The Marlin Compound : Letters of a Singular Family [1 ed.] 9781477301555, 9780292741492

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THE MARLIN COMPOUND Letters of a Singular Family

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Zenas Bartlett, about 1862.

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THE MARLIN COMPOUND Letters of a Singular Family

By Frank Calvert Oltorf

UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS PRESS AUSTIN & LONDON

Standard Book Number 292-78380-9 Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 68-56992 Copyright © 1968 by Frank Calvert Oltorf All Rights Reserved

Printed by The University of Texas Printing Division, Austin Bound by Universal Bookbindery, Inc., San Antonio

To my daughter, MADELINE BARTLETT OLTORF

The first known settlers at the Falls of the Brazos River were a band of Indians who built a village from which they hunted over a vast area of central Texas, including the small hill that later became the Marlin compound. They referred to themselves as "tickanwatic," meaning "the most human of people," and a neighboring tribe of Wacos termed them "tonkaweya," meaning "they all stay together." When the Comanches invaded their ground, covered with flowers in spring, they called it "Teha Lanna"—the beautiful land. A piece of that earth is ours.

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PREFACE

As A CHILD living on the family compound in Marlin, Texas, I was intrigued by tales told about the three generations of Bartletts who had lived there, and I determined even then to write a book about their varied and colorful adventures. A large collection of family papers made possible the reconstruction of a story that carried me from Maine to Alabama to California and finally to the frontier of central Texas. The Marlin Compound, ahistoryof Zenas Bartlett and of his family and friends, is the result of my long-standing enthusiasm and includes letters and a journal joined together by a short narrative. The first letter was written from Alabama in 1844 by youthful Zenas Bartlett, who reminisces of his boyhood in Garland, Maine, where the story begins, and the last letter was written from Brooklyn, New York, in 1945 by Lottie Barnes, a Negro woman, who recalls her service at the Marlin compound where the story ends. The intervening letters were written in the nineteenth century from Maine, Alabama, Panama, California, New York, Texas, Louisiana, Virginia, Michigan, and Massachusetts, and the manuscripts are as varied as the personalities of their authors. Zenas Bartlett, witty and philosophical, describes his search for gold with the forty-niners in California; Churchill Jones, determined and pragmatic, instructs his son James on the operation of a cotton plantation at the Falls of the Brazos River in Texas; and John Watkins, moody and ribald, writes penetrating observations about the Civil War campaign fought by Green's Brigade in Louisiana. Mollie Dickson's confessions of nostalgia for family and home in the journal she kept in 1880 while at school in Virginia do not disguise her innate gayety and buoyancy, which captivated Zenas' son, handsome Charlie Bartlett. Zenas' own daughter Rosa writes affectionately to her family about her

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travels and studies in Michigan and Boston, but her eager praise cannot conceal the inherent restlessness and discontent of a sensitive and perceptive girl. Letters from the compound to young Jim Willie Bartlett at school in the East describe the family activities and mirror the happy times in Marlin during the last decades of the century. Most of the documents contained in this book were found on the family compound in Marlin where each of the protagonists eventually lived or visited. Others were discovered at the neighboring family homes of "Oakland," "Battle Heights," and "Carter House." The letters and journal appear as they were written except for minor changes in spelling and punctuation made for clarification. Portions of the letters that were repetitious or of insufficient interest to warrant inclusion have been deleted. The original documents or their photostats have been placed in the archives of The University of Texas at Austin for preservation. FRANK CALVERT OLTORF

Teha Lanna Marlin, Texas

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I AM INDEBTED to the following relatives for the use of certain manuscripts, for suggestions, and for other help: Mary Bartlett Rutter, Ann Bartlett, Elizabeth Bartlett Hodges, Sarah Bartlett Norton, Thomas Battle Bartlett, S. Conoly Bartlett, Robert E. Bartlett, Zenas Wilson Bartlett, II, Mary Bartlett Reagan, Pauline Battle Brazelton, Churchill Jones Brazelton, Rosalis Battle Hunt, Rosalis Montgomery, Rosalis Oltorf Aynesworth, Mable Bunch Shelmire, Octavia Allen Rush, Anna Paul Hartzog, Churchill Jones, Charles Oltorf, Thomas Westbrook, Caroline Peyton Rice, Agnes Peyton, Sally Peyton, Andrew Peyton, Louise Finks Goodrich, Dr. and Mrs. T. Berry Brazelton, and Mr. and Mrs. William Pettus Hobby, Jr. I am also indebted to Robert Carter, Roy Eddins, Henderson Shuffler, Helen Tilton, Dr. Howard O. Smith, Clarita Fonville Buie, and George B. Wilson, Jr. I am most grateful to my good friend Ruth Ann Wilson for her drawings of the Oltorf monuments and of the original frame house on the Marlin compound. I wish to thank my wife Ronnie and her three daughters, Kathy, Debbie, and Rowene Weems for their encouragement and enthusiasm.

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CONTENTS Preface Acknowledgments 1. ZENAS BARTLETT 2. THE FALLS PLANTATION

ix xi 3 42

3. GREEN AND BARTLETT

70

4. SARAH AND ZENAS

92

5. THE WAR

105

6. RECONSTRUCTION

151

7. MOLLIE

161

8. ROSA

193

9. LETTERS FROM HOME

213

10. THE GREEN YEARS

237

EPILOGUE: The Old Calvary Gang

255

Index

269

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ILLUSTRATIONS Zenas Bartlett, frontispiece Map of Texas and Louisiana, 1860-1865, p. 104 (Following page 144) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

Letter from Zenas Bartlett to Sarah Page, 1849 Settlement between Churchill Jones and James Sanford Jones, 1859 Letter from Captain John Watkins to his wife, 1863 Sarah Jones Bartlett, 1862 Log cabin on the Marlin compound Front and side views of the original house in Marlin Zenas Bartlett, 1858; Sarah Jones Bartlett, 1858; and Captain John Watkins James Sanford Jones and James Daniel Oltorf Zenas Bartlett, 1880; and Sarah Jones Bartlett, 1880 The Lower Rooms, Marlin, 1885 The Marlin Shakespeare Society, 1889 King's Opera House production, 1889 Charles Bartlett, 1880; and Mollie Dickson Bartlett, 1884 Zenas Bartlett and his grandchildren, 1897 Frank Oltorf, 1906; and Madeline Bartlett Oltorf, 1910 Rosa Bartlett, 1883; Sarah Jones Bartlett, 1899; and Thomas Battle Bartlett

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THE MARLIN COMPOUND Letters of a Singular Family

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ZENAS BARTLETT "My life, and Sarah's, I expect, will be a checkered one, whilst Maria's, Josiah's, and probably Obed's and John's, I cannot say." Zenas Bartlett to his sister Mary, November 30, 1844

JosIAH BARTLETT was a native of Nottingham, New Hampshire, and a namesake of his kinsman who was the second signer of the American Declaration of Independence. He purchased land in Maine, then a part of Massachusetts, from Williams College and moved into this wilderness in 1801, following the survey marks on trees to find his farm and plant his crops. Bears stole his provisions when he strayed too far to fell timber for his house, and Oak's History of Garland, Maine, tells of a later misfortune which occurred in 1805. Josiah Bartlett, who had made the first beginning in the township, had built a small but comfortable house and barn, and with characteristic prudence, had laid in supplies for use through the summer and autumn, and seed for his crops. He had also provided himself with an abundance of clothing. In his barn were a yoke of oxen, a horse, and his farming tools. One day while at work at a considerable distance from the buildings, they took fire from some burning piles near them. When he saw that his buildings were on fire, he hastened to them, reaching them just in time to save one feather-bed. The horse and one ox were burned to death in the barn. . . . In relating these circumstances years later to children and friends, Mr. Bartlett used to say that as he could not save the buildings by his unaided

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efforts, and knowing that there was no human being near enough to respond to cries for assistance, he carried the feather-bed he had snatched from theflamesto a safe distance from the burning ruins, and lying upon it, he calmly watched the progress of the destructive elements and congratulated himself that the calamity was no worse.1 Bartlett later confided to his son that "he believed it a spiritual punishment, as he had set his heart upon being rich," and he consequently became so devout that he was given the pastoral care of his church. He continued to farm, however, and also served the township at various times as school agent, selectman, and moderator. On September 26, 1819, Josiah wrote in his diary: "My wife got to bed with a son and both are comfortable for which I desire to thank God, and hope to give him into the hands of God and pray Him to take care of the child through its infancy, and make it a blessing to the parents and the world." He named his son Zenas and watched him develop into a handsome boy with curly black hair and dark brown eyes. Zenas' happy disposition and bright mind delighted his sisters and brothers, who would watch him sitting by the fires of the logging camp at night reading the adventures of Cooper's hunters and Dana's seamen instead of the prescribed Bible and religious tracts. He later attended academies at Charleston and Dover, Maine, and an uncle, who taught at Harvard, introduced him to the writings of philosophers and poets which widened his interests. In 1839, when Zenas was twenty, the border dispute between Maine and New Brunswick, Canada, reached its climax. Bartlett and his sister Sarah's husband, Ezekiel Page, joined the Garland Artillery Company, a part of the Maine Militia, and set off for the Aroostook War. Their route took them up the Penobscot and Aroostook Rivers to Fort Fairfield where they encamped near the frontier. The United States government intervened to settle the issue between its state and the British province, and the Garland Company was discharged after sixtythree days of service. Bartlett and Page returned home eager for further adventure or new horizons. Ezekiel moved his family to New York, 1

Lyndon Oak, History of Garland Maine (Dover, Maine: The Observer Publishing Company, 1912).

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and Zenas traveled cross country to the small river town of Gallipolis, Ohio, where he taught a subscription school of twenty-five pupils. A few years later he followed the Ohio River through Indiana and Illinois to a boat landing on the Mississippi, where he got on a river craft which took him to New Orleans. He proceeded to Alabama, and from there he wrote his sister Mary, reminiscing of the past, telling of the present, and planning for the future. Burnt Corn, Monroe County, Alabama November 30, 1844 Dear Sister, When I think of my own native land In a moment I seem to be there. Only seem to be there—but I am in fact there. Yes, although hundreds of hills and valleys and the whole range of the Alegany mountains lie between us, yet I can see you all just as plain as if I were this morning sitting by the side of you, and if you don't believe it, let me tell you that there sits Mother leaning back in that old kitchen chair with those same old spectacles up over her forehead or far down on her nasal organ. She has her knitting, too, and is making those needles fly with the same rapid pace she has almost every winter evening since I was old enough to say marm. She glances at her work and then looks over her spectacles. Ah, that look. How many times during our juvenile gambols has she looked over those glasses and threatened us with a sound thrashing if we did not stop our noise. I can see every feature too in Father's face. Now and then it is lit up with pleasure and intelligence as he reads some cheering news from the last Star. As for you, Sis, (as it is most nine o'clock) I should not wonder if you were enjoying a nap on that old green covered settee. And John too, but stop; here is something that is not quite so familiar. John is playing with a baby and calling it his son. Ah, John, you are much too smart for me. Never mind, "every dog has his day", you know, as I used to tell Father when he thought we were enjoying a little too many sleigh rides. Mine will come by and by. You know, Mary, I was always partial to the ladies and if—but here is the rub. This deuce of an if is always in the way.

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For you know, at least I do, that I have never been in a situation to justify my going into any arrangement of this kind. If I had kept my heart less guarded the last year I stopped in Garland and joined my fate with some one of the better part of creation, it would not have been so easy to have pulled up stakes and been off. And as to leaving a wife after I had once got one, I could never endure the thoughts of it. If I had married in Maine, I should probably always have lived there. I will get through my wanderings after a while and will settle down somewhere either in New England, the West, the South, South America or somewhere else; and then I will look up someone provided I do not get so old and homely that I can't come in as we used to say. I suppose that Father has become a stronger abolitionist than ever since he has heard that negro, or as he would choose to have it, that colored gentleman, lecture. It would be futile for me to attempt to convince him that abolition principles are not all just and right. Long established prejudices are not often eradicated. The great misfortune is that a northern man, although his word may be held ever so sacred in New England, after he has passed the Mason-Dixon line, he forfeits all claim to veracity and his word is no more to be regarded upon this subject. It would seem that the fact that not one in ten who come south and become acquainted with "slavery as it is" will ever advocate abolition doctrine or at least immediate emancipation ought to have some weight. That slavery is an evil all admit here as well as in the North, but that it is a sin as it now exists is quite a different thing and cannot be easily proved. I was conversing with a man a few days ago who owns a number of the chattels who considered it a great evil and said that he had no doubt but God would work out their deliverance from amongst us as he did the children of Israel from the Egyptians. Nothing can be further from the truth than the assertion that the slaves are generally badly treated and fed, etc. If I should say that I accomplished as much labor while I worked Father's farm as a majority of the slaves, I suppose you would hardly believe me. Yet strange as it may seem it is fact. While our good abolitionists are praying the Lord to soften the heart of the southern planter (which by the way is all very well) they would do well to include in their prayers the northern also. For I have found persons with as soft hearts here as I ever found anywhere.

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7

It is very amusing to attend the negro meetings. Many of them are great fanatics and on account of the weakness of their intellects are very easily excited, and if allowed to govern their own meetings would shout and holler all night. The Deacon of the church or some white persons attend and always take their walking sticks along, and when any of them get to making too much fuss they just hit them a crack over their heads with their walking sticks, which soon sets them to rights again. If Father knew that I had become a negro patroller, I do not know but he would disown me forever, for I remember of reading some tremendous stories about the patrollers in the abolition publication. All that are liable to do military duty are liable to be called upon to do patrol duty; that is, they are required to visit a certain number of plantations every week for a term of two months and then a new company is appointed. And if they find any negro off his plantation without a pass or any white man besides their master or overseer in a negro house, the law requires the captain of the patrollers to order them both, white man and negro, fifteen lashes. The patrollers generally ride in the night for they are not apt to catch any negroes in the day, they being busy on the plantation; but if they catch any without their pass, if the negro is really Submissive, they do not whip them very severely but lay the lashes on according to the Italian system of penmanship; that is, the heavy strokes up and the light strokes down. I am exempted from this duty but join them sometimes as sort of a frolic. You are tired of hearing about negroes, no doubt, so I will say no more. I have been waiting for that letter you sent by the Holts for two months at least but in vain. Don't send a letter in that way again just to save a bit. I have given up looking for it so you must write it over again. I should have written long ago but was very anxious to get that letter first. I have now been in the Sunny South more than a year, where I could gaze upon the "beauties of the southern skys" to my heart's content. The warm season has passed, and I have escaped the fever; in fact, have not had a day's sickness since I left home. My health was never better although I have lost some of that freshness from my face in becoming acclimated and am not quite asfleshyas I was, which is no disadvantage

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to me, but will probably becomefleshyagain now the weather has become cool. So you see, Father was mistaken when he said I could not stand a southern climate. It is about as healthy here back from the river swamps as it is in the state of Maine and more so than most of the Western States. I am still teaching school in the same place, but it will be up next week and shall lay on my oars until the first of January. I have a number of situations that I can get next year but shall probably teach school in a neighborhood about ten miles from this place. They offer me four hundred dollars for eleven months and will board very cheap, viz six dollars a month. I can get a higher salary in the town of Nourceville but board will cost $12 a month besides other little expenses one is subject to in a town, to say nothing of the temptation to dissipation, etc., of which all southern towns are full of. But that is no object to me now as I consider myself proof to anything of the kind. But on the whole I have concluded to remain in the country. I engage in such a way that I can leave any time and claim my pay for the time I teach. The time I have been here has passed off very rapidly which is proof enough that I have enjoyed myself well for "noiseless falls the foot of time treading softly on flowers." I am too much of a book worm to live on a farm, for the hard and incessant labor that it means to make a living leave but little time for the improvement of the mind. Here I can gratify my disposition in this respect. I have purchased some twelve or fifteen dollars in my stock of books and also have access to good libraries in the neighborhood. I lament more every day that I did not go to school more when in Maine. If Father had let me go to school two years more, it would have been worth more than four times the cost. I sometimes think I will go back to Charleston and go to school about two years and then come back. I told you, Mary, to go to school last fall, but I am afraid you did not mind me. I hope you will go this winter, for when I bring you out here, I want you to be able to teach most anything I wish to know. I suppose you wonder what I think about coming back to Maine. The fact is I cannot tell. It is a great distance to travel just for a visit. I may adjourn my school two or three months next summer and go home but cannot tell anything about it yet. I want to see you all very much and especially Father and Mother. Our family is getting scattered in Mass., New York, and Alabama. I hope Ezekiel

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9

will do well in New York. Write me all you know about them and Obed, too. I wonder if he has gotten that stock pool yet. My life, and Sarah's, I expect, will be a checkered one, whilst Maria's, Josiah's, and probably Obed's and John's [Bartlett's sisters and brothers] I cannot say. If Josiah was on some of the rich land in Wisconsin or Iowa, he would soon be wealthy. Is [Cousin] Nehemiah getting rich on that old rocky farm? I suppose he has given up his second advent doctrine. John, I hope, will continue to get along perfectly satisfactory on the homestead. I wonder what he is doing with my little farm. Don't you think I am doing as good business as I would be raising Irish potatoes on that land and selling them for 12 cents per bushel? As soon as you get this write me a long letter. Write as much as I have, and I will not find any fault. Tell the gals I love um. Your affectionate brother, Z. Bartlett Well, Mary, how do you get along for beaux these days? Look out and not trade yourself off for you know you have promised to come out South with me when I go North. What do you suppose the girls say here when the gentlemen get to joking or flattering them? I will tell you; they exclaim, "Oh, hush"; and if a person attempts to take any more liberties with them than they think is proper to grant without a show of opposition—offering to kiss them for example—they will say, "Quit your smartness". They emphasize the word "quit", and I can tell you it sounds right funny. Don't read this part of my letter to Father, for he will say that I am as unsteady as I was the last winter I stopped on Garland Farm. You will recall that he said I was very unsteady, but the fact is I was never more steady in my life. My expenses are scarcely anything except board and clothing, yet I ride about Saturdays and generally to meeting on Sunday, frequently to the distance of eight or ten miles, but no one here thinks of charging anything for the use of a horse. I go to different meetings: the Baptist, Presbyterian, and Methodists. If any of the girls inquire after me, just give them my kindest regards. And there are a few, Sister, that you must not fail to remember me very, very extremely kindly to. Write me all about them. You see I can beat you in writing,

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for I can write more on one sheet of paper than you can. Get a long page and if you cannotfillit up get all my friends to help you. I have kept up correspondence with Cousins Freeman. Willard and Charles spend the winter in Mobile. Willard is in the mercantile business. Charles keeps books for some cotton commission merchants. He is rather smart as you may suppose for he gets $125 a month. Cousin Louisa lives with her sister Susan Mary in Sumpter County [Alabama]. I had a letter from her a few days ago. Mary is very well off. She has some thirty servants. I believe they are very anxious that I should visit them, and I think I shall do so. I have seen none of them but Willard and Charles. It is about a hundred miles from here. It is not as healthy there as it is here. Susan [Mary] has lost all of her children but one and that an infant. I am tired of writing and I expect you are of reading so I will write no more. So Abagail Hamilton is married. Well, she with all her faults (and who has none) will make a good wife, I believe. What would you say, Mary, to my marrying an Alabama lady? By the way, permit me to introduce you to Miss . Has not she got pretty hair? I hope they will not make you pay any postage for this. Why should I go home, Sis, when I am more popular away from home? My candle has burnt down; myfirehas gone out; my eyes are getting heavy; my sheet is full; so to all and each a fond good night to pleasant dreams and slumber light. Ever your brother, Zenas Zenas was hopeful that Mary would come to Alabama to teach school, but she wrote him on September 20,1846. Dear Brother, I now sit down to write you the sad news of our dear Father's death. He was confined to his rooms six weeks and did not sit up but a few hours in the time. From the time he was taken sick, he had no desire to get well again. His prayer was continually that he might have patience to live as long as the Lord saw fit to have him. . . . He had his senses

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when he was sick and all through till the last twelve hours, as bright as ever he had them when he was well, and we thought more so. He knew everything that was going on. The last twelve hours he would lose himself every few minutes, and he would as soon collect himself. The last night he lived, we had two of the best watchers there are in this town. . . . I laid down on that old sofa in the room where he was sick, but was up every few minutes. . . . The neighbors and friends from other parts of the town have been very good. They would come in and offer to sit up with him. I shall always remember them. Father wished to have Elder Ames preach his funeral sermon, but he was not able to. Elder Place preached upon the passage of scripture that Father wished Elder Ames to preach. You will find it in the thirteen chapter of Acts and the thirty-sixth verse (for David, after he had served his own generation by the will of God, fell on sleep, and was laid unto his fathers ). It was said there never was half so many people together in this town before. Some say that there were eight hundred and some a thousand. Half of them could not get in the house. They said it was a very pleasant day. Father wished to have sung at his grave "Unveil Thy Bosom, Faithful Servant.'' Elder Place said the procession reached a mile or more, that went to the grave. The singers from Exeter were there. Dear Brother, it is truly a day of trouble with us. O how lonely. Nothing looks pleasant. Mother feels very lonesome. I do not know what she will do How many times in a day I wish I could see you, but it is no use to wish. I often wish I was with you, either there or here I began this letter a number of days ago. Have not been particular about the composition or the writing but to write the particulars about Father, the most I care for. Mary Zenas received Mary's letter at his new home in Sparta, Alabama, where he worked in a country store. He grieved with his sister and was relieved to hear she had gone to New York to visit the Pages a few months later. While she was there, he wrote her a cheerful letter.

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Sparta, Conecuh County, Alabama January 10, 1847 Dear Sister, It is now just 10 o'clock, and as it is not quite my usual bedtime, I thought I would write a few moments to you. I have received one letter from you since you have been in New York and several papers. Am glad to know that you are well, as are Sis Sarah, Brother Ezekiel and the children. I am very glad indeed to hear that Ezekiel is doing well. Well, Sis, how do you like living in New York? What do you find to do? Do you go about much? I wish I were with you for a week or two. Could not we see some of the big things, big doings, etc. Guess so. As to myself, dear Sis, I am the same and am getting along as usual. I am living pretty easy, laying up some money, and am very well contented. Now after having said this much, what more have I to say? As to the manners, customs, habits, of the people here, and the country itself, I have written you often; and of course it would be a very dull topic. So you perceive I have no more to write, only I will wish you a Happy New Year. Sis Mary, I want you to write me oftener. Write me once every two weeks at least. I had a letter from John and Mother since I wrote you, and a few days since I received a letter from Cousin Nehemiah. They were all well. He says that John and Mother have come to an understanding about the management of the farm. I am glad of that. I hope they will get along well and have no difficulty. I shall write John soon and preach him a short sermon. No doubt Mother has gotten to be quite childish and hard to please, but John must expect this as a matter of course. I could expect nothing else. We have all to be so sometime if we live long enough. Besides all this, he will get mighty well paid for his trouble. You say that Sarah says she wrote to me last. I believe she did, but she shall not have that for an excuse any longer, for I will write her a letter in this, if it is not more than two lines.

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Dear Sister Sarah, I am going to write you a line or two so that you will not have an excuse for not writing to me. I wrote you a long letter you will recollect while you were in Barcelona and received a long letter in return, for which all thanks. I should like very much to see you and the children, too. Andrew must be a big boy, and Franklin, too. Is not he a good scholar? And Sarah, too—what has she become? Does she resemble her mother? And little Amanda? Is her head as curly as it used to be and does she grow up pretty? Sister Sarah, I'll tell you what is a fact. You must give me one of your children, for the chance of my ever having one myself is bad I fear. Say Sis, won't you? The fact is, I'm not ready to marry, and not because I don't want to; neither because I can't shine, because I have become quite a hand with the ladies. What do you think I did the other day, Sis? Well, I'll tell you. I was trying to sell a shawl to a lady. Pretty she was, too—bright eyes, rosey cheeks, ruby lips, and all that sort, you know. Well, I took a notion to kiss her; so pretending to try the shawl on to see how it would suit, I gave her a good smack. Well, Sis, there was a sort of trembling thrill ran through my nerves, and I was so overcome with the blissful sensations that I scarcely heard her exclaim, "Quit your smartness." I assured her that it was an accident, but she replied, "Oh, hush." Your affectionate brother, Zenas At the time Bartlett was working in Farnum's store with a younger man named George Green. They were devoted friends with many common interests and similar Yankee backgrounds. George, the youngest son of Dr. Joel Green, had been born in Castleton, Vermont, in 1828. When he was sixteen, he had gone to Rutland, Vermont, to spend the summer clerking in a store. His father had written him to stop complaining of hardships, and " . . . as to a watch or flute, they both are rather useless. I will inquire what a good flute costs and let you know. I really do not think a very young man appears any better for 'a watch.' "

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Two years later, George had been sent to Castleton Seminary, where he had preferred poetry to the Bible. He had heard from his father again: "Consult your own conscience, and if you really believe yourself Ί η the Gall of Bitterness,' say so honestly." George had been honest, and he had left for Alabama in 1846 to visit his uncle, Edwin Fay, in Montgomery. He soon found employment at Farnum's and moved to Sparta where he shared a room with his new friend, Bartlett. They separated in the spring of 1848 when Bartlett went to work for Pettingill and Company of Mobile, selling plantation supplies. George missed his companion and wrote him on the third of June, 1848.

Sparta, Alabama, June 3rd, 1848 Dear Friend Zenas, Your second full and merrily welcomed episode reached me about one week since, and according to my "young lady" practice, I hasten to improve the first possible opportunity to reply. I was glad to find you, as usual, in good spirits, and seemingly enjoying yourself well. In spite, however, of all your outward merriment and frivolity, I could search out a shadow of melancholy, that would betray to me, who knows you so well, inward emotions of sadness and gloom. Your thoughts seem like those of every learned and sentimental child of our mother, New England, too frequently to revert to the Green Hills of your cherished friends and school companions, and the meadowlands of your nativity. Your recollections seem too often carried away to a land of happier days, when o'er forest and hill, o'er valley and woodlands, your heart roamed fearlessly away with the hearts and forms of your schoolboy companions. Lastly, perhaps, your memory ever on the alert for sadness, too often carries you to the scene of the village churchyard and your parent's grave. Alas, too often, does it become the lot of the wanderer to weep for recollections of a Father's grave—most solemn place of earth and to him the easiest resting place in death. Too frequently does it become his lot to mourn the loss of parental affection, when by all the rest in the busy course of the world, that parent seems forgotten. But I will pass over these, to me as well as you, most melancholy

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reflections. They will, in time, enough, crowd upon and weight down the memory and heart. My mind, naturally too pensive and wandering, like your own, will cling like the asp to Cleopatra's beauteous breast, among the scenes of my former youth. In my frequent reveries I behold the wasting forms of a mother and sister, fast nearing the eternal vortex of the tomb—and I dare scarcely urge away the thought for fear the heart of a man could scarce restrain a tear. But these memories are past, let's haste to happier thoughts of the future. I have a proposition to make to you, Bartlett. Give it a hearing, reflect well upon it, and give me an answer in due time. I have learned you sufficiently well to know that I talk not to a stranger. You know all my heart. In all probability in the course of a year or such a matter, I may, if I ask, become the master of $1500 or $2000. You, in all probability, would be able to raise as much, and do the spirit of the times again raise above the horizon the prospects of wealth or money, an investment in goods, I think, might be made and arranged in some country store in the "Valley of the Mississippi," or perhaps elsewhere, which with good management might insure success. Think of it and spend your opinion, but keep dark. . . . Write me as soon as you receive this, and let me hear all the news—how you are doing and when coming to Sparta—tis a place of renown. Affectionately yours, G. E. Green Bartlett considered Green's proposition, but he was diverted by news of gold discoveries at Sutter's Fort. Joining the rush to California in 1849, he kept his family and Green informed of his adventures. In letters to his sister Sarah and his cousin Joseph Bartlett, Zenas described the journey west and his first days of prospecting with George Scott, an Alabama tailor who had become his partner. Panama, New Grenada, April 3rd, 1849 Dear Sister, You no doubt some time since learned of my intention of going to California and consequently will not be surprised to hear of me in Pan-

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ama, and as a gentleman leaves here in the morning for your city, I thought I would write you a few lines by him. I left New Orleans on the fifth of February, and I had a good passage of sixteen days to Chagres. From thence I proceeded directly on for this place. I suppose you have read many descriptions of the passage across the Isthmus which is up Chagres river in canoes paddled by natives, perfectly naked, sixty miles to Gargona, thence by mules to Panama. The road is only a path through the woods over the hills and mountains, and has been travelled on for more than two hundred years and is worn down in many places so that the mule is out of sight. There is hardly a day passes but some poor mule or mustang pony with his heavy load stumbles and falls in going down some steep rocky cliff to rise no more. I employed one mule and two peon slaves to carry my baggage over. These peons will carry from one to two hundred pounds and are often used in this country, where there are no roads that mules can travel, to carry men on their backs in a kind of chair. The inhabitants are mostly a mixture of negro and Indian and also Spanish, whilst the pure Spanish are very scarce. I have been here in Panama some four weeks waiting for a passage to San Francisco. I have had several chances to go but the price did not suit me as they charged from $250 to $350 for a steerage passage, so I am waiting for vessels that are now daily expected at this port that will take us to California for a reasonable price. It is tolerable healthy here though by some means I took the fever and was quite sick for a few days but am now in good health again. The weather is rather warm, the thermometer usually at 90 in the middle of the day and the sun shining from directly over head. Fruit is very plenty, oranges, pineapples, and all such fruit grows all about the city. We amuse ourselves here in a variety of ways; sometimes we take our guns and go out in the woods and shoot monkeys, parrots, etc., of which there are very many. For myself, I will not shoot monkeys for if you do not kill them dead, they will make such piteous cries and make up such sorrowful faces and look at a person as if to reprove him for his inhumanity that one can hardly have heart to kill them. I do not remember when I wrote you last but think it was while I was in Arkansas. From there I went down to New Orleans and found

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myself in the midst of the Cholera and have seen them fall over within three steps of me, but 'tis with that disease like everything else, the nearer one gets to it the less it is dreaded. I suppose you will get this but do not know that you are now in New York, for I have heard from none of my northern friends since you were down East last fall. I hope they have written to me at San Francisco so that when I get there I can hear from them, and I want you to write me at that place on the receipt of this, and when I get hold of some of those big lumps in the gold diggings, I shall write you again. Write me all about the children. Oh, how I should like to see Sarah and Amanda. Tell Andrew and Frank to write me in your letter. I must now bid you good bye. My love to all. Ezekiel never will write me though I have written him several times. Farewell, Sister, and believe me to be, Ever your affectionate brother, Z. Bartlett Camp of Scott & Bartlett, North Fork of the Sacramento, California, 60 miles above Sutter's Fort October 21st, 1849 Dear Cousin: On the first of Sept. I arrived at San Francisco after a most tedious passage of 102 days from Panama, at which place I remained nearly three months, during which time I had the Panama fever. But, thanks for the good constitution I received by hard labor on that old rocky but healthy farm in Garland, I soon got over it. I finally took passage on board of the ship Humbolt, which was considered the best vessel that had sailed from that port. But the Fates seemed to have been against us, for we had head winds and calms for weeks together, and finally had to put in at the port of Acapulco for water, instead of the Sandwich Islands, which was the intention at first. The object of our Captain in endeavoring to go so far West was to get the benefit of the trade winds. Our fare on ship board was what we called "the glorious One Pot System," and you can imagine the variety of our dishes when I tell you that our beef, pork, bean soup, rice, duff, tea, and coffee were served up for nearly four hundred men, in a large iron pot which was procured

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from a whale ship, and had boiled the oil from many a "Monster of the deep." W e lost but eight passengers on our voyage. It was a sad sight to see the poor fellows, situated as we were, on a crowded ship, and under a vertical sun, breathing their last whilst loved ones and those that were near and dear to them, were far away, counting the time for their return with their golden wealth to make their home happy. And then to see them sewed up in their blankets by strange hands, with a weight at their feet and delivered over to the sharks which were constantly following our vessel. As soon as we dropped anchor in the beautiful bay of San Francisco, among a whole forest of shipping deserted by their crews, we became sensible of the necessity of immediately replenishing our pockets. On account of the high price of every thing, I, myself, had reached the very last of five hundred dollars in the way of expenses since I left the States. Boats that came along side to take passengers ashore, would not set one of us on terra firma for less than a dollar though it required scarcely half a dozen strokes of the oars. San Francisco presents the most singular, unsettled, disjointed state of things you can imagine. Cargoes of goods of every description lay piled up on shore, and everything is safe wherever you may leave it. A trunk of valuables might be left in the streets for weeks with perfect safety. Most of the houses have been put up within the last few months and are mostly covered with cloth. And such a speculation in town property never was known. If you take the mania for speculation that existed on the Penobscot [River, Maine] in timber lands in 1837 and '8, increase it one half, and multiply by ten, you may form some idea of the state of things here. Small stores rent for forty thousand dollars a year; one hotel for ninety thousand; every drinking house is a gaming house, containing from six to twelve tables for monte, faro and other games, which pay many of them twenty-five dollars per day, for the privilege of relieving persons of their surplus change. One sees more gold in passing around one day here than he would in the State of Maine for years. There is, however, one very material difference between the speculation here and that down East in '35. There it was, as you know, mostly done on paper, but here 'tis cash

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down. The conclusion of every trade is followed by this novel expression: " 'Tis a bargain, here are scales—draw your dust." I remained in San Francisco but a few days, when I went on board of a small vessel bound up the Sacramento River. We passed several of what are to be cities on our way to Benecia at the head of the bay— New York of the Pacific and several other places, are laid out in regular order, and many a fine story is told of the value of such and such corner and water lots. After about 24 hours run we reached Sacramento City, a town of several thousand inhabitants though not yet a year old, situated some two or three miles from Sutter's Fort. Here nearly the same state of things exist as at San Francisco. A small ten-pin alley was pointed out to me, with about 25 feet front fitted up for the retail of liquors, for which twenty-five thousand dollars a year is paid for rent. Here I left what baggage I was unfortunate enough to have brought with me, and had them stored at the rate of two dollars per month for a trunk, and the same for each and every other package. I then shouldered my blankets, with two or three checked shirts, and several days' provisions, and started on foot for the mines. And now commenced reality, "the tug of war". The weather was exceedingly warm, the thermometer in the middle of the day from 90 to 100 and sometimes much m o r e . . . gold is got by washing earth in a cradle or rocker, which is a small machine similar to those nursery articles over which our first lullaby was sung. It has a box at the head with a bottom of perforated iron or copper in which water is passed and the dirt washed off, leaving the gold in the bottom. We throw the dirt behind us that does not yield over ten dollars per day, and the ground will no doubt be worked over again by quicksilver machines. California is destined to become the greatest gold mining country in the world, for you cannot take up a spade full of earth within one hundred miles of this place that does not contain more or less gold, but it will take ages to exhaust it, though the very rich deposits will soon be worked out. I have seen them pick up gold in the streets of San Francisco. This is a miserable, poor country, and if these mines had not been found, Polk would have made a very poor bargain to have taken it as a gift. There is but very little scattering timber here; every thing

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is dry and patched up, as it must be of course where it does not rain for five or six months. T i s the most hilly country you ever saw; in fact, they are perfect mountains. In many parts on this, as other rivers, the hills rise immediately from the water to a half mile high. 'Tis the hardest kind of a half days' work to go from where we work up the hill to get our provisions where teams can land it. The Sierra Nevada Mountains are to be seen from here, their tops covered with snow. The Americans here in the mines, if you take them as a whole, are the best set of men I ever saw collected together. I suppose the reason is that the miserable loafers in the States could not find it so easy to raise four or five hundred dollars to come out here. A man's life and property are more safe here than in any place I was ever in, and you know I have been over nearly all the United States. They have adopted certain rules and regulations by general consent among themselves in regard to mining; a man is entitled to so many feet, and no one presumes to go on his spot till he leaves it, and it is very seldom that any difficulty arises. Wagons are now arriving from over the plains in great numbers every day. They complain bitterly of the hardness of their journey. Many teams with families are far behind, and it is apprehended that if many of them leave the Mormon settlement, at Salt Lake, this season, they will be caught in the mountains this winter; in which case, a great amount of suffering will ensue. If any of your friends or acquaintances think of coming to this country to dig gold, you may say to them that if they are not able or willing to start from Bangor [Maine] on foot, in the warmest day in July, with their blankets on their backs and all the clothing they expect to wear for six months, and two weeks' provisions, and go on foot to Moosehead Lake [Maine], sleeping at night under a tree, and cooking their own provisions, they are not fit to come here. Now this is not beyond the reality, for I never found any thing equal to it in the way of work. Many a poor fellow has gone back, and many will do so as soon as they can raise the money enough. N o man who has not a strong, healthy body should come here; no old man who has a family and a comfortable home, should come here. Many a man will, for the first time, appreciate the comforts of a good comfortable home when he gets back.

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The currency of this country is nearly all gold dust; though several companies at San Francisco are coining eagles, and half eagles which pass current, and a good deal is run into ounce bars. The dust is now selling for $16 per ounce. Every man has his buckskin bag to hold his dust; and a man thinks no more of taking his dram at fifty cents and his segar at 25, the usual prices, than they did in the States at a dime and a half dime. 'Tis Sunday, a welcome day to us as it gives one a little respite from our hard work, though we do as all do—wash our clothes, buy our weeks provisions, and weigh our dust, for we do not hear among these hills the church going bell. I find my last week's work has paid pretty well, about thirty dollars per day. We consider $100 per week very fair pay. Our necessary expenses are about two dollars a day. Speaking of washing, it may be you do not know that clothes are sent to San Francisco to be washed—a distance of some 250 miles—which is no more strange than true. You must make allowance for my bad writing, for I write in haste, sitting cross legged in our tent with my paper in my lap, and what is worse, with lame hands cramped by handling a spade all the week. We could get plenty of game here if we had time to hunt; such as hares and deer. The grisly bear is frequently seen. A small species of wolf come about our camp at night and steal every thing they can get hold of, and it is a fact, though you will hardly believe it, that they will steal a man's lunch from under his head when he is asleep. They often carry off hats, boots, and every thing that has grease about it. It is healthy in the mines now. I have spun you out a long letter, and shall expect one as long in return. The Express man, a person who makes it a business, takes this to San Francisco for fifty cents, and brings our letters for $2.50, which we think is cheap enough, and our papers for 25 cents. I have received several papers from you and have sent you California papers in return. Direct your letters to Sacramento City, California. Remember me to all my friends and accept yourself, my best wishes for yourself and the success of your paper. Z. Bartlett

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Camp of Scott & Bartlett, North Fork of Sacramento River fifty miles above Sacramento City, California November 15th, 1849 Dear Sister, As a gentleman leaves our camp in the morning for your city, and has promised to leave this, and thinking you might have a little curiosity if nothing more to hear from your long absent, far distant and ever roaming brother, and a desire to elicit an answer from you to learn how the world goes with you and how those young nephews and nieces of whom I am so proud are getting on, and of all other matters pertaining to your happiness and welfare, and without any more conjunctions, either correlative or disjunctive, I have concluded to scribble you a few lines. Well, Sis, here I am sitting on my camp stool with my writing material on my knees, whilst within six feet of me are a party amusing themselves at cards, and another party talking of home, whilst my partner, like myself, is writing back to the land of civilization. Aye, home, that sweet word around which cluster so many pleasant memories and fond associations connected with thoughts of friends of former days—kindred-home loved ones. Aye, stveet hearts, too, God bless the dear creatures, for alas I am "jar awa" and cannot tell when again I shall be blessed with the sight of their bright eyes, rosey cheeks, ruby lips, sweet smiles, and all that sort—But enough of this, I am sure you will say. I arrived at San Francisco on the 1st of Sept. after a most tedious voyage of 102 days from Panama, where as you know I was detained near three months, so you can see instead of being among thefirsthere, I was very late in the season as the Fates would have it. But on the whole, I do not know as I have much reason to complain for my health has been very good since I recovered from the Panama fever, and was never better in my life than I am at this time. I have been doing tolerable well since I have been in the mines, but the work is of the hardest kind, worse, if possible, than working on

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that old rocky farm down in Garland. I have made generally an ounce per day, which is worth here sixteen dollars. Some times I have made much more, about $200 per week, but the rainy season has now set in and we are not doing much. We have a log cabin nearly completed, have laid in a winter's supply of provisions which cost us about three hundred dollars each, and shall take it easy working at intervals enough, we think, to pay our expenses and something more. It is tolerable healthy in the mines at present. The most we dread here is the Scurvy which many have owing to an entire absence of all vegetable food. A man's life and property is as safe here as in the States and the miners are, take them as a whole, the best set of men I ever saw collected together. In some distant part of the mines the Indians are somewhat troublesome, but 'tis seldom we see any about here. Many are getting very home sick and are leaving for the States every day, many of them with less money than they started from home with. They find that sitting to a good fire after eating a good dinner and smoking a good segar and talking about digging out those big lumps is one thing, and living on pork and hard bread, working harder than a cornfield negro, and sleeping under a tree at night is quite another thing. For myself, I came here to make money and I intend to have it if I have to stop here two or three years to do it. I got several letters from Down East when I got to San Francisco, but have had none since as the mails have failed for several steamers. But I am told that the mail has arrived and expect every day for our express man to get up with a whole bunch of letters. We pay him $1.50 for bringing letters up and 50 cents for taking letters to the PO—which we think is very cheap. Don't fail to write me a long letter and let the children fill it up. My regards to brother Ezekiel, kiss Sarah and Amanda for me, and tell Andrew and Frank to write me and receive yourself my best wishes. Good Bye, Z. Bartlett Bartlett wrote in more detail to George Green, whose company he truly missed.

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Camp of Scott & Bartlett, Union Bar North Fork of American Fork of Sacramento River, Cal. January 15th, 1850 My dear Green, I am in good humor once more—for having been vexed, disappointed, annoyed, yes, really mad every time I have thought (and I assure you it has not been seldom) of home, of you, and other friends who are far away toward the rising sun. And you will not wonder at this when I tell you that I have been looking and waiting and expecting letters that "came not" for near five months—until a few days since, a number of us made up a purse at an expense of five dollars each, and sent a man down to San Francisco to see if we could not make a raise of some letters. He returned to camp last night and didn't I jump some when he handed me out a package of letters and papers. Among them were two letters from you, one of them dated at Castleton, Vt., and the other of later date at Sparta. You cannot imagine how great a treat it is for one out here in this wild country to get a letter from an old friend in a Christian land. Your letters, especially the one written after your return from the North, were so full and interesting that I do not know as I could ask more, but if you had added still another sheet, and that too of large fools-cap, it would have prolonged the feast without there being the least danger of cloying the appetite. I received a letter from you on my arrival at San Francisco. I also wrote you from that place and have written twice since I have been in the mines, for all of which you are still my debter. In one of them I sent you a little sprinkle of gold dust so that you see your wish as expressed in your last letter was anticipated. Would that I could always "do the like to you" JAN. 2 0 T H . YOU see I am making a kind of journal of this. The fact is I cannot tell what day or hour I may have an opportunity of forwarding this, so I concluded to fill up part of a sheet, and when I have a chance I can write a postscript and send it along. 'Tis Sunday Eve, and as I have a few leisure minutes, I determined to devote them to friendship and have a social chat with you. As one Sunday is very much like

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another with us, I will tell you how I have passed this. Well, I was forced to leave my bed (a poor one by the way, yet poor as it is, I manage to get a heap of good sleep out of it) this morning, not by the loud ringing of the breakfast bell, but by a more imperative demand—a sensation of uneasiness about the digestive organs, which can only be relieved by turning out and getting breakfast. This is soon got through with for our dishes are not very numerous, consisting generally of fried pork or bacon, a tin cup full of coffee, bread, and dried fruit by way of dessert. Occasionally we have a pot of pork and beans and now and then a slice of corn beef. After breakfast we clean and weigh our gold we have made during the week. After this and about the time those in Christian lands are summoned by the deep toned church bells to perform their Sabbath devotions at the altar, we, also in humble imitation of that laudable and time honored custom, rise up and proceed with slow and solemn step down to the river bank and there, as the water gently flows along, emblematic of mortal life and the stream of time, we, with hearts overflowing with deep emotion in solemn silence, prepare to engage in that high, that noble, and sublime operation—shirt washing. After this absolute necessity is gotten through with, Scott, a hardened sinner, takes his gun and goes out to kill a deer. 'Tis true, I sometimes accompany him. Now mind you, George, don't let my northern friends know this. The deer are tolerably plenty about here this winter, having been driven out of the mountains by the cold weather and snow. Scott has killed a good many. I killed my first deer here. They are fine eating and are the only fresh meat we get. A good sized deer will sell here for fifty dollars most any time. A few days ago, some ten or twelve of us went out on a grisley bear hunt among some high hills completely covered with thick shrubbery or a kind of chaperal. They, as you know, are a very dangerous animal, and it would be fool hardy for a man alone to fire a rifle ball into one, they are so tenacious of life. They never run and if wounded are certain to pursue. There have been some desperate fights with them not far from here, and some have been dangerously injured by them. Our hunt proved unsuccessful, though we got several shots at a small young one who thought best to take "leg bail". I had screwed my courage up to the sticking point before entering the thicket, and with a large double

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barrel gun, well loaded, and a long knife, I was prepared for the worst. When several guns were discharged close by me, the chaperal, so close that I could not see five steps and the cry of "bear" was heard, you may be sure I had my finger on trigger and long knife ready. Oh, 'tis the finest excitement in the world. I think we had our house, or rather log cabin, built when I wrote you last, and with our winter's supply of provisions, we are quite comfortable and have been taking it easy since the rainy season set in. It rains nearly half of the time. There has been no snow yet, though the mountains and hills within some fifteen miles of here are covered with it. The coldest nights here have frozen ice about half an inch thick. About two weeks ago we had a warm rain which melted the snow on the mountains so much that the river rose with astonishing rapidity. We turned out in the night but were too late to save our washing machines, shovels, etc., for they were all swept down stream. Our cabin, which we supposed was above high water, we were compelled to leave before noon. In fact, the water played the very deuce with us. There were eight Chinese at work a few rods above here. In the morning they found themselves cut off from the shore by the water that had surrounded them. One undertook to swim ashore but failed and was drowned. The others remained on the highest point of land. We stood and watched them as the water came up higher and higher, first ankles, then their knees and so on 'till they were washed down the stream. Five of them succeeded in reaching a tree— the others went down within a stone's throw of where we were. We could render them no aid for the river is a perfect cataract when so high. They hung up in the tree all day and night, but the next day the river had fallen so much that they succeeded in getting ashore. On account of the high water, we have not been able to do much work for the last two weeks. I worked yesterday and the day before— made fifty dollars in the two days, though I did not work all the day Friday for we attended to the burying of one of our neighbors. W e do these things in a rough way, but as well as the circumstances will admit. We sew the body up in blankets, and after it is laid in the grave, place some pieces of wood across to keep the earth a little distance from the

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body. It is generally healthy in this section of the mines. We all dread scurvy more than any thing else. Many are troubled with it. Those who get it and cannot afford to live on potatoes and onions at a dollar the pound, have to leave. JAN. 21ST. 9 o'clock P.M. As I expect to have an opportunity to send this to town tomorrow and wish for no chance to pass to make you still more my debter, I will close this long, and I fear, hardly readable letter. This morning I went hard at work, but it came on a considerable snow storm about noon so that I was compelled to quit with some ten dollars in dust. This is the first snow we have had. Our gold digging is very uncertain this winter. The dry diggings have not as yet proved very profitable in this section. 'Tis true, they now and then get big lumps, say of $50 or $75 in value, but they are like angel's visits—few and far between. We are very comfortable here in our cabin and enjoy high spirits, but if we had two or three more kindred spirits like yourself with us, I, for one, should be knee deep in clover. I like this kind of life, at least for a change. Scott gets along first rate. He swings a big purse round with something over $1000 in gold dust in it, curses the tailor trade and all poor tailors. I can out weigh him in that line, besides, we have each several hundred dollars' worth of provisions. We have not been among the lucky ones to make great hauls, but considering I was over 7 months in my unfortunate voyage and detention at Panama, I am very well satisfied. There are many, yes, very many, who have not done as well, whilst some have hardly made a living. JAN. 22ND. I am going up the same three miles this morning to get a man to take some letters to town, so I will at least bid good morning. I am under great obligation to you for your kind and generous offer contained in both of your letters. If misfortune should overtake me, I should not hesitate to avail myself of it, knowing or thinking I know that it was in real earnest and by the dictates of a generous heart. Don't fail to expect the same from me whenever it is possible for me to render you any aid or assistance whatever, should fickle fortune ever desert you and disappointed hopes, and blasted expectations, bad health, or any thing of this sort bear down your bouyant spirit. But, George, I have found that a stout heart and a determined will is equal to any

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emergency, and "never give up" is of all mottoes, the best. This life is made up of a streak of lean and a streak of fat, and I thought at Panama and on board the ship "Humbolt" that I was getting a confounded long streak of lean. You know me well enough to know that the blues does not belong to my nature, and with no wife to scold or children to cry, I let the world wag on. Many a poor fellow that started for this country are now in their graves for want of this trait of character, or rather constitution of mind. Often have I wished you with me, but again I have thought what might have been the case, on account of your slender frame. You have no idea what a dilemma I was in the few days I was in Sparta before I started, wishing you with me, yet fearful that you would not be able to stand the exposure. I felt like this, that your coming or staying at that time was placed in my hands, and that if you had started with me and the worst had happened, your friends might censure me; at least they would have been apt to say that had it not been for me you would not have started. I now know that you would not have been fit for gold digging, as it requires the most able bodied man to stand it. 'Tis true had you arrived safely you might have got some business in town and done well, but it would have been luck and chance with you I am glad to know you enjoyed yourself so well during your Northern visit. So you had an interview with F. Wish I could have seen you meet. By the way, you seem to have two strings to your bow. The Montreal lady and still you seem to have some expectations in Alabama. Mind you don't break more hearts than you can mend. What part of the mines I shall steer my steps to in the Spring, I cannot tell. I think now of going high up the North Fork right up to the foot of the Sierra Nevada mountains, if the Indians are not too troublesome up that way. At any rate, I shall keep you well posted up as I have opportunity to write. Don't know when I shall return to the States. If I do well next summer, I may come home about next Christmas. Scott talks like coming then. At any rate, don't fail to keep writing to me at short intervals whether you get any letters from me or not, for the mails are very uncertain. I shall do the same. Direct all letters after this to Sacramento City, Cal. . . . if any of the "better part of creation"

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should speak of me, tell them all that I love um and give them my reg a r d s . . . . A n d believe me, Now as ever, Truly yours, Z. Bartlett

(The first part of the following letter has been lost. ) [California, Winter of 1851] [Dear Green] . . . Our cradles resemble very much those old-fashioned articles so much used in newly married families, but which, alas, I fear I shall never have any occasion to use, although I know how to use them so well. The rocker has a box fitted to the head of it with a bottom of sheet iron perforated with a great number of holes into which the dirt is thrown, water poured on, and the cradle set in motion at the same time. The dirt passes out at the foot of the rocker, whilst the gold settles down to the bottom and is prevented being washed away by a small cleat across the bottom. Last year we would not wash dirt that did not contain from 12 to 20 cents per bucket. This year there are thousands at work where they do not get more than 5 or 10 cents per bucket and many just making bread. In the Spring, I am going to the mountains again. I know there are rich spots yet, if I can find them. And such mountains. Your Green Mountains in Vermont would be but stepping stones to them. I fear I would risk my reputation for veracity should I tell you how deep the snow gets on these mountains. 'Tis often over twenty feet deep, and so solid and firm that horses and mules travel over it with ease. You cannot imagine the grand and wild scenery these mountains and deep valleys present. In the valley where we camped on the Yuba River and worked for a time, the north star was just visible over the tops of the hills, which will give you a pretty good idea of these places if you will recollect our latitude. W e used to amuse ourselves by climbing the mountains and putting in motion boulders of granite which would

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come down with such velocity as often to clear the river at one bound and strike on the opposite side . . . I must close this hastily written letter. If you manage to read it I shall be glad. . . . Accept my best wishes for your happiness and prosperity. Yours ever, Z. Bartlett Indian Valley, Headwaters of the east branch of the north fork of North Feather, California June 15, 1851 Friend Green, Most persons in California do not write to their friends at home unless they are doing well and can write good news. This is very natural, and I feel an inclination to follow the same rule; but so far as regards yourself, I shall fulfill my promise to write you at short intervals. If my letters are poor, I have the consolation that they will not cost much, for before this gets in the office, the United States new post office law will come into operation. I wrote you last from Strawberry Valley on the Upper Waters where we were blocked up by the snow. We remained there until the trail was opened through the snow over the mountains—which was about five weeks—when we came on to Indian Valley, which is a small flat near it on the top of a high ridge of mountains, which is the snowest place on the face of the earth where people pretend to live. Nothing grows there but a kind of wild onion (which we always eat when we can get) and the mountain pines. Some of the houses, when we came through in May, were so nearly covered with snow that we could see but a part of the roofs. It is snowing there yet every day or two. This is a depot for provisions for a rich mining district. Nelson's, Poor Man's, and Hopkin's creeks are in the vicinity, as well as rich bars in Middle Feather and other ravines and gulches. Provisions are packed in on the backs of mules. The packs will hit against some projecting rock when away goes poor mule down the mountain. I have seen them go end over end for a long distance and would think them dead, and when

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went to unpack them, they would jump up as well as ever; but sometimes they go over precipices when packs and mules are all lost. From Onion Valley we came down a mountain five miles to the digging, when we came into an entirely different climate—as warm as summer and trees in full foliage. One day's going north brought us into Clover Valley where there are thousands of acres of excellent grass. One day's travel over a mountain north from Clover Valley brings us to Indian Valley, where we have been encamped for two weeks. This is a most delightful valley about 25 miles long and from one to two miles broad, covered with a most luxurient growth of the finest kind of clover and other grass. The mountains surround it on all sides, their tops covered with snow. An endless variety of flowering plants cover the whole surface, whilst the banks of the river—as it winds through the valley whose waters are as clear as crystal—were covered with hedges and rows of the finest roses, most of which are now in full bloom, rendering the atmosphere—especially of a morning—perfectly fragrant. But as you know I have no descriptive talent, I will not attempt a discription of this lovely valley. There are a succession of these valleys extending for nearly two hundred miles between the main range of the Sierra Nevada and another range running parallel for about fifty miles to the west. This section of the country is cut up by spurs of the main ranges putting out in all directions with numerous valleys between. These valleys are all silted and were evidently one day inland lakes, but by a succession of ages have worn channels through the mountains and the lakes have become valleys. No where does one see the war between rivers and mountains so plain as here. I have seen where the Potomac breaks through the Blue Ridge, which Jefferson said was worth a voyage across the Atlantic to see, and others of similar nature; but they all sink into insignificance compared to many places in this country where mountains have been torn asunder and the waters foaming and rushing along through deep dark canyons. There are several burning mountains in sight from the hills that surround this valley. These are probably not volcanos for they have no main crater in the top, but the sulphury smoke and steam issue from a great number of chimney holes in the side of the mountain. There are hot springs near by, and hot steam is thrown out with a

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force and noise very much resembling the escape of steam from a large engine. Now, I will tell you what we are doing here. In one word, we are prospecting. Several men made large piles last fall in these mountains, and a few weeks ago two men came out from the mountains and weighed their gold, of which they had 75 pounds; so we know there are some rich gulches in these mountains, and we are trying to find them. There are about fifty persons in small companies who rendezvous here and keep part of their companies in the mountains. We started out with from 15 to 20 days rations, according to the length of time we intended to be, and at the end of that time we came in. So far we have been unsuccessful, for those who have been at them have been so cautious and skillful in going out that thus far they have baffled all persuit. Those of us who remain at camp whilst the others are out, amuse ourselves at eucre, playing ball, fishing and hunting deer. I have an opportunity to mail this, so good bye. Love to all. Yours ever, Z. Bartlett During Bartlett's years in California, Green had been a good correspondent. He told Bartlett of his marriage to Sarah Jones, the pretty young daughter of a prominent local planter, who had been opposed to Green's Yankee background and who had attempted to overrule his daughter's wishes. In 1851, nine months after the wedding, Green again wrote Bartlett to describe his visit with Ezekiel Page in New York and to invite Zenas to join him and his wife's family in their move to Texas the following winter. Sparta, Alabama, September 23d, 1851 My dear friend Bartlett, . . . The first, I will now tell you, though probably you have heard before this, is about what interests you most, your friends. I did as I promised, called on your Brother, Ezekiel Page, in New York last month and found him even beyond my anticipation, a gentleman and a friend. I believe him as fine a whole souled fellow as walks New

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York, and I hope he is worthy of the woman, who from all I saw of her must be your sister. I found him at the office he keeps on West Street, and as I anticipated, glad to see me. . . . Mr. Page's business is increasing and is the most extensive of the kind in the world. He now sells over 75,000 dollars worth per year. He was shipping to France and England when I was there, and most likely you have seen his brand in California, for he frequently ships to that port. He has improved his machinery since you were there, has obtained a new Patent Right, and says he is now doing well. I was heartily glad of it, for I look upon him as a man in every respect deserving the highest prosperity and praise. He was to start the morning after I saw him for Ohio to his factory, and positively, Bartlett, I bid him farewell with a tear in my eye. He promised to write you immediately, and I promised to inform you he was still alive and your friend, whom you in your wanderings must not forget. He and all the rest of your friends, myself and family included, are most anxious for your return. Come this winter, Bartlett, without fail, and as I now expect to move to Texas the coming year, I will find for you a place and home. Come back if you would live a long cheerful life, and so if you unfortunately have not saved a cent, your friends need your society, and your ingenuity will always easily procure you a good living. I carried my wife on to Vermont, and she enjoyed herself much. The Green Mountains did her good, and I am rejoiced she has once been beyond the narrow limits of Conecuh County. Her family were well pleased at this excursion and under all the circumstances are now my friends. The old Gent pro-offered to give me three or four thousand dollars this winter, but wants me to take more and go with his family to Texas, where I shall merchandise a year from this fall. I have not yet come to any definite conclusions Good bye, Bartlett. Write me soon, for all your friends are anxious always to hear from you. Write me what you are doing and what you have done and when you will be home certain. John Seymour and my wife all send love. Farewell. Yours affectionately, Geo. E. Green

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Bartlett was glad to hear of Ezekiel's success and wrote him a few months later. Suter Creek, Calavares County, Cal. January 18, 1852 Dear Brother Ezekiel, I have often thought of you and wished you would write me since I have been in this far-off land, but have neglected month after month to write you and thus, by bringing you in my debt, I have a reasonable expectation of getting a letter from you. But now I will commence a correspondence which, if agreeable to you, will continue until we meet. You must not believe that I am one who, when far away and amid exciting scenes, forgets early friends and those who are near and dear by kindred ties. Far from it. Some one has said " 'Tis to live twice when we enjoy the recollection of our past life." My mind often wanders back to the cold hills of Maine to the secluded little town of Garland, which affords me many pleasant memories and fond associations. Aye, and some sad ones too, for there lie the remains of my revered father, whose virtues, to my view, increase as my years increase. Here you can appreciate my feelings, for your parents also repose there. Though long, long ago and myself but a boy, I well remember what warm and devoted feelings of friendship existed between your father and mine, heightened, no doubt, by a kindred feeling of religious sentiment in the exercise of which they both experienced the greatest satisfaction. Still in those scenes the memory dwells And fondly broods with miser's care; Time but the impression stronger makes As streams their channels deeper wear. But enough of this. A short time since I received a letter from Friend Green of Sparta, Alabama. He told me he called on you, at my request, in New York. He said Sister and the children had gone east on a visit. Was glad to hear of your good health, etc. I would like very much to see the children. Is Andrew still at school in Ohio? What are you going to make of him? And Frank, what for a boy does he make? Sarah is now, I

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suppose, quite a miss, and sweet Amanda—has she grown much? You have one blessing at least, in two pair of as fine, intelligent children as anyone. I take great interest in them. Green said you are doing a good business in the oar line. How does it pay and what are your prospects? Where are your brothers, John and Enoch? What has become of Mr. Bean and Batchelor? If I remember right, Sister Sarah has not answered my last letter, but I am not positive. Now for a few words about myself. If you should see me now I fancy you would find me but little changed since I saw you in New York. My health since I have been in California has been generally good, and at present, 'tis first rate. This is as healthy a country, I believe, as any of the Atlantic states. I have at length quit digging for gold and would have been much better off if I had quit a year and a half ago, for in that time I have spent over $1,000 prospecting. I had some good digging in the spring of 1850, and I did not like to work for small wages. Accordingly, I left a claim where I was making an 02. a day to look for something better, which I did not find. But when I got willing to work for an 02., I could not get that kind of digging, and when after looking in vain for more than a year, I would have gone to work for $8 or $10,1 could not find even that good a place. So I hung up the pick and shovel about four months ago. Myself and four other persons went to work and put up a saw-mill on this creek, distant some 60 miles from Sacramento in a southerly direction. The mill cost some 7 or 8 thousand dollars. We have had it running several weeks. We can saw from 2 to 4 m. feet per day of pine, which grows handy to the mill, of excellent quality and of great size, many being too large to handle. We frequently cut 5, 6 and 7 logs off of one tree, making 4 to 8 hundred feet each. We are selling lumber at the mill for $100 per m. and if it were seasoned would sell for much more. W e think we can sell at this price all we can saw. We are in the vicinity of several mining villages, which are increasing and will afford a market for lumber. I cannot tell but think we shall do well out of it. We shall have enough water to saw 8 or 10 months in the year. If I had gone into this business with Mr. Holt as I had an offer to do in the summer of 1850, I should have made a big pile by now. I, Brown, and G. W. Holt of Exeter, who were my business associates in

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Alabama, are all in the saw mill business. Brown is on the Yuba and Holt on the American River. My sheet is full so I will close this hastily written letter. When shall I go East—I cannot tell. An old bach might as well be in California as anywhere else. Why not? For I am getting to think I am destined to live an old bachelor, for I don't know when I shall get through my rambling; and then I am getting old, so I fear I should not shine unless I made a handsome pile here in California. Don't fail to write me on the receipt of this and let me know how you are flourishing. My love to Sis and the children and accept for yourself the best wishes of your brother, Zenas Discouraged by his lack of success, Bartlett decided that he would soon go East to visit his family and meet with Green to discuss the proposition to enter a merchandising business in Texas. He returned to the rivers for one last chance at their gold and wrote Green a few more letters in which could be detected his increasing nostalgia for home. Rattlesnake Bar, North Fork, American River July 25th, 1852 Friend Green, We have had two or three semi-monthly mails, and I have not received a line from either, though I have been anxiously looking. You see, I am at my old doings, as I wrote you in my last letter if I remember right. We shall commence laying a flume down this week. The river is still rather high, but we think our flume will hold the water by another week. The river remains up this year longer by two weeks than it did last year. There are ten shares in our company. Scott has one and has a man at work for him at five dollars a day. I believe I am constantly engaged, having the management of the whole concern. The labor is hard and the weather very hot, but my health is very good. Our claim, the Pieca Company, is considered a good one, but it is impossible to tell until we get the bed of the river dry and commence work-

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ing it. Forbes, Sherman's brother [Sherman Forbes of Sparta], is here, and we are boarding at the same house. You did not write me that he was the one I knew in Alabama. I met him by accident, and was with him a week but did not find out until an evening or two ago when we were playing eucre together. I doubt if Sherman himself would know him, for his beard is longer than any of the old patriarchs'. He is mining near here and says he has a good claim. His health is good. He started this morning down to San Francisco on some little business but more for his own amusement, I think. He rides a fine horse with fine Mexican accoutrements and has four or five men to work his claim. If they all prove good, he will make a "ten strike". If they all fail, he will be a "broke hombre." If part pay, he will come out even or a little better I have but little to write; in fact nothing, and I merely write this to remind you that I am expecting a letter from you every mail. Now that I have fixed a time to go East, I'm thinking more about it every day. In fact, I think it is time I have a change in my life. Besides, my Mother is getting old and feeble, and I wish to see her once more—to say nothing about my sisters and relatives who have been expecting me a long time. But when I go to Maine, it will be only to make a visit. My old "down East" associates and schoolmates are married and settled and have probably nearly forgotten me. Thus it will always be in this world of change and chance—transient embraces and long separations are the fate of us poor devils in this world. I have nothing to complain of. I have always had friends, or at least I flatter so. Whether they would have proven so in need I do not know, but have no right to doubt. I have met many good fellows in this country. I wish ill to no man living. By the way, I want to know who that fair one is you think would suit me. I am so old, I fear I should be hard to please, but we will see about this between now and spring. . . . my kind regards to Mrs. Green. Be assured yourself of my best wishes, Truly yours, Z. Bartlett

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Sacramento City, November 29th, 1852 My dear Green, For two semi-monthly mails I have not received a line from you, though I had sent to the office for them. Yesterday, I came down to see if I could not make a raise of one, but U.S. Agent said "Nothing for Bartlett". The Atlantic mail closes tomorrow, so I improve the opportunity to scribble you a few lines. We have been doing but little of late, i.e. Scott and myself merely preparing for Winter, for the rain has not fallen yet in sufficient quantity. But last night it rained all night and today it has rained like blazes, in old '49 style, so that I think we shall be able to go to work once more. I left Scott at our camp on Scott's Flat yesterday morning in good health. I shall go back tomorrow for this is sure a hard place to stop since the city was burnt. But they are building as they only can build in California, but most of the buildings are temporary structures covered with canvass and the high wind has already prostrated many a one. 'Twas a sad sight to see some fifty acres closely filled up with buildings all leveled to the ground and in ashes in two or three hours, and at this worst of all seasons when the rainy season had just commenced I here acknowledge the receipt of all your letters that have come in answer to my former letters. The last one was written, I think, from Evergreen. I am making my arrangements to go East in the Spring as I have written you before. My regards to Mrs. Green and also to all my old friends if I still have them. Good wishes. Good-by. Yours in haste, Z. Bartlett With a bag of gold dust and nuggets, Bartlett went East in the spring to visit his family and to accept Green's proposal. During the summer, he and Green met in New York to make arrangements for their business in Texas. They returned to Alabama in the fall to prepare for the trip West, but before leaving Bartlett wrote his nephew Andrew Page.

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39 Sparta, Conecuh County, Alabama October 27, 1853

Dear Nephew: Probably by this time you would like to know of my whereabouts. I left New York about the 1st of September and came out to Washington via Philadelphia and Baltimore. After stopping long enough at the Federal City to see all that was worth seeing, I came on here via Wilmington, Charleston, Augusta, Georgia and Montgomery, Ala. At Montgomery we, myself and Green, found the yellow fever so bad on the river that we did not care to go down the river in the boats, so we bought some horses and came down by land about 100 miles to this place. I have been enjoying myself very well visiting around amongst my old acquaintances, the cotton planters, who I found all very glad to see me. I should have gone to Texas before this had it not been for the fever in Mobile and New Orleans. We have had a good frost, and I think there will be no danger of the fever, and I shall leave here in a few days for Texas and shall probably leave on the Steamer a week from Sunday from New Orleans to Galveston. My health is first rate, better than it was any time this summer. I will write you from Texas. Write me on the receipt of this direct to me at this place—Sparta, Conecuh Co., Ala. and it will be forwarded to me in what ever part of the world I may be. I am anxious to hear from your mother and all hands. I have no more to write now. My love to all. Good Bye, Z. Bartlett Bartlett enjoyed the peacefulness of Sparta, which contrasted favorably with the uncertainties of prospecting. Although the forty-niners Bartlett had known were trustworthy and hardworking, the prospectors who followed them were often dishonest rogues and gamblers. A letter from George Scott describes the violence they brought with them.

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Lacy's Bar, Places County, Calafornia, November 11, 1853 Friend Bartlett I received your letter dated September 25 yesterday on Tiger Bluff while at work making a roler for the pump where Peat, myself and two others have a wing down for the purpose of prospecting the river. . . . After the water gave out where we wintered, I took and went up to Missigar Bluff on a prospecting tour, but as the prospects at that place were dull we returned towards home, but at Yankey Jim's bought in a company and got cheated of a hundred dollars each by a backwoods Mississipian. We were not long in finding out that we had been shaved so we returned home and I went to prospecting miners ravine and sunk fourteen holes some of them ten feet deep and the best dust that I found was five cts and but little of that, so I gave that up. By this time it was near the last of June so Peat Snyder and I went down to San Francisco and passed the fourth of July. . . . I was there in time for the celebrations. General Sutter and Staff appeared in the plasa to review the Volunteers and that night there was an exhabition fireworks but it was a very poor affare. We returned home and Peat persuaded me to go to Lacy's Bar where he and I with two others have been all summer at work in some loads that he worked two years ago. I bought an interest for $25. There was four of us in the company. We used a horse and cart in striping. We striped off twenty feet and worked three feet of dust and one foot of the slate and got out of 40 feet square 21 hundred dollars. So if I haven't made much, I have not lost anything. We have a wing down at the lower end of tiger bluff for the purpose of prospecting the bed of the river. If I dig out with my own hands dirt that will pay from two to five dollars I will take one share and work it myself. If not, I am out of that flooming operation. I don't know yet where I shall winter. The old flat is all worked out. They have had the Bare River water there all the summer and those Irish men that jumped your lead last spring have been there all summer. . .. Frank Wilkins on Rattle snake had both of his legs broke by using a hydralick batery for washing down the bank—He stood too near and

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the bank fell and caught him—broke both of his legs—one so badly crushed that it was necessary to cut it off. Dr. Thomas has had a good deal to do in surgery. There was two men shot at Aubers. One lost his arm and the other his life. The one that died was shot by a gambler and a namesake of mine. He will be hung. There was a man killed on Whisky Bar by the name of Jenings. He was stabed by a man by the name of Morrison. Flat's woman accused Morrison of stealing eggs and Morrison insulted her and Jenings took it up and tore Morrison's tent down and commenced beating him and Morrison got away and ran and Jenings caught him and in the last struggle Morrison stabed him, but before Jenings died he requested the sherif to let Morrison go. He said he was justafible in cutting him I will be in Alabama in May unless I find five dollar dust in Tiger bluff.... Geo. W. Scott Bartlett regretted that many of the later arrivals to California lacked the virtues of the original forty-niners, but his thoughts were mostly of his future in the vast Southwest. He was staying with George and Sarah Green and their baby Sue at Sparta, but he and Green rode each day to the neighboring town of Evergreen to visit Sarah's father, Churchill Jones, who had instigated the expedition to central Texas. Jones described the trading post of Marlin where they would merchandise and spoke with enthusiasm of his own great plantation at the Falls of the Brazos River. They listened with excitement and anxiously waited for the yellow fever to subside at the ports of Mobile and New Orleans so they might sail for Texas.

THE FALLS PLANTATION "Tell him he must know that everyone is doing his part up full every day and no shuffling, or it will all end in nothing." Churchill Jones to James S. Jones, October 27, 1853

CHURCHILL JONES was born in 1805 at "Cherry Walk," his father's tobacco plantation near Bowling Green, Virginia. He was the eldest son of John Jones who had served as captain of militia in the American Revolution and had fought at the battle of Brandywine. Churchill attended Rappahanock Academy, and after his graduation he left for Alabama to seek his fortune. He settled in the town of Evergreen where he taught school, bought property, and married Susan Tomlinson, a gentle woman who tempered his proud and aggressive nature. He applied to President Van Buren for a tract of land on the Conecuh River, and after receiving his grant, he developed it into a good cotton plantation. His holdings of land and slaves increased with the years, and he became prominent in state politics, representing his district in the legislature as an old line Whig. An impressive looking man with reddish blond hair and sky blue eyes, Churchill Jones was a patriarch at forty. He and Susan had eight children—James Sanford, Sarah, Lucinda, Jane, William, Amanda, Churchill Augustus, and Paul. His brother, Sanford, his sisters and their families, and other relatives came from Virginia to be near him and to rely upon his help and judgment. His responsibilities were

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enormous, and as an entrepreneur determined to increase his wealth, he toured Texas in 1849. He saw the Falls of the Brazos River, and, like others before him, he was greatly impressed. Some Spaniards, who were lost and dying of thirst in the sixteenth century, came upon the winding river and gratefully named it "El Río de los Brazos de Dios"—"The River of the Arms of God." Later explorers saw its falls, which they called "El Salto," but quickly moved on for a Tonkawa chief had built his Indian village nearby. Texas was opened to Anglo-American colonization in 1822 when the government of Spain granted Moses Austin permission to bring in three hundred families from the United States. He died while planning his enterprise, and his son, Stephen F. Austin, replaced him as contractor or empresario. Mexico gained her independence from Spain, and her newly elected emperor, Iturbide, confirmed Austin's contract. General Santa Anna overthrew Iturbide, and a federal republic was established with Coahuila and Texas joined together as a state. Their legislature in 1825 passed a general colonization law under which Austin and several other empresarios were given contracts to settle additional families from the United States in designated territorial grants. Austin and his partner, Samuel M. Williams, claimed the area near the Falls of the Brazos for their fifth colony, but their contract remained mostly unfulfilled. The choicest lands were not to be neglected, however, and Thomas McKinney, a business associate of Williams, hired José María Sanches to accompany him as his servant to the state capítol, Saltillo, and there "induced him to apply to the Government for the purchase of five Leagues of Land." Sanches petitioned Governor Viesca on December 20, 1830: Most Excellent Sir—José María Sanches, a native and resident of Nacogdoches comprehended in the State of Coahuila and Texas, with due respect to Your Excellency would represent: that desiring lands for agricultural purposes, and the raising of stock: and at the same time desirous of the augmentation and progress of the State, I pray Your Excellency will deign by law to grant me five leagues of land of the vacant territory of the aforesaid Department, together, or separate, or in the manner most conducive to my interests. I hereby offer to settle and cultivate them in the manner and form prescribed by law. And I pray Your Excellency be pleased to grant me

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the terms for the satisfaction of their value as the same law designates. Therefore I ask and supplicate Your Excellency to be pleased to accede to this petition in which I will receive favor. In as much as I do not know how to write I solicit the citizen Pedro Larza to do it for me. The Governor responded: According to the 24th Article of the colonization law of 24th March 1825, I grant by sale to the petitioner, the five leagues of land that he solicits in the vacant territory of the State, in the place which best suits him. . . . The Constitutional Alcalde of the jurisdiction to which the aforesaid lands belong will put him in possession Sanches had no intention of settling on these lands and realized that he was being used to take advantage of privileges given native Mexicans under the colonization law. He returned to San Felipe de Austin with McKinney and gave his power of attorney to Samuel M. Williams, who sold these rights to Luke Lesassier and William H. Jack, officials of the colony and friends of the empresarios, Austin and Williams. Jack and Lesassier selected two and a half leagues on Nuncio Creek and two and a half leagues on either side of the Brazos River at its Falls. Jack took the land at the Falls in his division with Lesassier and sold this interest in 1832 to Francis Smith. Smith prepared to take possession and found his survey and boundaries in conflict with those of his neighbors, Thomas Jefferson Chambers and Sterling Robertson. Chambers, surveyor general and chief justice for Coahuila and Texas, had seen El Salto while surveying lands, and the bankrupt Mexican state, unable to pay his salary, passed a legislative act giving him "five leagues east of the great Falls'' for his services. The empresario Sterling Robertson, claiming part of Austin's domain, established the capítol of his colony at Viesca, west of the Brazos on a high bluff overlooking the Falls. His colonists lived there in relative safety, and a company of rangers guarded them when they worked in nearby fields. The boundary lines of lands at the coveted Falls were in obvious dispute. Robertson had granted a league of land east of the river to his colonist John Marlin, who was joined by Z. N . Morrell, a canebrake Baptist preacher from Tennessee. Morrell had arrived in 1835 "to meet David Crockett at the Falls of the Brazos for a bear hunt."

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Crockett was missing, but the game was abundant and he hunted with Marlin. In his memoirs Morrell wrote, "Our expectations as to the great value of the lands were fully realized. The country was all we could desire—lands very rich, range extraordinarily good, wood and water aplenty, and the prospects for health very flattering. The river at this time was very low at this point—water knee deep to our horses—the falls about ten perpendicular feet, and the water below them abounding in fish. We examined the place minutely with reference to its capacity to run machinery."1 Morrell preached and fought Indians at the Falls, and was fascinated by the mustang, deer, buffalo, and other fauna and flora. He remembered the winter of 1836 as mild and balmy, "with wild rye and grass in the Brazos River bottom over knee high, and potato vines still alive in the fields."2 When the rangers left to fight in the Texas Revolution, Morrell and the colonists abandoned Viesca, which was burned by the Indians in their absence. Morrell's attempt to resettle permanently, after the war was over and Texas' independence won, was unsuccessful. Other returning settlers fared better east of the Brazos, where a small trading post called Bucksnort was established. John Marlin, the former alcalde of Viesca, built Fort Marlin near the Falls, and George Morgan erected a log house several miles down at the rock dam crossing. Smith's heirs challenged Marlin, claiming in the courts of the Republic of Texas, "that one John Marlin with force and arms entered upon their lands, and ejected them therefrom, and dispossessed them thereof." The judge ordered Marlin to move his western boundary eastward. The Indians were enraged with Morgan, who had built on their burial grounds, and took their own revenge. Their chief, José María, raided the blockhouse on New Year's Day of 1839 and killed the elder Morgans, Mrs. Jackson Morgan, and their guest, Miss Adeline Marlin. Stacy Ann Marlin was beaten severely and left for dead, while her 1 Ζ. Ν. Morrell, Flowers and Fruits in the Wilderness (St. Louis: Commercial Printing Company, 1872 [Reprinted by Griffin Graphic Arts, Irving, Texas, 1966]), p. 42. 2 Ibid., p. 46.

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ten-year-old brother, Isaac, hid outside in the brush. At dawn the small boy ran the long miles to Fort Marlin to report the tragedy, and some rangers under the command of Captain Benjamin Bryant came to fight the Indians in the ravines and woods of Morgan's Point. Years later Captain Bryant visited José María on the reservation, and when offered the peace pipe, he insisted that the old chief smoke first as he had won the battle. In 1844 Sam Houston, the President of the Republic of Texas, held an Indian council at Bucksnort, "this being the most convenient place for obtaining provisions and the last chance of getting anything to drink." Most of the great chiefs attended and were described by a man named Langdon: "There is much to be learned by attending the assemblages of these wild and untutored men and then view them in their undress. Some make a fine appearance—their countenances beaming with benevolence, whilst others exhibit in their faces the lowest passions, which would scarce be above the sneaking of the wolf in search of prey." Langdon praised the young Comanche chief "as a noble looking man," and he favorably commented upon his sobriety and demeanor as contrasted with President Houston's. 3 Peace had been secured with the Indians when Churchill Jones first saw the Falls in 1849. He had journeyed to Texas to find virgin lands for cotton plantations and recently had acquired "Lake Creek Farm" in Montgomery County, Texas. He found more fertile soil on the Brazos, and, intrigued by the great potential of the Falls, he conceived the plan to purchase the surrounding land, clear it of timber and vegetation, establish the largest cotton plantation on the frontier, and utilize the power of the falling waters to operate a cotton mill. He would then have the only integrated operation of growing, milling, and selling cotton in the West. Churchill's first step was to acquire the land. Smith's two and one half leagues had passed, through inheritance, to his daughter Emmaline. Her husband, Christopher Sterns, after proving the superiority of her title through negotiation and litigation, had purchased additional land adjacent to the Sanches-Smith grant. Sterns met Jones at the Falls 3 Letter from Langdon to Fields, October 19, 1844, published in La Grange Intelligencer, October 31, 1844.

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of the Brazos in July of 1850, and conveyed to him 28,000 acres of land bordering both banks of the river for $15,000. It was the beginning of the Falls plantation. Churchill returned to Alabama to organize his forces for the task ahead. His brother-in-law, Aylett Dean, was sent to "Lake Creek Farm" with forty slaves, oxen, wagons, and equipment, and his eldest son, James Sanford Jones, a young man of twenty-two, led a second expedition of one hundred slaves cross country to the Falls. James was accompanied by five overseers, three of whom—George Daffan, George Robinson, and Austin Robinson—were sons of Churchill's half sisters. It was the largest group to occupy the region since the days of the rangers. The job of developing the plantation was left to James and his force while Churchill came out each year to inspect the work, expand his operations, and acquire more land. He received a license to operate a ferry using flatboats in February of 1852, and the Falls County Commissioner's Court authorized the following fees: "For a man and horse, 25 cents; horse and carriage of any kind 50 cents; carriage and two horses, $1.00; four horse wagon, $1.25; six horse wagon, $1.50; footman, lOcents; and loose horse 10 cents."4 Double was to be charged when the river was above fifteen feet of low water, but citizens of Falls County were to pay half price at all times. In January of 1853, Jones purchased the old John Marlin league for $8,000, to be paid for out of the "crop of cotton raised on his plantation near the Falls of the Brazos River in 1852 and now in hand." John Marlin's son-in-law, Samuel Blaine, a local merchant and teamster, was to receive the cotton at eight cents per pound at Jones's gin house. The portion of the $8,000 remaining unpaid out of the 1852 crop was to be taken from the proceeds of the first of the 1853 gathering, which was to be delivered to market at a mutually acceptable price. Churchill returned to Alabama to wind up his affairs and prepare his family for their move to Texas. He wrote George Daffan and James Sanford some final instructions. 4

Pen Pictures from the Garden World: A Memorial and Biographical History of McLennan, Falls, Bell and Coryell Counties, Texas . . . (Chicago: The Lewis Publishing Company, 1893), p. 187.

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Evergreen, Alabama, July 25 th, 1853 George H. Daffan, Esq. Falls of the Brazos George, I received a letter from James at Lake Creek Farm, Montgomery County, which gave me very bad encouragement as to my prospects for a crop at the Falls. He does not charge you, however, with a neglect of duty or want of energy in managing the business. In fact, from the way he writes here about your business habits, I am flattered more than otherwise, and I hope it is all so. I know he fully believes what he says about you. Well, if it has turned out so that you have failed to get but very little crop planted, you understand that there is plenty to do of other things. Of course, if what few acres you have to cultivate is managed as nice as a garden, it will make some more on that account, and in truth if you make plenty of corn (which James says you will), if there is not much cotton planted, it may be as well from the fact that there is so much of other matters to do which must be done, although I stand in need of a good cotton crop. It is hardly necessary for me to rehearse what is to be done. You seemed from your talk last winter to know very well. The winter quarter in the Bottom I presume you are about building, and as busy as you can be about it. I hope so, at least. That is the biggest job before you—mule lot, shelter, and sacks and troughs and corn cribs. I want the hands moved in the Bottom by the first of October, if possible. James wrote me you were building cotton houses. There will not be many cotton houses needed. I want the cotton hauled to the gin house, ginned and packed as fast as you pick it. This is a matter I want well understood and no variation. Get everything ready for ginning and packing before you commence picking, and commence picking as soon as there is any cotton to pick. Try and save every lock of what little you make. There is a cotton bale shelter to build, though as I before stated, it is unnecessary I think to name all the jobs that are absolutely necessary and compelled to be done. Get on farming there. I think you know. The main thing is to put your best judgment in full exercise and

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follow it up with your physical energies untiringly. I want you to take a good deal of pains in building the winter quarter in the Bottom. Put up good houses and well laid off. You will have to dig a well on one of the highest knobs at the Bottom quarter. I will close this subject by saying that I hope you will spread yourself in doing the very best you can in all these matters, in expediting and getting through all this sort of business. The next thing I will call your particular attention to is, as you will make a very short corn crop, to take great care of your old corn. Do not have a peck wasted. Do not forget this. Have no more feed thrown away than you can possibly help. Hold on to it. James says he failed to get the cistern full of water. This I hate also. I think with the quantity of rain you had there in May, it might have been filled by proper attention. You know now what quantity of cement it takes to make a cistern. We will have to make two more large cisterns next winter. One where my family will live and one at the winter quarter in the Bottom. I do not suppose it took all six barrels you had there to cement the one you have made. When Mr. Blane's [Blaine] wagons commence to haul off cotton, I want you and James to make an estimate of how much more it will take to cement two large cisterns and for James to write to Mr. House, a merchant in Houston, to send me as many barrels as you will want. Mr. Blane is well acquainted with Mr. House. He can give you his name. I want you and James to make some arrangement with the wagons to haul all your freight from Houston up there and try and get it done cheaper. I think you can get them to haul for $1.50 per hundred. Get it done as cheap as you can. If you want nails or iron or anything of the kind, James can write to Mr. House for it. You ought to know by this time what kind of ploughs suit the land the best and of course will know what kind of iron to write for. I would like you and James to write me what kind of ploughs suit to cultivate that land best, whether sweeps are of any use or not. I wrote you some time ago to let me know about the rope and bagging there. I suppose you have rope and bagging enough there to pack over 100 bales. I sent over enough to pack 200. Let me know all about this immediately so that if any more will be needed there, I can send it. Attend to this.

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James said nothing about losing my flat [flatboat] at the Ferry there. I suppose he was ashamed to name it, as he and you ought to be. It was pure carelessness certainly. George, I am afraid you have got the negroes to like you and not fear you. If it is the case, you cannot get on nor take care of anything. They must know when you speak they have to obey, and to do this you have to stand square up to them and show yourself master. You cannot coax a negro to do his duty. You have to force him, and if they only like you and not fear you, they will soon hate you and get tired of you. That is the nature of negroes, but to make them fear you and like you both, you can do anything you want with them. I expected nothing else but to hear of the boats getting away. You were more careless last winter while I was there about the boat than anything else. They did not half the time fasten it to the long chain. I expect the negroes are running to Marlin of nights. It might have got off that way. I would like to know what you do for a flat now. You let it cost the building of it more than any flat I ever heard of—$85 besides my own labor and feeding hands, which would make it about $175 or $180. These sort of losses hurt. I want a good flat there if you will pay attention and make the negroes take care of it. In fact, we are compelled to have one. Could you and James take hands and build one. As to the way that Bough works and charges, it is too outrageous. He hardly earns what he eats. He does nothing scarcely in a day. I am tired feeding lazy white men to do nothing. If you could get an active man that would push through with the job and do it quick, as to cost only a fair price, I would like it. You must make some arrangements somehow. Tell Mr. Blane to Have his wagons engaged to haul off the cotton, if you make any. As fast as you gather it, gin and pack it, but mind you the cotton must be branded in my mark thus C Jones. Send to Allen and Bagby at Houston to be sent to James Paul at Galveston. The cotton remains my cotton and subject to my control until sold. The net proved are then to be paid to the credit of Mr. Blane and the four Marlin boys or men. You understand this. Mr. Blane has nothing to do with the cotton until sold, except get wagons to haul it off at $1 per hundred. That is the contract. You and James see Mr. Blane and tell him he must get a Power of Attorney from the four Marlins to re-

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ceive their portion of the money, authorizing me to pay over their part to Mr. Blane. Take notice of this. Tell James to see Doctor Kilabrew and get an order from him or directions from him for me to leave that money in New Orleans for him, with his name in full, and send to me, and as I come through in October, I will leave it there for him. I want to hear whether Mr. Dobbs [a Falls County rancher] has gathered any of my stock or not, and how your stock of hogs came on. James fails to write anything about this. James said as soon as he got back he was going to employ a white man and go to work on the cabins for my family. Tell him I want him to have very little to do with employing white men. They do not earn anything. I can't see how Tidwell could make a bill of $80 on me there. I want to know though, and see the work. I wrote to James some time back that I wanted cabins put up for us to go in first, and build after I get there. Two cabins 18 feet square, 12 feet apart, covered under one roof with rib poles 3 feet broad nailed on 6 pny. nails. I shall write James in a few days again. Do the best you can Yours, Churchill Jones P.S. George, try to manage the sickness if you have much there as well as you can. I have some confidence in your judgment, in that you commenced last winter to make the negroes fix up in their houses and keep clean. I hope you continue that, as that is good for health. As I have added a P.S. I will give a description again of such houses as I want James to have put up for us to go in when we get there. Two split log pens of post oak 18 feet square, 12 feet apart, bodies 10 or 11 feet high betweenfloors,hewed down a little outside and inside if they can do it, topped off with nice straight rib poles under one roof covered with 3 foot boards nailed on with 6 pny. nails—chimneys of split logs above the mantle piece and then split sticks and mud to the top fire place, logged so as to rock up inside above the mantle pieces. The two pens floored above and below but not the passage between. Kitchen and servant houses the same way. Smoke house as large as it can be

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made, body 17 or 18 feet high, and logs to hang on every two feet after the first 7. In covering with 3 foot board you show one foot. These houses must not be put on the ground where I will want my dwelling house. Put a few feet back in the rear to one end, near enough for the kitchen and business houses. I think the chimneys of the houses should be set East and West. I mean of the double house, though I will leave it to your judgment. It requires a good deal of care about arranging the houses of a lot to be convenient, especially kitchen and smoke houses. There is a good deal of taste and judgment in arranging the house of a lot with proper order and convenience so as to appear well. First lay off the lot, and then plan how the houses ought to be set. Stick the stakes where my main dwelling house will be, and then go on to arrange how you will set the houses I have named above to be built first. I suppose you have not forgot to have turnip patches and colards. You must have a good flat built some way and move the Ferry where you were speaking, below, and fix a rope across. I want to know if those interrogations ever got there to you. It makes no difference about your answering until I come out. Keep this long letter to read occasionally, as it contains a good deal as to how I want you to get on. Tell James I will arrange about the paying of the taxes as soon as Capt. [James] Paul gets back to Galveston from the country. Put this letter in your trunk and refer to it occasionally. C. Jones

Evergreen, Alabama, August 4th, 1853 Jas. S. Jones Falls of the Brazos Dear Son, Your letter of the 4th July was received some time back, written at Montgomery. I wrote George H. Daffan at the Falls on the receipt of it. I am in hopes George is far advanced with the winter quarter in the Bottom, as he failed to get a crop for the hands to cultivate. It is true

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I stand in need of a good cotton crop, but if the time is well used and improved in building and improving the plantation, perhaps it may be as well. I hope you and George are just doing your very best. If there is but little crop made, occupy the time of the hands. You both know what to do to work them to full advantage, and it will require your full attention. To go on right you must have no idlers about you to draw your attention from business. I want you and George to keep your business separate—George attend to building the quarters and other houses in the Bottom, and you putting up cabins for us to go in when we get out there, when I expect to build You speak of hiring a white man. I think you had better let white men alone. I am tired of feeding idle lazy loafers to do nothing and pay them big bills when they leave. Tell George I shall want to see in his books how Tidwell could make a bill of $80 against me, at $25 for every 20 days he worked full. He was to keep an account in his book of every day and piece of a day that he worked. Tidwell came to work there the 10th of January and from the way you write me, he left the 10th of June. He was there about five months in all. Well, you wrote me he was laid up sick two months or over. He must have lost at least half a month in bad weather. Say sickness and lost time was about two and a half months. Well, he worked two and a half months, which would be $62.50. You ought to have charged him $25 for board and attention and idle days and while sick, which would bring it under $40, a wide difference from $80. It looks like I need somebody there to see me righted. However, if I see work there, all will be right I wrote you about meeting us at Houston the last of October with two wagons to help us up to the Falls. Upon further reflection on the subject, I think you will hardly have the chance to do so. W e will want some cabins to go into when we get there, and it will take all the time of yourself, hands and wagons, but I think you can make good arrangements with the wagons that Mr. Blane [Blaine] gets to haul off the cotton to haul all of our beds and other furniture we may bring to Houston. See Mr. Blane and have a talk with him on this subject. I do not see how you can have the wagons to come, and you cannot leave to come yourself. You will have to be busy to get us some shelter ready

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by the time we get there. I have given you an idea how to build so as to do it in part. I also gave George a full description how I wanted you to buildfirstfor us I sent whiskey, flour, sugar, etc. to you last May. I would like to hear whether you got all safe or not. The whiskey I sent for medical purposes and not as an every day beverage. Take care of everything. There was over 400 pounds of sugar. You will use very little of that quantity by the time we get there. The lard take care of for your Mother. You have plenty of butter for you all to use. Let me hear all about the stock, cotton, and hogs and whether you were able to get any or not. Write me whether pork will be plenty or not next winter.... Tell George if he makes any cotton, to commence picking as soon as there is any open to pick, and what little he makes to try and save it all, and as it ought to be. The corn crop you should save as soon as it gets dry enough, though it ought to be fully dry. Take good care of fodder. Have all four of the wagons put in running order, and get as many yoke of oxen well broken as you can. Write me word about making arrangements with the cotton wagons to haul our articles we move from Houston to the Falls I am anxious to hear from you. I will write again shortly. There is no news of importance. There has been a great deal of sickness in the county here and some deaths. Old man Hopkins died the other day. We have had some sickness ourselves, but on the mend. . . . Your father, Churchill Jones

Evergreen, Alabama, August 28th, 1853 Jas. S. Jones, Esq. Dear Son, I was in hopes of receiving a letter from you by last evening's mail. I am anxious to hear from the Falls. As George Daffan had no crop to employ the hands about cultivating, I do hope he has made a big show about buildings and improvements on the plantation. The winter

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quarter—he is before this date, I expect, very far in advance with, and will be ready to move the cotton pickers down in the Bottom by the first of October. The plan of the quarter and lots in the Bottom, I thought it unnecessary to say anything about, as we talked all that over last winter, and he seemed, from his talk, to have a good idea how to arrange the houses and all, convenient and right. As you have had a seasonable summer, I expect you will have good turnip and collard patches. George seemed to have a good idea about all this too, and feel every confidence from the way you write me, that he is up and doing with spirit and energy. I expect to see a good deal done in the way of all these things when I get there in the fall. I suppose you have a Flat built before this. I want you to have a good Flat there, and let it be known out to Springfield [Texas] and the Trinity River. The Marlin folks ought to make it known back, so as to bring the emigration that way. It would be to their interest greatly. It was certainly a great piece of carelessness in you and George to let the negroes lose the other Flat. It ought to be locked every night to the big chain with a very strong lock. I don't see how you can take a trip as you wrote me in your letter of the 22nd of July from Lake Creek. In mentioning the last of September to get stock, hogs, and cattle, you will be compelled to give your personal attention to the building of our cabins and emigrants passing there. It will require all of your time, and keep you busy at that. George Daffan will have no time to attend to that. His building and other work down in the Bottom at the winter quarter, and picking what cotton he makes as fast as it opens, and having it ginned and packed and got ready to send to Houston, will keep him busy. Brown [an overseer], you, and he must keep your work separate. You attend to our houses— the building of them—and the travelers and emigration, letting them have corn, and you ought to try to get in every dollar that way you can; George saving the crop and improving the quarters in the Bottom. You wrote me that you thought you knew where to get hogs, but did not say where. I would like to know. We need the hogs. If you had the chance to go and get them, if you thought there was a certainty of getting good stock cheap, with meat hogs for our pork amongst them, and you could arrange your part of the business so as to leave a week with-

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out much injury, perhaps it will be best; but if you buy, have the stock delivered at the Falls. You must do the best you can. You mentioned in your letter to me hiring a white man to carry on your business or the building of our houses. I think Tidwell was enough to open your eyes about hiring white men. . . . If you could get a white man cheap, that would go ahead with business like a man, it would be all right, and if you should hire one, if you find he does not press business right ahead, dismiss him at once. You can do it in a friendly way. Have it understood that if he does not suit you, you will stop him at any time. I received a letter a few days ago from Mr. Blane [Blaine]. He complains that there was not as much cotton as he expected to get from the last crop in our trade for the land. He says that he will not get a 100 bales. Well, I did not bind myself nor agree to deliver any certain number of bales. George Daffan, Atchison, and Thomas Harrison all heard the verbal contract between us. George Dafïan will recollect that I said distinctly I could not tell how many bales there would be, as most of the crop was then hanging in the field, and winter was very uncertain about saving cotton, but I said if the weather would continue as good through the balance of the winter and spring as it had done to the time we made the trade, I thought we would be able to pick 150 bales, or near it; but, at the same time, expressed a good deal of doubt about saving that much. I know there was at least 200 bales made. Ask George if he does not recollect this to be the understanding in our talk about the number of bales. Well, the weather got worse for saving cotton directly after that. We had several bad spells before I left the 23rd of Jan., and I understood that George never picked another lock of cotton from about the last of Jan. It got so bad and continued throughout winter and spring, which prevented George from saving about 50 bales. Mr. Blane had no right to complain; he loses nothing. I lose from bad weather 50 bales, or about $2,000. I am the one to complain, though I know George did the best he could. Know of George if he does not recollect that what I have said was about our talk and understanding as to the number of bales. There is a considerable mystery with me about the quantity of cotton George had picked from the time he commenced, the forepart of Dec. until I left the 23rd of

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Jan. You had picked, when we got there the seventh of Dec, about 50 bales. There were 37 packed when I left, and I think there were at least 13 more to gin and pack of your picking. Well, I suppose George Robinson's crop was about 30 bales which would be 80. From the way George Daffan gave in the pickings he had done every day in talking at night, I thought when I left he certainly had 50 bales picked. If all together we did not make a hundred bales, what became of the cotton George Dafïan had picked. Was he fooled every day by the negroes in picking? How is that? Can you both make it out? If George Dafïan was not fooled or deceived by the negroes in picking, he certainly had 50 bales picked, so where is it? I know you had 50 bales picked because it was nearly all packed when I left. Well, if George was deceived by the negroes in picking, I hope he will not be so again. I want you to make a cotton book so as for George to put down every day's picking and know every night how much he has picked I have written you about making arrangements with the cotton wagons to haul our bedding, furniture, and other articles from Houston to the Falls, also about getting cement if any more may be needed to make two large cisterns and iron for ploughs and sweeps. Edwards [a Houston merchant] can give you a bill of what kind of iron will be wanting. Make arrangements about getting salt, also. All these things you must attend to. Write me and let me know when the wagons begin to haul off cotton from the Falls. Make the best arrangement you can about our hauling from Houston to the Falls. You can't meet us with two wagons. It will require all your wagons and teams about plantation buildings, etc. All the time, have as many yoke of oxen broke as you can get. We cannot have too many teams. Take good care of them. I want you to notice which corn keeps the best from the weavel, corn that is housed soon or late. Be very careful with corn. Do not waste one ear as you made but little this year. Attend to this and take care of what fodder you have also. I can not think of everything, but what I do not, you and George must. I suppose George has got all his plantation tools in place, wagons in order and under shelter when not in use. He spoke of all these things last winter. I want houses built quickly for us to go into. I named the place in a letter to George Dafïan sometime ago and also in one to you.

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Build the out houses of the lot first, and we could live in them a while. I want to be there when our main building is built. Enclosed you will find a sort of a rough sketch of the lot and how the houses ought to stand. If you can improve on the arrangement, do it. The out houses ought not to be immediately in front nor at the rear of the main building, but from one end back. You will see best how to have the front of the lot—East, West, North or South—perhaps to the Austin road would be best. You must use judgment about this. I cannot say what time we will start now. We will have to wait until Yellow Fever stops in New Orleans. We have had a good deal of sickness about here. Nickolas and Calloway Stallworth are both dead. Nickolas died the 19th and Calloway the 25th. Nick laid with typhoid fever 47 days. He had a great deal of sickness amongst his negroes. He lost five valuable negroes before he died, and one last night, Mrs. Stallworth's yellow house girl, making six. Let me know what the chances for getting pork will be this winter. Write me every two weeks. I will write you again in a few days. We are tolerable well. Give our best wishes t o . . . all. I remain, your father, Churchhill Jones

Evergreen, Alabama, September 5 th, 1853 Jas. S. Jones, Esq. Dear Son, Your letter dated at Marlin 9th of August is just to hand. You spoke of a good deal of sickness which I am sorry to hear, though you say there is no serious case. Give all the attention you can to all the sick. You can manage the cases by cleaning the stomach well first with emetics and then with pills made of equal parts of calomel, aloes, and rhubarb, and then followed up with bitter teas. That bitter weed you showed me down in the bottom last December is very good. Have a tub full made at a time and make them drink it rapid all the time. After the stomach is well cleaned, should the negroes be taken with

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dysentery or bloody flux, you must not use calomel or blue mass. It is perfect death. I wrote you before about this and do not forget. Oil, spirits of turpentine and laudanum—begin with 2 spoons full of oil, 1 tea spoon of spirits of turpentine, and 30 to 60 drops of laudanum— then small doses of soda and salts. One half teaspoon of carbon of soda and 2 teaspoons of salts mixed together in sage tea given as the emergency requires. If bad cases, give often, and use astringent teas made of post oak bark, running dewberry briar root. The tea should be made strong. Give any thing that will heal the bowel, eat little and drink no cold water. Give injections of soapsuds and oil with some laudanum in it I do not see how you can look up stock hogs, and cattle and carry on the buildings. You must do the best you can, but if you buy hogs be sure you get a good bargain and gentle hogs delivered at the falls. If you could get a lot of 300 head or near it with about 100 killing hogs for 4, 5, or 6 hundred dollars, depending on how they average in size, do Make every dollar you can Write me what time George begins to pick cotton, whether the corn is gathered or not, how much old corn you have on hand, and whether weavil eaten or not. What has George Robinson done with his corn crop, and has that flint hominy corn I sent out in the box of shoes made anything. Let me know about your turnip and collard patches and also about getting salt and what iron you may want hauled while the cotton wagons are running. Your Father, Churchill Jones

Evergreen, Alabama, September 12th, 1853 Jas. S. Jones, Esq. Dear Son, I wrote you last Monday in answer to your letter mailed at Houston the last of August, giving you some instructions about business. I shall have to take Mr. Dobbs' [a Falls' County rancher} testimony in

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the suit between C. H. Sterns, Adm., 5 and myself commenced by Sterns, and I have directed the attornies at Galveston to file interrogations to Mr. Dobbs, as to the land he lives on, to prove that Sterns sold him that land on long time, and that subsequently Sterns made a lay sale to me, including the same land, and transferred to me Mr. Dobbs' obligation for the amount he agreed to pay. The interrogations will be addressed to you at Marlin to be taken by L. B. Barton, Esq. or any Judge or Justice of the Peace. I want you to see Mr. Dobbs and let him see the interrogations, so as to prepare his recollection to answer, though I do not wish him to answer until I get there. I want to be present when his testimony is taken. You can hold on to the interrogations until I come unless I write you hereafter to have them answered. Take good care of them. C. H. Sterns swears in his suit that on the 27th day of Feb., 1851, I gave him the two notes in Houston, which he says he lost. I want also to prove by Mr. Dobbs that I was at the Falls of Brazos the 27th of Feb., 1851, very sick. I left there the 4th of March for Alabama. The 5th day of March 1851, I was with Mr. Dobbs in Cameron and sent you a pair of boots by him and wrote you a letter. By referring to that letter, you will see that it was written the 5th of March, the day after I left the Falls. I expect Mr. Dobbs has some paper he got at Cameron with that date. You examine his papers and let him see, so as to refresh his mind. The letter I wrote to you by him, the 5th of March, from Cameron will do it. Look it up and let him see it. I expect he has some merchant's account of that date. Try to find out. You will recollect that you all got to the Falls of the Brazos on Tuesday, the 18th of Feb. 1851. I left there that day two weeks for Alabama in company with Sterns, Frank Dean and a land broker, which was the 4th day of March 1851. Try to get Mr. Dobbs prepared on that point I have written you not to meet us with two wagons as I first named, knowing that you will not have time to leave our buildings, as I want them ready so that we can go in when we get there. I want you to write the prospect of getting our house furniture wagoned up to the 5 This refers to a dispute over the Littleword league adjoining the Falls plantation. Jones received title by court order after a compromise.

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Falls. I shall bring very little besides the beds, and I want some cedar or ash sawed or split out for bedsteads. You ought to try about the lot with a dip organ for water. George understands how to do it. Tidwell showed him how and so did Mr. Moss. Try and get a good well of water. I want you to write me the prospect for getting stock hogs mixed in with pork hogs. Also about getting one or two hundred head of stock cattle to put with Mr. Dobbs'. As I have named to you before, you might get a good deal of information from travelers on that subject, and get the names of men who own large stocks of hogs and cattle and their post office, and write them and know how they will sell, the lowest price, for stock hogs well mixed with killing hogs, also cattle. In that way you could learn by writing. The letters I have written you, I requested you to keep for reference. Answer them as I requested. . . . There has been a great deal of sickness in this country and still a great deal. . . . I cannot say what time we will start for Texas. We will have to wait for frost to come, and the yellow fever to subside in New Orleans. It will be November I expect I am in hopes of getting a letter every two weeks from you. I will write shortly again. James, get the wagons from about Marlin going to Houston to always inquire at both ware houses for anything I may have there to go to the Falls. Everything in my mark. Your father, Churchill Jones

Evergreen, Alabama, October 17 th, 1853 Jas. S. Jones, Esq. Dear Son, Your letter to your mother came to hand last mail, and as she is writing to you, I thought I would drop you a few lines in the same envelope. You said to me in your last letter that Parson Blane [Blaine] spoke

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of carrying the cotton down the Brazos River in aflatboat and said that he could get insurance on it. If he can, it will be the best way to get it to market. You can say to Mr. Blane that we will help to build the flat in the event you make 200 bales. In Mr. Dobbs' agreement and mine to raise a stock of cattle together, I was to have put in another 100 head or the rise this year, so as to make the stock 300 head this year. If you can get them any way, I want you to do it. If you cannot, say to Mr. Dobbs I will get more next year so as to make all good. After I get there, we will have a better chance to hunt up cattle and buy them. If the interrogations to Mr. Dobbs from Galveston should get there before I do, you can hold on to them until I come. I cannot say now what time we will be there. I am fearful on account of yellow fever in New Orleans and Galveston. It will be late, the last of December, perhaps, before we get there. I want to start if we can the last of November. It will depend upon frost. . . . I was glad to hear that the health of that country there was better than last year. If you should have any cases of pneumonia, the great secret of cure is to have the patient kept warm and comfortable, given emetics, sweating tea, tonics, and use no calomel or Blue Mass. In this disease, it is death.... I hope George is going on first rate with the business of the plantation. I know he can do it if he will, provided he does not let the negroes fool him in the business. They will do it if they can. But he certainly has learnt enough about them before this not to allow it, but to have full work done every day. The cotton, what little is made, I want every lock saved and ginned and packed in order. The seed to plant must not be heated. Recollect this both of you, and save the best long staple seed. Attend to this. George must try and keep up picking cotton as fast as it opens, tell him. George commenced last winter to make the negroes keep themselves and houses clean and beds fixed up. Tell him to keep that up. Go into their houses often and see to it. I hope the stock of hogs has been better managed, and I hope you will be able to get what we want on good terms. Try and have a pen of fat hogs by the time we get there. I have ordered 7 bolts bagging, 6 coils rope, 25 ea. . . . Get some wagon

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from about Marlin to engage at Houston for it, and inquire for other things. Give my best wishes to all. I will write again shortly. Your father, Churchill Jones P.S. In my last letter to you I wrote you in regard to hiring some white man to help you, provided he was a handy ingenious man, and one that would work as a man ought to do and accomplish a good day's work every day. That sort of a man, of course, keep all the time if you can get one at reasonable wages, or even two of them if you can get them. There is a great deal to do. You will be very apt to see young men, emigrants, now passing, that you may get very low. If you can, hire as many as you can work to an advantage. If they get lazy, discharge them forthwith. Have that understood well when you hire them. You seemed to think in your last letter to me that I was grumbling a good deal. All I said was intended to bring your and George's minds fully to bear on the importance of looking well to the interest of the business there generally, and not allow yourselves to be deceived by trifling white men. It is your interest more than mine to look well into these things and take care. It is George's interest also to see that my interest is closely represented by him, and that the business of the plantation goes on right, and full business done every day and not be deceived in it. If he manages everything right and makes a full showing of business for the force, of course, it will enable me to do the same for him. If the business turns out little and not much, of course, it will be the same with him, but I feel George is making things count. Tell him not to be deceived in saving and taking care of what cotton he makes, and to have as much saved every day as any set of hands does, and have it put into bales as fast as picked, and be careful of fire about the gin house. Notice about that all the time, both of you. Be particular in selecting and taking care of the planting seed. Do not let them heat. C. Jones A letter to James Sanford from his mother Susan Tomlinson Jones,

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was enclosed. She sent him news of his niece Sue Green, whom he had never seen, and of her family, to whom he was devoted. Dear Sanford, I received your kind and affectionate letter a few days ago and it gave me a great deal of satisfaction in hearing from you. We are all well at the present time and hope that these few lines may find you enjoying the same health We are all very busy fixing to move. W e will have enough cover. We have quilted out six quilts and have got two or three more to quilt. We quilt out one nearly every week Your Uncle Jim [Tomlinson] has got out of the notion of coming to Texas. He is going to put up a steam saw mill down on the Conecuh river near Nic Travis. . . . All of Grandpa's family are well. Gus has been very sick, but he was getting better the last time we heard from him. You have got one of the prettiest nieces you ever saw. She can begin to sit alone. You must answer Mr. Green's letter. He said that he wrote to you last Paul is very anxious to see you and George. He is all the time talking about you. He wants to know when we are going to Texas. Mandy [Amanda] stood a pretty good examination. She was ahead of some of the scholars that went to school two or three seasons before, and she can play right well on the piano. Mr. Green has got back from the North. He brought Lucinda a fine watch, and he brought me a fine bonnet and cape to wear through Mobile and New Orleans You must excuse this badly written letter for this paper had no lines and I did not have a good pen. . . . I am going visiting this morning and it is time for me to be off. You must answer this as soon as you get this. Lucinda will write to you in a few days. She is looking for a letter from you every mail. Nothing more at present, but remain your kind and affectionate mother until death. Write soon. Your Mother, S. Jones

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Evergreen, Alabama, October 27th, 1853 Jas. S. Jones, Esq. Dear Son, I somewhat expected to have received a letter from you by the last mail, but did not. I have made my calculation this day to start for Texas, Lake Creek Farm, and the Falls of the Brazos, the twenty-seventh of November, the last Sunday of the month. If I feel that we can pass through New Orleans and Galveston without danger of the yellow fever, I want to take the steamer on the 4th of December at New Orleans for Galveston, if not disappointed anyway. I feel anxious to hear from you all again. Tell George I feel in great hopes he is saving the cotton crop fast and with care. I want every lock saved and taken proper care of. Have the cotton ginned and packed as fast as it is picked. He will know then whether he is getting on as fast as other business men. His force ought to pick from 18 to 25 bales a week. I want them packed as heavy as the screw will pack, as I would like them to average 600 lbs. or over. I want every bale numbered and weighed and the numbers and weights entered in his business book. If the cotton should not open fast enough to employ all the hands picking, George, of course, will understand about keeping the best hands building. You ought to keep two hands sawing cedar planks all the time for floors, doors, windows, tables, etc.; and some scantling for bedsteads, as I shall not bring any out there for a year or two. If it is so that you could have cedar stocks hauled to the ferry, the ferry men could saw when nothing else was doing. Try to have the stock of hogs taken care of and keep them on the increase as fast as you can. If we can once get in a good stock, there will be no difficulty in raising plenty of pork. George said last winter he thought he could have hogs raised there. I hope he has not been mistaken in that. If he has been able to get the negroes under the right management, and with the strict and close attention on his part, he can do anything he wants. The first thing to do in managing negroes is to make them stand in full fear of you, so that you will be obeyed prompt-

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ly and without hesitation. Unless they do fear you, they will not obey promptly; they will parley, twist, and turn about and get you to believe they are doing all you wish, and when you come to find out right, it is all to no avail, but George certainly has got too much good sense to be fooled in this way. Tell him he must know that everyone is doing his part up full every day and no shuffing, or it will all end in nothing. See that a full day's work is done at everything and every day. The next thing is when you get them to discharge their duty fully and faithfully on all occasions, treat them fairly and with humanity. Allow them all that is right on their part, and they will then like you. When they fear you and like you both, you may do anything in reason you want, but you must hold a tight rein at all times. This is my notion in managing. Let George see this. I want to inquire and know where you can get 1000 or 2000 sugar cane. I want to get a few acres planted in cane for the negroes to make their sugar and molasses. I want to get a load to begin with. If the negroes should be sick much with cold, pneumonia, flux, or anything, I have in other letters given you directions how the diseases are treated here. Refer to them and also to your own knowledge. I want you to have a cart load of that bitter weed you showed me in the Bottom field, and have it put up to make tea all the winter. George knows my plan for them to drink it. Make sick negroes drink it plentifull. As for building, just do the best you can, and tell George I want him to do the best he can. I feel considerable interest about George's proving to be a thorough business man. He can if he will. We are all in tolerable good health and hope this will find you all the same. We want to eat Christmas dinner with you, and you must have something for us to eat. Take care of the sugar and coffee. All send their best wishes to all of you. I may write again before I leave. I remain your father, Churchill Jones

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Evergreen, Alabama, November 27th, 1853 Jas. S. Jones Dear Son, I wrote you some time back and expected then to have left Evergreen for Texas this day but the yellow fevers holding on so late, it has prevented me, and it will now be from the 11th to the 15 th of Dec. before we start. It has been a very late and warm fall here. It will be Christmas or after before we get to Montgomery [Texas]. We will be there as soon as we can, and you must get on as well as you can with our cabins. Tell George I am in hopes he is doing the thing up brown in saving the little crop he has made, and building the negro houses in the bottoms. When he is up with the cotton so that he can spare a few of the men from picking, he ought to have them building as fast as they can. Tell him if he has happened to make a failure this year not to be discouraged. I am not discouraged with him myself. He knows how to do. He knows the theory. The next thing is to learn the practice, and he certainly has learnt some this year. I knew when he was talking last winter, he would fail to do what he thought he would do, though I would not tell him so. The practical part has to be learnt. If he had planted only 100 acres in the weed prairie in cotton and worked it well besides what he did, he would have done tolerable well and that might have been done I know. I am a little fearful George is trying honey and coax the negroes to work. If it is the case he had just as well quit. N o man on earth can have business do unless he knows how to make negroes move under the proper fear, and go to the top of their speed. A man to be a business man must be a full judge of what hands can do at the different branches of plantation business, and then he must ask them no odds about their doing of it, make them do it at a word, if the whip is needed give it to them in full, and when they fear fully and do their duty fully, then treat them well. Then they will fear and love you both. You can then do what you want, but a negro's love to his master or manager without fear soon turns into hatred certain. Then nothing is done. I want rigid and strict government among my negroes, and after that good treatment. Tell George to recollect his father's

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management amongst negroes. He was a little too severe but not much. He was very little over the mark. I feel a great deal of interest about George's succeeding in business, and I know he can do it if he will. He has the health and the strength. He knows how business ought to be done. Now if he will have spirit, energy, and never tiring application to his business, and have the ambition to let nobody beat him in the county, he will succeed, but negroes must be ruled with the rod certain. Let George read this and he will know my views of managing negroes. I would like to know whether he feels like trying of it another year or not. I can get an overseer in Montgomery [Texas] I think, that will suit me. Tell George he can suit me if he will. Any man of his health and strength, and good sense can do, but never ceasing industry must be used. As the Bible says, he must not weary or faint on the way but be up and doing with energy all the time. In my preceeding letters I have given you all the advice as to business matters I could think of, which you can refer to occasionally. I have sent a box of shoes on some time ago to Houston which I hope has got there and found conveyance to the Falls. I also sent on or before that 7 bolts baging, 6 coils rope, and 25 twine, which I have advised you of before this. The negro clothing and 40 pair of blankets I expect you have got before this. You need not give out all the blankets. Put in your memorandum book the name of every negro you give a blanket to, and the number you give. If you have the negro clothing cut and made before we get there, which you will have to do, you must be careful and have their clothes well cut and made. Tell George I want him to pay some attention to this. Lucy [a slave] can cut if you will attend and see it done right. Put in your book the number of bolts and number of yards in each bolt. The negroes will waste it if you let them. Be particular. Keep the cloth under lock and take out as you want to use. Tell George I want him to go frequently to their houses and make the negroes live clean, fix up their beds, and take care of themselves like people. He made a good alteration amongst them last winter that way. I want him to keep it up. You go round amongst them too and see occasionally how they get on. . . . Take good care of the planting seed and tell George to be sure to have the best seed saved from the Dean cotton. The bales should be marked long staple. Tell George to brighten

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up if he stays there next year. With my help and what he has learnt he may come out right. I hope we will all see you before very long now. I remain your Father, Churchill Jones James had been in Texas for three years and yearned to see his family. He thought of his mother and sisters coming from the comforts of Evergreen into the chaparral prairies, sandy post-oak hills, dense river-bottom lands, and crude log buildings of the Falls plantation. It was a rough life in rugged country, but he felt they would prevail.

GREEN AND BARTLETT "You know I will do for you so long as I can, everything in my power." George Green to Zenas Bartlett, December 11, 1855 "He believes you will get well, and I pray God you may be amongst us once more, for no one can ever fill your place in my feelings." Zenas Bartlett to George Green, January 22, 1856

CHURCHILL JONES and his entourage arrived at the Falls in January of 1854. The cabins on the plantation had been completed, including one for Sarah and George Green and their baby, Sue. Bartlett found lodgings across the river at Bucksnort. Falls County had been created out of Milam and Limestone Counties in 1850, and the small trading post of Adams Spring, renamed Marlin for the dead alcalde, had been designated the county seat the following year. The town was laid out around a courthouse square with streets running east and west and north and south on each side of the square. The center of community life was the small log courthouse, which had seats of split cedar logs with inserted legs. Court, school, political caucuses, and church services were held in the one-room structure, and when it was used for dances at night, the temporary pulpit was hauled up near the ceiling. Adams' Hotel, Coleman's Tavern, Thomas Harrison's law office, and other buildings and dwellings faced the

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square. The Commissioner's Court had authorized Samuel Blaine to run off all town lots, and A. H. Morrell had been appointed to advertise and sell them. William Killebrew had purchased lot number four, north of the courthouse square, and had erected a log cabin and a twostory frame building, which he rented to Blaine and Marlin for a storehouse. George and Zenas negotiated with Blaine, purchased his entire stock of goods, and the mercantile firm of "Green and Bartlett" was in business. They bought the lot and buildings from Killebrew on February 27, 1854, for $1200.00, and a month later Green paid Isaac Marlin $200 for 18¾ acres—later known as the Marlin compound—on the northeast border of town. Four log cabins were built, and the Greens and Bartlett moved from the Falls to Marlin. The new firm's letterhead announced :

Letters to Northern merchants indicate the variety of goods sold by Green and Bartlett. Marlin, Falls Co., Texas Jan. 9, 1855 Messrs. Peirce & Bacon, Boston Gents, We yesterday forwarded to May Van Hook & Co., New Orleans, One Hundred & Fifty dollars by Draft from Treas. U.S. on Asst. Treas. U.S. at New Orleans, requesting them to buy a sight draft on Boston for that amount and remit to your house for our a/c [account]. We would have sent the full amount but could not procure bills for the small balance. We shall ship you some cotton in the Spring, and have concluded to order our Spring stock of Groceries from you. Please ship us about sometime the last of Feb.

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1 great crock Coq. brandy, gold color, good article about $2.40 per gallon 10 sacks good Rio Coffee 1 Bbl. Crushed Sugar 1 Box Preserves of Pine Apple, Orange, in qts. 1 Box Rock Candy 1 doz. Sperm candles 6 Boxs # 1 Soap 1 box pie fruits, good 3 doz. Pearl Starch 1 Caddy say 25 lb. Tea, good 2 Fn. Cigarass'd$10 to $20 1 ½ doz. canisters 6 — Rifle powder 4 boxs Buch shot in Duck or Turkey shot 1 Bbl. No. 3 Mackeral 4 doz. Scotch Snuff 25 bags Table Salt 2 Bbls. Vinegar 3 boxs Rockny Tobacco 4 boxs tobacco 25¢ per lb. Your particular attention is desired to the selection of tobacco as we wish to compare the market closely with New York. Your friends truly, Green & Bartlett

Marlin, Texas, Jan. 13,1855 Mrss.W.H.Cury&Co., New York Please ship us by first vessel to care of Shackelford, Galveston, Allen & Bagby, Houston, Insured to Galveston 1/3 Doz. tuck combs shell—$2 to $3.50 2 " shell side combs

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1/2 " India dressing 1/2 " Ivory dressing 2 doz. pants buttons, white bone 8 doz. pearl shirt plain — 4 holes 1 doz. rose hair oil 1 good Flutina, say $8.00 1 Bass Fiddle, Bases large 1 good Violin & case — $4.00 2¢ Rutland slate Pencils 4 doz. cedar pencils 1 doz. carpenters flat 1/4 Gro. pen Holders 100 Doz. D.& P. Coats 4 Doz. colored silk spools 3 Colt Navy Revolvers with belt Sheath with Bowie Knives 1 Derringer, large bore, good quality 3 doz. clay pipes 1 meerchaum pipe, first quality 4 pair gold cuff pins 3 doz. wired Britania Tea Spoons 1 c. Fancy note envelopes Send bill and blank note by mail & much oblige, your friends Green & Bartlett

Marlin, Texas, Jan. 23,1855 Mrss. Edward Lambert & Co. New York Gents, Finding ourselves under the necessity of resorting to some new Silk House since the misfortune of our esteemed friends Edwards Co., we have been recommended to, and now knock for action at your House. Please fill the following Bill and ship by first vessel Insured to

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Galveston . . . We wish you to put up the goods usually in oil paper & all silks & gloves in Flannel & Oil paper, pack in trunks & send. 1 doz. silk and linen neck handkerchiefs, Fancy colored for summer w e a r . . . [A long list of silk dresses & other items follows.] We also need some 1/3 doz. crepe shawls at about $6 each. We rely upon you to send us the most desirable styles and colors for a Southern market, and trust you will put them at your very lowest prices. We wish also about 1/2 Doz. Gents Silk Fringed Sashes for holding up the pants, peculiar now only to Texas. If you have to buy them out, we will send you the money. Please get them from $30 to $48 per doz & send us bill by mail. Your friends, truly, Green & Bartlett

Marlin, Texas, Feb. 3,1855 Mr. Wm. A. Birch New York Dear Sir, Please ship us by the first vessel the following small Bill which we will pay for when in your city the coming summer... 2 fashionable bonnets for old ladies (say 4 0 ) , very large size, neatly trimmed and fashionable. 1 fine white silk bonnet say $8 4 straw or lace fashionable bonnets with trimmings of bright colors say $6.50 1 Box Fine Wedding Wreaths. Please get up these bonnets in the very best order as they are for special customers. They all wish them larger size than those purchased in the fall, and particularly the two first mentioned, as the ladies are very large and particular. Your Friends, Truly Green & Bartlett

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Mess. Hall & Spear Pittsburg, Pa. Gents, We are desirous of procuring some 100 or 150 of your plows for the use of our Planters here the coming year, and wish to know upon what terms we may get them delivered in New Orleans the first of June. We have been buying plows of Ruggles, Nourse & Mason of Boston for sometime, and some few of yours the present year, which our Farmers pronounce superior to any in use. Our lands are now coming into market and our county settling up with the "salt of the earth." We shall probably need some 200 annually and wish them at your lowest mark. We can give you the best reference in New Orleans, Boston, and New York, and should wish to pay the bill either in Galveston, New Orleans or New York, as best suited your convenience. Yours truly, Green & Bartlett Churchill Jones was the firm's best customer, and the only one to pay his bill on time. In a letter to Wolfe, Gillespie and Company of New York, Green and Bartlett complained that "the other planters did not move enough at present prices to pay expenses of their plantations.'' Jones had continued to prosper since moving to his Falls plantation. His rich cotton lands had been developed rapidly, and his flats on the river were no longer insecure. He rendered for taxes in 1856, "31,112 acres of land, 120 negroes, 27 horses, 350 head of cattle, oxen and wagons, all in Falls County." The total tax was $294.42. Marlin was growing and improving its facade. Green was one of the trustees who let a contract in 1854 to Arnold and Kramer to build a new courthouse for $5,000.00, "the dimensions of said court house to be as follows: forty feet square, two stories high, four rooms below, two galleries passing through east, west, north, and south, eight feet wide, each of them; the lower floor is to be of brick; the house

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is to be made of plain plank and covered with good heart lumber in cedar; the upper story is laid out in three rooms, one for a court room, the others for jury rooms. The lower story is divided into four rooms of equal dimensions. There are to be four chimneys to the house, each having two fireplaces, insuring a fire place in each room and two fire places in the court room." 1 In 1855 the Commissioner's Court authorized it "to be beautified" by painting it white with dark green shutters and a chrome yellow door. A plain fence eighty yards square was erected around the building. Churchill Jones financed the courthouse and guaranteed the credit of Arnold and Kramer to buy a steam engine, through Green and Bartlett, to use at their sawmill on Hog Island. These contractors were then engaged to build Sarah and George the first frame house in Marlin, constructed of cedar and located on the 1 8 % acres that had been purchased from Isaac Marlin. Bartlett, feeling settled at last, wrote Sarah Page. Marlin, Falls County, Texas April 1, 1855 Dear Sister, It has been a long time since I received a letter from you. I wrote you or Ezekiel and forget which in the fall advising you to let Andrew come out and spend the winter with me but have never received any reply. I got a letter from Andrew sometime since and was much grieved to learn of his bad health and the desponding tone of his letter. Your winters are very trying on one whose lungs are in anyway diseased. Hope he may go through the winter safely & the coming summer may wholely restore him though I have no faith in this thing you call hzdrapatha in his case. Since I commenced this I recollect that I wrote you or Ezekiel not long since; consequently will write you but a few lines at this time. My health is very good. The hardness of the times affect us in some degree as in other parts of the country. How is Ezekiel getting on? He will be a lucky man if he comes out safe, but "never say die" is, I believe, 1

Minutes, Falls County Commissioner's Court Records, 1854-1855.

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his motto and 'tis a good one. I should have liked much to have settled near you, dear Sister, but fate wills it otherwise, and as I cannot see you or the children often or any of my kin folks, I think I will marry as I am now settled—that is if I can, though 'tis a terrible risk to run to place ones whole future happiness in the hands of one woman. I begin to feel the want of some fireside enjoyments. If I could enjoy your home a portion of the time or Sis Mary's or Esther's I might live an old bach. I expect to be in New York in July but don't know as I shall be able to go out to see you. If I can possibly spare the time, I must go down to see Mother which will be most likely the last time, for she cannot live but a few years longer. In writing to John I endeavor to impress upon him his duty in striving to make her as happy as possible while she does live. "He has a hard row to hoe" and I pity him, but hope his future may be more happy and prosperous. John ought to be, and I hope is, a good Christian as well as Mother, for it seems to me that they have but little happiness in this world aside from this, and I hope the enjoyments and consolations of their religion will compensate them for what pleasures of this life they are deprived of. Write me often, Sister. Good bye. My love to all. God bless you and yours. In haste Your affectionate brother Z. Bartlett On July 6,185 5, Green wrote his sister Nancy. Marlin, Falls County, Texas July 6, 1855 Dear Sister Nancy, I have been thinking of writing you for a long time. . . . You would like our place much better than Sparta. 'Tis three or more times as large. Society as good as the best there, and none so poor as the worst. Moreover, you could get as large a school as you desired in town. We are tolerably well now except Sarah, who has a chill occasionally. I have had quite a spell of intermittent fever, but am better now. The children are both well and growing finely. We call the boy, now over

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six months old, George. Mr. Jones' family have suffered very much, especially the negroes, tho they have no physician and have lost none. Mrs. Jones had a severe attack of nervous fever but is about again. Paul is quite sick, the Old Gentleman is a little down, and James has had quite a spell, but is now well again Our business has not been as good as we could have wished this summer on account of the great drought. We have done as much as we wished to do, for the prospect of crops is anything but flattering. We shall sell 30,000 dollars, and this is enough if we can get our pay. Sparta's whole undivided trade is not worth that much, and we have four stores besides ours. Our drought in this immediate neighborhood is unprecedented. Our streets have not been wet beyond two inches deep in over six months and but once or twice at that. The weather is awfully hot and so dry, corn is dying and dead. Mr. Jones has some good corn and cotton looks well. When down at Houston in the spring, I employed a first rate clerk to come home with me. He was just from Virginia, a fine, healthy looking, first rate fellow. He now lies above me very low with typhoid fever, and I am much afraid cannot recover.... My best love to Ella and tell her to fix up and come to Texas soon. I am building a house very similar to Jno. Henderson's and shall have plenty of room. Your affectionate Brother Geo. E. Green

Green's sisters, Nancy and Ella, came to visit him and, agreeing with his estimate of Marlin society, they spent several months at his home. The people settling the county came from many older states in different sections of the country, and the names given the streams by which they settled, indicate their varied backgrounds. The county map showed Bean's Branch, Cow Bayou, Deer Creek, Muscle Run, and Wild Horse Slough. The pioneers' dialects, customs, and values blended on the new frontier and made it less provincial. An old history of Falls County

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records, "It was a county of great slave owners, but there were also free negroes." 2 The Joneses were amiable and attractive, and Fortunes, Langs, Pettuses, Shields, and other cultivated families moved into the area in the 1850's. Of more immediate interest to the Jones family were the arrivals of James K. Tomlinson, who came to be near his sister, Susan Jones, and Frank Stallworth, who came to marry her daughter, Lucinda. Thomas Harrison, James Oltorf, Charles Stewart, and James Craik were Marlin's bright young lawyers litigating the conflict of land grants. Sheriff Buck Killebrew typified the zest and color of the era, reflected in Bartlett's mock challenge to James Jones to duel.

Monday night, 10 o'clock J. S. Jones, Esq. "He who steals my purse steals trash, but he who filches from me my good name, robs me, etc." Now, Sir, I have good reason to believe that you left a most slanderous accusation on my table the other night, for which you have not yet made any apology. The object of this present communication is to demand the satisfaction due by one gentleman to another, when his good name has been grievously injured as mine has been. That I, Z. Bartlett of Falls County, who has heretofore sustained a fair—yes, I will say good—reputation, should have got tite, boozy, aye drunk, is a most base slander. This of itself is an indignity sufficient to demand reparation, but, Sir, you have added insult to injury by asserting that it was Buck Killebrew's whiskey. I, Z. Bartlett, steal—I, guilty of pettit larceny, which the laws make punishable by hard labour in the Penitentiary—and this, too, from one whom I have ever regarded as my friend, whom I have ever spoken of in the highest terms, whom I have often invited to share my bed 2

Pen Pictures from the Garden World: A Memorial and Biographical History of Falls, Bell and Coryell Counties, Texas . . . (Chicago: The Lewis Publishing Company, 1893), pp.170-209·

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(feather bed at that) and board, and this, too, in my own office—"O tempora! O mores!" What treachery— "Thus the bold eagle stretched upon the plain No more to soar in rolling clouds again, Viewed his own feather in the fatal dart That winged the shaft that quivered in his heart. Keen was his pang, but keener far to feel He nursed the pinion that impelled the steel, And the same plumage that had warmed his nest Drank the last lifeblood of his bleeding breast." Now, Sir, as this in all probability can only be settled by the "code" well known to gentlemen, I hope you will appoint an early day and choose your weapons and distance. Friend James, I have very melancholy news to write you. One of our number is no more. He departed this life today about 8 o'clock and has gone to that bourn from whence no traveler returns. Yes, Old John, my gray, is gone. He has been a faithful servant and has been my companion in many of my peregrinations over these prairies and through these bottoms. Don't fail to come over to the wedding on Thursday and see Lidia [Norwood] made happy. Aye, and [James] Craik, too. The friends of Craik will, I think, give him a complimentary dinner on Friday. Good night, for I must now pay my devotions to the drowsy god— "Wrap the drapery of my night couch about me and lay down to pleasant dreams." Truly yours, Zenas Falls County planters often visited Galveston, the metropolis of Texas. The Joneses particularly enjoyed their trips as Galveston was the home of Churchill's young bachelor nephew, Frank Dean. Frank, a member of his uncle John Dean's cotton firm, was active in the social

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and political life of the city. The Fugitive Slave Law had divided the people of the United States, who, in 1856, found a three-way race for the Presidency between the Democrat Buchanan, the Republican Fremont and the Whig Fillmore. Frank Dean supported the conservative Fillmore, but he feared the German settlers would carry his county for Buchanan. He invited his cousin James Sanford Jones to visit him before the election and enticed him with promises of delightful young ladies, balls, brandy, and seafood. Galveston, August 14th, 1856 James Sanford Jones Marlin, Texas Dear Sanford You must come down this fall and spend two or three months. I will insure you full enjoyment. I am now acquainted with most every young lady in town. Have rare sport some times. Visit them frequently. I will look out for one who is able to join me in the building of a Gin house and Screw, besides who will use her might to contribute to my little pleasures, being able to do so. I think a man had better marry for a little money than afterwards wish he had. Sanford, I know a young and handsome girl about seventeen who will have to kick me or say, "I will" before Christmas. She can say "Our Father Who art in Heaven", and has about twenty thousand. She and her mother are off on a visit to their friends in the states now. Will return in October. I have a pressing invitation by both to come up and see them when they return. I gave the young lady a few hints. Told her she must not fall in love while off. Said she would not. I will say no more about that, for fear you think me vain I know of no rich widow with only three or four little responsibilities. For your benefit I would like to. However, I don't think it much of a sin to ring in gray hairs on a young one, for those of only sixteen years experience need one of more experience. Humbug them as I do, I am just beginning to think the world is all a humbug, tho strong in the belief that I think it the only wise thought I entertain.

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Without jest, you ought to begin to look around. You are now just the right age to marry and make a wise selection. I hope to see you some of these days happily settled off on some beautiful spot with the necessary appurtenances. I would like to be your neighbor in a similar situation. I could arrange it all right were I to set free the imagination.... Write. Give me all the news. Tho I need not say that to you, for you always favor me with long and interesting letters. I fear you can't read this, so warm I have to scribble through in a hurry. Burn it up. You have no fire this hot weather. Tear it up. My respects to all. Yours most truly, Frank Dean

Galveston, November 1st, 1856 Jas. S. Jones Marlin Dear Sanford, I haven't time to write you a long letter. I am busy today in the office, and will also have to make some preparations for our Fillmore demonstration tonight, a program of which you will find enclosed. I, with five others, have the honor of being the ladies' guard. Will dress in full military uniform. It will be the prettiest sight ever in Galveston. Will have 31 ladies on the car, and they the elite of the place with very few exceptions. The ladies generally are for Fillmore. What a pity they can't vote. The ball is rolling on. We will give him a considerable lift here. Can't give Fillmore the county. Too many Dutch [Germans]. How I would like that you could be here. Still I want you there that you may kill George Robinson's vote. I understand he is for Buck. How does Sallie like the cloak, dresses, etc., I selected. Write by first mail. Give me all the news. I will promise then to sit down and give you all the news. Have lots to tell you. As ever, Frank Dean

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Galveston, January 29th, 1857 Jas. S. Jones Marlin Dear Sanford, Months have been hurled into oblivion since last I heard from you, but at last you come, with a very plausible tale. Yes, very innocent, throwing all the blame on my shoulders. After raking me down so, think you might have had the politeness to mail some apology for your long silence. You have if not a treacherous, a very convenient memory. At least you seem to be imposing on it to get yourself out of the scrape. Even admitting myself to be in fault, I should feel no compulsion of conscience whatever, having been so sadly disappointed by your not coming down with Frank and Lucinda [Stallworth]. You might have enjoyed yourself so much, formed the acquaintance of several ladies from the country, besides the Galveston ladies, among the number, Miss Gross, who has been and was at that time flourishing here. We have a club here called the Social, formed for the purpose of getting up socials semi-monthly, two of which we have had, the next comes off tonight. No person (gentleman) is permitted to go into the ball room if a resident of the place without being a member. If one wishes to join, he has to be balloted for. Two black beans rejects him, which is frequently done, consequently select and all the ladies attend. But each member has the privilege of inviting a friend (when here) from a distance, as I did Frank, that he might see what Galveston was made of, but he was a little unwell and did not attend. It was one of the most splendid I have seen. We had five young ladies from the country. Miss Gross was one. In all about 35, all young ladies. You never saw a more complete stock of beauty. I wished a dozen times for you and was really vexed at your not coming. Oh, I have given you up, consigned you to bachelordom. Well, I have done all in my power for you, have found the young ladies that would suit you. Two widows, young, rich, (big plantations well stocked) and handsome. Still you will not hear the call. . . . Without jest, tis time you wereflyingaround. I know it would not add to your happiness the

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least to know you were doomed to such a fate. Still hope clings, and so it will till probably too late. Just think, I am now near twenty-five, will be next month. You twenty-nine in April next. How time flies. It will soon disconcert you to tell your age I have never enjoyed myself better. That is the mischief. I visit the women too much, and it will cost a fellow something. If not too late, permit me to wish you a Happy New Year. May your darkest hope be kindled to realization. Come down and live with us awhile. Bachelors Hall, nobody but Uncle Jon. [Dean], Reuben, and myself. We live well. Oysters, fish, anything you like. You have nothing to do and are able to afford it. What pleasure is there in staying there always. I have lots to tell you, some schemes to concoct, etc. I want to see you anyhow. Hoping to hear from you soon, I am sincerely Your friend, F. R. Dean James and Dean's other Marlin relatives visited him frequently, enjoying the gayety of Galveston, but their pleasure was tempered with anxiety. George Green was ill and appeared to weaken steadily. He left Marlin to consult new doctors in an attempt to recoup his health. He and Bartlett kept in constant touch with one another. CONFIDENTIAL Powder Horn, near Indianola Tuesday, December 11, 1855 My dear Bartlett: I left Col. Thorp's last Friday and came down to Matagorda, there took a sail boat and got down about an hour behind the Steamer, so have to lay until tomorrow at two o'clock for the Morgan. I found Col. Thorp's quite a merry place, but their cooking did not agree with me at all. My disease—fevers getting no better and cough worse. I am leav-

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ing as fast as I can. I don't think I have missed a fever to some extent one day since I left you. I now have to all appearances unmistakable signs of consumption—'tis hard to say it, but I fear I am beyond relief. I shall, I think (unless letters from home detain me) proceed to New Orleans both on account of the voyage and to see Dr. Stone, and his advice will determine me upon going immediately home or wintering somewhere else. My cough was fastened upon me when I left Marlin, as I thought, dispite Dr. Pettus' assertions. My breast now compels me to lie entirely upon my back, tho it is not nearly as painful as it was when I left Matagorda. Do not reveal this to my family or anyone until I write or return from New Orleans. In the meantime, Bartlett, sad resolution for us both. Should I live a short time, I can never pay any more personal attention to the merchantile business, only to try and settle up and save something for that very dear little family I have to leave behind me. I tell you this that you may look out ahead and make your calculations accordingly. You know I will do for you so long as I can, everything in my power. If Bowles would suit you for a partner, I think he could be persuaded to come and join you. I wish you would push up customers and settlements to their fullest extent. I may not have much time to assist you. Time only can tell. I will not close this until I arrive in Galveston. I may add more, tho I shall write Sarah to go by this same mail. I have arrived [in New Orleans] after a rough passage and find you ordered all my letters to Matagorda, so I missed them. I find Gen. Shield's Lady and Wm. in town so I can get the news. The draft was received by Shackelford this A.M. "not endorsed"—as usual. I find Snowden here just going home so I shall have company plenty. Send down money as fast as you can. Certainly I want our debts fully settled this Spring. Good bye. God bless you. Geo. E. Green

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Marlin, Texas, December 11, 1855 Dear Green, Nancy received your letter tonight, and I write you this as the mail is being made up. I have written you frequently since you left, advising you of how things were going on with us. Your letter tonight, for which we were all intensely eager, did not meet our hopes, but if you don't allow yourself to take cold, which you are very liable to do in your present state, I have no doubt that in a few months you will be in tolerable health again. Do, for God's sake, do the best you can for yourself, and if you think the climate suits you better than this, don't hurry to come back. I have no news of importance. Arnold and Kramer are doing all of the building for the county and are making lots of lumber. The $292 draft they have paid. I shall send Alex after lumber for your house tomorrow and next day. I am getting every dollar I can, and after January 1, shall do the worst dunning these people ever had. Business is pretty good. John Fortune, who now lives in town with his mother at the L. B. Barton place, assists me on busy days, while Roberts occupies Craik's office in making out accounts. I think he is doing it much better than Mac did, for he is devoting all of his energies to it and is keeping the books very straight. Good bye. God bless you. I shall enclose this to Frank Dean to forward to you if you are still down the coast. Yours ever, Z. Bartlett

New Orleans, December 18,1855 My dear Bartlett, I wrote Sarah a long letter yesterday and hasten to write you a few lines. With the Doctor's advice, I shall go on the last of the week to Uncle [Edwin] Fay's to spend some time. I don't know how long. He

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says I had better go to Alabama than that changeable climate. His advice, together with the great difficulty of getting home during the winter when the weather is so bad and houses so far apart, will determine me. I could not ride the distance. I should be glad if Sarah could come to me, but I don't know how she could get there unless James or someone comes with her. I wish you to consult James or his father immediately and herself, also, and see what can be done. Write me forthwith. Should she come I would like to have one baby at least, tho this I leave entirely to the family. Sister and Ella better go to Mrs. Jones' or some place in or out of town as they prefer. Break up the house should she come. I have been writing my full situation to Uncle Horace [Green, a famous New York physician], requesting his immediate advice, and also told him if they could possibly do me any good, to send me at Montgomery [Alabama] Dr. Hunter's inhalation instruments and medicine. Dr. Stone, I believe, has nearly checked my fever. I may have to draw on Shackelford for $50 or $100. Don't know what Stone will charge. Kind regards to Roberts and Craik, as well as all friends. Affectionately, Geo. E. Green

Marlin, December 29th, 1855 My dear Green, Sarah and myself received yours from New Orleans by the last mail and deeply regret, as you may well suppose, that your account of yourself was no more encouraging. I think it was prudent in you not to return at present, for we are having very severe northers and tonight 'tis freezing cold, and 'tis only with the greatest care we can keep our potatoes from freezing, which arrived in good order. Sarah is waiting to hear from you again before she decides what to do, and if you are no better, I think she will start soon. James offers

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to go with her any time. I believe she has concluded to take Sue along, who is hardy and fat as a pig. Sarah's health is first rate, also Nancy and Ella and George. James feels well. I wish I could go with Sarah but have not an hour to spare. We are getting on very well. It has been so cold this Christmas that but few have been in town, so that we have done but little in selling or collecting the past week. I sent Shackleford $400 the last two mails and $350 by this. Neil Long has come back with over $4000 cash and has paid his Uncle's note, and I think will pay his account for 1855. He has promised J. M. Wright $500 for us. Shall press every man who owes us, and expect the curses of the whole County, but can't help it. Bowles has been here on a visit. I mentioned that matter of which you wrote. He would like to come here to live, but says he has become so tied up that he can't leave. Of course, we shall not order any goods for the Spring, and I shall close up as fast as I can. I have secured Doc Barton's debt. Mr. Pearson has paid his account and says he will do the same with his note. He has been making money up at Fort Belknap. I have garnished N. Crunch who is owing H. Huffman. I think I shall collect money enough in a month or two to pay our New York debts. It has never seemed to me that you are not to get over this spell, and I believe you will still recover. You are wrong to brood over your case because your mother died with consumption Have no more news. Good-bye. God bless you and restore you. Your old friend, and in haste Z. Bartlett

Marlin, January 8, 1856 Dear Green, Your letter of Dec. 25 from Pratville [Prattville, Alabama] came to hand tonight since dark, and as the mail goes out in the morning, I write you this. There is a party tonight at Coleman's. James, Mandy, Jane, and

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Nancy will be there. I have no time to attend parties or go anywhere. I have just gone down to show your letter to Nancy and also up to the house for Sarah to read, so that I could know what to write to you. Your letters to me and Sarah from New Orleans came duly to hand, and it was with some difficulty that we could decide upon your intentions for they both were the same date, and in mine you said you should go to Alabama, and in Sarah's you said you should start back. Sarah concluded to wait until she got another letter before deciding whether to start out, and this is a fact. James says he will start with Sarah any time and thinks she will leave in 6 or 7 days. Mr. Jones thinks you will get well and has never said to me that you would not. Your folks are all in excellent health. Sarah will take Sue and leave George, I think. She has asked my advice about going, but you know I cannot express my opinion and shall help her off if she goes or look out for her wants if she remains. I am glad you missed your fever and night sweats. I think you will get stronger now and come back completely well in the Spring. 'Tis well you have not been here for the winter, for there has been a succession of Northers and colder than anytime since I have been in Texas. Business things are as well as could be expected. We get every dollar we can and send to Shackleford. Have sent him since Dec. some $2500, mostly in P.O.U.S. drafts. I owe very considerable on them, and received several draws from our Northern friends. I fear we shan't be able to get all of these payments at maturity. I have made no arrangements about our business. Have given up buying any goods till Spring. Shall sell all I can of the goods on hand and settle up as fast as I can. I have suggested to James that in case your health did not improve to take your interest and buy a good stock of goods in July, and for him to carry on the blacksmith business, thinking you could secure your property through him and Mr. Jones satisfactorily for your family and who you might wish. 'Tis true that James would be but little use in the store, but he, being well liked by everyone and with family influence, we might do well enough.

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I am inclined to think that you have become tired of the business and would like to quit if you get well. I should like to know your mind. I am a great deal hardier and should not like very much to give up, still wish you to be governed by your own intention. If you are going to write, I wish you would express yourself freely to me. Roberts is well and working hard. John Fortune has been helping for awhile. Sarah will go, I think, in your carriage, and Alex will bring it back, also my buggy from Montgomery. Will write you again in a few days. In haste. Good Bye and God bless you. Ever yours, Z. Bartlett

Marlin, Texas Tuesday night, January 22,1856 Dear Green, We were much disappointed in not getting a letter from you by the mail tonight. Alex was all ready to take it over to Sarah, who is very anxious, she and Nancy being still over the river [at the Falls plantation]. I found time to go over to see them Sunday evening and came back after supper, although it was very cold and the ground frozen. I found them all well. Mr. Jones and family do not want Sarah to leave, but if you do not get better, are entirely willing that she should. They expected to be governed by your letter tonight, if we received one. Mr. Jones still speaks of going to Alabama in February. He believes you will get well, and I pray God you may be amongst us once more, for no one can ever fill your place in my feelings. This you well know, though I seldom express myself on this subject. I have nothing new to write you, as I write you every mail. . . . We are having our winter all at once. It has been very cold and disagreeable for four weeks. I hope it is better in Alabama. Times are becoming distressingly bad here. Lack of money has brought down the price of corn with other things which is now sell-

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ing for 6/-. I have sold only about 1300 bushels of your corn at 8/-. My kind regards to William Fay and your uncle's family. Good bye. Yours very, Z. Bartlett The Joneses were deeply disturbed, and James wrote Green, "I sincerely hope yet your situation not to be as precarious as you imagine I am very anxious to see you again, my dear fellow, and I believe the whole of Marlin join me in the desire.'' A few weeks later he wrote again, "Sarah seems now bent upon going to you and is not willing to wait any longer." James accompanied Sarah and her daughter Sue to Alabama, and Lucinda wrote her sister about George, the little boy she had left behind: "He can't walk yet, but soon will. He is going from morning to night over the floor. Never gets tired. He can talk a little too. Sends love to you all and kiss Sue for him. I expect that we want to see Sue as bad as you want to see him." Green's condition continued to deteriorate, and on March 24 James suggested he return to Texas. "By so doing, you will be among people, who at most hold you as dear as any others you can find, and should the worst of fate happen to you, would it not be better at home?' Heeding James's advice, George returned to Marlin to sell his interests to Bartlett, settle his affairs, and be with those who loved him best. George Green died on July 6,1856, at the age of 28. He was buried in the family graveyard on the Falls plantation. Sarah ordered his headstone to be made of granite from his native Vermont, and it arrived in Marlin several months later at a rather awkward time. Bartlett and the widow Green had begun their courtship.

SARAH AND ZENAS "I am so anxious to see you and to gaze into those blue eyes so full of love and tenderness, for I cannot believe, but you do love me." Zenas Bartlett to Sarah Jones Green, in 1857.

GEORGE G R E E N ' S DEATH, Sarah moved to the Falls plantation. Bartlett visited her often, and his admiration and affection for her grew. In the spring of 1857 he was shocked to hear that she had received a marriage proposal from John Roberts, who kept the accounts for his store. He discussed the matter with James Jones and was told that two planters in neighboring counties had similar intentions. Forced into action, Zenas made his own declaration of love and pleaded his cause in letters delivered to Sarah each week.

AFTER

Marlin, Sunday night Dear Friend Sarah, What I wrote you a week ago last night, I scarcely remember, for I confess I was very much excited by various emotions. I was thrown off my guard by the falsehood of Mr. Roberts, who told me that nothing in the world would induce him to speak to me on the subject had not you requested him to do so. He asked me if I was going to Mr. Jones to see you and said that he had been addressing you for some time. I told him

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candidly that I had intended doing so as soon as I thought a proper time had elapsed and there was no objection raised by any of your family. So you see how I was forced to make the declaration to you I did, at so early a day. Upon calm and mature deliberation, I cannot take back anything I have said to you about Mr. Roberts. I firmly believe it would be a very unhappy union. But lest you doubt of my motives in thus speaking of him, let me assure you that there is no sacrifice I would not make for yours and the children's happiness. I can imagine no sacrifice so great as not possessing your heart and hand, but I would even do this and swear ever to love you only as a sister if, by this means, I could prevent such an unhappy result. It is exceedingly painful to me to be compelled to hear the remarks made on the streets about his extravagance and the reply generally given—" 'Tis no matter, he expects to marry rich." Everyone will tell you that he has no economy, and the thought that one dollar, for which Mr. Green toiled so hard, should be squandered, is painful to me. He even now is borrowing money. I loaned him $100 a few days since. He is building a house that will cost him more than two or three times all he is worth in Texas. What he is worth out of the state, I know not, for I have never been able to find a man that knew him beyond two years ago. I detest a "fortune hunter," and always determined never to marry until I was able to support a wife, and even now, were you a single daughter of C. Jones, I would not aspire to your hand. But there are other motives. Little Sue and George are all that is left of my best friend, and it would be repaying in part the debt of gratitude I owe him to be allowed to exercise a fatherly care over them. Save my respected mother, whose prayers morning and evening go up on behalf of her favorite son far off in Texas, these children and their mother are nearer to me than ought else on earth. Now, Sarah, I must bid you good night. I have written much more than I expected. What I have said has been from the heart. You have known me long enough to know that I never deceive. God bless you. Ever yours, Z. Bartlett

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Sunday morning I am very glad that he [Roberts] has no written promise. Rumor about Marlin is divided. I find some believing tis Jane he is visiting and some that it is you. I feel very sorry for the situation in which you are placed. The matter stands thus. If you will tell me candidly after deliberation that you do not love me well enough to marry me I shall let the matter drop, and if you tell him the same he is to do the same. Many have been placed in a like position and whatever may be the result I shall feel conscious of having done my duty. Once more—Good Bye. I do not know as I shall see you today if you come over. I could not sleep last night and feel very bad this morning.

Wednesday night, 10 o'clock All alone again, Dear Sarah. N o companions but my own thoughts. We have got through with the business of the day. Mr. Conoly has gone home to meet with love and affection, while I have to remain in my own cheerless room. The dismal state of the weather, together with failing to meet you on yesterday as I fondly anticipated, has somewhat depressed my usually buoyant spirits. As it is not yet my usual time for retiring for the night, and as I cannot fix my mind upon a book or paper for thinking of you, and as it is such a pleasure to tell you my thoughts and feelings, I will spend a little time in writing you, though probably I shall not send or hand it to you. How unfortunate it should have been stormy yesterday, for I presume you did not leave home. Had I the least idea you did, I most certainly should have faced rain and met you. Thus it is in this life— when we anticipate the greatest enjoyment, we often meet with the bitterest disappointment. It is more than a week since I saw you. How have you been, and how have you enjoyed yourself? I am so anxious to see you and to gaze into those blue eyes so full of love and tenderness, for I cannot believe, but you do love me. I want to have a long talk with you and understand everything—to learn your true thoughts and feelings.

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95 I will see you soon, tomorrow if I can possibly leave my business. You know this is a time I have very important business to transact in making settlements with my customers. Town gossip, thank God, has somewhat died out, and I seldom hear your name mentioned in connection with another person, though yesterday I wanted to slap Jacobs in the face when he told me, in making a settlement with him, if I did not pay your account with him immediately, he would present it to John Roberts. But I will tire you with my scribbling, so must bid you good bye until I see you again. Don't forget, dear Sarah, that little toll bill you owe me. Good night, God bless you, and believe me to be Ever yours—I hardly know to say what, but hope you will tell me the next time we meet. Z. Bartlett Wednesday night Hope you had a pleasant time at the Falls [of the Brazos] yesterday. I thought of you often. Should like to have been there, but I knew Mrs. Conoly wished to go and so urged Mr. Conoly to go and I would stay at home. Was I missed at all? Yes, I know you thought of me, dear Sallie, if no one else did. I doubt not I should have enjoyed myself with my friends very much had I been there, but I know I should have enjoyed myself still more with you alone at home in the parlor, though you do keep the windows and doors wide open. How often I shall think of those happy hours when I am far away in a northern clime. Thanks to the inventor of railroads, I shall make a short trip and return to Texas as soon as I possibly can. Will it be time that an eye will mark my coming and grow brighter when I come? If you go to Deer Creek Saturday, I shall probably find out by Sunday morning. If I find out that you do not go by Saturday, I shall go over Saturday evening to help James put up the marbles [for George Green's grave]. This and the funeral sermon on Sunday week, I know, dear Sallie, will call up many sad thoughts and unpleasant memories of the past. Pardon me for referring to this. 'Tis a duty we owe to him who is gone—this last token of respect. He was my best friend, and did you only occupy the place of a friend in my heart, I should

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ever have taken a deep and lively interest in your welfare and that of the children. I know of your devotion to Mr. Green, which first led me to appreciate your kind and loving heart. I will say no more upon this delicate and painful subject. I dined with Dr. Pettus today. The doctor, Mrs. Franks, and Mr. Price bragged much on the fine time they had yesterday at the picnic. 'Tis late—so good night. God bless you and that you may ever be happy is the wish of Your True Zenas

Wednesday night, 11 o'clock Dear Sarah, 'Tis late. I am all alone, but will scribble a few lines to you before I go to bed. James, George [Daffan], and Mrs. Shanon have just left me. They have been spending the evening at Mr. Norwood's. I did not go, in fact, I have no inclination. I have not called on a single lady since Christmas on this side of the river. All my thoughts are in another direction, and you know where that is. Wish I knew if you thought of me as often as I do you. Do tell me. When I have a moment's leisure from business, you are ever in my mind, and in my dreams by night you are by me. I am so glad you did not go to Deer Creek on Saturday. I had such a happy time with you Sunday evening and night. How I do love to gaze down into those deep blue eyes of yours so full of love and tenderness. I cannot go over to see you as often as I could wish. People will talk so much—so you must write me often. Don't tear up anything you write, but send it all along. I wrote you the enclosed Saturday night, but when I got ready to leave Sunday, I was so happy in anticipation of seeing you that I forgot to take it along. You know not the happiness I enjoy in loving you, and to know as I do that our love is mutual, to know that I have one bosom friend to whom I can open my heart, who will sympathize with me in all my light sorrows and enjoy with me pleasures.

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This toll account—how does it stand now? Oh, how I wish I could pay something on it tonight. Good-by, God bless you, and may you ever be happy, and often think of your devoted friend and lover.

Thursday night, 10 o'clock This has been a dismal, dark, and rainy day, Dearest Salley, & tonight tis very lonely & desolate. Oh how often I have thought of you & how much pleasure it would be sitting by the fire in your parlor with you by my side, your soft hand in mine, & looking down into your deep blue eyes so full of love & affection. . . . Only the day before yesterday I saw you and it seems more than a week. September is six months and more off. It seems a very long time to me, Dear Salley—How does it seem to you?—My fire has gone out & I must to bed. May Heaven watch over & protect you from all harm as well as little Sue & George. Good night. Ever your Zenas

Friday night, 10 o'clock Had a dark lonely ride home, dear Sally. Was regretting all the way I could not have remained all night. Was very glad I met you. Should have been so disappointed if I had not seen you. Would this have been the case with you? I hope so. Yes, I believe so. And the debt I owe you. How I wish I could have paid it. Call it even? Ah no, dear Sally, you could not be so cruel. I must be allowed to pay my debts; in the meantime I will live in anticipation. The interest will accumulate. That's some consolation. Shall I insist upon a high rate—say 100 percent per day? I am happy now, dear Sally, having someone to love, someone I can open my heart to, can freely pour out all my joys and sorrows to, and to know that our feelings are mutual. I feel that I am a better man, since loving you. Not that I was very bad before as you know, but all my thoughts and feelings are purer now they are centered on one worthy object. I now enjoy a kind of quiet happiness I hardly know how to

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describe. I wish you would write me, dear Sally, and tell me all your feelings, if only but a few lines. 'Tis true I see you pretty often, but a letter, you know, I can read over so often. My fireside now is not nearly so cheerless and desolate for, when all alone as I now am, I am constantly thinking of you and forming plans for the future and picturing to myself a happy home with a fond and loving companion. I have an additional motive now for making money, as it will contribute to our enjoyment. I shall never regret the toil and labor in making what I have, so I can enjoy it with you. Don't you get tired with my long letters? I don't know when to stop when I commence writing to you. Good night, dear Sally. Hope you are now in a sweet sleep and enjoying pleasant dreams. My sleep will be pleasant. Much more so than it was some weeks ago. God bless you. Ever yours, Z. Bartlett

Friday night Do I tire you with my long letters, dear Sarah? I hope not. It is so easy to write about what most interests us. It is so lonely these nights, for I am generally by myself. Mr. Conoly will not stay to close up the day's business. I don't blame him, for he has a devoted wife to welcome him home. I never was so anxious for time to fly swiftly and for September to come, so that I, too, will have a home and one to greet me with smiles after my day's work. Yes, and to pay up all toll fees. Oh, Sarah, my dear, good girl, you will always be such a good paymaster, won't you? And I promise on my part to pay all my debts promptly. Do you agree to this, Sarah? I even now shudder to think how I might have lost you by my tardiness in letting you know the state of my feelings. But it is all right now, and I know you will think none the less of me for the respect and the delicacy of my feelings in this matter towards you which prevented me from naming this sooner. I always entertained a sisterly regard towards you, but how differently are my feelings now. I cannot express the many pleasant emotions I now enjoy from knowing there is one who often thinks of me—one who can enter into my feelings and sympa-

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thize with me—one upon whom I can gaze with heartfelt love and admiration, and one whose deep blue eyes speak so much of love. You asked me the other day why I looked at you so earnestly. Don't forbid me to do it, for I cannot help it. I think of so many things to ask you when I am out of your sight, which I always forget when I see you. I hope to see you on Sunday. I must not show you too much attention in public, for people will gossip so much. Do not think me cold if I do not show much feeling towards you if you come to Church. I must close for I think if I hand or send you my other two notes that you will be tired of reading all. Don't forget your promise to write me. I will expect something from you when I see you, so if you don't come over, you will send me something, won't you. You can send it by your brother James, if you wish. He knows me well, and I believe, thinks well of me. He knows, too, that I love his sister, though I have never said anything to him, only what he told you—that at a proper time I would address you. You know how I was compelled to make my declaration sooner than I intended, which I am very glad of. Good night, dear Sarah. Hope you are in a sweet slumber. God bless you and may His angels guard and protect you and little Sue and George from all harm. Yours ever, Zenas

New Orleans, June 26th, 1857 My Dear Sallie, We arrived here safe and well this evening—too late to take the Mobile boat which I do not regret as it gives me an opportunity to write you. The Captain [Sarah's uncle, Captain Tomlinson] was very much disappointed, for he is getting very anxious to see his wife and little ones. I barely had time to write Mr. Conoly a line from Galveston on business. We had a tiresome trip on the stage and rather rough passage on the Gulf. Was not sick any, but Cap [Captain Tomlinson] was slightly sea sick. Altogether had a good time. He is a fine traveling companion and a whole souled fellow. I like him much which is very gratifying to

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me as he is your Uncle and possesses a large share of your warm feelings and kind and affectionate nature. I am now all alone in my room, and my thoughts are of home and you. However much my mind may be occupied during the day, when night comes and I lay down to rest, 'tis then, dear Sallie, that I spend happy hours in thinking of you and forming plans for our future happiness. I could not find the music you wished in Galveston, except one piece and am not certain that was the one you wished. I got some here this evening, which I will mail in the morning; also something for you to read, for I flatter myself that I shall be sometimes missed and you will be lonely. Cap and I will go to Mobile tomorrow and as there will be no boat on Sunday, he will take the stage home; and as I do not like to stop over in Mobile, we shall part in the morning, and I shall go up the Mississippi in the fine Steamer Falls City with some acquaintances. I often think how pleasant it would be if you were along with me, so that we could enjoy everything worth seeing together. Austin handed me a little note from you the morning I left home. Was very glad you did not forget to give me this little good bye. I handed him a letter for you which I presume you received. I did not see a bonnet in Galveston that I thought would suit you. Will get one in New York and bring with me. Hope by the time this reaches you, you will have sent me a letter to New York. Now don't disappoint me, dear Sallie. As I cannot get pay for my letters in "toll fees," which I admit is a very agreeable way in collecting debts, you must make it up in writing. If you think of anything I can do for you in New York, you know it will be a great pleasure for me to do it. I must bid you good night. Cap has come in and gone to sleep. 'Tis late and I have to write Mr. Conoly. Good bye, God bless you and preserve your health until I meet you again, and believe me to be ever the same, your true and affectionate Z. Bartlett Sarah and Zenas were married at the Falls plantation on September 25, 1857, but soon returned to the Marlin compound, the eastern half

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of which Bartlett had bought from Green in 1856. Bartlett wrote his sister Mary three months later to describe his happiness.

Marlin, Falls County, Texas January 4th, 1858 Dear Sister, I think I have written you since I have had any letters from Down East. You don't write me often enough, for I am very anxious to know how Mother gets on, for it must be very cold in Maine, though 'tis very mild here—no ice yet. My health is good, also Mrs. Bartlett's and Little Sue's and George's. George has not been with us any yet, for his grandmother will not give him up. Little Susan (4 years old) is with her mother now, though 'tis difficult to get her away from the plantation much of the time. They are fine spritely children and are very dear to me, being the children of my best friend, George Green. I concluded I was old enough to father a couple. Mrs. Bartlett is 24 years old and is called very good looking. That she is good, I do know, and most devoted to me. She was far the best chance in this country, and though she had numerous offers by persons of far greater wealth, I took the prize. Am living very comfortable and happy. Am supplied with an abundance of provisions, and all this from the plantation, at no cost. I have all the servants I wish, and if you were living with me, I doubt not you would allow the "Poor Negroes" to do your house work. But enough of this. Tell mother I often think of her and hope she is well and happy. You must see that every childish notion of hers is gratified, and that she lacks no comfort. Have time to write no more. Am full of business. Though I am paying fifteen hundred dollars a year clerk hire, still at this season I have a great deal to do. A Happy New Year to all. Good bye. Ever Your Affectionate Brother, Z. Bartlett

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Sarah's house, painted white with dark green shutters, sat on an oakcovered hill near the center of the compound. The long front porch, facing south toward town, caught the evening breeze in the summer, and the big brick chimneys on the east and west warmed the parlor and bedrooms during the winter. The detached dining room and kitchen were conveniently near in the northeast yard where the four log cabins still stood. The slaves' quarters, smokehouse, and barn were further back by the corrals. In 1858 Bartlett bought lot number one on the northeast corner of the courthouse square, and it was there that he built Marlin's first brick building. He used the lowerfloorfor his new store and rented the upper story to Miss Julia Morrell for the school. He had acquired nearly two thousand acres of land since coming to Texas, and under the tutelage of James Jones he learned to farm. After his second crop he received an amusing note from James. At Home Dear Bartlett, You are certainly gaining by experience and will no doubt yet make a good farmer.... Bartlett, are you getting more lazy or more industrious than you "used to was?' Can you afford to sleep from dinner till supper now? A change of avocation would seem to induce a change from this habit. Yet methinks I can see you stretched on the lounge now. The soporiferous effects of Arnolds best together with a big dish of lettuce, cabbage, is too much for your endurance and true to your old nature you succumb a willing victim. . . . My love to all the family— Your truly Jas S. Jones James left the Falls plantation to develop lands of his own, and Churchill made afinalsettlement with his son. Sept 6th/ 59 I have designated the following negroes which Jas. S. Jones is to take out of the plantation when he leaves me and goes to himself, to wit,

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Sandy, Lucy & all their children beingfivein number also a boy named Ellis, to have and hold as his own property, I also for his services rendered me in my business from December 1850 to 1st January 1858 have paid him by leting him have the following negroes a boy called King Thornton & his wife Clarissa and their two children, also Harry & his wife Martha together with all of his expenses to that date (/58) Churchill Jones He later gave James a quarter of a league of landfivemiles south of the Falls "in consideration of the regard and good will for my son." Zenas was elated when his own son, Charles, was born on July 31, 1858. His second boy, Frank, was born fifteen months later. The years following his marriage had been the happiest in Bartlett's life.

THE WAR "I am getting tired of it and would be glad to have an honorable peace. And should we ever again enjoy peace, and if by chance we should have any children, I will instill into their minds the love of peace and should they want a bugle, drum, or toy gun, I will give them such a thrashing that they will hate the sound of any of them." John W. Watkins to his wife Irene, April 27, 1864.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN was elected President of the United States on November 6, 1860. Before his inauguration on March 4, 1861, several of the southern states had seceded from the Union. An election was called in Texas to determine its course on February 23, 1861. Churchill Jones, according to the federal census the fourth richest planter in Texas, opposed Secession, convinced that "he was better protected in his slave property than he could possibly be under any new form of government, as the sentiment of the civilized world was emphatically opposed to this peculiar institution." His neighbor, General Benjamin Shields, formerly a member of Congress and American chargé d'affaires to Venezuela, agreed and admonished a Secession meeting held near his plantation to "stick to the grand old Union of Washington and Jackson." Sam Houston made a similar plea in Marlin's courthouse square and afterward visited the Bartletts on their front gallery.

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Ignoring the warnings of these wise and experienced men, Falls County voted with the rest of Texas to secede. Texas joined the Confederate States on March 5,1861, and Bartlett, hopeful that war might still be avoided, wrote his uncle Joseph Bartlett in New Hampshire. Marlin, Falls County, Texas March 18, 1861 Dear Uncle Jo, . . . So you did make Lincoln President. I have no doubt you thought you were making a President for us down South but you now see your mistake. You have been told for years by your public men—and Cousin Joe among them—that we could not be "kicked out of the Union.'' I have no doubt you had come to the conclusion that we would live under an Abolitionist President, and now some of you people talk about coercing us back into the Union. But why you should wish to keep company with such a set of barbarians as we are, I cannot see. I hope the consciences of you people will now be at ease as the sin of slavery is removed. I have no doubt you wonder much at the course the South has taken, but had you lived here as long as I have, you would have been one of the strongest for Secession. How can we forget that your leading men have repeatedly said that this country must either be all slave or all free—that John Brown and confederates invaded our soil with quantities of pikes and arms made in New England to distribute to negroes to murder white men, women, and children—that you sympathized deeply that he failed and suffered the just penalty of his crime—that Massachusetts even made Governor one who said he was right and sympathized so deeply for him that he put on mourning at his death. Can we forget that here in Texas the past summer we had to watch over houses and stores nights for many weeks to prevent the Hellish abolitionists from burning us out, and that some four or five of our most flourishing villages in this region were destroyed. Now is it strange that when we succeeded in catching any of them we should hang them to the first tree we came to? Is it unreasonable that we claim the right to take our property unto territory acquired by our blood and money as much as yours? Is it strange that we quit the Union when you pass laws

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imprisoning the owner who is in persuit of his fugitive slave when the Constitution expressly says he shall be given up? No, Uncle Jo, there must be a great revolution in public sentiment North before we can live together in peace. Your papers I see make a terrible fuss because we take possession of forts and call it stealing. For whose protection were these forts built but our own, and we intend to use them for that purpose. This is a bad state of affairs, Uncle, and the future I will admit looks dark and gloomy. If war should ensue, which God forbid, no one can tell when it will end. N o man of sense believes that the North can quanker [conquer] the South or that the South can quanker the North. I know you are much the strongest but whilst your army would be drawn from your farms and shops, our negroes would still make our crops as usual. There was never a greater mistake than to suppose there would be insurrections among our negroes. Those who think so know nothing of the relation of master and slave. . . . [page from original manuscript lost] I have two as fine boys as you can raise among the Granite Hills of New Hampshire. I am still selling goods and farming Come down, Uncle, and see how we farm in Texas. Yours, Zenas Bartlett Confederate artillery in Charleston, South Carolina, fired on Fort Sumter on April 12, 1861, and three days later President Lincoln declared South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas in rebellion. Churchill Jones, believing his first allegiance was due his state, supported the Confederate government. His second son, Billy, enlisted in the Eighth Texas Cavalry and was elected 2nd Lieutenant of his company. He fought in all of the battles of the Western Army and received a gunshot wound in the shoulder at a skirmish on Mossy Creek in Tennessee. James Jones, stationed in Galveston, wrote: We are still peaceably reposing in the city. The account Capt. T. gave you of our condition, etc., is, I presume, correct in the main. But it is not the nature of a soldier to be contented in such a situation. There is too little

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excitement and too little to do. I have wished many times I was in more active service. I am aware, too, of the greater hardships attendant upon it, nevertheless in the end it would be more satisfactory if not in the actual performance of such service. I have thought seriously several times of changing into Cavalry, but am afraid to risk a change of officers and companions. I am certainly weary of soldiering. 'Tis the worst portion of my life by far. The dream of a short and active campaign under which I enlisted has vanished, and I can only brood over the present home existence as being lengthened out and the uncertainty of the future. Yet I would have been almost miserable had I never taken a part in the great struggle. On this account the present as well as past will afford me some consolation in the future, for however inactive and ineffective we may have been so far, it is my consolation to know that we have at all times been more than ready and willing. Bartlett, now forty-three, was active at home. He was appointed Falls County ordinance officer, with instruction to collect arms, and he also served as local agent for the Cotton Bureau. He was elected county treasurer to administer the funds provided for widows and orphans, and the families of absent soldiers. The Commissioner's Court levied an additional war tax for these purposes with "planters and stockraisers to contribute in kind." A list of indigent families of soldiers was prepared, and beats appointed to care for them. Each family was to receive "150 pounds of bacon or 400 pounds of beef, along with 15 pounds of salt to each white member of said family." They were also to be furnished spinning cotton, wool, wheels, and looms, "provided any family able to pay the price of said provisions and articles without selling or sacrificing their property, shall be required to do so." These duties kept Bartlett busy, and his personal responsibilities also increased. He purchased 731 acres on the Brazos above the Falls from General Chambers for $29,260.00, and Churchill Jones gave Sarah his Tonkoway plantation on the old John Marlin league. Falls County "had become a waystation for slave owners from other states who stopped to canvass the advisability of staying or going to Mexico," and Bartlett augmented the work force for his newly acquired land by leasing thirteen slaves from one of these men named Williams. In the contract:

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Said Bartlett agrees to furnish said negroes with two suits of summer clothes and two suits of winter clothes, and keep them in shoes, and to feed said negroes and mules as he feeds his own; to pay the tax upon said property, and to pay all doctor bills, and to return the above property in as good condition as it is now, unavoidable accidents excepted; and it is agreed that should the enemies of the Confederate States evacuate the former homes of these slaves, said Bartlett agrees to deliver the above property to the order of A. V. Williams. Many of the Falls County Negroes were in Galveston building fortifications, and James Jones wrote Bartlett that more would be needed. I understand Judge Calvert and Major Hannah are empowered to press one-fourth of the negro fellows of Falls County in place of some to be released here, theirs among the number. If such is done, a good and attentive overseer ought to be sent with them as a great many of them die here, and mainly for want of good attention. It is true the season is healthier now than it was, but deaths are yet occuring. The negroes, after staying here awhile, get very homesick, and if they have a chance to get on mainland, run away and go home, at which their owners are always pleased. Many of the owners were also absent, for nearly one-third of the men in Falls County had gone to war. In Marlin the first recruiting had begun when Willis Lang raised and equipped a company of volunteers in the spring of 1861. They joined the Confederate Army at San Antonio and became Company Β of Colonel Tom Green's Fifth Cavalry Regiment of Sibley's Brigade. General Η. Η. Sibley had been charged by the Confederate government at Richmond with outfitting a brigade of Texans to conquer New Mexico. After a hasty drilling and training program in San Antonio, the brigade moved west and reached New Mexico in January of 1862. It engaged the enemy near Fort Craig, and when General Sibley became ill, he asked Colonel Green to take command. Green, an excellent cavalryman who had fought in the Texas Revolution and the Mexican War, ordered Captain Lang to lead fifty of his mounted lancers in an attack on the enemy to relieve the pressure on his right flank, which had been caught between riflemen and batteries. Green wrote in his official report on February 22, 1862:

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Lang's mounted lancers launched a gallant and furious charge The Coloradoans [Union forces] reserved their fire until the lancers came into close range and then poured a heavy fire into them. Twenty-nine horses lost their riders. Lang's desperate charge was ineffectual against the overwhelming superiority of the enemy, and his company suffered more loss of life than any of the brigade. Though the lancers were completely repulsed and nearly decimated, their charge did have the effect of bringing the Federals within range of the Confederate guns. The advancing Federals were driven back, thus securing the Confederate right flank.1 Lang was mortally wounded, and before killing himself to relieve his pain, he wrote to Bartlett. Cecera, New Mexico, February 27,1862 Z. Bartlett Dear Sir: We have met the enemy near Fort Craigg and gained a signal battle. Our victory was complete. The enemy were 3,000 strong with 7 pieces of Artillery. The loss on their side was very great, full (300) three hundred killed and sixteen wagon loads wounded. Our loss was 45 killed and about 60 wounded. We took all their Artillery. The charge upon the Artillery was terrible, and what is astonishing, but few fell— the greatest loss was on our little company—9 were killed, to wit: Andrew Bell, Isaac Marlin, Henry Persons, Joseph Curry, F. Conty, Silas Ivins, J. Dougheity, Robert Mitchell, and J. Furgeson; 11 wounded, to-wit: Lieutenant Bass, Get Forbes, J. Sanders, Ed S. Shelton, Pen Parker, Jack Davis, Hillery Persons, J. A. Lea, Wade Coleman, George Bolster, and myself. None are severely wounded but Mr. Bass, whose left arm is so completely fractured and shot to pieces that he was obliged to have it amputated this morning. He received 7 shots in all, and Jack Davis was also severely wounded. My own wound is dangerous. Those who are called to shed a tear over the fate of their relative or friend may have the consolation that it was not over a cow1

Letter from Green to Jackson (February 22, 1862), War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies and Navies (Washington, D . C , Government Printing Office, 1880-1901), Series I, IX, 519.

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ard. The conduct of the company will elicit applause from friend and foe. Please send copies of this letter throughout the county that the friends may know who have fallen and who have been injured. Respectfully yours, Willis L. Lang Although victorious in their first full-scale encounter with the Federals, the Confederate campaign to conquer New Mexico failed for a lack of supplies. Sibley's Brigade returned to San Antonio where it received a sixty-day furlough for remounting and reoutfitting. Company Β proceeded to Marlin to rest and recruit more men. Colonel Tom Green ordered the companies of his regiment to reassemble at Hempstead, Texas, in the fall of 1862. Sibley's Brigade, now called the Texas Volunteer Cavalry and commanded by Colonel James Reily, was to join the army commanded by General Dick Taylor in Louisiana. Federal forces had taken New Orleans, and the Union commander, General Nathaniel Banks, pursuing the Confederates, threatened to overrun the state. Reily's departure for Louisiana was delayed when Federal troops were landed at Galveston on December 24. General John Magruder, commander of the Texas district, secured two small channel steamers, the Neptune and the Bayou City, and Tom Green volunteered to man the ships, whose sides were lined with bales of cotton for protection. Green's horse marines on the Bayou City closed in on the Union ship, Harriet Lane, and after attaching grappling hooks and cutting her netting, they rushed on board. The Harriet Lane surrendered and Green ordered its guns turned on the other Federal craft. After one had been sunk and another captured, the remaining ships hoisted white flags and sailed out of Galveston harbor. The Massachusetts troops ashore surrendered, and Galveston was again in Texas hands. The brigade remained in Galveston for sixteen days and then returned to Hempstead to prepare for the Louisiana campaign. The Texas Volunteer Cavalry arrived at Berwick Bay, Louisiana, on April 7, 1863, and joined Taylor's retreating army. Five days later the four thousand Confederates made a stand against sixteen thousand

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Federals at Camp Bisland. Colonel Reily was killed during the heavy fighting, and Green assumed command of the brigade. Taylor withdrew to Bayou Teche and continued his retreat with the Texas Cavalry as rear guard to harrass and delay the enemy. Green and his nine hundred men slowed down Banks's army of thirty-eight thousand and allowed Taylor to regroup. For the next six months Green, using guerrilla tactics, thwarted Union attempts to conquer Louisiana. He defeated a superior force at Brashear City on June 23, and, after an unsuccessful attack on Fort Butler at Donaldsonville on June 28, he defeated two divisions at Lafourche on July 13. Victories at Morgan's Ferry on September 29, and Burbeaux on November 3, followed. Tom Green, promoted to brigadier general, was the hero of Louisiana. When Company Β left Marlin in September of 1862 to join Green's regiment in Hempstead, John Watkins, who had come from Virginia to clerk in Bartlett's store, was among the new recruits. He was elected sergeant major of the company and subsequently was appointed acting adjutant general under Major Shannon on Tom Green's staff. Watkins' wife, Irene, whose sister Octavia later married Billy Jones, lived with the Bartletts during his absence, and he wrote her with great regularity. Camp Terry, [Texas], October 1st, 1862 Dear Irene I will drop you a few lines by Mr. Coleman to let you know that I and Morgan are well. We got here yesterday safe and sound. Nearly all the boys have gone to town today and camp is quite dull. There are four companies of Green's Regiment here, tho others will be here in a few days. There is a regiment of Conscripts at this place also. They have houses built for them while the rest of us have to do without tents. I got wet twice since I started but I never took cold or suffered any Inconvenience from it. I want you to get me enough Jeans to make me a pair of Pants and an over shirt. Make the shirt open in front with pockets in the breast. There is nothing out this way that will do unless I pay from 10 to 12.50 Dollars pr. yard. Every kind of goods are worth about ten times their usual price. I will write you when ever opportunity offers. We know nothing

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more than we did before we left Marlin about when we leave or where we will go. So good bye for this time. Remember me to Mr. Bartlett and Mrs. Bartlett and all my friends. Write soon and direct to Company B, Green's Regt., Austin, Texas. Allen Oakes brought my paper with the latest news. As ever yours affectionately J. W. Watkins

Camp J. B. Hood Near Brenham November 8th, 1862 Dear Irene . . . Our horses and equipments were valued the other day. Morgan was valued at two hundred and twenty-five dollars, saddle forty dollars, gun fifty dollars, six shooter one hundred dollars. Old Pluto was valued at 275 dollars So good bye John W. Watkins

Galveston, [Texas], January 8th, 1863 Dear Irene Since I last wrote you we have had nothing very exciting. On last Saturday a vessel came outside the bar and sent in a small boat for a pilot. We had the yankee flag flying from the Harriet Lane, and the party in the boat didn't know that our forces were in possession until they were prisoners themselves. We then sent the boat back with a pilot but when she got to the point our batteries (not knowing anything about the matter) opened fire on the boat and wouldn't let her pass. She then returned to the wharf about 12 o'clock that night. Volunteers were called for to go on board the 'Lane' to go out in the Gulf to captain the boat. John Coleman, Jack Conoly and myself volunteered from our company. We went to the 'Lane' and found that she was not ready to go. We then got on board of a bark and started out. We ran

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up in about two miles of the vessel. She commenced signalling and we not knowing but there were more, dropped anchor until daylight. We had the federal flag hoisted, and at daylight we found there was but one vessel. W e raised anchor and started to her. When the stranger saw us coming she got up Steam and ran off. W e then stopped and sent a pilot and some men to her. She took the pilot on board and sent the men back; as soon as she got the pilot she steamed off going east. We watched her until She went out of sight. The men who returned from her report that she was an Iron Clad and manned with 300 men and had splendid guns. I felt somewhat relieved when she ran away and left us, as we had started with the intention of taking her at all hazards and if she had showed fight, she could have cleaned us up very easily. There is a larger steamer in sight now. Supposed to be the Brooklin. W e will leave here soon for Louisiana. Will be dismounted, I expect. I believe I have written you all the news that I can think of. So will quit. You must write to me and direct to Hempstead as we will go there before we leave the State. Remember me to Mr. and Mrs. Bartlett and tell them that Jim [Jones] is in better health and looks better than I ever saw him. So good-bye. from your boy

John

Camp Groce, [Texas], January 26th, 1863 My ever remembered Wife . . . About a week before we left Galveston, Coleman, Capt. Jackson, Clif Jackson and Lt. Terry and one or two others got on a spree in Galveston and got Gen. Magruder's hack and went out on the beach to an assignation house. When they got there, the owner of the house said there were no women there, and to prove it opened all his doors and took them through his house. In one of the rooms they found some brandy and helped themselves. They were making a good deal of fuss

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and were heard by two men who live near, who thinking they were robbers came up and fired on them. Coleman and his party ran up on them and one of the men drew his gun on Coleman. He (Coleman) fired with his six shooter grazing his head and knocking him down. He ran and tried to shoot again when Coleman fired the second time striking him in the shoulder I am getting very homesick and want to see you very badly, but when I have that pleasure is more than I can tell. I wish this accursed war was over so that I could be a free man once more. You have seen the papers and have read all the news and can make your own comments, some think it is a good omen, but for myself I dont think this war will be over for several years, and I expect to see several hard fought battles before it is over — This brigade has been complimented very highly and will be placed in front of the battle. I have a feeling or presentment or what ever you may call it that I will see it safe through and again fold you in my arms to live again in quietness and peace — I have written you all that I can think of and will bid you good bye. Will write as often as I can. Love to all. As ever your affectionate boy John

Camp No. 15, Houston County, [Texas] March 1st, 1863 Dear Irene . . . I can write you but a short letter this time as I have to detail a court martial for the trial of one of our boys for the disgraceful offence of having illegal intercourse with a mule. I don't know what will be done with him, but I think he ought to be hung—and that well hung for such a business. I heard that John Coleman was cashiered and sworn into a conscript company but Col. Green is trying to get him back to this command—and I hope he may succeed. I will get Maj. Shannon to draw up a petition to Gen. Magruder to restore him to his company.

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I can get all the officers of this detachment to sign it and I think Magruder will listen to it and we can get him back As ever yours J. W. Watkins

Na[t]chitoches, Louisiana, March 15th My dear Wife Another Sunday has come and finds me at this place in good health. We crossed the Sabine on last Friday and left our wagons and came through to this place to get forage for our horses. Corn is very scarce from here back to the Sabine, and we had to come through without our wagons. They will be up on next Wednesday. We had a very heavy rain today and I am very wet. But the old saying is that one wetting is worth two greasings and I don't think it will hurt me. I find this to be a considerable place inhabited principally by french. It is situated on the bank of Red River. W e will stay here some time, perhaps a week to rest our teams as they are all nearly broken down. We, that is, Col. Green's and Maj. Shannon's division will unite at this place and all move together. I have been acting adjutant and expect I will be relieved of that duty as the adjutant is with Green. Col. Green expects to be promoted and Lt. Col. McNeil has accepted the position as Inspector General on Magruder's staff. Consequently Maj. Shannon will be our col. He has asked me to accept the position of 1st Lieutenant and Adjutant as soon as he is promoted. I told him I would do the best I could. So if he gets the promotion which I think may be certain, I will get a very good position. It is something I never sought and I never dreamed of but if I get the office will fill it to the best of my ability. In passing today at the head of the command, a beautiful young lady sent me a nice bunch of flowers and you mustn't get jealous if I tell you that I was much smitten by the dark eyes that smiled upon me as I accepted the pretty present. Don't think my heart so callous as to be impervious to the shafts of cupid when sent from black eyes of a nice

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young lady. But the best of the joke is—that I came a few miles farther and was again captivated by a blue eyed maiden and presented her with my flowers. Now don't get jealous with me, because I look at a pretty woman. The heart that true allegience bears to its first love, will like the dove wander off sometimes but return again to nestle beside its mate. . . .

J.W.W. I have written this with one of the meanest o' pens you ever saw, and you must excuse all blotches, etc. etc.

Camp Cotton Wood, Na[t]chitoches Parish, Louisiana March 20th, 1863 My ever dear Wife Another week has passed and finds me the same as when I last wrote with the exception of a slight cold caused by my getting wet last Sunday but I am not dangerously ill. And if you could have seen me eating dinner you would swear I wasn't sick at all. Well Wifey I wrote you last at nacatosh (that is the way it is pronounced) . We staid there until Thursday morning, and struck out for Alexandria, La. We traveled the first day about 15 miles over one of the best roads and through one of the finest countries I ever saw. W e passed a fine residence every mile and the yards were fixed up most beautifully. And the farms were under the finest state of cultivation. We are traveling down Red River and you have heard it spoken of before, But you would have to see the country to form an idea of the splendor in which the planters live. We have been treated very kindly by the citizens. They send the officers cakes and wine and as I am an "Asifer" I come in for my share of the good things. Col. Green has gone on in advance to procure arms etc. and left Maj. Shannon in command. I am still a favorite of his and hope to remain so. He is a No. 1 little fellow and I like him very much. I have heard but little news. There has been a fight at Port Hudson in which

THE MARLIN COMPOUND 118 we sunk 3 Gun boats and killed and wounded near 300 of enemy. Our loss, one killed and 2 wounded. One or two boats succeeded in passing the fort and are now between that place and Vicksburg. There is a gun boat expidition fitting out at Alexandria and are calling for volunteers to man it. Col. Green is there now and I have no doubt has offered himself and regiment for that service. If so we will all try another water fight and I can only hope we may be as successful as we were before. My paper is full and I must close. Love to all as ever yours

J.W.W. We will reach Alexandria on the 24th if we have no bad luck

Fort De Russy, Louisiana, April 5th, 1863 My dear Irene . . . Well, Irene I would like very much to be with you this morning to get a good dinner, and especially some easter eggs. I have eaten nothing but the coarsest corn bread (meal not softened) poor beef and rancid bacon for two months and you may very reasonably suppose I am getting tired of it. I have a good deal of running about to do and it gives me a good appetite and you know that hunger will make any kind of food palatable. Oh that this war was over, I so much wish to return to the quiet of time to be with you. Oh Irene you have no idea how I yearn to be with you, to pillow my head on your lap and to know there is no one to call me to attend to some confounded guard or to arrest some obstreporous soldier. But this will not be always and when I get back home I will know how to appreciate the blessings of home. When my mind is not engaged with my duties, it will wander back to you and a sigh and sometimes a tear will come unbidden. And then I will think it useless to sigh for that which can't be, and I will think of something else, but the first thing I know, I am thinking again of you.... Remember me in great kindness to Mr. and Mrs. Bartlett. Their kindness to you and myself will ever be held in grateful remembrance

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and if ever in my power will be reciprocated. So dear one good bye for this time. Will write as often as there is any thing that will interest you. So goodbye, as ever yours

J.W.W.

Camp Near Ft. DeRussy, Louisiana April 17th, 1863 My dear, dear Wife, Here I am yet, still waiting the boats which I think will be ready today or tomorrow. I have bad news to write you this morning about our brigade. I wrote you some time since that our brigade was at Opelousas [Louisiana]. They were ordered from there on double quick to Berwick bay to bring on an attack before the enemy could be reenforced. They got there, but too late, the enemy had been reenforced and numbered over 18000. Our forces were less than 1000. The fight opened on last Saturday and was continued until Sunday. We repulsed the enemy in every charge they made and made them keep at a respectable distance. They have surrounded our brave boys and left them no chance of escape unless we can get to them in our boats, which we will try to do. Our boats that are here will be ready this evening and we will go on board tomorrow. A dispatch came in last night saying that we had destroyed the Queen of the West to keep her from falling into the enemy's hands, but I don't think that is true. I think it probable that we have lost the boat 'Diana' the one we captured at that place. The loss among our Texas boys is reported at fifteen hundred killed and wounded So goodby love

J.W.W.

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50 miles below Alexandria, Louisiana Bayou Biff [Boeuf]—April 30th, 1863 My dear wife I drop you a short note this morning to let you know my whereabouts. When I last wrote you I was on Red River and in one hour from that time orders were received to report to Col Gaines ( ? ) . We came to Alexandria and left our wagons and everything but the clothes we had on and one blanket and started for the enemy. We had about one hundred men when we started and have gathered up straglers until we have near 500 men. The yankees were advancing when we reached here but for some reason I don't understand, they are getting back out of the country. We start again this morning to hunt them up. Our scouts burned 1500 bales of cotton the enemy had confiscated near Washington. Col. Green is near Nebbets Bluff awaiting reinforcements, which have or will reach him shortly. Reinforcements are coming in from Arkansas and we will drive the enemy back to the Gun boats. . . . Excuse this Short Note as the gentleman is waiting to take this to Alexandria. I will write every opportunity, so goodbye

J.W.W.

Bayou Rouge, [Louisiana], May 2nd, 1863 My dear Irene I wrote you several days since a very short note in a very great haste and I think it extremely doubtful whether you received it or not. I will commence 10 days back and give you an outline of my experience in soldiering. I wrote you from Bayou DeGlaze [De Glaise]—and in a very short time we received orders to march for Alexandria [Louisiana] with all possible dispatch. We traveled night and day until we reached that place. When we got there we found everything in confusion. The report reached there that the yankees were in 20 miles and advancing. We were ordered to saddle up and march to meet the enemy.

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I started with clothes that I had not changed for a week and you can guess what a nice plight I am in now—But nevertheless I am sitting in one of the finest parlours and am in the presence of some very pretty young ladies. But to return. I started out at the head of about one hundred men, the rest having been left back at Fort DeRussy on picket— We came on down the country and did not come in hearing of the enemy until we reached Holmsville 50 miles below Alexandria, at which place they had driven our pickets in the morning we reached there. We staid there until day before yesterday and gathered up stragglers and other small bodies of men until our command no. near 600 rank and file; we received orders from Col. Waggaman (A Louisiana Col. who has gained some notoriety in Virginia and a very gallant fellow) to saddle up and report to Hdqrs. . . . W e started about 10 o'clock and marched down Bayou Berf [Boeuf]. We soon came to where the yankees had been. We followed up for several miles until we came to a convenient place to have something cooked for our men who have had nothing to eat since the day before. While dinner was preparing a scout came in and reported that they had discovered the yankees. We saddled up and placing our advance guard started after them. Our advanced guard came up with them and gave them a pretty close run for their quarters, but the yankees being finely mounted made good their escape. We had to advance very cautiously for fear of an ambuscade and about five oclock a.m. we found that they had all fallen back to Moundville. We then went into a sugar house and took a nap of sleep—But before we got our horses unsaddled and fed it was daylight and of course we didn't get much sleep. We saddled up as soon as our horses had eaten their rations and started again for the enemy. We detailed 15 men as our advance guard and, after marching 3 miles firing commenced in our advance—We left the road at this point and went out into a plantation so that we could see where the enemy lay. Our pickets were popping away at them, and I was all eyes to see where they were. When they opened on us with long range rifles and artillery —the air was instantly filled with messengers of death and I found I could see the cannon balls; but all passed over our heads doing no

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damage; we then turned out and rode to a bunch of timber for shelter— every one but a few of the timid walked their horses very slowly; we then sent out skirmishers and they kept up the fight for two hours, when the enemy slakened their fire our scouts came in and reported them in full retreat. We waited an hour or two longer—when our Col. called for some 5 vol. [volunteers] to go with him to a sugar house to ascertain if they had removed the artillery. Maj. Shannon and some La. Cavalry accompanied him. They soon reached the sugar house, and a great deal soon left—as soon as the yanks found they were in there— they opened a battery on the house completely riddling it but hurting none. As Maj. Shannon came in view of the enemy's sharp shooters they opened on him killing his horse. He took it as cooly as if nothing had happened. We were pretty tired of that and concluded to fall back to our old camp which we reached about 5 oclock, leaving out a picket of 50 men to prevent a surprise. I lay down as soon as I reached Camp and slept until about nine oclock when I was awakened to take a detail of one hundred men to hold the enemy in check but before I could get them ready another dispatch came and said they wanted all the men in camp. We saddled up and was soon on our way to meet them but when we got up pretty close we found they had some pieces of artillery and our commander ordered us to fall back. We started back and when we had gotten near a bridge which we had to cross we found the yankees had gone up the opposite side of the bayou and planted some artillery to command that point. Capt. Rudsale of our regiment was in our advance and he went through in a charge and made good his escape. The squadron that I was with coming up about this time was fired on by the artillery and we laid down the fence and took the swamp. We went about a mile through the swamp when we came to high ground and came up Bayou Larouge to this place having lost 200 men, had one horse killed and a good deal of fun. We will all get together tomorrow and give them another try and drive the enemy out of this beautiful country As ever yours

J.W.W.

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Na[t]chitoches, Louisiana, May 11th, 1863 My dear Irene I wrote you some ten days since from Bayou Rouge—and gave the letter to a Gentleman to send to the office but whether you received it or not is very doubtful. But this will let you know that I am well and have never received a present from "Old Abe" in the shape of a "minni" but some of them have sung their mournful songs pretty close to me. They made me feel rather curious but I didn't run nor did I think about it. Since I wrote you we came down Bayou Rouge and sent out skirmishes and had several little fights with them. In one of which a brother of Gen. Dwight's (yankee) was killed under the following circumstances. Two of our boys from Waller's Bat. ambushed the road and in a short time this man came up the road on the opposite side of the bayou. He was some distance in advance of his men. He discovered our boys before they could fire and surrendered. But the bayou being between them and the yankees in a hundred yards, they couldn't take him and consequently they shot him. Gen. Dwight sent in a flag of truce and demanded the surrender of the man who shot him, saying if he was not given up that he intended to hoist the black flag. Gen. Taylor refused to give him up and I understand Dwight is retaliating by executing some unarmed citizens—one hundred of whom are under arrest. While we were on Bayou Rouge we received a dispatch that yankees were trying to cut us off from Alexandria. So we saddled up and made for the road leading to Alexandria and got into it two miles ahead of the yankees. We were fighting and falling back, and when in 20 miles of Alexandria we received the startling intelligence that Alexandria had fallen and that the yankees were sending out flanking parties to cut us off. We then turned into the piney woods and came through swamps and thickets traveling night and day doing without eating, until we struck the Natches road thirty miles above Alexandria. But we had but little time for resting as the yankees soon drove in our pickets and we had to roll out for this place. We got here last night

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and found the wagons and I got a change of clothes, the first I had in 4 weeks. We are concentrating all our forces here and expect to give them a "fight." Our reinforcements are expected daily. Some have already arrived. The enemy are advancing rapidly and the tale will soon be told. Whether we are to give up this State and fall back to Texas or drive the yankees back to the Gulf. If we ever get them started back we will use them pretty roughly, and we will use some of their sympathizers the same way. I understand the citizens of Alexandria received them with open arms hoisting the Stars and Stripes themselves and furnishing the guard to protect the flag. Several of the citizens gave them a large ball, and placed themselves in such a position that if they ever fall into our hands we will give them a hempen cravat that will last them their lifetime.... your John

Bayou Teche, Louisiana, June 16th, 1863 My dear Irene I have not written you since the 1st of this month, for the reason that I have had no opportunity of sending the letter. The mails have resumed operation and I am in hopes this may reach you. Oh how much I wish to hear from you. I have written you over 20 letters since I have heard from you and have tried to keep you posted in regard to my movements. Since I last wrote you we have joined Col. Green and I have returned to the company Well Irene I suppose you would like to know how we are doing, what we have done and what we are going to do. Well we are camped on a large sugar plantation about 15 miles from Breeshear [Brashear] City on Bayou Teche. I went out yesterday and met with a very kind lady who gave me some green corn, Irish and sweet potatoes, cabbage, beans, onions and a large piece of good bacon, which was very acceptable, having nothing in camp but inferior beef and corse corn meal, and that very scarce. We had a fine mess. Nearly all the company helped us eat it. We have six

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in our mess, J.E. Smith, Jack Harris, Evan Barton, T. B. Wheat and High Fortune. High is getting dinner now, and the boys are devilling him about his cooking. Well I have now told you what we are doing, and I will now try to tell you what has been done on this Bayou. I have sketched a small map of the country around here to show you or rather to give you some idea of the battle ground. Our forces went down below the breast works and skirmished with the enemy, falling back to the entrenchments, which were thrown up from the bayou to the rail road, a distance of four hundred yards. The rail road forming part of the fortification. Here our forces fought them two days, we had the gun boats Diana and Hunt in the bayou, one of which was burned by hot shot from a shore battery. We also had a line of works from the opposite side of the bayou running out to the swamp near Grand gulf. The yankees finding it would be difficult to storm the works sent a large force up the Atchafalaya, and landed them opposite Franklin to cut us off. We had out pickets who informed Col. Green of the movement. Col. Reily was sent to hold them in check so that our forces could get out of the trap. Reily held his position and was killed. Our forces barely had time to get out before the enemy had possession of Franklin, capturing 63 of the old brigade and a large number of the La. troops who did not try very hard to escape. The yankee loss was very heavy. They hauled their dead and placed them by our breast works and tore the breast works down making a grave for their dead. Col. Green fought them all the way to Opelousas and then turned off and went to Nibbetts Bluff to rest and await reinforcements. The yankees went on to Alexandria, with but little opposition and stayed there about ten days. The main body went down to Port Hudson [Louisiana] sending his train down this road with a guard of about 1700 men. Mouton (who was with Green and in command) was notified of the fact and ordered to cut off this train. After a force march of about 150 miles he came up with their pickets near this place and after dilly dallying some time ordered a retreat, from some cause I know not what. Col. Green insisted on attacking them but was ordered to fall back by his superior officer and was bound to obey him. Letting the yankees off with over two million dollars worth of property. Thus ended this part

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of the campaign, and I am afraid every one will end likewise if we don't get more efficient Generals than we have. We will stay in this part of the country until we can get boats to transport us across to Brashear City. The yankees have several guns in position there, and but few men. We could capture them easily if we had any boats to cross to them

J.W.W.

Camp near Donaldsonville on Lafourche, Louisiana July 1st, 1863 My dear Irene I wrote you from Brashear City about a week since and as there has been several fights since will write you a few lines to let you know I am not killed yet—As luck would have it our company was left back at Brashear City to hold the place until the infantry could come up—Co. Ε and C were left with us and the rest came on to this place—They had several skirmishes and captured a good many prisoners—Gen. Green was ordered to take Donaldsonville at all hazards, he advanced with Phillips, Bagbys and 7 companies of our regiment—Our regiment went in the advance led by the brave Shannon—The attack was made about 3 oclock in the morning—When they got in about 200 of the fort—several Gun boats opened fire on our boys and the minnie balls fell as thick as hail—several of our men were killed before they reached the first line of fortification. They soon succeeded in reaching and going over this fortification but found one on the inside which was almost impregnable. It was inside of this line of defence that the brave Shannon fell shot through the head—The next officer was Capt. Ragsdale (a nephew of old John Greer). He was ordered to surrender but replied that he would never surrender any part of Tom Green's Rgt. He was immediately shot down. Capt. Kiilough the next officer was wounded in the head and was carried out of the fort. Capt. Jordan was the next—he is missing. Lt. Shepard was the next and he fell wounded in 3 places—out of 18 officers who went with the fight 3 came

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out without wounds and 2 came out wounded. The rest are missing. We also lost about 90 men—Phillips Regt. suffered worse than ours— all their field officers were killed and over one hundred men. Our loss is over 300 men—we had to fall back without taking the fort. . . . But we have accomplished what we intended—Viz.—The relief of Port Hudson. Banks is making rapid strides down the Mississippi to this place closely pursued by Walker—No other news of importance. I have not been very well for a day or two and am very nervous. The weather is very warm—You need not send me any clothing as I have more than I can carry—all the boys got as many as they wanted—some of our boys are complaining but none dangerously— Remember me to all and believe me ever yours John

Bayou Lafourche, Louisiana, July 7th, 1863 Dear Irene . . . Well Irene we have had the bad luck to loose our Captain—We were out on picket on the night of the 3rd inst. and the Captain took it in his head to go inside of the yankee lines to find out how many yankees there were there. He never came back—and we sent in a flag of truce and found out that he was discovered by their pickets and demanded to surrender—which he refused to do—They then fired on him and retreated back to the fort. The next morning they came back and found his horse and saddle with a canteen partly filled with whiskey. They found signs of blood and traced it about 400 yards and found the Captain shot through the left hand and through the body. They carried him to the fort—and did all they could to save him—But he died the next day. He was drunk and all of us tried to keep him from going but he was determined to try it—and lost his life in the attempt. He was a brave man and if he had not been under the influence of whiskey would not have gone. I have never seen him drunk more than 2 or 3 times since I have been in the service—and never before the last time when he was on duty.

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From all we can learn of Banks Army—I think it is pretty well used up. Banks was killed last week and a prisoner says they have lost near forty thousand men at Hudson. Gen. Brackenridge is on the other side of the river below him and the only means of escape is on his gun boats. We have the river banks lined with men and artillery and it is very dangerous for transports to travel. We have the levee to shelter our troops and we can fight them and run very little risk ourselves.... As ever yours John

Bayou Lafourche, Louisiana, July 15th, 1863 My dear Wife . . . In my last letters I told you of the unsuccessful attempt of our forces to take the fort at Donaldsonville, and subsequently of the death of Capt. Scott who was killed by the enemies pickets on the night of the 3rd inst. Since I last wrote you we have been in front of the enemy on picket —on last Saturday we were on picket when the enemy made an advance movement and drove us back near a mile when the balance of our regt. came up and we had a right smart little fight, in which two of Comp. H were wounded. We drove them back to the fort. On Sunday they again advanced with some 8 or ten thousand, two brigades on this side and one on the other side of the bayou. Heavy skirmishing was kept up until late in the night when all settled down into quietness to wait for day light. At sunrise Monday our boys were ordered to fall in. We advanced on the enemy, who poured a pretty warm fire into us with a battery of six pieces of artillery. We kept our position until our reinforcements came up, and with them came the brave Green. We had parts of the 4th, 5th, and 7th Regts. T.M.V. [Texas Mounted Volunteers] on this side of the bayou. And Laynes and Stones Texas Regt. and the 2nd La. Cavalry on the other. W e also had two pieces of artillery on each side of the Bayou.

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Gen. Green came on the field about 12 casting his eye over the field, soon planned his attack and immediately ordered its execution. I was near and heard his order. He rode up on the levee amidst a shower of Bomb and Minni balls and ordered Layne to send his artillery in advance and to keep his men even with ours. He then told Col. Herbert and Col. Hardiman to flank the enemy on the left and drive them from the cornfield. Our regiment marched up the road toward their batteries. Our Guns ran up in 300 yds. and opened on them, and such firing I never heard. Our boys ran up in 50 yds. of their battery and fired into the artillery men. Killed the horses attached to two pieces of artillery and then charged it taking it with the loss of but one man. But sad to tell that man was C. B. Mattack of our company, he fell shot through the body and died in a minute. About this time our boys came up through the corn and the yankees commenced the retreat. And then our boys raised the yell and kept them running until they reached the fort. To sum up, we had whipped the enemy 4 to one—capturing near 500 prisoners 1000 stand of small arms, two pieces of artillery, and killing and wounding about 200. Our loss will not exceed 10 killed and 30 wounded. I passed over the battlefield, found yankees lying in every direction, some killed, others wounded, and such sights I never wish to see again. I saw all manner of wounds but the most of the yankees were shot through the head. But although we are victorious all is doubt and uncertainty. The Yankees all declare that Vicksburg and Port Hudson have fallen and whether it is so or not I am unable to say, but my convictions are that it is so, as I ask Yankees who were mortally wounded and knew they were dying and they declared it was so.2 If it be the case I am afraid we are cut off and nothing but a miracle will save us. Reports are that Banks sent a large force to cut off our retreat and if he succeeds in getting gun boats in the bay there will be no possible way for us to escape. But I hope that some fortunate circumstance will turn up to ex2 Vicksburg had fallen to the Union forces on July 4, 1863. After a seige of fortyfive days, the Confederates surrendered Port Hudson on July 9, 1863. These Union victories cut the lines of communication between the trans-Mississippi departments and the rest of the Confederacy.

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trícate us from the dilemma we are in. W e are expecting orders any minute to fall back on Brashear City. As ever yours John

Moundville, Louisiana, July 27,1863 Dear Irene, . . . I wrote you just after I crossed the bay and since that time we have marched to this place and will stay here several days to watch movements of Banks army. When we were on the other side of the bay we were in a very pretty trap and if Banks had used any exertion he could have bagged all of us. But I think he has had a hard time at Hudson and his army was too much reduced by sickness, bullets, and desertion so that he was unable to move. W e have heard nothing definite from him since the fall of Hudson. . . . Remember me to all and believe me ever yours

John

Camp Tom Green, Louisiana, Near Washington August 18, 1863 My ever dear Wife . . . Since I last wrote you we have been in a little skirmish with a party of Jayhawkers. W e were ordered on the 8th to go out in the country about 15 miles and catch all the conscripts and deserters we could find. We left camp about 5 P.M. and reached the conscript country about 10 Oclock. We visited every house in the neighborhood and succeeded in capturing some 10 or 12. The next morning we went to an old Free Negra's house and called for breakfast. He said he could feed one half of us and his brother (living in sight) could feed the rest. W e had a good breakfast and not having slept any the night before we all lay down to sleep. We had not been asleep more than an hour when some one discovered a body of Cavalry coming, several got

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up and pronounced them friends. A good many of our company got their horses and rode out to see who they were. They didn't get more than 2 or 3 hundred yards before they were fired upon and Blundell was badly wounded, breaking his thigh. I got up when the firing commenced and got my horse. I found everything in confusion. Our officers were still calling out "not to shoot" "they are our men." That I wasn't in a hurry. Someone told me that Blundell was wounded, and rode out of the yard to where he was. The jayhawkers were in 80 yds. on both sides of me. I stopped and examined Blundell and found his thigh broken just above the knee. They commenced a cross fire on me about that time. I thought it best to get out of there. I rode about 30 yds. when Roye ran passed me and when about 10 steps a head of me he fell from his horse. I stopped and found the ball had struck him in the middle of the forehead coming out in the left temple. About 20 guns turned loose at me about this time, the shot passing all around me. I found that nearly all had left the field and I told Morgan to go, and you bet he made as quick time as ever he did on any track. W e sent back to camp for reinforcements which came up that night. We then scoured the woods, found them encamped in the brush. They fired on our men, mortally wounding James Francis of Comp. G, and wounding John Watson of Cmp. Ε in both arms. W e captured four and as soon as we captured them we walked them out of stinking distance and shot them. Roye died on the 11th. C. W. Elgin was slightly wounded in the back Remember me to all the family and believe me ever J. W. Watkins

Atchafalaya, Louisiana, September 19th, 1863 My dear Irene According to promise I will try and write you a letter. When I wrote you good by Sam Landrum, I was in a hurry, thinking the enemy were advancing, but they only drove in our pickets a short distance and then returned. Everything is quiet this morning but there is no telling how long it will remain so. When we think everything the most quiet is the

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time we may look for a battle. The enemy are preparing for a march on Alexandria by the way of Red River. They are building flat boats to cross that stream and will march up the north side. As soon as they start we will leave this country and make our way towards Nibbett's Bluff. Such I understand are our orders. But old Tom Green won't willingly leave without first giving them a fight. I expect that he will send us all over the other side of the Atchaf alaya to whip out the yankees there before we leave. Though I can't see what advantage can be gained by it. But old Tom's love of fighting and his hatred of the yankees will cause him to go to extreme measures to give them a whipping.... Oh, loved one, how much would I give to be with you untrameled by everything. If I can live to get out of this war, I will be willing to go with you to some secret isle and live a Crusoe life without even Man Friday to interrupt us. I want to be with you and you alone, never to be parted again.

John

Camp of Atchafalaya, Louisiana October 2nd, 1863 My ever remembered wife . . . When I wrote you last I expected the yanks would have driven us out of here before this as they have crossed the bay in large numbers and were reported to be advancing, but they only advanced a short distance and are making preparations for an advance and we may expect them at any time. I have been appointed sergeant Major of this Regiment and am kept pretty busy—But as I have a good berth I am willing to do all the duty rather than stay in the company. Since my last letter we have had another fight; on the night of the 28th we were ordered to march on foot to Margan's ferry [Morgan's Ferry]—we started at eleven o'clock from camp and had not been gone but a few minutes before it commenced raining. We marched to the ferry and crossed over and stayed until daylight on the east bank. At

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daylight on the 29th we started in the following order—Montrus brigade and Speights brigade taking a left hand trail through the swamp to attack the rear—Wallers Bat. and Roundtree's Bat. mounted our brigade and Simm's Battery took the Morganzer road—The enemy composed of the 26th Illinois, 69th Iowa and a Battalion of cavalry were encamped about 5 miles west of the Mississippi river on the Morganzer road—It was still raining and the roads soon got very muddy—we trudged along through the mud until we came up with the Enemies pickets. When we commenced skirmishing, our artillery came up and fired a few shots. We were then ordered to charge—We charged about three miles through the deepest mud I ever saw and I was completely broken down. In the meantime the forces that were sent in the rear got around sooner than we expected and stationed Montrus brigade along the road to pick up yankee stragglers. Speight's brigade advanced on the enemy and attacked them about 12 o'clock—completely surprising them—but they got behind houses and trees and fought very gallantly, holding their ground until Wallers Battallion led by the gallant Boone charged down the road capturing their battery. The yankees seeing they were surrounded took to their heels but we captured near four hundred of them and killed and wounded near 50—our loss was heavy—some thirty killed and forty wounded. Among the latter was Maj. Boone of Wallers Bat. He lost his right arm—taken off at the shoulder joint— and three fingers of his left hand—it is very doubtful if he recovers— Joseph Luckinhazen of Speights Regiment was shot through the hand with a buck shot—But it is not a serious wound, breaking no bones. Speights brigade fought like tigers. Nearly all the loss was in that brigade losing 19 men out of Speights regiment. John Dick was in the fight and came out unhurt. None of his company were hurt—our company was not under fire. We gathered up our dead and wounded, and such arms and amunition as we could haul away and started again for camp about 5 oclock. It rained all day and I thought the roads bad in the morning but in the evening they were knee deep in mud. I was nearly broken down going there, and had to walk back a distance of 15 miles. I made

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it into camp about 12 oclock that night completely worn out. I never was as tired in my life—would have given any price for a horse—offered three hundred dollars for a horse to ride to camp but could get none. I suffered more that night than I have suffered all my life. I am still so sore that I can scarcely get about—But I got off better than some. The trip made over half of our men sick. We will stay at this place all winter unless the yankees drive us out Remember me to all and send me some clothes the first chance. J.W.Watkins

Headqtrs. 5th Regt. T.M.V. Camp 10 miles below Opelousas, Louisiana November 12th, 1863 My ever dear Irene . . . We are in 8 miles of about 20,000 yankees and we have a skirmish with them very frequently. Yesterday they advanced on us with 2 pieces of artillery and about 1500 cavalry. They drove in our pickets and were in one mile of camp before we could saddle up. As soon as we got after them they went back in double quick. I was put in command of a body of flankers to keep them from being flanked and went down through the plantations, while our regiment went down the road. We drove the enemy back to their main body; as soon as we came in range of their guns they opened an awful hot fire on our troops, killing and wounding about 20. We then fell back to our original camp. I don't think the enemy are falling back to the bay as was at first supposed. If they are they are a long time about it. My opinion is they are waiting for the waters to rise so that they can transport supplies as it would be almost an impossibility to get a train to haul supplies for the number of troops they have. But time will tell what they are up to.... Send me some clothes as my "unmentionables'' are getting pretty threadbare in that portion which comes in contact with the saddle.

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Remember me to Mr. and Mrs. Bartlett and family. Excuse bad writing etc. etc. As ever yours truly and devotedly J.W.Watkins

Camp Vermillion [Vermilion], Louisiana November 29th, 1863 My dear Wife As I have an opportunity of sending a letter to Texas, will write you a few lines, though I feel very little like writing as I have had the chills for the last week and I feel this morning like I had been drawn through a knot-hole— These chills and fever are the confoundedest things I ever had. I dont mind the chill—it is the fever that uses me up—It lasts about 6 hours and I dont know anything while it lasts or I forget what transpired—Since I last wrote you we have had no fighting— about 10 days ago the 3rd regiment of this brigade was surprised and had one hundred and ten men captured—while they were on pickets— The first regiment of this brigade was surprised while on picket and lost between 50 and 60 men—Our regiment has been more fortunate —Whether they have better officers or what—I dont know but we have lost but one man and he was not on duty—The yankees will brag a great deal over the capture of Texians—as they are afraid of them— the prisoners we have taken say they have fought rebels from every state—but they have never met any troops they dread so much as Texians Affectionately and truly J. W. Watkins The Yankees considered Green the foremost partisan fighter west of the Mississippi, and General Taylor made his own official evaluation. The brigade of horse brought by General Green to Louisiana . . . had some peculiar characteristics. The officers were bold and enterprising. The

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men, hardy frontiersmen, excellent horsemen, and skilled riflemen, were fearless and self-reliant; but discharged their duty when they liked and as they liked. On the march they wandered about at will, as they did about camp, and could be kept together only when fighting was impending.3 Taylor's army was weakened when General Magruder had Green's Division returned to Texas in December of 1863, after General Banks had launched a combined naval and ground attack against the lower Rio Grande Valley. Green was given command of Galveston Island and promoted to major general. Banks, wary of Galveston's defenses, conceived a plan to capture the East Texas farm belt and the factories near Marshall and Henderson which supplied munitions to the Confederacy. He moved his Federal Army of 27,000 men up the Red River by boat and foot, and after capturing Taylor's entire Cavalry, he forced the remaining troops to retreat first to Natchitoches and then to Mansfield, Louisiana. Green's Division, which had been ordered to Alexandria to join General Taylor, arrived at Mansfield on April 5, and three days later Taylor made his move. John Watkins wrote Irene the details of the resulting battles of Mansfield, Pleasant Hill, Blair's Landing, and Alexandria.

Headquarters 5th Regt. T.M.V. April 10th, 1864 My dear Irene I wrote you from Milam Tex. on the 27th of Mch. and have not had an opportunity of sending a letter or time to write one since. We have had quite stirring times since we got to La. We made forced marches from Milam—got to Na[t]chitoches on the 29th. On the morning of the 30th we started before day for the enemy which we found in large force about 15 miles below Nachitoches. They charged our regiment and ran us several miles. We turned on them and gave them a volley which sent them back as fast as they came. We skirmished with them until we got to Nachitoches and being outnumbered, we gave up the town and fell back toward Mansfield. We lost one killed of Comp. 3

Robert F. Kroh, "Tom Green, Shield and Buckler" (Master's thesis, The University of Texas, June 1951), p. 202.

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Κ—and one mortally wounded of Comp. G. On the 1st of April we fell back without being interrupted—on the 2nd the enemy again advanced. We met them again and had a very heavy skirmish, losing one killed, one wounded and one missing. Col. Debray's cavalry came to our assistance and fought them most gallantly. But being again outnumbered we gave way, and again retreated a few miles. The enemy was not anxious to pursue us. We watched them closely and staid in front several days until our cavalry should get here. They commenced arriving on the 3rd and by the 6th we had a very heavy cavalry force. The enemy again advanced on the 7th. Our regiment was on picket and met them 7 miles below Pleasant Hill. We skirmished with them until we fell back several miles—our reinforcements came up and we engaged them pretty heavily killing and wounding a good many—losing about as many as the enemy—(my ink has given out and I will finish with pencil—) We fought them about 4 hours and again fell back 5 miles and met old Tom Green. He said we had run from them long enough and must fight them. We again pitched in and fought them until dark. Gen's. Taylor, Green, Major and Bee were on the ground. After dark they held a council of war and came to the conclusion to fall back on the infantry. We laid on our arms all night and at day light the next morning we were on our way to Mansfield. When we got in two miles of the town we found the infantry drawn up in line of battle. Gen. Walker's division was placed on our right wing—Gen. Mouton's Division was in the center, and Gen. Green's Division was on the left. We were drawn up in rear of a large farm, extending two miles on each side of the road. We were dismounted and had just got into position, when the enemy came in sight. As soon as they saw us they sounded the charge, and here they came with a yell. We gave them a volley which sent them to the right about. Skirmishers were thrown out and soon the work of death commenced. They attempted to drive back our left wing which threw our regiment in one of the hottest places it had ever been in. We fought them until five o'clock without gaining any advantage. The boys got tired of being shot at and concluded to try the charge—everything being in readiness—over the fence we went and charged their battery. They became panic stricken and broke. Our boys ran them about 4 miles, capturing about 2000

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prisoners, 150 wagons, 50 ambulances and 20 pieces of artillery. Our loss was very heavy. Gen. Mouton was killed in the last charge. So was Capt. Shepard of Gen. Green's staff. And many other officers. Capt. Price was shot in the shoulder—collar bone broken—not dangerous. Lt. Roach Comp. K, shot through the arm. Lt. Rainwater shot through the arm, and a great many others whose names will appear in the Telegraph. At night we were busy until 4 oclock sending back the wagons and artillery we had captured. At daylight we were again in the saddle and after the enemy. We chased them about 15 miles capturing several hundred prisoners. We came up on them drawn up in line of battle at Pleasant Hill. We skirmished with them, our regiment being dismounted, we staid in front of them several hours watching and firing on them. As soon as our infantry came up we formed a line of battle in the following order—Walker in the center, Mouton on the left of center and Gen. Bee on left. Gen. Churchill (who had got in that morning) on right of center and our brigade on right—(our regt. having been dismounted and fighting them all day was ordered to mount their horses and be ready to move at a moment's warning). At 4 oclock our lines advanced to the attack—in a few minutes the skirmishers opened and the fight commenced. The enemy had selected a splendid position and had dug rifle pits—our troops had to advance over an old field 1000 yards wide. As soon as the fight commenced I was sent to Gen. Major to report where our regiment was. I galloped to the field—and as I got there Cols. Debray and Buchell made a charge on the enemy. They charged up the rifle pits and were repulsed losing a large number of men. Debray being wounded and Buchell killed. About this time Mouton's brigade came up and went into the fight beautifully, drawing the enemy steadily before them. I ran up very near the enemy and found Gens. Green, Taylor and Major right up in the thickest of the fight encouraging the men. I came off the field and started with our regiment to the right. We got around there and found Gen. Churchill's Missouri men running and the worst whipped set I ever saw. The enemy was badly cut up and was willing to let our men go without following them. Dark closed the fight and found both parties whipped and thousands killed and wounded. We put out a strong picket on the battle ground and fell

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back 5 miles to get water. The enemy commenced retreating at the same time. Gen. Green started after them this morning and captured the balance of the train and 1000 prisoners, the town, and was still after them. They are in full retreat to get out of La. We fought the 13th, 16th and 19th army corps. We had not more than 12000. Our loss is very heavy. Gen. Walker was wounded. Gen. Major had his horse killed under him. Col. Herbert was badly wounded. The papers will give you the particulars. Our brigade has been fighting them nearly every day for 10 days and Gen. Taylor sent us to this place (Mansfield) to rest. We will go to the front in a day or two. None killed in comp. B. only 6 or 8 of that comp. in the fight. Write me soon and let me know how you are. I have been in several tight places in last ten days, but have not received a scratch. A cannon ball passed between me and my horse while I was dismounted and holding him by the bit. It didn't hurt but scared me nearly to death. Remember me to all. So good bye now. Will write you again soon. As ever my dear wife yours

J.W.W.

Near Na[t]chitoches, Louisiana My dear Wife I wrote you on the 10th inst. from Mansfield giving you an account of our recent engagements with the enemy. When I wrote you we had been sent to the rear to rest, but I had scarcely time to finish my letter before we were ordered to Red River to fight gun boats and transports. We were ordered to form a junction with Gen. Green at Blair's Landing. We went through the swamp and when in a few miles of our destination, we came to an impassable bayou, which prevented us from getting into the fight. Gen. Green made the fight and was killed. Thus fell one of our best generals. He was in front of his men standing on the bank of the river, not over one hundred yards from the enemy. The enemy are at Grande Ecord fortified. We are in line of battle all around

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him on this side of the river. He has a pontoon across the river and is supposed to be moving his forces across the river for the purpose of reinforcing Gen. Steele, who has been whipped by Gen. Price. The enemy drove in our pickets this morning and we have been expecting an attack, but all is quiet now. The enemy's loss in the late fights sums up near 8000. Our loss is estimated at 2500 As ever yours J.W. W.

James Hill, 20 Miles West of Alexandria April 27th, 1864 My ever remembered wife . . . I was truly glad to hear from you, to know that you were well, and my prayer is that you may know no sorrow nor sickness. I know that my absence causes you a great deal of uneasiness and trouble, but remember that what can't be cured must be endured, and resignation is the best thing that can be done. I am fighting for Liberty and Irene and should fate be against me and some chance shot lay me low, Irene will be the last name that will pass these lips. And you can truly say that you had a husband who loved you with a pure and undivided love, whose heart was chained to its mate with a chain of love more strong than any forged by human hands. But I hope that I may live through this war and again return to enjoy the blessings of home. I am getting tired of it and would be glad to have an honorable peace. And should we ever again enjoy peace, and if by chance we should have any children I will instill into their minds the love of peace and should they want a bugle, drum or toy gun I will give them such a thrashing that they will hate the sound of any of them. But I know that all this will be forgotten and if we were to be again imposed upon, we would be as ready to dig up the hatchet and again go into war. But what misery it entails upon a country. When I wrote you last, we were near Na[t]chitoches. The next day we were ordered below, for the purpose of cutting off communication with Alexandria. We had hardly started before the yankees were apprised of it and pulled up stakes and made for Alexandria. We got in

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a head of them and tried to check them but it was no use. They flanked our position and came near capturing us. We had but about 2500 men and they as many thousand. We fought them all day and killed a large number. Our loss was about 50 killed and wounded. In our regiment we had but two wounded. W e got out of their way and let them go to Alexandria where they now are. They have laid waste the country from Nachitoches to Alexandria. In some places there is not a house standing for 10 miles. In one instance they set a house on fire while the lady and her little children were in it. Our troops came up about that time and commenced firing on them. This lady ran out of her house and came screaming into our lines amid thousands of bullets, with a little child in her arms and two that could just run about following her. I could mention many instances where they have set houses on fire while the women and children were in them without giving them a chance of getting anything out. W e fought them all day yesterday driving them from house to house and as soon as we would run them from the houses they would fire them. Sometimes we would get to the house in time to stop the fire, but generally they had too much the start of us. When we had the heaviest fight yesterday they set a fine building on fire, and when we drove them back and went up to the house, the lady was running about with a young child in her arms looking for another child which was lost. She was crying piteously, said she had nothing left but what she had on her back. She asked if we were Green's men. W e told her we were. She told us to avenge his death which we have done. The enemy have lost over ten thousand men in this expidition, and I think that they will not try the route they did this time. They told the citizens after the fight that we had 75000 men, that the woods were full of them. That they had shot into logs and that a dozen Texians would start up from behind every l o g . . . . I am very sleepy and tired and will quit writing. This is the first day's rest we have had since we left Hempstead. Have been going day and night since the fight commenced. One meal a day has been the average for the last two weeks. Our horses sometimes go 4 and 5 days without corn. The enemy has destroyed nearly all the forage and it is very scarce. But the grass is getting good, and we can make out with half rations of corn. Remember me to all the family and friends gen-

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erally. I don't expect you can read this as it is very badly written but you can guess at what you can't read, or substitute the words "ever yours till death."

J.W.W.

Bayou DeGlaise, 10 Miles West of Simms Port [Simmesport] May 19th, 1864 My dear Wife I wrote you on the 11th inst. 20 miles below Alexandria—The enemy commenced evacuating Alexandria on the 12th, burning over half the city, also burning several of their boats which were above the falls —They came down the river and we had a skirmish with them that evening—The next morning a portion of our regiment and Waller's Battallion skirmished with (them), in the fight James Morris of Waller's Bat. was killed—He was shot through the head and died almost instantly—The enemy being in too large force for us we fell back to the town of Mansura fighting them all the way, killing some and losing as many—We formed line of battle and on the morning of the 16th the fight commenced, it was the most teriffic cannonading I ever heard—There were about 40 pieces of artillery on each side and they were worked very rapidly—But as I said in my last letter, that the enemy were going out of the Red River country and it was no use to try to prevent them as they outnumbered us two to one—They commenced flanking our position and we had to withdraw—and let them pass. As soon as we got in their rear we fought them all the way down —charging them and getting charged in return—Some laughable scenes occurred which would have amused a bystander—The dust was so great that one couldn't see ten feet—two of our regiment captured 30 yanks at one time and one man captured 7. I have told you now of the pleasant part of the campaign and must now tell you of the fight our brigade had yesterday—The enemy getting near to Simms Port [Simmesport] and feeling secure were not in such a hurry to get away and our Generals thinking they had crossed

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over the most of their army (across Yellow Bayou) thought they would charge and take the rear portion of the enemy. About 12 oclock yesterday the most of the cavalry were dismounted and formed in line of battle—They had to move through a field 1000 yards wide with nothing to protect our men, the enemy were on the opposite side of the timber—Our men moved up sending a very heavy fire and when in 200 yds. charged two batteries which had been playing on our men—They got up to 30 yds. of the batteries and drove the gunners away when the whole yankee army raised up out of the weeds and brush and opened such a heavy fire upon our men that they were compelled to fall back— which they did in quick time. But alas, we lost some brave men—Wm. Tomlinson was killed in the retreat. Horace Young was wounded in the left arm between the elbow and wrist, one bone broken. John Norwood flesh wound in the leg—Jerry Pinson lost his right leg, taken off at the knee. Wm. McCarroll knocked down with a shell but is up and about—This is all of the men you know—Wm. Tomlinson lived to be taken off the field. He said that he did not want his friends to think he was a coward because he was shot in the back—He was a brave and noble boy loved by all who knew him—I know his death will nearly kill his parents but such is the fate of some of our soldiers— and it seems that the best men always go first. I have been sick for several days and was not in the fight yesterday, and it is well I was not for I believe there was the finest chance in the world to be killed. I have had chills and fever again—I have enjoyed such fine health and had fattened so much that the chills nearly killed me—but I missed my chill today and hope they will let me alone for awhile—The enemy have gone into Simms Port and I think we will go somewhere and rest awhile as we have been on the go every day since we have been in La. Our loss in the recent fight was near four hundred in killed, wounded and missing, the most of them were captured —The loss in our regiment 6 killed 24 wounded and 26 missing—The loss in our brigade was 98. Waller's Battallion lost 23 killed, wounded and missing. Comp. B. of the Bat. lost McKinzie missing and James Erskin badly wounded—Capt. Morris has been quite unwell for several days but is going about. He got a letter from Mrs. Morris, in

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which she said that you were too uneasy to write—now you must write me every chance you have—I have written this letter with a good many around me and have written very disjointedly and you must excuse it—remember me to all the family. In haste, yours as ever John Bank's Red River campaign had failed, and East Texas had been saved from Federal occupation. Green's old brigade had successfully fought its last battle but things were going badly for the South. Watkins, promoted to captain in October, was disillusioned and tired. He shared his growing despondency with Irene in letters written during the remaining year of the war. Trinity, Louisiana, Sunday July 10th, 1864 My dear Irene . . . I saw an officer of our Regt. who was taken prisoner at Fort Butler last year and who has been exchanged. He gave me some information about Hood's Old Brigade though I could learn no particulars. The brigade was in the fight around Richmond and suffered very heavily. Gen Lee paid them a high compliment at the battle of the Wilderness. While the battle was at its highest pitch, Gen. Lee discovered a brigade wavering. He galloped up to the Texas brigade and asked if they were Texians. He received an affirmative answer. Said he, I want to lead you in a charge against the enemy. They caught his horse by the bridle and led him to the rear telling him that he could not lead them, but they would charge wherever he might direct. That if he were killed his place could not be filled. This gentleman says they were treated like dogs and says he will take no more prisoners. He said he came by a camp of yankee prisoners in Georgia [Andersonville] which pleased him very much. He said there were about twelve acres fenced in with a high picket fence and there was neither house, tent or tree any wheres near and that there were over twenty five thousand yankees in there. They were dying at the rate of 60 per day. He says it beats any hanging machine. He would

Page of a letter from Zenas Bartlett to his sister, Sarah Page, November 15, 1849.

Settlement between Churchill Jones and James Sanford Jones, September 6, 1859.

Page of a letter from Captain John Watkins to his wife Irene. Courtesy of Octavia Allen Rush.

Sarah Jones Bartlett, about 1862.

One of four log cabins built on the family compound in Marlin by George Green in 1854.

Front view of the original frame house at the Marlin compound. Drawing by Ruth Ann Wilson.

Side view of the original frame house at the Marlin compound. Drawing by Ruth Ann Wilson.

Zenas Bartlett, 1858.

Sarah Jones Bartleft holding her son Charles, 1858.

Captain John Watkins. Courtesy of Octavia Allen Rush.

James Sanford Jones.

James Daniel Oltorf.

Zenas Bartlett, about 1880.

Sarah Jones Bartlett, about 1880.

Back view of the Lower Rooms, Marlin, 1885. Zenas Bartlett stands in the yard near the gate with Maude Battle and Reagan Dickson. On the porch from left to right: Rosa Bartlett, Ozella Bartlett, Lalla Bartlett, Churchill Bartlett, Charles Bartlett, and Sarah Jones Bartlett.

The Marlin Shakespeare Society meeting in the parlor on the Marlin compound, 1889. Top row, standing: second from left, Ozella Bartlett;fifthfrom left, Rosa Bartlett.

Local production at King's Opera House, Marlin, 1889. Madeline Bartlett in center.

Charles Bartlett, about 1880.

Mollie Dickson Bartlett, 1884.

Zenas Bartlett and his grandchildren shortly before his death in 1897. From left to right: Thomas Battle Bartlett, Zenas Bartlett, III, and Lawrence Bartlett. Mame and Madeline Bartlett stand behind him.

Frank Oltorf, 1906.

Madeline Bartlett Oltorf, about 1910.

Rosa Bartlett, 1883.

Sarah Jones Bartlett, 1899.

Thomas Battle Bartlett, grandson of Zenas Bartlett.

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tell it and laugh over it and say that they were treated sometimes worse than that. He was in Richmond while the fighting was going on around the place and could hear the cannon all day. The ladies would go shopping and all seemed as confident that Lee would whip the enemy as if they knew it

John

Bradley County, Arkansas October 25th, 1864 My dear Irene I hope you have received my letters telling you I would not be home at the time I intended. As soon as we got into Gen. Magruder's district he prohibited any more furloughs and consequently I did not apply for one. And on the 11 of September I was appointed Captain so you see how the matter stands. I am getting very tired of camp life and would give my interest in the Southern Confederacy if the war would end this fall. I have a much easier time now than I had at Headquarters. I have a Commissary Sergeant, a clerk, a butcher, 3 herders and two Teamsters. I live on liver, marrow guts and cows bag stewed. My health is fine and I can eat at any time a "jackass fried backwards." . . . I am tolerably well supplied with clothing. I will give you an inventory of the stock I have on hand and you can see what I need. One jacket, one over coat, one west, one pair shoes, one hat, 3 pairs drawers, 2 pairs pants, 10 shirts, one and a half pairs socks and one pocket handf., I believe completes the list. I would like to have some socks if you could send me some. The only difficulty now with me is washing. I can neither get the washing done or buy soap. And if I could buy it, would not have the money to pay for it. I have some owing me but don't wish to collect it until the new issue comes in. The Government owes me near five hundred dollars, which would be very acceptable at this time. I think we will get some money the last of this month. . . . Yours as ever John

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Camp on Red River, November 27th, 1864 My dear Irene I have not written you for several days owing to the fact that I have been on the march. We were ordered to meet Gen. Price who was reported coming from Missouri with a large force of recruits and out of supplies. We started on the 17th and went up near the Indian Nation [Oklahoma] and found that Price had gone into Texas with the most of his troops. We turned back and got to camp on the 24th. Had a very disagreeable time. It rained nearly all the time and the roads became almost impassible. We are still in the camp we came to a month since. We will start in a few days for Nacigdoches, Texas. It is expected that we will winter at that place. I will try my best to get off home when we get there, but I don't know whether I will get off or not. You mustn't look for me until you see me and then you won't be disappointed. I want to get away as bad as any body you ever saw, want to go almost bad enough to run away. I sometimes wish I wasn't an officer and then I might get off some way. But such is my fate and I must bear it. But when I do get my leave I will make old Morgan suffer before I get home. He is in tolerably good order now and will try and keep him fat so that he will carry me 50 miles a day when I start. But mind I haven't started yet. But when I get out from old Magruder I think Walker will let me go In great haste as ever yours

J.W.W.

Anderson County, Texas February 21st, 1865 My ever remembered Wife ...You must give my kindest regards.. .to Mr. and Mrs. Bartlett and family. Tell Sue [Green] to answer my letter—direct to Palestine. Oh. I forgot to tell you that Old Abe had hoisted the Confederate flag, and

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thereby hangs a tale; Mrs. Abe bet old Abe a fine diamond ring that he would hoist the Confederate flag before three days. The bet was made and Mrs. Abe made a southern flag and sewed it in the front width of her shimmy. That night the flag was hoisted and the ring won. Write soon and often, love to all my friends and believe me as ever your John

Milliken [Millican], Texas, April 3rd, 1865 My dear Irene As this is the last opportunity of writing from this place will drop you a very short note. We will leave tomorrow but which way we will go I can't find out. I think though we will go into Washington County. Our brigade has been broken up. We are ordered to report to Debray's brigade. The Cavalry have been reorganized, our Brigade and one other will be regular Cavalry. Two brigades will be mounted Infantry and the balance of the Cavalry will be dismounted In haste yours

J.W.W.

Fort Bend County, Texas, April 24th, 1865 My owned loved Irene I am rather low spirited today, having heard of our great loss east of the Mississippi river—when I heard of the fall of Charleston, Wilmington, Fort Fisher and finally of the fall of Richmond I still had hopes—I knew that our great General Lee was there and directing the movement of our armies. But now alas! he is lost to our cause. In his capture we lost one of our greatest if not the greatest Genl. It has had chilling effect on the majority of our men. Every one looks as though some near and dear one had gone to that long home. I have not heard the particulars in regard to Lee's surrender—Some say that he sur-

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rendered only ten thousand men while others place it as high as forty eight thousand. If the last be the correct figures, and I believe true, it will have a disastrous effect on our cause. . . . Should we be defeated and subdued, we will leave this God forsaken country and seek a home in some favored spot where insult will not be offered us. . . . We will seek a home in some far off clime amid strangers who will never know our sorrows, and there we will walk gently down the slope of life, and rest together at the foot. I am sad today, dear one, and it is a relief to me to write you in this way. I am selfish I know to burden you with my sorrows but I have no one to whom I will unbosom my thoughts except you—and if I make you sad by the perusal of this letter don't think the less of me for it. But pity the sorrows of your unhappy husband and bear with him—Things may not be as bad as I think and should providence favor us and we ultimately gain our freedom we may refer to this my dark day and smile at my want of confidence in our Maker. But when I think of those loved ones at our old home to know that they will have to submit to the insults and indignities that will be heaped upon them my blood boils at the very thought and if it were not for you I would rather die, than to know that those I love so well should be subjected to such treatment—If it were not for leaving you behind I would rather, much rather die than to see my country subjugated. But when I think of you—you to be left alone with no one to care for you—Life is sweet to me, for you and you alone . . . Oh that I could be with you so that you might drive this cloud away from me that I could be myself once more—I feel old, Irene. I may not look old but my feelings are those of an old man who has tried to attain some cherished object and failed. But enough of this. I am afraid I will make you as wretched as I am and God knows I do not wish to make you unhappy—Happiness for you is what I crave. May you always be happy is my wish—and your happiness is the only thing I have to live for now . . . To know that you are happy and contented will be happiness to me So good bye my ever remembered and dear one and believe me as ever yours

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My own dear Irene . . . Well, Irene, the news gets no better, every day it gets worse and I have lost all hope nothing will save us. We are a God forsaken people and will be shut out from the blessings of the Good Being for some sin committed us. How long the ban will rest upon us is in the future and no one knows what will be our destiny. I for one will never submit. I am willing to play the child's game with the yanks. If they let me alone I will let them alone. But if one ever crooks his finger at me I will be good for his meat. I intend to keep as far from them as possible and want them to keep away from me. I think we will be disbanded in a few weeks. Smith Magruder and Co. are counseling a firm stand; but from what I can see of the troops they will never make another fight. This I am confident. Huf. Steele and Henry Coleman desisted about a week since and have not been heard from. Desertions are occurring every day in all commands. So you see why I have lost all hope. I have been counseling all to stay and see it out. Will stay myself until I am properly discharged. I am in no humor to write much. If I could only see you and tell you all it would do me good but to sit here and try to write when my mind is a state of confusion is more than I can do. I know not when I will be at home but I think that the 15th of July will find us all at home. But how different will things be now from what I had hoped they would be when I last saw you. But time will tell what is to be our lot. So that I have my dear wife left me is happiness for me and I will always thank a kind providence for giving me her. Give me all the news when you write. Tell me what Mr. Bartlett thinks of the times. Love to all and believe me as ever Yours

J.W.W.

On April 9, 1865, General Robert E. Lee had surrendered at Appomattox, Virginia, and on April 14, President Lincoln had been as-

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sassinated at Ford's Theater in Washington, D. C. General Kirby Smith and General John Magruder surrendered Texas and the transMississippi departments on board a Federal vessel on May 30. Bartlett felt that the times were perilous, and Sarah, with characteristic insight, said that the South had lost its only friend. She was referring to Abraham Lincoln.

RECONSTRUCTION "It would make your heart sick, dear Sister, could you see the misery, poverty, distress, and suffering of the negroes." Zenas Bartlett to Sarah Page, September 25, 1867

THE WAR'S END brought new problems to Bartlett. Disenfranchised and deprived of federal citizenship, he faced economic ruin. Most of the accounts due his store could not be collected, and an unpaid balance remained on the note he had given Green for his interest in the firm. His creditors in the East were dunning him for money owed on goods he had purchased before Secession. Upon learning that a local attorney, Charles Stewart, on whose land Bartlett held a $3000 mortgage, had acquired his notes, Bartlett wrote him a letter.

Falls County, Texas, April 27,1866 Dear Sir I have good reason to believe that you are interfering with my negotiations for a settlement of my Northern debts—debts I have once paid to the Confederate Government. . . . If you have traded for any of my confiscated debts with a view to force me to accept them as offsets on the debts you contracted with me at a rate higher than we might agree upon, I can but regard it as not only grossly unmasonic, but a poor return to one who has ever been your friend from the time you first commenced life in Marlin some 10 years ago.

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This debt of yours I had arranged to turn over to partly secure the money I am owing the minor heirs of George Green, and it does seem to me the height of ingratitude that now when I find the labor of a life swept away, that one of my old Friends in the days of my prosperity should attempt to frustrate this purpose of mine to fulfill a most binding obligation. Z. Bartlett Zenas and Sarah went East to attempt to settle his accounts, but their mission was unsuccessful. Upon their return to Marlin they were met by all of their children but Mary Esther, their year-old daughter. When Sarah asked for her little girl, she was told that Mary was dead. Her sons, Frank and George, died shortly thereafter, compounding a personal tragedy far greater than financial disaster. Bartlett deeded some land and his building to Green's estate, "to fulfill this sacred obligation," and declared himself bankrupt. On September 25,1867, he wrote Sarah Page.

Marlin, Texas, September 25,1867 Dear Sister Sarah, It has been a long time since I have heard from you and I write you now a few lines, hoping you will answer and let me know how you and all yours are. I regretted very much we could not go and see you last year, but after we got started towards home, Sallie was impatient to get home as we left all our children in Texas. Charlie, who you knew as a fat baby is a fine grown boy going to school. Our next, Churchill, some five years old, is a blue-eyed Mammy's boy. Rosie, three years old, is very spritely, and Zenas, our youngest, is a glorious fellow. Well, Sister, we are all poor. I was robbed of my negro property and some $20,000 while my wife lost some $30,000 more collected in Confederate money. W e lost some sixty thousand dollars in all so you can see we are broke. My wife yet has a plantation on which we are making a living by employing our former slaves. They are all voting fellow citizens now, but I am not allowed to vote, having been Postmaster a few months some twelve years ago. We are all "reconstructed" here and don't want to fight any more. . . . What do the

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Abolition Preachers find to do now that there are no slaves to free. I hope they will go to work at some honest business and not come down here to help us pray and repent of the great sin of owning slaves. It would make your heart sick, dear Sister, could you see the misery, poverty, distress, and suffering of the negroes. There is a terrible crime and sin for somebody to answer for if there is any justice in Heaven. But enough of this. Do write me and tell me all about our friends. Tell Ezekiel to write me. Would so much like to see you all. Little Freddy must be most a man now. Will enclose this in a letter to Wilson as I do not know your address. Good buy. Love to all and believe me, dear Sister Ever Your affectionate brother, Z. Bartlett The Bartletts closed the Marlin compound and moved to the Tonkoway plantation, securing the labor for the plantation by various means. In a contract between Z. Bartlett and Freedman Alex Missourie, "Said Alex agrees to work at the rate of thirteen dollars per month of 26 days. Said Bartlett on his part agrees to pay said Alex one half at the end of every month and the other half at the end of the year. To furnish him with good and sufficient provisions for the time worked and to treat him in a kind and humane manner and to deal honestly by him in all cases and to furnish him with comfortable quarters. It is also agreed that if any difficulty should arise between said Bartlett and said Alex, it shall be referred to the agent of the Freedman's Bureau for investigation, adjudication, and final settlement." An indenture was made soon afterward whereby "Richard Bartlett, aged 12, Nathaniel Bartlett, aged 13, and Benjamin Bartlett, aged 10, all Freed minors having no estate and without known-of parents, are apprenticed to Zenas Bartlett, to serve him until they arrive at the age of twenty-one years or marry . . . and said Bartlett doth covenant and agree to teach the said minors the art, mystery, and trade of Farming, to furnish sufficient food and clothing, to treat them humanely, to furnish medical attention in case of sickness while the relation of master and apprentice shall exist, and to provide for their

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education to the extent that such minors situated are generally educated. . . . When the said minors shall respectively arrive at the age of twenty-one years or marry, whichever shall first happen, they shall be free, and if they shall have faithfully performed the obligations required of them during the term of their apprenticeship, Bartlett is to pay them each one hundred and fifty dollars." A sharecrop agreement was entered into later "by and between Z. Bartlett and the Freedmen, Nathaniel Ward, George Ward, Daniel Washington, and John Loyd: viz. said Bartlett agrees to furnish as much land as said Freedmen can cultivate well for the year in corn and cotton, to furnish team, feed for team, and all farming tools. . . . Said Freedmen agree to make the crop, to do their share in splitting rails and keeping up the fences, and to deliver said Bartlett one half of the cotton made in Gin House, and one half of other crops in his crib." Bartlett did well at Tonkoway, and in a few years he was able to settle with Green's estate, reacquiring from its executor his brick storehouse and land. He also purchased the estate's interest in the Marlin compound, and after adding two large rooms and a lower gallery to the main structure, he returned with his family to town. On August 11,1869, he wrote his sister Sarah Page. Marlin, Falls County, Texas August 11, 1869 Dear Sister Sarah, Have you forgotten that you have a brother? If not, why don't you let me hear from you? I wrote you several times years ago, but rec'd no answer. Some weeks ago I wrote E. W. Page to know if you were alive and if so, where you were living. What have I done that you should have treated me so & wholly ignored my existence? Is it possible you are so ungenerous as some I know of, who still persist in calling us 'Rebels' because we fought for our Country in the late war. For you must know that Texas was my country. Why, Sister, had I not done so I should ever have felt that I brought eternal disgrace upon the name of Bartlett. I was right mad with John Page whom I met three years ago at Enoch's house [Ezekiel Page's two brothers], when he told me that during the war you all believed that I was against the war,—or, in

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other words, that I was a base traitor to my country. You probably do not see this matter in this light, but had you been living South and suffered as we have, then lost all negro property, had taken away the honest, hard labors of a lifetime,—and then had Bureau Agents and 'Carpet Baggers'—the off-scourings of the Northern States—to rule with a harsh tyranny over you, you would have understood this better. But as God brings good from evil, so now we are doing very well, for the above class has lost all control over the negroes, who have come back to their old masters, as a general thing, and are behaving as respectfully as of old. And we treat them in the same kindly manner as we used to. 'Tis true we cannot punish them by whipping as we used to, but we can drive them off from our plantations, which is a greater punishment and quite as effectual. The Freedmen are working tolerably well. I am farming with my old slaves, and doing as well as when I owned them. I am also engaged in merchandising in this town. I have only a small farm,—make, say, 75 bales of cotton and about 4000 bushels of corn. Making cotton is very profitable at present prices, about $100 per bale specie—for we don't use your paper money here. My wife's father will make some 800 bales on his farm this year. . . . Now sister write me a long letter and let me know all about your family Much love to all. Mrs. Bartlett joins me in best wishes, Ever your Brother Z. Bartlett Churchill Jones's good crop was to be his last, and it came as a welcome relief after a series of disasters. His wife had died; his slaves had been freed; and the Brazos River had overflowed, shifting the site of the Falls, lowering its height, and ending his plan for a cotton mill. The patriarch died on October 25, 1869, leaving 54,000 acres of land to be divided equally among his heirs. In spite of unforeseen adversity, the venture at the Falls had been a great success. Bartlett, though unable to vote in federal elections, was active in local politics. Marlin was incorporated by the state legislature in 1867, and Bartlett and John Watkins served on the city council which passed laws to restore order and dignity to the town and to curb the ex-

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cesses of those citizens who were unaccustomed to the responsibilities of freedom. Some of the prohibited acts that subjected the offender to fine were: firing guns and pistols within the town except of necessity in the preservation of lives and property; using boisterous or profane language within corporate limits; hitching a horse to a shade tree; running a horse through the streets of town; keeping or exhibiting a stallion or letting the same to a mare on any of the public streets, or alleys, or squares; lying in drunkenness on the sidewalks; and owning a bitch that may be at large. New sidewalks, free of reclining drunks, were authorized by the aldermen "to begin at Bartlett's corner and to be constructed as follows: A frame to be made of cedar sills to extend entire length of said walk, to be placed seven feet apart, confined together by ties every 12 or 15 feet apart, and then to be filled with gravel." A cottonwood railing was put on post-oak posts three feet above each walk, and all males between eighteen and forty-five were required to perform ten days' work on the streets of the town or pay annually $10.00, or $1.00 per day. There were other projects, but the council's capacity to act was limited by the power of Judge J. W. Oliver, appointed by reconstruction governor E. J. Davis to preside over their judicial district. The people deplored his court procedures and resented the federal troops he used to enforce his decisions. Oliver's chief antagonist was James Daniel Oltorf, a Jones family attorney whose son and grandson both later married descendants of Churchill Jones. Oltorf was born in Lunenburg County, Virginia, on April 21, 1824. His parents, Sarah and John Archer Smith, died when he was a boy, and an unsympathetic uncle became his guardian, dissipating his small estate. Jim ran away to Kentucky, where he rode and trained horses until he started that rapid growth that was to make him stand six feet four. He then went to Arkansas, and after a few sedentary months of teaching in a country school, he left for the Republic of Texas in 1843 to survey lands. In 1847 he enlisted in a regiment of volunteers commanded by Colonel Jack Hayes to fight for the United States in its war with Mexico, and after his discharge he moved to Louisiana to finish his education.

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When all of his sisters had married, he determined to disassociate himself from his despised uncle and to honor two men he considered his benefactors—the partners in the firm of Olson and Pepperdorf with whom he had studied law. Accordingly on March 21, 1850, the General Assembly of Louisiana enacted legislation "that the name of J. D. Smith be and the same is hereby changed to J. D. Oltorf." In October the Louisiana State Supreme Court granted young Oltorf a law license, and he practiced his new profession in the parishes of Ouachita and Bienville for the next few years. He returned to Texas in 1854 and met Mary Hutchings, the petite daughter of a Rusk County planter and a cousin of his old commander, Colonel Hayes. Mary's father, Lemuel Donelson Hutchings, was a native Virginian. As a boy he had been brought to Tennessee in 1779 on the flatboat Adventure, commanded by his grandfather, Colonel John Donelson. He had grown to manhood near the "Hermitage," settling later upon newly opened lands in Mississippi on the advice of his uncle, President Andrew Jackson. When Hutchings was past seventy, he moved his family to Texas, and his young daughter, Mary, continued her education at Henderson. On October 16,1854, she wrote Jim Oltorf.

Henderson, Texas, October 16,1854 Dear Friend, I have just returned from school, and I do not think I could spend a few minutes more pleasantly than in writing you a short letter. My studies are History, Mental Philosophy, Retarick, Algebra, and Musick. I am progressing rapidly in all my studies except my musick, and I hope it will not be so difficult in the future. Our school room is situated in a beautiful place near a pleasant grove and meandering stream by which we can spend a pleasant recess, but I have not seen a place since I have been down here that I like as well as my old home. I often think of the pleasant hours we spent last vacation in rambling over the hills in search of the wild flowers and sometimes by the riverside fishing. . . . Next vacation instead of flowers and fruit, it will be snow and ice, but I anticipate we will be as happy sitting by the fireside

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conversing as we were roaming over the hills. I have numberous things to tell you the next time I see you. Farewell Mary's anticipations were realized and she and Jim were married on January 4, 1854. They moved to Marlin the following month to be near Oltorf's sister, Mary Elizabeth, and her husband, Dr. Pettus. Oltorf opened his office near the courthouse square and gained a fine reputation as a lawyer. He was elected chief justice of Falls County in 1858, and, on August 6, 1860, district attorney for the Thirteenth Judicial District. Although happy with his victory, Oltorf wrote his wife that his campaign through the several counties had caused him to neglect his cattle, branded" O W " — M a r yOltorf's initials reversed and upside down. During the Civil War he served as Confederate States receiver for the western district of Texas by appointment from Governor Lubbock. His greatest service to his constituents, however, came in his unofficial capacity as their leader against Judge Oliver's oppressive policies during the dark days of Reconstruction, and his valor during this period is recorded in Blackstone Row, a history of the Marlin bar: 1 Probably the richest association with the early Falls County bar was that of J. D. Oltorf. He was one of the pioneers, and his influence on the bar of his own time and of later years, through his practice and that of the lawyers who studied under him, cannot be overestimated As an example of the calibre of this man, and the esteem in which he was held in this community, there are many legends. Two of the most typical have their scene in the Reconstruction days. One incident occurred at the trial of Ben Gassaway, who had been insulted by, and had shot, a Federal soldier. This was at the time when the irritation of Reconstruction measures became almost unendurable, an irritation further incensed by the presence of troops. Judge Oliver was a radical, ready to bolster up his position by martial law, and he ordered a platoon of soldiers into the courtroom for the Gassaway trial. The place was seething with hatred, and the 1 This passage and the ones following it are quoted from newspaper clippings (Marlin Democrat) in the author's collection of documents.

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crowded courtroom could, at a word, have become a shambles. Judge Oliver stated that he would issue the order to fire if there was any disturbance. Judge Oltorf jumped on a bench and shouted: "We do not mind your soldiers ! They are hirelings ! What we do mind is what you do and say ! I tell you now, if one of these soldiers dares to present arms, we will tear you to pieces! Give that order if you dare." The order was not given. The history describes another incident that occurred some time later: An election had been ordered for a certain day, and a Democratic majority was assured that would overthrow the hated carpetbagger rule. But under the military law prevailing, if any caucus or gathering assembled, the election would thereby be rendered invalid and the Republican ticket declared officially winning. In order to hold their offices through this technicality, followers of the Federal government instigated an assembly of the negroes on the Courthouse Square. Word of this ominous plan was carried to Judge Oltorf. He took down his gun, got into his buggy, and lashing his horses descended on the scene like the wrath of God. The negroes saw him coming, and heard that powerful voice roaring: "Go home, you black rascals! Scatter! Scatter!" They needed no further orders. They scattered like a covey of frightened partridges, and no meeting or caucus nullified the Democratic victory that day. This account was later read to Lige Moore, a former slave who had served as a federal officer during the period. When asked if he recalled the incident, Lige laughingly replied, "I remember the old Judge waving his shotgun and yelling, 'Run, you bastards, run,' and I remember running." In 1873 James D. Oltorf was elected mayor of Marlin, and his old friend, Richard Coke, a huge man from Waco who once remarked that a turkey was indeed a bird of unfortunate size, being too big for one man to eat and not big enough for two, was elected governor of Texas. Reconstruction was over. A few scores remained to be settled, and in 1875 Mayor Oltorf issued a proclamation: Whereas many of the old store houses fronting on Court Square are occupied by a class of people who are wicked, filthy, ignorant, immoral, immodest, unchaste, miserably depraved, and altogether reckless as to the

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rights of others . . . and a shame and disgrace to our otherwise respectable and growing city. . . . I call upon the citizens to assist in making the owners remove the terrible nuisance and stigma of disgrace that hangs over the Public Square of the city. The Council responded, passing an ordinance that no one could occupy these buildings but the owners or those having written permission of the Mayor. Judge Oltorf could now walk from his home, then the town's most imposing mansion, to his beloved courthouse without raising his blood pressure. James Daniel Oltorf died in 1892, and Churchill Jones Bartlett wrote his obituary: That he had the courage of his convictions no one could doubt, especially none who were here and felt the tyranny of the Davis regime soon after the close of the war. At the peril of his life, Judge Oltorf vehemently raised his voice and arms in bitter denunciation of District Judge Oliver and his iniquitous cohorts, and to him more than any one person is due the credit of breaking up the Oliver dynasty. In every relation of life he proved himself in the highest and best sense a man, firm and sincere in his convictions, steadfastly true to his friends, liberal to his opponents, and conscientious in the discharge of every duty. He was loved and honored most by those who knew him best. Reconstruction left its scars on the country but bitterness and disenchantment could not last. Bartlett became reconciled with his family and resumed his correspondence. His sister Mary requested that he refrain from criticism of the North as it offended her husband and John Bartlett and other relatives who had fought in the Union Army.

MOLLIE "The news 'tis true, and I'm not so dull as to think sweet talk is something new to you, but you see there must be a prelude." Charles H. Bartlett to Mollie Dickson, December 21, 1881

after the end of Reconstruction and the coming of the railroad. The center of the business district with new brick buildings shifted from the courthouse square to Main Street. Captain Henry Carter, a veteran of Green's brigade, opened a private bank, and Colonel Armstead Watson, who had married Amanda Jones, established a cotton commission house. Austin Robinson, the widower of his cousin Jane Jones, imported blooded horses to his Reagan ranch, and the LaPrelle brothers built a large store on the corner of Main and Wood Streets. Jim, John, and Don LaPrelle came to Marlin from Anderson, Texas, and their pleasant manners and warm hospitality made them popular. Their half sister, beguiling Mary Ann (Mollie) Dickson visited them in June of 1879 and charmed their friends. They asked her to stay the summer, but she said she must return to Anderson because her father was lonely. She did not mention Adrian Throop or her cousins Rob and Bonie Dickson whom she saw each day at the home of their brother Dan, her sister Madeline LaPrelle's husband. Mary Ann Dickson was born in Anderson, Texas, on September 17, 1864. Her father, James Lawrence Dickson, had settled there in the MARLIN

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early days of the Republic with his older brother, Dr. David C. Dickson, who was to serve his state as speaker of the House of Representatives and lieutenant governor in the 1850's. Lawrence Dickson had married Martha Ellington LaPrelle, a widow with four children. She had died shortly after the birth of their second child, Reagan, leaving her husband to raise the baby and their daughter, Mary Ann. Dickson was a devoted father, and Mary Ann, a blue-eyed darling, adored him. Upon her return from Marlin, he told her of his decision to send her to school in Virginia, although he well knew that the separation would be painful for them both. Mollie left home two days before her fifteenth birthday, and started her journal on her arrival at school nine days later. Wesleyan Female Institute Staunton, Virginia Sept. 24th, 1879 Dear Journal, Amid tears and with a sad heart, I left my native land (Anderson) Sept. 15th, 1879, Monday morn, for Staunton, Va., to go to school 3 years. I arrived at Navasota Monday morning at 11 o'clock, in company with Miss Kate, Pet Roe, Papa, and Reagan. We stopped at Mrs. Schafer's for dinner and from there we went to Mrs. Quinney's where we stayed until Tuesday morning at 11 o'clock. Monday night we all went to the "Archery Club.'' Tues' day I got on the train at 11 o'clock A.M. in company with Mrs. Bassett and daughter [Belle], Miss Alice Walker, Miss Nannie Greer, and Miss Lottie Dyer from Galveston. Papa and little Reagan went as far as Bremond with me, and there I met brothers John and Jim LaPrelle. Brother John came to tell me goodbye and brother Jim went as far as St. Louis with me. There was not much to see in Texas as it was night part of the time. We crossed the Red River at night just as we were leaving Texas so I didn't get to see that. The next morning when I got up we were in the Indian Territory. I only saw 2 Indians. I saw a great many mountains and extensive prairies.

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We spent the 18th of Sept. in St. Louis with Sister Ida [Jim LaPrelle's wife]. We went all over the city, and walked over the grand bridge over the Mississippi River. The river was very pretty with the steamboats and here and there a little skiff going along. They have the finest horses in Missouri and Ohio I ever saw. We passed over 2000 bridges and through 65 tunnels. The most principle rivers we crossed were the Red, Arkansas, Missouri, Ohio, Potomac and Shanono. We passed by beautiful gardens and orchards of all kind of fruit and about 12 fountains, which were lovely. We spent Friday night at Harper's Ferry. The next morning we climbed up a mountain and saw where Thomas Jefferson wrote The Declaration of Independence. From there we walked over to Maryland where I got a little granite rock. We also saw the place where runaway couples get married. It was in the middle of the bridge over the Potomac River, and it was there we saw John Brown's Fort, where he was captured. It was only a day's ride on the train from Harper's Ferry to Staunton. We arrived at Staunton Saturday evening at 4 o'clock. We were met at the train by Grandpa Gorden [a school employee] and from the depot we drove up to the College. We were welcomed by a crowd of Texas girls, standing at the gate. Sunday morning we all marched to the Methodist Church. Monday morning we began our studies. Tuesday we went out to the Insane Asylum and Thursday we went to the Deaf, Dumb and Blind Asylum. Both places are perfectly lovely. We have to take a long walk every evening. Wednesday evening we all walked up to the Reservoir. The place is very pretty. Now, dear Journal, I will close until I find something else to write.

Sept. 28, 1879 Today is Sunday. We all marched to Church this morning and heard a very nice sermon. This evening we all promenaded out on the lawn and ate apples. I have just finished some letters to Pa and brother John. I am going

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to commence my music in the morning—vocal, piano, organ and guitar. Sept. 30, 1879 Yesterday I commenced my vocal and piano lessons. I do not know when I will begin my organ and guitar lessons, but will let you know. I received two letters yesterday from Papa and am looking for one today. We have to march every evening, but I don't like to do it for it looks like you want to show off. I lost my Algebra yesterday and I know I will have an imperfect lesson today. Today is the last day of the month and I am glad of it to, for the faster time passes off the sooner I will get home. Oh, if I could only be there now. Well, just wait until one more year and then—well, I won't say what. Oct. 1, 1879 I have just bid farewell to dear, kind Mr. Perry. He is the gentleman who brought us to Staunton. He was so kind and good to us that it seemed very hard to part with him this morning. Yesterday, when we took our walk we went up on Peabody Mountain, and saw where the man lives that gives so much to all the schools. The place is lovely. I took my first lesson on the organ yesterday evening. I think I will like it very well. I haven't heard from home, only from Pa and he is real good. I get a letter from him every day. I will answer his letter now before I forget it. Oct. 3, 1879 I have just finished a letter to Sister Ida and my hand is so tired I don't know what to do. Yesterday, we went to the graveyard and it was just like the fair grounds. It was so pretty. The whole place was covered with flowers

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and here and there a rustic bench, and carriages all over the place. It was just beautiful. I do wish I could go home but I can't and that is what makes me mad. Good day to all. Oct. 6, 1879 I will now try to tell you all that has happened in the last three or four days. Friday we didn't do much of any thing. Saturday our washing was brought home and we put our clothes away and a man came to the College with apples to sell. I bought one dozen for 10 cents. They were very nice—large and red. Sunday we all marched to Church, and last night after we all went to our rooms we ate sardines, crackers, and candy. You bet we had a good time, and this morning we all had to begin our studies again. Goodbye till next time as I have a novel to read. The name is "The Price of Life" by Lady Jane Scott. Oct. 7, 1879 I have the blues awful bad this morning. I woke up with them. I had a long dream last night about "him [Adrian Throop]." I am nearly crazy to go home but I will have to stick it out one year anyway. I wish I had never heard tell of old Staunton. I received two letters from Papa yesterday. In one he sent me the sweetest and prettiest little rosebud I ever saw. Pa said maybe he would come to see me next summer. Well, all I have to say, he won't leave here without me, that is one thing certain. I do hope and pray he will come. Oct. 18, 1879 A week has elapsed since I have written in my Journal and my thoughts are so scattered that I scarcely know what I have been doing. I still get a letter from Pa every day. I have received two letters from "Adrian," and have answered them. I know it is wrong to do so. I sent the last one in a letter to Aurie.

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Last Friday night I went to hear the Swiss Bell Ringers. It was perfectly grand. I never saw so many satins and diamonds in my life at one time. Miss Nannie Greer and myself desk together. We have the largest bedroom in the house. There are six of us in it—Mrs. Bassett, Belle, Miss Nannie Greer, Lottie Dyer, Sallie Walker, and myself. There is a carpet on the floor, three beds, 6 chairs, 2 bureaus, 2 washstands, one stove, one wardrobe. All the schoolgirls call it the "Hotel." Dr. Harris is having more added to the house and when it is finished I guess we will move in a new room. Oct. 28th, 1879 As some time has elapsed since I wrote you, I will now try and tell you all that has transpired in the last few days. Dr. Harris gave us a holiday Friday but we didn't attend The Fair as it was very cold, although we spent a delightful holiday. That night 23 girls came to our room and had a spiritual meeting. W e had a gay time, asking questions about our "sweethearts." Our room, with several others, were read out in The Chapel for not being tidy, but I don't think it will ever be repeated again as far as I am concerned. I still get a letter from Pa every day. It is getting colder every day. I have been nearly freezing for the last few days. I don't think I will ever learn how to sing for my voice is too weak, but I am trying very hard and hope I will succeed. Nov. 3, 1879 Today is Monday and it is the worse day in the week for school girls because they don't like to study on Saturday, and Monday they miss their lessons, but I haven't missed any of mine today. Last week I received a letter from Adrian, Aurie, Pa, and Sissie [Madeline LaPrelle Dickson] and answered them yesterday evening. I will have to send my letters to Adrian. I first send them to Aurie in Waco, and she sends them to Kit Cauthorn, and he gives them to A. I hope he will never tell anyone.

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Dr. Harris put us all on our "honor" Saturday and asked us if we had violated any of the rules. The only thing I had done was to speak after the 10 o'clock bell rang. I am going to see how well I can behave this month. I am reading a novel now. The name is "East Lynne," or "The Earl's Daughter" by Mrs. Wood. I like it very much. Nov. 12th, 1879 I commenced my guitar lessons yesterday evening. I think I will like it splendidly but it hurts your fingers like "smoke." I got a letter from Pa this morning. All well at home. I bought me a new winter hat the other day. I will try and describe it to you. It is called the "Buttercup hat," turned up all around. It is white felt trimmed in navy blue and cardinal red satin with a handsome pin and a red bird in the felt. I think it very pretty for the price ($3.00). Mrs. Stiff (the dressmaker) is making my uniform. It is black cashmere trimmed in black silk. I tried it on the other day and I didn't like the style at all, but maybe it will look very well when it is finished. I think it is time she was sending it to me—she has had it two weeks. Today is dessert day, (we have dessert twice a week—Wednesday and Sunday) and I am so glad for I am as hungry as can be. Nov. 17th, 1879 I will try and tell you all that has happened since Wednesday. Thursday I went to school all day and took music lessons, etc. Thursday night I got a letter and The Sentinel from Pa. Friday night we had an entertainment in the Chapel consisting of charades, music, both instrumental and vocal, and tableaus, and from the chapel we went to Mrs. Williams' recitation room and had an oyster supper and ice cream and cake. The girls of the Christian society got it up to get books for the library. Saturday I wrote letters and studied a little for Monday. That night got a letter from Pa and after prayers, I sent to town and got me some oysters and crackers and sat up in bed and ate them. Sunday I went

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to the Baptist Church for the first time since I came here. In the evening I wrote letters and talked about home. Sunday morning Mrs. Stiff sent my dress home and it is the ugliest thing I ever saw and it doesn't fit nice. I am going to take it back this evening and make her alter it. I have told you everything up to today so will close as I have to take a music lesson. Nov. 20th, 1879 This morning when I got up the ground was covered with snow, and it has been snowing all the morning, but the sun is shining very brightly now and has melted all the snow. It is almost freezing. I haven't been warm since I got up. Nannie Greer and I are confidants. I tell her everything. Hope I will hear from home tonight. Nov. 26th, 1879 Mrs. Stiff sent my basque home, but it is no prettier than before, but I guess I will have to make out with it. In the evening we had prayer meeting. Dr. Hough, the Methodist preacher, came up and preached a little sermon to us. They pray here more than any place I ever heard of. W e have prayers at night and morning, and Thursday night a sermon from Dr. Harris, and Friday evening a sermon from Dr. Hough. Saturday I put ribbon and niching on my dress to wear Sunday. I wrote letters and studied my lessons. I have just received another letter from Pa. He says the colored people are leaving Grimes Co. very fast for Kansas. Today is dessert day. Tomorrow is Thanksgiving Day. I hope we will have a holiday. Nov. 28th, 1879 Thursday Dr. Harris gave us a holiday, being Thanksgiving Day. We had a very nice dinner—turkey, light bread, corn bread, butter, slaw, hominy, sweet potatoes, and for dessert, we had jelly cake with sauce, and all kinds of nuts and French candies. I spent my holiday in

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writing a long letter to Sissie in the evening. Mrs. Bassett, Belle, and Nannie went to town. Thursday night we had a dance in Mrs. Williams' room and some of the girls serenaded our room. They sang "Home Sweet Home." It made me feel real sad. It is very cloudy this morning and is getting colder all the time. I am out at the back writing. I bought me a cloak the other day. It is very nice. I only gave $7.00 for it. Dec. 2nd, 1879 Last Friday we had our prayer meeting as usual in the evening. Saturday I wrote letters all day. Mrs. Bassett went to town and bought me a book that evening. "Airy Fairy Lillian." It is the prettiest novel I nearly ever read. I am in the music room this morning with my foot propped up on the music stool—not in a very nice position for a "young lady" at the W.F.I. Well, no one will ever know it, but to go back. Sunday I went to Church (you might know). In the evening I wrote a letter to Papa and read some in my novel. The "Pinafore" is to be played here tonight and tomorrow night but Mars Bill is so "stinky" he wont let any of the girls go. I do think it is so mean in him. I bet a dollar I miss my Algebra and Rhetoric this evening. Can't help it. Dec. 5th, 1879 The "Pinafore" was played here three nights and do you think old Dr. Harris would let us go? N o indeed, but Belle and Mrs. Bassett went any way. They are all preparing for the "Christmas Soiree." I have a duet to play with Lizzie Hobgood, "The Bridal Polka." I think it is very pretty. I have just sent Pet [Roe] and Katie [Dickson] some hairpins, with little brass balls at the end. They are very pretty and are all the style. Nearly all the girls are wearing them. Oh, I do hope I will get some presents Christmas, but I have no idea that I will.

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Dec. 7, 1879 Saturday it poured down rain nearly all day. In the morning I wrote to Pa and Aurie, and after it cleared off in the evening I went to town with Mrs. Bassett and Belle. W e saw so many pretty toys of every description. If I could I would buy some presents to send home Christmas to the children [of Madeline LaPrelle Dickson], but I will wait until I go home and take them something then. I got a letter from Pa last night. Went to Church this morning and three young men sat right behind me. They were real handsome too, but I couldn't speak to any of them. Dec. 10, 1879 Monday everything went on as usual. I got three letters that morning—two from Pa and the other from Adrian. Tuesday night I got a letter from Pa with the notice of Mrs. Owen Brown's death. I am so sorry it happened, but reckon everything happens for the best. The girls are going to have another supper Friday night for the Christian Society. Belle is going to be one of the waiters. Today is dessert day, and I am glad. Dec. 14, 1879 Everything passed off as usual. Thursday and Friday morning I got a large box of candies from the Express office. Brother John sent them to me. Friday night the girls had a supper. Had everything nice imaginable. Saturday morning Mrs. Bassett, Belle, Nannie, Lottie, Sallie and myself went out calling. First, we returned Miss Sydnor's call and went from there to the Presbyterian School to call on the Misses Harwood from Texas. We made quite a mistake when we got there. We had never been there before and it is natural that we should make some little blunder. We walked up the steps and deliberately went to the office door and pulled the brass door knob (thinking it was the door bell), when a girl came to the door and told us our mistake and said she would send a servant to show us the parlor. At last I found myself in the handsomest parlor my eyes ever beheld. Everything in it was

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just elegant. We got the names of the young ladies mixed up and didn't know whether to ask for the Misses Winstoner or Howard, but we soon concluded it must be Harwood so we sent up our cards, and two very sweet looking girls came down to see us. On our way back home we stopped in town and looked at all the pretty Christmas toys. The ground was full of ice and I had a chill yesterday evening, and last night I had a hot, burning fever and a dreadful headache. This morning when we got up, everything was covered with ice. The prettiest sight I ever saw. All the trees were hanging with long icicles and two trees were torn up by the roots. This evening they were weighted down with ice. I haven't opened my box yet. I want to wait until Christmas week, but I am nearly dead to see what's in it. I got a letter from Pa the other day and said he was feeling very sad and lonely. Oh! How I would like to see my dear papa. Dec. 21, 1879 I don't expect I will get any Christmas presents at all. I do wish I was at home to spend Christmas. I know everybody will spend a Merry Christmas. I opened my box the other day—couldn't stand it any longer. I found all kinds of nice French candies in it. Friday night we had a dance in Mrs. Williams' recitation room. Had a gay time, of course. Nannie Greer loves to dance better than any girl I ever saw. She was in bed, almost asleep the other night, when she heard one of the girls out in the hall say they were going to dance. Up she jumped, dressed, went downstairs, and danced until the 9 o'clock bell rang for her to come to her room. Saturday I wrote a letter to Pa. That night we had a private soiree. Enjoyed myself very much. This morning the weather was so bad that we couldn't attend Church and I was so glad, but we "worshipped," as Dr. Harris calls it, in the Chapel. Pa says he is leading a very sad and lonely life at home without me. I feel so sorry for him but he will make me stay here.

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Dec. 26, 1879 It has been six days since I wrote you. I believe I left off last Sunday night so will commence with last Monday. Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday we went to school as usual but, of course, didn't study much. I think Dr. Harris (or rather "Mars Bill") is the meanest man I ever saw. He only gave us Thursday and Friday for our holidays. Well, Thursday was Christmas Day and as warm as could be. We sat in the windows all day. We had a right good dinner—turkey, light bread, butter, potatoes, corn, tomatoes, and for dessert, cake, mince pies, candies and nuts. Nearly every girl in school received very handsome presents. I didn't receive any (worth mentioning) but will tell you what I did get. Mrs. Bassett and Belle gave me a pair of vases. Lottie Dyer gave me a little cup. Nannie Greer gave me a shell card case. I gave Belle a little wash bowl and pitcher and a little chamber. I gave Lottie a china statue, and Nannie I gave a jewelry case, but while all the girls were receiving presents, I got a nice box from Pa containing everything nice to eat. While we were sitting in the windows that day some boys came by the College and threw large fire crackers over in the yard. That evening we had a dance in Mrs. Williams' room and played all kinds of games. Christmas night Miss Nannie got a letter from her mother, telling her to come home immediately and oh, what was "No. 76" feeling on receiving such sad news? The Texas family will be broken up when she leaves. I had just learned to love her so much. She is a very sweet girl and I will always love to think of her, but she is in very delicate health and that is the reason her ma sent for her. She will leave old Staunton on next Monday, but wouldn't I like to be in her place. (Cora Gwartney has just come in, begging and fussing at me to go down to the dance and learn her how to waltz, but I feel so badly that I can't

go-) Thursday night Nannie Greer read us the last love story she will ever read to us. The name was "Agnes Flagg" but half of the piece was lost and we didn't get to finish the story, but will always remember the night she read it to us.

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Friday evening "No. 76'' went to town. We bought Nannie a beautiful silver cup as a parting gift. We had these words engraved on it: "To Nannie from No. 76." I also bought a very pretty silk handkerchief for Coz. Rob [Dickson]. I sent it off in the mail this morning. Going down town gave me an awful sore throat. Last night we had a "masquerade ball." I did not enjoy myself very much for I was thinking of Nannie leaving me so soon, but every one that went seemed to enjoy themselves hugely. I received a letter from Pa last night saying that Adrian was very sick with fever. Oh, how sorry I am for "my dear little boy." Well, all I have to say is I never spent such a miserable Christmas in my life and I hope I never will again while I live. I am going to beg Pa in every letter from now on to let me come home next June. Sunday night, Jan. 4, 1880 Last Sunday I was sick and didn't go to church but all my roommates went but Nannie Greer. She didn't feel well so we remained home together. That evening I wrote a letter to Adrian. Monday I was so homesick I didn't have good sense. I staid in my room nearly all day watching Nannie pack her trunks. Oh! how my heart did ache. She left Staunton on Monday night at 2 oclock A.M. Mrs. Bassett went to the depot with her. They would not let me go because she left in the night. Lottie always slept with Nannie, but since she has left she sleeps with me so that leaves Sally to sleep alone but she says she likes it very well. Tuesday morning we all missed Nannie so much when we awoke and saw the vacant place in her bed. I thought of Nannie all day. Wednesday everything went on as usual, only we did not have dessert for dinner. Thursday, 1880, was New Year's Day. Dr. Harris would not give us a holiday. It was so mean in him. Miss Mattie and Belle Harris received calls all day. They had handsome silks made for the occasion. That night we all danced, and Mollie Garrison spent the night with us. Saturday morning I received a letter from C02 Bonie [Dickson] with his photo, asking me to correspond with him through Charlie Wood, but I can't do it. Pa would not like it and besides, I would not

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be doing Adrian right. I am getting to love Adrian more and more every day. I hope my darling is entirely well by this time. I forgot to tell you, the boys (or rather the "Persimmon bears" as Mars Bill calls them) serenaded us New Year's night. Today we went to Church and heard a long tiresome sermon. I got very tired. This evening we went to the lunatic asylum. I saw a great many lunatics. They had splendid music on the organ. The house was crowded. After we came home we were all sitting in the windows and some "persimmon bears" came by the cedar hedge and Grandpa was out on the lawn, saw them, and called out as loud as he could to us, "Girls, always pull down your curtains when these rowdies come around." The boys heard him and therewith ensued a quarrel. I think the boys got the best of Grandpa. Jan. 10, 1880 Friday morning I received a letter from Pa telling me I had to stay here at this old stinking place as long as Mrs. Bassett remained, and I guess she will stay here three years, but I just won't stay here that long if I have to run away. He also said that Reagan was improving and that Bud Don would remain until after the "Leap Year Party" which was given on the 5th Jan. at Mrs. Stones'. Oh, How I wish I was there. I went down the street this morning and feel very tired. The whole College is in confusion this morning on account of the public soiree tonight. Everybody is fixing for it and I reckon I will nearly die when I get up to play my piece. I just know I am going to make a failure. Jan. 11, 1880 Saturday night was our soiree. I wasn't half as scared as I thought I would be. They all say I played my piece very nicely. The house was just crowded. I received a long letter from Pa that night. He told me not to have the blues but to get up a whistling school among the girls and the one that could whistle Old Hundred the best he would send a gold ring. Will stop writing as I feel fatigued from last night's dissipation.

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Monday and Tuesday I went to school all day. Wednesday we had pie for dessert. Thursday night Blind Charlie came to the Institute and played for us. He played on three instruments at one time—the Banjo, French harp, and rang a bell. His banjo was perfectly lovely. It had a music box inside and Blind Charlie was real good-looking. He reminded me so much of Coz Bonie. Friday night I had the blues awful bad for I hadn't received a letter from Pa in three days, but Saturday morning I got a letter seven pages long from him saying that poor little Reagan was almost well and that maybe I could come home next June and spend vacation if I promise faithfully to come back and stay until I graduated. I will do anything to get home. I would give anything to take a peep in Anderson tonight and see what all the old folks are doing. Jan. 25, 1880 I received a letter from Pa and one from Sissie. She told me that poor, sweet Mary Terrell was dead. Little did I think when I left home that I would never see poor Mary again. Sissie said that Reagan was almost well. Oh, I am so glad. Jan. 27, 1880 Yesterday I went to school all day. This morning I received a letter from Pa with an order for five dollars. Also, one from C02 Mo Taylor [her father's cousin]. I feel so sorry for her. She is indeed an orphan now—neither father nor mother. I feel so bad tonight. I don't know any of my lessons for tomorrow and there is no prospect of my knowing them. The Moral philosophy was examined today. I feel sorry for the poor children. Feb. 1, 1880 Today is the first day of February. June is a little nearer. Just four and a half months off.

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I have spent the past week going to school as usual. Nothing transpired worth relating, only the Literary Society had a public meeting Friday night, and Saturday night we had a private soiree in which Belle played a piece. I made a "bet" two or three weeks ago with Lottie and Belle. I bet Belle a $5.00 present that her mama stayed here and didn't go home next June. I bet Lottie a silver cup that Mrs. Bassett did not go home, and she bet she would. Mrs. Bassett bet me if I went home in June and they stayed here until the next June, I would be married. Her bet was a gold thimble. Think I will win all three of the bets. Feb. 5, 1880 It has been snowing all this week. The snow is about 7 or 8 in. deep. All the teachers went out sleigh riding yesterday evening, but old mean Dr. Harris wouldn't let any of the girls go. Tuesday evening just as I was coming down the steps on my way to practice, Belle and Lottie jumped from under the steps with two large snowballs and threw them all over me. I was determined to pay Belle back so Lottie and I gave her a good snowballing yesterday evening. I received a short letter this week from Adrian and he was as mad as could be at me. He said from the way I wrote it looked like it was a task instead of pleasure for me to write to him. I don't know whether I will answer his letter or not. Feb. 8, 1880 The snow is still on the ground. Friday night Mrs. Bassett went to the Episcopal soiree. We all had a dance. My wrapper came home Friday night. It is very nice and pretty. I wore it to the dance that night. I have not answered Adrian's letter yet and don't intend to until he writes me another letter and talks a little better than he did in his last. I went to Church this morning and my shoe liked to kill me. Mrs. Williams has been sick for the past few days, therefore, I

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haven't had to say my History and Rhetoric. Miss "Horsetail" has been sick all day. I don't reckon she will hear any of her classes in the morning. If she doesn't, I won't have to recite my old Algebra. I am playing "greeny" with Lottie for a pound of French candies. Hope I will win it. Feb. 15, 1880 I got a letter from Sissie, Nannie Greer and two or three from Pa. Nannie said she was having a grand time going to parties. She got acquainted with Adrian and Bonie and thought they were both handsome. Pa said he was having the place fixed up, having flower beds and nice walks laid off in the yard, and is having some painting done on the house and the dancing room made larger. He gave Miss Theo Dotson a dance last week. Oh, how I wish I had been there. Feb. 22, 1880 Today is Washington's Birthday. I am very busy studying for our examination on U. S. history for next Friday. Bro. John is to be married on the 25 th of next March to Miss Rosa Talbot of Calvert. I am nearly dead to see her. I know she is sweet or Bro John would not love her. I would like so much to be at the wedding. I wish I could see Pa tonight and little Reagan. Feb. 29, 1880 Tomorrow is the first day of Spring! It makes me feel quite cheerful to think the time will soon be here when I can see my dear sweet Papa and little Brother. I have counted 100 grey horses. Am going to see who will be the first young man I will shake hands with. Guess it will be a long time, for I never speak to a boy here. We had a gay time last Wednesday. Went out on a "dress parade,"

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marched right down main street and went out to the Blind Asylum. Heard some grand music. Sallie is writing to Pa for me tonight. I will stop as I have to study my History like fury tonight. March 7, 1880 Well, I stood a splendid examination in History—so much better than I expected. I received a letter from Bro John last night with his photo. He is going to get married sure enough. I also got one from Sissie saying that Pa had concluded to let me come home. Oh, if I do go home and spend vacation I will be the happiest girl living. Lottie is going home, too, and I am going to take her home with me, but won't we have a jolly time. March 14, 1880 I joined the Christian Association this evening. We had a heavy snow Friday and everything looks perfectly lovely. Dr. Harris had a picture taken of the Institute, also one of all the girls standing out in the snow. I have beeen eating snow cream all day. March 21, 1880 Today Dr. Harris got good and let us go to any Church we wanted to. I went to the Presbyterian. The Church is perfectly grand. I didn't get but one letter last week but oh, what a sweet one that was. It was from Pa telling me I could come home and spend vacation. I almost shouted when I read it for I am crazy to see him and Reagan. March 28, 1880 Today is Easter Sunday. I attended preaching at the Catholic Church this evening with three teachers and a crowd of girls. The Church was beautifully decorated, it being Easter Sunday, I could hardly keep from laughing at the people when they entered. They would kneel down and it was real cute to see the little children kneeling at the altar.

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I was proposed in the Literary Society Friday night and was accepted. I sold my old black hat to my wash woman yesterday for something to eat. That was just before my money came, but I didn't want the old thing anyway. April 4, 1880 I went to Church this morning at the Methodist. Got awful tired cause it was communion day. Last Thursday was "April Fool's Day" and I tell you I had a gay time fooling the girls. That night Alice Robbins and myself sewed up Lizzie Southgate's gown hard and fast. Lottie and myself pulled all the slats out of Sallie's bed that night, and she got a good fall. I joined the Literary Society last Friday night. Think I'll like it right much. Alice Robbins stayed all night with us on the 1st day of April so she saw Sallie get the good fall. Some of the girls went in Annie Wynnes' room, poured the bed full of water, then took the chamber, put the flower vases in it, and set it in the middle of the bed. Oh, I tell you we had a jolly time that day. I will get a demerit if I don't go to bed. So good night. April 18, 1880 It is Sunday evening and I am sitting by the window. All of the cherry trees, apple, pear, and plum trees are in bloom, and they smell and look so pretty. Everything is turning green. It is just eight days from today until Commencement, Sunday, and I am the happiest girl living cause I am going home. I got a letter from Pa this week telling me that poor little Katie was very sick. I feel so sorry for the sweet child and hope and pray she may be spared to brighten Coz Dan and Sissie's lives. I bought me four pair of striped stockings yesterday evening. Am going to buy me a cream bunting and have it trimmed in black velvet and lace. I think it will look real pretty. Our public soiree comes off next Friday night. I have nothing to do but sing in the chorus.

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W e play base every evening out on the lawn. Prof. H got a good fall the other evening. We will go to Washington tomorrow week. April 27, 1880 It has been raining all day but nevertheless Dr. Harris made us go to Church. We start for Washington tomorrow. Will be gone about a week. It is just one month and a few days before I start home. When that day comes I will be the happiest girl on earth for I despise this old place and everybody in it, especially Mrs. Bassett and her poor little daughter. They are both just as mean as they can be. Little did Pa know them before I left home, or he would have died first, before he would send me here with them to be treated like a dog, but I am going to tell him just how mean they have treated me and God knows, I wish he was here this evening. I think I could tell him some things that he would open his eyes at, and Belle is so lazy she won't even make up the bed for her mother. Our Soiree came off last Friday night and everything passed off very pleasantly. I do hope I will get some letters in the morning for if I don't I can't get any till I come from Washington and I want to hear from home so bad. I would give anything on earth if I was there for a little while this evening. I wonder what they are all doing and what they are going to have for supper. Wish I had some nice supper. I have the blues awful bad this evening. Wish I could see somebody from home to liven me up, and if that somebody could be Pa, wouldn't I be too glad for any use. May 2, 1880 We left for Washington and Mt. Vernon last Tuesday about 10 o'clock and got there at 10 that night. W e were delayed two or three hours on account of a terrible wreck on the road. Stopped at the "Metropolitan Hotel." The next day after our arrival we took the boat "W. W. Cocoran"

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and sailed down the Potomac River to Mt. Vernon. Every room in Washington's house represents some state. I believe the New York room is the nicest. It was his State dining room. I sat in the Mayflower chair, on the bed that Washington died on, and played on his adopted daughter's piano. His tomb is perfectly grand. While in Washington we visited the Capitol, Navy Yard, Smithsonian Institute, and the White House, the President's home. We went through nearly every room in the house. The green room, blue room, and the red room, and the room where the President drinks his wine. Everything was just elegant. The President [Hayes] came down. Was introduced to us and shook hands with all of us. His parlor was the prettiest place I ever saw. Lottie and myself roomed together at the Hotel. The fare at the Hotel was splendid. We had several calls: Gov. Coke from Texas Gen. Barnes and lady from Texas Mr. Mohl and lady Judge Reagan and lady " " Lottie and myself roomed on the sixth floor and I can tell you we made good use of that elevator. We never went up the steps at all. We started home on the 11 o'clock train Friday night and got home at six the next morning. You can imagine what a stupid looking crowd we were after sitting up all night on the cars. I never was so sleepy in my life. May 9, 1880 It has been very warm all day. I went to Church this morning and like to have melted. I stayed all night with Alice Robbins and Minnie Snipes Friday night and we had a jolly time after the 10 o'clock bell rung and everything got still. We lit the candle and ate two boxes of sardines and a sack full of crackers. The girls named the corners of the room for me, and I looked at the one named Bonie. Yesterday at dinner Miss Horseley's table got themselves into business. They saw some flies in the molasses pitcher and to keep the servants from putting the same on the table at night, each one of them

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poured their plates full. The servants told Mrs. Harris about it and she said that it was an insult to her and Dr. Harris for the girls to do that way, so the Dr. gave them a good talk in the Chapel and made them all go in his office to see him privately. I guess he gave them some demerits, but don't know yet what he did. I certainly do feel sorry for the girls. Tuesday morning between half past 11 and 12 o'clock May 11, 1880 A bird flew in the room just now at the window and right out again. It flew right over my head. I do hope it is not a bad sign, but it frightened me awful bad. Tuesday night in Minnie's room Alice is writing in Nina Ledbetter's album and Minnie says Alice, who are you writing "in"? "in" Nina Ledbetter—then we all had a delightful laugh. May 13, 1880—Hotel Every time I pick up anything, read anything out loud, or want to do anything, Sallie or Lottie one, gives a yell for me to stop or to shut up. I am real sorry I trouble them so very much. "Yes indeedie" May 16, 1880 I am writing in Minnie and Alice's room tonight, "No. 75." Nearly all the girls have gone out to Church but you bet I don't go, only when I am made to. It is just one month from tomorrow till I start home. I am so glad! so glad; so glad! I had me a linen dress made this week. It looks real neat and nice. I am going down the street in the morning to get me a silk dress and some other things. I bought me a pair of bracelets last week and had "From Papa" engraved on the clasp. I think they are perfectly lovely. But won't I "cut a dash" when I go home with my silk and bracelets. "Oh! hush!"

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May 23, 1880 Fanny Blalock, Lottie, Belle and myself were sitting in the window the other day when Prof. Harris came out on the lawn and we asked him to get us some cherries and like a good boy, he climbed the tree and gave us our bonnets full. I think Fanny is the sweetest girl I ever saw. She treated me to Strawberrys, cherrys, and goobers three times last week. The school had a French Drama last Friday night in the Chapel. The piece was "Cindarella." Augusta Travers acted that part. I have just been in Alice and Minnie and Emma's room and such a tableau I did see when I got to the door. Alice sitting in the corner like a little mute child (all of them in their gowns) and Minnie leading Emma all over the room by the nose and padling her with a brush. I laughed at them till I'm right weak. Last night Lottie, Sallie and myself made us a Mint Julip and Lottie and I got on a "big drunk," but I don't care. N o one will ever know it. There was a picnic at home last Friday and a Band of Hope concert that night. Oh, don't I wish I had been there, but there is to be a barbecue on the 6th of July in Navasota so I guess I will be there for that. Well, I will have to finish my Journal in another book as this is not large enough. When I look in this little book again I guess I will be at home in dear old Anderson having a nice time with my dear Papa and little brother, so I will bring my Journal to a final close. Goodbye, Goodbye, M. A. Dickson

Mollie got home in time for the July barbecue, and she spent her summer dancing and playing the organ in the Baptist Church. The deacons informed her that she could not continue to do both, and making one of the easiest decisions of her life, she told them to find another organist. Mollie returned to Staunton in the fall to attend the Augusta Female Seminary, and she found its principal, Miss Mary Baldwin, more to

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her liking than Dr. Harris had been. Her father wrote her on March 25, 1881. Anderson, Texas, March 25, 1881 Dear Daughter, I inclose you a Post Office money order for twenty five dollars to buy your clothing with. . . . I want to have my house painted and will commence next Monday. I will also have the pailings around the flower garden and yard painted, and have all the rooms papered, and a carpet put in your room with proper furniture. The time is drawing near for you to come home, and during your short stay try to improve all you can in your music. I sent my photo and your buddy's to you yesterday. You can see from my looks that hard work tells on me. How do you like the looks of my son. Don't you think he is quite a nice looking little fellow—thirteen years old and can dance all the new dances, goes to church with the girls, and can beat any boy in town playing on the harp. He plays beautiful indeed. Now don't you think that is very nice for a boy of his age to do. Be a good girl. God bless you Your affectionate Pa Mollie returned home in the middle of June to find her father gravely ill. He wrote his will, confirming his gifts of land to his children, and appointing his stepson, John LaPrelle, their guardian. He died on June 25, 1881. Reagan was taken by his half sister, Madeline LaPrelle Dickson, to Anderson, and Mollie, broken-hearted, went to her brother John LaPrelle, in Marlin. Five months later she met his friend, Zenas Bartlett, and Zenas' son Charles, who had returned home after attending school at Dean's Academy in Franklin, Massachusetts, and Trinity University in Tehuacana, Texas. Mollie thought Charles was the handsomest man she had ever seen, and she sensed in him a sadness similar to her own. He was, in fact, despondent over the deaths of his uncles, James and Paul Jones. James had become the head of the family after Churchill Jones's death, and everyone had gone to him for advice and help. He was the kind, wise, successful bachelor uncle whose virtues and high sense of responsi-

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bility were to be emulated. Paul, with his youthful aura of glamor, had been equally important to Charlie. He remembered when his tall, blonde, young uncle returned from Virginia Military Institute, celebrated his homecoming too exuberantly, and rode his horse through the swinging doors of Marlin's best saloon. Paul had been given charge of the Joneses' livestock, and he had taken Charlie on a cattle drive to Kansas, showing him how to drink rain water through his handkerchief from cow tracks on the trail. He had taught him to hunt, fish, and trap, and every week the two of them would stalk deer in the bottoms during the day and listen to the hounds run coons and foxes in the woods at night. After the deaths of his two uncles, Charlie overheard a disturbing conversation on the gallery one night between his father and his Uncle Billy Jones who thought Paul's death was due to an overdose of calomel given by a careless doctor. There were angry threats, but his father said they would not bring Paul back. They also discussed James's will in which he had left some land to the minor children of his mulatto mistress, and Charlie heard his Uncle Billy say that it was the honorable thing to have done. Captivated by Mollie's stylish good looks and disconcerted by her visits to other cities with Miss Angie Brown, Charles soon forgot these melancholy events, and began a courtship which he pursued with visits and letters for the next two years. Marlin, December 21st, 1881 Miss Mollie Dickson Calvert, Texas Dear Miss Mollie, This is one of the evenings, a few moments of which by mutual agreement, each of us were to spend in thinking of the other. This is not to convince, however (though it does in fact), that I have thus far kept my promise inviolate. But fearing lest Calvert has furnished you so many things for contemplation, and that you have become so much confused by those delightful waltzes, which perhaps at this moment you are engaged in, that you have failed to give me a passing thought,

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I write this hoping it will reach you ere Sunday evening and remind you of what will then be due me. As it will be on the 25th day of December, if you will think once kindly of me, I declare it will be, and I will so consider it, one of the most appreciable and valuable of Christmas presents. Another excuse I will urge for this letter is the difficulty that would attend thinking of you a whole evening without doing some overt act expressive of my appreciation of you. You will remember, too, that on last Sunday night (that happiest night of all the nights) you kindly consented to my writing you. The news 'tis true, and I'm not so dull as to think sweet talk is something new to you, but you see there must be a prelude. The wedding—like all weddings—passed off merrily despite the mud and inclemency of the weather. The ceremony was delayed an hour or two owing to the lateness of the train which brought up the Fortunate ( ? ) , but when he did arrive, he bore himself gallantly, passed through the ordeal with firmness, and afterwards kissed all the old ladies present with a grace and dignity worthy of a Chesterfield. After the marriage we were sumptuously regaled with wine, cake and wine; in the latter and former especially, we all indulged freely. Let me say right here that Will [Blalock] and I had great need of that grief extractor, in the absence of the two whose presence would have made us the gayest of them all. W e both spoke of you often during the evening, and more than once observed him to shake his sorrowful head so that it seemed as if he said "They are gone." Well with the exceptions above stated, "all went merry as a marriage bell" and dispersed at 12 o'clock. I only envied the groom in one thing—his trip back to Calvert, where, at that time, you and Coz Angie were. Christmas has about reached us, but how Marlin will celebrate its return I am unable to say. The approach of that day is evidenced by the toys, picture books, and good things that crowd the shop windows of our little town, and they fortell joy to some. I believe Prof. Stafford will give his school a Xmas tree, so if we can prevail on our grandmothers, cousins, and our aunts to attend and dance, we will perhaps get some exercise during the Holidays. I expect to indulge myself in one diversion during the Holidays, and it is not an unpleasant one either, in wishing you and Coz Angie the merriest time imaginable,

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just such a time that two of the sweetest girls in the world deserve. In fact I wish that joy and good things will visit you in such profusion that you get a surfeit in two weeks and return to Marlin. I must not forget to thank you for the many kindnesses shown me last Sunday eve—which made it the happiest I ever spent. Your picture is before me at this moment, and although agreeable to your wishes, I erased the indorsement on the back of it, yet well do I remember its request, and often do I comply with it. Will you say to Coz Angie that I will guard her interest here, love her as a Cousin, be under worlds of obligations, and bless her with my latest breath, if she will protect and care for my 'little blue-eyed sunbeam'' and—yes, keep an eye on her when Prendergast and Throop are around. Now, that you will remember me to C02 Angie, think of me often, write to me, return home soon, and keep well the promises made me on that memorable night, is the earnest wish of one "who has known you but a short time, but who has learned to love you oh, so fondly." Yours, Charles

Marlin, January 1st, 1882 Miss Mollie Dickson, Anderson, Tex. My absent Friend, I'm not wont to appropriate the hours of Sabbath mornings to letter writing, but on such sacred occasions my presence usually adorns the house of worship. But tonight, however, circumstances which you can guess, demand of me a slight deviation from that laudable custom—a very slight deviation for instead of walking down to hear the minister extol the Heavenly Angels, I shall sit by my fire and—ahem commune with a terrestrial one—nor shall I feel any "compunctious visitings of nature" for writing this, for I know 'tis doing no violence to the sanctity of the occasion considering the qualities of the one to whom it is addressed.

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Now, I fear that I have deferred writing to you so long that the news contained in this has been made old by the meddling pen of some other chap in these parts, but, of course, it will not be authentic without coming from me. We've had a far merrier Xmas than I had anticipated. Its coming was hailed last Sunday night by a display of fireworks that cost sixty thousand dollars. All the merchants between Carter's bank and Wood's Corner contributed their respective storehouses and contents to the pyrotechnical exhibition, and your two brothers (would they were mine) had like to have been as generous. The greater part of that day I spent in making up the loss of sleep occasioned by the fire. Late in the afternoon I, accompanied by Blalock, went calling. As we approached Miss Emma [Preston]'s gate we met Mr. McDowell leaving, he having been crowded out by Mr. Maxey, who, in turn, was put to route by us, who, in turn were driven off by other callers. W e did not leave, however, until Miss Emma had convinced us that she made excellent cake and kept better wine. On last Monday night everybody gathered to Prof. Stafford's Xmas tree, crowding the house to overflowing. After the presents had been distributed and all had enjoyed the Prof's hospitality in the shape of cake and coffee, and all the benches, deacons, and old folks had been cleared away, we proceeded to business and danced until 12 o'clock. The Xmas tree and its incidents were, in every respect a success, and you and Coz Angie missed lots in being away. On the following Wednesday a party was given by Mrs. Godly in honor of Miss Fannie Shields—no dancing, hence no fun, though had a pleasant time in a social way—music, cake and wine. You and Coz Angie missed lots in being away. On the following Friday was the Ball given by the Legion of Honor, the event of the season. I had fever that evening and had concluded not to attend, but later my inclination got the better of my judgment and to it I went and did more hard and glorious dancing than I had for years before. 'Twas very imprudent in me as my feelings the next day proved. The Ball was very largely attended, and I was surprised (though happily) to see so many young ladies—and old ones too—left in Marlin who could dance. I see now it only requires the occasion to

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bring out their better and more valuable qualities. The most attractive feature of the Ball (excepting, of course, the supper) was the raquet danced by Mr. Downs and Miss Jennie Lyons, and the most laughable was the hard fall Mr. Downs got during the dance. The raquet was pretty, the Ball a success, and you and Coz Angie missed lots in being away. I was asked by Miss Emma around to her home the following evening where a few of her friends were to meet to see the old year out and the new one in, but felt too unwell to do so, hence, in that you and Coz Angie didn't miss much. Have been at home all day. Did not feel well enough to attend Sunday School or Church. Don't know the programme for next week, but think there is more fun in store for the young. I must stop for tonight and finish this tomorrow, but not before I tell you no one will be made more happy than I to hear that you and Coz Angie have had a Merry Xmas nor do any wish more fervantly for you both a Happy New Year. Chap. 2

Tuesday night.

I would have concluded and mailed this yesterady but have been very unwell and busy besides. Been having light fever every evening for nearly a week, nor am I free of it tonight. This week promises to be a gay one, but not to me. A party last night at Mrs. Harvells, and a dance some time during the week at Capt. Watkins. I think if you and Coz Angie return before the Ides of January, you will have the pleasure of seeing Miss Emma made happy by the chivalric Col. Chilton. Before I close I must appeal to your generosity—just a little. As a bunch of flowers from you raised me from a bed of illness once, I think a short note from you would stop these annoying fevers. Won't you please write it—two lines with your name subscribed, I think will cure me—do. I promise you a better letter on better paper next Sunday night. Love to Coz Angie, into whose hands and heaven's, I leave you for a short while. I am yours, though with some misgivings— Chas

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Trement House, G. McKinley, Proprieter Galveston, Texas, January 24,1882 Miss Mollie My much loved friend, Throop and I have met and burried the hatchet. The train which bore me here, he boarded at Navasota, and since then we have been constantly together. I had persuaded myself some weeks since to brain him on first sight, but now a change has come o'er the spirit of my dreams, making it possible for the lamb to lay down with the lion. Can you guess the cause of my relenting? I will tell you: W e stand in different relations to each other now; then we were rivals, now we are fellow sufferers, so we, like wise boys that we are, met as friends and have formed a mutual sympathizing society. Coz Mollie, you have not kept your promises, at least the most important ones. The compromise you proposed was the most cruel cut of all; asking me to let you call me cousin. I emphatically refuse to permit any such thing. You shall say "my own Charles" or nothing. If I can not say "my little blue-eyed sunbeam," you just bet I'll say nix. I'm afraid you like small grains too well and you are a fraud of the first magnitude. Throop told me on our way down that you and Coz Angie expected returning home yesterday, but he received a letter from his brother saying you would remain over to a party that would be in Anderson tonight. I hope, however, you will be in Marlin when I return for I am determined to make one more effort I am the same Chas. H. Bartlett

Miss Mollie Dickson Dallas, Texas

Marlin, Texas, June 13,1882

Dixie, Darling, Your sweet note came yesterday evening late, bringing with it lots of joy for the consequential gentleman. I must tell the whole truth

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and confess it brought some vexation as well. I would certainly have written to you yesterday morning, but thought, of course, you would return yesterday evening. I'm afraid absence is not calculated to strengthen the love you have for me, so I want you to come back. What is the attraction in Dallas? Why do you tell me you will return at a stated time, and when the time approaches, defer—postpone? Procrastination may be the thief of time, but it is no less true that under certain circumstances, procrastination is the thief of friends. While I think I can truly say I am never happier than when I know my angel is happy, yet human nature will assert itself and when I see she finds so much pleasure hundreds of miles away, and that she seems never to tire of the pleasure she finds so far from me, that old evil one commences to whisper to me doubts and makes me certain, at least of this, you do not love as well as you are loved. Dixie, you have been very kind to write so often since you left me, and I shall never forget that consideration from such a sweet angel as you are. I sincerely hope neither of us will ever have cause to regret the many assurances of love that we have given to each other. But you have never explained that week of silence! Prof. Stafford's school will close next Friday, and I hear he proposes giving a Ball in the evening at the College building. Be sure and come before that time. Remember what a big time you and I had the last Ball we had there. Well, Dixie, come home and behave yourself and have no fears of Charles' earnestness, for he loves you truly, truly, truly. God bless my darling and make her good and true to her Own, Charles Mollie and Charlie were married on March 5, 1884, and an account of the ceremonies appeared in the Marlin Ball: ORANGE BLOSSOMS

The Baptist Church was filled to overflowing last evening to witness the consumation of the marriage of Mr. Charles H. Bartlett and Miss Mollie Dickson, two of the most prominent members of Marlin social circles, the

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Rev. Charles H. Dobbs of the Presbyterian Church officiating. The attendants were Mr. Ross Drury and Miss Rosa Bartlett, Mr. Churchill Bartlett and Miss Angie Brown, Mr. George Slater and Miss Nuckie Stuart, and Dr. W. C. Blalock and Miss Ollie Lovett. The bride and bridesmaids were dressed in the heigth of fashion, and presented a rare scene of youth and beauty. The handsome and gallant groom was dressed in the conventional black and looked every inch an Apollo. The groom is a young man 'to the manner born' and bears the good will and esteem of everyone. He deserves all the goods the gods can give him. For some time he has been our popular and efficient deputy county clerk, and we trust that the good deed he has just recorded in leading to the matrimonial alter the fair and noble little woman who has become his wife, will be filed away among the archives of his heart as the most precious and auspicious event of his life. The bride is loved and admired by all who have the honor of knowing her and possesses all those qualities of heart and mind necessary to adorn the marital relation. The Ball hopes their pathway through life will ever be as bright and brilliant as the starry gems that cluster in the heavens. THE RECEPTION

After the ceremony a number of special friends met at the appointed hour at the hospitable residence of Mr. Don J. LaPrelle where a splendid repast was served. There was indeed a happy party, and everyone took in the spirit of the occasion and a cordial goodwill, the choicest of blessings, and the richest of benedictions were lavished on the happy couple. The supper was nicely and elegantly prepared, the tables, which were handsomely and lavishly decorated, fairly groaned under their precious weight, and the guests all passed a very pleasant evening.1 1 This passage is quoted from a newspaper clipping in the author's collection of documents.

ROSA "I think sometimes, though, some people are born to be unhappy and make others so no matter howmuch they may wish that it were otherwise." Rosa Bartlett to her mother, August 15th, 1886

ZENAS BARTLETT wrote Sarah Page in 1869: "I have three noble boys—Charlie, ten years old, Churchill, about eight, and Zenas, three, a glorious little fellow. Mrs. Bartlett has one daughter, Sue Green, now in Boston with Esther. She is nearly grown and has been traveling this summer with some of our friends. We also have a daughter, Rosa, who is six years old and very spritely." He was yet to father James William and Lalla, a nice accomplishment for one who had written his sister twenty years before, "You must give me one of your children, for the chance of my ever having one myself is bad, I fear." There were also numerous nieces living at the Marlin compound. Sarah's sisters had died in childbirth, and she had taken their babies and older girls to rear. Luanda's daughters, Callie and Sallie Stallworth, occupied a wing with Amanda's children, Carrie, Irene, and Armstead Churchill Watson. Zenas' niece, Ozella Bartlett, who had come from Maine to teach in the Marlin school, shared quarters with Mattie Olsen, the motherless daughter of Norwegian emigrants being raised by Sarah as a foster child. The Bartletts' great responsibilities were diminished by a series of weddings in their high-ceilinged parlor. Sue Green married Tom Battle, who had fought with his father's regiment in the Civil War, and afterward had attended Washington

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University, sitting up as an honor guard with the body of the revered General Lee and filching a flower from his bier as a souvenir. Callie Stallworth married Andrew Peyton, who had fought the Yankees with his fellow cadets of Virginia Military Institute at the Battle of Haymarket. He was a great-nephew of Thomas Jefferson and was once heard to complain, "Uncle Tom owed Grandpa money." The marriages of Sallie Stallworth to Judson Finks and of Mattie Olsen to Alfred Branson, an Englishman who owned the town's first brickyard, occurred later; and the Watson children moved to their father's home when he returned from a visit to Alabama with his new wife—Miss Babe. The vacant rooms on the compound were rented to an increasing number of school teachers in need of accommodations. Bartlett now made the best possible plan for the education of his daughter Rosa, almost sixteen years old in 1880. His sister, Sarah Page, was living in Michigan where her son-in-law, F. P. Wells, ran her dead husband's factory, manufacturing Page's oars, sweeps, and sculls. At Wells's suggestion, Rosa entered Hillsdale College, which was near his home in Lansing. Her letters to her family reflect her enthusiasm.

Lansing, Michigan, July 23,1880 Mr. Churchill Bartlett Marlin, Texas Dear Churchill, You asked me to tell you all about my journey to Lansing. I will begin from the time I left Marlin. We had to lay over at Bremond three hours, and that was the most tiresome part of the trip. It would have been much more so if Mr. Shaw and Mr. Blalock had not been there. Cousin Ozella was very much surprised to see Mr. Shaw, who was very talkative and did not seem at all like himself. We took a sleeper at Bremond and did not change until we reached Sedalia. We saw nothing new until we reached Indian territory—then we began to see a few high hills at the foot of which were villages which looked beautiful at a distance but on close inspection proved far to the contrary

195 We arrived here all safe but very much fatigued. . . . Lansing is a very pretty place and looks very much like Waco, though much larger. Last Thursday we visited the capítol and Mr. Baurs, the superintendent of the whole concern and a particular friend of Mr. Wells, showed us all over the building. The Senate and the House of Representatives were the largest rooms in the building. The doors and windows were of cut glass and the ceilings (so as to have more light) were of cut glass with the seal of all the different states imprinted on it. We staid in the Library quite awhile talking to Mr. Tenny. Mr. Baurs even took us in the Governor's private departments. His parlor was the most elegant room I ever was in. It was lit by a very large chandelier which sparkled like a thousand diamonds. The center table was made in Japan, mahogany with flowers and the most delicate vines inlaid with different kinds of wood. A large hat rack and sideboard in the same way. The portraits of all the former governors were on the walls. The entire building and all the walks are of solid stone. I forgot to tell you about the museum. It is the most interesting room of all. In it I think you can find the "tagend" of every thing you ever heard of. Old swords,flags,all different kinds of old uniforms, a little piece of board that came off a certain ship, a little dirt of place where every great man has fallen, a little piece of his coat or a button, and even pieces of melted lead said to have been shot out of the gun of a certain great man. Well, Churchill, I suppose you think the whole substance of this letter might be condensed on one sheet. When I received your letter, I made up my mind to write you some news, and if I have failed to do as I intended, hope you will take the will for the deed and write soon to your affectionate sister, ROSA

Rosa

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Hillsdale, September 20,1880 Mrs. Tom Battle Marlin, Texas Dear Sister, I received your letter some time ago, and you don't know how I enjoyed reading it. You seem to know and write just what I like most to hear about. I have been here now just three weeks, and I think it is a splendid school. I like the President and all the faculty very much. Our Lady Principal is named Miss Voree, and she is just as good as she can be— entirely too good and kind hearted to have charge of such wild girls as some we have in the hall. One of them slipped off last evening and went riding with one of the town boys and did not get back until eight o'clock I have got just the kind of a teacher I need in music. He is the crossest and most nervous person I ever saw. When he tells me I must do a thing, I know I have to do it or else there will be a row. He said he knew I had always had my own way about practicing, but that I couldn't while he was my teacher unless it corresponded with his way. He said though that it would not require one half the work for me, that it did for his other scholars. I like my roommate very much. She is a very nice, studious girl and you can't make her disobey the rules. The two girls in the room opposite us are just the opposite. They are splendid girls, but are just as full of mischief as they can be.... Love, Rosa

Hillsdale College, Hillsdale, Michigan December 6, 1880 Dear Ma, Our vacation lasted just ten days. I was in Lansing all the time and enjoyed myself quite well. Cousin Sarah's health is not very good this

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winter nor is Aunt Sarah's. I think Aunt Sarah would be a great deal better if she did not work so hard. They have a hired girl but Aunt Sarah is so particular she has to be around watching and telling her what to do all the time, and she is always wanting to mop. It reminds me of the way you used to work in the yard. School began last Wednesday. My studies this term are 3rd algebra, mineralogy, and Latin—all very difficult. I had to skip a whole year in Latin so as to begin this term. I guess I will have to take reading also, as the President teaches that class. He told me the other day that he had just received a letter from Pa and that they had started quite a correspondence. . . . I will have to study very hard this term to keep up with my classes. I suppose it seems strange to you but I am about the youngest scholar in the whole school. Professor Haynes was much surprised when he learned my age as he thought I was about twenty. . . . Write soon to your loving daughter, Rosa

July 20, 1881 Mrs. Tom Battle My dear Sister, I received your very welcome letter last evening. It must have come over a week ago just after Cousin Sarah [Wells] and I left for Macinaw. We had quite an adventurous voyage. Perhaps you would like to hear all about it, so I'll begin from the first. We left Lansing Friday night and stayed at the Cass House. The steamer our party from Buffalo took arrived in Detroit the next morning. The Myack is a very fine boat and was very crowded. Jud Wells had several in his p a r t y . . . . It was a jolly crowd and all of us enjoyed ourselves splendidly. . . . We started from Detroit at 10 a.m., rode through the St. Clare Lake. It was a very pleasant ride but could see nothing but water. Riding down the river was very pleasant. It was a beautiful day, and there we could see two mighty nations on either side, and America didn't suffer from the comparison by any means. It didn't seem possible that a small

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stream could separate two places so different. On the American side everything looked prosperous, but on the Canadian side everything looked desolate. Once in a while we would pass a huddle of shanties. The captain of the boat was talking to us and said that if any boat should run ashore on that side, it had to stay there until some British ship should assist them, no matter how long it took for one to get there, and on that account American boats run near their own side. We were on Myack until Sunday at 4 p.m. when we got to Macinaw. It was very stormy crossing Sugman Bay and a great many on board were sick. I didn't get sick at all, and it was lots of fun watching them. One after another would turn pale and run for their staterooms. They were dancing when the storm came up, but they couldn't continue very long. They have parties every evening on the steamers, and it was the first time I had danced since I left Texas. This boat runs between Chicago and Buffalo, and a great many from both places take the round trip so the boat was crowded with mostly young folks. Sunday was spent as most any other day on the boat, only in the forenoon we sang out of the Gospel hymns. As usual I had to furnish the music. That has always been the way notwithstanding the many fine musicians always around. Can't any of them play without their music. We got to Macinaw Sunday afternoon and went to the John Jacob Astor House. Macinaw is the queerest place I was ever at. It is so old and the old fort and everything give it such an odd appearance. Everything we saw was some old relic of John Jacob Astor. We stayed in his house, slept in his old beds, drank out of his cups, etc. Everything looked, too, as thought it might be a century old. It was so ridiculous though. Every old stick we would pick up J.J.A. had performed some wonderful deed with it. The fishing grounds are about 14 miles from M. [Macinaw], and we went out in a sailboat When we got to Chicago, we visited the parks near the city. The first night there was a great fire near the hotel and there was great excitement. The engines were in a minute after the alarm. I don't wonder that country people run to every fire in the city. It is equal to a show procession. I wanted to go but thought I hadn't better express my desire. . . .

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The trip was so long by water we decided to go home by rail. Cousin Sarah and I stopped at Englewood to stay over night with Mr. Atkinson, a cousin of Mr. Wells. He insisted on our staying over one day to visit the parks. . . . South Park, which promises to be the nicest in the city, is very large and embraces hundreds of acres. We took a phaeton ride down Drexel Boulevard. Oh, it is the loveliest drive. For about three miles it was laid out with flowers on each side—all kinds of figures, mounds loaded with geraniums of all shades. I wish you could see it. We went back on the Grand boulevard. There were no flowers, only beautiful trees and grass. It is the nicest drive in the city. Five carriages can drive abreast on it and it is perfectly smooth and level. I think Chicago is the nicest city I ever was in. The streets are so clean We got home all right, and everything got along splendidly while we were away. Your affectionate sister, Rosa

Hillsdale, March 6, 1882 Dear Churchill and Charlie, I received your note with the order last week. I thank you both very much for it. School closed last Friday and almost all of the students are away. Angie is still here and with me this week. We see each other only in the afternoon as I am in the studio all the morning. Got through with my examinations all right. Led two of my classes—stood 10. Haven't found out about the other one Hazel Kirk will be played here this week by a Madison Square company. It will be very fine, I guess. I suppose at home you think that I don't care about any thing but theatres, etc., as I am always writing about them, but I do. Saturday evening we made candy and played cards. Clinton can coax his mother to let us do almost anything. He is going to be a lawyer if

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he doesn't turn out to be a minister or temperance lecturer as most exceedingly smart, wild boys do when they reform. Has Charlie decided which he would be? I believe I want Churchie to be a politician for he would be good under any circumstances, and we need good politicians about as much as anything. By the way, how did you like the oration? Some papers criticized it very severely, but I liked it very much. If Charlie is a politician, I hope he will become as noted as he, and he can, if he will. He must be a Blaine and Churchie a Garfield. I would be willing to do anything if you two might become as good and smart, and you can. You can make the most of yourselves at any rate. People up here have an idea that southern men will never amount to as much as northern. It makes me mad for them to say any such thing for I know they can if they will. Your devoted sister, Rosa

Hillsdale, May 30, 1882 My dear Father, I received your letter and order last week, and for both I thank you very much. I am so glad you are coming and everybody else here. They all are anxious to see you because they have heard so much about you, I suppose. Hope you will stay longer than one day, though if you will not, would rather have you come commencement day, Thursday, the 13th of June. That will be the best day, though the last two weeks will be interesting. Cousin Sarah's health is very poor still. Anna Louise Carey was here last Monday night. The girls were not allowed to go to hear her (though a great many did, I didn't). So the girls that afternoon all went down to see her and presented her with a beautiful basket of flowers. She was not well, but she came down to see us. She seemed to appreciate what we did so much. When we left her she kissed us all goodbye. I knew I should love her and wish I was like her.

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Everything here is so beautiful now. I think Hillsdale is the prettiest little city I ever saw, and College Hill the next place to Paradise. Love to all and write soon to your affectionate daughter. Rosa In letters to her cousin Ozella, Rosa confided her affection for a young man who had been associated with the school but whose behavior and ideas had alienated the faculty. Ozella was disturbed by the tone of Rosa's letter and wrote her immediately. Dear Rosa, Your very welcome letter came to hand last night. How very very glad I was to receive it you do not know. Some day you may understand it, when a letter—not from me—but from some may be equally dear Rosa, I hope that your life may be as bright and beautiful as possible. I have so much confidence in your uprightness that to warn you seems almost superflous, yet if I do I think you will take it kindly. I would have you beware of the false steps that I've taken, steps that will cause me sorrow all my life. I was not brought up as tenderly and carefully as you have been. I think I should have been a different if not a better woman had I been. Your home has always been so pleasant, and mine used to be—anything else. Do not, Rosa, fear to confide in me always. Trouble comes sooner or later to all. I feel that I've had my share years ago. It has seemed sometimes as though my sun had gone out, but one will live through a great deal, and after a while neither joy nor sorrow moves you so much. Ozella The warning was kindly received but ignored, and when Bartlett arrived for commencement, Rosa asked his permission to marry. Zenas thought the man wholly unsuitable and brought Rosa home, her determination undiminished by family opposition. Sarah wrote a letter and put it on her daughter's bed.

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My Dear Rosa I am in great trouble and distress and have been for a long time, thinking I haven't done my duty to you in a matter of the greatest importance. I can't bear to see you suffer. Have tried to talk to you often, but my heart fails me. They complain of me that I do not talk to you. I wish I could. I am so constituted that I cannot do so, and now owing to the fearful responsibility to you and my children, I cannot restrain any longer, and will try to say something to you in writing. It is a matter that involves the happiness for life of our whole family. You are your Pa's idol. He worships you. Did you know the many sleepless nights he has had on your account and how often he has had to take a stimulant to get a little sleep, and did you realize the duty you owe your parents, I can but think you would break off this correspondence. We have always tried to make our home happy, and now in our old age, we dread the future. We showed Churchie and Charlie all the letters we got from Michigan. Your Pa says every time he sees a letter in his box from Grand Rappids, it gives him a shock, and he often leaves it. Can't bear to touch. I have hoped and prayed that all might work out right and have tried to console your Pa and told him you had too much good sense. You wouldn't throw yourself away and bring not only a life of long suffering and misery upon yourself, but disappointment and shame upon all your friends and relatives. You may think we seem careless or don't care, but Rosa, we suffer. We are so proud of you and think what you might be. When Zenas was at home, he said I have been so proud of Rosa, but these letters trouble me. I feel like burning them up when I get one out of the office, but it wouldn't be right. We have just received a letter from Michigan and read it carefully. We spent a sleepless night when we received it. We have had letters from disinterested parties. None says good of him. I had hoped to hear something in his favor. My Darling Rosa, I can but think you are standing on the brink of an awfull abyss. I had rather follow you to your grave than see you marry this man. He doesn't love you any better than some other girl perhaps, but wants to accomplish his object. You are too pure, too good, to be sullied by such a man. It makes us wicked to think of him so often. I say, God bless and keep my child from all harm

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for Jesus' sake. I believe in prayer. Couldn't live without it. I am pleading all the time for you, and can't help but think you will come out all right yet. How sad to think one so much loved and admired by every one and held up by all mothers and everyone for an example, should receive attentions of one so universally disliked with no moral character. He can't wait on a respectable girl in Michigan. That Mother of his has laid her plans to help deceive. And did you know, as we know, that his main object is to triumph over those people at Hillsdale, and not from any true love for you. I hoped for a long time it was prejudice, but am convinced now, it is not. We want you to travel this summer and find out there are just as smart men as this one. Am willing to do anything and deny myself many comforts and be happy if you will drop this. I imagine if you were an ordinary girl, I wouldn't feel so bad. All our friends congratulate us for having such a daughter. Of course it makes us feel proud. May my heavenly Father Whom I have trusted in so long, and prayed to, guide and direct you in this thing, is the prayer of Your loving, Ma Rosa was impressed, and the letters from Michigan ceased. She taught in the Marlin public school and diverted herself with her young nieces. She gave music lessons to Maude, Mable and Susan Battle as their baby sister Rosalis watched from the floor. Her greatest joy was Madeline Bartlett, Mollie and Charlie's year-old daughter, whom she tried to see every day. Soon, however, she tired of teaching and left for Boston in the fall of 1885 to continue her studies. Her family and friends were pleased, and Phineas de Cordova of Austin wrote her father to express his approval. Austin, Texas Dear Friend Zenas I am glad that Rosa is enjoying herself now while she is young— the only difficulty, Friend Bartlett, where out of her own family will 'she find congeniality?' Let us hope she will meet 'her affinity' in the

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'hub.' Music and painting—the two bright stars, if not the brightest of stars, in a refined life haven't exactly got their seat in the wilds of Texas. I never was much enthused with Bunker Hill, at least since 1865, but, no doubt, Rosa's enthusiasm was exceedingly great especially if she was in the company of a good Bostonian. I am glad to hear that some of your relatives in the North have grown rich, but, after all, they can get very little more than you and I do—'good eating and drinking'—that is all we old fellows want now. Your sort are good enough for me, and all that we ought to pray for is 'a quiet life for a few years more' in the enjoyment of the company of our wife and children. Your old friend, P. De Cordova Rosa lived with her Aunt Esther, widow of Zenas' brother Obed and a good Bostonian. Frequent letters informed her family of her activities. Boston, October 11th, 1885 Dear Ma; This is a beautiful Sabbath afternoon. It is the first mild day we have had for some time. The coal fire actually makes this room uncomfortable. We have been having real winter weather. The ladys are beginning to appear out in furs, and it isn't a circumstance to what it will be. It makes me shiver to think of it. I go so far, too, to take my lessons over to the city on Columbus Ave. at [Carlyle] Petersilea's Conservatory, but the horse-cars take me to the door. I am delighted with my instructors. The one in music is a genius and a very young one. He appears to be not more than twenty. He has been to Europe with Petersilea and played before the greatest musical celebrities and crownedf heads, also, I was told. I think he is a very brilliant performer, and next to Petersilea himself, I wouldn't exchange him for any one. The "Petersilea system" is very thorough, and I prefer it to any I ever knew of, although it makes me realize how superficial my own

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knowledge of music is. I shall love it now as I never did and I hope I shall improve rapidly. I practice 3 hours a day and were it not for disturbing the peace of the community, I should increase it to four. My art instructor is a lady, a French woman, whom I like very much but not so well as the other. I am painting a landscape and it is not pretty, still as it is my first one I shall have to give it to you. She didn't have any pretty models or I should have selected one that suited me better. I take two lessons a week, on Thursdays and Fridays. I am very enthusiastic over my music and hope I shall continue to be. I was sorry to learn that you were not pleased with my pictures. Every one here thought them so good. I understand the most serious objection is—they are too good looking. 'Tis a pitty, but you know some things can't be helped. But seriously, nobody here seemed to think them so good looking. Perhaps they hadn't the temerity to tell me how they flattered. It takes brothers to take the conceit out of their sisters. To think you didn't even notice a resemblance on that account. That was a crushing blow, but we all had a good laugh over it. Now I am going to tell you something that I don't want you to tell a soul, not even sister. I am going to learn how to enlarge pictures in oil on glass and am going to enlarge Madeline's life size. It will make a lovely picture I know. They are even more beautiful than the oil portraits on canvas, but, of course, more apt to be destroyed as they are on glass, still the colors will last just the same. I don't like Madeline's dress in this picture, but the face could not be improved. The picture will be beautiful if I succeed, and I shall. Then I am going to give it to Charlie & Mollie if they will buy a handsome guilt frame for it. I am, as you know, boarding with Aunt Esther. She doesn't want me to pay board, but of course that would not do. She has a very limited income. It costs a good deal to live in the city and I must not live on her. Write when you feel like it. Rosa

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October 25 th, 1885 Mr. James W. Bartlett Marlin, Texas Dear Jim Willie, I am quite busy now with my work—practice sometimes four hours a day. Soon I shall begin to paint at home, then the whole day will be occupied. I love to be busy, when my work is congenial. Teaching babies was not, still I long to get in the schoolroom again and give some of those sweet children a good squeeze. My instructor in music is only 18 years old. By virtue of his extreme youth I feel privileged to think just as much of him as I choose. When he praises me I feel as tickled as when I was a child at school. It seems quite ridiculous to feel so toward one so young. He is such a gentleman and so amiable and modest with all his talent. I am taking one of his compositions at present. He has become quite famous as a composer and will play his productions at the grand musical convention next year to be held here. It will be the grandest thing of the kind that was ever convened. There will be the best musicians here from over the world. I wish you could spend a week in Boston. I think it must be the noisiest city in the world. N o pavements will last, but cobblestone ones or something of the kind and the noise is fearful, and the streets are so jammed with teams. I would not, for anything, dare to drive through one. I wonder there are so few accidents. I was going to say if you were here you could see a show every day for ten cents. This week there is to be the convention of fat women. I have not yet patronized any of the 10 cent shows but will as I think it will be fun to see the fat beauties. Jim Willie, write often. Why doesn't Zenas write? I believe you think more of me than all the rest. You are the best to me any way, and "sis" appreciates your kindness. Love to all, Rosa

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December 13th, 1885 Dear Ma, The box has arrived safe and sound and its contents uninjured. That is they were all right. They are sadly mutilated now. We sampled all the cakes as soon as they were unpacked and it was a moment of triumph to me. They have very fallacious ideas up here and one of their worst is that we southerners can't cook decently, and all our assurance to the contrary did not convince them of their error, but when they ate their cake, all had to acknowledge it was the best (or as they term it "the most beautiful" ) they had ever eaten. Mr. Petersilea's wife is a southern woman—a niece of our art teacher whom I have taken such a fancy to. She, my teacher, lives with them out near Wellesley. She wants me to go out with her and spend the night Xmas week. I won't have time then but shall afterwards. I would like to for all of them are so nice. They are fearfully aristocratic but I could stand that for a while. They are all artists—Mr. Benedict, my teacher, lives with them. Then Mrs. Petersilea is almost as fine a musician as her husband. They entertain a great deal and, of course, the nicest people in the city. Did I tell you I heard Mary Anderson? I heard her in Romeo and Juliet. The Critics here say she has reached perfection in portraying that character—certainly she has. I never saw a human so beautiful and her acting seemed more real than life. Every seat in the theater was taken the day they were sold for all the performances to be given so could only obtain standing room. I had been sick and so weak I could scarcely stand and some one told me to take the front step on the aisle in which we were standing. I did so and found it an excellent seat. I was very near the stage and could see her as well as I wished. I was so glad I took the seat. Standing back as we did I should have missed the balcony scene and the cream of the play. I think I shall never want to hear any one in that but Mary Anderson. The scenery was grand, too. I think it would be splendid if Mary [Carter, a Marlin friend] and I could spend next summer in Virginia. Write Uncle Billy [Jones] about it and get Mrs. Carter in the notion to let Mary come. She could come herefirst,then go to Virginia.

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Would be on our way home and the country would do us both lots of good. Love to all, Rosa

Miss Maude Battle Marlin, Texas Dear Maude, . . . Phillips Brooks [the famous preacher] himself presented each child with a bouquet and in that way he gave all the flowers away. There were over six hundred of them. Wouldn't you like to have been there. We went up into the church's balcony to see him present the flowers as the children filed by him. I got one also. The hyacinths, tulips, pansies, and daffodils are all in full bloom now, and the gardens look beautiful. The public garden looks like a paradise, and two weeks ago it looked like "the abomination of desolation." The change here is so rapid it seems wonderful to me. It does ones soul good to walk in the Common and public garden now. It refreshes you more than anything. We will walk through them this evening on our way to Trinity [Church]. Are you going to have a picnic and a queen? Aunt Esther is going out maying, as she calls it. She goes every year and I shall go with her. I can't half work now I feel springy (which signifies there is no spring in me). I have just painted your mamma a handle for a door in her new house which everyone thinks very pretty. 'Tis hollyhocks and woodvine. Did Lalla get the music I sent?... Kiss Susie, Mable, and Madeline, and tell Susie and Mable they must take good care of little Rosa and have her walking when I get home. Love, Aunt Rosa

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Dear Ma, Your note was received over a week ago. The check soon afterwards. I did not expect you to send so much. Twas very good of you to do so. Perhaps too good! But I appreciate it all the more. There are so few people who are too good. Then, too, when it is my mother I feel that I cannot be altogether bad and selfish. I care for your sympathy more than anything else—more even than the new dress I am going to have. You'll think that saying a good deal, won't you? For a week now have had cold, disagreeable rain with prevailing east winds. Today it seems to be trying to clear altho the sun shines at intervals and 'tis much warmer than yesterday. After this rain is over with, summer will quietly come. I shall be so glad. I want to get to New Hampshire. I am so tired of the city. I believe sister [Sue] delights in the knowledge that I've grown thin in this grand (?) climate. If I'd thought, I shouldn't have written about it, but I can answer her—the climate had nothing to do with it. When one grows thin here they do so in spite of the climate. Edd and Carrie [Strand, Esther's nephew and his wife] spent last Sunday evening with us. They were a most exemplary couple, but I was disappointed that they were not more loving. They didn't amuse us at all. Aunt Esther and I are going up to see them before long. Aunt Esther is about through with her spring cleaning. I feel like uttering a thanksgiving. That is the worst part of New England housekeeping. I don't believe there is any necessity for such a condition of things as they make at such times. Rufus comes regularly now. He keeps us supplied in strawberries and such delicacies. I think he is a jewel. I hear from Zenas quite often [at school in Poughkeepsie]. Shall be so glad to have him come next summer and Pa, too. It would be very nice for all of us to go home together, but don't let Pa come as then he will have to return in hot weather. Wouldn't be fun for any of us, and I don't believe he could stand the trip. Love to all, Affectionately, Rosa

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June, 1886 Dear Ma, I believe I have not written since I returned from New Hampshire. My trip and visit were very pleasant indeed. Should have liked to have stayed longer. They are very anxious that I should bring Zenas up when he comes and stay as long as we can. The girls are specially anxious to see Zenas. Lillian is coming from Dover when we go, and Harry is going to have one of his schoolmates from Dartmouth visit him at the same time. They have planned loads of parties, and we anticipate a very fine time. W e will be there for Camp Meeting Week so Zenas can see all of his kin folks right there. The Camp ground is only a few miles from Sarah [Burley]'s. She is one of the head ones, I believe. She is religiously inclined and takes great interest in all such meetings. She is a good woman but peculiar. Aunt Esther says she has the Bartlett peculiarities. Tomorrow is Class Day at Harvard. 'Twill be a gala day. 'Tis the day of all the year for old Harvard—that is socially. We are going and anticipate a pleasant time. I have quite a pretty dress to wear tomorrow. Am going over this afternoon to get bonnet and parasol. I am very busy now that schools are closing. Love to all. Write soon to your daughter Rosa

August 15th, 1886 Dear Ma, Zenas arrived yesterday morning. He is looking thin but in the course of a few weeks I think we may have him looking better. I feared he would be very homesick but he isn't at all. I am still anxious to start as soon as we can safely, and he has seen something of Boston and his relatives. When I think of the hot weather there, I am not so anxious. But I shall stand next summer well enough. Don't feel any anxiety about

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that. 'Twas not the hot weather so much as other things that caused my suffering. I was a foolish girl then. I hope I have more sense now. I think sometimes, though, some people are born to be unhappy and make others so no matter how much they may wish that it were otherwise. If that be true, I am one of the unfortunates. But one thing is sure—I shant cause you any more unhappiness if it is a possible thing not to I am homesick and blue. Write soon and tell me to come home. Love to all, Rosa While in business school at Poughkeepsie, New York, Zenas had met a young Texan from Laredo named Ben. Zenas introduced his friend to Rosa, and Ben fell desperately in love. He followed her to Virginia, where she visited her Uncle Billy, and then came to Marlin to seek her father's approval. The meeting was explosive and unpleasant, and Ben left for Laredo where he later wrote Rosa. Laredo, March 28,1887 Dear Rosa, Last night I received three letters from you. Two of them I read through, with a happy and proud heart; the third and last made me feel sick at heart. I tried to answer it last night, but could not. Rosa, your accusation of selfishness is, no doubt, well founded. I know that I am selfish and try as hard as I can, I find it hard to conquer. My purpose in life seems to be to cause you pain. I wish I were dead and buried. Rosa, you think it strange that I should doubt you. It is not my purpose to indulge in recrimination. I believe were you to marry me now you would be a true, faithful wife and we should love each other more and more every day of our lives. If you loved me as I love you, you could not ask me to wait after all that has passed. Your promises made so sacredly in the North, your promise to marry me in Virginia, how have they been kept? Rosa, you are actuated by as blind a sense of duty as was the Russian soldier who jumped off

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the fort parapet, to certain death, at the command of his superior officer. Your father, in his answer to me, says that he has made a mistake in not setting the time at two years. He may as well have done so as to have said at Xmas. Can not something be done? It is a matter of absolute impossibility for me to stand the mental torture, doubt, and uncertainty that I have endured the last two or three months. You have suffered as much, if not more, all through the unyielding arbitrariness of your father. Rosa, you know I love you so that it seems to me that you are my god, my sole reason for living. I think of you every second that I am awake and dream of you when I sleep. I can be better than I am, and if we ever marry you will find that you have not placed your confidence and life in the hands of a "strawman." I will do everything to raise myself to your level and I will succeed. I know I am uneducated, but no one notices that. I will study hard and you can help me. Rosa, this letter will cause you pain, I am afraid, but what can I write? Better not write at all, I suppose. You must read it with reason and feel that every word I write is written by a loving hand, and that if I could get you to marry me tomorrow by having that hand burnt off, I could go through the ordeal. Rosa, never again question my love for you. That is wrong. Please not keep me awaiting an answer to this letter as my days are getting long in the land. Ben Ben returned to Marlin, received no commitment, and shot himself under a live oak tree on the compound. He recovered from the wound, but the bullet killed forever Rosa's love and respect. The old unhappiness had returned.

LETTERS FROM HOME

"Don't be 'Prodigal of Time' for it never returns. Be true to yourself and don't forget that a reputation of personal honor is the highest and most grand of all traits." Zenas Bartlett to his son, James William, July 11, 1888

ROSA NEEDED N E W INTERESTS to forget the unfortunate past. She organized the Marlin Shakespeare Society and the Glee Club to meet each month. She studied with Lalla and James William, preparing her younger sister and brother for college. In 1888 Lalla enrolled at Hollins in Virginia, where her Uncle Billy Jones and his wife Octavia had a house. James registered at a small college in Lebanon, Ohio, and being a sentimental boy, he saved the letters he received from his family. January 13, 1888 [From his sister Rosa] Dear Jim Willie, Ma received a letter from you last week. Pa said he would send the money that day. I suppose you have received it. Will send you $5.00 in this letter. When you are in need of spending money let me know. I fully realize how disagreeable it is to be without spending money when away from home and how you dislike to write to Pa for it. Pa will very rarely accept money from me to send you so don't hesitate. I nearly always have some on hand.

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My new piano has come. I am delighted with it. We have plenty of music now. Mr. and Mrs. Dickinson are here now. We have them over once a week. It seems so nice to have them back in Marlin. We have a splendid cook now and Dick has given Ma his daughter to raise. She is a smart girl. I am teaching her. We have had no cold weather to speak of. The vines are still green and the roses blooming. We have been having lovely flowers. We are all going to take memory culture. Wish you could take it. I would pay the expenses, but you would scarcely have time while at school. Churchill's appointment as postmaster has not been confirmed, but I suppose there is no doubt but that it will be. Then I suppose he will marry. Ma will begin gardening as soon as the ground is sufficiently dry. I suppose Cousin Ozella will write you a long letter today, so I will close. With much love, Rosa Marlin, January 16, 1888 [From his cousin Ozella] Dear Jim, Your letter came tonight. I read it first to your ma and pa standing by the mantle in their room. Anna Paul [Billy Jones' daughter] was there listening, and when I got through she said "Cousin Ozella, kiss me. Jim Willie sent me a kiss. Now you must kiss me." She told the folks at the supper table about it. She seemed to think the most important part of the letter was to her. Miss Octavia [Jones] took the letter to her house and by that time, Rosa rushed in after it, so it soon went the rounds. About an inch of snow fell last Sunday afternoon. Monday and Tuesday were cold and cloudy. The snow remained and such fun as the children had sliding I've never seen in this country before.

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Several impromptu sleighs were out with bells jingling. It made me think of "me ain countree." Wednesday and last night it rained a good deal. The cistern was completely filled. This noon the sun shone for the first time for a week. The weather is almost summer like. As your Pa has not prognosticated yet, we do not know what it will be tomorrow. I am in the parlor writing this. Uncle Billy, Lalla, Irma [Billy Jones's daughter], Rosa, Willie May Shelton, and Mr. Schumpert have gone over to Capt. Martin's to the Glee Club tonight. Last Thursday night they all met here and had a gay time. One day last week all the kinfolks went down to Callie's and took dinner. I still hear Lalla and Irma in Latin. Lalla is nearly through the fables and will begin Mythology next week, I think. I intend for her to get through Caesar in the next six months. We have had two or three cooks since you left. Sophie Wood stayed a week. Last Saturday Rosa sold her a dress for which Sophie was to pay her $6. She went over the river to get her things that evening. Neither she nor dress have been seen or heard of since. Rosa is about to write to President Cleveland to find out whether she can recover damages or not. Lou Goss is cooking now, and we are all able to gather around the family board and eat our allowance. We all miss you, but, Oh! if that table could speak! What unutterable misses it could proclaim. The biscuits go around now, and sometimes there is half a one left over. The dog and catfightover that. They still keep up poker, but tonight everything is quiet. Your pa was not well and retired early. Church down town. Zenas and Professor Dunkum alone in their glory. I hear noises that sound very much like snoring in the next room. Louise Finks [Sarah's great-niece] was very sick last night and your ma stayed up there all night. She is better today. 10 o'clock and time to stop. I may sit up and read till the girls get home. Zenas has just put his head in the door to know where Jim's letter is. You see, you suddenly have become of great importance. Church has just come from the office and gone to the lower-room. You

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can imagine us at any time moving on in the same old way—coming and going. I see Mr. Dunkum with the water bucket making hasty strides for the cistern once in a while. I imagine that bucket of water lasts a long time. "The sun stands tiptoe" every morning as usual, at the same time your Pa "goes by the field of the slothful and the man void of understanding." Good night and good luck. As ever, Cousin Ozella

Marlin, Texas, January 26,1888 [From his brother Zenas] Dear Jim, . . . Water is the great question of the Lower Room now. Church manages to squeeze enough out of the bucket in the morning to moisten his face, then Dunkum comes along and lends a beautiful black to it and I, being the last to arise, have the pleasure of thickening the mass. This, in substance, is about the operation we go through every morning. . . . Your Brother, Zenas

[From his mother] My dear Jim Willie, Your Pa received a letter from you this morning. I am glad you wrote to him. I think he felt bad you hadn't written to him before. Billy and Octavia left yesterday morning. It seems so lonely since. We miss Anna Paul. She was the pet of the family.

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I want you to have a better boarding place. I can't enjoy my meals when I think of you. I had rather you would pay 12 dollars a month. That is little enough. It has been raining ever since you left. Everybody thinks it will be a good crop year. I want you to stay two years at least, if possible, longer. Don't push. I had rather you would be thorough in a few things than superficial in many. Lalla says she wants to send a letter in this, but I can't wait. Nat will take it to the office. Will write you a long letter soon. I have 10 dollars for you. Do you want it now? Ma

February 23, 1888 [From his sister Rosa] Dear Jim Willie, I received your last letter some days ago. I inquired of Prof. Dunkum about a German lexicon. He stated that he had none. 'Twas a Latin one he had. I suppose, though, you have given up German and will not need it. Am rather sorry, but other things are more important. Your own language is of especial importance to you. Am glad you have joined the debating class. Pa received a letter from you. Suppose he has answered ere this and told you what you wished to know with regard to staying another year. You just do your best and we will try and keep you there as long as you wish to stay. We don't know what will turn up within a year. On last Monday night, Booth and Barrett played Julius Caesar in Waco. Quite a party from here went up. Pa, Church and myself from this household. I went up on Friday before. It was grand. I never enjoyed a tragedy so much. I like the play anyway and, of course, none could play it so well as they. I understand some of the people were disappointed. I presume they

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expected to see something preternatural and saw merely two live men. The house was crowded to its utmost capacity. Seats were $5.00, some $4.00, others, back in the gallery, only $3.00. The same night here the young ladies gave a Leap Year Party which it seems was a most enjoyable affair. The girls made a wall flower of Zenas and several others and divided their attentions to the more timid class. Dr. Shaw was the belle of the occasion. It has been raining here ever since you left, with two or three intervals of pleasant weather. The farmers are very much belated in planting, but I dare say 'twill be as well for them not to plant so early. Only the teams must be fed and corn is so scarce. This has been a terrible winter. I hope it is a good omen for another year. Ma is busy with her plants and garden when the weather permits her to be out. We went up on the court house last week. 'Tis splendid inside. We are very proud of it. The clock is a great convenience for us. We can hear it strike plainly. That reminds me, 'tis my bed time. Work hard and be a good boy. All send love. Rosa

March 4, 1888 [From his sister Rosa] Dear Jim, I have just finished writing a letter and have some minutes yet before the supper bell rings. You seem to appreciate letters so much ( "no matter what kind") that I shall take any and all occasions to write. Nearly every one is out. We are about to have a wood famine. Pa, Prof. Dunkum, and Zenas walked down to see if Big Creek was up this afternoon. It is up to the track. I hardly ever saw such rains as we had yesterday. Our yard was almost a sheet of water. The season is very late. The trees have scarcely begun to bud. Grass is beginning to look green. Ma says she will have radishes as soon as she can get to her garden.

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We had the fattest turkey for dinner. You should have been here. They teased Pa so. Before he could begin eating, they were all ready to be helped again and some a third time. He bore it very patiently. I send you in this letter $5.00 to attend some entertainment, theatrical, etc., if any worth going to there. You may have some opportunities you won't again. All send love. Rosa

Marlin, Texas, April 28,1888 [From his brother Zenas] Dear Jim: . . . The Courthouse, after receiving its finishing touch, was inspected, of course, by a great many, and I had the pleasure of wandering through it with some girls nearly every day. I was upon the topmost point a few days ago with some girls, and having a good telescope, began to take views around in the city. Now it happened that some of these same girls had carelessly left their doors and windows open and nothing prevented us from looking right down in their rooms with this fine glass, and you bet we made some developments, and among them a large mug under the foot of the bed. The girls went home determined to keep their doors and windows closed. . . . You are aware that your mare has a colt, something we were unable to account for as we thought she had been kept away from a stud. Church accused Dick of being its father. He replied by saying, "You ought to be ashame of yourself." We call it a Bastard for such it is. The mare is now over the river where they put her to a fine stud. It seems to be a very fine colt, though the horse must have been some scrub on the prairie. Dunkum goes out to the Ridge oftener than usual and by his general get up, am satisfied that something is coming to a focus very soon. He won't tell me, and I told him if he didn't give me a month's notice, I would break him up in business. He gives himself away at night.

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Find he is more affectionate now than formerly, as I wake up some time and find myself buried in his arms. I kick and get out of his clutches, but only for a short while, when I will wake up and go through the same maneuvors again. Would like very much to hear from you. Hoping etc., I am Your Bro., Zenas

[From his mother] My dear Jim Willie, I felt sad last night after I read your letter. I know I haven't treated you right. I ought to write to you often, but I hate to write a letter and I give up to my feelings. Will try to do better. I have been busy with garden, flowers, and chickens. That is all I do now. I have a young cook now. Perhaps she was here when you left. She has two children. Her name is Sophia Woods. I don't expect to keep her long. I prefer an older one without children. Lester is with us yet and as good as ever. Dick has been working for us since Christmas. He helps me in my garden so much. Is in there by daylight every morning. Is going down to see his children soon. Wants to give me his little girl. I think I'll take her. Everybody so busy on their farms now. Your Pa goes every morning when it don't rain. He fixed up the vines, the strings I mean, Saturday. I told him I knew he missed you. I haven't been to your place since you left. Haven't been over the river. Expected to go over last week, but it rained the day before. All are anxious for me to go to Austin in May. I am almost persuaded. I know I would enjoy it. Mr. De Cordova seems anxious to have us. Do you think I can stand it? I can't go to Virginia unless I

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could go on the telegraph. Someone might get sick at home. I can't do much but I never get tired waiting on my children. You ask about Churchill, Zenas and Mr. Dunkum. The two first are at the same place and getting along as when you left. Mr. Dunkum and Miss Mattie [Garrett] will be married the 10th of May. I didn't know it until today. Churchill told me. I knew there was something up but they wouldn't tell me what time. I asked Mr. Dunkum to go to Austin with us. He says he will, but I don't believe it. If I go, will try to get Carrie Dean to come home with me. Had a letter from Aunt Octavia last night. All well and having nice weather. I have missed Anna Paul so much. I want them to come back. I wish you could visit them this summer. I think Octavia one of the best women I ever knew. You want to know the home news. I don't know any other. George Stewart, Aunt Lucy's husband, died two weeks ago. Had Bright's disease. Was sick when you left. She is working on the farm. Living in our old house at Tonkoway. I see Sue often. The children come by every day going to school. Madeline and the baby come to see me. They are both pretty. Sallie and Mattie have just come by going to town. Left their babies at home. I wish you would write to Mattie. She would appreciate it so much. She is good and true. Rosa has her music class yet. Keeps her busy nearly all day. They keep up the Glee Club yet and have a good time. I hope you will be good and do the best you can. I feel that I can trust you. Your loving Ma May 16,1888 [From his sister Rosa] Dear Jim, Ma and Pa left last Sat. to attend the drill and dedication of the capítol. They will be absent a week or ten days. Are guests of the De

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Cardovas [De Cordova] and are having a most delightful time. Received a long letter from Ma today. She will have enough to think and talk about for weeks. The trip will do her so much good, I know. They will return via Lampasas. Stop a day or so there as guests of Mr. Dunkum's brother. He is proprietor of the Globe Hotel there. He was here to attend Prof's marriage. Made such an impression on Ma and Pa. Insisted upon their returning by Lampassas and secured a promise from them to do so. Ma writes that she met up with so many jolly people going. The De Cardovas keep a carriage and drive and live splendidly. Ma had seen Carrie Dean. She will make us a visit in about two weeks. We miss Prof. Dunkum so much. They board at Mrs. Key's. The wedding was a quiet one. We reached there at 4 o'clock. They were married and we left immediately for home. 'Twas fearfully muddy and 'twas all the horses could do to pull through. Everything at home almost as when you were here. We are having plenty of dew berries now. We have been making jam, cordial, and wine. Our garden is splendid. We have quantities of vegetables, enough to furnish your boarding house, I expect. Plums are ripening and the umbiquitous small boy at hand. The spring has been so backward. 'Tis cool even at this late date. Today is the first warm one we've had for two weeks. It rains half the time. The farmers are distressed. They can't work a third of the time and the weeds grow so fast. Uncle Armstead [Watson] is fearfully gloomy but Mr. Tommie [Tom Battle] isn't, so I feel assured. Miss Babe [Watson's second wife] and the children will leave for Tenn. the first of June or before. They will take Irene and Carrie and go to some summer resort. All send love. Your sister, Rosa

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June 25, 1888 [From his sister Rosa] Dear Jim Willie, I am like a dutiful sister sitting in this hot room writing to you while the others are out on the gallery making milk shakes and having a good time generally. Miss Bessie [a schoolteacher] left two weeks ago but Carrie and Sandford Dean [Frank Dean's children] are still here and we have pretty jolly times. They will stay most of the summer, I expect. Carrie has improved greatly. You would like her so much. Sandford is a nice boy and likes the girls and they seem to like him. A number of girls and boys meet up at sister's nearly every day to play croquet and romp; frequently they have parties. The kids are taking the day. They will have to make the most of this summer for most of them will go off next year. . . . Annie Carter is going to Lexington; Abbie Goodrich to Nashville with Irene and Carrie [Watson]; Maud [Battle] to Belton. I don't know where the others are going. Pa has had a new floor laid to the gallery. Had it raised and it seems so much cooler and nice and 'tis a nice place to skate now. It has rained so much that vegetation looks beautiful. I never saw Ma'sflowerslook so well. Frank [Stallworth, Jr.] and Reagan [Dickson] are here often and we spend our time making milk shakes mostly. Do you have them there? They are splendid. We have the finest plums I ever saw this year. Fruit is very plentiful and next week watermelons will be ripe. Don't you like cherries? I like them better than any other fruit, I think. Did you know Callie [Stallworth Peyton] had a boy? Isn't it wonderful? Everyone has been to see it except myself. They say 'tis really a boy. Carrie [Dean] and I are going down soon. Miss Babe and the children have left for Va. They will go by for Irene and Carrie [Watson].

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Uncle Armstead comes over now for the first time since the Algebra spat. I think he felt mean about having talked as he did. Ma and Pa enjoyed their Austin trip. They still talk about it. Pa doesn't like to hear about that $20.00. He is right sensitive about it. Everything around home about as usual. Aunt Betsy fusses more, if anything, about her milk. We take so much of it. Sophie still cooks. Lula is here and as faithful as ever. You must write every week. They worry when you do not. All send love. Write soon if you need any money. I have some for you. Your sister, Rosa

Marlin, Texas, July 11, 1888 [From his father] Dear Jim Willy, Yours of late date duly received. We, as you know, are always glad to hear from you. Note what you say about clothing. I send you by this mail a summer coat. You will need, I suppose, a Fall and Winter suit. Price a suit in some clothing store and let me know cost. All well. Church left a few days ago to go East for a month. . . . Crops promising. Weather hot—up high in the 90's. Write often. If coat don't suit, put it in your trunk or swap it off— cost $4.50. We are all proud of you and hope we shall not be disappointed. Don't be "Prodigal of Time" for it never returns. Be true to yourself and don't forget that a reputation of personal honor is the highest and most grand of all traits. Ever Affectionately, Z. Bartlett

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August 18, 1888 [From his cousin Ozella] Dear Jim, We have had no rain for several weeks and everything is burning up. Crops in the bottom stand the drouth well, but cotton on the prairie is losing very rapidly. I suppose you know that the corn crop was immense—the largest ever raised here. The oat crop was very large, but a great deal was lost in harvesting owing to the rains. Rosa and your sister [Sue Battle] left Marlin for Dallas Wednesday to visit Cousin Mollie [Eaken, a Green relative]. Sue took the baby. The rest are at home with Mr. Tommie. Maud is keeping house. Sue will be back Wednesday. Do not know when Rosa will come. She did not know herself. Carrie Dean left last Sunday. Sandford [Dean] leaves the first of next week. I like him so much. He makes himself at home and has seemed to enjoy his stay here. Lalla leaves for Va. the last of this month. The resident physician of Hollins will come to Texas to take the girls on. Annie Carter and Annie Majors go to Lexington, Ky. and Abbie Goodrich goes to Nashville, Tenn. where Irene and Carrie are. Abbie has been reciting lessons to me two and three times a week for two months. She will try for admittance to the collegiate department. I am so in hopes she will be able to enter. Your Uncle Armstead thinks it is preposterous for her to think of such a thing. W e shall see. Church was away about four weeks. He spent one or two days on his way in Evergreen, Ala., your Ma's old home. From there he went to Birmingham, Ala. where he stayed the rest of the time, with the exception of three or four days at Mont Eagle, Tenn. Zenas is still at Judge Wharton's. Although it is quite sickly through the country, we all keep well on the hill. Your Pa built an addition to his barn that he built last summer for a corn crib. The barn now is the best looking building on the place. Dick

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is here whitewashing up the place. Gennie is around all the time. He was driven off last Spring for stealing eggs and did not come back till a week or two ago. He will stay about now till he gets caught in some meanness when he will have to vamose the ranch again for a while. Mattie Branson has a little girl—born Thursday, Aug. 16th. You see, Callie's boy is only an oasis in the vast region of girls. Aunt Betsy fusses as much as ever. I have the full benefit of her and Sophie's quarrels here in the log cabin. Everything goes on and looks after the old style. The bell still rings half a dozen times before anyone will start to their meals. I believe your Pa is deafer than ever. The old bell is broken and they are using my old school bell at present. I expect to see a church bell suspended in the yard every day. Your Pa has always been saying that he was going to get a bell he could hear and now is his grand opportunity. I have written on without regard to law or order—anything that came in my mind and now it is dinnertime and time for the ringing of the bell to begin. I shall be glad to hear from you whenever you can find time to write. As ever, Cousin Ozella

Hollins, Virginia, September 9, 1888 [From his sister Lalla] Dear Jim Willie, I arrived here yesterday evening. Had a delightful trip, never enjoyed myself more. All the girls from Texas met at Houston and came in a special sleeper. The girls were so nice and jolly. Uncle Billy and Irma met me at the depot. They seemed so glad to see me. I think Hollins is certainly beautiful. There is a beautiful brook running right near the gate and the mountains are all around us. The girls here have a German here nearly every Saturday night. As I expect to dance, suppose I will have a nice time at least once a. week.

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Aunt Octavia has such a nice home and so manyflowers.She seems so anxious to have you and Henry [Carter] come to see her, but I don't suppose Henry will come as he will leave before you. School begins Wednesday and so we will have two more days to enjoy ourselves. We are going to the top of a mountain tomorrow. Write real soon. All send love. Yours, Lalla

[Marlin], Sunday, September 22, 1888 [From his cousin Ozella] Dear Jim, I did not think of Cicero and your request till last night. I awoke suddenly and it was the first thing I thought of. It is not often that I forget anything like that. I have not been well since school began and having so much to do must be my excuse this time. I am very sorry. We are all well. Rosa is still in Dallas. Do not look for her home till Nov. Lalla has not written yet. Miss Octavia wrote the next day after she got there. Sandford Dean left this week so our family is small. Charlie has been here this week. Mollie is in Temple. Chas, has been to St. Louis, with Jim LaPrelle. Reagan Dickson has gone there to school. Charlie had considerable fun with Reagan. Made him believe after they got there that his brother Jim was going to put him in a convent. Reagan just declared he would not go to any such school. On the sleeper the first night Reagan asked Charlie what he should do with his clothes when he undressed. Charlie told him to take them to the porter and get a check for them. As he started for the porter Charlie called him back. I have 58 pupils enrolled in my rooms. There are between 190 and 200 in all, thus far. We are all very much interested in your letter about your trip. I am so glad you took it. You may take more extended ones in your life, but I doubt if you ever enjoy one more.

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As I have several letters to write will close. Write soon. Cousin Ozella

Marlin, October 14, 1888 [From his cousin Ozella] Dear Jim, Your Uncle Billy came this morning before day. He reports all well in Hollins. There is going to be some getting up in the morning for a while and I am not sorry. And there is going to be some playing euchre at night. I'll not be sorry at that either if they don't need me, but there are so few here now, I'm afraid they will. It has been right lonely for your Pa at night. Church and Zenas away nearly every night. His eyes trouble him so that he cannot read much. So he comes out to my room and I read an hour or two every night. I don't mind much the reading, so it is not the papers, but they make me tired. If there happens to be an article that I would like to read, it is not your Pa's kind and he invariably says pass it and go on. I have just finished a Greek History—read it all aloud to your Pa. I am reading Homer's ILIAD. Am nearly through. I never read it before and I think it is grand. I am going to read the Odyssey next. I hear your sister and Mr. Tommie. They have just come to see Uncle Billy. I reckon Mr. Dunkum will be up soon. Your ma, Uncle Billy, and sister are all laughing. You know just how it sounds. You would like to be here about now. Well, we all spoke about you at noon. There are six in the family now. Our family has just dwindled down to nothing. I eat alone every noon during the week, as none of the rest come till one and after. We have a black pet kitten that comes and perches on my shoulder while I am eating and watches every mouthful I eat. It is Sandford's pet. He was a great boy for cats. School has been in six weeks. 204 pupils in all. 64 of them in my room. I have only between 40 and 50 every day. So much sickness and sore eyes it keeps the number much less than it would be. Rosa is still in Dallas. Your Ma and Pa may go up the last of this

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week for a few days. Maud will go with them. I believe Rosa is coming home by Waco and stop with Mrs. Dickinson a while. I would write you about Lalla if I knew anything to write. She has never written home yet or only about three lines once. Mr. Jones said that she was reading Caesar and that is all I know about her or her studies. The weather has been everything that could be wished for cotton picking, and as you already know, the crop is fine. Mr. Tommie is driving the gin full force. Zenas has not been well for several weeks, but I think is feeling better the last week. I do not keep up with the news of the young folks, if there is any. Everybody and everything is too busy for entertainments. The Georgia Minstrels were here last week. Had a crowded house. I enjoyed it very much and now I'll rest awhile and go in the house and see what they are all talking about. 8 P.M. I stopped so long to hear the talking that my letter is still unfinished and I can think of but little more to add. I hear your Ma and Uncle Billy talking on the gallery. Your Pa is waiting for his paper. Church and Zenas have gone down town. I can hear the singing at the Baptist church. Lester is still here. We have such a nice cook now. The neatest one we ever had and we know how to appreciate her. Uncle Jim Es was here the other evening. He says he is 115 years old and still loves peas. Hope to hear from you soon. As ever, Cousin Ozella

Marlin, Texas, October 19,1888 [From his father as dictated to his brother Zenas] Dear Jim, Your letter came duly to hand yesterday, and as usual was glad to hear from you. Your brothers are so negligent about writing that I will

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try to dictate a few lines myself. Your ma says send you a little money. 1 find a little in the match box, which I enclose. All that are left of us are well. Church and Zenas constitute the family. Rosa is in Dallas where she has been for about two months. She writes that she is enjoying it splendidly. Carrie and Sandford are both there, also Miss Lucy [Dickinson}. They are all stopping at Cousin Mollie [Eaken]'s. Your ma and myself will go up in the morning to spend a few days at the State Fair. Uncle Billy is here now; left Lalla all right, very well contented with school. We have received nothing but a stamped envelope from Lalla so far; hope she writes to you oftener. Sister Sue and family well. All the children go to school except the baby. Little Rosa is as sweet as ever. Maud will go with us to Dallas in the morning. Charley and Mollie as usual. Madeline promises to be a "beautiful child." . . . Ozella here busy with school. Lester is still here. Aunt Betsy is as cross as ever. Old Gray fat; driving him every day in my new buggy. Rover still living. Your ma's old black cat catches lots of mice. Your bedroom all vacant. Ozella stays in log house. Crops good. All busy picking cotton. Mollie has a fine colt with prospect of another. Uncle Billy drives in a cart most every day. Dull times here. Not enough to play euchre. Yours as ever, Z. Bartlett Per Z.W.B. in a hell of a hurry P.S. Good crop on your place this year. Frank S[tallworth, Jr.}. goes to the farm every day. Silverman still manipulates the soda font. Z.B. 2 P.S. Politics hot here. Strong opposition to Mills here. A. E. Watson leading for Jones of Waco, all the rest of us for Mills and Cleveland. Z.B. 3 P.S. Austin Robinson shouting for Mills and for once he and Watson

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agree like Satan and holy water. Write every Sunday if only a few lines. Affectionately, Your Pa. P.S. Aint this a manuscript.

10/20/88 Dear Jim, For fear you can't make the above out I will add a few lines this morning by way of explanation. Pa caught me last night as I started to town and would have me write a few lines (as he called it) for him. Think I got it down just as he dictated it. I was anxious to get off and would bring it to a close every few lines, but he would cause me to add P.S.'s. If you fail to read any part of it, yet get the five dollars, you will get all that's in it. Guess we will break up housekeeping when Ma, Pa, and Uncle Billy go to Dallas. We will have to do that or advertise for a housekeeper. By the way, a fine opportunity for some white girl. We were speaking to Pa the other day and he thought it would be a good idea to take a commercial course somewhere—Eastman's, for instance—before you came home, as you had expressed such a desire before you went off. I think it's a good idea for I shall never regret the course I took no matter what I engage in. Think about it, and rather than come home, by all means, take a business course. I much prefer Eastman's and think it has better facilities than any other school in the U.S. Well, I'll bring Pa's letter to a close. Be glad to hear from you at an early date, particularly in regard to above. Your brother, Zenas

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Marlin, December 23 [From his sister, Rosa] Dear Jim Willie, I wanted to write and get you a bundle off last week, but was so busy I couldn't. Hope you won't think we had forgotten you. Susie sends socks and I the muffler. Thought you would find it comfortable up there. Will send you $5.00 sometime this week, and Ma will send a small box of cake through the mail. Wish you could be with us during Christmas. Church has not yet returned from Florida. He took Capt. [John] Watkins to the State Insane Asylum. He is very violent sometimes. Tried to kill his wife. Imagines someone is trying to steal from him. It is so sad. The doctor thinks he will not live long. He recognized Churchill atfirst.He is lucid at intervals. Churchill has been appointed postmaster. Zenas still with Mr. Wharton. Don't know what he intends doing. I hope he will make something of himself. I don't care what he does. Mr. Wharton will move to Dallas in a few months. They are going to have a tree at the Baptist church. We will have one here for the children. Madeline looks just the same. Mamie is the cutest child I ever saw— though hardly so pretty as Madeline. Crops are pretty much gathered. Made a hundred or 2 dollars on your place this year, and it paid for all improvements on it. You asked if you must apply for diploma. If you meant—Will you be there until April—yes. Ma wants you to stay a year longer. I expect you will. Whatever you do, Jim Willie, when you do come home, make up your mind to go to work to be something in earnest. If you want to prepare for a profession and are in earnest, you will get the money in some way to prepare for it. All of us will help you, or if you choose to be a farmer, be an energetic, successful one—not a half-way nobody. I don't care what you are, so that you succeed in whatever you undertake. All send love and wish you a "Happy New Year." Rosa

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Marlin, Texas, January 2, 1889 [From his father] Your good letter to your ma came to hand a day or two since, my dear Jimmy, and gave us much satisfaction, as it always does to know of your welfare. We all enjoyed Xmas very much and put away our usual share of turkey, etc., but you may be sure yours and Lalla's places were missing and our thoughts ran up to the Mississippi Valley and Alleghanv Mountains. 'Tis well to be separated sometimes—makes us love each other more, and then the pleasure of meeting again in our sunny Texas. Enclosed you will find PO for $30.00, which you say you will need, which I send cheerfully as I think you know the worth of a dollar better than any boy I know. Crops very good the past year but did not make up for the almost total failure of the year before. Negroes very poor. I find it very difficult to make expenses out of them. I have no definite plan for you after your course is up in April. What are your aspirations, but don't dwell too much upon this. Store your mind well so if you can't do well on the little land that will fall to you, you can do something else. Write often to some of us and your sisters. 'Tis a good excuse and make Lalla write you long letters. Her letters here are very short. Goodbye, Jim, and be assured that we often think and talk of you. Affectionately, Z. Bartlett

Marlin, January 25,1889 [From his cousin Ozella] Dear Cousin Jim, I am out in the log cabin. It is half past eight. A bright fire on the hearth, although it is not cold, it is drizzling rain outside. Rain, Rain.

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We are just having three rainy days to one pleasant one right along, and you can imagine the state of the roads. Miss Clara Buckingham has been boarding here two weeks and rooms with me, and as I am writing is sitting on the opposite side of the table making out reports. Cousin Mollie [Eaken], Felix [Eaken], and Mr. Eaken came last Monday. Mr. Eaken went away again that night but Cousin Mollie and Felix will remain some time. Of course, times are pretty lively now and the table is well filled once more, with your pa at the head, Churchill, Miss Clara and myself on one side, Zenas, Charlie B[artlett, a cousin from Maine]., Felix and Mollie on the other and Rosa at the foot. Mollie is going for Miss Clara and Charlie hot and heavy, but does not succeed in teasing either of them worth a cent. However, it raises a war of words and that is the result aimed at. It serves the double purpose of amusing and helping digestion. Zenas began rooming down town this week. He has Jim Loughridge's old room in the LaPrelle building. Jim is going to Gainesville soon. He and Wagner have dissolved. Zenas thought he would get more time to study away from home, but I am afraid not. He takes his meals at home so only Church is in the lower room. Zenas took his trunk, Rosa had the single bed put in her room for Felix while Mollie is here and took the sofa out of her room and put it where the bed was. It made the room look quite odd. We were all in there last night playing a new game that we have called Game of Characters. I have four sets—one set of 600 questions on Biographical and Historical Characters, another 300 questions on the States, another 600 questions on American Literary and Historical characters, and the fourth, 500 questions on the Bible. They are very instructive as well as entertaining. Lester still does duty and Aunt Betsy lords around the same as ever. She don't rant quite as much as she used to when Aunt Lucy was here. Our cook won't fuss with her as it takes two to keep up a fuss. Aunt Betsy can't keep up both ends. I suppose some of the folks have written you all about Church's going to Florida and that Capt. Watkins was in the insane asylum. I am getting tired. It is ten o'clock so think I'll stop for this time. I

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expect that I'll think of several things that I wanted to tell you after this letter is mailed. Good night— Cousin Ozella

Marlin, Texas, March 3, 1889 [From his father] J . W . Bartlett Lebanon, Ohio The letters from Lebanon that reach some of us about once a week are very welcome visitants, my dear Jimmy. I have delayed to tell you my designs for your future for I had not fully made up my own mind the best for you. I think now, and Church and Zenas concur with me, that you had best take a course in some commercial college, say at Poughkeepsie, and if you are as smart as Zenas, you can graduate say by Sept. first, come home by Hollins, make a visit there and get back to Texas in the Fall after the hot summer is over. It will also be the best time to visit your Uncle Billy and maybe I will be able to let you make a visit Down East among my kinfolks. How does all this strike you? Affectionately, Z. Bartlett

Marlin, May 26, 1889 [From his cousin Ozella] Dear Jim, I do not think you have been the recipient of many letters since you have been in Poughkeepsie, otherwise I would not be writing you out of time for you are doubtless cognizant of the fact that you are in debt to me. Your ma suggested today at dinner that I write you.

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I can see your pa reading on the lower gallery. We all live on the gallery as usual these days. Sallie [Stallworth Finks] and her children have just arrived. It has been very quiet all the afternoon up to this time. Your ma is in unusual good health. I think her eyes do not trouble her and she sews a great deal. She has not worked in her garden as much as usual this spring. Your ma hears from Lalla occasionally. I think she is studying hard. Lester is still here. They have two children now. Dick works for your pa and gets drunk every Saturday. We have several news books—ROBERT ELSMERE, JOHN WARD PREACHER, AFRICAN FARM, which three are called the "Heretical Trinity." Zenas has Dickens' complete works, and then we have Drummond's NATURAL LAW IN THE SPIRITUAL WORLD, UTOPIA, Herbert Spencer's ESSAYS, THE REIGN OF SAN ARGYLE, SOCIALISM by Mill, and Mill's ON LIBERTY, and one or two others. I have a few new books. We had roasting ears for thefirsttime yesterday. This is the poorest written letter I've written for a long time. If you cannot make it out you will not lose much. I would be very glad to hear from you if you have the time to write. With love, As ever, Cousin Ozella James returned to Marlin in 1890 and was employed by Rush's hardware store, in which he later became a partner. He also farmed the land left him by James Jones, preparing himself for the eventual management of the Bartlett estate.

THE GREEN YEARS "Of all things I desire most is a 'Green Old Age.' I, too, have had my ups and downs in life but do not allow myself to indulge in vain regrets for the past." Zenas Bartlett to Sarah Page, January 14, 1885

Z E N A S BARTLETT wrote Sarah Page on January

14,1885.

Marlin, Texas, January 14, 1885 My Dear Sister Sarah. We received a letter a short time ago from Miss Libby informing us that your health was not very good, and I am quite anxious about you. I am constantly reminded that I am getting old and as you are some years older than I am, it is not unnatural that you should feel the infirmities of age, especially as you have had your share and more of suffering and trouble in this life. I hope you may get through this cold winter, and when spring opens, you may enjoy your usual health and live yet many years and retain your usual cheerfulness. Of all things I desire most is a 'Green Old Age.' I too, have had my ups and downs in life but do not allow myself to indulge in vain regrets for the past. I know I have many things to be thankful for—good, healthy, bright children of good habits, and if I cannot, owing to the reverses of fortune, leave them large estates, it may be as well for them that they rely upon their own exertions as I did.

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Now Dear Sister, Good Bye. If you could write me a few lines I would be so glad. Ever your affectionate brother, Zenas

Bartlett was a devoted father, and when James and Lalla returned from school in 1890, he rejoiced to have his children together. He missed his son Zenas, who went to Austin to study law at The University of Texas, and he was disappointed when Rosa left for Buffalo, New York, where the Wells family was then living. Sarah Wells and her husband, F. P. Wells, were to tour Europe and invited Rosa to stay with their daughters. Rosa was delighted with her visit, and her letters to her father showed that she had regained her enthusiasm.

March 31, 1891 Dear Pa, I wish you could hear the Unitarian minister here. He is the finest I ever heard, not excepting Phillips Brooks. He is polished, cultured, and sensible. In fact, I don't know a fault he has as a preacher. Last week he had as a guest Dr. Edward Waldo Emerson, son of Ralph Waldo Emerson, who lectured at his church on Thoreau. He is a true son of his father, not so talented, of course, but the same type—spare and spiritual. He was a poor speaker but that was forgiven him for his father's sake, though I believe he, too, was an indifferent one. We have read a good deal from Thoreau this winter so the lecture was particularly interesting. They were personal reminiscences, of course, and much was told one could not get from books. Cousin Sarah reads everything, it seems. We have read together much this winter, mostly Emerson and literature of that character Much love to all. Your affectionate daughter, Rosa

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Dear Pa, We returned to Buffalo yesterday evening after a week's stay in New York and one of the most delightful trips I ever made. I was charmed from the beginning to the end. Everything was done for our enjoyment, and we did enjoy it to the fullest extent. There were seven in our party —Mr. and Mrs. A. J. Wells, Marie [Wells] and I, and Mr. and Mrs. Coffin of Memphis and a friend of theirs. It seemed to me we saw everything worth seeing. W e attended some good theatre every evening and were utterly worn out when we left. Abbot was the only preacher we heard, and I liked him even better than I supposed I should. W e drove through Greenwood Cemetery and stopped at the Page monuments which caught our eye by chance. The only thing I regretted missing was a trip to Coney Island on a steamer, but the season has not opened there yet. We went through most of the larger stores. Tiffany's was equal to an art gallery. We, of course, visited the Metropolitan Art Gallery, and I saw more good pictures than I had ever seen before—among them Rosa Bonheur's Horse Fair, and one other I liked even better, though they are hardly to be compared, Joan d'Arc by Bostur LePaye. A. J. was so very kind, and I am indebted to him for the most delightful trip I ever had Affectionately, Rosa Nearly three months after this delightful trip, Rosa's father received two letters—one from A. J. Wells and the other from a man named Mullins. At Home, 39 St. Johns Place Buffalo, N.Y., August 9, 1891 Dear Mr. Bartlett, When I last wrote you, I did not expect to so soon have occasion to write you again. But it is Rosa's request that I do so. Also, a gentleman from Plymouth, Mass., who joins her in the request. The gentleman

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in question is Mr. James Mullins whom Rosa met while with us in New York. A friend of mine had known him in a business way for ten years past and introduced him to us. Their (Rosa and his) acquaintance from the start seemed to be an agreeable one, and he was with our party in New York while we remained there daily. He visited us at our home as our guest several times since and was with us one time two weeks. Of course he came to see Rosa. His age is suitable, he is bright in intellect, keen and quick of thought, polished and polite in his manners, and good looking with all the rest. He has been with the Plymouth Cordage Co. of Mass. for 21 years past and bears a high reputation as a business man. He gets a high salary and owns some stock in the company. He is not rich but well to do and in good circumstances financially. He seems perfectly devoted to Rosa and has succeeded in winning her heart. Mrs. F. P. Wells thinks highly of him as also does my good wife. We all love Rosa so much and have watched her with so jealous an eye. We should have objected long ago had we seen any good reason for doing so. . . . Yours, A. J. Wells

Buffalo, New York, August 9,1891 Dear Sir— I love your daughter Rosa Lee, and as the affection is mutual, I write to ask her hand in marriage, believing it to be in my power to make her happy and contented. It has not been my good fortune to know you personally, which I regret, neither is it possible, at this time, for me to pay you a visit, which I would like to do, on this very important errand. I know your daughter's happiness must be of vital concern to you, and I would like that you knew me better and that you would feel safe in trusting her happiness and honor to my keeping, and I court the most rigorous investigation on your part as to my character and standing in the community in which I have always lived, and to this end I take pleasure in

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refering you to any leading citizen of Plymouth, Mass., in which town I was born and have always done business, or more particularly to . . . [the names of men and their positions follow]. These are among the representative men of Plymouth who have always known me. If the list is insufficient, I can augment it to any length you may desire, as by an upright and honorable life I believe I have won the respect of my neighbors. As to my circumstances and prospects in life, I have explained them fully to Miss Rosa and she expresses herself as entirely satisfied with the home—barring accidents and ill health—which I can give her. Sincerely hoping for a favorable reply from you, which I will thank you to address to me care Curtis & Co. Mfg. Co., #60 to 66 West Monroe St., Chicago, 111., (in which Co. I am a director) I remain, Dear Sir Most respectfully and truly yours, James Mullins Bartlett gave his consent, and Rosa, wary of meetings between suitors and her father, decided to marry in the Wells's home in Buffalo. She wrote her mother on November 10,1891. Buffalo, New York November 10, 1891 Dear Ma, Since my dressmaker's bill came this morning, I have felt so blue and worried because I shall have to call on A. J. for more money and have you remit to him. I have been troubled lately because I discovered I had been too extravagant in some things, but I hoped to come out even. I thought your allowance so liberal I could get almost anything and was not as economical as I might have been and most sincerely wish I had been. F. P. brought over this handsome dress from Europe and wanted me to have Cousin Sarah's old dressmaker in Detroit make it as well as the traveling dress and tea gown. I suppose he wanted them to be extra, for she trimmed them elaborately and with expensive trimmings I did not expect. I shall have to get of A. J. $50.00 which I wish

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you would remit immediately. I cannot tell you how I hate to write you for this, and the fact that you will not complain does not make me feel less dissatisfied with what I have done. But it will be the last. You have always been so generous and good to me. I can never thank God enough for such a mother, and I can only hope and pray I may be a credit and comfort to her. Well, there is but one more day and I shall be married. I cannot help feeling somewhat sad. But I am more and more convinced of the wisdom of my choice, for while Mr. Mullins is not in any way remarkable, I am sure no one else could suit me so well I hope you are all well and happy. With a heart full of love for all, I am Your affectionate daughter, Rosa The compound was a popular gathering place during the first half of the Gay Nineties. Churchill and Jim were still young bachelors living at home with their parents and their sister Lalla. Two unattached rooms were erected in the yard for Charlie, Mollie, and their children so that the family could all be together. Bartlett had complained that his sons were the only ones left in Marlin with whom he could discuss literature and philosophy. The Unitarian Church in Boston sent him Savage's sermons, which he read to them aloud at command performances on Friday evenings. On Saturday nights Captain Carter, Captain Goodrich, Captain Johnson, Captain Martin, Judge Shelton, and Billy Jones would join Bartlett at his round table for a long session of poker. Discussions of Civil War exploits were not allowed until the game was over and a toddy served. Circuit riding preachers and pedagogues from Baylor College were asked to Sunday dinners to argue with their host, a self-styled agnostic who stood over a huge turkey, talking and gesturing with his carving knife. "Why do you invite those good men to your house to insult them, Mr. Bartlett?" Sarah asked. "You notice they always come back," he replied. Many young people came by the compound to visit Lalla Bartlett,

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a pretty and friendly girl. She served on the arrangement and floor committees for the Leap Year Ball held at the Battle's residence on New Year's night of 1892, and she was a sponsor of a dance given by "The Young Ladies of Marlin" at King's Opera House later in the year. She had smaller dances and soirées at home, and The Marlin Ball reported a party she had helped plan for her nieces. It is seldom that so many little people assemble together as were seen at the Bartlett home Friday evening. The gathering was occasioned by an invitation from Madeline and Mamie Bartlett to attend a Mother Goose party. Long before dark the little lads and lassies, costumed to represent the characters in the Mother Goose rhymes, began to arrive and the fun and frolic commenced. The towering oaks in the yard were illuminated from their trunks to their tops with Japanese lanterns of every shade and color. Under the trees the little ones revelled to their hearts' content in the games of childhood. Aunt Beadie, one of the oldest servants in the Bartlett household, was very much in evidence looking after the children. After they had tired of playing, tables were spread under the oaks and the little ones feasted with great heaps of cream and cake.1 The gayety of the town was interrupted in the spring of 1895 when Lalla, sick with consumption, was taken to St. Louis to be examined by a specialist. She died while there, and her father and mother accompanied her body home on the train. Her brother Jim later proposed to her best friend, Annie Carter, who received a letter from Rosa. 530 Massachusetts Ave. Dear Annie, Jim Willie sent me your picture. It came yesterday and with it a message from him that made me very happy. I wish you might know with what love and joy I shall welcome you as our sister. It has been one of the dearest wishes of my heart that he would some day marry just such a woman as yourself. I know his needs because I understand his nature so well. I know his just and upright soul, that few know, and fewer—alas—appreciate. I feared that the outcome would be that 1 This passage is quoted from a newspaper clipping in the author's collection of documents.

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he would grow cynical and somewhat hard, but your beautiful spirit will overcome that tendency and make him the noble man that he is capable of becoming. Our loss will be less bitter now. It almost seems that God has sent you to comfort us—to comfort our mother for she, too, is very happy in this—and I doubt not that Lalla knows and rejoices with us. May God bless you both. With sincere love, Rosa After Lalla's death, Bartlett turned to his grandchildren for solace. Mollie's children, Madeline, Marne (Mary), Tom (Thomas Battle), Zenas, and Lawrence helped plant his garden, following behind him to drop seeds into the holes he had punched in the ground with his walking stick. He wanted them to know and love poetry, and he assigned them stanzas to memorize. They would recite to him before supper, and the best performer would be rewarded with the sugar from the bottom of his toddy glass. He sometimes drove them to Tonkoway in his buggy, and when his business was done, they would go to the Falls and watch the river flow. He would talk of the great flood in 1866 which changed the course of the river, shifted the site of the Falls, and lowered its height. He told how Sarah's sister, Jane, seeking high ground, gave birth to her baby in a cotton gin. There were tales of California rivers which he had searched for gold, and he spoke of his trip down the Chagres. "When I was going through Panama, I had to cross a jungle stream, and I saw something that looked exactly like a log. In fact, I would have sworn it was a log. I got on it and it started moving.'' He paused. "It was an alligator," screamed his excited audience. "No, it was only a log," he said. Among the Negroes living at Tonkoway were Preacher Primus and Sinner Primus, the former a lay minister and the latter never darkening the church door. When Preacher died, all plantation work ceased during the days of mourning and elaborate funeral activities. When Sinner died soon thereafter, Bartlett learned from his foreman that no one would bury him, "him being a heathen." He furiously summoned

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his hands to the colored graveyard where he conducted the funeral himself. Brooks, a courtly Negro, had dug the grave and stood with shovel in hand by Bartlett's side. He quoted the sermon years later, imitating perfectly the Down East accent of his old master: "Sinner Primus was a good old man. He never did lie and he never did steal. How many of you can say that? Eh? Eh? Eh? Primus didn't go to church on Sundays, but he didn't get drunk and break the Commandments on Saturday nights. How many of you can say that? Eh? Eh? Eh? Primus will be walking the streets of Heaven when some of you rascals are burning in Hell." The old man paused and looked into the sky before his final lines. "Dust to dust, ashes to ashes, cover him up, Brooks." Bartlett summed up his feelings about death in a letter to his sister Sarah: In a few years more we will go the way our fathers have gone, and my instincts assure me all will be well. In spite of all creeds and dogmas, nothing is more true than the Quaker poet has said "Love will dream and faith will trust That somewhere, some how meet we must." He died of a stroke on December 4, 1897, and The Marlin Ball editorialized: Mr. Zenas Bartlett, one of the most useful and esteemed citizens of Marlin, is dead. This sudden and unexpected event has cast a gloom over our entire city—as a husband and father, Mr. Bartlett was ever thoughtful, affectionate, and devoted; as a neighbor and friend, he was kind, benevolent, and most generous; as a citizen he was patriotic and solicitous for the public weal. He was liberal and progressive and had been a potent factor in the development of the community in which he had so long lived. He was a man of broad ideas and extensive reading. He was strong in his convictions, and his likes and dislikes had the same shading. He passed through the scenes and hardships incident to pioneer life, and he died with the profound respect and confidence of all who knew him.2 Charlie Bartlett died fifteen months after his father's death, while serving as Marlin's mayor. Sarah spent the rest of her life caring for 2 This passage is quoted from a newspaper clipping in the author's collection of documents.

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her son's widow and children. Mollie's last baby, Charlie, was born three months after her husband's death, and her son, Lawrence, died several years later. Madeline was sent to St. Louis to live with the James LaPrelles and attend classes at Miss West's and Marne (Mary) went to her Aunt Rosa's to graduate from Plymouth High School before entering Peabody in Nashville, Tennessee. Their brothers missed them and Tom, aged thirteen, wrote Mame in the fall of 1902. Marlin, Texas Dear Mamie We are training the pony's for a show and Uncle Church is making us some bridles out of webing and is going to make Bugger and myself some double harness for Princess and Trilby. You should have been here during the street fair. They would have dog and wildcat fights and Mr. Will Oltorf had two hounds and the dogs would kill both of the wildcats. They had a little train about a foot and a half tall and there could but one person get into it at once and they had a flying genny and then there was Esau, the snake eater. 'Have you saw Esau the snake eater. He really eats them raw. He pulls off their heads and pulls off their skins and eat them, as you would eat a banana.' And here is a subscript of Ida, the half lady. 'Idda, tha horftlatty—a head without a botty. Joust as she is reprosentive on the outside. 10 & 15 cents will take you to see Ida the horf latty. She is here, people, she is here on exhibition. A breathing head without a body.' I will write you more news the next time so I will close. Your brother, Tom Bartlett Ten-year-old Zenas wrote next. Marlin, Texas My dear sister, We are going to have a mapole dance. We are going to dress Bugger's two dogs up for Mrs. Sniter and Mr. Sniter and have Charlies

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little fox terrier for Mrs. Sniters baby. We have learned Trilby to get up on big wooden box with Tom on her and then all the rest of us come out and our ponies will put their four feet on a little box by the side of Trilby. And then we get down off of the boxes and then we go around in a big circle about five times and then go out. Walter Honeycutt is our clown and then the clown comes out on the clown pony and lets him pitch. And then Mrs. and Mr. Sniter comes out with her baby and then sends for her carriage. And when she goes out Charlie's little white dog will clime the latter and then he will jump and fall on a sheat and then the fire commences. Tony and Jipsey are hitched up to one of the firewagons and Princess and Trilby are hitched up to the other and then the show is over. Your loving brother Zenas

When Madeline and Mame finished their educations, they returned to Marlin to teach in the public schools and help their mother and grandmother in the management of the compound. Their uncles had moved into homes of their own, and Rosa wrote Mame some advice.

Plymouth, Massachusetts Dear Mary, What are you doing with yourself this summer? Are you reading any of your Grandma's good books? In a letter written in Austin you spoke of taking Yoga baths. Your Uncle Mullins was hilariously mirthful and exclaimed, 'There's a faithful disciple for you.' Between you and me, he is constantly quoting Ramakrishna's good sensible sayings and thinking them his own wisdom. He reads all of his books to me and in his heart he loves them I know. He doesn't even speak lightly of them. Does your Grandma take this year's lessons, and do you read them? If she does not, let me know and I will have them sent to you. I want you to study them. They will be worth more to you than several courses in Pedogogy. I'll tell you what I will do. I am sincere. If you will read them conscientiously, you will feel thankful that I insisted. If you do

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not, let me know and I will compensate you for your time and trouble by a crisp $5.00 bill to be spent foolishly. I feel justified in saying foolishly because if after reading those lessons you haven't the perception to appreciate them, you couldn't spend it otherwise save by chance. I am reckless now. I will do more. If after studying them, you will beguile your uncles into reading them—I will give you five dollars for each one that you snair. It is all very well to joke about this, Mary, but I am not joking. I am in earnest, and if you will take up this study you will understand why and never cease to be thankful that you were led into it if only for worldly considerations though there is far more in it. It will be some work and trouble, but you will grow into a very common place woman if you shirk work and trouble. 'All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy,' but all play makes him a silly one and that is worse, and the tragic part of it is, it ceases to be fun— I hope you don't find life too demoralizing there. That constant seeking for pleasure. They don't find it, but they don't know it. Some of the girls you go with lead such inane, idle sort of lives. I think enough of you and Madeline to be glad that you can't afford to. You two will have to be your mother's support until her boys grow up and take that responsibility. It may look hard to you now, but it will make noble women of you both. Your loving aunt Rosa

Mame and Madeline shared in the work of the compound, for the servants were old and feeble. A flood on the Brazos sent them Lottie, a colored refugee from the river bottoms near Tonkoway. She was completely untrained as a house girl or cook and when told to have cauliflower for dinner, she put it into a crystal bowl and placed it on the table as a centerpiece. She was neat and discerning, however, and when she found an ancient crone, a victim of the same catastrophe, washing her hair in the kitchen sink, she reported it to Mrs. Bartlett. Sarah sent Madeline to stop the outrage and rebuke the culprit.

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"Are you washing your hair, Aunt Millissa?" Madeline asked superfluously. "Yes, urn." "Well it certainly does look black," said Madeline and returned to the front of the house to report her failure. Sarah hobbled down the long hall on her crippled feet. "Millissa, are you washing your hair in my sink?" "Yes um, Miss Sallie." "Uh huh," came the only correction from the old lady who had owned slaves but who respected the dignity of everyone and could offend no one. It was necessary for Mame to make the third trip to the kitchen to accomplish the mission. Lottie, her daughter Blizzie (Baby) O'Keef, and her husband, Felix, lived for many more years in the cabin vacated by Ozella Bartlett when she returned to Maine. They later moved North, but Lottie kept in touch with the family. Some excerpts from her sentimental letters from Brooklyn during World War II recall life on the compound during the tranquil time of her faithful service.

Brooklyn, New York, May 18, 1942 My Dear Miss Mame, They all have gone to work and I am by my self this morning. They have ben around here for too week on vacation and every time I would write a letter to you Baby would say don't say that don't say this she will get bored reading it and you didn't spell this and that. So they gone now. Well to tell the truth Miss Mame I would cry every time 1 tried to write. Something would say old friends old friends someone that loves you so I would have to stop anyway because I would think so much and so far back when I first came to work for you all. Miss Mame I remember every thing—remember when I droped a bottle of milk in your bed room. I told Miss Molly after you had gone to school Miss Mame didn't say a thing when the milk wasted in her room and Miss Molly said it scared you so bad you couldn't speak and we shure did

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laugh because I droped it right behind you and it sounded like a gun— I remember when Miss Madeline would go on a visit and write Miss Molly to write for her to come home—I no Miss Madeline and I sure do love her and you to Miss Mame. When I lived in Milwauki I uster serve dinner parties for Mrs. Sodall and I told her about you all the firs people I ever work for I call Miss Sally and Miss Molly, Miss Madeline and Miss Mame. She said is that one family. I said yes, mom. She said all girls. I told her one grandmother and daughter-in-law and too girls. She said all Miss. I said Miss Mame and Miss Madeline is married. She laugh so. What funy a bout that, Miss Mame.

Brooklyn, New York, 1942 Listen Miss Mame can you remember a red silk peticot you gave me once that uster rattle when I walked. Thats when I uster be call well dressed those time and I uster wear Miss Madeline lavender silk dress she gave me. Oh and Miss Madeline gave me a navy blue coat suit. Well was I dressed up and hose and corsets I uster didn't have to buy. Sissy Stella uster work for Miss Louise Goodrich. She was called well dressed too but she was not up to me they all said. You see all I uster have to do to Miss Madelines clothes was him them up and they fitted me jam up. No jive—thats New York slang word Miss Mame. Smile. If I could just live apart of those old good times again. Miss Molly uster tell me that Miss Sally give me clothes of her back. I did not no what she meant so one day Miss Sally had you looking for a shemie she wanted me to have so Miss Sally looked and she had it on her self. Well all them things I like to think about.

Brooklyn, New York, 1943 So Miss Mame I am glad you can remember like I can. Some people can't remember a thing. Ask Miss Madeline can she remember when I uster comb you all hair and put ribbon on it. I uster hurry up with my work to get through so I could comb you all heads.

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Brooklyn, New York, 1943 You know Miss Mame I can think about Miss Madeline now and laugh at the thing Miss Madeline uster do and say. remember when you and Miss Madeline was going to Grand Opera in Dallas to hear John McComac sing and I drove you all to the depo with old John. Well Miss Madeline was sitting with you in her lap and I wasn't driving to suit Miss Madeline and she jumped out of the buggy and you in her lap. Well sir I laughed till this good day about that, when I got back home Miss Molly ask me you no how mothers ask about their children if everything all right got their own time and the like and I said Miss Molly me and Miss Mamie got ther all right but Miss Madeline jumped out. She beet us their I guess—I cant understand till this day how Miss Madeline got out the buggy you in her lap. . . . try and remember when I was to drive Miss Molly up to Mrs. Battle one morning. She got in the buggy and I hit old John and he turned the buggy up one side and Miss Molly jumped out. When I got the buggy stradten Miss Molly was sitting own the porch and she would not let me take her just sat their and rocked—I am sending the pictures back. It sure was kind of you to send them so I could see that dear old God blessed house where I had so many happy days. We all was so gay then.

Brooklyn, New York, 1945 I sure was glad the other day to hear your voice coming over the air. I was grining so my mouth got tired. Miss Mame Sat. Baby and I went on a picnic to Hyde Park and we went all through President Roosevelt home, and it something ther remind me of Miss Sally so very much. Its a wonderful place so quiet and peace full rocking chairs like Miss Sally uster have.—Oh I have to say this, it was and old bell their so I knew it played a part there sometime or anothers. I ask the man you could ask him anything so I ask him what was the bell for. he said it was to call the workers from the fields so I said all old American's setterlers was something on the same order, where I uster work when I was very young I uster ring a bell to wake people up in the

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morning for breakfast. Miss Mame is that bell their now. if it is please keep it. I want to ring it again.

Brooklyn, New York, 1945 It Xmas again. Never a Xmas come what I don't think of you all. Remember how Miss Sallie uster make fruit cakes and pound cakes and the time you told me 'Lottie theirs a collier flower in the kitchen and I put it in a bowel of water and sat it on the table. Ho ho te te— Laugh Miss Mamie.

Brooklyn, New York, 1945 Miss Mame do you remember how you uster call me to help you make egg nog and how we uster go out to the old log house looking for something. I sure did like to go out their with youall look all in trunk and have a good time. You would give me pictures to put in my room was I happy then. I will never forget those good old times. I still remember that little motto that hung by Miss Salley's mantell boad that said do all the good you can while passing through for you will not pass this way again. I wonder Miss Mame if I did all the good I could for you all. I want to cry then I think of you all. All of you all was so good to me and Baby. Miss Madaline was just as good to Baby as to Tady1 then and Miss Salley was just as good to me as she was to you and Miss Madeline so you no Miss Mame I find myself wishing I could pass through again—

Rosa became ill in 1905, but she kept the seriousness of her condition from her mother. Her husband rented a house in Berryville, Virginia, hoping that the climate would be beneficial. Rosa improved and wrote a confidential letter to Jim Willie in 1907. 1

Tom Bartlett's daughter Sarah.

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Berryville, Virginia Dear Jim, I rely upon you for information concerning the family. I love all of their letters, of course. They are cheerful and optimistic but not always satisfying. I thoroughly believe that all is for the best, but I like to know the facts as they appear. I can always reconcile them to my theory. You will understand me, I am sure. Now that I am hampered and crippled I look to you more than ever as the bulwark of the family and a tower of strength—I am pretty well now. The fight for my life is over. I feel assured of that for the first time. It has been a long and hard one. It would have been so easy to die and life was not a joy, but when the test came it seemed so cowardly to give up. Then too in my heart I knew that I had to fight it out sometime and if I shirked now it might be harder later on. But now that life is assured it is a burden and embarrassment and will be until I regain my faculties and am as I was. I suppose that this may be a harder fight but I'll win out. I must. I hope it will be in this life. It would be easier to have a new body given me, but since it is a question of mentality, as I believe, I would not be helped since I would soon have that in the same condition supposing my mentality persists. I have tried to work out an easier way, but I'll just have to get to work to control my mind. It is a stubborn and materialistic one and that is why I foresee trouble. I am sure that my body will respond if only I can get my mind in condition. You have never known the frightful condition I was in. I didn't want you to. It would only have distressed you and you couldn't help me. My nervous system was wrecked for a while. I was blind, and all of my faculties were impaired. I have about regained all but sight but that is returning slowly. My left side is still weak, but I walk now two miles a day and alone for a part of it, so you see I am gaining in every way. Don't speak of this to anyone ever. When you write ignore it and assume that I am all right as I am—potentially.... Jim, I hope you are keeping your eyes upon Mollie's boys and that you and Annie will help them all you can to grow into manly efficient men. They always seemed like such forlorne little chaps to me. My

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heart aches whenever I think of them. The girls are so fine, I think there must be something in the boys—there is of course. Try to help them to develop and give them a lift when you can. I wish they might have the care and attention that Zenas's boys will have. Your loving sister Rosa One afternoon, two years later, Callie and Sallie called on their Aunt Sarah and found her sitting in her bedroom in front of the fire with Mollie. They visited for an hour, and when they left, Mollie followed them to their carriage. "Aunt Sarah seemed so detached," Callie said, as they walked toward the gate. Mollie told her that Rosa had died that morning. Sarah never left her home again, but most of Marlin came to her. Her children, grandchildren, nieces and great-nieces would gather in her room each day. Captain de Bordleven would come to discuss religion, Captain Johnson to expound spiritualism, and Mrs. Isabell Cheeves to explore New Thought, Unity, and Christian Science. She received them all in her bedroom where she sat in her wicker rocking chair. She became ill in June of 1914, and remained in an apparent coma for several days. She roused herself to murmur, "Be still and know that I am God," after which came death and the end of an era.

EPILOGUE The Old Calvary Gang "Folks have died this year who never died before." Tom Bartlett at his dinner table in 1960 on hearing of the death of a contemporary

AN AGING DOWAGER, with impeccable Houston connections, complained to a contemporary that she no longer knew anyone in that fastgrowing metropolis. "You know the old Glennwood gang," he replied, referring to that city's old and exclusive cemetery. The old graveyard in Marlin is called Calvary. It contains Fortunes, Norwoods, and Oltorfs, buried over a century ago. A cross section of the townsmen lie there, and its only claim to exclusiveness is its lack of space. When I was a boy, my Uncle Tom (Thomas Battle Bartlett) would take his children and me for long walks through Calvary on Sunday afternoons. It would be spring, and the wild flowers would cover the rolling green terrain, sheltered by live oak trees. Uncle Tom would stop at each grave to reminisce and tell the story of its occupant. One headstone was cast in the form of an electric light pole to commemorate a man who had been called to his Maker while replacing a faulty wire for the Texas Utility Company, and Uncle Tom said this was a dangerous precedent, lest there follow a steady erection of granite in the shape of phallic symbols and whiskey bottles.

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Churchill Jones laid out his family graveyard on a post-oak covered hill, a few hundred yards behind his house. A rectangular brick wall was erected around the plot, and two handsome iron gates were placed at opposite entrances. Members of the family were buried inside the enclosure, and favorite slaves were buried outside the wall. The house burned shortly after Churchill's death, and all of his children moved to homes of their own east of the river. The Falls plantation was divided among his heirs, and all that remained of the old headquarters was the solitary graveyard. When James Jones died in 1880, his funeral services were held at his brick cottage near Tonkoway, and afterward his body was taken across the river to be buried next to those of his mother and father. The roads and fields were difficult to travel due to heavy rains, and the long cortege was hours reaching its destination. This melancholy trip caused the family to re-evaluate its burial plans and resulted in a minor exodus from the plantation graveyard. Armstead Watson had his wife Amanda exhumed and removed to Calvary, and legend holds that she had petrified, requiring four mules to lift her from the grave. It seems more likely that water had seeped into the heavy metallic coffin. Mules were not needed to bring up Paul Jones. His imprint in dust blew away, leaving some bones and a boot heel. The Bartletts watched these macabre proceedings, and they thought of the tortuous trip to the graveyard, where so many whom they had loved were buried. Practicality prevailed over sentimentality, and, abandoning Friend Green to the Joneses, they purchased a lot in Calvary. It was a large area separated from the rest of the cemetery by a ravine which gave it privacy. Near its center are a big stone monument bearing the one word, BARTLETT, and two smaller markers for Zenas and Sarah. Their sons, James William and Zenas Wilson, lie to their east, and Mollie and Charlie lie directly west. Churchill Jones Bartlett, his service as legislator and Texas secretary of state long done, rests near Lalla, south of the vacant space which had been saved for Rosa by her father's side. After her death, James Mullins informed her family that Rosa had wanted her body cremated and her ashes dropped into the ocean in front of their house. Thirty-five years later her niece Mame visited

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Mullins' spinster sister in Plymouth, and as she was preparing to leave, the old lady handed her an urn containing Rosa's ashes, explaining that her last request was to have them scattered on southern seas. Mame brought them home in her suitcase and told no one until after her dutiful and solitary swim in the Gulf of Mexico. After Madeline Bartlett returned from school in St. Louis, one of her frequent visitors was Frank Oltorf. She first had known him as a small, redheaded boy called Peck by their schoolmates, and he had come to her Mother Goose party ambitiously dressed as Papa Goose. He later attended The University of Texas, where he was active socially on the campus as a Sigma Chi. He had friends throughout the state, but he now spent most of his time at Madeline's, causing her mother to name a visiting cat on the compound Peck. The family, sitting at supper one evening, heard Lottie yell, "Get out of my kitchen, Mr. Peck," and was relieved to learn that she was speaking to the cat, respectfully using a prefix with that name. Madeline had another beau named Elbert Holloway. Knowing Peck's preference for the witticisms of Madeline's mother, whose sense of humor was famous throughout the town, Elbert tried to gain family favor by discussing religion with her grandmother. Madeline went to dances with Peck, whose repartee she found amusing and gay, and she went to socials with Elbert, whose kindness and devotion she found touching. They were both at the compound constantly, and she found it necessary to operate on schedules for the next ten years. She was with Elbert on Monday, Wednesday and Friday nights, and Peck could be found either reading at home or playing poker at Fessor Falconer's farm. She was with Peck on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday nights, and Elbert could be seen either at church meetings or in fraternal halls. She spent Sundays at home with pious Onnie Robinson, until he arrived early one afternoon while she was still napping on a pallet on the porch. Her grandmother, sitting by a window, saw him coming and quickly called, "cover up." Madeline was startled and grabbed the bottom of her nightgown instead of the sheet. Mr. Onnie never recovered, and Sundays were given to Peck. On March 5, 1922, the thirty-eighth anniversary of Mollie and Charlie's wedding, Peck appeared at the compound with a preacher, a

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license, and an ultimatum. He and Madeline were married in the parlor as she leaned on a chair for support. They lived in the old house with her mother and her brother Zenas, and I was born the following year. My childhood memories are warm and pleasant, for our home was happy and harmonious. Mother, a good conversationalist and a wonderful mimic, filled our lives with laughter and love. My grandmother died in 1933, and my father died in 1936. In 1940 Mother married Elbert, who had waited for her all those years. They were married in the same parlor where my father and the preacher had taken her by surprise, and this time she leaned on me. The ceremonial ring had been in Elbert's bank box since Mother's refusal to accept it twenty-five years before. When I returned from World War II, a visiting cousin asked me if I planned to marry. Mother intervened to say that she felt I would choose a proper wife at the proper time, but she knew she wouldn't like her. "That's not fair. I liked both your husbands,'' I retorted. She acknowledged my coup with her eyes. Mother died in 1964, two months before her eightieth birthday. She entered the hospital on Monday, and they gave her a blood transfusion on Tuesday. She had always hated illness and suffering, and she asked me not to let them prolong her life. It was unnecessary because she slept into a coma that night and died Wednesday morning. Rosa Mae Lovell had known Mother since childhood, and her comment was like an epitaph: "No one ever crossed Madeline in her life. She decided she wanted to die, and God let her." Mother had had Elbert buried in the Holloway lot in 1949 and gave me instructions about her own grave next to my father's. "Put on my marker, 'Madeline Bartlett, wife of Frank Oltorf'," she said, and so it reads. My father's tombstone is quite large and shaped differently from the others in the Bartlett lot. Mother had planned a similar marker, but her sister-in-law, Annie Lou, had objected, saying that she considered my father the outstanding member of her family and one whose monument should be seen from afar. The front of the stone states simply that he was born in 1885 and died in 1936, but the large

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word OLTORF on the back proclaims that he is not to be lost among Bartletts. I remember my father with tenderness. When I was very young, I was entranced with the moon, and he would take me outside at night to watch its progress through the sky. He would hold me in his arms and sing: I want to be like Daddy And I want to walk around, And I want to see the ladies, And I want to see the town. When I was older, he would come home from his law office, and the two of us would feed the animals together. There were horses, cows, sheep, dogs, ducks, chickens, and pigeons, all of which were named by me and easily identified. My father was as interested as I when we looked at a newborn calf or a nest full of downy ducks. The parrot in the house occasionally called, "Come here, Peck," in perfect imitation of Mother's voice, and we would go inside to discover the hoax. It gave him time to mix a drink before returning to the yard. We would arise at sunup on summer mornings, and my mother would join us in a ride to the farm where my father's hands were working in the cotton fields. Phine, who had been born a slave, drove home with us one day to help with fall house cleaning, and I scolded her for her failure to erect my pigeon boxes. Mother never allowed me to raise my voice to anyone, and she felt that Negroes and those who could not answer back should be treated with extreme courtesy. "Don't you ever talk that way to Phine again," she said sternly. Phine came to my rescue. "I don't mind, Miss Madeline. He's like all them Oltorf s. They blows up mighty quick, but comes down mighty easy." She had worked as a girl for the "Old Judge," James Oltorf, and had later kept house for his bachelor sons, Will and Louie. She knew whereof she spoke. I was twelve when my father died, and it was the greatest loss of my life. I wonder often what I would have been had he lived. Aunt Mame says that he acted, looked, and thought like Winston Churchill.

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I have been stopped on the streets by strange men to hear my father praised. There are stories of ribaldry and stories of sensitivity; there are tales of harshness and tales of gentleness; and they are told with equal admiration. He was a complex man. I know only that I loved him and was happy being with him. The proximity of Uncle Tom's grave to the big ravine reminds me of his story of a flash flood that sent bodies careening down the creek to be found later, grotesquely hung in trees. He and Mother discussed the advisability of erecting a retaining wall to prevent such an occurrence, but they decided that the money could be more wisely spent in the pursuit of pleasure. "If it should happen," Mother said, "the children can always put us back." When Uncle Tom was roping cattle at the age of fifteen, his wrist caught in the lariat, and the steer entangled it on a tree. He lost his right arm, but overcame the handicap completely. I have watched him lace his shoes and knot his tie with his teeth and remaining hand, and he was seen disembarking from a train, holding a suitcase, a bottle of beer, and a lighted cigarette. He was an excellent duck shot, and was awarded a silver cup for winning a one-armed golf match. He even managed to enjoy his disability. He would tell us on cold days that he could feel his missing fingers cramp, and Halloween was his delight. He purchased an artificial arm for use on this occasion, and would sit in the woodshed, well fortified with bourbon, while the children of the neighborhood filed by in solemn procession to shake his "golden hand." He would give forth terrible moans and cries, and shrieking costumed figures would come rushing from the shed. Uncle Tom married Elizabeth Harlan, and their children—Thomas, Sarah, Ann, and Betsy—seemed more like my brother and sisters than cousins. Aunt Bess said I was more like her husband than any child she had, and I was complimented, because I loved Uncle Tom and thought him a wonderful man. He was a colorful lawyer, who served his city as mayor and his county as district attorney while still in his twenties. He was generous, compassionate and devoutly religious, and his only fault was an addiction to alcohol. He started drinking excessively while he was in his early thirties, and he continued to do so until the outbreak of World War II twenty years later. He then announced that

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he would stop until the war was over, and he did not take another drink for twenty-two years. While his drinking brought sorrow to his family, there were some amusing moments, and Bartletts prefer laughter to tears. One of his favorite haunts was a disreputable restaurant owned by an old German, who would wail: "I am being broke by ketchup, ketchup, ketchup. They buy a dime's worth of chili and pour on four bit's worth of ketchup." Uncle Tom would slip there from his office, and my mother would yank him out, berating the proprietor as she pulled her errant brother to her car. Uncle Tom would piously rebuke her: "Madeline, you should be ashamed of yourself, talking about that man. He is a direct descendant of Martin Luther." "Hush, sir, hush," Mother would reply, and casting his eyes toward heaven, Uncle Tom would utter his favorite expletive, "Good God said the woodpecker." Aunt Bess's brother-in-law, Dr. Frank Shaw, owned a hospital where Uncle Tom was confined frequently for unsuccessful cures. His room would be locked and his clothes well hidden, but, nevertheless, he escaped one night wrapped in a sheet and told a startled watchman that he was Mahatma Gandhi. He later was sent to a place in Houston where help was guaranteed. He visited us the night before his departure, and after several trips to my father's "home brew closet," where he removed the beer bottle caps with his teeth, he began to philosophize on the merits and evils of drink. He ended his discourse by getting on his knees and offering a fervent prayer: "Don't make me a teetotaler, God. Just make me drink in moderation." The supplication was not answered, and he returned from Houston two weeks later, tight. Uncle Tom was a man of infinite mercy, and as counsel for the defense he was known and loved throughout the county. A favorite family story tells how Charlie Α., a friend from childhood and a frequent client, escaped from a jail in California, killing a guard in the process. He returned to Marlin, and the governor of California asked the governor of Texas for extradition. Texas' Governor Hobby, a cousin of my father's, was among the wisest and kindest of men, and Uncle Tom and Cam Fannin hastened to Austin to explain to him why Charlie should not be returned to California. His brother, they said, was an

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outstanding businessman and a loyal supporter of Will Hobby, and his mother, fast reaching the twilight of life, would no doubt die of a broken heart if her son was taken away. Governor Hobby was impressed. A few weeks later, however, Uncle Tom and Cam were summoned to the capítol. The governor of California was having trouble with the newspapers, which demanded Charlie's return, and Governor Hobby felt perhaps it must be done. Again came an emotional plea for a loyal brother, a dying mother, and a chastened Charlie. "What is he doing in Marlin now?" Governor Hobby inquired. Uncle Tom and Cam looked each other in the eye and then looked downward. "He is bootlegging, Will," Cam sorrowfully replied. "Is he a pretty good one?" asked the Governor. "He is the only one we've got," Uncle Tom answered humbly. "Hell, then, we can't send him to California," said the great and understanding chief of state. A few years after World War II had ended, Uncle Tom was appointed by the court to defend a Negro who, in a fit of passion, had carved his wife with a butcher knife. Uncle Tom's son, Thomas, was district attorney and carefully presented the undisputed facts of the case. Uncle Tom stood before the jury with a heavy heart and told the sordid tale. The defendant had been a "soldier boy," and while he was away fighting for his beloved country, his disloyal and unpatriotic wife had taken several lovers and had squandered his allotment checks, earmarked for a little home, on her amours. As Uncle Tom ended his explanation for the grisly crime, taps sounded in the courtyard. Deeply moved, he bowed his head before a tearful jury. Poor, defeated Thomas had forgotten it was Veteran's Day. An aging man develops new passions, and horse racing was Uncle Tom's. Dog-eared law books were replaced by racing forms and tout sheets, and ten-horse parleys with elaborate code names kept the wires of Western Union hot. Duck Mallard had started his career with a dice cloth pinned to the bottom of a horse trough at the Battle farm. It was well camouflaged and the water could be emptied and the horses chunked away when the players arrived. Duck now came to town to minister unto Uncle Tom and his coterie, Runyonesque characters with southern accents and seersucker suits. Marlin could not contain such a

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dedicated group, and a trip to Galveston was arranged. A cordial bookie greeted Uncle Tom, Mr. Chatmas, and Frank Handleman by name, and he explained that no identification was necessary as Duck had said to expect a one-armed man, a Jew and a Greek. "Which is the Jew?" Uncle Tom asked innocently. The self-assured bookie pointed at Mr. Chatmas, who bellowed, "No, damn it, I'm the Grik." There were other trips to tracks in Arkansas and Louisiana, and the group was often accompanied by Barnes Adams, the local undertaker, and my uncle, Prentice Oltorf, a conservative old bachelor who had served as district judge. When they returned from their last trip, Uncle Prentice complained that the excursion had become too costly, and he received a lecture from Uncle Tom: "Prentice, you and I don't have but a year or two to live. People on the streets are saying how bad you look. You had better open your purse and enjoy yourself. And don't talk to me about saving your money for a rainy day because for you, it's raining right now." Uncle Tom knew that his own days were numbered. He had cancer of the colon and a colostomy was performed. He then developed cancer of the larynx and his voice box was removed. He was brave, courageous and indomitable, suffering greatly but maintaining his humor and his Christian faith. A few weeks before his death, while in the hospital, he asked me to bring him a beer, his first drink in over twenty years. He drank half of the can, put it down, and said, "I wanted to see if I could do it." The handicaps had all been overcome. Aunt Bess lies beside Uncle Tom. During his drinking days a wellmeaning friend advised her to leave him. She was talented, capable, and accustomed to standing alone; it would have been so easy. She said that she had little hope but much faith and would stay with her husband regardless of the consequences. This valiant and lovely lady was rewarded with years of happiness and adoration. Zenas Bartlett, III, the beloved Uncle Neenie of my childhood, went to Calvary much against his will. He was desirous of reaching one hundred, but being the only member of the family who never took a drink, he died at the age of sixty-two from cirrhosis of the liver.

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When I was a baby, Mamie, our young colored cook, would bathe and dress me under the eagle eye of Aunt Beedie, my mother's and grandfather's old nurse. Aunt Beedie refused to bathe herself, and Mother thought it better for Mamie to do the washing and Aunt Beedie the watching. After that venerable retainer's death, Neenie became my guard and companion. He would follow me through the yard for hours and would wearily announce, "I'm beginning to hate the child." I was tops with him, however, until Jake came along. Jake was a small monkey that Neenie purchased in Brownsville. He was represented by his previous owner to be as gentle as a cat, but after being uncrated in the long middle hall, he bit my father's finger, relieved himself on the rug, and broke an antique vase. He then proceeded to leap through a glass window into my grandmother's favorite peach tree, which he stripped of its rich, ripe harvest. It was a weird duet—Jake screeching with glee and Mollie screaming with rage. While the man had lied about Jake's feline gentleness, the monkey did have an unnatural attachment to cats. He would grab those that stayed at the barn and would race with the yowling victim to the top of a tree, where the unfortunate cat faced the awful alternative of being dropped or seduced. Sleek toms were as vulnerable as demure tabbies, it making little difference to Jake as it was all wrong anyway. Mrs. Hutchings phoned to say that Jake had destroyed her hen house, and a startled Presbyterian preacher was interrupted during his sermon by a leering monkey in the church's window. Jake was loathed by everyone but Neenie, whose affection for the rascal increased with each caprice. He became quite sensitive and would sulk at the slightest criticism of his pet. Years after Jake's demise, Aunt Mame and Uncle Charlie were at a formal dinner in Houston, where the guest of honor was a Mr. Smith from New Orleans. Uncle Charlie, straight-faced, asked: "Mame, doesn't Mr. Smith remind you of Zenas' old friend, Jake?" Aunt Mame amicably agreed, expressing regrets that Jake had suffered reverses on the stock exchange lest the hostess, a lady with Marlin connections, recall that irrascible monkey of years before. Later, when our garden was being plowed, Neenie recovered Jake's skull and mailed

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it to Charlie in Houston, suggesting that he would be pleased to see an old friend. On a high point in the center of Calvary is the Oltorf lot where the "Old Judge," James Oltorf, and his wife rest with nine of their ten children. Five small markers tell of a decade of grief overcome by determination and strength of character.

My grandfather, Thomas Clifton Oltorf, is also here, laid low in his prime as editor and owner of The Marlin Ball. His editorials were quoted throughout the state, and when he died at the age of forty-two, a fellow newsman wrote: "He was a man whose integrity upon all questions was as pure as finest gold; a man whose wit was as keen as a Damascus blade; and with a criticism wherever there was fault that made those who committed it to quake and tremble." 1 His wife, Sallie Calvert, is by his side, grieving no more for her childhood home in Kentucky which she left behind when her mother, Martha Calvert, had come as a refugee to Texas with her young children after her husband's death in the Civil War. I now walk westward to a mound overlooking the rich alluvial soil of the Brazos Valley. Here are Thomas Read, who fought with Sam 1 This passage is quoted from a newspaper clipping in the author's collection of documents.

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Houston near San Jacinto, and his son-in-law, Ben Clarkson, who was with Lee at Appomatox. They are within bugle call of James Oltorf, who rode with Hayes to Mexico, and Captain Andrew Rutter, who was cited by Pershing in France. I walk, I look, and I smile as I remember. Senator Tom Connally, who said that he had fought in more wars and smelled less gun powder than any patriot alive, is now at peace. George Falconer, Brazos Bottom philosopher, has lost his chance to "fly in a flewing machine." He has forgiven his sister Nettie for burying him with a necktie on, and he is eternally grateful to his drinking friends for removing it from his corpse on the night of his wake. Mrs. Z. I. Harlan has discarded her large hearing apparatus, and it will no longer cause beeps on microphones at civic ceremonies. Mr. Dash will not fall down again in his own back yard to awaken the next morning, think himself far from home, and utter his cry for help: "A gentleman lost in Big Creek Bottom." Dr. Ward need not hide the fact that while inspecting the Borden plant as city health officer, he fell into a vat of milk, giving it a flavor of bourbon. Dr. Buie and Dr. Torbett lie reconciled in their rivalry, no longer caring that the repeal of Prohibition and the invention of penicillin destroyed the demand for their mineral water as a cure for jake leg and the malady of France. There are those who danced to Bob Jackson's piano at the Arlington Hotel and those whose laughter could be heard in the great hall at Highlands and the Billingsley's Shack. There are others whom I knew and a few I truly loved. When Zenas Bartlett was an old man, he would often go to his library desk where Homer, Plutarch, Plato, and Shakespeare shared a shelf with The Life and Literary Remains of Sam Houston. He would take down The Odyssey and read: "All, but Ulysses, heard with fix'd delight: He sate, and eyed the sun, and wish'd the night: Slow seem'd the sun to move, the hours to roll, His native home deep-imaged in his soul.

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As the tired ploughman, spent with stubborn toil, Whose oxen long have torn the furrow'd soil, Sees with delight the sun's declining ray, When home with feeble knees he bends his way To late repast (the day's hard labor done) : So to Ulysses welcome set the sun:"2 It could well be an epitaph for those in Calvary. 2 The Odyssey of Homer, trans. Alexander Pope (New York, Thomas Y. Crowell & Co., nd.), Book XIII, p. 186.

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INDEX Α., Charlie: 261-262 Adams Spring, Texas. SEE Marlin, Texas agriculture: Josiah Bartlett practices, 3; Zenas Bartlett on, 6, 8, 9, 17, 107, 224, 230, 233; compared to gold mining, 23; Churchill Jones on, 41, 48-49, 53, 54, 55-57, 59, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67; Churchill Jones practices, in Alabama, 42; development of Jones plantation for, 46, 47; Churchill Jones's success in, 75; 1855 drought affects, 78; Zenas Bartlett learns, 102; in Louisiana, 117; labor for, 153, 155; Rosa Bartlett on, 218, 222, 232; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 220; Ozella Bartlett on, 225, 229, 236. SEE ALSO

animals; plants Alabama: Zenas Bartlett writes from, 5, 12; George Green comes to, 14; George Green's romantic interests in, 28; persons from, in California sawmill business, 35, 36; Zenas Bartlett meets acquaintance from, 37; Green and Bartlett plan trip west from, 38; George Scott plans return to, 41; Churchill Jones settles in, 42; Churchill Jones moves to Texas from, 47; Churchill Jones returns to, 60; George Green returns to, 87, 89; Churchill Jones thinks of returning to, 90; Greens reunited in, 91; declared in rebellion, 107 Alexandria, Louisiana: Texas Volun-

teer Cavalry heads for, 117; gunboat expedition for, 118; Watkins near, 120, 121, 123; Federal forces at, 123, 124, 125; planned Federal march on, 132; battle of, 136, 140141; Union troops evacuate, 142 Anderson, Texas: Mollie Dickson from, 161; Mollie Dickson leaves, for Virginia, 162; Mollie Dickson homesick for, 175; Mollie Dickson returns to, 183, 184; Mollie Dickson written at, 187; party in, 190 Anderson County, Texas: 146 Andersonville, Georgia: prison camp in, 144 animals: bears, 3, 21, 25-26, 44; oxen, 3, 46, 57, 75, 267; monkeys, 16, 264; mules, 16, 29, 30-31, 48, 109, 115, 256; ponies, 16, 246; whales, 18; deer, 21, 25, 32, 45, 185; wolves, 21; hares, 21; buffalo, 45; hogs, 51, 54, 55-56, 59, 61, 62, 65; cattle, 55, 59, 61, 62, 75, 158, 185, 259; 260; dogs, 156, 185, 215, 230, 246247, 259; coons, 185; foxes, 185; cats, 215, 228, 230, 257, 264; mice, 230; alligator, 244; wildcats, 246; snakes, 246; sheep, 259. SEE ALSO agriculture; food —, horses: in barn fire, 3; use of, not charged for in Alabama, 9; travel California mountains, 29; of Forbes, 37; Green and Bartlett buy, 39; in strip mining, 40; ford Brazos, 45; fees for ferrying, 47; Churchill Jones pays taxes on, 75; Old John,

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80; use of, in warfare, 110, 111, 113, 116, 121, 122, 127, 129, 131, 135, 137, 139; Morgan, 112, 113, 131, 146; Pluto, 113; Watkins' wish for, 134; Texans' skill in riding, 136; food for, 141; of Lee, 144; regulations concerning, 156; James Daniel Oltorf trains, 156; of James Daniel Oltorf, 159; Mollie Dickson on, 163, 177; of Charles Bartlett, 185; draw cars, 204; Bastard, 219; foaling of, 219, 230; pull wedding guests, 222; Mollie, 230; Gray, 230; John, 251; of Frank Oltorf, 259; racing of, 262 Arkansas: Zenas Bartlett in, 16; reinforcements from, 120; Watkins writes from, 145; James Daniel Oltorf teaches in, 156; horseracing in, 263 Arnold and Kramer (construction firm): 75-76, 86 Aroostook War: 4 Atchafalaya, Louisiana: Watkins writes from, 131, 132 Atchafalaya River: Federal troops travel up, 125; Watkins speculates on crossing, 132 Augusta Female Seminary: 183-184 Austin, Moses: 43 Austin, Stephen F.: 43, 44 Austin, Texas: road to, 58; as address for Watkins, 113; Phineas De Cordova writes from, 203; Bartletts visit, 220-222, 224; law studies in, 238; Mame Bartlett writes from, 247; extradition halted in, 261 Baldwin, Mary: as headmistress, 183; compared to Dr. Harris, 183-184 Banks, Nathaniel (General): pursues Confederates in Louisiana, 111; troops of, defeated, 112; Watkins on, 127, 128, 129; launches attacks in Texas, 136; failure of Red River campaign of, 144

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Barnes, Lottie: comes to work for Bartletts, 248; letters from, to Mame Bartlett, 249-252; works in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 250; visits Hyde Park, 251; scolds cat, 257 Bartlett, Ann: 260 Bartlett, Annie Carter: 223, 225, 243, 253 Bartlett, Betsy: 260 Bartlett, Charles: birth of, 103; Zenas Bartlett on, 107, 152, 193, 230; Mollie Dickson meets, 184; sad over uncles' deaths, 184-185; letters from, to Mollie Dickson, 185-191; marriage of, to Mollie Dickson, 191-192, 257; letters to, from Rosa Bartlett, 199-200; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 202; picture for, 205; Ozella Bartlett on, 227, 234; special rooms built for, 242; death of, 245, 246; grave of, 256; nurse of, 264 Bartlett, Charlie, Jr.: birth of, 246; dog of, 246-247; on "old friend Jake," 264-265 Bartlett, Churchill Jones: Zenas Bartlett on, 152, 193, 224, 230, 235; on James Daniel Oltorf, 160; as wedding attendant, 192; letters to, from Rosa Bartlett, 194-195, 199-200; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 202, 221; Rosa Bartlett on, 214, 217, 232; Ozella Bartlett on, 215, 225, 228, 229, 234; washing by, 216; on colt, 219; discussions by, with Zenas Bartlett, 242; Thomas Battle Bartlett on, 246; grave of, 256 Bartlett, Elizabeth (Bess) Harlan: marriage of, 260; brother-in-law of, 261; grave of, 263 Bartlett, Esther: 77, 193, 204, 205, 208, 209, 210 Bartlett, Frank: 103, 107, 152 Bartlett, James William (Jim Willie) : birth of, 193; returns to Marlin, 236, 238; discussions by, with Zenas Bartlett, 242; marriage of, 243;

INDEX Rosa Bartlett Mullins on, 243-244; grave of, 256 —, letters to: from Rosa Bartlett (Mullins), 206, 213-214, 217-219, 221-224, 232, 252-254; from Ozella Bartlett, 214-216, 225-226, 227229, 233-236; from Zenas Wilson Bartlett, 216, 219-220, 231; from Sarah Jones Green Bartlett, 2 1 6 217, 220-221; from Zenas Bartlett, 224, 229-231, 233, 235; from Lalla Bartlett, 226-227 Bartlett, John: Zenas Bartlett on, 5, 9, 12, 77; Zenas Bartlett offends, 160 Bartlett, Joseph (cousin of Zenas Bartlett): letters to, from Zenas Bartlett, 15, 17-21 Bartlett, Joseph (uncle of Zenas Bartlett) : letter to, from Zenas Bartlett, 106-107 Bartlett, Josiah: settles in Maine, 3-4; Zenas Bartlett on, 5, 9, 34; death of, 10-11, 14 Bartlett, Mrs. Josiah (mother of Zenas Bartlett): 4, 5, 11, 12, 37, 77, 93, 101 Bartlett, Lalla: birth of, 193; Rosa Bartlett (Mullins) on, 208, 244; enters college, 213; Ozella Bartlett on, 215, 225, 227, 229, 236; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 217; letter from, to James William Bartlett, 226-227; Zenas Bartlett on, 230, 233; returns to Marlin, 238; popularity of, 242-243; death of, 243, 244; grave of, 256 Bartlett, Lawrence: Zenas Bartlett entertains, 244; death of, 246 Bartlett, Madeline: Rosa Bartlett visits, 203; pictures of, 205; Rosa Bartlett (Mullins) on, 208, 232, 248; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 221; Zenas Bartlett on, 230; party given by, 243; Zenas Bartlett entertains, 244; sent to school, 246; becomes teacher in Marlin, 247; attempts to stop woman from wash-

271 ing hair, 248-249; Lottie Barnes on, 250, 251, 252; courtship of, 257; marriage of, to Frank Oltorf, 257258; marriage of, to Elbert Holloway, 258; ideas of, on courtesy, 259; grave of, 260; scolds Thomas Battle Bartlett, 261; nurse of, 264 Bartlett, Mary: letters to, from Zenas Bartlett, 5-10, 12-13, 101; letter from, to Zenas Bartlett, 10-11; Zenas Bartlett on, 77; asks Zenas Bartlett to refrain from criticizing North, 160 Bartlett, Mary (Mame) : Rosa Bartlett on, 232; party given by, 243; Zenas Bartlett entertains, 244; letter to, from Thomas Battle Bartlett, 246; letter to, from Zenas Bartlett, III, 246-247; letter to, from Rosa Bartlett Mullins, 247-248; letters to, from Lottie Barnes, 249-252; scatters Rosa Bartlett Mullins' ashes, 256-257; on Frank Oltorf, 259; at formal dinner, 264 Bartlett, Mary Ann (Mollie) Dickson: visits Marlin, 161; attends school in Virginia, 162-180, 1 8 1 184; at Harper's Ferry, 163; hears Swiss Bell Ringers, 166; on Blind Asylum, Virginia, 178; visits Washington, D.C., 180-181; meets Rutherford Hayes, 181; meets Charles Bartlett, 184; letters to, from Charles Bartlett, 185-191; marriage of, 191-192, 257; Rosa Bartlett visits daughter of, 203; picture for, 205; Ozella Bartlett on, 227; Zenas Bartlett on, 230; special rooms built for, 242; children of, play with their grandfather, 244; last child born to, 246; Rosa Bartlett Mullins on, 248, 253; Lottie Barnes on, 249, 250, 251; visits with Callie Peyton and S allie Finks, 254; grave of, 256; Frank and Madeline Oltorf live with, 258; peach tree of, 264 Bartlett, Mary Ester: 152

272

THE

Bartlett, Nehemiah: 9, 12

204-205, 207-208, 209-211, 2 4 1 242 Bartlett, T h o m a s (son of Thomas B. and Elizabeth B a r t l e t t ) : 260, 262 Bartlett, T h o m a s Battle: Zenas Bartlett entertains, 244; letter from, to M a m e Bartlett, 246; does trick on pony, 247; on tombstones, 255; grave of, 260; loss of arm by, 260; marriage of, 260; drinking habits of, 260-261; disguised as M a h a t m a Gandhi, 261; as defense counsel, 261-262; interest of, in horseracing, 262-263; death of, 263 Bartlett, Zenas: birth of, 4; in Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, 5; in Alabama, 5 13, 15; describes Panama, 15-17; at Gold Rush, 18-38; travels in East, 39; moves to Texas, 70; mock challenge by, to James Sandford Jones, 79-80; marriage of, to Sarah Jones Green, 100; Sam Houston visits family of, 105; war duties of, 108; acquisitions by, during Civil W a r , 108-109; W a t k i n s clerk for, 112; Watkins on, 113, 114, 1 1 8 119, 135, 146, 149; feels times perilous, 150; contracts of, with Negroes, 153-154; on Marlin City Council, 155-156; reconciliation of, with his northern relatives, 160; Mollie Dickson meets, 184; on Paul and James Jones, 185; sends Rosa Bartlett to Hillsdale College, 194; denies Rosa Bartlett permission to marry, 201, 211; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 202, 220; Rosa Bartlett on, 209, 213, 217, 218, 219, 221-222, 223, 224; Ben on, 212; Ozella Bartlett on, 215, 216, 225, 226, 228, 229, 234, 236; visitors to, 242; at Lalla Bartlett's death, 243; entertains grandchildren, 244; conducts funeral, 244-245; death of, 245; grave of, 256; reads from Odyssey, 266-267 —, letters from: to Mary Bartlett, 5 -

Bartlett, Obed: Zenas Bartlett on, 9; widow of, 204 Bartlett, Ozella: comes to Marlin compound, 193; Rosa Bartlett (Mullins) on, 194; letter from, to Rosa Bartlett, 201; letters from, to James William Bartlett, 214-216, 225-226, 227-229, 233-236; Zenas Bartlett on, 230; O'Keefs in cabin of, 249 Bartlett, Rosa. SEE Mullins, Rosa Lee Bartlett Bartlett, Sarah (daughter of T h o m a s B. and Elizabeth Bartlett) : 260 Bartlett, Sarah Jones Green: marriage of, to George E. Green, 32; George E. Green on, 33, 72, 87; Zenas Bartlett on, 37, 38, 87-88, 89, 90, 101, 155, 193, 230, 233; Zenas Bartlett visits home of, 4 1 ; birth of, 42; moves to Texas, 70; house built for, 76; Frank Dean inquires about, 82; rejoins Green, 9 1 ; marries Zenas Bartlett, 100; house of, described, 102; plantation given to, 108; W a t kins on, 113, 114, 118-119, 135, 146; on Lincoln, 150; children of, die, 152; children reared by, 193; letter from, to Rosa Bartlett, 2 0 1 203; Rosa Bartlett (Mullins) on, 213, 218, 221-222, 224, 232, 244, 247; Ozella Bartlett on, 215, 225, 228, 229, 235, 236; letters from, to James William Bartlett, 216-217, 220-221; Zenas Wilson Bartlett on, 231; at Lalla Bartlett's death, 243; last years of, 245-246; woman washes hair in sink of, 248, 249; Lottie Barnes on, 250, 251, 252; death of, 254, 258; grave of, 256, at courtship of Madeline Bartlett, 257 —, letters to: from George E. Green, 85, 86, 89; from Zenas Bartlett, 9 2 100: from Rosa Bartlett, 196-197,

MARLIN

COMPOUND

INDEX 10, 12-13, 101; to Sarah Bartlett Page, 15-17, 22-23; 76-77, 152153, 154-155, 193, 237-238, 245; to his cousin Joseph Bartlett, 15, 17-21; to George E. Green, 23-32, 36-38, 86, 87-92; to Ezekiel Page, 34-36; to Andrew Page, 38; and George Green, to firms, 71-75; to Sarah Jones Green, 92-100; to his uncle Joseph Bartlett, 106-107; to Charles Stewart, 151-152; to Hillsdale College President, 197; to James William Bartlett, 224, 2 2 9 231, 233, 235 —, letters to: from Mary Bartlett, 1 0 11; from George E. Green, 14-15, 32-33, 84-85, 86-87; from George Scott, 39-41; from James Sanford Jones, 102, 109; from Willis Lang, 110-111; from Rosa Bartlett, 2 0 0 201, 238-239; from Phineas D e Cordova, 203-204; from A. J. Wells, 239-240; from James Mullins, 239, 240-241 Bartlett, Zenas, III: helps plant garden, 244; letter from, to Mame Bartlett, 246-247; Frank and Madeline Bartlett Oltorf live with, 258; death of, 263; cared for Frank C. Oltorf, 264; monkey owned by, 264 Bartlett, Zenas Wilson: Zenas Bartlett on, 152, 193, 230, 235; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 202, 221; Rosa Bartlett (Mullins) on, 206, 209, 210, 218, 232, 254; introduces Ben to Rosa Bartlett, 211; Ozella Bartlett on, 215, 225, 228, 229, 234, 236; letters from, to James William Bartlett, 216, 219-220, 231; letter dictated to, 229-231; attends The University of Texas, 238; grave of, 256 Bassett, Mrs.: Mollie Dickson on, 162, 166, 169, 170, 172, 173, 174, 176, 180 Bassett, Belle: Mollie Dickson on,

273 162, 166, 169, 170, 172, 176, 180, 183 Battle, Mable: 203, 208 Battle Maude: studies music, 203; letter to, from Rosa Bartlett, 208; Rosa Bartlett on, 223; Ozella Bartlett on, 225, 229; Zenas Bartlett on, 230 Battle, Rosalis: 203, 208, 230 Battle, Sue Green: Zenas Bartlett in home of, 41; Susan Tomlinson Jones on, 64; moves to Texas, 70; George E. Green on, 77; Zenas Bartlett on, 88, 89, 93, 97, 99, 101, 193, 230; rejoins George E. Green, 91; Watkins on, 146; marriage of, to Thomas Battle, 193; letters to, from Rosa Bartlett, 196, 197-199; door handle for, 208; Rosa Bartlett on, 209; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 221; Ozella Bartlett on, 225, 228; dance at home of, 243; Lottie Barnes on, 251 Battle, Susan: studies music, 203; Rosa Bartlett on, 208, 232 Battle, Tom: marriage of, 193-194; Rosa Bartlett on, 222; Ozella Bartlett on, 225, 228, 229; dance at home of, 243 Bayou Boeuf: 120, 121 Bayou City ( s h i p ) : 111 Bayou D e Glaise: Watkins writes from, 120, 142 Bayou Lafourche, Louisiana: Watkins writes from, 126, 127, 128 Bayou Larouge: 122. SEE ALSO Bayou Rouge, Louisiana Bayou Rouge, Louisiana: Watkins writes from, 112, 123. SEE ALSO Bayou Larouge Bayou Teche: Taylor withdraws to, 112; Watkins writes from, 124; military movements on, 125 Beedie, Aunt: 243, 264 Belton, Texas: 223 Ben: letter from, to Rosa Bartlett, 211-212

2

74

Benedict, (music teacher) : 204, 206, 207 Berryville, Virginia: house rented in, for Rosa Mullins, 252; Rosa Mullins writes from, 253 Berwick Bay, Louisiana: Texas Volunteer Cavalry at, 111, 119 Betsy, Aunt: 224, 226, 230, 234 beverages: tea, 17, 58, 59, 62, 66, 72; coffee, 17, 25, 66, 72, 188; water, 59; wine, 117, 181, 186, 188, 222; milk shakes, 223; milk, 224, 249, 266; eggnog, 252; beer, 260, 261, 263; mineral water, 266 —, liquor: retail of, 19; whiskey, 54, 79, 127, 255, 260, 266; brandy, 72, 81, 114; cordial, 222; toddy, 242, 244 Bible, the: 4, 14, 68, 234 Blackstone Row: on James Daniel Oltorf, 158-159 Blaine, Samuel: agrees to receive cotton, 47; Churchill Jones on, 49, 5 0 51, 53, 56, 61-62; Green and Bartlett buy goods from, 71 Blair's Landing, Louisiana: battle at, 136, 139 Blalock, Will: 186, 188, 192, 194 Blane. SEE Blaine, Samuel Boston, Massachusetts: sight draft from, 71; ploughs ordered from, 75; Sue Green visits, 193; Rosa Bartlett goes to, 203; Rosa Bartlett writes from, 204; Rosa Bartlett on noise in, 206; Rosa Bartlett wishes to leave, 210; sermons sent from, 242 Brandywine, battle of: 42 Branson, Alfred: marriage of, 194 Branson, Mattie Olsen: as Bartletts' foster child, 193; marriage of, to Alfred Branson, 194; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 221; Ozella Bartlett on, 226 Brashear City, Louisiana: 112, 124, 126, 130 Brazos River: Jones's plantation on,

THE

MARLIN

COMPOUND

41, 46-47; discovery of, 43; land grant on, 44; settlers along, 45; cotton shipped down, 62; Zenas Bartlett acquires land on, 108; changes course, 155; flood on, 248; soil of valley of, 265 Brazos River, Falls of the. SEE Falls, the Bremond, Texas: 162, 194 Brenham, Texas: 113 Brooklyn, N e w York: Lottie Barnes writes from, 249, 250, 251, 252 Brooklyn ( s h i p ) : 114 Brooks (servant) : 245 Brown, Angie: makes trips with Mollie Dickson, 185; Charles Bartlett on, 186-187, 188, 189, 190; as wedding attendant, 192 Brown, John: Zenas Bartlett on, 105; fort of, 163 Brownsville, Texas: 264 Bryant, Benjamin (Captain): 46 Buchanan, James: German support for, in Galveston, 81; Frank Dean on, 82 Bucksnort, Texas: 45, 70 Buffalo, N e w York: steamer of, 197, 198; Rosa Bartlett goes to, 238; A. J. Wells writes from, 239; James Mullins writes from, 240; Rosa Bartlett marries in, 241 Buie, Dr.: 266 Burbeaux, Louisiana: Confederate victory at, 112 Burnt Corn, Alabama: Zenas Bartlett in, 5-10 California: Zenas Bartlett travels to, 15-16; Zenas Bartlett in, 17-32, 34-38, 244; Page ships to, 33; seeks extradition of prisoner, 261-262 Calvary Cemetery: 255, 256, 263, 2 6 5 266, 267 Calvert, Martha: comes to Texas, 265 Calvert, Sallie. SEE Oltorf, Sallie Calvert Calvert, Texas: 185, 186

INDEX Cameron, Texas: 60 Camp Bisland: battle at, 112 Camp Cotton Wood, Louisiana: Watkins writes from, 117 Camp Groce, Texas: Watkins writes from, 114 Camp J. B. Hood: Watkins writes from, 113 Camp Terry, Texas: Watkins writes from, 112 Camp Tom Green, Louisiana: Watkins writes from, 130 Camp Vermilion, Louisiana: Watkins writes from, 135 Canada: border dispute of, with Maine, 4; Rosa Bartlett sees, 197198 Carter, Annie. SEE Bartlett, Annie Carter Carter, Henry (Captain): 161, 188, 227, 242 Cecera, N e w Mexico: Lang writes from, 110 cemeteries: at Falls plantation, 91, 256; in Staunton, 164-165; in N e w York, 239; in Marlin, 245, 255-256, 258-259, 260, 263, 265-266, 267; in Houston, 255 Chambers, Thomas Jefferson (General): 44, 108 Chicago, Illinois: Rosa Bartlett visits, 198, 199, 200; Mullins' address in, 241 Christian Society (at W . F . I . ) : 167, 170, 178 Civil War. SEE Confederate States of America Clarkson, Ben: grave of, 266 clothing: Josiah Bartlett stores, 3; shawls, 13, 74; brought to California, 20; wolves steal greasy, 21; boots, 21 60; washing of, 21, 25, 165; hats, 21, 145, 167, 179; shoes, 59, 68, 71, 109, 176; cape, 64; bonnets, 64, 74, 100, 183, 210; for Negroes, 68, 109; Green and Bartlett announce plans to sell, 71; but-

275 tons for, 73; coats, 73, 145, 224; pants, 74, 112, 145; shirts, 73, 112, 145; handkerchiefs, 74, 145, 173; gloves, 74; sashes, 74; dresses, 74, 82, 168, 182, 209, 210, 215, 241, 250; cloak, 82; Watkins' unchanged, 121, 124; Watkins' surplus of, 127; underwear, 134, 145, 147, 250; vest, 145; socks, 145, 232; jacket, 145; school uniforms, l67, 168; wrappers, 176; bunting, 179; stockings, 179, 250; nightgowns, 183, 257; money for, 184; parasols, 210; suits, 224, 250, 262; muffler, 232; petticoat, 250; hidden, 261; necktie, 266 Coke, Richard: 159, 181 Coleman, John: Watkins on, 113, 114-115 Commissioner's Court. SEE Falls County Commissioner's Court Conecuh County, Alabama: Zenas Bartlett writes from, 12, 39; Sarah Jones Green travels from, 33 Conecuh River: Churchill Jones' plantation on, 42; sawmill planned on, 64 Confederate States of America: Texas joins, 106; troops of, fire on Fort Sumter, 107; military actions of, 109-110, 111-112, 113-114, 117118, 119-124, 126-134, 135, 136141, 142-143, 144; anecdote about flag of, 146-147; fall of, 147-148, 149; debts settled with, 151; money issued by, 152; James Daniel Oltorf's service under, 158; Tom Battle's service under, 193; Andrew Peyton's service under, 194; exploits in army of, 242 Connally, Tom (Senator): grave of, 266 Conoly, : 94, 95, 98, 99, 100 Cotton Bureau: Zenas Bartlett agent for, 108 Craik, James: practices law, 79; marriage of, 80; Zenas Bartlett on, 86;

2η6

THE

George Green sends regards to, 87 Crockett, David: Morrell comes to meet, 44-45

Dickson, Bonie: Mollie Dickson meets, 161; seeks correspondence with Mollie Dickson, 173; Blind Charlie compared to, 175; Nannie Greer meets, 177; room corner named after, 181 Dickson, Dan: 161, 179 Dickson, Dr. David C.: 162 Dickson, James Lawrence: settles in Anderson, 161-162; marriage of, 162; letters to, from Mollie Dickson, 163, 164, 166, 169, 170, 171; letters from, to Mollie Dickson, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 171, 173, 174, 175 ,177, 178, 179, 185; Mollie Dickson gets Christmas box from, 172; Mollie Dickson misses, 177, 180, 183; bracelets from, to Mollie Dickson, 182; death of, 185 Dickson, Katie: 169, 179 Dickson, Madeline LaPrelle: home of, 161; letters from, to Mollie Dickson, 166, 175, 177, 178; letters to, from Mollie Dickson, 166, 169; children of, 170, 179; takes in Reagan Dickson, 184 Dickson, Martha Ellington LaPrelle: 162 Dickson, Mollie. SEE Bartlett, Mary Ann (Mollie) Dickson Dickson, Reagan: birth of, 162; James Lawrence Dickson on, 174, 175, 184; Madeline Dickson on, 175; Mollie Dickson misses, 177, 178, 183; Rosa Bartlett on, 223; Ozella Bartlett on, 227 Dickson, Rob: 161, 173 diseases: cholera, 17; Panama fever, 16, 17, 22; scurvy, 23, 27; yellow fever, 39, 41, 58, 61, 62, 65, 67; typhoid fever, 58, 78; remedies for, 58-59, 62, 66, 185, 266; dysentery, 59; flux, 55, 59; pneumonia, 62, 66; colds, 66, 117; of lungs, 76; chills, 77, 135, 143, 171; nervous fever, 78; consumption, 84-85, 88, 243; seasickness, 99, 198; in Banks's

Daffan, George: becomes plantation overseer, 47; letter to, from Churchill Jones, 48-52; Churchill Jones on, 52-53, 54-55, 57, 59, 61, 62, 63, 65-66, 67-69; Paul Jones on, 64; Zenas Bartlett on, 96 Dallas, Texas: Mollie Dickson in, 190, 191; Rosa Bartlett in, 225, 227, 228, 230; Bartletts plan visit to, 228-229, 230, 231; Wharton plans move to, 232; Madeline and Mame Bartlett attend opera in, 251 Dash, : 266 Davis, E. J.: appoints Oliver judge, 156 Dean, Aylett: sent to "Lake Creek Farm," 47 Dean, Carrie: Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 221; Rosa Bartlett on, 222, 225; Ozella Bartlett on, 225; Zenas Bartlett on, 230 Dean, Frank: travels to Alabama with Churchill Jones, 60; social and political activities of, 80-81; letters from, to James Sanford Jones, 8 1 84; letter forwarded by, 86; children of, 223 Dean, John: nephew in firm of, 80; Frank Dean on, 84 Dean, Sandford: Rosa Bartlett on, 223; Ozella Bartlett on, 225, 227, 228; Zenas Bartlett on, 230 Debray, Colonel: 137, 138, 147 De Cordova, Phineas: letter from, to Zenas Bartlett, 203-204; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 220; Rosa Bartlett on, 221-222 Democratic Party: nominates Buchanan, 81; regains control in Falls County, 159 Diana (gunboat): 119, 125 Dick (servant): 214, 219, 220, 225226, 236

MARLIN

COMPOUND

INDEX army, 130; headaches, 171; sore throat, 173; Bright's disease, 221; cancer, 263; cirrhosis of the liver, 263 : 51, 59-60, 61, 62 Dobbs, Donaldsonville, Louisiana: Confederate attack at, 112; Confederate defeat at, 126, 128 Dunkum, Mattie Garrett: marriage of, 221, 222 Dunkum, Professor J. Α.: 215, 216, 217, 218, 219-220, 221, 222, 228 Dyer, Lottie: on train with Mollie Dickson, 162; rooms with Mollie Dickson, 166; calls at Presbyterian School, 170; exchanges gifts with Mollie Dickson, 172; shares bed with Mollie Dickson, 173; Mollie Dickson bets with, 176, 177; in snowball fight, 176; to visit Mollie Dickson, 178; plays April Fool's joke, 179; visits Washington, D.C., 181; Mollie Dickson annoys, 182; gets drunk, 183 Eaken, Mollie: Ozella Bartlett on, 225, 235; Zenas Bartlett on, 230 Eighth Texas Cavalry: 107 Evergreen, Alabama: George Green writes from, 38; Green and Bartlett confer with Churchill Jones in, 41; Churchill Jones settles in, 42; Churchill Jones writes from, 48, 52, 54, 58, 59, 61, 65, 67; Jones women move from, 69; Churchill Bartlett in, 225 Falconer, Fessor George: Frank Oltorf plays poker with, 257; grave of, 266 Falls, the: Jones tells of plantation at, 41; discovery of, 43; land grant at, 44; Morrell fights Indians at, 45; Churchill Jones acquires land at, 46-47; Churchill Jones writes to, 48, 52; Churchill Jones plans move to, 53, 54, 57, 60-61; livestock for,

277 56, 59; Churchill Jones wants testimony proving claim at, 60; Churchill Jones moves to, 65, 70; Jones women come to, 69; George Green family moves from, 71; Jones's prosperity at, 75; Nancy Green at, 90; Sarah Jones Green at, 90, 92, 95; graveyard at, 91, 256; Sarah and Zenas Bartlett married at, 100; James Sanford Jones leaves, 102; James Sanford Jones deeded land south of, 103; Zenas Bartlett buys land above, 108; lowered, 155, 244; Zenas Bartlett takes grandchildren to, 244 Falls County, Texas: ferry fees in, 47; creation of, 70; Green and Bartlett write from, 71, 75; Zenas Bartlett writes from, 76, 101, 106, 151, 154; history of, quoted, 78-79; planters from, visit Galveston, 80; votes to secede, 106; Zenas Bartlett ordinance officer for, 108; slaves from, sent to build fortifications, 109; James Daniel Oltorf elected chief justice for, 158; mentioned, 79 Falls County Commissioner's Court: 47, 71, 76, 108 Fay, Edwin: George E. Green visits, 14,86 Finks, Judson: marriage of, 194 Finks, Louise: Ozella Bartlett on, 215 Finks, Sallie Stallworth: reared at Marlin compound, 193; marriage of, 194; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 221; Ozella Bartlett on, 236; on day of Rosa Bartlett Mullins' death, 254 Florida: declared in rebellion, 107; Churchill Bartlett in, 232, 234 food: in "glorious One Pot System," 17; beef, 17, 108, 118, 124; pork, 17, 23, 25, 54, 55, 58; bean soup, 17; rice, 17; duff, 17; wolves steal, 21; of gold miners, 23, 25, 27; bread, 23, 25, 118, 168, 172; venison, 25; dried fruit, 25; corned beef,

278

25; bacon, 25, 108, 118, 124; onions, 27, 30, 124; potatoes, 27, 124, 172; eggs, 41, 118, 226; corn, 48, 116, 124, 141, 172, 218, 236; flour, 54; lard, 54; sugar, 54, 66, 72, 121, 244; butter, 54, 168, 172; molasses, 66, 181-182; candy, 72, 165, 168, 170, 171, 172, 177, 199; preserves, 72; mackeral, 72; pie fruits, 72; vinegar, 72; oysters, 84, 167; lettuce, 102; cabbage, 102, 124; for Negroes, 109; cakes, 117, 167, 168, 172, 186, 188, 207, 232, 243, 252; Confederates go without, 121; beans, 124; corn meal, 124; sweet potatoes, 124, 168; Negroes give Texas troops, 130; liver, 145; marrow guts, 145; stewed cow's bag, 145; turkey, 159, 168, 172, 219, 233, 242; apples, 163, 165; sardines, 165, 181; W.F.I. desserts, 167, 168, 170, 172, 173, 175; crackers, 165, 167, 181; ice cream, 167, 243; slaw, 168; hominy, 168; nuts, 168, 172; tomatoes, 172; pie, 172, 175; snow cream, 178; barbecue, 183; goobers, 183; strawberries, 183, 209; cherries, 183, 223; biscuits, 215; jam, 222; peas, 229; bananas, 246; cauliflower, 248, 252; chili, 261; ketchup, 261 Fort Bend County, Texas: Watkins writes from, 147 Fort Butler, Louisiana: Confederate attack at, 112; prisoner taken at, 144 Fort Craig: battle near, 109 Fort De Russy, Louisiana: 118, 119, 121 Fort Fisher, North Carolina: falls to Union forces, 147 Fort Marlin, Texas: established, 45; Indian raid reported at, 46 Fort Sumter, South Carolina: Confederates fire on, 107 Fortune, John: 86,90

THE M A R L I N

COMPOUND

Franklin, Louisiana: Federal troops land at, 125 Freedman's Bureau: 153 Galveston, Texas: Zenas Bartlett plans to travel to, 39; merchandise sent to, 50, 72, 74; Paul plans return to, 52; Churchill Jones's attorneys at, 60; yellow fever in, 62, 65; payments sent to, 75; Joneses visit, 80; Frank Dean writes from, 81, 82, 83; Marlin visitors to, 84; George Green at, 85; Zenas Bartlett writes from, 99; Zenas Bartlett shops in, 100; James Sanford Jones stationed in, 107; fortifications in, 109; Union forces driven from, 111; Watkins writes from, 113; shootings at "assignation house" in, 114-115; Tom Green named commander at, 136; Lottie Dyer from, 162; Charles Bartlett writes from, 190; horseracing in, 263 Garland, Maine: Josiah Bartlett settles in, 3-4; Zenas Bartlett's last year in, 6, 9; Zenas Bartlett on his farm work in, 6, 17, 23; Zenas Bartlett's nostalgia for, 34 Garrett, Mattie. SEE Dunkum, Mattie Garrett Gassaway, Ben: trial of, 158-159 Georgia: declared in rebellion, 107; prison camp in, 144 Glee Club: Rosa Bartlett organizes, 213; Ozella Bartlett on, 215; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 221 gold: discovered in California, 15; prospecting for, 15, 17, 18-19, 20, 22-23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 32, 35, 36-37, 39, 40, 41, 244; currency of, 18-19, 21; dust, sent in letter, 24; taken east by Zenas Bartlett, 38 Gorden, Grandpa: 163, 174 Grande Ecord, Louisiana: Union troops at, 139 Grand Rapids, Michigan: letters from, 202

INDEX Green, Ella: visits Marlin, 78; George Ε. Green on, 87; Zenas Bartlett on, 88 Green, George (son of George E. and Sarah Green) : George Ε. Green on, 77-78; Zenas Bartlett on, 88, 89, 93, 97, 99, 101; Lucinda Stallworth on, 91; death of, 152 Green, George Ε.: early life of, in Rutland, Vermont, 13-14; letters to, from Zenas Bartlett, 23-32, 3 6 38, 86, 87-92; letters from, to Zenas Bartlett, 32-33, 84-85, 86-87; marriage of, 32; Zenas Bartlett on, 34, 93, 95-96, 101; Zenas Bartlett quotes, 35; Zenas Bartlett stays with, 41; Susan Tomlinson Jones on, 64; moves to Texas, 70; letters from, and Zenas Bartlett to firms, 71-75; as courthouse trustee, 75; house built for, 76; letters from, to Nancy Green, 77-78, 86; letters from, to Sarah Jones Green, 85, 86, 89; death of, 91, 92; Bartlett's debt to heirs of, 151, 152, 154; corpse of, 256 Green, Nancy: letter to, from George E. Green, 77-78, 86; visits Marlin, 78; George E. Green on, 87; Zenas Bartlett on, 88, 89, 90 Green, Sarah Jones: SEE Bartlett, Sarah Jones Green Green, Sue. SEE Battle, Sue Green Green, Tom (General): on Lang's charge, 109-110; drives Federal troops from Galveston, 111; defeats Union forces in Louisiana, 112; Watkins serves under, 112, 113; Watkinson, 115, 116, 117, 118, 120, 124, 125, 126, 128, 129, 132, 137, 138, 139, 141; General Taylor on, 135-136; division of, returns to Texas, 136; death of, 139, 141; last battle of brigade of, 144; veterans of brigade of, 161 Greer, Nannie: on train with Mollie Dickson, 162; rooms with Mollie

279 Dickson, 166; becomes Mollie Dickson's confidante, 168; goes to town, 169; calls at Presbyterian School, 170; love of dancing of, 171; gifts exchanged by, with Mollie Dickson, 172; leaves school, 172-173; letter from, to Mollie Dickson, 177 Grimes County, Texas: Negroes leave, for Kansas, 168 Gulf of Mexico: 99, 113, 124, 257 Harlan, Elizabeth. SEE Bartlett, Elizabeth (Bess) Harlan Harlan, Mrs. Z.I.: 266 Harriet Lane ( s h i p ) : 111, 113 Harris, Dr. Bill: Mollie Dickson on, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 178, 180, 182, 183; Mary Baldwin compared to, 183-184 Harrison, Thomas: 56, 70, 79 Hayes, Jack (Colonel): 156, 157, 266 Hempstead, Texas: Green's regiment at, 111, 112, 114, 141 Henderson, Texas: factories near, 136; Mary Hutchings writes from, 157 Hillsdale, Michigan: Rosa Bartlett at college in, 194, 196-201 Hillsdale College: Rosa Bartlett student at, 194-201, 203 Hobby, Will P. (Governor) : 261-262 Hollins, Virginia: Lalla Bartlett writes from, 226; Billy Jones reports on, 228 Hollins College: Lalla Bartlett at, 213, 225, 226-227; James William Bartlett plans visit to, 235 Holloway, Elbert: courts Madeline Bartlett, 257; marriage of, to Madeline Bartlett, 258; death of, 258 Hood, John Bell (General) : brigade of, 144 Houston: Sam: holds Indian council, 46; opposes Secession, 105; Thomas Read serves under, 265-266 Houston, Texas: cement ordered from, 49; cotton sent to, 50, 55; Churchill Jones plans trip to, 53, 54,.

28ο

THE

57; James Sanford Jones sends letter from, 59; Sterns said to have received notes in, 60; inquiries in, for Churchill Jones's goods, 61; supplies bought at, 63; merchandise shipped to, 72; George E. Green employs clerk at, 78; Hollins College girls at, 226; cemetery in, 255; alcoholic hospital in, 261; formal dinner in, 264; monkey's skull mailed to, 265 Hudson. SEE Port Hudson, Louisiana Hunt (gunboat): 125 hunting: in Panama, 16; in California, 21, 25-26, 32; by Morrell, 44-45; Paul Jones teaches Charles Bartlett, 185; by Tom Bartlett, 260 Hutchings, Lemuel Donelson: 157 Hutchings, Mary. SEE Oltorf, Mary Hutchings

Jones, Churchill: plans Texas expedition, 41, 47; early life of, 42; acquires land in Texas, 46-47; letters from, to George Daffan, 48-52; letters from, to James Sanford Jones, 52-63, 65-69; moves to Texas, 70; prosperity of, 75; finances courthouse, 76; George E. Green on, 78, 87; nephew of, 80; Zenas Bartlett on, 89, 90, 92, 93, 155; deeds slaves to James Sanford Jones, 102-103; opposes Secession, 105; supports Confederate government, 107; gives land to Sarah Jones Green Bartlett, 108; death of, 155, 184; Oltorf's descendants marry descendants of, 156; grave of, 256 Jones, Churchill Augustus: birth of, 42 Jones, Irma: 215, 226 Jones, James Sanford: birth of, 42; leads slaves to Texas, 47; Churchill Jones quotes, 48, 49; Churchill Jones on, 49, 50-51; letters to, from Churchill Jones, 52-63, 65-69; letters to, from Susan Tomlinson Jones, 61, 63-64; George E. Green on, 78, 87; Zenas Bartlett issues mock challenge to, 79-80; letters to, from Frank Dean, 81-84; Zenas Bartlett on, 87-88, 89, 95, 96, 99; goes to Green in Alabama, 91; Zenas Bartlett confers with, about Sarah Jones Green, 92; letter from, to Zenas Bartlett, 102, 109; slaves deeded to, 102-103; army life, 107108; Watkins on, 114; death of, 184-185, 256; land left by, 236; burial of, 256 Jones, Jane. SEE Robinson, Jane Jones Jones, John : serves in American Revolution, 42 Jones, Lucinda. SEE Stallworth, Lucinda Jones Jones, Octavia: marriage of, 112; Lalla Bartlett in college near, 213; Ozella Bartlett on, 214, 227; Sarah

Indian Nation. SEE Oklahoma Indianola, Texas: 84 Indians: in Panama, 16; in California, 23, 28; in Texas, 43, 45-46; Mollie Dickson sees, 162 Indian Valley, California: Zenas Bartlett in, 30-32 Jack, William H.: takes land on Brazos River, 44 Jackson, Andrew: Shields invokes name of, 105; advises Hutchings, 157 James Hill, Louisiana: Watkins writes from, 140 Jefferson, Thomas: on Potomac River, 31; writes Declaration of Independence, 163; Andrew Peyton's relationship to, 194 Jones, Amanda. SEE Watson, Amanda Jones Jones, Anna Paul: Ozella Bartlett on, 214; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 216,221 Jones, Billy. SEE Jones, William

MARLIN

COMPOUND

INDEX Jones Green Bartlett on, 216, 221; Lalla Bartlett on, 227 Jones, Paul: birth of, 42; Susan Tomlinson Jones on, 64; George E. Green on 78; death of, 184, 185; corpse of, exhumed, 256 Jones, Sanford: moves to Alabama, 42 Jones, Sarah. SEE Bartlett, Sarah Jones Green Jones, Susan Tomlinson: marriage and children of, 42; lard for, 54; letter from, to James Sanford Jones, 61, 63-64; George E. Green on, 78, 87; brother of, comes to Marlin area, 79; death of, 155 Jones, William ( B i l l y ) : birth of, 42; joins Confederate Army, 107; marriage of, 112; on Paul and James Jones, 185; Rosa Bartlett on, 207; Rosa Bartlett visits, 211; Lalla Bartlett in college near, 213; Ozella Bartlett on, 215, 228, 229; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 216; Lalla Bartlett on, 226; Zenas Bartlett on, 230; plans trip to Dallas, 231; plays poker with Zenas Bartlett, 242 José María (Indian chief) : leads raid, 45 Killebrew, Buck (Sheriff) : colorfulness of, 79 King's Opera House: 243 Lacy's Bar, California: George Scott writes from, 40 Lafourche, Louisiana: Confederate victory at, 112. SEE also Bayou Lafourche, Louisiana "Lake Creek Farm": 46, 47, 55, 65 Lampasas, Texas: 222 Lang, Willis: charge led by, 109-110; letter from, to Zenas Bartlett, 110111 Langdon, : 46 Lansing, Michigan: Rosa Bartlett writes from, 194; Rosa Bartlett on, 195 ; Rosa Bartlett vacations in, 196;

281 Rosa Bartlett leaves, for Mackinaw, 197 LaPrelle, Don: 161, 174, 192 LaPrelle, Ida: 163, 164 LaPrelle, James: Molly Dickson visits, 161; accompanies Mollie Dickson to St. Louis, 162; Ozella Bartlett on, 227; Madeline Bartlett in home of, 246 LaPrelle, John: Mollie Dickson visits, 161; tells Mollie Dickson goodbye, 162; Mollie Dickson writes, 163; sends candy to Mollie Dickson, 170; marriage of, 177, 178; becomes Mollie Dickson's guardian, 184 LaPrelle, Madeline. SEE Dickson, Madeline LaPrelle LaPrelle, Rosa Talbot: marriage of, 177 Laredo, Texas: 211 Lebanon, Ohio: James William Bartlett enters college in, 213; James William Bartlett leaves, 235 Lee, Robert Edward (General) : on Texas soldiers, 144; attitude toward, in Richmond, 145; surrender of, 147-148, 149; Thomas Battle honor guard for body of, 194; Clarkson serves under, 266 Lesassier, Luke: settles in central Texas, 44 Lester (servant): 220, 229, 230, 234, 236 Limestone County, Texas: 70 Lincoln, Abraham: elected President, 105; Zenas Bartlett on, 106; declares southern states in rebellion, 107; "presents" from, 123; anecdote about, 146-147; death of, 149-150 Lincoln, Mary Todd: anecdote about, 147 Literary Society (at W.F.I.): holds public meeting, 176; Mollie Dickson joins, 179 Louisiana: declared in rebellion, 107; Union armies defeated in, 111-112; Green's brigade goes to, 111, 114,

282

THE M A R L I N

135; Waggaman from, 121; troops from, captured, 125; Watkins on events in, 136; Union troops retreat from, 139; Confederate losses in, 143; James Daniel Oltorf in, 156, 157 Louisiana Cavalry: 122, 128

Zenas Bartlett writes from, 76, 86, 87, 88, 90, 101, 106, 152, 154, 224, 229, 233, 235, 237; George E. Green writes from, 77; George E. Green's sisters visit, 78; lawyers in, 79; Frank Dean writes to, 81, 83; visitors from, to Galveston, 84; George E. Green leaves, 84, 85; George E. Green dies at, 91; Bartlett's return to, 100-101; first brick building in, 102; Sam Houston makes speech in, 105; Confederate recruiting in, 109, 111; Company Β leaves, 112, 113; Stewarts move to, 151; compound at, closed, 153; acts of city council of, 155-156; Oltorfs move to, 158; James Daniel Oltorf mayor of, 159160; Mollie Dickson visits, l6l; Mollie Dickson returns to Anderson from, 162; Mollie Dickson moves to, 184; Charles Bartlett writes from, 185, 187, 190; Christmas in, 186, 188; Charles Bartlett and Mollie Dickson married in, 191; children at compound in, 193; Rosa Bartlett leaves, 194, 225; Sue Green Battle written at, 196; Rosa Bartlett teaches in, 203; James William Bartlett written at, 206; Mary Carter sought from, 207; Maude Battle written at, 208; Ben comes to, 211; Ben shoots self at, 212; Ozella Bartlett writes from, 214, 227, 228, 233, 235; Zenas Wilson Bartlett writes from, 216, 219; Rosa Bartlett writes from, 232; James William Bartlett returns to, 236; literature and philosophy in, 242; "Young Ladies of," 243; Charles Bartlett mayor of, 245; Madeline and Mame Bartlett teach in, 247; cemetery in, 255-256; escaped prisoner in, 261, 262; monkey's activities in, 264 Marlin Ball, The: on Bartlett-Dickson wedding, 191-192; on Bartletts' party, 243; obituary in, of Zenas Bartlett. 245; editor of, 265

Macinaw, Michigan: Rosa Bartlett in, 197, 198 Magruder, John Bankhead (General) : secures steamships, 111; hack of, 114; petition to, 115-116; McNeil accepts post under, 116; orders Green's division back to Texas, 136; Watkins on, 145, 149; surrenders, Texas, 150 Maine: Josiah Bartlett settles in, 3-4; border dispute of, with Canada, 4; Zenas Bartlett's last year in, 6; Zenas Bartlett on, 8; timberland speculation in, 18; Zenas Bartlett's nostalgia for, 34; Zenas Bartlett plans to visit, 37; weather in, 101; Ozella Bartlett from, 193; Ozella Bartlett returns to, 249 Major, General: 137, 138, 139 Mansfield, Louisiana: battle of, 136, 137-138; Texas Mounted Volunteers rest at, 139 Mansura, Louisiana: Confederates fall back to, 142 Marlin, Adeline: Indians kill, 45 Marlin, Isaac: escapes Indians, 46; land purchased from, 71, 76; death of, 110 Marlin, John: Morrell's association with, 44-45; Churchill Jones's land originally owned by, 47, 108; builds Fort Marlin, 48 Marlin, Stacy Ann: Indians beat, 45 Marlin, Texas: described, 41, 70-71; Negroes go to, 50; talk in, of ferry, 55; interrogations sent to, 60; wagons sent from, 61; wagon hired at, 63; Green and Bartlett firm in, 7 1 75; new courthouse built at, 75-76;

COMPOUND

INDEX Marlin Shakespeare Society: Rosa Bartlett organizes, 213 Marshall, Texas: factories near, 136 Massachusetts: Maine part of, 3; Bartlett family becoming scattered in, 8; attitude in, toward John Brown, 106; troops from, surrender, 111; Mullins' business efforts in, 240 Matagorda, Texas: 84, 85 McKinney, Thomas: acquires land through Sanches, 43-44 Mexico: gains independence, 43; slave owners consider moving to, 108; war of, with United States, 109,156, 266 Michigan: Rosa Bartlett in college in, 194-201; Rosa Bartlett courted by man from, 201, 202, 203 Milam, Texas: 136 Milliken, Texas: Watkins writes from, 147 Millissa, Aunt: 249 Mississippi: declared in rebellion, 107; Hutchings moves to, 157 Mississippi River: Zenas Bartlett travels down, 5; valley of, 15, 233; Zenas Bartlett plans trip up, 100; Bank's forces move down, 127; Federal troops camped near, 133; Tom Green's status west of, 135; Confederate losses east of, 147; Mollie Dickson sees, 163 Missouri: Union troops from, 138; Price comes from, 146; horses in, 163 Mobile, Alabama: relatives of Zenas Bartlett in, 10; Zenas Bartlett in, 14; fever in, 39, 41; clothing bought for, 64; boat for, 99; Zenas Bartlett plans trip to, 100 Monroe County, Alabama: Zenas Bartlett writes from, 5 Montgomery, Alabama: 39, 87, 90 Montgomery County, Texas: Churchill Jones acquires land in, 46; James Sanford Jones writes from, 48; Churchill Jones's planned ar-

283 rival in, 67; slave overseer from, 68; Watkins writes from, 149 Moore, Lige: on James Daniel Oltorf, 159 Morgan, George: Indians kill, 45 Morgan, Mrs. Jackson: Indians kill, 45 Morgan's Ferry, Louisiana: Confederate victory at, 112; Confederates march to, 132 Morgan's Point: Indians battled at, 46 Morganzer road: 133 Morrell, Z. N.: association of, with Marlin, 44-45 Moundville, Louisiana: Federal forces retreat to, 121; Watkins writes from, 130 Mount Vernon, Virginia: Mollie Dickson visits, 180-181 Mouton, General: 133, 137, 138 Mullins, James: letter from, to Zenas Bartlett, 239, 240-241; A. J. Wells on, 239-240; position of, with Curtis & Co. Mfg. Co., 241; marriage of, 241, 242; Rosa Bartlett (Mullins) on, 242, 247; rents house in Virginia, 252; on death of Rosa Mullins, 256 Mullins, Rosa Lee Bartlett: Zenas Bartlett on, 152, 193, 230; as wedding attendant, 192; letter to, from Ozella Bartlett, 201; letter to, from Sarah Jones Green Bartlett, 201203; on Mary Anderson, 207; letter to, from Ben, 211-212; Ozella Bartlett on, 214, 215, 225, 227, 228, 229, 234; on Edwin Booth, 217-218; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 221; hears Edward W. Emerson, 238; visits Tiffany's, 239; visits Metropolitan Art Gallery, 239; A. J. Wells on, 239, 240; James Mullins on, 240, 241; marriage of, 241, 242; Mame Bartlett in home of, 246; on Yoga, 247-248; death of, 254; ashes of, scattered, 256-257

284

THE

—, letters from: to Churchill Bartlett, 194-195, 199-200; to Sue Green Battle, 196,197-199; to Sarah Jones Green Bartlett, 196-197, 204-205, 207-208, 209-211, 241-242; to Charles Bartlett, 199-200; to Zenas Bartlett, 200-201, 238-239; to James William Bartlett, 206, 2 1 3 214, 217-219, 221-224, 232, 2 5 2 254; to M a u d e Battle, 208; to Annie Carter, 243-244; to M a m e Bartlett, 247-248 music: Zenas Bartlett shops for, 100; Mary Hutchings studies, 157; Mollie Dickson studies, 164, 167, 168; by Swiss Bell Ringers, 166; serenade, 169; at lunatic asylum, 174; Mollie Dickson performs, at soiree, 174, 179; Blind Charlie performs, 175; Belle Bassett performs, 176; at Blind Asylum, 178; Mollie Dickson performs, at Mount Vernon, 181; Mollie Dickson provides, for Baptist Church, 183; Lawrence Dickson on, 184; at Mrs. Godly's party, 188; Rosa Bartlett studies, 196, 204-205, 206; Rosa Bartlett performs, on boat, 198; Rosa Bartlett teaches, 203, 221; sent Lalla Bartlett, 208; Rosa Bartlett on, 214; Ozella Bartlett on, 229; at Arlington Hotel, 266

troops, 130; Republicans instigate assembly of, 159; leave Grimes County for Kansas, 168; children, of James Jones, 185; Zenas Bartlett on difficulties with, 233; funerals among, 244-245; Madeline Bartlett's ideas on courtesy to, 259; murder case involving, 262. SEE ALSO Barnes, Lottie —, slave: Zenas Bartlett on, 6, 101, 107; Zenas Bartlett as patroller of, 7; Churchill Jones sends, to Texas, 47; Churchill Jones on, 50, 51, 55, 57, 62, 65-66, 6 7 - 6 8 ; lose flatboat, 50, 55; disease among, 51, 58-59, 66, 78; Churchill Jones pays tax on, 75; number of, in Falls County, 79; as political issue, 8 1 ; deeded to James Sanford Jones, 102-103; John Brown incites, 106; United States Constitution on, 107; Zenas Bartlett leases, 108-109; Zenas Bartlett employs former, 152, 153— 154, 155; burial plots for, 256 Neptune (ship) : 111 N e w Brunswick, Canada: border dispute of, with Maine, 4 N e w Hampshire: Josiah Bartlett from, 3; Zenas Bartlett writes to, 106; Rosa Bartlett visits, 209, 210 N e w Mexico: attempted Confederate conquest of, 109-110, 111 N e w Orleans, Louisiana: Zenas Bartlett in, 5, 16, 99; fever in, 39, 4 1 , 58, 61, 62, 65; money to be left in, 51 ; clothing bought for, 64 ; money forwarded to, 7 1 ; ploughs delivered to, 75; George E. Green in, 85, 86, 87 ; Union forces take, 111 ; honored guest from, 264 N e w York City: Ezekiel Page moves to, 4; Ezekiel Page's prospects in, 8-9; Mary Bartlett visits, 11, 12; Mary Bartlett written at, 12-13; Sarah Bartlett Page written at, 1 5 17; George E. Green visits, 32, 34, 38; Zenas Bartlett in, 35, 37, 38;

Nacogdoches, Texas: 43, 146 Natchitoches, Louisiana: Watkins writes from, 116, 117, 123; Confederates retreat to, 136; Watkins writes from near, 139; Confederate troops ordered from near, to Alexandria, 140; Union depredations at, 141 Navasota, Texas: Mollie Dickson in, 162; barbecue in, 183; Throop boards train at, 190 Negroes: religious meetings of, 7; in Panama, 16; free, in ante-bellum Falls County, 79; free, feed Texas

MARLIN

COMPOUND

INDEX tobacco market in, 72; payments sent to, 75; Zenas Bartlett plans to visit, 77, 100; physician in, 87; Green and Bartlett's debt in, 88; Rosa Bartlett visits, 239; Rosa Bartlett meets Mullins in, 240; slang of, 250 Nibbetts Bluff: 120, 125, 132 Odyssey, The: Ozella Bartlett plans to read, 228; Zenas Bartlett quotes, 266-267 Ohio: Zenas Bartlett teaches in, 5; Ezekiel Page travels to, 33; Andrew Page in school in, 34; horses in, 163 O'Keef, Blizzie (Baby) : Lottie Barnes on, 249, 251, 252 Oklahoma: Confederate troops near, 146; Mollie Dickson in, 162; Rosa Bartlett in, 194 Oliver, J. W. (Judge) : James Daniel Oltorf's opposition to, 156, 158159, 160 Olsen, Mattie. SEE Branson, Mattie Olsen Oltorf, Frank (Peck) : courts Madeline Bartlett, 257; marriage of, 257258; death of, 258, 259; character of, 259-260; compared to Winston Churchill, 259; "home brew closet" of, 261; monkey bites, 264 Oltorf, Frank Calvert: walks in graveyard with Tom Bartlett, 255; birth of, 258; deaths of parents of, 258; childhood memories of, 258-260, 263-264; remembers former citizens of Marlin, 265-267 Oltorf, James Daniel: practices law in land grant cases, 79; opposes Judge Oliver, 156, 158-159, 160; early life of, 156-157; marriage of, 158; as mayor of Marlin, 159-160; death of, 160; housekeeper for, 259; grave of, 265, 266 Oltorf, Madeline Bartlett. SEE Bartlett, Madeline

285 Oltorf, Mary Hutchings: letter from, to James Daniel Oltorf, 157-158; marriage of, 158; grave of, 265 Oltorf, Prentice: attends horse races, 263 Oltorf, Sallie Calvert: grave of, 265 Oltorf, Thomas Clifton: grave of, 265 Oltorf, Will: Thomas Battle Bartlett on, 246; housekeeper for, 259 Opelousas, Louisiana: Confederate defeat at, 119; Tom Green pursues Union troops to, 125; Watkins writes from near, 134 Ouachita Parish, Louisiana: 157 Page, Amanda: Zenas Bartlett on, 13, 17, 23, 35 Page, Andrew: Zenas Bartlett on, 13, 23, 34, 76; letter to, from Zenas Bartlett, 38-39 Page, E. W.: Zenas Bartlett writes, 154 Page, Enoch: Zenas Bartlett inquires after, 35; home of, 154 Page, Ezekiel: in Aroostook War, 4; Zenas Bartlett on, 8-9, 17, 23, 7677, 153; Mary Bartlett visits, 11, 12; George E. Green visits, 32-33; letters to, from Zenas Bartlett, 3336; business of, in England and France, 33; factory of, 194 Page, Franklin: Zenas Bartlett on, 13, 17, 23, 34 Page, Freddy: 153 Page, John: Zenas Bartlett on, 35, 154 Page, Sarah. SEE Wells, Sarah Page Page, Sarah Bartlett: relatives of, in Aroostook War, 4; Zenas Bartlett on, 9, 35, 39; Mary Bartlett visits, 11, 12; letters to, from Zenas Bartlett, 13, 15-17, 22-23, 76-77, 152153, 154-155, 193, 237-238, 245; George E. Green on, 33, 34; moves to Michigan, 194; Rosa Bartlett on, 197

286

THE M A R L I N

Palestine, Texas: 146 Panama: Zenas Bartlett in, 15-16, 17, 22, 27, 28, 244 Paul, James (Captain) : cotton sent to, 50; planned return of, to Galveston, 52 Petersilea, Carlyle: 204, 207 Petersilea Conservatory: Rosa Bartlett studies at, 204 Pectus, Dr.: 85, 96, 158 Pettus, Mary Elizabeth: Oltorfs move near, 158 Peyton, Andrew: 194 Peyton, Callie Stallworth: reared at Marlin compound, 193; marriage of, to Andrew Peyton, 194; Ozella Bartlett on, 215, 226; Rosa Bartlett on, 223; on day of Rosa Bartlett Mullins' death, 254 Phine: 259 Pieca Company: 36 plants: for food, 9, 16, 45, 52, 55, 58, 59, 66, 87, 124, 223; as natural vegetation, 25, 26, 30, 31, 45, 58, 59, 69, 141, 199, 218, 222; trees, 30, 59, 61, 65, 69, 76, 123, 156, 174, 179, 183, 212, 222, 223, 243, 255, 264; tobacco, 42, 72; rye, 45; oats, 225. SEE ALSO agriculture; food —, cotton: trade in, 10, 47, 50-51, 56, 62, 71, 80, 161; raising of, 39, 42, 46, 48, 53, 54, 55, 56-57, 59, 62, 63, 65, 67, 75, 154, 155, 225, 229, 230, 259; hauling of, 49, 50, 53, 54, 57, 59; George Green on, 78; bales of, for protection, 111; Confederates burn baled, 120; child born in gin for, 244 —, corn: raising of, 48, 154, 155, 225; Churchill Jones on, 49, 54, 57, 59; George Green on, 78; price of, 9091; battle in field of, 129 —, flowers: varieties of, 31, 165, 199, 208, 214; Watkins on, 116-117; Mary Hutchings on, 157; Mollie Dickson on, 164; Lawrence Dickson on, 177, 184; vases for, 179; Charles

Bartlett on, 189; on Lee's bier, 194; in parks, 199; given Anna Louise Carey, 200; Phillips Brooks gives, 208; Rosa Bartlett on Marlin, 214, 223; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 220; Lalla Bartlett on, 227; in cemetery, 255 Pleasant Hill, Louisiana: battle of, 136, 137, 138-139 Plymouth, Massachusetts: Mullins from, 239; Mullins' character references in, 241; Rosa Bartlett Mullins writes from, 247 Port Hudson, Louisiana: battle at, 117-118; Union troops go to, 125; relief of, 127; Federal losses at, 128; Federal forces capture, 129 and n., 130 Potomac River: 31, 163, 181 Poughkeepsie, New York: 209, 211, 235 Powder Horn, Texas: George E. Green writes from, 84 Prattville, Alabama: George E. Green in, 88 Price, Sterling (General): Watkins on, 140, 146 Primus, Preacher: death of, 244 Primus, Sinner: death of, 244-245

COMPOUND

Queen of the West (ship) : 119 Read, Thomas: grave of, 265 Red River: Watkins near, 116; Watkins travels down, 117; Watkins writes from camp on, 120, 146; Union forces prepare to cross, 132; Union troops move up, 136; battle at, 139-140; Union troops leave, 142; Campaign, failure of, 144; Mollie Dickson crosses, 162, 163 Reily, James C. (Colonel) : named to command of Texas Volunteer Cavalry, 111; death of, 112, 125 Republican Party: nominates Fremont, 81; thwarted in Falls County, 159

INDEX Richmond, Virginia: Hood's Old Brigade near, 144; fighting near, 145; Union forces take, 147 Rio Grande Valley: Federal offensive in, 136 Robbins, Alice: April Fool's joke played by, 179; Mollie Dickson in room of, 181, 182, 183 Roberts, John: Zenas Bartlett on, 86, 90, 92-93, 94, 95; George E. Green on, 87 Robertson, Sterling: boundary dispute of, with Austin, 44 Robinson, Austin: becomes plantation overseer, 47; imports horses, 161; Zenas Bartlett on, 230 Robinson, George; becomes plantation overseer, 47; Churchill Jones on, 57, 59; Frank Dean on, 82 Robinson, Jane Jones: birth of, 42; Zenas Bartlett on, 88, 94, 244; widower of, 161 Robinson, Onnie: 257 Rusk County, Texas: 157 Rutter, Andrew (Captain): 266 Sabine River: 116 Sacramento, California: Zenas Bartlett goes to, 19; letters sent to, 21, 28; Zenas Bartlett enters sawmill business in, 35; fire destroys, 38; mentioned, 22 Sacramento River: Zenas Bartlett writes from camp on, 17, 22, 24; Zenas Bartlett travels up, 19 St. Louis, Missouri: Mollie Dickson in, 162, 163; Reagan Dickson in school in, 227; Lalla Bartlett dies in, 243; Madeline Bartlett in, 246, 257 Salto, El. SEE Falls, the San Antonio, Texas: Marlin company joins Confederate Army at, 109; Sibley's Brigade returns to, 111 Sanches, José María: land grant to, 43-44, 46

287

San Felipe de Austin, Texas: 44 San Francisco, California: Zenas Bartlett travels to, 16; Zenas Bartlett in, 17, 18-19, 22, 23, 24; Zenas Bartlett on, 18, 21; letters received at, 23, 24; Forbes visits, 37; Fourth of July celebration in, 40 Scott, Captain: death of, 127, 128 Scott, George: as Zenas Bartlett's prospecting partner, 15, 17, 22, 24, 25, 27, 38; considers returning to United States, 28; letters from, to Zenas Bartlett, 39-41 Shackelford, : 72, 85, 87, 88, 89 Shannon, Major: 112, 115, 116, 117, 122, 126, 163 Shields, Benjamin (General): George E. Green on, 85 ; opposes Secession, 105 Sibley, H. H. (General): brigade of, 109, 111 Simmesport, Louisiana: Union forces at, 142-143 slavery: peon, 16. SEE ALSO Negroes Smith, Francis: boundary dispute of, with Chambers and Robertson, 44; heirs of, in boundary dispute, 45 Smith, James Daniel. SEE Oltorf, James Daniel Smith, Kirby (General) : Watkins on, 149; surrenders Texas, 150 Sparta, Alabama: Zenas Bartlett writes from, 11, 39; George Green writes from, 14, 24, 32, 34; George Green on, 15; Zenas Bartlett on his departure from, 28; Zenas Bartlett meets acquaintance from, 37 ; Zenas Bartlett stays with Greens in, 41; Marlin compared to, 77; trade in, 78 Springfield, Texas: 55 Stafford, Professor: 186, 188, 191 Stallworth, Callie. SEE Peyton, Callie Stallworth Stallworth, Calloway: death of, 58 Stallworth, Frank: marriage of, 79;

288

THE

visits Galveston, 83; Zenas Bartlett on, 230 Stallworth, Frank, Jr.: Rose Bartlett on, 223 Stallworth, Lucinda Jones: birth of, 42; Susan Tomlinson Jones on, 64; marriage of, 79; visits Galveston, 83; on George Green, 91; children of, 193 Stallworth, Nickolas: death of, 58 Stallworth, Sallie. SEE Finks, Sallie Stallworth Staunton, Virginia: Mollie Dickson in school in, 162-180, 181-184 Sterns, Christopher S.: Churchill Jones buys land from, 46-47; suit by, against Churchill Jones, 60 Sterns, Emmaline Smith: inherits land at Falls, 46 Stewart, Charles: practices law, 79; letter to, from Zenas Bartlett, 151— 152 Stiff, Mrs.: 167, 168 superstitions: counting grey horses, 177; naming corners, 181; bird in house, 182 Sutter's Fort, California: 15, 17, 19

109; Churchill Jones acquires land in, 46-47; James Sanford Jones's thoughts in, 69; styles in, 74; Galveston metropolis of, 80; bad weather in, 89; George E. Green dies in, 91; Roberts' worth in, 93; railroad to, 95; land acquired by Zenas Bartlett in, 102; Secession election called in, 105 ; secedes from United States, 106; declared in rebellion, 107; Civil War troop movements in, 111; loss among troops from, 119; possible retreat of troops to, 124; Northern attitude toward troops from, 135; Green's Division returns to, 136; Lee compliments troops from, 144; Confederates surrender, 150; Bartlett's trip east from, 152; Zenas Bartlett on his loyalty to, 154; James Daniel Oltorf moves to, 156, 157; James Daniel Oltorf's Civil War service in, 158; Coke elected governor of, 159; Mollie Dickson leaves, 162; students from, in Virginia, 163, 170, 172, 225, 226; Mollie Dickson's visitors from, in Washington, 181; Rosa Bartlett leaves, 198; arts in, 204; Zenas Bartlett on future reunion in, 233; James William Bartlett plans return to, 235; Churchill Bartlett secretary of state of 256; prisoner's extradition sought from, 261; Calverts come to, 265 Texas, The University of: 238, 257 Texas Mounted Volunteers: 128, 134, 136. SEE also Green, Tom; Sibley, H. H.; Texas Volunteer Cavalry Texas Volunteer Cavalry: 111, 112. SEE also Green, Tom; Sibley, H. H.; Texas Mounted Volunteers Throop, Adrian: Mollie Dickson meets, 161; Mollie Dickson's correspondence with, 165, 166, 170, 176; illness of, 173; Mollie Dickson on her feelings for, 174; Nan-

Talbot, Rosa. SEE LaPrelle, Rosa Talbot Taylor, Dick (General): Texas Volunteer Cavalry joins forces of, 111; retreats and regroups, 112; Watkins on, 123, 137, 138; on Green's brigade, 135-136 Tehuacana, Texas: 184 Temple, Texas: 227 Tennessee: Morrell from, 44; William Jones wounded in, 107; Hutchings in, 157; Watsons visit, 222 Texas: George Green plans move to, 32, 33, 36; Green and Bartlett plan move to, 38, 39; Churchill Jones plans move to, 41, 47, 61, 64, 65, 67; early colonizers in, 4 3 46; Chambers chief justice for, 44; Revolution of, from Mexico, 45,

MARLIN

COMPOUND

INDEX nie Greer meets 177; Charles Bartlett on, 187, 190 Tidwell, : 51, 53, 56, 61 tombstones: of George Ε. Green, 91, 95; of Pages, 239; shape of, 255; in Bartlett plot, 256, 258-259 Tomlinson, James K.: Susan Tomlinson Jones on, 64; moves to Marlin area, 79 Tomlinson, Susan. SEE Jones, Susan Tomlinson Tonkoway plantation: 108, 153, 154, 221, 244, 248, 256 Torbett, Dr.: 266 transportation: boats for, 5, 18, 39, 47, 50, 55, 62, 75, 84, 99, 100, 113, 118, 126, 132, 157, 180, 197; horses for, 9, 37, 39, 47, 110, 111, 116, 121, 122, 127, 131, 134, 135, 136, 139, 144, 146, 156, 185, 222; by canoe, 16; by sedan chair, 16; by mule, 16, 30-31; ships for, 16, 1718, 19, 23, 28, 33, 39, 65, 72, 84, 100, 111, 113-114, 119, 150, 239; wagons for, 20, 47, 49, 53, 54, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 75, 116, 120, 124, 138; carriages for, 47, 90, 165, 199, 222, 247; ferries for, 47, 50, 52, 55, 65, 132; roads for, 58, 117, 123,133, 146, 234; buggies for, 90, 159, 230, 244, 251; railway, 95, 125, 161, 162, 163, 181, 190, 199, 227, 243, 246; by stagecoach, 99, 100; by hack, 114; gunboats for, 120, 125, 126, 128, 129, 139; by ambulance, 138; by transport, 139; by pontoon, 140; by steamboat, 163; by skiff, 163; by fire engine, 198; streets for, 199, 206; by horsecar, 204; by sleigh, 215; by cart, 230; by pony, 246, 247 Trinity, Louisiana: Watkins writes from, 144 United States: Canadian border dispute with, 4; Californians compared with others in, 20; prices in,

289 21; Zenas Bartlett considers returning to, 28; post office law of, 30; Texas colonists from, 43; 1856 elections in, 81; Lincoln elected President of, 105; war of, with Mexico, 156; business schools in 231 Vermont: George E. Green in, 13-14; mountains in, 29; Sarah Jones Green visits, 33; tombstone ordered from, 91 Vicksburg, Mississippi: Union gunboats near, 118; Federal troops take, 129 and n. Viesca, Agustín: Sanches petitions, 43-44 Viesca, Texas: 44, 45 Virginia: Joneses move to Alabama from, 42; clerk from, 78; Watkins comes from, 112; Waggaman fights in, 121; James Daniel Oltorf from, 156; Hutchings from, 157; Mollie Dickson in school in, 162-180, 181183; Rosa Bartlett wishes vacation in, 207; Rosa Bartlett and Ben in, 211; Lalla Bartlett at college in, 213, 225; Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 220; Watsons go to, 223 Virginia Military Institute: 185, 194 W.F.I. SEE Wesleyan Female Institute Waco, Texas: Governor Coke from, 159; letters sent to, 166; Lansing compared to, 195; Julius Caesar performed in, 217; Rosa Bartlett plans to visit, 229; Jones of, 230 Walker, General: 127, 137, 138, 139 Walker, Sallie: rooms with Mollie Dickson, 166, 173; calls at Presbyterian School, 170; writes Lawrence Dickson for Mollie, 178; April Fool's joke played on, 179; Mollie Dickson annoys, 182; makes mint julep, 183 Ward, Dr.: 266 Washington, D.C.: Zenas Bartlett

290

THE

MARLIN

COMPOUND

visits, 39; Lincoln assassinated in, 150; Mollie Dickson visits, 180-181 Washington County, Texas: 147 Watkins, Irene: letters to, from John Watkins, 112-135, 136-149; attempt to murder, 232 Watkins, John: letters from, to Irene Watkins, 112-135, 136-149; on Marlin city council, 155; ball at home of, 189; goes insane, 232, 234 Watson, Amanda Jones: birth of, 42; Susan Tomlinson Jones on, 64; Zenas Bartlett on, 88; marriage of, 161; children of, 193; corpse of, exhumed, 256 Watson, Armstead (Colonel): opens cotton commission house, 161; remarriage of, to Miss Babe, 194; Rosa Bartlett on, 222, 224; Ozella Bartlett on, 225; Zenas Bartlett on, 230; has wife's corpse exhumed, 256 Watson, Armstead Churchill: at Marlin compound, 193; moves to his father's home, 194 Watson, Babe: marriage of, to Armstead, 194; Rosa Bartlett on, 222, 223 Watson, Carrie: at Marlin compound, 193; moves to her father's home, 194; Rosa Bartlett on, 222, 223; Ozella Bartlett on, 225 Watson, Irene: at Marlin compound, 193; moves to her father's home, 194; Rosa Bartlett on, 222, 223; Ozella Bartlett on, 225 weapons: guns, 16, 25, 26, 73, 109, 111, 113, 114, 115, 118, 120, 121, 123, 125, 126, 129, 131, 136, 138, 140, 156, 159, 195; knives, 26, 73, 262; arrows, 80; pikes, 105; artillery, 110, 121, 122, 128, 129, 133,

134, 138,139, 142, 145; bombs, 129; swords, 195 Wells, A. J.: Rosa Bartlett on, 197, 239, 241; letter from, to Zenas Bartlett, 239-240 Wells, Mrs. A.J.: 239,240 Wells, F. P.: runs factory, 194; Baurs friend of, 195; cousin of, 199; goes to Europe, 238; Rosa Bartlett on, 241 Wells, Marie: 239 Wells, Sarah Page: Zenas Bartlett on, 13, 17, 23, 34-35; Rosa Bartlett on, 196-197, 199, 200, 238, 241; goes to Europe, 238; opinion of, on Mullins, 240 Wesleyan Female Institute: Mollie Dickson student at, 162-183 Western Army: 107 Whig Party: nominates Fillmore, 81 Wilderness, battle of the: 144 Williams, A. V.: Zenas Bartlett leases slaves from, 108-109 Williams, Mrs.: 167, 169, 171, 172, 176-177 Williams, Samuel M.: in settlement of Texas, 43, 44 Wilmington, North Carolina: Zenas Bartlett in, 39; falls to Union forces, 147 Woods, Sophia: Sarah Jones Green Bartlett on, 220; Rosa Bartlett on, 224; Ozella Bartlett on, 226 World War II: 249, 258, 260, 262 Yellow Bayou: Union troops cross, 143 "Young Ladies of Marlin, The": give dance, 243 Yuba River: Zenas Bartlett camps on, 29; sawmill on, 36