136; Works of (Shao Yong ji), 44n1, 97n58, 118n25, 154n13. See also charts; cosmochrony; diagrams; hexagrams; numbers; phonology; schools shrines: Hurŭng, 36, 38, 49, 50n2, 76, 77n5,

240 Index 176, 186; Hyorŭng, 190n26, 196n1; Sahyŏnsa (Memorial of the Four Worthies), 200n41. See also, Munmyo siku quanshu (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries), 16, 97n58, 148n27 Sim Chŏng, 167n1 Sim Ŭi, 12, 167n1 Sim Ŭng, 167n1 Sin Kwanghan (Nakpong, Mun’gan), 192, 196n1, 196n3, 201n45 Sin Sach’ŏl, 39n28 Sin Sukchu, 196n1, 201n45 Sin Yŏk (Munwŏn), 194, 201n44 Sŏl Ch’ong (Hongyu), 47n31 solstice, 114–116, 117n8, 118nn25–28, 119n29, 119n30, 129, 133n14 Sŏng Chewŏn, 201n52 Sŏng Hon, 4, 197n4, 209n1 Sŏng Hŭi, 197n6 Sŏng Sech’ang, 167n1 Song Siyŏl, 9, 198n13, 199n23, 202n62, 211n2, 218n11 spirit: 35, 74, 83, 84n1, 89n22, 89n24, 89n25, 94n47, 95n53, 96n55, 97n58, 101n12, 109n2, 109n3, 110n8, 111n16, 111n17, 112n21, 115, 119n32, 120n37, 184, 185, 188, 192, 194; components of, 112n18; dark spirit, 115, 118n22; of the earth, 74, 75n16; essence (spirit/semen), 92n37, 111n15; evil, 72n117; spiritlike light, 85n5; spiritual force (spiritual energy), 41, 44n1, 94n47, 106–108; tablet, 64n17, 73, 74, 75n7, 75n14 Tao Yuanming, 171n1 trigrams: eight, 47n27, 93n39, 100n5, 103n16, 124n7, 124n8, 125n9, 153n8, 154n11, 155n13, 156n25; internal and external (inner and outer/lower and upper), 144, 146n2, 150, 151, 153n8, 154n11, 155n18, 155n19; Kan/kam and Li/ri, 93n39, 124n7. See also cosmology; hexagrams; inscriptions U Hyŏnbo, 42 U Namyang, 196, 203n66 U T’ak (Yŏktong), 42, 47n32

Wang Bi, 88n21, 117n7, 117n12, 154n13, 156n25 Wang Pou, 190n18 Wang Yangming, 38n13, 197n4, 200n34, 202n62 Wei Boyang. See Changes: Token for the Agreement of the Three (Cantongqi) women: Hŏ Ch’ohŭi (Nansŏrhŏn), 198n6; Hwang Chini, 25; Lady Han of Poan, 16, 183, 189n6; Lady Yi of T’aean, 175, 187. See also royals; P’ap’yŏng Yun ssi Wŏn Inson, 9, 15, 20, 35–37, 39n27, 39n28 Wŏn Kyŏngha, 39n28 Xingli daquan (Great Compendium on Nature and Principle), 194n12 Xu Xing, 66n34 Xunzi, 38n21, 86n10, 173n4 Yang Xiong: Taixuanjing, 93n42, 119n33, 120n34 Ye Ziqi, 95n50 Yi Chibŏn, 198n23 Yi Chiham (T’ojŏng, Hyŏngjung, Mungang), 193, 198n23 Yi Chŏnggwi, 209n1 Yi Chŏngmin, 199n28 Yi Chungho (Isojae, P’unghu), 195, 201n52, 201n54 Yi Hang, 200n32, 200n34, 207n6 Yi Hangbok, 16, 180 Yi Hwang (T’oegye, Tosan, Munsun), 4, 6, 15, 16, 20, 21, 23, 38n10, 38n12, 42, 45n7, 178, 179, 180, 181, 192, 197n4, 199n25, 199n30, 200n34, 201n52, 207n7, 209n1, 212, 213, 215n12, 215n21 Yi Hyŏnik (Chŏngjae), 193, 198n13 Yi I (Yulgok, Munsŏng): 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, 20, 21, 35, 36, 38n11, 38n12, 45n9, 179, 191n34, 193, 194, 197, 198n13, 198n21, 199n23, 199n28, 200n36, 200n41, 201n52, 207n6, 213; Complete Works of Yulgok (Yulgok chŏnsŏ), 198n21; Diaries (Kyŏngyŏn ilgi), 193, 198n21; Outline of the Sagely Learning (Sŏnghak chipyo), 45n9 Yi Ich’ŏm, 209n1 Yi Ki, 159n1

Index Yi Ku (Chongsŏngnyŏng, Sugok, Yŏnbang), 193, 199n30 Yi Kyejong, 187 Yi Kyun, 195 Yi Ŏnjŏk (Hoejae), 15, 16, 35, 38n9, 38n12, 113, 181 Yi Po (Hyoryŏng). See royals: Hyoryŏng Yi Saek, 198n8, 198n23 Yi Sanhae, 199n23, 201n52 Yi Sehwan, 203n64 Yi Sep’il, 39n28 Yi Sik (T’aektang), 194, 195, 200n36 Yi Suk, 8 Yi T’ak, 197n4 Yi Ŭng’u, 187 Yi Yŏ (Chinch’ŏn, Songae), 192, 198n8, 198n23 Yi Yŏng, 202n55 Ying Shao, 71n101 Yu Hwich’un, 16 Yu Kŭksin (Yŏgŏn), 206, 207n6 Yu Kyŏngdam, 187 Yu Monghak, 207 Yu U, 202 Yun Ch’unsu, 202n55 Yun Ho, 207 Yun Hŭison, 207n7 Yun Hyojŏn, 207n7 Yun Hyŏn, 179, 202n55 Yun Hyosŏn (Yŏngch’o), 7, 8, 15, 204–206, 207n7, 209n1, 217n1 Yun Hyu, 8, 9, 13, 207n7, 217n1 Yun Kŭnsu (Wŏlchŏng), 14, 178, 179, 202n55, 215n12, 215n21 Yun Kwan, 207n7 Yun Pok, 187 Yun Pyŏn, 202n55 Yun Tamsu (Ch’ŏllo), 195, 202n55 Yun Tŭkkwan, 14, 15, 212–214, 215n21 Yun Tusu, 202n55 Zhang Zai (Hengqu): 8, 11, 15, 16, 18, 26, 28n2, 38n15, 41, 43, 73, 75n8, 84n1, 86n10, 88n16, 94n45, 94n47, 102n12, 102n14, 103n16, 108n1, 109n3, 110n11,

241

112n21, 113n30, 119n32, 121n50, 179, 205; Correcting Youthful Ignorance (Zhengmeng), 84n1, 93n43, 94n45, 94n47, 95n53, 96n55, 96n57, 100n3, 101n12, 103n16, 104n3, 105n6, 105n7, 105n11, 105n12, 109n3, 110nn9–11, 111n13, 111n16, 112n21, 117n15, 119n32, 121n50; Western Inscription (Ximing), 41, 46n21. See also charts Zhao Qi, 45 Zhou Dunyi, 11, 15, 16, 18, 26, 38n15, 43, 45n9, 46n14, 46n16, 88n16, 90n26, 90n27, 92n32, 100n5, 102n13, 102n14, 113n30, 155n13, 160n14; All-Embracing Book (Tongshu), 45n9, 160n14, Explana­ tion of the Diagram of the Supreme Ul­ timate (Taijitu shuo), 41, 46n16, 90n27, 100n5, 102n13, 111n17, 120n39 Zhu Xi, 4, 11, 15, 16, 18, 19, 21, 23, 25, 26, 36, 38n13, 38n15, 42, 43, 45, 46n12, 46n13, 46n20, 47n22, 47n23, 56, 64n16, 65n21, 66n27, 68n57, 70n89, 75n18, 86n10, 87n13, 87n14, 91n29, 94n46, 95n49, 106, 108n1, 110n8, 113n26, 113n30, 118n25, 120n44, 145n1, 152n1, 152n6, 154nn10– 13, 155n14, 155n17, 156n24, 156n25, 161n18, 161n20, 161n22, 169n29, 169n30, 179, 191n35, 191n43, 212, 213, 215n10, 215n11, 215n13; Classified Con­ versations of (Zhuzi yülei), 94n46, 95n49, 110n7, 117n8, 169n29; Collected com­­ mentaries on the Analects (Lunyu jizhu), 110n8, 169n30, 215n10, 215n11, 215n13; Elementary Learning (Xiaoxue), 21, 191n35, 193; Family Rituals (Zhuzi jiali), 64n16, 66n27, 66n30, 66n37, 67nn41– 44, 67n51, 68n63, 70n93, 75n6, 75n7, 75n14, 79n1; Reflections on Things at Hand (Jinsilu), 47n23, 121n46, 121n50, 191n35. See also Changes: Instruct­ ing the Young in the Studies of (Yixue qimeng); Changes: Original Meaning of (Zhouyi benyi); schools zither, 134n17, 171, 173

About the Translator

Isabelle Sancho is permanent researcher in history at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique and former director of the Centre de Recherches sur la Corée, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Paris.

Korean Classics Library: Historical Materials

Imperatives of Culture: Selected Essays on Korean History, Literature, and Society from the Japanese Colonial Era edited by Christopher P. Hanscom, Walter K. Lew, and Youngju Ryu

A Chinese Traveler in Medieval Korea: Xu Jing’s Illustrated Account of the Xuanhe Embassy to Koryŏ translated, annotated, and with an introduction by Sem Vermeersch

Seeking Order in a Tumultuous Age: The Writings of Chŏng Tojŏn, a Korean Neo-­ Confucian translated and with an introduction by David M. Robinson

Korea’s Premier Collection of Classical Literature: Selections from Sŏ Kŏjŏng’s ­Tong­munsŏn translated, annotated, and with an introduction by Xin Wei and James B. Lewis

A Korean Scholar’s Rude Awakening in Qing China: Pak Chega’s Discourse on Northern Learning translated and annotated by Byonghyon Choi, Seung B. Kye, and Timothy V. Atkinson

Tales of the Strange by a Korean Confucian Monk: Kŭmo sinhwa by Kim Sisŭp translated, annotated, and with an introduction by Dennis Wuerthner

The Encyclopedia of Daily Life: A Woman’s Guide to Living in Late-Chosŏn Korea translated, annotated, and with an introduction by Michael J. Pettid and Kil Cha

Record of the Seasonal Customs of Korea: Tongguk sesigi by Toae Hong Sŏk-mo translated, annotated, and with an introduction by Werner Sasse

Korean Classics Library: Philosophy and Religion

Salvation through Dissent: Tonghak Heterodoxy and Early Modern Korea George L. Kallander

Reflections of a Zen Buddhist Nun Kim Iryŏp, translated by Jin Y. Park

A Handbook of Buddhist Zen Practice translated by John Jorgensen

Korea’s Great Buddhist-Confucian Debate: The Treatises of Chŏng Tojŏn (Sambong) and Hamhŏ Tŭkt’ong (Kihwa) translated and with an introduction by A. Charles Muller

A Korean Confucian Way of Life and Thought: The Chasŏngnok (Record of Self-­Reflection) by Yi Hwang (T’oegye) translated, annotated, and with an introduction by Edward Y. J. Chung

Numinous Awareness Is Never Dark: The Korean Buddhist Master Chinul’s Excerpts on Zen Practice translated, annotated, and with an introduction by Robert E. Buswell, Jr.

Doctrine and Practice in Medieval Korean Buddhism: The Collected Works of Ŭich’ŏn translated, annotated, and with an introduction by Richard D. McBride II

The Foresight of Dark Knowing: Chŏng Kam nok and Insurrectionary Prognostication in Pre-Modern Korea translated, annotated, and with an introduction by John Jorgensen

A Place to Live: A New Translation of Yi Chung-hwan’s T’aengniji, the Korean Classic for Choosing Settlements translated, annotated, and with an introduction by Inshil Choe Yoon

The Master from Mountains and Fields: Prose Writings of Hwadam, Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk translated, annotated, and with an introduction by Isabelle Sancho